{"collection":"philosophy-ethics","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_1171/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_1171","id":"gutenberg_1171","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/1171","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Classics of Literature","Category: History - Ancient","Category: Philosophy & Ethics","Classical literature","Socrates, 470 BC-399 BC"],"text":"Produced by John Bickers\n\n\n\n\n\nTHE APOLOGY\n\nBy Xenophon\n\nTranslation by H. G. Dakyns\n\n\n\n\n     Xenophon the Athenian was born 431 B.C. He was a\n     pupil of Socrates. He marched with the Spartans,\n     and was exiled from Athens. Sparta gave him land\n     and property in Scillus, where he lived for many\n     years before having to move once more, to settle\n     in Corinth. He died in 354 B.C.\n\n\n\n     The Apology describes Socrates' state of mind at\n     his trial and execution, and especially his view\n     that it was better to die before senility set in\n     than to escape execution by humbling himself be-\n     fore an unjust persecution. Xenophon was away at\n     the time, involved in the events of the march of\n     the ten thousand.\n\n\n\nPREPARER'S NOTE\n\nThis was typed from Dakyns' series, \"The Works of Xenophon,\" a\nfour-volume set. The complete list of Xenophon's works (though\nthere is doubt about some of these) is:\n\n     Work                                   Number of books\n\n     The Anabasis                                         7\n     The Hellenica                                        7\n     The Cyropaedia                                       8\n     The Memorabilia                                      4\n     The Symposium                                        1\n     The Economist                                        1\n     On Horsemanship                                      1\n     The Sportsman                                        1\n     The Cavalry General                                  1\n     The Apology                                          1\n     On Revenues                                          1\n     The Hiero                                            1\n     The Agesilaus                                        1\n     The Polity of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians   2\n\nText in brackets \"{}\" is my transliteration of Greek text into\nEnglish using an Oxford English Dictionary alphabet table. The\ndiacritical marks have been lost.\n\n\n\n\nTHE APOLOGY OF SOCRATES [1]\n\nAmong the reminiscences of Socrates, none, as it seems to me, is more\ndeserving of record than the counsel he took with himself [2] (after\nbeing cited to appear before the court), not only with regard to his\ndefence, but also as to the ending of his life. Others have written on\nthis theme, and all without exception have touched upon [3] the lofty\nstyle of the philosopher, [4] which may be taken as a proof that the\nlanguage used by Socrates was really of that type. But none of these\nwriters has brought out clearly the fact that Socrates had come to\nregard death as for himself preferable to life; and consequently there\nis just a suspicion of foolhardiness in the arrogancy of his\naddress. [5] We have, however, from the lips of one of his intimate\nacquaintances, Hermogenes, [6] the son of Hipponicus, an account of him\nwhich shows the high demeanour in question to have been altogether in\nkeeping with the master's rational purpose. [7] Hermogenes says that,\nseeing Socrates discoursing on every topic rather than that of his\nimpending trial, he roundly put it to him whether he ought not to be\ndebating the line of his defence, to which Socrates in the first\ninstance answered: \"What! do I not seem to you to have spent my whole\nlife in meditating my defence?\" And when Hermogenes asked him, \"How?\"\nhe added: \"By a lifelong persistence in doing nothing wrong, and that\nI take to be the finest practice for his defence which a man could\ndevise.\" Presently reverting to the topic, Hermogenes demanded: \"Do\nyou not see, Socrates, how often Athenian juries [8] are constrained by\narguments to put quite innocent people to death, and not less often to\nacquit the guilty, either through some touch of pity excited by the\npleadings, or that the defendant had skill to turn some charming\nphrase?\" Thus appealed to, Socrates replied: \"Nay, solemnly I tell\nyou, twice already I have essayed to consider my defence, and twice\nthe divinity [9] hinders me\"; and to the remark of Hermogenes, \"That is\nstrange!\" he answered again: \"Strange, do you call it, that to God it\nshould seem better for me to die at once? Do you not know that up to\nthis moment I will not concede to any man to have lived a better life\nthan I have; since what can exceed the pleasure, which has been mine,\nof knowing [10] that my whole life has been spent holily and justly?\nAnd indeed this verdict of self-approval I found re-echoed in the\nopinion which my friends and intimates have formed concerning me. [11]\nAnd now if my age is still to be prolonged, [12] I know that I cannot\nescape paying [13] the penalty of old age, in increasing dimness of\nsight and dulness of hearing. I shall find myself slower to learn new\nlessons, and apter to forget the lessons I have learnt. And if to\nthese be added the consciousness of failing powers, the sting of\nself-reproach, what prospect have I of any further joy in living? It\nmay be, you know,\" he added, \"that God out of his great kindness is\nintervening in my behalf [14] to suffer me to close my life in the\nripeness of age, and by the gentlest of deaths. For if at this time\nsentence of death be passed upon me, it is plain I shall be allowed to\nmeet an end which, in the opinion of those who have studied the\nmatter, is not only the easiest in itself, but one which will cause\nthe least trouble to one's friends, [15] while engendering the deepest\nlonging for the departed. For of necessity he will only be thought of\nwith regret and longing who leaves nothing behind unseemly or\ndiscomfortable to haunt the imagination of those beside him, but,\nsound of body, and his soul still capable of friendly repose, fades\ntranquilly away.\"\n\n\"No doubt,\" he added, \"the gods were right in opposing me at that time\n(touching the inquiry, what I was to say in my defence), [16] when you\nall thought the great thing was to discover some means of\nacquittal; [17] since, had I effected that, it is clear I should have\nprepared for myself, not that surcease from life which is in store for\nme anon, but to end my days wasted by disease, or by old age, on which\na confluent stream of evil things most alien to joyousness\nconverges.\" [18]\n\n\"No,\" he added, \"God knows I shall display no ardent zeal to bring\nthat about. [19] On the contrary, if by proclaiming all the blessings\nwhich I owe to god and men; if, by blazoning forth the opinion which I\nentertain with regard to myself, I end by wearying the court, even so\nwill I choose death rather than supplicate in servile sort for leave\nto live a little longer merely to gain a life impoverished in place of\ndeath.\"\n\nIt was in this determination, Hermogenes states, that, when the\nprosecution accused him of not recognising the gods recognised by the\nstate, but introducing novel divinities and corrupting the young,\nSocrates stepped forward and said: \"In the first place, sirs, I am at\na loss to imagine on what ground [20] Meletus asserts that I do not\nrecognise the gods which are recognised by the state, since, as far as\nsacrificing goes, the rest of the world who have chanced to be present\nhave been in the habit of seeing me so engaged at common festivals,\nand on the public altars; and so might Meletus himself, if he had\nwished. And as to novel divinities, how, pray, am I supposed to\nintroduce them by stating that I have a voice [21] from God which\nclearly signifies to me what I ought do do? Why, what else do those\nwho make use of the cries of birds or utterances of men draw their\nconclusions from if not from voices? Who will deny that the thunder\nhas a voice and is a very mighty omen; [22] and the priestess on her\ntripod at Pytho, [23] does not she also proclaim by voice the messages\nfrom the god? The god, at any rate, has foreknowledge, and premonishes\nthose whom he will of what is about to be. That is a thing which all\nthe world believes and asserts even as I do. Only, when they describe\nthese premonitions under the name of birds and utterances, tokens [24]\nand soothsayers, I speak of a divinity, and in using that designation\nI claim to speak at once more exactly and more reverentially than they\ndo who ascribe the power of the gods to birds. And that I am not lying\nagainst the Godhead I have this as a proof: although I have reported\nto numbers of friends the counsels of heaven, I have never at any time\nbeen shown to be a deceiver or deceived.\"\n\nAs they listened to these words the judges murmured their dissent,\nsome as disbelieving what was said, and others out of simple envy that\nSocrates should actually receive from heaven more than they\nthemselves; whereupon Socrates returned to the charge. \"Come,\" he\nsaid, \"lend me your ears while I tell you something more, so that\nthose of you who choose may go to a still greater length in refusing\nto believe that I am thus highly honoured by the divine powers.\nChaerephon [25] once, in the presence of many witnesses, put a question\nat Delhi concerning me, and Apollo answered that there was no human\nbeing more liberal, or more upright, or more temperate than myself.\"\nAnd when once more on hearing these words the judges gave vent, as was\nonly natural, to a fiercer murmur of dissent, Socrates once again\nspoke: \"Yet, sirs, they were still greater words which the god spake\nin oracle concerning Lycurgus, [26] the great lawgiver of Lacedaemon,\nthan those concerning me. It is said that as he entered the temple the\ngod addressed him with the words: 'I am considering whether to call\nthee god or man.' Me he likened not indeed to a god, but in\nexcellence [27] preferred me far beyond other men.\"\n\n\"Still I would not have you accept this even on the faith of the god\ntoo rashly; rather I would have you investigate, point by point, what\nthe god has said. I ask you, is there any one [28] else, you know of,\nless enslaved than myself to the appetites [29] of the body? Can you\nname another man of more independent spirit than myself, seeing that I\naccept from no one either gifts or pay? Whom have you any right to\nbelieve to be more just [30] than one so suited with what he has, that\nthe things of others excite no craving in him? [31] Whom would one\nreasonably deem wise, rather than such a one as myself, who, from the\nmoment I began to understand things spoken, [32] have never omitted to\ninquire into and learn every good thing in my power? And that I\nlaboured not in vain, what more conclusive evidence than the fact that\nso many of my fellow-citizens who make virtue their pursuit, and many\nstrangers also, choose my society in preference to that of others? [33]\nAnd how are we to explain the fact that though all know well enough\nthat I am wholly unable to repay them in money, so many are eager to\npresent me with some gift? [34] And what do you make of this--while no\none dreams of dunning me for benefits conferred, hosts of people\nacknowledge debts of gratitude to myself? And what of this, that\nduring the siege, [35] while others were pitying themselves [36] I lived\nin no greater straits than when the city was at the height of her\nprosperity? and of this, that while others provide themselves with\ndelicacies [37] of the market at great cost, mine are the dainties of\nthe soul more sweet than theirs, [38] procured without expense? If in\nall I have said about myself no one can convict me of lying, is it not\nobvious that the praise I get from gods and men is justly earned? And\nyet in spite of all, Meletus, you will have it that by such habits I\ncorrupt the young. We know, I fancy, what such corrupting influences\nare; and perhaps you will tell us if you know of any one who, under my\ninfluence, has been changed from a religious into an irreligious man;\nwho, from being sober-minded, has become prodigal; from being a\nmoderate drinker has become a wine-bibber and a drunkard; from being a\nlover of healthy honest toil has become effeminate, or under the\nthrall of some other wicked pleasure.\"\n\n\"Nay, bless my soul,\" exclaimed Meletus, \"I know those whom you\npersuaded to obey yourself rather than the fathers who begat\nthem.\" [39]\n\n\"I admit it,\" Socrates replied, \"in the case of education, for they\nknow that I have made the matter a study; and with regard to health a\nman prefers to obey his doctor rather than his parents; in the public\nassembly the citizens of Athens, I presume, obey those whose arguments\nexhibit the soundest wisdom rather than their own relations. And is it\nnot the case that, in your choice of generals, you set your fathers\nand brothers, and, bless me! your own selves aside, by comparison with\nthose whom you believe to be the wisest authorities on military\nmatters?\"\n\n\"No doubt, Socrates,\" replied Meletus, \"because it is expedient and\ncustomary so to do.\"\n\n\"Well then,\" rejoined Socrates, \"does it not strike even you, Meletus,\nas wonderful when in all ordinary concerns the best people should\nobtain, I do not say only an equal share, but an exclusive preference;\nbut in my case, simply because I am selected by certain people as an\nadept in respect of the greatest treasure men possess--education, I am\non that account to be prosecuted by you, sir, on the capital charge?\"\n\nMuch more than this, it stands to reason, was urged, whether by\nhimself or by the friends who advocated his cause. [40] But my object\nhas not been to mention everything that arose out of the suit. It\nsuffices me to have shown on the one hand that Socrates, beyond\neverything, desired not to display impiety to heaven, [41] and\ninjustice to men; and on the other, that escape from death was not a\nthing, in his opinion, to be clamoured for importunately--on the\ncontrary, he believed that the time was already come for him to die.\nThat such was the conclusion to which he had come was made still more\nevident later when the case had been decided against him. In the first\nplace, when called upon to suggest a counter-penalty, [42] he would\nneither do so himself nor suffer his friends to do so for him, but\nwent so far as to say that to propose a counter-penalty was like a\nconfession of guilt. And afterwards, when his companions wished to\nsteal him out of prison, [43] he would not follow their lead, but would\nseem to have treated the idea as a jest, by asking \"whether they\nhappened to know of some place outside Attica where death was\nforbidden to set foot?\"\n\nWhen the trial drew to an end, we are told, the master said: [44]\n\"Sirs, those who instructed the witnesses that they ought to perjure\nthemselves and bear false witness against me, alike with those who\nlistened to their instruction, must be conscious to themselves of a\ndeep impiety and injustice. [45] But for myself, what reason have I at\nthe present time to hold my head less high than I did before sentence\nwas passed against me, if I have not been convicted of having done any\nof those things whereof my accusers accused me? It has not been proved\nagainst me that I have sacrificed to novel divinities in place of Zeus\nand Hera and the gods who form their company. I have not taken oath by\nany other gods, nor named their name.\n\n\"And then the young--how could I corrupt them by habituating them to\nmanliness and frugality? since not even my accusers themselves allege\nagainst me that I have committed any of those deeds [46] of which death\nis the penalty, such as robbery of temples, [47] breaking into houses,\nselling freemen into slavery, or betrayal of the state; so that I must\nstill ask myself in wonderment how it has been proved to you that I\nhave done a deed worthy of death. Nor yet again because I die\ninnocently is that a reason why I should lower my crest, for that is a\nblot not upon me but upon those who condemned me.\n\n\"For me, I find a certain consolation in the case of Palamedes, [48]\nwhose end was not unlike my own; who still even to-day furnishes a far\nnobler theme of song than Odysseus who unjustly slew him; and I know\nthat testimony will be borne to me also by time future and time past\nthat I never wronged another at any time or ever made a worse man of\nhim, [49] but ever tried to benefit those who practised discussion with\nme, teaching them gratuitously every good thing in my power.\"\n\nHaving so said he turned and went in a manner quite in conformity [50]\nwith the words which he had spoken--so bright an air was discernible\nalike in the glance of his eye, his gesture, and his step.\n\nAnd when he perceived those who followed by his side in tears, \"What\nis this?\" he asked. \"Why do you weep now? [51] Do you not know that for\nmany a long day, ever since I was born, sentence of death was passed\nupon me by nature? If so be I perish prematurely while the tide of\nlife's blessings flows free and fast, certainly I and my well-wishers\nshould feel pained; but if it be that I am bringing my life to a close\non the eve of troubles, for my part I think you ought all of you to\ntake heart of grace and rejoice in my good fortune.\"\n\nNow there was a certain Apollodorus, [52] who was an enthusiastic lover\nof the master, but for the rest a simple-minded man. He exclaimed very\ninnocently, \"But the hardest thing of all to bear, Socrates, is to see\nyou put to death unjustly.\" [53]\n\nWhereupon Socrates, it is said, gently stroked the young man's head:\n\"Would you have been better pleased, my dear one, to see me put to\ndeath for some just reason rather than unjustly?\" and as he spoke he\nsmiled tenderly. [54]\n\nIt is also said that, seeing Anytus [55] pass by, Socrates remarked:\n\"How proudly the great man steps; he thinks, no doubt, he has\nperformed some great and noble deed in putting me to death, and all\nbecause, seeing him deemed worthy of the highest honours of the state,\nI told him it ill became him to bring up his so in a tan-yard. [56]\nWhat a scamp the fellow is! he appears not to know that of us two\nwhichever has achieved what is best and noblest for all future time is\nthe real victor in this suit. Well! well!\" he added, \"Homer [57] has\nascribed to some at the point of death a power of forecasting things\nto be, and I too am minded to utter a prophecy. Once, for a brief\nspace, I associated with the son of Anytus, and he seemed to me not\nlacking in strength of soul; and what I say is, he will not adhere\nlong to the slavish employment which his father has prepared for him,\nbut, in the absence of any earnest friend and guardian, he is like to\nbe led into some base passion and go to great lengths in depravity.\"\n\nThe prophecy proved true. The young man fell a victim to the pleasures\nof wine; night and day he never ceased drinking, and at last became a\nmere good-for-nothing, worthless alike to his city, his friends, and\nhimself. As to Anytus, even though the grave has closed upon him, his\nevil reputation still survives him, due alike to his son's base\nbringing-up and his own want of human feeling.\n\nSocrates did, it is true, by his self-laudation draw down upon him the\njealousy of the court and caused his judges all the more to record\ntheir votes against him. Yet even so I look upon the lot of destiny\nwhich he obtained as providential, [58] chancing as he did upon the\neasiest amidst the many shapes of death, [59] and escaping as he did\nthe one grievous portion of existence. And what a glorious chance,\nmoreover, he had to display the full strength of his soul, for when\nonce he had decided that death was better for him than life, just as\nin the old days he had never harshly opposed himself to the good\nthings of life morosely, [60] so even in face of death he showed no\ntouch of weakness, but with gaiety welcomed death's embrace, and\ndischarged life's debt.\n\nFor myself indeed, as I lay to mind the wisdom of the man and his\nnobility, I can neither forget him nor, remembering him, forbear to\npraise him. But if any of those who make virtue their pursuit have\never met a more helpful friend than Socrates, I tender such an one my\ncongratulations as a most enviable man.\n\n\n\n\nFootnotes:\n[Footnote 1: Or, \"Socrates' Defence before the Dicasts.\" For the title\nof the work see Grote, \"H. G.\" viii. 641; Schneid. ap. L. Dindorf's note\n{pros tous dikastas}, ed. Ox. 1862, and Dindorf's own note; L. Schmitz,\n\"On the Apology of Socrates, commonly attributed to Xenophon,\" \"Class.\nMus.\" v. 222 foll.; G. Sauppe, \"Praef.\" vol. iii. p. 117, ed. ster.; J.\nJ. Hartman, \"An. Xen.\" p. 111 foll.; E. Richter, \"Xen. Stud.\" pp. 61-96;\nM. Schanz, \"Platos Apologia.\"]\n\n[Footnote 2: Or possibly, \"his deliberate behaviour.\"]\n\n[Footnote 3: Or, \"have succeeded in hitting off\"; \"done full justice\nto.\"]\n\n[Footnote 4: Or, \"the magniloquence of the master.\"]\n\n[Footnote 5: Or, \"so that according to them his lofty speech seems\nrather foolhardy.\"]\n\n[Footnote 6: See \"Mem.\" IV. viii. 4 foll., a passage of which this is\neither an \"ebauchement\" or a \"rechauffe.\"]\n\n[Footnote 7: Or, \"the philosopher's cast of thought.\"]\n\n[Footnote 8: Dikasteries.]\n\n[Footnote 9: {to daimonion}.]\n\n[Footnote 10: {edein}, i.e. at any moment.]\n\n[Footnote 11: For the phrase {iskhuros agamenos emauton}, cf. \"Mem.\" II.\ni. 19.]\n\n[Footnote 12: L. Dindorf cf. Dio Chrys. \"Or.\" 28, {anagke gar auto en\nprobainonti anti men kallistou aiskhrotero gignesthai k.t.l.}]\n\n[Footnote 13: {apoteleisthai}. In \"Mem.\" IV. viii. 8, {epiteleisthai}.]\n\n[Footnote 14: Or, \"God of his good favour vouchsafes as my protector\nthat I should,\" etc. For {proxenei} cf. \"Anab.\" VI. v. 14; Soph. \"O. C.\"\n465, and \"O. T.\" 1483; and Prof. Jebb's notes ad loc. \"the god's kindly\noffices grant to me that I should lose my life.\"]\n\n[Footnote 15: Cf. Plat. \"Phaed.\" 66.]\n\n[Footnote 16: {te tou logou episkepsei}. Cf. Plat. \"Rep.\" 456 C.]\n\n[Footnote 17: Or, if {emin}, transl. \"we all were for thinking that the\nmain thing was.\"]\n\n[Footnote 18: Or, \"that sink into which a confluent stream of evil\nhumours discharge most incompatible with gaiety of mind.\" Schneid. conj.\n{eremon} sc. {geras}.]\n\n[Footnote 19: Or, \"I will give no helping hand to that.\"]\n\n[Footnote 20: Cf. \"Mem.\" I. i. 2.]\n\n[Footnote 21: Cf. Plat. \"Apol.\" 19.]\n\n[Footnote 22: Cf. \"Anab.\" III. ii. 11; Aristoph. \"Birds,\" 720.]\n\n[Footnote 23: Delphi.]\n\n[Footnote 24: Or, \"the objects that meet us.\" See Prof. Jebb ad Theophr.\n\"Ch.\" xxviii. 5.]\n\n[Footnote 25: L. Dindorf cf. Athen. v. 218 E; Hermesianax ap. Athen.\nxiii. 599 A; Liban. vol. iii. pp. 34, 35; Plat. \"Apol.\" 21 A; Paus. i.\n22. 8; Schol. ad Aristoph. \"Clouds,\" 144; Grote, \"H. G.\" viii. 567\nfoll.]\n\n[Footnote 26: See Herod. i. 65:\n\n        {ekeis, o Lukoorge, emon pori piona neon,\n        Zeni philos kai pasin 'Olumpia domat' ekhousi\n        dizo e se theon manteusomai e anthropon.\n        all' eti kai mallon theon elpomai, o Lukoorge.}\n\n    Cf. Plut. \"Lyc.\" 5 (Clough, i. 89).]\n[Footnote 27: Or, \"gave judgment beforehand that I far excelled.\"]\n\n[Footnote 28: Lit. \"whom do you know,\" and so throughout.]\n\n[Footnote 29: Cf. Plat. \"Phaed.\" 66 C.]\n\n[Footnote 30: Or, \"so attempered and adjusted.\" The phrase savours of\n\"cynic.\" theory.]\n\n[Footnote 31: Or, \"present no temptation to him\"; lit. \"that he stands\nin no further need of what belongs to his neighbours.\"]\n\n[Footnote 32: {ta legomena}, \"the meaning of words and the force of\nargument.\"]\n\n[Footnote 33: {ek panton}. Cf. Thuc. i. 120, {osper kai en allois ek\npanton protimontai (oi egemones)}, \"as they (leaders) are first in\nhonour, they should be first in the fulfilment of their duties\"\n(Jowett).]\n\n[Footnote 34: The commentators quote Libanius, \"Apol.\" vol. iii. p. 39,\n{kai dia touto ekalei men Eurulokhos o Kharistios, ekalei de Skopas k\nKranonios, oukh ekista lontes, upiskhnoumenoi}. Cf. Diog. Laert. ii. 31,\n{Kharmidou oiketas auto didontos, in' ap' auton prosodeuoito, oukh\neileto}. Cf. id. 65, 74.]\n\n[Footnote 35: See \"Hell.\" II. ii. 10.]\n\n[Footnote 36: {oikteirein eautous}. See L. Dind. ad loc. For an incident\nin point see \"Mem.\" II. vii.]\n\n[Footnote 37: Plat. \"Rep.\" iii. 404 D, \"refinements of Attic\nconfectionery.\"]\n\n[Footnote 38: {ek tes psukhes}, possibly \"by a healthy appetite.\" Cf.\n\"Symp.\" iv. 41. The same sentiment \"ex ore Antisthenis.\" See Joel, op.\ncit. i. 382; Schanz, Plat. \"Apol.\" p. 88, S. 26.]\n\n[Footnote 39: Cf. \"Mem.\" I. ii. 49.]\n\n[Footnote 44: {eipein auton  [autos(?)]}, i.e. \"according to\nHermiogenes.\"]\n\n[Footnote 45: Or, \"must have a heavy load on their minds in the\nconsciousness of their impiety and injustice.\"]\n\n[Footnote 40: {sunagoreuein}, L. and S. cf Thuc. vi. 6, \"partisans,\"\nviii. 84, \"pleaded the case of\" (Jowett).]\n\n[Footnote 41: Or, \"laid the greatest stress of not being guilty of\nimpiety\"; \"attached the greatest importance to the fact that he was\nnever guilty of impiety.\"]\n\n[Footnote 42: {upotimasthai}. See L. Dind. cf. Cic. \"Orat.\" i. 54; the\ntechnical word is {antitimasthai}. Cf. Plat. \"Apol.\" 36 D; Diog. Laert.\nii. 41. These authorities tell a different story. Why should these\nstories, if true, as no doubt they were, be omitted?]\n\n[Footnote 43: Cf. Plat. \"Crit.\" 44 B.]\n\n[Footnote 46: Cf. \"Mem.\" I. ii. 62.]\n\n[Footnote 47: See Plat. \"Rep.\" iii. 413 A.]\n\n[Footnote 48: Cf. \"Mem.\" IV. viii. 9, 10; ib. IV. ii. 3. See Plat.\n\"Rep.\" v. 476 D, {exomen ti paramutheisthai auton}; and \"Hunting,\" i.\n11. The story of Palamedes is told by Ovid, \"Met.\" xiii. 5.]\n\n[Footnote 49: Cf. Plat. \"Apol.\" 25 D, {poteron eme eisageis deuro os\ndiaphtheironta tous neous kai poneroterous poiounta ekonta e akonta}.]\n\n[Footnote 50: {omologoumenos}. For the use of the word L. Dind. cf.\nDiog. Laert. vii. 87, {dioper protos o Zenon en to peri anthropou\nphuseos telos eipe to omologoumenos te phusei zen} (Cicero's \"naturae\nconvenienter vivere,\" L. and S.), whereas the regular Attic use is\ndifferent. Cf. \"Oec.\" i. 11, {kai omologoumenos ge o logos emin khorei}\n= \"consentanea ratione.\" \"Our argument runs on all-fours.\" Plat. \"Symp.\"\n186 B, {to nasoun omologoumenos eteron te kai anomoion esti}, \"ut inter\nomnes convenit.\"]\n\n[Footnote 51: \"Why precisely now?\"]\n\n[Footnote 52: Cf. \"Mem.\" III. xi. 17; Plut. \"Cato min.\" 46 (Clough, iv.\n417). See Cobet, \"Pros. Xen.\" s.n.; cf. Plat. \"Symp.\" 173; \"Phaed.\" 54\nA, 117 D; Aelian, \"V. H.\" i. 16; Heges. \"Delph.\" ap. Athen. xi. 507.]\n\n[Footnote 53: Diog. Laert. ii. 5. 35, ascribes the remark to Xanthippe,\nand so Val. Max. 7. 2, Ext. 1.]\n\n[Footnote 54: See Plat. \"Phaed.\" 89 B, where a similar action is\nattributed to Socrates in the case of Phaedo (his beloved disciple). \"He\nstroked my head and pressed the hair upon my neck--he had a way of\nplaying with my air; and then he said: 'To-morrow, Phaedo, I suppose\nthat these fair locks of yours will be severed.'\"]\n\n[Footnote 55: Son of Anthemion. See Plat. \"Men.\" 90 B, {airountai goun\nauton epi tas megistas arkhas}, Plut. \"Alc.\" 4; id. \"Coriol.\" 14;\nAristot. \"Ath. Pol.\" 27, 25, re {to dekazein}; 34, 23. A moderate\noligarch; cf. Xen. \"Hell.\" II. iii. 42, 44; Schol. Cod. Clarkiani ad\nPlat. \"Apol.\" 18 B ap. L. Dind. ad loc.; cf. Diod. xiii. 64.]\n\n[Footnote 56: Cf. Plat. \"Apol.\" 23 E.]\n\n[Footnote 57: e.g. Patroclus dying predicts the death of Hector who had\nslain him, \"Il.\" xvi. 851 foll.; and Hector that of Achilles, \"Il.\"\nxxii. 358 foll. Cf. Cic. \"de Div.\" 1, 30. Plato, \"Apol.\" 39 C, making\nSocrates thus address his judges: {to de de meta touto epithumo umin\nkhresmodesai, o katapsephisamenoi mou' kai gar eimi ede entautha, en o\nmalist' anthropoi khresmodousin, otan mellosin apothaneisthai}. \"And\nnow, O men who have condemned me, I would fain prophesy to you, for I am\nabout to die, and that is the hour at which all men are gifted with\nprophetic power\" (Jowett).]\n\n[Footnote 58: Lit. \"dear to the gods\"; \"highly favoured.\"]\n\n[Footnote 59: Cf. Hom. \"Od.\" xii. 341, {pantes men stugeroi thanatoi\ndeiloisi brotoisin}.]\n\n[Footnote 60: {prosantes}, i.e. \"he faced death boldly as he had\nencountered life's blessings blandly.\" \"As he had been no stoic to\nrepudiate life's blessings, so he was no coward to,\" etc.]","title":"The Apology","tradition":"philosophy-ethics","translated_text":null,"word_count":4814}