{"collection":"Paganism & Neopaganism","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/browse/pag/lanning.htm","path":"pag/lanning.htm","source_url":"https://sacred-texts.com/pag/lanning.htm","text":"INVESTIGATOR'S GUIDE TO ALLEGATIONS OF \"RITUAL\" CHILD ABUSE\nJanuary 1992\nKenneth V. Lanning\nSupervisory Special Agent\nBehavioral Science Unit\nNational Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime\nFederal Bureau of Investigation\nFBI Academy\nQuantico, Virginia 22135\nTABLE OF CONTENTS\n1. Introduction.\n2. Historical Overview.\n-- a. \"Stranger Danger\".\n-- b. Intrafamilial Child Sexual Abuse.\n-- c. Return to \"Stranger Danger\".\n-- d. The Acquaintance Molester.\n-- e. Satanism: A New Form of \"Stranger Danger\".\n3. Law Enforcement Training.\n4. Definitions.\n-- a. What is Ritual?\n-- b. What is \"Ritual\" Child Abuse?\n-- c. What Makes a Crime Satanic, Occult, or Ritualistic?\n5. Multidimensional Child Sex Rings.\n-- a. Dynamics of Cases.\n---- (1) Multiple Young Victims.\n---- (2) Multiple Offenders.\n---- (3) Fear as a Controlling Tactic.\n---- (4) Bizarre or Ritualistic Activity.\n-- b. Characteristics of Multidimensional Child Sex Rings.\n---- (1) Female Offenders.\n---- (2) Situational Molesters.\n---- (3) Male and Female Victims.\n---- (4) Multidimensional Motivation.\n---- (5) Pornography and Paraphernalia.\n---- (6) Control through Fear.\n-- c. Scenarios.\n---- (1) Adult Survivors.\n---- (2) Day Care Cases.\n---- (3) Family/Isolated Neighborhood Cases.\n---- (4) Custody/Visitation Disputes.\n-- d. Why Are Victims Alleging Things that Do Not Seem to be True?\n6. Alternative Explanations.\n-- a. Pathological Distortion.\n-- b. Traumatic Memory.\n-- c. Normal Childhood Fears and Fantasy.\n-- d. Misperception, Confusion, and Trickery.\n-- e. Overzealous Intervenors.\n-- f. Urban Legends.\n-- g. Combination.\n7. Do Victims Lie About Sexual Abuse and Exploitation?\n-- a. Personal Knowledge.\n-- b. Other Children or Victims.\n-- c. Media.\n-- d. Suggestions and Leading Questions.\n-- e. Misperception and Confusion.\n-- f. Education and Awareness Programs.\n8. Law Enforcement Perspective.\n9. Investigating Multidimensional Child Sex Rings.\n-- a. Minimize Satanic/Occult Aspect.\n-- b. Keep Investigation and Religious Beliefs Separate.\n-- c. Listen to the Victims.\n-- d. Assess and Evaluate Victim Statements.\n-- e. Evaluate Contagion.\n-- f. Establish Communication with Parents.\n-- g. Develop a Contingency Plan.\n-- h. Multidisciplinary Task Forces.\n-- i. Summary.\n10. Conclusion.\n11. References.\n12. Suggested Reading.\n1. INTRODUCTION\nSince 1981 I have been assigned to the Behavioral Science Unit at\nthe FBI Academy in Quantico, Virginia, and have specialized in\nstudying all aspects of the sexual victimization of children. The\nFBI Behavioral Science Unit provides assistance to criminal justice\nprofessionals in the United States and foreign countries. It\nattempts to develop practical applications of the behavioral\nsciences to the criminal justice system. As a result of training and\nresearch conducted by the Unit and its successes in analyzing\nviolent crime, many professionals contact the Behavioral Science\nUnit for assistance and guidance in dealing with violent crime,\nespecially those cases considered different, unusual, or bizarre.\nThis service is provided at no cost and is not limited to crimes\nunder the investigative jurisdiction of the FBI.\nIn 1983 and 1984, when I first began to hear stories of what sounded\nlike satanic or occult activity in connection with allegations of\nsexual victimization of children (allegations that have come to be\nreferred to most often as \"ritual\" child abuse), I tended to believe\nthem. I had been dealing with bizarre, deviant behavior for many\nyears and had long since realized that almost anything is possible.\nJust when you think that you have heard it all, along comes another\nstrange case. The idea that there are a few cunning, secretive\nindividuals in positions of power somewhere in this country\nregularly killing a few people as part of some satanic ritual or\nceremony and getting away with it is certainly within the realm of\npossibility. But the number of alleged cases began to grow and grow.\nWe now have hundreds of victims alleging that thousands of offenders\nare abusing and even murdering tens of thousands of people as part\nof organized satanic cults, and there is little or no corroborative\nevidence. The very reason many \"experts\" cite for believing these\nallegations (i.e. many victims, who never met each other, reporting\nthe same events), is the primary reason I began to question at least\nsome aspects of these allegations.\nI have devoted more than seven years part-time, and eleven years\nfull-time, of my professional life to researching, training, and\nconsulting in the area of the sexual victimization of children. The\nissues of child sexual abuse and exploitation are a big part of my\nprofessional life's work. I have no reason to deny their existence\nor nature. In fact I have done everything I can to make people more\naware of the problem Some have even blamed me for helping to create\nthe hysteria that has led to these bizarre allegations. I can accept\nno outside income and am paid the same salary by the FBI whether or\nnot children are abused and exploited - and whether the number is\none or one million. As someone deeply concerned about and\nprofessionally committed to the issue, I did not lightly question\nthe allegations of hundreds of victims child sexual abuse and\nexploitation.\nIn response to accusations by a few that I am a \"satanist\" who has\ninfiltrated the FBI to facilitate cover-up, how does anyone (or\nshould anyone have to) disprove such allegations? Although reluctant\nto dignify such absurd accusations with a reply, all I can say to\nthose who have made such allegations that they are wrong and to\nthose who heard such allegations is to carefully consider the\nsource.\nThe reason I have taken the position I have is not because I support\nor believe in \"satanism\", but because I sincerely believe that my\napproach is the proper and most effective investigative strategy. I\nbelieve that my approach is in the best interest of victims of child\nsexual abuse. It would have been easy to sit back, as many have, and\nsay nothing publicly about this controversy. I have spoken out and\npublished on this issue because I am concerned about the credibility\nof the child sexual abuse issue and outraged that, in some cases,\nindividuals are getting away with molesting children because we\ncan't prove they are satanic devil worshippers who engage in\nbrainwashing, human sacrifice, and cannibalism as part of a large\nconspiracy.\nThere are many valid perspectives from which to assess and evaluate\nvictim allegations of sex abuse and exploitation. Parents may choose\nto believe simply because their children make the claims. The level\nof proof necessary may be minimal because the consequences of\nbelieving are within the family. One parent correctly told me, \"I\nbelieve what my child needs me to believe.\"\nTherapists may choose to believe simply because their professional\nassessment is that their patient believes the victimization and\ndescribes it so vividly. The level of proof necessary may be no more\nthan therapeutic evaluation because the consequences are between\ntherapist and patient. No independent corroboration may be required.\nA social worker must have more real, tangible evidence of abuse in\norder to take protective action and initiate legal proceedings. The\nlevel of proof necessary must be higher because the consequences\n(denial of visitation, foster care) are greater.\nThe law enforcement officer deals with the criminal justice system.\nThe levels of proof necessary are reasonable suspicion, probable\ncause, and beyond a reasonable doubt because the consequences\n(criminal investigation, search and seizure, arrest, incarceration)\nare so great. This discussion will focus primarily on the criminal\njustice system and the law enforcement perspective. The level of\nproof necessary for taking action on allegations of criminal acts\nmust be more than simply the victim alleged it and it is possible.\nThis in no way denies the validity and importance of the parental,\ntherapeutic, social welfare, or any other perspective of these\nallegations.\nWhen, however, therapists and other professionals begin to conduct\ntraining, publish articles, and communicate through the media, the\nconsequences become greater, and therefore the level of proof must\nbe greater. The amount of corroboration necessary to act upon\nallegations of abuse is dependent upon the consequences of such\naction. We need to be concerned about the distribution and\npublication of unsubstantiated allegations of bizarre sexual abuse.\nInformation needs to be disseminated to encourage communication and\nresearch about the phenomena. The risks, however, of intervenor and\nvictim \"contagion\" and public hysteria are potential negative\naspects of such dissemination. Because of the highly emotional and\nreligious nature of this topic, there is a greater possibility that\nthe spreading of information will result in a kind of self-\nfulfilling prophesy.\nIf such extreme allegations are going to be disseminated to the\ngeneral public, they must be presented in the context of being\nassessed and evaluated, at least, from the professional perspective\nof the disseminator and, at best, also from the professional\nperspective of relevant others. This is what I will attempt to do in\nthis discussion. The assessment and evaluation of such allegations\nare areas where law enforcement, mental health, and other\nprofessionals (anthropologists, folklorists, sociologists,\nhistorians, engineers, surgeons, etc.) may be of some assistance to\neach other in validating these cases individually and in general.\n2. HISTORICAL OVERVIEW\nIn order to attempt to deal with extreme allegations of what\nconstitute child sex rings, it is important to have an historical\nperspective of society's attitudes about child sexual abuse. I will\nprovide a brief synopsis of recent attitudes in the United States\nhere, but those desiring more detailed information about such\nsocietal attitudes, particularly in other cultures and in the more\ndistant past, should refer to Florence Rush's book _The Best Kept\nSecret: Sexual Abuse of Children_ (1980) and Sander J. Breiner's\nbook _Slaughter of the Innocents_ (1990).\nSociety's attitude about child sexual abuse and exploitation can be\nsummed up in one word: *denial*. Most people do not want to hear\nabout it and would prefer to pretend that child sexual victimization\njust does not occur. Today, however, it is difficult to pretend that\nit does not happen. Stories and reports about child sexual\nvictimization are daily occurrences.\nIt is important for professionals dealing with child sexual abuse to\nrecognize and learn to manage this denial of a serious problem.\nProfessionals must overcome the denial and encourage society to deal\nwith, report, and prevent sexual victimization of children.\nSome professionals, however, in their zeal to make American society\nmore aware of this victimization, tend to exaggerate the problem.\nPresentations and literature with poorly documented or misleading\nclaims about one in three children being sexually molested, the $5\nbillion child pornography industry, child slavery rings, and 50,000\nstranger-abducted children are not uncommon. The problem is bad\nenough; it is not necessary to exaggerate it. Professionals should\ncite reputable and scientific studies and note the sources of\ninformation. If they do not, when the exaggerations and distortions\nare discovered, their credibility and the credibility of the issue\nare lost.\n-- a. \"STRANGER DANGER\".\nDuring the 1950s and 1960s the primary focus in the literature and\ndiscussions on sexual abuse of children was on \"stranger danger\" -\nthe dirty old man in the wrinkled raincoat. If one could not deny\nthe existence of child sexual abuse, one described victimization in\nsimplistic terms of good and evil. The \"stranger danger\" approach to\npreventing child sexual abuse is clear-cut. We immediately know who\nthe good guys and bad guys are and what they look like.\nThe FBI distributed a poster that epitomized this attitude. It\nshowed a man, with his hat pulled down, hiding behind a tree with a\nbag of candy in his hands. He was waiting for a sweet little girl\nwalking home from school alone. At the top it read: \"Boys and Girls,\ncolor the page, memorize the rules.\" At the bottom it read: \"For\nyour protection, remember to turn down gifts from strangers, and\nrefuse rides offered by strangers.\" The poster clearly contrasts the\nevil of the offender with the goodness of the child victim.\nThe myth of the child molester as the dirty old man in the wrinkled\nraincoat is now being reevaluated, based on what we now know about\nthe kinds of people who victimize children. The fact is a child\nmolester can look like anyone else and even be someone we know and\nlike.\nThere is another myth that is still with us and is far less likely\nto be discussed. This is the myth of the child victim as a\ncompletely innocent little girl walking down the street minding her\nown business. It may be more important to dispel this myth than the\nmyth of the evil offender, especially when talking about the sexual\nexploitation of children and child sex rings. Child victims can be\nboys as well as girls, and not all victims are little \"angels\".\nSociety seems to have a problem dealing with any sexual abuse case\nin which the offender is not completely \"bad\" or the victim is not\ncompletely \"good\". Child victims who, for example, simply behave\nlike human beings and respond to the attention and affection of\noffenders by voluntarily and repeatedly returning to the offender's\nhome are troubling. It confuses us to see the victims in child\npornography giggling or laughing. At professional conferences on\nchild sexual abuse, child prostitution is almost never discussed. It\nis the form of sexual victimization of children most unlike the\nstereotype of the innocent girl victim. Child prostitutes, by\ndefinition, participate in and often initiate their victimization.\nFurthermore child prostitutes and the participants in child sex\nrings are frequently boys. One therapist recently told me that a\nresearcher's data on child molestation were misleading because many\nof the child victims in question were child prostitutes. This\nimplies that child prostitutes are not \"real\" child victims. In a\nsurvey by the _Los Angeles Times_, only 37 percent of those\nresponding thought that child prostitution constituted child sexual\nabuse (Timnik, 1985). Whether or not it seems fair, when adults and\nchildren have sex, the child is always the victim.\n-- b. INTRAFAMILIAL CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE.\nDuring the 1970s, primarily as a result of the women's movement,\nsociety began to learn more about the sexual victimization of\nchildren. We began to realize that most children are sexually\nmolested by someone they know who is usually a relative - a father,\nstep-father, uncle, grandfather, older brother, or even a female\nrelative. Some mitigate the difficulty of accepting this by adopting\nthe view that only members of socio-economic groups other than\ntheirs engage in such behavior.\nIt quickly became apparent that warnings about not taking gifts from\nstrangers were not good enough to prevent child sexual abuse.\nConsequently, we began to develop prevention programs based on more\ncomplex concepts, such as good touching and bad touching. the\n\"yucky\" feeling, and the child's right to say no. These are not the\nkinds of things you can easily and effectively communicate in fifty\nminutes to hundreds of kids packed into a school auditorium. These\nare very difficult issues, and programs must he carefully developed\nand evaluated.\nIn the late 1970s child sexual abuse became almost synonymous with\nincest, and incest meant father-daughter sexual relations.\nTherefore, the focus of child sexual abuse intervention became\nfather-daughter incest. Even today, the vast majority of training\nmaterials, articles, and books on this topic refer to child sexual\nabuse only in terms of intrafamilial father-daughter incest.\nIncest is, in fact, sexual relations between individuals of any age\ntoo closely related to marry. It need not necessarily involve an\nadult and a child, and it goes beyond child sexual abuse. But more\nimportantly child sexual abuse goes beyond father-daughter incest.\nIntrafamilial incest between an adult and child may be the most\ncommon form of child sexual abuse, but it is not the only form.\nThe progress of the 1970s in recognizing that child sexual abuse was\nnot simply a result of \"stranger danger\" was an important\nbreakthrough in dealing with society's denial. The battle, however,\nis not over. The persistent voice of society luring us back to the\nmore simple concept of \"stranger danger\" may never go away. It is\nthe voice of denial.\n-- c. RETURN TO \"STRANGER DANGER\".\nIn the early 1980s the issue of missing children rose to prominence\nand was focused primarily on the stranger abduction of little\nchildren. Runaways, throwaways, noncustodial abductions, nonfamily\nabductions of teenagers - all major problems within the missing\nchildren's issue - were almost forgotten. People no longer wanted to\nhear about good touching and bad touching and the child's right to\nsay \"no\". They wanted to be told, in thirty minutes or less, how\nthey could protect their children from abduction by strangers. We\nwere back to the horrible but simple and clear-cut concept of\n\"stranger danger\".\nIn the emotional zeal over the problem of missing children, isolated\nhorror stories and distorted numbers were sometimes used. The\nAmerican public was led to believe that most of the missing children\nhad been kidnapped by pedophiles - a new term for child molesters.\nThe media, profiteers, and well-intentioned zealots all played big\nroles in this hype and hysteria over missing children.\n-- d. THE ACQUAINTANCE MOLESTER.\nOnly recently has society begun to deal openly with a critical piece\nin the puzzle of child sexual abuse - acquaintance molestation. This\nseems to be the most difficult aspect of the problem for us to face.\nPeople seem more willing to accept a father or stepfather,\nparticularly one from another socio-economic group, as a child\nmolester than a parish priest, a next-door neighbor, a police\nofficer, a pediatrician, an FBI agent, or a Scout leader. The\nacquaintance molester, by definition, is one of us. These kinds of\nmolesters have always existed, but our society has not been willing\nto accept that fact.\nSadly, one of the main reasons that the criminal justice system and\nthe public were forced to confront the problem of acquaintance\nmolestation was the preponderance of lawsuits arising from the\nnegligence of many institutions.\nOne of the unfortunate outcomes of society's preference for the\n\"stranger danger\" concept is what I call \"say no, yell, and tell\"\nguilt. This is the result of prevention programs that tell potential\nchild victims to avoid sexual abuse by saying no, yelling, and\ntelling. This might work with the stranger hiding behind a tree.\nAdolescent boys seduced by a Scout leader or children who actively\nparticipate in their victimization often feel guilty and blame\nthemselves because they did not do what they were \"supposed\" to do.\nThey may feel a need to describe their victimization in more\nsocially acceptable but sometimes inaccurate ways that relieve them\nof this guilt.\nWhile American society has become increasingly more aware of the\nproblem of the acquaintance molester and related problems such as\nchild pornography, the voice calling us back to \"stranger danger\"\nstill persists.\n-- e. SATANISM: A NEW FORM OF \"STRANGER DANGER\".\nIn today's version of \"stranger danger\", it is the satanic devil\nworshipers who are snatching and victimizing the children. Many who\nwarned us in the early 1980s about pedophiles snatching fifty\nthousand kids a year now contend they were wrong only about who was\ndoing the kidnapping, not about the number abducted. This is again\nthe desire for the simple and clear-cut explanation for a complex\nproblem.\nFor those who know anything about criminology, one of the oldest\ntheories of crime is demonology: The devil makes you do it. This\nmakes it even easier to deal with the child molester who is the\n\"pillar of the community\". It is not his fault; it is not our fault.\nThere is no way we could have known; the devil made him do it. This\nexplanation has tremendous appeal because, like \"stranger danger\",\nit presents the clear-cut, black-and-white struggle between good and\nevil as the explanation for child abduction, exploitation, and\nabuse.\nIn regard to satanic \"ritual\" abuse, today we may not be where we\nwere with incest in the 1960s, but where we were with missing\nchildren in the early 1980s. The best data now available (the 1990\n_National Incidence Studies on Missing, Abducted, Runaway, and\nThrownaway Children in America_) estimate the number of\nstereotypical child abductions at between 200 and 300 a year, and\nthe number of stranger abduction homicides of children at between 43\nand 147 a year. Approximately half of the abducted children are\nteenagers. Today's facts are significantly different from\nyesterday's perceptions, and those who exaggerated the problem,\nhowever well-intentioned, have lost credibility and damaged the\nreality of the problem.\n3. LAW ENFORCEMENT TRAINING\nThe belief that there is a connection between satanism and crime is\ncertainly not new. As previously stated, one of the oldest theories\nconcerning the causes of crime is demonology. Fear of satanic or\noccult activity has peaked from time to time throughout history.\nConcern in the late 1970s focused primarily on \"unexplained\" deaths\nand mutilations of animals, and in recent years has focused on child\nsexual abuse and the alleged human sacrifice of missing children. In\n1999 it will probably focus on the impending \"end of the world\".\nToday satanism and a wide variety of other terms are used\ninterchangeably in reference to certain crimes. This discussion will\nanalyze the nature of \"satanic, occult, ritualistic\" crime primarily\nas it pertains to the abuse of children and focus on appropriate\n*law enforcement* responses to it.\nRecently a flood of law enforcement seminars and conferences have\ndealt with satanic and ritualistic crime. These training conferences\nhave various titles, such as \"Occult in Crime\", \"Satanic Cults\",\n'Ritualistic Crime Seminar\", \"Satanic Influences in Homicide\",\n\"Occult Crimes, Satanism and Teen Suicide\", and \"Ritualistic Abuse\nof Children\".\nThe typical conference runs from one to three days, and many of them\ninclude the same presenters and instructors. A wide variety of\ntopics are usually discussed during this training either as\nindividual presentations by different instructors or grouped\ntogether by one or more instructors. Typical topics covered include\nthe following:\n-- Historical overview of satanism, witchcraft, and paganism from\nancient to modern times.\n-- Nature and influence of fantasy role-playing games, such as\n\"Dungeons and Dragons\".\n-- Lyrics, symbolism, and influence of rock and roll, Heavy Metal,\nand Black Metal music.\n-- Teenage \"stoner\" gangs, their symbols, and their vandalism.\n-- Teenage suicide by adolescents dabbling in the occult.\n-- Crimes committed by self-styled satanic practitioners, including\ngrave and church desecrations and robberies, animal mutilations, and\neven murders.\n-- Ritualistic abuse of children as part of bizarre ceremonies and\nhuman sacrifices.\n-- Organized, Traditional, or Multigenerational satanic groups\ninvolved in organized conspiracies, such as taking over day care\ncenters, infiltrating police departments, and trafficking in human\nsacrifice victims.\n-- The \"Big Conspiracy\" theory, which implies that satanists are\nresponsible for such things as Adolph Hitler, World War II,\nabortion, illegal drugs, pornography, Watergate, and Irangate, and\nhave infiltrated the Department of Justice, the Pentagon, and the\nWhite House.\nDuring the conferences, these nine areas are linked together through\nthe liberal use of the word \"satanism\" and some common symbolism\n(pentagrams, 666, demons, etc.). The implication often is that all\nare part of a continuum of behavior, a single problem or some common\nconspiracy. The distinctions among the different areas are blurred\neven if occasionally a presenter tries to make them. The information\npresented is a mixture of fact, theory, opinion, fantasy, and\nparanoia, and because some of it can be proven or corroborated\n(symbols on rock albums, graffiti on walls, desecration of\ncemeteries, vandalism, etc.), the implication is that it is all true\nand documented. Material produced by religious organizations,\nphotocopies and slides of newspaper articles, and videotapes of\ntabloid television programs are used to supplement the training and\nare presented as \"evidence\" of the existence and nature of the\nproblem.\nAll of this is complicated by the fact that almost any discussion of\nsatanism and the occult is interpreted in the light of the religious\nbeliefs of those in the audience. Faith, not logic and reason,\ngoverns the religious beliefs of most people. As a result, some\nnormally skeptical law enforcement officers accept the information\ndisseminated at these conferences without critically evaluating it\nor questioning the sources. Officers who do not normally depend on\nchurch groups for law enforcement criminal intelligence, who know\nthat media accounts of their own cases are notoriously inaccurate,\nand who scoff at and joke about tabloid television accounts of\nbizarre behavior suddenly embrace such material when presented in\nthe context of satanic activity. Individuals not in law enforcement\nseem even more likely to do so. Other disciplines, especially\ntherapists, have also conducted training conferences on the\ncharacteristics and identification of \"ritual\" child abuse. Nothing\nsaid at such conferences will change the religious beliefs of those\nin attendance. Such conferences illustrate the highly emotional\nnature of and the ambiguity and wide variety of terms involved in\nthis issue.\n4. DEFINITIONS\nThe words \"satanic\", \"occult\", and \"ritual\" are often used\ninterchangeably. It is difficult to define \"satanism\" precisely. No\nattempt will be made to do so here However, it is important to\nrealize that, for some people, any religious belief system other\nthan their own is \"satanic\". The Ayatollah Khomeini and Saddam\nHussein referred to the United States as the \"Great Satan\". In the\nBritish Parliament a Protestant leader called the Pope the\nAntichrist. In a book titled _Prepare For War_ (1987), Rebecca\nBrown, M.D. has a chapter entitled \"Is Roman Catholicism\nWitchcraft?\" Dr. Brown also lists among the \"doorways\" to satanic\npower and/or demon infestation the following: fortune tellers,\nhoroscopes, fraternity oaths, vegetarianism, yoga, self-hypnosis,\nrelaxation tapes, acupuncture, biofeedback, fantasy role-playing\ngames, adultery, homosexuality, pornography, judo, karate, and rock\nmusic. Dr. Brown states that rock music \"was a carefully\nmasterminded plan by none other than Satan himself\" (p. 84). The\nideas expressed in this book may seem extreme and even humorous.\nThis book, however, has been recommended as a serious reference in\nlaw enforcement training material on this topic.\nIn books, lectures, handout material, and conversations, I have\nheard all of the following referred to as satanism:\n-- Church of Satan\n-- Ordo Templi Orientis\n-- Temple of Set\n-- Demonology\n-- Witchcraft\n-- Occult\n-- Paganism\n-- Santeria\n-- Voodoo\n-- Rosicrucians\n-- Freemasonry\n-- Knights Templar\n-- Stoner Gangs\n-- Heavy Metal Music\n-- Rock Music\n-- KKK\n-- Nazis\n-- Skinheads\n-- Scientology\n-- Unification Church\n-- The Way\n-- Hare Krishna\n-- Rajneesh\n-- Religious Cults\n-- New Age\n-- Astrology\n-- Channeling\n-- Transcendental Meditation\n-- Holistic Medicine\n-- Buddhism\n-- Hinduism\n-- Mormonism\n-- Islam\n-- Orthodox Church\n-- Roman Catholicism\nAt law enforcement training conferences, it is witchcraft, santeria,\npaganism, and the occult that are most often referred to as forms of\nsatanism. It may be a matter of definition, but these things are not\nnecessarily the same as traditional satanism. The worship of lunar\ngoddesses and nature and the practice of fertility rituals are not\nsatanism. Santeria is a combination of 17th century Roman\nCatholicism and African paganism.\nOccult means simply \"hidden\". All unreported or unsolved crimes\nmight be regarded as occult, but in this context the term refers to\nthe action or influence of supernatural powers, some secret\nknowledge of them, or an interest in paranormal phenomena, and does\nnot imply satanism, evil, wrongdoing, or crime. Indeed,\nhistorically, the principal crimes deserving of consideration as\n\"occult crimes\" are the frauds perpetrated by faith healers, fortune\ntellers and \"psychics\" who for a fee claim cures, arrange\nvisitations with dead loved ones, and commit other financial crimes\nagainst the gullible.\nMany individuals define satanism from a totally Christian\nperspective, using this word to describe the power of evil in the\nworld. With this definition, any crimes, especially those which are\nparticularly bizarre, repulsive, or cruel, can be viewed as satanic\nin nature. Yet it is just as difficult to precisely define satanism\nas it is to precisely define Christianity or any complex spiritual\nbelief system.\n-- a. WHAT IS RITUAL?\nThe biggest confusion is over the word \"ritual\". During training\nconferences on this topic, ritual almost always comes to mean\n\"satanic\" or at least \"spiritual\". \"Ritual\" can refer to a\nprescribed religious ceremony, but in its broader meaning refers to\nany customarily-repeated act or series of acts. The need to repeat\nthese acts can be cultural, sexual, or psychological as well as\nspiritual.\nCultural rituals could include such things as what a family eats on\nThanksgiving Day, or when and how presents are opened at Christmas.\nThe initiation ceremonies of fraternities, sororities, gangs, and\nother social clubs are other examples of cultural rituals.\nSince 1972 I have lectured about sexual ritual, which is nothing\nmore than repeatedly engaging in an act or series of acts in a\ncertain manner because of a *sexual* need. In order to become\naroused and/or gratified, a person must engage in the act in a\ncertain way. This sexual ritual can include such things as the\nphysical characteristics, age, or gender of the victim, the\nparticular sequence of acts, the bringing or taking of specific\nobjects, and the use of certain words or phrases. This is more than\nthe concept of M.O. (Method of Operation) known to most police\nofficers. M.O. is something done by an offender because it works.\nSexual ritual is something done by an offender because of a need.\nDeviant acts, such as urinating on, defecating on, or even\neviscerating a victim, are far more likely to be the result of\nsexual ritual than religious or \"satanic\" ritual.\nFrom a criminal investigative perspective, two other forms of\nritualism must be recognized. The _Diagnostic and Statistical Manual\nof Mental Disorders_ (DSM-III-R) (APA, 1987) defines \"Obsessive-\nCompulsive Disorder\" as \"repetitive, purposeful, and intentional\nbehaviors that are performed in response to an obsession, or\naccording to certain rules or in a stereotyped fashion\" (p. 247).\nSuch compulsive behavior frequently involves rituals. Although such\nbehavior usually involves noncriminal activity such as excessive\nhand washing or checking that doors are locked, occasionally\ncompulsive ritualism can be part of criminal activity. Certain\ngamblers or firesetters, for example, are thought by some\nauthorities to be motivated in part through such compulsions. Ritual\ncan also stem from psychotic hallucinations and delusions. A crime\ncan be committed in a precise manner because a voice told the\noffender to do it that way or because a divine mission required it.\nTo make this more confusing, cultural, religious, sexual, and\npsychological ritual can overlap. Some psychotic people are\npreoccupied with religious delusions and hear the voice of God or\nSatan telling them to do things of a religious nature. Offenders who\nfeel little, if any, guilt over their crimes may need little\njustification for their antisocial behavior. As human beings,\nhowever, they may have fears, concerns, and anxiety over getting\naway with their criminal acts. It is difficult to pray to God for\nsuccess in doing things that are against His Commandments. A\nnegative spiritual belief system may fulfill their human need for\nassistance from and belief in a greater power or to deal with their\nsuperstitions. Compulsive ritualism (e.g., excessive cleanliness or\nfear of disease) can be introduced into sexual behavior. Even many\n\"normal\" people have a need for order and predictability and\ntherefore may engage in family or work rituals. Under stress or in\ntimes of change, this need for order and ritual may increase.\nRitual crime may fulfill the cultural, spiritual, sexual, and\npsychological needs of an offender. Crimes may be ritualistically\nmotivated or may have ritualistic elements. The ritual behavior may\nalso fulfill basic criminal needs to manipulate victims, get rid of\nrivals, send a message to enemies, and intimidate co-conspirators.\nThe leaders of a group may want to play upon the beliefs and\nsuperstitions of those around them and try to convince accomplices\nand enemies that they, the leaders, have special or \"supernatural\"\npowers.\nThe important point for the criminal investigator is to realize that\nmost ritualistic criminal behavior is not motivated simply by\nsatanic or any religious ceremonies. At some conferences, presenters\nhave attempted to make an issue of distinguishing between \"ritual\",\n\"ritualized\", and \"ritualistic\" abuse of children. These subtle\ndistinctions, however, seem to be of no significant value to the\ncriminal investigator.\n-- c. WHAT IS \"RITUAL\" CHILD ABUSE?\nI cannot define \"ritual child abuse\" precisely and prefer not to use\nthe term. I am frequently forced to use it (as throughout this\ndiscussion) so that people will have some idea what I am discussing.\nUse of the term, however, is confusing, misleading, and\ncounterproductive. The newer term \"satanic ritual abuse\"\n(abbreviated \"SRA\") is even worse. Certain observations, however,\nare important for investigative understanding.\nMost people today use the term to refer to abuse of children that is\npart of some evil spiritual belief system, which almost by\ndefinition must be satanic.\nDr. Lawrence Pazder, coauthor of _Michelle Remembers_, defines\n\"ritualized abuse of children\" as \"repeated physical, emotional,\nmental, and spiritual assaults combined with a systematic use of\nsymbols and secret ceremonies designed to turn a child against\nitself, family, society, and God\" (presentation, Richmond, Va., May\n7,1987). He also states that \"the sexual assault has ritualistic\nmeaning and is not for sexual gratification\".\nThis definition may have value for academics, sociologists, and\ntherapists, but it creates potential problems for law enforcement.\nCertain acts engaged in with children (i.e. kissing, touching,\nappearing naked, etc.) may be criminal if performed for sexual\ngratification. If the ritualistic acts were in fact performed for\nspiritual indoctrination, potential prosecution can be jeopardized,\nparticularly if the acts can be defended as constitutionally\nprotected religious expression. The mutilation of a baby's genitals\nfor sadistic sexual pleasure is a crime. The circumcision of a\nbaby's genitals for religious reasons is most likely *not* a crime.\nThe intent of the acts is important for criminal prosecution.\nNot all spiritually motivated ritualistic activity is satanic.\nSanteria, witchcraft, voodoo, and most religious cults are not\nsatanism. In fact, most spiritually- or religiously-based abuse of\nchildren has nothing to do with satanism. Most child abuse that\ncould be termed \"ritualistic\" by various definitions is more likely\nto be physical and psychological rather than sexual in nature. If a\ndistinction needs to be made between satanic and nonsatanic child\nabuse, the indicators for that distinction must be related to\nspecific satanic symbols, artifacts, or doctrine rather than the\nmere presence of any ritualistic element.\nNot all such ritualistic activity with a child is a crime. Almost\nall parents with religious beliefs indoctrinate their children into\nthat belief system. Is male circumcision for religious reasons child\nabuse? Is the religious circumcision of females child abuse? Does\nhaving a child kneel on a hard floor reciting the rosary constitute\nchild abuse? Does having a child chant a satanic prayer or attend a\nblack mass constitute child abuse? Does a religious belief in\ncorporal punishment constitute child abuse? Does group care of\nchildren in a commune or cult constitute child abuse? Does the fact\nthat any acts in question were performed with parental permission\naffect the nature of the crime? Many ritualistic acts, whether\nsatanic or not, are simply not crimes. To open the Pandora's box of\nlabeling child abuse as \"ritualistic\" simply because it involves a\nspiritual belief system means to apply the definition to all acts by\nall spiritual belief systems. The day may come when many in the\nforefront of concern about ritual abuse will regret they opened the\nbox.\nWhen a victim describes and investigation corroborates what sounds\nlike ritualistic activity. several possibilities must be considered.\nThe ritualistic activity may be part of the excessive religiosity of\nmentally disturbed, even psychotic offenders. It may be a\nmisunderstood part of sexual ritual. The ritualistic activity may be\nincidental to any real abuse. The offender may be involved in\nritualistic activity with a child and also may be abusing a child,\nbut one may have little or nothing to do with the other.\nThe offender may be deliberately engaging in ritualistic activity\nwith a child as part of child abuse and exploitation. The\nmotivation, however, may be not to indoctrinate the child into a\nbelief system, but to lower the inhibitions of, control, manipulate,\nand/or confuse the child. In all the turmoil over this issue, it\nwould be very effective strategy for any child molester deliberately\nto introduce ritualistic elements into his crime in order to confuse\nthe child and therefore the criminal justice system. This would,\nhowever, make the activity M.O. and not ritual.\nThe ritualistic activity and the child abuse may be integral parts\nof some spiritual belief system. In that case the greatest risk is\nto the children of the practitioners. But this is true of all cults\nand religions, not just satanic cults. A high potential of abuse\nexists for any children raised in a group isolated from the\nmainstream of society, especially if the group has a charismatic\nleader whose orders are unquestioned and blindly obeyed by the\nmembers. Sex, money, and power are often the main motivations of the\nleaders of such cults.\n-- c. WHAT MAKES A CRIME SATANIC, OCCULT, OR RITUALISTIC?\nSome would answer that it is the offender's spiritual beliefs or\nmembership in a cult or church. If that is the criterion, why not\nlabel the crimes committed by Protestants, Catholics, and Jews in\nthe same way? Are the atrocities of Jim Jones in Guyana Christian\ncrimes?\nSome would answer that it is the presence of certain symbols in the\npossession or home of the perpetrator. What does it mean then to\nfind a crucifix, Bible, or rosary in the possession or home of a\nbank robber, embezzler, child molester, or murderer? If different\ncriminals possess the same symbols, are they necessarily part of one\nbig conspiracy?\nOthers would answer that it is the presence of certain symbols such\nas pentagrams, inverted crosses, and 666 at the crime scene. What\ndoes it mean then to find a cross spray painted on a wall or carved\ninto the body of a victim? What does it mean for a perpetrator, as\nin one recent case profiled by my Unit, to leave a Bible tied to his\nmurder victim? What about the possibility that an offender\ndeliberately left such symbols to make it look like a \"satanic\"\ncrime?\nSome would argue that it is the bizarreness or cruelness of the\ncrime: body mutilation, amputation, drinking of blood, eating of\nflesh, use of urine or feces. Does this mean that all individuals\ninvolved in lust murder, sadism, vampirism, cannibalism, urophilia,\nand coprophilia are satanists or occult practitioners? What does\nthis say about the bizarre crimes of psychotic killers such as Ed\nGein or Richard Trenton Chase, both of whom mutilated their victims\nas part of their psychotic delusions? Can a crime that is not\nsexually deviant, bizarre, or exceptionally violent be satanic? Can\nwhite collar crime be satanic?\nA few might even answer that it is the fact that the crime was\ncommitted on a date with satanic or occult significance (Halloween,\nMay Eve, etc.) or the fact that the perpetrator claims that Satan\ntold him to commit the crime. What does this mean for crimes\ncommitted on Thanksgiving or Christmas? What does this say about\ncrimes committed by perpetrators who claim that God or Jesus told\nthem to do it? One note of interest is the fact that in handout and\nreference material I have collected, the number of dates with\nsatanic or occult significance ranges from 8 to 110. This is\ncompounded by the fact that it is sometimes stated that satanists\ncan celebrate these holidays on several days on either side of the\nofficial date or that the birthdays of practitioners can also be\nholidays. The exact names and exact dates of the holidays and the\nmeaning of symbols listed may also vary depending on who prepared\nthe material The handout material is often distributed without\nidentifying the author or documenting the original source of the\ninformation. It is then frequently photocopied by attendees and\npassed on to other police officers with no one really knowing its\nvalidity or origin.\nMost, however, would probably answer that what makes a crime\nsatanic, occult, or ritualistic is the motivation for the crime. It\nis a crime that is spiritually motivated by a religious belief\nsystem. How then do we label the following true crimes?\n-- Parents defy a court order and send their children to an\nunlicensed Christian school.\n-- Parents refuse to send their children to any school because they\nare waiting for the second coming of Christ.\n-- Parents beat their child to death because he or she will not\nfollow their Christian belief.\n-- Parents violate child labor laws because they believe the Bible\nrequires such work.\n-- Individuals bomb an abortion clinic or kidnap the doctor because\ntheir religious belief system says abortion is murder.\n-- A child molester reads the Bible to his victims in order to\njustify his sex acts with them.\n-- Parents refuse life-saving medical treatment for a child because\nof their religious beliefs.\n-- Parents starve and beat their child to death because their\nminister said the child was possessed by demonic spirits.\nSome people would argue that the Christians who committed the above\ncrimes misunderstood and distorted their religion while satanists\nwho commit crimes are following theirs. But who decides what\nconstitutes a misinterpretation of a religious belief system? The\nindividuals who committed the above-described crimes, however\nmisguided, believed that they were following their religion as they\nunderstood it. Religion was and is used to justify such social\nbehavior as the Crusades, the Inquisition, Apartheid, segregation,\nand recent violence in Northern Ireland, India, Lebanon and Nigeria.\nWho decides exactly what \"satanists\" believe? In this country, we\ncannot even agree on what Christians believe. At many law\nenforcement conferences The _Satanic Bible_ is used for this, and it\nis often contrasted or compared with the Judeo-Christian Bible. The\n_Satanic Bible_ is, in essence, a short paperback book written by\none man, Anton LaVey, in 1969. To compare it to a book written by\nmultiple authors over a period of thousands of years is ridiculous,\neven ignoring the possibility of Divine revelation in the Bible.\nWhat satanists believe certainly isn't limited to other people's\ninterpretation of a few books. More importantly it is subject to\nsome degree of interpretation by individual believers just as\nChristianity is. Many admitted \"satanists\" claim they do not even\nbelieve in God, the devil, or any supreme deity. The criminal\nbehavior of one person claiming belief in a religion does not\nnecessarily imply guilt or blame to others sharing that belief. In\naddition, simply claiming membership in a religion does not\nnecessarily make you a member.\nThe fact is that far more crime and child abuse has been committed\nby zealots in the name of God, Jesus, Mohammed, and other mainstream\nreligion than has ever been committed in the name of Satan. Many\npeople, including myself, don't like that statement, but the truth\nof it is undeniable.\nAlthough defining a crime as satanic, occult, or ritualistic would\nprobably involve a combination of the criteria set forth above, I\nhave been unable to clearly define such a crime. Each potential\ndefinition presents a different set of problems when measured\nagainst an objective, rational, and constitutional perspective. In a\ncrime with multiple subjects, each offender may have a different\nmotivation for the same crime. Whose motivation determines the label\nfor the crime? It is difficult to count or track something you\ncannot even define.\nI have discovered, however, that the facts of so-called \"satanic\ncrimes\" are often significantly different from what is described st\ntraining conferences or in the media. The actual involvement of\nsatanism or the occult in these cases usually turns out to be\nsecondary, insignificant, or nonexistent. Occult or ritual crime\nsurveys done by the states of Michigan (1990) and Virginia (1991)\nhave only confirmed this \"discovery\". Some law enforcement officers,\nunable to find serious \"satanic\" crime in their communities, assume\nthey are just lucky or vigilant and the serious problems must be in\nother jurisdictions. The officers in the other jurisdictions, also\nunable find it, assume the same.\n5. MULTlDlMENSlONAL CHILD SEX RINGS\nSometime in early 1983 I was first contacted by a law enforcement\nagency for guidance in what was then thought to be an unusual case.\nThe exact date of the contact is unknown because its significance\nwas not recognized at the time. In the months and years that\nfollowed, I received more and more inquiries about \"these kinds of\ncases\". The requests for assistance came (and continue to come) from\nall over the United States. Many of the aspects of these cases\nvaried, but there were also some commonalties. Early on, however,\none particularly difficult and potentially significant issue began\nto emerge.\nThese cases involved and continue to involve unsubstantiated\nallegations of bizarre activity that are difficult either to prove\nor disprove. Many of the unsubstantiated allegations, however, do\nnot seem to have occurred or even be possible. These cases seem to\ncall into question the credibility of victims of child sexual abuse\nand exploitation. These are the most polarizing, frustrating, and\nbaffling cases I have encountered in more than 18 years of studying\nthe criminal aspects of deviant sexual behavior. I privately sought\nanswers, but said nothing publicly about those cases until 1985.\nIn October 1984 the problems in investigating and prosecuting one of\nthese cases in Jordan, Minnesota became publicly known. In February\n1985, at the FBI Academy, the FBI sponsored and I coordinated the\nfirst national seminar held to study \"these kinds of cases\". Later\nin 1985, similar conferences sponsored by other organizations were\nheld in Washington, D.C.; Sacramento, California; and Chicago,\nIllinois. These cases have also been discussed at many recent\nregional and national conferences dealing with the sexual\nvictimization of children and Multiple Personality Disorder. Few\nanswers have come from these conferences. I continue to be contacted\non these cases on a regular basis. Inquiries have been received from\nlaw enforcement officers, prosecutors, therapists, victims, families\nof victims, and the media from all over the United States and now\nforeign countries. I do not claim to understand completely all the\ndynamics of these cases. I continue to keep an open mind and to\nsearch for answers to the questions and solutions to the problems\nthey pose. This discussion is based on my analysis of the several\nhundred of \"these kinds of cases\" on which I have consulted since\n1983.\n-- a. DYNAMICS OF CASES.\nWhat are \"these kinds of cases\"? They were and continue to be\ndifficult to define. They all involve allegations of what sounds\nlike child sexual abuse, but with a combination of some atypical\ndynamics. These cases seem to have the following four dynamics in\ncommon: (1) multiple young victims, (2) multiple offenders, (3) fear\nas the controlling tactic, and (4) bizarre or ritualistic activity.\n---- (1) MULTIPLE YOUNG VICTIMS.\nIn almost all the cases the sexual abuse was alleged to have taken\nplace or at least begun when the victims were between the ages of\nbirth and six. This very young age may be an important key to\nunderstanding these cases. In addition the victims all described\nmultiple children being abused. The numbers ranged from three or\nfour to as many as several hundred victims.\n---- (2) MULTIPLE OFFENDERS.\nIn almost all the cases the victims reported numerous offenders. The\nnumbers ranged from two or three all the way up to dozens of\noffenders. In one recent case the victims alleged 400-500 offenders\nwere involved. Interestingly many of the offenders (perhaps as many\nas 40-50 percent) were reported to be females. The multiple\noffenders were often family members and were described as being part\nof a cult, occult, or satanic group.\n---- (3) FEAR AS CONTROLLING TACTIC.\nChild molesters in general are able to maintain control and ensure\nthe secrecy of their victims in a variety of ways. These include\nattention and affection, coercion, blackmail, embarrassment,\nthreats, and violence. In almost all of these cases I have studied,\nthe victims described being frightened and reported threats against\nthemselves, their families, their friends, and even their pets. They\nreported witnessing acts of violence perpetrated to reinforce this\nfear. It is my belief that this fear and the traumatic memory of the\nevents may be another key to understanding many of these cases.\n---- (4) BIZARRE OR RITUALISTIC ACTIVITY.\nThis is the most difficult dynamic of these cases to describe.\n\"Bizarre\" is a relative term. Is the use of urine or feces in sexual\nactivity bizarre, or is it a well-documented aspect of sexual\ndeviancy, or is it part of established satanic rituals? As\npreviously discussed, the ritualistic aspect is even more difficult\nto define. How do you distinguish acts performed in a precise manner\nto enhance or allow sexual arousal from those acts that fulfill\nspiritual needs or comply with \"religious\" ceremonies? Victims in\nthese cases report ceremonies, chanting, robes and costumes, drugs,\nuse of urine and feces, animal sacrifice, torture, abduction,\nmutilation, murder, and even cannibalism and vampirism. All things\nconsidered, the word \"bizarre\" is probably preferable to the word\n\"ritual\" to describe this activity.\nWhen I was contacted on these cases, it was very common for a\nprosecutor or investigator to say that the alleged victims have been\nevaluated by an \"expert\" who will stake his or her professional\nreputation on the fact that the victims are telling the \"truth\".\nWhen asked how many cases this expert had previously evaluated\ninvolving these four dynamics, the answer was always the same: none!\nThe experts usually had only dealt with one-on-one intrafamilial\nsexual abuse cases. Recently an even more disturbing trend has\ndeveloped. More and more of the victims have been identified or\nevaluated by experts who have been trained to identify and\nspecialize in satanic ritual abuse.\n-- b. CHARACTERISTICS OF MULTIDIMENSIONAL CHILD SEX RINGS.\nAs previously stated, a major problem in communicating, training,\nand researching in this area is the term used to define \"these kinds\nof cases\". Many refer to them as \"ritual, ritualistic, or ritualized\nabuse of children cases\" or \"satanic ritual abuse (SRA) cases\". Such\nwords carry specialized meanings for many people and might imply\nthat all these cases are connected to occult or satanic activity. If\nritual abuse is not necessarily occult or satanic, but is \"merely\"\nsevere, repeated, prolonged abuse, why use a term that, in the minds\nof so many, implies such specific motivation?\nOthers refer to these cases as \"multioffender/multivictim cases\".\nThe problem with this term is that most multiple offender and victim\ncases do not involve the four dynamics discussed above.\nFor want of a better term, I have decided to refer to \"these kinds\nof cases\" as \"multidimensional child sex rings\". Right now I seem to\nbe the only one using this term. I am, however, not sure if this is\ntruly a distinct kind of child sex ring case or just a case not\nproperly handled. Following are the general characteristics of these\nmultidimensional child sex ring cases as contrasted with more common\nhistorical child sex ring cases [see my monograph _Child Sex Rings:\nA Behavioral Analysis] (1989) for a discussion of the\ncharacteristics of historical child sex ring cases].\n---- (1) FEMALE OFFENDERS.\nAs many as 40-50 percent of the offenders in these cases are\nreported to be women. This is in marked contrast to historical child\nsex rings in which almost all the offenders are men.\n---- (2) SITUATIONAL MOLESTERS.\nThe offenders appear to be sexually interacting with the child\nvictims for reasons other than a true sexual preference for\nchildren. The children are substitute victims, and the abusive\nactivity may have little to do with pedophilia [see my monograph\n_Child Molesters: A Behavioral Analysis_ (1987) for a further\nexplanation about types of molesters].\n---- (3) MALE AND FEMALE VICTIMS.\nBoth boys and girls appear to be targeted, but with an apparent\npreference for girls. Almost all the adult survivors are female, but\nday care cases frequently involve male as well as female victims.\nThe most striking characteristic of the victims, however, is their\nyoung age (generally birth to six years old when the abuse began).\n---- (4) MULTIDIMENSIONAL MOTIVATION.\nSexual gratification appears to be only part of the motivation for\nthe \"sexual\" activity. Many people today argue that the motivation\nis \"spiritual\" - possibly part of an occult ceremony. It is my\nopinion that the motivation may have more to do with anger,\nhostility, rage and resentment carried out against weak and\nvulnerable victims. Much of the ritualistic abuse of children may\nnot be sexual in nature. Some of the activity may, in fact, be\nphysical abuse directed at sexually-significant body parts (penis,\nanus, nipples). This may also partially explain the large percentage\nof female offenders. Physical abuse of children by females is well-\ndocumented.\n---- (5) PORNOGRAPHY AND PARAPHERNALIA.\nAlthough many of the victims of multidimensional child sex rings\nclaim that pictures and videotapes of the activity were made, no\nsuch visual record has been found by law enforcement. In recent\nyears, American law enforcement has seized large amounts of child\npornography portraying children in a wide variety of sexual activity\nand perversions. None of it, however, portrays the kind of bizarre\nand/or ritualistic activity described by these victims. Perhaps\nthese offenders use and store their pornography and paraphernalia in\nways different from preferential child molesters (pedophiles). This\nis an area needing additional research and investigation.\n---- (6) CONTROL THROUGH FEAR.\nControl through fear may be the overriding characteristic of these\ncases. Control is maintained by frightening the children. A very\nyoung child might not be able to understand the significance of much\nof the sexual activity but certainly understands fear. The stories\nthat the victims tell may be their perceived versions of severe\ntraumatic memories. They may be the victims of a severely\ntraumatized childhood in which being sexually abused was just one of\nthe many negative events affecting their lives.\n-- c. SCENARIOS.\nMultidimensional child sex rings typically emerge from one of four\nscenarios: (1) adult survivors, (2) day care cases, (3)\nfamily/isolated neighborhood cases, and (4) custody/visitation\ndisputes.\n---- (1) ADULT SURVIVORS.\nIn adult survivor cases, adults of almost any age - nearly always\nwomen - are suffering the consequences of a variety of personal\nproblems and failures in their lives (e.g., promiscuity, eating\ndisorders, drug and alcohol abuse, failed relationships, self-\nmutilation, unemployment). As a result of some precipitating stress\nor crisis, they often seek therapy. They are frequently hypnotized,\nintentionally or unintentionally, as part of the therapy and are\noften diagnosed as suffering from Multiple Personality Disorder.\nGradually, during the therapy, the adults reveal previously\nunrecalled memories of early childhood victimization that includes\nmultiple victims and offenders, fear as the controlling tactic, and\nbizarre or ritualistic activity. Adult survivors may also claim that\n\"cues\" from certain events in their recent life \"triggered\" the\npreviously repressed memories.\nThe multiple offenders are often described as members of a cult or\nsatanic group. Parents, family members, clergy, civic leaders,\npolice officers (or individuals wearing police uniforms), and other\nprominent members of society are frequently described as present at\nand participating in the exploitation. The alleged bizarre activity\noften includes insertion of foreign objects, witnessing mutilations,\nand sexual acts and murders being filmed or photographed. The\noffenders may allegedly still be harassing or threatening the\nvictims. They report being particularly frightened on certain dates\nand by certain situations. In several of these cases, women (called\n\"breeders\") claim to have had babies that were turned over for human\nsacrifice. This type of case is probably best typified by books like\n_Michelle Remembers_ (Smith & Pazder, 1980), _Satan's Underground_\n(Stratford, 1988), and _Satan's Children_ (Mayer, 1991).\nIf and when therapists come to believe the patient or decide the law\nrequires it, the police or FBI are sometimes contacted to conduct an\ninvestigation. The therapists may also fear for their safety because\nthey now know the \"secret\". The therapists will frequently tell law\nenforcement that they will stake their professional reputation on\nthe fact that their patient is telling the truth. Some adult\nsurvivors go directly to law enforcement. They may also go from\nplace to place in an effort to find therapists or investigators who\nwill listen to and believe them. Their ability to provide verifiable\ndetails varies and many were raised in apparently religious homes. A\nfew adult survivors are now reporting participation in specific\nmurders or child abductions that are known to have taken place.\n---- (2) DAY CARE CASES.\nIn day care cases children currently or formerly attending a day\ncare center gradually describe their victimization at the center and\nat other locations to which they were taken by the day care staff.\nThe cases include multiple victims and offenders, fear, and bizarre\nor ritualistic activity, with a particularly high number of female\noffenders. Descriptions of strange games, insertion of foreign\nobjects, killing of animals, photographing of activities, and\nwearing of costumes are common. The accounts of the young children,\nhowever, do not seem to be quite as \"bizarre\" as those of the adult\nsurvivors, with fewer accounts of human sacrifice.\n---- (3) FAMILY/ISOLATED NEIGHBORHOOD CASES.\nIn family/isolated neighborhood cases, children describe their\nvictimization within their family or extended family. The group is\noften defined by geographic boundary, such as a cul-de-sac,\napartment building, or isolated rural setting. Such accounts are\nmost common in rural or suburban communities with high\nconcentrations of religiously conservative people. The stories are\nsimilar to those told of the day care setting, but with more male\noffenders. The basic dynamics remain the same, but victims tend to\nbe more than six years of age, and the scenario may also involve a\ncustody or visitation dispute.\n---- (4) CUSTODY/VISITATION DISPUTE.\nIn custody/visitation dispute cases, the allegations emanate from a\ncustody or visitation dispute over at least one child under the age\nof seven. The four dynamics described above make these cases\nextremely difficult to handle. When complicated by the strong\nemotions of this scenario, the cases can be overwhelming. This is\nespecially true if the disclosing child victims have been taken into\nthe \"underground\" by a parent during the custody or visitation\ndispute. Some of these parents or relatives may even provide\nauthorities with diaries or tapes of their interviews with the\nchildren. An accurate evaluation and assessment of a young child\nheld in isolation in this underground while being \"debriefed\" by a\nparent or someone else is almost impossible. However well-\nintentioned, these self-appointed investigators severely damage any\nchance to validate these cases objectively.\n-- d. WHY ARE VICTIMS ALLEGING THINGS THAT DO NOT SEEM TO BE TRUE?\nSome of what the victims in these cases allege is physically\nimpossible (victim cut up and put back together, offender took the\nbuilding apart and then rebuilt it); some is possible but improbable\n(human sacrifice, cannibalism, vampirism ); some is possible and\nprobable (child pornography, clever manipulation of victims); and\nsome is corroborated (medical evidence of vaginal or anal trauma,\noffender confessions).\nThe most significant crimes being alleged that do not *seem* to be\ntrue are the human sacrifice and cannibalism by organized satanic\ncults. In none of the multidimensional child sex ring cases of which\nI am aware have bodies of the murder victims been found - in spite\nof major excavations where the abuse victims claim the bodies were\nlocated. The alleged explanations for this include: the offenders\nmoved the bodies after the children left, the bodies were burned in\nportable high-temperature ovens, the bodies were put in double-\ndecker graves under legitimately buried bodies, a mortician member\nof the cult disposed of the bodies in a crematorium, the offenders\nate the bodies, the offenders used corpses and aborted fetuses, or\nthe power of Satan caused the bodies to disappear.\nNot only are no bodies found, but also, more importantly, there is\nno physical evidence that a murder took place. Many of those not in\nlaw enforcement do not understand that, while it is possible to get\nrid of a body, it is even more difficult to get rid of the physical\nevidence that a murder took place, especially a human sacrifice\ninvolving sex, blood, and mutilation. Such activity would leave\nbehind trace evidence that could be found using modern crime scene\nprocessing techniques in spite of extraordinary efforts to clean it\nup.\nThe victims of these human sacrifices and murders are alleged to be\nabducted missing children, runaway and throwaway children,\nderelicts, and the babies of breeder women. It is interesting to\nnote that many of those espousing these theories are using the long-\nsince-discredited numbers and rhetoric of the missing children\nhysteria in the early 1980s. Yet \"Stranger-Abduction Homicides of\nChildren\", a January 1989 _Juvenile Justice Bulletin_, published by\nthe Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention of the\nU.S. Department of Justice, reports that researchers now estimate\nthat the number of children kidnapped and murdered by nonfamily\nmembers is between 52 and 158 a year and that adolescents 14 to 17\nyears old account for nearly two-thirds of these victims. These\nfigures are also consistent with the 1990 National Incident Studies\npreviously mentioned.\nWe live in a very violent society, and yet we have \"only\" about\n23,000 murders a year. Those who accept these stories of mass human\nsacrifice would have us believe that the satanists and other occult\npractitioners are murdering more than twice as many people every\nyear in this country as all the other murderers combined.\nIn addition, in none of the cases of which I am aware has any\nevidence of a well-organized satanic cult been found. Many of those\nwho accept the stories of organized ritual abuse of children and\nhuman sacrifice will tell you that the best evidence they now have\nis the consistency of stories from all over America. It sounds like\na powerful argument. It is interesting to note that, without having\nmet each other, the hundreds of people who claim to have been\nabducted by aliens from outer space also tell stories and give\ndescriptions of the aliens that are similar to each other. This is\nnot to imply that allegations of child abuse are in the same\ncategory as allegations of abduction by aliens from outer space. It\nis intended only to illustrate that individuals who never met each\nother can sometimes describe similar events without necessarily\nhaving experienced them.\nThe large number of people telling the same story is, in fact, the\nbiggest reason to doubt these stories. It is simply too difficult\nfor that many people to commit so many horrendous crimes as part of\nan organized conspiracy. Two or three people murder a couple of\nchildren in a few communities as part of a ritual, and nobody finds\nout? Possible. Thousands of people do the same thing to tens of\nthousands of victims over many years? Not likely. Hundreds of\ncommunities all over America are run by mayors, police departments,\nand community leaders who are practicing satanists and who regularly\nmurder and eat people? Not likely. In addition, these community\nleaders and high-ranking officials also supposedly commit these\ncomplex crimes leaving no evidence, and at the same time function as\nleaders and managers while heavily involved in using illegal drugs.\nProbably the closest documented example of this type of alleged\nactivity in American history is the Ku Klux Klan, which ironically\nused Christianity, not satanism, to rationalize its activity but\nwhich, as might be expected, was eventually infiltrated by\ninformants and betrayed by its members.\nAs stated, initially I was inclined to believe the allegations of\nthe victims. But as the cases poured in and the months and years\nwent by, I became more concerned about the lack of physical evidence\nand corroboration for many of the more serious allegations. With\nincreasing frequency I began to ask the question: \"Why are victims\nalleging things that do not *seem* to be true?\" Many possible\nanswers were considered.\nThe first possible answer is obvious: clever offenders. The\nallegations may not seem to be true but they are true. The criminal\njustice system lacks the knowledge, skill, and motivation to get to\nthe bottom of this crime conspiracy. The perpetrators of this crime\nconspiracy are clever, cunning individuals using sophisticated mind\ncontrol and brainwashing techniques to control their victims. Law\nenforcement does not know how to investigate these cases.\nIt is technically possible that these allegations of an organized\nconspiracy involving taking over day care centers, abduction,\ncannibalism, murder, and human sacrifice might be true. But if they\nare true, they constitute one of the greatest crime conspiracies in\nhistory.\nMany people do not understand how difficult it is to commit a\nconspiracy crime involving numerous co-conspirators. One clever and\ncunning individual has a good chance of getting away with a well-\nplanned interpersonal crime. Bring one partner into the crime and\nthe odds of getting away with it drop considerably. The more people\ninvolved in the crime, the harder it is to get away with it. Why?\nHuman nature is the answer. People get angry and jealous. They come\nto resent the fact that another conspirator is getting \"more\" than\nthey. They get in trouble and want to make a deal for themselves by\ninforming on others.\nIf a group of individuals degenerate to the point of engaging in\nhuman sacrifice, murder, and cannibalism, that would most likely be\nthe beginning of the end for such a group. The odds are that someone\nin the group would have a problem with such acts and be unable to\nmaintain the secret.\nThe appeal of the satanic conspiracy theory is twofold:\n---- (1) First, it is a simple explanation for a complex problem.\nNothing is more simple than \"the devil made them do it\". If we do\nnot understand something, we make it the work of some supernatural\nforce. During the Middle Ages, serial killers were thought to be\nvampires and werewolves, and child sexual abuse was the work of\ndemons taking the form of parents and clergy. Even today, especially\nfor those raised to religiously believe so, satanism offers an\nexplanation as to why \"good\" people do bad things. It may also help\nto \"explain\" unusual, bizarre, and compulsive sexual urges and\nbehavior.\n---- (2) Second, the conspiracy theory is a popular one. We find it\ndifficult to believe that one bizarre individual could commit a\ncrime we find so offensive. Conspiracy theories about soldiers\nmissing in action (MlAs), abductions by UFOs, Elvis Presley\nsightings, and the assassination of prominent public figures are the\nfocus of much attention in this country. These conspiracy theories\nand allegations of ritual abuse have the following in common: (1)\nself-proclaimed experts, (2) tabloid media interest, (3) belief the\ngovernment is involved in a coverup, and (4) emotionally involved\ndirect and indirect victim/witnesses.\nOn a recent television program commemorating the one hundredth\nanniversary of Jack the Ripper, almost fifty percent of the viewing\naudience who called the polling telephone numbers indicated that\nthey thought the murders were committed as part of a conspiracy\ninvolving the British Royal Family. The five experts on the program,\nhowever, unanimously agreed the crimes were the work of one\ndisorganized but lucky individual who was diagnosed as a paranoid\nschizophrenic. In many ways, the murders of Jack the Ripper are\nsimilar to those allegedly committed by satanists today.\nIf your child's molestation was perpetrated by a sophisticated\nsatanic cult, there is nothing you could have done to prevent it and\ntherefore no reason to feel any guilt. I have been present when\nparents who believe their children were ritually abused at day care\ncenters have told others that the cults had sensors in the road,\nlookouts in the air, and informers everywhere; therefore, the\nusually recommended advice of unannounced visits to the day care\ncenter would be impossible.\n6. ALTERNATIVE EXPLANATIONS\nEven if only part of an allegation is not true, what then is the\nanswer to the question \"Why are victims alleging things that do not\n*seem* to be true?\" After consulting with psychiatrists,\npsychologists, anthropologists, therapists, social workers, child\nsexual abuse experts, and law enforcement investigators for more\nthan eight years, I can find no single, simple answer. The answer to\nthe question seems to be a complex set of dynamics that can be\ndifferent in each case. In spite of the fact that some skeptics keep\nlooking for it, there does not appear to be one answer to the\nquestion that fits every case. Each case is different, and each case\nmay involve a different combination of answers.\nI have identified a series of possible alternative answers to this\nquestion. The alternative answers also do not preclude the\npossibility that clever offenders are sometimes involved. I will not\nattempt to explain completely these alternative answers because I\ncannot. They are presented simply as areas for consideration and\nevaluation by child sexual abuse intervenors, for further\nelaboration by experts in these fields, and for research by\nobjective social scientists. The first step, however, in finding the\nanswers to this question is to admit the possibility that some of\nwhat the victims describe may not have happened. Some child\nadvocates seem unwilling to do this.\n-- a. PATHOLOGICAL DISTORTION.\nThe first possible answer to why victims are alleging things that do\nnot *seem* to be true is *pathological distortion*. The allegations\nmay be errors in processing reality influenced by underlying mental\ndisorders such as dissociative disorders, borderline or histrionic\npersonality disorders, or psychosis. These distortions may be\nmanifested in false accounts of victimization in order to gain\npsychological benefits such as attention and sympathy (factitious\ndisorder). When such individuals repeatedly go from place to place\nor person to person making these false reports of their own\n\"victimization\", it is called Munchausen Syndrome. When the repealed\nfalse reports concern the \"victimization\" of their children or\nothers linked to them, it is called Munchausen Syndrome by Proxy. I\nam amazed when some therapists state that they believe the\nallegations because they cannot think of a reason why the \"victim\",\nwhose failures are now explained and excused or who is now the\ncenter of attention at a conference or on a national television\nprogram, would lie. If you can be forgiven for mutilating and\nkilling babies, you can be forgiven for anything.\nMany \"victims\" may develop pseudomemories of their victimization and\neventually come to believe the events actually occurred. Noted\nforensic psychiatrist Park E. Dietz (personal communication, Nov.\n1991) states:\n\"Pseudomemories have been acquired through dreams (particularly if\none is encouraged to keep a journal or dream diary and to regard\ndream content as 'clues' about the past or as snippets of history),\nsubstance-induced altered states of consciousness (alcohol or other\ndrugs), group influence (particularly hearing vivid accounts of\nevents occurring to others with whom one identifies emotionally such\nas occurs in incest survivor groups), reading vivid accounts of\nevents occurring to others with whom one identifies emotionally,\nwatching such accounts in films or on television, and hypnosis. The\nmost efficient means of inducing pseudomemories is hypnosis.\n\"It is characteristic of pseudomemories that the recollections of\ncomplex events (as opposed to a simple unit of information, such as\na tag number) are incomplete and without chronological sequence.\nOften the person reports some uncertainty because the pseudomemories\nare experienced in a manner they describe as 'hazy', 'fuzzy', or\n'vague'. They are often perplexed that they recall some details\nvividly but others dimly.\n\"Pseudomemories are not delusions. When first telling others of\npseudomemories, these individuals do not have the unshakable but\nirrational conviction that deluded subjects have, but with social\nsupport they often come to defend vigorously the truthfulness of the\npseudomemories.\n\"Pseudomemories are not fantasies, but may incorporate elements from\nfantasies experienced in the past. Even where the events described\nare implausible, listeners may believe them because they are\nreported with such intense affect (i.e. with so much emotion\nattached to the story) that the listener concludes that the events\nmust have happened because no one could 'fake' the emotional aspects\nof the retelling. It also occurs, however, that persons report\npseudomemories in such a matter-of-fact and emotionless manner that\nmental health professionals conclude that the person has\n'dissociated' intellectual knowledge of the events from emotional\nappreciation of their impact.\"\n-- b. TRAUMATIC MEMORY.\nThe second possible answer is *traumatic memory*. Fear and severe\ntrauma can cause victims to distort reality and confuse events. This\nis a well-documented fact in cases involving individuals taken\nhostage or in life-and-death situations. The distortions may be part\nof an elaborate defense mechanism of the mind called \"splitting\" -\nThe victims create a clear-cut good-and-evil manifestation of their\ncomplex victimization that is then psychologically more manageable.\nThrough the defense mechanism of dissociation, the victim may escape\nthe horrors of reality by inaccurately processing that reality. In a\ndissociative state a young child who ordinarily would know the\ndifference might misinterpret a film or video as reality.\nAnother defense mechanism may tell the victim that it could have\nbeen worse, and so his or her victimization was not so bad. They are\nnot alone in their victimization - other children were also abused.\nTheir father who abused them is no different from other prominent\npeople in the community they claim also abused them. Satanism may\nhelp to explain why their outwardly good and religious parents did\nsuch terrible things to them in the privacy of their home. Their\nreligious training may convince them that such unspeakable acts by\nsupposedly \"good\" people must be the work of the devil. The\ndescribed human sacrifice may be symbolic of the \"death\" of their\nchildhood.\nIt may be that we should anticipate that individuals severely abused\nas very young children by *multiple* offenders with *fear* as the\nprimary controlling tactic will distort and embellish their\nvictimization. Perhaps a horror-filled yet inaccurate account of\nvictimization is not only not a counterindication of abuse, but is\nin fact a corroborative indicator of extreme physical,\npsychological, and/or sexual abuse. I do not believe it is a\ncoincidence nor the result of deliberate planning by satanists that\nin almost all the cases of ritual abuse that have come to my\nattention, the abuse is alleged to have begun prior to the age of\nseven and perpetrated by multiple offenders. It may well be that\nsuch abuse, at young age by multiple offenders, is the most\ndifficult to accurately recall with the specific and precise detail\nneeded by the criminal justice system, and the most likely to be\ndistorted and exaggerated when it is recalled. In her book _Too\nScared to Cry_ (1990), child psychiatrist Lenore Terr, a leading\nexpert on psychic trauma in childhood, states \"that a series of\nearly childhood shocks might not be fully and accurately\n'reconstructed' from the dreams and behaviors of the adult\" (p. 5).\n-- c. NORMAL CHILDHOOD FEARS AND FANTASY.\nThe third possible answer may be *normal childhood fears and\nfantasy*. Most young children are afraid of ghosts and monsters.\nEven as adults, many people feel uncomfortable, for example, about\ndangling their arms over the side of their bed. They still remember\nthe \"monster\" under the bed from childhood. While young children may\nrarely invent stories about sexual activity, they might describe\ntheir victimization in terms of evil as they understand it. In\nchurch or at home, children may be told of satanic activity as the\nsource of evil. The children may be \"dumping\" all their fears and\nworries unto an attentive and encouraging listener.\nChildren do fantasize. Perhaps whatever causes a child to allege\nsomething impossible (such as being cut up and put back together) is\nsimilar to what causes a child to allege something possible but\nimprobable (such as witnessing another child being chopped up and\neaten).\n-- d. MISPERCEPTION, CONFUSION, AND TRICKERY.\nMisperception, confusion, and trickery may be a fourth answer.\nExpecting young children to give accurate accounts of sexual\nactivity for which they have little frame of reference is\nunreasonable. The Broadway play _Madame Butterfly_ is the true story\nof a man who had a 15-year affair, including the \"birth\" of a baby,\nwith a \"woman\" who turns out to have been a man all along. If a\ngrown man does not know when he has had vaginal intercourse with a\nwoman, how can we expect young children not to be confused?\nFurthermore some clever offenders may deliberately introduce\nelements of satanism and the occult into the sexual exploitation\nsimply to confuse or intimidate the victims. Simple magic and other\ntechniques may be used to trick the children. Drugs may also be\ndeliberately used to confuse the victims and distort their\nperceptions. Such acts would then be M.O., not ritual.\nAs previously stated, the perceptions of young victims may also be\ninfluenced by any trauma being experienced. This is the most popular\nalternative explanation, and even the more zealous believers of\nritual abuse allegations use it, but only to explain obviously\nimpossible events.\n-- e. OVERZEALOUS INTERVENORS.\n*Overzealous intervenors*, causing intervenor contagion, may be a\nfifth answer. These intervenors can include parents, family members,\nfoster parents, doctors, therapists, social workers, law enforcement\nofficers, prosecutors, and any combination thereof. Victims have\nbeen subtly as well as overtly rewarded and bribed by usually well-\nmeaning intervenors for furnishing further details. In addition,\nsome of what appears not to have happened may have originated as a\nresult of intervenors making assumptions about or misinterpreting\nwhat the victims are saying. The intervenors then repeat, and\npossibly embellish, these assumptions and misinterpretations, and\neventually the victims are \"forced\" to agree with or come to accept\nthis \"official\" version of what happened.\nThe judgment of intervenors may be affected by their zeal to uncover\nchild sexual abuse, satanic activity, or conspiracies. However\n\"well-intentioned\", these overzealous intervenors must accept\nvarying degrees of responsibility for the unsuccessful prosecution\nof those cases where criminal abuse did occur. This is the most\ncontroversial and least popular of the alternative explanations.\n-- f. URBAN LEGENDS.\nAllegations of and knowledge about ritualistic or satanic abuse may\nalso be spread through *urban legends*. In _The Vanishing\nHitchhiker_ (1981), the first of his four books on the topic, Dr.\nJan Harold Brunvand defines urban legends as \"realistic stories\nconcerning recent events (or alleged events) with an ironic or\nsupernatural twist\" (p. xi). Dr. Brunvand's books convincingly\nexplain that just because individuals throughout the country who\nnever met each other tell the same story does not mean that it is\ntrue. Absurd urban legends about the corporate logos of Proctor and\nGamble and Liz Claiborne being satanic symbols persist in spite of\nall efforts to refute them with reality. Some urban legends about\nchild kidnappings and other threats to citizens have even been\ndisseminated unknowingly by law enforcement agencies. Such legends\nhave always existed, but today the mass media aggressively\nparticipate in their rapid and more efficient dissemination. Many\nAmericans mistakenly believe that tabloid television shows check out\nand verify the details of their stories before pulling them on the\nair. Mass hysteria may partially account for large numbers of\nvictims describing the same symptoms or experiences.\nTraining conferences for all the disciplines involved in child\nsexual abuse may also play a role in the spread of this contagion.\nAt one child abuse conference I attended, an exhibitor was selling\nmore than 50 different books dealing with satanism and the occult.\nBy the end of the conference, he had sold nearly all of them. At\nanother national child sexual abuse conference, I witnessed more\nthan 100 attendees copying down the widely disseminated 29 \"Symptoms\nCharacterizing Satanic Ritual Abuse\" in preschool-aged children. Is\na four-year-old child's \"preoccupation with urine and feces\" an\nindication of satanic ritual abuse or part of normal development?\n-- g. COMBINATION.\nMost multidimensional child sex ring cases probably involve a\n*combination* of the answers previously set forth, as well as other\npossible explanations unknown to me at this time. Obviously, cases\nwith adult survivors are more likely to involve some of these\nanswers than those with young children. Each case of sexual\nvictimization must be individually evaluated on its own merits\nwithout any preconceived explanations. All the possibilities must be\nexplored if for no other reason than the fact that the defense\nattorneys for any accused subjects will almost certainly do so.\nMost people would agree that just because a victim tells you one\ndetail that turns out to be true, this does not mean that every\ndetail is true. But many people seem to believe that if you can\ndisprove one part of a victim's story, then the entire story is\nfalse. As previously stated, one of my main concerns in these cases\nis that people are getting away with sexually abusing children or\ncommitting other crimes because we cannot prove that they are\nmembers of organized cults that murder and eat people.\nI have discovered that the subject of multidimensional child sex\nrings is a very emotional and polarizing issue. Everyone seems to\ndemand that one choose a side. On one side of the issue are those\nwho say that nothing really happened and it is all a big witch hunt\nled by overzealous fanatics and incompetent \"experts\". The other\nside says, in essence, that everything happened; victims never lie\nabout child sexual abuse, and so it must be true.\nThere is a middle ground. It is the job of the professional\ninvestigator to listen to all the victims and conduct appropriate\ninvestigation in an effort to find out what happened, considering\nall possibilities. Not all childhood trauma is abuse. Not all child\nabuse is a crime. The great frustration of these cases is the fact\nthat you are often convinced that something traumatic happened to\nthe victim, but do not know with any degree of certainty exactly\nwhat happened, when it happened, or who did it.\n7. DO VICTIMS LIE ABOUT SEXUAL ABUSE AND EXPLOITATION?\nThe crucial central issue in the evaluation of a response to cases\nof multidimensional child sex rings is the statement \"Children never\nlie about sexual abuse or exploitation. If they have details, it\nmust have happened.\" This statement, oversimplified by many, is the\nbasic premise upon which some believe the child sexual abuse and\nexploitation movement is based. It is almost never questioned or\ndebated at training conferences. In fact, during the 1970s, there\nwas a successful crusade to eliminate laws requiring corroboration\nof child victim statements in child sexual abuse cases. The best way\nto convict child molesters is to have the child victims testify in\ncourt. If we believe them, the jury will believe them. Any challenge\nto this basic premise was viewed as a threat to the movement and a\ndenial that the problem existed.\nI believe that children *rarely* lie about sexual abuse or\nexploitation, if a lie is defined as a statement deliberately and\nmaliciously intended to deceive. The problem is the\noversimplification of the statement. Just because a child is not\nlying does not necessarily mean the child is telling the truth. I\nbelieve that in the majority of these cases, the victims are not\nlying. They are telling you what they have come to believe has\nhappened to them. Furthermore the assumption that children rarely\nlie about sexual abuse does not necessarily apply to everything a\nchild says during a sexual abuse investigation. Stories of\nmutilation, murder, and cannibalism are not really about sexual\nabuse.\nChildren rarely lie about sexual abuse or exploitation. but they do\nfantasize, furnish false information, furnish misleading\ninformation, misperceive events, try to please adults, respond to\nleading questions, and respond to rewards. Children are not adults\nin little bodies and do go through developmental stages that must be\nevaluated and understood. In many ways, however, children are no\nbetter and no worse than other victims or witnesses of a crime. They\nshould not be automatically believed, nor should they be\nautomatically disbelieved.\nThe second part of the statement - if children can supply details,\nthe crime must have happened - must also be carefully evaluated. The\ndetails in question in most of the cases of multidimensional child\nsex rings have little to do with sexual activity. Law enforcement\nand social workers must do more than attempt to determine how a\nchild could have known about the sex acts. These cases involve\ndetermining how a victim could have known about a wide variety of\nbizarre and ritualistic activity. Young children may know little\nabout specific sex acts, but they may know a lot about monsters,\ntorture, kidnapping, and murder.\nVictims may supply details of sexual and other acts using\ninformation from sources other than their own direct victimization.\nSuch sources must be evaluated carefully by the investigator of\nmultidimensional child sex rings.\n-- a. PERSONAL KNOWLEDGE.\nThe victim may have personal knowledge of the sexual or ritual acts,\nbut not as a result of the alleged victimization. The knowledge\ncould have come from viewing pornography, sex education, or occult\nmaterial; witnessing sexual or ritual activity in the home; or\nwitnessing the sexual abuse of others. It could also have come from\nhaving been sexually or physically abused, but by other than the\nalleged offenders and in ways other than the alleged offense.\n-- b. OTHER CHILDREN OR VICTIMS.\nYoung children today are socially interacting more often and at a\nyounger age than ever before. Many parents are unable to provide\npossibly simple explanations for their children's stories because\nthey were not with the children when the events occurred. They do\nnot even know what videotapes their children may have seen, what\ngames they may have played, or what stories they may have been told\nor overheard. Children are being placed in day care centers for\neight, ten, or twelve hours a day starting as young as six weeks of\nage. The children share experiences by playing house, school, or\ndoctor. Bodily functions such as urination and defecation are a\nfocus of attention for these young children. To a certain extent,\neach child shares the experiences of all the other children.\nThe odds are fairly high that in any typical day care center there\nmight be some children who are victims of incest; victims of\nphysical abuse; victims of psychological abuse; children of cult\nmembers (even satanists); children of sexually open parents;\nchildren of sexually indiscriminate parents; children of parents\nobsessed with victimization; children of parents obsessed with the\nevils of satanism; children without conscience; children with a\nteenage brother or pregnant mother; children with heavy metal music\nand literature in the home; children with bizarre toys, games,\ncomics, and magazines; children with a VCR and slasher films in\ntheir home; children with access to dial-a-porn, party lines, or\npornography; or children victimized by a day care center staff\nmember. The possible effects of the interaction of such children\nprior to the disclosure of the alleged abuse must be evaluated,\nAdult survivors may obtain details from group therapy sessions,\nsupport networks, church groups, or self-help groups. The\nwillingness and ability of siblings to corroborate adult survivor\naccounts of ritual abuse varies. Some will support and partially\ncorroborate the victim's allegations. Others will vehemently deny\nthem and support their accused parents or relatives.\n-- c. MEDIA.\nThe amount of sexually explicit, occult, anti-occult, or violence-\noriented material available to adults and even children in the\nmodern world is overwhelming. This includes movies, videotapes,\ntelevision, music, toys, and books. There are also documentaries on\nsatanism, witchcraft, and the occult that are available on\nvideotape. Most of the televangelists have videotapes on the topics\nthat they are selling on their programs.\nThe National Coalition on Television Violence News (1988) estimates\nthat 12% of the movies produced in the United States can be\nclassified as satanic horror films. Cable television and the home\nVCR make all this material readily available even to young children.\nReligious broadcasters and almost all the television tabloid and\nmagazine programs have done shows on satanism and the occult. Heavy\nmetal and black metal music, which often has a satanic theme, is\nreadily available and popular. In addition to the much-debated\nfantasy role-playing games, there are numerous popular toys on the\nmarket with an occult-oriented, bizarre, or violent theme.\nBooks on satanism and the occult, both fiction and nonfiction, are\nreadily available in most bookstores, especially Christian\nbookstores. Several recent books specifically discuss the issue of\nritual abuse of children. Obviously, very young children do not read\nthis material, but their parents, relatives, and therapists might\nand then discuss it in front of or with them. Much of the material\nintended to fight the problem actually fuels the problem and damages\neffective prosecution.\n-- d. SUGGESTIONS AND LEADING QUESTIONS.\nThis problem is particularly important in cases stemming from\ncustody/visitation disputes involving at least one child under the\nage of seven. It is my opinion that most suggestive, leading\nquestioning of children by intervenors is inadvertently done as part\nof a good-faith effort to learn the truth. Not all intervenors are\nin equal positions to potentially influence victim allegations.\nParents and relatives especially are in a position to subtly\ninfluence their young children to describe their victimization in a\ncertain way. Children may also overhear their parents discussing the\ndetails of the case. Children often tell their parents what they\nbelieve their parents want or need to hear. Some children may be\ninstinctively attempting to provide \"therapy\" for their parents by\ntelling them what seems to satisfy them and somehow makes them feel\nbetter. In one case a father gave the police a tape recording to\n\"prove\" that his child's statements were spontaneous disclosures and\nnot the result of leading, suggestive questions. The tape recording\nindicated just the opposite. Why then did the father voluntarily\ngive it to the police? Probably because he truly believed that he\nwas not influencing his child's statements - but he was.\nTherapists are probably in the best position to influence the\nallegations of adult survivors. The accuracy and reliability of the\naccounts of adult survivors who have been hypnotized during therapy\nis certainly open to question. One nationally-known therapist\npersonally told me that the reason police cannot find out about\nsatanic or ritualistic activity from child victims is that they do\nnot know how to ask leading questions. Highly suggestive books and\npictures portraying \"satanic\" activity have been developed and\nmarketed to therapists for use during evaluation and treatment.\nTypes and styles of verbal interaction useful in therapy may create\nsignificant problems in a criminal investigation. It should be\nnoted, however, that when a therapist does a poor investigative\ninterview as part of a criminal investigation, that is the fault of\nthe criminal justice system that allowed it and not the therapist\nwho did it.\nThe extremely sensitive, emotional, and religious nature of these\ncases makes problems with leading questions more likely than in\nother kinds of cases. Intervenors motivated by religious fervor\nand/or exaggerated concerns about sexual abuse of children are more\nlikely to lose their objectivity.\n-- e. MISPERCEPTION AND CONFUSION.\nIn one case, a child's description of the apparently impossible act\nof walking through a wall turned out to be the very possible act of\nwalking between the studs of an unfinished wall in a room under\nconstruction. In another case, pennies in the anus turned out to be\ncopper-foil-covered suppositories. The children may describe what\nthey believe happened. It is not a lie, but neither is it an\naccurate account of what happened.\n-- f. EDUCATION AND AWARENESS PROGRAMS.\nSome well-intentioned awareness programs designed to prevent child\nset abuse, alert professionals, or fight satanism may in fact be\nunrealistically increasing the fears of professionals, children, and\nparents and creating self-fulfilling prophesies. Some of what\nchildren and their parents are telling intervenors may have been\nlearned in or fueled by such programs. Religious programs, books,\nand pamphlets that emphasize the power and evil force of Satan may\nbe adding to the problem. In fact most of the day care centers in\nwhich ritualistic abuse is alleged to hate taken place are church-\naffiliated centers, and many of the adult survivors alleging it come\nfrom apparently religious families.\n8. LAW ENFORCEMENT PERSPECTIVE.\nThe perspective with which one looks at satanic, occult, or\nritualistic crime is extremely important. As stated, sociologists,\ntherapists, religious leaders, parents, and just plain citizens each\nhave their own valid concerns and views about this issue. This\ndiscussion, however, deals primarily with the law enforcement or\ncriminal justice perspective.\nWhen you combine an emotional issue such as the sexual abuse of\nchildren with an even more emotional issue such as people's\nreligious beliefs, it is difficult to maintain objectivity and\nremember the law enforcement perspective. Some police officers may\neven feel that all crime is caused by evil, all evil is caused by\nSatan, and therefore, all crime is satanic crime. This may be a\nvalid religious perspective, but it is of no relevance to the\ninvestigation of crime for purposes of prosecution.\nMany of the police officers who lecture on satanic or occult crime\ndo not even investigate such cases. Their presentations are more a\nreflection of their personal religious beliefs than documented\ninvestigative information. They are absolutely entitled to their\nbeliefs, but introducing themselves as current or former police\nofficers and then speaking as religious advocates causes confusion.\nAs difficult as it might be, police officers must separate the\nreligious and law enforcement perspectives when they are lecturing\nor investigating in their official capacities as law enforcement\nofficers. Many law enforcement officers begin their presentations by\nstating that they are not addressing or judging anyone's religious\nbeliefs, and then proceed to do exactly that.\nSome police officers have resigned rather than curtail or limit\ntheir involvement in this issue as ordered by their departments.\nPerhaps such officers deserve credit for recognizing that they could\nno longer keep the perspectives separate.\nLaw enforcement officers and all professionals in this field should\navoid the \"paranoia\" that has crept into this issue and into some of\nthe training conferences. Paranoid type belief systems are\ncharacterized by the gradual development of intricate, complex, and\nelaborate systems of thinking based on and often proceeding\nlogically from misinterpretation of actual events. Paranoia\ntypically involves hypervigilance over the perceived threat, the\nbelief that danger is around every corner, and the willingness to\ntake up the challenge and do something about it. Another very\nimportant aspect of this paranoia is the belief that those who do\nnot recognize the threat are evil and corrupt. In this extreme view,\nyou are either with them or against them. You are either part of the\nsolution or part of the problem.\nOverzealousness and exaggeration motivated by the true religious\nfervor of those involved is more acceptable than that motivated by\nego or profit. There are those who are deliberately distorting and\nhyping this issue for personal notoriety and profit. Satanic and\noccult crime and ritual abuse of children has become a growth\nindustry. Speaking fees, books, video and audio tapes, prevention\nmaterial, television and radio appearances all bring egoistic and\nfinancial rewards.\nBizarre crime and evil can occur without organized satanic activity.\nThe professional perspective requires that we distinguish between\nwhat we know and what we're not sure of.\nThe facts are:\n-- a. Some individuals believe in and are involved in something\ncommonly called satanism and the occult.\n-- b. Some of these individuals commit crime.\n-- c. Some groups of individuals share these beliefs and involvement\nin this satanism and the occult.\n-- d. Some members of these groups commit crime together.\nThe unanswered questions are:\n-- a. What is the connection between the belief system and the\ncrimes committed?\n-- b. Is there an organized conspiracy of satanic and occult\nbelievers responsible for interrelated serious crime (e.g.,\nmolestation, murder)?\nAfter all the hype and hysteria are put aside, the realization sets\nin that most satanic/occult activity involves the commission of *no*\ncrimes, and that which does usually involves the commission of\nrelatively minor crimes such as trespassing, vandalism, cruelty to\nanimals, or petty thievery.\nThe law enforcement problems most often linked to satanic or occult\nactivity are:\n-- a. Vandalism.\n-- b. Desecration of churches and cemeteries.\n-- c. Thefts from churches and cemeteries.\n-- d. Teenage gangs\n-- e. Animal mutilations.\n-- f. Teenage suicide.\n-- g. Child abuse.\n-- h. Kidnapping.\n-- i. Murder and human sacrifice\nValid evidence shows some \"connection\" between satanism and the\noccult and the first six problems (#a-f) set forth above. The\n\"connection\" to the last three problems (#g-i) is far more\nuncertain.\nEven where there seems to be a \"connection\", the nature of the\nconnection needs to be explored. It is easy to blame involvement in\nsatanism and the occult for behaviors that have complex motivations.\nA teenager's excessive involvement in satanism and the occult is\nusually a symptom of a problem and not the cause of a problem.\nBlaming satanism for a teenager's vandalism, theft, suicide, or even\nact of murder is like blaming a criminal's offenses on his tattoos:\nBoth are often signs of the same rebelliousness and lack of self-\nesteem that contribute to the commission of crimes.\nThe rock band Judas Priest was recently sued for allegedly inciting\ntwo teenagers to suicide through subliminal messages in their\nrecordings. In 1991 Anthony Pratkanis of the University of\nCalifornia at Santa Cruz, who served as an expert witness for the\ndefense, stated the boys in question \"lived troubled lives, lives of\ndrug and alcohol abuse, run-ins with the law ... family violence,\nand chronic unemployment. What issues did the trial and the\nsubsequent mass media coverage emphasize? Certainly not the need for\ndrug treatment centers; there was no evaluation of the pros and cons\nof America's juvenile justice system, no investigation of the\nschools, no inquiry into how to prevent family violence, no\ndiscussion of the effects of unemployment on a family. Instead our\nattention was mesmerized by an attempt to count the number of\nsubliminal demons that can dance on the end of a record needle\" (p.\n1).\nThe law enforcement investigator must objectively evaluate the legal\nsignificance of any criminal's spiritual beliefs. In most cases,\nincluding those involving satanists, it will have little or no legal\nsignificance. If a crime is committed as part of a spiritual belief\nsystem, it should make no difference which belief system it is. The\ncrime is the same whether a child is abused or murdered as part of a\nChristian, Hare Krishna, Moslem, or any other belief system. We\ngenerally don't label crimes with the name of the perpetrator's\nreligion. Why then are the crimes of child molesters, rapists,\nsadists, and murderers who happen to be involved in satanism and the\noccult labeled as satanic or occult crimes? If criminals use a\nspiritual belief system to rationalize and justify or to facilitate\nand enhance their criminal activity, should the focus of law\nenforcement be on the belief system or on the criminal activity?\nSeveral documented murders have been committed by individuals\ninvolved in one way or another in satanism or the occult. In some of\nthese murders the perpetrator has even introduced elements of the\noccult (e.g. satanic symbols at crime scene). Does that\nautomatically make these satanic murders? It is my opinion that the\nanswer is no. Ritualistic murders committed by serial killers or\nsexual sadists are not necessarily satanic or occult murders.\nRitualistic murders committed by psychotic killers who hear the\nvoice of Satan are no more satanic murders than murders committed by\npsychotic killers who hear the voice of Jesus are Christian murders.\nRather a satanic murder should be defined as one committed by two or\nmore individuals who rationally plan the crime and whose *primary*\nmotivation is to fulfill a prescribed satanic ritual calling for the\nmurder. By this definition I have been unable to identify even one\ndocumented satanic murder in the United States. Although such\nmurders may have and can occur, they appear to be few in number. In\naddition the commission of such killings would probably be the\nbeginning of the end for such a group. It is highly unlikely that\nthey could continue to kill several people, every year, year after\nyear, and not be discovered.\nA brief typology of satanic and occult practitioners is helpful in\nevaluating what relationship, if any, such practices have to crimes\nunder investigation. The following typology is adapted from the\ninvestigative experience of Officer Sandi Gallant of the San\nFrancisco Police Department, who began to study the criminal aspects\nof occult activity long before it became popular. No typology is\nperfect, but I use this typology because it is simple and offers\ninvestigative insights. Most practitioners fall into one of three\ncategories, any of which can be practiced alone or in groups:\n-- a. \"YOUTH SUBCULTURE.\n\"Most teenagers involved in fantasy role-playing games, heavy metal\nmusic, or satanism and the occult are going through a stage of\nadolescent development and commit no significant crimes. The\nteenagers who have more serious problems are usually those from\ndysfunctional families or those who have poor communication within\ntheir families. These troubled teenagers turn to satanism and the\noccult to overcome a sense of alienation, to rebel, to obtain power,\nor to justify their antisocial behavior. For these teenagers it is\nthe symbolism, not the spirituality, that is more important. It is\neither the psychopathic or the oddball, loner teenager who is most\nlikely to get into serious trouble. Extreme involvement in the\noccult is a symptom of a problem, not the cause. This is not to\ndeny, however, that satanism and the occult can be negative\ninfluences for a troubled teenager. But to hysterically warn\nteenagers to avoid this \"mysterious, powerful and dangerous\" thing\ncalled satanism will drive more teenagers right to it. Some\nrebellious teenagers will do whatever will most shock and outrage\nsociety in order to flaunt their rejection of adult norms.\n-- b. \"DABBLERS (SELF-STYLED).\n\"For these practitioners there is little or no spiritual motivation.\nThey may mix satanism, witchcraft, paganism, and any aspects of the\noccult to suit their purposes. Symbols mean whatever they want them\nor believe them to mean. Molesters, rapists, drug dealers, and\nmurderers may dabble in the occult and may even commit their crimes\nin a ceremonial or ritualistic way. This category has the potential\nto be the most dangerous, and most of the \"satanic\" killers fall\ninto this category. Their involvement in satanism and the occult is\na symptom of a problem, and a rationalization and justification of\nantisocial behavior. Satanic/occult practices (as well as those of\nother spiritual belief systems) can also be used as a mechanism to\nfacilitate criminal objectives.\n-- c. \"TRADITIONAL (ORTHODOX).\n\"These are the so-called true believers. They are often wary of\noutsiders. Because of this and constitutional issues, such groups\nare difficult for law enforcement to penetrate. Although there may\nbe much we don't know about these groups, as of now there is little\nor no hard evidence that as a group they are involved in serious,\norganized criminal activity. In addition, instead of being self-\nperpetuating master crime conspirators, \"true believers\" probably\nhave a similar problem with their teenagers rebelling against their\nbelief system. To some extent even these Traditional satanists are\nself-stylized. They practice what they have come to believe is\n\"satanism\". There is little or no evidence of the much-discussed\nmultigenerational satanists whose beliefs and practices have\nsupposedly been passed down through the centuries. Many admitted\nadult satanists were in fact raised in conservative Christian\nhomes.\"\n_Washington Post_ editor Walt Harrington reported in a 1986 story on\nAnton LaVey and his Church of Satan that \"sociologists who have\nstudied LaVey's church say that its members often had serious\nchildhood problems like alcoholic parents or broken homes, or that\nthey were traumatized by guilt-ridden fundamentalist upbringings,\nturning to Satanism as a dramatic way to purge their debilitating\nguilt\" (p. 14).\nSome have claimed that the accounts of ritual abuse victims coincide\nwith historical records of what traditional or multigenerational\nsatanists are known to have practiced down through the ages. Jeffrey\nBurton Russell, Professor of History at the University of California\nat Santa Barbara and the author of numerous scholarly books on the\ndevil and satanism, believes that the universal consensus of modern\nhistorians on satanism is (personal communication, Nov. 1991):\n\"(1) incidents of orgy, infanticide, cannibalism, and other such\nconduct have occurred from the ancient world down to the present;\n(2) such incidents were isolated and limited to local antisocial\ngroups; (3) during the period of Christian dominance in European\nculture, such groups were associated with the Devil in the minds of\nthe authorities; (4) in some cases the sectaries believed that they\nwere worshiping Satan; (5) no organized cult of Satanists existed in\nthe Christian period beyond localities, and on no account was there\never any widespread Satanist organization or conspiracy; (6) no\nreliable historical sources indicate that such organizations\nexisted; (7) the black mass appears only once in the sources before\nthe late nineteenth century.\"\nMany police officers ask what to look for during the search of the\nscene of suspected satanic activity. The answer is simple: Look for\nevidence of a crime. A pentagram is no more criminally significant\nthan a crucifix unless it corroborates a crime or a criminal\nconspiracy. If a victim's description of the location or the\ninstruments of the crime includes a pentagram, then the pentagram\nwould be evidence. But the same would be true if the description\nincluded a crucifix. In many cases of alleged satanic ritual abuse,\ninvestigation can find evidence that the claimed offenders are\nmembers only of mainstream churches and are often described as very\nreligious.\nThere is no way any one law enforcement officer can become\nknowledgeable about all the symbols and rituals of every spiritual\nbelief system that might become part of a criminal investigation.\nThe officer needs only to be trained to recognize the possible\ninvestigative significance of such signs, symbols, and rituals.\nKnowledgeable religious scholars, academics, and other true experts\nin the community can be consulted if a more detailed analysis is\nnecessary.\nAny analysis, however, may have only limited application, especially\nto cases involving teenagers, dabblers, and other self-styled\npractitioners. The fact is signs, symbols, and rituals can mean\nanything that practitioners want them to mean and/or anything that\nobservers interpret them to mean.\nThe meaning of symbols can also change over time, place, and\ncircumstance. Is a swastika spray-painted on a wall an ancient\nsymbol of prosperity and good fortune, a recent symbol of Nazism and\nanti-Semitism, or a current symbol of hate, paranoia, and adolescent\ndefiance? The peace sign which in the 1960s was a familiar antiwar\nsymbol is now supposed to be a satanic symbol. Some symbols and\nholidays become \"satanic\" only because the antisatanists say they\nare. Then those who want to be \"satanists\" adopt them, and now you\nhave \"proof\" they are satanic.\nIn spite of what is sometimes said or suggested at law enforcement\ntraining conferences, police have no authority to seize any satanic\nor occult paraphernalia they might see during a search. A legally-\nvalid reason must exist for doing so. It is not the job of law\nenforcement to prevent satanists from engaging in noncriminal\nteaching, rituals, or other activities.\n9. INVESTIGATING MULTIDIMENSIONAL CHILD SEX RINGS.\nMultidimensional child sex rings can be among the most difficult,\nfrustrating, and complex cases that any law enforcement officer will\never investigate. The investigation of allegations of recent\nactivity from multiple young children under the age of seven\npresents one set of problems and must begin quickly, with interviews\nof *all* potential victims being completed as soon as possible. The\ninvestigation of allegations of activity ten or more years earlier\nfrom adult survivors presents other problems and should proceed,\nunless victims are at immediate risk, more deliberately, with\ngradually-increasing resources as corroborated facts warrant.\nIn spite of any skepticism, allegations of ritual abuse should be\naggressively and thoroughly investigated, This investigation should\nattempt to corroborate the allegations of ritual abuse. but should\n*simultaneously* also attempt to identify alternative explanations.\nThe only debate is over how much investigation is enough. Any law\nenforcement agency must be prepared to defend and justify its\nactions when scrutinized by the public, the media, elected\nofficials, or the courts. This does not mean, however, that a law\nenforcement agency has an obligation to prove that the alleged\ncrimes did not occur. This is almost always impossible to do and\ninvestigators should be alert for and avoid this trap.\nOne major problem in the investigation of multidimensional child sex\nrings is the dilemma of recognizing soon enough that you have one.\nInvestigators must be alert for cases with the potential for the\nfour basic dynamics: (a) multiple young victims, (b) multiple\noffenders, (c) fear as the controlling tactic, and (d) bizarre or\nritualistic activity. The following techniques apply primarily to\nthe investigation of such multidimensional child sex rings:\n-- a. MINIMIZE SATANIC/OCCULT ASPECT.\nThere are those who claim that one of the major reasons more of\nthese cases have not been successfully prosecuted is that the\nsatanic/occult aspect has not been aggressively pursued. One state\nhas even introduced legislation creating added penalties when\ncertain crimes are committed as part of a ritual or ceremony. A few\nstates have passed special ritual crime laws. I strongly disagree\nwith such an approach. It makes no difference what spiritual belief\nsystem was used to enhance and facilitate or rationalize and justify\ncriminal behavior. It serves no purpose to \"prove\" someone is a\nsatanist. As a matter of fact, if it is alleged that the subject\ncommitted certain criminal acts under the influence of or in order\nto conjure up supernatural spirits or forces, this may very well be\nthe basis for an insanity or diminished capacity defense, or may\ndamage the intent aspect of a sexually motivated crime. The defense\nmay very well be more interested in all the \"evidence of satanic\nactivity\". Some of the satanic crime \"experts\" who train law\nenforcement wind up working or testifying for the defense in these\ncases.\nIt is best to focus on the crime and all the evidence to corroborate\nits commission. Information about local satanic or occult activity\nis only of value if it is based on specific law enforcement\nintelligence and not on some vague, unsubstantiated generalities\nfrom religious groups. Cases are not solved by decoding signs,\nsymbols, and dates using undocumented satanic crime \"manuals\". In\none case a law enforcement agency executing a search warrant seized\nonly the satanic paraphernalia and left behind the other evidence\nthat would have corroborated victim statements. Cases are solved by\npeople- and behavior-oriented investigation. Evidence of satanic or\noccult activity may help explain certain aspects of the case, but\neven offenders who commit crimes in a spiritual context are usually\nmotivated by power, sex, and money.\n-- b. KEEP INVESTIGATION AND RELIGIOUS BELIEFS SEPARATE.\nI believe that one of the biggest mistakes any investigator of these\ncases can make is to attribute supernatural powers to the offenders.\nDuring an investigation a good investigator may sometimes be able to\nuse the beliefs and superstitions of the offenders to his or her\nadvantage. The reverse happens if the investigator believes that the\noffenders possess supernatural powers. Satanic/occult practitioners\nhave no more power than any other human beings. Law enforcement\nofficers who believe that the investigation of these cases puts them\nin conflict with the supernatural forces of evil should probably not\nbe assigned to them. The religious beliefs of officers should\nprovide spiritual strength and support for them but should not\naffect the objectivity and professionalism of the investigation.\nIt is easy to get caught up in these cases and begin to see\n\"satanism\" everywhere. Oversensitization to this perceived threat\nmay cause an investigator to \"see\" satanism in a crime when it\nreally is not there (quasi-satanism). Often the eye sees what the\nmind perceives. It may also cause an investigator not to recognize a\nstaged crime scene deliberately seeded with \"satanic clues\" in order\nto mislead the police (pseudo-satanism). On rare occasions an\noverzealous investigator or intervenor may even be tempted to plant\n\"evidence of satanism\" in order to corroborate such allegations and\nbeliefs. Supervisors need to be alert for and monitor these\nreactions in their investigators.\n-- c. LISTEN TO THE VICTIMS.\nIt is not the investigator's duty to believe the victims; it is his\nor her job to listen and be an objective fact finder. Interviews of\nyoung children should be done by investigators trained and\nexperienced in such interviews. Investigators must have direct\naccess to the alleged victims for interview purposes. Therapists for\nan adult survivor sometimes want to act as intermediaries in their\npatient's interview. This should be avoided if at all possible.\nAdult survivor interviews are often confusing difficult and\nextremely time-consuming. The investigator must remember however\nthat almost anything is possible. Most important the investigator\nmust remember that there is much middle ground. Just because one\nevent did happen does not mean that all reported events happened,\nand just because one event did not happen does not mean that all\nother events did not happen. Do not become such a zealot that you\nbelieve it all nor such a cynic that you believe nothing. Varying\namounts and parts of the allegation may be factual. Attempting to\nfind evidence of what did happen is the great challenge of these\ncases. *All* investigative interaction with victims must be\ncarefully and thoroughly documented.\n-- d. ASSESS AND EVALUATE VICTIM STATEMENTS.\nThis is the part of the investigative process in child sexual\nvictimization cases that seems to have been lost. Is the victim\ndescribing events and activities that are consistent with law\nenforcement documented criminal behavior, or that are consistent\nwith distorted media accounts and erroneous public perceptions of\ncriminal behavior? Investigators should apply the \"template of\nprobability\". Accounts of child sexual victimization that are more\nlike books, television, and movies (e.g. big conspiracies, child sex\nslaves, organized pornography rings) and less like documented cases\nshould be viewed with skepticism but thoroughly investigated.\nConsider and investigate all possible explanations of events. It is\nthe investigator's job, and the information learned will be\ninvaluable in counteracting the defense attorneys when they raise\nthe alternative explanations.\nFor example, an adult survivor's account of ritual victimization\nmight be explained by any one of at least four possibilities: First,\nthe allegations may be a fairly accurate account what actually\nhappened. Second, they may be deliberate lies (malingering), told\nfor the usual reasons people lie (e.g. money, revenge, jealousy).\nThird, they may be deliberate lies (factitious disorder) told for\natypical reasons (e.g. attention, forgiveness). Lies so motivated\nare less likely to be recognized by the investigator and more likely\nto be rigidly maintained by the liar unless and until confronted\nwith irrefutable evidence to the contrary. Fourth, the allegations\nmay be a highly inaccurate account of what actually happened, but\nthe victim truly believes it (pseudomemory) and therefore is not\nlying. A polygraph examination of such a victim would be of limited\nvalue. Other explanations or combinations of these explanations are\nalso possible. *Only* thorough *investigation* will point to the\ncorrect or most likely explanation.\nInvestigators cannot rely on therapists or satanic crime experts as\na shortcut to the explanation. In one case, the \"experts\" confirmed\nand validated the account of a female who claimed to be a 15-year-\nold deaf-mute kidnapped and held for three years by a satanic cult\nand forced to participate in bizarre rituals before recently\nescaping. Active investigation, however, determined she was a 27-\nyear-old woman who could hear and speak, who had not been kidnapped\nby anyone, and who had a lengthy history of mental problems and at\nleast three other similar reports of false victimization. Her\n\"accurate\" accounts of what the \"real satanists\" do were simply the\nresult of having read, while in mental hospitals, the same books\nthat the \"experts\" had. A therapist may have important insights\nabout whether an individual was traumatized, but knowing the exact\ncause of that trauma is another matter. There have been cases where\ninvestigation has discovered that individuals diagnosed by\ntherapists as suffering from Post-Vietnam Syndrome were never in\nVietnam or saw no combat.\nConversely, in another case, a law enforcement \"expert\" on satanic\ncrime told a therapist that a patient's accounts of satanic murders\nin a rural Pacific Northwest town were probably true because the\ncommunity was a hotbed of such satanic activity. When the therapist\nexplained that there was almost no violent crime reported in the\ncommunity, the officer explained that that is how you know it is the\nsatanists. If you knew about the murders or found the bodies, it\nwould not be satanists. How do you argue with that kind of logic?\nThe first step in the assessment and evaluation of victim statements\nis to determine the disclosure sequence, including how much time has\nelapsed since disclosure was first made and the incident was\nreported to the police or social services. The longer the delay, the\nbigger the potential for problems. The next step is to determine the\nnumber and purpose of *all prior* interviews of the victim\nconcerning the allegations. The more interviews conducted before the\ninvestigative interview, the larger the potential for problems.\nAlthough there is nothing wrong with admitting shortcomings and\nseeking help, law enforcement should never abdicate its control over\nthe investigative interview. When an investigative interview is\nconducted by or with a social worker or therapist using a team\napproach, law enforcement must direct the process. Problems can also\nbe created by interviews conducted by various intervenors *after*\nthe investigative interview(s).\nThe investigator must closely and carefully evaluate events in the\nvictim's life before, during, and after the alleged abuse.\nEvents to be evaluated *before* the alleged abuse include:\n---- (1) Background of victim.\n---- (2) Abuse of drugs in home.\n---- (3) Pornography in home.\n---- (4) Play, television, and VCR habits.\n---- (5) Attitudes about sexuality in home.\n---- (6) Extent of sex education in home.\n---- (7) Activities of siblings.\n---- (8) Need or craving for attention.\n---- (9) Religious beliefs and training.\n---- (10) Childhood fears.\n---- (11) Custody/visitation disputes.\n---- (12) Victimization of or by family members.\n---- (13) Interaction between victims.\nEvents to be evaluated *during* the alleged abuse include:\n---- (1) Use of fear or scare tactics.\n---- (2) Degree of trauma.\n---- (3) Use of magic deception or trickery.\n---- (4) Use of rituals.\n---- (5) Use of drugs.\n---- (6) Use of pornography.\nEvents to be evaluated *after* the alleged abuse include:\n---- (1) Disclosure sequence.\n---- (2) Background of prior interviewers.\n---- (3) Background of parents.\n---- (4) Co-mingling of victims.\n---- (5) Type of therapy received.\n-- e. EVALUATE CONTAGION.\nConsistent statements obtained from different multiple victims are\npowerful pieces of corroborative evidence - that is as long as those\nstatements were not \"contaminated\". Investigation must carefully\nevaluate both pre- and post-disclosure contagion, and both victim\nand intervenor contagion. Are the different victim statements\nconsistent because they describe common experiences or events, or\nbecause they reflect contamination or urban legends?\nThe sources of potential contagion are widespread. Victims can\ncommunicate with each other both prior to and after their\ndisclosures. Intervenors can communicate with each other and with\nvictims. The team or cell concepts of investigation are attempts to\ndeal with potential investigator contagion. All the victims are not\ninterviewed by the same individuals, and interviewers do not\nnecessarily share information directly with each other. Teams report\nto a leader or supervisor who evaluates the information and decides\nwhat other investigators need to know.\nDocumenting existing contagion and eliminating additional contagion\nare crucial to the successful investigation and prosecution of these\ncases. There is no way, however, to erase or undo contagion. The\nbest you can hope for is to identify and evaluate it and attempt to\nexplain it. Mental health professionals requested to evaluate\nsuspected victims must be carefully selected. Having a victim\nevaluated by one of the self-proclaimed experts on satanic ritual\nabuse or by some other overzealous intervenor may result in the\ncredibility of that victim's testimony being severely damaged.\nIn order to evaluate the contagion element, investigators must\nmeticulously and aggressively investigate these cases. The precise\ndisclosure sequence of the victim must be carefully identified and\ndocumented. Investigators must verify through active investigation\nthe exact nature and content of each disclosure outcry or statement\nmade by the victim. Second-hand information about disclosure is not\ngood enough.\nWhenever possible, personal visits should be made to all locations\nof alleged abuse and the victim's homes. Events prior to the alleged\nabuse must be carefully evaluated. Investigators may have to view\ntelevision programs, films, and videotapes seen by the victims. It\nmay be necessary to conduct a background investigation and\nevaluation of everyone, both professional and nonprofessional, who\ninterviewed the victims about the allegations prior to and after the\ninvestigative interview(s). Investigators must be familiar with the\ninformation about ritual abuse of children being disseminated in\nmagazines, books, television programs, videotapes, and conferences.\nEvery possible way that a victim could have learned about the\ndetails of the abuse must be explored if for no other reason than to\neliminate them and counter the defense's arguments.\nThere may, however, be validity to these contagion factors. *They\nmay explain some of the \"unbelievable\" aspects of the case and\nresult in the successful prosecution of the substance of the case.*\nConsistency of statements becomes more significant if contagion is\nidentified or disproved by independent investigation. The easier\ncases are the ones where there is a single, identifiable source of\ncontagion. Most cases, however, seem to involve multiple contagion\nfactors.\nMunchausen Syndrome and Munchausen Syndrome by Proxy are complex and\ncontroversial issues in these cases. No attempt will be made to\ndiscuss them in detail, but they are documented facts (Rosenberg,\n1987). Most of the literature about them focuses on their\nmanifestation in the medical setting as false or self-inflicted\nillness or injury. They are also manifested in the criminal justice\nsetting as false or self-inflicted crime victimization. If parents\nwould poison their children to prove an illness, they might sexually\nabuse their children to prove a crime. \"Victims\" have been known to\ndestroy property, manufacture evidence, and mutilate themselves in\norder to convince others of their victimization. The motivation is\npsychological gain (i.e. attention, forgiveness, etc.) and not\nnecessarily money, jealousy, or revenge. These are the unpopular,\nbut documented, realities of the world. Recognizing their existence\ndoes not mean that child sexual abuse and sexual assault are not\nreal and serious problems.\n-- f. ESTABLISH COMMUNICATION WITH PARENTS.\nThe importance and difficulty of this technique in extrafamilial\ncases involving young children cannot be overemphasized. An\ninvestigator must maintain ongoing communication with the parents of\nvictims in these abuse cases. Not all parents react the same way to\nthe alleged abuse of their children. Some are very supportive and\ncooperative. Others overreact and some even deny the victimization.\nSometimes there is animosity and mistrust among parents with\ndifferent reactions. Once the parents lose faith in the police or\nprosecutor and begin to interrogate their own children and conduct\ntheir own investigation, the case may be lost forever. Parents from\none case communicate the results of their \"investigation\" with each\nother, and some have even contacted the parents in other cases. Such\nparental activity is an obvious source of potential contamination.\nParents must be made to understand that their children's credibility\nwill be jeopardized when and if the information obtained turns out\nto be unsubstantiated or false. To minimize this problem, within the\nlimits of the law and without jeopardizing investigative techniques,\nparents must be told on a regular basis how the case is progressing.\nParents can also be assigned constructive things to do (e.g.\nlobbying for new legislation, working on awareness and prevention\nprograms) in order to channel their energy, concern, and \"guilt\".\n-- g. DEVELOP A CONTINGENCY PLAN.\nIf a department waits until actually confronted with a case before a\nresponse is developed, it may be too late. In cases involving\nongoing abuse of children, departments must respond quickly, and\nthis requires advanced planning. There are added problems for small-\nto medium-sized departments with limited personnel and resources.\nEffective investigation of these cases requires planning,\nidentification of resources, and, in many cases, mutual aid\nagreements between agencies. The U.S. Department of Defense has\nconducted specialized training and has developed such a plan for\nchild sex ring cases involving military facilities and personnel.\nOnce a case is contaminated and out of control, I have little advice\non how to salvage what may once have been a prosecutable criminal\nviolation. A few of these cases have even been lost on appeal after\na conviction because of contamination problems.\n-- h. MULTIDISCIPLINARY TASK FORCES.\nSergeant Beth Dickinson, Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department,\nwas the chairperson of the Multi-Victim, Multi-Suspect Child Sexual\nAbuse Subcommittee. Sergeant Dickinson states (personal\ncommunication, Nov. 1989):\n\"One of the biggest obstacles for investigators to overcome is the\nreluctance of law enforcement administrators to commit sufficient\nresources early on to an investigation that has the potential to be\na multidimensional child sex ring. It is important to get in and get\non top of the investigation in a timely manner - to get it\ninvestigated in a timely manner in order to assess the risk to\nchildren and to avoid hysteria, media sensationalism, and cross-\ncontamination of information. The team approach reduces stress on\nindividual investigators, allowing for peer support and minimizing\nfeelings of being overwhelmed.\"\nThe team approach and working together does not mean, however, that\neach discipline forgets its role and starts doing the other's job.\n-- i. SUMMARY.\nThe investigation of child sex rings can be difficult and time\nconsuming. The likelihood, however, of a great deal of corroborative\nevidence in a multivictim/multioffender case increases the chances\nof a successful prosecution if the crime occurred. Because there is\nstill so much we do not know or understand about the dynamics of\nmultidimensional child sex rings, investigative techniques are less\ncertain. Each new case must be carefully evaluated in order to\nimprove investigative procedures.\nBecause mental health professionals seem to be unable to determine,\nwith any degree of certainty, the accuracy of victim statements in\nthese cases, law enforcement must proceed using the corroboration\nprocess. If some of what the victim describes is accurate, some\nmisperceived, some distorted, and some contaminated, what is the\njury supposed to believe? Until mental health professionals can come\nup with better answers, the jury should be asked to believe what the\n*investigation* can corroborate. Even if only a portion of what\nthese victims allege is factual, that may still constitute\nsignificant criminal activity.\n10. CONCLUSION.\nThere are many possible alternative answers to the question of why\nvictims are alleging things that don't seem to be true. The first\nstep in finding those answers is to admit the possibility that some\nof what the victims describe may not have happened. Some experts\nseem unwilling to even consider this. Most of these victims are also\nprobably not lying and have come to believe that which they are\nalleging actually happened. There are alternative explanations for\nwhy people who never met each other can tell the same story.\nI believe that there is a middle ground - a continuum of possible\nactivity. Some of what the victims allege may be true and accurate,\nsome may be misperceived or distorted, some may be screened or\nsymbolic, and some may be \"contaminated\" or false. The problem and\nchallenge, especially for law enforcement, is to determine which is\nwhich. This can only be done through active investigation. I believe\nthat the majority of victims alleging \"ritual\" abuse are in fact\nvictims of some form of abuse or trauma. That abuse or trauma may or\nmay not be criminal in nature. After a lengthy discussion about\nvarious alternative explanations and the continuum of possible\nactivity, one mother told me that for the first time since the\nvictimization of her young son she felt a little better. She had\nthought her only choices were that either her son was a pathological\nliar or, on the other hand, she lived in a community controlled by\nsatanists.\nLaw enforcement has the obvious problem of attempting to determine\nwhat actually happened for criminal justice purposes. Therapists,\nhowever, might also be interested in what really happened in order\nto properly evaluate and treat their patients. How and when to\nconfront patients with skepticism is a difficult and sensitive\nproblem for therapists.\nAny professional evaluating victims' allegations of \"ritual\" abuse\ncannot ignore or routinely dismiss the lack of physical evidence (no\nbodies or physical evidence left by violent murders); the difficulty\nin successfully committing a large-scale conspiracy crime (the more\npeople involved in any crime conspiracy, the harder it is to get\naway with it); and human nature (intragroup conflicts resulting in\nindividual self-serving disclosures are likely to occur in any group\ninvolved in organized kidnapping, baby breeding, and human\nsacrifice). If and when members of a destructive cult commit\nmurders, they are bound to make mistakes, leave evidence, and\neventually make admissions in order to brag about their crimes or to\nreduce their legal liability. The discovery of the murders in\nMatamoros, Mexico in 1989 and the results of the subsequent\ninvestigation are good examples of these dynamics.\nOverzealous intervenors must accept the fact that some of their\nwell-intentioned activity is contaminating and damaging the\nprosecutive potential of the cases where criminal acts did occur. We\nmust all (i.e., the media, churches, therapists, victim advocates,\nlaw enforcement, and the general public) ask ourselves if we have\ncreated an environment where victims are rewarded, listened to,\ncomforted, and forgiven in direct proportion to the severity of\ntheir abuse. Are we encouraging needy or traumatized individuals to\ntell more and more outrageous tales of their victimization? Are we\nmaking up for centuries of denial by now blindly accepting any\nallegation of child abuse no matter how absurd or unlikely? Are we\nincreasing the likelihood that rebellious, antisocial, or attention-\nseeking individuals will gravitate toward \"satanism\" by publicizing\nit and overreacting to it? The overreaction to the problem can be\nworse than the problem.\nThe amount of \"ritual\" child abuse going on in this country depends\non how you define the term. One documented example of what I might\ncall \"ritual\" child abuse was the horror chronicled in the book _A\nDeath in White Bear Lake_ (Siegal, 1990). The abuse in this case,\nhowever, had little to do with anyone's spiritual belief system.\nThere are many children in the United States who, starting early in\ntheir lives, are severely psychologically, physically, and sexually\ntraumatized by angry, sadistic parents or other adults. Such abuse,\nhowever, is not perpetrated only or primarily by satanists. The\nstatistical odds are that such abusers are members of mainstream\nreligions. If 99.9% of satanists and 0.1% of Christians abuse\nchildren as part of their spiritual belief system, that still means\nthat the vast majority of children so abused were abused by\nChristians.\nUntil hard evidence is obtained and corroborated, the public should\nnot be frightened into believing that babies are being bred and\neaten, that 50,000 missing children are being murdered in human\nsacrifices, or that satanists are taking over America's day care\ncenters or institutions. No one can prove with absolute certainty\nthat such activity has *not* occurred. The burden of proof, however,\nas it would be in a criminal prosecution, is on those who claim that\nit has occurred.\nThe explanation that the satanists are too organized and law\nenforcement is too incompetent only goes so far in explaining the\nlack of evidence. For at least eight years American law enforcement\nhas been aggressively investigating the allegations of victims of\nritual abuse. There is little or no evidence for the portion of\ntheir allegations that deals with large-scale baby breeding, human\nsacrifice, and organized satanic conspiracies. Now it is up to\nmental health professionals, not law enforcement, to explain why\nvictims are alleging things that don't seem to have happened.\nProfessionals in this field must accept the fact that there is still\nmuch we do not know about the sexual victimization of children, and\nthat this area desperately needs study and research by rational,\nobjective social scientists.\nIf the guilty are to be successfully prosecuted, if the innocent are\nto be exonerated, and if the victims are to be protected and\ntreated, better methods to evaluate and explain allegations of\n\"ritual\" child abuse must be developed or identified. Until this is\ndone, the controversy will continue to cast a shadow over and fuel\nthe backlash against the validity and reality of child sexual abuse.\nXI. REFERENCES.\nAmerican Psychiatric Association, _Diagnostic and Statistical Manual\nof Mental Disorders_ (3rd Ed., Rev.). Washington, DC: 1987.\nBreiner, S.J., _Slaughter of the Innocents: Child Abuse Through the\nAges and Today_. New York: Plenum Press, 1990.\nBrown, R., _Prepare for War_. Chino, CA: Chick Publications, 1987.\nBrunvand, J.H., _The Vanishing Hitchhiker_. New York: Norton, 1981.\nHarrington, Walt, \"The Devil in Anton LaVey\". Washington, D.C.: _The\nWashington Post Magazine_, February 23, 1986, pages #6-17.\nLanning, K.V., _Child Molesters: A Behavioral Analysis_ (2nd Ed.).\nWashington, D.C.: National Center for Missing and Exploited\nChildren, 1987.\nLanning, K.V. (1989). Child sex rings: A behavioral analysis.\nWashington, DC: National Center for Missing and Exploited Children.\nLaVey, Anton, _The Satanic Bible_. New York: Avon Books, 1969.\nMayer, R.S., _Satan's Children_. New York: Putnam, 1991.\nMichigan Department of State Police, _Occult Survey_. East Lansing,\nMichigan, 1990.\n_National Coalition on Television Violence (NCTV) News_, June-\nOctober 1988, page #3.\n_National Incidence Studies on Missing, Abducted, Runaway, and\nThrownaway Children in America_. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department\nof Justice, 1990.\nPrattanis, A., \"Hidden messages\", _Wellness Letter_. Berkeley,\nCalifornia: University of California, January 1991, pages #1-2.\nRosenberg, D.A., \"Web of Deceit: A Literature Review of Munchausen\nSyndrome by Proxy\", _Child Abuse and Neglect_ #2, 1987, pages #547-\n563.\nRush, E., _The Best Kept Secret: Sexual Abuse of Children_. New\nYork: McGraw-Hill, 1980.\nSmith, M., & Pazder, L., _Michelle Remembers_. New York: Congdon and\nLattis, 1980.\nSiegal, B., _A Death in White Bear Lake_. New York: Bantam, 1990.\n\"Stranger-Abduction Homicides of Children\", _Juvenile Justice\nBulletin_. Washington, D.C.: U. S. Department of Justice, 1989.\nTerr, L., _Too Scared to Cry_. New York: Harper & Row, 1990.\nTimnik, L., \"The Times Poll\", _Los Angeles Times_, August 25-26,\n1985.\nVirginia Crime Commission Task Force, _Final Report of the Task\nForce Studying Ritual Crime_. Richmond, Virginia.\n12. SUGGESTED READING.\n-- a. Cooper, John Charles, _The Black Mask: Satanism in America\nToday_. Old Tappen, N.J.: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1990.\nProbably the best of the large number of books available primarily\nin Christian bookstores and written from the Christian perspective.\nThis one, however, is written without the hysteria and\nsensationalism of most. Recommended for investigators who want\ninformation from this perspective.\n-- b. Hicks, Robert D., _In Pursuit of Satan: The Police and the\nOccult_. Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books, 1991.\nUndoubtedly the best book written to date on the topic of satanism\nand the occult from the law enforcement perspective. Robert D. Hicks\nis a former police officer who is currently employed as a criminal\njustice analyst for the state of Virginia. Must reading for any\ncriminal justice professional involved in this issue. Unfortunately,\nin the chapter on \"Satanic Abuse of Children\", the author appears to\nhave been overly influenced by extreme skeptics with minimal or\nquestionable credentials in this area. The book is easy to read,\nlogical, and highly recomended.","title":"Lanning Report (1992)","type":"page"}