{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_12849/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_12849","id":"gutenberg_12849","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/12849","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: History - Other","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Category: Sociology","Tinguian (Philippine people)"],"text":"The Tinguian\nSocial, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe\n\n\n\nBy\nFay-Cooper Cole\nAssistant Curator of Malayan Ethnology\n\n\n\n1922\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\n\n List of Illustrations\n Introduction\n I. Geographical Relations and History\n II. Physical Type and Relationships\n III. The Cycle of Life\n\n Birth\n Childhood\n Engagement and Marriage\n Death and Burial\n The Layog\n\n IV. Religion and Magic\n V. The Ceremonies\n\n 1. The Minor Ceremonies\n 2. The Great Ceremonies\n 3. Special Ceremonies\n\n VI. Social Organization. Government. The Village\n VII. Warfare, Hunting, and Fishing\nVIII. Economic Life\n\n Rice Culture\n Cultivated Plants and Trees\n Wild Plants and Trees\n Plants and Trees Used in the Treatment of Disease\n Use of Betel-Nut, Tobacco, and Stimulants\n Domestic Animals\n\n IX. Products of Industry\n\n Iron-Working\n Spinning and Weaving\n Manufacture of Rope and String\n Bark Cloth\n Basket Making\n Mats\n Dyes\n Net Making\n Manufacture of Pottery\n Pipe Making\n Method of Drying Hides\n\n X. Decorative Art\n XI. Personal Adornment, Dances, and Musical Instruments\n XII. Music, By Albert Gale\n Conclusions\n\n\n\n\n\nLIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS\n\n\nText-Figures\n\n 1. Child's Cradle and Jumper\n 2. Diagram of a Game\n 3. Cross Sections Showing Types of Graves\n 4. Ceremonial Paraphernalia\n 5. Household Objects\n 6. Spoons and Ladles\n 7. Types of Knives\n 8. Head-axes\n 9. Spears\n10. Shields\n11. Chicken Snare\n12. Bird Snares\n13. Fishing Devices\n14. Grass Knife; Root Adze; Rice Cutter\n15. Agricultural Implements\n16. Devices Used in Spinning and Weaving\n17. Rope-Making Appliances\n18. Bark Beater\n19. Basket Weaves\n20. Net Needle and Mesh Stick\n21. Tobacco-Pipes\n22. Designs on Pipes and Pottery\n23. Decorative Designs\n24. Patterns Used in Weaving\n25. Blanket Designs\n26. Musical Instruments\n\n\n\nPLATES\n\n\nFrontispiece: Map of Northwestern Luzon.\nI. The Province of Abra, Looking Inland from the Coast Range.\nII. Abra, Looking toward the Sea from the Top of the Cordillera\n Central.\nIII. Manabo Man.\nIV. Man of Ba-ak.\nV. Manabo Woman.\nVI. Woman of Patok.\nVII. A Mountain Tinguian from Likuan.\nVIII. A Young Man from Likuan.\nIX. Girl from the Mountain Village of Lamaw (Photograph from\n Philippine Bureau of Science).\nX. A Woman from Lamaw (Photograph from Philippine Bureau\n of Science).\nXI. A Typical Small Boy (Photograph from Philippine Bureau\n of Science).\nXII. The Baby Tender.\nXIII. A Betrothed Maiden.\nXIV. The Wedding.\nXV. Mothers and Babies.\nXVI. Funeral of Malakay.\nXVII. The Whipping at a Funeral.\nXVIII. Inapapaiag. An Offering to the Spirits.\nXIX. The Medium's Outfit.\nXX. Ceremonial Houses.\nXXI. Balaua. The Greatest of the Spirit Structures.\nXXII. Spirit Houses in a Garden.\nXXIII. The Kalangan: A Spirit House; Second in Importance.\nXXIV. The Saloko. A Split Bamboo, in which Offerings are\n Placed. Ceremonies.\nXXV. The Saloko. A Spirit Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed.\nXXVI. Ready to Launch the Spirit Raft on the River.\nXXVII. The Tangpap. An Important Spirit Structure.\nXXVIII. Gateway at Likuan.\nXXIX. Pottery Houses, for the Spirit of the Rice.\nXXX. A Medium Making an Offering to the Guardian Stones.\nXXXI. Ceremonial Pounding of the Rice.\nXXXII. Renewing the Offering on the Spirit Shield.\nXXXIII. Singeing a Pig at a Ceremony.\nXXXIV. Offering of the Pigs to the Spirits.\nXXXV. The Sayang Ceremony.\nXXXVI. Potters at Work.\nXXXVII. A Family of Laba-an.\nXXXVIII. The Village of Sallapadin.\nXXXIX. Typical Houses.\nXL. House Building.\nXLI. Roofing a House.\nXLII. Water Carriers (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).\nXLIII. A Tinguian Housewife (Photograph from Philippine Bureau\n of Science).\nXLIV. A Warrior.\nXLV. Hunter Fitted for the Trail.\nXLVI. Hunting Party on Mt. Posoey.\nXLVII. Shooting the Blowgun.\nXLVIII. Highland Field and Terraces at Patok.\nXLIX. The Rice Terraces near Likuan.\nL. Plowing in the Lower Terraces.\nLI. Taking Rice Sprouts from the Seed Beds.\nLII. Transplanting the Rice.\nLIII. Bird Scarers in the Fields.\nLIV. Harvesting the Rice.\nLV. The Rice Granary.\nLVI. Pounding Rice (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).\nLVII. Winnowing and Sifting (Photograph from Philippine Bureau\n of Science).\nLVIII. Drying Corn.\nLIX. Breaking the Corn between Two Stones.\nLX. Preparing Tobacco.\nLXI. Feeding the Pigs.\nLXII. A Typical Forge of the Iron Workers.\nLXIII. Ginning Cotton and Sizing the Thread.\nLXIV. Beating Cotton on a Carabao Hide.\nLXV. Spinning (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).\nLXVI. Weaving a Blanket.\nLXVII. Basket Making.\nLXVIII. Basket Types.\nLXIX. Basket Types.\nLXX. The Net Maker.\nLXXI. Ceremonial Blanket.\nLXXII. Blankets Showing Designs.\nLXXIII. Blankets Showing Designs.\nLXXIV. Woven Belts and Clouts.\nLXXV. Men of Sallapadin.\nLXXVI. Typical Dress of the Man.\nLXXVII. Women in Full Dress.\nLXXVIII. Customary Dress of the Woman.\nLXXIX. Women's Arm Beads.\nLXXX. Woman Wearing Girdle and Clout (Photograph from Philippine\n Bureau of Science).\nLXXXI, 1. Dancing Tadek at a Ceremony.\nLXXXI, 2. Beating the Copper Gongs.\nLXXXII. The Nose Flute.\nLXXXIII. Playing on Bamboo Guitars.\n\n\n\n\n\n\nTHE TINGUIAN\n\n\nINTRODUCTION\n\nIt seems desirable, at the outset, to set forth certain general\nconclusions regarding the Tinguian and their neighbors. Probably no\npagan tribe of the Philippines has received more frequent notice in\nliterature, or has been the subject of more theories regarding its\norigin, despite the fact that information concerning it has been\nexceedingly scanty, and careful observations on the language and\nphysical types have been totally lacking.\n\nAccording to various writers, these people are descended from Chinese,\nJapanese, or Arabs; are typical Malay; are identical with the Igorot;\nare pacific, hospitable, and industrious; are inveterate head-hunters,\ninhospitable, lazy, and dirty. The detailed discussion of these\nassertions will follow later in the volume, but at this point I wish\nto state briefly the racial and cultural situation, as I believe it\nto exist in northwestern Luzon.\n\nI am under the impression that at one time this whole region was\ninhabited by pygmy blacks, known as Aeta or Negrito, small groups of\nwhom still retain their identity. With the coming of an alien people\nthey were pressed back from the coasts to the less hospitable regions\nof the interior, where they were, for the most part, exterminated,\nbut they intermarried with the invaders to such an extent that to-day\nthere is no tribe or group in northwestern Luzon but shows evidence\nof intermixture with them. I believe that the newcomers were drawn\nfrom the so-called primitive Malay peoples of southeastern Asia; that\nin their movement eastward and northward they met with and absorbed\nremnants of an earlier migration made up of a people closely related\nto the Polynesians, and that the results of this intermixture are\nstill evident, not only in Luzon, but in every part of the Archipelago.\n\nIn northern Luzon, I hold, we find evidences of at least two series\nof waves and periods of migration, the members of which are similar\nphysical type and language. It appears, however, that they came\nfrom somewhat different localities of southeastern Asia and had, in\ntheir old homes, developed social organizations and other elements\nof culture radically different from one another--institutions and\ngroupings which they brought with them to the Philippines, and which\nthey have maintained up to the present time.\n\nTo the first series belong the Igorot [1] with their institutions of\ntrial marriage; division of their settlements into social and political\nunits known as _ato_; separate dormitories for unmarried men and women;\ngovernment by the federated divisions of a village as represented by\nthe old men; and a peculiar and characteristic type of dwelling.\n\nIn the second wave series we find the Apayo, the western division at\nleast of the people known as Kalinga, the Tinguian, and Ilocano. [2] In\nnone of these groups do we find the institutions just mentioned. Trial\nunions are unknown, and marriage restrictions are based solely on\nblood relationship; government is through the headman aided by the\nelders of his village, or is a pure democracy. Considerable variation\nexists between the dwellings of these four peoples, yet they conform\nto a general type which is radically different from that of the Igorot.\n\nThe Apayao and Kalinga divisions of this second wave series, by reason\nof their environment, their more isolated localities and consequent\nlack of frequent communication with the coast, have a simpler culture\nthan that of the Tinguian; yet they have, during many generations,\ndeveloped certain traits and institutions now apparently peculiar\nto them. The Tinguian and Ilocano, on the other hand, have had the\nadvantages of outside communication of extensive trade, and the\nadmixture of a certain amount of foreign blood.\n\nThese last two groups evidently left their ancient home as a unit,\nat a time prior to the Hindu domination of Java and Sumatra, but\nprobably not until the influence of that civilization had begun to\nmake itself felt. Traces of Indian culture are still to be found in\nthe language, folklore, religion, and economic life of this people,\nwhile the native script which the Spanish found in use among the\nIlocano seems, without doubt, to owe its origin to that source.\n\nAfter reaching Luzon, this people slowly broke up into groups which\nspread out over the provinces of Ilocos Sur and Norte, Union and\nAbra. The partial isolation of some of these divisions, local feuds,\nthe universal custom of head-hunting, and the need of human victims to\naccompany the spirits of the dead, all doubtless aided in separating\nthe tribe into a number of dialect groups,--groups which nevertheless\nretained the old culture to a surprising degree.\n\nLong before the arrival of the Spanish, Chinese and Japanese\ntraders were visiting the Ilocos coasts. We are also informed that\nmerchants from Macao and India went there from time to time, while\ntrade relations with Pangasinan and the Tagalog provinces were well\ndeveloped.\n\nThe leavening influence of trade and contact with other peoples\nresulted in such advancement that this people was early mentioned as\none of the six \"civilized\" tribes of the Philippines.\n\nUpon the arrival of Salcedo, the greater portion of the coast people\naccepted the rule of Spain and the Christian religion, while the\nmore conservative element retired to the interior, and there became\nmerged with the mountain people. To the Spaniards, the Christianized\nnatives became known as Ilocano, while the people of the mountain\nvalleys were called Tinguian, or mountain dwellers.\n\nIf the foregoing sketch is correct, as I believe the data which follow\nprove it to be, we find in the Tinguian of to-day a people living\nmuch the same sort of life as did the members of the more advanced\ngroups at the time of the Spanish invasion, and we can study in them\nearly Philippine society stripped of its European veneer.\n\nThis second and concluding section of Volume XIV gives the greater part\nof the results of an investigation carried on by me with the assistance\nof Mrs. Cole among the Tinguian, from January, 1907, to June, 1908;\nthe funds for which were furnished Field Museum of Natural History by\nthe late Robert F. Cummings. The further generosity of Mrs. Cummings,\nin contributing a fund toward the printing of this publication is\nalso gratefully acknowledged.\n\nA collection of texts and a study of the language are contemplated\nfor a separate volume, as is also the detailed treatment of the\nanthropometric data.\n\nFor the transcription of the phonograph records and the chapter on\nMusic, I am indebted to Mr. Albert Gale. His painstaking analysis\nestablishes beyond question the value of the phonograph as an aid in\nethnographic research.\n\nThe photographs, unless otherwise noted, were taken by the author in\nthe field.\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I\n\nGEOGRAPHICAL RELATIONS AND HISTORY\n\nThe Tinguian are a pagan Philippine people who inhabit chiefly the\nmountain province of Abra in northwestern Luzon. From this center\ntheir settlements radiate in all directions. To the north and west,\nthey extend into Ilocos Sur and Norte as far as Kabittaoran. Manabo,\non the south, is their last settlement; but Barit, Amtuagan,\nGayaman, and Luluno are Tinguian mixed with Igorot from Agawa\nand Sagada. Villaviciosa is an Igorot settlement from Sagada, but\nBulilising, still farther south, is predominantly Tinguian. Sigay in\nAmburayan is said to be made up of emigrants from Abra, while a few\nrancherias in Lepanto are likewise much influenced. The non-Christian\npopulation of Ilocos Sur, south of Vigan, is commonly called Tinguian,\nbut only seven villages are properly so classed; [3] four others\nare inhabited by a mixed population, while the balance are Igorot\ncolonies from Titipan, Sagada, and Fidilisan. Along the Cordillera\nCentral, from the head-waters of the Saltan (Malokbot) river as far\nsouth as Balatok, is found a population of mixed Tinguian, Kalinga,\nand Igorot blood. Kalinga predominates north of Balbalasang and\nalong the Gobang river, while the Igorot is dominant in Guina-an,\nLubuagan, and Balatok. Tinguian intermarriage has not extended far\nbeyond Balbalasang, but their culture and dress have affected the\nwhole region. [4] From this belt there have been extensive migrations\ninto Abra, the newcomers for the most part marrying with the Tinguian,\nbut in the Ikmin river valley emigrants from Balatok formed the towns\nof Danok, Amti, and Doa-angan, which have remained quite isolated up\nto the present time. Agsimao and other towns of the Tineg group, in\nthe extreme northern end of Abra, are made up chiefly of Apayao mixed\nwith Kalinga, while all the villages on the headwaters of the Binongan\nhave received emigrants from the Kagayan side. The population of the\ntowns properly classed as Tinguian is approximately twenty thousand\nindividuals. [5]\n\nFrom the foregoing it is seen that, with the exception of a few\nvillages of mixed descent, all their territory lies on the western\nside of the Cordillera Central, [6] the great mountain range which\nruns from north to south through northern Luzon.\n\nAs one emerges from the jungle, which covers the eastern slopes of\nthese mountains, and looks down over the province of Abra, he sees\nan exceedingly broken land (Plates I and II), the subordinate ranges\nsucceeding one another like the waves of the sea. The first impression\nis one of barrenness. The forest vanishes, and in its place are long\ngrassy slopes, broken here and there by scattered pines and lower\ndown by dense growths of the graceful, feathery bamboo. But this lack\nof trees is more fancied than real, for as one proceeds down any of\nthe valleys he meets with side canyons, where the tropical jungle\nstill holds sway, while many a mountain side is covered with a dense\nundergrowth of shrubs, plants, and vines. It seems probable that the\nforest once covered the western slopes of the mountains, but accident\nand intention on the part of man has cleared broad sections. As soon\nas the shade is removed, the land is invaded by a coarse grass (the\n_cogon_), and this is burned over each year in order to provide feed\nfor the stock and to make good hunting grounds. The young trees are\nkilled off and reforesting prevented.\n\nNumerous streams plunge from the high mountains toward the coast. In\nplaces they rush through deep gorges between high mountains, again\nthey pass peacefully through mountain valleys. Everywhere they are\nfed by minor streams and waterfalls until at last, as they emerge\ninto the broader valleys of the Abra and its tributaries, they are\nrivers of respectable size.\n\nThe great central valley of Abra is far from being a level plain. In\nplaces, as about Manabo, Bukay, and Bangued, there are stretches\nof level land; but, for the most part, the country is rough and\nbroken. This valley is cut off from the sea by the Coast Range of\nmountains which forms the provincial line between Abra and Ilocos\nSur, while another heavy spur forms the northern limits of Abra from\nIlocos Sur to the Cordillera Central. Two small and rather difficult\npasses afford entrance from the coastal plain into the valley, but\nthe chief avenue of communication is the cut through which the Abra\nriver reaches the sea. So narrow is this entrance that, at high water,\nthe river completely covers the floor and often raises its waters\nten or fifteen feet up the canyon side. In recent years a road has\nbeen cut in the rocks above the flood waters, but even to-day most\nof the traffic between Abra and the coast is carried on by means of\nrafts which are poled up the river. [7]\n\nThe rainfall averages about one hundred inches, and most of this\nprecipitation takes place between May and the end of September. This,\ncoupled with the lack of forest, causes the rivers to become rushing\ntorrents during the rainy season, while during the balance of the year\nmost of them are mere rivulets. Under these conditions there has been\nno development of navigation by the mountaineers. On occasion they may\nconstruct a bamboo raft, but they possess no boats of any description.\n\nThe great fluctuation of the streams makes fishing an uncertain\noccupation; yet at least a dozen varieties of fish are known, and\nenough are taken to add materially to the food supply.\n\nDeer and pig are fairly abundant, and a considerable number is killed\neach year; wild carabao roam the mountain sides and uninhabited\nvalleys, but they are dangerous animals, and can seldom be taken with\nthe primitive weapons of the natives. Wild chickens are plentiful,\nand many are snared, together with smaller birds. In fact, there\nis sufficient game and fish to support a considerable population,\nif the people would turn seriously to their capture, so that the\noft repeated statement that the mountaineers of Abra were forced to\nagriculture is not entirely accurate. It seems much more probable that,\nat the time of their entrance into the interior valleys, the Tinguian\nwere already acquainted with terraced hillside fields, and that they\ndeveloped them as needed.\n\nThe soil is fairly fertile, the rainfall abundant during the growing\nseason, and the climate warm enough to insure good crops. The\nthermometer ranges between 80\u00b0 and 85\u00b0 during the day, but there is\ngenerally a land or sea breeze, so that actual discomfort from the\nheat is unusual. The nights are somewhat cooler, but a drop of a few\ndegrees is felt so keenly that a person may be uncomfortarble at 70\u00b0.\n\nFogs and cold rains are not uncommon during the wet season, while one\nor more typhoons can be expected each year. Earthquakes are likewise\nof occasional occurrence, but the construction of the houses is such\nthat storms and earthquakes do much less damage than along the coast.\n\nThere is no doubt that the natural ruggedness of the country and the\nlong rainy season have had a strong influence on the people, but this\nhas been chiefly in isolating them in small groups. The high mountains\nseparating the narrow valleys, the lack of water transportation, the\ndifficulty of maintaining trails, have all tended to keep the people\nin small communities, while the practice of head-hunting has likewise\nraised a barrier to free communication. Thus, the settlements within\na limited area have become self-sustaining groups; a condition which\nhas existed long enough to allow for the development of five dialects.\n\nThe traditions of the Tinguian furnish us with no stories of an earlier\nhome than Luzon, but there are many accounts of migrations from the\ncoast back into the mountains, after the arrival of the Spaniards\nand the Christianization of the Ilocano. The fact that there is an\nhistorical background for these tales is amply proven by fragments\nof pottery and the like, which the writer has recovered from the\nreported sites of ancient settlements.\n\nThe part played by this people in Philippine history is small indeed,\nand most of the references to them have been of an incidental nature.\n\nApparently, they first came in contact with the Spanish in 1572 when\nSalcedo was entrusted with the task of subduing that part of Luzon\nnow known as the Ilocano provinces. The people he encountered are\ndescribed as being more barbarous than the Tagalog, not so light\ncomplexioned, nor so well clad, but husbandmen who possessed large\nfields, and whose land abounded in rice and cotton.\n\nTheir villages were of considerable size, and each was ruled over by a\nlocal headman who owed allegiance to no central authority, There was\na uniform, well recognized code of law or custom, and a considerable\npart of the population could read and write in a native script similar\nto that of the Tagalog. They also possessed gold, which was reported\nto have come from rich mines in the interior, and on primitive forges\nwere turning out excellent steel weapons, but the use of fire-arms\nwas unknown. According to _Reyes_, their weapons consisted of lances,\nbows and arrows, bolos, great shields which protected them from head\nto foot, blow guns and poisoned arrows. The newcomers also found a\nflourishing trade being carried on with Manila and the settlements\nin Pangasinan, as well as with the Chinese. This trade was of such\nimportance that, as early as 1580 pirate fleets from Japan frequently\nscoured the coast in search of Chinese vessels and goods, while from\ntime to time Japanese traders visited the Ilocos ports.\n\nApparently trade relations were not interrupted for a considerable\ntime after the arrival of the Spaniards, for in 1629 Medina states\nthat ships from China, Macao, and India \"are accustomed to anchor in\nthese ports--and all to the advantage of this district.\" [8]\n\nThat pre-Spanish trade was not restricted to the Ilocos provinces,\nbut was active along the whole northern coast of Luzon has been amply\nproved by many writers. In fact, the inhabitants of Pangasinan not\nonly had trade relations with Borneo, Japan, and China, [9] but it\nnow seems probable that they can be identified as the Ping-ka-shi-lan\nwho, as early as 1406, sent an embassy to China with gifts of horses,\nsilver, and other objects for the emperor Yung-lo. [10]\n\nTrade relations of an even earlier date are evident throughout all\nthis area, in the presence far in the interior of Chinese pottery of\nthe fourteenth century and possibly of the tenth. [11]\n\nWith friendly relations so long established, it is to be expected\nthat many evidences of Chinese material culture would be found in all\nthe northern provinces; and it is not unlikely that a considerable\namount of Chinese blood may have been introduced into the population\nin ancient times, as it has been during the historic period. It does\nnot seem probable, however that either the influence of Chinese blood\nor culture need have been stronger in the Ilocos provinces than in\nthe other regions which they visited.\n\nWhen Salcedo attempted a landing at Vigan, he was at first opposed; but\nthe superior weapons of the Spaniards quickly overcame all resistance,\nand the invaders took possession of the city, which they rechristened\nFernandino. From this center they carried on an energetic campaign\nof reduction and Christianization. As fast as the natives accepted\nthe rule of Spain, they were baptized and taken into the church, and\nso rapid was the process that by 1587 the Ilocano were reported to be\nChristianized. [12] In fact, force played such a part that Fray Martin\nde Herrada, who wrote from Ilocos in June, 1574, protested that the\nreduction was accomplished through fear, for if the people remained\nin their villages and received the rule of Spain and the Church, they\nwere accepted as friends and forthwith compelled to pay tribute; but\nif they resisted and fled to other settlements, the troops followed\nand pillaged and laid waste their new dwellings. [13]\n\nParalleling the coast, a few miles inland, is a range of mountains on\nthe far side of which lie the broad valleys of the Abra river and its\ntributaries. The more conservative elements of the population retreated\nto the mountain valleys, and from these secure retreats bade defiance\nto the newcomers and their religion. To these mountaineers was applied\nthe name Tinguianes--a term at first used to designate the mountain\ndwellers throughout the Islands, but later usually restricted to his\ntribe. [14] The Tinguian themselves do not use or know the appellation,\nbut call themselves Itneg, a name which should be used for them but\nfor the fact that they are already established in literature under\nthe former term.\n\nAlthough they were in constant feuds among themselves, the mountain\npeople do not appear to have given the newcomers much trouble until\ntoward the end of the sixteenth century, when hostile raids against the\ncoast settlements became rather frequent. To protect the Christianized\nnatives, as well as to aid in the conversion of these heathens, the\nSpanish, in 1598, entered the valley of the Abra and established a\ngarrison at the village of Bangued. [15]\n\nAs before, the natives abandoned their homes and retreated several\nmiles farther up the river, where they established the settlement\nof Lagangilang.\n\nFrom Bangued as a center, the Augustinian friars worked tirelessly to\nconvert the pagans, but with so little success that _San Antonio_,\n[16] writing in 1738, says of the Tinguian, that little fruit was\nobtained, despite extensive missions, and that although he had made\nextraordinary efforts, he had even failed to learn their number.\n\nIn the mountains of Ilocos Sur, the missionaries met with somewhat\nbetter success, and in 1704 _Olarte_ states that in the two preceding\nyears one hundred and fifty-six \"infidel Tinguianes\" had been converted\nand baptized. Again, in 1760, four hundred and fifty-four converts are\nreported to have been formed into the villages of Santiago, Magsingal,\nand Batak. [17] About this time the work in Abra also took on a more\nfavorable aspect; by 1753 three Tinguian villages, with a combined\npopulation of more than one thousand, had been established near\nBangued, and in the next century five more settlements were added to\nthis list. [18]\n\nIn general the relations between the pagan and Christianized natives\nwere not cordial, and oftentimes they were openly hostile; but\ndespite mutual distrust the coast people have on several occasions\nenlisted the aid of the mountaineers against outside enemies. In\n1660 a serious revolt occurred in Pangasinan and Zambales, and\nthe rebels, after gaining control of these provinces, started on a\nlooting expedition in the northern districts. In the face of strong\nresistance they proceeded as far north as Badok, in Ilocos Sur,\nburning and pillaging many villages including the capital city of\nVigan (Fernandino). The Tinguian came to the aid of the hard-pressed\nIlocano, and their combined forces fell upon the enemy just outside\nthe village of Narbacan. The tribesmen had previously made the road\nalmost impassable by planting it thickly with sharpened sticks; and,\nwhile the invaders were endeavoring to remove these obstacles, they set\nupon them with great fury and, it is said, succeeded in killing more\nthan four hundred of the Zambal, a part of whom they beheaded. [19]\n\nAs Spanish rule was extended into the Tinguian territory, Ilocano\nsettlers pressed in and acquired holdings of land. This led to many\nbitter disputes which were consistently settled in favor of the\nconverts; but at the same time many inducements were offered the\npagans to get them into the Christianized village. All converts were\nto be exempted from paying tribute, while their villages received\nmany favors withheld from the pagan settlements. This failing to\nbring the desired results, all the nearby villages of the Tinguian\nwere incorporated with the civilized pueblos, and thereafter they had\nto furnish the major part of all taxes and most of the forced labor.\n\nFollowing the appointment of Gov. Esteban de Pen\u00f1arubia in 1868,\nthe tribesmen suffered still greater hardships. Under his orders all\nthose who refused baptism were to be expelled from the organized\ncommunities, an edict which meant virtual banishment from their\nold homes and confiscation of their property. Further, no Tinguian\nin native dress was to be allowed to enter the towns. \"Conversions\"\nincreased with amazing rapidity, but when it was learned that many of\nthe new converts still practiced their old customs, the governor had\nthe apostates seized and imprisoned. The hostile attitude of Pen\u00f1arubia\nencouraged adventurers from the coast in the seizure of lands and\nthe exploitation of the pagans, and thus a deep resentment was added\nto the dislike the Tinguian already held for \"the Christians.\" Yet,\ndespite the many causes for hostility, steady trade relations have been\nmaintained between the two groups, and the influence of the Ilocano\nhas been increasingly strong. A little more than a half century ago\nhead-hunting was still common even in the valley of Abra, where it is\nnow practically unknown. As a matter of dire necessity the mountain\npeople made raids of reprisal against the hostile Igorot villages\non the eastern side of the great mountain range, and it is still the\nproud boast of many a man in the vicinity of Manabo that he took part\nin the raid which netted that village a score of heads from the towns\nof Balatok and Lubuagan. But, as will be seen later, head-hunting\nwas by no means limited to forays against other tribes; local feuds,\nfuneral observances, and the desire for renown, all encouraged the\nwarriors to seek heads even from nearby settlements. Those incentives\nhave not been entirely removed, and an occasional head is still taken\nin the mountain districts, but the influence of the Ilocano, backed\nby Spanish and American authority, is rapidly making this sport a\nthing of the past.\n\nThe rule of Governor Pen\u00f1arubia had so embittered the Tinguian against\nthe \"white man\" that a considerable number joined the insurrecto\ntroops to fight against the Spaniards and Americans. These warriors,\narmed with spears, shields, and head-axes, made their way to Malolos,\nwhere they joined the Filipino troops the day of the first American\nbombardment. The booming of cannon and the bursting of shells was\ntoo much for the warriors, and, as they express it, \"the first gun\nwas the beginning of their going home.\"\n\nFriendly relations with the insurgents were early destroyed by bands\nof armed robbers who, posing as Filipino troops, looted a number of\nTinguian villages. In several localities the tribesmen retaliated by\nlevying tribute on the Christianized villages, and in some instances\ntook a toll of heads to square accounts. At this juncture the Americans\nappeared in Abra, and the considerate treatment of the pagans by the\nsoldiers soon won for them a friendly reception. Later, as the result\nof the efforts of Commissioner Worcester, the Tinguian villages were\nmade independent of Ilocano control, and the people were given the\nfull right to conduct their own affairs, so long as they did not\ndisturb the peace and welfare of the province.\n\nUnder American rule the Tinguian have proved themselves to be\nquiet, peaceable citizens; a few minor disturbances have occurred,\nbut none of sufficient importance to necessitate the presence of\ntroops in their district. They have received less attention from the\nGovernment than most of the pagan tribes, but, even so, a measure of\nprogress is discernible. They still stoutly resist the advances of\nthe missionaries, but the few schools which have been opened for their\nchildren have always been crowded to overflowing; trade relations are\nmuch freer and more friendly than a decade ago; and with the removal\nof unequal taxes and labor requirements, the feelings of hostility\ntowards \"the Christians\" are rapidly vanishing. It now seems probable\nthat within one or two generations the Tinguian will again merge with\nthe Ilocano.\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II\n\nPHYSICAL TYPE AND RELATIONSHIPS\n\nFrom the time of the Spanish invasion up to the present, nearly every\nauthor who has mentioned the people of northern Luzon has described the\nTinguian as being different from other Philippine tribes. The majority\nof these writers has pictured them as being of larger stature than\ntheir neighbors; as lighter in color, possessing aquiline features\nand mongoloid eyes; as being tranquil and pacific in character, and\nhaving a great aptitude for agriculture. From these characteristics\nthey have concluded that they are probably descended from early Chinese\ntraders, emigrants, or castaways, or are derived from the remnants of\nthe pirate band of the Chinese corsair Limahon (Lin-fung), which fled\ninto the mountains of Pangasinan after his defeat by Salcedo in 1574.\n\nThese conjectures are strengthened by the reported discovery,\nin early times, of graves in northwestern Luzon, which contained\nbodies of men of large stature accompanied by Chinese and Japanese\njewels. The undisputed fact that hundreds of ancient Chinese jars and\ndishes are still among the cherished possessions of the Tinguian is\nalso cited as a further proof of a close relationship between these\npeoples. Finally it is said that the head-bands, jackets, and wide\ntrousers of the men resemble closely those of the fishermen of Fukien,\none of the nearest of the Chinese provinces. [20]\n\nTwo writers, [21] basing their observations on color, physical\nresemblances, and the fact that the Tinguian blacken their teeth\nand tattoo their bodies, are convinced that they are the descendants\nof Japanese castaways; while _Moya_ [22] states that the features,\ndress, and customs of this people indicate their migration from the\nregion of the Red Sea in pre-Mohammedan times.\n\nFinally, _Quatrefages_ and _Hamy_ are quoted as regarding the Tinguian\nas modern examples of \"the Indonesian, an allophylic branch of the\npure white race, non-Aryan, therefore, who went forth from India\nabout 500 B.C.\" [23]\n\n_Dr. Barrows_ [24] classes all the pagan tribes of northern Luzon--the\npygmies excepted--with the Igorot, a position assailed by _Worcester_,\n[25] particularly in regard to the Tinguian; but the latter writer\nis convinced that the Apayao and Tinguian are divisions of the same\npeople, who have been separated only a comparatively short time.\n\nIn the introduction to the present volume (p. 236) I have expressed\nthe opinion that the Tinguian and Ilocano are identical, and that\nthey form one of the waves of a series which brought the Apayao and\nwestern Kalinga to northern Luzon, a wave which reached the Islands\nat a later period than that represented by the Igorot, and which\noriginated in a somewhat different region of southeastern Asia. [26]\n\nIn order to come to a definite decision concerning these various\ntheories, we shall inquire into the cultural, linguistic, and physical\ntypes of the people concerned.\n\nThe most striking cultural differences between the Igorot and the\nTinguian, indicated in the introduction, will be brought out in more\ndetail in the following pages, as will also the evidence of Chinese\ninfluence in this region. Here it needs only to be restated, that\nthere are radical differences in social organization, government,\nhouse-building, and the like, between the Igorot-Ifugao groups,\nand the Ilocano-Tinguian-Apayao-Kalinga divisions.\n\nAll the tribes of northwestern Luzon belong to the same linguistic\nstock which, in turn, is closely related to the other Philippine\nlanguages. There are local differences sufficiently great to make it\nimpossible for people to communicate when first brought together,\nbut the vocabularies are sufficiently alike, and the morphology of\nthe dialects is so similar that it is the task of only a short time\nfor a person conversant with one idiom to acquire a speaking and\nunderstanding knowledge of any other in this region. It is important\nto note that these dialects belong to the Philippine group, and there\nseems to be very little evidence of Chinese influence [27] either in\nstructure or vocabulary. [28]\n\nThe various descriptions of the physical types have been of such\na conflicting nature that it seems best at this point to present\nrather detailed descriptions of the Tinguian, Ilocano, and Apayao,\nand to compare these with the principal measurements of the other\ntribes and peoples under discussion.\n\nFor purposes of comparison, the Tinguian have been divided into a\nvalley and mountain group; for, as already indicated, there has been a\nconsiderable movement of the mixed Kalinga-Igorot people of the upper\nSaltan (Malokbot) river, of Guinaan Lubuagan and Balatok, into the\nmountain districts of Abra, and these immigrants becoming merged into\nthe population have modified the physical type to a certain extent.\n\nIn the detailed description of the Ilocano, all the subjects have\nbeen drawn from the cities of Bangued in Abra, and Vigan in Ilocos\nSur, in order to eliminate, so far as possible, the results of recent\nintermixture with the Tinguian,--a process which is continually taking\nplace in all the border towns. The more general tabulation includes\nIlocano from all the northern provinces.\n\nAged and immature individuals have been eliminated from all the\ndescriptions here presented. [29]\n\n\n_Ilocano_\n\n\nObservations on 19 Males from Vigan and Bangued\n\n Range Average\nHeight, standing meters 1.510 to 1.714 1.607\nLength of head \" .164 to .191 .1787\nBreadth of head \" .146 to .158 .1522\nHeight of head \" .120 to .144 .1316\nBreadth of zygomatic arches \" .129 to .148 .1373\nLength of nose \" .043 to .054 .0485\nBreadth of nose \" .034 to .046 .0382\n\nCephalic index 85.1\nLength-Height index 73.0\nBreadth-Height index 86.2\nNasal index 78.7\n\n\n_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin scale.\n\n_Hair_--Often black, but usually brown-black. 50 per cent straight\nand about 50 per cent slightly wavy. One case closely curled.\n\n_Forehead_--Usually high, broad, and moderately retreating, but\nsometimes vaulted.\n\n_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. Two cases flat.\n\n_Face_--Moderately high; broad and oval. Three cases angular.\n\n_Eye-slit_--Generally slightly oblique, moderately open, almond\nshape. Mongolian fold present in 45 per cent.\n\n_Nose_--Root:--Middle broad and moderately high.\nBridge:--Inclined to be concave, but often straight.\nWings:--Middle thick and slightly arched or swelled.\n\n_Lips_:--Middle thick and double bowed (slightly).\n\n_Ears_:--Outstanding. Lobes generally small and close growing, but\nare sometimes free.\n\n\n\n_Ilocano_ [30]\n\n_Observations Made By Folkmar_ (_See Album of Philippine Types,\nManila_, 1904)\n\n\n37 Males of Ilocos Norte\n\n Average\nHeight, standing meters 1.593\nLength of head \" .180\nBreadth of head \" .151\nLength of nose \" .055\nBreadth of nose \" .040\n\nCephalic index 84.39\nNasal index 73.12\n\n\n\n59 Males of Ilocos Sur\n\n Average\nHeight, standing meters 1.596\nLength of head \" .177\nBreadth of head \" .150\nLength of nose \" .053\nBreadth of nose \" .039\n\nCephalic index 85.06\nNasal index 72.95\n\n\n31 Males of Union Province\n\n Average\nHeight, standing meters 1.590\nLength of head \" .176\nBreadth of head \" .151\nLength of nose \" .050\nBreadth of nose \" .039\n\nCephalic index 85.72\nNasal index 78.63\n\n\n193 Males from All Provinces\n\n Average\nHeight, standing meters 1.602\nLength of head \" .178\nBreadth of head \" .151\nLength of nose \" .052\nBreadth of nose \" .040\n\nCephalic index 84.81\nNasal index 75.44\n\n\n_Valley Tinguian_\n\n\n\nObservations on 83 Males (See Plates III, IV)\n\n Range Average\nHeight, standing meters 1.48 to 1.70 1.572\nLength of head \" 1.65 to .195 .1811\nBreadth of head \" .140 to .164 .1507\nHeight of head, 39 cases \" .116 to .144 .1337\nBreadth of zygomatic arches \" .129 to .148 .1387\nLength of nose \" .042 to .060 .0499\nBreadth of nose \" .030 to .043 .0384\n\nCephalic index 83.2\nLength-Height index 72.5\nBreadth-Height index 86.5\nNasal index 76.9\n\n\n_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.\n\n_Hair_--Varies from black to brownish black. Usually wavy, but straight\nin about one third.\n\n_Forehead_--Moderately high and broad; slightly retreating, but\nsometimes vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in three\ncases.\n\n_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. Two cases of flattening.\n\n_Face_--Moderately high and broad; cheek bones sufficiently outstanding\nto give face angular appearance, tapering from above, but oval faces\nare common.\n\n_Eye-slit_--Straight or slightly oblique; moderately wide open and\ninclined to be almond shaped; Mongolian fold slightly developed in\nabout 20 per cent.\n\n_Nose_--Root:--middle broad and high, seldom small or flat.\nBridge:--middle broad and usually straight, but 25 per cent are\nslightly concave, while two cases are convex.\nWings:--In most cases are thin, but are commonly thick; both are\nslightly arched.\n\n_Lips_--Middle thick and double bowed (slightly).\n\n_Ears_--Outstanding, with small close-growing lobes.\n\n_Valley Tinguian_\n\n\nObservations on 35 Females (See Plates V, VI)\n\n Range Average\nHeight, standing meters 1.42 to 1.58 1.474\nLength of head \" .161 to .186 .1743\nBreadth of head \" .136 to .155 .1460\nHeight of head (22 cases) \" .119 to .138 .1301\nBreadth of zygomatic arches \" .123 to .139 .1304\nLength of nose \" .039 to .056 .046\nBreadth of nose \" .030 to .042 .0354\n\nCephalic index 83.7\nLength-Height index 74.6\nBreadth-Height index 88.6\nNasal index 76.9\n\n\n_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.\n\n_Hair_--Usually brown black, but black is common. Sometimes straight,\nbut generally slightly wavy.\n\n_Forehead_--Considerable variation. Usually moderately high, broad,\nand vaulted, but is sometimes low and moderately retreating.\n\n_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. Two cases of flattening.\n\n_Face_--Moderately high and oval. In a few cases angular, tapering\nfrom above.\n\n_Eye-slit_--Generally oblique, moderately open and almond shape. Is\nsometimes straight and narrowly open. Mongolian fold slightly developed\nin about 25 per cent.\n\n_Nose_--Root:--Moderately broad and either flat or slightly elevated.\nBridge:--Middle broad and slightly concave. In five cases is straight\nand in two is convex.\nWings:--Equally divided between thick and thin. Slightly arched.\n\n_Lips_--Middle thick and double bowed (slightly).\n\n_Ears_--Outstanding, with small, close growing lobes.\n\n_Mountain Tinguian_\n\n\nObservations on 62 Males (See Plates VII-VIII)\n\n Range Average\nHeight, standing meters 1.45 to 1.71 1.57\nLength of head \" .171 to .203 .1856\nBreadth of head \" .140 to .161 .1493\nHeight of head (59 cases) \" .115 to .154 .1316\nBreadth of zygomatic arches \" .129 to .149 .1385\nLength of nose (60 cases) \" .043 to .059 .0512\nBreadth of nose (60 cases) \" .033 to .046 .0399\n\nCephalic index 80.4\nLength-Height index 70.9\nBreadth-Height index 87.4\nNasal index 77.9\n\n\n_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.\n\n_Hair_--Brown black, and slightly wavy.\n\n_Forehead_--Middle high to high, moderately broad, moderately\nretreating, but sometimes vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly\ndeveloped in five cases.\n\n_Crown and back of head_--Middle or strongly arched.\n\n_Face_--Moderately high. Cheek bones moderately outstanding giving face\nangular appearance, tapering from above. In seven cases face is oval.\n\n_Eye-slit_--Sometimes straight, but usually slightly oblique,\nmoderately open, almond shape. Mongolian fold in five cases.\n\n_Nose_--Root:--Middle broad and moderately high, but sometimes high.\nBridge:--Middle broad and straight. Seven cases concave and three\nconvex.\nWings:--Middle thick and arched.\n\n_Lips_--Middle thick, sometimes thin; double bowed.\n\n_Ears_--Outstanding; lobes generally small and close growing.\n\n_Mountain Tinguian_\n\n\nObservations on 16 Females (See Plates IX-X)\n\n Range Average\nHeight, standing meters 1.38 to 1.53 1.482\nLength of head \" .163 to .188 .1782\nBreadth of head \" .137 to .155 .1452\nHeight of head \" .119 to .137 .1303\nBreadth of zygomatic arches \" .125 to .138 .1327\nLength of nose \" .039 to .054 .0461\nBreadth of nose \" .034 to .042 .0368\n\nCephalic index 80.1\nLength-Height index 73.1\nBreadth-Height index 90.0\nNasal index 79.8\n\n\n_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.\n\n_Hair_--Brown-black and slightly wavy.\n\n_Forehead_--Moderately high and broad; moderately retreating.\n\n_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched.\n\n_Face_--Moderately high and generally oval; sometimes angular tapering\nfrom above.\n\n_Eye-slit_--About equally divided between straight and oblique;\nmoderately open. Mongolian fold slightly developed in one third\nof cases.\n\n_Nose_--Root:--Moderately broad and nearly flat, but sometimes\nmoderately high.\nBridge:--Middle broad and inclined to be concave. Straight noses occur.\nWings:--Usually thin and inclined to be swelled.\n\n_Lips_--Middle thick and inclined to be double bowed.\n\n_Ears_--Outstanding. Lobes small and close growing.\n\n_Apayao_\n\n\nObservations on 32 Males\n\n Range Average\nHeight, standing meters 1.48 to 1.70 1.587\nLength of head \" .175 to .199 .1877\nBreadth of head \" .137 to .158 .1492\nHeight of head \" .119 to .155 .1331\nBreadth of zygomatic arches \" .130 to .149 .1418\nLength of nose \" .040 to .054 .0466\nBreadth of nose \" .035 to .044 .0390\n\nCephalic index 79.5\nLength-Height index 70.9\nBreadth-Height index 89.2\nNasal index 83.6\n\n\n_Eyes_--Dark brown, 1 to 4 in Martin table.\n\n_Hair_--Brown black and wavy.\n\n_Forehead_--High and generally moderately retreating, but in about one\nthird is vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in six cases.\n\n_Crown and back of head_--Rather strongly arched. Six cases (all from\none village) showed slight flattening of occipital region.\n\n_Face_--Usually high. The cheek bones are moderately outstanding\ngiving face angular appearance, tapering from above. In eight cases\nface tapers from below, and in nine is oval.\n\n_Eye-slit_--Usually oblique, moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian\nfold in about 50 per cent.\n\n_Nose_--Root:--Middle broad and flat or slightly elevated.\nBridge:--Middle broad and slightly or strongly concave. Seven instances\nof straight noses occur.\nWings:--Middle thick, arched or swelled.\n\n_Lips_--Middle thick and slightly double bowed.\n\n_Ears_--Outstanding. Lobes small and close growing.\n\n_Bontoc Igorot_ [31]\n\n_Observations By Jenks_ (_See The Bontoc Igorot, Manila_, 1905)\n\n\n32 males Average Range\nHeight, standing meters 1.6028\nLength of head \" .1921\nBreadth of head \" .1520\nLength of nose \" .0525\nBreadth of nose \" .0462\n\nCephalic index 79.13 67.48 to 91.48\nNasal index 79.19 58.18 to 104.54\n\nIn this group 9 are brachycephalic\n 20 are mesaticephalic\n 3 are dolichocephalic\n\n\n_Color_--Ranges from light brown, with strong saffron undertone,\nto very dark brown or bronze.\n\n_Eyes_--Black to hazel brown. \"Malayan\" fold in large majority.\n\n_Hair_--Coarse, straight and black. A few individuals possess curly\nor wavy hair.\n\n_Nose_--Jenks gives no statement, but his photos show the root of the\nnose to be rather high; the bridge appears to be broad and straight,\nalthough in some individuals it tends toward concave.\n\n\n29 females Average Range\nHeight, standing meters 1.4580\nLength of head \" .1859\nBreadth of head \" .1470\nLength of nose \" .0458\nBreadth of nose \" .0360\n\nCephalic index 79.09 64.89 to 87.64\nNasal index 78.74 58.53 to 97.56\n\nIn this group 12 are brachycephalic\n 12 are mesaticephalic\n 5 are dolichocephalic\n\n\nVery different results were obtained by _Kroeber_ [32] from the group\nof Igorot exhibited in San Francisco in 1906. His figures may possibly\nbe accounted for by the fact that about one third of the party came\nfrom Alap near the southern end of the Bontoc area, also, as he has\nsuggested, by the preponderance of very young men. The figures for\nthis group are as follows:\n\n\nObservations on 18 Males\n\nAverage height 1.550 Range 1.46 to 1.630 \"\n length of head .186 .176 to .194 \"\n breadth of head .146 .138 to .153 \"\n bizygomatic width .135 .129 to .142 \"\n length of nose .041 .031 to .046 \"\n breadth of nose .040 .036 to .046 \"\n\n cephalic index 78.43\n nasal index 99.8\n\n\nObservations on 7 Females\n\nAverage height 1.486 Range 1.440 to 1.530 \"\n length of head .182 .171 to .191 \"\n breadth of head .143 .136 to .150 \"\n bizygomatic width .131 .127 to .136 \"\n length of nose .037 .033 to .042 \"\n width of nose .037 .036 to .038 \"\n\n cephalic index 78.59\n nasal index 99.7\n\n\nFrom these descriptive sheets it is obvious that each tribe is made\nup of very heterogeneous elements, and each overlaps the other to a\nconsiderable extent; however, the number of individuals measured is\nsufficiently great for us to draw certain general conclusions from\nthe averages of each group.\n\nIt is at once evident that the differences between the Ilocano and the\nValley Tinguian are very slight, in fact are less than those between\nthe valley and mountain people of the latter tribe. The Ilocano\nappear to be slightly taller, the length of head a little less, and\nthe breadth a bit more; yet there is an average difference of only\ntwo points in the cephalic indices of the two groups. The only other\npoints of divergence are: the greater percentage among the Ilocano of\neyes showing the Mongolian fold, and the occurrence of straight hair\nin about half the individuals measured. However, this latter feature\nmay be more apparent than real; for the Ilocano cut the hair short,\nand a slight degree of waviness might readily pass unobserved.\n\nAs we pass from the Valley to the Mountain Tinguian, and from them\nto the Apayao, we find the average stature almost constant, but the\nhead becomes longer; there is a greater tendency for the cheekbones\nto protrude and the face to be angular, and there is a more frequent\ndevelopment of the supra-orbital ridges. The root of the nose is\noften flat and the bridge concave; while wavy hair becomes the rule\nin the mountains. There is a slight decrease, in the Tinguian groups,\nof eyes showing the Mongolian fold, but in the Apayao the percentage\nagain equals that of the Ilocano.\n\nThe Apayao present no radical differences to the Mountain Tinguian;\nyet, as already noted, the length and height of the head are\nslightly greater; the zygomatic arches more strongly developed;\nthe face more angular; and the nose is broader as compared with its\nlength. Evidences of former extensive intermixture are here apparent,\nwhile at the present time there is rather free marriage with the\nneighboring Kalinga and Negrito.\n\nComparing these four groups with the Igorot, we find that the latter\naverages slightly taller than all but the Ilocano. The breadth of the\nhead is about the same as the Ilocano; but the length is much greater,\nand there is, in consequence, a considerable difference in the cephalic\nindex. Reference to our tables will show the Ilocano and both Tinguian\ndivisions to be brachycephalic, while the Igorot is mesaticephalic. The\naverage index of the Apayao also falls in the latter classification;\nbut the variation from Igorot is greater than is indicated, for the\nApayao skull is actually considerably shorter and narrower. In the\nlength and breadth of the nose, the Igorot exceeds any of the groups\nstudied, while the Malayan (Mongolian?) fold of the eye is reported\nin the great majority of cases. The bodily appearance of the Tinguian\nand Bontoc Igorot differs little, although the latter are generally of\na slightly heavier build. Both are lithe and well proportioned, their\nfull rounded muscles giving them the appearance of trained athletes;\nneither is as stocky or heavy set as are the Igorot of Amburayan,\nLepanto, and Benguet.\n\nThere is great variation in color among the members of all these\ntribes, the tones varying from a light olive brown to a dark reddish\nbrown; but in general the Ilocano and Valley Tinguian are of a lighter\nhue than the mountain people.\n\nObservations on the Southern Chinese and the South Perak Malay are\ngiven below, not with the intention of connecting them with any one\nof the tribes of Luzon, but in order to test, by comparison, the\ntheory of the Chinese origin of the Tinguian, and also to secure,\nif possible, some clue as to the relationships of both peoples.\n\n_The Southern Chinese_\n\n_Dr. Girard_, [33] as a result of his studies on the Chinese of\nKwang-si, a province of southern China, expresses the belief that\nthe population is greatly mixed, but all considered they appear more\nlike Indo-Chinese than like the Chinese proper (that is, Northern\nChinese). _Deniker_ [34] comes to a similar conclusion from a study\nof the results obtained by many observers.\n\n_Girard_ gives the following measurements for 25 males of Kwang-si:\n\n\n Range Average\nHeight, standing meters 1.528 to 1.748 1.616\nLength of head \" .1815\nBreadth of head \" .1435\nHeight of head \" .1270\nLength of nose \" .04648\nBreadth of nose \" .03876\n\nCephalic index 73. to 85. 79.52\nLength-Height index 69.9\nBreadth-Height index 88.5\nNasal index 67. to 95. 82.98\n\n\n_Deniker_ (p. 578) gives the average height of 15,582 males, mostly\nHakka of Kwang-tung, as 1.622. The cephalic index of 61 living subjects\nand 84 crania, principally from Canton, he finds to be--Living 81.2;\ncrania 78.2.\n\n_Martin_ [35] presents the following data: Average height of\nmales--1.614; average height of females--1.498. Cephalic index\n(49 males)--81.8. Length-Height index (49 males)--66.5. Nasal index\n(49 males)--77.7. [36]\n\n_South Perak Malay_ [37]\n\n_Observations by Annandale and Robinson_ (_Fasciculi Malayenses,\nPt_. I, pp. 105 _et seq_., _London_, 1903).\n\n\n37 males Range\nAverage\nHeight, standing meters 1.488 to 1.763 1.594\nLength of head \" .173 to .198 .182\nBreadth of head \" .141 to .162 .149\nHeight of head (tragus to vertex) \" .119 to .146 .135\nBreadth of zygomatic arches \" .120 to .150 .139\nLength of nose \" .0413 to .0525 .0477\nBreadth of nose \" .0337 to .0437 .0358\n\nCephalic index 82.3\nLength-Height index 73.9\nNasal index 81.2\n\n\n_Color_--Varies from dark olive to red; less commonly olive or\nyellowish\nwhite.\n\n_Eyes_--Black, sometimes reddish brown.\n\n_Hair_--Appears to be straight in most cases, but being cut short a\nslight waviness might not be noticed. Black.\n\nA comparison of these figures with those of our Luzon groups brings out\nseveral interesting points. It shows that the Tinguian are not related\nto the Chinese, \"because of their tall stature;\" for they are, as a\nmatter of fact, shorter than either the Chinese or Igorot. It is also\nevident that they resemble the southern Chinese no more than do the\npeople of Bontoc. Further it is seen that both the Tinguian-Ilocano\nand the Chinese show greater likeness to the Perak Malay than they\ndo to each other. As a matter of fact, we find no radical differences\nbetween any of the peoples discussed; despite evident minor variations,\nthe tribes of northwestern Luzon approach a common type, and this type\nappears not to be far removed from the dominant element in southern\nChina, Indo-China, and Malaysia generally, a fact which probably can\nbe attributed to a common ancestry in times far past. [38]\n\nWith this data before us, we might readily dismiss most of the theories\nof early writers as interesting speculations based on superficial\nobservation; but the statement that the Tinguian are derived from\nthe pirate band of Limahon has received such wide currency that it\ndeserves further notice. It should be borne in mind that the scene\nof the Chinese disaster was in Pangasinan, a march of three days\nto the south of the Tinguian territory. It is unlikely that a force\nsufficiently large to impress its type on the local population could\nhave made its way into Abra, without having been reported to Salcedo,\nwho then had his headquarters at Vigan.\n\nAs early as 1598 the Tinguian were so powerful and aggressive that\nactive steps had to be taken to protect the coast people from their\nraids. Had they been recognized as being essentially Chinese--a\nforeign, hostile population--some mention of that fact must certainly\nhave crept into the Spanish records of that period. Such data are\nentirely wanting, while the exceedingly rich traditions of the Tinguian\n[39] likewise fail to give any evidence of such an invasion.\n\nThe presence of large quantities of ancient Chinese pottery in Abra\nmust be ascribed to trade, for it is inconceivable that a fugitive band\nof warriors would have carried with them the hundreds of jars--many\nof large size--which are now found in the interior.\n\nThe reputed similarity of the garments of the men to those of Fukien\nfishermen is likewise without value, for at the time of the Spanish\ninvasion both Ilocano and Tinguian were innocent of trousers. It\nwas not until the order of Gov. Pen\u00f1arubia, in 1868, barring all\nunclad pagans from the Christianized towns, that the latter donned\nsuch garments. To-day many of the men possess full suits, but the\nordinary dress is still the head-band, breech-cloth, and belt.\n\nFinally, it seems curious that the Tinguian should be of \"a pacific\ncharacter\" because of the fact that they are descended from a band\nof Chinese pirates.\n\nSummarizing our material, we can say of the Tinguian, that they are a\nrather short, well-built people with moderately high, brachycephalic\nheads, fairly high noses, and angular faces. Their hair is brown black\nand inclined to be wavy, while the skin varies from a light olive\nbrown to a dark reddish brown. A study of our tables shows that within\nthis group there are great extremes in stature, head and nasal form,\ncolor, and the like, indicating very heterogeneous elements in its\nmake-up. We also find that physically the Tinguian conform closely to\nthe Ilocano, while they merge without a sharp break into the Apayao\nof the eastern mountain slopes. When compared to the Igorot, greater\ndifferences are manifest; but even here, the similarities are so many\nthat we cannot classify the two tribes as members of different races.\n\nWe have seen that this people approaches the southern Chinese in\nmany respects, but this is likewise true of all the other tribes\nunder discussion and, hence, we are not justified, on anatomic\ngrounds, in considering the Tinguian as distinct, because of Chinese\norigin. The testimony of historical data and language leads us to the\nsame conclusions. Chinese influence, through trade, has been active\nfor many centuries along the north and west coast of Luzon, but it\nhas not been of a sufficiently intimate nature to introduce such\ncommon articles of convenience and necessity as the composite bow,\nthe potter's wheel, wheeled vehicles, and the like.\n\nThe anatomical data likewise prevent us from setting this tribe apart\nfrom the others, because of Japanese or Indonesian origin.\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III\n\nTHE CYCLE OF LIFE\n\n_Birth_.--The natural cause of pregnancy is understood by the Tinguian,\nbut coupled with this knowledge is a belief in its close relationship\nto the spirit world. Supernatural conception and unnatural births are\nfrequently mentioned in the traditions, and are accepted as true by\nthe mass of people; while the possibility of increasing the fertility\nof the husband and wife by magical acts, performed in connection with\nthe marriage ceremony, is unquestioned. Likewise, the wife may be\naffected if she eats peculiar articles of food, [40] and unappeased\ndesires for fruits and the like may result disastrously both for the\nexpectant mother and the child. [41] The close relationship which\nexists between the father and the unborn babe is clearly brought out\nby various facts; for instance, the husband of a pregnant woman is\nnever whipped at a funeral, as are the other guests, lest it result\nin injury to the child.\n\nThe fact that these mythical happenings and magical practices do not\nagree with his actual knowledge in no way disturbs the Tinguian. It is\ndoubtful if he is conscious of a conflict; and should it be brought to\nhis attention, he would explain it by reference to the tales of former\ntimes, or to the activities of superior beings. Like man in civilized\nsociety, he seldom rationalizes about the well-known facts--religious\nor otherwise--generally held by his group to be true.\n\nIt is thought that, when a mortal woman conceives, an _anito_\nwoman likewise becomes pregnant, and the two give birth at the same\ntime. Otherwise, the lives of the two children do not seem to be\nclosely related, though, as we shall see later, the mothers follow\nthe same procedure for a time after delivery (cf. p. 268).\n\nAccording to common belief, supernatural beings have become possessed\nat times, with menstrual blood or the afterbirth which under their\ncare developed into human offspring, some of whom occupy a prominent\nplace in the tribal mythology. [42] In the tales we are told that a\nfrog became pregnant, and gave birth to a child after having lapped up\nthe spittle of Aponitolau, [43] a maid conceived when the head-band\nof her lover rested on her skirt, [44] while the customary delivery\nof children during the mythical period seems to have been from between\nthe fingers of the expectant mother. [45] _Anitos_ and, in a few cases,\nthe shades of the dead have had intercourse with Tinguian women, [46]\nbut children of such unions are always born prematurely. As a rule, a\nmiscarriage is thought to be the result of union with the inhabitants\nof the spirit realm, though an expectant woman is often warned not to\nbecome angry or sorrowful lest her \"blood become strong and the child\nbe born.\" Abortion is said to be practised occasionally by unmarried\nwomen; but such instances are exceedingly rare, as offspring is much\ndesired, and the chance of making a satisfactory match would be in\nno way injured by the possession of an illegitimate child. [47]\n\nExcept for the district about Manabo, it is not customary to make any\nofferings or to cause any changes in the daily life of the pregnant\nwoman until the time of her delivery is near at hand. In Manabo a\nfamily gathering is held about a month before the anticipated event,\nat which time the woman eats a small chicken, while her relatives look\non. After completing this meal, she places two bundles of grass, some\nbark and beads in a small basket and ties it beside the window. The\nsignificance of the act is not clear to the people, but it is \"an\nold custom, and is pleasing to the spirits.\"\n\nShortly before the child is expected, two or three mediums are\nsummoned to the dwelling. Spreading a mat in the center of the room,\nthey place on it their outfits (cf. p. 302) and gifts [48] for all\nthe spirits who are apt to attend the ceremony. Nine small jars\ncovered with _alin_ leaves are distributed about the house and yard;\none sits on a head-axe placed upon an inverted rice-mortar near the\ndwelling, another stands near by in a winnower, and is covered with\na bundle of rice; four go to a corner of the room; while the balance\nis placed on either side of the doorway. These jars are later used\nto hold the cooked rice which is offered to the _Inginlaod_, spirits\nof the west. At the foot of the house ladder a spear is planted, and\nto it is attached a long narrow cloth of many colors. Last of all, a\nbound pig is laid just outside the door with its head toward the east.\n\nWhen all is ready, the mediums bid the men to play on the _tong-a-tong_\n(cf. p. 314); then, squatting beside the pig, they stroke its\nside with oiled fingers, meanwhile chanting appropriate _diams_\n(cf. p. 296). This done, they begin to summon spirits into their\nbodies, and from them learn what must be done to insure the health\nand happiness of the child. Later, water is poured into the pig's ear,\nthat \"as it shakes out the water, so may the evil spirits be thrown out\nof the place.\" [49] Then an old man cuts open the body of the animal\nand, thrusting in his hand, draws out the still palpitating heart,\nwhich he gives to the medium. With this she strokes the body of the\nexpectant woman, \"so that the birth may be easy, and as a protection\nagainst harm,\" and also touches the other members of the family. [50]\nShe next directs her attention to the liver, for by its condition it\nis possible to foretell the child's future (cf. p. 307).\n\nWhile the medium has been busy with the immediate family, friends\nand relatives have been preparing the flesh for food, which is now\nserved. No part is reserved, except the boiled entrails which are\nplaced in a wooden dish and set among other gifts intended for the\nsuperior beings.\n\nFollowing the meal, the mediums continue summoning spirits until\nlate afternoon when the ceremony known as _Gipas_--the dividing--is\nheld. [51] The chief medium, who is now possessed by a powerful spirit,\ncovers her shoulder with a sacred blanket, [52] and in company with\nthe oldest male relative of the expectant woman goes to the middle of\nthe room, where a bound pig lies with a narrow cloth extending along\nits body from head to tail. After much debating they decide on the\nexact center of the animal, and then with her left hand each seizes a\nleg. They lift the victim from the floor, and with the head-axes, which\nthey hold in their free hands, they cut it in two. In this way the\nmortals pay the spirits for their share in the child, and henceforth\nthey have no claims to it. The spirit and the old man drink _basi_,\nto cement their friendship; and the ceremony is at an end.\n\nThe small pots and other objects used as offerings are placed on the\nsacred blanket in one corner of the room, where they remain until\nthe child is born, \"so that all the spirits may know that _Gipas_\nhas been held.\" A portion of the slaughtered animals and some small\npresent are given to the mediums, who then depart.\n\nIn San Juan a cloth is placed on the floor, and on it are laid\nbetel-nuts, four beads, and a lead sinker. These are divided with\nthe head-axe in the same manner as the pig, but the medium retains\nfor her own use the share given to the spirits.\n\nIn the better class of dwellings, constructed of boards, there is\ngenerally a small section in one corner, where the flooring is of\nbamboo; and it is here that the delivery takes place, but in the\nordinary dwellings there is no specified location.\n\nThe patient is in a kneeling or squatting position with her hands on a\nrope or bamboo rod, which is suspended from a rafter about the height\nof her shoulders. [53] She draws on this, while one or more old women,\nskilled in matters pertaining to childbirth, knead and press down on\nthe abdomen, and finally remove the child. The naval cord is cut with\na bamboo knife, [54] and is tied with bark cloth. Should the delivery\nbe hard, a pig will be killed beneath the house, and its blood and\nflesh offered to the spirits, in order to gain their aid.\n\nIf the child is apparently still-born, the midwife places a Chinese\ndish close to its ear, and strikes against it several times with a\nlead sinker. If this fails to gain a response, the body is wrapped\nin a cloth, and is soon buried beneath the house. There is no belief\nhere, as is common in many other parts of the Philippines, that the\nspirits of unborn or still-born children form the chief recruits for\nthe army of evil spirits.\n\nThe after-birth is placed in a small jar together with bamboo leaves,\n\"so that the child will grow like that lusty plant,\" and is then\nintrusted to an old man, usually a relative. He must exercise the\ngreatest care in his mission, for should he squint, while the jar is in\nhis possession, the child will be likewise afflicted. If it is desired\nthat the infant shall become a great hunter, the jar is hung in the\njungle; if he is to be an expert swimmer and a successful fisherman,\nit is placed in the river; but ill fortune is in store for the baby\nif the pot is buried, for he will always be afraid to climb a tree\nor to ascend a mountain.\n\nThese close ties between the infant and the after-birth are\neasily comprehended by a people who also believe in the close\nrelationship between a person and any object recently handled by him\n(cf. p. 305). In general it is thought that the after-birth soon\ndisappears and no longer influences the child; yet certain of the\nfolk-tales reflect a firm conviction that a group of spirits, known\nas _alan_, sometimes take the placenta, and transform it into a real\nchild, who is then more powerful than ordinary mortals. [55]\n\nImmediately following the birth the father constructs a shallow bamboo\nframework (_baitken_), [56] which he fills with ashes, and places in\nthe room close to the mother. On this a fire is kept burning constantly\nfor twenty-nine days [57] For this fire he must carefully prepare each\nstick of wood, for should it have rough places on it, the baby would\nhave lumps on its head. A double explanation is offered for this fire;\nfirstly, \"to keep the mother warm;\" secondly, as a protection against\nevil spirits. The idea of protection is evidently the original and\ndominant one; for, as we shall see, evil spirits are wont to frequent\na house, where a birth or death has occurred, and a fire is always\nkept burning below the house or beside the ladder at such a time. [58]\n\nWhen the child has been washed, it is placed on an inverted\nrice-winnower, and an old man or woman gives it the name it is to\nbear. The winnower is raised a few inches above the ground, and the\nwoman asks the child its name, then drops it. Again she raises it,\npronounces the name, and lets it fall. A third time it is raised and\ndropped, with the injunction, \"When your mother sends you, you go,\"\nor \"You must not be lazy.\" If it is a boy, it may be instructed,\n\"When your father sends you to plow, you go.\"\n\nAmong the Tinguian of Ilocos Norte it is customary for the person\nwho is giving the name to wave a burning torch beneath the winnower,\nmeanwhile saying, if to a boy, \"Here is your light when you go to\nfight. Here is your light when you go to other towns.\" If the child\nis a girl, she says, \"Here is your light when you go to sell things.\"\n\nIn the San Juan district, the fire is made of pine sticks; for\n\"the burning pine gives a bright light, and thus makes it clear to\nthe spirits that the child is born. The heat and smoke make the child\nhard and sturdy.\" Just before the naming, the rice winnower is circled\nabove the fire and the person officiating calls to the spirits, saying,\n\"Come and take this child, or I shall take it.\" Then, as the infant\nstill remains alive, she proceeds to give it its name. [59]\n\nA Tinguian child is nearly always named after a dead ancestor; often\nit receives two names--one for a relative in the father's family,\nand one in the mother's. A third name commemorating the day or some\nevent, or perhaps the name of a spirit, is frequently added. [60]\nCertain names, such as Abacas (\"worthless\"), Inaknam (\"taken up\"),\nand Dolso (\"rice-chaff\") are common. If the infant is ailing, or if\nthe family has been unfortunate in raising children, the newborn is\nnamed in the regular way, then is placed on an old rice winnower,\nand is carried to a refuse heap and left. Evil spirits witnessing\nthis will think that the child is dead, and will pay no more heed\nto it. After a time, a woman from another house will pick the child\nup and carry it back to the dwelling, where it is renamed. In such\na case it is probable that the new name will recall the event. [61]\n\nIf a former child has died, it is possible that the infant will receive\nits name, but if so, it will be renamed within a few days. In this\nmanner, respect is shown both for the deceased child and the ancestor\nfor which it was named; yet the newborn is not forced to bear a title\nwhich is apparently displeasing to the spirits. Continued sickness\nmay also result in the giving of a new name. [62] In such a case a\nsmall plot of rice is planted as an offering to the spirits, which\nhave caused the illness.\n\nAccording to Reyes, the child to be named is carried to a tree, and\nthe medium says, \"Your name is ----;\" at the same time she strikes the\ntree with a knife. If the tree \"sweats,\" the name is satisfactory;\notherwise, other names are mentioned until a favorable sign is\nobtained. [63] The writer found no trace of such procedure in any\npart of the Tinguian belt.\n\nFor a month succeeding the birth, the mother must follow a very strict\nset of rules. Each day she is bathed with water in which certain herbs\nand leaves, distasteful to evil spirits, are boiled. [64] Beginning\nwith the second day and until the tenth she must add one bath each\nday, at least one of which is in cold water. From the tenth to the\ntwenty-fourth day she takes one hot and one cold bath, and from then\nto the end of the month she continues the one hot bath. Until these\nare completed, the family must keep a strip of _ayabong_ bark burning\nbeneath the house, in order to protect the baby from evil spirits. As\nan additional defence, a miniature bow and arrow, and a bamboo shield,\nwith a leaf attached, as hung above the infant's head (Fig. 4, No. 1).\n\nOn the fifth day the mother makes a ring out of old cloth, rice stalks,\nand a vine, and puts it on her head; over her shoulders is an old\nblanket, while in one hand she holds a reed staff, which \"helps her\nin her weakness, and protects her from evil beings.\" She carries a\ncoconut shell filled with ashes, a basket and a jar, and thus equipped\nshe goes to the village spring. Arriving there, she cleans the dishes\n\"as a sign that her weakness has passed, and that she can now care\nfor herself;\" then she sets fire to a piece of bark, and leaves it\nburning beside the water, as a further sign of her recovery. When\nshe returns to the dwelling, the cleansed dishes and the staff are\nplaced above the spot, where she and the baby sleep.\n\nOn the 29th day the fire is extinguished, and the bamboo frame\nis fastened under the floor of the house, below the mother's mat,\n\"so that all can see that the family has followed the custom.\" As\nthe frame is carried out, the mother calls to the _anito_ mother\n(cf. p. 261) to throw out her fire.\n\nIn the mountain districts about Lakub, a ceremony in which the spirits\nare besought to look to the child's welfare is held about the third\nday after the birth. The mediums summon several spirits; a chicken\nor a pig is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is offered up. At\nthe conclusion a small _saloko_ [65] containing an egg is attached\nto one end of the roof. In Ba-ak this is generally a three to six day\nevent attended by all the friends and relatives of the family. Here,\nin place of the egg, a jar containing pine-sticks is attached to the\nroof, for the pine which burns brightly makes it plain to the spirits\nwhat the people are doing.\n\nIn the light of the extended and rather complex procedure just\nrelated, it is interesting to note that the Tinguian woman is one\nof those mythical beings whom careless or uninformed writers have\nbeen wont to describe as giving birth to her children without bodily\ndiscomfort. _Reyes_ [66] tells us that she cuts the umbilical cord,\nafter which she proceeds to the nearest brook, and washes the clothing\nsoiled during the birth. _Lerena_ likewise credits her with delivering\nherself without aid, at whatever spot she may then chance to be; then,\nwithout further ado or inconvenience, she continues her duties as\nbefore. If she happens to be near to a river, she bathes the child;\nor, if water is not handy, she cleans it with grass or leaves, and\nthen gives it such a name as stone, rooster, or carabao. [67]\n\nThroughout the greater part of the Tinguian territory, nothing\nfurther of importance takes place for about two years, providing\nthe child progresses normally, but should it be ailing, a medium\nwill be summoned to conduct the _Ibal_ ceremony. [68] For this a pig\nor rooster is prepared for sacrifice, but before it is killed, the\nmedium squats before it and, stroking its side with oiled fingers,\nshe chants the following _diam_.\n\n\"Those who live in the same town go to raid, to take heads. After\nthey arrive, those who live in the same town, 'We go and dance with\nthe heads,' said the people, who live in the same town, 'because they\nmake a celebration, those who went to kill.' 'When the sun goes down,\nyou come to join us,' said the mother and baby (to her husband who\ngoes to the celebration). After that the sun truly went down; she\nwent truly to join her husband; after that they were not (there),\nthe mother and the baby (i.e., when the father arrived where they\nhad agreed to meet, the mother and child were not there).\n\n\"He saw their hats lying on the ground. He looked down; the\nmother and the baby were in (the ground), which ground swallowed\nthem. 'Why (are) the mother and the baby in the ground? How can I\nget them?' When he raises the mother and the baby, they go (back)\ninto the ground. After that Kaboniyan above, looking down (said),\n'What can you do? The spirits of Ibal in Daem are the cause of their\ntrouble. It is better that you go to the home of your parents-in-law,\nand you go and prepare the things needed in Ibal,' said Kaboniyan.\n\n\"They went truly and prepared; after that they brought (the things)\nto the gate. After that the mother and child came out of the\nground. 'After this when there is a happening like this, of which you\nIpogau are in danger, you do like this (i. e., make the Ibal ceremony);\nand I alone, Kaboniyan am the one you summon,' said Kaboniyan.\n\n\"After that they got well because they came up, the mother and\nthe baby.\"\n\nWhen the chant is finished, the animal is slaughtered, and food is\nprepared both for guests and spirits. Following the instructions\nof Kaboniyan, the latter is placed at the entrance to the village;\nafter which it is possible that this powerful spirit will visit the\ngathering in the person of the medium, and give further instructions\nfor the care of the infant.\n\nIn the village of Lakub the writer witnessed a variation of this\nceremony which, it is said, is also followed in case the pregnancy\nis not progressing favorably. A piece of banana stalk, wrought into\nthe form of a child, and wearing a bark head-band, was placed on the\nmat beside the medium. She, acting for a spirit, seized the miniature\nshield and bow and arrow which hung above the baby, and attempted to\nshoot the figure. Immediately two old women came to the rescue of the\nimage, and after a sharp tussel compelled the spirit to desist. They\nthen secured the weapons, and in their turn tried to shoot the figure,\nwhich was now defended in vain by the medium. It was later explained\nthat, in the first place, the figure represented the child, and\nhad the spirit succeeded in shooting it, the babe would have died;\nlater, it impersonated the child of the spirit, and when that being\nsaw its own offspring in danger, it immediately departed from the\nvillage. Several other spirits then entered the body of the medium,\nand after receiving food and drink, gave friendly advice.\n\nWhen the child is about two years old, a ceremony known as _Olog_\n[69] is held. The mediums who are summoned prepare a spirit mat,\n[70] and at once begin to recite _diams_ over the body of a bound\npig. As soon as the animal is killed, its heart is removed, and is\nrubbed against the breast of each member of the family. The medium\nthen resumes her place at the mat, and soon is possessed by a spirit\nwho takes charge of the proceedings. At his suggestion, the child is\nrubbed from head to foot with the thread from the medium's outfit, \"so\nthat it will not cry any more;\" next, he orders that the intestines\nof the pig be cleaned, placed on a wooden dish, and be carried\nto the gate of the town. When they arrive at the designated spot,\nthe mediums make a \"stove\" by driving three sticks into the ground,\nso as to outline a triangle, and within these they burn a bundle\nof rice-straw. Beside the \"stove\" is placed a branch, each leaf of\nwhich is pierced with a chicken feather. This completed, the child is\nbrought up to the fire, and is crowned with the intestines; while one\nof the mediums strikes the ground vigorously with a split stick, [71]\nto attract the attention of the spirits. Next, she secures a rooster,\nand with this in one hand and a spear in the other, she marches five\ntimes around the fire meanwhile reciting a _diam_. At the conclusion of\nthis performance the fowl is killed; and its blood, mixed with rice,\nis scattered on the ground. At the same time the medium calls to\nall the spirits to come and eat, to be satisfied, and not cause the\nchild to become ill. The flesh and rice cakes are likewise offered,\nbut after a few moments have elapsed, they are eaten by all the people.\n\nAt the conclusion of the meal, a wreath of vines is substituted for\nthe intestines, which are hung beside the fire. This concludes the\nceremony; but, as the mother and child reach the ladder of their\nhome, the people above sprinkle them with water, meanwhile calling\nout eight times, \"You are in a heavy storm.\" The significance of\nthis sprinkling is not known, but the custom is widespread, and is\nevidently very ancient.\n\nIn the mountain village of Likuan, a man who wears a very large hat\ntakes the child to a nearby _saloko_. As he returns, he is sprinkled\nby a medium, who says, \"You are wet from the rain; in what place\ndid you get wet?\" He replies, \"Yes, we are wet from the rain; we\nwere wet in Inakban (a town of the spirits);\" then placing two small\nbaskets in the _saloko_, he carries the child into the dwelling. Soon\nthe father appears and goes about inquiring for his wife and child;\nsuddenly spying the baskets, he seizes them and takes them into the\nhouse, saying, \"Here are the mother and the child.\"\n\nThe following morning, the women place rice cakes and betel-nuts,\nready to chew, in leaves, and tie them to a bamboo stalk with many\nbranches. This is then planted beside the spring, \"so that the child\nwill grow and be strong like the bamboo.\" The sight of all these\ngood things is also pleasing to the spirits, and they will thus be\ninclined to grant to the child many favors.\n\nWhen the women return to the house, they carry with them a coconut\nshell filled with water, and with this they wash the infant's face\n\"to keep it from crying, and to keep it well.\" This done, they tie\na knot of banana leaves to the house ladder as a sign that no person\nmay enter the dwelling until after its removal the next day. [72]\n\nA ceremony, not witnessed by the writer, is said to take place when\nevil spirits have persistently annoyed the mother and the child,\nwhen the delivery is long overdue, or when an _anito_ child [73]\nhas been born to a human mother. The husband and his friends arm\nthemselves with long knives or head-axes, and enter the dwelling,\nwhere they kill a rooster. The blood is mixed with rice; and this,\ntogether with nine coconut shells filled with _basi_, is placed beneath\nthe house for the _anitos_ to eat. While the spirits are busy with\nthis repast, the mother, wrapped in a blanket, is secretly passed out\na window and taken to another house. Then the men begin shouting,\nand at the same time slash right and left against the house-posts\nwith their weapons. In this way the evil spirits are not only kept\nfrom noticing the absence of the mother, but are also driven to a\ndistance. This procedure is repeated under nine houses, after which\nthey return to the dwelling with the woman. As soon as they reach the\ntop of the ladder, an old woman throws down ashes \"to blind the eyes\nof the _anitos_, so that they cannot see to come up.\" [74] She likewise\nbreaks a number of small jars, \"which look like heads,\" as a threat of\nthe treatment which awaits them if they attempt to return to the house.\n\nWithin the dwelling food and presents are offered to the good spirits,\nand all who have participated in the _anito_ driving are feasted.\n\nNext morning, a wash, said to be particularly distasteful to the evil\n_anito_, is prepared. It consists of water in which are placed lemon,\nbamboo, and _atis_ leaves, a cigar stub, and ashes from burned rice\nstraw. The family wash in this mixture, and are then fully protected\nagainst any evil spirits, which may still remain after the terrifying\nevents of the previous night.\n\n_Childhood_.--When outside the house, small babies are always carried\nby their mothers or older sisters (Plate XV). The little one either\nsits astride its mother's hip or fits against the small of the back,\nand is held in place by her arm or by a blanket which passes over one\nshoulder. From this position the infant is readily shifted, so that\nit can nurse whenever it is hungry. There are no regular periods for\nfeeding, neither is there a definite time for weaning. Most children\ncontinue to nurse until quite large, or until they are displaced by\nnewcomers. However, they are given some solid food, such as rice,\nwhile very young, and soon they are allowed to suck sugar-cane and\nsweet potatoes. It is also a common thing to see a mother take the pipe\nfrom her mouth, and place it in that of her nursing infant. They thus\nacquire the habit of using tobacco at a very early age, and continue\nit through life, but apparently without evil effects. Weaning is\naccomplished by rubbing the breasts with powdered chile peppers,\nor plants with sour flavor.\n\nA crib or sleeping basket is made out of bamboo or rattan, and\nthis is attached to the center of a long bamboo pole, which is\nsuspended across one corner of the room (Fig. 1, No. 2). The pole\nbends with each movement of the child, and thus it rocks itself to\nsleep. Another device in which small children are kept is known as\n_galong-galong_. This consists of a board seat attached to a strip\nof split rattan at each corner. Sliding up and down on these strips\nare vertical and horizontal pieces of reed or bamboo, which form an\nopen box-like frame (Fig. 1, No. 1). The reeds are raised, the child\nis put in, and then they are slipped back in place. This device is\nsuspended from a rafter, at such a height that it can serve either\nas a swing or walker, as desired.\n\nWhen the mother goes to the village spring or to the river, she\ncarries her baby with her, and invariably gives it a bath in the\ncold water. This she applies with her hand or a coconut shell, and\nfrequently she ends the process by dipping the small body into the\nwater. Apparently, the children do not enjoy the ordeal any more than\nEuropean youngsters; but this early dislike for the water is soon\novercome, and they go to the streams to paddle and play, and quickly\nbecome excellent swimmers. They learn that certain sluggish fish hide\nbeneath large rocks; and oftentimes a whole troop of naked youngsters\nmay be seen going up stream, carefully feeling under the stones,\nand occasionally shouting with glee, as a slippery trophy is drawn\nout with the bare hands. They also gather shell fish and shrimps,\nand their catch often adds variety to the family meal.\n\nChildren are seldom punished or scolded. All the family exhibit real\naffection for the youngsters, and find time to devote to them. A\nman is never too old or too busy to take up and amuse or caress\nthe babies. Kissing seems to be unknown, but a similar sign of\naffection is given by placing the lips to the face and drawing the\nbreath in suddenly. A mother is often heard singing to her babes,\nbut the songs are usually improvised, and generally consist of a\nsingle sentence repeated over and over. Aside from the daily bath,\nthe child has little to disturb it during the first five or six years\nof its life. It has no birthdays, its hair is never cut, unless it be\nthat it is trimmed over the eyes to form bangs, and it wears clothing\nonly on very special occasions. The children are by no means innocent\nin sexual matters; but absolute familiarity with nudity has removed\nall curiosity and false modesty, and the relations between the sexes\nare no freer than in civilized communities.\n\nWhen garments are put on, they are identical with those worn by the\nelders. At all ages the people will discard their clothing without\nany sense of shame, whenever the occasion demands; as, for instance,\nthe fording of a stream, or when a number of both sexes happen to be\nbathing at the same time in the village pool. This does not lead to\nimmodesty or lewdness, and a person who is careless about the acts,\nwhich are not considered proper in Tinguian society, is an object of\nscorn quite as much as he would be in a more advanced community.\n\nThe first toys generally consist of pigs, carabao, or horses made by\nsticking bamboo legs into a sweet potato or mango. A more elaborate\nplaything is an imitation snake made of short bamboo strips fastened\ntogether with cords at top, center, and bottom. When this is held near\nthe middle by the thumb and forefinger, it winds and curls about as\nif alive.\n\nStilts of bamboo, similar to those used in America, are sometimes\nused by the older children, but the more popular local variety is\nmade by fastening cords through the tops of half coconut shells. The\nyouth holds a cord in each hand, stands on the shells with the lines\npassing between the first two toes, and then walks.\n\nFlat boards with cords attached become \"carabao sleds,\" and in\nthese immense loads of imaginary rice are hauled to the granaries. A\nsimilar device serves as a harrow, while a stick is converted into a\n\"plough\" or \"horse,\" as is desired. Imitation carabao yokes are much\nprized, and the children pass many hours serving as draught animals\nor drivers. The bull-roarer, made by putting a thin piece of bamboo\non a cord and whirling it about the head, makes a pleasing noise,\nand is excellent to use in frightening stray horses. Blow-guns, made\nout of bamboo or the hollow tubes of plants, vie in popularity with\na pop-gun of similar construction. A wad of leaves is driven through\nwith a plunger, and gives a sharp report, as it is expelled.\n\nTops are among the prized possessions of the boys. They are spun,\nor are wound with cord, and are thrown overhand at those of other\nplayers, with the intention of splitting or marking them.\n\nQuite as popular, with the small girls, are tiny pestles with which\nthey industriously pound rice chaff, in imitation of their mothers.\n\nWhile still mere babies, the boys begin to play with toy knives\nmade of wood, but by the time they are seven or eight years of\nage, they are permitted to carry long _bolos_, and before puberty\nthey are expert with the weapons used by the tribe (Plate XI). In\nthe mountain regions in particular, it is a common occurrence for\ngroups of youngsters, armed with reed spears and palm-bark shields,\nto carry on mock battles. They also learn to make traps and nets, and\noftentimes they return to the village with a good catch of small birds.\n\nFull grown dogs are seldom friendly or considered as pets; but puppies,\nsmall chickens, parrakeets, pigs, and baby carabao make excellent\nplayfellows, and suffer accordingly. From the day of its birth,\nthe young carabao is taken possession of by the children, who will\nfondle and tease it, ride on its back, or slide off over its head\nor tail. Soon they gain confidence, and find similar amusements with\nthe full grown animals. These huge beasts are often surly or vicious,\nespecially around white men, but they recognize their masters in the\nlittle brown folk, and submit meekly to their antics. In fact, the\ngreater part of the care of these animals is entrusted to young boys.\n\nWhen not engaged in some of the amusements already mentioned, it\nis probable that the youngster is one of the group of naked little\nsavages, which races through the village on the way to the swimming\nhole, or climbs tall trees from the top of which sleeping pigs can be\neasily bombarded. Should the children be so fortunate as to possess\na tin can, secured from some visiting traveller, they quickly convert\nit into a drum or _gansa_, and forthwith start a celebration. All can\ndance and sing, play on nose flutes, bamboo guitars, or Jew's harps.\n\nIn addition to songs of their own composition, there are other songs,\nwhich are heard whenever the children are at play. They make a swing\nby tying ropes to a carabao yoke, and attach it to a limb; then,\nas they swing, they sing:\n\n\n\"Pull swing. My swing is a snake.\nDo not writhe like a snake. My swing is a big snake.\nDo not turn and twist. My swing is a lizard.\nDo not tremble or shake.\"\n\n\nWhen a group gathers under a house to pop corn in the burning rice\nchaff, they chant:\n\n\n\"Pop, pop, become like the privates of a woman.\nMake a noise, make a noise, like the clay jar.\nPop, pop, like the coconut shell dish.\nSagai, sagai, [75] make a noise like the big jar.\"\n\n\nWhen the smoke blows toward a part of the children, the others sing\nover and over:\n\n\n\"Deep water here; high land there.\"\n\n\nA favorite game is played by a number of children. Part stand on the\nedge of a bank, part below. Those above sing, \"Jump down, where the\nbig stone is, the big stone which swallows people. Big stone, which\nswallows people, where are you?\" To this the children below reply,\n\"I am here. I am the big rock which swallows men. Come down here.\" As\nthose on the bank jump down, they are piled upon, and a free-for-all\ntussel ensues. In the midst of this, one of the players suddenly sings\nout, \"I am a deer in--, I am very fat.\" With this he starts off on a\nrun, and the rest of the party, now suddenly transformed into dogs,\ntake up the chase, yelping and barking. When the deer becomes tired,\nhe makes for the water, where he is considered safe; but if he is\ncaught, he is rolled and bitten by the dogs.\n\nAnother game played by both boys and girls is known as _maysansani_,\nand is much like hide-and-go-seek. One boy holds out an open hand,\nand the others lay their fingers in his palm, while the leader counts,\n_maysansani_, _duan-nani_, _mataltali_, [76] _ocop_. As _ocop_ (\"four\"\nor \"ready\") is pronounced, the boy quickly closes his hand in order to\ncatch a finger. If he succeeds, the prisoner puts his hands over his\neyes, and the leader holds him, while the others run and hide. When\nall are ready, he is released, and then must find all the players;\nor he is beaten on the forearm with the first and second fingers of\nall the participants, or they may pick him up by his head and feet,\nand whirl him about.\n\nLike European children, they have a set of small sayings or acts for\nuse on appropriate occasions. A youngster may come up to another who\nis eating a luscious mango; when requested for a bite, he is apt to\ndraw down the lower lid of his eye and coolly answer, \"I will make a\nsound like swallowing for you,\" and then go on with the feast. He may\neven hold out the tempting fruit, as if to comply with the request,\nthen suddenly jerk it back and shout \"kilat.\" [77] This is often the\nsignal for a scuffle.\n\nAs the children grow older, they begin more and more to take their\nplace in the village life. The little girl becomes the chief guardian\nof a new arrival in the family; and with the little one strapped on\nher back, she romps and plays, while the baby enjoys it all or sleeps\nserenely (Plate XII). The boy also assists his father and mother in\nthe fields, but still he finds some time for games of a more definite\ncharacter than those just described. Probably the most popular of\nthese is known as _agbita_ or _lipi_.\n\nThis is played with the large disk-shaped seeds of the _lipi_ plant\n(Ilocano _lipai_). Each player puts two disks in line, then all go\nto a distance and shoot toward them. The shooter is held between the\nthumb and first finger of the left hand, and is propelled forward by\nthe index finger of the right. The one whose seed goes the farthest\ngets first shot, and the others follow in order. All seeds knocked\ndown belong to the player, and if any are still in line after each\nhas had his turn, the leader shoots again. When each boy has had two\nshots, or when all the disks are down, a new line is made; and he\nwhose seed lies at the greatest distance shoots first.\n\nAnother common game is _patpatinglad_, which has certain resemblances\nto cricket. A small cylinder-shaped missel, called _papa-anak_\n(\"little duck\"), about four inches long, is set in a shallow groove,\nso that one end stands free; it is then struck and batted with a bamboo\nstock--_papa-ina_ (\"mother duck\"). The lad who has driven his missel\nthe farthest is the winner, and hence has the privilege of batting\naway the _papa-anak_ of the other players, so that they will have to\nchase them. If he likes, he may take hold of the feet of a looser\nand compel him to walk on his hands to secure this missel. A loser\nis sometimes taken by the head and feet, and is swung in a circle,\n\nA game frequently seen in the lowland valleys is also common to the\nIlocano children, who call it San Pedro. Lines are drawn on the ground\nto enclose a space about thirty feet square (see diagram Fig. 2). The\nboys at d try to run between the lines, and at the same time evade\nthe guards a, b, and c. Guard a can run along line 1, or 4 as far\nas 2. Guard b must stay on line 2; and c must keep on 3. When the\nrunners are captured, they become the guards.\n\nFrom the preceding paragraphs it may be surmized that the youth is\nquite untrained and untaught. It is true that he spends no time in a\nclass-room; he passes through no initiation at the time of puberty,\nneither are there ceremonies or observances of any kind which reveal\nto him the secret knowledge of the tribe, yet he quickly learns his\nplace in society, and at an early age begins to absorb its customs and\nbeliefs. He sits about the village fires in the evenings, and listens\nto the tales of long ago, or hears the elders discuss the problems\nof their daily life. During the hot midday hours, he lounges in the\nfield-houses, while his parents relate the fate of lazy children;\nor tell of punishments sent by the spirits on those who fail to\nfollow the customs of the ancestors, or give heed to the omens. He\nattends the ceremonies, where he not only learns the details of these\nimportant events, but with his own eyes sees the bodies of the mediums\npossessed by superior beings, and thus the close relationship of the\nspirit world to his people is forcibly brought to his notice. He is\nnever debarred from the dances or other activities; in fact, he is\nencouraged to take part in them or to imitate his elders. Soon custom\ngathers him into its net, and unless he is the exceptional individual,\nor comes in intimate contact with outsiders, he never escapes.\n\nIt has already been seen that he begins very early to take an active\npart in the village life, but it is many years before he assumes a\nposition of importance in the group. It is only when age and experience\nhave gained for him the respect of his fellows that he begins to have\na voice in the more weighty affairs of Tinguian life.\n\n_Engagement and Marriage_.--Since there are no clans or other\ngroupings to limit the number of families in which unions may be\ncontracted, the only impediments are former marriage ties or blood\nrelationship. Cousins may not marry, neither is a man allowed to wed\nhis step-sister, his wife's sister, or her mother.\n\nEngagement takes place while the children are very young, sometimes\nwhile they are still babes-in-arms; but usually the contract is made\nwhen they are six or eight years of age.\n\nThe boy's parents take the initiative, and having selected a suitable\ngirl, they broach the subject to her family. This is not done directly,\nbut through an intermediary, generally a relative, \"who can talk much\nand well.\" He carries with him three beads--one red, one yellow,\nand one agate, [78] which he offers \"as an evidence of affection,\"\nand then proceeds to relate the many desirable qualities of the\ngroom and his family, as well as the advantages to be gained by the\nunion. If the suit is favored, the beads are attached to the girl's\nwrist as a sign of her engagement, and a day is set for the _pak\u00e1lon_\n[79] or price fixing.\n\nOn the appointed day, friends and relatives gather at the girl's\nhome and, after several hours of feasting and drinking, settle down\nto the real business on hand. A large pig is slaughtered, and its\nliver is carefully examined; for, should the omens be unfavorable,\nit would be useless to continue the negotiations further at that time\n(cf. p. 307). If the signs are good, the happy crowd forms a circle,\nand then begins a long and noisy discussion of the price which the girl\nshould bring. Theoretically, the payment is made in horses, carabao,\njars, blankets, and rice, but as each article is considered as having\na value of five pesos ($2.50), the money is frequently substituted,\nespecially by people in poor circumstances.\n\nA portion of the agreed price is paid at once, and is distributed\nbetween the girl's parents and her relatives, who thus become vitally\ninterested in the successful termination of the match; for should\nit fail of consummation, they must return the gifts received. The\nbalance of the payment is often delayed for a considerable time,\nand it not infrequently happens that there is still a balance due\nwhen the man dies. In such a case no division of his property can be\nmade until the marriage agreement is settled in full.\n\nThe completion of the list is the signal for great rejoicing; liquor\ncirculates freely, the men sing _daleng_ (cf. p. 440), and _tadek_\n(cf. p. 440) is danced far into the night.\n\nIn the yard where the dancing takes place, three inverted rice-mortars\nare placed one above the other, \"to serve as a table for the spirits\nwho always attend.\" A dish of liquor is placed on it, while at its\nside is a spear decorated with a man's belt.\n\nThese engagement-parties are the great social affairs of the year,\nand friends will journey long distances to be present, but the\nbetrothed couple is seldom in evidence, and in many instances the\ngroom is absent.\n\nFollowing their engagement the children live with their parents until\nsuch a time as they are considered old enough to maintain their own\nhome. If the lad comes from a well-to-do family, it is probable that\nthe final ceremony will take place before either of the couple reaches\npuberty; but, if the groom must earn a living, the marriage may be\ndelayed until he is eighteen or nineteen years old (Plate XIII).\n\nWhen the time for the fulfillment of the agreement arrives, the boy\ngoes, in company, at night to the girl's house. He has a headaxe\nhanging from his belt, but he is the only one so armed. An earlier\nwriter [80] has described a feigned attack on the house of the bride\nas a part of the marriage ceremony, but the present writer did not\nwitness anything of the sort, nor could he learn of any such action.\n\nThe groom carries with him a small part of the marriage payment and a\nvaluable jar; these he presents to his parents-in-law, and from that\ntime on he may never call them or their near relatives by name. Should\nhe do so, \"he will have boils and the first child will be insane.\"\n\nThe bride's people have provided a coconut shell filled with water\nand a wooden dish [81] containing cooked rice. These are placed\nbetween the couple, as they sit in the center of the room (Plate\nXIV). The boy's mother drops two beads into the shell cup, and bids\nthem drink; for, \"as the two beads always go together at the bottom,\nso you will go together and will not part. The cool water will keep\nyou from becoming angry.\"\n\nGreat care must be exercised in handling the cup; for should the\ncontents be shaken the couple will become dizzy, and in old age\ntheir heads and hands will shake. After they have drunk, each takes\na handful of rice, and squeezes it into a ball. The girl drops hers\nthrough the slits in the bamboo floor as an offering to the spirits,\nbut the boy tosses his into the air. If it breaks or rolls, it is a\nbad sign, and the couple is apt to part, or their children die. In\nsuch a circumstance, the marriage is usually deferred, and tried\nagain at a later date; but repeated scattering of the rice generally\nresults in the annulling of the agreement. [82] Should anything in the\ndwelling fall or be broken during the ceremony, it is halted at once;\nto proceed further that night would be to court misfortune. However,\nit may be undertaken again a few days later.\n\nThe guests depart immediately after the rice ceremony. No food or\ndrink is offered to them, nor is there any kind of celebration. [83]\n\nThat night the couple sleep with a pillow between them, [84] and\nunder the groom's pillow is a head-axe. Early in the morning, the\ngirl's mother or some other elderly female of her family awakens\nthem, and leads the way to the village spring. Arriving there, she\npours water in a coconut shell, which contains a cigar from which the\ncouple have drawn smoke; [85] she adds leaves of bamboo and _agiwas_,\nand washes their faces with the liquid, \"to show that they now have\nall in common; that the tobacco may keep them and their children from\nbecoming insane; that the _agiwas_ will keep them in health; and the\nbamboo will make them strong and insure many children, the same as it\nhas many sprouts.\" On their way home, the boy cuts a _dangla_ shrub\n(_Vitex negundo_ L.) with his head-axe, and later attaches it to the\ndoor of their home, \"so that they may have many children.\"\n\nThroughout that day the doors and windows are kept tightly closed;\nfor should the young people see birds or chickens having intercourse,\nthey are apt to become insane, and their first born have sore or\ncrossed eyes.\n\nThe next morning is known as _sipsipot_ (\"the watching\"). Accompanied\nby the girl's parents, the couple goes to the father's fields. On\nthe way they carefully observe any signs which animals, birds, or\nnature, may give them. When they reach the fields, the boy shows his\nrespect for his elders by cutting the grass along the borders with\nhis head-axe. This service also counteracts any bad sign which they\nmay have received that morning. He next takes a little of the soil on\nhis axe, and both he and his bride taste of it, \"so that the ground\nwill yield good harvests\" for them, and they will become rich. [86]\n\nNowadays the couple goes to the home, prepared by the groom and his\nparents, as soon as it is ready, but the tales indicate [87] that in\nformer times they lived for a time with the boy's parents. They are\naccompanied by the groom's mother, and go very early in the morning,\nas they are then less apt to receive bad signs from the birds. The girl\ncarries her sleeping mat and two pillows; but before she has deposited\nthese in her new dwelling, she seats herself on the bamboo floor with\nher legs stretched out in front. It then becomes necessary for the\ngroom to present her with a string of agate beads equal in length to\nthe combined width of the bamboo slats which she covers. Before she\ncan eat of her husband's rice, he must give her a string of beads,\nor she will become ill; she may not open his granary until a like\npresent has been given, or the resident spirit will make her blind;\nneither may she take food from the pots or water from the jars,\nuntil other beads have been presented to her.\n\nIf the girl comes from another village, it is customary to make a\npayment to her parents for each stream crossed on the journey to the\nnew home; another is demanded before she goes up the house ladder,\nand still others when she enters the house, and her belongings are\nbrought in. [88]\n\nA common occurrence in Ba-ak and the San Juan district is for the\nparents of the girl to spread rows of baskets, Chinese plates or jars\non the floor and to offer them to the groom. Before he can accept\nthem, he must make a return gift of money, beads, and the like for\neach one. It is explained by the elders that, when the young people\nsee all the gifts spread out on the floor, they will appreciate the\nexpense involved, and will be less likely to separate.\n\nIf at any time the relatives of the girl have reason to doubt the\nhusband's affection, they go to his home, and hold a gathering known\nas _nagkakal\u00f3-nan_. They place a pig, a jar, and a number of baskets\non the floor; and the husband is obliged to exchange money and other\ngifts for them, if he desires to convince the people of his continued\nlove. After the pig has been served as food, the old men deliberate;\nand should they decide that the relatives have erred, they assess\nthe whole cost of the gathering to the plaintiffs, and return the\ngifts. If the charge is sustained, the relatives recover the price of\nthe pig, and retain the articles received in exchange for the baskets\nand dishes.\n\nDivorce is not uncommon, and is effected by a council similar to that\njust described. An attempt to reconcile the couple is made, but if that\nfails, the old men decide who is at fault, and assess the expenses of\nthe gathering to that one. If blame attaches to the husband, he must\ncomplete any part of the marriage price still due; but if the woman is\nguilty, her parents and relatives must return the gifts distributed at\nthe time of the engagement. The chief causes for divorce are cruelty\nor laziness on the part of the man, or unfaithfulness of the woman.\n\nSmall children are generally left with the mother, but when they are\nold enough to decide, they may choose between their parents. However,\nthe father must aid in the support of his offspring, and they share\nin his property when he dies. Either party to a divorce may remarry\nat any time.\n\nThe Tinguian recognize only one wife, but a man may have as many\nconcubines (_pota_), as he can secure. The _pota_ lives in a house\nof her own, but she is held somewhat in contempt by the other woman,\nand is seldom seen in the social gatherings or in other homes. Her\nchildren belong to the father, and she has no right of appeal to\nthe old men, except in cases of cruelty. Men with concubines do not\nsuffer in the estimation of their fellows, but are considered clever\nto have won two or three women.\n\nThe _pota_ is generally faithful to one man, and prostitution is\nalmost unknown. Unfaithfulness on the part of a betrothed girl, or\nwife, or even a _pota_ is almost certain to cause serious trouble,\nand is likely to end in a murder.\n\nThe early pledging and marriage of the children has reduced illicit\nsexual intercourse to a minimum; nevertheless, it sometimes happens\nthat an unbetrothed girl, not a _pota_, is found to be pregnant. In\nsuch a case the man is expected to make a gift of about one hundred\npesos to the girl's people, and he must support the child when finally\nit comes into his keeping. Neither party to such an occurrence loses\nstanding in the community unless the father should fail to redeem\nthe child. Should this happen, he would be a subject of ridicule\nin the community, and a fine might also result. The usual outcome\nof such an illicit union is that the girl becomes the _pota_ of her\nchild's father.\n\n_Death and Burial_.--Sickness and death are usually caused by\nunfriendly spirits; [89] sometimes Kadaklan himself thus punishes\nthose who refuse to obey the customs; sometimes they are brought\nabout by mortals who practise magic, or by individuals themselves as\npunishment for violated taboos; and finally violent death is recognized\nas coming from human agency.\n\nThe methods of cajoling the spirits, of overcoming magic, and\nthwarting evil designs are discussed in another chapter (cf. pp. 295\n_et seq_.). If all these fail, and the patient dies, the family and\nrelatives at once don old garments, and enter on a period of mourning,\nwhile friends and relatives assist in the disposal of the corpse.\n\nA funeral is a great event in a Tinguian village. The dead is bathed,\n\"so that his spirit [90] may be clean,\" and is placed in a bamboo seat\nat the end of the house. This seat, which is known as _sang\u00e1del_,\nis constructed by placing three long bamboo poles against the wall\nand resting a frame of bamboo slats on them, to a height of about\nthree feet. A mat is attached to the top, and is stretched onto the\nfloor in front.\n\nThe corpse is dressed in its best garments, beads and silver wire\nsurround its neck, while above and about it are many valuable blankets,\nbelts, clouts, woven skirts, and the like, which the spirit is to take\nwith him to the ancestors in Maglawa, his future home. A live chicken\nis placed behind the chair as an offering, but following the funeral\nit becomes the property of the friend, who removes the poles from\nthe house. The flesh of a small pig is also offered to the spirits,\nwhile the intestines are hung just outside the door, until the body\nis buried. In the yard at the north-east corner of the house stands an\ninverted rice-mortar on which is a dish of _basi_,--an offering to the\nspirit Al-lot, who in return prevents the people from becoming angry.\n\nThe needs of the spirit of the deceased are looked after by the members\nof the family. It is their duty to place two small jars of liquor\nnear to the corpse and to bring food to it, when the others are eating.\n\nUp to this point only those spirits who attend the ceremony with\nfriendly intent have been provided for, but the Tinguian realize\nthat there are others who must be kept at a distance or at least be\ncompelled to leave the body unharmed. The first of these evil beings\nto be guarded against is Kadong\u00e1yan, [91] who in former times used\nto attend each funeral and amuse himself by sliting the mouth of the\ncorpse, so that it extended from ear to ear. Through the friendly\ninstruction of Kaboniyan it was learned that, if a live chicken, with\nits mouth split down to its throat, were fastened to the door of the\nhouse, its suffering would be noticed by the evil spirit, who, fearing\nsimilar treatment, would not attempt to enter the dwelling. [92]\n\nThe spirit Ibwa is also much feared. [93] Long ago he used to\nmingle with the people in human form, without harming them, but\nthe thoughtless act of a mourner started him on the evil course\nhe has since pursued. In those times, it is said, the corpse was\nkept in the dwelling seven days; and, as the body decomposed, the\nliquid which came from it was caught in dishes, and was placed in the\ngrave. On the occasion referred to, he was handed a cup of the \"lard\"\nto drink. He immediately acquired a great liking for this disgusting\ndish, and frequently even devoured the body as well. Since he fears\niron, it is possible to drive him away by using metal weapons. It is\nalso necessary to guard the grave against him and the spirit Selday,\nwho demands blood or the corpse.\n\nAkop is another evil spirit, who has a head, long slimy arms and\nlegs, but no body. He is always near the place of death, awaiting an\nopportunity to embrace the spouse of the deceased, and once let the\nliving feel his cold embrace, death is sure to follow. So a barricade\nof pillows is erected at one corner of the room, and behind this the\nwife is compelled to remain during the three days the body is kept in\nthe house, while throughout the night she sleeps under a fish net, in\nthe meshes of which the long fingers of the spirit are sure to become\nentangled. Meanwhile, two or three old women sit near the corpse\nfanning it and wailing continually, at the same time keeping close\nwatch to prevent the spirits from approaching the body or the widow\n(Plate XVI). From time to time the wife may creep over to the corpse,\nand wailing and caressing it beg the spirit not to depart. [94]\nAccording to custom, she has already taken off her beads, has put\non old garments and a bark head-band, and has placed over her head\na large white blanket, which she wears until after the burial. [95]\nLikewise all the relatives don old garments, and are barred from all\nwork. The immediate family is under still stricter rules. Corn is their\nonly food; they may not touch anything bloody, neither can they swing\ntheir arms as they walk. They are prohibited from mounting a horse,\nand under no circumstances are they allowed to leave the village\nor join in merry-making. Failure to obey these rules is followed by\nswift punishment, generally meted out by the spirit of the dead. [96]\nExcept for the wife, these restrictions are raised after the blood and\noil ceremony (described in a later paragraph), but the widow continues\nin mourning until the Layog is celebrated, at the end of a year.\n\nAccording to many informants among the older men, it was formerly\nnecessary, following the death of an adult, for the men to put on\nwhite head-bands and go out on a head-hunt. Until their return it was\nimpossible to hold the ceremony which released the relatives from the\ntaboo. [97] During the first two days that the body is in the house,\nthe friends and relatives gather to do honor to the dead and to partake\nof the food and drink, which are always freely given at such a time;\nbut there is neither music, singing, or dancing. [98]\n\nOn the morning of the third day, the male guests assemble in the\nyard, and after drinking _basi_ they select one of their number\nand proceed to beat him across the wrist or thigh, with a light rod\n(Plate XVII). Two hundred blows are required, but since the stick is\nsplit at one end only, one hundred strokes are given. This whipping is\nnot severe, but the repeated blows are sufficient to cause the flesh\nto swell. As soon as the first man is beaten, he takes the rod and\nthen proceeds to apply one hundred and fifty strokes [99] to each man\npresent, excepting only those whose wives are pregnant. Should one\nof the latter be punished, his wife would suffer a miscarriage. The\navowed purpose of this whipping is \"to make all the people feel as\nsorry as the relatives of the dead man.\"\n\nBurial in most of the valley towns is beneath the house, \"as it is\nmuch easier to defend the body against evil spirits, and the grave\nis also protected against the rain.\" In Manabo and many mountain\nvillages, however, burial is in the yard. It is customary to open a\ngrave already occupied by several of the relatives of the deceased.\n\nToward noon of the last day, some of the men begin clearing away the\nbamboo, which protects the old burial, and to remove the dirt.\n\nThe grave is generally of one of the forms indicated in Fig. 3,\nand when a depth of about three feet has been reached, the workers\nencounter stone slabs which protect a lower chamber. [100] When\nthese are reached, the diggers make an opening and thrusting in\nburning pine-sticks, they call to the dead within, \"You must light\nyour pipes with these.\" As soon as the slabs are raised, the oldest\nfemale relative of the deceased goes into the grave, gathers up\nthe bones of the last person interred, ties them into a bundle,\nand reburies them in one corner. There is at present no such type\nof burial chamber, as is described by _La Gironi\u00e8re_, [101] nor is\nthere a memory or tradition of such an arrangement. As his visit took\nplace less than a century ago, it is unlikely that all trace of it\nwould have been lost. The heavy rainfall in this district would make\nthe construction and maintenance of such a chamber almost impossible,\nwhile the dread of leaving the corpses thus exposed to hostile spirits\nand the raids of enemies in search of heads would also argue against\nsuch a practice. His description of the mummifying or drying of the\ncorpse by means of fires built around it [102] is likewise denied by\nthe old men of Manabo, who insist that they never had such a custom. It\ncertainly does not exist to-day. In a culture, in which the influence\nof custom is as strong as it is here, it would seem that the care of\nthe corpse, which is intimately related to the condition of the spirit\nin its final abode, would be one of the last things to change, while\nthe proceedings following a death are to-day so uniform throughout\nthe Tinguian belt, that they argue for a considerable antiquity.\n\nWhen the grave is ready, the fact is announced in the dwelling, and is\nthe signal for renewed lamentation. The wife and near relatives throw\nthemselves on the corpse, caressing it and crying wildly. Whatever\nthere may have been of duty or respect in the wailing of the first two\ndays, this parting burst of sorrow is genuine. Tears stand in the eyes\nof many, while others cease their wailing and sob convulsively. After\na time an old woman brings in some _oldot_ seeds, each strung on a\nthread, and fastens one on the wrist of each person, as a protection\nagainst the evil spirit Akop, who, having been defeated in his designs\nagainst the widow, may seek to vent his anger on others.\n\nWhen this has been done, a medium seats herself in front of the\nbody; and, covering her face with her hands, begins to chant and\nwail, bidding the spirit to enter her body. Suddenly she falls back\nin a faint, while suppressed excitement is manifested by all the\nonlookers. After a moment or two, fire and water are placed at her\nhead and feet, \"in order to frighten the spirit away,\" and then the\nmedium gives the last message of the dead man to his family. This is,\nexcept for very rare exceptions, the only time that the spirits of the\ndeceased communicate with mortals; and it is, so far as the writer has\nbeen able to learn, the only occasion when the medium repeats messages\ngiven to her. At other times she is possessed by natural spirits,\n[103] who then talk directly with mortals.\n\nAs a last preparation for the grave, a small hole is burned in each\ngarment worn by the dead person, for otherwise the spirit Ibwa will\nenvy him his clothing and attempt to steal them. The corpse is then\nwrapped in a mat, and is carried from the house. [104] The bearers\ngo directly to the _balaua,_ [105] and rest the body in it for a\nmoment. Unless this is done, the spirit will be poor in its future\nlife and unable to build _balaua_.\n\nThe body is deposited full length in the grave, the stone slabs are\nrelaid, the chinks between them filled in with damp clay, and the\ngrave is refilled. [106] As the last earth is pushed in, a small pig\nis killed, and its blood is sprinkled on the loose soil. Meanwhile\nSelday is besought to respect the grave and leave it untouched. The\nanimal is cut up, and a small piece is given to each guest, who will\nstop on the way to his home, and place the meat on the ground as an\noffering, meanwhile repeating a _diam_. Should he fail to do this,\nsickness or death is certain to visit his home or village.\n\nAs a further protection against evily disposed spirits, especially\nIbwa, an iron plough-point is placed over the grave, \"for most evil\nspirits fear iron;\" and during this night and the nine succeeding,\na fire is kept burning at the grave and at the foot of the\nhouse-ladder. [107]\n\nThat night the men spend about an hour in the house of mourning,\nsinging _sang-sangit_, a song in which they praise the dead man,\nencourage the widow, and bespeak the welfare of the family. The wailers\nstill remain in the dwelling to protect the widow, and a male relative\nis detailed to see that the fire at the foot of the ladder is kept\nburning brightly.\n\nEarly the next morning, the widow, closely guarded by the wailers,\ngoes to the river, throws her headband into the water, and then goes\nin herself. As she sinks in the water, an old man throws a bundle\nof burning rice-straw on her. \"The water will wash away some of\nthe sorrow, and the fire will make her thoughts clear.\" Upon her\nreturn to the village, the grave is enclosed with a bamboo fence,\nand above it is hung a shallow box-like frame, known as _patay_, in\nwhich are placed the articles needed by the spirit. [108] Within the\nhouse the mat and pillow of the dead are laid ready for use, and at\nmeal time food is placed beside it. The length of time that the mat\nis left spread out differs somewhat between towns and families. In\nsome cases it is taken up at the end of the period of taboo, while in\nothers it is not rolled up; nor are the windows of the house opened\nuntil after the celebration of the _Layog_ ceremony, a year later.\n\nThe taboo is usually strictly observed through ten days; but should\nthere be some urgent reason, such as planting or reaping, it may\nbe raised somewhat earlier. It is concluded by the blood and oil\nceremony. The _lakay_, the other old men of the settlement, and all\nthe relatives, gather in the house of mourning, while the mediums\nprepare for the ceremony. They kill a small pig and collect its blood\nin a dish; in another receptacle they place oil. A brush has been\nmade out of a variety of leaves, and this the medium dips into the\nblood and oil, then draws it over the wrists or ankles of each person\npresent, meanwhile saying, \"Let the _lew-lew_ (_Fiscus hauili_ Blanco)\nleaves take the sickness and death to another town; let the _kawayan_\n(\"bamboo\") make them grow fast and be strong as it is, and have many\nbranches; let the _atilwag_ (_Breynia acuminata_ Nuell. Arg.) turn\nthe sickness to other towns.\" A little oil is rubbed on the head\nof each person present; and all, except the widow, are then freed\nfrom restrictions. She must still refrain from wearing her beads,\nornaments, or good clothing; and she is barred from taking part in\nany merry-making until after the _Layog_ ceremony. [109]\n\nAt the conclusion of the anointing, the old men discuss the disposal\nof the property and other matters of importance in connection with\nthe death.\n\n_The Layog_. [110]--Several months after the burial (generally after\nthe lapse of a year), the friends and relatives are summoned in the\n_Layog_,--a ceremony held with the avowed intention \"to show respect\nfor the dead and to cause the family to forget their sorrow.\" Friends\ncome from near and far; and rice, pigs, cows or carabaos are prepared\nfor food, while _basi_ flows freely. It is said that the liquor\nserved at this time is \"like tears for the dead.\" A medium goes to\nthe guardian stones of the village, and there offers rice mixed with\nblood; she oils the stones, places new yellow headbands on each one,\nand after dancing _tadek_, returns to the gathering. Often she is\naccompanied by a number of men, who shout on their return trip \"to\nfrighten away evil spirits.\"\n\nNear the house a chair is made ready for the deceased, and in it are\nplaced clothing and food. In the yard four crossed spears form the\nframe-work on which a shield rests (Plate XVIII) [111] and on this\nare beads, food, and garments--offerings for the spirits; while near\nthe house ladder is the spirits' table made of inverted rice mortars.\n\nThe duration of this ceremony depends largely on the wealth of the\nfamily, for the relatives must furnish everything needed at this\ntime. Games are played, and there is much drinking and singing; but\nbefore the members of the family may take part, they are dressed in\ngood garments, and the blood and oil ceremony is repeated on them. At\nthe conclusion of the dancing, they go into the house, roll up the mat\nused by the dead, open the doors and windows, and all are again free\nto do as they wish. Should they fail to roll up the mat at this time,\nit must remain until another _Layog_ is held; and during the interval\nall the former restrictions are in force. [112]\n\nAbout twenty years ago, a great number of people in Patok died\nof cholera; and since then the people of that village have held a\n_Layog_ in their honor each November, to the expense of which all\ncontribute. As this is just before the rice-harvest, a time when all\nthe people wear their best garments, it is customary for the old men\nto allow bereaved families to participate in this ceremony and then\nrelease them from mourning.\n\n_Beliefs Concerning the Spirit of the Dead_.--Direct questioning brings\nout some differences of opinion, in the various districts, concerning\nthe spirit of the dead. In Manabo, a town influenced both by the\nIgorot of the Upit River valley and the Christianized Ilocano of San\nJose, the spirit is said to go at once to the great spirit Kadaklan,\nand then to continue on \"to the town where it lives.\" \"It is like a\nperson, but is so light that it can be carried along by the wind when\nit blows.\" [113] The people of Ba-ay, a mountain village partially\nmade up of immigrants from the eastern side of the Cordillera Central,\nclaim that the spirits of the dead go to a mountain called Singet,\nwhere they have a great town. Here, it is also stated, the good are\nrewarded with fine houses, while the bad have to be content with\nhovels. The general belief, however, is that the spirit (_kalading_)\nhas a body like that of the living person, but is usually invisible,\nalthough spirits have appeared, and have even sought to injure living\nbeings. Immediately following death, the spirit stays near to its\nold home, ready to take vengeance on any relative, who fails to show\nhis body proper respect. After the blood and oil ceremony, he goes to\nhis future home, Maglawa, carrying with him gifts for the ancestors,\nwhich the people have placed about his corpse. In Maglawa he finds\nconditions much the same as on earth; people are rich and poor;\nthey need houses; they plant and reap; and they conduct ceremonies\nfor the superior beings, just as they had done during their life\non earth. Beyond this, the people do not pretend to be posted, \"for\nKaboniyan did not tell.\" With the exception of the people of Ba-ay\nand a few individuals influenced by Christianity, the Tinguian has no\nidea of reward or punishment in the future life, but he does believe\nthat the position of the spirit in its new home can be affected by the\nacts of the living (cf. p. 289). No trace of a belief in re-incarnation\nwas found in any district inhabited by this tribe.\n\n_Life and Death_.--The foregoing details concerning birth, childhood,\nsickness, and death, seem to give us an insight into the Tinguian\nconception of life and death. For him life and death do not\nappear to be but incidents in an endless cycle of birth, death,\nand re-incarnation ad infinitum, such as pictured by _L\u00e9vy-Bruhl_;\n[114] yet, in many instances, his acts and beliefs fit in closely\nwith the theory outlined by that author. In this society, there is\nonly a weak line of demarcation between the living and the dead, and\nthe dead for a time at least participate more or less in the life of\nthe living. This is equally true of the unborn child, whose future\ncondition, physical and mental, may be largely moulded by the acts of\nothers. According to _L\u00e9vy-Bruhl_, this would indicate that the child\nat delivery is not fully born, is not as yet a member of the group;\nand the succeeding ceremonies are necessary to its full participation\nin life. Death is likewise of long duration. Following the last breath,\nthe spirit remains near by until the magic power of the funeral severs,\nto an extent, his participation with society. The purpose of the final\nceremony is to complete the rupture between the living and the dead.\n\nTo the writer, the facts of Tinguian life and beliefs suggest a\nsomewhat different explanation. We have seen how strong individuals\nmay be affected by magical practices. The close connection between an\nindividual, his garments, or even his name, must be considered to apply\nwith quite as much force to the helpless infant and the afterbirth. So\nstrong is this bond, that even unintentional acts may injure the\nbabe. Evil spirits are always near; and, unless great precautions are\ntaken, they will injure adults if they can get them at a disadvantage,\nparticularly when they are asleep. The child is not able to protect\nitself from these beings; therefore the adults perform such acts, as\nthey think will secure the good will and help of friendly spirits,\nwhile they bribe or buy up those who might otherwise be hostile;\nand lastly they make use of such magical objects and ceremonies,\nas will compel the evil spirits to leave the infant alone. As the\nchild grows in size and strength, he is less in need of protection;\nand at an early age he is treated like the other younger members of\nthe community. Naming follows almost immediately after birth, while\npuberty and initiation ceremonies are entirely lacking. Apparently\nthen, a child is considered as being fully alive at birth, and at no\ntime does he undergo any rites or ceremonies which make him more a\npart of the community than he was on the first day he saw the light.\n\nWhen death occurs, the spirit remains near to the corpse until after\nthe funeral, and even then is close by until the ten days of taboo are\nover. He still finds need of nourishment, and hence food is placed\nnear to his mat. As at birth, he is not in a position to protect\nhis body from the designs of evil spirits, and if his relatives\nfail to give the corpse proper care, it is certain to be mutilated;\nlikewise certain acts of the living towards the corpse can affect the\nposition of the spirit in Maglawa. Hence it is of supreme importance\nthat the former owner guards against any possible neglect or injury\nto the body, and it seems plausible that the presence of the spirit\nnear its old haunts may be for the purpose of seeing that its body\nis carefully attended to. The folktales tell of several instances,\nin which the spirits took vengeance on relatives who neglected their\nbodies, or violated the period of taboo. [115]\n\nWhen the danger period is past, the spirit at once leaves its old home,\nand returns again only at the time of the _Layog_. From that time on,\nhe continues his existence in the upper world, neither troubling,\nnor being troubled by mortals on earth. [116] Ancestor worship does\nnot occur here, nor are offerings made to the dead, other than those\ndescribed above.\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV\n\nRELIGION AND MAGIC\n\nThe Tinguian has been taught by his elders that he is surrounded by\na great body of spirits, some good, some malevolent. The folk-tales\nhanded down from ancient times add their authority to the teachings of\nolder generations, while the individual himself has seen the bodies\nof the mediums possessed by the superior beings; he has communicated\nwith them direct, has seen them cure the sick and predict coming\nevents. At many a funeral, he has seen the medium squat before the\ncorpse, chanting a weird song, and then suddenly become possessed by\nthe spirit of the deceased; and, finally, he or some of his friends\nor townspeople are confident that they have seen and talked to ghosts\nof the recently departed. All these beings are real to him; he is so\ncertain of their existence that he seldom speculates about them or\ntheir acts.\n\nSome of these spirits are always near; and a part of them, at least,\ntake more than an ordinary interest in human affairs. Thanks to the\nteachings of the elders, the Tinguian knows how to propitiate them;\nand, if necessary, he may even compel friendly action on the part\nof many. Toward the less powerful of the evily disposed beings, he\nshows indifference or insolence; he may make fun of, or lie to, and\ncheat them during the day, but he is careful to guard himself at night\nagainst their machinations. To the more powerful he shows the utmost\nrespect; he offers them gifts of food, drink, and material objects;\nand conducts ceremonies in the manner demanded by them. Having done\nthese things, he feels that he is a party to a bargain; and the spirits\nmust, on their part, repay by granting the benefits desired. Not\nentirely content with these precautions, he performs certain magical\nacts which prevent evil spirits from doing harm to an individual\nor a community, and by the same means he is able to control storms,\nthe rise of streams, and the growth of crops. It is doubtful if the\nTinguian has ever speculated in regard to this magical force, yet he\nclearly separates it from the power resident in the spirit world. It\nappears to be a great undifferentiated force to which spirits, nature,\nand men are subject alike.\n\nIf a troublesome question arises, or an evident inconsistency in\nhis beliefs is called to his attention, he disposes of it by the\nsimple statement that it is _kadauyan_ (\"custom\"), \"was taught by\nthe ancestors,\" and hence is not subject to question.\n\nHis religion holds forth no threat of punishment in a future world,\nneither are there rewards in that existence to urge men to better\ndeeds. The chief teaching is that the customs of ancient times must be\nfaithfully followed; to change is to show disrespect for the dead, for\nthe spirits who are responsible for the customs, which are synonymous\nwith law.\n\nCustom and religion have become so closely interwoven in this society\nthat it is well-nigh impossible to separate them. The building of a\nhouse, the planting, harvesting and care of the rice, the procedure at\na birth, wedding, or funeral, in short, all the events of the social\nand economic life, are so governed by custom and religious beliefs,\nthat it is safe to say that nearly every act in the life of the\nTinguian is directed or affected by these forces.\n\nTwo classes of spirits are recognized; first, those who have existed\nthrough all time, whom we shall call natural spirits; second, the\nspirits of deceased mortals. The latter reside forever in Maglawa,\na place midway between earth and sky; but a small number of them have\njoined the company of the natural spirits. Except for these few, they\nare not worshiped, and no offerings are made to them, after the period\nof mourning is past. The members of the first class cover a wide range,\nfrom Kadaklan, the great spirit who resides above, to Kaboniyan,\nthe teacher and helper, to those resident in the guardian stones,\nto the half human, half bird-like _alan_, to the low, mean spirits\nwho delight to annoy mortals. These beings are usually invisible,\nbut at times of ceremonies they enter the bodies of the mediums,\npossess them, and thus communicate with the people. On rare occasions\nthey are visible in their own forms, as when Kaboniyan appeared as\nthe antagonist and later as the friend of Sayen. [117]\n\nThese beings are addressed, first through certain semi-magical\nformulas, know as _diams_. These are seldom prayers or supplications,\nbut are a part of a definite ritual, the whole of which is expected\nto gain definite favors.\n\nAt the beginning, and during the course of all ceremonies, animals are\nkilled. A part of the flesh and the blood is mixed with rice, and is\noffered to the spirits; but the bulk of the offering is eaten by the\nparticipants. Liquor is consumed in great quantities at such a time,\nbut a small amount is always poured out for the use of the superior\nbeings. Finally, the mediums summon the spirits into their bodies;\nand, when possessed, they are no longer considered as persons,\nbut are the spirits themselves. The beings who appear in this way\ntalk directly with the people; they offer advice, give information\nconcerning affairs in the spirit world, and oftentimes they mingle\nwith the people on equal terms, joining in their dances and taking\na lively interest in their daily affairs.\n\nThe people seldom pray to or supplicate the invisible spirits; but when\nthey are present in the bodies of the mediums, they make requests, and\nask advice, as they would from any friend or acquaintance. With many,\nthe Tinguian is on amicable terms, while toward Kaboniyan he exhibits\na degree of respect and gratitude which is close to affection. He\nrealizes that there are many unfriendly spirits, but he has means of\ncontrolling or thwarting their evil designs; and hence he does not\nlive in that state of perpetual fear which is so often pictured as\nthe condition of the savage.\n\n_The Spirits_.--A great host of unnamed spirits are known to exist;\nthey often attend the ceremonies and sometimes enter the bodies of\nthe mediums, and in this way new figures appear from time to time. In\naddition to these, there are certain superior beings who are well\nknown, and who, as already indicated, exercise a potent influence on\nthe daily life of the people. The following list will serve to give\nsome idea of these spirits and their attributes; while the names\nof the less important will be found in connection with the detailed\ndescription of the ceremonies.\n\nKadaklan (\"the greatest\"), a powerful male spirit, who lives in the\nsky, created the earth, sun, moon, and stars. The stars are only\nstones, but the sun and moon are lights. At times Kadaklan enters\nthe body of a favored medium, and talks directly with the people;\nbut more frequently he takes other means of communication. Oftentimes\nhe sends his dog Kimat, the lightening, to bite a tree or strike a\nfield or house, and in this way makes known his wish that the owner\ncelebrate the _Padiam_ ceremony (cf. p. 401). All other beings are\nin a measure subservient to him, and his wishes are frequently made\nknown through them. Thunder is his drum with which he amuses himself\nduring stormy weather, but sometimes he plays on it even on clear days.\n\nAgemem is the wife of Kadaklan. She lives in the ground. Little is\nknown of her except that she has given birth to two sons, [118] whose\nchief duty is to see that the commands of their father are obeyed.\n\nAd\u00e1m and Baliyen are the sons of Kadaklan. The name of the first boy\nis suggestive of Christian influence, but there are no traditions or\nfurther details to link him with the Biblical character.\n\nKaboniyan is the friend and helper of the people, and by many is\nclassed above or identified with Kadaklan. At times he lives in the\nsky; again in a great cave near Patok. [119] From this cave came the\njars which could talk and move, here were found the copper gongs used\nin the dances, and here too grew the wonderful tree which bore the\nagate beads so prized by the women. This spirit gave the Tinguian\nrice and sugar-cane, taught them how to plant and reap, how to foil\nthe designs of ill-disposed spirits, the words of the _diams_ and the\ndetails of many ceremonies. Further to bind himself to the people,\nit is said, he married \"in the first times\" a woman from Manabo. He\nis summoned in nearly every ceremony, and there are several accounts\nof his having appeared in his own form. According to one of these,\nhe is of immense proportions; his spear is as large as a tree, and\nhis head-axe the size of the end of the house. [120]\n\nApdel is the spirit who resides in the guardian stones (_pinaing_)\nat the gate of the town. During a ceremony, or when the men are away\nfor a fight, it becomes his special duty to protect the village from\nsickness and enemies. He has been known to appear as a red rooster\nor as a white dog.\n\nIdadaya, who lives in the east (_daya_), is a powerful spirit who\nattends the _Pala-an_ ceremony. He rides a horse, which he ties to\nthe little structure built during the rite. Ten grand-children reside\nwith him, and they all wear in their hair the _igam_ (notched feathers\nattached to a stick). When these feathers lose their lustre, they can\nonly be restored by the celebration of _Pala-an_(cf. p. 328). Hence the\nowners cause some mortal, who has the right to conduct the ceremony,\nto become ill, and then inform him through the mediums as to the cause\nof his affliction. The names of the grand-children are as follows:\nPensipenondosan, Logosen, Bakoden, Bing-gasan, Bakda\u00f1gan, Giligen,\nIdomalo, Agkabkabayo, Ebloyan, and Agtabtabokal.\n\nKaiba-an is the spirit who lives in the little house or _saloko_\nin the rice-fields, and who protects the growing crops. Offerings\nare made to him, when a new field is constructed, when the rice is\ntransplanted, and at harvest time. \"The ground which grows\" (that is\nthe nest of the white ant) is said to be made by him.\n\nMakaboteng, also called Sanadan, is the guardian of the deer and wild\nhogs. His good will is necessary if the dogs are to be successful in\nthe chase; consequently he is summoned to many ceremonies, where he\nreceives the most courteous treatment. In one ceremony he declared,\n\"I can become the sunset sky.\"\n\nSabian or Isabian is the guardian of the dogs.\n\nBisangolan (\"the place of opening or tearing\") is a gigantic spirit,\nwho lives near the river, and who in time of floods uses his head-axe\nand walking-stick to keep the logs and refuse from jamming. \"He is\nvery old, like the world, and he pulls out his beard with his finger\nnails and his knife. His seat is a wooden plate.\" He appears in the\n_Dawak_, _Tangpap_, and _Sayang_ ceremonies, holding a rooster and a\nbundle of rice. In Ba-ak he is called Ibalinsog\u00f3an, and is the first\nspirit summoned in _Dawak_.\n\nKakalonan, also known as Boboyonan, is the one who makes friends, and\nwho learns the source of troubles. When summoned at the beginning of\na ceremony, he tells what needs to be done, in order to insure the\nresults desired.\n\nSasagangen, sometimes called Ingalit, are spirits whose business\nit is to take heads and put them on the _saga_ or in the _saloko_\n(cf. p. 310). Headache is caused by them.\n\nAbat are numerous spirits who cause sore feet and headache. _Salono_\nand _bawi_ are built for them (cf. pp. 309-310). The spirits of Ibal,\nwho live in Daem, are responsible for most sickness among children,\nbut they are easily appeased with blood and rice. The Ibal ceremony\nis held for them.\n\nMagan\u00e1wan, who lives in Nagbotobotan (\"the place near which the rivers\nempty into the hole, where all streams go\") is one of the spirits,\ncalled in the _Sang\u00e1sang_ ceremony, and for whom the blood of the\nrooster mixed with rice is put into the _saloko_, which stands in\nthe yard.\n\nIn\u00e1wen is a pregnant female spirit, who lives in the sea, and\nwho demands the blood of a chicken mixed with rice to satisfy her\ncapricious appetite. She also attends the _Sang\u00e1sang_.\n\nKideng is a tall, fat spirit with nine heads. He is the servant of\nIn\u00e1wen, and carries the gifts of mortals to his mistress.\n\nIbwa is an evil spirit, who once mingled with the people in human\nform. Due to the thoughtless act of a mourner at a funeral, he became\nso addicted to the taste of human flesh, that it has since then been\nnecessary to protect the corpse from him. He fears iron, and hence\na piece of that metal is always laid on the grave. Holes are burned\nin each garment placed on the body to keep him from stealing them.\n\nAkop is likewise evil. He has a head, long slimy arms and legs, but no\nbody. He always frequents the place of death, and seeks to embrace the\nspouse of the deceased. Should he succeed, death follows quickly. To\ndefeat his plans, the widow is closely guarded by the wailers; she\nalso sleeps under a fish net as an additional protection against his\nlong fingers, and she wears seeds which are disliked by this being.\n\nKadong\u00e1yan indulges in the malicious sport of slitting the mouth of\nthe corpse back to the ears. In order to frighten him away, a live\nchicken, with its mouth split to its throat, is placed by the door,\nduring the time the body is in the house. When he sees the sufferings\nof the bird, he fears to enter the dwelling lest the people treat\nhim in the same manner.\n\nSelday is an ill-disposed being. He causes people to have sore feet,\nand only relieves them, when offerings are made to him in the _saloko_\nor _bawi_. He lives in the wooded hill, but quickly learns of a\ndeath, and appears at the open grave. Unless he is bought off with an\noffering, the blood of a small pig, he is almost certain to make away\nwith the body, or cause a great sickness to visit the village. As\nthe mourners return home, after the burial, they place bits of the\nslaughtered animal by the trail, so that he will not make them ill.\n\nBayon is a male spirit, who dwells in the sky, and who comes to\nearth as a fresh breeze. He once stole a girl from Lay\u00f3gan, changed\nher two breasts into one, placed this in the center of her chest,\nand married her.\n\nLokad\u00e1ya is the human wife of Bayon. She now appears to have joined\nthe company of the natural spirits and to be immortal. At times,\nboth she and her husband enter the bodies of the mediums.\n\nAgon\u00e1n is the spirit who knows many dialects. He lives in Dingolowan.\n\nGilen attends many ceremonies, and occupies an important place in\n_Tangpap_; yet little is known of him.\n\nInginlaod are spirits who live in the west.\n\nGinob\u00e1yan is a female spirit, always present in the _Tangpap_ ceremony.\n\nSangalo is a spirit who gives good and bad signs.\n\nDapeg, Balingen-ngen, Benisalsal, and Kikiba-an, are all disturbers\nand mischief-makers. They cause illness, sore feet, headache, and bad\ndreams. They are important only because of the frequency with which\nthey appear.\n\nAl-lot attends festivals and prevents quarrels.\n\nLiblibayan, Banbanayo, and Banbantay, are lesser spirits, who formerly\naided \"the people of the first times.\"\n\nThe term \"Alan\" comprises a large body of spirits with half human,\nhalf bird-like forms. They have wings and can fly; their toes are\nat the back of their feet, and their fingers attach to the wrists\nand point backward. Often they hang from the branches of trees,\nlike bats, but they are also pictured as having fine houses and great\nriches. They are sometimes hostile or mischievous, but more frequently\nare friendly. They play a very important part in the mythology,\nbut not in the cult. [121]\n\nKomau is a giant spirit, who, according to tradition, was killed\nby the hero Sayen. Among the Ilocano and some of the Tinguian, the\nKomau is known as a great invisible bird, which steals people and\ntheir possessions. He does not visit the people through the bodies\nof the mediums.\n\nAnito is a general term used to designate members of the spirit world.\n\nA survey of the foregoing list brings out a noticeable lack of\nnature-spirits; of trees, rocks, and natural formations considered as\nanimate; and of guardian spirits of families and industries. There is\na strong suggestion, however, in the folk-tales to the effect that\nthis has not always been the case; and even to-day there are some\nconflicts regarding the status of certain spirits. In the village of\nManabo, thunder is known as Kidol; in Likuan and Bakaok, as Kido-ol;\nand in each place he is recognized as a powerful spirit. In Ba-ay,\ntwo types of lightning are known to be spirits. The flash from the sky\nis Salit, that \"from the ground\" is Kilawit. Here thunder is Kadaklan,\nbut the sun is the all powerful being. He is male, and is \"so powerful\nthat he does not need or desire ceremonies or houses.\" The moon is\nlikewise a powerful spirit, but female.\n\nIn the discussion of the tales [122] it was suggested that these and\nother ideas, which differ from those held by the majority of the tribe,\nmay represent older conceptions, which have been swamped, or may have\nbeen introduced into Abra by emigrants from the north and east.\n\n_The Mediums_.--The superior beings talk with mortals through the aid\nof mediums, known individually and collectively as _alopogan_ (\"she who\ncovers her face\"). [123] These are generally women past middle life,\nthough men are not barred from the profession, who, when chosen, are\nmade aware of the fact by having trembling fits when they are not cold,\nby warnings in dreams, or by being informed by other mediums that they\nare desired by the spirits. A woman may live the greater part of her\nlife without any idea of becoming a medium, and then because of such a\nnotification will undertake to qualify. She goes to one already versed,\nand from her learns the details of the various ceremonies, the gifts\nsuitable for each spirit, and the chants or _diams_ which must be used\nat certain times. This is a considerable task, for the _diams_ must be\nlearned word for word; and, likewise, each ceremony must be conducted,\njust as it was taught by the spirits to the \"people of the first\ntimes.\" The training occupies several months; and when all is ready,\nthe candidate secures her _piling_. This is a collection of large\nsea-shells attached to cords, which is kept in a small basket together\nwith a Chinese plate and a hundred fathoms of thread (Plate XIX). New\nshells may be used, but it is preferable to secure, if possible, the\n_piling_ of a dead medium. Being thus supplied, the novice seeks the\napproval of the spirits and acceptance as a medium. The wishes of the\nhigher beings are learned by means of a ceremony, in the course of\nwhich a pig is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is scattered\non the ground. The liver of the animal is eagerly examined; for,\nif certain marks appear on it, the candidate is rejected, or must\ncontinue her period of probation for several months, before another\ntrial can be made. During this time she may aid in ceremonies, but\nshe is not possessed by the spirits. When finally accepted, she may\nbegin to summon the spirits into her body. She places offerings on a\nmat, seats herself in front of them, and calls the attention of the\nspirits by striking her _piling_, or a bit of lead, against a plate;\nthen covering her face with her hands, she begins to chant. Suddenly\nshe is possessed; and then, no longer as a human, but as the spirit\nitself, she talks with the people, asking and answering questions,\nor giving directions, as to what shall be done to avert sickness and\ntrouble, or to bring good fortune.\n\nCertain mediums are visited only by low, mean spirits; others, by both\ngood and bad; while still others may be possessed even by Kadaklan, the\ngreatest of all. It is customary for the spirit of a deceased mortal to\nenter the body of a medium, just before the corpse is to be buried, to\ngive messages to the family; but he seldom comes again in this manner.\n\nThe pay of a medium is small, usually a portion of a sacrificed\nanimal, a few bundles of rice, and some beads; but this payment is\nmore than offset by the restrictions placed on her. At no time may\nshe eat of carabao, wild pig, wild chicken, or shrimp; nor may she\ntouch peppers--all prized articles of food.\n\nThe inducements for a person to enter this vocation are so few that a\ncandidate begins her training with reluctance; but, once accepted by\nthe spirits, the medium yields herself fully and sincerely to their\nwishes. When possessed by a spirit, her own personality is submerged,\nand she does many things of which she is apparently ignorant, when\nshe emerges from the spell. Oftentimes, as she squats by the mat,\nsummoning the spirits, her eyes take on a far-away stare; the veins\nof her face and neck stand out prominently, while the muscles of\nher arms and legs are tense; then, as she is possessed, she assumes\nthe character and habits of the superior being. If it is a spirit\nsupposed to dwell in Igorot or Kalinga land, she speaks in a dialect\nunfamiliar to her hearers, orders them to dance in Igorot fashion,\nand then instructs them in dances, which she or her townspeople could\nnever have seen. [124] At times she carries on sleight-of-hand tricks,\nas when she places beads in a dish of oil, and dances with it high\nabove her head, until the beads vanish. A day or two later she will\nrecover them from the hair of some participant in the ceremony. Most\nof her acts are in accordance with a set procedure; yet at times she\ngoes further, and does things which seem quite inexplainable.\n\nOne evening, in the village of Manabo, we were attending a\nceremony. Spirit after spirit had appeared, and at their order dances\nand other acts had taken place. About ten o'clock a brilliant flash\nof lightning occurred, although it was not a stormy evening. The body\nof the medium was at that time possessed by Amangau, a head-hunting\nspirit. He at once stopped his dance, and announced that he had\njust taken the head of a boy from Luluno, and that the people of\nhis village were even then dancing about the skull. Earlier in the\nevening we had noticed this lad (evidently a consumptive) among\nthe spectators. When the spirit made this claim, we looked for him,\nbut he had vanished. A little later we learned that he had died of\na hemorrhage at about the time of the flash.\n\nSuch occurrences make a deep impression on the mind of the people,\nand strengthen their belief in the spirit world; but, so far as could\nbe observed, the prestige of the medium was in nowise enhanced.\n\nSince most of the ceremonies are held to keep the family or individual\nin good health, the medium takes the place of a physician. She often\nmakes use of simple herbs and medicinal plants, but always with the\nidea that the treatment is distasteful to the being, who has caused\nthe trouble, and not with any idea of its curative properties. Since\nmagic and religion are practically the same in this society, the\nmedium is the one who usually conducts or orders the magic rites;\nand for the same reason she, better than all others, can read the\nsigns and omens sent by members of the spirit world.\n\n_Magic and Omens_.--The folk-tales are filled with accounts of magical\nacts, performed by \"the people of the first times.\" They annihilated\ntime and space, commanded inanimate objects to do their will, created\nhuman beings from pieces of betel-nut, and caused the magical increase\nof food and drink. Those days have passed, yet magical acts still\npervade all the ceremonies; nature is overcome, while the power to\nwork evil by other than human means is a recognized fact of daily\nlife. In the detailed accounts of the ceremonies will be found many\nexamples of these magical acts, but the few here mentioned will give\na good idea of all.\n\nIn one ceremony, a blanket is placed over the family, and on their\nheads a coconut is cut in two, and the halves are allowed to fall;\nfor, \"as they drop to the ground, so does sickness and evil fall away\nfrom the people.\" A bound pig is placed in the center of the floor,\nand water is poured into its ear that, \"as it shakes out the water,\nso may evil spirits and sickness be thrown out of the place.\" At one\npoint in the _Tangpap_ ceremony, a boy takes the sacrificial blood\nand rice from a large dish, and puts it in a number of smaller ones,\nthen returns it again to the first; for, \"when the spirits make a\nman sick, they take a part of his life. When they make him well, they\nput it back, just as the boy takes away a part of the food, gives it\nto the spirits, and then replaces it,\" The same idea appears in the\ndance which follows. The boy and the medium take hold of a winnower,\nraise it in the air, and dance half way around a rice-mortar; then\nreturn, as they came, and replace it, \"just as the spirits took away\na part of the patient's life, but now will put it back.\"\n\nThe whole life of a child can be determined, or at least largely\ninfluenced, by the treatment given the afterbirth, while the use\nof bamboo and other prolific plants, at this time and at a wedding,\npromote growth and fertility.\n\nA piece of charcoal attached to a certain type of notched stick is\nplaced in the rice-seed beds, and thus the new leaves are compelled\nto turn the dark green color of sturdy plants.\n\nIf a river is overflowing its banks, it can be controlled by cutting\noff a pig's head and throwing it into the waters. An even more certain\nmethod is to have a woman, who was born on the other side of the river,\ntake her weaving baton and plant it on the bank. The water will not\nrise past this barrier.\n\nBlackening of the teeth is a semi-magical procedure. A mixture of\ntan-bark and iron salts is twice applied to the teeth, and is allowed\nto remain several hours; but, in order to obtain the desired result,\nit is necessary to use the mixture after nightfall and to remove it,\nbefore the cocks begin to crow, in the morning. If the fowls are heard,\nwhile the teeth are being treated, they will remain white; likewise\nthey will refuse to take the color, should their owner approach a\ncorpse or grave.\n\nOn well-travelled trails one often sees, at the tops of high hills,\npiles of stones, which have been built up during many years. As he\nascends a steep slope, each traveller picks up a small stone, and\ncarries it to the top, where he places it on the pile. As he does so,\nhe leaves his weariness behind him, and continues his journey fresh\nand strong.\n\nThe use of love-charms is widespread: certain roots and leaves, when\noiled or dampened with saliva, give forth a pleasant odor, which\ncompels the affection of a woman, even in spite of her wishes. [125]\n\nEvil magic, known as _gamot_ (\"poison\") is also extensively used. A\nlittle dust taken from the footprint of a foe, a bit of clothing,\nor an article recently handled by him, is placed in a dish of water,\nand is stirred violently. Soon the victim begins to feel the effect\nof this treatment, and within a few hours becomes insane. To make him\nlame, it is only necessary to place poison on articles recently touched\nby his feet. Death or impotency can be produced by placing poison on\nhis garments. A fly is named after a person, and is placed in a bamboo\ntube. This is set near the fire, and in a short time the victim of the\nplot is seized with fever. Likewise magical chants and dances, carried\non beneath a house, may bring death to all the people of the dwelling.\n\nA combination of true poisoning and magical practice is also found. To\ncause consumption or some wasting disease, a snake is killed, and\nits head cut off; then the body is hung up, and the liquor coming\nfrom the decomposing flesh is caught in a shell cup. This fluid\nis introduced into the victim's food, or some of his belongings are\ntreated with it. If the subject dies, his relatives may get revenge on\nthe poisoner. This is accomplished by taking out the heart of a pig\nand inserting it in the mouth or stomach of the victim. This must be\ndone under the cover of darkness, and the corpse be buried at once. A\nhigh bamboo fence is then built around the grave, so that no one can\nreach it. The person responsible for the death will fall ill at once,\nand will die unless he is able to secure one of the victim's garments\nor dirt from the grave.\n\nThe actual introduction of poison in food and drink is thought to be\nvery common. The writer attended one ceremony following which a large\nnumber of the guests fell sick. The illness was ascribed to magic\npoisoning, yet it was evident that the cause was over-indulgence in\nfresh pork by people, who for months had eaten little if any meat.\n\n_Omens_.--The ability to foretell future events by the flight or calls\nof birds, actions of animals, by the condition of the liver and gall\nof sacrificed pigs, or by the movements of certain articles under\nthe questioning of a medium, is an undoubted fact in this society.\n\nA small bird known as _labeg_, is the messenger of the spirits,\nwho control the _Bakid_ and _Sang\u00e1sang_ ceremonies. When this bird\nenters the house, it is caught at once, its feathers are oiled; beads\nare attached to its feet, and it is released with the promise that\nthe ceremony will be celebrated at once. This bird accompanies the\nwarriors, and warns or encourages them with its calls. If it flies\nacross their path from right to left, all is well; but if it comes\nfrom the left, they must return home, or trouble will befall the party.\n\nThe spirits of _Sang\u00e1sang_ make use of other birds and animals to\nwarn the builders of a house, if the location selected does not please\nthem. All the Tinguian know that the arrival of snakes, big lizards,\ndeer, or wild hogs at the site of a new house is a bad sign.\n\nIf a party or an individual is starting on a journey, and the\nkingfisher _(salaksak)_ flies from in front toward the place just\nleft, it is a command to return at once; else illness in the village\nor family will compel a later return. [126] Should the _koling_ cry\n_awit, awit_ (\"to carry, to carry\"), an immediate return is necessary,\nor a member of the party will die, and will be carried home. When a\nsnake crawls across the trail, and goes into a hole, it is a certain\nwarning that, unless the trip is given up, some of the party will die,\nand be buried in the ground.\n\nThe falling of a tree across the trail, when the groom is on his\nway to the home of his bride, threatens death for the couple, while\nthe breaking or falling of an object during the marriage ceremony\npresages misfortune.\n\nNot all the signs are evil; for, if a man is starting to hunt,\nor trade, and he sees a hawk fly in front of him and catch a bird\nor chicken, he may on that day secure all the game he can carry,\nor can trade on his own terms.\n\nAll the foregoing are important, but the most constantly employed\nmethod of foretelling the future is to examine the gall and liver\nof slain pigs. These animals are killed in all great ceremonies,\nat the conclusion of a medium's probation period, at birth, death,\nand funeral observances, and for other important events. If a\nhead-hunt is to be attempted, the gall sack is removed, and is\ncarefully examined, for if it is large and full, and the liquor in\nit is bitter, the enemy will be powerless; but if the sack is small,\nand only partially filled with a weak liquor, it will fare ill with\nthe warriors who go into battle. For all other events, the liver\nitself gives the signs. When it is full and smooth, the omens are\nfavorable; but if it is pitted, has black specks on it, is wrinkled,\nor has cross lines on it, the spirits are ill-disposed, and the\nproject should be delayed. If, however, the matter is very urgent,\nanother pig or a fowl may be offered in the hope that the attitude\nof the spirits may be changed. If the liver of the new sacrifice is\ngood, the ceremony or raid may continue. The blood of these animals\nis always mixed with rice, and is scattered about for the superior\nbeings, but the flesh is cooked, and is consumed by the mortals. [127]\n\nTo recover stolen and misplaced articles or animals, one of three\nmethods is employed. The first is to attach a cord to a jar-cover or\nthe shells used by a medium. This is suspended so that it hangs freely,\nand questions are put to it. If the answer is \"yes,\" it will swing to\nand fro. The second method is to place a bamboo stick horizontally on\nthe ground and then to stand an egg on it. As the question is asked,\nthe egg is released. If it falls, the answer is in the negative;\nif it stands, it replies \"yes.\" The third and more common way is to\nplace a head-axe on the ground, then to blow on the end of a spear\nand put it point down on the blade of the axe. If it balances, the\nanswer is \"yes.\"\n\n_Ceremonial Structures and Paraphernalia_.--As has been indicated,\nthe Tinguian holds many ceremonies in honor of the superior beings;\nand, in connection with these, builds numerous small structures,\nand employs various paraphernalia, most of which bear definite names,\nand have well established uses. Since a knowledge of these structures\nand devices is necessary to a full understanding of the ceremonies,\nan alphabetical list is here furnished, before proceeding to the\ndetailed discussion of the rites.\n\n_Alalot_: Two arches of bamboo, which support a grass roof. A small jar\nof _basi_ stands in this structure for the use of visiting spirits. Is\ngenerally constructed during the _Sayang_ ceremony, but in Bakaok\nit is built alone to cure sickness or to change a bad disposition\n(Plate XX, No. 4).\n\n_Aligang_: A four-pronged fork of a branch in which a jar of _basi_\nand other offerings are placed for the Igorot spirits of Talegteg\n(Salegseg). It is placed at the corner of the house during _Sayang_.\n\n_Ansisilit_: The framework placed beside the guardian stones on the\nsixteenth morning of _Sayang_. It closely resembles the _Inapap\u00e1yag_.\n\n_Balabago_ (known in Manabo as Talagan): A long bamboo bench with a\nroofing of betel leaves. It is intended as a seat for guests, both\nspirit and human, during important ceremonies.\n\n_Balag_: A seat of wood or bamboo, placed close to the house-ladder\nduring the _Sayang_ ceremony. Above and beside it are _alangtin_\nleaves, branches of the _lanoti_ tree, sugar-cane, and a leafy branch\nof bamboo. Here also are found a net equipped with lead sinkers, a\ntop-shaped device, and short sections of bamboo filled with liquor. In\nsome towns this is the seat of the honored guest, who dips _basi_\nfor the dancers. In San Juan this seat is called _Patoga\u00fa_.\n\n_Balaua_: This, the largest and most important of the spirit\nstructures, is built during the _Sayang_ ceremony. The roofing is\nof plaited bamboo, covered with cogon grass. This is supported by\neight uprights, which likewise furnish attachment for the bamboo\nflooring. There are no sides to the building, but it is so sturdily\nconstructed that it lasts through several seasons. Except for the\ntimes of ceremony, it is used as a lounging place for the men, or\nas a loom-room by the women. Quite commonly poles are run lengthwise\nof the structure, at the lower level of the roof; and this \"attic,\"\nas well as the space beneath the floor, is used for the storage of\nfarming implements, bundles of rattan and thatching (Plate XXI).\n\n_Balitang_: A large seat like the _Balabago_, but with a grass\nroofing. It is used as a seat for visitors during great ceremonies\nand festivals. This name is applied, in Manabo, to a little house,\nbuilt among the bananas for the spirit Imalbi.\n\n_Bani-it_ or _Bunot_: Consists of a coconut husk suspended from a\npole. The feathers of a rooster are stuck into the sides. It is made\nas a cure for sick-headache, also for lameness.\n\n_Bangbangsal_: Four long bamboo poles are set in the ground, and are\nroofed over to make a shelter for the spirits of Sayaw, who come in\nthe _Tangpap_ ceremony.\n\n_B\u00e1tog_: An unhusked coconut, resting on three bamboo sticks, goes\nby this name. It always appears in the _Sayang_ ceremony, close to\nthe _Balag_, but its use and meaning are not clear.\n\n_Bawi_, also called _Babawi, Abarong_, and _Sinaba-an_: A name applied\nto any one of the small houses, built in the fields or gardens as\na home for the spirits Kaiba-an, Abat, Selday, and some others of\nlesser importance (Plate XXII).\n\n_Idasan_: A seat or bench which stands near the house-ladder during\nthe _Sayang_. A roof of cogon grass protects ten bundles of unthreshed\nrice, which lie on it. This rice is later used as seed. In the San Juan\ndistrict, the place of the Idasan seems to be taken by three\nbamboo poles, placed in tripod fashion, so as to support a basket of\nrice. This is known as _Pinalasang_.\n\n_Inapap\u00e1yag_: Two-forked saplings or four reeds are arranged so as to\nsupport a shield or a cloth \"roof\" (Plate XVIII). During _Sayang_ and\nsome other ceremonies, it stands in the yard, or near to the town gate;\nand on it food and drink are placed for visiting spirits. During the\ncelebration of _Layog_ (cf. p. 290), it is built near to the dancing\nspace, and contains offerings for the spirit of the dead. A spear\nwith a colored clout is stuck into the ground close by; and usually\nan inverted rice mortar also stands here, and supports a dish of\n_basi_. In the mountain village of Likuan it is built alone as a cure\nfor sickness. A pig is killed and the mediums summon the spirits as\nin _Dawak_ (cf. p. 316).\n\n_Kalang_: A wooden box, the sides of which are cut to resemble the\nhead and horns of a carabao. The spirits are not thought to reside\nhere, but do come to partake of the food and drink placed in it. It is\nattached to the roof of the dwelling or in the _balaua_ or _kalangan._\nNew offerings are placed in the _kalang_, before the men go to fight,\nor when the _Sayang_ ceremony is held. It also holds the head-bands\nworn by the mediums, when making _Dawak_ (Fig. 4, No. 2).\n\n_Kalangan_: the place of the _kalang_. This is similar to the _balaua_,\nbut is smaller and, as a rule, has only four supporting timbers\n(Plate XXIII).\n\n_Pala-an_: Four long poles, usually three of bamboo, and one of a\nresinous tree known as _anteng_ (_Canarium villosum_ Bl.) are set\nin a square and support, near the top, a platform of bamboo (Plate\nXXIV). Offerings are made both on and below the _Pala-an_ during the\nceremony of that name, and in the more important rites.\n\n_Pangkew_: Three bamboo poles are planted in the ground in a triangle,\nbut they lean away from each other at such an angle, as to admit of\na small platform midway of their length. A roofing of cogon grass\ncompletes the structure. It is built during _Sayang_, and contains a\nsmall jar of _basi_. The roof is always adorned with coconut blossoms\n(Plate XX).\n\n_Sagang_: Sharpened bamboo poles about eight feet in length on which\nthe skulls of enemies were formerly exhibited. The pointed end was\npushed through the _foramen magnum_, and the pole was then planted\nnear the gate of the town.\n\n_Saloko_, also called _Salokang_ and _Sabut_: This is a bamboo pole\nabout ten feet long, one end of which is split into several strips;\nthese are forced apart, and are interwoven with other strips, thus\nforming a sort of basket. When such a pole is erected near to a house,\nor at the gate of the town, it is generally in connection with a\nceremony made to cure headache. It is also used in the fields as a\ndwelling place for the spirit Kaiba-an (Plate XXV).\n\nThe _Saloko_ ceremony and the _diam_, which accompanies it, seem to\nindicate that this pole originated in connection with head-hunting;\nand its presence in the fields gives a hint that in former times a\nhead-hunt may have been a necessary preliminary to the rice-planting.\n\n_Sog\u00e1yob_: A covered porch, which is built along one side of the house\nduring the _Sayang_ ceremony. In it hang the vines and other articles,\nused by the female dancers in one part of the rite. A portion of one\nof the slaughtered pigs is placed here for the spirits of Bangued. In\nLumaba the _Sog\u00e1yob_ is built alone as a part of a one-day ceremony;\nwhile in Sallapadan it follows _Kalangan_ after an interval of about\nthree months.\n\n_Taltalabong_: Following many ceremonies a small bamboo raft with\narched covering is constructed. In it offerings are placed for spirits,\nwho have been unable to attend the rite. In Manabo it is said that the\nraft is intended particularly for the sons of Kadaklan (Plate XXVI).\n\n_Tangpap_: Two types of structure appear under this name. When it is\nbuilt as a part of the _Tangpap_ ceremony, it is a small house with a\nslanting roof resting on four poles. About three feet above the ground,\nan interwoven bamboo floor is lashed to the uprights (Plate XXVII). In\nthe _Sayang_ ceremony, there are two structures which go by this name\n(Plate XX, Nos. 2 and 3). The larger has two floors, the smaller only\none. On each floor is a small pot of _basi_, daubed with white.\n\n_Taboo Gateway_: At the gate of a town, one sometimes finds a defensive\nwall of bamboo, between the uprights of which are thrust bamboo spears\nin order to catch evil spirits, while on the gate proper are vines\nand leaves pleasing to the good spirits. Likewise in the _saloko_,\nwhich stands close by, are food and drink or betel-nut. All this\ngenerally appears when an epidemic is in a nearby village, in order\nto frighten the bearers of the sickness away, and at the same time\ngain the aid of well-disposed spirits. At such a time many of the\npeople wear wristlets and anklets of bamboo, interwoven with roots\nand vines which are displeasing to the evil beings (Plate XXVIII).\n\n_Ceremonial Paraphernalia_.--_Akosan_ (Fig. 4, No. 4): A prized\nshell, with top and bottom cut off, is slipped over a belt-like\ncloth. Above it are a series of wooden rings and a wooden imitation\nof the shell. This, when hung beside the dead, is both pleasing to\nthe spirit of the deceased, and a protection to the corpse against\nevil beings.\n\n_Aneb_ (Fig. 4, No. 1): The name usually given to a protective\nnecklace placed about the neck of a young child to keep evil spirits\nat a distance. The same name is also given to a miniature shield,\nbow and arrow, which hang above the infant.\n\n_Dakidak_ (Fig. 4, Nos. 3-3a): Long poles, one a reed, the other\nbamboo, split at one end so they will rattle. The medium strikes\nthem on the ground to attract the spirits to the food served on\nthe _talapitap_.\n\n_Igam_: Notched feathers, often with colored yarn at the ends, attached\nto sticks. These are worn in the hair during the _Pala~an_ and _Sayang_\nceremonies, to please the spirits of the east, called Idadaya.\n\n_In\u00e1lson_: A sacred blanket made of white cotton. A blue or blue\nand red design is formed, where the breadths join, and also along\nthe borders. It is worn over the shoulders of the medium during the\n_Gipas_ ceremony (cf. p. 263).\n\n_Lab-lab\u00f3n_: Also called _Adug_. In Buneg and nearby towns, whose\ninhabitants are of mixed Tinguian and Kalinga blood, small incised\npottery houses are found among the rice jars, and are said to be the\nresidences of the spirits, who multiply the rice. They are sometimes\nreplaced with incised jars decorated with vines. The idea seems to\nbe an intrusion into the Tinguian belt. The name is probably derived\nfrom _l\u00e1bon_, \"plenty\" or \"abundance\" (Plate XXIX).\n\n_Piling_ (Plate XIX): A collection of large sea-shells attached to\ncords. They are kept in a small basket together with one hundred\nfathoms of thread and a Chinese plate, usually of ancient make. The\nwhole makes up the medium's outfit, used when she is summoning the\nspirits.\n\n_Pinapa_: A large silk blanket with yellow strips running\nlengthwise. Such blankets are worn by certain women when dancing\n_da-eng_, and they are also placed over the feet of a corpse.\n\n_Sado_ (Fig. 4, No. 3): The shallow clay dishes in which the spirits\nare fed on the _talapitap_.\n\n_Salogeygey_: The outside bark of a reed is cut at two points, from\nopposite directions, so that a double fringe of narrow strips stands\nout. One end is split, _saklag_ leaves are inserted, and the whole\nis dipped or sprinkled in sacrificial blood, and placed in each house\nduring the _Sagobay_ ceremony. The same name is applied to the magical\nsticks, which are placed in the rice seed-beds to insure lusty plants\n(cf. p. 399).\n\n_Sang\u00e1del_: The bamboo frame on which a corpse is placed during\nthe funeral.\n\n_Tabing_: A large white blanket with which one corner of the room\nis screened off during the _Sayang_ and other ceremonies. In this\n\"room\" food and other offerings are made for the black, deformed,\nand timid spirits who wish to attend the ceremony unobserved.\n\n_Takal_: Armlets made of boar's tusks, which are worn during certain\ndances in _Sayang_.\n\n_Talapitap_ (Fig. 4, No. 3): A roughly plaited bamboo frame on which\nthe spirits are fed during the more important rites. Used in connection\nwith the _dakidak_ and clay dishes _(sado)._\n\n_Tong\u00e1tong_ (Fig. 4, No. 5): The musical instrument, which appears\nin many ceremonials. It consists of six or more bamboo tubes of\nvarious lengths. The players hold a tube in each hand, and strike\ntheir ends on a stone, which lies between them, the varying lengths\nof the cylinders giving out different notes.\n\n\n\nCHAPTER V\n\nTHE CEREMONIES\n\nA visitor, who enters the Tinguian territory in the period following\nthe rice-harvest, quickly gains the impression that the ceremonial\nlife of this people is dominant. In nearly every village, he finds one\nor more ceremonies in progress, while work is almost forgotten. This\ncondition exists until the coming of the rains in May, when all is\nchanged. Men and women go to the fields before daybreak, and return\nonly when darkness forces them to cease their toil. During the\nperiod when the fields are in preparation, or the rice is growing,\nfew ceremonials are held, except those intended to promote the growth\nof the crops, to cure sickness, or to ward off impending misfortune.\n\nAside from the rites, which attend birth, marriage, and similar events,\nthe ceremonies may be placed in two divisions: first, those which\nmay be celebrated by all people; second, those restricted to certain\nfamilies. The first class we shall designate as the minor ceremonies.\n\n\nSECTION 1\n\nThe Minor Ceremonies\n\n_Dawak_ (also called Boni and Alopag).--The name _Dawak_ is applied\nto that part of important ceremonies in which the spirits enter\nthe bodies of the mediums. It is also given as a separate ceremony,\nusually to cure sickness, but in some settlements it follows a birth.\n\nAccording to tradition, it was taught, together with the _Sayang_\nceremony, by the spirit Kaboniyan to a woman Dayapan; and she, in turn,\ntaught it to others, who were then able to cure sickness.\n\nIt is probable that the name comes from _d\u00e1wat_ (a \"request\" or\n\"petition\"); yet there is little in it which corresponds to prayer\nor entreaty.\n\nAs there was considerable variation in each _Dawak_ witnessed by\nthe writer, the complete ceremony is given for the village of Ba-ak,\ntogether with striking variations from other towns.\n\nIn this instance, the rite was held to effect the cure of a sick woman\nand to learn the desires of the spirits. Two mediums, assisted by\nseveral men and women, spent the first afternoon preparing the things\nto be used. First, a short cane was fashioned out of black wood,\nrattan rings were slipped over this, and all were placed inside a\nChinese jar. A dish of cooked rice was put over the top, as a cover,\nand a blanket spread over the whole. This was brought close to the\npatient, the medium recited a _dam_ over it, [128] and then ordered\nthat it remain there throughout the ceremony. On a large mat in the\ncenter of the room were placed betel-nuts, coconuts, and leaves, two\njars--one empty, the other filled with _basi_--, a large and small\nhead-axe, two spears, and some shells. An empty jar had a string\nof beads tied around its neck, and inside it was placed a switch,\ncare being taken that a portion of it hung outside. Beside the jar\nwas a basket containing five bundles of unthreshed rice, on which was\na skein of thread supporting a new jar. All this was covered with a\nwoman's skirt. Finally a bound pig was laid just inside the door.\n\nWhen all was complete, three men played on the _tong\u00e1tong_\n(cf. p. 314), until one of the mediums took her place beside the\nmat. Raising a plate above her head, she struck it repeatedly with\na small head-axe, to call attention of the spirits. [129] Then she\nbegan to chant and wail calling the spirits to enter her body. After\ntwo or three moments of song, she was possessed by a spirit, who\nannounced that his name was Ibalinsogwan. He placed a rooster at one\nend of a spear, and a bundle of rice at the other, did a short dance,\nand departed. The mediums then seated themselves on opposite sides\nof the jar of _basi_; each drank of the liquor, and the chant began\nagain. Spirit after spirit took possession of one of the mediums,\nwho then conversed with the other, asked questions concerning the\npatient, or other matters, and occasionally offered advice. Before\nhis departure, each spirit would drink of the _basi_.\n\nThe members of the family were present during most of the day; friends\ncame, and went as they pleased, stopped to listen to or talk with\nthe spirits, drank _basi_, and then went about their work.\n\nEarly the second morning, the mediums went to a bound pig in the house,\nand after placing betel-nut on its back, they poured water into its\near. This caused the animal to shake its head; and, as the water was\nthrown out, one of the mediums caught it in her hand, and applied it to\nthe sick woman, at the same time chanting, \"Go away sickness, be thrown\nout like this water; let this person be well, for she is now following\nthe custom.\" As soon as she had finished, two men carried the animal to\nthe river bank, where they killed and singed it. Upon their return to\nthe house, they removed and carefully examined its liver; for, by the\nmarkings on it, the people were assured that the spirits were pleased\nwith the manner in which the ceremony was being conducted, and hence\nthe prospects for the patient's recovery were very bright. _Gipas_,\nthe dividing, followed. An old man divided the pig with the medium,\nbut by sly manipulation managed to get a little more than she did. A\nbetel-nut, beeswax, and a lead net-sinker were tied together with\na string, and were divided, but again the old man received a little\nmore than his share. Betel-nut was offered to the pair. Apparently\neach piece was the same, but only one was supplied with lime, and\nthe mortal secured that. He then challenged the medium to see whose\nspittle was the reddest. Both expectorated on the head-axe, but since\nthe spittle of the medium was not mixed with lime, it was uncolored. In\nall instances the human being came out victor over the spirit, who\nsought to take the woman's life. Hence her recovery was assured.\n\nA new spirit possessed the medium, and under her directions the\nfamily was placed beneath a blanket, and a coconut was cut in two over\ntheir heads. In addition to the fluid of the nut, water was emptied\nover them, \"so that the sickness would be washed away.\" As soon as\nthe family emerged from the blanket, they went to their _balaua_,\n[130] and offered food, after which the medium again summoned several\nspirits. From this time until well into the evening, the guests danced\n_tadek_, stopping only to be served with food and drink.\n\nThe morning of the third and last day was spent in preparing food and\nother offerings, which were placed on a mat and left, for a time, to be\nused by the immortals. Later the offerings were consumed by the guests,\nand the medium summoned the spirit Agkabkabayo. This being directed\nfour men to carry the blanket on which the medium was seated to the\n_balaua_, when they were met by another medium, possessed by the spirit\nBalien. For a time they busied themselves making repairs to the spirit\nstructure, then decorated it by tying strips of shredded coconut leaves\nto the slats of the floor. They also attached leaves to the _kalang_\n(cf. p. 310), and inserted betel-nut and leaf. The final act of the\nceremony was to prepare four _soloko_ (cf. p. 310). In the first was\nplaced a half coconut; in the second was rice mixed with blood; in\nthe third cooked flesh of a fowl; and in the last were four stalks\nof rice, and some pine-sticks. One was placed at each gate of the\ntown as an offering, and the people returned to their homes.\n\nAs payment for their services, the mediums received a small portion\nof the pig, some rice, beads, a little money, and cloth.\n\nThe acts and conversation of the spirits when summoned in _Dawak_\nare well illustrated by the following.\n\nA woman of Lagangilang was ill with dysentery; and a medium, in this\ninstance, a man, was instructed to make _Dawak_. He began summoning\nthe spirits by striking a dish with his head-axe. Soon he covered\nhis face with his hands, began to sway to and fro, and to chant\nunintelligible words. Suddenly he stopped and announced that he was\nthe spirit Labotan, and that it was his wish that blood and rice\nbe placed on a head-axe, and be laid on the woman's abdomen. Next\nhe ordered that they should feed some rice to the small pig which\nlay bound on the floor. \"If he eats, this is the right ceremony,\nand you will get well,\" he said. The pig refused the food, and, after\nexpressing regret that he was unable to help, the spirit departed, to\nbe succeeded by Bino\u00f1gon. He at once directed that the pig be killed,\nand the palpitating heart be put on the woman's stomach, and then\nbe pressed against each person in the room, as a protection against\nillness. At first he refused to drink the liquor which was offered to\nhim, for it was new and raw; but when he learned that no other could be\nobtained, he drank, and then addressed the patient. \"You ate something\nforbidden. It is easy to cure you if the spirits have made you ill;\nbut if some one is practising magic, perhaps you will die.\" With\nthis cheering message the spirit departed, and Ayaonw\u00e1n appeared. He\ndirected an old woman to feed rice and water to the patient, and\nthen, without further advice, he said, \"The other spirits do not\nlike me very well, so I cannot go to their places. I went to their\nplaces, but they said many bad words to me. I offered them _basi_,\nbut they did not wish to take; so I asked the way, and they showed\nme to the other spirits' place. I was poor, and had nothing to eat\nfor noon or night. When I was in the road, I met many long snakes,\nand I had to push them apart so I could walk. And I met many eels,\nand asked of them the road; but the eels bit me, and took me into\ntheir stomachs, and carried me to Luluaganan to the well there; then\nI died. The people, who go to the well, say, 'Why is Ayaonw\u00e1n dead? We\nhave a bad odor now;' and the eels say, 'Whose son is this?' and they\nrubbed my dead spirit, and I received life again. Then I took blood\nand rice with me to the sky to the other eels to make _Sayang_. The\neels gave me gold for my wrists; the monkeys gave me gold for my teeth\nand hair; the wild pig gave me bracelets. There is much more I can\ntell you, but now I must go.\" The spirit departed, and a new one was\nsummoned. This spirit took the spear in his hand, and after chanting\nabout the illness of the woman, he drank _basi_ out of a dish, sitting\non the head-axe. Then singing again he dipped the spear in the oil,\nand allowed it to fall drop by drop on the stomach of the sick woman;\nlater he touched the heads of all present with the spear, saying,\n\"You will not be sick any more,\" and departed.\n\n_Pin\u00e1ing_ or _Pin\u00e1ding_ (Plate XXX).--At the gate or entrance of\nnearly every village will be found a number of peculiarly shaped,\nwater-worn stones, either beneath a small shelter, or nestling among\nthe roots of some great tree. These are the \"guardian stones,\" and\nin them lives Apdel (\"the spirit who guards the town\"). Many stories\ncluster about these _pin\u00e1ing_, [131] but all agree that, if proper\nofferings are made to them at the beginning of a great ceremony;\nwhen the men are about to undertake a raid; or, when sickness is in a\nnearby village, the resident spirit will protect the people under his\ncare. Thus it happens that several times each year a group of people\nmay be seen early in the morning, gathered at the stones. They anoint\nthe head of each one with oil, put new bark bands on their \"necks,\"\nafter which they kill a small pig. The medium mixes the blood of\nthe slain animal with rice, and scatters it on the ground while she\nrecites the story of their origin. Then she bids the spirits from\nnear and far to come and eat, and to be kindly disposed.\n\nIn Bakaok and some other villages it is customary for the medium\nto summon several spirits at this time, and this is followed by the\ndancing of _tadek_. The people of Luluno always hold a ceremony at\nthe _pin\u00e1ing_ before the planting of the rice and after the harvest.\n\nFollowing this ceremony in the village of San Juan, a miniature raft\n(_taltalabong_) was loaded with food and other presents, and was\nset afloat, to carry provisions to any spirit, who might have been\nprevented from enjoying the feast.\n\nThese stones are of particular interest, in that they present one\nof the few instances in which the Tinguian associates supernatural\nbeings with natural objects.\n\n_Saloko_ (Plate XXV).--Besides the houses, in the fields, and at\nthe gate of many villages, one often sees long bamboo poles with\none end converted into a basket-like receptacle. Offerings of food\nand betel-nut are now found in them; but, according to some of the\nolder men, these were, until recently, used to hold the heads of\nslain enemies, as is still the case among the neighboring Apayao.\n\nThe ritual of the _Saloko_ ceremony seems, in part, to bear out this\nclaim; yet the folk-tales and equally good informants assure us that\nthe heads were placed on sharpened bamboo poles, which passed through\nthe _foramen magnum_. It is probable that both methods of exhibiting\nskulls were employed in the Tinguian belt.\n\nNowadays the _saloko_ found near to the villages are usually erected,\nduring a short ceremony of the same name, as a cure for headache. A\nmedium is summoned; and, after securing a chicken, she strokes it,\nas she chants:\n\n\n\"You spirits of the _sagang_, [132] who live above.\n\"You spirits of the _sagang_, who live on the level ground.\n\"You spirits of the _sagang_, who live in the east.\n\"You spirits of the _sagang_, who live in the west.\n\"You Lalaman [133] above.\n\"You Lalaman on the wooded hill.\n\"You Lalaman in the west.\n\"If you took the head of the sick man,\n\"You must now grant him health, as you please.\"\n\n\nThe fowl is killed; and its blood, together with rice and some other\ngift, is placed in the _saloko_, and is planted near the house or\ngate. Oftentimes a string of feathers runs from the pole to the\ndwelling, or to the opposite side of the gate. The family cooks and\neats the chicken, and the affected member is expected to recover at\nonce. Should the trouble persist, a more elaborate ceremony, probably\n_Dawak_, will follow.\n\nIn some instances betel-nut prepared for chewing takes the place of\nthe fowl; rice-stalks hang from the sides of the basket, and bits of\npine are added \"to make bright and clear.\" All of this is rubbed on\nthe patient's head, while the medium recites the _diam_.\n\n_Bawi_, also called _Sinaba-an_ and _Ababong_.--This name is often\napplied to the small houses built in the rice-fields for the spirit\nKaiba-an, but more commonly it refers to the little structures of\nbamboo and grass, which nestle among the banana plantings near the\nvillage (Plate XXII). When such a structure is built or repaired,\nit is accompanied by a ceremony of the same name. The usual purpose\nof this event is to cure sore feet, but in Patok and other valley\ntowns it is celebrated before the rice harvest and the pressing of the\nsugar-cane, so that the spirits will keep the workers in good health,\nand save them from injury.\n\nOne of the most common ailments is sore or cracked feet caused,\nno doubt, by standing for long periods in the mud and water of the\nrice-fields, and then tramping over the rough, hot trails to the\nvillage. The Tinguian, however, know that the spirits, called Abat and\nSelday bring about this affliction, unless they are kept in good humor,\nand have something to occupy their time other than disturbing human\nbeings; hence these houses are built for them, suitable offerings are\nplaced inside, and finally a few banana suckers are planted close by,\nso that the spirits will be kept busy caring for them.\n\nThe origin of the ceremony is ascribed to a woman of ancient\ntimes, named Bagutayka, who, lacking certain organs, appears as an\noutcast. She at first caused passers-by to have trouble with their\nfeet and limbs, but later taught them how to effect a cure by building\nthe _bawi_ and performing the ceremony. [134]\n\nTo-day, when a person is afflicted, he summons a medium, the\nspirit-house is built, and then the following _diam_ is recited over\na rooster:\n\n\n\"You abat above,\n\"You abat in the ground,\n\"You abat in the corner of the house,\n\"You abat in the center pole,\n\"You abat below the stair,\n\"You abat in the door,\n\"You Selday in the wooded hill,\n\"You Selday above,\n\"Make the sick person well, if you please!\" [135]\n\n\nWhen the recital is finished, the fowl is killed, and its blood\nmixed with rice is placed in nine dishes and one polished coconut\nshell. From these it is transferred to nine other dishes and one\nbamboo basket. These are placed in a row, and nine dishes and one\nunpolished shell are filled with water, and placed opposite. In the\ncenter of this double line is a dish, containing the cooked flesh\nof the rooster, also some rice, and one hundred fathoms of thread,\nwhile between the dishes are laid ten half betel-nuts, prepared for\nchewing. Later, all these things are returned to a single receptacle,\nexcept those in the shell cups and basket, which are placed in the\nspirit-house. The underlying idea in this procedure seems to be that\nfrequently found in other ceremonies, namely, that food and water\nsymbolizes the life of the patient, which is partially taken away by\nthe spirits; but when they are returned to one place, the life must\nbe replaced in a like manner.\n\nIn Manabo a piece of banana bark is taken from one of the plantings\nbeside a _bawi_; and, after being washed in the water, is applied to\nthe affected limb.\n\nThe final act is to take a coconut husk, stick feathers in its sides,\nand hang it beside the _bawi_ as a sign to all that the ceremony has\nbeen held.\n\nNo spirits are summoned at this time, neither is there singing\nor dancing.\n\n_Bakid_. [136]--This ceremony is held to celebrate the completion\nof a new dwelling, or to remove any bad sign, which may have been\nreceived during the building operations.\n\nThe medium and her assistants fasten a bamboo pole or rattan cord\nacross one portion of the room, and on it place numerous pieces of\ncloth-skirts, blankets, belts, a fish-net, and a quantity of false\nhair. This serves first as an offering to the spirits, but it is also\nexplained that, if the immortals are unable to count all the gifts,\nthey will be powerless to injure the occupants of the dwelling. Should\nan evilly disposed being desire to make trouble for the owner, he\nmust count every hair in the switches, as well as every hole in the\nfish-net. Failing in this, he will be compelled by the other spirits\nto celebrate the _Bakid_ ceremony five times at his own expense.\n\nBeneath the line of offerings, a bound pig is laid; and, as she strokes\nthe side of the animal, with oiled fingers, the medium repeats a _diam_\n[137] in which she tells of misfortunes of a family, which failed to\nobserve the signs sent by Kaboniyan, and of his instructions as to how\nbest to overcome their troubles. The family listens respectfully until\nthe story is finished, then they lift a door from its socket, place\nit in the middle of the floor, and proceed to sacrifice the pig upon\nit. Some of the blood is immediately sprinkled on the house timbers,\nparticularly those which may have given the builders trouble, either\nin transportation, or during the erection of the structure. The greater\npart of the blood is mixed with rice, and is dropped through the slits\nin the floor, or scattered about for the spirits; while for an hour\nor more a portion of the meat, the heart, and the head, are placed\nbelow the offerings on the cord or on the house-beams. Later, these\nportions will be cooked and served to the guests. Immediately after\nthe killing, the liver is removed, and is examined for a sign. Should\nthe omens be unfavorable, another animal will be killed, or the\nfamily will celebrate _Sangasang_ within a few days. If the signs\nare satisfactory, the host begins to distribute _basi_, and soon good\nfellowship reigns. One after another of the guests sings the _daleng_,\nin which they bespeak for the owner a long and prosperous life in his\nnew home. The _Bakid_ always ends with a feast, in which the flesh of\nslaughtered animals plays the important part. Upon its completion, the\nmedium is given a portion of the meat, some unthreshed rice, and other\nsmall gifts, as payment for her services. The guests return to their\nhomes, and for two or three days following are barred from entering\nthe new dwelling. During this period the family must remain indoors.\n\n_Sang\u00e1sang_.--_Sang\u00e1sang_ is often so similar to the _Bakid_, that\none description might cover both. This is particularly true, if it\nis held to remove a bad sign. Should a large lizard or a bird enter\na new building, it is considered as a messenger of Kaboniyan; and the\nforegoing ceremony is carried out, the only variation being that the\nbird or lizard is caught, if possible, is anointed with oil, a bead\nis attached to a leg, and it is then released to go back to its master.\n\nContinued misfortunes to the members of a household would also be an\nexcuse for the ceremony. In this instance, the only variation from the\nprocedure just given would be in the _diams_. The first to be recited\ntells how the spirit Magan\u00e1wan sent many snakes and birds to the gate\nof a town to demand the blood of a rooster mixed with rice. The people\ncelebrated _Sang\u00e1sang_, and sent blood and rice to Magan\u00e1wan, who,\nin turn, spat it out on the ground. As he did so, the sickness and\nmisfortunes of the mortals vanished. The second _diam_ [138] relates\na quarrel between the various parts of the house, each insisting on\nits own importance. At last they recognize their mutual dependence,\nand the people of the dwelling are again in good health. [139]\n\nIn Lumaba and nearby villages, unpleasant dreams, or a bad disposition\nare overcome by a ceremony called _Sang\u00e1sang_; but, as this varies\nsomewhat from the others, it is given in detail.\n\nThe medium, who is summoned for this event, calls for oil and a\nrooster with long spurs. When these are brought, she strokes the fowl\nwith the oil, and chants the following _diam_. \"There is a very old\nwoman in the sea, and she says to her spirits, who are Dapeg (a spirit\nwhich kills people), Balingenngen (a spirit which causes bad dreams),\nand Benisalsal (a spirit which throws things and is unpleasant), 'Go\nbeyond the sea and spread your sickness,' The spirits are going. They\narrive and begin their work, and if the people do not make _Sang\u00e1sang_,\nmany will die. Now it is morning, and the spirits are going to the\nriver to see what the people have offered to the old woman, who is\nIn\u00e1wen. If they do not find anything, they will say, 'All the people\nin this town shall die,' and then they will go on to another place.\"\n\n\"In\u00e1wen, who is waiting, sends Kideng (a servant) to search for\nthe spirits, who are killing people, to tell them to return. Dapeg\nleaves the first town. He goes to another, and the dogs bark so that\nthe people cannot sleep. A man opens the door, to learn the cause of\nthe barking, and he sees a man, fat and tall, with nine heads, and\nhe carries many kinds of cakes. The man says, 'Now take these cakes,\nand if you do not make _Sang\u00e1sang_ for my mistress, at the river,\nyou shall die. You must find a rooster with long tail and spurs; you\nmust mix its blood with rice, and put it in the river at dawn when no\none can see you,' The man makes _Sang\u00e1sang_ the next night, and puts\nthe blood, mixed with rice, in a well dug by the river, so that the\nspirits may take it to their mistress. Kideng also arrives and says,\n'you must come with me now, for she awaits you who are bearing this\noffering.' They go and arrive. Their mistress eats and says, 'I did\nnot think that the blood of people tasted so badly, now I shall not\nsend you again, for you have already killed many people.'\"\n\nWhen this chant is completed, the chicken is killed, as directed\nin the song; and at night the blood and rice are offered beside the\nstream. [140] The chicken is eaten by the family, and its feathers\nare tied to a string, stretched across the room. Leaves are attached\nto the house-ladder as a warning that all visitors are barred, and\nfor three days the family remains quietly indoors.\n\n_Sagobay_. [141]--This is one of the most widespread of the ceremonies,\nfor it not only covers the entire Tinguian belt, but extends into the\nIgorot villages of the Upit river region and Ilocos Sur, as well as\ninto the Kalinga villages of the Malokbot valley.\n\nIts occurrence in connection with the rice-culture is fully, described\nelsewhere (cf. p. 400), so that at this place only its second function,\nthat of keeping illness from the town, is described.\n\nWhen an epidemic appears in a nearby settlement, the _lakay_ summons\nthe old men in council, and they decide on the number of pigs, and\nthe amount of rice, _basi_, and other articles required, after which\nthe necessary funds are secured by levying a tax on all the people\nof the village.\n\nTo keep the evil spirits, who bear the sickness, out of the town,\na cord of bamboo or rattan is stretched around the whole settlement,\nwhile at the gate a high fence is erected. Through the uprights of\nthis fence are stuck bamboo spikes with the sharpened ends facing\noutward, so as to catch or pierce the intruders (Plate XXVIII);\nwhile in the _saloko_ and along the gateway are placed leaves, roots,\nand other offerings acceptable to the friendly spirits. Similar cords\nand leaves are also strung around the entrances to the houses.\n\nThe cord and gateway form an adequate protection, and no human\nbeing or spirit will violate this taboo. Should a human do so, the\nleast penalty would be a tax sufficient to pay all the expense of\nthe ceremony; but should the sickness afterwards invade the town,\nit is quite possible that more serious punishment might be exacted\nby the families of the victims.\n\nWhen all is prepared, the men and boys arm themselves, and with shouts\nand hostile demonstrations drive the sickness toward the town whence it\nis thought to come. [142] Returning to the center of the village, the\npeople dance _tadek_, and the mediums may summon several spirits. Next,\nthe pigs are killed, and their livers are examined for a sign. Should\nthe omens be unfavorable, one or more fowls will be sacrificed,\nuntil it seems certain that the help of the spirits is assured,\nafter which the flesh is cooked and eaten. Then a small covered raft\n_(taltalabong)_ is constructed, and a portion of the food is placed\ninside. Late in the afternoon, this is carried through the village,\nwhile one or more drummers keep up a din to frighten evil spirits\naway. Just as the sun is sinking, the raft is carried to the river,\nand is set afloat, in order that any interested spirits, who may have\nbeen prevented from attending the ceremony, may still receive their\nshare of the offering. In Likuan a different explanation is offered\nfor the _taltalabong_. Here they say that the offerings are placed\non the raft, so as to induce any hostile spirits who may be near to\nenter, and then they are carried out and away from the town.\n\nThe blood of the slaughtered animals has been saved, and upon their\nreturn from the river the people dip leaves into it, and attach these\nnear to the doors of their dwellings. For at least one day following,\nno work is done, and all visitors are barred. During this time the\npeople only converse in low tones, and take special precautions against\neven animals making a noise. The beaks of roosters are tied, or they\nare placed in small baskets, so that they cannot stand up to crow.\n\nIn Lakub a new house or protection is placed above the guardian stones,\nand offerings are made to them at the time of the _Sagobay_, while\nin Likuan the participants wear neck and ankle bands of bamboo as a\nfurther protection from the sickness.\n\n_Ngorong-or_.--Lumaba and the Tinguian villages of Ilokos Sur hold\nthis ceremony, whenever a person is seriously ill with stomach\ntrouble. As the rite does not extend far into the Tinguian belt,\nbut is found in the Igorot villages farther south, it seems likely\nthat it is an importation from that region.\n\nThe members of the family gather in the afternoon, and kill a small\npig by cutting off its head. A part of the blood is saved, and the\nbalance is sprinkled against the house posts and ladder. The pig\nitself is hung from one round of the ladder, so that its blood will\ndrip to the ground. The medium has been standing quietly to one side\nwatching, but now she calls upon the spirits, \"You (calling one or\nmore by name), come out; be vomited up, for now you are being fed.\" She\nallows them a few minutes for their repast, then cuts open the carcass\nand removes the liver. A bit is cut from the top, then she splits open\nthe animal's skull, and removes a little of the brain. This she places\non a banana leaf; and, after adding a small piece of gold, wraps it up\nand buries it beside the center post of the dwelling. The animal is\nnow cooked and served to the guests, but liberal portions are placed\non the house rafters and other places convenient for the spirits.\n\nNext morning a piece is cut from a dog's ear, is smeared with blood,\nand is placed in a small split bamboo, together with two stalks of\nrice. A clout is tied to a spear, and all are rubbed on the body of\nthe patient, while the medium explains that this is the betel-nut\nof the spirits, and that, when she takes it from the village, they\nwill go also, and the recovery be assured. The family follows her to\nthe gate of the town, and watches closely, as she thrusts the spear\nand pole into the ground; for if they are firmly set in the ground,\nyet lean away from the village, it is certain that the spirits have\ndeparted, and the sick will recover.\n\nFollowing the ceremony, members of the family may not work for\nfive days, neither may they lead a horse or carabao, or eat of wild\nmeat. Should they do any of the things forbidden, they will be struck\nby lightning.\n\n_Sapat\u00e1 the Oath_.--If a theft has been committed, and it has been\nimpossible to detect the guilty person, the following procedure\ntakes place. A rice-mortar is placed in the yard, and on it a dish of\n_basi_. All the people are summoned to gather, and one by one they\ndrink of the liquor, meanwhile calling on the snakes to bite them,\nthe lightning to strike them, or their abdomens to swell up and burst\nif they are guilty. Soon the people will know the culprit, for one\nof these disasters will befall him. When that occurs, his family\nwill be compelled to make good the theft, as well as the expense of\nthis gathering.\n\n\n\nSECTION 2\n\nThe Great Ceremonies\n\nIn addition to the ceremonies and rites which may be celebrated by\nall the people there are a number of more elaborate observances,\nwhich can only be given by those who have the hereditary right,\nor who have gained the privilege by a certain definite procedure.\n\nIn general these ceremonies are restricted to the villages in or\nclose to the valley of the Abra, the lower reaches of the Tineg,\nMalanas, and Sinalong rivers. As one proceeds up the tributary\nstreams into such settlements as Baay, Likuan, and Lakub, it is\nnoticeable that the typical spirit houses become fewer in number,\nwhile the participants in the accompanying ceremonies are limited to\nrecent emigrants from the lower valleys. The same thing is found to\nbe true on the western side of the coast range of mountains, as one\ngoes north or south from the Abra river, although there is evidence\nhere that some of the settlements formerly had these rites, but have\nallowed them to fall into disuse, as a result of Ilocano influence.\n\nThis distribution of the great ceremonies seems to give a hint that\nthey are intrusive; that they probably were at one time restricted\nto the families of emigrants and even to-day are barred from a part\nof the people. They have not yet extended far into the interior,\ndespite the fact that in the lower valleys they almost completely\ndominate the life of the people during a portion of the year.\n\nIn all the valley towns one sees little houses and platforms,\napparently of no practical value, yet occupying important places,\nwhile in the period following the rice-harvest elaborate festivals are\ncarried on about them. Soon it develops that each of these structures\nhas a definite name, is associated with a particular ceremony, and\nis built and kept in repair in honor of certain powerful spirits.\n\nThe culmination of these rites is the great _Sayang_ ceremony which\nextends over seventeen days and nights. When this is held, it includes\nall the minor events of this class, and the smaller spirit structures\nare then built or repaired. This supreme event can only be celebrated\nby a few families, but all the townpeople are welcome guests, and all,\nregardless of age and sex, may witness or take part in the proceedings.\n\nSince all the great events occur after the harvest, a time of leisure\nand plenty, they become the great social events of the year. A person\nwho does not have the hereditary right to the ceremonies may gain the\nliberty if he be warned in a dream or be notified by the spirits that\nit is their wish. Since all the expenses of such a gathering fall on\nthe giver, it is imperative that he be well-to-do. Such a one gives\nthe ceremonies, in order, during a term of years, and eventually\nobtains the right to the _Sayang_, the greatest social and religious\nevent in Tinguian life.\n\nAdoption entitles an individual to all the privileges of the family,\nand as the writer and his wife were adopted into a family possessing\nthe right to all the ceremonies, they became at once participants in\nall the events which are here described. In this way it was possible\nto obtain information and instruction on many points which observation\nalone could scarcely afford.\n\nThe _Pala-an_ ceremony is the first round on the social and religious\nladder. It is here given in some detail, and is then followed by\nothers, in the order of their importance.\n\n_Pala-an_.--The _Pala-an_ is held when some member of the family is\nill, or when the structure of that name needs repair. Many spirits\nvisit the people during this rite, but the one chiefly interested is\nIdadaya, the spirit of the east. He and his ten grandchildren wear in\ntheir hair the notched tail-feathers of a rooster, which are known\nas _igam._ From time to time these lose their luster, and they can\nonly be refreshed by having some mortal celebrate _Pala-an_.\n\nWhen it appears that these ornaments need attention, the Idadaya will\nnotify some family, either through a medium or by sending illness\nto them.\n\nA family having received such a notification summons a medium,\nand she at once begins to gather _saklag_ (_Justicia gendarussa_\nL.) and _sikag_ (_Lygodium_ sp. near _scandens_) and a grass known\nas _bildis_, while the men secure the bamboo and other materials used\nin building the spirit structure. One corner of the living room is\nscreened off with a large white blanket called _tabing_, and behind\nit the medium places unthreshed rice and jars which she has decked\nwith vines and leaves.\n\nWhile she is thus engaged, the men are busy building the _pala-an_\n(Plate XXIV). This consists of four long poles--three of bamboo and\none of a resinous tree, _anteng_, [143] set in a square and supporting,\nnear the top, a platform of bamboo.\n\nA number of women have been invited to assist the family, and they\nnow proceed to beat out sufficient rice to serve the guests. When\nthe pounding is finished, a rice-mortar is set out in the open, and\na little rice is placed in it. The women, armed with long pestles,\ngather around and, keeping time to the music of copper gongs, they\ncircle the mortar contra-clockwise, striking its edge three times\nin regular beats of 1, 2, 3; on the next beat the leader strikes the\nbottom of her pestle against that of her neighbor, on the first and\nsecond beats, but on the third she pounds the rice in the mortar. This\nis repeated by the woman on her right and so on around the circle. Then\nthe leader strikes the top of her pestle against the top of the one\nheld by the women next her on two beats and on the third pounds rice,\nand this is repeated by all. The music now becomes much faster, and,\nkeeping time with it, the leader strikes first into the rice, then\nwhirls clear around and strikes the pestle of the woman on her left;\nagain she turns and strikes that of the woman on her right. Each\nfollows her in turn, and soon all are in motion about the mortar,\nalternately pounding the rice and clashing pestles. This is known as\n_kitong_, and is the method prescribed by the great spirit Kaboniyan\nfor the breaking of a part of the rice to be used in this and other\nceremonies (Plate XXXI).\n\nAs soon as the pounding is finished, the medium places some of\nthe newly broken rice in a bamboo dish, and places this on a rice\nwinnower. She also adds a skirt, five pieces of betel-nut, two piper\nleaves, and a little dish of oil, and carries the collection below\nthe _pala-an_, where a bound pig lies. The betel-nut and leaf are\nplaced on the animal, then the medium dips her fingers in the oil,\nand strokes its side while she recites the following _diam_:--\n\n\"The spirit who lives in Dadaya lies in bed; he looks at his _igam_,\nand they are dull. He looks again, 'Why are my _igam_ dull? Ala,\nlet us go to Sudip\u00e1n, where the Tinguian live, and let us take our\n_igam_, so that some one may make them bright again.' After that they\nlaid them (the _igam_) on the house of the Ipogau, and they are all\nsick who live in that house. Kaboniyan looked down on them. 'Ala,\nI shall go down to the Ipogau,' He truly went down to them, 'What is\nthe matter with you?' 'We are all sick who live in the same place,'\nsaid those sick ones. 'That is true, and the cause of your sickness\nis that they (the spirits) laid down their _igam_ on you. It is best\nthat you make _Pala-an_, since you have received their _igam_, for\nthat is the cause of your illness,' After that they made _Pala-an_,\nand they recovered from their sickness, those who lived in the same\nplace. (Here the medium calls the spirits of Dadaya by name and then\ncontinues.) 'Now those who live in the same place make bright again\nthose _igam_ which you left in their house. Make them well again,\nif you please'.\"\n\nAs soon as she finishes her recital, the pig is stabbed in the throat,\nits blood is collected, and is mixed with cooked rice. The carcass is\nsinged at once. Five men then carry it to the top of the _pala-an_,\nwhere it is cut up. The suet and the hind legs are handed to the\nmedium, who places them behind the screen in the room, and the family\nmay then rest assured that the spirits thus remembered will free them\nfrom headache and sore eyes. After the flesh has been cut into small\npieces, most of it is carried into the dwelling to be cooked for\nthe guests, but a portion is placed in a bamboo tube, and is cooked\nbeneath the _pala-an_. When it is ready to serve, the five men again\ngo to the top of the structure and eat it, together with cooked rice,\nthen they take the bamboo cooking tube, tie some of the sacred vines\nfrom behind the curtain about it, and fasten it to one pole of the\n_pala-an_. The men in the house are free to eat, and when they are\nfinished, the women dine.\n\nIn the cool of the afternoon, the people begin to assemble in the\nyard, where they are soon joined by the medium carrying a spear in\none hand, a rooster in the other, and with a rice winnower atop her\nhead. She places the latter on a rice-mortar close to the _pala-an_,\nand uncovering it reveals a small head-axe, notched chicken feathers,\nher shells, five pieces of betel-nut and two leaves, a jar cover,\na dish of oil, and a coconut shell filled with rice and blood.\n\nAt the command of the medium, four or five men begin to play on\ncopper gongs, while the wife of the host comes forward and receives\nthe spear and rooster in one hand. The medium takes the head-axe,\nand then the two women take hold of the winnower with their free\nhands. Keeping time to the music, they lift it from the mortar,\ntake one step, then stop, strike the spear and head-axe together,\nthen step and stop again. At each halt the medium takes a little of\nthe rice and blood from the winnower and sprinkles it on the ground\nfor the spirits to eat. [144] When they have made half the circuit\nof the mortar, they change places and retrace their steps; for \"as\nthey take the gifts partly away and then replace them, in the same\nmanner the spirits will return that part of the patient's life which\nthey had removed, and he will become well and strong again.\"\n\nThe blood and rice which remain after this dance is placed on nine\npieces of banana bark. Five of these are carried to the _pala-an_;\none to the east and one to the west gate of the town; one is put on\nthe _talagan_, a miniature seat erected near by for the convenience of\nvisiting spirits, and one in a little spirit house known as _tangpap_\n(cf.p.311). For an hour or more, the medium makes _dawak_, and summons\nmany spirits into her body. When the last of superior beings has made\nhis call, the medium goes to her home, carrying her payment for the\nday's work, [145] but the townspeople remain to drink _basi_ and to\nsing _da-eng_ until well into the night.\n\nEarly the next morning, the medium goes to the house, and removing\nthe jars and the bundle of decorated rice from the _tabing_, carries\nthem to the family's rice granary, and places them in the center of\nthat structure, covering them with six bundles of rice. This is an\noffering to the spirit residing there, and for the next five days\nthe granary must not be opened.\n\nNothing more of importance takes place during the morning, but late\nin the afternoon the people assemble in the dwelling to drink _basi_,\nwhile one or more mediums summon the spirits. After a time a sterile\nfemale pig is brought in and placed in the center of the room. Two\nmen armed with long knives slice the animal open along the length of\nits stomach. An old man quickly slips in his hand, draws out the still\npalpitating heart, and hands it to a medium, who in turn strokes the\nstomachs of members of the family, thus protecting them from intestinal\ntroubles. She also touches the guests and the articles which have\nbeen used during the day. For this second day this medium receives,\nas pay, the head and two legs of the pig, a hundred fathoms of thread,\na dish of broken rice, and five bundles of unthreshed rice. She also\nis given a small present in exchange for each bead she received when\nthe spirits entered her body.\n\nFollowing the ceremony, the members of the family are barred from work,\nusually for one moon, and during this period they may not eat of wild\npig or carabao, of lobsters or eels. An infraction of this rule would\nincur, the wrath of the spirits and result in sickness and disaster.\n\n_Tangpap_.--In many of the valley towns Tangpap is only a part\nof _Sayang_ (cf.p.345), and is never given alone, but in Manabo,\nLagangilang, and nearby settlements it is recognized as one of the\nceremonies which must be celebrated before a family acquires the\nright to _Sayang_. In these villages it follows _Pala-an_ after a\nlapse of two or three years. It was during the progress of this\nceremony in the village of Manabo, in 1908, that the writer and\nhis wife were made members of the tribe, and since the mediums were\nparticularly anxious that we know all the details, the information\nin this instance is unusually complete. It is here given in full,\nas an excellent example of how all are conducted.\n\nA Manabo woman, the wife of Sagasag, was seized with an illness which\ndeprived her of the use of her limbs, and when other means of relief\nfailed, was told by the spirits to give the _Tangpap_ ceremony, to\nwhich she already had a hereditary right. A medium was summoned,\nand she, with two assistants, began to prepare many presents for\nthe spirits who were expected to attend the ceremony. From previous\nexperience it was known the sort of gift each would appreciate, and\nby the end of the second day the following things were in readiness.\n\nFor the spirits Bakod and Olak, [146] a rice winnower was loaded with\na shield, a clay dish, a coconut shell filled with _basi_, a string of\nbeads, a small basket, two bundles of rice, and leaves of the _atilwag_\n(_Breynia acuminata_), later the half of a slain pig was also added.\n\nCords were attached at each corner of the living room, and beneath\nthe points where they crossed was a mat on which the mediums were to\nsit when summoning the spirits. On the cords were leaves, grasses,\nand vines, the whole forming a decoration pleasing to the superior\nbeings, I-an\u00e1yan and I-ang\u00e1wan.\n\nFor Gapas they provided two small baskets of rice, a shell called\n_gosipeng_, and a rattan-like vine, _tanobong_, betel-nuts and\npiper-leaf.\n\nBogewan received a basket of rice, some white thread, sections of\n_posel_--a variety of bamboo--, _atilwag_ leaves, and some beads. For\nBognitan, a jar was partly filled with _tanobong_, and for Gilin, a\njar of _basi_. Cooked rice was moulded into the form of an alligator,\nand was spotted with red, betel saliva. This, when placed on a basket\nof rice, was intended for Bolandan.\n\nSoyan was provided with a basket which contained the medium's\nshells and a cloth, while Ibaka received a jar cover filled with\nsalt. Dandawila had to be content with a stem of young betel-nuts,\nand Bakoki with two fish baskets filled with pounded rice, also a\nspear. A large white blanket was folded into a neat square, and on\nit was laid a lead sinker for the use of Mamonglo.\n\nAs a rule, three spirits named Mabeyan attended this ceremony. For\nthe first, a bamboo frame was constructed, and on it was placed a\nfemale pig, runo (a reed), and prepared betel nut. For the second,\na shield, fish net, rice and a rice winnower, and a bit of string;\nwhile for the third, a rice winnower was set with eight coconut shells,\na small dish, and a gourd dipper.\n\nDuring a considerable portion of the time that these articles\nwere being prepared, several men sat in the yard and played on\nthe _tong\u00e1tong_, but when the mediums finally gave the signal that\neverything was in readiness, they moved their instrument up on the\nporch of the dwelling, where they continued playing softly.\n\nOne of the mediums took her place in the mat in the middle of the room,\nand raising a Chinese plate above her head, began to strike against\nit with her shells, in order to notify the spirits that the ceremony\nwas about to begin. Next she placed two dishes on the mat in front\nof her, and as she sang a monotonous chant, she touched each one with\na small stick. The host was then ordered to shuffle his feet between\nthe lines of dishes and to step over each one. As soon as he did so,\nthe medium pulled the mat from beneath them, rolled it up, and used\nit as a whip with which she struck the head of each member of the\nfamily. The spirit who had caused the woman's illness was supposed to\nbe near by, and after he witnessed this whipping, he would be afraid\nto remain longer. As a promise of future reward to the well-disposed\nimmortals, a bound pig was then placed beside the door of the dwelling.\n\nGoing to the hearth, the medium withdrew burning sticks, and placed\nthem in a jar, and held this over the head of the sick woman, for\n\"a spirit has made her sick, but the fire will frighten him away,\nand she will get well.\" After she had made the circuit of the family,\nshe held a bundle of rice above the flames, and with it again went\nto each person in the room; then she did the same thing with broken\nrice and with the _atilwag_ vine.\n\nTwo mediums then seated themselves on the mat, and covering their\nfaces with their hands, began to chant and wail, beseeching the\nspirits to enter their bodies. One after another the spirits came\nand possesed the mediums, so that they were no longer regarded as\nhuman beings, but as the spirits themselves. First came Kakalonan,\nalso known as Boboyonan, a friendly being whose chief duty it is\nto find the cause of troubles. Addressing the sick woman, he said,\n\"Now you make this ceremony, and I come to make friends and to tell\nyou the cause of your trouble. I do not think it was necessary for you\nto hold this ceremony now, for you built your _balaua_ only two years\nago; yet it is best that you do so, for you can do nothing else. You\nare not like the spirits. If we die, we come to life again; if you\ndie, you do not.\" At this point an old man interrupted, and offered\nhim a drink of _basi_. At first Kakalonan refused, saying he did not\nwant to accept any payment; but finally he yielded and drained the\ncoconut shell of liquor. After assuring the family that all would be\nwell with them when the ceremony was complete, he took his departure.\n\nThe next spirit to come was Sagangan [147] of Anayan. He appeared to\nbe in a rage, because the proper present had not been prepared for his\ncoming, and was expressing himself vigorously when a passing woman\nhappened to touch him, and he at once departed. The medium chanted\nfor a long time, urging him to return, and finally he did so. At once\nhe demanded that two bundles of rice have wax heads moulded on them,\nand that black beads be inserted for eyes. These, he assured them,\nwould serve him as well as the woman's life, so he would make the\nexchange, and she would get well.\n\nWhen the dolls were prepared, he addressed the husband, \"My other\nname is Ingalit, and I live in the sky. What is the matter with the\nwoman?\" \"I do not know,\" replied the man. \"We ask you.\" \"You ask me,\nwhat is the matter with this woman, and I will tell you. How does\nit happen that Americans are attending the ceremony?\" The husband\nreplied that the Americans wished to learn the Tinguian customs, and\nthis finally seemed to satisfy the superior being. Turning toward the\ndoor where the men were still softly playing on the _tong\u00e1tong_, he\ncalled out peevishly, \"Tell the people not to play on the _tong\u00e1tong_,\nfor the spirits who wish to hear it are not present, and we are ashamed\nto have the Americans hear it. You make this ceremony now because you\nare sick and do not wish to die, but you could have waited two years.\"\n\nWhile this spirit was talking, another, who said he lived in\nLangbosan, and had been sent by Gilen, came to the body of the\nsecond medium. Paying no attention to the other spirit, he began\nto give instructions for the conduct of the ceremony. The _tangpap_\nwas to be build the next morning, also two _balags_ (p.308), and for\nthem they were to prepare one pig. \"Do not fail to prepare this pig,\nbut you may use it for both _tangpap_ and _balag_. You will also make\na _taltalabong_ (p.311). For this you must prepare a different pig,\nfor this is for the sons and servants of Kadaklan.\"\n\nAfter the departure of these beings, ten other spirits came in quick\nsuccession. Two of the latter claimed to be Igorot spirits, and both\ntalked with the peculiar stacatto accent of the people who live along\nthe Kalinga-Igorot border. [148]\n\nAfter the departure of the Igorot spirits, both mediums were possessed,\none by Sanadan, a male spirit, and the other by the female spirit\nof Pangpangdan. At their request the men began again to play on the\n_tong\u00e1tong_, and the spirits danced. Soon Sanadan began to fondle the\nwoman, to rub her face with his, to feel of her body and at last of\nher privates. Other spirits, who stayed only long enough to drink,\nfollowed them, and then Gonay appeared. The spectators had been\nopenly bored by the last few visitors, but the name of Gonay quickly\nrevived their interest. She began to sing a wailing song in which she\ntold of her sad plight. Time after time she repeated the sentence,\n\"Gongay has no husband, for her mother put a stone in her vagina,\nyet she loves all young men.\" From time to time she would pause, and\nmake ludicrous attempts to fondle the young boys, and then when they\nresisted her, she again took up her plaint. At last she succeeded in\ngetting one young fellow to exchange cigars and headbands with her,\nand began to rub her hands on his body, urging him not to leave\nher. Just when she seemed on the verge of success in winning him,\nanother spirit Baliwaga came to the medium, and the fun-maker had\nto depart. The newcomer placed an agate bead in a dish, and held it\nhigh above his head while he danced. Finally he called out that the\nbead had vanished, but when he lowered the plate, it was still there,\nand he left in chagrin. He was succeeded by a dumb female spirit named\nDamolan, who undertook to do the trick in which her predecessor had\nfailed. Holding the plate high above her head, she danced furiously,\nand from time to time struck against the side of the dish with the\nmedium's shells. Twice when she lowered the dish, the bead was there,\nbut on the third attempt it had vanished. The trick was so cleverly\ndone that, although we were beside her and watching closely, we did\nnot detect the final movement. With much satisfaction, the medium\nassured us that the bead would be found in the hair of the man who\nbroke the first ground for the _tangpap_, a boast which was made good\nthe following morning.\n\nAdadog came next, and not finding the chicken which should have been\nplaced on the mat for him, he broke out in a great fury and tried to\nseize a man in its place. He was restrained from doing injury to his\nvictim, and soon left, still highly indignant. Seven other spirits\nstopped only for a drink, and then Daliwaya appeared. Upon her arrival,\none of the headmen gravely informed her that the people wished to adopt\nfour Americans, but that only one was then present. The spirit bade the\nwriter to arise from the mat, where he was lying, and after stroking\nhis head for a time, said, \"You wish to make this American an _Itneg_,\n[149] but before you can do anything, the spirits must approve and\ngive him a name. I will give him a name now, and then to-morrow all\nthe people must say if they wish to give him another name and make him\nIpogau. [150] His name shall be Agonan, for that is the name of the\nspirit who knows many languages.\" Again she stroked the writer's head,\nand then taking a large porcelain platter, she filled it with _basi_,\nand together we drank the liquor, alternately, a swallow at a time.\n\nAfter her departure, an Alzado [151] came and danced with high knee\naction, meantime saying, she was there to make some one ill, and that\nshe would do so unless the American gave her a cloth for her clout\nwhen she returned the following day.\n\nThe next visitor was Sanadan, the spirit who owns and guards the deer\nand wild pig. Up to this time the people had been mildly interested in\nthe arrivals, but when this important being appeared, the men at once\nbecame alert; they told him of their troubles in the hunts, of the\nscarcity of deer, and urged him to send more of them to Mt. Posoey,\nwhere they were accustomed to hunt. He offered much good advice\nconcerning the methods of hunting, but refused to take any action\nregarding the game on the nearby mountain, for, he said, the spirit\nDapwanay who owns Posoey was watching the game there. Just before he\ndeparted, he called to the headmen, \"I am very rich and very bold. I am\nnot afraid to go anywhere. I can become the sunset sky. I am going to\nAsbinan in Kalask\u00edgan to have him make me a shoe of gold. To-morrow\nyou must not use any of the things you have had out-of-doors, but\nyou may make use of them when you build the _taltalabong_.\"\n\nThe last spirit to come that night was Ablalansa who keeps guard\nover the sons of Kadaklan. He paused only for a drink and to tell the\npeople that America was very near to the place, where the big birds\nlive who eat people.\n\nIt was midnight when the medium informed us that no more spirits\nwould come that evening, and we went to rest.\n\nAbout six o'clock the next morning, the women began the ceremonial\npounding of the rice known as _kitong_ (cf. p. 329) in the yard, while\none of the mediums went to the bound pig lying in the dwelling and\nrecited a _diam_ as she stroked its side; she also poured a little\n_basi_ through the slits in the floor for the use of any visiting\nspirits. While the women were thus engaged, the men were busy\nconstructing spirit houses in the yard. Of greatest importance was\nthe _tangpap_ (Plate XXVII), a small bamboo structure with a slanting\nroof, resting on four poles, and an interwoven bamboo floor fastened\nabout three feet above the ground. [152] Near one of the house poles\na funnel-shaped basket was tied, and in it was set a forked stick,\nwithin the crotch of which was a little floor and roof, the whole\nforming a resting place for the Igorot spirits of Talegteg. The\n_pala-an_ needed a few repairs, and two of the old men looked after\nthese, while others made two long covered bamboo benches which might\nbe used either by visiting men or spirits. [153] Four long bamboo\npoles were set in the ground, and a roof placed over them to form\nthe _bang-bangsal_, a shelter always provided for the spirits of Soyau.\n\nBy ten o'clock all was in readiness, and the people then gathered\nin the dwelling, where the mediums began summoning the spirits. The\nfirst to arrive was Omgbawan, a female spirit whose conversation\nran as follows: \"I come now because you people ought to make this\nceremony. I did not come last night, for there were many spirits here,\nand I was busy. You people who build _tangpap_ must provide all the\nnecessary things, even though they are costly. It is good that the\nAmericans are here. I never talked with one before.\"\n\nManaldek [154] was the next arrival, and as he was one of the spirits\nwho was supposed to have caused the patient's illness, his visit was\nof considerable importance. He was presented with a spear and prepared\nbetel-nut. The latter was attached to the point of the weapon, and\nthis was pressed against the body of the pig, then the spirit touched\neach member of the family in order to drive the sickness from them.\n\nMamonglo ordered the family under a white blanket, and then touched\nthe head of each person with a lead sinker, while his companion\nspirit waved a bundle of rice and a firebrand over them, \"To take\naway the sickness which they had sent.\" Six other spirits came\nlong enough to drink, then Bisangolan occupied the attention of\nall for a time. He is an old man, a giant who lives near the river,\nand with his head-axe keeps the trees and driftwood from jamming,\nand thus prevents floods. For quite a time he chatted about himself,\nthen finally blew smoke over the people, at the same time assuring\nthem that the sickness would now vanish like the smoke. Just before\ndeparting he informed the family that a spirit named Imalbi had caused\nthe trouble in the patient's eyes, and that on the next morning they\nmust build a little house, called _balitang_, among the banana trees,\nand place in it a live chicken.\n\nGayangayan, a female spirit from Lagayan, followed, rubbed the head\nof each person, blew smoke over them, and then announced thus: \"The\npeople of Layogan [155] must not close their doors when it rains,\nor it will stop.\"\n\nThe attitude of the people toward the weaker and less important spirits\nwas well shown when Ambayau, a wild female spirit, arrived. She\ndemanded to know where she could secure heads, and immediately the\npeople began to tell her all sorts of impossible places, and made jests\nabout her and her family. Finally they told her to take the head of\na certain Christianized native; but she refused, since she had short\nhair, and it would be hard for her to carry the skull. While she\nwas still talking, the men started to carry the pig from the room,\nbut she detained them, to explain that the people cut the meat into\ntoo large pieces, for \"we spirits eat only so much,\" indicating a\npinch. The spirit Soyau came for a drink, and then all the people\nwent out to the _tangpap_, where the pig was killed, singed, and cut\nup. A small pig was laid beside the _pala-an_, and for a time was\nguarded by the son of the sick woman, who for this event had placed\nthe notched chicken-feathers in his hair, and had put on bracelets\nof boar's tusks. As soon as she had finished at the _tangpap_, the\nmedium came to the _pala-an_, and having recited the proper _diam_\nover the pig lying there, ordered it killed in the manner already\ndescribed for this structure (cf. p. 329). Both animals were then\ncooked, and soon all the guests were eating, drinking and jesting.\n\nLate in the afternoon, the spirit mat was spread in the yard near to\nthe _tangpap_, and the mediums began summoning the spirits. The first\nto come was Mamabeyan, an Igorot spirit for whom the people showed\nthe utmost contempt. They guyed him, threw dirty water on his body,\nand in other ways insulted him, until in his fury he tried to climb the\nhouse posts to punish a group of girls, the worst offenders, but men\nand women rushed up with sticks and clubs, and drove him back. After\na time he calmed down, and going to a bound pig, he addressed it as\n\"a pretty lady,\" and tried to caress it.\n\nWhile this clown spirit was amusing the crowd, a second medium\nbrought out ten coconut shells, one of which was filled with blood\nand rice. These she placed on a winnower, which in turn was set on a\nrice-mortar. Soon the spirit Ilongb\u00f3san entered her body, and commanded\nthe son of the patient to take some of the blood and rice from the\none dish, place it in all the others, and then put it back again,\n\"for when the spirits make a man sick, they take part of his life,\nand when they make him well, they put it back. So the boy takes a part\nof the blood and rice away, and gives it to the spirits, then puts\nit back.\" The spirit was followed, by Gilen, who bade the lad take\nhold of one side of the winnower, while he held the other. Raising\nit in the air, they danced half way round the mortar, then retraced\ntheir steps. \"This is because the spirits only partially took the\nlife away. Now they put it back.\" As they finished dancing, Gilen\nstruck his spear against the boy's head-axe and departed.\n\nThe medium, now with her own personality, leaned a shield against the\nrice-mortar, and in the [Lambda] thus formed she hung a small bundle\nof rice and a burning cord, while over the whole she spread a fish\nnet. Scarcely had she completed this task, when she was possessed\nby the spirit of Kib\u00e1yen, this being walked round and round the\nnet, seeking for an opening, but without success. Later the medium\nexplained, \"The rice and fire represent the woman's life, which the\nspirit wishes to take; but she cannot, since she is unable to pass\nthrough the fish net.\"\n\nThe next visitor was Yangayang, who began to boast of his power to make\npersons ill. Suddenly the medium fell to the ground in convulsions,\nand then stretched out in a dead faint. The writer examined her\nclosely, but could not detect her breathing. After a moment, the\nsecond medium seized a rooster and waved it over the prostrate form,\nwhile an old man gave a sharp stroke on a gong close to her head. The\nmedium awoke from her faint and thus \"the death was frightened away.\"\n\nMamonglo, who had been present during the morning, returned for a\nmoment to again rub the family and guests with his lead sinker. While\nhe was thus engaged, the second medium was possessed by Baniyat,\na female who made a bit of fun by trying to steal the beads of the\nyoung girls, \"so the men would love her.\" Several times she tried\nto scale the house ladder, but was always repulsed, and each failure\nwas greeted with jeers and ridicule.\n\nGomogopos, who causes stomach troubles, came, and after dancing\nbefore the rice-mortar, demanded that a small pig be laid before the\n_tangpap_. Scarcely had the animal been deposited, when the spirit\nseized a head-axe and cut it in two at one blow. Then he dipped the\nweapon in its blood and applied it to the stomach of each member\nof the family. \"The pig is his pay, and now he takes away his kind\nof sickness.\"\n\nThe second medium secured a live rooster, and using its wings as a\nbrush, she took up the blood and the two halves of the pig, and put\nthem in the _tangpap_. \"The rooster is the spirits' brush, and when\nthe dirt In front of the _tangpap_ is cleaned up, then the people will\nbe clean and well inside their bodies.\" At the command of the medium,\nthe husband of the patient went to the opposite side of the _tangpap_;\nthen she threw a bundle of rice over the structure to him. He caught\nit, and immediately threw it back. This was repeated six times, but\non the seventh the bundle lighted on the roof, where it was allowed\nto remain. \"The spirit threw away the lives of the people, but the\nman returned them. The bundle is now on the _tangpap_, so now the\npeople's lives will remain safe.\"\n\nAn unnamed spirit was next to appear, and at his command the fore part\nof the pig was stood upright in the winnower, and a stick was placed in\neach nostril. These were seized by the spirit, who pumped them up and\ndown, then withdrew them, and stroked each member of the family, while\nhe chanted, \"I did this to your lives, so now I must do it to you.\"\n\nSaking, a lame spirit, called for one of the pig's legs, and with\nit rubbed the limbs of each member of the family, \"so that they will\nnot become ill in their legs.\"\n\nOne of the mediums now became possessed by Mangamian, who carried\na feather which he used as a fighting knife. The onlookers seized\nsimilar weapons and defended themselves, or drove the spirit away\nby threatening him with a small dog. A fire had been built near\nthe _tangpap_, and from time to time the spirit would rush up to\nthis, thrust his feather into the flames, and then put it into his\nmouth. Later it was explained, \"He is an evil spirit who tries to\nkill people. The feather is his bolo. He is like a blacksmith, and\nwhen his knife gets dull, he puts it in the fire, then puts it in his\nmouth to wet it, so as to make it ring.\" Three spirits now appeared in\nquick succession, and discussed with the old men the advisability of\nadopting the Americans [156] as Ipogau. Finally the leader Ilabdangan\ncalled them to the mat before him and told them their names, and also\nrecited a list of their relations. Then, filling a coconut shell with\n_basi_, he drank half and presented the shell to each candidate, who\nhad to drain it to the last drop. A circle was formed, and for the\nbalance of the afternoon the new members of the tribe had to dance\n_tadek_ with their relations.\n\nJust before dusk, the Igorot spirit Daliw\u00e1ya, who had been present the\nnight before, appeared and demanded that the American give her cloth\nfor her clout. When she received this, she sang and then instructed\nthe men how to dance in Igorot fashion. When finally they were doing\nher bidding, she danced beside them with outstretched arms in the\nmanner of the Igorot women. Later, when the medium was again herself,\nwe questioned her concerning her knowledge of this dance, but she\nprofessed absolute ignorance.\n\nThat evening the people danced _tadek_, for a short time, near to the\n_pala-an_, then a fire was built beside the _tangpap_, and by its light\nthe visitors danced _da-eng_ until far into the night (cf.p. 440).\n\nEarly the next morning, the men went to some banana trees near\nto a rice granary, and there constructed a little spirit house,\nwhich resembled the _pala-an_, except that it was only about four\nfeet high. This was called _balitang_, and was made in fulfilment of\nthe orders given by the spirit Imalbi on the previous evening. When\nit was finished, the medium placed a dish of broken rice on it, and\nthen tied a rooster with a belt close enough, so that the fowl could\neat of the rice. Returning to the dwelling, she took down a small\nshield which was attached to the wall, placed new leaves and a dish\nof oil on it. Then as she stirred the oil, she sang the _Talatal_\n(Plate XXXII). The significance of this song, which consists only\nof mentioning the names of prominent men of various villages, seems\nto be lost. The _kalang_, or spirit box, was then redecorated, food\nwas dropped through the slits in the floor for visiting spirits,\nand finally the medium held the shield over the heads of the family,\nbeat upon it with a head-axe, while in a loud voice she asked the\nspirits that, since the family was now celebrating _tangpap_, they\nwould please make them well again. The shield was fastened to the\nwall, new offerings of _basi_ were placed in the _kalang_, and after\nit had been swung over the head of the patient, it was again fastened\nabove the house beam near to the roof.\n\nFor the next hour the mediums summoned spirits to them. The first five\nhad little of interest to offer, except that each demanded that his\nliquor be served to him on a head-axe. When the spirit Amangau arrived,\nhe spent the time boasting of his head-hunting exploits; he told of how\nhe had gone to one village, and had killed all the people, except one\npregnant woman, and of the dance which followed. Finally he claimed\nthe credit of having killed a man who had recently died in Manabo,\nand assured the people that his friends were then dancing about the\nhead. The spirit Banbanyalan, who followed, disclaimed any part in the\nkilling just mentioned, but verified the statement of his predecessor.\n\nTomakdeg came, and after filling his mouth with rice, blew it out\nover the people, in the same way that the sickness was to be spit\nout. Meanwhile Bebeka-an, armed with a wooden spoon, tried to dig\nup the floor and the people on it, \"for that is the way she digs\nup sickness.\" Awa-an, a spirit of the water, came to inform the\npeople that the spirit of a man recently drowned was just passing the\nhouse. Everything else was abandoned for a few moments, while _basi_\nwas poured out of the window, so that the dead might receive drink.\n\nTwo female spirits, Dalimayawan and Ginlawan, came at the same\ntime and danced together, while they informed the people of their\nbeauty and their expertness in dancing. Suddenly they stopped,\nand said that Andayau, the mother of Lakgangan, was near by; then\nthey instructed the host that he should wrap a gourd in a cloth and\ntell Andayau that it was her son's head, and that he had been killed,\nbecause he had stolen carabao. Scarcely had the two visitors departed,\nwhen the mother appeared, and being informed of her son's death, she\nbegan to wail, \"He is lost. No one works the fields, where we planted\ncalabasa. Lakgangan is lost, he who has been killed. Why did you go\nto steal carabao? We have put Lakgangan in a hammock; we take him to\nTomakdang. The _basi_ put out for Lakgangan is good. He is lost whom\nthey went to kill. Lakgangan is lost. We take him to Tomakdang.\"\n\nThe song was interrupted by a head-hunting spirit, who demanded the\nheads of two visiting girls from Patok, but she finally went away\nsatisfied with a piece of cloth which they gave her. Blood and oil\nwere sprinkled liberally over the ground and the gathering broken up\nfor the morning.\n\nAll the forenoon, a small group of men and women, had been constructing\na small covered bamboo raft, and had placed in it a sack of rice,\nwhich had been contributed by all the people. [157]\n\nBy four o'clock a large number of people had gathered in the yard near\nthe house, and soon the spirit mats were spread on an old bedstead,\nand the mediums started again to summon the superior beings. The first\ntwo to appear were Esteban from Cagayan and Maria from Spain. They wore\ngay handkerchiefs about their shoulders, and when they danced, gave\nan imitation of the Spanish dances now seen among the Christianized\nnatives of the coast. It was quite evident that these foreign spirits\nwere not popular with the people, and they were distinctly relieved\nwhen Manan\u00e1ko replaced them. This spirit has the reputation of being\na thief, and the guests had great sport preventing him from stealing\nthe gifts intended for other spirits.\n\nIn the midst of this revelry, the other medium was suddenly possessed\nby Kadaklan--the supreme being. The laughter and jesting ceased, and\nbreathlessly the people listened, while the most powerful being said,\n\"I am Kadaklan. Here in this town where I talk, you must do the things\nyou ought to do. I hear what you say you desire, and I see what you are\nable to do. Something ill will befall you unless you quickly celebrate\n_Sagobay_ (cf. p. 324), when there are no strangers or Christians in\nyour town. Where is the _basi_ which should have been in the place\nwhere I first came?\" [158] Without awaiting an answer he vanished,\nand his wife Agemem took his place and repeated his remarks with\nlittle variation.\n\nSopo, a gambler, next appeared and tossed handfuls of coins into a\nblanket. He stated that if heads came up, the people won and would\nhave good health, but if they lost, their lives were his. As soon as\nhe threw, the people rushed up, and if they saw any tails they were\nquickly turned, and the spirit was informed that he had lost.\n\nKimat, lightning, came and demanded a drink, which was given. As he is\nusually considered as a dog, the writer inquired why he had appeared\nas a man, but was rewarded only by a shrug of the shoulders and the\nword--_kadauyan_ (\"custom\").\n\nAnother spirit, Andeles, quickly replaced lightning, and with Sopo\ndanced on the spirit raft, while the old men put dishes of water and\ncoins inside, and fastened a small live chicken to the roof. The people\nthen tried to induce the spirits to leave, but they refused. Suddenly\nthey were flung aside, and two strong men seized the raft and started\nto run with it. Immediately the two spirits gave chase and fought\nviciously all who tried to get in their way, but when, finally,\ntheir opponents were joined by an old woman carrying a bundle of\nburning rice straw and an old man beating a drum, they gave up the\nchase and vanished. The party proceeded on to the Abra river, where\nthey waded out into deep water and set the raft afloat (Plate XXVI).\n\nThat evening the guests danced _da-eng_, and the ceremony was over.\n\nThroughout the three days, the mediums had been constantly drinking\nof _basi_, and while under the strain of the ceremony, they had not\nappeared intoxicated, but at its conclusion both were hopelessly\ndrunk. The payment for the service was one half of the largest pig,\nunthreshed rice, and about two pesos in money, which was given in\nexchange for the beads which different spirits had demanded.\n\nKalangan.--In Manabo and the villages of that vicinity a period\nof about seven years elapses between the building of _tangpap_ and\nthe celebration of _Kalangan_, but in most of the valley towns the\nlatter ceremony follows _Pala-an_ after two or three years. [159]\nThe ceremony is so similar to the _Tangpap_ just described that only\nthe barest outline will be given here. The chief difference in the\ntwo is the type of structure built for the spirits. _Kalangan_ has\nfour supporting timbers to which the flooring is lashed, and from\nwhich kingposts go to ridge poles. A bamboo frame rests on this and,\nin turn, supports an overhanging grass roof (Plate XXIII).\n\nThe procedure is as follows: Late in the afternoon, all the necessary\narticles are brought to the house, then the mediums dance for a time to\nthe music of the _tong\u00e1tong_. _Basi_ is served to the guests, and for\nan hour or more the spirits are summoned. Next morning the _kalangan_\nis built, and two pigs are sacrificed beside it. Their blood mixed with\noil is offered to the spirits, and many acts, such as distributing the\nrice into ten dishes and then replacing it in the original container,\nthe churning of sticks in the nose of a slaughtered animal and the\nlike, are performed. Spirits are summoned in the afternoon, and in\nthe evening _da-eng_ is danced. On the third day new offerings are\nplaced on the spirit shield and hanger; offerings are made at the\nnew structure, numerous spirits appear, talk to and amuse the people,\nand finally _da-eng_ is danced until late evening.\n\nFollowing the ceremony, all members of the family are barred from work\nfor about one month. They may not eat the meat of the wild carabao,\nwild hog, beef, eels, nor may they use peppers in their food. Wild\nfowl are barred for a period of one year.\n\n_Kalangan_ is much more widespread than either _Tangpap_ or the\n_Sayang_ ceremony, and this spirit structure is often found in\nvillages, where the other great ceremonies are lacking.\n\n_Sayang_.--The greatest of all the ceremonies is the _Sayang_,\nthe ability to celebrate which proclaims the family as one of\nwealth and importance. In most cases the right is hereditary, but,\nas already indicated, a person may gain the privilege by giving,\nin order, and through a term of years, all the minor ceremonies. In\nsuch circumstances _Sayang_ follows _Kalangan_ after a lapse of from\nfour to eight years. Otherwise the ceremony will be held about once\nin seven years, or when the spirit structure known as _balaua_ is in\nneed of repairs.\n\nOriginally this appears to have been a seventeen-day ceremony, as\nit still is in Manabo, Patok, Lagangilang, and neighboring villages,\nbut in San Juan, Lagayan, Danglas, and some other settlements it now\nlasts only five or seven days. However, even in those towns where it\noccupies full time, the first twelve days are preliminary in nature.\n\nOn the first day, the mediums go to the family dwelling and take\ngreat pains to see that all forbidden articles are removed, for wild\nginger, peppers, shrimps, carabao flesh, and wild pork are tabooed,\nboth during the ceremony and for the month following. The next duty\nis to construct a woven bamboo frame known as _talapitap_ on which\nthe spirits are fed, and to prepare two sticks known as _dakidak_,\none being a thin slender bamboo called _bolo_, the other a reed. These\nare split at one end, so they will rattle when struck on the ground,\nand thus call the attention of the spirit for whom food is placed on\nthe rack.\n\nThat evening a fire is built in the yard, and beside it the mediums\ndance _da-eng_ alone. Meanwhile a number of women gather in the yard\nand pound rice out of the straw. This pounding of rice continues\neach evening of the first five days. The first night they beat out\nten bundles, the second, twenty, and so on, until they clean fifty\non the fifth day.\n\nLittle occurs during the second and third days, but on these evenings\nthe young men and girls join the mediums and dance _da-eng_ by the\nfire in the yard. The fourth and fifth nights are known as _ginitbet_\n(\"dark\"), for then no fires are lighted, and the mediums dance\nalone. It is supposed that the black spirits, those who are deformed,\nor who are too shy to appear before the people, will come out at this\ntime and enjoy the ceremony.\n\nBeginning with the sixth day the women pound rice in the early\nmorning. Starting with ten bundles, they increase the number by\nten each day until on the thirteenth morning they pound out eighty\nbundles. A fire is lighted in the yard on the sixth day, and is kept\nburning continuously through the eighth, but the ninth and tenth are\nnights of darkness. When the fire is burning, it is a sign for all who\nwish, to come and dance, and each evening finds a jolly party of young\npeople gathered in the yard, where they take part in the festivities,\nor watch the mediums, as they offer rice to the superior beings.\n\nOn the eleventh day, a long white blanket (_tabing_) is stretched\nacross one corner of the room, making a private compartment for the use\nof visiting spirits. That evening, as it grows dark, a jar of _basi_\nis carried up into the house. All lights are extinguished both in\nthe yard and the dwelling, so that the guests have to grope their way\nabout. After the liquor is consumed, they go down into the yard, where,\nin darkness, they join the medium in dancing _da-eng._ The twelfth day\nis known as _Pasa-ad_--\"the building.\" During the preliminary days,\nthe men have been bringing materials for use in constructing the great\nspirit-house called _balaua_, and on this morning the actual work is\nstarted. In form the _balaua_ resembles the _kalangan_, but it is large\nenough to accommodate a dozen or more people, and the supporting posts\nare trunks of small trees (Plate XXI). After the framework is complete,\none side of the roof is covered with cogon grass, but the other is\nleft incomplete. Meanwhile the women gather near by and pound rice in\nthe ceremonial manner described in the _Pala-an_ ceremony (cf. p. 329).\n\nAs soon as the building is over for the day, a jar of _basi_ is\ncarried into the structure, a little of the liquor is poured into\nbamboo tubes and tied to each of the corner poles. The balance of the\nliquor is then served to the men who sit in the _balaua_ and play\non copper gongs. Next, a bound pig is brought in, and is tied to a\npost decorated with leaves and vines. Soon the medium appears, and\nafter placing prepared betel-nut and lime on the animal, she squats\nbeside it, dips her fingers into coconut oil, and strokes its side,\nthen later dips a miniature head-axe into the oil, and again strokes\nthe animal, while she repeats a _diam_. This is a recital of how in\nancient times Kadaklan and Agemen instructed the Tinguian as to the\nproper method of celebrating the _Sayang_ ceremony. [160] A little\nlater the pig is removed from the _balaua_, and its throat is cut,\nfirst with a metal blade, but the deep, mortal thrust is made with a\nbamboo spike. The animal is then singed, but its blood is carefully\nsaved for future use (Plate XXXIII). While all this is taking place,\nthe men in the _balaua_ drink _basi_ and sing _dalengs_ in which they\npraise the liberality of their hosts, tell of the importance of the\nfamily, and express hope for their continued prosperity. As they sing,\nthe chief medium goes from one to another of the guests, and after\ndipping a piece of lead in coconut oil, holds it to their nostrils\nas a protection against evil. When finally the pig has been singed\nand scraped, it is again brought into the _balaua_, and its body is\nopened by a transverse cut at the throat and two slits lengthwise of\nits abdomen. The intestines are removed and placed in a tray, but the\nliver is carefully examined for an omen. If the signs are favorable,\nthe liver is cooked and is cut up, a part is eaten by the old men, and\nthe balance is attached to the corner pole of the spirit structure. The\nhead, one thigh, and two legs are laid on a crossbeam for the spirits,\nafter which the balance of the meat is cooked and served with rice\nto the guests. That evening many friends gather in the yard to dance\n_da-eng_, to drink _basi_, or to sing _daleng_. According to tradition,\nit was formerly the custom to send golden betel-nuts to invite guests\nwhom they wished especially to honor. [161] Nowadays one or more\nleading men from other villages may be especially invited by being\npresented with a bit of gold, a golden earring or bead. When such\na one arrives at the edge of the yard, he is placed in a chair, is\ncovered with a blanket, and is carried to the center of the dancing\nspace by a number of women singing _diwas_ (cf. p. 452). At frequent\nintervals the merry-making is interrupted by one of the mediums who\nplaces the _talapitap_ on the ground, puts rice and water on it,\nand then summons the spirits with the split sticks. Once during the\nevening, she places eight dishes and two coconut shells of water on\nthe rack. Reaching into one of the dishes which contains rice, she\ntakes out a handful and transfers it, a little at a time, into each\nof the others, then extracting a few grains from each, she throws\nit on the ground and sprinkles it with water from the two cups. The\nremaining rice is returned to the original holder, and the act is\nrepeated eight times. The significance of this seems to be the same\nas in the _Tangpap_ ceremony, where the life of the individual is\nsymbolized by the rice, which is only partially taken away and is again\nreturned. The next act is always carried out, but its meaning appears\nto be lost. The eight dishes are filled with rice, and are placed on\nthe frame together with sixteen coconut shells of water, and eight men\nand eight women seat themselves on opposite sides. First they eat a\nlittle of the food, then taking a small amount in their fingers, they\ndip it into the water and place it in the mouth of the person opposite.\n\nThe fourteenth day is known as _Palay-lay_--\"the seasoning\"--and\nduring the next twenty-four hours the people remain quietly in the\nvillage while the bamboo used in the _balaua_ \"becomes good.\"\n\nNext day is one of great activity. The roofing of the _balaua_ is\ncompleted, all necessary repairs are made to the dwelling, for dire\nresults would follow should any part of the house break through during\nthe concluding days of the ceremony. The balance of the day is taken\nup in dancing and in the construction of the following spirit-houses:\nthe _Aligang, Balabago, Talagan, Idasan, Balag, Batog, Alalot, Pangkew_\nand _Sogayob_ (cf. pp. 308-311). Also a little bench is built near\nthe hearth, and on it are placed coconut shell cups and drinks for\nthe use of the Igorot spirits who usually come this night.\n\nThe evening of this day is known as _Libon_--\"plenty\" or\n\"abundance.\" Toward nightfall the mediums, and their helpers enter the\ndwelling and decorate it in a manner already described for the great\nceremonies. Cords cross the room from opposite corners and beneath,\nwhere they meet, the medium's mat is spread. On the cords are hung\ngrasses, flowers, girdles, and wreaths of young coconut leaves. When\nall is ready, a small pig is brought into the room, while the men\nplay frantically on their gongs and drums. On the medium's mat are\nmany articles, _alangtin_ leaves, a rooster, a branch filled with\nyoung betel-nuts, cooked rice moulded into the form of an alligator,\nbut with a wax head and seeds for eyes, a spear, and a bundle of\nrice straw. Taking up a dish of water, the medium pours a part of it\ninto the pig's ear; then, as the animal shakes its head, she again\ncatches it in the dish. Rolling up a mat, she dips it into the water,\nand with it touches the heads of all members of the family, for in\nthe same manner that the pig has thrown the water out of its ear,\nso in a like fashion will illness and misfortune be thrown from\nall the family who have been sprinkled with it. This act finished,\nthe medium dances before the doors and windows, while she waves the\nchicken, betel-nuts, or other objects taken from the mat.\n\nAt her invitation, the host and his wife join her, but previously\nthey have dressed themselves in good garments, and on their heads\nand at their waists they wear girdles and wreaths of _alangtin_,\nor wild grasses. The host is handed a long knife, and is instructed\nto cut the throat of the pig. His wife takes a rice winnower and\na stick, and going to each window strikes the winnower five times,\nthen drops it to the floor, at the same time crying, \"Wa-hui.\" Next,\nshe strikes a jar of liquor with the winnower, then shakes a coconut\nshell filled with rice against her abdomen; when finished she is\nhanded a live chicken and again she approaches the jar. Soon she is\njoined by her husband, armed with a spear and head-axe. As he passes\nthe liquor, he stamps on the ground, while his wife waves the fowl,\nand all this time the medium continues to sprinkle them with a grass\nbrush dipped in water. No explanation is given for the individual acts,\nbut the purpose of the whole is to drive away sickness, \"just as the\nrooster flaps his wings.\" Ten dishes are placed on the spirit mat,\nand as the medium sings, she touches each one in turn with a split\nbamboo; after which she piles the dishes up and has the host come and\nsquat over them three times. Another sprinkling with water follows\nthis act, and then the medium swings a bundle of rice and a lighted\ntorch over the head of each member of the family, while she assures\nthem that all evil spirits will now depart.\n\nThe guests go down to the yard, where they are served with liquor,\nand where they dance _da-eng_ and _tadek_. On all former occasions,\nthe liquor has been served in shell cups, but on this night a sort\nof pan-pipe, made of bamboo tubes, is filled with liquor. The guest\ndrinks from the lowest of the series, and as he does so, the liquor\nfalls from one to another, so that he really drinks from all at one\ntime. Bamboo tubes attached to poles by means of cords are likewise\nfilled with _basi_ and served to the dancers.\n\nWhile the others are enjoying themselves, the mediums and the hosts\nare attending strictly to the business in hand. Dressed in their best\ngarments, the husband and wife go to each one of the spirit houses,\nand touch them with their feet, a circuit which has to be repeated\nten times. Each time as they pass the little porch-like addition,\nknown as _sogayob_, the mediums sprinkle them with water. When they\nhave completed their task, the mediums spread a mat in front of the\npig, which lies below the _sogayob_, and on it they dance, pausing\nnow and then to give the animal a vicious kick or to throw broken\nrice over it. And so the night is passed without sleep or rest for\nany of the principals in the ceremony.\n\nThe sixteenth day is _Kadaklan_,--\"the greatest.\" Soon after daybreak,\nthe people accompany the medium to the guardian stones near the gate\nof the village, and watch her in silence, while she anoints the head\nof each stone with oil, and places a new yellow bark band around its\n\"neck.\" As soon as she finishes, the musicians begin to play vigorously\non their gongs and drums, while two old men kill a small pig and\ncollect its blood. The carcass is brought to the medium, who places\nit beside four dishes, one filled with _basi_, one with salt, one with\nvinegar, and the last with the pig's blood. She drinks of the liquor,\ndips her fingers in coconut oil, and strokes the pig's stomach, after\nwhich it is cut up in the usual manner. The liver is studied eagerly,\nfor by the markings on it the fate of the host can be foretold. Should\nthe signs be unfavorable, a chicken will be sacrificed in the hope that\nthe additional offering may induce the spirits to change their verdict;\nbut if the omens are good, the ceremony proceeds without a halt. The\nintestines and some pieces of meat are placed on the _ansi-silit,_--a\nsmall spirit frame or table near the stones. The host, who has been\nwatching from a distance, is summoned, and is given a piece of the\nflesh to take back to his house for food, and then the rest of the\nmeat is cooked and served to the guests. But before anything is eaten,\nthe medium places prepared betel-nuts before the stones, mixes blood\nwith rice, and scatters it broadcast, meanwhile calling the spirits\nfrom near and far to come and eat, and to go with her to the village,\nwhere she is to continue the ceremony. As the company approaches the\n_balaua_, the musicians begin to beat on their gongs, while women in\nthe yard pound rice in ceremonial fashion. When they have finished,\nthe family goes up into the _balaua_ and dances to the music of the\ngongs until the medium bids them stop.\n\nThe pig which has been lying in front of the _sogayob_, and another\nfrom the yard, are killed, and are laid side by side near to the\n_balaua_ in a spot indicated by the medium. She places a bamboo tube\nof water between them, on their backs she lays several pieces of\nprepared betel-nut, then strokes their sides with oiled fingers. Her\nnext duty is to sprinkle _basi_ from the jar onto the ground with\na small head-axe, at the same time calling the spirits to come and\ndrink. (Plate XXXIV). A bundle which has been lying beside the animals\nis opened, and from it the medium takes a red and yellow headband\nwith chicken feathers attached, and boar's tusk armlets. These she\nplaces on the host, then hands him a blanket. Holding the latter in\nhis outstretched arms, as he would do if dancing _tadek_, he squats\nrepeatedly over a dish of water. As he finishes, the medium takes\nthe tube of water from between the pigs, and pouring a little of it\non her hand, she applies it to the abdomen of the man's wife and\nchildren. The animals are now cooked in yard, while a quantity of\nrice is made ready in the house. During the preparation of the meal,\nthe musicians play incessantly, but as the food is brought out,\nthey cease and join the others in the feast.\n\nIt is late in the afternoon before much activity is again manifest. At\nfirst a few gather and begin to dance _tadek_; little by little\nothers come in until by nightfall the yard is full. _Basi_ is served\nto all, and soon, above the noisy laughter of the crowd, is heard the\nvoice of some leading man singing the _daleng_. The visitors listen\nrespectfully to the song and to the reply, then resume the music and\ndancing. After a time a huge fire is built in the yard, and by the\nflickering light two lines of boys and girls or older people will\nform to sing and dance the _daeng._ [162]\n\nOn the morning of the seventeenth day, the men kill two pigs, usually\nby chasing them through the brush and spearing them to death. They\nare prepared in the usual way, and are placed, one in the _balaua_,\nthe other in the _sogayob_, where they are cut up. A bit of the flesh\nis left in each structure, the fore half of one animal is carried\ninto the yard, but the rest is prepared for food.\n\nOn an inverted rice-mortar, in the yard, is placed a jar of _basi_,\nnotched chicken feathers, and boar's tusks. The man and his wife are\nsummoned before this, are decorated as on the day before, and are\ninstructed to dance three times around the mortar. While this is going\non, a shield and a rice winnower are leaned against each other so as\nto form an arch on which lies a sheaf of rice. From the middle hangs\na piece of burning wood, while over all a fish net is thrown. As in a\nformer ceremony (cf. p. 347), the rice and fire represent the life of\nsome member of the family, which the evil spirits may desire to seize,\nbut they are prevented, since they are unable to pass through the\nmeshes of the net. Going to the half of the pig, which stands upright\nin a rice winnower, the medium places a string of beads--agate and\ngold--around its neck and attaches bits of gold to its legs. Then\nshe places a thin stick in each nostril and pumps them alternately\nup and down, as a smith would work his forge. After a little she\nremoves the plungers, and with them strokes the bodies of members of\nthe family. Near to the pig stands a dish of water in which the heart\nis lying. The host goes to this, removes the heart, and placing it on\nhis head-axe, takes it in front of the animal, where it lies, while\nhe pumps the nostril-sticks up and down ten times. Meanwhile his wife\nis decorated with wreathes of leaves and vines; a leaf containing\nthe pig's tail and some of the flesh is placed on her head, and a\nspear is put in her left hand. As her husband completes his task,\nshe goes to the mortar, where she finds one dish full of blood and\nrice and the empty coconut shells. The rice and blood represent the\nlives of the family, and following the instructions of the medium,\nshe takes these lives and places them little by little on the shells,\nbut before all is gone, the medium bids her return them to the big\ndish. In a like manner the spirits may take a part of the life of the\nfamily, but will return it again. This act is repeated ten times. Next\nshe takes a piece of woven bamboo, shaped like two triangles set end\non end [163], and goes to the _batog_, where her daughter sits under\na fish-net holding a similar \"shield.\" They press these together,\nand the mother returns to the mortar eight times. The mediums who\nhave gathered beneath the _sogayob_ begin to sing, while one of them\nbeats time with a split bamboo stick. At the conclusion of the song,\none of them offers _basi_ to the spirits and guests, and then placing\na bundle of green leaves on the ground, she pours water over it,\nwhile the host and his wife are made to tramp in the mud. The man is\nnow carrying the spear, while the woman holds a cock in one hand, and\nan empty dish in the other. As they are stamping on the damp leaves,\nold women stand near by showering them with rice and water.\n\nSince early morning a dog has been tied at the end of the house. It\nis now brought up to the bundle of leaves, and is knocked on the head\nwith a club, its throat is cut, and some of its blood is applied with a\nhead-axe to the backs of the man and woman. More water is poured on the\nbundle, again they tramp in the mud, and again they are showered with\nrice and water. The man goes to one side of the _balaua_, and throws\na bundle of rice over it to his wife, who returns it eight times.\n\nA strange procession now forms and winds its way to the stream. In the\nlead is the host armed with spear, shield, and head-axe; next comes\nthe medium carrying the bamboo rack--_talapitap_--like a shield,\nand the split bamboo--_dakidak_--as a spear; next is an old woman\nwith a coconut shell dish, then another with a bundle of burning\nrice straw; behind her is the wife followed by a man who drags the\ndead dog. They stop outside of the village, while the medium hides\nthe rack and split bamboo near the trail. Soon the man with the dog\nleaves the line and drags the animal to a distant tree, where he ties\nit in the branches. As they arrive at the stream, the people pause,\nwhile the medium holds the shell cup beside the burning straw, and\nrecites a _diam_. The writer tried on two occasions to get this _diam_,\nbut it was given so low and indistinctly that its full content was\nnot secured, neither was it possible to get the medium to repeat it\nafter the ceremony. From what was heard it seems probable it is the\n_dawak diam_, [164] a guess made more probable by the killing of the\ndog and the bathing which follows. As soon as the medium finishes,\nthe whole party disrobes and bathes.\n\nUpon their return to the village, they are met by a company of men and\nboys who assail them by throwing small green nuts. The host secures\nthe spirit rack which the medium had hidden, and with it attempts to\nward off the missiles. Despite this show of hostility, the company\nproceeds to the _sogayob_, where the man and his wife wash their faces\nin water containing pieces of coconut leaves. During all the morning\na number of women have been preparing food, and this is now served\nto the guests, a considerable company of whom have collected. Late\nin the afternoon, all the spirits are remembered in a great offering\nof food. A framework is constructed in the yard, [165] and on it\nare placed eggs, meat, fish, rice cakes, sugar, betel-nut, tobacco,\n_basi_, and rice mixed with blood. After allowing the superior beings\na few moments to finish their repast, the viands are removed, and from\nthen until sunset all the guests dance _tadek_. As darkness comes,\na great fire is lighted in the yard, and within the circle of its\nlight the company gathers, while the more important men sing _daleng_.\n\nIn some of the villages men gather the next morning to do any necessary\nwork on the _balaua_, and then the mediums celebrate the _dawak_,\n[166] which always forms a part of this ceremony. In Manabo the _dawak_\nfollows after an interval of three days.\n\nThis great and final event is so much like the procedure which makes\nup the _Tangpap_ ceremony that it seems necessary to give it only\nin skeleton form, adding explanations whenever they appear to be\nnecessary. In the _balaua_ is spread a mat covered with gifts for\nthe spirits who are expected. Here also is the spirit shield from\nthe dwelling, and a great heap of refuse made up of the leaves,\nvines and other articles used in the preceding days.\n\nWhen all is ready, a medium seats herself by the mat, dips oil from a\nshallow dish with a small head-axe, and lets it drip onto the ground;\nthen she does the same with _basi_, and finally strokes a rooster\nwhich lies beside the jar, all the while reciting the proper _diam_.\n\nTaking the spirit shield, which belongs in the dwelling, she puts\noil at each corner, and then touches the heads of all the family with\nit. Beads and betel-leaf are added, and the shield is carried to the\nhouse, where it is again fastened to the wall, as a testimony to all\npassing spirits that the ceremony has been made, and food provided\nfor them.\n\nThe time has now arrived for the spirits to appear. Seating herself\nbeside the mat, the medium strikes on a plate with her shells or a\npiece of lead, and then starts her song. She rubs her hands together\nwith a revolving motion, swings her arms, and begins to tremble from\nhead to foot. Suddenly she is possessed by a spirit, and under his\ndirection holds oil to the nostrils of the host, and beats him with a\nsmall whip of braided betel-leaf. This done, she drinks for the spirit,\nand it departs. Again she sings, and again she is possessed. One\nspirit takes the rooster, and with its wings cleans up the rubbish\nin the _balaua_ and in the yard, empties it in a tray, and orders it\ntaken from the village. In the same way all sickness and misfortune\nwill be removed from the settlement.\n\nSeveral spirits follow, and as the morning wears on, the medium becomes\nmore and more intense. The muscles of her neck and the veins of her\nforehead stand out like cords, while perspiration streams from her\nbod. Taking a shield and head-axe in her hand, she does a sort of\nmuscle dance, then goes to each member of the family, and strikes the\nweapons together over their heads; from them she goes to the doors\nand windows, and strikes at them with the axe. Finally she returns to\nthe mat, balances a cup of _basi_ on the weapon, and causes the host\nto drink. Another attack on the doors follows, and then in exhaustion\nshe sinks beside the mat. After a short rest, she dips beads in oil,\nand with them touches the heads of the family. The musicians strike\nup a lively tattoo at this point, and again seizing her weapons,\nthe medium dances in front of the spirit shield. Going to the rooster\non the mat, she cuts off a part of its comb, and presses the bloody\nfowl against the back or leg of each person in the room. The spirit\ndrinks and disappears.\n\nThe next visitor dances with the host, and then wrestles with him, but\nupon getting the worst of the match takes leave. As in the _Tangpap_,\nlarge number of minor beings call for a moment or two and pass on. One\nspirit places the family beneath a blanket, cuts a coconut in two\nabove their heads, and first allows the water to run over them; then\nfinally the halves are allowed to drop. She waves burning rice-straw\nabove them, and removes the blanket. It is explained that the water\nwashes all evil away, and that as the shells fall from the family,\nso will sickness leave them. Evil spirits are afraid of the fire,\nand leave when the burning rice-straw is waved about the blanket.\n\nAs a final act the members of the family are instructed to hold,\nin their hands the head-axe, chicken feathers, agate beads, and\nother articles, and then to mount the rice-mortar in the yard. Soon\none or more of the mediums is possessed by spirits, who rush toward\nthe mortar, and strive to seize the prized objects. Before they can\naccomplish their design, they are met by old men and women, who fight\nthem off. At last they abandon the attempt and, together with the\nhost and his wife, go to the edge of the town, where they pick sweet\nsmelling leaves and vines. These they carry back to the village to\ngive to the guests, and to place in the house and spirit dwellings.\n\nAs a final act _basi_ is served to all, and _tadek_ is danced until\nthe guests are ready to return to their homes.\n\nIn San Juan they make the spirit raft--_taltalabong_--as in _Tangpap_,\nand set it afloat at sunset.\n\nThe mediums are paid off in rice, a portion of the slaughtered animals,\nbeads, one or two blankets, and perhaps a weapon or piece of money.\n\nDuring the succeeding month the family is prevented from doing\nany work, from approaching a dead body, or entering the house of\ndeath. Wild carabao, pig, beef, eels, and wild peppers may not be\neaten during this period, and wild chickens are taboo for one year.\n\n\nSECTION 3\n\nSpecial Ceremonies\n\nThe two ceremonies which follow do not have a wide distribution,\nneither are they hereditary. They are given at this time because of\ntheir similarity to the great ceremonies just described.\n\n_Pinasal_.--This rather elaborate rite seems to be confined to San\nJuan and nearby settlements. The right to it is not hereditary, and\nany one who can afford the expense involved may celebrate it. However,\nit usually follows the _Sayang_, if some member of the family is ill,\nand is not benefited by that ceremony, for \"all the spirits are not\npresent at each ceremony, and so it may be necessary to give others,\nuntil the one who caused the sickness is found.\"\n\nOn the first day the house is decorated as in _Tangpap_ and _Sayang;_\na bound pig is placed beside the door, and over it the mediums recite\na _diam_ and later summon several spirits. Liquor is served to the\nguests, who dance _tadek_ or sing songs in praise of the family.\n\nEarly the next day, the pig is killed and, after its intestines have\nbeen removed, it is covered with a colored blanket, and is carried\ninto the dwelling. Here it is met by the mediums who wave rain coats\nabove the animal, and then wail over the carcass. \"The pig and its\ncovering are in part payment for the life of the sick person. They\ncry for the pig, so they will not need to cry for the patient.\" Later\nthe pig is cut up and prepared as food, only the head and feet being\nleft for the spirits.\n\n_Gipas_, the dividing, follows. A Chinese jar is placed on its side,\nand on each end a spear is laid, so that they nearly meet above\nthe center of the jar. Next a rolled mat is laid on the spears,\nand finally four beads and a headband are added. The mat then is\ncut through the middle, so as to leave equal parts of the headband\nand two beads on each half. \"This shows that the spirit is now paid,\nand is separated from the house.\"\n\nThe next act is to stretch a rattan cord across the center of the\nroom and to place on it many blankets and skirts. A man and a woman,\nwho represent the good spirits Iwagin\u00e1n and Gimbagon, are dressed in\nfine garments, and hold in their hands pieces of gold, a fine spear,\nand other prized articles. They are placed on one side of the cord,\nand in front of them stand a number of men with their hands on each\nothers' shoulders. Now the mediums enter the other end of the room,\nspread a mat, and begin to summon the spirits. Soon they are possessed\nby evil beings who notice the couple representing the good spirits,\nand seizing sticks or other objects, rush toward them endeavoring\nto seize their wealth. When they reach the line of men, they strive\nto break through, but to no avail. Finally they give this up, but\nnow attempt to seize the objects hanging on the line. Again they\nare thwarted. \"If the evil spirits get these things, they will come\noften, their children will marry, and they also will harm the family;\nbut if the good beings keep their wealth, their children will marry,\nand will aid the owner of the house.\"\n\nLater one of the mediums and an old woman count the colors in a fine\nblanket. Usually there are five colors, so \"the spirit is powerless\nto injure the people for five years.\" Next the couple gamble, but\nthe medium always loses. Finally the spirit becomes discouraged\nand departs. The decorations are now taken from the room, and\nthe sick person is carried down to the river by the members of the\nfamily. Arrived at the water's edge, the oldest relative will cut off\na dog's head as final payment for the life of the invalid. Since the\nact is carried on beside the river, the spirits will either witness\nthe act, or see the blood as it floats away, and hence will not need\nto visit the town. The rattan cord and vines used in the dwelling\nare thrown onto the water for the same reason.\n\nThe whole family is covered with a large blanket, and a medium swings\na coconut over them, then resting the halves on the head of each one\nfor a moment, she releases them, meanwhile calling to the spirit,\n\"You see this; this is your share; do not come any more.\" After\nassuring them that the sickness will now fall away from them, she\nwaves burning _cogon_ grass over their heads while she cries, \"Go\naway, sickness.\" The blanket is removed, and the family bathes. While\nthey are still in the water, the medium takes a spear and shield\nin her hands, and going to the edge of the stream, she begins to\nsummon spirits, but all the while she keeps sharp watch of the\nold man who killed the dog, for he is now armed and appears to be\nher enemy. However, she is not molested until she starts toward the\nvillage. When quite near to the settlement, she is suddenly attacked by\nmany people carrying banana stalks which they hurl at her. She succeeds\nin warding these off, but while she is thus engaged, an old man runs\nin and touches her with a spear. Immediately she falls as if dead,\nand it is several moments before she again regains consciousness. This\nattack is made to show the spirit how unwelcome it is, and in hopes\nthat such bad treatment will induce it to stay away.\n\nAfter the return of the family to the village, the guests drink\n_basi_, sing and dance, and usually several spirits are summoned by\nthe mediums.\n\nThe next morning two _Pinal\u00e1sang_ [167] are constructed in the\nyard. Each supports a plate containing beads, a string of beads\nis suspended from one of the poles, and a jar of _basi_ is placed\nbeneath. In front of them the mediums call the spirits, then offer the\nheart, livers, and intestines, while they call out, \"Take me and do not\ninjure the people.\" The final act of the ceremony is to construct the\nspirit raft _taltalabong_, load it with food, and set it afloat on the\nriver, \"so that all the spirits may see and know what has been done.\"\n\nIn addition to the regular pay for their services, the mediums divide\nthe jaw of a pig and carry the portions home with them, as their\nprotection against lightning, and the spirits whose hostility they\nmay have incurred.\n\n_Binikwau_.--This ceremony, like the one just described, seems\nto be limited to the San Juan region, and is given under similar\ncircumstances.\n\nThe room is decorated as usual, and a bound pig is laid in the\ncenter. This is known as \"the exchange,\" since it is given in place\nof the patient's life. Two mediums place betel-nut on the animal,\nthen stroke it with oil, saying, \"You make the liver favorable,\"\ni.e., give a good omen. After a time they begin summoning the spirits,\nand from then until late evening the guests divide their time between\nthe mediums and the liquor jars. Soon all are in a jovial mood, and\nbefore long are singing the praises of their hosts, or are greeting\nvisiting spirits as old time friends.\n\nThe pig is killed early next morning, and its liver is eagerly examined\nto learn whether or no the patient is destined to recover. A part of\nthe flesh is placed on the house rafters, for the use of the spirits,\nwhile the balance is cooked and served. Following the meal, the gongs\nand drums are brought up into the house, and the people dance or sing\nuntil the mediums appear, ready to summon the spirits. The first to\ncome is Sab\u00edan, the guardian of the dogs. He demands that eight plates\nand a coconut shell be filled with blood and rice; another shell is\nto be filled with uncooked rice, in which a silver coin is hidden; and\nfinally a bamboo dog-trough must be provided. When his demands are met,\nhe begins to call, \"Come, my dogs, come and eat.\" Later the blood and\nrice are placed in the trough, and are carried to the edge of the town,\nwhere they are left. This done, the spirit pierces the pig's liver with\na spear and, placing it on a shield, dances about the room. Finally,\nstopping beside the mat, he lays them on the patient's stomach. The\nnext and final act is to scrape up a little of the liver with a small\nhead-axe, and to place this, mixed with oil, on the sick person.\n\nOn the third and last day, the medium leads a big dog to the edge of\nthe village, and then kills it with a club. A piece of the animal's ear\nis cut off, is wrapped in a cloth, and is hung around the patient's\nneck as a protection against evil, and as a sign to all spirits that\nthis ceremony has been held.\n\nThroughout the rest of the day many spirits visit the mediums, and at\nsuch a time Kakalonan is sure to appear to give friendly advice. The\nfinal act is to set the spirit raft afloat on the stream.\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI\n\nSOCIAL ORGANIZATION. GOVERNMENT. THE VILLAGE\n\nThe village is the social unit within which there are no clans,\nno political, or other divisions. The Tinguian are familiar with the\nIgorot town, made up of several _ato_ [168] but there is no indication\nthat they have ever had such an institution.\n\nThe head of the village is known as _lakay_. He is usually a man\npast middle age whose wealth and superior knowledge have given him\nthe confidence of his people. He is chosen by the older men of the\nvillage, and holds his position for life unless he is removed for\ncause. It is possible that, at his death, his son may succeed him,\nbut this is by no means certain.\n\nThe _lakay_ is supposed to be well versed in the customs of the\nancestors, and all matters of dispute or questions of policy are\nbrought to him. If the case is one of special importance he will summon\nthe other old men, who will deliberate and decide the question at\nissue. They have no means of enforcing their decisions other than the\nforce of public opinion, but since an offender is ostracised, until\nhe has met the conditions imposed by the elders, their authority is\nactually very great. Should a _lakay_ deal unjustly with the people,\nor attempt to alter long established customs, he would be removed from\noffice and another be selected in his stead. No salary or fees are\nconnected with this office, the holder receiving his reward solely\nthrough the esteem in which he is held by his people.\n\nIn former times two or three villages would occasionally unite to\nform a loose union, the better to resist a powerful enemy, but with\nthe coming of more peaceful times such beginnings of confederacies\nhave vanished. During the Spanish regime attempts were made to\norganize the pagan communities and to give titles to their officers,\nbut these efforts met with little success. Under American rule local\nself government, accompanied by several elective offices, has been\nestablished in many towns. The contest for office and government\nrecognition of the officials is tending to break down the old system\nand to concentrate the power in the _presidente_ or mayor.\n\nIt is probable that the early Tinguian settlement consisted of one\nor more closely related groups. Even to-day the family ties are so\nstrong that it was found possible, in compiling the genealogical\ntables, to trace back the family history five or six generations.\n\nThese families are not distinguished by any totems, guardian spirits,\nor stories of supernatural origin, but the right to conduct the\nmore important ceremonies is hereditary. Descent is traced through\nboth the male and female lines, and inheritance is likewise through\nboth sexes. There are no distinguishing terms for relations on the\nfather's or mother's side, nor are there other traces of matriarchal\ninstitutions.\n\nFamilies of means attain a social standing above that of their\nless fortunate townsmen, but there is no sharp stratification of\nthe community into noble and serf, such as was coming into vogue\nalong many parts of the coast at the time of the Spanish conquest,\nneither has slavery ever gained a foothold with this people. The\nwealthy often loan rice to the poor, and exact usury of about fifty\nper cent. Payment is made in service during the period of planting\nand harvesting, so that the labor problem is, to a large extent,\nsolved for the land-holders. However, they customarily join the\nworkers in the fields and take their share in all kinds of labor.\n\nThe concubines, known as _pota_ (cf. p. 283), are deprived of certain\nrights, and they are held somewhat in contempt by the other women,\nbut they are in no sense slaves. They may possess property, and their\nchildren may become leaders in Tinguian society.\n\nThe only group which is sharply separated from the mass is composed\nof the mediums, and they are distinctive only during the ceremonial\nperiods. At other times they are treated in all respects as other\nmembers of the community.\n\nOn three occasions the writer has found men dressing like women,\ndoing women's work, and spending their time with members of that\nsex. Information concerning these individuals has always come by\naccident, the people seeming to be exceedingly reticent to talk about\nthem. In Plate XXXVI is shown a man in woman's dress, who has become\nan expert potter. The explanation given for the disavowal of his sex is\nthat he donned women's clothes during the Spanish regime to escape road\nwork, and has since then retained their garb. Equally unsatisfactory\nand unlikely reasons were advanced for the other cases mentioned.\n\nIt should be noted that similar individuals have been described from\nZambales, Panay, from the Subanun of Mindanao, and from Borneo. [169]\nIt has been suggested, with considerable probability, that at least\na part of these are hermaphrodites, but in Borneo, where they act\nas priests, _Roth_ states that they are unsexed before assuming\ntheir roles.\n\n_Laws_.--Law, government, and custom are synonymous. Whatever the\nancestors did is right, and hence has religious sanction. The _lakay_\nand his advisors will give their decisions according to the decrees\nof the past, if that is possible, but when precedent is lacking,\nthey will deliberate and decide on a course. The following may be\ntaken as typical of the laws or customs which regulate the actions\nof the people, within a group, toward one another.\n\n_Rules governing the family._--A man may have only one wife, but\nhe may keep concubines. If the wife's relatives suspect that a\nmistress is causing the husband's affections to wane, they may hold\nthe _Nagkakalonan_ or \"trial of affection\" (cf. p. 282), and if their\ncharges are sustained, the husband must pay them a considerable amount,\nand, in addition, stand all the expenses of the gathering. If it is\nshown that they are not justified in their suspicions, the expense\nfalls on the accusers.\n\nThe wife may bring a charge of cruelty or laziness against her husband,\nand if it is substantiated, he will be compelled to complete the\nmarriage agreement and give the woman her freedom. Unfaithfulness on\nthe part of a wife, or a betrothed girl, justifies the aggrieved in\nkilling one or both of the offenders. He may, however, be satisfied\nby having the marriage gift returned to him, together with a fine\nand a decree of divorce.\n\nA man who has a child by an unmarried woman, not a _pota_, must\ngive the girl's people about one hundred pesos, and must support the\ninfant. Later the child comes into his keeping, and is recognized as\nan heir to his estate.\n\nMarriage is prohibited between cousins, between a man and his adopted\nsister, his sister-in-law, or mother-in-law. Union with a second cousin\nis also tabooed. It is said that offenders would be cut off from the\nvillage; no one would associate with them, and their children would\nbe disinherited.\n\nA widow may remarry after the _Layog_ ceremony (cf. p. 290), but all\nthe property of her first husband goes to his children.\n\nIf a wife has neglected her husband during his final illness, she may\nbe compelled to remain under two blankets, while the body is in the\nhouse (cf. p. 286), unless she pays a fine of ten or fifteen pesos\nto his family.\n\nChildren must care for and support infirm parents. Should there be\nno children, this duty falls upon the nearest relative.\n\n_Inheritance_.--Although a price is paid for the bride, the Tinguian\nwoman is in no sense a slave. She may inherit property from her\nparents, hold it through life, and pass it on to her children.\n\nFollowing the death of a man, enough is taken from his estate to pay\nup any part of the marriage agreement which may still be due, and\nthe balance is divided among his children. If there are no children,\nit is probable that his personal possessions will go to his father\nor mother, if they are still living; otherwise, to his brothers and\nsisters. However, the old men in council may decide that the wife\nis entitled to a share. Should she remarry and bear children to her\nsecond husband, she cannot give any part of this property to them,\nbut upon her death it goes to the offspring of the first marriage, or\nreverts to the relatives. Land is divided about equally between boys\nand girls, but the boys receive the major part of the animals, and the\ngirls their mother's beads. Oftentimes the old men will give the oldest\nchild the largest share, \"since he has helped his parents longest.\"\n\nWhatever the husband and wife have accumulated in common during their\nmarried life is divided, and the man's portion is disposed of, as\njust indicated. Illegitimate children and those of a _pota_ receive a\nshare of their father's property, but not in the same proportion as\nthe children of the wife. No part of the estate goes to a concubine\nunless, in the judgment of the old men, it is necessary to provide\nfor her, because of sickness or infirmity.\n\n_Transfer and sharing of property._--Land and houses are seldom\ntransferred, except at the death of the owner, but should a sale or\ntrade be desired, the parties to the contract will make the bargain\nbefore the _lakay_ and old men, who thus become witnesses. A feast\nis given at such a time, and is paid for by either the seller or\nthe buyer. The sale or barter of carabao, horses, valuable jars, and\nbeads may be witnessed in this manner, but the transfer of personal\nproperty is purely a matter between the parties concerned.\n\nIf a man works the property of another, he furnishes the seed and\nlabor, and the crop is divided. If an owner places his animals in the\ncare of another, the first of the increase goes to him, the second\nto the caretaker. Should an animal die, the caretaker must skin\nit, and give the hide to the owner, after which he is freed from\nresponsibility, but he is liable for the loss, theft, or injury to\nhis charges.\n\n_Murder and Theft._--The relatives of a murdered man may kill his\nassailant without fear of punishment, but, if they are willing,\nthe guilty party may settle with them by paying in Chinese jars,\ncarabao, or money. The usual payment varies from fifty to one hundred\npesos. A thief is compelled to make restitution, and is also subject\nto a small fine.\n\nThe practice of evil magic, and the breaking of a taboo, are considered\nserious crimes, but as they have been treated under Religion and Magic,\nthey will not be repeated here.\n\n_Lying, Cheating, Breaches of Etiquette._--Falling outside the realm\nof law are those things which may be considered right and wrong,\nbut the infraction of which carries with it no penalty. Lying, for\ninstance, is not bad, if it is done to protect yourself or a friend,\nbut falsifying without purpose is mean and to be despised. Cheating\nis not wrong. Your ability to outwit the other person is proof that\nyou are the smarter man.\n\nIt is bad manners for a man to sit with his legs far apart or to\nexpose all of his clout, or for a woman to sit on the floor with one\nleg drawn up. A person should not walk about while others are singing\nor dancing. Basi should never be drunk, until it has been offered to\nevery one present, especially the elders.\n\nBefore eating, a person should invite all in the room to join him,\neven though he does not expect them to accept. A visitor should never\neat with the wife of another during his absence.\n\nAlways call before entering a house. Never enter a dwelling, when\nthe owner is away, and has removed the ladder from the door. Never\nenter a village dirty; stop and bathe at the spring before going up.\nOnly dogs enter the houses without bathing.\n\n_The Village_ (Plate XXXVIII).--A village generally consists of two\nor three settlements, situated near together, and under the authority\nof a single _lakay_ or headman. There is no plan or set arrangement\nfor the dwellings or other structures, but, as a rule, the house,\nspirit structure, and perhaps corrals are clustered closely together,\nwhile at the edge of the settlement are the rice granaries and garden\nplots. Formerly a double bamboo stockade surrounded each settlement,\nbut in recent years these have disappeared, and at the time of our\nvisit only one town, Abang, was so protected.\n\nThe dwellings vary in size and shape. They conform in general to\ntwo types. The first and most common is a single room with a door\nat one end opening off from an uncovered porch (Plate XXXIX). The\nsecond consists of three rooms, or rather two rooms, between which\nis a porch or entry way, all under one roof. There is seldom an outer\ndoor to this entry way, but each room has its own door, and oftentimes\nwindows opening on to it, so that one has the feeling that we have\nhere two houses joined by the covered porch. In such buildings this\nentry way is a convenient place for hanging nets or for drying tobacco.\n\nIn one room is the hearth, the water pots, and dishes, while the\nother is the family sleeping-room.\n\nThe construction of the dwelling is shown in Plates XL-XLI. A number\nof heavy hard-wood posts are sunk deeply into the ground and project\nupward 10 or more feet. At a height of 4 or 5 feet above the ground,\ncrossbeams are lashed or pegged to form the floor supports, while\nat the tops are other beams on which the roof rests. Plate XL shows\nthe skeleton of this roof so plainly that further description is\nunnecessary. This framework, generally constructed on the ground, is\nraised on to the upright timbers, and is lashed in place. A closely\nwoven mat of bamboo strips, or of bamboo beaten flat, covers each\nside of the roof, and on this the thatch is laid. Bundles of _cogon_\ngrass are spread clear across the roof, a strip of bamboo is laid\nat the upper ends, and is lashed to the mat below. A second row of\nthatch overlaps the top of the first, and thus a waterproof covering\nis provided.\n\nAnother type of roofing is made by splitting long bamboo poles,\nremoving the sectional divisions and then lashing them to the\nframework. The first set is placed with the concave sides up, and runs\nfrom the ridge pole to a point a few inches below the framework, so\nas to overhang it somewhat. A second series of halved bamboos is laid\nconvex side up, the edges resting in the concavity of those below,\nthus making an arrangement similar to a tiled roof.\n\nFor the side walls this tiled type of construction is commonly used\n(Plate LXXVIII). A coarse bamboo mat is likewise employed, while a\ncrude interweaving of bamboo strips is by no means uncommon. Such a\nwall affords little protection against a driving rain or wind, but the\nothers are quite effective. Well-to-do families often have the side\nwalls and floors of their houses made of hard-wood boards. Since planks\nare, or have been until recently, cut out with knives, head-axes,\nor adzes, much time and wealth is consumed in constructing such a\ndwelling. When completed, it is less well adapted to the needs of\nthe people than the structures just described, but its possession is\na source of gratification to the owner, and aids in establishing him\nas a man of affairs in his town.\n\nThe floor is made of poles tied to the side-beams, and on these strips\nof bamboo are laid so as to leave small cracks between them. This\nassists in the house-cleaning, as all dirt and refuse is swept through\nthe openings on to the ground. When the floor is made of wood, it is\ncustomary to leave one corner to be finished off in the bamboo slits,\nand it is here that the mother gives birth to her children. This\nis not compulsory, but it is custom, and indicates clearly that the\nplanked floor is a recent introduction.\n\nEntrance to the dwelling is by means of a bamboo ladder which is\nraised at night, or when the family is away. Windows are merely square\nholes over which a bamboo mat is fitted at night, but the door is a\nbamboo-covered framework which turns in wooden sockets.\n\nSuch a house offers no barriers to mosquitoes, flies, flying roaches,\nor white ants, while rats, scorpions, and centipedes find friendly\nshelter in the thatch roof. Quite commonly large but harmless snakes\nare encouraged to take up their residence in the cook room, as their\npresence induces the rats to move elsewhere. Little house lizards\nare always present, and not infrequently a large lizard makes its\nhome on the ridge pole, and from time to time gives its weird cry.\n\nThe ground beneath the house is often enclosed with bamboo slats, and\nis used for storage purposes, or a portion may be used as a chicken\ncoop. It is also customary to bury the dead beneath the dwelling,\nand above the grave are the boxes in which are placed supplies for\nthe spirits of the deceased.\n\nWith some modification this description of the Tinguian house and\nvillage would apply to those of the western Kalinga and the Apayao,\n[170] and likewise the Christian natives of the coast, but a very\ndifferent type of dwelling and grouping is found among the neighboring\nIgorot. [171] It is also to be noted that we do not find to-day any\ntrace of tree dwellings, such as were described by _La Gironi\u00e8re_ [172]\nat the time of his visit scarcely a century ago. Elevated watch-houses\nare placed near to the mountain fields, and it is possible that in\ntimes of great danger people might have had similar places of refuge\nin or near to their villages, but the old men emphatically deny that\nthey were ever tree-dwellers, and there is nothing in the folk-tales\nto justify such a belief; on the contrary, the tales-indicate that\nthe type of dwelling found to-day, was that of former times. [173]\n\n_House Furnishings_.--The average house has only one room. Inside the\ndoor, at the left, one usually finds the stove, three stones sunk in a\nbox of ashes or dirt, or a similar device of clay (Fig 5, No. 1). Above\nthe fire is suspended a hanger on which are placed dishes and food, in\norder that they may not be disturbed by insects. Along the wall stands\na small caldron, jars for water and rice, and the large Chinese jars,\ntke latter as a general rule heirlooms or marriage gifts. These are\nsometimes used for _basi_, but more often they contain broken rice,\ncotton, or small articles. Above the jars is a rack or hangar on which\ndishes or coconut shells are placed. At one end of the room a set of\npegs, deer horns, or a cord supports a variety of clothes, blankets,\na woman's switch, and perhaps a man's belt. The sleeping-mats either\nhang here or occupy a rack of their own. Below the cord stand chests\nsecured in early years through trade with the Chinese. In these are\nthe family treasures, valuable beads, coins, blankets, ceremonial\nobjects, and the like. Piled on the boxes is a variety of pillows,\nfor no Tinguian house is complete without a number of these (Plate\nLXVI). The other house furnishings, consisting of a spinning wheel,\nloom, coconut rasp, and clothes beater (Fig. 5, No. 10) find space\nalong the other wall. Behind the door, except in the valley towns,\nstand the man's spear and shield; above or near the door will be the\nspirit offering in the form of a small hanger or a miniature shield\nfastened against the wall. The center of the floor affords a place\nfor working, eating, and sleeping. If there are small children in\nthe family a cradle or jumper will be found suspended from a beam or\na bamboo pole placed across one corner of the room (cf. p. 272).\n\nThe type of jars made by the Tinguian is shown in Fig. 5, No. 7,\nwhile those of foreign introduction have been fully described in a\nprevious publication. [174]\n\nThe native jars are used both for cooking and as water containers. With\nthem will be found pot rings and lifters. The first is a simple ring of\nplaited bamboo, which fits on the head or sets on the floor, and forms\na support for the rounded bottom of the jar. The second (Figure 5,\nNo. 3) consists of a large rattan loop, which is placed over the neck\nof the jar. The hands are drawn apart, and the weight closes the loop,\ncausing it to grip the jar. Long bamboo tubes with sections removed are\nused as water containers, while smaller sections often serve as cups\nor dippers. Gourds are also used in this manner (Fig. 5, Nos. 8-9).\n\nFood is removed from the jars with spoons and ladles (Fig. 6) made of\nwood or coconut shells, but they are never put to the mouth. Meat is\ncut up into small pieces, and is served in its own juice. The diner\ntakes a little cooked rice in his fingers, and with this dips or scoops\nthe meat and broth into his mouth. Greens are eaten in the same manner.\n\nHalved coconut shells serve both as cups and as dishes (Fig. 5,\nNo. 6). Wooden dishes are likewise used, but they are employed chiefly\nin ceremonies for the feeding of the spirits or to hold the rice from\nwhich a bride and groom receive the augury of the future (Fig. 5,\nNos. 4-5).\n\nBaskets, varying considerably in material, size and type, are\nmuch used, and are often scattered about the dwelling or, as in\nthe case of the men's carrying baskets, are hung on pegs set into\nthe walls. Somewhere about the house will be found a coconut rasp\n(Fig. 5, No. 11). When this is used, the operator kneels on the wooden\nstandard, and draws the half coconut toward her over the teeth of\nthe blade. The inside of the shell is thus cleaned and prepared for\nuse as an eating or drinking dish. Torches or bamboo lamps formerly\nsupplied the dwellings with light. Lamps consisting of a section\nof bamboo filled with oil and fitted with a cord wick are still in\nuse, but for the most part they have been superseded by tin lamps of\nChinese manufacture. Oil for them is extracted from crushed seeds of\nthe _tau-tau_ (_Jatropha grandulifera_ Roxb.)\n\nA very necessary article of house furnishing is the fire-making\ndevice. In many instances, the housewife will go to a neighboring\ndwelling and borrow a light rather than go to the trouble of building\na fire, but if that is not convenient, a light may be secured by one\nor two methods. The first is by flint and steel, a method which is\nprobably of comparatively recent introduction. The second and older is\none which the Tinguian shares with all the neighboring tribes. Two\nnotches are cut through a section of bamboo, and tree cotton is\nplaced below them. A second section of bamboo is cut to a sharp edge,\nand this is rubbed rapidly back and forth in the notches until the\nfriction produces a spark, which when caught on tinder can be blown\ninto a flame. [175] At the door of the house will be found a foot\nwiper (Fig. 5, No. 12) made of rice-straw drawn through an opening\ncut in a stick, or it may consist of coconut husks fastened together\nto make a crude mat, while near by is the broom made of rice-straw or\ngrass. Rice-mortars, pestles, and similar objects are found beneath\nthe dwellings.\n\n_The Village Spring_.--Each village is situated near to a spring or\non the banks of a stream. In the latter case deep holes are dug in the\nsands, and the water that seeps in is used for household purposes. In\nthe morning, a number of women and girls gather at the springs,\ncarrying with them the plates and dishes used in the meals, also\ngarments which need to be laundered. The pots and dishes are thoroughly\nscoured with sand and water, applied with a bundle of rice-straw or\ngrass. The garments to be washed are laid in the water, generally in\na little pool near to the main spring or beside the stream. Ashes from\nrice-straw are then mixed with water and, after being strained through\na bunch of grass, are applied to the cloth in place of soap. After\nbeing thoroughly soaked, the cloth is laid on a clean stone, and is\nbeaten with a stick or wooden paddle. The garment is again rinsed,\nand later is hung up on the fence near the dwelling to dry.\n\nBefore returning to her home, the woman fills her pots with water, and\nthen takes her bath in a pool below the main spring (Plate XLII). All\ngarments are removed except the girdle and clout, and then water,\ndipped up in a coconut shell, is poured on to the face, shoulders,\nand body. In some cases sand is applied to the body, and is rubbed in\nwith the hand or a stone; rinsing water is applied and the garments\nare put back on without drying the body. Every one, men, women,\nand children, takes a daily bath, and visitors will always stop to\nbathe at the spring or river before entering a village. Promiscuous\nbathing is common, and is accepted as a matter of course, but there\nis no indication of embarrassment or self-consciousness. When she\nreturns to the village, the woman will often be seen carrying one\nor two jars of water on her head, her washing under her arm, while\na child sets astride her hip or lies against her back (Plate XLIII).\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII\n\nWARFARE, HUNTING, AND FISHING\n\nHead-hunting and warfare are practically synonymous. To-day both are\nsuffering a rapid decline, and a head is seldom taken in the valley of\nthe Abra. In the mountain district old feuds are still maintained, and\nsometimes lead to a killing, and here too the ancient funerary rites\nare still carried out in their entirety on rare occasions. However,\nthis peaceful condition is not of long standing. In every village the\nolder men tell with pride of their youthful exploits, of the raids\nthey indulged in, the heads they captured; and they are still held\nin high esteem as men \"who fought in the villages of their enemies.\"\n\nDuring the time of our stay in Abra, the villages of the Buklok\nvalley were on bad terms with the people of the neighboring Ikmin\nvalley, and were openly hostile to the Igorot on the eastern side of\nthe mountain range. Manabo and Abang were likewise hostile to their\nIgorot neighbors, and the latter village was surrounded with a double\nbamboo stockade, to guard against a surprise attack. Manabo at this\ntime anticipated trouble with the warriors of Balatok and Besao, as a\nresult of their having killed six men from those towns. The victims\nhad ostensibly come down to the Abra river to fish, but, judging by\nprevious experience, the Tinguian believed them to be in search of\nheads, and acted accordingly. This feud is of old standing and appears\nto have grown out of a dispute over the hunting grounds on Mt. Posoey,\nthe great peak which rises only a few miles from Manabo. There have\nbeen many clashes between the rival hunters, the most serious of\nwhich occurred in 1889, when the Tinguian had twenty-nine of their\nnumber killed, and lost twenty-five heads to the Igorot of Besao.\n\nThe people of Agsimo and Balantai suffered defeat in a raid carried on\nagainst Dagara in 1907, and at the time of our visit a number of the\nwarriors still bore open wounds received in that fight. In the same\nyear at least three unsuccessful attacks, probably by lone warriors,\nwere made against individuals of Lagangilang, Likuan, and Lakub.\n\nAccounts of earlier travelers offer undoubted proof that head-hunting\nwas rampant a generation ago; while the folk-tales feature the taking\nof heads as one of the most important events in Tinguian life.\n\nThe first incentive for head-taking is in connection with funeral\nrites. According to ancient custom it was necessary, following\nthe death of an adult, for the men of the village to go out on a\nheadhunt, and until they had done so, the relatives of the deceased\nwere barred from wearing good clothing, from taking part in any\npastimes or festivals, and their food was of the poorest and meanest\nquality. To remove this ban, the warriors would don white head-bands,\narm themselves, and sally forth either to attack a hostile village\nor to ambush an unsuspecting foe. Neighboring villages were, out\nof necessity, usually on good terms, but friendly relations seldom\nextended beyond the second or third settlement, a distance of ten or\nfifteen miles. Beyond these limits most of the people were considered\nenemies and subject to attack.\n\nWhile such a raid was both justifiable and necessary to the village\nin which a death had occurred, it was considered an unprovoked attack\nby the raided settlement; a challenge and an insult which had to be\navenged. Thus feuds were established, some of which ran through many\nyears, and resulted in considerable loss of life. A town, which had\nlost to another a greater number of heads than they had secured, was\nin honor bound to even the score, and thus another cause for battle\nwas furnished. The man who actually succeeded in taking a head was\nreceived with great acclaim upon his return to the village; he was\nthe hero in the festival which followed, and thereafter was held in\nhigh esteem, and so another motive was furnished. [176]\n\nThere is an indication in the _Saloko_ ceremony that heads may have\nbeen taken to cure headache and similar ills (cf. p. 319); while the\npresence of the head-basket, of the same name, in the fields suggests\na possible connection between head-hunting and the rice culture,\nsuch as still exists among the neighboring Kalinga. [177]\n\nThe Tinguian do not now, and apparently never have practised human\nsacrifice, but this custom and head-hunting seem to be closely\nrelated, and to have as a primary cause the desire to furnish slaves\nor companions for the dead. This idea was found among the ancient\nTagalog, Visayan, and Zambal, and still exists among the Apayao\nof Northern Luzon; the Bagobo, Mandaya, Bila-an, and Tagakaola of\nMindanao; as well as in Borneo and the islands to the south. [178]\nThat it once had a strong hold on the Ilocano of the coast is made\nevident by the mysterious cult known as _axibrong_, which at times\nterrifies whole communities. In 1907 the region about Bangui, in\nIlocos Norte, was greatly excited over several attempts to kill people\nof that settlement, and it was whispered that when a leading man,\nwho had recently died, was placed in his coffin, his right hand had\nsuddenly raised up with four fingers extended. This, it was said, was a\ndemand on the part of the dead for four companions, and the subsequent\nattacks on the villagers were thought to be due to the activities of\nthe bereaved family in complying with the wishes of the deceased.\n\nThe raids following a death were usually carried out as a village\naffair, and many warriors participated, but it seems that by far the\ngreater number of heads were secured by individuals or couples, who\nwould lie in ambush near to the trails, or to the places, where the\nwomen had to pass in carrying water from the streams to the village.\n\nWhile the Tinguian always chose to attack from ambush, yet he did\nnot hesitate to fight in the open when occasion demanded it. For a\ndistance of fifteen or twenty feet he depended on his spear, but for\nclose quarters he relied on his shield and head-axe. An examination of\nPlate XLIV will show that the shield has three prongs at the top. These\nthe warrior seeks to slip between the legs of his enemy to trip him\nup, then one stroke downward with the axe, and the opponent is put out\nof the fight. The two lower prongs are meant to be slipped about the\nneck. One more stroke of the head-axe, and the victor takes his trophy\nand starts for home, while the relatives of the dead man seek to secure\nthe remains to carry them back to their village. As the loss of a head\nreflects on the whole party, and in a like manner its acquisition adds\ndistinction to the victors, a hot fight usually develops over a man\nwho is stricken down, and only ceases when the enemy is beaten off,\nor has been successful in getting away with the trophy.\n\nIf a war party finds it necessary to make a night camp, or if they\nare hard pressed by the foe, they plant long, thin strips of bamboo\nor _palma brava_ [179] in the grass. The ends of these are cut to\nsharp points, and they are so cleverly concealed that pursuers must\nuse great care, and consequently lose much time, or they will have\ntheir legs and feet pierced with these needle-like blades.\n\nUpon their return to the village, the warriors were formerly met\nat the gate by their relatives, who held two ladders in A shape,\nthus forming a pathway over which each had to climb. Once inside\nthe town, the heads were placed on a bamboo spike known as _sagang_\n(cf. p. 310), or in the _saloko_ (cf. p. 310), and for three days\nwere exhibited beside the gate. In the meantime messages were sent\nto friendly villages to invite the people to the celebration.\n\nOn the morning of the last day, the heads were carried up to the center\nof the village, where, amid great rejoicing, the men sang the praises\nof the victors or examined the skulls of the victims. Sometime during\nthe morning, the men who had taken the heads split them open with\ntheir axes and removed the brains. To these they added the lobes of\nthe ears and joints of the little fingers, and they placed the whole\nin the liquor which was afterwards served to the dancers. There seems\nto be no idea here of eating the brains of the slain as food. They are\nconsumed solely to secure a part of their valor, an idea widespread\namong the tribes of Mindanao. [180] The writer does not believe that\nany people of the Philippines indulges in cannibalism, if that term\nis used to signify the eating of human flesh as food. Several, like\nthe Tinguian, have or still do eat a portion of the brain, the heart\nor liver of brave warriors, but always, it appears, with the idea of\ngaining the valor, or other desirable qualities of the victims.\n\nThe balance of the head festival consisted in the drinking of sugar\ncane rum, of songs of praise by the headmen, and finally all joined\nin dancing _da-eng_. Just before the guests were ready to depart, the\nskulls were broken into small bits, and the fragments were distributed\nto the guests so that they might taken them to their homes, and thus\nbe reminded of the valor of the takers. [181] This disposition of\nthe skull agrees with that of many Apayao towns, [182] but it does\nnot conform with the description of ancient times afforded us in the\ntales, [183] nor with the practices of the Kalinga and Igorot people,\nboth of whom preserve the trophy.\n\nThe weapons of the warriors consists of a spear, head-axe, and shield,\nand the small bamboo spikes known as _soga_. They do not make use\nof the bow and arrow, although they have been credited as possessing\nthem. [184] The old men claim it has not been used in their lifetime,\nnor is mention made of it in the folk-tales. The only time it appears\nis in the crude weapons used in shooting fish in the rice-fields,\nand in the miniature bow and arrow, which hang above the heads of a\nnewborn child.\n\nBolos, or long knives, are carried at the side suspended from the belt,\nand upon occasion may be used as weapons. However, they are generally\nconsidered as tools (Fig. 7).\n\n_The Head-Axe_, _aliwa_ or _gaman_ (see Fig. 8).--The axes made by\nthe Tinguian and Kalinga are identical, probably due to the fact that\nthe center of distribution, as well as the best iron work of this\nregion, is found in Balbalasang--a town of mixed Tinguian and Kalinga\nblood. The blade is long and slender with a crescent-shape cutting\nedge on one end, and a long projecting spine on the other. This\nprojection is strictly utilitarian. It is driven into the ground\nso as to support the blade upright, when it is desired to have both\nhands free to draw meat or other articles over the cutting edge. It\nis also driven into the soil, and acts as a support when its owner\nis climbing steep or slippery banks.\n\nThe blade fits into a long steel ferrule which, in turn, slips onto\na wooden handle. The latter may be straight or plain, but commonly\nit has a short projection midway of its length, which serves as a\nfinger-hold and as a hook for attachment to the belt. Quite frequently\nthe handle is decorated with thin circles or bands of brass, while\nornamental designs sometimes appear on the blade.\n\nWhile the axe is primarily a weapon, its use is by no means confined\nto warfare. It is used in house and fence building, in cutting up\ngame and forest products, and in many other ways. Fig. 8 shows three\ntypes of head-axes, the first two, the Tinguian-Kalinga axe; third,\nthe Igorot; fourth, the Apayao. There is a noticeable difference\nbetween the slender blades of the first group and the short, thick\nblade of the Igorot, yet they are of the same general type. The\nApayao weapon, on the other hand, presents a radical difference in\nform. Despite these variations, the axes of these three tribes present\nan interesting problem. So far as it known, these are the only tribes\nin the Philippines which make use of a head-axe, and it is believed\nthat no similar weapon is found in the Malayan Islands. However,\nblades of striking resemblance do occur among the Naga of Assam. [185]\nIt is possible that the weapons of these far separated regions may hark\nback to a common source, from which they received their instruction\nin iron working.\n\n_The Spear_, _pika_.--The various types of spears used by the Tinguian\nare shown in Fig. 9.\n\nA considerable part of these are made in the villages along the upper\nreaches of the Buklok river and in Balbalasang, but many come into\nAbra through trade with the Igorot and Kalinga. They are used for\nhunting and fighting, and are intended both as thrusting and throwing\nweapons. In the lowlands the older type of spear-head is a modified\nleaf shape, attached to a ferrule which slips over the shaft. In the\nmountains, heads with two or more barbs are set into the handles,\nand are held in place by means of wooden wedges and by metal rings\nwhich surround the ends of the shafts. A metal end or shoe covers the\nbutt end of the weapon, thus converting it into an excellent staff\nfor mountain climbing.\n\nOccasionally a hunting spear is fitted with a detachable head, which\nwill pull out of the socket when an animal is struck. The shaft is\nattached to the point by means of a heavy line, and as this drags\nthrough the undergrowth, it becomes entangled and thus delays the\nflight of the game.\n\n_Shields_, _kal\u00e1sag_.--Mention has already been made of the typical\nTinguian-Kalinga shield (cf. p. 373). While this is the common type\nof the region (Fig. 10, Nos. 1-1a), others, which approach those of\nthe Bontoc Igorot, are frequently used (Fig. 10, No. 2). As a rule,\nthese come from Balatok, Lubuagan, Guinaan and the villages along\nthe Malokbot river, all of which are strongly influenced in blood\nand culture by the Igorot. In the latter shields we find the prongs\nat the top and bottom, but they are no longer of sufficient size and\nopening to be of practical value. The clue to their origin is probably\nafforded us in their use by the Tinguian.\n\nAcross the top and bottom of each shield, near to the prongs, are two\nor three braided bands which appear to be ornamental, or to strengthen\nthe weapon. Their real use, however, is to hold the _soga_, the pointed\nbamboo sticks which are planted in the grass to delay pursuers. A half\ndozen or more of these are usually to be found under the braiding at\nthe back of the shield.\n\nAll shields are of very light wood, and can easily be pierced by\na spear. They are intended to be used in deflecting missels rather\nthan actually to stop them. To aid in this purpose, there is a hand\ngrip cut into the center of the back. This is large enough to admit\nthe first three fingers, while the thumb and little finger are left\noutside to tilt the shield to the proper angle.\n\n_Hunting_ (Plates XLV-XLVI).--Hunting must be considered more in the\nnature of a sport than as a necessity, for, while a considerable amount\nof game is taken each year, it is not enough to furnish an important\npart of the food supply. As we have already noted, a great part of the\ncountry occupied by this tribe is devoid of forests. Dense growths\ndo occur in some valleys and ravines, and a few of the mountains,\nlike Posoey, are heavily forested, but for the most part the western\nslopes of the Cordillera Central are covered with rank _cogon_\ngrass. In the ravines and on the wooded slopes are deer, pig, wild\ncarabao, and wild chickens, and during the dry season of the year it\nis no uncommon thing to see a considerable number of men leaving the\nvillage at daybreak with their dogs, spears, and nets. The customary\nmethod of hunting the larger animals is to stretch long nets across\nthe runway of the game. A number of the hunters, armed with spears,\nconceal themselves near by, while the balance of the party take the\ndogs to a distance and then, spreading out fan-shape, will converge\non the net, beating the brush and shouting in order to stir up the\ngame. The dogs, sullen, half-starved brutes, take little interest\nin the chase until an animal is started, then they begin to bay,\nand the whole pack is in pursuit. As the quarry rushes into the net,\nthe concealed hunters fall upon it and spear it to death, at the\nsame time fighting back the hungry dogs which would quickly devour\nit. Sometimes an animal escapes from the net, but if wounded, it is\nalmost certain to fall a prey to the pack. Many deer are taken by\nthis method in the course of a year. Sometimes a wild pig is netted,\nand on exceedingly rare occasions a carabao. However, the wild carabao\nis a dangerous animal, and hunters will not attack it unless it is so\nentangled in the nets that it is practically helpless. Still hunting\nfor deer, near to the feeding grounds, yields a few animals each year,\nand during the period when the _lumboy_ (_Eugenia jambolana_ Lam.) are\nin fruit, the hunters often hide themselves in the trees at night,\nand spear the pigs which come below them to feed.\n\nWild hogs are also secured by placing a close fence about a field. One\nor two small entrances are left open and inside of these, deep pits\nare dug, and are covered with brush. As the animal pushes in, it\nsteps on the frail covering, and is hurled to the bottom of the pit,\nwhere it is easily dispatched with the spear.\n\nAmong the smaller game, the wild chicken is the most important. These\nfowls seldom fly, but seek safety by running through the\nunderbrush. The Tinguian takes advantage of this trait, and stretches\nnets loosely in the probable runway of the birds, and then drives\nthem toward it in the same manner, as he does the deer. As the fowl\nruns full speed into the loose net, it folds about him, and he is\neasily taken.\n\nThe most common method of securing wild roosters is by means of a\nseries of slip nooses attached to a main cord or band (Fig. 11). This\nis set up so as to enclose a square or triangular space, and a tame\nrooster is put inside. The crowing of this bird attracts the attention\nof the wild fowl who comes in to fight. Soon, in the excitement of\nthe combat, one is caught in a noose, and the harder it pulls, the\nmore securely it is held. At times the trap is baited with worms or\ngrain. The snare is carried in a basket-like case, which is often\nfitted with a compartment for the decoy rooster. [186]\n\nAnother type of chicken snare consists of a single noose, which\nrests on two elevated strips of bamboo. The other end of the cord\nis attached to a bent limb, held down by means of a small trigger,\nwhich slips under a cross strip. The game is led onto the trap by\nscattering grain. The weight of the bird releases the trigger, the\nbent twig flies up, and the noose is drawn tightly.\n\nSmall birds are captured in considerable numbers by the boys who, for\nthis purpose, make use of three types of snares. The first and most\ncommon is a simple slip noose made of human or horse hair attached to\na stick. Several of these are driven into the ground close together,\nand grain is scattered between them. A second type of noose trap\nis shown in Fig. 12, No. 1. A Bamboo pole _a_ with sharpened end\nhas a spring _b_ of the same material attached to its side. A cord\nfrom this passes through a small hole in the top of _a_, and then\nforms a slip noose. A small stick or trigger _c_ is forced into the\nhole until firm enough to keep the line held taut, and the noose is\nspread on it. Bait is placed on the point of _a_ in such a manner\nthat the bird has to alight on _c_ to secure it. Its weight releases\nthe trigger, and the noose is drawn tightly around its legs. Another\ntrap of this nature is illustrated by Fig. 12, No. 2. Here a branch is\nbent down and a line is attached. The trigger stick _a_ slips outside\n_b_, and the pressure holds the free stick _c_ in place against the\ncrotch. Bait is so placed on _d_ that a bird coming to secure it must\nstand inside the slip noose which is spread on _c_. The weight and\nmovement of the victim releases the trigger, draws the line taut,\nand closes the noose about its legs.\n\nIn the lowland villages, blowguns (_salbalana_) are used to a limited\nextent in hunting birds. Two long strips of palm wood are grooved and\nfitted together. Over these the intestines of a carabao are drawn, and\nthe whole is wrapped tightly with cord and covered with beeswax. The\nguns vary from 12 to 16 feet in length, and are often excellently made,\nyet they are little better than toys, for the missels used are only\nclay balls. Poison darts are unknown in this region, and the weapon\nis confined to the villages near to the coast. This, together with\nthe fact that the blowgun does not appear in the lore or ceremonies,\nsuggests that it of recent introduction (Plate XLVII).\n\nLocusts are considered excellent food, and when they are flying in\ngreat numbers, are taken by means of small nets. These are attached\nto poles, and are swung into the swarm. Sometimes nearly the whole\nvillage will unite in such a hunt, the catch being stored in large\nbottle-shaped baskets until needed.\n\nBats and rats are not eaten, but the latter are trapped and killed\nbecause of the grain they destroy and the injury they do to the houses\nand their contents. The most common trap is made from a section of\nbamboo in one side of which a spring is inserted. A line attached\nto this leads to a slip noose which fits inside the tube. Bait is\nattached to a trigger which, when disturbed, releases the spring and\ncloses the loop around the intruder.\n\n_Fishing_.--Mention has already been made of the capture of fish\nby the children. Older people likewise devote some time to fishing,\nbut not to the extent of making it an occupation. Nearly every family\nhas a collection of traps and lines, and at times quite a number of\nfish and eels are secured.\n\nThe common trap is shown in Fig. 13, No. 1. The entrance is made of\nsharp bamboo splints, which converge toward a small hole opening into\nthe trap proper. The device is then placed in the water in such a way\nthat fish coming downstream will be diverted into the opening. The\ncurrent and the natural inclination of the fish to go into a dark\nhiding-place causes them to force their way into the trap, and once\nin they cannot emerge. The water escapes through the bamboo slits,\nbut the fish can only be released by opening the small end of the trap.\n\nMany of the women carry baskets attached to the belt at the hip. The\ntops of these baskets have funnel-shaped openings, and are immediately\navailable for use as traps, if a good catch is in prospect (Fig. 13,\nNo. 2). These are usually employed for shrimps and minnows. Eels are\ncaught in long, round traps of rattan and bamboo. A frog is fastened\nin the far end of the tube, usually with a fish-hook. This is attached\nto a rattan spring, which is connected with the door of the trap. The\neel enters and seizes the frog, but as it starts to back out, it\nreleases the bent rattan, and the door is pulled shut.\n\nSmall hand nets, spread apart by means of sticks held in the hands,\nare used by women in scooping up small fish. Ordinarily, it is scooped\naway from the body, but if a fish takes refuge under a rock, the net\nis placed under the opposite side, and the stone is turned over with\nthe foot.\n\nThe most effective fishing-device is a large throw net made\ncornucopia shape. The large net is open and weighted with many\nsinkers of lead. The man throws the net with a full arm sweeping\nmotion, so that it spreads to its full extent, and all the sinkers\nstrike the water at the same time. The splash causes all the fish\ninside the circle to dart inward, and as it sinks, the net settles\nover them. The fisherman draws in the cord attached to the small end,\ncausing the sinkers to drag along to the bottom until directly beneath\nhim, when their weight closes the net. It requires much skill and\npractice to throw this net properly, but once the art is mastered,\nthe fisherman is very successful.\n\nBlanket fishing similar to that in use by the neighboring Igorot is\nfound here. A large blanket is weighed down with stones, and is placed\nin the river. After one or two hours have elapsed, a number of men form\na wide circle around it. Often they drag between them a rope to which\nmany corn husks are attached. As they advance toward the blanket, they\nturn the larger stones with their feet so that any fish hiding beneath\nthem will be frightened away. The circle of men and corn husks causes\nthe fish to go toward the blanket, and finally to take refuge under\nthe stones piled upon it. When the blanket is reached, the men seize\nthe corners and lift it out of the water on to the bank, where the\nstones are thrown out and the fish secured. A somewhat similar idea\nis found in the _lama_. Quantities of leaf branches are sunk into a\nstill pool, and are left for a few days until the fish have come to\nuse them as a hiding-place. A number of men make a close fence of\nbamboo sticks about them, then go inside, throw out the branches,\nand catch the fish with their hands or with the nets. Streams are\noften diverted from their course, for a time, and then returned,\nleaving the fish in the artificial channels stranded.\n\nA curious method of fishing was seen in the Ikmin river. A hook was\nfastened in the end of a bamboo pole, and close to this a minnow\nwas attached to a short line, to act as a lure. When the other fish\napproached the captive, the pole was jerked sharply, in an attempt\nto snag them. On one occasion the writer saw fifty fish taken by this\nmethod in less than an hour.\n\nShort lines attached to sticks are often baited, and are set along\nthe embankments of the flooded rice-fields. Small fish spears with\ndetachable heads are also used in the rice lands, as well as in\nthe clear pools. The only occasion when the bow and arrow is used\nin this region is when the rice fields are flooded. At such times a\nshort bow and an arrow with fork-shaped head are employed (Fig. 13,\nNos. 3-3a). A fish poison or stupifier is occasionally used. A small\nred berry known as _baiyatin_ is crushed, and the powder is thrown\ninto or just above quiet pools, where fish abound. Some of the fish\nbecome stupified and float on the surface, where they are quickly\nspeared or scooped up. They are eaten without any ill effects.\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII\n\nECONOMIC LIFE\n\n_Rice Culture_.--The most important crop raised by the Tinguian is\nrice, and to its cultivation he devotes a considerable portion of\nhis time. Two distinct methods of growing are now found throughout\nthe district--the mountain or upland fields, in which the rice is\nraised without irrigation; and the rice terraces with irrigation [187]\n(Plate XLVIII). To prepare the first type of field, a piece of forest\nland is chosen if possible, or lacking this, a plot covered with\nsecond growth is selected. The purpose in using timber land is to\nescape the cogon grass (_Imperata koenigii_), which quickly invades\nall open fields, and flourishes until the trees again shut out the\nsunlight. The trees and underbrush are cut down during the dry season,\nso that they may be ready for burning before the arrival of the first\nrains. Should no timber land be available, an open piece will be\nselected, and after the grass is burned, the soil will be partially\ncleared of its stubborn roots by means of a large knife or adze-like\ninstrument known as _pal'lek_ (Fig. 14, No. 2).\n\nAfter the clearing, the field is fenced in so as to protect it\nfrom deer, wild pigs, and carabao. The rudest type of protection\nconsists of a barricade of brush, strengthened with forked sticks,\nin the crotches of which poles are laid. The more common method is\nto set bamboo tubes, at intervals, around the whole plot and to lash\nto them other tubes which have been split in half. A still better\nfence is made by cutting three holes, about a foot apart, through\neach upright and to insert smaller bamboo through these.\n\nWhen the rains begin, the men go to the fields, each with two hardwood\nsticks whittled to tapering rounded ends. These are driven alternately\ninto the soil making shallow holes an inch or so in depth, into each of\nwhich the women drop several seed rice. The whole field is gone over in\nthis way; soil is pushed into the holes with the feet, and frequently\nthe task is finished by sowing a few handfuls of seed broadcast and\ndistributing it by brushing back and forth with a leafy branch. [188]\n\nIn the valley districts the planting sticks are cut as needed, but in\nthe mountains, where the upland rice is more important, strong bamboo\npoles fitted with hardwood points are in general use. These implements,\nknown as _tepon_ (Fig. 15, No. 1), are invariably carefully decorated\nwith incised designs, and are preserved from year to year. Commonly,\nthe divisions between the sections of the bamboo are knocked out and\nthe tube used as a receptacle for the seed rice.\n\nAs the mountain fields need special protection, it is customary to\nbuild near them little elevated houses in which the workers may rest,\nand in which the watchers can live during the time the grain must\nbe guarded. If the plots are near to a village, such a house seldom\nconsists of more than a rude framework of poles, which support a grass\nroof, and to which a bamboo floor is lashed, two or three feet above\nthe ground; but if the fields are at a distance, these structures are\nprovided with sides, and are raised high on strong logs. Such high,\nwell built houses are necessary, both to protect the occupants from\nsurprise attacks of enemies, and to afford shelter against driving\nwinds or rains. It is not an uncommon occurrence for a whole family\nto go to one of these isolated mountain dwellings and reside for\na considerable period, particularly when the rice is approaching\nmaturity.\n\nThese upland fields produce much smaller crops than do the wet lands,\nand as they are quickly exhausted, it is not customary to plant\nthem to rice for more than two seasons. At the end of this time,\nthey may be used for _camotes_ (_Convolvulus batatas_), sugar-cane,\nor cotton, but in the majority of cases they are allowed to lie unused\nfor several seasons, when the grass or undergrowth is again removed\nand the fields replanted.\n\nThe wet fields produce by far the greater part of the rice, and it is\nabout them that most of the agricultural labors center. In the broad\nvalleys, low embankments, of sufficient height to maintain the water\nat a depth of two or three inches, separate the fields. The lower\nplots are often of considerable length and width, some covering as\nmuch as an acre of ground, but as they begin to ascend the slopes,\nthe walls rise higher, and the fields become narrower until they\nmay be only a few feet in width. In the rugged mountain districts,\nthe terraces often begin just above the flood water of the stream. At\nthis point, a stone wall, four or five feet in height, is erected,\nand back of this the mountain side is cut away and filled in until\nit forms a step or terrace. Back of this another wall is raised, and\nthe process is repeated until at last the terraces extend for two or\nthree hundred feet up the mountain side (Plate XLIX). When the field\nis first made, top soil, enriched with vegetable growth, is laid on\nthe surface, often to a depth of several inches, but from this time\non no fertilizer, other than the decaying straw of the previous crop,\nis added, although the field is used continuously for many years.\n\nWater is conducted to many of the fields by means of ditches, usually\nby diverting the flow of some of the numerous springs or streams but in\na few instances, stone dams have been thrown across the rivers and the\nwater carried for considerable distances by flumes and ditches. The\nhighest terraces are first inundated to the desired depth, and then\nopenings are made in the side walls--so as to allow the lower fields\nto be flooded. This method of irrigation provides for the maximum\nuse of the water, and also supplies a constant current which prevents\nthe formation of stagnant pools.\n\nSome of the fields are situated too far up the mountain side to\nbe reached by ditches, and in such cases the growth of the rice is\nentirely dependent on the rainfall; however, in normal years, the\nprecipitation is sufficient to mature the crop.\n\nAt the beginning of the rainy season, some of the seed rice is sprouted\nin specially prepared beds in the villages. In such cases a small plot\nis surrounded with low dirt walls, the soil is enriched with manure,\nwater is added, and the whole is worked until it becomes a thin mud,\non which the rice is thickly sown. Around this bed, a bamboo frame\nis erected to keep out pigs and chickens, while from time to time\nwater is poured on the growing shoots. The more common method of\nsprouting, however, is to select a piece of land, which will receive\nthe full benefit of the rainfall and to break this with a plow drawn\nby a carabao.\n\nWhen the seed beds have been planted, the people go to the fields,\nrepair the embankments, and admit the water. The straw remaining\nfrom the previous crop is allowed to rot, for a time, and then the\nground is gone over with a bamboo harrow (_pali-id_), [189] as shown\nin Fig. 15, No. 3, to remove weeds, branches, and the like. Wherever\nit is possible, the soil is broken with a plow, _alado_ (Plate L),\nbut in fields to which animals cannot be taken, the ground is turned by\nmeans of sharpened sticks, or poles tipped with iron, which are driven\ninto the soil and forced forward, thus pushing the earth above them\ninto the water. [190] As will be seen from the accompanying drawing\n(Fig. 15, Nos. 2-2a), the plow is constructed entirely of wood except\nfor the iron share, and conforms closely to that used in Java, Celebes,\nSumatra, Burma, and Annam. [191]\n\nWithin a few days after the plowing, the soil is further broken by\ndragging it with a harrow, made by driving wooden pegs into a heavy\nboard, or into large bamboo tubes (Fig. 15, No. 4). A worker stands\non this, and is dragged about the field, leveling it, and at the same\ntime pulling out sticks, roots, and any other matter of sufficient\nbulk to interfere with the planting.\n\nTwo types of sleds (Fig. 15, Nos. 5-6) are used in connection\nwith the rice culture, as well as in general transportation. The\nfirst consists of rude wooden runners on which a bamboo flooring is\nlaid. The second has narrow runners, which are hewn with considerable\ncare, while sides of flattened bamboo convert the sled into an open\nbox. The first type (_pasagad_) is used principally during the wet\nseason for the transportation of plows, harrows, and the like, the\nwide runners slipping through the mud without becoming mired. The use\nof the latter (_kalison_) is restricted to the dry-season, when it\nis of particular advantage in moving the rice. Wheeled vehicles are\nnot employed in any part of the Tinguian belt, although their use is\nnow fairly common among the Ilocano.\n\nIt requires a month or six weeks to make ready the fields, and in the\nmeantime the rice in the seed beds has grown to a height of twelve\nor fourteen inches. The shoots are then pulled up by the roots, are\ntied into bundles, and the tops are cut off (Plate LI). The bundles\nare distributed about the fields at convenient distances, and the\nworkers then transplant the young rice--three or four together--in the\nsoft ooze, using the thumb and fore-finger of the right hand for that\npurpose (Plate LII). The preparation of the field is looked after by\nthe men and boys, and oftentimes they aid in transplanting, but the\nlatter is considered to be women's work, and is generally left to them.\n\nThe rice is set so thickly that when a plot is planted it presents to\nthe eye a solid mass of green. It is hard to imagine a more beautiful\nsight than to look down on these fields, which rise in wave above\nwave of brilliant green, until at last they give way to the yellower\nbillows of _cogon_ grass which cover the mountain slopes.\n\nAfter the transplanting, the grain needs constant attention; at\nfirst, to keep it properly weeded and flooded; later, to protect it\nfrom animals and birds. Hence many workers are always in the fields,\nbut it is, nevertheless, the happy time for the people, and if one\napproaches a group of workers unawares, he will hear one or more\nsinging the _daleng_, a song in which they compliment or chide the\nother workers, or relate some incident of the hunt or of village\nlife. Toward midday little groups will gather in the field shelters\nto partake of their lunches, to smoke, or to rest, and usually in\nsuch a gathering will be a good story-teller who amuses with fables,\nor tales of adventure. [192]\n\nWhen the rice begins to mature, an even stricter watch must be kept,\nfor, in addition to its other enemies, the rice birds [193] now seek\nto feed on the crop and, while they are small in size, they often\nappear in such numbers that they work great havoc.\n\nThe usual device employed in frightening both birds and animals is\na bamboo pole cut into strips at the top, so that, as it is shaken,\nthese strike together, producing a great clatter. Many of these\npoles are planted, and then all are connected by means of rattan\nlines which finally lead to the little watch house. Here a man or boy\nsits and occasionally gives the lines a sudden jerk, which sets up a\nclapping over the whole field (Plate LIII). A clever development of\nthis device was seen by the writer in the Ikmin river valley. Here\nthe stream flows swiftly and plunges headlong into pools every few\nyards. The rattan cord attached to the clappers is fastened to a small\nraft which is then set afloat in the pool. After a whirl in the eddy\nit is caught by the swift current, and is carried a few feet down\nstream, at the same time bending the clappers nearly to the ground;\nthen as the raft enters calmer water, the tension is released, and it\nis thrown violently back into the pool from which it has just drifted;\nat the same time the clappers fly back into place with a great noise.\n\nAnother contrivance, used in keeping small birds from the fields, is\na bird-like form cut from the bark of a banana or palm tree. Many of\nthese are suspended by lines from bamboo poles, and, as the wind blows\nthem to and fro, they appear like giant birds hovering over the rice.\n\nA simple protection against deer is made by bending the white inner\nbark of bamboo into arches and planting these at intervals along\npossible places of entry, for it is said that these animals will not\napproach such a contrivance.\n\nSoon after the water is turned into the fields, shells and fish begin\nto appear even in the higher terraces. Doubtless a considerable part\nof these come in through the ditches, but the natives insist that most\nof the fish bury themselves deep in the mud at the approach of the dry\nseason and hibernate until water again appears in the fields. [194]\nThese intruders are prized as food, and to secure them, short baited\nlines are placed along the edges of the terraces, while each woman\nhas, attached to her belt, a small basket into which she places shells\ndiscovered during her work. The men likewise secure fish by means of\nhooks and lines, and also pierce them with short spears fitted with\ndetachable points, but more commonly they shoot them with a small\nbow and peculiar arrows, the heads of which resemble flattened spoons\ncut into four or five teeth. [195]\n\nAs the grain begins to ripen, the land is allowed to dry, and when\nall is ready for the cutting, the people put on their best garments\nand go to the fields. Each stalk is cut separately by means of a\ncrescent-shaped blade (_lakom_ or _lakem_) attached to a small wooden\ncylinder (Fig. 14, Nos. 3-3a). This handle is held between the thumb,\nfirst and fifth fingers, while the stalk is caught by the second and\nthird fingers, and is pulled inward against the steel blade. [196]\nMany workers grasp the stalk near the head with the left hand, while\nthe cutting blade is used with the right.\n\nBoth men and women may engage in cutting the rice, but as the latter\nare much the more dexterous workers, this task is generally assigned\nto them (Plate LIV). The grain is cut so as to leave stalks about\nten inches in length; these are laid in the free hand until a bunch\nof considerable size has accumulated, when they are bound together\nwith strips of bark. [197] At the end of the day these bundles\nare carried to the drying yards, where they remain until the whole\ncrop is harvested. A drying yard is a plot of ground surrounded by\na bamboo fence of such a height that it is impossible for fowls and\nthe like to gain entrance. When all the bundles are thoroughly dried,\nthey are placed in the granary, and from that time on the handling\nof the rice is given over to the women.\n\nThe granaries, or store-houses, of the Tinguian and Ilocano are\nidentical (Plate LV), but, barring the Apayao, are different from any\nof the surrounding groups, except when their influence may have spread\nthis peculiar type to a limited degree. It is worthy of note, however,\nthat the granaries of some Sumatran groups are of similar design and\nconstruction. Such a store-house is raised high above the ground on\nfour hard-wood poles; the framework is of bamboo, and the sides flare\nsharply from the floor to the grass roof. Within the framework is a\nclosely woven matting of flattened bamboo, which is nearly water-tight;\nbut to secure still further protection from moisture, and also to\nallow for free circulation of air, a rack is built in such a way that\nthe rice is kept several inches from the outside walls. Just below\nthe floor, each post supports a close-fitting pottery jar--without\ntop or bottom--or a broad disk of wood, which effectually prevents\nthe entrance of rodents.\n\nTo thrash the grain, the woman places a bundle on a piece of carabao\nhide, and, as she rolls it beneath her feet, she pounds it with a long\nwooden pestle (_hala_) until all the kernels are beaten loose from\nthe straw. [198] It is then placed in a wooden mortar (_luson_)\nof hourglass form or with straight sides, where it is again beaten\nuntil the outside husks are loosened, and the grain is somewhat broken\n(Plate LVI). Winnowing is accomplished by tossing the contents of the\nmortar in shallow traps (_igau_), so that the chaff is blown away,\nwhile the grain falls back into the winnower (Plate LVII).\n\nThe rice is now ready for cooking; the chaff is collected, and is\nused as food for the pigs and dogs, while the stalks are saved to be\nburned, for the ashes are commonly used in lieu of soap.\n\nRice has also come to have great importance, both as a standard of\nvalue and as a medium of exchange. A single stalk is known as _sanga\ndawa_. When the stalks are equal in size to the leg, just above the\nankle, the bundle is called _sang-abtek_. [199] Ten _sang-abtek_ equal\n_sanga-baal_. One hundred _sang-abtek_ make _sanga-oyon_. The measure\nof cleaned rice is as follows: Two full hands (one coconut shell\nfull)--1 _sopa_ (Ilocano _supa_; Spanish 1/8 _ganta_). 8 _sopa_--1\n_salop_ (Spanish _ganta_ or about 2 quarts). 25 _salop_--1 _kaban_.\n\nIt is customary to pay laborers in rice; likewise the value of animals,\nbeads, and the like are reckoned and paid in this medium. During\nthe dry season rice is loaned, to be repaid after the harvest with\ninterest of about fifty per cent.\n\nAccording to tradition, the Tinguian were taught to plant and reap\nby a girl named Dayap\u00e1n. This woman, who was an invalid, was one\nday bathing in the stream, when the great spirit Kaboniyan entered\nher body. He carried with him sugar-cane and unthreshed rice which\nhe gave to the girl with explicit directions for its use. Likewise\nhe taught her the details of the _Sayang_, the most important of\nthe ceremonies. Dayap\u00e1n followed instructions faithfully, and after\nthe harvest and conclusion of the ceremony, she found herself to be\ncompletely cured. After that she taught others, and soon the Tinguian\nbecame prosperous farmers. [200]\n\nIn Part I of this volume a reconstruction of the early life of this\npeople was attempted from their mythology. The results seemed to\nindicate that the tales reflect a time before the Tinguian possessed\nterraced rice-fields, when domestic work animals were still unknown,\nand the horse had not yet been introduced into the land. But it was\nalso noted that we are not justified in considering these as recent\nevents.\n\nAt this time, with the more complete data before us, it may be well to\nagain subject the rice culture to careful scrutiny, in the hope that\nit may afford some clue as to the source from which it spread into\nthis region. It is possible that the Tinguian may have brought it\nwith them from their early home, which may be supposed to have been\nin southeastern Asia; they may have acquired it through contact with\nChinese or Japanese traders, or through commercial relations with\nthe islands to the south; or again it may have developed locally in\nthe Tinguian, Igorot, and Ifugao territory.\n\nIt should be noted at the outset that highly developed terrace\ncultivation is found in Japan and China to the north; in parts of\nBorneo, in the Nias archipelago, in Java, Bali, Lombok, Sumatra,\nBurma, and India proper, and it is probable that all within this\nbroad belt developed from a single origin.\n\nWhen we compare the construction of Igorot and Tinguian terraces and\nthe methods of irrigation, we find them quite similar, although those\nof the former are somewhat superior and of much greater extent. The\nplanting of the seed rice and the breaking of the soil in the high\nfields are also much alike, but here the resemblances cease. In\nthe lower fields, the Tinguian employ the carabao, together with\nthe plow and harrow; the Igorot do not. The Igorot fertilize their\nfields, the Tinguian never. In harvesting, the Tinguian make use of\na peculiar crescent-shaped blade to cut the stalk, the Igorot pull\neach head off separately. The Tinguian and Ilocano granaries are\nof a distinctive type radically different from the Igorot, while the\nmethods of thrashing in the two groups are entirely different. Finally,\nthe ceremonial observances of the Tinguian, so far as the rice is\nconcerned, are much more extensive and intricate than have been\ndescribed for the Igorot. In a like manner there are many striking\ndifferences between the methods of handling the grain by the Tinguian\nand those found in Japan and China. On the other hand, when we come\nto compare the rice culture of this region with the islands to the\nsouth, the similarities are very striking. The short description\ngiven by _Marsden_ for Sumatra [201] would, with a few modifications,\napply to the situation in Abra. The use of the plow and harrow drawn\nby carabao is found in Java and Sumatra; the common reaping knife of\nboth these islands is identical with the Tinguian, although there is\na slight difference in the way it is utilized; the peculiar type of\ngranary found in Abra again appears in Sumatra, while the Tinguian\nceremonial acts associated with the cultivation and care of the\nrice-recall, in several instances, details of such ceremonies in Java.\n\nIf Tinguian rice culture did come from the south, through trade or\nmigration, in comparatively recent times we should expect to find\nevidences of the same culture distributed along the route by which\nit must have traveled. We find, however, that few terraces exist in\nMindanao and northern Borneo; and the former, at least, are of recent\nintroduction. [202] There is also negative evidence that such fields\nwere rare along the coasts at the time of the Spanish invasion. In\nthe early documents we meet with frequent statements that the people\nwere agriculturists and raised considerable quantities of rice and\nvegetables in their clearings; but the writer has discovered only\ntwo instances in which mention is made of terraced fields. [203] Had\nextensive terraces existed on the coast, it seems certain that some\nnotice must have been taken of them. Yet in the mountains of central\nand northwestern Luzon, in districts remote from coast influences,\nare found some of the most remarkable fields of this type in Malaysia;\nterraces representing such an expenditure of labor that they argue\nfor a long period of construction.\n\nThe proof is not absolute, but, in view of the foregoing, the writer is\ninclined to the belief that the Igorot and the Tinguian brought their\nrice culture with them from the south, and that the latter received\nit from a source common to them and to the people of Java and Sumatra.\n\nMany writers who have discussed the rice culture of the East Indies\nare inclined to credit its introduction to Indian colonists, [204]\nbut _Campbell_ [205] holds to the belief that it was practised\ncenturies before the Christian era and prior to the Hindu invasion of\nJava. There seems to be no dissent, however, among these writers to\nthe belief that its introduction antedated the arrival of the European\nin the Orient by several centuries. The fact that dry land farming,\ncarried on with planting sticks and the like, is still found among the\nIgorot and Tinguian, and for that matter all over the Philippines,\ncannot be advanced as an argument that the irrigated fields are of\nrecent date, for upland fields and primitive tools are still used in\nJava and Sumatra, where, as we have just seen, the wet field culture\nis an old possession.\n\n_Magical Rites and Ceremonies Connected with the Rice_.--The importance\nof rice to this people is nowhere better evidenced than in the numerous\nand, in some cases, elaborate rites with which its cultivation and\ncare is attended. Some of these observances appear to be purely\nmagical, while others are associated with the consulting of omens,\nacts of sacrifice, propitiation, and finally of thanksgiving. All\nare interwoven with tribal law and custom to such an extent that\nneglect, on the part of the individual, amounts to a crime against the\ncommunity, and hence is punished with public indignation and ostracism.\n\nWhen a new field is to be prepared, or a granary erected, strict watch\nmust be kept for omens, for should the inhabitants of the spirit world\nbe unfavorable to the project, they will indicate their feelings by\nsending snakes, large lizards, deer, wild hogs, or certain birds to\nvisit the workers. Should any of these appear, as the task is begun,\nthe place is generally abandoned at once, but if doubt still exists, or\nit is deemed abvisable to try to persuade the spirits to reconsider, a\nsmall pig will be sacrificed. Its blood, mixed with rice, is scattered\nabout on the ground as an offering, while the medium recites a proper\n_diam_. [206] After a suitable time has elapsed for the spirits to\npartake, the liver of the animal is removed, and is carefully examined\n(cf. p. 307). If the omens are now favorable, the work may be resumed,\nbut should they still be unpropitious, it is folly to proceed, for\ndisaster is certain to follow.\n\nThe next anxiety is to secure a lusty growth of plants in the seed\nbeds, and to accomplish this, sticks known as _salogegey_, are stuck\nin each plot. The surface of such a stick has been pared so that\nshavings stand out on it in opposite directions, for such a decoration\n\"is pleasing to the spirits;\" while a piece of charcoal, placed in the\nnotched end, compels the new leaves to turn the dark green of sturdy\nplants. The first seeds to be planted must always be sowed by the wife\nof the owner, \"so that they will be fertile and yield a good crop.\"\n\nWhen a field has been constructed, or when the terraces are ready to\nreceive the plants, a ceremony known as _Dalau_, [207] is held. The\npurpose of this is to secure the good will of the spirits in general,\nbut more particularly to provide a dwelling place for the powerful\nbeing Kaiba-an, who guards the crops. A medium, accompanied by\nthe family and any others who may be interested, goes to the field\ncarrying a large bamboo pole, _bolo_ [208] branches, stalks of _lono\n[209] bako\u00f1_, and _saklak_. [210] The end of the bamboo is split\nopen, and a _saloko_ [211] is constructed to which are attached the\nother leaves and stalks. The _saloko_ is then placed on the dividing\nridge of the field, and all is ready for the ceremony, unless it is\nconsidered wise to also construct a small house (_baubauwi_). If the\nfield is near the village, the latter is generally dispensed with,\nbut if it is distant, the house is erected so that the spirit will\naccept it as its dwelling, while it is guarding the crop. It is further\nexplained that the spirit then stays in the small house or _saloko_\ninstead of in the rice stalks, and so they are able to grow.\n\nA female pig is presented to the medium who, after reciting a proper\n_diam_ above it, stabs the animal and collects its blood. This is\nmixed with rice, and a part is at once deposited in the _saloko_,\nwhile the balance is placed on a head-axe, and is carried about the\nfield. When the whole plot has been traversed, this rice and blood\nis scattered in all directions, while the spirits are besought to\ncome and eat. A part of the company has meanwhile been cooking the\nflesh of the slain animal, but before any of it is served, a skirt\n(_kinomayan_) is spread at the foot of the _saloko_, and on it are\nplaced dishes of oil and of cooked rice.\n\nAfter the meal has been eaten, the family gathers up the skirt and\ndishes, to return them to the village, but the other offerings remain.\n\nRain, like all other things needed, is sent by Kadaklan or\nKaboniyan. If it does not come as desired, or if the crop is not\nprogressing favorably, a ceremony known as _Komon_ or _Ubaiya_ [212]\nis held. Each person of the village is assessed a _sopa_ of rice,\na bundle of _palay_, or a small coin with which pigs, _basi_, and\nother things necessary, can be purchased.\n\nEarly in the morning of the appointed day, the mediums, accompanied\nby many people, go to the guardian stones, oil the head of each, and\nplace a bark band around it. Then having recited a proper _diam_ over\na small pig, they slaughter it and scatter its blood mixed with rice\namong the stones. Likewise they place a dish of _basi_ among them for\nthe use of the spirits. A part of the slain animal is then cooked and\neaten, after which all go back to the village. At some appointed place,\nrice, eggs, betel-nuts, and a large pig have been assembled, and to\nthis spot the mediums go to conduct the rite known as _Dawak_. [213]\nBefore its conclusion a _diam_ is recited over the pig, which is then\nkilled and prepared for food. Meanwhile the chief medium beseeches the\nsupreme being Kadaklan to enter her body. He comes, and after telling\nthe people what must be done to insure the crop, he designates some\none man who must, on the following morning, celebrate _Padiam_.\n\nAfter all the visiting spirits have been given food and drink, a small\ncovered raft (_taltalabong_) is constructed, and in it are placed a\nlive chick, a cooked rooster, and other articles of food. Four sturdy\nmen carry this to the river and set it afloat, while the people shout\nand beat on gongs to drive away evil spirits who might wish to steal\nthe raft and its contents. The purpose of this offering is to supply\nfood to any spirits who may be unable to attend the ceremony.\n\nEarly the next morning, the man who has been designated by Kadaklan\nto perform the _Padiam_ makes ready, at his own expense, a large\npig and cooked rice, and carries these to the fields. He must be\ndressed in striped garments known as _ginalit_, must carry a headaxe,\nand wear on his head the cloth band of the medium, beneath which are\nthrust two _igam_, that is, chicken feathers notched or decorated with\nbits of colored thread (cf. p. 313). He is accompanied by his wife,\nattired in a red jacket (_sinas\u00e1ya_) and a skirt (_pin\u00e1pa_), and by a\nmedium who also wears the _igam_ beneath a headband of _sikag_; [214]\nwhile the townspeople follow behind. Arrived at the field, the medium\nsquats before the bound pig, and holding a spear, betel-nuts, and oil,\nbegins to recite a _diam_, meanwhile she strokes the animal from time\nto time with oiled fingers. This concluded, she stabs the pig, and\nhaving mixed its blood with rice, scatters it over the field, calling\nto the spirits to come and eat, and then to grant a full harvest. The\npeople eat part of the animal while in the field, but before returning\nhome, the head of each family receives a small strip of uncooked flesh,\nwhich he fastens above the door as a sign that the ceremony has been\nheld. [215] The following day, the owner and the medium return to\nthe field and break a little soil with a spear, and the ceremony is\ncomplete, but for some days these two are barred from eating shrimp,\ncarabao, or wild pig. The owner must also pay the medium ten bundles\nof rice for her assistance in insuring his own crops, as well as those\nof the community. Should lightning strike a field or a tree in it,\nthis ceremony is repeated, with the exception that the strips of\nflesh are not distributed, nor is the soil broken with a spear. [216]\n\nIn Lumaba, a town strongly influenced by the Igorot, the _Ubaiya_\nregularly precedes the rice planting, as well as the first use of a\nnewly constructed field. While conforming, in general, to that already\ndescribed, a part of the procedure is somewhat different. On the day\nbefore the ceremony, the men go to the mountains and gather _lono_\nstalks, one for each house and two for the town gate. The two reeds are\nplaced crosswise of the entrance to the village and serve as a sign\nof taboo, and thereafter no one may enter until they are officially\nremoved. To do so would necessitate the repetition of the ceremony,\nand the offender would be obliged to provide all the things necessary\nfor it. Likewise, no one may wear a hat or prepare food during the\nperiod of taboo.\n\nThe next day is known as _Bignas_, and at dawn all the men arm\nthemselves with bamboo poles. With these they beat about under the\nhouses and throughout the town, in order to drive away any evil\nspirits who may be lurking about. Having effectively rid the town,\nthey force the invisible beings ahead of them to the river, where they\ndeposit the poles. They return to the village singing and shouting,\nand are met at the gate by the women, who hold ladders, one on each\nside of the entrance, so that they meet at the top and thus form a\npath by which the men may enter without breaking the interdict. At\nthe guardian stones, they pause long enough to sacrifice a pig and a\nrooster, and offer blood and rice to the spirits, and then they proceed\nto the center of the village, where they dance _tadek_ and _da-eng_\nuntil dusk. At nightfall a pig is killed, its flesh is divided among\nthe people, and a _lono_ stalk, after being dipped in the blood,\nis given to a member of each family. This is carried home, and is\nplaced on the outside wall as a sign that the ceremony has been held.\n\nIf the sun is shining the following morning, the _lakay_ will go\noutside the town to gather wood. Upon his return the people are again\nfree to fish and hunt, but work is forbidden until evening. Should\nthe sun fail to appear, all remain quietly in the village until the\n_lakay_ can remove the taboo by his wood gathering.\n\nIn Manabo the ceremony is a mixture of the two types just described,\nand is always held at the time of planting and when droughts\noccur. [217]\n\nThe procedure at harvest time varies considerably in different\ndistricts, but the usual custom is for a woman, from each family, to\ngo to the fields and cut alone until she has harvested one hundred\nbundles. During this time she may use no salt, but a little sand\nis placed in her food as a substitute. No outsider may enter the\ndwelling during this preliminary cutting. So strictly is this rule\nobserved that the writer has been absolutely excluded from homes where,\non other occasions, he was a welcome guest. In Lumaba and vicinity\nit is the custom to sacrifice a chicken two days before the harvest\nbegins, and to cook its neck and intestines without salt. These are\nthen divided into nine parts, are placed in dishes, and are carried\nto the spirit house in the field. At the end of the second day,\nthe feathers of the fowl are stuck into the sides of the structure,\nand the spirits are entreated to grant a good harvest and health for\nthe workers. The dishes are then returned to the village, and on the\nfollowing morning the women may begin cutting.\n\nWhen the rice is ready to be stored, the _Palpalaem_ [218] ceremony\nis held in honor of the spirit of the granary. Vines and shrubs [219]\nare tied to each supporting post of the granary and above the door,\nwhile a bit of _sikag_ is also hidden inside a bundle of rice, which\nhas been placed at each corner pole. Near one post is a small pig with\nits head toward the east, and over it the medium recites a _diam_. As\nusual, the animal is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is offered\nto the spirits. A part of the flesh is wrapped in banana leaves, and\na bundle is buried at the foot of each post. The skull is cooked,\nand after being cleaned, is hung up inside the roof. The rest of\nthe meat is cooked, and is served with rice to the little company of\nfriends who have gathered. Each guest is also given a few stalks of\nthe rice from the bundles at the corner posts.\n\nJust before the new rice is placed in the granary, a jar of _basi_\nis placed in the center of the structure, and beside it a dish filled\nwith oil and the dung of worms. Five bundles of _palay_ are piled\nover these, and the whole is presented to the spirit, who will now\nallow the rice to multiply until it is as plentiful as the dung.\n\nIn Buneg and nearby villages, all of which are strongly influenced\nby immigrants from the Cagayan valley, a small clay house known as\n_lablabon_ or _adug_ is placed with the rice, and from time to time\nofferings are put in them for the spirit who multiplies the rice\n(Plate XXIX).\n\nCertain restrictions always apply to the granary. It may never be\nopened after dark, for evil spirits are certain to enter, and the crop\nwill vanish quickly. It can be opened only by a member of the family\n\"whom the spirit knows;\" and should another attempt to remove the\ngrain, sickness or blindness will befall him. So rigorously is this\nenforced that a bride never opens her husband's granary until he has\npresented her with a string of beads, which she wears about her neck to\nidentify her. It is further necessary that she receive a similar gift\nbefore she eats of his rice, otherwise she will become ill. However,\nthis does not apply to others, even strangers being fed without this\ngift being made.\n\nA custom which formerly prevailed, but is now falling into disuse,\nwas for the bride and groom to visit the family fields, where the\nyouth cut a little grass along the dividing ridges. He then took up\na bit of earth on his head-axe, and both tasted of it, \"so that the\nground would yield them good harvests, and they would become wealthy,\"\n\n_Cultivated Plants and Trees_.--Near every settlement will be found\na number of small gardens, in which a variety of vegetables are\ngrown. Occasionally a considerable planting of bananas will be found,\nwhile many villages are buried beneath the shade of coconut trees,\nbut in comparison with rice the cultivation of other crops becomes\ninsignificant. Nevertheless, a considerable amount of food stuff,\nas well as of plants and trees used in household industries, are\nplanted in prepared land; while many of wild growths are utilized. The\nfollowing list is doubtless incomplete, but still contains those of\nspecial value to this people. [220]\n\nNext to rice the _camote_ (_Convolvulus batatas_) is the most\nimportant food product. Occasionally it is raised in the gardens or\nrice terraces, but, as a rule, it is planted in hillside clearings from\nwhich one or two crops of rice have been removed. The tuber is cut\ninto pieces, or runners from old plants are stuck into the ground,\nand the planting is complete. The vine soon becomes very sturdy,\nits large green leaves so carpeting the ground that it even competes\nsuccessfully with the _cogon_ grass. If allowed, the plants multiply\nby their runners far beyond the space originally allotted to them. The\ntubers, which are about the size of our sweet potatoes, are dug up as\nneeded, to replace or supplement rice in the daily menu. Both roots\nand plants are also cooked and used as food for the pigs and dogs.\n\n_Aba_ (_Colocasia antiquorum_ Schott) is raised, [221] but as it\nrequires a moist soil, and hence would occupy land adapted to rice,\nit is chiefly limited to the gardens. It has large fleshy roots\nwhich are used like those of the _camote_, while the leaves and\nyoung shoots are also cooked and eaten. Other tubers known as _obi_\n(_Dioscorea sp_.), _gakad_ (_Dioscorea divaricata_ Blanco), _annaeg_\n(_Dioscorea fasciculata_), and _kamas_ (_Pachyrhizus angulatus_\nD.C.) are raised to a limited extent in the gardens.\n\nCorn, _mais, bukel_, and red corn, _gasilan_ (_Zea mays_ L.) seems\nto have been introduced into Abra in comparatively late times, for\ndespite the fact that it is one of the most important crops, it has\nneither gathered to itself ceremonial procedure, nor has it acquired a\nplace in the folk-lore. A considerable amount is raised in the village\ngardens, but generally it is planted by dibbling in the high land. When\nripe, the ears are broken from the stalk, the husks are turned back,\nand several are tied together. These bunches are then placed over\nhorizontal poles, raised several feet from the ground (Plate LVIII),\nand after being thoroughly dried, are hung from the house rafters. The\ncommon method of grinding is to place the corn on a large stone,\nover which a smaller stone is rocked until a fine flour is produced\n(Plate LIX). Stone disk grinders, imported from the coast, are also\nin use. These consist of grooved stones, the upper of which revolves\non the lower. Grain is fed into an opening at the top as needed. Dried\ncorn, popped in the embers of a fire, is much relished by the children.\n\nSeveral varieties of squash, [222] and beans, as well as peanuts\n(_mani_) are among the common products of the garden. The former are\ntrained to run over a low trellis or frame to prevent injury to the\nblossoms from a driving rain. Both blossoms and the mature vegetables\nare used as food.\n\nAmong the minor products are ginger, _laya_ (_Zingiber officinale_\nRosc.) and a small melon, locally known as _melod_, which is used\nas a sweetening. Sugar cane, _onas_ (_Saccharum_), is raised in\nconsiderable quantity, and is used in making an intoxicating drink\nknown as _basi_. It is also eaten raw in place of a sweetmeat, but\nis never converted into sugar. Nowadays the juice is extracted by\npassing the cane between two cylinders of wood with intermeshing\nteeth. Motive power is furnished by a carabao attached to a long\nsweep. This is doubtless a recent introduction, but it has entirely\nsuperseded any older method.\n\nThe cane is raised from cuttings which are set in mud-beds until\nready to be transferred to the mountain-side clearings. These lands\nare prepared in the same manner as the upland rice fields already\ndescribed. The men dig shallow holes and set each plant upright,\nwhile the women follow, filling the hole with water and then pressing\nearth in with fingers or toes.\n\nIn addition to these food crops, considerable plantings of cotton or\n_kapas_ (_Gossypium_ sp.) and tobacco or _tab\u00e1-o_ (_Nicotiana tabacum_)\nare raised in the clearings. The former is planted on the hillsides,\nwhere it matures in three or four months. The plant seldom reaches\na height of two feet, and the bolls are small, doubtless due to lack\nof care and suitable fertilization. [223]\n\nTobacco seeds are sprouted in beds similar to those used for the rice,\nand the same magical device is used to insure a lusty growth. The young\nplants are carefully watered and shaded until they reach a height of\nfive or six inches. They are then transplanted to hillside clearings,\nor to unused rice fields, where they are set out about three to a\nfoot. This transfer generally takes place near the beginning of\nthe dry season, so that the crop will be sure to mature without\nthe damaging effect of water on the leaves. The plants while lusty\ndo not attain the size of those grown in the valley regions of the\ninterior. As soon as the leaves begin to turn a dark yellow, they are\ncut off and are strung on slender bamboo sticks (Plate LX), which are\nthen hung up in the house. When nearly dry, they are laid in piles,\nand are occasionally turned to prevent rust or mildew from forming.\n\nA small amount of indigo, _tayum_ (_Indigofera tinctoria_) is raised,\ngenerally in open spots near the villages. The plants receive little\nor no attention, yet still attain a height of about three feet. The\nleaves and branches are placed in water for a few days, and are then\nboiled, together with a little lime, the resultant liquor being used\nas a dye for cotton thread.\n\nNo product receives more attention in the lore of the Tinguian than the\nclimbing vine known as _lawed_ (_Piper sp_.). [224] It was formerly\nin universal use in connection with the chewing of betel-nut. To-day\nbetel-nut is less common in this region, but this leaf and the\nareca-nut still play an important part in all ceremonies. According\nto tradition, it was possible in the old times to tell the fate of\nan absent friend by noting the condition of a _lawed_ vine planted\nby him prior to his departure. [225] The vine is now trained on poles\nand trellises, near to many houses.\n\nAmong the larger cultivated plants and trees, the banana (_Musa\nparadisiaca_), coconut (_Cocos nucifera_), and bamboo (_Bambusa\nsp_.) are the most important.\n\nAt least twenty varieties of bananas are raised in Abra. The fruit\nof some of these is scarcely larger than the forefinger, while\nothers are quite large. The common type bears a rather small, yellow\nfruit locally known as _saba_. In Manabo and several other villages,\nplantings covering three or four acres are to be found, but the usual\nplot is small, and is situated near to the house of the owner.\n\nSuckers, which sprout from the roots of mature plants, are set out as\nneeded, either to make new groves or to replace the old stalks, which\nare cut down after bearing. Both bud and fruit are eaten. The latter\nare cut on the stem while still green, and are hung in the house to\nripen, in order to protect them from bats and fruit-feeding birds.\n\nThe coconut (_niog_) is not raised in groves, as in the Christianized\ndistricts, but in many villages every house has two or three trees\ntowering above it. Even the interior mountain settlements, like Lingey,\nBa-ay, and Likuan, are hidden beneath these trees, thus incidentally\ndisposing of the fable that \"the coconut tree will not grow out of\nsight of the sea.\" Young trees have to be protected by fences during\nthe first two or three years of growth, or they will be uprooted by the\npigs, but from that time on they require little or no care. They are\nnot tapped for sap, as is customary in most parts of the Philippines,\nbut notches are cut in the tree trunks in order to supply foothold for\nthe fruit gatherer. The nuts are cut off with a knife as soon as ripe,\nelse they may fall and cause death or injury to people below.\n\nNo other fruit serves the people in so many ways. The juice is relished\nas a drink, the meat as a food, the oil as a food and hair dressing;\nthe shells serve as dishes and cups, or are carved into ladles,\nwhile the fibrous covering of the nut is converted into foot wipers,\nthread brushes, and the like.\n\nThe betel-nut, _bwa_ (_Areca catechu_ L.), is also found in some\nvillages, particularly in the mountains. It is a tall, slender palm\nwhich yields the nut so prized throughout the Islands for chewing.\n\nMango-treees, _mangga_ (_Mangifera indica_ L.) appear here and there\nin valleys and on mountain sides, where the seeds have doubtless been\ncarried by birds or travelers, but considerable groves are found in\nmany districts. The fruit is picked before it is ripe, and is eaten\nas it becomes mellow.\n\nOther trees and shrubs which are occasionally planted are: _Atis_\n(_Anona squamosa_ L., an American plant) prized both for its fruit\nand bark--the latter being used in rope-making.\n\n_Atatawa_ (_Jathropha multifida_ L.). Also found in a wild state. The\nfruit is used as a purgative. The _Jathropha curcas_ L. is also used.\n\n_Daligan_ (_Averrhoa carambola_ L.) or Coromandel gooseberry. The\nfruit is eaten without cooking.\n\n_Lanka_ (_Artocarpus integrifola_ L.). Jackfruit.\n\n_Maling-kapas_ or _kapas to insit_ (_Ceiba pantadra_ Gaertn.), also\nknown by the Ilocano as _kapas sanglay_. This so-called \"Chinese\ncotton\" is a small tree with few, but perfectly straight, branches,\nwhich radiate from the trunk in horizontal lines. It produces\nelliptical pods which burst open when ripe, exposing a silky white\ncotton. The fiber is too short for spinning, but is used as tinder\nand as stuffing for pillows.\n\nOrange (_lokban_) and lime (_lolokisen_) trees are greatly prized,\nbut appear only occasionally. They receive no care, and consequently\nyield only inferior fruit.\n\nThe _pias_ (_Averrhoa bilimbi_ L.) is a garden tree which produces\nan acid fruit used in cooking.\n\n_Santol_ (_Sandoricum indicum_ Cav.) trees are raised both for the\nfruit and for timber. It is said that house posts of this wood are\nnot attacked by white ants.\n\n_Wild Plants and Trees_.--Few of the wild growths have escaped the\nattention of this people, and many are used as food and medicine,\nas well as for fiber materials and bark cloth. Among those used for\nfood, the following are the most important:--\n\n_Apang_ or _sapang_ (_Bixa orellana_ L.).\n\n_Alloseup_ (_Antidesma ghesaembilla_ Gaertn.).\n\n_Bayabas_, or lemon guava (_Psidium guayava_ L.), an American shrub\nwhich now grows wild, and in great abundance, in the mountains.\n\n_Balatong_ (_Phaseolus mungo_ L.). Only the seeds are used.\n\n_Damokes_ (_Pithecolobium dulce_ Benth.), an American tree which now\ngrows spontaneously in northern Luzon. The fruit is eaten, while the\nbark is sometimes used for tanning.\n\n_Ipako_ (_Psophocarpus tetragonolobus_ D.C.), a herbaceous vine\ninfrequently seen in the gardens. The young pods are used as a\ncondiment.\n\n_Kochai_ (_Alliuni tricoccum_) or wild leek.\n\n_Katodai_ (_Sesbania grandiflora_ P.). Only the flowers are eaten.\n\n_Kama-al_ (_Allaeanthus luzonicus_ Blanco. Vill.).\n\n_Kalot_ (_Dioscorea daemona_ Roxb.), a tuber, poisonous if eaten\nwithout special preparation. It is cut into small pieces, and is\nplaced in running water for several days, after which it is cooked.\n\n_Kamatis_ (_Lycopersicum esculentum_ Mill.), tiny tomatoes which are\neaten raw or cooked.\n\n_Labok_ (_Colocasia antiquorum_ Schott).\n\n_Longboy_ (_Eugenia jambolana_ Lam.).\n\n_Olo_ (_Cissus sp_.), a low climbing herb, the stems and leaves of\nwhich are used in place of vinegar.\n\n_Palda_ (_Phaseolus lunatus_ L.), civet bean.\n\n_Sili_ (_Capsicum frutescens_ L.), small red peppers. The American\nchile. Used as a condiment.\n\nSpecimens of about twenty other food plants and trees were obtained,\nbut their identification was impossible.\n\nThe wild growths used as medicines, or in the manufacture of string,\nrope, and bark cloth, will be mentioned under those headings.\n\n_Plants and Trees Used in the Treatment of Disease_.--Most sickness\nis thought to be caused by spirits, either with evil intent or to\npunish some wrong-doing or oversight on the part of the people. To\nplacate or bribe these superior beings, elaborate ceremonies are held,\nbut in addition to these a number of simple remedies are made use\nof. The efficacy of some of these medicines is explained by the fact\nthat certain leaves or infusions are distasteful to the spirits of\ndisease, which, consequently, take their departure. Again, a trouble\nsuch as a tooth-ache is caused by a small worm which is gnawing at\nthe tooth. To overcome this, the bark and leaves of the _alem_ tree\nare thoroughly beaten, and are applied to the face. The worm smells\nthe crushed leaves, and straightway enters the poultice which is then\nburned. The spirits which bring the cholera can be driven away by\nburning the leaves of _sobosob_ (_Blumea balsamifera_), _bangbangsit_\n(_Hyptis suavolens_ Poir.) and _dala_ (?) beneath the house; likewise,\nthe bark of the _bani_ (?) keeps the bearers of constipation at a\ndistance. _Bangbangsit_ is also considered as a cure for stomachache,\ndiarrhoea, and is an aid in bringing on menstruation. When used\nfor these purposes, the root is boiled, and the liquor is drunk. The\nfresh leaves will also relieve a pain in the stomach if applied to it,\nwhile the fruit is eaten to cure diarrhoea. If the patient is already\naffected with cholera or dysentery, the leaves of the _sobosob_\nare placed in a jar of water at the mouth of which a clay ball is\nsuspended, and the whole is then completely covered with banana\nleaves. The pot it placed over a fire, and the steam being unable\nto escape is absorbed by the clay. Later this is crushed, is mixed\nwith water, and is swallowed by the patient. Lard burned to a crisp\nis likewise mixed with water, and is drunk to relieve diarrhoea.\n\nFever is a frequent ailment, and several medicines are employed\nagainst it. The most common is to crush the leaves of the _dangla_\n(_Vitex negundo_ L.) in vinegar made from _basi_, and to add to\nthis a fourth part of urine. The patient drinks a shell cup of the\nliquor, is washed in cold water, and then is briskly rubbed with fine\nsalt. Young banana leaves are applied to the flesh, and over these\nblankets are placed. This is repeated twice daily until the fever\nis broken. Wild tomato leaves, pounded and applied to the abdomen,\nare also considered valuable in causing the patient to sweat. If the\ntrouble is unusually severe, a hot bath is prepared by boiling the\nleaves of the lemon, _atis_ (_Anona squamosa_ L.), and _toltolang_\n(?) trees in water. After the patient has been bathed in this, he is\nwrapped in blankets. The same remedy is used to cure fits.\n\nSnake bite is treated by chewing the bark of the _alonen_ (_Streblus_\n_asper_ Lour.), or _kasabong_ (_Argemone mexicana_ L.), or the root\nof the _talabatab_ (_Capparis micracantha_ D.C.), all of which cause\nvomiting.\n\nThe fruit of the _soloyot_ (_Corchorus olitorius_ L.), when baked\nand ground to a powder, likewise produces vomiting, and is used for\nany kind of poisoning.\n\nTo relieve the itch, the juice of the _kabatiti_ (_Luffa acutangula_\nRoxb.), _Bayabas_ (_Psidium guajava_ L.) or _lew-lew_ (_Ficus haulili_\nBlanco) is mixed with vinegar and soot, and is applied to the skin. The\nmilky exudation of the _kalinbwaya_ (_Euphorbia ner\u00fcfolia_ L.) is\nalso placed on the affected parts.\n\nDuring the rainy season the people are greatly troubled with small\nblisters which form between the toes and quickly break down, leaving\nopen sores. To \"harden\" the feet, they hold them over burning straw.\n\nCertain other aids against disease are also employed. Cracked\nfeet are treated with carabao dung; the nest of a small cave bird\n(_nido_) is crushed in water, and is drunk as a cure for coughs;\nwhile the flesh of the shell fish (_kool_) is applied to boils. A\nfurther cure for the itch is made by pounding a coconut shell into\na fine powder. This is placed in a jar, over a hot fire, and a piece\nof iron is laid over the top. The \"sweat\" which collects on the iron\nis said to give instant relief.\n\nAn infected (\"bad\") finger or limb is tightly bound \"to keep the\nsickness from going up.\"\n\n_Use of Betel-Nut, Tobacco, and Stimulants_.--A study of the tales and\nceremonies makes it evident that the betel-nut (_bwa_) was at one time\nextensively used. To-day it occupies an exceedingly important place\nin the religious rites, but is seldom chewed. When it is offered\nto the spirits, it is still prepared in the way that is universal\nthroughout Malaysia. The nut of the areca palm (_Areca catechu_\nL.) is split into four pieces, fresh lime is spread on a piper leaf\n(_Piper betel_ L.), this is wrapped about the piece of nut, and is\nready for chewing. The areca palm grows well in this territory, and\nquite an extensive grove is to be found near the village of Bakaok,\nyet this is the only place where any number of the people are addicted\nto its use. Tobacco (_tab\u00e1o_), on the other hand, is in universal\nuse, although it certainly was introduced after the arrival of the\nSpaniards. The leaf is dried, and is rolled into thin cigars which\nare placed in tiny pipes (Fig. 21). The cigar itself is never held in\nthe lips, nor is the leaf chewed. Young and old of both sexes smoke\nfrequently, but not a great deal at a time. After taking a few puffs,\nthe pipe is stuck into the hair, or under the inner band of the hat,\nuntil again needed.\n\nThe only intoxicating drink made and used by this people is the\nfermented juice of the sugar-cane, known as _basi_. The juice when\nextracted from the cane is boiled with water for four or five hours. It\nis placed in a large jar together with cinnamon bark, and is tightly\ncovered over with leaves. Fermentation begins almost at once, but for\na month the drink is raw and little prized. In three or four months,\nit becomes quite mellow and pleasant to the taste. Jars are sometimes\nstored away to be opened only for some important event, such as a\nmarriage festival or the celebration of a great ceremony. At such a\ntime a very definite procedure is followed. The most honored guest\nis invited to do the serving. He removes the covering, dips into the\nliquor, pours a little on the sides of the jar, and then a few drops\non the ground as an offering to the spirits. A coconut shell cup\nis then dipped out, and is carried to the _lakay_ or some other old\nman. Before he drinks, he raises the cup to the level of his face, and,\nbeginning at his right, offers it to each person in the circle. The\none saluted makes a gesture away from his body with his right hand,\nthe palm upturned. When all have refused the cup, the man drinks,\noften he stops to sing the _daleng_, an improvised song in which he\ncompliments his host, bespeaks the welfare of his family, or praises\nthe other members of the gathering. One after another the guests are\nserved, but always according to age and importance, the women and\nyoung people being left to the last. The liquor is quite intoxicating,\ntwo or three drinks being sufficient to put the company in a jovial\nmood. It often happens that one or more will become gloriously drunk,\nbut, as a rule, they are not quarrelsome, and there seems to be no\nunpleasant after-effects. [226]\n\n_Domestic Animals_.--Dogs, pigs, chickens, and carabao appear to\nhave been long in the possession of this tribe. Horses, goats, and\ncattle are now owned by some of the people, but only the former are\nof sufficient number to be considered important.\n\nThe dogs _(aso)_are surly, ill-kept creatures of mongrel breed. They\nare seldom treated as pets, but are kept for hunting. Well-fed dogs\nare considered lazy, and hence they are fed only with a rice gruel,\nwhich seems to be neither fattening nor satisfactory. When in the\nvillage, the miserable creatures wander about under the houses, there\nto pick up and fight over morsels which may drop from above, or they\nlie in the ashes of the bonfires, the better to protect themselves from\nfleas and other enemies. When used in hunting, they are kept in leash\nuntil the game is started. When released, they follow the quarry at\nfull cry, and if the game has been injured, they will seldom give up\nthe chase. It is necessary for the hunters to follow the dogs closely\nand beat them off a slain animal, otherwise they will quickly devour\nit. They are always rewarded with a part of the intestines and some\nother portions, so that they may be keen for the next hunt.\n\nPigs (_babuy_) run at large throughout the villages or in the\nneighboring underbrush. They are fed at night close to the dwellings,\nand thus become at least half tame (Plate LXI). Many spend the hot\nhours of mid-day beneath the houses, from which they are occasionally\ndriven by the irate housewives, when their squealing and fighting\nbecome unbearable. The domestic pigs are probably all descended from\nthe wild stock with which they still constantly mix. Most of the young\npigs are born with yellow stripes like the young of the wild, but\nthey lose these marks in a short time. Castration of the young males\nis usually accomplished when the animals are about two months old.\n\nConsiderable numbers of chickens (_manok_) are raised. Nets or coops\nare arranged for them beneath the houses, but they run at large during\nthe day time. Eggs are an important part of the food supply, but the\nfowls themselves are seldom killed or eaten, except in connection with\nthe ceremonies. The domestic birds closely resemble the wild fowl of\nthe neighborhood, and probably are descended from them. Except for a\nfew strongly influenced settlements, cock-fighting has no hold upon\nthis people.\n\nThe carabao or water buffalo (_nuang_) is the most prized and valuable\nanimal possessed by this tribe. As a rule, it is handled and petted\nby the children from the time of its birth, and hence its taming\nand breaking is a matter of little moment. In the mountain region\nabout Lakub, where most of the animals are allowed to run half wild,\nonly the strongest are broken. The animal is driven into a A-shaped\npen, and a heavy pole is fastened across its neck just behind the\nhorns. It is thus prevented from using its strength, and is loaded\nor ridden until it becomes accustomed to the treatment. Carabao are\nused for drawing the sleds and for ploughing and harrowing in the\nlower fields. Should one be seriously injured, it would be killed\nand eaten; but strong animals are slaughtered only on very rare\noccasions. Wild carabao are fairly abundant in the mountains. They\nclosely resemble the tame stock, and are generally considered to be\nderived from animals which have escaped.\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX\n\nPRODUCTS OF INDUSTRY\n\n_Iron-Working_.--Little iron work is now done in the valley of the\nAbra for the competition of the Ilocano smiths of Santa and Narvacan,\nin Ilocos Sur, and the cheap products brought to the coast, and as\nfar inland as Bangued, by Chinese traders, have swamped the native\nindustry.\n\nForges are still found in many villages of eastern Abra, particularly\nthose of the upper Buklok river, but the real center of the industry is\nin and around Balbalasang, on the eastern side of the mountain range.\n\nWe have in northern Luzon a situation similar to that found throughout\nthe archipelago, namely, that the most flourishing smithies are usually\nthose farthest removed from the coast traders. Where communication\nis easy and trade unrestricted, the native industry has vanished,\nor is on the wane. To-day the forges of the Bontoc Igorot, of the\nTinguian-Kalinga border villages, and of Apayao, are turning out\nsuperior weapons, but elsewhere in the northwestern districts the pagan\npeople have either lost the art, or make only very inferior articles.\n\nIt is certain that iron-working has long been known, not only in the\nPhilippines, but throughout Malaysia, and it is likewise evident that\nthese regions secured the art from the same source as did the people\nof Assam, Burma, and eastern Madagascar, for the description of the\nTinguian forge and iron-working which follows would, with very little\nmodification, apply equally well to those in use in Southern Mindanao,\nBorneo, Java, Sumatra, Assam, Burma, and Madagascar. [227]\n\nLong before the arrival of the Spanish in the Philippines, the Chinese\nhad built up such a lively trade in iron bars and caldrons that it was\nno longer necessary for the natives to smelt their own iron ore; if\nindeed they ever did so. [228] This trade metal was widely distributed,\nand then reworked by the local smiths. Even to-day the people of\nBalbalasang make the long journey to Bangued, or even to Vigan,\nto secure Chinese iron, which they carry back to their mountain forges.\n\nThere is no positive proof that the Filipinos formerly mined and\nsmelted iron, but there is a strong probability that they did so, prior\nto the introduction of trade metal. It has already been noted that the\nTinguian type of forge and the method of handling and tempering iron\nis widespread in Malaysia; and, as will be seen later, this process\nis not that in use among the Chinese, so that it is unlikely that the\nart was introduced by them. In furnishing iron ready for forging,\nthey were simply supplying in a convenient form an article already\nin use, and for which there was an urgent demand. In the islands to\nthe south we find that many of the pagan tribes do now, or did until\nrecently, mine and smelt the ore. _Beccari_ [229] tells us that the\nKayan of Borneo extract iron ore found in their own country. _Hose_\nand _McDougall_ say that thirty years ago nearly all the iron worked\nby the tribes of the interior of Borneo was from ore found in the\nriver beds. At present most of the pagans obtain the metal from the\nChinese and Malay traders, but native ore is still smelted in the far\ninterior. [230] Foreign iron is now used by the Battak of Sumatra,\nbut deserted iron-works are known to exist in their country, while the\nMenangkabau still possess smelting furnaces. [231] It seems probable\nthat the whole industry had a common source, and was spread or carried\nas a unit, but when trade relations made the arduous work of mining\nand smelting unnecessary, it was quickly given up. That native iron\nmight have supplied the needs of many Philippine tribes, including\nthe Tinguian, is certain, for important deposits of magnetite and\nhematite are found in Abra, in Ilocos Norte, Angat, Bulacan, Albay,\nand other parts of the Islands. [232] On several occasions, when\non the trail, the natives have called our attention to boulders,\napparently of hematite, which they recognized as iron.\n\nThe smithies are small structures with grass roofs, but no sides or\nfloors (Plate LXII). At one end is a raised bamboo bench in front of\nwhich stands the forge. This consists of two upright wooden cylinders,\nusually logs hollowed out, known as _po-opan._ In each of these is\na piston or plunger (_doeydoyog_) at the lower end of which is a\nwooden ring packed with corn husks and chicken feathers. When this\nis pushed downward in the cylinder, it compresses the air and forces\nit out of the small opening in the base, but when it is drawn up,\nthe packing collapses and allows the plunger to be raised without\neffort. These pistons are worked so that one is rising, while the\nother is falling. The cylinders stand in a wooden block out of which\nbamboo tubes (_tolo\u00f1gon_) conduct the air into a tube of fire clay\n(_ibong_), and this in turn carries it into the charcoal fire. There\nare no valves, as in the Chinese bellows, but the bamboo tubes fit\nloosely, and the fire is not drawn back. Near to the hearth is a stone\nanvil (_dalisdisan_), while a heavy stone hammer, a small iron hammer,\nand iron pinchers complete the outfit.\n\nThe fire is lighted, and the operator sitting on the bench alternately\nraises and lowers the plungers in the cylinders until the fire burns\nbrightly; then the smith puts metal into the coals and allows it\nto remain until it reaches a white heat. It is then removed and\nplaced on the anvil, where his helper beats it out with the large\nhammer. This is a stone weighing twenty or more pounds, fitted inside\nthe handles so that it can be used with both hands. As a rule, it\nis swung between the legs, and is allowed to strike the metal as it\ndescends, but some of the men raise it above the shoulder and strike\na much more powerful blow. If two pieces of metal are to be welded\ntogether, as is often the case when broken caldrons are used, they\nare laid, one overlapping the other, and are held together with damp\nfire-clay. In this condition they are placed in the fire and heated,\nand are then beaten together. It often takes several firings to bring\nabout a perfect weld.\n\nAfter the initial shaping, the smith completes the work with the small\nhammer, and the blade is ready for tempering. A bamboo tube of water\nis placed near by, and the blade is again inserted in the fire and\nbrought to a white heat. Then the smith withdraws it and watches it\nintently until the white tone begins to turn to a greenish-yellow, when\nhe plunges it into the water. The tempered blade is now smoothed down\nwith sandstone, and is whetted to a keen edge. Head-axes, spear-heads,\nadzes, a few knives, and the metal ends for the spear-shafts are the\nprincipal products of the forge.\n\nThe blades are by no means of equal temper or perfection, but the\nsmiths of the Tinguian-Kalinga border villages seldom turn out poor\nweapons, and as a result, their spears and head-axes have a wide\ndistribution over northwestern Luzon.\n\nIn view of the wide distribution of this type of forge and method of\niron-working; of its persistence in isolated communities, while it\nhas vanished from the coast, or has been superseded by the Chinese\nmethods of work; as well as of other details here described, the\nwriter is of the opinion that the art has not been introduced into\nthe Philippines through trade, but is a possession which many or all\nof the tribes brought with them from their ancient home, probably\nsomewhere in southeastern Asia. The effects of trade, in historic\ntimes, are evident throughout the Christianized regions, in Chinese\nand European forges and in foreign types of utensils. Likewise the\ninfluence of the Mohammedanized tribes is very marked in the Sulu\narchipelago, the western coasts of Mindanao, and even among many of\nthe pagan tribes of that island, but the isolated forges throughout\nMalaysia and the methods described by early explorers in this field,\nare practically identical with those just reviewed.\n\n_Spinning and Weaving_.--That cotton (_kapas_) was being raised and\nthe fibre spun into cloth at the time of the Spanish occupation\nof the Islands, is amply proved by many references in the early\nchronicles. Also there was a considerable trade in cotton, silk,\nand the like, carried on by the Chinese and the Brunei Moro. [233]\n\nThe weaving industry seems to have reached its height in the Ilocos\nprovinces, where the processes of ginning, carding, spinning, and\nweaving were, for the most part, identical with those found in Borneo,\nJava, the Malay Peninsula, Burma, and a large part of India. [234]\nThe same methods and utensils are used among the Tinguian, but side by\nside with the more complicated devices, such as the ginning machine\nand spinning wheel, are found more simple contrivances; so it would\nappear that we are here dealing with older and more primitive methods\nof work than are found on the coast. [235]\n\nEvery step in the manufacture of cloth is looked after by the women,\nwho raise a limited amount of cotton in the upland fields, pick and dry\nthe crop, and prepare it for weaving. The bolls are placed on racks,\nand are sun-dried, after which the husks are removed by hand.\n\nGinning is accomplished by two methods. The simplest, and doubtless the\nolder, is to place the cotton on a smooth wooden block and to roll over\nit a wooden cylinder which tapers slightly toward each end (Fig. 16,\nNo. 1). The palm of the hand, at the base of the fingers, is placed on\nthe roller and the weight of the body applied, as the cylinder is moved\nslowly forward, forcing the seeds from the floss. [236] The more common\ninstrument (_lilidsan_) acts on the principle of a clothes wringer\n(Plate LXIII). Two horizontal cylinders of wood are geared together at\none end, and are mounted in a wooden frame in such a manner that they\nare quite close together, yet not in contact. A handle is attached to\nthe lower roller at the end opposite the gears, and as it is turned,\nit rotates the cylinders in opposite directions. A piece of cotton\nis pressed between the rollers, which seize the fibres and carry them\nthrough, while the seeds are forced back and fall to the ground.\n\nThe cleaned cotton is never bowed or otherwise separated with a\nvibrating string, as is the case in Java, India, and China, but the\nsame result is obtained by placing it on a piece of carabao hide and\nbeating it with two rattan sticks until it becomes soft and fluffy\n(Plate LXIV).\n\nAfter the carding, the cotton is spun by placing it in a hollow\ncylinder of palm bark attached to a bamboo stick (_tibtibean_). A bit\nof thread is twisted from the cotton at the bottom of the cylinder,\nand is attached to a spindle, which is rubbed rapidly against the\nnaked thigh, and is then allowed to turn in shallow basket, or on\na piece of hide. As it spins it twists out new thread and the arm\nof the operator rises higher and higher, until at last the spindle\nstops. The position of the extended arm is then altered, and the\nspindle again set in motion in order to wind up the new thread on\nthe shaft. While the spinning is progressing, the free hand of the\noperator is passed rapidly up and down the thread, keeping the tension\nuniform and rubbing out any inequalities (Plate LXV).\n\nIn many sections the spinning wheel used by the coast natives is\nbeginning to replace the hand outfit (Fig. 16, No. 5). The mass of\nfiber is held in the left hand, and a thread from it is attached to\na horizontal spindle, which is turned by a cord passing over a large\nwheel. This method is much more rapid than the hand device, but the\nthread is less uniform, and it is seldom utilized when a fine fabric\nis to be woven. Bamboo bobbins, consisting of small tubes, are also\nwound by attaching them to the spindle shaft, so that the thread is\ntransferred by the revolution of the wheel.\n\nAs soon as the thread is spun, it is placed on a bamboo frame\n(_lalabayan_), Fig. 16, No. 2, on which it is measured and made ready\nfor the combing and sizing. As it is taken from the measuring frame,\na bamboo rod is passed through each end of the loop, and these\nare fastened tightly inside the combing device (_agtatagodan_) by\nmeans of rattan bands. The thread is then carefully combed downward\nwith a coconut husk which is dipped in a size of rice water (Plate\nLXIII). After drying it is transferred to the shuttles and bobbins by\nmeans of the wheel described in the previous paragraph or by a more\nprimitive device, called _ololau_ (Fig. 16, Nos. 4 and 4a). This\nconsists of four horn hooks attached to bamboo sticks, which pass\nthrough openings in a bamboo tube in such a manner that they slip\non each other, and thus produce a wheel of any size desired. [237]\nThe tube fits loosely over a wooden peg sustaining the wheel in a\nhorizontal position, yet turning readily. The loop of threads from\nthe sizing frame is laid on the hooks, from which it is drawn by\nhand onto the bobbins and shuttles. The next step is to prepare the\nwarp for the loom. The thread is drawn from bobbins on the floor,\nand is first fastened to peg No. 1 of the warp winder (_gaganayan_),\nas shown in Fig. 16, No. 3. From here it is carried the length of\nthe board, around 5, thence to 6 and back to 1, after again passing\naround 5. The peg A, which later serves as a lease rod in the loom,\nis encircled each time by the threads passing between 6 and 5. As\nthe warp is carried from 1 toward 5, it passes outside 2, 3 and 4,\nbut when it is returned to 1, it is inside these pegs. These are the\nheddle rods of the loom, and loops from them enclose certain of the\nthreads, thus determining the order in which the warp is to be raised\nin opening the shed. [238]\n\nThe loom, while primitive, is far from simple in its operation. The\nwarp is attached at both ends to sticks or rollers, the far one of\nwhich is fastened to a cross timber of the living room (Plate LXVI).\n\nThe web is kept stretched by means of a strap or belt, which attaches\nto the near roller and then passes around the waist of the operator,\nwho sits on the floor with her feet against a bamboo brace. [239]\nThe arrangement of the lease rod and heddle sticks has been already\ndescribed; in addition to these the threads are further controlled by\na reed board which acts both as warp spacer and beater-in. All being\nready for the weaving, the shed is opened by raising one of the heddle\nsticks, and a heavy knife-shaped batten of wood is slipped into the\nopening. This is turned sideways to enlarge the shed, and a shuttle\nbearing the weft thread is shot through. By raising and lowering the\nheddle rods the position of the warp is changed as desired, while\nfrom time to time the weft threads are forced up against the fabric by\nmeans of the reed board, and are beaten in with the batten. Tangling\nis prevented by means of several flat sticks which cross the warp at\nsome distance from the operator; while threads which show signs of\nloosening are carefully rubbed with a waxed stick.\n\nOn this loom the woman produces head-bands, belt, and narrow strips of\ncloth which are made up into blankets and the like. These fabrics are\noften in several colors and exhibit many tasty and intricate designs,\nsome of which will be described in the chapter on Decorative Art.\n\n_Manufacture of Rope and String_.--At least eighteen trees, shrubs,\nand vines are used in the making of cordage. [240] When small trees\nor limbs are used, and the bark does not adhere too tightly to the\nwood, sections about an arm's length are cut, and two or four splices\nare made at the top. These are loosened with a knife until there is\nenough for the hand to grasp, when the bark can be turned back like a\nglove. Very large sections are held by two men, while a third peels\noff the bark. With some varieties of trees and shrubs it is found\nbest to place the sections in the sun to dry, then a sharp bend in\nthe stalk causes the bark to separate from the wood so that it is\neasily peeled off.\n\nWhen large trees are used, the bark is slit lengthwise every six of\neight inches, and the log is beaten with hard wood sticks. In a short\ntime the covering loosens from the wood and is pulled off. The outside\nlayer is worthless, but the remainder is cut into strips about a half\ninch in width, and is then split lengthwise into thin layers.\n\nIn rope-making three strips are laid side by side on the thigh or on a\nboard, but with their ends at unequal distances (Fig. 17, No. 1). These\nare twisted together, toward the right, until a few inches have\nbeen turned, then the cord is put over one end of a double forked\nstick (_sikwan_), leaving an equal length on either side (Fig. 17,\nNo. 3). The two halves are twisted together until the end of one strip\nof bark is reached; a new piece is laid on top of the others, and as\nthey are turned, it becomes part of the twist. As other ends are met\nwith, new strips are added in a like manner until all the bast desired\nhas been made. It is then wound up on the forked stick until needed.\n\nThe rope machine (_agtatalian_) consists of three wooden whirls, which\nconstitute the forming device, and a single whirl for the traveler,\nwhile a grooved block serves to keep the strands apart (Fig. 17,\nNo. 2). Three equal lengths of the prepared bast are measured, and an\nend is attached to each of the whirls of the forming machine (Fig. 17,\nNo. 2a). However, only one cut is made in the bast, for strand 3. All\nare attached to the single whirl of the traveler, and the process\nbegins. The operator at each end turns his whirl, or set of whirls,\nrapidly toward the right, the one with the traveler bracing his foot\nagainst the lower end, to keep the twisting bast under tension. A\nthird operator guides the grooved piece of wood from the traveler\ntoward the forming machine, as the three strands twist round each\nother into rope. The bast is known as _ginisgis_, the rope as _tali_.\n\nVines, rattan, and strips of bamboo are likewise twisted together to\nform crude, but strong cordage.\n\nThe making of thread is described under spinning and weaving, but\nthe cords used in snares and the like are prepared in a different\nmanner. The operator squats on the ground, and taking a strip of\nfiber, places it on his thigh; then with open palm he rolls it\ntoward the knee. The twisted bast is bent at the center; the thumb\nand forefinger of the left hand hold the loop, and the two strands\nare placed together. These are now rolled toward the knee as before,\nthe hand giving extra pressure on the ulnar side, and then are rolled\nback toward the body with pressure on the radial side. When the end\nof a band is reached, a new one is rolled in, and the process is\ncontinued. A tie at the end keeps the cord from untwisting.\n\nWhen very long strips of fiber are used, two men will work\ntogether. One holds the end of the loop, while the other twists each\nhalf of the strip in the same direction. Then placing them together on\nhis thigh, he turns them, under pressure, in the opposite direction,\nthus making a cord.\n\n_Bark Cloth_.--Bark cloth is still in common use for men's headbands\nand for clouts. It is secured from the same trees as the rope\nmaterial, but wider strips are taken, and it is customary to beat\nthe bark thoroughly before it is removed from the wood. It is then\nsplit to the desired thickness, after which it is beaten with wooden\nor bone mallets (_gikai_), which are generally grooved transversely\n(Fig. 18). The cloth produced is soft and pliable, but is not of the\nfineness of tapa, and it is always in comparatively narrow pieces. In\nno instance was the operator seen to beat two strips together to gain\ngreater breadth or to repair breaks.\n\n_Basket Making_.--In most districts the men are the basket weavers,\nbut in some towns, especially of Ilocos Norte, the women are skilled\nin this industry (Plate LXVII). The materials used are rattan, which\nmay be gathered at any time, or bamboo, which is cut only during the\ndry season and under the waning moon. It is firmly believed that\nboring insects will not injure bamboo cut at this time, and it is\nknown that the dry period stalks are the strongest.\n\nThe tools employed are a short knife or a miniature head-axe and an\nawl. With the former the operator scrapes the outer surface, and then\nsplits the tube into strips of the desired width and thickness. A\ncertain number of these strips, which are to be used for decoration,\nare rubbed with oil, and are held in the smoke of burning pine or of\nrice-straw until a permanent black is obtained. [241]\n\nFive weaves are recognized by the Tinguian, but they are really\nvariations of two--checkerwork and the diagonal or twilled.\n\nThe first and most simple is known as _laga_, the technic of which\nis the passing of each element of the weft under one and over one\nof the warp elements. Where the warp and weft are of uniform size,\nas in mats, it is impossible to distinguish the one from the other,\nbut in many cases the weft is the smaller. Fish traps and storage\nbaskets for mangoes and cotton are generally of this type (Fig. 19,\nNos. 1 and 2).\n\nA variation of the _laga_ known as _minmin\u00e1ta_--\"many eyes\"--(Fig. 19,\nNo. 3), is found in certain types of carrying baskets, the woven tops\nof hats, and the like. Here the warp is crossed, and the weft passes\nthrough it in regular order so as to produce hexagonal openings.\n\nAnother variant is known as _kal\u00e1wat_ [242] (Fig. 19, No. 4). In this\nthe warp stems are in threes. Starting from A they are bent down,\npass over and under similar sets of three, curve on themselves or\nother warp stems so as to leave open spaces between. The rattan\nwall-hangers for coconut shell dishes are usually in this weave.\n\nThe greater part of the baskets are in the diagonal or twilled\nweave, in which each element of the weft passes over two or more warp\nelements. Variations are numerous, either to produce certain effects\nor to accommodate designs. Of these the most common are\n\n\n 1 under 2 over 2 etc.\n 2 under 2 over 2 etc.\n 2 under 4 over 4 etc.\n\n\nThe weaver also frequently constructs the bottom with 2 over 4 under\n4; then when the sides are made he changes to 1 over 2 under 2, until\nthe center is reached; then 1 of the warp passes over 3 of the weft;\nfor the balance the stitch is 1 over 2 under 2. This variation produces\na chevron-like pattern which, in general, is known as _binakol_; but\nwhen it is desired to designate more closely, this name is applied\nto the weaving having an oblique effect (Fig. 19, No. 5), while the\nhorizontal is known as _dinap\u00e1lig_ (Fig. 19, No. 6).\n\n_Types of Baskets_:--Plates LXVIII and LXIX show the most common\ntypes of baskets made and used in this territory. Others of Igorot\nand Kalinga origin sometimes appear, but are seldom imitated by the\nlocal basket-makers.\n\nBaskets 1 and 2 of Plate LXVIII are known as _kaba_, and are used\nprincipally to hold unthreshed rice, corn, and vegetables. Smaller\nbaskets of the same form are for broken rice and cooked vegetables. The\nlarger specimens are often made of rattan, while the smaller are\nusually of bamboo. Shallow bamboo baskets, _pidasen_ or _alodan_\n(Plate LXIX, No. 2) are used as eating dishes for cooked rice.\n\nClothing is put away in covered oval or rectangular baskets, _opigan_\n(Plate LXIX, No. 4), while cotton is stored in long cylindrical\nbaskets _kolang_ (Plate LXVIII, No. 3).\n\nThe _pasikeng_ or _lagpi_(Plate LXIX, No. 3), commonly called the\n\"head basket,\" is the chief basket of the men. It is made of rattan,\nand is supported on the back by means of bands which pass over the\nshoulders. In it are carried extra garments and all necessities for\nthe trail. Recently some of the men have joined together two of these\nbaskets by means of a wide, flat band, and this is fitted over the\nback of a horse or carabao,--an evident imitation of the saddle bags\nused by Spaniards and Americans. Men also carry small containers for\ntheir pipes and trinkets, or else make use of a traveling basket,\nsuch as is shown in Plate LXIX, No. 5.\n\nRice winnowers and sieves (Plate LVII) and the fish-traps shown in\nFig. 13 conclude the list. No coiled baskets are made.\n\nAside from the decoration produced by variations in the weave, little\nornamentation is found in the basketry from Abra, but the Tinguian\nof Ilocos Norte make and distribute large quantities of baskets with\ncolored patterns. Colored vines are sometimes woven in, but the common\nmethod is to employ blackened bamboo, both in warp and weft.\n\nThe top of the basket is strengthened by two hoops of rattan or\nbamboo. One is placed outside, the other inside; on them is laid\na small strip of the same material, and all three are sewed down\nby passing a thin strip of rattan through two holes punched in\nmargin. This strip doubles on itself, encircles the rim, and after\nan interval again passes through two more holes, and so on around the\nentire basket. A square base, attached in the same manner as the rim,\ngenerally completes the basket. In the mountain districts near to\nApayao, the bases of the smaller eating dishes are drawn in toward\nthe center at four points, giving the effect of a four-pointed star.\n\n_Mats_ (_ikamin_).--Mats are used as beds, never as floor\ncoverings. They are rectangular in form, usually about six feet long\nand three wide, and are undecorated. They are made from strips of\n_pandanus_ in the _laga_ weave (cf. p. 423).\n\n_Dyes_.--In recent years analine dyes have come into favor in some\nvillages, and a variety of colors appears in the articles made by\ntheir weavers, but the vegetable dyes used by the ancestors are\nstill employed by most of the women. The commonest colors are blue,\npink--\"black red\"--, red, and yellow.\n\nBlue is ordinarily produced by placing the leaves and branches of the\nindigo plant, _tayuni (Indigofera tinctoria)_in water for a few days;\nthen to boil them, together with a little lime. The thread is dipped\nin the liquid.\n\nPink is secured by crushing _lynga_ (_Sesamum indicum_ L.) seeds and\nboiling them in water. Threads are placed in this for five nights,\nwhile during the day they are dried in the sun. The root of the\n_apatot_ (_Morinda citrifolia_ or _umbellata_) is next crushed,\nand water is added. The threads are now transferred to this liquid,\nand for ten days and nights are alternately soaked and sunned. A\ncopper color results, but this soon changes to pink. It is said that\nthe _apatot_ alone produces a red dye. It is also claimed that the\nseeds of the _apang_ (_Bixa Orellana_ L.) and of a variety of rattan,\nwhen boiled, give a permanent red. [243]\n\nA yellow dye is produced by boiling the leaves of the _Tamarindus\nindica_ L. in water until a strong liquor is obtained.\n\nBark head-bands are stained a purplish-red by applying a liquid\nsecured through boiling _kelyan_ (_Diospyros cunalon_ D.C.?) bark. For\nceremonial purposes they are also colored yellow by applying the juice\nof the _konig_ (_Curcuma longa_), but as this has a disagreeable odor,\nand the color is not permanent, it is not much used in every-day\ngarments. Lemon juice is also applied to bark to give it a yellow hue.\n\nFish nets are colored brown by dipping them into a dye made by\ncrushing the _katakot_ vine in water, or by staining with the juice\nof the _taotawa_ (_Jatropha curcas_ L,).\n\nThe bamboo strips used in decorating basketry are blackened by\nholding them in the smoke of burning rice-straw. Black designs,\nsuch as appear in the ornamentation of lime holders and the like,\nare secured by rubbing oil and soot into incised lines, and then\nholding the object in the smoke of burning rice-straw.\n\n_Net Making_.--Nets are used in fishing, in catching wild chickens\nand grasshoppers, and in hunting deer and pigs. The first three types\nare made of twine, but the fourth is of strong rope.\n\nAll net work is done by the man who, for this purpose, employs a mesh\nstick and a needle of bamboo or carabao horn (Fig. 20). The needle\n(No. 1) also serves as a shuttle, since it carries a considerable\namount of thread between the tongue and notch. The size of the loop\nis determined by the width of the mesh stick or spreader (No. 2). The\noperator generally sits on a rice winnower or squats on the ground with\na net suspended above him (Plate LXX). He forms the mesh by running\nthe needle over and around the spreader, and up and through the loop\nabove, thus forming a loop on the mesh stick. This is drawn tightly,\nthe needle is again passed through, but without encircling the stick,\nand thus a knot is tied. This is repeated until a row of loops has\nbeen completed, when another series is started.\n\n_Manufacture of Pottery_.--In nearly every village there are two or\nthree women who make jars and dishes, but the potters of Abang and\nLakub are the only ones whose wares have a wide distribution.\n\nThe clay is dampened, and is carefully kneaded with the hands to remove\nlumps and gravel, and to reduce it to the proper consistency. A handful\nis taken from the mass, and is roughly modeled with the fingers to\nform the base of the pot. This is set on a wooden plate which, in\nturn, is placed in a rice winnower (Plate XXXVI). The plate takes\nthe place of a potter's wheel, for it is turned with the right hand\nwhile with the left the woman shapes the clay, and smoothes it off\nwith a dampened cloth. From time to time, she rolls out a coil of clay\nbetween the palms of her hands, lays it along the top of the vessel,\nand works and pinches it in. Further shaping and thinning is done with\na wooden paddle and the dampened hand, and then the jar is allowed to\ndry slightly. Before the drying has progressed far enough to render\nthe sides rigid, a smooth stone is placed inside, and the sides are\ntapped gently with a paddle until properly thinned and shaped.\n\nAfter allowing a couple of days for drying, the potter rubs the jar\ninside and out with smooth stones or _lipi_ seeds, so as to give it\nan even surface.\n\nWhen several jars or dishes have been prepared, they are placed in\ncarabao dung or other slow burning material and fired. This generally\ntakes place at night, and the jars are left undisturbed until morning,\nwhen they are ready for service. Occasionally resin is rubbed over a\njar while it is hot, thus giving it a glazed surface; this, however,\nis not common, as the resin quickly melts off the cooking utensils,\nwhile porous jars are preferred as water containers, since the seepage\nlowers the temperature of the contents.\n\nVessels made in Lakub are often decorated with incised patterns\n(Fig. 22, No. 8), but otherwise the Tinguian ware is plain. Chinese\njars are found in every village, and are highly prized, but the native\npotters do not imitate them in form or decoration. Had Chinese blood\nor influence ever been strong in the region, we might expect to find\nthe potter's wheel and traces of true glazing, but both are lacking.\n\n_Pipe Making_.--Both men and women smoke pipes, consisting of a short\nreed handle and a small bowl. Men are the pipe makers, and often show\nconsiderable skill in the decoration of their product.\n\nThe common pipe-bowl is of clay, which has been carefully shaped\nwith the fingers and a short bamboo spatula. Designs are incised,\nand the raised portions are further embellished by the addition of\nsmall pieces of brass wire (Fig. 21, Nos. 4-5). The bowls are baked\nin a slow fire, and the mouthpieces are added.\n\nA second type of pipe, or cigar holder, is made of bamboo (Fig. 21,\nNos. 1-3). Designs are incised in the sides, oil is applied, and the\npipe is held in the smoke of burning rice-straw until the lines become\npermanently blackened (Fig. 22, Nos. 1-3).\n\nIn recent years, Ilocano jewelers have introduced silver pipes, made\nfrom coins. One Tinguian pipe maker has learned the trade, and does a\nlively business. He has further beautified his product by attaching\npendants representing fish (Fig. 21, No. 6). Brass pipes of Igorot\norigin are sometimes seen, but are not made in this region.\n\n_Method of Drying Hides_.--Hides of carabao, and sometimes of other\nanimals, are stretched on bamboo frames and are sun-dried (Plate\nLV). Later they are placed in water containing tanbark, and are roughly\ncured. Such leather is used in the manufacture of the back straps used\nby the weavers, and in making sheathes for knives, but more commonly\nit is placed on the ground, and on it rice and cotton are beaten out.\n\n\n\nCHAPTER X\n\nDECORATIVE ART\n\nIn decorative art the Tinguian offers sharp contrast to the Igorot and\nIfugao, both of whom have developed wood carving to a considerable\nextent. They also have their bodies tattooed, while the colored\nlashings on spear shafts, pipe stems, and other objects show a\nnice appreciation for color and design. In all these the Tinguian\nis deficient or lacking; he does no wood carving, tattooing is\nscanty, while his basket work, except that from two small regions, is\nplain. At times he does make some simple designs on canes, on bamboo\nrice-planters and weaving sticks, on lime boxes and pipe stems, but\nthese are exceptions rather than the rule. In the region about Lakub,\nhe decorates his jars by cutting the ends of sticks to form small\ndies which he presses into the newly fashioned clay (Fig. 22, No. 8),\nwhile in Manabo and some other villages the pipe makers cut the bowls\nof the clay pipes in floral designs or inlay small pieces of brass to\nform scroll patterns (Fig. 22, Nos. 4-7). These last mentioned designs\nare so restricted in their manufacture, and are so different from those\nfound elsewhere in Abra, that they cannot be considered as typical.\n\nThe figures incised in bamboo show some realistic motives, such as\nthe fish, birds, and flowers in Fig. 23, No. 1; the snake and lizard\nin No. 2; the man in No. 5; but the strictly geometrical is dominant\nin nearly every case. Probably the most typical of this class of work\nis shown in Nos. 3 and 4 and Fig. 22, Nos. 1, 2, and 3. It should be\nnoted, however, that, where one decorated object is seen, many more\nentirely plain will be found. In short, ornamentation is uncommon\nand of minor importance.\n\nThe one place where decoration is dominant is in the weaving, and\nthis is done entirely by the women. Figures 24 and 25 show typical\ndesigns which occur in the blankets. Except for No. 8 in Fig. 24,\nthey do not appear to be copies from nature, but all have realistic\ninterpretations. Fig. 24 shows eight designs drawn by native weavers,\nwhich are identified as follows:\n\n\n 1. A fish.\n 2. Weaving on a Spanish bed or chair seat.\n 3. Pineapple.\n 4. A heart.\n 5. Fishhooks.\n 6. A crab.\n 7. Cross section of a pineapple.\n 8. A horse.\n\n\nIn Fig. 25 are five typical patterns taken from blankets, while\nNo. 6 is the ornamental stitching which unites two breadths of cloth,\nthe latter is identified as \"fingers and finger nails.\" No. 1 is the\nturtle, No. 2 a crab, No. 3 a rice-mortar, No. 4 the bobbin winder\nshown in Fig. 16, No. 4; No. 5 pineapple.\n\nPlate LXXI is a ceremonial blanket, such as is hung up over the\ndead. The figures are identified as _a_ a deer, _b_ horse, _c_ carabao\ncalf, _d_ man. The textile in Plate LXXII, No. 1 is likewise used\nchiefly as a ceremonial piece, the designs representing _a_ man, _b_\nhorse, _c_ star.\n\nA very pleasing blanket is shown in Plate LXXII, No. 2 in which the\ndesigns are identified as a rice cake, and _b_ as a star, while the\nwhole pattern is known as _kalayan_--the river. The textile in Plate\nLXXIII, No. 1 imitates a mat, while No. 2 is known as _kosikos_--the\ncircle.\n\nA part of these designs are evidently copies from real objects,\nothers appear to be merely pattern names, while the weavers do not\nhesitate to borrow any likely patterns which strike their fancy. One\nquite frequently sees a blanket which shows a \"lion,\" or some other\nanimal or object, with which the people could only become acquainted\nthrough pictures or descriptions from outside sources.\n\nIn addition to these designs already mentioned, there are certain\ncommon types of decoration effected through weaving or embroidery,\nfor which no explanations are given. They are said to be only \"to\nmake pretty.\" Among these are the ends of belts and clouts, as shown\nin Plate LXXIV, or the raised diamond pattern shown in No. 2 of the\nsame Plate, or the plaid effect in colors, which appear in some of\nthe skirts.\n\nIt has already been noted (cf. p. 416) that the weaving methods of\nthe Tinguian are similar to those of the Ilocano, and the same is true\nof a considerable part of the decorative patterns. The Christianized\nnatives have less of the realistic, a greater variety of geometrical\ndesigns, and a greater fondness for bright colors, made possible by\nthe use of analine dyes, than the mountaineers.\n\nIt seems probable that the Tinguian-Ilocano peoples brought the\nweaving industry with them into northern Luzon, that the Ilocano branch\nhas borrowed improved methods of manufacture, as well as decorative\nmotives from the people with whom they have been in contact through\ntrade. The Tinguian in turn have borrowed from them, but, in the\nmain, they still retain the more primitive methods of weaving, and\nit is probable their types of ornamentation likewise approximate more\nclosely those in use in earlier times.\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XI\n\nPERSONAL ADORNMENT, DANCES, AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS\n\nThe dress of the man is the clout (_ba-al_), either of beaten\nbark or of cloth, and a woven belt (_balikes_) in which he keeps\nsmall articles (Plates LXXV-LXXVI). On special occasions he wears a\nlong-sleeved jacket (_bado_), open in front, and in a few instances,\ntrousers. Both these garments are recent acquisitions, and the latter,\nin particular, are not in favor, except where Ilocano influence is very\nstrong. The man is not inclined to adorn himself with brass and gold,\nneither does he use tattooing to any extent, as do his Kalinga and\nIgorot neighbors. Some have small patterns on an arm or thigh, but\nthese are usually property marks with which he brands his animals or\nother possessions. Tattooing as an evidence of a successful head-hunt\nis not found in this region, nor are there other marks or garments\nto identify the warriors.\n\nThe hair is worn long, and is parted straight down the middle; the\ntwo strands are twisted, crossed in the back, then carried to the\nforehead, where they are again crossed, and the ends are fastened\nby intertwining on each side of the head. A bark band (_ayabong_)\nholds the hair in place, but at times it is replaced by a cloth or\na narrow ring of interwoven grass and rattan. Round bamboo hats,\nwith low dome-shaped tops, are commonly worn (Plate XLV), but these\nare sometimes displaced by hats which go to a sharp peak, or by those\nmade of a gourd or of wood.\n\nThe woman's hair is parted in the middle, and is combed straight down\nto the nape of the neck, where it is caught by strings of beads;\nthese are crossed in the back and encircle the head; the strand of\nhair is then twisted and a loop formed which is carried to the left\nside, where it is again caught under the beads, near to or above\nthe ear. Most of the Tinguian have luxuriant heads of hair, but,\nnevertheless, switches are commonly used by both sexes. The hair is\noften washed with the ashes of rice-straw, or with the bark of the\n_gogo_ tree (_Entada purseta_), and is moistened with coconut oil.\n\nStrings of beads encircle the women's necks, but the typical ornament\nconsists of strands above strands of beads reaching from the wrist\nto the elbow, and if the wealth of the owner permits, even covering\nthe upper arm as well (Plate LXXIX). The strands are fastened tightly\nabove the wrist, causing that portion of the arm to swell. Slits of\nbamboo are usually placed under the beads, and may be removed if the\npain or annoyance of the constriction is too severe. The upper arm\nbeads are removed with little difficulty; but those on the forearm are\ntaken off only once or twice a year, when new threads are substituted,\nor when the owner is in mourning. Beneath these ornaments a delicate\nfretwork of blue lines is tattooed, so that the woman's arms may not\nbe white and unsightly when she is without her beads. [244]\n\nMost of the women have their ears pierced, but in the valley towns\nonly a small proportion wear earrings. In the mountain sections heavy\nornaments of gold or copper are worn, the weight often drawing the\nlobe of the ear far down on the neck.\n\nWhen at work, the woman discards all clothing from the upper portion\nof her body, but at other times wears a short-sleeved jacket which\nreaches to her waist (Plate LXXVII). The waist is cut so low in the\nneck that the head can pass through. There is no shoulder seam. A\nstraight piece set over the shoulder extends down in square, both\nfront and back, to a line about even with the breast, where it is\nsewed to the garment proper. A narrow skirt (_dingwa_), with colored\nborder, extends from the waist to the knees. It is held in place by\ndrawing it tightly and then tucking one corner under the upper edge,\nor by pressing it beneath the girdle (Plate LXXVIII).\n\nWhen a girl becomes a woman, she dons a girdle (_palingtan_) of\nbraided grass or rattan which fits over the hips, and to which a\nclout is attached (Plate LXXX). As a rule, the girdle and clout are\nnot removed when bathing, as are the other garments.\n\nThe woman seldom wears a hat, except when she is working in the\nfields, where sunshades large enough to protect the entire body are\nused (Plate LIV). Frequently a cloth or a skirt is twisted about the\nhead as a protection against the sun.\n\nOn chilly mornings one often sees the people covered from head to\nankles with their sleeping blankets, or a woman may draw a particularly\nwide skirt about her body just below the armpits so that she is\nprotected from her breasts to the knees.\n\nThe teeth of both sexes are blackened with iron salts and tan bark,\n[245] but they are not cut or mutilated, as is common with many\nPhilippine peoples.\n\nWhile both sexes are proud of heavy heads of hair, they do not look\nwith equal favor on face and body hairs. These are plucked out either\nby grasping them between a knife blade and the thumb nail, or with a\nbamboo device known as _iming_. This consists of a section of bamboo\nsplit into several strips at one end. A hair is placed in one end of\nthe slits, and the bamboo is bent into a half circle, causing it to\ntake a firm hold, when it is jerked outwards.\n\nPrized necklaces (_paliget_) made of small strands of twisted silver\nwire, are placed on the neck of a corpse, and on some occasions are\nworn by the living. During dances the hair is adorned with notched\nchicken feathers attached to sticks, while circlets made of boar's\ntusks are placed on the arms.\n\n_Dances_.--Two dances, one ceremonial, the other suitable for all\noccasions, are very popular.\n\nThe ceremonial dance known as _da-eng_ takes place at night, and is\ncarried on to the accompaniment of a song. [246] An equal number of\nmen and women take part. The women form a line facing a similar row\nof men, about twenty feet distant. Locking arms about one another's\nwaists and with one foot advanced, they begin to sway their bodies\nbackwards and forwards. Suddenly they burst into song, at the same\ntime stepping forward with the left foot. Keeping perfect time to the\nmusic, they take three steps toward the men, then retreat to their\noriginal positions. The men then take up the song and in a similar\nmanner advance and retreat. This is repeated several times, after\nwhich the two lines join to form a circle. With arms interlocked\nbehind one another's backs, and singing in unison, they begin to\nmove contra-clockwise. The left foot is thrown slightly backward\nand to the side, and the right is brought quickly up to it, causing\na rising and falling of the body. The step, at first slow, becomes\nfaster and faster till the dancers have reached the limit of their\nvocal and physical powers.\n\nThe _da-eng_ is sacred in character, is danced only at night and\nthen under the direction of the mediums. It is, however, in great\nfavor, and often so many of the younger people wish to take part\nthat double lines, or two or more groups, may be dancing at the same\ntime. It sometimes happens, when the _basi_ has been flowing freely,\nthat the participants become so boisterous and the pace so fast\nthat spectators are run down or the dancers are piled in a heap,\nfrom which they emerge laughing and shouting.\n\nThe common dance, the _tadek_, is a part of nearly all gatherings of\na social and religious nature. The music for this dance usually is\nmade with three _gansas_ [247] and a drum. The _gansas_ are pressed\nagainst the thighs of the players who kneel on the ground. Two of the\ncoppers are beaten with a stick and the palm of the hand, while the\nthird is played by the hands alone (Plate LXXXI, Fig. 2). The stick\nor left hand gives the initial beat which is followed by three rapid\nstrokes with the right palm. A man and a woman enter the circle, each\nholding a cloth about the size of a skirt. The man extends his cloth\ntoward the woman, and bringing it suddenly down, causes it to snap,\nwhich is the signal to begin. With almost imperceptible movement of\nthe feet and toes and a bending at the knees, he approaches the woman,\nwho in a like manner goes toward him. They pass and continue until\nat a distance about equal to the start, when they again turn and\npass. Occasionally the man will take a few rapid steps toward the\nwoman, with exaggerated high knee action and much stamping of feet,\nor he will dance backward a few steps. At times the cloth is held\nat arm's length in front or at the side; again it is wrapped about\nthe waist, the woman always following the actions of the man. At\nlast they meet; the man extends his hand, the woman does likewise,\nbut instead of taking his, she moves her own in a circle about his,\navoiding contact. Again they dance away, only returning to repeat\nthe performance. Finally she accepts the proffered hand, the headman\nbrings _basi_ for the couple to drink, and the dance is over. The\nman sometimes ends the dance by the sharp snapping of his cloth,\nor by putting it on his extended arms and dancing toward the woman,\nwho places her cloth upon his (Plate LXXXI, Fig. 1).\n\n_Musical Instruments, Songs, and Dances_.--The Tinguian is naturally\nmusical. He sings at his work, he beats time with his head-axe against\nhis shield as he tramps the mountain trails, he chants the stories of\nlong ago as the workers gather about the fires each evening of the dry\nseason, he sings the praises of his host at feasts and festivals, [248]\njoins with others in the dirge which follows a burial, and he and many\nothers will sing together as they dance the _da-eng_. But his music\ndoes not stop with his vocal accomplishments. In the folk-tales the\npan pipe (_dew-dew-as_) occupies a most important place, and to-day\nthe maidens still play them in the evening hours. It is a simple\ndevice made of reeds of various lengths lashed together (Fig. 26,\nNo. 1). The player holds the instrument just in front of her lips,\nand blows into the reeds, meanwhile moving them to and fro, producing\na series of low notes without tune.\n\nAnother instrument of great importance in the legends is the nose\nflute (_kalaleng_). This is a long reed with holes cut in the side,\nto be stopped by the fingers in producing the notes. The player closes\none nostril with a bit of cotton, and then forces the air from the\nother into a small hole cut in the end of the tube. The instrument\nis popular with the men, and often one can hear the plaintive note\nof the nose flute far into the night (Plate LXXXII).\n\nThe mouth flute (_tulali_) is similar to that found in civilized lands,\nbut is constructed from a reed.\n\nA peculiar device used solely by the women is the _bunkaka_ (Fig. 26,\nNo. 2). This consists of a bamboo tube with one end cut away so as\nto leave only two thin vibrating strips. These, when struck against\nthe palm of the left hand, give out a note which can be changed by\nplacing a finger over the opening at x.\n\nA Jew's harp is constructed like a netting needle, but with a tongue of\nbamboo cut so that it will vibrate when struck, or when a cord attached\nto the end is jerked sharply (Fig. 26, No. 3). If made of bamboo,\nthe instrument is known as _kolibau_; if brass, _agiweng_. It is often\nmentioned in the tales, and to-day is played by nearly all the men.\n\nBamboo guitars (_kuliteng_) are made by cutting narrow strips\nthroughout the length of a section of bamboo, but not detaching them\nat the ends. They are raised and tuned by inserting small wedges of\nwood at the ends. Small sections of thin bamboo are sometimes fitted\nover two strings, and are beaten with sticks, or the strings can be\nfingered like a guitar (Plate LXXXIII).\n\nMusic for dances is furnished by an orchestra consisting of four men,\nthree with copper gongs (_gangsas_), and one with a drum. The gongs\nare tambourine shape, with sides about an inch and a half high. They\nare placed against the thighs of the players who kneel on the ground,\nand are beaten with a stick and the palm of the hand or by the hands\nalone. [249] They doubtless came into this region through trade,\nbut at a time so remote that their origin is now credited to the\nspirits. The drum (_tambor_) is made of a short section of a tree\nhollowed out. The ends are covered with cow's hide or pig's skin.\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XII\n\nMUSIC\n\n_Introduction_.--That the songs might be delivered as nearly as\npossible at the same pitch which the singers used when making\nthe records, investigation was made as to the usual speed used by\nmanufacturers while recording. It was found to be 160 revolutions per\nminute. Accordingly the phonograph was carefully set at this speed\nduring transcription.\n\nIn determining the keys in which to transcribe the various songs, the\npitch-pipe used was that of the \"International,\" which was adopted\nat the Vienna Congress in Nov. 1887. This congress established c2 =\n522 double vibrations per second. All the records proved to be a\nshade flat by this standard, but were found to be almost exactly in\naccord with an instrument of fixed pitch, which in turn was found to\nbe approximately eleven beats at variance with the pitch-pipe on c2.\n\nAssuming that the recording and transcribing speeds of the machines\nwere the same, this would place the original singing almost exactly in\naccord with the old \"philosophical standard of pitch\" which places c2\nat 512 double vibrations per second. Though the singing was not always\nin perfect accord with the notes set down in transcriptions, with the\nexception of those very marked departures especially indicated in the\nmusic, the variations were so slight that, so far as true intonation\ngoes, the performances were fully up to the standard of those of the\naverage natural singer.\n\nSpecial ear tubes were used while transcribing the records, and resort\nmade to a special device wherewith any order of whole, or even part\nmeasures could be consecutively played. Thus it was possible to\nclosely compare parts which were similar in either words or music.\n\nIn some of the records two or more voices can be distinguished singing\nin unison. Such unisons are shown in the transcription by single\nnotes. No attempt has been made to indicate the several voices. But\nwhen such single notes are shown accompanied by the word \"solo,\"\nit is to be understood that all of the performers have dropped out\nbut one, probably the leader. When the voices split up into parts,\nit is so notated in the music.\n\nPrimitive people display more or less timidity in giving their\nsongs for scientific purposes. Such timidity is especially apt\nto be manifested in their attacks. In the _Da-eng_, Girls' Part\n(Record J), the delayed attack at the beginning of each new verse\nis very marked. The delay varies considerably from verse to verse,\nas indicated by the number of beats rest shown at the ends of the\nlines. Similar pauses are found in the Boys' Part of the same ceremony\n(see Record A). These beats rest or pauses are not to be taken as\npart of the legitimate rhythm, for it is more than likely that if the\nsingers were giving their songs in their regular ceremonial and the\nperformers unconscious of observation, these pauses would not occur.\n\nIn transcribing those songs which have several verses on the record,\nthe notation has been so arranged on the page that the measures line\nup vertically, making comparison easy between corresponding measures\nof the different verses.\n\nTo indicate peculiar qualities, special signs are used in connection\nwith the regular musical symbols. The table which follows shows these\nsigns and also lists the qualities for which they stand. Some of these\nqualities could have been represented by regular musical symbols,\nbut it was thought best to use the special signs to make them stand\nout more prominently. The qualities thus indicated as well as those\nwhich are represented by the regular musical notation will be found\nlisted and defined after the tabulation of qualities.\n\n\n\nWords of the Da-Eng\n\n_Part I_. Sung in line. [250]\n\n\n Ma-li-dom ag-dag-da-gi yo-ma-yom\n Yom-ma-yom ta yom-ma-yom ag-dag-da-gi yo-ma-yom.\n Ma-la-nas ag-dag-da-gi na-sa-nas\n Ma-sa-nas ta ma-sa-nas ag-dag-da-gi na-sa-nas.\n Si On-na-i in-no-bi-yan ki-not-ko-tan Na-to-tan\n Na-to-tan ta na-to-tan ki-not ko-tan na-to-tan.\n Kol-kol-dong si gi-nol-bat nga ag-moli-moli-yat\n Mo-li-yat ta mo-li-yat ag-mo-li mo-li-yat.\n Ka-lan-tag kal-la-yan-nen ag-ka-idig-na-yan\n dig-na-yan ta dig-na-yan ag-ka-i dig-na-yan.\n A-na-on si Tak-la-yan na-\u00eds-ti-lo ai bolo\n Bin-no-lo ta bin-no-lo na-\u00eds-ti-lo ai bo-lo.\n Sok-bot ni ka-bin-bin-an adi ma-sil-si-li-ban\n si-li-ban ta si-li-ban adi ma-sil-si-liban\n Ba-gai-ba-yem dem-ma-ngen si-nol-bo-dan ni kolat.\n ki-no-lat ta ki-no-lat ai ag-ki-no ki-no-lat.\n Sabak ni am-mo-ga-wen mimog-go-mog di-kai-wen\n di-kai-wen ta ki-kai wen mimog-go-mog di-kai-wen.\n Sabak ni an-na-a-wen mi-ka-li-ya li-ya-wen.\n Li-ya-wen ta li-ya-wen ai ag-li-ya li-ya-wen\n\n\n_Part II_. Sung in line.\n\n\n alin-to-bo ni ni-og ag-lam-pi-yok\n lam-pi-yok ta lam-pi-yok ag-lam-pi lam-pi-yok.\n al-in-to-bo ni aba ai adi nag-pada\n pi-na-da ta pi-na-da ai adi nag-pa-da.\n al-in-to-bo ni no-nang ag-ba-li ba-li-yang\n ba-li-yang ta ba-li-yang ai ag-ba-li ba-li-yang.\n al-in-to-bo ni lamai um-al-ali ma-ya-mai\n ma-ya-mai ta ma-ya-mai umal ali ma-ya-mai.\n al-in-to-bo ni bang-on ag-ba-la ba-la-ngon\n ba-la-ngon ta ba-la-ngon ag-ba-la ba-la-ngon.\n al-in-to-bo ni oway pel-sa-tem ket i-nom-lai\n i-nom-lai ta i-nom-lai pel-sa-tem ket i-nom-lai.\n al-in-to-bo ni oling bog-yo-ngem ket boom-li-sing\n boom-li-sing ta boom-li-sing bog-yo-ngem ket boom-li-sing.\n al-in-to-bo ni ba-kan umal ali ka-na-kan\n ka-na-kan ta ka-na-kan umal ali ka-na-kan.\n al-in-to-bo ni anis ai adi na-gi-nis\n gi-ni-nis ta gi-ni-nis ai adi nedey na-gi-nis.\n\n\n_Part III_. Sung as they dance in circle.\n\n\n A-ya-mem si pa-ni-ki ag-sol-sol-wap si la-bi\n ni la-bi ta ni labi ag-sol-sol-wap si la-bi.\n A-ya-mem si bat-ta-teng ag-tiya ti ya-deng\n ti-ya-deng ta ti-ya-deng ag-ti-ya ti-ya-deng.\n A-ya-mem si bang-nga-an nga dum-ang-dang-lap si da-lan\n din-na-lan ta din-na-lan dum-ang-dang-lap si da-lan.\n A-ya-mem si om-om-bek nga ag-ma-si ma-sim-bek\n si nim-bek ta si-nim-bek nga ag-ma-si ma-sim-bek.\n A-ya-mem si po-na-yen nga omas-asi gai-ga-yen\n gai-ga-yen ta gai-ga-yen om-as asi gai-ga-yen.\n A-ya-mem si la-ga-dan nga tomal-la tal-la-dan\n tal-la-dan ta tal-la-dan nga ag-ta-la tal-la-dan.\n A-ya-mem si bal-ga-si nga agka-a ka-a-si\n ka-a-si ta ka-a-si nga ag-ka-a ka-a-si.\n\n\n_Part IV_.\n\n\n Bwa di la-od to-mo-bo nga lo-mok-bot\n lo-mok-bot ta lo-mok-bot to-mo-bo wa lo-mok-bot.\n Bwa di Ba-li-la-si-bis nga gi-i-tem ket ma-i-mis\n i-ni-mis ta i-ni-mis gi-i-tem ket ma-i-mis.\n Bwa di Mal-la-pa-ai gi-i-tem ket tom-ga-ey\n te-ga-ey ta te-ga-ey gi-i-tem ket tom ga-ey.\n Bwa di Mal-lo-sa-ak gi-i-tem ket tom-ga-ak\n te-ga-ak ta te-ga-ak gi-i-tem ket tom-ga-ak.\n Bwa di Tom-mo nga kom-ma-lab ket tom-mo-bo\n tom-mo-bo ta tom-mo-bo kom-ma-la-lab ket tom-mo-bo.\n\n\n_Part V_.\n\n\n Adi yo pai lau-lau-den lawed-ko nga do-la-wen\n do-la-wen ta do-la-wen adi yo pai lau-lau-den.\n La-wed ngaita di al-yo pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-o\n bi-na-o ta bi-na-o pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-o.\n La-wed di po-dok pang-lau-lau-dan ta bo-kod\n bi-no-kod ta bi-no-kod pang-lau-lau-dan ta bo-kod.\n La-wed di Sab-lang, pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-sang\n bi-na-sang ta bi-na-sang pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-sang.\n La-wed di Pa-wai pang-lau-lau-dan ta a-wai\n in-na-wai ta in-na-wai pang-lau-lau-dan ta a-wai.\n\n\n_Part VI_.\n\n\n Ka-wa-yan di Po-da-yan na-tong-dan ta na-tong-dan\n na-tong-dan ta na-tong-dan ka-wa-yan di Po-da-yan.\n Ka-wa-yan di Bal-li-weyan om-mi-weyan\n Om-mi-weyan ta om-mi-weyan ka-wa-yan di Bal-li-weyan.\n Ka-wa-yan di Ba-ta-an ko-ma omi-na-lan\n i-na-lan ta i-na-lan ka-wa-yan di Ba-ta-an.\n Sol-kod-ko nga ka-wa-yan na-kak-la-ang di dem-mang\n di dem-mang ta di dem-mang na-kak-la-ang di dem-mang.\n Kawayan di Pa-la-i ag-ka-i dong-la don-la-li\n dong-la-li ta dong-la-li ag-ka-i dong-la dong-la-li.\n\n\n\n_Part VII_.\n\n\n Da-num di la-od kom-mog-nod ket kom-mog-nod\n Kom-mog-nod ta kom-mog-nod danum di la-od.\n Dagsi-yan di Pa-la-wang ko-ma ta sum-mi na-wang\n si-na-wang ta si-na-wang ko-ma ta sum-mi-na-wang.\n Dagsi-yan di Langiden mi-ka si-li si-li-ten\n sili-ten ta si-li-ten dag-si-yan di Lang-i-den.\n Dagsi-yan di Ka-ba-lang-gan na-kal kalong go-kong-an\n ga-kong-an taga-kong-an na-kal ka-long ga-kong-an.\n Danum di Pa-da-ngi-tan ki-na-dang ta ka-witan\n ka-wi-tan ta ka-wi-tan ki-na-dang ta ka-wi-tan.\n Dag-si-yan di Lai-og-an nan-gol la-ol la-yo-san\n la-yo-san ta la-yo-san o-mal-la al-lo-yo-san.\n Danum di Abang sum-mol-wai ta sum-mol-wai\n Sum-mol-wai ta sum-mol-wai da-num di A-bang.\n Danum di Abas inum-bas ket inum-bas\n inum-bas ta i-num-bas da-num di A-bas.\n Danum di Ba-ai nag-kat-lo nga sa-long-ai\n Sa-long-ai ta sa-long-ai nag-kat-lo nga sa-long-ai.\n Danum di Da-ya nag-kil-la-yos nga si-pa\n Si-ni-pa ta si-ni-pa nag-kil-la-yos nga sipa.\n Danum di ngato ti-nung-dai ta a-nito\n A-nito ta a-nito ti-nun-dai ta a-nito.\n Danum di aging ti-nung-dai ta ka-la-ding\n Ka-lad-ing ta ka-la-ding ti-nung-dai ta ka-la-ding.\n Danum di A-yeng ti-nung-dai ta ba-yeng-yeng\n ba-yeng-yeng ta ba-yeng-yeng ti-nung-dai ta ba-yeng-yeng.\n Adi ka-pai man-gi-mon na-sal-li-bon ai bo-bon\n bin-no-bon ta bin-no-bon na-sal-li-bon ai bo-bon.\n\n\n_Approximate Translation of the Da-Eng_ [251]\n\nI\n\n\n ?\n ?\n The Malanus flows.\n Flows, flows, flows onward.\n Si (Mr.) On-na-i and Na-to-tan dig obi (taro) with their hands.\n Dig, dig, dig with the hands.\n The firefly in the woods opens his eyes.\n Opens, opens, opens his eyes.\n The bank caves into the river.\n Caves, caves, caves in.\n Here, your arm pretty bamboo (?)\n Bamboo, bamboo, pretty bamboo.\n Do not disturb the rest of the kabibinan (a bird).\n Disturb, disturb, do not disturb.\n Help the kolat (a plant) to grow.\n Become kolat, become kolat, stir up to become kolat.\n The flower of the Amogawen falls on you.\n On you, on you, falls on you.\n The flower of the Ana-an plays with you.\n Plays, plays, it plays.\n\n\nII.\n\n\n The young leaves of the coconut wave.\n Wave, wave, they wave.\n The leaves of the aba are not alike.\n Alike, alike, are not alike.\n The leaves of the nonang turn back and forth.\n Back and forth, back and forth, turn back and forth.\n The leaves of the lamay quake.\n Quake, quake, they quake.\n The leaves of the bangon arise(?).\n Arise, arise, they arise.\n The leaves of the rattan cut and twist.\n Twist, twist, cut, and twist.\n The leaves of the oling rustle and rattle.\n Rattle, rattle, rustle and rattle.\n The leaves of the bakan fall before time.\n Fall, fall, fall before time.\n The leaves of the anis (a low shrub) are not clean.\n Clean, clean, not clean.\n\n\nIII.\n\n\n You play Mr. bat who fly by night.\n Night, night, fly by night.\n You play grasshopper whose back is concave.\n Concave, concave, whose back is concave.\n You play Bang-nga-an who shines like gold by the trail.\n By the trail, by the trail, shines like gold by the trail.\n You play onombek who hiccoughs.\n Hiccough, hiccough, who hiccoughs.\n You play dove who falls.\n Falls, falls, who falls.\n You play lagadan (a bird) who flees(?).\n Flees, flees, who flees.\n You play balgasi (?) who mourns for the dead.\n Mourns, mourns, mourns for the dead.\n\n\nIV.\n\n\n Betel-nut of the west which grows up like the gourd.\n Grows up, grows up like the gourd.\n Betel-nut of Balasibis which smiles when it is cut. (Literally--is\n cut and smiles.)\n It smiles, it smiles, is cut, and smiles.\n Betel-nut of Malapay which chuckles (like a woman) when it is cut.\n Chuckles, chuckles, is cut, and chuckles.\n Betel-nut of Malosak which laughs (like a man) when it is cut.\n Laughs, laughs, is cut, and laughs.\n Betel-nut of Tomo which climbs and grows.\n Grows, grows, climbs, and grows.\n\n\nV.\n\n\n Do not take the leaves of my lawed, who am rich.\n Rich, rich, do not take lawed leaves.\n The widower takes often the top (best) lawed of Alyo.\n The widower, the widower, the widower takes often.\n The lawed of the wooded hill the widow takes often.\n The widow, the widow, the widow takes often.\n The lawed of Sablang the maiden takes often.\n The maiden, the maiden, the maiden takes often.\n The lawed of Paway the hermit (country man) takes often.\n The hermit, the hermit, the hermit takes often.\n\n\nVI.\n\n\n Bamboo of Podayan, ever living, ever living.\n Ever living, ever living, bamboo of Podayan.\n Bamboo of Baliweyan sigh (literally \"go wey\") when the wind blows.\n Sigh, sigh, bamboo of Baliweyan.\n Bamboo of Bataan, like the sunshine.\n Sunshine, sunshine, bamboo of Bataan.\n My cane of bamboo gives out a clang.\n Clang, clang, gives out a clang.\n Bamboo of Palai wave up and down.\n Wave, wave, wave up and down.\n\n\nVII.\n\n\n Water of the west, become less and less.\n Less, less, water of the west.\n Spring of Palawang overflow.\n Overflow, overflow, be like the overflow.\n Spring of Langiden flow fast. (Literally \"like lightning\".)\n Flow, flow, spring of Langiden.\n Spring of Ka-ba-lang, flow like a chain.\n Chain, chain, flow like a chain.\n Water of Padangitah be knee deep to the rooster.\n Rooster, rooster, knee deep to the rooster.\n Spring of Layogan flow on.\n Flow, flow, flow on.\n Water of Abang (?)\n ?\n Water of Abas, become dry.\n Become dry, become dry, water of Abas.\n Water of Ba-ay has three branches.\n Branches, branches, has three branches.\n Water of the East shaped like a ball.\n Ball, ball, shaped like a ball.\n Water from above the anito holds (stops).\n Anito, anito, the anito holds.\n Water of the uninhabited place the ghost holds.\n Ghost, ghost, the ghost holds.\n Water of Ayeng the bamboo tube holds.\n Bamboo tube, bamboo tube, the bamboo tube holds.\n Do not be jealous, pretty spring.\n Spring, spring, pretty spring.\n\n\n\n_Da-Eng_. Boys' part.\n\nRecord A. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony.\n\nThere are at least two voices in this record. Possibly there were\nthree or more singers taking part, though it is not possible to\ndistinguish more than two.\n\nThe song is cast in the pentatonic scale of A major. The notes\nG-natural and D-flat do not belong to this scale. At those places\nwhere they are put down in the notation, they are used to better define\nthe glissandos. The singers pass over them rapidly, sliding from the\ntopmost note of the group to the lowest with no perceptible dwelling\non any of the intermediate tones. The glissandos are indicated by\nstraight lines drawn obliquely underneath such groups (see _Definition\nof Qualities_, p. 478).\n\nIn each of measures 2 and 6 of verses 1, 2, and 3; and in measure\n6 of verse 4, is shown a group of three notes with an asterisk\nabove. These groups, as shown in the notation, are B, A, G; but in\nmeasure 2 of verse 4, the corresponding group is C, B, A. In those\nmeasures marked *, the singers are very plainly striving to reach\nthe tones C, B, A. There is that quality of tension in the voices\nwith the accompanying forcing of tone which is peculiar to untrained\nsingers striving for a tone near the limit of their highest range. As\nthe tones actually sounded are neither B, A, G, nor C, B, A, but are\ninstead a sort of compromise between the two, it is quite evident that\nthe succession intended in each of the seven measures is the same\nas in the eighth or odd one, viz. C, B, A. If we assume this to be\nthe case, it eliminates seven of the foreign G naturals shown in the\nnotation. If, however, this conjecture is wrong, and the performers\nreally feel that the groups in question all start on B, then the G\nnaturals are eliminated by the glissandos. The only other G-natural\nis shown in measure 7 of verse 4. By comparing this measure with the\ncorresponding measure in each of the other three verses, it will be\nseen that the singers have taken great pains in those verses to avoid\nthis note which does not belong to the pentatonic scale which they are\nusing,--evidence that they do not sense the tone in the fourth verse,\nwhere it is taken glissando. The D-flat, also foreign to the scale,\noccurs but once. It is in measure 3 of the top line. The glissando\nhere eliminates this tone also, but, by comparing this measure with\nthe corresponding measure of each of the other verses, we find the\nsame avoidance as in the case of the G-natural,--evidence that the\nperformers do not sense this other foreign tone. The song is therefore\nvery markedly pentatonic in character.\n\nThe assumption that the seven groups marked with asterisks do not\nrepresent the real intent of the singers, is based entirely on the\n\"stress\" heard in the record. This \"stress\" cannot be represented\nin notation. Relying on the notation alone, one would be warranted\nin drawing a contrary conclusion and assuming that the odd measure\nshould be made to conform to the other seven and all read, B, A, G; or,\nfrom the phonographic record, one might assume that the compromise,\npreviously mentioned, was the intonation really intended. Primitive\npeoples frequently do sing and play, quite intentionally, tones out of\nconformity with scale tones of present-day concert music. Such tones\ncannot be represented by our musical notation without resort to special\nsigns. This is not necessary in the present case, as the falling short\nof true intonation does not appear to be from deliberate intent on\nthe part of the singers, but seems to be due to lack of ability.\n\nIn eight of the measures, at least one of the voices departs from the\nmelody proper, producing the harmony-intervals so frequently heard\nin the music of primitive peoples, namely, that of a 5th without\nthe 3rd to complete the triad, and that of a 4th without the 6th\nto complete the chord. Such thirdless 5ths are found in measures 5\n(verse 1), 1 and 8 (verse 2), 5 (verse 3), and 1 and 5 (verse 4); and\nthe interval of a 4th without the 6th is found in measures 3 and 8 of\nverse 4. In the last measure of the notation, however, the interval\nof a 4th there shown is caused by the leader's voice departing from\nthe regular melodic succession instead of the accompanying voice or\nvoices, as is the case in each of the other measures mentioned.\n\nIn measures 1 and 5 of each of the four verses of the song, and also\nin measure 3 of the second verse, the sign, \".....\" (mezzo staccato\nmarks), is used to indicate the pulsating of the voice of one of the\nsingers, probably the leader, marking the rhythm of the song.\n\nThe metronome tempo is mostly 88, but varies at times and runs as-high\nas 92 per minute in the last half of the 4th verse.\n\nBetween verses 2 and 3 the phonograph shows that the singers paused\neight beats (two whole measures), and between verses 3 and 4 there was\na similar, though shorter, pause of two beats (one-half measure). These\npauses are not shown in the notation.\n\nThere was no special change in dynamics throughout the song except\nas indicated by the sforzando marks in measures 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, and\n8 of verse 4.\n\nIn general character this song resembles most the _Dang-dang-ay_\n(Record M).\n\n\n_Diwas_\n\nRecord B. Sung at night by the friends of a sick man.\n\nThere are two singers on this record, both men with bass voices. One\nseems to be the leader, the accompanying singer dragging along\nbehind. As the tempo is very slow and many of the tones long drawn\nout, this uncertainty on the part of the second performer is not so\nnoticeable, except on the quick runs as the leader passes to another\nprincipal tone.\n\nThe song is cast in the natural minor scale of D. The E-flat near the\nbeginning of the second line does not belong to the scale. It is not\nwell defined on the record, and so is indicated in the transcription\nwith an interrogation-mark beneath.\n\nAlthough not confined to the intervals of the pentatonic scale, the\nnumber is distinctly pentatonic in character. It is made up mostly\nof the tones A, C, D, and E. These tones belong to the pentatonic\nscales of C major and its relative minor A. In tonality, the song\ncannot be considered as belonging to either of these keys, as there\nis a very distinct feeling of B-flat in it, notwithstanding that the\ntone is seldom dwelt upon, but passed over quickly, almost glissando,\nin nearly every place where it occurs.\n\nThe song ends on A. This is not the key note, however, but is the\nfifth of the key.\n\nThe song is like a mournful chant. Throughout there is a peculiar\nwailing which leaves a strange, haunting impression. The music\nadmirably suits the hour when it is used. It would be decidedly\nincongruous given in broad daylight. These untutored savages could\nhardly have conjured up a more typical tone-picture of the \"shadowy\nvalley\" than the song heard on this record.\n\nThe peculiarly weird character is due in large part to the swelling out\nand dying away of the tones on certain syllables. (For comparison to\neffects found in Igorot music, see \"Swelled Tones\" under _Definition\nof Qualities_, p. 479).\n\n_Sang-Sangit_\n\nRecord C. Sung during the evening following a funeral.\n\nIn this record we hear but one voice--a man's. The song is cast in\nthe minor scale of G, but whether the natural minor or the harmonic,\ncannot be determined, as the singer does not use the 7th of the\nscale. It is not pentatonic in character.\n\nThe song is given in the recitative style. There are several verses\nwhich vary but little in the music, except for the changes in the\nreiterated staccato tones which are made greater or less in number to\naccommodate the difference in number of syllables. With the exception\nof those starting the glissandos or trills, the repeated tones were\ngiven with a very decided staccato punch.\n\nMuch of the intonation is vague. In taking the glissandos shown near\nthe middle of the top line, the upper tone is sung about half way\nbetween B-flat and B-natural. There is some abandon in the rhythm also.\n\nThe group of six notes marked with an asterisk are trilled on the\nsemitone interval.\n\n_Dawak_\n\nRecord D. The song of a medium when calling spirits into her (his)\nbody.\n\nThis song is doubtless the invention of the singer. It has that abandon\nwhich usually characterizes the songs of workers in the occult among\nprimitive folk.\n\nThe song is cast mostly in the relative minor (G-sharp) of the\npentatonic scale of B-natural major. A-sharp does not belong to this\nscale. There are five measures, where this note appears, but in each\ninstance the tonality of the phrase momentarily rests in D-sharp minor,\nthe relative of the pentatonic major of F-sharp. A-sharp belongs to\nthis scale, but B-natural does not. The singer, with his instinct for\nthe five-note scale, avoids the B-natural until the tonality shifts\nback to the original key. The song is therefore classed as pentatonic\nin character.\n\nThe melody is distinctly harmonic in structure, as nearly all of the\nsuccessions are made up of triad intervals.\n\nThough the song runs but a minute and a half, the tempo changes eight\ntimes. The performer takes nearly every new tempo with a well-defined\nrhythm. There is considerable freedom shown in the first movement\nwhen the tremolos between B-natural and the G-sharp below are taken.\n\nThe singer shows quite remarkable flexibility of voice, excellent\nbreath control, and a rather surprising quality of tone and accuracy\nof intonation. As a demonstration of flexibility, about the middle of\nthe first movement, he takes the quarter note B-natural in falsetto\nand immediately drops into the waver a tenth below, at the same time\nassuming his natural voice. The falsetto tone is indicated in the\ntranscription by a tiny circle above the note. All of the wavered\ntones, as well as the falsetto at the beginning and the turn at the\nend are sung with one breath to a single syllable. This is quite\na remarkable performance considering that the singer had no voice\ntraining.\n\nNear the opening of the first 2/4 movement is shown a group of five\nnotes given in the time of four,--a rhythmic effect few trained\nmusicians can execute well.\n\nOf the various performers who took part in making the fourteen records,\nthis singer shows the best voice technic and control.\n\nThe fact that the singer scarcely repeats a single motive throughout\nthe extent of the song, but is constantly introducing new tonal ideas\nargues an extempore performance. It would be interesting to have for\ncomparison another record of the same song made at another time.\n\n_Song of a Spirit_\n\nRecord E. Sung by a medium when possessed by a spirit.\n\nMelodically this song is quite in contrast with the _Dawak_. This\none is distinctly melodic in structure, though there are suggested\nharmonies. These harmonies are mostly tonic and dominant alternating\none with the other.\n\nUsing a two-measure motive, which he announces at the very start,\nthe singer works the material over and over, first in one harmonic\nmode and then in the other, frequently changing the form of the motive\nthrough embellishments or altered metric values, but always leaving\nan impression which harks back to the original motive.\n\nArrange the various tones of this melody in any order that we will,\nwe cannot make them conform to any diatonic scale used in modern\nmusic. If, however, we ignore the C-flat, which occurs twice in the\nsong, it gives us an incomplete ascending melodic-minor scale in\nD-flat. But the song is not minor in mode. It is distinctly major\nin tonality. It is formed mostly of the four tones D-flat, E-flat,\nA-flat, and B-flat. All of these belong to the pentatonic major scale\nof D-flat. This gives a very marked pentatonic flavor, yet the song\nis not in the pentatonic scale, for the singer introduces half steps,\nand there are no such intervals in the pentatonic scale.\n\nCasting about among the scales used by various peoples, the nearest\napproach I find to the tonal succession of this song is one of the\nnumerous scales or \"tunings\" used by the Japanese. It is that known\nas the \"Hirajoshi.\" To make comparison easy, I have transposed this\nJapanese koto-tuning into the same key as that of the song. Along\nwith it I show the tonal material of the Tinguian song arranged in\ncorresponding sequence.\n\nIt will be seen that every note in the Japanese scale is found also\nin the Tinguian, though not always in the same octave. All of the\nTinguian tones are found in the Japanese scale except the C-flat and\nD-flat. These exceptions are shown with their stems turned down. The\nnotes shown in white in the Tinguian scale are not sung at the pitch\nindicated, but occur in the song as octaves of these tones. The black\nnotes therefore show the actual tones sung. It will be noticed that\nin the arrangement of the notes the opening tone is repeated a few\nnotes later on. This is because the Japanese usually tune the koto\nwith the first and fifth strings in unison to facilitate the execution\nof certain passages in their music.\n\nThe \"Jog,\" heard so frequently in the Igorot songs, occurs eight times\nin this number. It is not quite so well defined here, however, as in\nthe _Dang-dang-ay,_ being modified in this song either by syncopation,\nby phrasing, or by lack of accent. It is interesting to note however,\nthat it is always given on the tonic or the dominant, and also that\nit is repeated in true Igorot style.\n\nThe unconcern and skill with which the performer of this song unravels\nthe mixed up duplet and triplet groups, is evidence of his inherent\nsense of rhythm, as it pertains to the symetry of note groups and\ntheir embodiment as beat-units into larger, varying measure-units;\nbut his indifference, as he juggles his metric values of 2/4, 3/8, and\n3/4 time, shows an entire absence of appreciation for form as revealed\nin even-measured sections, phrases, and periods of modern music.\n\nConsidered in the light of an oracle from the spirit himself speaking\nthrough the medium, the music would indicate that the spectre is not\none of the gentle and kind disposition, but on the contrary is very\ndomineering. He is of frightful mien, and tries to terrorize all who\ncome under his sway.\n\n_Song of a Spirit_\n\nRecord F. Sung by a medium when possessed by a spirit.\n\nThis song is very similar in general character to the _Dawak_,\nand many qualities in it indicate that it is given by the same\nperformer. It has the same general formation as the _Dawak_. It is\nharmonic in construction. Nearly all of its tones follow the triad\nintervals of either the minor or its relative major tonic chords or\nthe minor dominant chord. There is no well-marked motive development\nbut instead a succession of tones first from one triad, then from\nanother, and so on, grouped in ever varying fashion.\n\nThe key is G minor, but closes in the relative major B. While singing\nin the minor, the performer follows modern methods and raises his\nseventh or \"leading tone,\" when the progression is upwards into the\ntonic (see measures 10, 13, 25, and 27).\n\nThe tempo is mostly 108, but at the tenth measure the movement\nslows down to 80. At this point is shown a note with a large circle\nabove. This tone was taken with a very wide open mouth quite in\ncontrast with the one preceeding. The next measure following shows\ntwo tones taken falsetto.\n\nLike the Dawak, this song is probably the composition of the\nsinger. Although very primitive in its general aspect, it has absorbed\nfrom some source a bit of modern influence.\n\nIf the surmise is correct that the performer of this song is the same\nas the one who made the record of the _Dawak_, and if the two songs\nwere made at distinct times with a considerable period elapsing in\nwhich other records were made, it would indicate, as is frequently the\ncase among primitive singers, that this performer almost invariably\nsings at the same pitch. In other words, he has to some degree the\nsense of absolute pitch.\n\n_Bagoyas_\n\nRecord G. A song of praise and compliment sung by a guest at a feast\nor party. Words are extempore, but music constant.\n\nThe singer is a tenor with considerable dramatic quality in his\nvoice. The words of the song must be extemporized to suit each new\noccasion; so also, must the elemental tonal forms be extemporaneously\ncombined, for the music must fit the words, and these will vary in\nrhythm and meter with each performance. The music may be considered\nconstant, however, in that the form of each component motive is more\nor less fixed.\n\nThe following five group-ingredients, used either in the pure form\nas shown, or with slight alterations, make up approximately one-half\nof the entire song.\n\nReiterated tones and glissandos pad out between these and make up\npractically the remainder of the number.\n\nTurning our attention to the first of the above groups, which I have\nmarked \"M.M.1.\" (melodic motive), we find that it is used nearly a\nscore of times throughout the extent of the song.\n\nA motive may be modified in ten different recognized ways and each form\nof modification employed in varying degrees, within certain limits,\nand yet the motive will not loose its identity. As an example of this\nwe find in this song the first melodic motive _transposed_ from the\nfourth degree of the scale (where it is originally announced) to the\nfirst, the fifth, and the sixth degrees. We find the same motive\ngiven with _omissions_, with _additions_, with _augmentations_,\nwith _contractions_, and with _altered rhythmic values_; in short,\nthe composer has turned this motive over and over, and unwittingly\ndeveloped it much after the manner used by musicians trained in the\nart of composition. The fact that this motive is given four times\nrhythmically and melodically intact, besides recurring frequently\nthroughout the composition in one or another of the accepted forms of\nmodification, argues that this melodic germ was a familiar tone-figure\nto the singer, one that he could apply to most any syllable on which\nhe wished to dwell. In this connection it is interesting to note that\nthis motive, in its purest form, is always used in a transitional way,\nnot only musically, but rhetorically, thus \"marking time,\" as it were,\nwhile the improvisator chooses his next words of praise.\n\nThe second melodic motive (M.M.2.) occurs at least five times, with\nsome transformations to be sure, and sometimes even overlapping the\nfirst motive. The third (R.M.) is purely rhythmic, but seems to be\na pet device of the singer and helps him out with syllables needing\nspecial emphasis. The fourth can hardly be dignified by the name of\nmotive, in this case, but is simply a musical device (M.D.), used by\nthe singer mostly in his terminations.\n\nI surmise that the song in its entirety, including the above elemental\ngroups, is the invention of the singer. He has equipped himself with\nthese particular tonal fragments, because they not only suit his fancy,\nbut lie well within the range of his vocal attainments. He has used\nthem so frequently and in such varied forms that he can instantly\ntwist, turn, or alter them to fit the requirements of the various\nsyllables of his ever changing flatteries.\n\nWith a few such elemental groups of his own invention at command,\nany singer would be well equipped to extemporize for the delectation\nof his host and the entertainment of the other guests.\n\nThe song is exceptional for strongly accented notes. The triplets\ngiving the value of three quarter notes in the time of two are rather\nunusual in modern music. It is cast in the natural minor scale\nof B-flat. The singer never uses either the raised 6th or 7th in\nascending, as do moderns in the melodic minor, but adheres strictly\nto the old _normal_ or _natural minor_ form.\n\nAlthough diatonic, in that both the G-flat and C-natural appear\nfrequently, yet the number savors much of the pentatonic.\n\nAt three places where the singer uses one or the other of the tones\nforeign to the pentatonic scale, he makes half-step progressions.\n\nIn the fourth line of the song we find the single instance in these\nrecords, where the performer takes an upward glissando. It is on the\ntwo-note embellishment F-natural G-flat shown in the last measure of\nthat line. It is immediately followed by a downward glissando.\n\nBalalognimas\n\nRecord II.\n\nTwo singers are heard on this record. They seem to be women. Possibly\nthere are more than the two voices. As the song has such a well-defined\nswing and such a martial character, it must be wonderfully inspiring\nwhen given by a large company of singers.\n\nIt is cast in the natural minor diatonic scale of C-sharp, though it\nis strongly pentatonic in character.\n\nThe rhythm is partly 5/8 and partly 4/8, but it swings along so\nnaturally that it seems as if it could not be otherwise.\n\nThe distribution of the accents, sometimes falling on the first\nand third beats and again on the second and fourth, helps to give\nit a character which puts it in a class by itself. It has the most\ncharacter of any of the women's songs in this group.\n\nThere are several verses to the song almost precisely alike in words\nand music.\n\n_Da-Eng_. Boys and Girls Alternating.\n\nRecord I. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony.\n\nThis song is in two distinct movements or parts varying one from the\nother in meter, in tempo, and in general style.\n\nPart 1\n\nThere are at least two voices discernible in this part. They seem to\nbe the voices of girls or women.\n\nIt is cast in the relative minor (C) of the pentatonic scale of E-flat\nmajor. The tones of this scale given in order are C, E-flat, F, G,\nB-flat, and then the octave C. The tones D-natural and A-flat are\nmissing, thus avoiding the half step between D and E-flat, and between\nG and A-flat (see remarks in pentatonic scale under _Definition of\nQualities_, p. 480).\n\nThe A-flat shown in the third from the last measure of this part is\nwritten there to define more clearly that particular glissando which\nseems to be of slightly different rhythmic construction than the one\nin the corresponding measure above. The fact that the tone is passed\nover glissando eliminates it from the scale.\n\nIn the fourth measure of each line we find a peculiar splitting up of\nthe parts, one voice holding the C, while the other skips to the E-flat\nabove, thus producing the harmony-interval of a minor third. This\nbehavior seems to be intentional on the part of the performers, as\nit occurs precisely the same in each of the four lines of the song,\nthough not quite so well defined the last time owing to the fact that\nthe upper voice does not come out so strong on the E-flat. This is\nindicated in the notation by a small square note.\n\nPart 1 is in the very unusual rhythm of 5/4. The rhythm is not\nwell defined, however, as there is considerable abandon in the\nstyle of rendition. The metronome tempo of 69 applies practically\nthroughout. Sometimes the singers are a trifle in advance of the count\nand at others drag behind, but always sooner or later drop into the\nregular beat. A stress on each fifth count gives the number a rhythm\nof five. It is unique also in that each line has but five measures.\n\nPart 2\n\nIn this, the same number of voices is heard as in the first part. The\nperformers seem to be the same ones who sang from the beginning.\n\nThe scale is the same as that of part 1. The intonation is very\ndistinct and the character unmistakably pentatonic.\n\nIn measure 2 there is the harmony-interval of a perfect fourth\nfollowed immediately by that of a minor third, the same succession\nas was used in the _Da-eng_, Girls' part (Record J). In the fourth\nand fifth measures of this part are found unprepared minor thirds,\nwhich also appear in Record J. These harmonies are not so primitive\nas those found in the boys' part of the same ceremony (see Record A).\n\nThe tempo throughout this part is 80 and the rhythm strongly\nmarked. There is a wait between the two lines. The machine was\nevidently stopped at this point or the needle raised and started\nagain. Each line has the uncommon number of five measures the same\nas the first part, but metrically the part is in 4/4 rhythm.\n\nThe second time through, the singers seem to be striving to repeat\nthe first line of the movement with embellishments consisting of\ninverted mordents, appogiature, and trills.\n\nMusically, there seems to be absolutely no connection between this\nsong and the other two of the same ceremony. In many ways this song\nis the most interesting of those submitted. In origin it probably\ndates between the other two.\n\nIt is not given consecutively on the record, as there were breaks\nbetween each two lines while the needle was raised.\n\n_Da-Eng_. Girls' part.\n\nRecord J. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony.\n\nThe record shows but two voices one of which is greatly predominant\nin strength and confidence as if it were the leader's voice.\n\nThe song is cast in the scale of B minor. It is not pentatonic. The\nsingers would employ, so an interrogation-mark is; placed below that\nbe either A-natural or A-sharp, according to whether the scale is\nthe _natural_ minor or the _harmonic_ minor, it is not possible to\ndetermine which tone the singers would employ, so an interrogation mark\nis placed below that note. The raised fourth (E-sharp), shown in the\nfifth measure of four out of the six verses, is perfectly intentional\non the part of the singers, but musically, is to be interpreted as\nan accidental, and does not affect the scale of the song.\n\nIn this song we again have the interval of a fourth without the sixth\nabove. It occurs four times, each time followed immediately by the\nless primitive and more harmonious interval of a minor third. The\nminor third harmony also occurs in three other measures,--in these\nwithout preparation.\n\nThese minor thirds are all the same,--B-D, the foundation of the\ntonic chord of the key,--evidence that the singers have a keen sense\nof the minor tonality.\n\nThe tempo alternates between 96 and 108. The first half of each line\nis given at 96, but the second half is taken more rapidly at 108 beats\nper minute. Each of these rhythms is very evenly preserved, the time\nbeing well marked by accented notes and pulsations of the voice as\nshown in the score. The figures at the ends of the lines indicate\nthe number of beats rest actually taken by the performers. Twice\nthey take the normal number four, which, if preserved throughout,\nwould place the song in the regular eight-measure form. Some of the\nmeasures are 4/4, and some are 3/4.\n\nIn each verse of this song we find an example of the characteristic\nwhich I have termed a \"jog.\" It is seen in each next-to-last measure\nwith special sign beneath. The jogs in the 2nd, 4th, and 6th measures\nare the best defined (see table of special signs under _Introduction_,\np. 444).\n\nThere are three qualities in this song, which indicate that it is of\nmore modern origin than either of the other two which belong to the\nsame ceremony. The frequent and undoubtedly intentional use of the\nraised fourth giving the half step E-sharp to F-sharp; the persistent\nrecurrence of the hardly primitive, minor-third harmony; and the fact\nthat the song is not cast in the pentatonic scale, as are the other\ntwo records of the same ceremony, point to a more modern origin.\n\nIt may be that in the earliest practice of this ceremony the girls\nor women did not participate, their parts having been a later\naddition. This could not be determined musically, however, without\nexamining more records of songs from this or similar ceremonies.\n\n_Bogoyas_\n\nRecord K. Sung by a woman.\n\nThis is a woman's song of praise, complimentary to the host at a party.\n\nThe singer makes use of all the scale tones of the major key of E-flat,\nexcept the D-natural. The B-natural found in the next-to-last measure\nis a passing tone, and does not affect the scale or tonality. At that\npoint the suggested supporting harmony is an augmented triad upon\nthe tonic leading into the subdominant. With the exception of this\none measure, the song is in the five-note scale. Notwithstanding that\nthis measure contains two A-flats and also the passing tone B-natural,\nboth of which tones are foreign to this particular five-note scale,\nthe song is not robbed of its pentatonic character.\n\nThe rhythm of this song is interesting. It alternates throughout\nbetween 4/4 and 5/4. It might have been notated in 9/4 time instead,\nin which case it would have but five measures.\n\nThe singer uses the downward glissandos, so characteristic of nearly\nall of the Tinguian songs of this group. These glissandos are indicated\nby oblique lines drawn beneath the tones covered by the slide.\n\nIn the second measure there is an almost inaudible tone at the end\nof the glissando. It is indicated by a small, square note. Careful\nlistening to the record at this point shows that the singer really\nleaves the principal tone E-flat and slides with a sudden dying-down\nof volume. The abruptness with which the sound of the voice fades as it\nstarts the glissando, leaves the impression of E-flat still sounding.\n\nOne tone in this song is given on the inhaled breath. It is indicated\nby a circle with a dot in the center placed beneath the note. This\ntone was produced well back in the throat, while the singer sharply\ninhaled the breath. This artifice, occasionally used by the Tinguian,\nis seldom, if ever, heard in the singing of civilized peoples (for\nother examples, see analysis of Record M, _Dang-dang-ay_).\n\nThis song, given by a woman, has not the well-marked motive development\nshown in the other _Bogoyas_, sung by a man. However, we find two quite\ndistinct, prevailing ideas set forth. The first includes the whole of\nthe first measure and the first beat of the second. It seems to be\nin the nature of a question which finds its answer in the remainder\nof the second measure, and again in the third, and again in the\nfourth measure. It is the same answer, but expressed each time in a\nlittle different manner. In the fifth measure and carrying over into\nthe sixth, the questioning is heard again. Although put forth in a\ndifferent arrangement of tones, it is the same musical thought as that\nexpressed in the first measure. This time it is answered but once. The\nanswer takes parts of two measures. Now follows another query similar\nto the first, and again comes the answer fully expressed in each of\nthe two concluding measures.\n\nThe principal interest in this centers around the B-natural, indicating\nthat the singer has a very decided appreciation of the half step\nand of the upward leading tendency of a tone raised a semitone by\nan accidental.\n\n_Na-Way_\n\nRecord L. Sung at the celebration which closes the period of mourning\nfor the dead.\n\nThere are two voices heard in the record, probably women. In ten\nof the measures there is a splitting up of the parts. In the first\nmeasure of each of the second and third lines, and also in the third\nmeasure of the third line, the difference in the parts is owing to\nuncertainty of attack, one of the singers, usually the leader, starting\nthe syllable ahead of the other performer. In the second measure of\nthe last line, the first divergence is caused by the leader taking E\nby way of embellishment; and the second divergence, producing a minor\nthird, is caused by the other voice dropping to B too soon. These are\nnot intentional harmonies. The other six departures from unison are\ncaused by the leader embellishing her part. The appogiatura, shown\nwith a tiny circle above, has the quality of falsetto. The singer\nyodles down to the principal tone B.\n\nThe song is strictly pentatonic. Peculiarly enough, it may be\nconsidered as belonging to any one of the following tonalities, B\nminor, E minor, or G major, though there is no G in the melody. The\nsong seems the most primitive, however, when considered in the key\nof E minor, for the harmonies required to place it in this tonality\ncarry more of the primitive atmosphere than do the chords which are\nrequired in either of the other tonalities.\n\nIn this connection it would be interesting to know just how these\nvarious harmonizations would appeal to the Tinguian. It is a well-known\nfact among musicians who have recorded the songs of primitive peoples,\nthat though the songs are used with practically no harmonies, yet the\nsingers feel an harmonic support which they do not express. Experiments\nalong this line have been tried with the American Indians. Various\nharmonizations of a given melody have been played for them, a melody\nwhich they themselves sing only in unison, and they have been very\nquick to choose the particular harmonic support which appeals to them\nas being an audible expression of the vague something which they feel\nwithin, but do not attempt to voice.\n\nThe tones of this song when arranged to represent the scale of E minor\ncoincide exactly with the scale tones of two of the tunings of the\nJapanese 13 stringed _koto_. These tunings were both borrowed by the\nJapanese from the Chinese by whom they were used as special tunings of\nthe _ch'in_, or _kin_, one of the most ancient of musical instruments.\n\nIn each of the eleven glissandos shown in the notation, the voices drop\nsuddenly to approximately the tone shown by the small square note. The\nglides are taken diminuendo, the tone dying away completely. The\nsudden diminuation of tone taken with a glissando gives an effect\nsomething like a short groan. The song is in seven-measure periods.\n\n_Dang-Dang-Ay_\n\nRecord M. Sung by women while pounding rice out of the straw and husks.\n\nOnly one voice can be distinguished in the record. It is that of\na woman.\n\nThough strongly pentatonic in character, the song is cast in\nthe diatonic scale of F major. Metrically there is considerable\nfreedom. 3/4, 4/4, and 5/4 rhythms are thrown in with the most\nhaphazard abandon, yet it has the even pulsing which should dominate\na song of this character.\n\nThe song is in two rather distinct movements. The first, in spite\nof the two triplets thrown in at the first and third measures, has\na straight-away motion which offers a striking contrast to the more\ngraceful, swaying second part which is mostly in triplets. The change\nfrom one style to the other is made by the singer with no variation\nin tempo. It is therefore admirably adapted to accompany the regular\nfalling of the pestles while beating out the rice.\n\nNear the close of the song are two notes with [Sun] over them. These\nwere vocalized on the inhaled breadth (for other examples of Inhaled\nTones, see analysis of Record K, _Bogoyas_).\n\nThis song contains seven examples of the \"Jog\" (see _Definition\nof Qualities_, p. 479). Those in the second part of the song are\nthe best defined. One of these is shown with open head. This jog is\ngiven the most nearly like the Igorot manner of execution of any of\nthe examples found in these fourteen songs.\n\nIn general character, this song somewhat resembles the Boys' Part of\nthe _Da-eng_ ceremony (Record A).\n\n_Kuilay-Kuilay_\n\nRecord N. Sung by women while passing liquor.\n\nThere is one singer only on this record. It is a woman. The song is\ngiven in a lively, jolly, rollicking style.\n\nIt is cast in the F major scale. The melody has good variety. At\ntimes it defines quite clearly the harmonic outline by following the\ntonal framework of the tonic, dominant, or subordinant chords. Passing\ntones are used more freely and naturally in this song than in any of\nthe others.\n\nIn the third measure of the fifth line, the singer very plainly\nvocalizes a half step from F to E. The second and fourth lines also\nshow semitones, though these are not so distinctly given on the record\nas the other example.\n\nIn the last measure of the third line there is a modulation into the\ntonality of B-flat which carries through two measures.\n\nIn the fifth line are three accents which make the meter rather elusive\nat that point. The two small notes shown at the beginning of the\nthird line seem to be spoken with no attempt at vocalization. They are\nnotated, however, at the pitch of the speaking voice. The small note\nshown in the bottom line is given very faintly in the record and seems\nmore like a muffled exclamation than an intentionally vocalized tone.\n\nThe tempo throughout is quite regular, following the indicated pulse\nof 92 in both the 6/8 and 2/4 rhythms.\n\nIn the latter part of the song there are a number of changes between\nduple and triple rhythm. The singer makes these changes with perfect\nease and sings the groups with that exactness of proportion which\ncharacterizes the performance of most of the singers in these records.\n\nMusically this song is strikingly adapted to the purpose for which\nit is intended.\n\n_Tabulation of Qualities and Characteristics_.--The qualities found\nin the records have been tabulated under two main headings. Under the\ncaption, \"Rarely or Never Heard in Modern Music,\" are listed those\nqualities which, so far as present research goes, are so very unusual\nthat they may be termed musical idiosyncrasies of the race. These\nqualities are so eccentric that if found in several of the songs,\neven if the number of songs be much in the minority, the qualities\nmay be accepted as characteristics. [252]\n\nTo receive recognition as a characteristic, any quality found under the\nother heading, \"Commonly Heard,\" would necessarily have to show that it\nquite persistently occurred throughout a large majority of the songs.\n\nThe columns of the large table, when read horizontally, show which\nqualities appear in a given song. Read vertically they show the\ndegrees of dominance of the various qualities.\n\nThe songs are grouped under two heads, those given by men and boys, and\nthose given by women and girls. This will facilitate comparison of the\ndegrees of dominance of the qualities found in the songs of each. [253]\n\nNumbers have been put down in some of the columns of the table. These\nfigures indicate the number of times the quality appeared in the\nsong. If the song has several verses on the record, and the quality\nappears the same number of times in each, then the tabulation gives the\nnumber of times in but a single verse. If the verses vary in the use\nof the quality, then an average has been struck and figure put down in\nthe tabulation. In those songs where a certain quality occurs with such\nirregularity that it was impossible to represent the average without\nfractions, only the mark X has been put down in the table, simply to\nindicate that the quality was present. Such qualities as Tonality,\nCharacter, Structure, Scale, etc., naturally, with few exceptions, run\nthrough the whole song, and they are indicated by the X. Some songs\nhave both of two opposed qualities. When this occurs, it is shown\nby checking both qualities. [254] Some qualities which were present,\nbut indeterminable are indicated by an interrogation-point. [255]\n\nFollowing the tabulation is given a detailed explanation or definition\nof each of the qualities listed at the heads of the vertical columns.\n\n_Dying Tones_.--Found only at the end of some few glissandos. On\nthe glide, the volume of sound diminishes so rapidly that when the\nfinal tone of the group is reached, the sound has practically died\nout. The effect is something like a short groan with no anguish in\nit. Sign,--same as a muted note, but written at the end of a glissando.\n\n_Muted Tones_.--Sort of half-articulated tones, if I may use that\nexpression. Without more records of the same songs in which these are\nshown, it is not possible to determine whether they are intended by\nthe singers as necessary parts of the records. Sign,--note with small\nsquare head.\n\n_Inhaled Tones_.--Tones produced well back in the throat while\nsharply inhaling the breath rather than exhaling it, as practiced\nalmost universally by singers. Sign,--circle with dot in center.\n\n_Pulsated Tones_.--Tones of more than one beat sung with a rythmic\nstressing usually in accord with the time meter or some multiple\nof that meter. Pulsation is rarely heard among modern musicians,\nexcept in drilling ensemble singing. It is heard quite frequently in\nthe singing of our American Indians and in the songs of several other\nprimitive peoples. It occurs to some extent in nearly every one of the\nTinguian men's songs. It is found in but one of those sung by women.\n\nThough pusation does serve to define the rhythm, I believe it is used\nby primitive peoples mostly as a purely \u00e6sthetic touch. It is indicated\nin the notation by the usual musical staccato sign thus, --.....\n\n_Swelled Tones_.--Tones usually of from two to four beats which are\nsung with increasing volume to the center, finishing with a decrescendo\nto the end. The Swell is sometimes applied to tones of more than four\nbeats, but when so used, it looses some of its character. Swelled\ntones must be given to single syllables only, and they are the most\neffective when introduced several times in succession with but few, if\nany, intervening tones. The sign which I have used is double diverging\nlines followed by double converging lines placed under the note.\n\nIn 1905 it was my privilege to transcribe a number of native songs\nfrom the singing of a group of Igorot. In these songs they made\nfrequent use of swelled tones.\n\n_Downward Glissandos_.--An even sliding of the voice from the topmost\ntone of a group to the lowest with no perceptible dwelling on any\nintermediate tone and without in any manner defining any of the tones\nlying between the extremes. Sign,--a straight line drawn obliquely\ndownward beneath the group.\n\n_Upward Glissandos_.--An even sliding of the voice upward without\nsounding any of the intermediate tones. Sign,--a straight line drawn\nobliquely upward beneath the group.\n\n_Notes in Group, Beats in Measure, or Measures in Period_.--Groups of\nfive seem to have no terrors for these people. In modern music it is\nextremely unusual to find notes grouped in fives, or measures having\nthe rhythmic value of five beats, or periods made up of measures in\nfives. A study of the tabulation shows that the Tinguian have a rather\nnatural bent for groupings in this number. It seems easy for them\nto drop into that metric form. I consider this trait, evidenced in\ntheir melodies, one of the marked characteristics of their music. [256]\n\nGroups of notes, beats, or measures in seven are so few in these\nrecords that we are not warranted in accepting it as a characteristic.\n\n_Jog_.--An over-emphasized short-appoggiatura with always either the\ntonic or dominant of the key as the principal tone. The first tone\nis usually an eighth or sixteenth in value, and must stand on the\nnext degree above the principal tone. The principal tone is usually\na quarter note or longer in value.\n\nIn singing the jog, the short note is given a very pointed accent, the\nvoice dropping quickly with a sort of jerk to the second, unaccented,\nsustained tone. It is executed without sliding, both tones being\nwell-defined. To be most effective, it should be given two, three,\nor four times consecutively without intervening tones.\n\nThis device was heard very frequently in the Igorot songs; in fact,\nsome of their songs consisted of little else than the jog sounded\nfirst on tonic two or three times, then the same number of times on\nthe dominant, then again on the tonic, then on the dominant, and so\non back and forth.\n\nIt would be interesting to know just how commonly this device is used\nin the singing of the Tinguian and also in the music of other tribes\nof these Islands. From it we might learn something of the contact of\nother tribes with the Igorot.\n\nJapanese Scales.--For structure of these scales, see analysis of those\nsongs using one or another of the Japanese \"tunings\" or approximations\nto them.\n\nTonality.--That entire group of harmonies which, intimately related to\na foundation or \"tonic\" chord, may be considered as clustered around\nand drawn to it.\n\nMajor Tonality. That tonality in which the upper two of the three tones\nconstituting its tonic chord, when ranged upward from its foundation\ntone, are found at distances of four and seven semitones respectively\nfrom it.\n\nMinor Tonality. That tonality in which the upper two of the three tones\nconstituting its tonic chord, when ranged upward from its foundation\ntone, are found at distances of three and seven semitones respectively\nfrom it.\n\nPentatonic Character. That peculiar essence or quality which a melody\nhas when it is built up entirely or almost wholly of the tones of\nthe pentatonic or five-note scale. The melody may employ sparingly\none or both of the two tones foreign to the pentatonic scale, and\nyet its pentatonic character will not be destroyed.\n\nDiatonic Character. That quality which a melody takes on when the\ntwo tones which are foreign to the pentatonic scale of the same key\nor tonality are freely employed.\n\nI use this term in contradistinction to \"Pentatonic Character,\" and\nnot in contradistinction to \"Chromatic,\" as it is usually employed\nin musical literature.\n\nMelodic Structure. That form of flowing succession of tones in\nwhich the accented tones, if considered in sequence, show dominant\nnon-adherence to chord intervals.\n\n_Harmonic Structure_. That form of tonal succession in which the\ntones of the melody follow rather persistently the structural outline\nof chords.\n\n_Major Pentatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent\ntones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following\narrangement of whole and whole-and-a-half-step intervals,--(whole)\n(whole) (whole-and-a-half) (whole) (whole-and-a-half).\n\n_Minor Pentatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones,\nif considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement\nof whole and whole-and-a-half step intervals,--(whole-and-a-half)\n(whole) (whole) (whole-and-a-half) (whole).\n\nThe pentatonic scale is markedly primitive in character. It is known\nto have been in use anterior to the time of Guido d'Arezzo, which\nwould give it a date prior to the beginning of the 11th century. [257]\n\nRowbotham ascribes the invention of scales to those primitive musicians\nwho, striving for greater variety in their one-toned chants, added\nfirst one newly-discovered tone, then another, and another. [258]\nThe pentatonic scale might have resulted from such chanting.\n\nMost of the primitive peoples of the present day do not seem to feel\nor \"hear mentally\" the half step. If musicians of early days had this\nsame failing, it was only natural for them to avoid that interval\nby eliminating from their songs one or the other of each couplet of\ntones which if sung would form a half step, thus their chants would\nbe pentatonic.\n\nNot only do people in the primitive state fail to sense the half step,\nbut also people in modern environment who have heard very infrequently\nthis smallest interval of modern music.\n\nInability to sense this interval may be better understood when we\nstop to consider that most of us find it unnatural and difficult\nto hear mentally the still smaller quarter-step interval or one of\nthe even-yet-smaller sub-divisions of the octave which some peoples\nhave come to recognize through cultivation, and have embodied in\ntheir music.\n\nThis tendency to avoid the half step and develop along the line of\npentatonic character is sometimes seen in our own children when they\nfollow their natural bent in singing. It has been my observation\nthat children with some musical creative ability, but unaccustomed\nto hearing modern music with its half steps, almost invariably hum\ntheir bits of improvised melody in the pentatonic scale.\n\n_Major Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones if\nconsidered in upward sequence would show the following arrangement\nof whole and half step intervals,--(whole) (whole) (half) (whole)\n(whole) (whole) (half).\n\n_Natural Minor Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent\ntones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following\narrangement of whole and half step intervals,--(whole) (half) (whole)\n(whole) (half) (whole) (whole).\n\n_Harmonic Minor Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the\nconstituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show\nthe following arrangement of half, whole and whole-and-a-half step\nintervals,--(whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (half) (whole-and-a-half)\n(half).\n\n_Melodic Minor Diatonic Scale_ (_Ascending_). That scale in which\nthe constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show\nthe following arrangement of whole and half step intervals,--(whole)\n(half) (whole) (whole) (whole) (whole) (half).\n\n_Falsetto_. Artificial or strained head-tones which sound an octave\nabove the natural tone. Sign,--a tiny circle above the note.\n\nIn record L. _Naway_ is shown one falsetto tone. It is unusual to\nfind this effect in a woman's voice.\n\n_Semitones Sung_. This needs no definition. The classification is put\ndown to show to what extent these singers appreciate the half-step\nintervals, and are able to vocalize it (see preceeding definition\nof Pentatonic Scale for footnote relative to appreciation of this\ninterval). Sign,--curved bracket above or below the notes.\n\nIn these records the men use the half-step interval in six of their\nseven songs, while the women make use of it in but three of their\neight songs.\n\n_Appoggiature_. These, with the exception of one double one shown in\nthe _Bagoyas_ (Record G), are all of the single, short variety. The\nsingers execute them with the usual quickness heard in modern music,\nbut with the accent about equally divided between the appoggiatura\nand the principal tone. In the transcription they are indicated by\nthe usual musical symbol,--a small eighth note with a slanting stroke\nthrough the hook.\n\n_Mordents_. Those used in these songs are all of the \"inverted\"\nkind, and were executed by the singers in the manner used by modern\nmusicians; that is, by giving a quick, single alternation of the\nprincipal tone with the next scale tone above. Indicated in the score\nby the usual musical symbol.\n\n_Trills and Wavers_. These need no comment except to call attention\nto the fact that there are none found in the regular songs of\nthe women. The one shown in Record I (_Da-eng,_ Boys and Girls\nalternating) is in the boys' part.\n\n_Changing Between Duple and Triple Rhythm_. I consider this quite a\nstriking quality in these songs. Some primitive peoples show little\nconcern over such rhythmic changes, in fact, among some races where\npercussive instruments are used to accompany the singing, we frequently\nhear the two rhythms at the same time fitted perfectly one against\nthe other. This is especially true among our American Indians.\n\nWhile it is not uncommon to find compositions in modern music using\nthese two rhythms alternately, they are alternated rather sparingly. A\ngreat many musicians have difficulty in passing smoothly from one to\nthe other, preserving perfect proportions in the note values.\n\nIn noting down in the table the findings under this head, I have\nput down under each song, not the number of duple or triple or\nquadruple groups in the song, but rather the number of \"changes\"\nwhich occur. After one has made the transition from one style of\nrhythm to the other, and has the new \"swing\" established, manifestly\nit is no special feat to follow along in that same kind of measure;\nbut the real test is the \"change\" to the rhythm of the other sort. For\ninstance, in the Song of the Spirit (Record E), I find but 31 measures\nand parts of measures which are in triple rhythm, yet the singer had\nto change his meter 47 times to execute these. On the other hand,\nthe _Dang-dang-ay_ (Record M), has in it 21 triple-time measures and\ntriplet groups of notes, but because of the persistence of the triple\nrhythm, when once established in the second part, the song requires\na changing of swing but 17 times.\n\nBecause of the frequency of changes found throughout these songs,\nand noting, as heard in the records, the precision with which, in\nnearly every instance, a new rhythm is taken, I conclude that the\nTinguian have a remarkable grasp of different metric values, which\nenables them to change readily from one to the other. Naturally this\ntrait would stamp itself upon their music, and I consider the use of\nsuch frequent metric changes a dominant characteristic.\n\nAlthough frequent rhythmic change is also strongly characteristic\nof the music of some other peoples, as I have indicated elsewhere,\nit is important to tabulate it here to differentiate the Tinguian\nfrom those peoples who do not make use of it.\n\n_Minor 3rds, Perfect 4ths, and Perfect 5ths_. These are the only\nintentional harmonies found in these songs. It is interesting to note\nthat the only examples are in the _Da-eng_ ceremony, where all three\nare used, some in one part and some in another.\n\nAmong some primitive peoples, only the men take part in the songs. The\nearly chanting of all peoples was quite likely by men. Probably the\nmost primitive harmony was a perfect fifth resulting from the attempt\nof men with different ranges to sing together. The difference between\na bass and a tenor voice is just about a fifth. Between an alto and\na soprano it is about a fourth. The difference in these voices made\nit impossible to sing melodies of wide range in unison, and so the\nbasses and tenors sang in consecutive fifths. When women took up the\nchanting, they sang either in fifths or in fourths.\n\nThese harmonies appealed to them, and so continued in use even when\nthere was no exigency on account of restricted range.\n\nReferring again to the _Da-eng_ ceremony, it is interesting to observe\nthat the three different parts of this ceremony are in distinct scales,\nand that the part sung by the girls alone, is diatonic in character\nwhile the other two parts are pentatonic.\n\n_Conclusion_.--I have long been of the opinion that the music of\ndifferent peoples should be given more consideration by scientists\nin their endeavor to trace cultural relationships. In years gone by,\nethnologists have attached too little importance to the bearing which\nmusic has on their science.\n\nI am of the opinion that every peculiarity, even to the smallest\nelement that enters into the make-up of a given melody, has some\ninfluence back of it which has determined the element and shaped\nit into combination. It is not unlikely that a thorough study of\nthe music would reveal these influences, and through them establish\nhitherto unknown ethnological facts.\n\nI believe that a careful study of a large number of the songs or\ninstrumental pieces of a people will reveal a quite definite general\nscheme of construction which can be accepted as representative of\nthat people alone; and if such an analysis be made of the music of\nmany peoples and the findings so tabulated that the material will\nbe comprehensible to ethnologists trained to that branch of musical\nresearch, many interesting and instructive side-lights will be thrown\non the question of tribal relationship.\n\nI realize that to examine exhaustively and then tabulate the\ncharacteristics found in the music of just one of the many peoples\nof the globe would be something of an undertaking; but nevertheless\nI believe the work should be undertaken in this large way, and when\nit is, I am sure the results will justify the experiment.\n\nI appreciate that there is an intangible something about music, which\nmay prove baffling when it comes to reducing it to cold scientific\nsymbols and descriptions. Take, for instance, quality of tone. Each\none of us knows perfectly the various qualities of the different\nspeaking voices of friends and acquaintances, yet how many of us can\nso accurately describe those qualities to a stranger that he also may\nbe able to identify the voices among a thousand others. The tabulation\nof such elusive qualities would have to be in very general terms. Such\nindefinable characteristics would, to some extent, have to depend\nfor comparison upon the memory of those workers who had received\nfirst-hand impressions. It would be something like a present-day\nmusician identifying an unfamiliar composition as belonging to the\n\"French school,\" the \"Italian school,\" or the \"Russian school;\"\nand yet, this same musician might not be able to point out with\ndefiniteness a single characteristic of that particular so-called\n\"school.\"\n\nThough I have held these opinions for several years, I am more\nthan ever convinced, since examining these few Tinguian records,\nthat something really tangible and worth while can be deduced from\nthe music of various primitive peoples, and I trust this branch of\nethnology will soon receive more serious recognition.\n\nManifestly it would be unwise to draw any unalterable conclusions\nfrom the examination of but fourteen records of a people. But even\nin this comparatively small number of songs, ranging as they do\nover such a variety of applications and uses, it is possible to\nsee tendencies which the examination of more records may confirm as\ndefinite characteristics.\n\nWhile it would be presumptuous at this time to attempt to formulate a\nTinguian style, I trust that what I have tabulated may prove valuable\nin summing up the total evidence, which will accumulate as other\nsurveys are made; and if perchance, the findings here set down and\nthe conclusions tentatively drawn from them help to clear up any\nobscure ethnological point, the effort has been well spent.\n\n_Albert Gale_.\n\n\n\nCONCLUSIONS\n\n\nThe first impression gained by the student of Philippine ethnology\nis that there is a fundamental unity of the Philippine peoples, the\nNegrito excepted, not only in blood and speech, but in religious\nbeliefs and practices, in lore, in customs, and industries. It is\nrealized that contact with outside nations has in many ways obscured\nthe older modes of thought, and has often swamped native crafts,\nwhile each group has doubtless developed many of its present customs\non Philippine soil; yet it seems that enough of the old still remains\nto proclaim them as a people with a common ancestry. To what extent\nthis belief is justified can be answered, in part, by the material\nin the preceding pages.\n\nA study of the physical types has shown that each group considered\nis made up of heterogeneous elements. Pigmy blood is everywhere\nevident, but aside from this there is a well-marked brachycephalic\nand a dolichocephalic element. With the latter is a greater tendency\nthan with the first for the face to be angular; the cheek bones\nare more outstanding, while there is a greater length and breadth\nof the nose. Individuals of each type are found in all the groups\nconsidered, but taken in the average, it is found that the Ilocano\nand Valley Tinguian fall into the first or round-headed class, the\nBontoc Igorot are mesaticephalic, while between them are the mountain\nTinguian and Apayao.\n\nJudging from their habitat and the physical data, it appears that\nthe Igorot groups were the first comers; that the brachycephalic\nIlocano-Tinguian arrived later and took possession of the coast,\nand that the two groups have intermarried to form the intermediate\npeoples. However, a comparison of our Luzon measurements with the\npeople of southern China and the Perak Malay leads us to believe\nthat the tribes of northwestern Luzon are all closely related to\nthe dominant peoples of southern China, Indo-China, and Malaysia in\ngeneral, in all of which the intermingling of these types is apparent.\n\nThe dialects of northwestern Luzon, while not mutually intelligible,\nare similar in morphology, and have a considerable part of their\nvocabularies in common. Here again the Igorot is at one extreme, the\nIlocano and Valley Tinguian at the other, while the intervening groups\nare intermediate, but with a strong leaning toward the coast tongue.\n\nConsidering, for the moment, the Bontoc Igorot and the Tinguian, it is\nfound that both have certain elements of culture which are doubtless\nold possessions, as, for instance, head-hunting, terraced rice-fields,\niron-working, a peculiar type of shield, and a battle-axe which they\nshare with the Apayao of Luzon and the Naga of Assam.\n\nA part or all of these may be due to a common heritage, at any rate,\nthey help to strengthen the feeling that in remote times these\npeoples were closely related. But a detailed study of their social\norganizations; of their ceremonies, songs, and dances; of their customs\nat birth, marriage, death, and burial; of their house-building; as\nwell as the details of certain occupations, such as the rice culture,\npottery making, and weaving, indicates that not only have they been\nlong separated, but that they have been subjected to very different\noutside influences, probably prior to their entry into the Philippines.\n\nIt is not in the province of this monograph to deal with the probable\naffiliations of the Igorot, neither is it our intention to attempt\nto locate the ancient home of the Tinguian, nor to connect them with\nany existing groups. However, our information seems to justify us in\ncertain general conclusions. It shows that the oft repeated assertions\nof Chinese ancestry are without foundation. It shows that, while trade\nwith China had introduced hundreds of pieces of pottery and some\nother objects into this region, yet Chinese influence had not been\nof an intimate enough nature to influence the language or customs,\nor to introduce any industry. On the other hand, we find abundant\nevidence that in nearly every phase of life the Tinguian were at one\ntime strongly influenced by the peoples to the south, and even to-day\nshow much in common with Java, Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, and\nthrough them with India. As a case in point we find in the procedure\nat birth that the Tinguian are in accord with the Peninsular Malay\nin at least eight particulars, some of which, such as the burning\nof a fire beside the mother and newborn babe for a month or more,\nthe frequent bathing of both in water containing leaves and herbs,\nthe \"fumigating\" of the baby, the throwing of ashes to blind evil\nspirits, are sufficiently distinctive to indicate a common source,\nparticularly when they still occur together in connection with one\nof the great events of life.\n\nFrequent reference has been made to the parallels between Tinguian\ncustoms and those practiced in Sumatra, while the methods of\nrice-culture are so similar that they can have come only from the same\nsource. In the weaving the influence of India seems evident, despite\nthe fact that cotton is not bowed in Abra, and the Tinguian method\nof spinning seems unique. These methods, apparently distinctive,\nmay once have been practised more broadly, but were superseded by\nmore efficient instruments. The primitive method of ginning cotton by\nrolling it beneath a tapering rod appears to be found nowhere in the\nPhilippines outside of Abra, but it is used in some remote sections\nof Burma.\n\nPart I of this volume presented a body of tales which showed many\nresemblances to the Islands of the south, as well as incidents of\nIndian lore. There is, in fact, a distinct feeling of Indian influence\nin the tales of the mythical period; yet they lack the epics of that\npeople, and the typical trickster tales are but poorly represented.\n\nThe vocabulary shows comparatively little of Indian influence; yet,\nat the time of the conquest, the Ilocano was one of the coast groups\nmaking use of a native script which was doubtless of Hindu origin.\n\nThe many instances of Indian influence do not justify the\nsupposition that the Tinguian were ever directly in contact with\nthat people. The Malay islands to the south were pretty thoroughly\nunder Hindu domination by the second century of the Christian era,\nand it is probable that they were influenced through trade at a\nconsiderably earlier date. Judging from our data, it would seem that\nthe Ilocano-Tinguian group had left its southern home at a time after\nthis influence was beginning to make itself felt, but before it was\nof a sufficiently intimate nature to stamp itself indelibly on the\nlore, the ceremonial and economic life of this people, as it did in\nJava and some parts of Sumatra. It is possible that these points of\nsimilarity may be due to trade, but if so, the contact was at a period\nantedating the fourteenth century, for in historic times the sea trade\nof the southern islands has been in the hands of the Mohammedanized\nMalay. Their influence is very marked in the southern Philippines,\nbut is not evident in northwestern Luzon.\n\nConcerning the time of their arrival in Luzon, and the course\npursued by them, we have no definite proof; but it is evident that\nthe Tinguian did not begin to press inland until comparatively recent\ntimes. Historical references and local traditions indicate that most\nof this movement has taken place since the arrival of the Spaniards,\nwhile the distribution of the great ceremonies gives a further\nsuggestion that the dominant element in the Tinguian population has\nbeen settled in Abra for no great period. The probable explanation for\nthis distribution is that the interior valleys were sparsely settled\nwith a population more akin to the Igorot than to the Tinguian,\nprior to the inland movement of the latter people; that the Tinguian\nwere already possessed of the highly developed ceremonial life,\nbefore they entered Abra, and that this has been spread slowly,\nthrough intermarriage and migration, to the people on the outskirts\nof their territory.\n\nThese ceremonies are still practised by some families now residing\nin Christianized settlements in Abra and Ilocos Sur, while discreet\nquestioning soon brings out the fact that they were formerly present\nin towns which have long been recognized as Ilocano. The relationship\nof the Tinguian and Ilocano has already been shown by the physical\ndata and historical references; but were these lacking, it requires\nbut a little inquiry and the compilation of geneaological tables to\nshow that many Ilocano families are related to the Tinguian. It is\na matter of common observation that the chief barrier between the\ntwo groups is religion, and, once let the pagan accept Christianity,\nhe and his family are quickly absorbed by the Ilocano.\n\nUninterrupted trade with the coast in recent years, Spanish and\nAmerican influence, have doubtless affected considerable changes in\nthe Tinguian. If, however, we subtract recent introductions, it is\nprobable that we have in the life of this tribe an approximate picture\nof conditions among the more advanced of the northern Philippine\ngroups prior to the entry of the European into their islands.\n\n\n\nNOTES\n\n[1] The _Bontoc_ Igorot is taken as one of the least influenced and\nmost typical of the Igorot groups.\n\n[2] On this point see _Cole_, The Distribution of the Non-Christian\nTribes of Northwestern Luzon (_American Anthropologist_, N.S., Vol. XI,\n1909, pp. 329-347).\n\n[3] These are Ballasio, Nagbuquel, Vandrell, Rizal, Mision, Mambog,\nand Masingit. Kadangla-an, Pila, Kolongbuyan (Sapang) and Montero\nare mixed Tinguian and Igorot.\n\n[4] See _Cole_, The Tinguian (_Philippine Journal of Science_,\nVol. III, No. 4, Sect. A, 1908, pp. 197, _et seq_.).\n\n[5] _Beyer_ (Population of the Philippine Islands in 1916, p. 74,\nManila, 1917) gives the population as 27,648.\n\n[6] North of Abra it is known as the Cordillera Norte.\n\n[7] This river traffic is entirely in the hands of the Christianized\nIlocano. Rafts seldom proceed up the river beyond Bangued, the capital,\nand at low water even this distance is negotiated with difficulty.\n\n[8] Historical references to this trade, as well as to the Spanish\ninvasion of Ilocos, will be found in _Reyes_, Historia de Ilocos,\nManila, 1890; _Fray Gaspar De S. Augustin_, Conquista de las Islas\nFilipinas (Manila, 1698), p. 267; _Medina_, Historia, translated\nin _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. XXIII,\npp. 279, _et seq_. See also translation of _Loarca_ and others in\nsame publication, Vol. III, p. 73, note; Vol. V, p. 109; Vol. XV,\np. 51; Vol. XVII, p. 285.\n\n[9] _Loraca_, 1582, translated in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_.,\nVol. V, p. 105.\n\n[10] _Laufer_, Relations of the Chinese to the Philippine Islands\n(_Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections_, Vol. I, pp. 256, et seq.)\n\n[11] _Cole_ and _Laufer_, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines (Field\nMuseum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 1).\n\n[12] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XVII, p. 285; also III,\np. 73, note; V, p. 109; XV, p. 51.\n\n[13] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXXIV, pp. 287,\n_et seq._\n\n[14] _Colin_ (Labor Evangelica, Chap. IV, Madrid 1663), calls the\nManguian of Mindoro and the Zambal, Tingues. _Morga, Chirino_, and\n_Ribera_ also use the same name for the natives of Basilan, Bohol,\nand Mindanao (see _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op cit_., Vols. IV,\np. 300; X, p. 71; XIII, pp. 137,205). Later writers have doubtless\ndrawn on these accounts to produce the weird descriptions sometimes\ngiven of the Tinguian now under discussion. It is said (_op. cit_.,\nVol. XL, p. 97, note) that the radical _ngian_, in Pampanga, indicates\n\"ancient,\" a meaning formerly held in other Philippine languages,\nand hence Tinguian would probably mean \"old or ancient, or aboriginal\nmountain dwellers.\"\n\n[15] _Reyes_, Historia de Ilocos, p. 151 (Manila, 1890), also Filipinas\narticulos varios, p. 345 (Manila, 1887); _Blair_ and _Robertson_,\n_op. cit_., Vol. XIV, pp. 158-159; Vol. XXVIII, p. 167.\n\n[16] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXVIII, p. 158.\n\n[17] _Antonio Mozo_, _Noticia_ hist\u00f3rico-natural (Madrid, 1763),\nin _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XLVIII, p. 69.\n\n[18] These were: Tayum 1803; Pidigan 1823; La Paz and San Gregorio\n1832; Bukay (Labon) 1847. For further details of this mission see\n_Villacorta_, Breve resumen de los progresos de la Religion Catolica\nen la admirable conversion de los indios Igorotes y Tinguianes\n(Madrid, 1831).\n\n[19] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXXVIII, p. 199.\n\n[20] Discussions concerning the Chinese origin of the Tinguian will\nbe found in _Mallat_, Les Philippines, Vol. I, pp. 212-213; Vol. II,\npp. 104-7, 345 (Paris, 1846); _Plauchet_, L'Archipel des Philippines\n(_Revue des deux Mondes_, 1887, p. 442); _Buzeto y Bravo_, Diccionario\ngeografico estadistico historico; _Semper_, Die Philippinen und ihre\nBewohner (W\u00fcrzburg, 1869); _Blumentritt_, Versuch einer Ethnographie\nder Philippinen (_Peterman's Mittheilungen_, 1882, No. 67); _Reyes_,\nDie Tinguianen (_Mittheilungen K. K. Geogr. Gesellschaft in Wien_,\n1887, p. 5, _et seq._); _Reyes_, Filipinas articulos varios (Manila,\n1887); _Sanchez y Ruiz_, Razas de Filipinas, usos y custombres, Memoria\nExposicion General, pp. 51, 60, 138 (Manila, 1887); _Montblanc_,\nLes Isles Philippines, p. 22 (Paris, 1887); _Montero y Vidal_, El\nArchipelago Filipino, p. 289 (Manila, 1886); _Bowring_, A Visit to\nthe Philippines, p. 171 (London, 1859); _Sawyer_, The Inhabitants of\nthe Philippines, p. 276 (London, 1900); _Zuniga_, Historia, pp. 19-38\n(Sampaloc, 1803); _Colin_, Labor evangelica, Vol. I, chaps. 4, 12-14\n(Madrid, 1663); _Blair_ and _Robertson_ (The Philippine Islands,\nVol. XL, pp. 316, _et seq._) give a translation of _San Antonio_\nChronicas, written in Manila between 1738-44, also of _Colin_, Labor\nevangelica, of 1663; _Brinton_, The Peoples of the Philippines\n(_Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 302).\n\n[21] _Paul De La Gironi\u00e8re_, Vingt ann\u00e9es aux Philippines (Paris,\n1853); _Stuntz_, The Philippines and the Far East, p. 36 (New York,\n1904).\n\n[22] Quoted by _Paterno_, La antigua civilizacion Tagalog, pp. 122-123\n(Madrid, 1887).\n\n[23] _Brinton_, The Peoples of the Philippines (_Am. Anthropologist_,\nVol. XI, 1892, p. 297). See also _De Quatrefages_, Histoire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale\ndes races humaines, pp. 515-517, 527-528.\n\n[24] Census of the Philippine Islands of 1903, pp. 453-477.\n\n[25] The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon (_Philippine Journal\nof Science_, Vol. I, pp. 798, 851, Manila, 1906).\n\n[26] _Blumentritt_ (Ethnographie der Philippinen, Introduction;\nalso _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 296) has advanced\nthe theory of three Malay invasions into the Philippines. To the\nfirst, which is put at about 200 B.C., belong the Igorot, Apayao, and\nTinguian, but the last are considered as of a later period. The second\ninvasion occurred about A.D. 100-500, and includes the Tagalog, Visaya,\nIlocano, and other alphabet-using peoples. The third is represented\nby the Mohammedan groups which began to enter the Islands in the\nfourteenth century.\n\n[27] _Brinton_ (_Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 302)\nstates that the Ilocano of northwestern Luzon are markedly Chinese\nin appearance and speech, but he fails to give either authorities or\nexamples to substantiate this claim. For Indian influence on Philippine\ndialects, see _Pardo De Tavera_, El sanscrito e la lingua tagalog\n(Paris, 1887); also _Williams_, Manual and Dictionary of Ilocano\n(Manila, 1907).\n\n[28] A detailed study of the language is not presented in this\nvolume. The author has a large collection of texts which will be\npublished at a later date, together with a study of the principal\nTinguian dialects. A short description of the Ilocano language,\nby the writer, will be found in the New International Encyclop\u00e6dia.\n\n[29] A more detailed study of these tribes will be given in a\nforthcoming volume on Philippine Physical Types.\n\n[30] Observations on 13 Ilocano skulls are tabulated by _Koeze_\n(Crania Ethnica Philippinica, pp. 56-57, Haarlem, 1901-4).\n\n[31] A short series of Igorot skull measurements is given by _Koeze_\n(Crania Ethnica Philippinica, pp. 42-43, Haarlem, 1901-4).\n\n[32] _Am. Anthropologist_, 1906, pp. 194-195.\n\n[33] Notes sur les Chinois du Quang-si (_L'Anthropologie_, Vol. IX,\n1898, pp. 144-170).\n\n[34] The Races of Man, pp. 384, 577, _et seq_.(London, 1900).\n\n[35] _Martin_, Inlandst\u00e4mme der Malayischen Halbinsel, pp. 237, 351,\n358, 386 (Jena, 1905).\n\n[36] For measurements on the Northern Chinese and the Formosa\nChinese see _Koganei_, Messungen an chinesischen Soldaten\n(_Mitt. med. Fak. k. japan. Univ. Tokio_, 1903, Vol. VI, No. 2), und\nMessungen an m\u00e4nnlichen Chinesen-Sch\u00e4deln (_Internat. Centralblatt\nf\u00fcr Anthropologie_, 1902, pp. 129, _et seq_.).\n\n[37] For other observations on Malaysia, in general, see _Annandale_\nand _Robinson_ (_Jour. Anth. Inst.,_ Vol. XXXII, 1902); _Keane_,\nEthnology (Cambridge, 1907); _Duckworth_ (_Jour. Anth. Inst._,\nVol. XXXII); _Hose_ and _McDougall_ (The Pagan Tribes of Borneo,\nVol. II, pp. 311, _et seq._) give results by _Haddon_; _Hamy_\n(_L'Anthropologie_, Vol. VII, Paris, 1896); _Hagen_, Anthropologische\nStudien aus Insulinde (Amsterdam, 1890); _Sullivan_, Racial Types in\nthe Philippine Islands (_Anth. Papers, American Museum of Nat. Hist._,\nVol. XIII, pt. 1, New York, 1918).\n\n[38] _Sullivan_ (_Anthropological Papers, American Museum\nNat. History_, Vol. XXIII, pt. 1, p. 42) gives a graphic correlation of\nStature, Cephalic and Nasal Indices, which shows a striking similarity\nbetween the Tagalog and Pangasinan of the Philippines, and the Southern\nChinese. Had he made use of Jenks's measurements of the Bontoc Igorot,\nthat group would also have approached quite closely to those already\nmentioned. The same method applied to the Ilocano and Tinguian shows\nthem to conform to this type.\n\n[39] See Traditions of the Tinguian (this volume, No. 1).\n\n[40] The eating of double bananas or vegetables is avoided, as it is\nthought to result in the birth of twins. The birth of twin girls is\na particular misfortune; for their parents are certain to fare badly\nin any trades or sales to which they may be parties.\n\n[41] The importance of gratifying the longings of pregnant women\nappears in the legends of the Malay Peninsula. See _Wilkinson_, Malay\nBeliefs, p. 46 (London, 1906). _Hildebrandt_ states that the Indian\nlaw books such as Yaj\u00f1avalkya (III, 79) make it a duty to fulfill\nthe wishes of a woman at this time, since otherwise the embryo would\nbe exposed to injury. Encyclop\u00e6dia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. II,\np. 650.\n\n[42] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 124, 185.\n\n[43] See _op. cit_., p. 105.\n\n[44] See _op. cit_., pp. 144, _et seq_.\n\n[45] See _op. cit_., p. 18.\n\n[46] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 180.\n\n[47] To produce a miscarriage, a secret liquor is made from the bark\nof a tree. After several drinks of the brew, the abdomen is kneaded\nand pushed downward until the foetus is discharged. A canvass of forty\nwomen past the child-bearing age showed an average, to each, of five\nchildren, about 40 per cent of whom died in infancy. Apparently about\nthe same ratio of births is being maintained at present.\n\n[48] The gifts vary according to the ceremony. For this event, the\nofferings consist of a Chinese jar with earrings fastened into the\nhandles--\"ears\"--, a necklace of beads and a silver wire about its\nneck; a wooden spoon, a weaving stick, and some bone beads.\n\n[49] This is known as _palwig_.\n\n[50] This action is called _tolgi_.\n\n[51] In the San Juan district _Gipas_ is a separate two-day ceremony,\nwhich takes place about nine months after the birth. In Baak a part\nof the _Dawak_ ceremony goes by this name.\n\n[52] This is known as _in\u00e1lson_, and is \"such a blanket as is always\npossessed by a spirit.\" See p. 313.\n\n[53] This is also the method of delivery among the Kayan of Borneo. See\n_Hose_ and _McDougall_, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 154\n(London, 1912), also _Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District,\nMindanao (Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII. No. 2,\np. 100). _Skeat_ (Malay Magic, p. 334, London, 1900) describes a\nsimilar method among the Malay.\n\n[54] Among the Bukidnon and Bila-an of Mindanao a bamboo blade is\nalways employed for this purpose. The same is true of the Kayan\nof Borneo. _Hose_ and _McDougall_, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. 155;\n_Cole_, _op. cit._, p. 143.\n\n[55] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 185. It is\nalso the belief of the Peninsular Malay that the incidental products\nof a confinement may be endowed with life (_Wilkinson_, Malay Beliefs,\np. 30).\n\n[56] The character e, which appears frequently in the native names,\nis used to indicate a sound between the obscure vowel _e_, as in sun,\nand the _ur_, in burrow.\n\n[57] The number of days varies somewhat in different sections, and\nis generally longer for the first child than for the succeeding.\n\n[58] The custom of building a fire beside the mother is practised\namong the Malay, Jakun and Mantri of the Peninsula. In India,\nthe practice of keeping a fire beside the newborn infant, in order\nto protect it from evil beings, is widespread. See _Tawney_, Kath\u00e1\nSarit S\u00e1gara, Vol. I, pp. 246, 305, note; Vol. II, p. 631 (Calcutta,\n1880). According to _Skeat_ (Malay Magic, p. 343), the Malay keep the\nfire burning forty-four days. The custom is called the \"roasting of\nthe mother.\" The same custom is found in Cambodia (see Encyclop\u00e6dia\nof Religion and Ethics, Vol. III, pp. 32, 164, 347; Vol. VIII, p. 32).\n\n[59] This may be related to the Malay custom of fumigating the infant\n(see _Skeat_, _op. cit._, p. 338).\n\n[60] The following names are typical of this last class. For boys:\nAb'beng, a child's song; Agdalpen, name of a spirit; Baguio, a storm;\nBakileg, a glutton; Kabato, from _bato_, a stone; Tabau, this name is\na slur, yet is not uncommon; it signifies \"a man who is a little crazy,\nwho is sexually impotent, and who will mind all the women say;\" Otang,\nthe sprout of a vine; Zapalan, from _zapal_, the crotch of a tree.\nFor girls: Bangon\u00e1n, from _bangon_, \"to rise, to get up;\" Igai, from\n_nigai_, a fish; Giaben, a song; Magilai, from _gilai_ the identifying\nslit made in an animal's ear; Sabak, a flower; Ugot, the new leaf.\n\n[61] In Madagascar children are oftentimes called depreciative names,\nsuch as Rat, with the hope that evil spirits will leave tranquil\nan infant for which the parents have so little consideration\n(_Grandidier_, Ethnologie de Madagascar, Vol. II).\n\n[62] In Selangor, a sick infant is re-named (_Skeat_, _op. cit._,\np. 341).\n\n[63] _Reyes_, Filipinas articulos varios, 1st ed., pp. 144-5 (Manila,\n1887).\n\n[64] The Malay of the Peninsula bathe both mother and child morning\nand evening, in hot water to which certain leaves and blossoms are\nadded. It is here described as an act of purification (_Skeat_,\n_op. cit._, pp. 334-5).\n\n[65] Also called _salokang_ (cf. p. 310).\n\n[66] Filipinas articulos varios, p. 144.\n\n[67] _F. De Lerena_, _Ilustracion Filipina_, No. 22, p. 254 (Manila,\nNov. 15, 1860). An equally interesting account of Tinguian procedure\nat the time of birth will be found in the account of _Polo De Lara_,\nIslas Filipinas, tipos y costumbres, pp. 213, _et seq._\n\n[68] In San Juan. Ibal is always held in six months, unless illness\nhas caused an earlier celebration. At this time the liver of a pig\nis carefully examined, in order to learn of the child's future.\n\n[69] In Likuan this takes place five days after the birth; in\nSallapadan it occurs on the first or second day.\n\n[70] On the mat are placed, in addition to the medium's regular outfit,\na small jar of _basi_, five pieces of betel-nut and pepper-leaf,\ntwo bundles of rice (_palay_) in a winnower, a head-axe, and a spear.\n\n[71] This is a _dakidak_ (cf. p. 311).\n\n[72] Such a taboo sign is here known as _kanyau_. It is not always\nused at the conclusion of this ceremony, but is strictly observed\nfollowing the cutting of the first rice.\n\n[73] That is, a premature child.\n\n[74] Ashes are used against evil spirits by the Peninsular Malay\n(_Skeat_, Malay Magic, p. 325).\n\n[75] Sagai is the sound made when scratching away the embers of a fire.\n\n[76] From _maysa_, one; _dua_, two; _talo_, three.\n\n[77] This is also used as mockery. It has no exact English equivalent,\nbut is similar to our slang \"rubber.\"\n\n[78] In Patok only the agate bead (_napodau_) is used.\n\n[79] The less pretentious gathering, held by the very poor, is known\nas _p\u00f3lya_.\n\n[80] _Worcester_, The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon\n(_Philippine Jour. of Science_, Vol. I, No. 8, 1906, p. 858).\n\n[81] It is necessary to use a shallow dish with a high pedestal known\nas _dias_ (Fig. 5, No. 5).\n\n[82] In Ba-ak the breaking and scattering of the rice ball is\nconsidered a good omen, as it presages many children. In San Juan\nthe youth throws a rice ball at the ridge pole of the house, and the\ngirl's mother does the same. In this instance, each grain of rice\nwhich adheres to the pole represents a child to be born.\n\n[83] The similarity of the Tinguian rice ceremony to that of many\nother Philippine tribes is so great that it cannot be due to mere\nchance. Customs of a like nature were observed by the writer among the\nBukidnon, Bagobo, Bila-an, Kulaman, and Mandaya of Mindanao, and the\nBatak of Palawan; they are also described by _Reed_ and _Worcester_\nfor the Negrito of Zambales and Bataan; while _Loarca_, writing late\nin the sixteenth century, records a very like ceremony practised by a\ncoast group, probably the Pintados. At the same time it is worthy of\nnote that _Jenks_ found among the Bontoc Igorot a great divergence both\nin courtship and marriage. Among the Dusun of British North Borneo the\nmarriage of children of the well-to-do is consummated by the eating\nof rice from the same plate. Other instances of eating together, as a\npart of the marriage ceremony in Malaysia, are given by _Crawley_. See\n_Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Field Museum of\nNatural History. Vol. XII, No. 2, pp. 102, 144, 157, 192); _Reed_,\nNegritos of Zambales (_Pub. Ethnological Survey,_ Vol. II, pt. 1, p. 58\n(Manila, 1904)); _Worcester_, _Philippine Journal of Science_, Vol. I,\np. 811 (Manila, 1906); _Loarca_, Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas,\nChap. X (Arevalo, 1580), translated in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The\nPhilippine Islands, Vol. V, pp. 157, _et seq_.; _Jenks_, The Bontoc\nIgorot (_Pub. Ethnological Survey_, Vol. I, pp. 68, _et seq_.,\nManila, 1905); _Evans_, _Journ. Royal Anth. Inst_., Vol. XLVII,\np. 159; _Crawley_, The Mystic Rose (London, 1902), pp. 379, _et seq._\n\n[84] In Manabo an old woman sleeps between them. Among the Bagobo and\nKulaman, of Mindanao, a child is placed between the pair. See _Cole_,\n_op. cit_., pp. 102, 157.\n\n[85] In Likuan they chew of the same betel-nut. Among the Batak of\nPalawan they smoke of the same cigar.\n\n[86] This part of the ceremony is now falling into disuse.\n\n[87] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 12.\n\n[88] Here again the Tinguian ceremony closely resembles the ancient\ncustom described by _Loarca_. In his account, the bride was carried\nto the house of the groom. At the foot of the stairway she was given\na present to induce her to proceed; when she had mounted the steps,\nshe received another, as she looked in upon the guests, another. Before\nshe could be induced to set down, to eat and drink, she was likewise\ngiven some prized object. _Loarca_, Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas,\nChap. X; also _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit._, Vol. V, p. 157.\n\n[89] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 172. The\norigin of death is also given in the tales, _ibid_., p. 177.\n\n[90] The spirit of the dead is generally known as _kalading_, but in\nManabo it is called _kal-kolay\u00f3_ and in Likuan _alalya_; in Ilokano,\n_al-ali\u00e1_ means \"phantom\" or \"ghost.\"\n\n[91] In some villages Selday is the spirit against whom this precaution\nis taken.\n\n[92] In Daligan and some other villages in Ilocos Norte, a chicken\nis killed, is burned in a fire, and then is fastened beside the door\nin place of the live bird.\n\n[93] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 181.\n\n[94] During the funeral of Malakay, in Patok, August 16, 1907, the\nwife kept wailing, \"Malakay, Malakay, take me with you where you\ngo. Malakay, Malakay, take me with you. I have no brother. We were\ntogether here, do not let us part. Malakay, take me with you where\nyou go.\"\n\n[95] In Manabo the wife is covered at night with a white blanket, but\nduring the day she wears it bandoleer fashion over one shoulder. In\nBa-ak a white blanket with black border is used in a similar way. If\nthe wife has neglected her husband during his illness, his relatives\nmay demand that she be punished by having a second blanket placed\nover her, unless she pays them a small amount. It sometimes occurs\nthat the Lakay or old men impose both fine and punishment. In Likuan\nthe blanket is placed over the corpse and the wife.\n\n[96] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 180.\n\n[97] This is still the case among the Apayao who live to the north\nof the Tinguian (_Cole_, _Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. ii, No. 3, 1909,\np. 340). The custom is reflected in the folk-tales (Traditions of\nthe Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 190; cf. also p. 372).\n\n[98] The writer has known of instances, where towns were deserted\nfollowing an epidemic of smallpox, and the dead were left unburied in\nthe houses. Such instances are unusual even for this dread disease,\nand the funeral observances usually expose large numbers of the people\nto infection.\n\n[99] In San Juan only thirty strokes are given.\n\n[100] In Manabo a rectangular hole is dug to about five feet,\nthen at right angles to this a chamber is cut to receive the body.\nThis is cut off from the main grave by a stone. A similar type of\ngrave is found in Sumatra (_Marsden_, History of Sumatra, 3d ed.,\np. 287, London, 1811).\n\n[101] According to this author, the Tinguian put the dried remains\nof their dead in subterranean tombs or galleries, six or seven yards\nin depth, the entrance being covered with a sort or trap door (_La\nGironi\u00e8re_, Twenty Years in the Philippines, p. 115, London, 1853).\n\n[102] _Op. cit.,_ p. 121.\n\n[103] As distinguished from those of the dead.\n\n[104] Several times the writer has seen friends place money inside\nthe mat, \"so that the spirit may have something to spend.\"\n\n[105] The large spirit house, built only by well-to-do families having\nthe hereditary right.\n\n[106] In the folk tales a very different method of disposing of the\ndead is indicated (Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1,\npp. 23-24, and note).\n\n[107] Among the Tuaran Dusun of British North Borneo, a fire is built\nnear the mat on which the corpse lies, to protect the body from evil\nspirits, who are feared as body snatchers (_Evans_, _Jour. Ant. Inst.,_\nVol. XLVII, 1917, p. 159).\n\n[108] These consist of dishes, food, tobacco, fire-making outfit,\nweapons, clothing, and the like.\n\n[109] In Ilocos Sur a ceremony which lifts the ban off the relatives\nis held about five days after the funeral. Three months later, the\nblood and oil are applied to the spouse, who is then released from all\nrestrictions. In San Juan and Lakub, a ceremony known as _Kilyas_ is\nheld five days after the funeral. The anointing is done as described\nabove, and then the medium drops a ball of rice under the house,\nsaying, \"Go away sickness and death, do not come to our relatives.\"\nWhen she has finished, drums are brought out, all the relatives dance\nand \"forget the sorrow,\" and are then released from all taboos. The\nLayog is celebrated as in the valley towns.\n\n[110] Also known as _Waxi_ in San Juan, and _Bago\u00f1gon_ in Sallapadin.\nIn the latter village, as well as in Manabo and Ba-ak, this ceremony\noccurs a few days after the funeral.\n\n[111] This is known as _Apap\u00e1yag_ or _Inapapayag_ (p. 309).\n\n[112] The foregoing ceremonies follow the death of any adult, male or\nfemale, but not of newborn children. If the first-born dies in infancy,\nit is buried in the middle of the night when no one can see the corpse,\notherwise other babies will die. The parents don old garments, and are\nbarred from leaving the town or engaging in pastimes, until the ten-day\nperiod has passed. No fire is built at the grave, nor are offerings\nplaced over it. When some one else is holding a _Layog_, the parents\nmay join them \"to relieve their sorrow and show respect for the dead.\"\n\n[113] A folk-tale recorded in this town gives quite a different\nidea of the abode of the spirits (Traditions of the Tinguian,\nthis volume, No. 1, p. 185; also p. 28, note 2).\n\n[114] Functions mentales dans les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s inf\u00e9rieures (Paris,\n1910).\n\n[115] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp.\n180-182\n\n[116] For a full discussion of this subject, see _Cole_, Relations\nbetween the Living and the Dead (_Am. Jour. of Sociology,_ Vol. XXI,\nNo. 5, 1916, pp. 610, et seq.).\n\n[117] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 185.\n\n[118] In Manabo it is said that there are five sons, who reside in\nthe spirit houses known as _tangpap, alalot,_ and _pungkew_.\n\n[119] The people of Manabo say, he resides in the spirit-structures\nknown as _balaua, sogayab, batog,_and _balag_ (cf. pp. 308, _et seq.)_\n\n[120] Among the Ifugao, Kab\u00fanian is the lowest of the three layers\nwhich make up the heavens (_Beyer_, Origin Myths among the Mountain\nPeoples of the Philippines, _Phil. Jour. of Science,_ Vol. viii,\nNo. 2, 1913, p. 99).\n\n[121] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 15.\n\n[122] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume. No. 1, p. 32.\n\n[123] The medium is also sometimes called _manganito_.\n\n[124] Similar mediums and possession were observed among the ancient\nVisayans. See _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. V,\np. 133; _Perez_ writing concerning Zambales says of their mediums,\n\"He commences to shiver, his whole body trembling, and making many\nfaces by means of his eyes; he generally talks, sometimes between\nhis teeth, without any one understanding him. Sometimes he contents\nhimself with wry faces which he makes with his eyes and the trembling\nof all his body. After a few moments he strikes himself on the knee,\nand says he is the _anito_ to whom the sacrifice is being made.\" See\n_Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit.,_Vol. XLVII, p. 301.\n\n[125] Among the ancient Tagalog, charms made of herbs, stones, and\nwood, were used to infuse the heart with love (_Blair_ and _Robertson_,\nThe Philippine Islands, Vol VII, p. 194). Similar practices are\nfound in India, among the Selangor of the Malay Peninsula, among\nthe Bagobo of Mindanao and in Japan: see _Roy_, _Jour. Royal Anth,\nInst.,_Vol. XLIV, 1914, p. 337; _Skeat_ and _Blagden_, Pagan Races of\nthe Malay Peninsula, p. 312; _Benedict_, Bagobo Ceremonial, Magic and\nMyth, p. 220 _(Annals N. Y. Academy of Sciences,_ Vol. XXV, 1916);\n_Hildburgh_, _Man_, Nov. 1915, pp. 168, _et seq.; Trans. Japan Soc,_\nVol. VIII, pp. 132, _et seq._\n\n[126] The _salaksak_ was also the omen bird of the Zambales (_Blair_\nand _Robertson_, Philippine Islands, Vol. XLVII, p. 307).\n\n[127] Predicting of the future through the flight of birds, or by\nmeans of the entrails of slain animals, is widespread, not only in\nthe Philippines and Malaysia generally, but was equally important in\nancient Babylonia and Rome. The resemblances are so many that certain\nwriters, namely, _Hose_ and _McDougall_, _Kroeber_, and _Laufer_ are\ninclined to credit them to common historical influences. See _Hose_\nand _McDougall_, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 255 (London,\n1912); _Kroeber_, Peoples of the Philippines (_American Museum of\nNatural History,_ Handbook Series, No. 8, p. 192, New York, 1919);\n_Laufer_, _Toung Pao, _1914, pp. 1-51.\n\n[128] For the _diam_ recited at this time, see Traditions of the\nTinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 171.\n\n[129] More frequently the medium uses a piece of lead or one of the\nshells of her _piling_ for this purpose. In many villages the medium,\nwhile calling the spirits, wears one head-band for each time the\nfamily has made this ceremony.\n\n[130] Had they not possessed a _balaua_, they would have made this\noffering in the dwelling.\n\n[131] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. I, pp. 178-179.\n\n[132] The _sagang_ is the sharpened pole, which was passed through\nthe _foramen magnum_ of a captured skull.\n\n[133] Female spirits, who always stay in one place.\n\n[134] See Tradition of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 178.\n\n[135] This _diam_ is sometimes repeated for the _saloko_ (see p. 319).\n\n[136] Known as Palas\u00f3d in Bakaok.\n\n[137] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 175.\n\n[138] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 174.\n\n[139] _Op. cit._, p. 175.\n\n[140] In Patok this offering is placed in a _saloko_, which is planted\nclose to the stream.\n\n[141] Known in Ba-ak and Langiden as Day\u00e1, in Patok and vicinity as\nKomon or Ubaiya.\n\n[142] This part of the ceremony is often omitted in the valley towns.\n\n[143] _Canarium villosum_ Bl. The resinous properties of this tree are\nsupposed to make bright or clear, to the spirits, that the ceremony has\nbeen properly conducted. According to some informants, the _pala-an_\nis intended as a stable for the horse of Idadaya when he attends the\nceremony, but this seems to be a recent explanation.\n\n[144] This feeding of the spirits with blood and rice is known as\n_pisek_, while the whole of the procedure about the mortar is called\n_sangba_.\n\n[145] This consists of two bundles of rice, a dish of broken rice,\na hundred fathoms of thread, one leg of the pig, and a small coin.\n\n[146] Many spirits which appear here and in _Sayang_ are not mentioned\nin the alphabetical list of spirits, as they play only a local or\nminor role in the life of the people.\n\n[147] The spirit who lives in the _sagang_, the sharpened bamboo\nsticks on which the skulls of enemies were displayed.\n\n[148] This is of particular interest, as the Tinguian are hostile\nto the people of this region, and it is unlikely that either of the\nmediums had ever seen a native of that region.\n\n[149] The name by which the Tinguian designate their own people.\n\n[150] The spirits' name for the Tinguian.\n\n[151] The term Alzado is applied to the wilder head-hunting groups\nnorth and east of Abra.\n\n[152] When the _tangpap_ is built during the _Sayang_ ceremony,\nit is a little house with two raised floors. On the lower are small\npottery jars, daubed with white, and filled with _basi_ (Plate XX).\n\n[153] The _talagan_ (see p. 308).\n\n[154] This being lives in Binogan. His brothers are Gilen, Ilongbosan,\nIdodosan, Iyangayang, and Sagolo.\n\n[155] The site of the old village of Bukay.\n\n[156] In addition to the writer and his wife, Lieut. and\nMrs. H.B. Rowell were initiated at this time. The Lieutenant\nhad long been a friend and adviser of the tribe, and was held in\ngreat esteem by them. The writer's full name was Agonan Dumalawi,\nMrs. Cole's--Ginob\u00e1yan Gimpayan, Lieut. Rowell's--Andonan Dogyawi,\nand Mrs. Rowell's--Gayankayan Gidonan.\n\n[157] This raft is the _Taltalabong_, and is intended for the sons\nand servants of Kadaklan.\n\n[158] It is customary to place a jar of _basi_ under or near the house,\nso that Kadaklan may drink, before he reaches the function. This\noffering had been neglected, hence his complaint.\n\n[159] This is the case if a person is just acquiring the right to\nthe ceremony. If the family is already privileged to give this rite,\nit will occur in about three years, and _Sayang_ will follow some\nfour years later.\n\n[160] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 171.\n\n[161] See _ibid._, p. 24.\n\n[162] In Patok, _diwas_ is sung as a part of _da-eng_ on the night\nof _Libon_.\n\n[163] This is the same form as the \"shield,\" which hangs above the\nnewborn infant (p. 312).\n\n[164] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.\n\n[165] On two occasions an old bedstead of Spanish type served instead\nof the frame.\n\n[166] See p. 315. In some towns the spirits are summoned at different\ntimes during the ceremony, as in _Tangpap_.\n\n[167] See under Idasan, p. 309.\n\n[168] Each with its dormitory for bachelors, and usually for unmarried\ngirls. See _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 49 (Manila, 1905).\n\n[169] _Combes_, Historia de las islas de Mindanao (Madrid, 1667),\ntranslated by _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XL, p. 160; Vol. XLVII,\np. 300. _Ling Roth_, Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo,\nVol. II, p. 270, _et seq._(London, 1896).\n\n[170] For description of these villages, see _Cole_, Distribution of\nthe Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (_Am. Anthropologist_,\nVol. XI, p. 329).\n\n[171] See _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot (Manila, 1906).\n\n[172] Twenty years in the Philippines, p. 109 (London, 1853).\n\n[173] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 8.\n\n[174] See _Cole_ and _Laufer_, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines\n(Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 1).\n\n[175] Despite frequent assertions to the contrary, the fire syringe\nis not used by the Tinguian. It is found among the Tiagan Igorot,\nthe similarity of whose name has doubtless given rise to the error.\n\n[176] Head-hunting is widespread in this part of the world. It\nis found in Assam, in the Solomon Islands, in Borneo, Formosa,\nand, it is said, was formerly practiced in Japan. See _Hodson_\n(_Folklore,_ June, 1909, p. 109); _Rivers_, History of Melanesian\nSociety, Vol. II, p. 259 (Cambridge, 1914); _Hose_ and _McDougall_,\nPagan Tribes of Borneo, Vols. I-II (London, 1912); _Shinji Ishii_\n(_Transactions Japan Soc. of London,_ Vol. XIV, pp. 7, _et seq.)._\n\n[177] See _Worcester_, The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon\n(_Philippine Journal of Science,_ Vol. I, p. 824, Manila, 1906).\n\n[178] See _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vols. V,\np. 137; XXI, p. 140; XXXIV, p. 377; XL, pp. 80-81; XLVII, p. 313;\nXLVIII, p. 57. _Cole_, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes\nof Northwestern Luzon _(Am. Anth_., N. S., Vol. XI, 1909, p. 340);\n_Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (pub. Field Museum\nof Natural History, Vol. XII No. 2, p. 114, _et seq._).\n\n[179] These are called _soga_. Their use is widespread in the\nPhilippines, in Malaysia generally, and even extends into upper\nBurma. See _Shakespear_, History of Upper Assam, Upper Burmah and\nNortheastern Frontier, pp. 186, _et seq._(London, 1914). _Marsden_,\nHist. of Sumatra, p. 310 (London, 1811).\n\n[180] See _Cole_, Wild Tribes of Davao District (Field Museum of\nNat. Hist., Vol. XII, No. 2, p. 94).\n\n[181] This description is partially taken from the account of _Paul\nP. de La Gironi\u00e8re_, probably the one white man, who has witnessed\nthis rite (see Twenty Years in the Philippines, p. 108, London, 1853),\nand from the stories of many old men, who themselves have participated\nin the head-hunts and subsequent celebrations.\n\n[182] See _Cole_, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of\nNorthwestern Luzon (_Am. Anthropologist_, N. S., Vol. XI, No. 3,\n1909, p. 340).\n\n[183] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 22.\n\n[184] _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 123 (Manila, 1905); _Kroeber_,\nThe Peoples of the Philippines (Am. Museum Nat. Hist., Handbook Series,\nNo. 3, p. 165, New York, 1919).\n\n[185] _Egerton_, Handbook of Indian Arms (Wm. Allen and Co., London,\n1880), p. 84; _Shakespear_, History of Upper Assam, Burma and\nNortheastern Frontier (MacMillan, London, 1914), p. 197, illustration.\n\n[186] This type of snare is used by nearly all Philippine tribes,\nand it is also widespread in Malaysia.\n\n[187] The mountain rice is known as _langpadan_, the lowland rice as\npagey (Ilocano _palay_).\n\n[188] This is similar to the method followed in Sumatra. See _Marsden_,\nHistory of Sumatra, 3d ed., pp. 71-72 (London, 1811).\n\n[189] A similar device is employed in Java. See _Freeman_ and\n_Chandler_, The World's Commercial Products, p. 36 (Boston, 1911).\n\n[190] The latter is the customary method among the Bontoc Igorot. See\n_Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 94.\n\n[191] _Raffles_, History of Java, 2d ed., Vol. I, p. 125, also plate\nVIII (London, 1820); _Marsden_, _op. cit_., p. 74; _Freeman_ and\n_Chandler_, _op. cit_., p. 29. Both Raffles and Marsden consider\nthis type of plow of Chinese origin. The Tinguian name _alado_\nis doubtless a corruption of the Spanish _arado_, but this of course\nwould not prove that the plow itself was derived from the Spaniards.\n\n[192] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 195,\n_et seq_.\n\n[193] _Munia jagori_ (martens). Locally known as _tikgi_.\n\n[194] Probably the _ophiocephalus_. See _Dean_, _American Museum\nJournal_, Vol. XII, 1912, p. 22.\n\n[195] This is the only occasion when men use the bow and arrow.\n\n[196] The neighboring Igorot do not use a cutter, but break the stalks\nwith the fingers; however, the same instrument is used by the Apayao,\nin parts of Mindanao, in Java and Sumatra. See _Marsden_, History of\nSumatra, p. 73; _Raffles_, History of Java, pp. 125-6, also Plate 8;\n_Mayer_, Een Blik in het Javaansche Volksleven, Vol. II, p. 452,\n(Leiden, 1897); _Van der Lith_, Nederlandsch Oost Indi\u00eb, Vol. II,\np. 353, (Leiden, 1894).\n\n[197] Rice in the bundle is known as _palay_ or _pagey_.\n\n[198] The Igorot woman pulls the grain from the straw with her hands.\n\n[199] Ilocano _sanga-reppet_ or the Spanish _monojo_.\n\n[200] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.\n\n[201] History of Sumatra, pp. 65, _et seq_.\n\n[202] _Hose_ and _McDougall_ (Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II,\npp. 246-7) consider the terraced rice culture of the Murut, of northern\nBorneo, a recent acquisition either from the Philippines or from Annam.\n\n[203] _Lavezaris_, writing in 1569-76, states that the natives, of no\nspecified district, \"have great quantities of provisions which they\ngathered from irrigated fields\" (_Blair_ and _Robertson_, Philippine\nIslands, Vol. III, p. 269). In Vol. VIII, pp. 250-251, of the same\npublication, is a record of the expedition to Tue, in the mountains\nat the southern end of Nueva Viscaya. According to this account, the\nnatives of that section were, in 1592, gathering two crops of rice,\n\"one being irrigated, the other allowed to grow by itself.\"\n\n[204] For the history and extent of terraced field rice-culture,\nsee _Freeman_ and _Chandler_, The World's Commercial Products\n(Boston, 1911); _Ratzel_, History of Mankind, Vol. I, pp. 426, _et\nseq_. (London, 1896); _Ferrars_, Burma, pp. 48, _et seq_. (London,\n1901); _Bezemer_, Door Nederlandsch Oost-Indi\u00eb, p. 232 (Groningen,\n1906); _Hose_ and _McDougall_, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 246;\n_Perry_, _Manchester Memoirs_, Vol. LX, pt. 2, 1915-16; _Wallace_, The\nMalay Archipelago, pp. 117, 126 (London, 1894); _Cabaton_, Java and the\nDutch East Indies, p. 213, note (London, 1911); _Meyier_, Irrigation\nin Java, _Transactions of the American Soc. of Civil Engineers,_\nVol. LIV, pt. 6 (New York, 1908); _Bernard_, Am\u00e9nagement des eaux \u00e0\nJava, irrigation des rizi\u00e8res (Paris 1903); _Crawfurd_, History of\nthe Indian Archipelago, Vol. 1, pp. 358, _et seq_. (Edinburgh, 1820).\n\n[205] _Campbell_, Java Past and Present, Vol. II, p. 977 (London,\n1915).\n\n[206] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.\n\n[207] Also known as Sing\u00e1 and Baubauwi. In Likuan it is held only\nin case the crops are not growing as they should; but in Sisikan,\nPatikian, and other towns of the Saltan River valley it is celebrated\nboth before the planting and after the harvesting.\n\n[208] A slender cane similar to bamboo, but nearly white in color.\n\n[209] _runo_, a reed.\n\n[210] _Justicia gendarussa_ L.\n\n[211] Also called _salokang_. See p. 310.\n\n[212] The same ceremony may be held in order to stop the rainfall if\nit is too abundant.\n\n[213] At this time the spirits enter the bodies of the mediums and\nthrough them talk with the people.\n\n[214] _Lygodium_ near _scandens_.\n\n[215] In Manabo leaves and grass dipped in the blood are attached\nto split sticks, (_sinobung_), and are fastened to a side wall of\nthe house.\n\n[216] Lightning is recognized as the messenger of Kadaklan.\n\n[217] The Igorot villages of Lukuban and vicinity have a similar\nceremony. It is here followed by a three-day period of taboo.\nShould the bird known as _koling_ fly over the town during this period,\nuttering its peculiar cry, the ceremony will be repeated; otherwise,\nall is well.\n\n[218] Literally, \"to give a taste.\"\n\n[219] Those used are _sikag_ (_Lygodium_ near _scandens_),\n_talabibatab_ (_Capparis micracantha_ D.C.) and _pedped_ (?).\n\n[220] Most of the identifications here given were made by Dr. Elmer\nD. Merrill, botanist of the Philippine Bureau of Science, from\nspecimens collected by the writer.\n\n[221] Known generally throughout the Philippines as _gabi_.\n\n[222] The three common varieties of squash are _kalabasa_ (_Benincasa\ncertifera_), _tabongau_ and _tankoy_ (_Curcubita sp_.).\n\n[223] In the vicinity of Bakaok a small amount of _maguey_ (_Agave\ncantula_ Roxb.) is raised. It is employed in the making of cords.\n\n[224] A less esteemed species is known as _lalawed ta aso_ (\"dog\nlawed\").\n\n[225] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 100.\n\n[226] A similar drink was used ceremonially in Pangasinan in 1640. See\n_Aduarte_, Historia; _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XXX, p. 186. It\nis still found in many portions of the archipelago.\n\n[227] _Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Field\nMuseum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 2, pp. 82-83); _Hose_\nand _McDougall_, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. I, pp. 194-195\n(MacMillan and Co., London, 1912); _Raffles_, History of Java, Vol. I,\npp. 192-193; _Marsden_, History of Sumatra, 3rd edition (London, 1811),\np. 181; _Ferrais_, Burma, p. 105 (Low, Marston and Co., London, 1901);\n_Peal_ (_Journ. Anth. Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland,_ Vol. XXII,\np. 250, also Plate XIV, fig. No. 2).\n\n[228] _Rockhill_, _T'oung Pao_, Vol. XVI, 1915, pp. 268-269; _Blair_\nand _Robertson_, _op. cit._, Vols. II, p. 116; III, p. 209; IV,\np. 74; XXIX, p. 307; XL, p. 48, note; Philippine Census, Vol. I,\np. 482 (Washington, 1905). _De Morga_, Sucesos de las Islas Philipinas\n(1609), see Hakluyt Soc. edition, pp. 338, _et seq._ (London, 1868).\n\n[229] Wanderings in the Great Forests of Borneo (Constable, London,\n1904), pp. 282-283. See also _Low_, Sarawak--Its Inhabitants and\nProductions, pp. 158, 209 (London, 1848).\n\n[230] _Op. cit._, Vol. I, pp. 193-194.\n\n[231] _Ratzel_, History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 434; _Marsden_,\n_op. cit._, pp. 173, 181, 347 note.\n\n[232] Fifth Annual Report of the Mining Bureau of the Philippine\nIslands, p. 31; Official Catalogue of the Philippine Exhibit, Universal\nExposition, p. 231 (St. Louis, 1904).\n\n[233] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. II,\npp. 116, 207; Vol. III, pp. 203, 270; Vol. IV, p. 98; Vol. V, p. 145;\nVol. VIII, p. 84; Vol. XII, p. 187; Vol. XVI, p. 106. _Zuniga_,\nEstadismo (Retana's edition), Vol. II, pp. 41, 94.\n\n[234] _Foreman_, The Philippine Islands, p. 361 (London, 1892);\n_Bezemer_, Door Nederlandsch Oost-Indi\u00eb, p. 308 (Groningen, 1906);\n_Skeat_, _Man_, Vol. I. 1901, p. 178; _Raffles_, History of Java,\n2d ed., Vol. I p. 186 (London, 1830); _Brendon_ _(Journal of Indian\nArt and Industry,_ Vol. X, No. 82, pp. 17, _et seq._).\n\n[235] Weaving in cotton is a recent introduction among the neighboring\nBontoc Igorot. Formerly their garments were made of flayed bark,\nor were woven from local fiber plants. The threads from the latter\nwere spun or twisted on the naked thigh under the palm of the\nhand. Cf. _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 113 (Manila, 1905).\n\n[236] A similar device is used in Burma.\n\n[237] The same type of wheel is found in Java. See _Mayer_, Een Blik\nin het Javaansche Volksleven, Vol. II, p. 469 (Leiden, 1897).\n\n[238] A similar warp winder is described for Bombay (_Brendon_,\n_Journal of Indian Art and Industry_, Vol. X, No. 82, 1903, pp. 17,\n_et seq_.).\n\n[239] For the distribution of this semi-girdle or back strap, see _Ling\nRoth_, Studies in Primitive Looms (_Journal Royal Anthrop. Inst_.,\nVol. XLVI, 1916, pp. 294, 299).\n\n[240] These are: _alinau_ (_Grewia multiflora_ Juss.); _babaket_\n(_Helicteres hirsuta_ Lour.); _laynai_--a large tree, unidentified;\n_lapnek_ (_Abroma_ sp.) _ka'a-ka'ag_, an unidentified shrub; _losoban_\n(_grewia_); _pakak_, unidentified; _anabo_ (_Hibiscus pungens_ Roxb.);\n_bangal_ (_Sterculia foctida_ L.); _saloyot_ (_Corchoeus olitorius_\nL.) _labtang_ (_Anamirta cocculus_); _atis_ (_Anona squamosa_ L.);\n_alagak_ (_anona_); _maling-kapas_ (_Ceiba pentandra_ Gaertn.);\n_betning_ and _daldalopang_, unidentified; _maguey_ (_Agave cantula_\nRoxb.); _bayog_--a variety of bamboo.\n\n[241] It is not essential that the oil be applied, and oftentimes\nwhole sections are colored before being split.\n\n[242] From _k\u00e1wat_, the twisting of vines about a tree.\n\n[243] This is the Arnatto dye, an American plant. _Watt_, Dictionary,\nVol. I, p. 454.\n\n[244] This tattooing is accomplished by mixing oil and the black\nsoot from the bottom of a cooking pot, or the pulverized ashes of\nblue cloth. The paste is spread over the place to be treated, and\nis driven in with an instrument consisting of three or four needles\nset in a piece of bamboo. Sometimes the piercing of the skin is done\nbefore the color is applied; the latter is then rubbed in.\n\n[245] Blackening of the teeth was practised by the Zambal, also in\nSumatra and Japan. _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XVI, p. 78; _Marsden_,\nHistory of Sumatra, P. 53.\n\n[246] See pp. 445, 456 for words and music.\n\n[247] Shallow copper gongs.\n\n[248] Reyes says that this song, _daleng_, is similar to the _dallot_\nof the Ilocano (Art\u00edculos varios, p. 32).\n\n[249] Similar instruments are used by the Igorot who suspend them\nfree and beat them as they dance.\n\n[250] The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys. For\nthe music see p. 445.\n\n[251] The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys.\n\n[252] I use the word \"modern\" in this connection, as it pertains to\nthe music of those peoples who have developed music as an art, and\namong whom we find conformity to the same rules and system of notation.\n\n[253] By reference to the analysis of Record I, _Da-eng_ (Boys and\ngirls alternating), it will be seen that the record seems to have\nbeen made by one set of singers, apparently women and girls, who\nsang together on both parts. The entire record has therefore been\ntabulated with the women's songs.\n\n[254] Record F, Song of a Spirit, shows both major and minor tonality\n(for explanation see analysis of this song, p. 466).\n\n[255] Record J, _Da-eng_ (Girls' part), shows this mark in the \"Scale\"\ngiven below the transcription (for explanation see analysis of this\nsong, p. 471).\n\n[256] I find groups of five used occasionally in the singing of our\nAmerican Indians. _Burton_ (\"Primitive American Music\") shows its\nfrequent use among the Chippeway. Miss _Fletcher_ also shows groups in\nfive in her \"Omaha Music,\" and Miss _Densmore_ gives similar grouping\nin her transcriptions of American Indian songs.\n\n[257] _Grove_, Dictionary of Music and Musicians, Vol. IV.\n\n[258] _Rowbotham_, History of Music.","title":"The Tinguian: Social, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":100890}