{"collection":"Buddhism","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/browse/bud/taf/taf06.htm","path":"bud/taf/taf06.htm","source_url":"https://sacred-texts.com/bud/taf/taf06.htm","text":"Let us first decide the date, which varies according to different authorities from three hundred to six hundred years after the Parinirv\u00e2na of Buddha.\nI. The li tai san pao chi (fas. 1), 2 quoting the Record of the Sarv\u00e2stiv\u00e2din school, says: \"A\u00e7vaghosha Bodhisattva was born a Brahman in Eastern India some three hundred years after the Nirv\u00e2na. After he abandoned his worldly life, he refuted all the doctrines held by the t\u00eerthakas (heathen), 3 and writing\nthe Mah\u00e2-alamk\u00e2ra-\u00e7\u00e2stra 1 in several hundred verses (g\u00e2th\u00e2) greatly propagated the teachings of Buddha.\n2. Hui-yuen 2 states in his commentary (fas. 1) on the Mah\u00e2-praj\u00f1\u00e2-p\u00e2ramit\u00e2-\u00e7\u00e2stra, 3 the on the authority of Kum\u00e2raj\u00eeva (A. D. 339-413), that A\u00e7vaghosha flourished about three hundred and seventy years after the Nirv\u00e2na.\n3. In the Life of Vasubandhu, 4 A\u00e7vaghosha is mentioned as a contemporary of K\u00e2ty\u00e2yana who is said in the same book to have been living in the fifth century after the Nirv\u00e2na.\n4. The writer 5 of the preface to the second Chinese translation of the Mah\u00e2y\u00e2na-\u00e7raddhotp\u00e2da-\u00e7\u00e2stra 6 says that this \u00c7\u00e2stra \"is the deepest of the Mah\u00e2y\u00e2na texts. Five hundred years after the Nirv\u00e2na, A\u00e7vaghosha appeared in the world. He was numbered\namong the four suns [of Buddhists], and his teachings stood most prominently [among the doctrines prevailing] in the five countries of India.\"\n5. Sang-ying 1 states in his preface to the Chinese translation of the Mah\u00e2-praj\u00f1\u00e2-p\u00e2ramit\u00e2-\u00e7\u00e2stra that A\u00e7vaghosha appeared towards the end of the period of Orthodoxy, i.e., five hundred years after the Nirv\u00e2na.\n6. The Fu tsou t\u2018ung chi 2 (Vol. V.) says that it was the fulfilment of the Tath\u00e2gata's prophecy that six hundred years after the Nirv\u00e2na the Dharma was transmitted to A\u00e7vaghosha.\n7. This six hundred year prophecy is adopted as if it were an unquestionable fact, by Fa-tsang, 3 a learned commentator of the \u00c7raddhotp\u00e2da\u00e7\u00e2stra (Discourse on the Awakening of Faith).\n8. Chih-k\u2018ai who was the copyist for Param\u00e2rtha when he translated the \u00c7raddhotp\u00e2da\u00e7\u00e2stra, also adheres to the six hundred year tradition in his preface to the book just mentioned, saying that some six hundred years after the Nirv\u00e2na of the Tath\u00e2gata, many devilish heretical leaders clamorously protested their false doctrines against the good law of Buddha,\nwhen a \u00c7r\u00e2mana of very high virtue, called A\u00e7vaghosha, thoroughly versed in the philosophy of the Mah\u00e2y\u00e2na Buddhism and highly compassionate for those ignorant people, wrote this Discourse (the (\u00c7raddhotp\u00e2da\u00e7\u00e2stra), in order that he might increase the brilliancy of the Triratna, etc., etc.\n9. The six hundred year tradition is very popular among Chinese and Japanese Buddhists. The Fo tsu li tai tung tsai 1 (fas. 5) also follows it.\n10. The prophecy above referred to (see No. 8), which is doubtless a later invention, appears in the Mah\u00e2m\u00e2y\u00e2 s\u00fbtra 2 (fas. 2) as follows:\n\"After the death of Buddha, Mah\u00e2m\u00e2y\u00e2 asked \u00c2nanda if Buddha had ever told him in his life anything concerning the future of Buddhism. Responding to this, \u00c2nanda said: 'I heard one time Buddha say this with regard to the future decline of Buddhism: \"After the Nirv\u00e2na Mah\u00e2k\u00e2\u00e7yapa with \u00c2nanda will compile the Dharma-pi\u1e6daka, and when it is settled Mah\u00e2k\u00e2\u00e7yapa will enter into a Nirodha-sam\u00e2patti in the Lang chi shan [i.e., Mount of Wolf's Track, Kukkurapadagiri], and \u00c2nanda too obtaining the fruit\nof enlightenment will in turn enter into Parinirv\u00e2na, when the right doctrine will be transmitted to Upagupta who will in an excellent manner teach the essence of the Dharma. . . . When five hundred years are passed [after Buddha's death] a Bhikshu named Pao-tien [Ratnadeva?] will in an excellent manner teach the essence of the Dharma, converting twenty thousand people and causing all sentient beings in the eight creations to awaken the Anuttarasamyaksambodhicitta [most-perfect-knowledge-mind]. The right doctrine will then go to decline. When six hundred years [after Buddha's death] are expired, ninety different schools of the t\u00eerthakas will arise and proclaiming false doctrines, each will struggle against the other to destroy the law of Buddha. Then a Bhikshu, A\u00e7vaghosha by name, will in an excellent manner teach the essence of the Dharma and defeat all the followers of the t\u00eerthakas. When seven hundred years [after Buddha's death] are expired, a Bhikshu, N\u00e2g\u00e2rjuna by name, will in an excellent manner teach the essence of the Dharma, destroying the banner of false philosophy and lighting the torch of the right doctrine.\"'\"\nII. Referring to the statement of the above mentioned S\u00fbtra, N\u00e2g\u00e2rjuna, a famous Buddhist philosopher who wrote a commentary on A\u00e7vaghosha's work, called \u00c7raddhotp\u00e2da\u00e7\u00e2stra, claims that there were six A\u00e7vaghoshas at different times, to fulfil the prophecy of Buddha and that the author of the book on which\nhe writes a commentary 1 was one who appeared on earth according to the prophecy in the Mah\u00e2m\u00e2y\u00e2 s\u00fbtra. N\u00e2g\u00e2rjuna even states that he was a disciple of A\u00e7vaghosha, but the work itself is regarded as spurious,\non account of some obvious contradictions, though the followers of the Mantra sect (Shingonshyu) insist on its genuineness, because they are anxious to have an ancient authority for their own mystic doctrines, which are here supported.\nDeeply absorbed in metaphysical speculation, the inhabitants of India paid very little attention to history, and whenever we endeavor to ascertain the date of important historical figures we are sure to find our way to certainty barred. So we cannot decide which of the conflicting traditions above enumerated is to be considered as authentic. When taken independently of other historical events which are connected with them and whose dates have been already fixed, they have no value whatever. Besides it should be observed, the chronology of Buddha, to which every one of the traditions makes reference, is as yet unsettled and must have been still more so at the time when those traditions were current in India as well as in China. If they differed as to the date of Buddha, they might have maintained the same date for A\u00e7vaghosha; no one can tell. We have to seek a light from another source.\nAnother group of traditions centering around A\u00e7vaghosha is his connexion with a most powerful king of Y\u00fceh chih , who established his extensive kingdom in Northwestern India. Who was this king? In the Tsa pao tsang ching\n[paragraph continues] (Samyuktaratna-pitaka-s\u00fbtra?) 1, fas. 7, we read: \"A king of Tukh\u00e2ra, Candana Kanish\u1e6dha 2 (or Kan\u00eeta? Chinese chan-lan-chi-ni-ch\u2018a) had a close friendship with three wise men: the first one was a Bodhisattva, called A\u00e7vaghosha; the second, a minister of state called Mo-cha-lo (Ma\u1e6dhara or Madara?); the third, an experienced physician called Ch\u00ea-lo-chia (Caraka). With these three the king was on most intimate terms and treated them with the utmost cordiality, permitting them to approach his person. A\u00e7vaghosha said [one day] to him that if he [the king] would follow his advice, he would obtain in his coming life everything that was good, eternally put an end to all his misfortunes and forever be free from evil.\" . . . 3\nA\u00e7vaghosha's relation with King Candana Kanish\u1e6dha (or Kan\u00eeta? Chinese Chi-ni-ch\u2018a) is told also in the Fu fa tsang yin y\u00fcan ch\u2018uan, 1 fas. 5:\n\"[At that time]. the king of Tukh\u00e2ra was very powerful. He was called Candana Kanish\u1e6dha [or Kan\u00eeta? Chinese Chi-ni-ch\u2018a]. Being very ambitious and bold, and far superior in courage to all his contemporaries, every country he invaded was sure to be trampled down under his feet. So when he advanced his four armies towards P\u00e2\u1e6daliputra [Hua shih ch\u2018\u00eang in Chinese], the latter was doomed to defeat in spite of some desperate engagements. The king demanded an indemnity of 900,000,000 gold pieces, for which the defeated king offered A\u00e7vaghosha, the Buddha-bowl and a compassionate fowl, each being considered worth 300,900,000 gold pieces. The Bodhisattva A\u00e7vaghosha had intellectual powers inferior to none; the Buddha-bowl having been carried by the Tath\u00e2gata himself is full of merits; the fowl being of compassionate nature, would not drink any water with worms in it,--thus all these having merits enough to keep off all enemies, they are on that account worth\n[paragraph continues] 900,000,000 gold pieces. 1 The king [of Tukh\u00e2ra] was greatly pleased at receiving them, and immediately withdrawing his army from the land went back to his own kingdom.\"\nWe have the same legend stated in a brief biography 2 of A\u00e7vaghosha as follows:\n\"After that a king of the smaller Y\u00fceh chih country [i.e., Tukh\u00e2ra] in North India invaded the Middle country [i.e., Magadha]. When the besieging had continued for some time, the king of Central India sent a message [to the invader] saying: 'If there be anything you want, I will supply it; do not disturb the peace of my people by thus long staying here,' to which this reply was given: 'If you really ask a surrender, send me 300,000,000 gold pieces; I will release you.' The [besieged] king said: 'Even this entire kingdom cannot produce 100,000,000 gold pieces, how can I supply you with 300,000,000?' The answer was: 'There are in your country two great treasures: (1) the Buddha-bowl, 3 (2) a Bhikshu of\nwonderful talent (i.e., A\u00e7vaghosha). Give them to me, they are worth 300,000,000 gold pieces.' The [besieged] king said: 'Those two treasures are what I most revere, I cannot give them up.' Thereupon the Bhikshu said to the king in explanation of the Dharma:\n\"'All sentient beings are everywhere the same, while Buddhism, deep and comprehensive, aims at universal salvation, and the highest virtue of a great man consists in delivering [all] beings. As our temporal administration is very liable to meet obstructions, even your rule does not extend itself outside of this one kingdom. If you, on the other hand, propose a wide propagation of Buddhism, you would naturally be a Dharmar\u00e2ja over the four oceans. The duty of a Bhikshu is to save [all] the people and not to give preference to one or the other. Merits lie in our heart; truth makes no distinction. Pray, be farsighted, and do not think only of the present.'\n\"The king who was from the first a great admirer of him, respectfully followed his advice and delivered him to the king of Y\u00fceh chih who returned with him to his own kingdom.\"\nComparing all these traditions, we are naturally led to the conclusion that A\u00e7vaghosha, who was numbered as one of the four suns 1 of Buddhism, must have\nhad a very powerful influence over the spiritual India of the time, that the king who wished to have him as a spiritual adviser must have been a very devoted Buddhist so as to accept a Bhikshu instead of an enormous sum of money, and that such a devoted Buddhist king, ruling over the vast domain which extended from the bank of the Indus towards the lower Ganges, must have been living sometime between the third and sixth century after the Nirv\u00e2na, whatever the authentic date of Buddha might be. The next conclusion we can advance therefore will be the identification of this king who is called Candana Kanish\u1e6dha or Kan\u00eeta in the above stories, with Kanishka, 1 the originator of the third Buddhist convocation in Kashmir.\nAs to the difference of the name, we have to say this. While Hs\u00fcen-tsang's transliteration for Kanishka is Chia-ni-sh\u00ea-chia which is quite an approximate reproduction of the original sounds, the Chinese method of transliteration before his time by the so-called \"old translators\" was rather irregular, loose and therefore often misleading. Add to this the liability to error on the part of local dialects, and we do not improperly identify Chi-ni-ch\u2018a, with Kanishka, while the former may be Sanskritised Kanish\u1e6da or Kan\u00eeta. 2\nIn further support of this view, we quote from the Journal of the Buddhist Text Society, Vol. I., Part 3, an article on King Kanishka, taken from a Tibetan source, which bears a more historical appearance than the legends above referred to. The abstract is:\n\"Kanishka, king of Palh\u00e2va and Delhi, 1 was born four hundred years after the Nirv\u00e2na. When he learned that Simha, king of Kashmir, abandoned the worldly life to become a Buddhist priest under the name of Sudar\u00e7ana and obtained Arhatship, he went to Kashmir and heard a sermon delivered by Sudar\u00e7ana. 2 At that time a Mah\u00e2y\u00e2na priest who held a most prominent\nposition in northern countries was called A\u00e7vaghosha. His influence in the spiritual world was as incomparable as the temporal power of Kanishka who conquered Kashmir and J\u00e2lamdhara. The king sent a message to A\u00e7vaghosha to come to his kingdom, who, however, owing to his old age, could not accept the invitation, but sent him a leading disciple of his called J\u00f1\u00e2naya\u00e7a, accompanied with a letter treating the essential points of Buddhism.\" 1\nThough the Tibetan tradition considerably differs in many respects from the Chinese accounts above mentioned, they both agree in this point that A\u00e7vaghosha and Kanishka had some intercourse, or that at least they were contemporaneous and known to each other. So we may take it as an established fact that A\u00e7vaghosha, the author of the Mah\u00e2y\u00e2na-\u00e7raddhotp\u00e2da-\u00e7\u00e2stra (Discourse on the Awakening of Faith in the Mah\u00e2y\u00e2na), was living at the time of Kanishka. 2\nI do not think there is any need here to enumerate all different opinions about the time of Kanishka, which has been already approximately fixed by the untiring investigation of European scholars, such as Princep, Lassen, Cunningham, Wilson, Fergusson,\n[paragraph continues] Max M\u00fcller, and others. 1 So long as our present aim is to assign the time of A\u00e7vaghosha more definitely than stating vaguely some three or five hundred years after the Nirv\u00e2na of Buddha, suffice it to say that he lived at the time extending from the latter half of the first century before Christ to about 50 or 80 A. D. If we fix the date of Buddha's death in the fifth century before Christ, A\u00e7vaghosha must be said to have lived during the six hundredth year after the Nirv\u00e2na. At the very most his time cannot be placed later than the first century of the Christian era.\nI have spared no pains, even at the risk of tediousness, in gathering all the information obtainable from Chinese sources relative to the date of A\u00e7vaghosha, because this date is of paramount importance when we enter into the discussion of the development of the Mah\u00e2y\u00e2na Buddhism, which is commonly and erroneously considered to be the sole work of N\u00e2g\u00e2rjuna.\n2:2 Records of the Triratna Under Successive Dynasties, compiled by Chang-fang, A. D. 597; 15 fasciculi.\n2:3 T\u00eerthaka, which literally means \"ascetics,\" was first applied to a definite sect, viz., the naked ascetics of the Jains, but was later on extended to all dissenters and has therefore been translated ''heretics or heathen.\" The Chinese translation of the term literally means \"[followers of] a doctrine other than Buddhism.\"\n3:1 Translated into Chinese by Kum\u00e2raj\u00eeva, circa A. D. 405. 15 fas.\n3:2 A. D. 333-416. The leader of the Pai lien she (White Lotus Society), first Sukh\u00e2vat\u00ee sect movement in China.\n3:3 Treatise on the Great Wisdom-Perfection, by N\u00e2g\u00e2rjuna. A Chinese translation by Kum\u00e2raj\u00eeva, A. D. 402-405. 100 fas.\n3:4 The original Sanskrit author is unknown. The present Chinese translation is by Param\u00e2rtha who came to China from Western India A. D. 546.\n3:5 The writer's name is not mentioned there, nor the date; but judging from the knowledge he shows in treating the subject, as we shall see later, he must have been living either at the time of this second translation or immediately after it.\n3:6 Discourse on the Awakening of Faith in the Mah\u00e2y\u00e2na, the principal work of A\u00e7vaghosha.\n4:1 A. D. 362-439. One of the four famous disciples of Kum\u00e2raj\u00eeva.\n4:2 A history of Buddhism, compiled by Chih-p\u2018an , a Chinese priest, during the latter half of the thirteenth century. 54 fas.\n4:3 643-712. A most prominent leader of the Avatamsaka sect in China.\n5:1 A History of Buddha and the Patriarchs Through Successive Dynasties, by Nien chang A. D. 1333. 36 fas.\n5:2 The S\u00fbtra is also called the S\u00fbtra on Buddha's Ascent to the Trayastrimsa Heaven, to Teach the Dharma to His Mother 2 fas. A second Chinese translation by Shih T\u2018an-ching of the Ch\u2018i dynasty (A. D. 479-502). His nationality and life both are unknown.\n7:1 The Sanskritised title is the Mah\u00e2y\u00e2na-\u00e7\u00e2stra-vy\u00e2khy\u00e2, trans. into Chinese by Pa-ti-mo-to , an Indian priest, A. D. 401-402. 10 fas. The statements in full run as follows:\n\"In all there were six A\u00e7vaghoshas, owing to different predictions in the s\u00fbtras; each of them appeared to fulfil his mission according to the necessity of the time, and there is no contradiction in them.\"\nThe author then proceeds to make particular references to those s\u00fbtras:\n\"When we examine all different predictions in the s\u00fbtras taught by Buddha through his whole life, we find six different [personages all called A\u00e7vaghosha]. What are those six? (1) According to the Tai ch\u2018\u00eang p\u00ean fa ch\u2018i ching (Mah\u00e2y\u00e2n\u00e2p\u00fbrvadharmas\u00fbtra?) we have the following: When the peerless, great, enlightened, honored one was speaking about his intention of entering into Nirv\u00e2na, A\u00e7vaghosha rising from the seat knelt down, saluted Buddha's feet, and respectively joining his hands together turned towards Buddha, the world-honored one, and said this in verse: 'The peerless one whose heart is filled with great love and whose immeasurable virtues have been accumulated through \u00e6ons which are like a boundless ocean, the Buddha, only on account of love and compassion for all sentient beings, now speaks about his entering into Nirv\u00e2na, and I and all the other members of the Sa\u1e41gha feel an unspeakable despair, utterly confused in mind and spirit. If even the world-honored one, full of great love, is going to another world, leaving his own children behind him, why then could not I who am not yet full of love and compassion go to another world following Buddha's steps? Who can blame me?' When finished uttering these words, A\u00e7vaghosha gazed at the pupil of Buddha's eye and gradually passed out of life. (2) The Pien \u2018hua kung t\u00ea ch\u2018i ching (Vikriy\u00e2punyas\u00fbtra?) says: Then the Bhagavat said to A\u00e7vaghosha: 'Three hundred years after my Nirv\u00e2na thou shalt obtain an inspiration from me and with various methods (up\u00e2ya) p. 8 benefit and make happy all beings in coming generations. When thou dost not have any inspiration from me, thou canst not do this by thyself,' (3) The Mah\u00e2m\u00e2y\u00e2s\u00fbtra says as follows: 'When six hundred years are passed after the disappearance of the Tath\u00e2gata, ninety-six different schools of the t\u00eerthakas will arise, and professing false doctrines, each will struggle against the other to destroy the law of Buddha. A Bhikshu called A\u00e7vaghosha, however, will in an excellent manner proclaim the essence of the Dharma and defeat all followers of the t\u00eerthakas. (4) In the Ch\u2018ang t\u00ea san mei ch\u2018i ching (S\u00fbtra on the Sam\u00e2dhi of Eternal Merit) we read: In the eight hundredth year after the Nirv\u00e2na there will be a wise man, A\u00e7vaghosha by name. Among the followers of the t\u00eerthakas as well as those of Buddhism, he will refute all those who cherish heretical views and will establish the Dharma taught by Buddha. (5) In the Mo ni ch\u2018ing ch\u2018i ching (Manivim\u00e2las\u00fbtra?) is said thus: About one hundred years after the Nirv\u00e2na of Buddha, A\u00e7vaghosha Mah\u00e2sattva will appear on earth protect the right doctrine and safely hoist the banner of Buddhism. (6) In the . Sh\u00eang ting wang ch\u2018i ching (Crim\u00fbrdhar\u00e2jas\u00fbtra?) is said thus: On the seventeenth day after the enlightenment of Buddha there was a t\u00eerthaka called Chia-lo-no-chiu-shih-to (K\u00e2lanakshi\u1e6da?), who transforming himself into the figure of a great n\u00e2gar\u00e2ja (i.e., snake-king) with 86,000 heads and 86,000 tongues, simultaneously proposed 86,000 contradicting questions and asked the Tath\u00e2gata [for the solution]. He then gave him a triple answer explaining all those paradoxes. The n\u00e2gar\u00e2ja then proposed tenfold questions, again asking the Tath\u00e2gata [for their solution], to which he gave a hundredfold answers and explained their paradoxes. When this dialogue came to an end, Buddha said to the n\u00e2gar\u00e2ja: 'Very good, very good, O A\u00e7vaghosha \u00c7r\u00e2mana! in order to guard the castle of the Dharma, thou hast assumed this form of destruction, establishing p. 9 the doctrine of Buddha. Be patient, be patient, always discipline thyself in this way, always behave thyself in this way, do not go round in a small circle, but make a universal tour.' The n\u00e2gar\u00e2ja then abandoning his assumed beast-form revealed his own real character and approaching the peerless, honored one and saluting him said rejoicingly in verse, etc., etc. This is the sixth A\u00e7vaghosha.\"\n10:1 Sutra on the Casket of Miscellaneous jewels. The original Sanskrit author is unknown. Translated into Chinese by Chi-chia-yeh ( Kimkara?) of the Western country and T\u2018an-yao , A. D. 472. 8 fas. The original text is said to have existed at the time when the Ch\u00eang-y\u00fcan Catalogue was compiled (A. D. 785-804) by Y\u00fcan-chao a Buddhist priest of the Tang dynasty (A. D. 618-907).\n10:2 Does Kanish\u1e6dha, which literally means \"youngest,\" refer to the youngest of the three brothers who successively governed the Tukh\u00e2ra district of India? If so, there is no question about the identity of him and King Kanishka.\n10:3 The Fu fa tsang ch\u2018uan (Transmission of the Dharma-pitaka), fas. 5, also seems to refer to the same tradition, for it is stated that when a king of Tukh\u00e2ra (probably Kanishka) was very much afflicted on account of his having committed many atrocious deeds in the war with Parthia (Eastern Persia), A\u00e7vaghosha told him that if he would follow the Dharma with a sincere heart, his sin would gradually be attenuated; and also that the same king had a physician called Caraka \"who thoroughly understood pharmacy, p. 11 and who was clever, learned, intelligent, elegant, meek, and compassionate,\" etc.\n11:1 Accounts Relating to the Transmission of the Dharmapitaka. 6 fas. The original Sanskrit author is unknown. The third Chinese translation now existent is by Chi-chia-yeh (Kimkara?) of the Western country, A. D. 472. The original text is said to have been existing when the Ch\u00eang y\u00fcan Catalogue (A. D. 785-804) was compiled.\n12:1 This is a comical feature of the legend, for if these treasures could ward off all enemies why did they not protect the unfortunate king of P\u00e2taliputra against Kanish\u1e6dha?\n12:2 Life of A\u00e7vaghosha , translated into Chinese by Kum\u00e2raj\u00eeva. Very short. The author is unknown. The original Sanskrit text is stated in the Ch\u00eang y\u00fcan Catalogue to have been existing at that time, Cf. Wassiljew's Buddhismus, German edition, p. 231 et seq.\n12:3 Fa-hien states that Kanishka (which is transliterated by him into Chinese Chi-ni-chia , corresponding to Sanskrit Kanika) as if a different person from the king of Y\u00fceh chih p. 13 who invaded Gandh\u00e2ra to get the Buddha-bowl. Vide Legge's translation of Fa-hien, pp. 33 and 34.\n13:1 Hs\u00fcen-tsang's , Records of Western Countries, Beal's English translation, Vol. II., p. 302.\n14:1 A. D. 85-106, according to M. M\u00fcller.\n14:2 One objection to identifying Chi-ni-ch'a (Kanish\u1e6dha or Kan\u00eeta) with Kanishka is a single Chinese character appearing in the Mah\u00e2lamk\u00e2ra\u00e7\u00e2stra (Book of Great Glory), the work ascribed to A\u00e7vaghosha. In fas. 3 as well as fas. 6 of the p. 15 same book referring to Candana Kanish\u1e6dha or Kan\u00eeta, the writer says: \" Wo hsi ch\u2018ang w\u00ean, chan-t\u2018an chi-ni-ch\u00e2 wang,\" i.e., \"I heard of old that King Candana Kanish\u1e6dha,\" etc. (in fas. 6., chia-ni-ch\u2018a), etc., etc. The Chinese character hsi usually means \"of yore\" or \"in olden times,\" but it also signifies the past indefinitely, near as well as distant. If we thus understand the term in the sense of \"some time ago,\" or simply \"once,\" there will be no difficulty in demonstrating that A\u00e7vaghosha was an elder contemporary of Kanishka, though we cannot apparently accept the Chinese tradition which says they were intimately known to each other. Because in that case A\u00e7vaghosha would not refer to the king in such a hearsay manner as stated in the book above mentioned. Taking all in all, this does not prevent us asserting that they were contemporaneous.\n15:1 Cf. A. Schiefner's German translation of T\u00e2ran\u00e2tha's History of Buddhism, p. 89: \"Nachdem K\u00f6nig \u00c7r\u00eetschandra die Herrschaft ausge\u00fcbt hatte, waren viele Jahre vergangen, als im Westen im Lande Tili und M\u00e4lava ein an Jahren junger K\u00f6nig Kanika in die Herrschaft gew\u00e4hlt wurde.\"\n15:2 T\u00e2ran\u00e2tha's statement differs from this. According to him Kanika and Kanishka are not the same king, the former being that of Tili and M\u00e2lava, while the latter that of J\u00e2lamdhara. Vide pp. 58 and 90. T\u00e2ran\u00e2tha might have confused them.\n16:1 T\u00e2ran\u00e2tha also states this event (Geschichte des Buddhismus, p. 92). But the king is not Kanishka, but Kanika; and the name of the disciple is not J\u00f1\u00e2naya\u00e7a, but Dschn\u00e2nakriya.\n16:2 A further corroboration of this view will be met with when we treat later on of the conversion of A\u00e7vaghosha by Par\u00e7va or his disciple Pu\u1e47yaya\u00e7as.\n17:1 Max M\u00fcller's opinion, as stated before, is that Kanishka lived A. D. 85-106; Lassen thinks the Gondopharean dynasty was succeeded by Kanishka, king of the Y\u00fceh chih, about one hundred years before Christ; Princep places his reign during the first century A. D.; Cunningham thinks his consecration was 58 A. D.; Fergusson, 79 A. D.; Rhys Davids, about 10 A. D., etc.","title":"The Awakening of Faith: Introduction: Date","type":"page"}