{"collection":"chr","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/browse/chr/ecf/204/2040016.htm","path":"chr/ecf/204/2040016.htm","source_url":"https://sacred-texts.com/chr/ecf/204/2040016.htm","text":"\u00a73 (2). The situation after the Council of Nic\u00e6a.\nThe council (a) had testified, by its horrified and spontaneous rejection of it, that Arianism was a novelty subversive of the Christian faith as they had received it from their fathers. They had (b) banished it from the Church by an inexorable test, which even the leading supporters of Arius had been induced to subscribe. In the years immediately following, we find (c) a large majority of the Eastern bishops, especially of Syria and Asia Minor, the very regions whence the numerical strength of the council was drawn, in full reaction against the council; first against the leaders of the victorious party, eventually and for nearly a whole generation against the symbol itself; the final victory of the latter in the East being the result of the slow growth of conviction, a growth independent of the authority of the council which it eventually was led to recognise. To understand this paradox of history, which determines the whole story of the life of Athanasius as bishop, it is necessary to estimate at some length the theological and ecclesiastical situation at the close of the council: this will best be done by examining each point in turn (a) the novelty of Arianism, (b) the \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd as a theological formula, (c) the materials for reaction.\n(a) \u2018Arianism was a new doctrine in the Church\u2019 (Harnack, p. 218); but it claimed to be no novelty. And it was successful for a long time in gaining \u2018conservative\u2019 patronage. Its novelty, as observed above, is sufficiently shewn by its reception at the Council of Nic\u00e6a. But no novelty springs into existence without antecedents. What were the antecedents of Arianism? How does it stand related to the history within the Church of the momentous question, \u2018What think ye of Christ?\u2019\nIn examining such a question, two methods are possible. We may take as our point of departure the formulated dogma say of Nic\u00e6a, and examine in the light of it variations in theological statements in preceding periods, to shew that they do not warrant us in regarding the dogma as an innovation. That is the dogmatic method. Or we may take our start from the beginning, and trace the history of doctrine in the order of cause and effect, so as to detect the divergence and convergence of streams of influence, and arrive at an answer to the question, How came men to think and speak as they did? That is the historical method. Both methods have their recommendations, and either has been ably applied to the problem before us. In electing the latter I choose the more difficult road; but I do so with the conviction, firstly, that the former has tended (and especially in the ablest hands) to obscure our perception of the actual facts, secondly, that the saving faith of Christ has everything to gain from a method which appeals directly to our sense of historical truth, and satisfies, not merely overawes, the mind.\nLet us then go back to \u2018the beginning of the Gospel.\u2019 Taking the synoptic gospels as our primary evidence, we ask, what did Christ our Lord teach about Himself? We do not find formal definitions of doctrine concerning His Person. Doubtless it may seem that such a definition on His part would have saved infinite dispute and searchings of heart in the history of the Church. But recognising in Him the unique and supreme Revealer of the Father, it is not for us to say what He should have taught; we must accept His method of teaching as that which Divine Wisdom chose as the best, and its sequel in history as the way in which God willed man to learn. We find then in the materials which we possess for the history of His Life and Teaching fully enough to explain the belief of His disciples (see below) in His Divinity. Firstly, there is no serious doubt as to His claim to be the Messiah. (The confession of Peter in all four Gospels, Matt. 16:16, Mark 8:29, Luke 9:27, John 6:69; \u2018Son of Man,\u2019 Dan. 7:13, Dan. 9:24, &c.). In this character He is King in the kingdom of Heaven (Matt. 25:31, Mark 8:38), and revises the Law with full authority (Matt. 5:21, Luke 5:24, Matt. 12:8). It may be added that whatever this claim conveyed to the Jews of His own time (see Stanton\u2019s Jewish and Christian Messiah) it is impossible to combine in one idea the Old Testament traits of the Coming One if we stop short of the identification of the Messiah with the God of Israel (see Delitzsch, Psalms, vol. i. pp. 94, 95, last English ed.). Secondly, Christ enjoys and confers the full authority of God (Matt. 10:40, Luke 10:16, Matt. 24:35, Mark 13:31, Luke 21:33), gives and promises the Holy Spirit (\u2018the Spirit of the Father,\u2019 see Matt. 10:17, Luke 12:12, Luke 21:15, \u1f10\u03b3\u1f7c \u03b3\u1f70\u03c1 \u03b4\u03ce\u03c3\u03c9, &c.), and apparently sends the prophets and holy men of old (cf. Matt. 23:34, Luke 11:49). Thirdly, the foundation of all this is laid in a passage preserved by the first and third gospels, in which He claims the unqualified possession of the mind of the Father (Luke x. 22; p. xxii Matt. xi. 27), \u2018No man knoweth [who] the Son [is], save the Father, neither knoweth any man [who] the Father [is] save the Son, and he to whomsoever the Son will (\u03b2\u03bf\u03cd\u03bb\u03b7\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9) reveal Him.\u2019 Observe the reciprocity of knowledge between the Son and the Father. This claim is a decisive instantia f\u0153deris between the Synoptics and the Fourth Gospel, e.g. John 16:15, John 14:9, &c. Fourthly, we observe the claim made by Him throughout the synoptic record to absolute confidence, absolute faith, obedience, self-surrender, such as no frail man is justified in claiming from another; the absence of any trace in the mind of the \u2018meek and lowly\u2019 one of that consciousness of sin, that need of reconciliation with God, which is to us an indispensable condition of the religious temper, and the starting-point of Christian faith (contrast Isa. vi. 5).\nWe now turn to the Apostles. Here a few brief remarks must suffice. (A suggestive summary in Sanday, \u2018What the first Christians thought about Christ,\u2019 Oxford House Papers, First Series.) That S. Paul\u2019s summary of the Gospel (1 Cor. xv. 3 sqq.) is given by him as common ground between himself and the older Apostles follows strictly from the fact that the verb used (\u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03ad\u03bb\u03b1\u03b2\u03bf\u03bd) links the facts of Redemption (1 Cor. 15:3, 4) with the personal experiences of the original disciples (1 Cor. 15.5 sqq.). In fact it is not in dispute that the original Jewish nucleus of the Apostolic Church preached Jesus as the Messiah, and His death as the ground of forgiveness of sins (Pfleiderer, Urchrist. p. 20; Acts 2:36, 38, Acts 3:26, Acts 4:12, &c.; the \u2018Hebraic colouring\u2019 of these early chapters is very characteristic and important). The question is, however, how much this implied as to the Divine Personality of the Saviour; how far the belief of the Apostles and their contemporaries was uniform and explicit on this point. Important light is thrown on this question by the controversy which divided S. Paul from the mass of Jewish Christians with respect to the observance of the Law. Our primary source of knowledge here is Gal. 2. We there learn that while S. Paul regarded this question as involving the whole essence of the Gospel, and resisted every attempt to impose circumcision on Gentile Christians, the older Apostles conceded the one point regarded as central, and, while reserving the obligation of the Law on those born under it (which S. Paul never directly assailed, 1 Cor. vii. 18) recognised the Gospel of the uncircumcision as legitimate. This concession, as the event proved, conceded everything; if the \u2018gospel of the uncircumcision\u2019 was sufficient for salvation, circumcision became a national, not a religious principle. Now this whole question was fundamentally a question about Christ. Men who believed, or were willing to grant, that the Law uttered from Sinai by the awful voice of the Most High Himself was no longer the supreme revelation of God, the one divinely ordained covenant of righteousness, certainly believed that some revelation of God different in kind (for no revelation of God to man could surpass the degree of Ex. xxxiii. 11) had taken place, an unique revelation of God in man. The revelation of God in Christ, not the revelation of God to Moses, was the one fact in the world\u2019s history; Sinai was dwarfed in comparison of Calvary. But it must be observed that while the older Apostles, by the very recognition of the gospel of the uncircumcision, went thus far with S. Paul, S. Paul realised as a central principle what to others lay at the circumference. What to the one was a result of their belief in Christ was to him the starting-point, from which logical conclusions were seen to follow, practical applications made in every direction. At the same time S. Paul taught nothing about Christ that was not implied in the belief of the older Apostles, or that they would not have felt impelled by their own religious position to accept. In fact it was their fundamental union in the implicit belief of the divinity of the Lord that made possible any agreement between S. Paul and the Jewish Apostles as to the gospel of the uncircumcision.\nThe apostles of the circumcision, however, stood between S. Paul and the zealot mass of Jewish Christians (Acts xxi. 20), many of whom were far from acquiescing in the recognition of S. Paul\u2019s Gospel. On the same principle that we have used to determine the belief of the \u03a3\u03c4\u1fe6\u03bb\u03bf\u03b9 with regard to Christ, we must needs recognise that where the gospel of the uncircumcision was still assailed or disparaged, the Divinity of Christ was apprehended faintly, or not at all.\nThe name of the \u2018Ebionite\u2019 sect testifies to its continuity with a section of the Jerusalem Church (see Lightfoot\u2019s Galatians, S. Paul and the Three). It should be observed, however, firstly that between the clear-sighted Apostle of the Gentiles and the straitest of the zealots, there lay every conceivable gradation of intermediate positions (Loofs, Leitf. \u00a711. 2, 3); secondly, that while emancipation from legalism in the Apostolic Church implied what has been said above, a belief in the divinity of Jesus was in itself compatible with strict Jewish observance.\nThe divinity of Christ then was firmly held by S. Paul (the most remarkable passage is Rom. 10:9, 11, 13, where \u039a\u03cd\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u1fbd\u0399\u03b7\u03c3\u03bf\u1fe6\u03bd = \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd = \u039a\u03cd\u03c1\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd = \u05d4\u05d5\u05d4\u05d9 Joel ii. 32), and his belief was held by him in common with the Jewish Apostles, although with a clearer illumination as to its consequences. That this belief was absolutely universal in the Church is not to be maintained, the elimination of Ebionism was only gradual (Justin, Dial. xlviii. ad fin.); but that it, and not Ebionism, represented the common belief of the Apostles and New Testament writers is not to be doubted.\nBut taking this as proved, we do not find an equally clear answer to the question In what sense is Christ God? The synoptic record makes no explicit reference to the pre-existence of Christ: but the witness of John and descent of the Spirit (Mark i. 7-11) at His baptism, coupled with the Virginal Birth (Matt. 1:0, Luke 1:0), and with the traits of the synoptic portrait of Christ as collected above, if they do not compel us to assert, yet forbid us to deny the presence of this doctrine to the minds of the Evangelists. In the Pauline (including Hebrews) and Johannine writings the doctrine is strongly marked, and in the latter (John 1:1, 14, 18, \u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03bf\u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u1f74\u03c2 \u0398\u03b5\u03cc\u03c2) Jesus Christ is expressly identified with the creative Word (Palestinian Memra, rather than Alexandrian or from Philo; see also Rev. xix. 13), and the Word with God. Moreover such passages as Phil. 2:6, 2 Cor. 13:14\nJesus Christ was God, was one with the Father and with the Spirit: that was enough for the faith, the love, the conduct of the primitive Church. The Church was nothing so little as a society of theologians; monotheists and worshippers of Christ by the same instinct, to analyse their faith as an intellectual problem was far from their thoughts: God Himself (and there is but one God) had suffered for them (Ign. Rom. vi.; Tat. Gr. 13; Melito Fr. 7), God\u2019s sufferings were before their eyes (Clem. R. I. ii. 1), they desired the drink of God, even His blood (Ign. Rom. vii., cf. Acts xx. 28); if enthusiastic devotion gave way for a moment to reflexion \u2018we must think of Jesus Christ as of God\u2019 (\u2018Clem. R.\u2019 II. 1).\nThe \u2018Apostolic fathers\u2019 are not theological in their aim or method. The earliest seat of theological reflexion in the primitive Church appears to have been Asia Minor, or rather Western Asia from Antioch to the \u00c6gean. From this region proceed the Ignatian letters, which stand alone among the literature of their day in theological depth and reflexion. Their theology \u2018is wonderfully mature in spite of its immaturity, full of reflexions, and yet p. xxiii at the same time full of intuitive originality\u2019 (Loofs, p. 61). The central idea is that of the renovation of man (Eph. 20), now under the power of Satan and Death (ib. 3, 19), which are undone (\u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03ac\u03bb\u03c5\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2) in Christ, the risen Saviour (Smyrn. 3), who is \u2018our true Life,\u2019 and endows us with immortality (Smyrn. 4, Magn. 6, Eph. 17). This is by virtue of His Divinity (Eph. 19, Smyrn. 4) in union with His perfect Manhood. He is the only utterance of God (\u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c0\u1f78 \u03c3\u03b9\u03b3\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03b5\u03bb\u03b8\u03ce\u03bd, Magn. 8), the \u2018unlying mouth by which the Father spake\u2019 (Rom. 8.) \u2018God come (\u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2) in the flesh,\u2019 \u2018our God\u2019 (Eph. 7, 18). His flesh partaken mystically in the Eucharist unites our nature to His, is the \u2018medicine of incorruption\u2019 (Eph. 20, Smyrn. 7, cf. Trall. 1). Ignatius does not distinguish the relation of the divine to the human in Christ: he is content to insist on both: \u2018one Physician, of flesh and of spirit, begotten and unbegotten\u2019 (Eph. 7). Nor does he clearly conceive the relation of the Eternal Son to the Father. He is unbegotten (as God) and begotten (as man): from eternity with the Father (Magn. 6): through Him the One God manifested himself. The theological depth of Ignatius was perhaps in part called forth by the danger to the churches from the Docetic heretics, representative of a Judaic (Philad. 5, Magn. 8\u201310) syncretism which had long had a hold in Asia Minor (1 John and Lightfoot Coloss., p. 73, 81 sqq.). To this he opposes what is evidently a creed (Trall. 9), with emphasis on the reality (\u1f00\u03bb\u03b7\u03b8\u1ff6\u03c2) of all the facts of Redemption comprised in it.\nIt was in fact the controversies of the second century that produced a theology in the Catholic Church,\u2014that in a sense produced the Catholic Church itself. The idea of the Church as distinct from and embracing the Churches is a New Testament idea (Eph. 5:25, 1 Cor. 15:9, &c.), and the name \u2018Catholic\u2019 occurs at the beginning of the second century (Lightfoot\u2019s note on Ign. Smyrn. 8); but the Gnostic and Montanist controversies compelled the Churches which held fast to the \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03ac\u03b4\u03bf\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 of the Apostles to close their ranks (episcopal federation) and to reflect upon their creed. The Baptismal Creed (Rom. 10:9, Acts 8:37, 1 Cor. 15:3tessera or passport of right belief, and as a regulative standard, a \u2018rule of faith.\u2019 The \u2018limits of the Christian Church\u2019 began to be more clearly defined (Stanton, ubi supr. p. 167).\nAnother influence which during the same period led to a gradual formation of theology was the necessity of defending the Church against heathenism. If the Gnostics were \u2018the first Christian theologians\u2019 (Harnack), the Apologists (120\u2013200) are more directly important for our present enquiry. The usual title of Justin \u2018Philosopher and Martyr\u2019 is significant of his position and typical of the class of writers to which he belongs. On the one hand the Apologists are philosophers rather than theologians. Christianity is \u2018the only true philosophy\u2019 (Justin); its doctrines are found piecemeal among the philosophers (\u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c3\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u03cc\u03c2), who are so far Christians, just as the Christians are the true philosophers (Justin and Minuc. Felix). But the Logos, who is imparted fragmentarily to the philosophers, is revealed in His entire divine Personality in Christ (so Justin beyond the others, Apol. ii. 8, 10). In the doctrine of God, their thought is coloured by the eclectic Platonism of the age before Plotinus. God, the Father of all things, is Creator, Lord, Master, and as such known to man, but in Himself Unoriginate (\u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2), ineffable, mysterious (\u1f04\u03c1\u03c1\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2), without a name, One and alone, incapable of Incarnation (for references to Justin and to Plato, D.C.B. iii. 572). His \u2018goodness\u2019 is metaphysical perfection, or beneficence to man, His \u2018righteousness\u2019 that of Moral Governor of the Universe (contrast the deeper sense of St. Paul, Rom. iii. 21, &c.). But the abstractness of the conception of God gives way to personal vividness in the doctrine of the \u2018visible God\u2019 (Tert. Prax. 15 sq.), the Logos (the subject of the O.T. \u2018theophanies\u2019 according to the Apologists) who was \u2018with\u2019 the Father before all things (Just. Dial. 62), but was \u2018begotten\u2019 or projected (\u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03b2\u03bb\u03b7\u03b8\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2) by the will of the Father (ib. 128) as God from God, as a flame from fire. He is, like the Father, ineffable (\u03a7\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03cc\u03c2, Just. Apol. ii. 6), yet is the \u1f04\u03b3\u03b3\u03b5\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2, \u1f51\u03c0\u03b7\u03c1\u03ad\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 of the Father. In particular He is the Father\u2019s minister in Creation: to create He proceeded from the Father, a doctrine expressly deduced from Prov. viii. 22 (Dial. 61, 129). Before this He was the \u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f10\u03bd\u03b4\u03b9\u03ac\u03b8\u03b5\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2, after it the \u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03c6\u03bf\u03c1\u03b9\u03ba\u03cc\u03c2, the Word uttered (Ps. xlv. 1 LXX; this distinction is not in Justin, but is found Theophil. ad Autol. ii. 10, 22: it is the most marked trace of philosophic [Stoic] influence on the Apologists). The Apologists, then, conceive of Christian theology as philosophers. Especially the Person of the Saviour is regarded by them from the cosmological, not the soteriological view-point. From the latter, as we have seen, St. Paul starts; and his view gradually embraces the distant horizon of the former (1 Cor. 8:6, Col. 1:15); from the soteriological side also (directly) he reaches the divinity of Christ (Rom. 5:1, 1 Cor. 1:30, Rom. 10:13, as above). Here, as we shall see, Athanasius meets the Arians substantially by St. Paul\u2019s method. But the Apologists, under the influence of their philosophy rather than of their religion, start from the cosmological aspect of the problem. They engraft upon an Apostolic (Johannine) title of the Saviour an Alexandrine group of associations: they go far towards transmuting the Word of St. John to the Logos of Philo and the Eclectics. Hence their view of His Divinity and of his relation to the Father is embarrassed. His eternity and His generation are felt to be hardly compatible: His distinct Personality is maintained at the expense of His true Divinity. He is God, and not the One God; He can manifest Himself (Theophanies) in a way the One God cannot; He is an intermediary between God and the world. The question has become philosophical rather than directly religious, and philosophy cannot solve it. But on the other hand, Justin was no Arian. If he was Philosopher, he was also Martyr. The Apologists are deeply saturated with Christian piety and personal enthusiastic devotion to Christ. Justin in particular introduces us, as no other so early writer, into the life, the worship, the simple faith of the Primitive Church, and we can trace in him influences of the deeper theology of Asia Minor (Loofs, p. 72 sq. but see more fully the noble article on Justin in D.C.B. vol. iii.). But our concern is with their influence on the analysis of the object of faith; and here we see that unconsciously they have severed the Incarnate Son from the Eternal Father: not God (\u1f41 \u1f44\u03bd\u03c4\u03c9\u03c2 \u03b8\u03b5\u03cc\u03c2) but a subordinate divine being is revealed in Christ: the Logos, to adopt the words of Ignatius, is no longer a true breach of the Divine Silence.\nWe must now glance at the important period of developed Catholicism marked especially by the names of Iren\u00e6us, Tertullian, and Clement, the period of a consolidated organisation, a (relatively) fixed Canon of the New Testament, and a catholic rule of faith (see above, and Lumby, Creeds, ch. i.; Heurtley, Harmonia Symbolica, i.\u2013viii.). The problem of the period which now begins (180\u2013250) was that of Monarchianism; the Divinity of Christ must be reconciled with the Unity of God. Monarchianism is in itself the expression of the truth common to all monotheism, that the \u1f04\u03c1\u03c7\u03b7 or Originative Principle is strictly and Personally One and one only (in contrast to the plurality of \u1f00\u03c1\u03c7\u03b9\u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u03ac\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2, see Newman, Arians4, p. 112 note). No Christian deliberately maintains the contrary. The Apologists, as we have seen, tended to emphasise the distinction of Father and Son; but this tendency makes of necessity in the direction of \u2018subordination;\u2019 and any distinction of \u2018Persons\u2019 or Hypostases in the Godhead involves to a Monotheist some subordination, in order to save the principle p. xxiv of the Divine Monarchia.\u2019 The Monarchian denied any subordination or distinction of hypostases within the Godhead. This tendency we have now to follow up. We do not meet with it as a problem in Iren\u00e6us. (He \u2018is said to have written against it,\u2019 Newman, Ar.4, p. 117, citing Dodw. in Iren.) This scholar of pupils of Apostles stands in the lines of the Asiatic theology. He is the successor of Ignatius and Polycarp. We find him, in sharp contrast to the Apologists, giving full expression to the revelation of God in Jesus (the \u2018Son is the Measure of the Father, for He contains Him\u2019), and the union of man with God in the Saviour, as the carrying out of the original destiny of man, by the destruction of sin, which had for the time frustrated it (III. xviii. p. 211, Deus antiquam hominis plasmationem in se recapitulans). Hence the \u2018deification\u2019 of man\u2019s nature by union with Christ (a remarkable point of contact with Athanasius, see note on de Incar. 54. 3); incorruption is attained to by the knowledge of God (cf. John xvii. 3) through faith (John 4.20.); we cannot comprehend God, but we learn to know Him by His Love (John 4.20.). At the same time we trace the influence of the Apologists here and there in his Christology (III. 6, 19, and the explanation of the \u2018Theophanies,\u2019 iv. 20). But in his younger contemporary Tertullian, the reaction of Monarchianism makes itself felt. He is himself one of the Apologists, and at the same time under Asiatic influences. The two trains of influence converge in the name Trinitas, which he is the first to use (\u03c4\u03c1\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 first in the Asiatic Apologist Theophilus). In combating the Monarchian Praxeas (see below) he carries subordinationism very far (cf. Hermog. 3. \u2018fuit tempus cum Ei filius non fuit\u2019), he distinguishes the Word as \u2018rationalis deus\u2019 from eternity, and \u2018sermonalis\u2019 not from eternity (cf. again, Theophilus, supra). The Generation of the Son is a \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03b2\u03bf\u03bb\u03ae (also \u2018eructare\u2019 from Ps. xlv. 1), but the divine \u2018Substance\u2019 remains the same (river and fountain, sun and ray, Prax. 8, 9). He aims at reconciling \u2018subordination\u2019 with the \u2018Monarchia,\u2019 (ib. 4). In the Incarnate Christ he distinguishes the divine and human as accurately as Leo the Great (ib. 27, 29). In spite of inconsistencies such as were inevitable in his strange individuality (Stoic, philosopher, lawyer, Apologist, \u2018Asiatic\u2019 theologian, Catholic, Montanist) we see in Tertullian the starting-point of Latin Theology (but see also Harnack ii. 287 note).\nWe must now examine more closely the history of Monarchian tendencies, and firstly in Rome. The sub-Apostolic Church, simply holding the Divinity of Christ and the Unity of God, used language (see above) which may be called \u2018naively Monarchian.\u2019 This holds good even of Asiatic theology, as we find it in its earlier stage. The baptismal creed (as we find it in the primitive basis of the Apostles\u2019 Creed) does not solve the problem thus presented to Christian reflexion. Monarchianism attempted the solution in two ways. Either the One God was simply identified with the Christ of the Gospels and the Creeds, the Incarnation being a mode of the Divine manifestation (Father as Creator, Son as Redeemer, Spirit as Sanctifier, or the like): \u2018Modalism\u2019 or Modalistic Monarchianism (including Patripassianism, Sabellianism, and later on the theology of Marcellus); or (this being felt incompatible with the constant personal distinction of Christ from the Father) a special effluence, influence, or power of the one God was conceived of as residing in the man Jesus Christ, who was accordingly Son of God by adoption, God by assimilation: \u2018dynamic\u2019 Monarchianism or Adoptionism (\u2018Son\u2019 and \u2018Spirit\u2019 not so much modes of the Divine self-realisation as of the Divine Action). This letter, the echo but not the direct survival of Ebionism, was later on the doctrine of Photinus; we shall find it exemplified in Paul of Samosata; but our present concern is with its introduction at Rome by the two Theodoti, the elder of whom (a tanner from Byzantium) was excommunicated by Bishop Victor, while the younger, a student of the Peripatetic philosophy and grammatical interpreter of Scripture, taught there in the time of Zephyrinus. A later representative of this school, Artemon, claimed that its opinions were those of the Roman bishops down to Victor (Eus. H. E. v. 28). This statement cannot be accepted seriously; but it appears to be founded on a real reminiscence of an epoch in the action and teachings of the Roman bishops at the time. It must be remembered that the two forms of Monarchianism\u2014modalism and adoptionism\u2014are, while very subtly distinguished in their essential principle, violently opposed in their appearance to the popular apprehension. Their doctrine of God is one, at least in its strict unitarianism; but while to the Modalist Christ is the one God, to the Adoptionist He is essentially and exclusively man. 14 In the one case His Personality is divine, in the other human. Now there is clear proof of a strong Modalist tendency 15 in the Roman Church at this time; this would manifest itself in especial zeal against the doctrine of such men as Theodotus the younger, and give some colour to the tale of Artemon. Both Tertullian and Hippolytus complain bitterly of the ignorance of those responsible for the ascendancy which this teaching acquired in Rome (\u0396\u03b5\u03c6\u03c5\u03c1\u1fd6\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u1f04\u03bd\u03b4\u03c1\u03b1 \u1f30\u03b4\u03b9\u03ce\u03c4\u03b7\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f04\u03c0\u03b5\u03b9\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f10\u03ba\u03ba\u03bb\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u1ff6\u03bd \u1f45\u03c1\u03c9\u03bd, Hipp. \u2018idiotes quisque aut perversus,\u2019 \u2018simplices, ne dicam imprudentes et idiot\u00e6.\u2019 Tert.). The utterances of Zephyrinus support this: \u2018I believe in one God, Jesus Christ\u2019 (Hipp., see above on the language of the sub-Apost. Church). The Monarchian influences were strengthened by the arrival of fresh teachers from Asia (Cleomenes and Epigonus, see note 2) and began to arouse lively opposition. This was headed by Hippolytus, the most learned of the Roman presbytery, and eventually bishop 16 in opposition to Callistus, the successor of Zephyrinus. The theology of Hippolytus was not unlike that of Tertullian, and was hotly charged by Callistus with \u2018Ditheism.\u2019 The position of Callistus himself, like that of his predecessor, was one of compromise between the two forms of Monarchianism, but somewhat more developed. A distinction was made between \u2018Christ\u2019 (the divine) and Jesus (the human); the latter suffered actually, the former indirectly (\u2018filius patitur, pater vero compatitur.\u2019 (Tert.) \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03a0\u03b1\u03c4\u03ad\u03c1\u03b1 \u03c3\u03c5\u03bc\u03c0\u03b5\u03c0\u03bf\u03bd\u03b8\u03ad\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03c5\u1f31& 254\u00b7, Hipp.; it is clear that under \u2018Praxeas\u2019 Tertullian is combating also the modified Praxeanism of Callistus. See adv. Prax. 27, 29; Hipp. ix. 7); not without reason does Hippolytus charge Callistus with combining the errors of Sabellius with those of Theodotus. The compromise of Callistus was only partially successful. On the one hand the p. xxv strictly modalist Sabellius, who from about 215 takes the place of Cleomenes at the head of Roman Monarchianism (his doctrine of the \u03c5\u1f31\u03bf\u03c0\u03ac\u03c4\u03c9\u03c1, of the Trinity as successive \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c3\u03c9\u03c0\u03b1, \u2018aspects,\u2019 of the One God, pure modalism as defined above) scorned compromise (he constantly reproached Callistus with having changed his front, Hipp.) was excommunicated, and became the head of a sect. And the fierce opposition of Hippolytus failed to command the support of more than a limited circle of enthusiastic admirers, or to maintain itself after his death. On the other hand (the process is quite in obscurity: see Harnack1, p. 620) the theology of Hippolytus and Tertullian eventually gained the day. Novatian, whose \u2018grande volumen\u2019 (Jer.) on the Trinity represents the theology of Rome about 250 a.d., simply \u2018epitomises Tertullian,\u2019 and that in explanation of the Rule of Faith. As to the Generation of the Son, he drops the \u2018quando Ipse [Pater] voluit\u2019 of Tertullian, but like him combines a (modified) \u2018subordination\u2019 with the \u2018communio substanti\u00e6\u2019\u2014in other words the \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd. Monarchianism was condemned in the West; its further history belongs to the East (under the name of Sabellianism first in Libya: see pp. 173, sqq.). But the hold which it maintained upon the Roman Church for about a generation (190\u2013220) left its mark. Rome condemned Origen, the ally of Hippolytus; Rome was invoked against Dionysius of Alexandria; (Rome and) the West formulated the \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd at Nic\u00e6a; Rome received Marcellus; Rome rejected the \u03c4\u03c1\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u03ac\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2 and supported the Eustathians at Antioch; it was with Rome rather than with the prevalent theology of the East that Athanasius felt himself one. (Cf. also Harnack, Dg. 11, p. 622 sqq.) Monarchianism was too little in harmony with the New Testament, or with the traditional convictions of the Churches, to live as a formulated theology. The \u2018naive modalism\u2019 of the \u2018simplices quae major semper pars credentium est\u2019 (Tert.) was corrected as soon as the attempt was made to give it formal expression 17 . But the attempt to do so was a valuable challenge to the conception of God involved in the system of the Apologists. To their abstract, transcendent, philosophical first Principle, Monarchianism opposed a living, self-revealing, redeeming God, made known in Christ. This was a great gain. But it was obtained at the expense of the divine immutability. A God who passed through phases or modes, now Father, now Son, now Spirit, a God who could suffer, was not the God of the Christians. There is some justice in Tertullian\u2019s scoff at their \u2018Deum versipellem.\u2019\nThe third great name associated with the end of the second century, that of Clement, is important to us chiefly as that of the teacher of Origen, whose influence we must now attempt to estimate. Origen (185\u2013254) was the first theologian in the full sense of the term; the first, that is, to erect upon the basis of the rule of faith (Preface to de Princ.) a complete theological system, synthesising revealed religion with a theory of the Universe, of God, of man, which should take into account the entire range of truth and knowledge, of faith and philosophy. And in this sense for the Eastern Church he was the last theologian as well. In the case of Origen the Vincentian epigram, absolvuntur magistri condemnantur discipuli (too often applicable in the history of doctrine) is reversed. In a modified form his theology from the first took possession of the Eastern Church; in the Cappadocian fathers it took out a new lease of power, in spite of many vicissitudes it conquered opposing forces (the sixth general council crushed the party who had prevailed at the fifth); John of Damascus, in whom the Eastern Church says its last word, depends upon the Origenist theology of Basil and the Gregories. But this theology was Origenism with a difference. What was the Origenism of Origen? To condense into the compass of our present purpose the many-sidedness of Origen is a hopeless task. The reader will turn to the fifth and sixth of Bigg\u2019s Bampton Lectures for the best recent presentation; to Newman\u2019s Arians (I. \u00a73), especially the \u2018apology\u2019 at the end); to Harnack (ed. 1, pp. 510\u2013556) and Loofs (\u00a728); Shedd (vol. i. 288\u2013305, should be read before Bigg and corrected by him) and Dorner; to the sections in Bull (Defens. ii. 9, iii. 3) and Petavius (who in Trin. I. iv. pursues with fluent malignity \u2018omnigenis errorum portentis infamem scriptorem\u2019); to the Origeniana of Huet and the dissertations of the standard editors; to the article Origenist Controversies, and to the comprehensive, exact, and sympathetic article Origen in the Dictionary of Christian Biography. The fundamental works of Origen for our purpose are the de Principiis, the contra Celsum, and the de Oratione; but the exegetical works are necessary to fill out and correct first impressions.\nThe general position of Origen with regard to the Person of Christ is akin to that of Hippolytus and Tertullian. It is to some extent determined by opposition to Gnosticism and to Monarchianism. His visit to Rome (Eus. H. E., vi. 14) coincided with the battle of Hippolytus against Zephyrinus and his destined successor: on practical as well as on doctrinal points he was at one with Hippolytus. His doctrine of God is reached by the soteriological rather than the cosmological method. God is known to us in the Incarnate Word; \u2018his point of view is moral, not\u2026pseudo-metaphysical.\u2019 The impassibility of the abstract philosophical idea of God is broken into by \u2018the passion of Love\u2019 (Bigg, p. 158). In opposition to the perfection of God lies the material world, conditioned by evil, the result of the exercise of will. This cause of evil is antecedent to the genesis of the material universe, the \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1\u03b2\u03bf\u03bb\u1f74 \u03ba\u03cc\u03c3\u03bc\u03bf\u03c5; materiality is the penalty and measure of evil. (This part of Origen\u2019s doctrine is markedly Platonic. Plotinus, we read, refused to observe his own birthday; in like manner Origen quaintly notes that only wicked men are recorded in Scripture to have kept their birthdays; Bigg, 203, note; cf. Harnack, p. 523, note.) The soul (\u03c8\u03c5\u03c7\u03ae as if from \u03c8\u03cd\u03c7\u03b5\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9) has in a previous state \u2018waxed cold,\u2019 i.e. lost its original integrity, and in this condition enters the body, i.e. \u2018is subjected to vanity\u2019 in common with the rest of the creature, and needs redemption (qualify this by Bigg, pp. 202 sqq., on Origen\u2019s belief in Original Sin). To meet this need the Word takes a Soul (but one that has never swerved from Him in its pre-existent state: on this antinomy Bigg, 190, note, 199) and mediante Anima, or rather mediante hac substantia anim\u00e6 (Prin. II. vi.) unites the nature of God and of Man in One. (On the union of the two natures in the \u03b8\u03b5\u03ac\u03bd\u03b8\u03c1\u03c9\u03c0\u03bf\u03c2, in Ezek. iii. 3, he is as precise as Tertullian: we find the Hypostatic Union and Communicatio Idiomatum formally explicit; Bigg, 190.) The Word \u2018deifies\u2019 Human Nature, first His Own, then in others as well (Cels. iii. 28, \u1f35\u03bd\u03b1 \u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03c5\u03b9 \u03b8\u03b5\u03af\u03b1: he does not use \u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9; the thought is subtly but really different from that which we found in Iren\u00e6us: see Harnack, p. 551), by that perfect apprehension of Him \u1f45\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1 \u1f26\u03bd \u03c0\u03c1\u1f76\u03bd \u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c3\u03ac\u03c1\u03be, of which faith in the Incarnate is the earliest but not the final stage (applying 2 Cor. v. 16; cf. the Commentary on the Song of Songs).\nWhat account then does Origen give of the beginning and the end of the great Drama of existence? He starts from the end, which is the more clearly revealed; \u2018God shall be all in all.\u2019 But \u2018the end must be like the beginning;\u2019 One is the end of all, One is the beginning. From 1 Cor. xv. he works back to Romans viii.: the one is his key to the eternity after, the other, to the eternity before (Bigg pp. 193 sq.). Into this scheme he brings creation, evil, the history of Revelation, the Church and its life, the final consummation of all things. p. xxvi The Universe is eternal: God is prior to it in conception, yet He was never other than Creator. But in the history of the Universe the material world which we know is but a small episode. It began, and will end. It began with the estrangement of Will from God, will end with its reconciliation: God, from Whom is the beginning of all, \u2018will be all in all.\u2019 (For Origen\u2019s eschatology see Bigg, 228\u2013234.) From this point of view we must approach the two-sided Christology of Origen. To him the two sides were aspects of the same thing: but if the subtle presupposition as to God and the Universe is withdrawn, they become alternative and inconsistent Christologies, as we shall see to have actually happened. As God is eternally Creator, so He is eternally Father (Bigg, 160, note). The Son proceeds from Him not as a part of His Essence, but as the Ray from the Light; it cannot be rightly or piously said that He had a beginning, \u1f26\u03bd \u1f45\u03c4\u03b5 \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba \u1f26\u03bd (cf. De Princ. i. 2, iv. 28, and infr. p. 168); He is begotten from the Essence of the Father, He is of the same essence (\u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2) (Fragm. 3 in Heb., but see Bigg, p. 179), there is no unlikeness whatever between the Son and the Father (Princ. i. 2, 12). He was begotten \u1f10\u03ba \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bb\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03a0\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2 (but to Origen the \u03b8\u03ad\u03bb\u03b7\u03bc\u03b1 was inherent in the Divine Nature, cf. Bigg. 161, Harnack, p. 534 against Shedd, p. 301, note) not by \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03b2\u03bf\u03bb\u03ae or emanation (Princ. iv. 28, i. 2. 4), as though the Son\u2019s generation were something that took place once for all, instead of existing continuously. The Father is in the Son, the Son in the Father: there is \u2018coinherence.\u2019 On the other hand, the Word is God derivatively not absolutely, \u1ffe\u039f \u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f26\u03bd \u03c0\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u0398\u03b5\u03cc\u03bd, \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u0398\u03b5\u1f78\u03c2 \u1f26\u03bd \u1f41 \u039b\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2. The Son is \u0398\u03b5\u03cc\u03c2, the Father alone \u1f41 \u0398\u03b5\u03cc\u03c2. He is of one \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 with the Father as compared with the creatures; but as contrasted with the Father, Who may be regarded as \u1f10\u03c0\u2122\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1 \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 18 , and Who alone is \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03cc\u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u03c2, \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03bf\u03b1\u03b3\u03b1\u03b8\u03cc\u03c2, \u1f00\u03bb\u03b7\u03b8\u03b9\u03bd\u1f78\u03c2 \u03b8\u03b5\u03cc\u03c2, the Son is \u1f41 \u03b4\u03b5\u03cd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b8\u03b5\u03cc\u03c2 (Cels. v. 39, cf. Philo\u2019s \u03b4\u03b5\u03c5\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03b5\u03cd\u03c9\u03bd \u03b8\u03b5\u03cc\u03c2). As the Son of God, He is contrasted with all \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03ac; as contrasted with the Ingenerate Father, He stands at the head of the series of \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03ac; He is \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03be\u1f7a \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f00\u03b3\u03b5\u03bd[\u03bd]\u03ae\u03c4\u03bf\u03c5 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 19 . He even explains the Unity of the Father and the Son as moral (\u03b4\u03cd\u03bf \u03c4\u1fc7 \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u03ac\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9 \u03c0\u03c1\u03ac\u03b3\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 \u1f13\u03bd \u03b4\u1f72 \u03c4\u1fc7 \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03bf\u03af& 139\u00b7 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u03c4\u1fc7 \u03c4\u03b1\u03cd\u03c4\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c4\u03b9 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b2\u03bf\u03c5\u03bb\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2, Cels. viii. 12). The Son takes His place even in the cosmic process from Unity to Unity through Plurality, \u2018God is in every respect One and Simple, but the Saviour by reason of the Many becomes Many\u2019 (on John i. 22, cf. Index to this vol., s.v. Christ). The Spirit is subordinated to the Son, the Son to the Father (\u1f10\u03bb\u03ac\u03c4\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd \u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f78\u03bd \u03c0\u03b1\u03c4\u03ad\u03c1\u03b1 \u1f41 \u03c5\u1f31& 232\u00b7\u03c2\u2026\u1f14\u03c4\u03b9 \u03b4\u1f72 \u1f27\u03c4\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c0\u03bd\u03b5\u1fe6\u03bc\u03b1 \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f05\u03b3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd, Princ. I. 3, 5 Gk.), while to the Spirit are subordinated created spirits, whose goodness is relative in comparison with God, and the fall of some of whom led to the creation of matter (see above). Unlike the Son and the Spirit they are mutable in will, subject to \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03ae, capable of embodiment even if in themselves immaterial.\nThe above slender sketch of the leading thoughts of Origen will suffice to show how intimately his doctrine of the Person of Christ hangs together with his philosophy of Religion and Nature. That philosophy is the philosophy of his age, and must be judged relatively. His deeply religious, candid, piercing spirit embodies the highest effort of the Christian intellect conditioned by the categories of the best thought of his age. Everywhere, while evading no difficulty, his strenuous speculative search is steadied by ethical and religious instinct. As against Valentinian and the Platonists, with both of whom he is in close affinity, he inexorably insists on the self-consciousness and moral nature of God, on human freewill. As against all contemporary non-Christian thought his system is pure monism. Yet the problem of evil, in which he merges the antithesis of matter and spirit, brings with it a necessary dualism, a dualism, however, which belongs but to a moment in the limitless eternity of God\u2019s all-in-allness before and after. Is he then a pantheist? No, for to him God is Love (in Ezek. vi. 6), and the rational creature is to be made divine and united to God by the reconciliation of Will and by conscious apprehension of Him. The idea of Will is the pivot of Origen\u2019s system, the centripetal force which forbids it to follow the pantheistic line which it yet undoubtedly touches. The \u2018moral\u2019 unity of the Father and the Son (see above, \u03c4\u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2 \u03b2\u03bf\u03c5\u03bb\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 and \u1f10\u03ba \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03b8\u03b5\u03bb\u03ae\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2) is Unity in that very respect in which the Creator stands over against the self-determining rational creature. Yet the immutability, the Oneness of God, must be reconciled with the plurality, the mutability of the creature; here the Logos mediates; \u03b4\u03b9\u1f70 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb\u1f70 \u03b3\u03af\u03bd\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9 \u03c0\u03bf\u03bb\u03bb\u03ac: but this must be from eternity:\u2014accordingly creation is eternal too. Here we see that the cosmological idea has prevailed over the religious, the Logos of Origen is still in important particulars the Logos of the Apologists, of Philo and the philosophers. The difference lies in His co-eternity, upon which Origen insists without wavering. The resemblance lies in the intermediate 20 position ascribed to Him between the \u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2, (\u1f41 \u0398\u03b5\u03cc\u03c2), and the \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03ac; He is, as Hypostasis, subordinate to the Father.\nNow it is evident that the mere intellectual apprehension of a system which combines so many opposite tendencies, which touches every variety of the theological thought of the age (even modalism, for to Origen the Father is the \u039c\u03bf\u03bd\u03ac\u03c2, the \u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03cc\u03b8\u03b5\u03bf\u03c2, while yet He is no abstraction but a God who exists in moral activity, supra) and subtly harmonises them all, must have involved no ordinary philosophical power. When we add to this fact the further consideration that precisely the fundamental ideas of Origen were those which called forth the liveliest opposition and were gradually dropped by his followers, we can easily understand that in the next generation Origenism was no longer either the system of Origen, or a single system at all.\nIn one direction it could lend itself to no compromise; in spite of the justice done by Origen to the fundamental ideas both of modalism and of emanative adoptionism (cf. Harnack, pp. 548, note, and 586), to Monarchianism in either form he is diametrically opposed. The hypostatic distinctness of Son and Spirit is once for all made good for the theology of Eastern Christendom. We see his disciples exterminate Monarchianism in the East. On the left wing Dionysius refutes the Sabellians of Libya, on the right Gregory Thaumaturgus, Firmilian, and their brethren, after a long struggle, oust the adoptionist Paul from the See of Antioch. But its influence on the existing Catholic theology, however great (and in the East it was very great), inevitably made its way in the face of opposition, and at the cost of its original subtle consistency. The principal opposition came from Asia Minor, where the traditions of theological thought (see above, on Ignatius and Iren\u00e6us, below on Marcellus) were not in sympathy 21 with Origen. We cannot demonstrate the existence of a continuous theological school in Asia; but p. xxvii Methodius (270\u2013300) certainly speaks with the voice of Ignatius and Iren\u00e6us. He deals with Origen much as Iren\u00e6us dealt with the Gnostics, defending against him the current sense of the regula fidei, and especially the literal meaning of Scripture, the origination of the soul along with the body, the resurrection of the body in the material sense, and generally opposing realism to the spiritualism of Origen. But in thus opposing Origen, Methodius is not uninfluenced by him (see Socr. vi. 13). He, too, is a student of Plato (with \u2018little of his style or spirit\u2019); his \u2018realism\u2019 is \u2018speculative.\u2019 He no longer defends the Asiatic Chiliasm, his doctrine of the Logos is coloured by Origen as that of Iren\u00e6us was by the Apologists. The legacy of Methodius and of his Origenist contemporaries to the Eastern Church was a modified Origenism, that is a theology systematised on the intellectual basis of the Platonic philosophy, but expurgated by the standard of the regula fidei. This result was a compromise, and was at first attended with great confusion. Origen\u2019s immediate following seized some one side, some another of his system; some were more, some less influenced by the \u2018orthodox\u2019 reaction against his teaching. We may distinguish an Origenist \u2018right\u2019 and an Origenist \u2018left.\u2019 If the Origenist view of the Universe was given up, the coeternity of the Son and Spirit with the Father was less firmly grasped. Origen had, if we may use the expression, \u2018levelled up.\u2019 The Son was mediator between the Ingenerate God and the created, but eternal Universe. If the latter was not eternal, and if at the same time the Word stood in some essential correlation to the creative energy of God, Origen\u2019s system no longer implied the strict coeternity of the Word. Accordingly we find Dionysius (see below, p. 173 sqq.) uncertain on this point, and on the essential relation of the Son to the Father. More cautious in this respect, but tenacious of other startling features of Origen, were Pierius and Theognostus, who presided over the Catechetical School at the end of the century 22 .\nOn the other hand, very many of Origen\u2019s pupils, especially among the bishops, started from the other side of Origen\u2019s teaching, and held tenaciously to the coeternity of the Son, while they abandoned the Origenist \u2018paradoxes\u2019 with regard to the Universe, matter, pre-existence, and restitution. Typical of this class is Gregory Thaumaturgus, also Peter the martyr bishop of Alexandria, who expressly opposed many of Origen\u2019s positions (though hardly with the violence ascribed to him in certain supposed fragments in Routh, Rell. iv. 81) and Alexander himself. It was this \u2018wing\u2019 of the Origenist following that, in combination with the opposition represented by Methodius, bequeathed to the generation contemporary with Nic\u00e6a its average theological tone. The coeternity of the Son with the Father was not (as a rule) questioned, but the essential relation of the Logos to the Creation involved a strong subordination of the Son to the Father, and by consequence of the Spirit to the Son. Monarchianism was the heresy most dreaded, the theology of the Church was based on the philosophical categories of Plato applied to the explanation and systematisation of the rule of faith. This was very far from Arianism. It lacked the logical definiteness of that system on the one hand, it rested on the other hand on a different conception of God; the hypostatic subordination of the Son was insisted upon, but His true Sonship as of one Nature with the Father, was held fast. In the slow process of time this neo-Asiatic theology found its way partly to the Nicene formula, partly to the illogical acceptance of it with regard to the Son, with refusal to apply it to the Spirit (Macedonius). To the men who thought thus, the blunt assertion that the Son was a creature, not coeternal, alien to the Essence of the Father, was a novelty, and wholly abhorrent. Arius drew a sharper line than they had been accustomed to draw between God and the creature; so did Athanasius. But Arius drew his line without flinching between the Father and the Son. This to the instinct of any Origenist was as revolting as it would have been to the clear mind and Biblical sympathy of Origen himself. In theological and philosophical principles alike Arius was opposed even to the tempered Origenism of the Nicene age. The latter was at the furthest remove from Monarchianism, Arianism was in its essential core Monarchian; the common theology borrowed its philosophical principles and method from the Platonists, Arius from Aristotle. To anticipate, Arianism and (so-called) semi-Arianism have in reality very little in common except the historical fact of common action for a time. Arianism guarded the transcendence of the divine nature (at the expense of revelation and redemption) in a way that \u2018semi-Arianism,\u2019 admitting as it did inherent inequality in the Godhead, did not. They therefore tended in opposite directions; Arianism to Anom\u0153anism, \u2018semi-Arianism\u2019 to the Nicene faith; their source was different. \u2018Aristotle made men Arians,\u2019 says Newman with truth, \u2018Plato, semi-Arians\u2019 (Arians4, p. 335, note): but to say this is to allow that if Arianism goes back to Lucian and so to Paul of Samosata, semi-Arianism is a fragment from the wreck of Origen.\nThe Origenist bishops of Syria and Asia Minor had in the years 269\u2013272, after several efforts, succeeded in deposing Paul of Samosata from the See of Antioch. This remarkable man was the ablest pre-Nicene representative of Adoptionist Monarchianism. The Man Jesus was inhabited by the \u2018Word,\u2019 i.e. by an impersonal power of God, distinct from the \u039b\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2 or reason (wisdom) inherent in God as an attribute, which descended upon him at His Baptism. His union with God, a union of Will, was unswerving, and by virtue of it He overcame the sin of mankind, worked miracles, and entered on a condition of Deification. He is God \u1f10\u03ba \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u1fc6\u03c2 (cf. Luke ii. 52) by virtue of progress in perfection. That is in brief the system of Paul, and we cannot wonder at his deposition. For the striking points of contact with Arianism (two \u2018Wisdoms,\u2019 two \u2018Words,\u2019 \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03ae: cf. Orat. c. Ar. i. 5, &c.) we have to account 23 . The theology of Arius is a compromise between the Origenist doctrine of the Person of Christ and the pure Monarchian Adoptionism of Paul of Samosata; or rather it engrafts the former upon the latter as the p. xxviii foundation principle, seriously modifying each to suit the necessity of combining the two. This compromise was not due to Arius himself but to his teacher, Lucian the Martyr. A native himself of Samosata, he stood in some relation of attachment (not clearly defineable) to Paul. Under him, he was at the head of a critical, exegetical, and theological school at Antioch. Upon the deposition of Paul he appears not so much to have been formally excommunicated as to have refused to acquiesce in the new order of things. Under Domnus and his two successors, he was in a state of suspended communion 24 ; but eventually was reconciled with the bishop (Cyril?) and died as a martyr at Nicomedia, Jan. 7, 312. The latter fact, his ascetic life, and his learning secured him widespread honour in the Church; his pupils formed a compact and enthusiastic brotherhood, and filled many of the most influential Sees after the persecution. That such a man should be involved in the reproach of having given birth to Arianism is an unwelcome result of history, but one not to be evaded 25 . The history of the Lucianic compromise and its result in the Lucianic type of theology, are both matters of inference rather than of direct knowledge. As to the first, whatever evidence there is connects Lucian\u2019s original position with Paul. His reconciliation with Bishop Cyril must have involved a reapproachment to the formula of the bishops who deposed Paul,\u2014a thoroughly Origenist document. We may therefore suppose that the identification of Christ with the Logos, or cosmic divine principle, was adopted by him from Origenist sources. But he could not bring himself to admit that He was thus essentially identified with God the eternal; he held fast to the idea of \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03ae as the path by which the Lord attained to Divinity; he distinguished the Word or Son who was Christ from the immanent impersonal Reason or Wisdom of God, as an offspring of the Father\u2019s Will, an idea which he may have derived straight from Origen, with whom of course it had a different sense. For to Origen Will was the very essence of God; Lucian fell back upon an arid philosophical Monotheism, upon an abstract God fenced about with negations (Harnack 22, 195, note) and remote from the Universe. It was counted a departure from Lucian\u2019s principles if a pupil held that the Son was the \u2018perfect Image of the Father\u2019s Essence\u2019 (Philost. ii. 15); Origen\u2019s formula, \u2018distinct in hypostasis, but one in will,\u2019 was apparently exploited in a Samosatene sense to express the relation of the Son to the Father. The only two points in fact in which Lucian appears to have modified the system of Paul were, firstly in hypostatising the Logos, which to Paul was an impersonal divine power, secondly in abandoning Paul\u2019s purely human doctrine of the historical Christ. To Lucian, the Logos assumed a body (or rather \u2018Deus sapientiam suam misit in hunc mundum carne vestitam, ubi infra, p. 6), but itself took the place of a soul 26 ; hence all the \u03c4\u03b1\u03c0\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1\u1f76 \u03bb\u03ad\u03be\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2 of the Gospels applied to the Logos as such, and the inferiority and essential difference of the Son from the Father rigidly followed.\nThe above account of Lucian is based on that of Harnack, Dogmg. ii. 184, sqq. It is at once in harmony with all our somewhat scanty data (Alexander, Epiphanius, Philostorgius, and the fragment of his last confession of faith preserved by Rufin. in Eus. H. E. ix. 9, Routh, Rell. iv. pp. 5\u20137, from which Harnack rightly starts) and is the only one which accounts for the phenomena of the rise of Arianism. We find a number of leading Churchmen in agreement with Arius, but in no way dependent on him. They are Eusebius of Nicomedia, Maris, Theognis, Athanasius of Anazarba, Menophantus; all Lucianists. The first Arian writer, Asterius (see below), is a Lucianist. (The Egyptian bishops Secundus and Theonas cannot be put down to any school; we do not know their history; but they are distinguished from the Lucianists by Philost. ii. 3.) It has been urged that, although Arius brought away heresy from the school of Lucian, yet he was not the only one that did so. True; but then the heresy was all of the same kind (list of pupils of Lucian in Philost. ii. 14, iii. 15). Aetius, the founder of logical ultra-Arianism and teacher of Eunomius, was taught the exegesis of the New Testament by the Lucianists Athanasius of Anazarba and Antony of Tarsus, of the Old by the Lucianist Leontius. This fairly covers the area of Arianism proper. But it may be noted that some Origenists of the \u2018left wing,\u2019 whose theology emphasized the subordination, and vacillated as to the eternity of the Son, would find little to shock them in Arianism (Eusebius of C\u00e6sarea, Paulinus of Tyre), while on the other hand there are traces of a Lucianist \u2018right wing,\u2019 men like Asterius, who while essentially Arian, made concessions to the \u2018conservative\u2019 position chiefly by emphasising the cosmic mediation of the Word and His \u2018exact likeness\u2019 to the Father 27 . The Theology of the Eastern Church was suffering from the effort to assimilate the Origenist theology: it could not do so without eliminating the underlying and unifying idea of Origenism; this done, the overwhelming influence of the great teacher remained, while dissonant fragments of his system, vaguely comprehended in many cases, permeated some here, some there 28 . Meanwhile the school of Lucian had a method and a system; they knew their own minds, and relied on reason and exegesis. This was the secret of their power. Had Arius never existed, Arianism must have tried its strength under such conditions. But the age was ready for Arius; and Arius was ready. The system of Arius was in effect that of Lucian: its formulation appears to have been as much the work of Asterius as of Arius himself. (Cf. p. 155, \u00a78, \u1f41 \u03b4\u1f72 \u1fbd\u0391\u03c1. \u03bc\u03b5\u03c4\u03b1\u03b3\u03c1\u03ac\u03c8\u03b1\u03c2 \u03b4\u03ad\u03b4\u03c9\u03ba\u03b5 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fd6\u03c2 \u1f30\u03b4\u03af\u03bf\u03b9\u03c2. The extant writings of Arius are his letters to Eus. Nic. and to Alexander, preserved by Theodoret and Epiph. H\u00e6r. 69, and the extracts from the \u2018Thalia\u2019 in Ath., pp. 308\u2013311, 457, 458; also the \u2018confession\u2019 in Socr. i. 26, Soz. ii. 27. Cf. also references to his dicta in Ath. pp. 185, 229, &c.) Arius started from the idea of God and the predicate \u2018Son.\u2019 God is above all things uncreated, or unoriginate, \u1f00\u03b3\u03ad\u03bd[\u03bd]\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2, (the ambiguity of the derivatives of \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03bd\u1fb6\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 and p. xxix \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03ad\u03c3\u03b8\u03b1\u03b9 are a very important element in the controversy. See p. 475, note 5, and Lightfoot, Ignat. ii. p. 90 sqq.) Everything else is created, \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd. The name \u2018Son\u2019 implies an act of procreation. Therefore, before such act, there was no Son, nor was God properly speaking a Father. The Son is not coeternal with Him. He was originated by the Father\u2019s will, as indeed were all things. He is, then, \u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd \u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u1ff6\u03bd, He came into being from non-existence (\u1f10\u03be \u03bf\u1f50\u03ba \u1f44\u03bd\u03c4\u03c9\u03bd), and before that did not exist (\u03bf\u1f50\u03ba \u1f26\u03bd \u03c0\u03c1\u1f76\u03bd \u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03b1\u03b9). But His relation to God differs from that of the Universe generally. Created nature cannot bear the awful touch of bare Deity. God therefore created the Son that He in turn might be the agent in the Creation of the Universe\u2014\u2018created Him as the beginning of His ways,\u2019 (Prov. viii. 22, LXX.). This being so, the nature of the Son was in the essential point of \u1f00\u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03bd\u03b7\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 unlike that of the Father; (\u03be\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c5\u1f31\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1fbd \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03bd \u1f41 \u03a0\u03b1\u03c4\u1f74\u03c1 \u1f45\u03c4\u03b9 \u1f04\u03bd\u03b1\u03c1\u03c7\u03bf\u03c2): their substances (\u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u03ac\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2) are \u1f00\u03bd\u03b5\u03c0\u03af\u03bc\u03b9\u03ba\u03c4\u03bf\u03b9,\u2014have nothing in common. The Son therefore does not possess the fundamental property of sonship, identity of nature with the Father. He is a Son by Adoption, not by Nature; He has advanced by moral probation to be Son, even to be \u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03bf\u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u1f74\u03c2 \u03b8\u03b5\u03cc\u03c2 (Joh. i. 14). He is not the eternal \u039b\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2, reason, of God, but a Word (and God has spoken many): but yet He is the Word by grace; is no longer, what He is by nature, subject to change. He cannot know the Father, much less make Him known to others. Lastly, He dwells in flesh, not in full human nature (see above, p. xxviii. and note 2). The doctrine of Arius as to the Holy Spirit is not recorded, but probably He was placed between the Son and the other \u03ba\u03c4\u03af\u03c3\u03bc\u03b1\u03c4\u03b1 (yet see Harnack ii. 199, note 2).\nArian Literature. Beside the above-mentioned letters and fragments of Arius, our early Arian documents are scanty. Very important is the letter of Eus. Nic. to Paulinus, referred to above, \u00a73 (1), pp. xvi., xviii., other fragments of letters, p. 458 sq. The writings 29 of Asterius, if preserved, would have been an invaluable source of information 30 . Asterius seems to have written before the Nicene Council; he may have modified his language in later treatises. He was replied to by Marcellus in a work which brought him into controversy (336) with Eusebius of C\u00e6sarea. With the creeds and Arian literature after the death of Constantine we are not at present concerned.\nArianism was a novelty. Yet it combines in an inconsistent whole elements of almost every previous attempt to formulate the doctrine of the Person of Christ. Its sharpest antithesis was Modalism: yet with the modalist Arius maintained the strict personal unity of the Godhead. With dynamic monarchianism it held the adoptionist principle in addition; but it personified the Word and sacrificed the entire humanity of Christ. In this latter respect it sided with the Docet\u00e6, most Gnostics, and Manich\u00e6ans, to all of whom it yet opposes a sharply-cut doctrine of creation and of the transcendence of God. With Origen and the Apologists before him it made much of the cosmic mediation of the Word in contrast to the redemptive work of Jesus; with the Apologists, though not with Origen, it enthroned in the highest place the God of the Philosophers: but against both alike it drew a sharp broad line between the Creator and the Universe, and drew it between the Father and the Son. Least of all is Arianism in sympathy with the theology of Asia,\u2014that of Ignatius, Iren\u00e6us, Methodius, founded upon the Joannine tradition. The profound Ignatian idea of Christ as the \u039b\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f00\u03c0\u1f78 \u03c3\u03b9\u03b3\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03b5\u03bb\u03b8\u03ce\u03bd is in impressive contrast with the shallow challenge of the Thalia, \u2018Many words hath God spoken, which of these was manifested in the flesh?\u2019\nThroughout the controversies of the pre-Nicene age the question felt rather than seen in the background is that of the Idea of God. The question of Monotheism and Polytheism which separated Christians from heathen was not so much a question of abstract theology as of religion, not one of speculative belief, but of worship. The Gentile was prepared to recognise in the background of his pantheon the shadowy form of one supreme God, Father of gods and men, from whom all the rest derived their being. But his religion required the pantheon as well; he could not worship a philosophic supreme abstraction. The Christian on the other hand was prepared in many cases to recognise the existence of beings corresponding to the gods of the heathen (whether 1 Cor. viii. 5 can be quoted here is open to question). But such beings he would not worship. To him, as an object of religion, there was one God. The one God of the heathen was no object of practical personal religion; the One God of the Christian was. He was the God of the Old Testament, the God who was known to His people not under philosophical categories, but in His dealings with them as a Father, Deliverer, He who would accomplish all things for them that waited on Him, the God of the Covenant. He was the God of the New Testament, God in Christ reconciling the world to Himself, manifesting His Righteousness in the Gospel of Christ to whosoever believed. In Christ the Christian learned that God is Love. Now this knowledge of God is essentially religious; it lies in a different plane from the speculative \u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03c1\u03af\u03b1\u03b9 as to God\u2019s transcendence or immanence, while yet it steadies the religious mind in the face of speculations tending either way. A God who is Love, if immanent, must yet be personal, if transcendent, must yet manifest His Love in such a way that we can know it and not merely guess it. Now as Christian instinct began to be forced to reflexion, in other words, as faith began to strive for expression in a theology 31 , it could not but be that men, however personally religious, seized hold of religious problems by their speculative side. We have seen this exemplified in the influence of Platonic philosophy on the Apologists and Alexandrine Fathers. But to Origen, with all his Platonism, belongs the honour of enthroning the God of Love at the head and centre of a systematic theology. Yet the theology of the end of the third century assimilated secondary results of Origen\u2019s system rather than his underlying idea. On the one hand was the rule of faith with the whole round of Christian life and worship, determining the religious instinct of the Church; on the other, the inability to formulate this instinct in a coherent system so long as the central problem was overlooked or inadequately dealt with. God is One, not more; yet how is the One God to be conceived of, p. xxx what is His relation to the Universe of \u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03b5\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 and \u03c6\u03b8\u03cc\u03c1\u03b1? and the Son is God, and the Spirit; how are they One, and if One how distinct? How do we avoid the relapse into a polytheism of secondary gods? What is\u2014not the essential nature of Godhead, for all agreed that that is beyond our ken\u2014but the \u03c0\u03c1\u1ff6\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u1f21\u03bc\u1fd6\u03bd, the essential idea for us to begin from if we are to synthesise belief and theology, \u03c0\u03af\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03c2 and \u03b3\u03bd\u1ff6\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2?\nArianism stepped in with a summary answer. God is one, numerically and absolutely. He is beyond the ken of any created intelligence. Even creation is too close a relation for Him to enter into with the world. In order to create, he must create an instrument (pp. 360 sqq.), intermediate between Himself and all else. This instrument is called Son of God, i.e. He is not coeternal (for what son was ever as old as his parent?), but the result of an act of creative will. How then is He different from other creatures? This is the weak point of the system; He is not really different, but a difference is created by investing Him with every possible attribute of glory and divinity except the possession of the incommunicable nature of deity. He is merely \u2018anointed above His fellows.\u2019 His \u2018divinity\u2019 is acquired, not original; relative, not absolute; in His character, not in His Person. Accordingly He is, as a creature, immeasurably far from the Creator; He does not know God, cannot declare God to us. The One God remains in His inaccessible remoteness from the creature. But yet Arians worshipped Christ; although not very God, He is God to us. Here we have the exact difficulty with which the Church started in her conflict with heathenism presented again unsolved. The desperate struggle, the hardly earned triumph of the Christians, had been for the sake of the essential principle of heathenism! The One God was, after all, the God of the philosophers; the idea of pagan polytheism was realised and justified in Christ 32 ! To this Athanasius returns again and again (see esp. p. 360); it is the doom of Arianism as a Christian theology.\nIf Arianism failed to assist the thought of the Church to a solution of the great problem of God, its failure was not less conspicuous with regard to revelation and redemption. The revelation of the Gospel stopped short in the person of Christ, did not go back to the Father. God was not in Christ reconciling the world to Himself, we have access in Christ to a created intelligence, not to the love of God to usward, not to the everlasting Arms, but to a being neither divine nor human. Sinners against heaven and before God, we must accept an assurance of reconciliation from one who does not know Him whom we have offended; the kiss of the Father has never been given to the prodigal. Men have asked how we are justified in ascribing to the infinite God the attributes which we men call good: mercy, justice, love. If Christ is God, the answer lies near; if He is the Christ of Arius, we are left in moral agnosticism. Apart from Christ, the philosophical arguments for a God have their force; they proffer to us an ennobling belief, a grand \u2018perhaps\u2019; but the historical inability of Monotheism to retain a lasting hold among men apart from revelation is an impressive commentary on their compelling power. In Christ alone does God lay hold upon the soul with the assurance of His love (Rom. 5:5, Matt. 11:28, John 17:3). The God of Arius has held out no hand toward us; he is a far-off abstraction, not a living nor a redeeming God.\nThe illogicality of Arianism has often been pointed out (Gwatkin, pp. 21 sqq. esp. p. 28); how, starting from the Sonship of Christ, it came round to a denial of His Sonship; how it started with an interest for Monotheism and landed in a vindication of polytheism; how it began from the incomprehensibility of God even to His Son, and ended (in its most pronounced form) with the assertion that the divine Nature is no mystery at all, even to us. It is an insult to the memory of Aristotle to call such shallow hasty syllogising from ill-selected and unsifted first principles by his name. Aristotle himself teaches a higher logic than this. But at this date Aristotelianism proper was extinct. It only survived in the form of \u2018pure\u2019 logic, adopted by the Platonists, but also studied for its own sake in connection with rhetoric and the art of arguing (cf. Socr. ii. 35). Such an instrument might well be a cause of confusion in the hands of men who used it without regard to the conditions of the subject-matter. An illogical compromise between the theology of Paul of Samosata and of Origen, the marvel is that Arianism satisfied any one even in the age of its birth. What has been said above with regard to the conception of God in the early Church may help to explain it; the germ of ethical insight which is latent in adoptionism, and which when neglected by the Church has always made itself felt by reaction, must also receive justice; once again, its inherent intellectualism was in harmony with the dominant theology of the Eastern Church, that is with one side of Origenism. Where analogous conditions have prevailed, as for example in the England of the early eighteenth century, Arianism has tended to reappear with no one of its attendant incongruities missing.\nBut for all that, the doom of Arianism was uttered at Nic\u00e6a and verified in the six decades which followed. Every possible alternative formula of belief as to the Person of Christ was forced upon the mind of the early Church, was fully tried, and was found wanting. Arianism above all was fully tried and above all found lacking. The Nicene formula alone has been found to render possible the life, to satisfy the instincts of the Church of Christ. The choice lies\u2014nothing is clearer\u2014between that and the doctrine of Paul of Samosata. The latter, it has been said, was misunderstood, was never fairly tried. As a claimant to represent the true sense of Christianity it was I think once for all rejected when the first Apostles gave the right hand of fellowship to S. Paul (see above, p. xxii.); its future trial must be in the form of naturalism, as a rival to Christianity, on the basis of a denial of the claim of Christ to be the One Saviour of the World, and of His Gospel to be the Absolute Religion. But Arianism, adding to all the difficulties of a supernatural Christology the spirit of the shallowest rationalism and the fundamental postulate of agnosticism, can surely count for nothing in the Armageddon of the latter days,\nSpiacente a Dio ed a\u2019 nemici suoi.\n(b) The \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd as a theological formula 33 .\nThe distinction, which in the foregoing discussion we have frequently had under our notice, between the p. xxxi \u03c0\u03af\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03c2 and \u03b3\u03bd\u1ff6\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 of the early Church, the \u03c0\u03af\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03c2 common to all, and formulated in the tessera or rule of faith, the \u03b3\u03bd\u1ff6\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 the property of apologists and theologians aiming at the expression of faith in terms of the thought of their age, and at times, though for long only slightly, reacting upon the rule of faith itself (Aquileia, C\u00e6sarea, Gregory Thaumaturgus), makes itself felt in the account of the Nicene Council. That the legacy of the first world-wide gathering of the Church\u2019s rulers is a Rule of Faith moulded by theological reflexion, one in which the \u03b3\u03bd\u1ff6\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 of the Church supplements her \u03c0\u03af\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03c2, is a momentous fact; a fact for which we have to thank not Athanasius but Arius. The \u03c0\u03af\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03c2 of the Fathers repudiated Arianism as a novelty; but to exclude it from the Church some test was indispensable; and to find a test was the task of theology, of \u03b3\u03bd\u1ff6\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2. The Nicene Confession is the Rule of Faith explained as against Arianism. Arianism started with the Christian profession of belief in our Lord\u2019s Sonship. If the result was incompatible with such belief, it was inevitable that an explanation should be given, not indeed of the full meaning of divine Sonship, but of that element in the idea which was ignored or assailed by the misconception of Arius. Such an explanation is attempted in the words \u1f10\u03ba \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2, \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03b1\u03bd \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03a0\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03af, and again in the condemnation of the formula \u1f10\u03be \u1f11\u03c4\u03ad\u03c1\u03b1\u03c2 \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u03ac\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 \u1f22 \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03c2. This explanation was not adopted without hesitation, nor would it have been adopted had any other barrier against the heresy, which all but very few wished to exclude, appeared effective. We now have to examine firstly the grounds of this hesitation, secondly the justification of the formula itself.\nThe objections felt to the word \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd at the council were (1) philosophical, based on the identification of \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 with either \u03b5\u1f36\u03b4\u03bf\u03c2 (i.e. as implying a \u2018formal essence\u2019 prior to Father and Son alike) or \u1f55\u03bb\u03b7; (2) dogmatic, based on the identification of \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 with \u03c4\u03cc\u03b4\u03b5 \u03c4\u03b9, and on the consequent Sabellian sense of the \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd; (3) Scriptural, based on the non-occurrence of the word in the Bible; (4) Ecclesiastical, based on the condemnation of the word by the Synod which deposed Paul at Antioch in 269.\nAll these objections were made and felt bona fide, although Arians would of course make the most of them. The subsequent history will show that their force was outweighed only for the moment with many of the fathers, and that to reconcile the \u2018conservatism\u2019 of the Asiatic bishops to the new formula must be a matter of time. The third or Scriptural objection need not now be discussed at length. Precedent could be pleaded for the introduction into creeds of words not expressly found in Scripture (e.g. the word \u2018catholic\u2019 applied to the Church in many ancient creeds, the creed of Gregory Thaumaturgus with \u03c4\u03c1\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b5\u03bb\u03b5\u03af\u03b1, &c. &c.); the only question was, were the non-scriptural words expressive of a Scriptural idea? This was the pith of the question debated between Athanasius and his opponents for a generation after the council; the \u2018conservative\u2019 majority eventually came round to the conviction that Athanasius was right. But the question depends upon the meaning of the word itself.\nThe word means sharing in a joint or common essence, \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 (cf. \u1f41\u03bc\u03ce\u03bd\u03c5\u03bc\u03bf\u03c2, sharing the same name, &c. &c.). What then is \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1? The word was introduced into philosophical use, so far as we know, by Plato, and its technical value was fixed for future ages by his pupil Aristotle. Setting aside its use to express \u2018existence\u2019 in the abstract, we take the more general use of the word as indicating that which exists in the concrete. In this sense it takes its place at the centre of his system of \u2018categories,\u2019 as the something to which all determinations of quality, quantity, relation and the rest attach, and which itself attaches to nothing; in Aristotle\u2019s words it alone is self-existent, \u03c7\u03c9\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03cc\u03bd, whereas all that comes under any of the other categories is \u1f00\u03c7\u03ce\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd, non-existent except as a property of some \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1. But here the difficulty begins. We may look at a concrete term as denoting either this or that individual simply (\u03c4\u03cc\u03b4\u03b5 \u03c4\u03b9), or as expressing its nature, and so as common to more individuals than one. Now properly (\u03c0\u03c1\u03ce\u03c4\u03c9\u03c2) \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 is only appropriate to the former purpose. But it may be employed in a secondary sense to designate the latter; in this sense species and genera are \u03b4\u03b5\u03cd\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03b1\u03b9 \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03b9, the wider class being less truly \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03b9 than the narrower. In fact we here detect the transition of the idea of \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 from the category of \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 proper to that of \u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u03cc\u03bd (cf. Athan. p. 478 sq.; he uses \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 freely in the secondary sense for non-theological purposes in contra Gentes, where it is often best rendered \u2018nature\u2019). Aristotle accordingly uses \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 freely to designate what we call substances, whether simple or compound, such as iron, gold, earth, the heavens, \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f00\u03ba\u03af\u03bd\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd, &c., &c. Corresponding again, to the logical distinction of \u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c2 and \u03b5\u1f36\u03b4\u03bf\u03c2 is the metaphysical distinction (not exactly of matter and form, but) of matter simply, regarded as \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd, and matter regarded as existing in this or that form, \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c0\u03bf\u03b9\u1f78\u03bd \u03c4\u1f78 \u1f10\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc7 \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af& 139\u00b7, \u03c4\u1f78 \u03c4\u03af \u1f26\u03bd \u03b5\u1f36\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9, the meeting-point of logic and metaphysics in Aristotle\u2019s system. Agreeably to this distinction, \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 is used sometimes of the latter\u2014the concrete thing regarded in its essential nature, sometimes of the former \u1f21 \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b7 \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 \u1f61\u03c2 \u1f55\u03bb\u03b7, \u1f55\u03bb\u03b7 being in fact the summum genus of the material world.\nNow the use of the word in Christian theology had exemplified nearly every one of the above senses. In the quasi-material sense \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd had been used in the school of Valentinian to express the homogeneity of the two factors in the fundamental dualism of the Universe of intelligent beings. In a somewhat similar sense it is used in the Clementine Homilies xx. 7. The Platonic phrase for the Divine Nature, \u1f10\u03c0\u03ad\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b1 \u03c0\u03ac\u03c3\u03b7\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03c2, adopted by Origen and by Athanasius contra Gentes, appears to retain something of the idea of \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 as implying material existence; and this train of associations had to be expressly disclaimed in defending the Nicene formula. In the sense of homogeneity the word \u1f40\u03bc\u03bf\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd is expressly applied by Origen, as we have seen, to the Father and the Son: on the other hand, taking \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 in the \u2018primary\u2019 Aristotelian sense, he has \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1fbd \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd In the West (see above on Tertullian and Novatian) the Latin substantia (Cicero had in vain attempted to give currency to the less euphonious but more suitable essentia) had taken its place in the phrase unius substanti\u00e6 orcommunio substanti\u00e6, intended to denote not only the homogeneity but the Unity of Father and Son. Accordingly we find Dionysius of Rome pressing the test upon his namesake of Alexandria and the latter not declining it (below, p. 183). But a few years later we find the Origenist bishops, who with the concurrence of Dionysius of Rome deposed Paul of Samosata, expressly repudiating the term. This fact, which is as certain as any fact in Church history (see Routh Rell. iii. 364 &c., Caspari Alte u. Neue. Q., pp. 161 sqq.), was a powerful support to the Arians in their subsequent endeavours to unite the conservative East in reaction against the council. Scholars are fairly equally divided as to the explanation of the fact. Some hold, following Athanasius p. xxxii and Basil, that Paul imputed the \u1f40\u03bc\u03bf\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd (in a materialising sense) to his opponents, as a consequence of the doctrine they opposed to his own, and that \u2018the 80\u2019 in repudiating the word, repudiated the idea that the divine nature could be divided by the emanation of a portion of it in the Logos. Hilary, on the other hand, tells us that the word was used by Paul himself (\u2018male \u1f40\u03bc\u03bf\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd Paulus confessus est, sed numquid melius Arii negaverunt?\u2019) If so, it must have been meant to deny the existence of the Logos as an \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 (i.e. Hypostasis) distinct from the Father. Unfortunately we have not the original documents to refer to. But in either case the word was repudiated at Antioch in one sense, enacted at Nic\u00e6a in another. The fact however remains that the term does not exclude ambiguity. Athanasius is therefore going beyond strict accuracy when he claims (p. 164) that no one who is not an Arian can fail to be in agreement with the Synod. Marcellus and Photinus alone prove the contrary. But he is right in regarding the word as rigidly excluding the heresy of Arius.\nThis brings us to the question in what sense \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 is used in the Nicene definition. We must remember the strong Western and anti-Origenist influence which prevailed in the council (above, p. xvii.), and the use of \u1f51\u03c0\u03cc\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 and \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 as convertible terms in the anathematism (see Excursus A, pp. 77, sqq. below). Now going back for a moment to the correspondence of the two Dionysii, we see that Dionysius of Rome had contended not so much against the subordination of the Son to the Father as against their undue separation (\u03bc\u03b5\u03bc\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03c3\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03b1\u03b9 \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u03ac\u03c3\u03b5\u03b9\u03c2). In other words he had pressed the \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd upon his namesake in the interest rather of the unity than of the equality of the Persons in the Holy Trinity. At Nic\u00e6a, the problem was (as shewn above) to explain (at least negatively) how the Church understood the Generation of the Son. Accordingly we find Athanasius in later years explaining that the Council meant to place beyond doubt the Essential Relation of the Divine Persons to one another (\u03c4\u1f78 \u1f34\u03b4\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03c2, \u03c4\u03b1\u1f50\u03c4\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c2, see de Decr. pp. 161, 163 sq., 165, 168, 319; of course including identity of Nature, pp. 396, 413, 232), and maintaining to the end (where he expresses his own view, p. 490, &c.) the convertibility of \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 and \u1f51\u03c0\u03cc\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 for this purpose. By the word \u1f41 \u03b8\u03b5\u03cc\u03c2 or \u03b8\u03b5\u03cc\u03c2 he understands \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72\u03bd \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03bd \u1f22 \u03c4\u1f74\u03bd \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03bd \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u1f44\u03bd\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2 (de Decr. 22). The conclusion is that in their original sense the definitions of Nic\u00e6a assert not merely the specific identity of the Son with the Father (as Peter qua man is of one \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 with Paul, or the Emperor\u2019s statue of one form with the Emperor himself, p. 396), but the full unbroken continuation of the Being of the Father in the Son, the inseparable unity of the Son with the Father in the Oneness of the Godhead. Here the phrase is \u2018balanced\u2019 by the \u1f10\u03ba \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 [\u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03c3\u03c4\u03ac\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 \u1f22] \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03a0\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u1f78\u03c2, not as though merely one \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 had given existence to another, but in the sense that with such origination the \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 remained the same. This is a \u2018first approximation to the mysterious doctrine of the \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03c7\u03ce\u03c1\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2\u2019 coinherence, or \u2018circuminsessio,\u2019 which is necessary to guard the doctrine of the Trinity against tritheism, but which, it must be observed, lifts it out of the reach of the categories of any system of thought in which the workings of human intelligence have ever been able to organise themselves. The doctrine of the Holy Trinity vindicated by the Nicene formula on the one hand remains, after the exclusion of others, as the one direction in which the Christian intellect can travel without frustrating and limiting the movement of faith, without bringing to a halt the instinct of faith in Christ as Saviour, implanted in the Church by the teaching of S. Paul and of S. John, of the Lord Himself: on the other hand it is not a full solution of the intellectual difficulties with which the analysis of that faith and those instincts brings us face to face. That God is One, and that the Son is God, are truths of revelation which the category of \u2018substance\u2019 fails to synthesise. The Nicene Definition furnishes a basis of agreement for the purpose of Christian devotion, worship, and life, but leaves two theologies face to face, with mutual recognition as the condition of the healthy life of either. The theology of Athanasius and of the West is that of the Nicene formula in its original sense. The inseparable Unity of the God of Revelation is its pivot. The conception of personality in the Godhead is its difficulty. The distinctness of the Father, Son, and Spirit is felt (\u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f41 \u03a0\u03b1\u03c4\u03ae\u03c1 \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f41 \u03c5\u1f31& 231\u00b7\u03c2), but cannot be formulated so as to satisfy our full idea of personality. For this Athanasius had no word; \u03c0\u03c1\u03cc\u03c3\u03c9\u03c0\u03bf\u03bd meant too little (implying as it did no more than an aspect possibly worn but for a special period or purpose), \u1f51\u03c0\u03cc\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 (implying such personality as separates Peter from Paul) too much. But he recognised the admissibility of the sense in which the Nicene formula eventually, in the theology of the Cappadocian fathers, won its way to supremacy in the East. To them \u1f51\u03c0\u03cc\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 was an appropriate term to express the distinction of Persons in the Godhead, while \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 expressed the divine Nature which they possessed in common (see Excursus A. p. 77 sqq.). This sense of \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 approximated to that of species, or \u03b5\u1f36\u03b4\u03bf\u03c2 (Aristotle\u2019s \u2018secondary\u2019 \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1), while that of \u1f51\u03c0\u03cc\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 gravitated toward that of personality in the empirical sense. But in neither case did the approximation amount to complete identity. The idea of trine personality was limited by the consideration of the Unity; the \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u03b9\u03c7\u03ce\u03c1\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 was recognised, although in a somewhat different form, the prominent idea in Athanasius being that of coinherence or immanence, whereas the Cappadocians, while using, of course, the language of John xiv. 11, yet prefer the metaphor of successive dependence \u1f65\u03c3\u03c0\u03b5\u03c1 \u1f10\u03be \u1f01\u03bb\u03cd\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9. (Bas. Ep. 38, p. 118 D). To Athanasius, the Godhead is complete not in the Father alone, still less in the Three Persons as parts of the one \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1, but in each Person as much as in all. The Cappadocian Fathers go back to the Origenist view that the Godhead is complete primarily in the Father alone, but mediately in the Son or Spirit, by virtue of their origination from the Father as \u03c0\u03b7\u03b3\u03ae or \u03b1\u1f30\u03c4\u03af\u03b1 \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03b8\u03b5\u03cc\u03c4\u03b7\u03c4\u03bf\u03c2. To Athanasius the distinct Personality of Son and Spirit was the difficulty; his difference from Origen was wide, from Marcellus subtle. To the Cappadocians the difficulty was the Unity of the Persons; to Marcellus they were toto c\u00e6lo opposed, they are the pupils of Origen 34 . Accordingly when Basil makes a distinction between \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 and \u1f51\u03c0\u03cc\u03c3\u03c4\u03b1\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 in the Nicene anathematism, he is giving not historical exegesis but his own opinion.\nThe Nicene definition in this sense emphasized the Unity of the Godhead in Three Persons, against the Arian division of the Son from the Father. How then did it escape the danger of lending countenance to Monarchianism? Athanasius feels the difficulty without solving it, for the distinction given by him, p. 84, between \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2 and \u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03bf\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2 is without real meaning (we say with Tertullian \u2018of one substance\u2019). On the whole in mature years he held that the title \u2018Son\u2019 was sufficient to secure the Trinity of Persons. \u2018By the name Father we confute Arius, by the name of Son we overthrow Sabellius\u2019 (p. 434; cf. p. 413); and we find that the council in its revision of the C\u00e6sarean creed shifted \u03c5\u1f31& 231\u00b7\u03c2 to the principal position where it took the place of \u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2. Beyond this the Creed imposed no additional test in that direction (the \u1f10\u03ba \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 is important but not p. xxxiii decisive in this respect). This was felt as an objection to the Creed, and the objection was pointed by the influence of Marcellus at the council. The historical position of Marcellus is in fact, as we shall see, the principal key to the \u2018conservative\u2019 reaction which followed. The insertion into the conservative creeds of a clause asserting the endlessness of Christ\u2019s Kingdom, which eventually received ecumenical authority, was an expression of this feeling. But a final explanation between the Nicene doctrine and Monarchianism could not come about until the idea of Personality had been tested in the light of the appearance of the Son in the Flesh. The solution, or rather definition, of the problem is to be sought in the history of the Christological questions which began with Apollinarius of Laodicea.\nThe above account of the anti-Arian test formulated at Nic\u00e6a will suffice to explain the motives for its adoption, the difficulties which made that adoption reluctant, and the fact of the reaction which followed. One thing is clear, namely that given the actual conditions, nothing short of the test adopted would have availed to exclude the Arian doctrine. It is also I think clear, that not only was the current theology of the Eastern Church unable to cope with Arianism, but that it was itself a danger to the Church and in need of the corrective check of the Nicene definition. Hellenic as was the system of Origen, it was in its spirit Christian, and saturated with the influence of Scripture. It could never have taken its place as the expression of the whole mind of the Church; but it remains as the noblest monument of a Christian intellect resolutely in love with truth for its own sake, and bent upon claiming for Christ the whole range of the legitimate activity of the human spirit. But the age had inherited only the wreck of Origenism, and its partial victory in the Church had brought confusion in its train, the leaders of the Church were characterised by secular knowledge rather than grasp of first principles, by dogmatic intellectualism rather than central apprehension of God in Christ. Eusebius of C\u00e6sarea is their typical representative. The Nicene definition and the work of Athanasius which followed were a summons back to the simple first principles of the Gospel and the Rule of Faith. What then is their value to ourselves? Above all, this, that they have preserved to us what Arianism would have destroyed, that assurance of Knowledge of, and Reconciliation to, God in Christ of which the divinity of the Saviour is the indispensable condition; if we are now Christians in the sense of S. Paul we owe it under God to the work of the great synod. Not that the synod explained all; or did more than effectually \u2018block off false forms of thought or avenues of unbalanced inference\u2019 which \u2018challenged the acceptance of Christian people.\u2019 The decisions of councils are \u2018primarily not the Church saying \u201cyes\u201d to fresh truths or developments or forms of consciousness; but rather saying \u201cno\u201d to untrue and misleading modes of shaping and stating her truth,\u2019 (Lux Mundi, ed. i. p. 240, cf. p. 334). It is objected that the Nicene Formula, especially as understood by Athanasius, is itself a \u2018false form of thought,\u2019 a flat contradiction in terms. That the latter is true we do not dispute (see Newman\u2019s notes infra, p. 336, note 1, &c.). But before pronouncing the form of thought for that reason a false one, we must consider what the \u2018terms\u2019 are, and to what they are applied. To myself it appears that a religion which brought the divine existence into the compass of the categories of any philosophy would by that very fact forfeit its claim to the character of revelation. The categories of human thought are the outcome of organised experience of a sensible world, and beyond the limits of that world they fail us. This is true quite apart from revelation. The ideas of essence and substance, personality and will, separateness and continuity, cause and effect, unity and plurality, are all in different degrees helps which the mind uses in order to arrange its knowledge, and valid within the range of experience, but which become a danger when invested with absolute validity as things in themselves. Even the mathematician reaches real results by operating with terms which contain a perfect contradiction (e.g. \u00b7, and to some extent the \u2018calculus of operations\u2019). The idea of Will in man, of Personality in God, present difficulties which reason cannot reconcile.\nThe revelation of Christ is addressed primarily to the will not to the intellect, its appeal is to Faith not to Theology. Theology is the endeavour of the Christian intellect to frame for itself conceptions of matters belonging to the immediate consequences of our faith, matters about which we must believe something, but as to which the Lord and His Apostles have delivered nothing formally explicit. Theology has no doubt its certainties beyond the express teaching of our Lord and the New Testament writers; but its work is subject to more than the usual limitations of human thought: we deal with things outside the range of experience, with celestial things; but \u2018we have no celestial language.\u2019 To abandon all theology would be to acquiesce in a dumb faith: we are to teach, to explain, to defend; the \u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c3\u03bf\u03c6\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 and \u03bb\u03cc\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2 \u03b3\u03bd\u03ce\u03c3\u03b5\u03c9\u03c2 have from the first been gifts of the Spirit for the building up of the Body. But we know in part and prophesy in part, and our terms begin to fail us just in the region where the problem of guarding the faith of the simple ends and the inevitable metaphysic, into which all pure reflexion merges, begins. \u0395\u1f34\u03c4\u03b5 \u03bf\u1f56\u03bd \u03c6\u03b9\u03bb\u03bf\u03c3\u03bf\u03c6\u03b7\u03c4\u03ad\u03bf\u03bd \u03b5\u1f34\u03c4\u03b5 \u03bc\u1f74 \u03c6\u03b9\u03bb\u03bf\u03c3\u03bf\u03c6\u03b7\u03c4\u03ad\u03bf\u03bd, \u03c6\u03b9\u03bb\u03bf\u03c3\u03bf\u03c6\u03b7\u03c4\u03ad\u03bf\u03bd, \u2018man is metaphysical nolens volens:\u2019 only let us recollect that when we find ourselves in the region of antinomies we are crossing the frontier line between revelation and speculation, between the domain of theology and that of ontology. That this line is approached in the definition of the great council no one will deny. But it was reached by the council and by the subsequent consent of the Church reluctantly and under compulsion. The bold assumption that we can argue from the revelation of God in Christ to mysteries beyond our experience was made by the Gnostics, by Arius: the Church met them by a denial of what struck at the root of her belief, not by the claim to erect formul\u00e6 applied merely for the lack of better into a revealed ontology. In the terms Person, Hypostasis, Will, Essence, Nature, Generation, Procession, we have the embodiment of ideas extracted from experience, and, as applied to God, representing merely the best attempt we can make to explain what we mean when we speak of God as Father and of Christ as His Son. Even these last sacred names convey their full meaning to us only in view of the historical person of Christ and of our relation to God through Him. That this meaning is based upon an absolute relation of Christ to the Father is the rock of our faith. That relation is mirrored in the name Son of God: but what it is in itself, when the empirical connotations of Sonship are stripped away, we cannot possibly know. \u2018\u039f\u03bc\u03bf\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03c2 \u03c4\u1ff7 \u03a0\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03af, \u1f10\u03ba \u03c4\u1fc6\u03c2 \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03a0\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2\u2019 these words assert at once our faith that such relation exists and our ignorance of its nature. To the simplicity of faith it is enough to know (and this knowledge is what our formula secures) that in Christ we have not only the perfect Example of Human Love to God, but the direct expression and assurance of the Father\u2019s Love to us.\n\u2018The victory of Nic\u00e6a was rather a surprise than a solid conquest. As it was not the p. xxxiv spontaneous and deliberate purpose of the bishops present, but a revolution which a minority had forced through by sheer strength of clearer Christian thought, a reaction was inevitable as soon as the half-convinced conservatives returned home\u2019 (Gwatkin). The reaction, however, was not for a long time overtly doctrinal. The defeat, the moral humiliation of Arianism at the council was too signal, the prestige of the council itself too overpowering, the Emperor too resolute in supporting its definition, to permit of this. Not till after the death of Constantine in 337 does the policy become manifest of raising alternative symbols to a coordinate rank with that of Nic\u00e6a; not till six years after the establishment of Constantius as sole Emperor,\u2014i.e. not till 357,\u2014did Arianism once again set its mouth to the trumpet. During the reign of Constantine the reaction, though doctrinal in its motive, was personal in its ostensible grounds. The leaders of the victorious minority at Nic\u00e6a are one by one attacked on this or that pretence and removed from their Sees, till at the time of Constantine\u2019s death the East is in the hands of their opponents. What were the forces at work which made this possible?\n(1) Persecuted Arians. Foremost of all, the harsh measures adopted by Constantine with at least the tacit approval of the Nicene leaders furnished material for reaction. Arius and his principal friends were sent into exile, and as we have seen they went in bitterness of spirit. Arius himself was banished to Illyricum, and would seem to have remained there five or six years. (The chronology of his recall is obscure, but see D.C.B. ii. 364, and Gwatkin, p. 86, note 2). It would be antecedently very unlikely that a religious exile would spare exertions to gain sympathy for himself and converts to his opinions. As a matter of fact, Arianism had no more active supporters during the next half-century than two bishops of the neighbouring province of Pannonia, Valens of Mursa (Mitrowitz), and Ursacius 35 of Singidunum (Belgrade). Valens and Ursacius are described as pupils of Arius, and there is every reason to trace their personal relations with the heresiarch to his Illyrian exile. The seeds sown in Illyria at this time were still bearing fruit nearly 50 years later (pp. 489, 494, note). Secundus nursed his bitterness fully thirty years (p. 294; cf. 456). Theognis grasped at revenge at Tyre in 335 (pp. 104, 114). Eusebius of Nicomedia, recalled from exile with his friend and neighbour Theognis, not long after the election of Athanasius in 328, was ready to move heaven and earth to efface the results of the council. The harsh measures against the Arians then, if insufficient to account for the reaction, at any rate furnished it with the energy of personal bitterness and sense of wrong.\n(2) The Eusebians and the Court. Until the council of Sardica (i.e. a short time after the death of Eusebius of Nicomedia), the motive power of the reaction proceeded from the environment of Eusebius, \u03bf\u1f31 \u03c0\u03b5\u03c1\u1f76 \u0395\u1f50\u03c3\u03ad\u03b2\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd. It should be observed once for all that the term \u2018Eusebians\u2019 is the later and inexact equivalent of the last named Greek phrase, which (excepting perhaps p. 436) has reference to Eusebius of Nicomedia only, and not to his namesake of C\u00e6sarea. The latter, no doubt, lent his support to the action of the party, but ought not to suffer in our estimation from the misfortune of his name. Again, the \u2018Eusebians\u2019 are not a heresy, nor a theological party or school; they are the \u2018ring,\u2019 or personal entourage, of one man, a master of intrigue, who succeeded in combining a very large number of men of very different opinions in more or less close association for common ecclesiastical action. The \u2018Eusebians\u2019 sensu latiori are the majority of Asiatic bishops who were in reaction against the council and its leaders; in the stricter sense the term denotes the pure Arians like Eusebius, Theognis, and the rest, and those \u2018political Arians\u2019 who without settled adherence to Arian principles, were, for all practical purposes, hand in glove with Eusebius and his fellows. To the former class emphatically belong Valens and Ursacius, whose recantation in 347 is the solitary and insufficient foundation for the sweeping generalisation of Socrates (ii. 37), that they \u2018always inclined to the party in power,\u2019 and George, the presbyter of Alexandria, afterwards bishop of the Syrian Laodicea, who, although he went through a phase of \u2018conservatism,\u2019 357\u2013359, began and ended (Gwatkin, pp. 181\u2013183) as an Arian, pure and simple. Among \u2018political Arians\u2019 of this period Eusebius of C\u00e6sarea is the chief. He was not, as we have said above, an Arian theologically, yet whatever allowances may be made for his conduct during this period (D.C.B., ii. 315, 316) it tended all in one direction. But on the whole, political Arianism is more abundantly exemplified in the Hom\u0153ans of the next generation, whose activity begins about the time of the death of Constans. The Eusebians proper were political indeed \u03b5\u1f34 \u03c4\u03b9\u03bd\u03b5\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f04\u03bb\u03bb\u03bf\u03b9, but their essential Arianism is the one element of principle about them 36 . Above all, the employment of the term \u2018Semi-Arians\u2019 as a synonym for Eusebians, or indeed as a designation of any party at this period, is to be strongly deprecated. It is the (possibly somewhat misleading, but reasonable and accepted) term for the younger generation of convinced \u2018conservatives,\u2019 whom we find in the sixth decade of the century becoming conscious of their essential difference in principle from the Arians, whether political or pure, and feeling their way toward fusion with the Nicenes. These are a definite party, with a definite theological position, to which nothing in the earlier period exactly corresponds. The Eusebians proper were not semi-, but real Arians. Eusebius of C\u00e6sarea and the Asiatic conservatives are the predecessors of the semi-Arians, but their position is not quite the same. Reserving them for a moment, we must complete our account of the Eusebians proper. Their nucleus consisted of the able and influential circle of \u2018Lucianists;\u2019 it has been remarked by an unprejudiced observer that, so far as we know, not one of them was eminent as a religious character (Harnack, ii. 185); their strength was in fixity of policy and in ecclesiastical intrigue; and their battery was the imperial court. Within three years of the Council, Constantine had begun to waver, not in his resolution to maintain the Nicene Creed, that he never relaxed, but in his sternness toward its known opponents. His policy was dictated by the desire for unity: he was made to feel the lurking dissatisfaction of the bishops of Asia, perhaps as his anger was softened by time he missed the ability and ready counsel of the extruded bishop of his residential city. An Arian presbyter (\u2018Eustathius\u2019 or \u2018Eutokius\u2019?), who was a kind of chaplain to Constantia, sister of Constantine and widow of Licinius, is said to have kept the subject before the Emperor\u2019s mind after her death (in 328, see Socr. i. 25). At last, as we have seen, first Eusebius and Theognis were recalled, then Arius himself was pardoned upon his general assurance of agreement with the faith of the Synod.\np. xxxv The atmosphere of a court is seldom favourable to a high standard of moral or religious principle; and the place-hunters and hangers-on of the imperial courts of these days were an exceptionally worthless crew (see Gwatkin, p. 60, 100, 234). It is a tribute to the Nicene cause that their influence was steadily on the other side, and to the character of Constantine that he was able throughout the greater part of the period to resist it, at any rate as far as Athanasius was concerned. But on the whole the court was the centre whence the webs of Eusebian intrigue extended to Egypt, Antioch, and many other obscurer centres of attack.\nThe influences outside the Church were less directly operative in the campaign, but such as they were they served the Eusebian plans. The expulsion of a powerful bishop from the midst of a loyal flock was greatly assisted by the co-operation of a friendly mob; and Jews (pp. 94, 296), and heathen alike were willing to aid the Arian cause. The army, the civil service, education, the life of society were still largely heathen; the inevitable influx of heathen into the Church, now that the empire had become Christian, brought with it multitudes to whom Arianism was a more intelligible creed than that of Nic\u00e6a; the influence of the philosophers was a serious factor, they might well welcome Arianism as a \u2018Selbstersetzung des Christentums.\u2019 This is not inconsistent with the instances of persecution of heathenism by Arian bishops, and of savage heathen reprisals, associated with the names of George of Alexandria, Patrophilus, Mark of Arethusa, and others. (For a fuller discussion, with references, see Gwatkin, pp. 53\u201359.)\n(3.) The Ecclesiastical Conservatives. Something has already been said in more than one connection to explain how it came to pass that the very provinces whose bishops made up the large numerical majority at Nic\u00e6a, also furnished the numbers which swelled the ranks of the Eusebians at Tyre, Antioch, and Philippopolis. The actual men were, of course, in many cases 37 changed in the course of years, but the sees were the same, and there is ample evidence that the staunch Nicene party were in a hopeless minority in Asia Minor 38 and but little stronger in Syria. The indefiniteness of this mass of episcopal opinion justifies the title \u2018Conservative.\u2019 In adopting it freely, we must not forget, what the whole foregoing account has gone to shew, that their conservatism was of the empirical or short-sighted kind, prone to acquiesce in things as they are, hard to arouse to a sense of a great crisis, reluctant to step out of its groove. If by conservatism we mean action which really tends to preserve the vital strength of an institution, then Athanasius and the leaders of Nic\u00e6a were the only conservatives. But it is not an unknown thing for vulgar conservatism to take alarm at the clear grasp of principles and facts which alone can carry the State over a great crisis, and by wrapping itself up in its prejudices to play into the hands of anarchy. Common men do not easily rise to the level of mighty issues. Where Demosthenes saw the crisis of his nation\u2019s destiny, \u00c6schines saw materials for a personal impeachment of his rival. In the anti-Nicene reaction the want of clearness of thought coincided with the fatal readiness to magnify personal issues. Here was the opportunity of the Arian leaders: a confused succession of personal skirmishes, in which the mass of men saw no religious principle, nor any combined purpose (Soc. i. 13, \u03bd\u03c5\u03ba\u03c4\u03bf\u03bc\u03b1\u03c7\u03af\u03b1\u03c2 \u03c4\u03b5 \u03bf\u1f50\u03b4\u1f72\u03bd \u1f00\u03c0\u03b5\u1fd6\u03c7\u03b5 \u03c4\u1f70 \u03b3\u03b9\u03bd\u03cc\u03bc\u03b5\u03bd\u03b1) was conducted from headquarters with a fixed steady aim. But their machinations would have been fruitless had the mass of the bishops been really in sympathy with the council to which they were still by their own action committed. \u2018Arian hatred of the council would have been powerless if it had not rested on a formidable mass of conservative discontent: while the conservative discontent might have died away if the court had not supplied it with the means of action\u2019 (Gwatkin, p. 61. He explains the policy of the court by the religious sympathies of Asia Minor 39 and its political importance, pp. 90\u201391.) But the authority of the council remained unchallenged during the lifetime of Constantine, and no Arian raised his voice against it. One doctrinal controversy there was, of subordinate importance, but of a kind to rivet the conservatives to their attitude of sullen reaction.\nIt follows from what has been said of the influence of Origen in moulding the current theology of the Eastern Church, that the one theological principle which was most vividly and generally grasped was the horror of Monarchian and especially of \u2018Sabellian\u2019 teaching. Now in replying to Asterius the spokesman of early Arianism, no less a person than Marcellus, bishop of Ancyra (Angora) in Galatia, and one of the principal leaders of Nic\u00e6a, had laid himself open to this charge. It was brought with zeal and learning (in 336) in two successive works by Eusebius of C\u00e6sarea, which, with Ath., Orat. iv. are our principal source of information as to the tenets of Marcellus (see D.C.B. ii. 341, sq., Zahn Marcellus 99 sqq., fragments collected by Rettberg Marcelliana). On the other hand he was uniformly supported by the Nicene party, and especially by Athanasius and the Roman Church. His book was examined at Sardica, and on somewhat ex parte grounds (p. 125) pronounced innocent: a personal estrangement from Athanasius shortly after (Hilar. Fragm. ii. 21, 23) on account of certain \u2018ambigu\u00e6 pr\u00e6dicationes eius, in quam Photinus erupit, doctrin\u00e6,\u2019 did not amount to a formal breach of communion (he is mentioned 14 years later as an exiled Nicene bishop, pp. 256, 271), nor did the anxious questioning of Epiphanius (see H\u00e6r. 72. 4.) succeed in extracting from the then aged Athanasius more than a significant smile. He refuses to condemn him, and in arguing against opinions which appear to be his, he refrains from mentioning the name p. xxxvi even of Photinus 40 . It may be well therefore to sketch in a few touches what we know of the system of Marcellus, in order that we may appreciate the relative right of Eusebius in attacking, and of Athanasius and the Romans in supporting him. Marcellus is a representative of the traditional theology of Asia Minor, as we find it in Ignatius and Iren\u00e6us (see above, pp. xxii.\u2013xxiv., xxvi. fin.), and is independent of any influence of, or rather in conscious reaction against, Origenism. We cannot prove that he had studied either Ignatius or Iren\u00e6us, but we find the doctrine of \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03ba\u03b5\u03c6\u03b1\u03bb\u03b1\u03af\u03c9\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 with reference to Creation and the Incarnation, and the Ignatian thought of the Divine Silence, and a general unmistakeable affinity (cf. Zahn 236\u2013244). Marcellus \u2018appeals from Origen to S. John.\u2019 He begins with the idea of Sonship, as Arius and the Nicene Council had done. Perceiving that on the one hand Arians and Origenists alike were led by the idea of Sonship as dependent on paternal will to infer the inferiority of the Son to the Father, and in the more extreme case to deny His coeternity, feeling on the other hand (with Iren\u00e6us II. xxviii. 6) our inability to find an idea to correspond with the relation implied in the eternal Sonship, he turns to the first chapter of S. John as the classic passage for the pre-existent nature of Christ. He finds that before the Incarnation the Saviour is spoken of as Logos only: accordingly all other designations, even that of Son, must be reserved for the Incarnate. Moreover (Joh. i. 1) the Word is strictly coeternal, and no name implying an act (such as \u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03bd\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2) can express the relation of the Word to God. But in view of the Divine Purpose of Creation and Redemption (for the latter is involved in the former by the doctrine of \u1f00\u03bd\u03b1\u03ba\u03b5\u03c6\u03b1\u03bb\u03b1\u03af\u03c9\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2) there is a process, a stirring within the divine Monad. The Word which is potentially (\u03b4\u03c5\u03bd\u03b1\u03bc\u03b5\u03b9) eternally latent in God proceeds forth in Actuality (\u1f10\u03bd\u03b5\u03c1\u03b3\u03b5\u03af& 139\u00b7), yet without ceasing to be potentially in God as well. In this \u1f10\u03bd\u03ad\u03c1\u03b3\u03b5\u03b9\u03b1 \u03b4\u03c1\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u03ae, to which the word \u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03bd\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 may be applied, begins the great drama of the Universe which rises to the height of the Incarnation, and which, after the Economy is completed, and fallen man restored (and more than restored) to the Sonship of God which he had lost, ends in the return of the Logos to the Father, the handing over of His Kingdom by the Son, that God may be all in all.\nWhat strikes one throughout the scheme is the intense difficulty caused to Marcellus by the unsolved problem which underlies the whole theology of the Nicene leaders, the problem of personality. The Manhood of Christ was to Marcellus per se non-personal. The seat of its personality was the indwelling Logos. But in what sense was the Logos itself personal? Here Marcellus loses his footing: in what sense can any idea of personality attach to a merely potential existence? Again, if it was only in the \u1f10\u03bd\u03ad\u03c1\u03b3\u03b5\u03b9\u03b1 \u03b4\u03c1\u03b1\u03c3\u03c4\u03b9\u03ba\u1f74 that the personality of the Word was realised, and this only reached its fulness in the Incarnation of Christ, was the transition difficult to the plain assertion that the personality of the Son, or of the Word, originated with the Incarnation? But if this were not so, and if the Person of the Word was to recede at the consummation of all things into the Unity of the Godhead, what was to become of the Nature He had assumed? That it too could merge into a potential existence within the Godhead was of course impossible; what then was its destiny? The answer of Marcellus was simple: he did not know (Zahn, 179); for Scripture taught nothing beyond 1 Cor. xv. 28.\nWe now perceive the subtle difference between Marcellus and Athanasius. Neither of them could formulate the idea of Personality in the Holy Trinity. But Athanasius, apparently on the basis of a more thorough intelligence of Scripture (for Marcellus, though a devout, was a partial and somewhat ignorant biblical theologian), felt what Marcellus did not, the steady inherent personal distinctness of the Father and the Son. Accordingly, while Athanasius laid down and adhered to the doctrine of eternal \u03b3\u03ad\u03bd\u03bd\u03b7\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2, Marcellus involved himself in the mystical and confused idea of a divine \u03c0\u03bb\u03b1\u03c4\u03c5\u03c3\u03bc\u1f78\u03c2 and \u03c3\u03c5\u03c3\u03c4\u03bf\u03bb\u03ae. Moreover, while Athanasius was clearsighted in his apprehension of the problem of the day, Marcellus was after all merely conservative: he went behind the conservatism of the Origenists,\u2014behind even that of the West, where Tertullian had left a sharper sense of personal distinction in the Godhead,\u2014to an archaic conservatism akin to the \u2018naive modalism\u2019 of the early Church; upon this he engrafted reflexion, in part that of the old Asiatic theology, in part his own. As the result, his faith was such as Athanasius could not but recognise as sincere; but in his attempt to give it theological expression he split upon the rocks of Personality, of Eschatology, of the divine immutability. His theology was an honest and interesting but mistaken attempt to grapple with a problem before he understood another which lay at its base. In doing so he exposed himself justly to attack; but we may with Athanasius, while acknowledging this, retain a kindly sympathy for this veteran ally of many confessors and sturdy opponent of the alliance between science and theology.\nThe feeling against Marcellus might have been less strong, at any rate it would have had less show of reason, but for the fact that he was the teacher of Photinus. This person became bishop of Sirmium between 330 and 340, gave great offence by his teaching, and was deposed by the Arian party ineffectually in 347, finally in 351. After his expulsion he occupied himself with writing books in Greek and in Latin, including a work \u2018against all heresies,\u2019 in which he expounded his own (Socr. ii. 30). None of his works have survived, and our information is very scanty (Zahn, Marc. 189\u2013196 is the best account), but he seems to have solved the central difficulty of Marcellus by placing the seat of the Personality of Christ in His Human Soul. How much of the system of his master he retained is uncertain, but the result was in substance pure Unitarianism. It is instructive to observe that even Photinus was passively supported for a time by the Nicenes. He was apparently (Hil. Fr. ii. 19, sqq.) condemned at a council at Milan in 345, but not at Rome till 380. Athanasius (pp. 444\u2013447) abstains from mentioning his name although he refutes his opinions; once only he mentions him as a heretic, and with apparent reluctance (c. Apoll. ii. 19, \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03bb\u03b5\u03b3\u03bf\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03c5 \u03c6\u03c9\u03c4\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03bf\u1fe6). The first 41 condemnation of him on the Nicene side in the East is by Paulinus of Antioch in 362 (p. 486). On the other hand the Eusebians eagerly caught at so irresistible a weapon. Again and again they hurled anathemas at Photinus, at first simply identifying him with Marcellus, but afterwards with full appreciation of his position. And even to the last the new Nicene party in Asia were aggrieved at the refusal of the old Nicenes at Alexandria and Rome to anathematise the master of such a heretic. Photinus was the scandal of Marcellus, Marcellus of the Council of Nic\u00e6a.\n. p. 123) is very delicate: both ideas are covered by \u2018Dasein\u2019. The two forms of Monarchianism are related exactly as the Catholic doctrine of the Trinity is to the Nestorian.\nxxiv:15\n. p. 608), and Cleomenes. Praxeas arrived in Rome under Victor (or earlier, Harnack, p. 610), and combined strong opposition to Montanism, with equally strong modalism in his theology. In both respects his influence told upon the heads of the Church. Montanism was expelled, Modalism tolerated, Theodotus excommunicated; \u2018Duo negotia diaboli Praxeas Rom\u00e6 procuravit: prophetiam expulit et h\u00e6resin intulit: Paracletum fugavit et Patrem crucifixit\u2019. (Tert.) \u2018Praxeas h\u00e6resin introduxit quam Victor[inus] (perhaps a confusion with Zephyrinus) corroborare curavit\u2019 (\u2018Tertullian\u2019 adv. H\u00e6r.)\nxxiv:16\nThis point is still in debate. Against it, see Lightfoot, S. Clement of Rome (ed. 1890), for it, D\u00f6llinger Hipp. and Call., and Neumann, Der R\u00f6m. Staat u. d. Allg. Kirche (Leipz. 1890).\nxxv:17\nBut only at Aquileia was the rule of faith adapted by the insertion of impassibilis.\nxxvi:18\nSee Newman\u2019s note Ar. p. 186, where the additions in brackets seriously modify his statement in the text. Also cf. infr. ch. iv. \u00a73, and Bigg, p. 179, note 2.\nxxvi:19\nCels. iii. 34, cf. Alexander\u2019s \u03bc\u03b5\u03c3\u03b9\u03c4\u03b5\u03cd\u03bf\u03c5\u03c3\u03b1 \u03c6\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2 \u03bc\u03bf\u03bd\u03bf\u03b3\u03b5\u03bd\u03ae\u03c2. But observe that the passage insisted on by Shedd, 294, \u1f15\u03c4\u03b5\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2 \u03ba\u03b1\u03c4\u1fbd \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1\u03bd \u03ba\u03b1\u1f76 \u1f51\u03c0\u03bf\u03ba\u03b5\u03b9\u03bc\u03ad\u03bd\u03bf\u03bd \u1f41 \u03c5\u1f31& 232\u00b7\u03c2 \u03c4\u03bf\u1fe6 \u03c0\u03b1\u03c4\u03c1\u03cc\u03c2, does not bear the sense he extracts from it. \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 here is not \u2018essence\u2019 but \u2018hypostasis\u2019.\nxxvi:20\nThe formula \u03ba\u03c4\u03af\u03c3\u03bc\u03b1 \u1f41 \u03c5\u1f31& 231\u00b7\u03c2 is ascribed to Origen by the anti-Chalcedonists of the sixth century, but is probably a \u2018consequenz-macherei\u2019 from the above; see Caspari Alte u. N. Quellen, p. 60, note. But \u03ba\u03c4\u03af\u03c3\u03bc\u03b1 was sometimes applied to the Son in a vague sense, on the ground of Prov. viii. 22, a text not used in this way by Origen.\nxxvi:21\nCompare the strong Origenist rejection of Chiliasm, the spiritualism of Origen as contrasted with the realism of Asia Minor, the Asiatic origin of Roman Monarchianism, of Montanism.\nxxvii:22\nThe position of Eusebius of C\u00e6sarea is at the \u2018extreme left\u2019 of the Origenist body. (\u2018A reflex of the unsolved problems of the Church of that time,\u2019 Dorner.) It is as though Dionysius instead of withdrawing and modifying his incriminated statements, had involved them in a haze of explanations and biblical phrases which left them where they were. But this is not so much Arianism as confusion. \u2018All is hollow and empty, precarious and ambiguous. With a vast apparatus of biblical expressions and the use of every possible formula, Monotheism is indeed maintained, but practically a created subordinate God is inserted between God and mankind\u2019 (Harnack, p. 648). See also Dorner, Lehre der Pers. Chr. Pt. 1, pp. 793\u2013798. The language quoted by Ath. below, p. 459, was doubtless meant by Eusebius in an Origenist sense.\nxxvii:23\nThe theological genesis of Paul\u2019s system is obscure. The theory of Newman that he was under strong Jewish influences is largely based upon the late and apparently quite erroneous tradition that his patroness Zenobia was a Jewess; see p. 296, note 9a, and Gwatkin, p. 57, and note 3. Harnack regards him as the representative of \u2018archaic\u2019 East-Syrian adoptionism such as pervades the \u2018Discussion of Archelaus with Manes;\u2019 see Routh, Rell. v. especially pp. 178\u2013184. But Paul would not have spoken of Mary as \u2018Dei Genetrix,\u2019 p. 128; I cannot see more in these \u2018Acta\u2019 than a naive adoptionism homologous to the \u2018naive modalism\u2019 of much early Christian language, but like it not representative of the entire view of those who use it; we must also note that the statements of \u2018Archelaus\u2019 are coloured by reaction against the docetism of \u2018Manes;\u2019 but Paul may well have taken up this naive adoptionism, and, by strict Aristotelian logic, developed it as the exclusive basis of his system. Whether Paul\u2019s use of the idea of the Logos betrays the faintest influence of Origen is to me, at least, extremely uncertain.\nxxviii:24\n\u1f00\u03c0\u03bf\u03c3\u03c5\u03bd\u03ac\u03b3\u03c9\u03b3\u03bf\u03c2 \u1f14\u03bc\u03b5\u03b9\u03bd\u03b5\u03bd, Alex. Alexand. in Thdt.; the objections of Gwatkin, p. 18, note, are generously meant rather than convincing: the \u2018creed of Lucian\u2019 is not usable without discrimination for Lucian\u2019s position: see discussion by Caspari A.u.N.Q. p. 42, note.\nxxviii:25\n. 598, ii. 183 sqq. must, I think, convince any open mind of the fact. Consult his article on Lucian in Herzog2. viii. 767 (the best investigation), also Neander H. E. ii. 198, iv. 108; M\u00f6ller K.G. i. 226, D.C.B. iii. 748; K\u00f6lling, vol. 1, pp. 27\u201331, who makes the mistake of taking the \u2018Lucianic creed\u2019 as his point of departure.\nxxviii:26\nThis is ascribed to Lucian by Epiph. Ancor. 33, and there is no reason whatever to doubt it. The tenet was part of the Arian system from the first, and was attacked already by Eustathius, Fragm. apud Thdt. Dial. iii., but often overlooked, e.g. even by Athanasius in his writings before 362, but see p. 352, note 5. It came to the front in the system of Eunomius, and was much discussed in the last decade of the life of S. Athan. The system of Apollinaris was different. (See pp. 570, note 1, 575, note 1.)\nxxviii:27\n\u1f00\u03c0\u03b1\u03c1\u03ac\u03bb\u03bb\u03b1\u03ba\u03c4\u03bf\u03bd \u03b5\u1f30\u03ba\u03cc\u03bd\u03b1, which an Arian would be prepared to admit as the result of the \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03ae. (See below, \u00a76, on the Creeds of 341). I cannot regard Asterius as a \u2018semi-Arian;\u2019 the only grounds for it are the above phrase and the statement (Lib. Syn.) that he attended the Council of 341 with the Conservative Dianius. But Asterius was as ready to compromise with conservatism as he had formerly been with heathenism, and his anxiety for a bishopric would carry him to even greater lengths in order to attend a council under influential patronage.\nxxviii:28\nThe letter of Alexander to his namesake of Byzantium in Thdt. i. 4, cannot be exempted from this generalisation.\nxxix:29\nThey appear to have comprised the Arian appeal to Scripture of which (considering the Biblical learning of Lucian and what we hear of the training of Aetius, to say nothing of the exegetical chair held by Arius at Alxa.) their use must be pronounced meagre and superficial. In the O.T. they harped upon three texts, Deut. vi. 4 (Monotheism), Ps. xlv. 8 (Adoptionism), and Prov. viii. 22, LXX. (the Word a Creature). In the N.T. they appeal for Monotheism (in their sense) to Luke xviii. 19, John xvii. 3; The Son a Creature, Acts 2:36, 1 Cor. i. 24, Col. i. 15, Heb. iii. 2; Adoptionism, Matt. xii. 28; \u03c0\u03c1\u03bf\u03ba\u03bf\u03c0\u03ae, Luke 2:52, Matt. 26:41, Phil. 2:6, Heb. 1:4Luke ii. 52; also Matt. xxvi. 41, Phil. ii. 6, sq., Heb. i. 4; The Son \u03c4\u03c1\u03b5\u03c0\u03c4\u1f78\u03c2, &c., Mark xiii. 32, John xiii. 31, xi. 34; inferior to the Father, John 14:48, Matt. 27:46, Matt. 11:27, Matt. 26:39, Matt. 28:18, John 12:27, 1 Cor. 15:28John xiv. 48, Matt. xxvii. 46, also xi. 27 a, xxvi. 39, xxviii. 18, John xii. 27, and 1 Cor. xv. 28 (cf. pp. 407, sq.). In this respect Origen is immeasurably superior.\nxxix:30\nThey are regarded by Athan., a generation after they were written, as the representative statement of \u2018the case\u2019 for Arianism (pp. 459 sq.; 324 sqq., 361, 363, 368, &c., from which passages and Eus. c. Marcell. a fragmentary restoration might be attempted). For what is known of his history (not in D.C.B.) see Gwatkin, p. 72, note; for his doctrinal position see above, p. xxviii.\nxxix:31\nA theology which aims at consistency must borrow a method, a philosophy, from outside the sphere of religion. The most developed system of Catholic theology, that of S. Thomas Aquinas, borrows its method from the same source as did Arius,\u2014Aristotle.\nxxx:32\nThis illustrates the famous paradox of Cardinal Newman (Development, ed. 1878, pp. 142\u20134), that the condemnation of Arian Christology left vacant a throne in heaven which the medieval Church legitimately filled with the Blessed Virgin; that the Nicene condemnation of the Arian theology is the vindication of the medieval; that \u2018the votaries of Mary do not exceed the true faith, unless the blasphemers of her Son come up to it.\u2019 But the question here was one of worship, not of theology. The Arians worshipped Christ, whom they regarded as a created being: therefore, the Nicene fathers urge with one consent, they were idolaters. The idea of a created being capable of being worshipped was an Arian legacy to the Church, no doubt. But this very idea, to Athanasius and Hilary, marked them out as idolaters. It was reserved for later times \u2018to find a subject for an Arian predicate\u2019 (Mozley). The argument is an astonishing admission.\nxxx:33\n, pp. 185 to 193, and his notes and excursus embodied in this volume, especially that appended to Epist. Euseb. p. 77; Zahn\u2019s Marcellus, pp. 11\u201327 (also p. 87), perhaps the best modern discussion; Harnack ii. pp. 228\u2013230, and note 3; Loofs \u00a7\u00a732\u201334; Shedd i. 362\u2013372; and the Introduction to the Tomus and ad Afros in this volume pp. 482, 488. The use of \u03bf\u1f50\u03c3\u03af\u03b1 in Aristotle is tabulated by Bonitz in the fifth volume (index) to the Berlin edition: its use in Plato is less frequent and less technical, but see the brief account in Liddell and Scott.\nxxxii:34\nGregory Thaumaturgus was the great Origenist influence in northern Asia Minor: the Cappadocian fathers were also influenced in the direction of the \u1f41\u03bc\u03bf\u03bf\u03cd\u03c3\u03b9\u03bf\u03bd by Apollinarius: see the correspondence between Basil and the latter, Bas. Epp. 8, 9, edited by Dr\u00e4seke in Ztschr. f\u00fcr K.G. viii. 85 sqq. Apollinarius was of course equally opposed to Arianism and to Origen: see also p. 449 sq.\nxxxiv:35\nThey were probably not yet bishops at this time, as they were young bishops at Tyre in 335; evidently they are \u2018the fairest of God\u2019s youthful flock\u2019 (!) alluded to in Eus. V. C. iv. 43.\nxxxiv:36\nAt the same time Arius himself and all his fellow Lucianists (unlike the obscure Secundus and Theonas, and the later generation of Eunomians) are open to the charge of subserviency at a pinch.\nxxxv:37\nAlexander of Thessalonica had been at Nic\u00e6a, Dianius of C\u00e6s. Capp. had not. The two are typical of the better sort of conservatives.\nxxxv:38\nFor Asia besides Marcellus we have only Diodorus of Tenedos, not at Nic\u00e6a, but expelled soon after 330, p. 271; signs at Sardica, p. 147, banished again p. 276, not in D.C.B.; for Syria the names p. 271, cf. p. 256.\nxxxv:39\nAlways an important factor in the stability of the Byzantine throne, see, on Justinian, D.C.B. iii. 545a, sub fin. Newman, Arians, Appendix v., brings no conclusive proof of strong Nicene feeling among the masses of the laity in this region. But \u2018the people\u2019 in Galatia, according to Basil, remained devoted to Marcellus.\nxxxvi:40\nAt the same time he adopts a certain reserve in speaking of Marcellus, and his name is absent from the roll of the orthodox, p. 227.\nxxxvi:41\nBut he is condemned by name in the alleged Coptic Acts of the Council of 362; moreover Eustathius appears to have written against him, see Cowper, Syr. Misc. 60.","title":"Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Ser. II, Vol. IV: Prolegomena.: Section 3 (2)","type":"page"}