{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_16878/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_16878","id":"gutenberg_16878","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/16878","summary":null,"tags":["Bible. Daniel -- Prophecies","Bible. Revelation -- Prophecies","Category: History - Religious","Category: Religion/Spirituality"],"text":"Produced by Greg Alethoup, Robert Shimmin, Keith Edkins\nand the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at\nhttps://www.pgdp.net\n\n\n\n\n\nOBSERVATIONS\nUPON THE\nPROPHECIES\nOF\n_DANIEL_,\nAND THE\nAPOCALYPSE\nOF\nSt. _JOHN_.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nIn Two PARTS.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nBy Sir _ISAAC NEWTON_.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n_LONDON,_\n\nPrinted by J. DARBY and T. BROWNE in _Bartholomew-Close._\n\nAnd Sold by J. ROBERTS in _Warwick-lane_, J. TONSON in the\n_Strand_, W. INNYS and R. MANBY at the West End of St.\n_Paul's Church-Yard_, J. OSBORN and T. LONGMAN in _Pater-Noster-Row_,\nJ. NOON near _Mercers Chapel_ in _Cheapside_,\nT. HATCHETT at the _Royal Exchange_, S. HARDING in St.\n_Martin's lane_, J. STAGG in _Westminster-Hall_, J. PARKER in\n_Pall-mall_, and J. BRINDLEY in _New Bond-Street_.\n\nM.DCC.XXXIII.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nTo the Right Honourable\n\n_P E T E R_\n\nLord _K I N G_,\n\nBaron of _Ockham_, Lord High Chancellor of _Great-Britain._\n\nMy Lord,\n\n_I shall make no Apology for addressing the following Sheets to Your\nLordship, who lived in a long Intercourse of Friendship with the Author;\nand, like him, amidst occupations of a different nature, made Religion your\nvoluntary Study; and in all your Enquiries and Actions, have shewn the same\ninflexible Adherence to Truth and Virtue._\n\n_I shall always reckon it one of the Advantages of my Relation to Sir\n_Isaac Newton_, that it affords me an opportunity of making this publick\nacknowledgment of the unfeigned Respect of_,\n\n  My Lord,\n      Your Lordship's\n          most obedient, and\n              most humble Servant,\n                  Benj. Smith.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nCONTENTS.\n\nPART I.\n\nObservations upon the Prophecies of _Daniel_.\n\nCHAP. I. Introduction concerning, the Compilers of the Books of the Old\nTestament.\n\nCHAP. II. Of the Prophetic Language.\n\nCHAP. III. Of the vision of the Image composed of four Metals.\n\nCHAP. IV. Of the vision of the four Beasts.\n\nCHAP. V. Of the Kingdoms represented by the feet of the Image composed of\niron and clay.\n\nCHAP. VI. Of the ten Kingdoms represented by the ten horns of the fourth\nBeast.\n\nCHAP. VII. Of the eleventh horn of _Daniel_'s fourth Beast.\n\nCHAP. VIII. Of the power of the eleventh horn of _Daniel_'s fourth Beast,\nto change times and laws.\n\nCHAP. IX. Of the Kingdoms represented in _Daniel_ by the Ram and He-Goat.\n\nCHAP. X. Of the Prophecy of the Seventy Weeks.\n\nCHAP. XI. Of the Times of the Birth and Passion of Christ.\n\nCHAP. XII. Of the Prophecy of the Scripture of Truth.\n\nCHAP. XIII. Of the King who did according to his will, and magnified\nhimself above every God, and honoured _Mahuzzims_, and regarded not the\ndesire of women.\n\nCHAP. XIV. Of the _Mahuzzims_, honoured by the King who doth according to\nhis will.\n\nPART II.\n\nObservations upon the _Apocalypse_ of St. _John_.\n\nCHAP. I. Introduction, concerning the time when the _Apocalypse_ was\nwritten.\n\nCHAP. II. Of the relation which the _Apocalypse_ of _John_ hath to the Book\nof the Law of _Moses_, and to the worship of God in the Temple.\n\nCHAP. III. Of the relation which the Prophecy of _John_ hath to those of\n_Daniel_; and of the Subject of the Prophecy.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nPART I.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nOBSERVATIONS\nUPON THE\nPROPHECIES\nOF\n_DANIEL._\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nOBSERVATIONS\n\nUPON THE\n\nProphecies of _DANIEL_\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nCHAP. I.\n\n_Introduction concerning the Compilers of the books of the Old Testament._\n\nWhen _Manasses_ [1] set up a carved image in the house of the Lord, and\nbuilt altars in the two courts of the house, to all the host of Heaven, and\nus'd inchantments and witchcraft, and familiar spirits, and for his great\nwickedness was invaded by the army of _Asserhadon_ King of _Assyria_, and\ncarried captive to _Babylon_; the book of the Law was lost till the\neighteenth year of his grandson _Josiah_. Then [2] _Hilkiah_ the High\nPriest, upon repairing the Temple, found it there: and the King lamented\nthat their fathers had not done after the words of the book, and commanded\nthat it should be read to the people, and caused the people to renew the\nholy covenant with God. This is the book of the Law now extant.\n\nWhen [3] _Shishak_ came out of _Egypt_ and spoil'd the temple, and brought\n_Judah_ into subjection to the monarchy of _Egypt_, (which was in the fifth\nyear of _Rehoboam_) the _Jews_ continued under great troubles for about\ntwenty years; being _without the true God, and without a teaching Priest,\nand without Law: and in those times there was no peace to him that went\nout, nor to him that came in, but great vexations were upon all the\ninhabitants of the countries, and nation was destroyed of nation, and city\nof city, for God did vex them with all adversity_. But [4] when _Shishak_\nwas dead, and _Egypt_ fell into troubles, _Judah_ had quiet ten years; and\nin that time _Asa_ built fenced cities in _Judah_, and got up an army of\n580000 men, with which, in the 15th year of his reign, he met and overcame\n_Zerah_ the _Ethiopian_, who had conquered _Egypt_ and _Lybia_, and\n_Troglodytica_, and came out with an army of 1000000 _Lybians_ and\n_Ethiopians_, to recover the countries conquered by _Sesac_. And after this\nvictory [5] _Asa_ dethroned his mother for idolatry, and he renewed the\nAltar, and brought new vessels of gold and silver into the Temple; and he\nand the people entered into a new covenant to seek the Lord God of their\nfathers, upon pain of death to those who worshiped other Gods; and his son\n_Jehosaphat_ took away the high places, and in the third year of his reign\nsent some of his Princes, and of the Priests and Levites, to teach in the\ncities of _Judah_: and they had the book of the Law with them, and went\nabout throughout all the cities of _Judah_, and taught the people. This is\nthat book of the Law which was afterwards lost in the reign of _Manasses_,\nand found again in the reign of _Josiah_, and therefore it was written\nbefore the third year of _Jehosaphat_.\n\nThe same book of the Law was preserved and handed down to posterity by the\n_Samaritans_, and therefore was received by the ten Tribes before their\ncaptivity. For [6] when the ten Tribes were captivated, a Priest or the\ncaptivity was sent back to _Bethel_, by order of the King of _Assyria_, to\ninstruct the new inhabitants of _Samaria_, in _the manner of the God of the\nland_; and the _Samaritans_ had the _Pentateuch_ from this Priest, as\ncontaining the law or _manner of the God of the land_, which he was to\nteach them. For [7] they persevered in the religion which he taught them,\njoining with it the worship of their own Gods; and by persevering in what\nthey had been taught, they preserved this book of their Law in the original\ncharacter of the _Hebrews_, while the two Tribes, after their return from\n_Babylon_, changed the character to that of the _Chaldees_, which they had\nlearned at _Babylon_.\n\nAnd since the _Pentateuch_ was received as the book of the Law, both by the\ntwo Tribes and by the ten Tribes, it follows that they received it before\nthey became divided into two Kingdoms. For after the division, they\nreceived not laws from one another, but continued at variance. _Judah_\ncould not reclaim _Israel_ from the sin of _Jeroboam_, and _Israel_ could\nnot bring _Judah_ to it. The _Pentateuch_ therefore was the book of the Law\nin the days of _David_ and _Solomon_. The affairs of the Tabernacle and\nTemple were ordered by _David_ and _Solomon_, according to the Law of this\nbook; and _David_ in the 78th Psalm, admonishing the people to give ear to\nthe Law of God, means the Law of this book. For in describing how their\nforefathers kept it not, he quotes many historical things out of the books\nof _Exodus_ and _Numbers_.\n\nThe race of the Kings of _Edom_, before there reigned any King over\n_Israel_, is set down in the book of [8] _Genesis_; and therefore that book\nwas not written entirely in the form now extant, before the reign of\n_Saul_. The writer set down the race of those Kings till his own time, and\ntherefore wrote before _David_ conquered _Edom_. The _Pentateuch_ is\ncomposed of the Law and the history of God's people together; and the\nhistory hath been collected from several books, such as were the history of\nthe Creation composed by _Moses_, _Gen_. ii. 4. the book of the generations\nof _Adam_, _Gen._ v. i. and the book of the wars of the Lord, _Num._ xxi.\n14. This book of wars contained what was done at the Red-sea, and in the\njourneying of _Israel_ thro' the Wilderness, and therefore was begun by\n_Moses_. And _Joshua_ might carry it on to the conquest of _Canaan_. For\n_Joshua_ wrote some things in the book of the Law of God, _Josh._ xxiv. 26\nand therefore might write his own wars in the book of wars, those being the\nprincipal wars of God. These were publick books, and therefore not written\nwithout the authority of _Moses_ and _Joshua_. And _Samuel_ had leisure in\nthe reign of _Saul_, to put them into the form of the books of _Moses_ and\n_Joshua_ now extant, inserting into the book of _Genesis_, the race of the\nKings of _Edom_, until there reigned a King in _Israel_.\n\nThe book of the _Judges_ is a continued history of the _Judges_ down to the\ndeath of _Sampson_, and therefore was compiled after his death, out of the\nActs of the _Judges_. Several things in this book are said to be done _when\nthere was no King in _Israel__, _Judg._ xvii. 6. xviii. 1. xix. 1. xxi. 25.\nand therefore this book was written after the beginning of the reign of\n_Saul_. When it was written, the _Jebusites_ dwelt in _Jerusalem_, _Jud._\ni. 21 and therefore it was written before the eighth year of _David_, 2\n_Sam._ v. 8. and 1 _Chron._ xi. 6. The books of _Moses_, _Joshua_, and\n_Judges_, contain one continued history, down from the Creation to the\ndeath of _Sampson_. Where the _Pentateuch_ ends, the book of _Joshua_\nbegins; and where the book of _Joshua_ ends, the book of _Judges_ begins.\nTherefore all these books have been composed out of the writings of\n_Moses_, _Joshua_, and other records, by one and the same hand, after the\nbeginning of the reign of _Saul_, and before the eighth year of _David_.\nAnd _Samuel_ was a sacred writer, 1 _Sam._ x. 25. acquainted with the\nhistory of _Moses_ and the _Judges_, 1 _Sam._ xii. 8, 9, 10, 11, 12. and\nhad leisure in the reign of _Saul_, and sufficient authority to compose\nthese books. He was a Prophet, and judged _Israel_ all the days of his\nlife, and was in the greatest esteem with the people; and the Law by which\nhe was to judge the people was not to be published by less authority than\nhis own, the Law-maker being not inferior to the judge. And the book of\n_Jasher_, which is quoted in the book of _Joshua_, _Josh._ x. 13. was in\nbeing at the death of _Saul_, 2 _Sam._ i. 18.\n\nAt the dedication of the Temple of _Solomon_, when the Ark was brought into\nthe most holy place, there was nothing in it but the two tables, 1 _Kings_\nviii. 9. and therefore when the _Philistines_ took the Ark, they took out\nof it the book of the Law, and the golden pot of Manna, and _Aaron_'s Rod.\nAnd this and other losses in the desolation of _Israel_, by the conquering\n_Philistines_, might give occasion to _Samuel_, after some respite from\nthose enemies, to recollect the scattered writings of _Moses_ and _Joshua_,\nand the records of the Patriarchs and Judges, and compose them in the form\nnow extant.\n\nThe book of _Ruth_ is a history of things done in the days of the _Judges_,\nand may be looked upon as an addition to the book of the _Judges_, written\nby the same author, and at the same time. For it was written after the\nbirth of _David_, _Ruth_ iv. 17, 22. and not long after, because the\nhistory of _Boaz_ and _Ruth_, the great grandfather and great grandmother\nof _David_, and that of their contemporaries, could not well be remembered\nabove two or three generations. And since this book derives the genealogy\nof _David_ from _Boaz_ and _Ruth_, and omits _David_'s elder brothers and\nhis sons; it was written in honour of _David_, after he was anointed King\nby _Samuel_, and before he had children in _Hebron_, and by consequence in\nthe reign of _Saul_. It proceeds not to the history of _David_, and\ntherefore seems to have been written presently after he was anointed. They\njudge well therefore who ascribe to _Samuel_ the books of _Joshua_,\n_Judges_, and _Ruth_.\n\n_Samuel_ is also reputed the author of the first book of _Samuel_, till the\ntime of his death. The two books of _Samuel_ cite no authors, and therefore\nseem to be originals. They begin with his genealogy, birth and education,\nand might be written partly in his lifetime by himself or his disciples the\nProphets at _Naioth_ in _Ramah_, 1 _Sam._ xix. 18, 19, 20. and partly after\nhis death by the same disciples.\n\nThe books of the _Kings_ cite other authors, as the book of the Acts of\n_Solomon_, the book of the _Chronicles_ of the Kings of _Israel_, and the\nbook of the _Chronicles_ of the Kings of _Judah_. The books of the\n_Chronicles_ cite the book of _Samuel_ the Seer, the book of _Nathan_ the\nProphet, and the book of _Gad_ the Seer, for the Acts of _David_; the book\nof _Nathan_ the Prophet, the Prophecy of _Ahijah_ the _Shilonite_, and the\nvisions of _Iddo_ the Seer, for the Acts of _Solomon_; the book of\n_Shemajah_ the Prophet, and the book of _Iddo_ the Seer concerning\ngenealogies, for the Acts of _Rehoboam_ and _Abijah_; the book of the Kings\nof _Judah_ and _Israel_ for the Acts of _Asa_, _Joash_, _Amaziah_,\n_Jotham_, _Ahaz_, _Hezekiah_, _Manasseh_, and _Josiah_; the book of\n_Hanani_ the Seer, for the Acts of _Jehosaphat_; and the visions of\n_Isaiah_ for the Acts of _Uzziah_ and _Hezekiah_. These books were\ntherefore collected out of the historical writings of the antient Seers and\nProphets. And because the books of the _Kings_ and _Chronicles_ quote one\nanother, they were written at one and the same time. And this time was\nafter the return from the _Babylonian_ captivity, because they bring down\nthe history of _Judah_, and the genealogies of the Kings of _Judah_, and of\nthe High Priests, to that captivity. The book of _Ezra_ was originally a\npart of the book of the _Chronicles_, and has been divided from it. For it\nbegins with the two last verses of the books of _Chronicles_, and the first\nbook of _Esdras_ begins with the two last chapters thereof. _Ezra_ was\ntherefore the compiler of the books of _Kings_ and _Chronicles_, and\nbrought down the history to his own time. He was a ready Scribe in the Law\nof God; and for assisting him in this work _Nehemias_ founded a library,\nand _gathered together the Acts of the Kings and the Prophets, and of\n_David_, and the Epistles of the Kings, concerning the holy gifts_, 2\n_Maccab._ ii. 13. By the Acts of _David_ I understand here the two books of\n_Samuel_, or at least the second book. Out of the Acts of the _Kings_,\nwritten from time to time by the Prophets, he compos'd the books of the\nKings of _Judah_ and _Israel_, the _Chronicles_ of the Kings of _Judah_,\nand the _Chronicles_ of the Kings of _Israel_. And in doing this he joined\nthose Acts together, in due order of time, copying the very words of the\nauthors, as is manifest from hence, that the books of the _Kings_ and\n_Chronicles_ frequently agree with one another in words for many sentences\ntogether. Where they agree in sense, there they agree in words also.\n\nSo the Prophecies of _Isaiah_, written at several times, he has collected\ninto one body. And the like he did for those of _Jeremiah_, and the rest of\nthe Prophets, down to the days of the second Temple. The book of _Jonah_ is\nthe history of _Jonah_ written by another hand. The book of _Daniel_ is a\ncollection of papers written at several times. The six last chapters\ncontain Prophecies written at several times by _Daniel_ himself: the six\nfirst are a collection of historical papers written by others. The fourth\nchapter is a decree of _Nebuchadnezzar_. The first chapter was written\nafter _Daniel_'s death: for the author saith, that _Daniel_ continued to\nthe first year of _Cyrus_; that is, to his first year over the _Persians_\nand _Medes_, and third year over _Babylon_. And, for the same reason, the\nfifth and sixth chapters were also written after his death. For they end\nwith these words: _So this _Daniel_ prospered in the reign of _Darius_ and\nin the reign of _Cyrus_ the_ Persian. Yet these words might be added by the\ncollector of the papers, whom I take to be _Ezra_.\n\nThe Psalms composed by _Moses_, _David_, and others, seem to have been also\ncollected by _Ezra_ into one volume. I reckon him the collector, because in\nthis collection I meet with Psalms as late as the _Babylonian_ captivity,\nbut with none later.\n\nAfter these things _Antiochus Epiphanes_ spoiled the Temple, commanded the\n_Jews_ to forsake the Law upon pain of death, and caused the sacred books\nto be burnt wherever they could be found: and in these troubles the book of\nthe _Chronicles_ of the Kings of _Israel_ was entirely lost. But upon\nrecovering from this oppression, _Judas Maccabaeus_ gathered together all\nthose writings that were to be met with, 2 _Maccab._ ii. 14. and in\nreducing them into order, part of the Prophecies of _Isaiah_, or some other\nProphet, have been added to the end of the Prophecies of _Zechariah_; and\nthe book of _Ezra_ has been separated from the book of _Chronicles_, and\nset together in two different orders; in one order in the book of _Ezra_,\nreceived into the Canon, and in another order in the first book of\n_Esdras_.\n\nAfter the _Roman_ captivity, the _Jews_ for preserving their traditions,\nput them in writing in their _Talmud_, and for preserving their scriptures,\nagreed upon an Edition, and pointed it, and counted the letters of every\nsort in every book: and by preserving only this Edition, the antienter\nvarious lections, except what can be discovered by means of the\n_Septuagint_ Version, are now lost; and such marginal notes, or other\ncorruptions, as by the errors of the transcribers, before this Edition was\nmade, had crept into the text, are now scarce to be corrected.\n\nThe _Jews_ before the _Roman_ captivity, distinguished the sacred books\ninto the Law, the Prophets, and the _Hagiographa_, or holy writings; and\nread only the Law and the Prophets in their Synagogues. And Christ and his\nApostles laid the stress of religion upon the Law and the Prophets, _Matt._\nvii. 12. xxii. 4. _Luke_ xvi. 16, 29, 31. xxiv. 44. _Acts_ xxiv. 14. xxvi.\n22. _Rom._ iii. 21. By the _Hagiographa_ they meant the historical books\ncalled _Joshua_, _Judges_, _Ruth_, _Samuel_, _Kings_, _Chronicles_, _Ezra_,\n_Nehemiah_, and _Esther_, the book of _Job_, the _Psalms_, the books of\n_Solomon_, and the _Lamentations_. The Samaritans read only the\n_Pentateuch_: and when _Jehosaphat_ sent men to teach in the cities, they\nhad with them only the book of the Law; for the Prophecies now extant were\nnot then written. And upon the return from the _Babylonian_ captivity,\n_Ezra_ read only the book of the Law to the people, from morning to noon on\nthe first day of the seventh month; and from day to day in the feast of\nTabernacles: for he had not yet collected the writings of the Prophets into\nthe volume now extant; but instituted the reading of them after the\ncollection was made. By reading the Law and the Prophets in the Synagogues,\nthose books have been kept freer from corruption than the _Hagiographa_.\n\nIn the infancy of the nation of _Israel_, when God had given them a Law,\nand made a covenant with them to be their God if they would keep his\ncommandments, he sent Prophets to reclaim them, as often as they revolted\nto the worship of other Gods: and upon their returning to him, they\nsometimes renewed the covenant which they had broken. These Prophets he\ncontinued to send, till the days of _Ezra_: but after their Prophecies were\nread in the Synagogues, those Prophecies were thought sufficient. For if\nthe people would not hear _Moses_ and the old Prophets, they would hear no\nnew ones, no not _tho they should rise from the dead_. At length when a new\ntruth was to be preached to the _Gentiles_, namely, _that Jesus was the\nChrist_, God sent new Prophets and Teachers: but after their writings were\nalso received and read in the Synagogues of the Christians, Prophecy ceased\na second time. We have _Moses_, the Prophets, and Apostles, and the words\nof Christ himself; and if we will not hear them, we shall be more\ninexcusable than the _Jews._ For the Prophets and Apostles have foretold,\nthat as _Israel_ often revolted and brake the covenant, and upon repentance\nrenewed it; so there should be a falling away among the Christians, soon\nafter the days of the Apostles; and that in the latter days God would\ndestroy the impenitent revolters, and make a new covenant with his people.\nAnd the giving ear to the Prophets is a fundamental character of the true\nChurch. For God has so ordered the Prophecies, that in the latter days _the\nwise may understand, but the wicked shall do wickedly, and none of the\nwicked shall understand_, Dan. xii. 9, 10. The authority of Emperors,\nKings, and Princes, is human. The authority of Councils, Synods, Bishops,\nand Presbyters, is human. The authority of the Prophets is divine, and\ncomprehends the sum of religion, reckoning _Moses_ and the Apostles among\nthe Prophets; and _if an Angel from Heaven preach any other gospel_, than\nwhat they have delivered, _let him be accursed_. Their writings contain the\ncovenant between God and his people, with instructions for keeping this\ncovenant; instances of God's judgments upon them that break it: and\npredictions of things to come. While the people of God keep the covenant,\nthey continue to be his people: when they break it they cease to be his\npeople or church, and become _the Synagogue of Satan, who say they are\n_Jews_ and are not._ And no power on earth is authorized to alter this\ncovenant.\n\nThe predictions of things to come relate to the state of the Church in all\nages: and amongst the old Prophets, _Daniel_ is most distinct in order of\ntime, and easiest to be understood: and therefore in those things which\nrelate to the last times, he must be made the key to the rest.\n\nNotes to Chap. I.\n\n[1] 2 Chron. xxxiii. 5, 6, 7.\n\n[2] 2 Chron. xxxiv.\n\n[3] 2 Chron. xii. 2, 3, 4, 8, 9. & xv. 3, 5, 6.\n\n[4] 2 Chron. xiv. 1, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12.\n\n[5] 2 Chron. xv. 3, 12, 13, 16, 18.\n\n[6] 2 Kings xvii. 27, 28, 32, 33.\n\n[7] 2 Kings xvii. 34, 41.\n\n[8] Gen. xxxvi. 31.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nCHAP. II.\n\n_Of the Prophetic Language._\n\nFor understanding the Prophecies, we are, in the first place, to acquaint\nour-selves with the figurative language of the Prophets. This language is\ntaken from the analogy between the world natural, and an empire or kingdom\nconsidered as a world politic.\n\nAccordingly, the whole world natural consisting of heaven and earth,\nsignifies the whole world politic, consisting of thrones and people, or so\nmuch of it as is considered in the Prophecy: and the things in that world\nsignify the analogous things in this. For the heavens, and the things\ntherein, signify thrones and dignities, and those who enjoy them; and the\nearth, with the things thereon, the inferior people; and the lowest parts\nof the earth, called _Hades_ or Hell, the lowest or most miserable part of\nthem. Whence ascending towards heaven, and descending to the earth, are put\nfor rising and falling in power and honour: rising out of the earth, or\nwaters, and falling into them, for the rising up to any dignity or\ndominion, out of the inferior state of the people, or falling down from the\nsame into that inferior state; descending into the lower parts of the\nearth, for descending to a very low and unhappy estate; speaking with a\nfaint voice out of the dust, for being in a weak and low condition; moving\nfrom one place to another, for translation from one office, dignity, or\ndominion, to another; great earthquakes, and the shaking of heaven and\nearth, for the shaking of kingdoms, so as to distract or overthrow them;\nthe creating a new heaven and earth, and the passing away of an old one, or\nthe beginning and end of the world, for the rise and ruin of the body\npolitic signified thereby.\n\nIn the heavens, the Sun and Moon are, by interpreters of dreams, put for\nthe persons of Kings and Queens; but in sacred Prophecy, which regards not\nsingle persons, the Sun is put for the whole species and race of Kings, in\nthe kingdom or kingdoms of the world politic, shining with regal power and\nglory; the Moon for the body of the common people, considered as the King's\nwife; the Stars for subordinate Princes and great men, or for Bishops and\nRulers of the people of God, when the Sun is Christ; light for the glory,\ntruth, and knowledge, wherewith great and good men shine and illuminate\nothers; darkness for obscurity of condition, and for error, blindness and\nignorance; darkning, smiting, or setting of the Sun, Moon, and Stars, for\nthe ceasing of a kingdom, or for the desolation thereof, proportional to\nthe darkness; darkning the Sun, turning the Moon into blood, and falling of\nthe Stars, for the same; new Moons, for the return of a dispersed people\ninto a body politic or ecclesiastic.\n\nFire and meteors refer to both heaven and earth, and signify as follows;\nburning any thing with fire, is put for the consuming thereof by war; a\nconflagration of the earth, or turning a country into a lake of fire, for\nthe consumption of a kingdom by war; the being in a furnace, for the being\nin slavery under another nation; the ascending up of the smoke of any\nburning thing for ever and ever, for the continuation of a conquered people\nunder the misery of perpetual subjection and slavery; the scorching heat of\nthe sun, for vexatious wars, persecutions and troubles inflicted by the\nKing; riding on the clouds, for reigning over much people; covering the sun\nwith a cloud, or with smoke, for oppression of the King by the armies of an\nenemy; tempestuous winds, or the motion of clouds, for wars; thunder, or\nthe voice of a cloud, for the voice of a multitude; a storm of thunder,\nlightning, hail, and overflowing rain, for a tempest of war descending from\nthe heavens and clouds politic, on the heads of their enemies; rain, if not\nimmoderate, and dew, and living water, for the graces and doctrines of the\nSpirit; and the defect of rain, for spiritual barrenness.\n\nIn the earth, the dry land and congregated waters, as a sea, a river, a\nflood, are put for the people of several regions, nations, and dominions;\nembittering of waters, for great affliction of the people by war and\npersecution; turning things into blood, for the mystical death of bodies\npolitic, that is, for their dissolution; the overflowing of a sea or river,\nfor the invasion of the earth politic, by the people of the waters; drying\nup of waters, for the conquest of their regions by the earth; fountains of\nwaters for cities, the permanent heads of rivers politic; mountains and\nislands, for the cities of the earth and sea politic, with the territories\nand dominions belonging to those cities; dens and rocks of mountains, for\nthe temples of cities; the hiding of men in those dens and rocks, for the\nshutting up of Idols in their temples; houses and ships, for families,\nassemblies, and towns, in the earth and sea politic; and a navy of ships of\nwar, for an army of that kingdom that is signified by the sea.\n\nAnimals also and vegetables are put for the people of several regions and\nconditions; and particularly, trees, herbs, and land animals, for the\npeople of the earth politic: flags, reeds, and fishes, for those of the\nwaters politic; birds and insects, for those of the politic heaven and\nearth; a forest for a kingdom; and a wilderness for a desolate and thin\npeople.\n\nIf the world politic, considered in prophecy, consists of many kingdoms,\nthey are represented by as many parts of the world natural; as the noblest\nby the celestial frame, and then the Moon and Clouds are put for the common\npeople; the less noble, by the earth, sea, and rivers, and by the animals\nor vegetables, or buildings therein; and then the greater and more powerful\nanimals and taller trees, are put for Kings, Princes, and Nobles. And\nbecause the whole kingdom is the body politic of the King, therefore the\nSun, or a Tree, or a Beast, or Bird, or a Man, whereby the King is\nrepresented, is put in a large signification for the whole kingdom; and\nseveral animals, as a Lion, a Bear, a Leopard, a Goat, according to their\nqualities, are put for several kingdoms and bodies politic; and sacrificing\nof beasts, for slaughtering and conquering of kingdoms; and friendship\nbetween beasts, for peace between kingdoms. Yet sometimes vegetables and\nanimals are, by certain epithets or circumstances, extended to other\nsignifications; as a Tree, when called the _tree of life_ or _of\nknowledge_; and a Beast, when called _the old serpent_, or worshipped.\n\nWhen a Beast or Man is put for a kingdom, his parts and qualities are put\nfor the analogous parts and qualities of the kingdom; as the head of a\nBeast, for the great men who precede and govern; the tail for the inferior\npeople, who follow and are governed; the heads, if more than one, for the\nnumber of capital parts, or dynasties, or dominions in the kingdom, whether\ncollateral or successive, with respect to the civil government; the horns\non any head, for the number of kingdoms in that head, with respect to\nmilitary power; seeing for understanding, and the eyes for men of\nunderstanding and policy, and in matters of religion for [Greek:\nEpiskopoi], Bishops; speaking, for making laws; the mouth, for a law-giver,\nwhether civil or sacred; the loudness of the voice, for might and power;\nthe faintness thereof, for weakness; eating and drinking, for acquiring\nwhat is signified by the things eaten and drank; the hairs of a beast, or\nman, and the feathers of a bird, for people; the wings, for the number of\nkingdoms represented by the beast; the arm of a man, for his power, or for\nany people wherein his strength and power consists; his feet, for the\nlowest of the people, or for the latter end of the kingdom; the feet,\nnails, and teeth of beasts of prey, for armies and squadrons of armies; the\nbones, for strength, and for fortified places; the flesh, for riches and\npossessions; and the days of their acting, for years; and when a tree is\nput for a kingdom, its branches, leaves and fruit, signify as do the wings,\nfeathers, and food of a bird or beast.\n\nWhen a man is taken in a mystical sense, his qualities are often signified\nby his actions, and by the circumstances of things about him. So a Ruler is\nsignified by his riding on a beast; a Warrior and Conqueror, by his having\na sword and bow; a potent man, by his gigantic stature; a Judge, by weights\nand measures; a sentence of absolution, or condemnation, by a white or a\nblack stone; a new dignity, by a new name; moral or civil qualifications,\nby garments; honour and glory, by splendid apparel; royal dignity, by\npurple or scarlet, or by a crown; righteousness, by white and clean robes;\nwickedness, by spotted and filthy garments; affliction, mourning, and\nhumiliation, by clothing in sackcloth; dishonour, shame, and want of good\nworks, by nakedness; error and misery, by drinking a cup of his or her wine\nthat causeth it; propagating any religion for gain, by exercising traffick\nand merchandize with that people whose religion it is; worshipping or\nserving the false Gods of any nation, by committing adultery with their\nprinces, or by worshipping them; a Council of a kingdom, by its image;\nidolatry, by blasphemy; overthrow in war, by a wound of man or beast; a\ndurable plague of war, by a sore and pain; the affliction or persecution\nwhich a people suffers in labouring to bring forth a new kingdom, by the\npain of a woman in labour to bring forth a man-child; the dissolution of a\nbody politic or ecclesiastic, by the death of a man or beast; and the\nrevival of a dissolved dominion, by the resurrection of the dead.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nCHAP. III.\n\n_Of the vision of the Image composed of four Metals._\n\nThe Prophecies of _Daniel_ are all of them related to one another, as if\nthey were but several parts of one general Prophecy, given at several\ntimes. The first is the easiest to be understood, and every following\nProphecy adds something new to the former. The first was given in a dream\nto _Nebuchadnezzar_, King of _Babylon_, in the second year of his reign;\nbut the King forgetting his dream, it was given again to _Daniel_ in a\ndream, and by him revealed to the King. And thereby, _Daniel_ presently\nbecame famous for wisdom, and revealing of secrets: insomuch that _Ezekiel_\nhis contemporary, in the nineteenth year of _Nebuchadnezzar_, spake thus of\nhim to the King of _Tyre_: _Behold_, saith he, _thou art wiser than\n_Daniel_, there is no secret that they can hide from thee_, Ezek. xxviii.\n3. And the same _Ezekiel_, in another place, joins _Daniel_ with _Noah_ and\n_Job_, as most high in the favour of God, _Ezek._ xiv. 14, 16, 18, 20. And\nin the last year of _Belshazzar_, the Queen-mother said of him to the King:\n_Behold there is a man in thy kingdom, in whom is the spirit of the holy\ngods; and in the days of thy father, light and understanding and wisdom,\nlike the wisdom of the gods, was found in him; whom the king\n_Nebuchadnezzar_ thy father, the king, I say, thy father made master of the\nmagicians, astrologers, _Chaldeans_ and soothsayers: forasmuch as an\nexcellent spirit, and knowledge, and understanding, interpreting of dreams,\nand shewing of hard sentences, and dissolving of doubts, were found in the\nsame _Daniel_, whom the king named _Belteshazzar__, Dan. v. 11, 12.\n_Daniel_ was in the greatest credit amongst the _Jews_, till the reign of\nthe _Roman_ Emperor _Hadrian_: and to reject his Prophecies, is to reject\nthe Christian religion. For this religion is founded upon his Prophecy\nconcerning the _Messiah_.\n\nNow in this vision of the Image composed of four Metals, the foundation of\nall _Daniel_'s Prophecies is laid. It represents a body of four great\nnations, which should reign over the earth successively, viz. the people of\n_Babylonia_, the _Persians_, the _Greeks_, and the _Romans_. And by a stone\ncut out without hands, which fell upon the feet of the Image, and brake all\nthe four Metals to pieces, and _became a great mountain, and filled the\nwhole earth_; it further represents that a new kingdom should arise, after\nthe four, and conquer all those nations, and grow very great, and last to\nthe end of all ages.\n\nThe head of the Image was of gold, and signifies the nations of\n_Babylonia_, who reigned first, as _Daniel_ himself interprets. _Thou art\nthis head of gold_, saith he to _Nebuchadnezzar_. These nations reigned\ntill _Cyrus_ conquered _Babylon_, and within a few months after that\nconquest revolted to the _Persians_, and set them up above the _Medes_. The\nbreast and arms of the Image were of silver, and represent the _Persians_\nwho reigned next. The belly and thighs of the Image were of brass, and\nrepresent the _Greeks_, who, under the dominion of _Alexander_ the great,\nconquered the _Persians_, and reigned next after them. The legs were of\niron, and represent the _Romans_ who reigned next after the _Greeks_, and\nbegan to conquer them in the eighth year of _Antiochus Epiphanes_. For in\nthat year they conquered _Perseus_ King of _Macedon_, the fundamental\nkingdom of the _Greeks_; and from thence forward grew into a mighty empire,\nand reigned with great power till the days of _Theodosius_ the great. Then\nby the incursion of many northern nations, they brake into many smaller\nkingdoms, which are represented by the feet and toes of the Image, composed\npart of iron, and part of clay. For then, saith _Daniel_, [1] _the kingdom\nshall be divided, and there shall be in it of the strength of iron, but\nthey shall not cleave one to another._\n\n_And in the days of these Kings_, saith _Daniel_, _shall the God of heaven\nset up a kingdom which shall never be destroyed: and the kingdom shall not\nbe left to other people; but it shall break in pieces, and consume all\nthese kingdoms, and it shall stand for ever. Forasmuch as thou sawest that\nthe stone was cut out of the mountains without hands, and that it brake in\npieces the iron, the brass, the clay, the silver and the gold._\n\nNotes to Chap. III.\n\n[1] Chap. ii. 41, &c.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nCHAP. IV.\n\n_Of the vision of the four Beasts._\n\nIn the next vision, which is of the four Beasts, the Prophecy of the four\nEmpires is repeated, with several new additions; such as are the two wings\nof the Lion, the three ribs in the mouth of the Bear, the four wings and\nfour heads of the Leopard, the eleven horns of the fourth Beast, and the\nson of man coming in the clouds of Heaven, to the Antient of Days sitting\nin judgment.\n\nThe first Beast was like a lion, and had eagle's wings, to denote the\nkingdoms of _Babylonia_ and _Media_, which overthrew the _Assyrian_ Empire,\nand divided it between them, and thereby became considerable, and grew into\ngreat Empires. In the former Prophecy, the Empire of _Babylonia_ was\nrepresented by the head of gold; in this both Empires are represented\ntogether by the two wings of the lion. _And I beheld,_ saith [1] _Daniel_,\n_till the wings thereof were pluckt, and it was lifted up from the earth,\nand made to stand upon the feet as a man, and a man's heart was given to\nit_; that is, till it was humbled and subdued, and made to know its human\nstate.\n\nThe second Beast was like a bear, and represents the Empire which reigned\nnext after the _Babylonians_, that is, the Empire of the _Persians_. _Thy\nkingdom is divided_, or broken, saith _Daniel_ to the last King of\n_Babylon_, _and given to the _Medes_ and _Persians__, _Dan._ v. 28. This\nBeast _raised itself up on one side_; the _Persians_ being under the\n_Medes_ at the fall of _Babylon_, but presently rising up above them. [2]\n_And it had three ribs in the mouth of it, between the teeth of it_, to\nsignify the kingdoms of _Sardes_, _Babylon_, and _Egypt_, which were\nconquered by it, but did not belong to its proper body. And it devoured\nmuch flesh, the riches of those three kingdoms.\n\nThe third Beast was the kingdom which succeeded the _Persian_; and this was\nthe empire of the _Greeks_, _Dan._ viii. 6, 7, 20, 21. It was _like a\nLeopard_, to signify its fierceness; and had four heads and four wings, to\nsignify that it should become divided into four kingdoms, _Dan._ viii 22.\nfor it continued in a monarchical form during the reign of _Alexander_ the\ngreat, and his brother _Aridaeus_, and young sons _Alexander_ and\n_Hercules_; and then brake into four kingdoms, by the governors of\nprovinces putting crowns on their own heads, and by mutual consent reigning\nover their provinces. _Cassander_ reigned over _Macedon_, _Greece_, and\n_Epirus_; _Lysimachus_ over _Thrace_ and _Bithynia_; _Ptolemy_ over\n_Egypt_, _Lybia_, _Arabia_, _Coelosyria_, and _Palestine_; and _Seleucus_\nover _Syria_.\n\nThe fourth Beast was the empire which succeeded that of the _Greeks_, and\nthis was the _Roman_. This beast was exceeding dreadful and terrible, and\nhad great iron teeth, and devoured and brake in pieces, and stamped the\nresidue with its feet; and such was the _Roman_ empire. It was larger,\nstronger, and more formidable and lasting than any of the former. It\nconquered the kingdom of _Macedon_, with _Illyricum_ and _Epirus_, in the\neighth year of _Antiochus Epiphanes_, _Anno Nabonass._. 580; and inherited\nthat of _Pergamus_, _Anno Nabonass._ 615; and conquered that of _Syria_,\n_Anno Nabonass._ 679, and that of _Egypt_, _Anno Nabonass._ 718. And by\nthese and other conquests it became greater and more terrible than any of\nthe three former Beasts. This Empire continued in its greatness till the\nreign of _Theodosius_ the great; and then brake into ten kingdoms,\nrepresented by the ten horns of this Beast; and continued in a broken form,\ntill the Antient of days sat in a throne like fiery flame, and _the\njudgment was set, and the books were opened, and the Beast was slain and\nhis body destroyed, and given to the burning flames; and one like the son\nof man came with the clouds of heaven, and came to the Antient of days_\n[3], and received dominion over all nations, and judgment was given to the\nsaints of the most high, and the time came that they possessed the kingdom.\n\n_I beheld,_ saith [4] _Daniel_, _till the Beast was slain, and his body\ndestroyed, and given to the burning flames. As concerning the rest of the\nBeasts, they had their dominion taken away: yet their lives were prolonged\nfor a season and a time_. And therefore all the four Beasts are still\nalive, tho the dominion of the three first be taken away. The nations of\n_Chaldea_ and _Assyria_ are still the first Beast. Those of _Media_ and\n_Persia_ are still the second Beast. Those of _Macedon_, _Greece_ and\n_Thrace_, _Asia_ minor, _Syria_ and _Egypt_, are still the third. And those\nof _Europe_, on this side _Greece_, are still the fourth. Seeing therefore\nthe body of the third Beast is confined to the nations on this side the\nriver _Euphrates_, and the body of the fourth Beast is confined to the\nnations on this side _Greece_; we are to look for all the four heads of the\nthird Beast, among the nations on this side of the river _Euphrates_; and\nfor all the eleven horns of the fourth Beast, among the nations on this\nside of _Greece_. And therefore, at the breaking of the _Greek_ empire into\nfour kingdoms of the _Greeks_, we include no part of the _Chaldeans_,\n_Medes_ and _Persians_ in those kingdoms, because they belonged to the\nbodies of the two first Beasts. Nor do we reckon the _Greek_ empire seated\nat _Constantinople_, among the horns of the fourth Beast, because it\nbelonged to the body of the third.\n\nNotes to Chap. IV.\n\n[1] Chap. vii. 4.\n\n[2] Chap. vii. 5.\n\n[3] Chap. vii. 13.\n\n[4] Chap. vii. 11, 12.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nCHAP. V.\n\n_Of the Kingdoms represented by the feet of the Image composed of iron and\nclay._\n\n_Dacia_ was a large country bounded on the south by the _Danube_, on the\neast by the _Euxine_ sea, on the north by the river _Neister_ and the\nmountain _Crapac_, and on the west by the river _Tibesis_, or _Teys_, which\nruns southward into the _Danube_ a little above _Belgrade_. It comprehended\nthe countries now called _Transylvania_, _Moldavia_, and _Wallachia_, and\nthe eastern part of the upper _Hungary_. Its antient inhabitants were\ncalled _Getae_ by the _Greeks_, _Daci_ by the _Latins_, and _Goths_ by\nthemselves. _Alexander_ the great attacked them, and _Trajan_ conquered\nthem, and reduced their country into a Province of the _Roman_ Empire: and\nthereby the propagation of the Gospel among them was much promoted. They\nwere composed of several _Gothic_ nations, called _Ostrogoths_,\n_Visigoths_, _Vandals_, _Gepides_, _Lombards_, _Burgundians_, _Alans_, &c.\nwho all agreed in their manners, and spake the same language, as\n_Procopius_ represents. While they lived under the _Romans_, the _Goths_ or\n_Ostrogoths_ were seated in the eastern parts of _Dacia_, the _Vandals_ in\nthe western part upon the river _Teys_, where the rivers _Maresh_ and\n_Keresh_ run into it. The _Visigoths_ were between them. The _Gepides_,\naccording to _Jornandes_, were upon the _Vistula_. The _Burgundians_, a\n_Vandalic_ nation, were between the _Vistula_ and the southern fountain of\nthe _Boristhenes_, at some distance from the mountain _Crapac_ northwards,\nwhere _Ptolemy_ places them, by the names of _Phrugundiones_ and\n_Burgiones_.[1] The _Alans_, another _Gothic_ nation, were between the\nnorthern fountain of the _Boristhenes_ and the mouth of the river _Tanais_,\nwhere _Ptolemy_ placeth the mountain _Alanus_, and western side of the\n_Palus Maeotis_.\n\nThese nations continued under the dominion of the _Romans_ till the second\nyear of the Emperor _Philip_, and then for want of their military pay began\nto revolt; the _Ostrogoths_ setting up a kingdom, which, under their Kings\n_Ostrogotha_, _Cniva_, _Araric_, _Geperic_, and _Hermanaric_, increased\ntill the year of Christ 376; and then by an incursion of the _Huns_ from\nbeyond the _Tanais_, and the death of _Hermanaric_, brake into several\nsmaller kingdoms. _Hunnimund_, the son of _Hermanaric_, became King over\nthe _Ostrogoths_; _Fridigern_ over the _Visigoths_; _Winithar_, or\n_Vinithar_, over a part of the _Goths_ called _Gruthungi_ by _Ammian_,\n_Gothunni_ by _Claudian_, and _Sarmatae_ and _Scythians_ by others:\n_Athanaric_ reign'd over another part of the _Goths_ in _Dacia_, called\n_Thervingi_; _Box_ over the _Antes_ in _Sarmatia_; and the _Gepides_ had\nalso their King. The _Vandals_ fled over the _Danube_ from _Geberic_ in the\nlatter end of the reign of _Constantine_ the great, and had seats granted\nthem in _Pannonia_ by that Emperor, where they lived quietly forty years,\nviz. till the year 377, when several _Gothic_ nations flying from the\n_Hunns_ came over the _Danube_, and had seats granted them in _Maesia_ and\n_Thrace_ by the _Greek_ Emperor _Valens_. But the next year they revolted,\ncalled in some _Goths_, _Alans_ and _Hunns_, from beyond the _Danube_, and\nrouted the _Roman_ army, slew the Emperor _Valens_, and spread themselves\ninto _Greece_ and _Pannonia_ as far as the _Alps_. In the years 379 and 380\nthey were checkt by the arms of the Emperors _Gratian_ and _Theodosius_,\nand made a submissive peace; the _Visigoths_ and _Thervingi_ returned to\ntheir seats in _Maesia_ and _Thrace_, the _Hunns_ retired over the _Danube_,\nand the _Alans_ and _Gruthingi_ obtained seats in _Pannonia_.\n\nAbout the year 373, or 374, the _Burgundians_ rose from their seats upon\nthe _Vistula_, with an army of eighty thousand men to invade _Gallia_; and\nbeing opposed, seated themselves upon the northern side of the _Rhine_ over\nagainst _Mentz_. In the year 358, a body of the _Salian Franks_, with their\nKing, coming from the river _Sala_, were received into the Empire by the\nEmperor _Julian_, and seated in _Gallia_ between _Brabant_ and the _Rhine_:\nand their King _Mellobaudes_ was made _Comes domesticorum_, by the Emperor\n_Gratian_. _Richomer_, another noble _Salian Frank_, was made _Comes\ndomesticorum_, and _Magister utriusque Militiae_, by _Theodosius_; and A.C.\n384, was Consul with _Clearchus_. He was a great favourite of _Theodosius_,\nand accompanied him in his wars against _Eugenius_, but died in the\nexpedition, and left a son called _Theudomir_, who afterwards became King\nof the _Salian Franks_ in _Brabant_. In the time of this war some _Franks_\nfrom beyond the _Rhine_ invaded _Gallia_ under the conduct of _Genobald_,\n_Marcomir_ and _Suno_, but were repulsed by _Stilico_; and _Marcomir_ being\nslain, was succeeded in _Germany_ by his son _Pharamond_.\n\nWhile these nations remained quiet within the Empire, subject to the\n_Romans_, many others continued so beyond the _Danube_ till the death of\nthe Emperor _Theodosius_, and then rose up in arms. For _Paulus Diaconus_\nin his _Historia Miscell._ _lib._ xiv. speaking of the times next after the\ndeath of this Emperor, tells us: _Eodem tempore erant Gothi & aliae gentes\nmaximae trans Danubium habitantes: ex quibus rationabiliores quatuor sunt,\nGothi scilicet, Huisogothi, Gepides & Vandali; & nomen tantum & nihil aliud\nmutantes. Isti sub Arcadia & Honorio Danubium transeuntes, locati sunt in\nterra Romanorum: & Gepides quidem, ex quibus postea divisi sunt Longobardi\n& Avares, villas, quae sunt circa Singidonum & Sirmium, habitavere:_ and\n_Procopius_ in the beginning of his _Historia Vandalica_ writes to the same\npurpose. Hitherto the _Western Empire_ continued entire, but now brake into\nmany kingdoms.\n\n_Theodosius_ died A.C. 395; and then the _Visigoths_, under the conduct of\n_Alaric_ the successor of _Fridigern_, rose from their seats in _Thrace_\nand wasted _Macedon_, _Thessaly_, _Achaia_, _Peloponnesus_, and _Epirus_,\nwith fire and sword for five years together; when turning westward, they\ninvaded _Dalmatia_, _Illyricum_ and _Pannonia_; and from thence went into\n_Italy_ A.C. 402; and the next year were so beaten at _Pollentia_ and\n_Verona_, by _Stilico_ the commander of the forces of the _Western Empire_,\nthat _Claudian_ calls the remainder of the forces of _Alaric_, _tanta ex\ngente reliquias breves_, and _Prudentius_, _Gentem deletam_. Thereupon\n_Alaric_ made peace with the Emperor, being so far humbled, that _Orosius_\nsaith, he did, _pro pace optima & quibuscunque sedibus suppliciter &\nsimpliciter orare_. This peace was ratified by mutual hostages; _AEtius_ was\nsent hostage to _Alaric_; and _Alaric_ continued a free Prince in the seats\nnow granted to him.\n\nWhen _Alaric_ took up arms, the nations beyond the _Danube_ began to be in\nmotion; and the next winter, between A.C. 395 and 396, a great body of\n_Hunns_, _Alans_, _Ostrogoths_, _Gepides_, and other northern nations, came\nover the frozen _Danube_, being invited by _Rufinus_: when their brethren,\nwho had obtained seats within the Empire, took up arms also. _Jerome_ calls\nthis great multitude, _Hunns_, _Alans_, _Vandals_, _Goths_, _Sarmatians_,\n_Quades_, and _Marcomans_; and saith, that they invaded all places between\n_Constantinople_ and the _Julian Alps_, wasting _Scythia_, _Thrace_,\n_Macedon_, _Dardania_, _Dacia_, _Thessaly_, _Achaia_, _Epirus_, _Dalmatia_,\nand all _Pannonia_. The _Suevians_ also invaded _Rhaetia_: for when _Alaric_\nravaged _Pannonia_, the _Romans_ were defending _Rhaetia_; which gave\n_Alaric_ an opportunity of invading _Italy_, as _Claudian_ thus mentions.\n\n  _Non nisi perfidia nacti penetrabile tempus,_\n  _Irrupere Getae, nostras dum Rhaetia vires_\n  _Occupat, atque alio desudant Marte cohortes_.\n\nAnd when _Alaric_ went from those parts into _Italy_, some other barbarous\nnations invaded _Noricum_ and _Vindelicia_, as the same Poet _Claudian_\nthus writes:\n\n      ----_Jam foedera gentes_\n  _Exuerant, Latiique audita clade feroces_\n  _Vendelicos saltus & Norica rura tenebant._\n\nThis was in the years 402 and 403. And among these nations I reckon the\n_Suevians_, _Quades_, and _Marcomans_; for they were all in arms at this\ntime. The _Quades_ and _Marcomans_ were _Suevian_ nations; and they and the\n_Suevians_ came originally from _Bohemia_, and the river _Suevus_ or\n_Sprake_ in _Lusatia_; and were now united under one common King called\n_Ermeric_, who soon after led them into _Gallia_. The _Vandals_ and _Alans_\nmight also about this time extend themselves into _Noricum_. _Uldin_ also\nwith a great body of _Hunns_ passed the _Danube_ about the time of\n_Chrysostom_'s banishment, that is, A.C. 404, and wasted _Thrace_ and\n_Maesia_. _Radagaisus_, King of the _Gruthunni_ and succesor of _Winithar_,\ninviting over more barbarians from beyond the _Danube_, invaded _Italy_\nwith an army of above two hundred thousand _Goths_; and within a year or\ntwo, A.C. 405 or 406., was overcome by _Stilico_, and perished with his\narmy. In this war _Stilico_ was assisted with a great body of _Hunns_ and\n_Ostrogoths_, under the conduct of _Uldin_ and _Sarus_, who were hired by\nthe Emperor _Honorius_. In all this confusion it was necessary for the\n_Lombards_ in _Pannonia_ to arm themselves in their own defence, and assert\ntheir liberty, the _Romans_ being no longer able to protect them.\n\nAnd now _Stilico_ purposing to make himself Emperor, procured a military\nprefecture for _Alaric_, and sent him into the _East_ in the service of\n_Honorius_ the _Western_ Emperor, committing some _Roman_ troops to his\nconduct to strengthen his army of _Goths_, and promising to follow soon\nafter with his own army. His pretence was to recover some regions of\n_Illyricum_, which the _Eastern_ Emperor was accused to detain injuriously\nfrom the _Western_; but his secret design was to make himself Emperor, by\nthe assistance of the _Vandals_ and their allies: for he himself was a\n_Vandal_. For facilitating this design, he invited a great body of the\nbarbarous nations to invade the _Western Empire_, while he and _Alaric_\ninvaded the _Eastern_. And these nations under their several Kings, the\n_Vandals_ under _Godegisilus_, the _Alans_ in two bodies, the one under\n_Goar_, the other under _Resplendial_, and the _Suevians_, _Quades_, and\n_Marcomans_, under _Ermeric_, marched thro' _Rhaetia_ to the side of the\n_Rhine_, leaving their seats in _Pannonia_ to the _Hunns_ and _Ostrogoths_,\nand joined the _Burgundians_ under _Gundicar_, and ruffled the _Franks_ in\ntheir further march. On the last of _December_ A.C. 406, they passed the\n_Rhine_ at _Ments_, and spread themselves into _Germania prima_ and the\nadjacent regions; and amongst other actions the _Vandals_ took _Triers_.\nThen they advanced into _Belgium_, and began to waste that country.\nWhereupon the _Salian Franks_ in _Brabant_ took up arms, and under the\nconduct of _Theudomir_, the son of _Ricimer_, or _Richomer_,\nabovementioned, made so stout a resistance, that they slew almost twenty\nthousand of the _Vandals_, with their King _Godegesilus_, in battel; the\nrest escaping only by a party of _Resplendial_'s _Alans_ which came timely\nto their assistance.\n\nThen the _British_ soldiers, alarm'd by the rumour of these things,\nrevolted, and set up Tyrants there; first _Marcus_, whom they slew\npresently; then _Gratian_, whom they slew within four months; and lastly\n_Constantine_, under whom they invaded _Gallia_ A.C. 408, being favoured by\n_Goar_ and _Gundicar_. And _Constantine_ having possessed a good part of\n_Gallia_, created his son _Constans Caesar_, and sent him into _Spain_ to\norder his affairs there, A.C. 409.\n\nIn the mean time _Resplendial_, seeing the aforesaid disaster of the\n_Vandals_, and that _Goar_ was gone over to the _Romans_, led his army from\nthe _Rhine_; and, together with the _Suevians_ and residue of the\n_Vandals_, went towards _Spain_; the _Franks_ in the mean time prosecuting\ntheir victory so far as to retake _Triers_, which after they had plundered\nthey left to the _Romans_. The _Barbarians_ were at first stopt by the\n_Pyrenean_ mountains, which made them spread themselves into _Aquitain_:\nbut the next year they had the passage betrayed by some soldiers of\n_Constans_; and entring _Spain_ 4 Kal. _Octob._ A.C. 409, they conquered\nevery one what he could; and at length, A.C. 411, divided their conquests\nby lot; the _Vandals_ obtained _Boetica_, and part of _Gallaecia_; the\n_Suevians_ the rest of _Gallaecia_; and the _Alans_ _Lusitania_ and the\n_Carthaginian_ Province: the Emperor for the sake of peace confirming them\nin those seats by grant A.C. 413.\n\nThe _Roman Franks_ abovementioned, having made _Theudomir_ their King,\nbegan strait after their conquest of the _Vandals_ to invade their\nneighbours also. The first they set upon were the _Gauls_ of _Brabant_[2]:\nbut meeting with notable resistance, they desired their alliance: and so\nthose _Gauls_ fell off from the _Romans_, and made an intimate league with\nthe _Franks_ to be as one people, marrying with one another, and conforming\nto one another's manners, till they became one without distinction. Thus by\nthe access of these _Gauls_, and of the foreign _Franks_ also, who\nafterwards came over the _Rhine_, the _Salian_ kingdom soon grew very great\nand powerful.\n\n_Stilico_'s expedition against the _Greek_ Emperor was stopt by the order\nof _Honorius_; and then _Alaric_ came out of _Epirus_ into _Noricum_, and\nrequested a sum of money for his service. The Senate were inclined to deny\nhim, but by _Stilico_'s mediation granted it. But after some time _Stilico_\nbeing accused of a traiterous conspiracy with _Alaric_, and slain 10 Kal.\n_Sept._ A.C. 408; _Alaric_ was thereby disappointed of his money, and\nreputed an enemy to the Empire; he then broke strait into _Italy_ with the\narmy he brought out of _Epirus_, and sent to his brother _Adolphus_ to\nfollow him with what forces he had in _Pannonia_, which were not great, but\nyet not to be despised. Thereupon _Honorius_ fearing to be shut up in\n_Rome_, retired to _Ravenna_ in _October_ A.C. 408. And from that time\n_Ravenna_ continued to be the seat of the _Western_ Emperors. In those days\nthe _Hunns_ also invaded _Pannonia_; and seizing the deserted seats of the\n_Vandals_, _Alans_, and _Goths_, founded a new kingdom there. _Alaric_\nadvancing to _Rome_ besieged it, and 9 Kal. _Sept._ A.C. 410 took it: and\nafterwards attempting to pass into _Africa_, was shipwrackt. After which\n_Honorius_ made peace with him, and got up an army to send against the\nTyrant _Constantine_.\n\nAt the same time _Gerontius_, one of _Constantine_'s captains, revolted\nfrom him, and set up _Maximus_ Emperor in _Spain_. Whereupon _Constantine_\nsent _Edobec_, another of his captains, to draw to his assistance, the\n_Barbarians_ under _Goar_ and _Gundicar_ in _Gallia_, and supplies of\n_Franks_ and _Alemans_ from beyond the _Rhine_; and committed the custody\nof _Vienne_ in _Gallia Narbonensis_ to his son _Constans_. _Gerontius_\nadvancing, first slew _Constans_ at _Vienne_, and then began to besiege\n_Constantine_ at _Arles_. But _Honorius_ at the same time sending\n_Constantius_ with an army on the same errand, _Gerontius_ fled, and\n_Constantius_ continued the siege, strengthned by the access of the\ngreatest part of the soldiers of _Gerontius_. After four months siege,\n_Edobec_ having procured succours, the _Barbarian_ Kings at _Ments_, _Goar_\nand _Gundicar_, constitute _Jovinus_ Emperor, and together with him set\nforward to relieve _Arles_. At their approach _Constantius_ retired. They\npursued, and he beat them by surprize; but not prosecuting his victory, the\n_Barbarians_ soon recovered themselves; yet not so as to hinder the fall of\nthe tyrants _Constantine_, _Jovinus_ and _Maximus_. _Britain_ could not be\nrecovered to the Empire, but remained ever after a distinct kingdom.\n\nThe next year, A.C. 412, the _Visigoths_ being beaten in _Italy_, had\n_Aquitain_ granted them to retire into: and they invaded it with much\nviolence, causing the _Alans_ and _Burgundians_ to retreat, who were then\ndepopulating of it. At the same time the _Burgundians_ were brought to\npeace; and the Emperor granted them for inheritance a region upon the\n_Rhine_ which they had invaded: and the same, I presume, he did with the\n_Alans_. But the _Franks_ not long after retaking and burning _Triers_,\n_Castinus_, A.C. 415, was sent against them with an army, who routed them\nand slew _Theudomir_ their King This was the second taking of _Triers_ by\nthe _Franks_. It was therefore taken four times, once by the _Vandals_ and\nthrice by the _Franks_. _Theudomir_ was succeeded by _Pharamond_, the\nPrince or King of the _Salian Franks_ in _Germany_. From thence he brought\nnew forces, reigned over the whole, and had seats granted to his people\nwithin the Empire near the _Rhine_.\n\nAnd now the _Barbarians_ were all quieted, and settled in several kingdoms\nwithin the Empire, not only by conquest, but also by the grants of the\nEmperor _Honorius_. For _Rutilius_ in his _Itinerary_, written in Autumn,\n_Anno Urbis_ 1169, that is, according to _Varro_'s computation then in use,\nA.C. 416, thus laments the wasted fields:\n\n  _Illa quidem longis nimium deformia bellis_;\n\nAnd then adds,\n\n  _Jam tempus laceris post longa incendia fundis_\n    _Vel pastorales aedificare casas._\n\nAnd a little after,\n\n  _AEternum tibi Rhenus aret._\n\nAnd _Orosius_ in the end of his history, which was finished A.C. 417,\nrepresents now a general pacification of the barbarous nations by the words\n_comprimere_, _coangustare_, _addicere gentes immanissimas_; terming them\n_imperio addictas_, because they had obtained seats in the Empire by league\nand compact; and _coangustatas_, because they did no longer invade all\nregions at pleasure, but by the same compact remained quiet in the seats\nthen granted them. And these are the kingdoms, of which the feet of the\nImage were henceforward composed, and which are represented by iron and\nclay intermixed, which did not stick one to another, and were of different\nstrength.\n\nNotes to Chap. V.\n\n[1] Procop. l. 1. de Bello Vandalico.\n\n[2] Galli Arborici: _whence the region was named _Arboricbant_, and by\ncontraction _Brabant__.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nCHAP. VI.\n\n_Of the ten Kingdoms represented by the ten horns of the fourth Beast._\n\nNow by the wars above described the _Western_ Empire of the _Romans_, about\nthe time that _Rome_ was besieged and taken by the _Goths_, became broken\ninto the following ten kingdoms.\n\n  1. The kingdom of the _Vandals_ and _Alans_ in _Spain_ and _Africa_.\n  2. The kingdom of the _Suevians_ in _Spain_.\n  3. The kingdom of the _Visigoths_.\n  4. The kingdom of the _Alans_ in _Gallia_.\n  5. The kingdom of the _Burgundians_.\n  6. The kingdom of the _Franks_.\n  7. The kingdom of the _Britains_.\n  8. The kingdom of the _Hunns_.\n  9. The kingdom of the _Lombards_.\n  10. The kingdom of _Ravenna_.\n\nSeven of these kingdoms are thus mentioned by _Sigonius_. 1_Honorio\nregnante_, _in Pannoniam_ 2_Hunni_, _in Hispaniam_ 3_Vandali_, 4_Alani_,\n5_Suevi_ & 6_Gothi_, _in Galliam_ 4_Alani_ 7_Burgundiones_ & 6_Gothi_,\n_certis sedibus permissis, accepti_. Add the _Franks_, _Britains_, and\n_Lombards_, and you have the ten: for these arose about the same time with\nthe seven. But let us view them severally.\n\n1. The Kings of the _Vandals_ were, A.C. 407 _Godegesilus_, 407 _Gunderic_,\n426 _Geiseric_, 477 _Hunneric_, 484 _Gundemund_, 496 _Thrasamund_, 513\n_Geiseric_, 530 _Gelimer_. _Godegesilus_ led them into _Gallia_ A.C. 406,\n_Gunderic_ into _Spain_ A.C. 409, _Geiseric_ into _Africa_ A.C. 427; and\n_Gelimer_ was conquered by _Belisarius_ A.C. 533. Their kingdom lasted in\n_Gallia_, _Spain_ and _Africa_ together 126 years; and in _Africa_ they\nwere very potent. The _Alans_ had only two Kings of their own in _Spain_,\n_Resplendial_, and _Ataces_, _Utacus_ or _Othacar_. Under _Resplendial_\nthey went into _France_ A.C. 407, and into _Spain_ A.C. 409. _Ataces_ was\nslain with almost all his army by _Vallia_ King of the _Visigoths_ A.C.\n419. And then the remainder of these _Alans_ subjected themselves to\n_Gunderic_ King of the _Vandals_ in _Boetica_, and went afterwards with\nthem into _Africa_, as I learn out of _Procopius_. Whence the Kings of the\n_Vandals_ styled themselves Kings of the _Vandals_ and _Alans_; as may be\nseen in the Edict of _Hunneric_ recited by _Victor_ in his _Vandalic_\npersecution. In conjunction with the _Chatti_, these _Alans_ gave the name\nof _Cathalaunia_, or _Catth-Alania_, to the Province which is still so\ncalled. These _Alans_ had also _Gepides_ among them; and therefore the\n_Gepides_ came into _Pannonia_ before the _Alans_ left it. There they\nbecame subject to the _Hunns_ till the death of _Attila_ A.C. 454, and at\nlength were conquered by the _Ostrogoths_.\n\n2. The Kings of the _Suevians_ were, A.C. 407 _Ermeric_, 458 _Rechila_, 448\n_Rechiarius_, 458 _Maldra_, 460 _Frumarius_, 463 _Regismund_. And after\nsome other Kings who are unknown, reigned A.C. 558 _Theudomir_, 568 _Miro_,\n582 _Euboricus_, and 583 _Andeca_. This kingdom, after it had been once\nseated in _Spain_, remained always in _Gallaecia_ and _Lusitania_. _Ermeric_\nafter the fall of the _Alan_ kingdom, enlarged it into all _Gallaecia_,\nforcing the _Vandals_ to retire into _Boetica_ and the _Carthaginian_\nProvince. This kingdom lasted 177 years according to _Isidorus_, and then\nwas subdued by _Leovigildus_ King of the _Visigoths_, and made a Province\nof his kingdom A.C. 585.\n\n3. The Kings of the _Visigoths_ were, A.C. 400 _Alaric_, 410 _Athaulphus_,\n415 _Sergeric_ and _Vallia_, 419 _Theoderic_, 451 _Thorismund_, 452\n_Theoderic_, 465 _Euric_, 482 _Alaric_, 505 _Gensalaric_, 526 _Amalaric_,\n531 _Theudius_, 548 _Theudisclus_, &c. I date this kingdom from the time\nthat _Alaric_ left _Thrace_ and _Greece_ to invade the _Western Empire_. In\nthe end of the reign of _Athaulphus_ the _Goths_ were humbled by the\n_Romans_, and attempted to pass out of _France_ into _Spain_. _Sergeric_\nreigned but a few days. In the beginning of _Vallia_'s reign they assaulted\nthe _Romans_ afresh, but were again repulsed, and then made peace on this\ncondition, that they should on the behalf of the Empire invade the\n_Barbarian_ kingdoms in _Spain_: and this they did, together with the\n_Romans_, in the years 417 and 418, overthrowing the _Alans_ and part of\nthe _Vandals_. Then they received _Aquitain_ of the Emperor by a full\ndonation, leaving their conquests in _Spain_ to the Emperor: and thereby\nthe seats of the conquered _Alans_ came into the hands of the _Romans_. In\nthe year 455, _Theoderic_, assisted by the _Burgundians_, invaded _Spain_,\nwhich was then almost all subject to the _Suevians_, and took a part of it\nfrom them. A.C. 506, the _Goths_ were driven out of _Gallia_ by the\n_Franks_. A.C. 585, they conquered the _Suevian_ kingdom, and became Lords\nof all _Spain_. A.C. 713, the _Saracens_ invaded them, but in time they\nrecovered their dominions, and have reigned in _Spain_ ever since.\n\n4. The Kings of the _Alans_ in _Gallia_ were _Goar_, _Sambida_, _Eocharic_,\n_Sangibanus_, _Beurgus_, &c. Under _Goar_ they invaded _Gallia_ A.C. 407,\nand had seats given them near the _Rhine_, A.C. 412. Under _Sambida_, whom\n_Bucher_ makes the successor, if not the son of _Goar_, they had the\nterritories of _Valence_ given them by _AEtius_ the Emperor's General, A.C.\n440. Under _Eocharic_ they conquered a region of the rebelling _Galli\nArborici_, given them also by _AEtius_. This region was from them named\n_Alenconium, quasi Alanorum conventus_. Under _Sangibanus_ they were\ninvaded, and their regal city _Orleans_ was besieged by _Attila_ King of\nthe _Hunns_, with a vast army of 500000 men. _AEtius_ and the _Barbarian_\nKings of _Gallia_ came to raise the siege, and beat the _Hunns_ in a very\nmemorable battle, A.C. 451, _in campis Catalaunicis_, so called from these\n_Alans_ mixt with the _Chatti_. The region is now called _Campania_ or\n_Champagne_. In that battle were slain on both sides 162000 men. A year or\ntwo after, _Attila_ returned with an immense army to conquer this kingdom,\nbut was again beaten by them and the _Visigoths_ together in a battle of\nthree days continuance, with a slaughter almost as great as the former.\nUnder _Beurgus_, or _Biorgor_, they infested _Gallia_ round about, till the\nreign of _Maximus_ the Emperor; and then they passed the _Alps_ in winter,\nand came into _Liguria_, but were there beaten, and _Beurgus_ slain, by\n_Ricimer_ commander of the Emperor's forces, A.C. 464. Afterwards they were\nagain beaten, by the joint force of _Odoacer_ King of _Italy_ and\n_Childeric_ King of the _Franks_, about the year 480, and again by\n_Theudobert_ King of the _Austrian Franks_ about the year 511.\n\n5. The Kings of the _Burgundians_ were, A.C. 407 _Gundicar_, 436 _Gundioc_,\n467 _Bilimer_, 473 _Gundobaldus_ with his brothers, 510 _Sigismund_, 517\n_Godomarus_. Under _Gundicar_ they invaded _Gallia_ A.C. 407, and had seats\ngiven them by the Emperor near the _Rhine_ in _Gallia Belgica_, A.C. 412.\nThey had _Saxons_ among them, and were now so potent, that _Orosius_ A.C.\n417 wrote of them: '_Burgundionum esse praevalidam manum, Galliae hodieque\ntestes sunt, in quibus praesumpta possessione consistunt_. About the year\n435 they received great overthrows by _AEtius_, and soon after by the\n_Hunns_: but five years after had _Savoy_ granted them to be shared with\nthe inhabitants; and from that time became again a potent kingdom, being\nbounded by the river _Rhodanus_, but afterwards extending much further into\nthe heart of _Gallia_. _Gundobald_ conquered the regions about the rivers\n_Araris_ and _Rhodanus_, with the territories of _Marseilles_; and invading\n_Italy_ in the time of the Emperor _Glycerius_, conquered all his brethren.\n_Godomarus_ made _Orleans_ his royal seat: whence the kingdom was called\n_Regnum Aurelianorum_. He was conquered by _Clotharius_ and _Childebert_,\nKings of the _Franks_, A.C. 526. From thenceforward this kingdom was\nsometimes united to the kingdom of the _Franks_, and sometimes divided from\nit, till the reign of _Charles_ the great, who made his son _Carolottus_\nKing of _Burgundy_. From that time, for about 300 years together, it\nenjoyed its proper Kings; and was then broken into the Dukedom of\n_Burgundy_, County of _Burgundy_, and County of _Savoy_; and afterwards\nthose were broken into other lesser Counties.\n\n6. The Kings of the _Franks_ were, A.C. 407 _Theudomir_, 417 _Pharamond_,\n428 _Clodio_, 448 _Merovaeus_, 456 _Childeric_, 482 _Clodovaeus_, &c.\n_Windeline_ and _Bucher_, two of the most diligent searchers into the\noriginals of this kingdom, make it begin the same year with the _Barbarian_\ninvasions of _Gallia_, that is, A.C. 407. Of the first Kings there is in\n_Labbe's Bibliotheca M.S._ this record.\n\n_Historica quaedam excerpta ex veteri stemmate genealogico Regum Franciae_.\n\n_Genobaldus, Marcomerus, Suno, Theodemeris. Isti duces vel reguli\nextiterunt a principio gentis Francorum diversis temporibus. Sed incertum\nrelinquunt historici quali sibi procreations linea successerunt_.\n\n_Pharamundus: sub hoc rege suo primo Franci legibus se subdunt, quas\nprimores eorum tulerunt Wisogastus, Atrogastus, Salegastus_.\n\n_Chlochilo. Iste, transito Rheno, Romanos in Carbonaria sylva devicit,\nCamaracum cepit & obtinuit, annis 20 regnavit. Sub hoc rege Franci usque\nSummam progressi sunt_.\n\n_Merovechus. Sub hoc rege Franci Trevirim destruunt, Metim succendunt,\nusque Aurelianum perveniunt_.\n\nNow for _Genobaldus_, _Marcomer_ and _Suno_, they were captains of the\n_Transrhenane Franks_ in the reign of _Theodosius_, and concern us not. We\nare to begin with _Theudomir_ the first King of the rebelling _Salii_,\ncalled _Didio_ by _Ivo Carnotensis_, and _Thiedo_ and _Theudemerus_ by\n_Rhenanus_. His face is extant in a coin of gold found with this\ninscription, THEUDEMIR REX, published by _Petavius_, and still or lately\nextant, as _Windeline_ testifies: which shews that he was a King, and that\nin _Gallia_; seeing that rude _Germany_ understood not then the coining of\nmoney, nor used either _Latin_ words or letters. He was the son of\n_Ricimer_, or _Richomer_, the favourite of the Emperor _Theodosius_; and so\nbeing a _Roman Frank_, and of the _Salian_ royal blood, they therefore upon\nthe rebellion made him King. The whole time of his reign you have stated in\n_Excerptis Gregorii Turonensis e Fredigario_, _cap._ 5, 6, 7, 8. where the\nmaking him King, the tyranny of _Jovinus_, the slaughter of the associates\nof _Jovinus_, the second taking of _Triers_ by the _Franks_, and their war\nwith _Castinus_, in which this King was slain, are as a series of\nsuccessive things thus set down in order. _Extinctis Ducibus in Francis,\ndenuo Reges creantur ex eadem stirpe qua prius fuerant. Eodem tempore\nJovinus ornatus regios assumpsit. Constantinus fugam versus Italiam\ndirigit; missis a Jovino Principe percussoribus super Mentio flumine,\ncapite truncatur. Multi nobilium jussu Jovini apud Avernis capti, & a\nducibus Honorii crudeliter interempti sunt. Trevirorum civitas, factione\nunius ex senatoribus nomine Lucii, a Francis capta & incensa est.--Castinus\nDomesticorum Comes expeditionem accipit contra Francos_, &c. Then returning\nto speak of _Theudomir_, he adds: _Franci electum a se regem, sicut prius\nfuerat, crinitum inquirentes diligenter ex genere Priami, Frigi &\nFrancionis, super se crearunt nomine Theudemerum filium Richemeris, qui in\nhoc praelio quod supra memini, a Romanis interfectus est_; that is, in the\nbattle with _Castinus_'s army. Of his death _Gregory Turonensis_ makes this\nfurther mention: _In consularibus legimus Theodemerem regem Francorum\nfilium Ricimeris quondam, & Ascilam matrem ejus, gladio interfectos_.\n\nUpon this victory of the _Romans_, the _Franks_ and rebelling _Gauls_, who\nin the time of _Theudomir_ were at war with one another, united to\nstrengthen themselves, as _Ordericus Vitalis_[1] thus mentions. _Cum Galli\nprius contra Romanos rebellassent, Franci iis sociati sunt, & pariter\njuncti, Ferramundum Sunonis ducis filium, sibi regem praefecerunt_.\n_Prosper_ sets down the time; _Anno 25 Honorii, Pharamundus regnat in\nFrancia_. This, _Bucher_ well observes, refers to the end of the year 416,\nor the beginning of the next year, dating the years of _Honorius_ from the\ndeath of _Valentinian_; and argues well, that at this time _Pharamond_ was\nnot only King by the constitution of the _Franks_, but crowned also by the\nconsent of _Honorius_, and had a part of _Gallia_ assigned him by covenant.\nAnd this might be the cause that _Roman_ writers reckoned him the first\nKing: which some not understanding, have reputed him the founder of this\nkingdom by an army of the _Transrhenane Franks_. He might come with such an\narmy, but he succeeded _Theudomir_ by right of blood and consent of the\npeople. For the above cited passage of _Fredigarius_, _Extinctis Ducibus,\nin Francis denuo Reges creantur ex eadem stirpe qua prius fuerant_, implies\nthat the kingdom continued to this new elected family during the reign of\nmore Kings than one. If you date the years of _Honorius_ from the death of\nhis father, the reign of _Pharamond_ might begin two years later than is\nassigned by _Bucher_. The _Salique_ laws made in his reign, which are yet\nextant, shew by their name that it was the kingdom of the _Salii_ over\nwhich he reigned; and, by the pecuniary mulcts in them, that the place\nwhere he reigned abounded much with money, and consequently was within the\nEmpire; rude _Germany_ knowing not the use of money, till they mixed with\nthe _Romans_. In the Preface also to the _Salique_ laws, written and\nprefixed to them soon after the conversion of the _Franks_ to the Christian\nreligion, that is, in the end of the reign of _Merovaeus_, or soon after,\nthe original of this kingdom is thus described: _Haec enim gens, quae fortis\ndum esset & robore valida, Romanorum jugum durissimum de suis cervicibus\nexcussit pugnando_, &c. This kingdom therefore was erected, not by invasion\nbut by rebellion, as was described above. _Prosper_ in registering their\nKings in order, tells us: _Pharamundus regnat in Francia; Clodio regnat in\nFrancia; Merovaeus regnat in Francia_: and who can imagine but that in all\nthese places he meant one and the same _Francia_? And yet 'tis certain that\nthe _Francia_ of _Merovaeus_ was in _Gallia_.\n\nYet the father of _Pharamond_, being king of a body of _Franks_ in\n_Germany_ in the reign of the Emperor _Theodosius_, as above, _Pharamond_\nmight reign over the same _Franks_ in _Germany_ before he succeeded\n_Theudomir_ in the kingdom of the _Salians_ within the Empire, and even\nbefore _Theudomir_ began his reign; suppose in the first year of\n_Honorius_, or when those _Franks_ being repulsed by _Stilico_, lost their\nKings _Marcomir_ and _Suno_, one of which was the father of _Pharamond_:\nand the _Roman Franks_, after the death of _Theudomir_, might invite\n_Pharamond_ with his people from beyond the _Rhine_. But we are not to\nregard the reign of _Pharamond_ in _Germany_: we are to date this kingdom\nfrom its rise within the Empire, and to look upon it as strengthened by the\naccess of other _Franks_ coming from beyond the _Rhine_, whether in the\nreign of this King or in that of his successor _Clodio_. For in the last\nyear of _Pharamond_'s reign, _AEtius_ took from him a part of his possession\nin _Gallia_: but his successor _Clodio_, whom _Fredigarius_ represents as\nthe son of _Theudomir_, and some call _Clogio_, _Cloio_, and _Claudius_,\ninviting from beyond the _Rhine_ a great body of _Franks_, recovered all,\nand carried on their conquests as far as the river _Soame_. Then those\n_Franks_ dividing conquests with him, erected certain new kingdoms at\n_Cologn_ and _Cambray_, and some other cities: all which were afterwards\nconquered by _Clodovaeus_, who also drove the _Goths_ out of _Gallia_, and\nfix'd his seat at _Paris_, where it has continued ever since. And this was\nthe original of the present kingdom of _France_.\n\n7. The Kings of _Britain_ were, A.C. 407 or 408, _Marcus_, _Gratian_, and\n_Constantine_ successively; A.C. 425 _Vortigern_, 466 _Aurelius Ambrosius_,\n498 _Uther Pendraco_, 508 _Arthur_, 542 _Constantinus_, 545 _Aurelius\nCunanus_, 578 _Vortiporeus_, 581 _Malgo_, 586 _Careticus_, 613 _Cadwan_,\n635 _Cadwalin_, 676 _Cadwallader_. The three first were _Roman_ Tyrants,\nwho revolted from the Empire. _Orosius_, _Prosper_ and _Zosimus_ connect\ntheir revolt with the irruptions of the _Barbarians_ into _Gallia_, as\nconsequent thereunto. _Prosper_, with whom _Zosimus_ agrees, puts it in the\nyear which began the day after that irruption. The just time I thus\ncollect: _Marcus_ reigned not many days, _Gratian_ four months, and\n_Constantine_ three years. He was slain the year after the taking of\n_Rome_, that is A.C. 411, 14 Kal. _Octob._ Whence the revolt was in Spring\nA.C. 408. _Sozomen_ joins _Constantine_'s expedition into _Gallia_ with\n_Arcadius_'s death, or the times a little after; and _Arcadius_ died A.C.\n408 _May_ the 1st. Now tho the reign of these Tyrants was but short, yet\nthey gave a beginning to the kingdom of _Britain_, and so may be reckoned\nthe three first Kings, especially since the posterity of _Constantine_,\nviz. his sons _Aurelius Ambrosius_, and _Uther Pendraco_, and his grandson\n_Arthur_, reigned afterwards. For from the time of the revolt of these\nTyrants _Britain_ continued a distict kingdom absolved from subjection to\nthe Empire, the Emperor not being able to spare soldiers to be sent thither\nto receive and keep the Island, and therefore neglecting it; as we learn by\nunquestionable records. For _Prosper_ tells us; _A.C._ 410, _Variane Cos.\nHac tempestate prae valetudine Romanorum, vires funditus attenuatae\nBritanniae_. And _Sigebert_, conjoining this with the siege of _Rome_,\nsaith: _Britannorum vires attenuatae, & substrahunt se a Romanorum\ndominatione_. And _Zosimus_ _lib._ 6. _The _Transrhenane Barbarians_\ninvading all places, reduced the inhabitants of the island of _Britain_,\nand also certain _Celtic_ nations to that pass, that they fell off from the\n_Roman_ Empire; and being no longer obedient to the _Roman_ laws_, [Greek:\nkat' heauton biateuein], _they lived in separate bodies after their own\npleasure. The _Britons_ therefore taking up arms, and hazarding themselves\nfor their own safety, freed their cities from the imminent _Barbarians_. In\nlike manner all _Brabant_ and some other Provinces of the _Gauls_ imitating\nthe _Britons_, freed themselves also, ejecting the _Roman_ Presidents, and\nforming themselves into a sort of commonwealth according to their own\npleasure. This rebellion of _Britain_ and the _Celtic_ nations happened\nwhen _Constantine_ usurped the kingdom_. So also _Procopius_, _lib._ 1.\n_Vandal._ speaking of the same _Constantine_, saith: Constantine _being\novercome in battle, was slain with his children:_ [Greek: Bretannian men\ntoi Romaioi anasosasthai ouketi echon; all' ousa hypo tyrannous ap' autou\nemene.] _Yet the _Romans_ could not recover _Britain_ any more, but from\nthat time it remained under Tyrants_. And _Beda_, l. 1. _c._ 11. _Fracta\nest Roma a Gothis anno 1164 suae conditionis; ex quo tempore Romani in\nBritannia regnare cessaverunt_. And _Ethelwaldus_: _A tempore Romae a Gothis\nexpugnatae, cessavit imperium Romanorum a Britannia insula, & ab aliis; quas\nsub jugo servitutis tenebant, multis terris_. And _Theodoret_, _serm._ 9.\n_de curand. Graec. affect_. about the year 424, reckons the _Britons_ among\nthe nations which were not then in subjection to the _Roman_ Empire. Thus\n_Sigonius_: _ad annum 411, Imperium Romanorum post excessum Constantini in\nBritannia nullum fuit_.\n\nBetween the death of _Constantine_ and the reign of _Vortigern_ was an\ninterregnum of about 14 years, in which the _Britons_ had wars with the\n_Picts_ and _Scots_, and twice obtained the assistance of a _Roman_ Legion,\nwho drove out the enemy, but told them positively at their departure that\nthey would come no more. Of _Vortigern_'s beginning to reign there is this\nrecord in an old Chronicle in _Nennius_, quoted by _Camden_ and others:\n_Guortigernus tenuit imperium in Britannia, Theodosio & Valentiniano Coss._\n[viz. A.C. 425.] _& in quarto anno regni sui Saxones ad Britanniam\nvenerunt, Felice & Tauro Coss._ [viz. A.C. 428.] This coming of the\n_Saxons_, _Sigebert_ refers to the 4th year of _Valentinian_, which falls\nin with the year 428 assigned by this Chronicle: and two years after, the\n_Saxons_ together with the _Picts_ were beaten by the _Britons_. Afterwards\nin the reign of _Martian_ the Emperor, that is, between the years 450 and\n456, the _Saxons_ under _Hengist_ were called in by the _Britons_, but six\nyears after revolted from them, made war upon them with various success,\nand by degrees succeeded them. Yet the _Britons_ continued a flourishing\nkingdom till the reign of _Careticus_; and the war between the two nations\ncontinued till the pontificate of _Sergius_ A.C. 688.[2]\n\n8. The Kings of the _Hunns_ were, A.C. 406 _Octar_ and _Rugila_, 433\n_Bleda_ and _Attila_. _Octar_ and _Rugila_ were the brothers of _Munzuc_\nKing of the _Hunns_ in _Gothia_ beyond the _Danube_; and _Bleda_ and\n_Attila_ were his sons, and _Munzuc_ was the son of _Balamir_. The two\nfirst, as _Jornandes_ tells us, were Kings of the _Hunns_, but not of them\nall; and had the two last for their successors. I date the reign of the\n_Hunns_ in _Pannonia_ from the time that the _Vandals_ and _Alans_\nrelinquished _Pannonia_ to them, A.C. 407. _Sigonius_ from the time that\nthe _Visigoths_ relinquished _Pannonia_ A. C. 408. _Constat_, saith he,\n_quod Gothis ex Illyrico profectis, Hunni successerunt, atque imprimis\nPannoniam tenuerunt. Neque enim Honorius viribus ad resistendum in tantis\ndifficultatibus destitutus, prorsus eos prohibere potuit, sed meliore\nconsilio, animo ad pacem converso, foedus cum eis, datis acceptisque\nobsidibus fecit; ex quibus qui dati sunt, AEtius, qui etiam Alarico tributus\nfuerat, praecipue memoratur_. How _AEtius_ was hostage to the _Goths_ and\n_Hunns_ is related by _Frigeridus_, who when he had mentioned that\n_Theodosius_ Emperor of the _East_ had sent grievous commands to _John_,\nwho after the death of _Honorius_ had usurped the crown of the _Western\nEmpire_, he subjoins: _Iis permotus Johannes, AEtium id tempus curam palatii\ngerentem cum ingenti auri pondere ad Chunnos transmisit, notos sibi\nobsidiatus sui tempore & familiari amicitia devinctos_--And a little\nafter: _AEtius tribus annis Alarici obses, dehinc Chunnorum, postea\nCarpilionis gener ex Comite domesticorum & Joannis curopalatae._ Now\n_Bucher_ shews that _AEtius_ was hostage to _Alaric_ till the year 410, when\n_Alaric_ died, and to the _Hunns_ between the years 411 and 415, and\nson-in-law to _Carpilio_ about the year 417 or 418, and _Curopalates_ to\n_John_ about the end of the year 423. Whence 'tis probable that he became\nhostage to the _Hunns_ about the year 412 or 413, when _Honorius_ made\nleagues with almost all the barbarous nations, and granted them seats: but\nI had rather say with _Sigonius_, that _AEtius_ became hostage to _Alaric_\nA.C. 403. It is further manifest out of _Prosper_, that the _Hunns_ were in\nquiet possession of _Pannonia_ in the year 432. For in the first book of\n_Eusebius_'s Chronicle _Prosper_ writes: _Anno decimo post obitum Honorii,\ncum ad Chunnorum gentem cui tunc Rugila praeerat, post praelium cum Bonifacio\nse AEtius contulisset, impetrato auxilio ad Romanorum solum regreditur._ And\nin the second book: _AEtio & Valerio Coss. AEtius deposita potestate profugus\nad Hunnos in Pannonia pervenit, quorum amicitia auxilioque usus, pacem\nprincipum interpellatae potestatis obtinuit._ Hereby it appears that at this\ntime _Rugila_, or as _Maximus_ calls him, _Rechilla_, reigned over the\n_Hunns_ in _Pannonia_; and that _Pannonia_ was not now so much as accounted\nwithin the soil of the Empire, being formerly granted away to the _Hunns_;\nand that these were the very same body of _Hunns_ with which _AEtius_ had,\nin the time of his being an hostage, contracted friendship: by virtue of\nwhich, as he sollicited them before to the aid of _John_ the Tyrant A.C.\n424, so now he procured their intercession for himself with the Emperor.\n_Octar_ died A.C. 430; for _Socrates_ tells us, that about that time the\n_Burgundians_ having been newly vext by the _Hunns_, upon intelligence of\n_Octar_'s death, seeing them without a leader, set upon them suddenly with\nso much vigour, that 3000 _Burgundians_ slew 10000 _Hunns_. Of _Rugila_'s\nbeing now King in _Pannonia_ you have heard already. He died A.C. 433, and\nwas succeeded by _Bleda_, as _Prosper_ and _Maximus_ inform us. This\n_Bleda_ with his brother _Attila_ were before this time Kings of the\n_Hunns_ beyond the _Danube_, their father _Munzuc_'s kingdom being divided\nbetween them; and now they united the kingdom _Pannonia_ to their own.\nWhence _Paulus Diaconus_ saith, they did _regnum intra Pannoniam Daciamque\ngerere_. In the year 441, they began to invade the Empire afresh, adding to\nthe _Pannonian_ forces new and great armies from _Scythia_. But this war\nwas presently composed, and then _Attila_, seeing _Bleda_ inclined to\npeace, slew him, A.C. 444, inherited his dominions, and invaded the Empire\nagain. At length, after various great wars with the _Romans_, _Attila_\nperished A.C. 454; and his sons quarrelling about his dominions, gave\noccasion to the _Gepides_, _Ostrogoths_ and other nations who were their\nsubjects, to rebel and make war upon them. The same year the _Ostrogoths_\nhad seats granted them in _Pannonia_ by the Emperors _Marcian_ and\n_Valentinian_; and with the _Romans_ ejected the _Hunns_ out of _Pannonia_,\nsoon after the death of _Attila_, as all historians agree. This ejection\nwas in the reign of _Avitus_, as is mentioned in the _Chronicum Boiorum_,\nand in _Sidonius, Carm. 7 in Avitum_, which speaks thus of that Emperor.\n\n  ----_Cujus solum amissas post saecula multa_\n  _Pannonias revocavit iter, jam credere promptum est._\n  _Quid faciet bellis._\n\nThe Poet means, that by the coming of _Avitus_ the _Hunns_ yielded more\neasily to the _Goths_. This was written by _Sidonius_ in the beginning of\nthe reign of _Avitus_: and his reign began in the end of the year 455, and\nlasted not one full year.\n\n_Jornandes_ tells us: _Duodecimo anno regni Valiae, quando & Hunni post pene\nquinquaginta annos invasa Pannonia, a Romanis & Gothis expulsi sunt._ And\n_Marcellinus_: _Hierio & Ardaburio Coss. Pannoniae, quae per quinquaginta\nannos ab Hunnis retinebantur, a Romanis receptae sunt_: whence it should\nseem that the _Hunns_ invaded and held _Pannonia_ from the year 378 or 379\nto the year 427, and then were driven out of it. But this is a plain\nmistake: for it is certain that the Emperor _Theodosius_ left the Empire\nentire; and we have shewed out of _Prosper_, that the _Hunns_ were in quiet\npossession of _Pannonia_ in the year 432. The _Visigoths_ in those days had\nnothing to do with _Pannonia_, and the _Ostrogoths_ continued subject to\nthe _Hunns_ till the death of _Attila_, A.C. 454; and _Valia_ King of the\n_Visigoths_ did not reign twelve years. He began his reign in the end of\nthe year 415, reigned three years, and was slain A.C. 419, as _Idacius_,\n_Isidorus_, and the _Spanish_ manuscript Chronicles seen by _Grotius_\ntestify. And _Olympiodorus_, who carries his history only to the year 425,\nsets down therein the death of _Valia_ King of the _Visigoths_, and\nconjoins it with that of _Constantius_ which happened A.C. 420. Wherefore\nthe _Valia_ of _Jornandes_, who reigned at the least twelve years, is some\nother King. And I suspect that this name hath been put by mistake for\n_Valamir_ King of the _Ostrogoths_: for the action recorded was of the\n_Romans_ and _Ostrogoths_ driving the _Hunns_ out of _Pannonia_ after the\ndeath of _Attila_; and it is not likely that the historian would refer the\nhistory of the _Ostrogoths_ to the years of the _Visigothic_ Kings. This\naction happened in the end of the year 455, which I take to be the twelfth\nyear of _Valamir_ in _Pannonia_, and which was almost fifty years after the\nyear 406, in which the _Hunns_ succeeded the _Vandals_ and _Alans_ in\n_Pannonia_. Upon the ceasing of the line of _Hunnimund_ the son of\n_Hermaneric_, the _Ostrogoths_ lived without Kings of their own nation\nabout forty years together, being subject to the _Hunns_. And when _Alaric_\nbegan to make war upon the _Romans_, which was in the year 444, he made\n_Valamir_, with his brothers _Theodomir_ and _Videmir_ the grandsons of\n_Vinethar_, captains or kings of these _Ostrogoths_ under him. In the\ntwelfth year of _Valamir_'s reign dated from thence, the _Hunns_ were\ndriven out of _Pannonia_.\n\nYet the _Hunns_ were not so ejected, but that they had further contests\nwith the _Romans_, till the head of _Denfix_ the son of _Attila_, was\ncarried to _Constantinople_, A.C. 469, in the Consulship of _Zeno_ and\n_Marcian_, as _Marcellinus_ relates. Nor were they yet totally ejected the\nEmpire: for besides their reliques in _Pannonia_, _Sigonius_ tells us, that\nwhen the Emperors _Marcian_ and _Valentinian_ granted _Pannonia_ to the\n_Goths_, which was in the year 454, they granted part of _Illyricum_ to\nsome of the _Hunns_ and _Sarmatians_. And in the year 526, when the\n_Lombards_ removing into _Pannonia_ made war there with the _Gepides_, the\n_Avares_, a part of the _Hunns_, who had taken the name of _Avares_ from\none of their Kings, assisted the _Lombards_ in that war; and the _Lombards_\nafterwards, when they went into _Italy_, left their seats in _Pannonia_ to\nthe _Avares_ in recompence of their friendship. From that time the _Hunns_\ngrew again very powerful; their Kings, whom they called _Chagan_, troubling\nthe Empire much in the reigns of the Emperors _Mauritius_, _Phocas_, and\n_Heraclius_: and this is the original of the present kingdom of _Hungary_,\nwhich from these _Avares_ and other _Hunns_ mixed together, took the name\nof _Hun-Avaria_, and by contraction _Hungary_.\n\n9. The _Lombards_, before they came over the _Danube_, were commanded by\ntwo captains, _Ibor_ and _Ayon_: after whose death they had Kings,\n_Agilmund_, _Lamisso_, _Lechu_, _Hildehoc_, _Gudehoc_, _Classo_, _Tato_,\n_Wacho_, _Walter_, _Audoin_, _Alboin_, _Cleophis_, &c. _Agilmund_ was the\nson of _Ayon_, who became their King, according to _Prosper_, in the\nConsulship of _Honorius_ and _Theodosius_ A.C. 389, reigned thirty three\nyears, according to _Paulus Warnefridus_, and was slain in battle by the\n_Bulgarians_. _Prosper_ places his death in the Consulship of _Marinianus_\nand _Asclepiodorus_, A.C. 413. _Lamisso_ routed the _Bulgarians_, and\nreigned three years, and _Lechu_ almost forty. _Gudehoc_ was contemporary\nto _Odoacer_ King of the _Heruli_ in _Italy_, and led his people from\n_Pannonia_ into _Rugia_, a country on the north side of _Noricum_ next\nbeyond the _Danube_; from whence _Odoacer_ then carried his people into\n_Italy_. _Tato_ overthrew the kingdom of the _Heruli_ beyond the _Danube_.\n_Wacho_ conquered the _Suevians_, a kingdom then bounded on the east by\n_Bavaria_, on the west by _France_, and on the south by the _Burgundians_.\n_Audoin_ returned into _Pannonia_ A.C. 526, and there overcame the\n_Gepides_. _Alboin_ A.C. 551 overthrew the kingdom of the _Gepides_, and\nslew their King _Chunnimund_: A.C. 563 he assisted the _Greek_ Emperor\nagainst _Totila_ King of the _Ostrogoths_ in _Italy_; and A.C. 568 led his\npeople out of _Pannonia_ into _Lombardy_, where they reigned till the year\n774.\n\nAccording to _Paulus Diaconus_, the _Lombards_ with many other _Gothic_\nnations came into the Empire from beyond the _Danube_ in the reign of\n_Arcadius_ and _Honorius_, that is, between the years 395 and 408. But they\nmight come in a little earlier: for we are told that the _Lombards_, under\ntheir captains _Ibor_ and _Ayon_, beat the _Vandals_ in battle; and\n_Prosper_ placeth this victory in the Consulship of _Ausonius_ and\n_Olybrius_, that is, A.C. 379. Before this war the _Vandals_ had remained\nquiet forty years in the seats granted them in _Pannonia_ by _Constantine_\nthe great. And therefore if these were the same _Vandals_, this war must\nhave been in _Pannonia_; and might be occasioned by the coming of the\n_Lombards_ over the _Danube_ into _Pannonia_, a year or two before the\nbattle; and so have put an end to that quiet which had lasted forty years.\nAfter _Gratian_ and _Theodosius_ had quieted the _Barbarians_, they might\neither retire over the _Danube_, or continue quiet under the _Romans_ till\nthe death of _Theodosius_; and then either invade the Empire anew, or throw\noff all subjection to it. By their wars, first with the _Vandals_, and then\nwith the _Bulgarians_, a _Scythian_ nation so called from the river _Volga_\nwhence they came; it appears that even in those days they were a kingdom\nnot contemptible.\n\n10. These nine kingdoms being rent away, we are next to consider the\nresidue of the _Western Empire_. While this Empire continued entire, it was\nthe Beast itself: but the residue thereof is only a part of it. Now if this\npart be considered as a horn, the reign of this horn may be dated from the\ntranslation of the imperial seat from _Rome_ to _Ravenna_, which was in\n_October_ A.C. 408. For then the Emperor _Honorius_, fearing that _Alaric_\nwould besiege him in _Rome_, if he staid there, retired to _Millain_, and\nthence to _Ravenna_: and the ensuing siege and sacking of _Rome_ confirmed\nhis residence there, so that he and his successors ever after made it their\nhome. Accordingly _Macchiavel_ in his _Florentine_ history writes, that\n_Valentinian_ having left _Rome_, translated the seat of the Empire to\n_Ravenna_.\n\n_Rhaetia_ belonged to the _Western_ Emperors, so long as that Empire stood;\nand then it descended, with _Italy_ and the _Roman_ Senate, to _Odoacer_\nKing of the _Heruli_ in _Italy_, and after him to _Theoderic_ King of the\n_Ostrogoths_ and his successors, by the grant of the _Greek_ Emperors. Upon\nthe death of _Valentinian_ the second, the _Alemans_ and _Suevians_ invaded\n_Rhaetia_ A.C. 455. But I do not find they erected any settled kingdom\nthere: for in the year 457, while they were yet depopulating _Rhaetia_, they\nwere attacked and beaten by _Burto_ Master of the horse to the Emperor\n_Majoranus_; and I hear nothing more of their invading _Rhaetia_.\n_Clodovaeus_ King of _France_, in or about the year 496, conquered a kingdom\nof the _Alemans_, and slew their last King _Ermeric_. But this kingdom was\nseated in _Germany_, and only bordered upon _Rhaetia_: for its people fled\nfrom _Clodovaeus_ into the neighbouring kingdom of the _Ostrogoths_ under\n_Theoderic_, who received them as friends, and wrote a friendly letter to\n_Clodovaeus_ in their behalf: and by this means they became inhabitants of\n_Rhaetia_, as subjects under the dominion of the _Ostrogoths_.\n\nWhen the _Greek_ Emperor conquered the _Ostrogoths_, he succeeded them in\nthe kingdom of _Ravenna_, not only by right of conquest but also by right\nof inheritance, the _Roman_ Senate still going along with this kingdom.\nTherefore we may reckon that this kingdom continued in the Exarchate of\n_Ravenna_ and Senate of _Rome_: for the remainder of the _Western Empire_\nwent along with the Senate of _Rome_, by reason of the right which this\nSenate still retained, and at length exerted, of chusing a new _Western_\nEmperor.\n\nI have now enumerated the ten kingdoms, into which the _Western Empire_\nbecame divided at its first breaking, that is, at the time of _Rome_'s\nbeing besieged and taken by the _Goths_. Some of these kingdoms at length\nfell, and new ones arose: but whatever was their number afterwards, they\nare still called the _Ten Kings_ from their first number.\n\nNotes to Chap. VI.\n\n[1] Apud Bucherum, l. 14. c. 9. n. 8.\n\n[2] Rolevinc's Antiqua Saxon. l. 1. c. 6.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nCHAP. VII.\n\n_Of the eleventh horn of _Daniel_'s fourth Beast._\n\n[1]_Now Daniel, considered the horns, and behold there came up among them\nanother horn, before whom there were three of the first horns pluckt up by\nthe roots; and behold in this horn were eyes like the eyes of a man, and a\nmouth speaking great things,_--and [2] his _look was more stout than his\nfellows,--and the same horn made war with the saints, and prevailed against\nthem_: and one who stood by, and made _Daniel_ know the interpretation of\nthese things, told him, that [3] _the ten horns were ten kings that should\narise, and another should arise after them, and be diverse from the first,\nand he should subdue three kings,_ [4] _and speak great words against the\nmost High, and wear out the saints, and think to change times and laws: and\nthat they should be given into his hands until a time and times and half a\ntime_. Kings are put for kingdoms, as above; and therefore the little horn\nis a little kingdom. It was a horn of the fourth Beast, and rooted up three\nof his first horns; and therefore we are to look for it among the nations\nof the _Latin_ Empire, after the rise of the ten horns. But it was a\nkingdom of a different kind from the other ten kingdoms, having a life or\nsoul peculiar to itself, with eyes and a mouth. By its eyes it was a Seer;\nand by its mouth speaking great things and changing times and laws, it was\na Prophet as well as a King. And such a Seer, a Prophet and a King, is the\nChurch of _Rome_.\n\nA Seer, [Greek: Episkopos], is a Bishop in the literal sense of the word;\nand this Church claims the universal Bishoprick.\n\nWith his mouth he gives laws to kings and nations as an Oracle; and\npretends to Infallibility, and that his dictates are binding to the whole\nworld; which is to be a Prophet in the highest degree.\n\nIn the eighth century, by rooting up and subduing the Exarchate of\n_Ravenna_, the kingdom of the _Lombards_, and the Senate and Dukedom of\n_Rome_, he acquired _Peter_'s Patrimony out of their dominions; and thereby\nrose up as a temporal Prince or King, or horn of the fourth Beast.\n\nIn a small book printed at _Paris_ A.C. 1689, entitled, _An historical\ndissertation upon some coins of _Charles_ the great, _Ludovicus Pius_,\n_Lotharius_, and their successors stamped at _Rome__, it is recorded, that\nin the days of Pope _Leo_ X, there was remaining in the _Vatican_, and till\nthose days exposed to public view, an inscription in honour of _Pipin_ the\nfather of _Charles_ the great, in these words: _Pipinum pium, primum fuisse\nqui amplificandae Ecclesiae Romanae viam aperuerit, Exarchatu Ravennate, &\nplurimis aliis oblatis_; \"That _Pipin_ the pious was the first who opened a\nway to the grandeur of the Church of _Rome_, conferring upon her the\nExarchate of _Ravenna_ and many other oblations.\" In and before the reign\nof the Emperors _Gratian_ and _Theodosius_, the Bishop of _Rome_ lived\nsplendidly; but this was by the oblations of the _Roman_ Ladies, as\n_Ammianus_ describes. After those reigns _Italy_ was invaded by foreign\nnations, and did not get rid of her troubles before the fall of the kingdom\nof _Lombardy_. It was certainly by the victory of the see of _Rome_ over\nthe _Greek_ Emperor, the King of _Lombardy_, and the Senate of _Rome_, that\nshe acquired _Peter_'s Patrimony, and rose up to her greatness. The\ndonation of _Constantine_ the Great is a fiction, and so is the donation of\nthe _Alpes Cottiae_ to the Pope by _Aripert_ King of the _Lombards_: for the\n_Alpes Cottiae_ were a part of the Exarchate, and in the days of _Aripert_\nbelonged to the _Greek_ Emperor.\n\nThe invocation of the dead, and veneration of their images, being gradually\nintroduced in the 4th, 5th, 6th and 7th centuries, the _Greek_ Emperor\n_Philippicus_ declared against the latter, A.C. 711 or 712. And [5] the\nEmperor _Leo Isaurus_, to put a stop to it, called a meeting of Counsellors\nand Bishops in his Palace, A.C. 726; and by their advice put out an Edict\nagainst that worship, and wrote to Pope _Gregory_ II. that a general\nCouncil might be called. But the Pope thereupon called a Council at _Rome_,\nconfirmed the worship of Images, excommunicated the _Greek_ Emperor,\nabsolved the people from their allegiance, and forbad them to pay tribute,\nor otherwise be obedient to him. Then the people of _Rome_, _Campania_,\n_Ravenna_ and _Pentapolis_, with the cities under them, revolted and laid\nviolent hands upon their magistrates, killing the Exarch _Paul_ at\n_Ravenna_, and laying aside _Peter_ Duke of _Rome_ who was become blind:\nand when _Exhileratus_ Duke of _Campania_ incited the people against the\nPope, the _Romans_ invaded _Campania_, and slew him with his son _Hadrian_.\nThen a new Exarch, _Eutychius_, coming to _Naples_, sent some secretly to\ntake away the lives of the Pope and the Nobles of _Rome_: but the plot\nbeing discovered, the _Romans_ revolted absolutely from the _Greek_\nEmperor, and took an oath to preserve the life of the Pope, to defend his\nstate, and be obedient to his authority in all things. Thus _Rome_ with its\nDuchy, including part of _Tuscany_ and part of _Campania_, revolted in the\nyear 726, and became a free state under the government of the Senate of\nthis city. The authority of the Senate in civil affairs was henceforward\nabsolute, the authority of the Pope extending hitherto no farther than to\nthe affairs of the Church only.\n\nAt that time [6] the _Lombards_ also being zealous for the worship of\nimages, and pretending to favour the cause of the Pope, invaded the cities\nof the Exarchate: and at length, viz. A.C. 752, took _Ravenna_, and put an\nend to the Exarchate. And this was the first of the three kingdoms which\nfell before the little horn.\n\nIn the year 751 [7] Pope _Zechary_ deposed _Childeric_, a slothful and\nuseless King of _France_, and the last of the race of _Merovaeus_; and\nabsolving his subjects from their oath of allegiance, gave the kingdom to\n_Pipin_ the major of the Palace; and thereby made a new and potent friend.\nHis successor [8] Pope _Stephen_ III, knowing better how to deal with the\n_Greek_ Emperor than with the _Lombards_, went the next year to the King of\nthe _Lombards_, to persuade him to return the Exarchate to the Emperor. But\nthis not succeeding, he went into _France_, and persuaded _Pipin_ to take\nthe Exarchate and _Pentapolis_ from the _Lombards_, and give it to St.\n_Peter_. Accordingly _Pipin_ A.C. 754 came with an army into _Italy_, and\nmade _Aistulphus_ King of the _Lombards_ promise the surrender: but the\nnext year _Aistulphus_, on the contrary, to revenge himself on the Pope,\nbesieged the city of _Rome_. Whereupon the Pope sent letters to _Pipin_,\nwherein he told him that if he came not speedily against the _Lombards_,\n_pro data sibi potentia, alienandum fore a regno Dei & vita aeterna_, he\nshould be excommunicated. _Pipin_ therefore, fearing a revolt of his\nsubjects, and being indebted to the Church of _Rome_, came speedily with an\narmy into _Italy_, raised the siege, besieged the _Lombards_ in _Pavia_,\nand forced them to surrender the Exarchate and region of _Pentapolis_ to\nthe Pope for a perpetual possession. Thus the Pope became Lord of\n_Ravenna_, and the Exarchate, some few cities excepted; and the keys were\nsent to _Rome_, and laid upon the confession of St. _Peter_, that is, upon\nhis tomb at the high Altar, _in signum veri perpetuique dominii, sed\npietate Regis gratuita_, as the inscription of a coin of _Pipin_ hath it.\nThis was in the year of Christ 755. And henceforward the Popes being\ntemporal Princes, left off in their Epistles and Bulls to note the years of\nthe _Greek_ Emperors, as they had hitherto done.\n\nAfter this [9] the _Lombards_ invading the Pope's countries, Pope _Adrian_\nsent to _Charles_ the great, the son and successor of _Pipin_, to come to\nhis assistance. Accordingly _Charles_ entered _Italy_ with an army, invaded\nthe _Lombards_, overthrew their kingdom, became master of their countries,\nand restored to the Pope, not only what they had taken from him, but also\nthe rest of the Exarchate which they had promised _Pipin_ to surrender to\nhim, but had hitherto detained; and also gave him some cities of the\n_Lombards_, and was in return himself made _Patricius_ by the _Romans_, and\nhad the authority of confirming the elections of the Popes conferred upon\nhim. These things were done in the years 773 and 774. This kingdom of the\n_Lombards_ was the second kingdom which fell before the little horn. But\n_Rome_, which was to be the seat of his kingdom, was not yet his own.\n\nIn the year 796, [10] _Leo_ III being made Pope, notified his election to\n_Charles_ the great by his Legates, sending to him for a present, the\ngolden keys of the Confession of _Peter_, and the Banner of the city of\n_Rome_: the first as an acknowledgment of the Pope's holding the cities of\nthe Exarchate and _Lombardy_ by the grant of _Charles_; the other as a\nsignification that _Charles_ should come and subdue the Senate and people\nof _Rome_, as he had done the Exarchate and the kingdom of the _Lombards_.\nFor the Pope at the same time desired _Charles_ to send some of his Princes\nto _Rome_, who might subject the _Roman_ people to him, and bind them by\noath _in fide & subjectione_, in fealty and subjection, as his words are\nrecited by _Sigonius_. An anonymous Poet, publish'd by _Boeclerus_ at\n_Strasburg_, expresseth it thus:\n\n  _Admonuitque piis precibus, qui mittere vellet_\n  _Ex propriis aliquos primoribus, ac sibi plebem_\n  _Subdere Romanam, servandaque foedera cogens_\n  _Hanc fidei sacramentis promittere magnis_.\n\nHence arose a misunderstanding between the Pope and the city: and the\n_Romans_ about two or three years after, by assistance of some of the\nClergy, raised such tumults against him, as gave occasion to a new state of\nthings in all the _West_. For two of the Clergy accused him of crimes, and\nthe _Romans_ with an armed force, seized him, stript him of his sacerdotal\nhabit, and imprisoned him in a monastery. But by assistance of his friends\nhe made his escape, and fled into _Germany_ to _Charles_ the great, to whom\nhe complained of the _Romans_ for acting against him out of a design to\nthrow off all authority of the Church, and to recover their antient\nfreedom. In his absence his accusers with their forces ravaged the\npossessions of the Church, and sent the accusations to _Charles_; who\nbefore the end of the year sent the Pope back to _Rome_ with a large\nretinue. The Nobles and Bishops of _France_ who accompanied him, examined\nthe chief of his accusers at _Rome_, and sent them into _France_ in\ncustody. This was in the year 799. The next year _Charles_ himself went to\n_Rome_, and upon a day appointed presided in a Council of _Italian_ and\n_French_ Bishops to hear both parties. But when the Pope's adversaries\nexpected to be heard, the Council declared [11] that he who was the supreme\njudge of all men, was above being judged by any other than himself:\nwhereupon he made a solemn declaration of his innocence before all the\npeople, and by doing so was looked upon as acquitted.\n\nSoon after, upon _Christmas_-day, the people of _Rome_, who had hitherto\nelected their Bishop, and reckoned that they and their Senate inherited the\nrights of the antient Senate and people of _Rome_, voted _Charles_ their\nEmperor, and subjected themselves to him in such manner as the old _Roman_\nEmpire and their Senate were subjected to the old _Roman_ Emperors. The\nPope crowned him, and anointed him with holy oil, and worshipped him on his\nknees after the manner of adoring the old _Roman_ Emperors; as the\naforesaid Poet thus relates:\n\n  _Post laudes igitur dictas & summus eundem_\n  _Praesul adoravit, sicut mos debitus olim_\n  _Principibus fuit antiquis_.\n\nThe Emperor, on the other hand, took the following oath to the Pope: _In\nnomine Christi spondeo atque polliceor, Ego Carolus Imperator coram Deo &\nbeato Petro Apostolo, me protectorem ac defensorem fore hujus sanctae Romanae\nEcclesiae in omnibus utilitatibus, quatenus divino fultus fuero adjutorio,\nprout sciero poteroque_. The Emperor was also made Consul of _Rome_, and\nhis son _Pipin_ crowned King of _Italy_: and henceforward the Emperor\nstiled himself: _Carolus serenissimus, Augustus, a Deo coronatus, magnus,\npacificus, Romae gubernans imperium_, or _Imperator Romanorum_; and was\nprayed for in the Churches of _Rome_. His image was henceforward put upon\nthe coins of _Rome_: while the enemies of the Pope, to the number of three\nhundred _Romans_ and two or three of the Clergy, were sentenced to death.\nThe three hundred _Romans_ were beheaded in one day in the _Lateran_\nfields: but the Clergymen at the intercession of the Pope were pardoned,\nand banished into _France_. And thus the title of _Roman_ Emperor, which\nhad hitherto been in the _Greek_ Emperors, was by this act transferred in\nthe _West_ to the Kings of _France_.\n\nAfter these things [12] _Charles_ gave the City and Duchy of _Rome_ to the\nPope, subordinately to himself as Emperor of the _Romans_; spent the winter\nin ordering the affairs of _Rome_, and those of the Apostolic see, and of\nall _Italy_, both civil and ecclesiastical, and in making new laws for\nthem; and returned the next summer into _France_: leaving the city under\nits Senate, and both under the Pope and himself. But hearing that his new\nlaws were not observed by the judges in dictating the law, nor by the\npeople in hearing it; and that the great men took servants from free men,\nand from the Churches and Monasteries, to labour in their vineyards,\nfields, pastures and houses, and continued to exact cattle and wine of\nthem, and to oppress those that served the Churches: he wrote to his son\n_Pipin_ to remedy these abuses, to take care of the Church, and see his\nlaws executed.\n\nNow the Senate and people and principality of _Rome_ I take to be the third\nKing the little horn overcame, and even the chief of the three. For this\npeople elected the Pope and the Emperor; and now, by electing the Emperor\nand making him Consul, was acknowledged to retain the authority of the old\n_Roman_ Senate and people. This city was the Metropolis of the old _Roman_\nEmpire, represented in _Daniel_ by the fourth Beast; and by subduing the\nSenate and people and Duchy, it became the Metropolis of the little horn of\nthat Beast, and completed _Peter_'s Patrimony, which was the kingdom of\nthat horn. Besides, this victory was attended with greater consequences\nthan those over the other two Kings. For it set up the _Western Empire_,\nwhich continues to this day. It set up the Pope above the judicature of the\n_Roman_ Senate, and above that of a Council of _Italian_ and _French_\nBishops, and even above all human judicature; and gave him the supremacy\nover the _Western_ Churches and their Councils in a high degree. It gave\nhim _a look more stout than his fellows_; so that when this new religion\nbegan to be established in the minds of men, he grappled not only with\nKings, but even with the _Western_ Emperor himself. It is observable also,\nthat the custom of kissing the Pope's feet, an honour superior to that of\nKings and Emperors, began about this time. There are some instances of it\nin the ninth century: _Platina_ tells us, that the feet of Pope _Leo_ IV\nwere kissed, according to antient custom, by all who came to him: and some\nsay that _Leo_ III began this custom, pretending that his hand was infected\nby the kiss of a woman. The Popes began also about this time to canonize\nsaints, and to grant indulgences and pardons: and some represent that _Leo_\nIII was the first author of all these things. It is further observable,\nthat _Charles_ the great, between the years 775 and 796, conquered all\n_Germany_ from the _Rhine_ and _Danube_ northward to the _Baltic_ sea, and\neastward to the river _Teis_; extending his conquests also into _Spain_ as\nfar as the river _Ebro_: and by these conquests he laid the foundation of\nthe new Empire; and at the same time propagated the _Roman_ Catholic\nreligion into all his conquests, obliging the _Saxons_ and _Hunns_ who were\nheathens, to receive the _Roman_ faith, and distributing his northern\nconquests into Bishopricks, granting tithes to the Clergy and _Peter-pence_\nto the Pope: by all which the Church of _Rome_ was highly enlarged,\nenriched, exalted, and established.\n\nIn the forementioned _dissertation upon some coins of _Charles_ the great,\n_Ludovicus Pius_, _Lotharius_, and their successors, stamped at _Rome__,\nthere is a draught of a piece of _Mosaic_ work which Pope _Leo_ III. caused\nto be made in his Palace near the Church of _John Lateran_, in memory of\nhis sending the standard or banner of the city of _Rome_ curiously wrought,\nto _Charles_ the great; and which still remained there at the publishing of\nthe said book. In the _Mosaic_ work there appeared _Peter_ with three keys\nin his lap, reaching the _Pallium_ to the Pope with his right hand, and the\nbanner of the city to _Charles_ the great with his left. By the Pope was\nthis inscription, SCISSIMUS D.N. LEO PP; by the King this, D.N. CARVLO\nREGI; and under the feet of _Peter_ this, BEATE PETRE, DONA VITAM LEONI PP,\nET BICTORIAM CARVLO REGI DONA. This Monument gives the title of King to\n_Charles_, and therefore was erected before he was Emperor. It was erected\nwhen _Peter_ was reaching the _Pallium_ to the Pope, and the Pope was\nsending the banner of the city to _Charles_, that is, A.C. 796. The words\nabove, _Sanctissimus Dominus noster Leo Papa Domino nostro Carolo Regi_,\nrelate to the message; and the words below, _Beate Petre, dona vitam Leoni\nPapae & victoriam Carolo regi dona_, are a prayer that in this undertaking\nGod would preserve the life of the Pope, and give victory to the King over\nthe _Romans_. The three keys in the lap of _Peter_ signify the keys of the\nthree parts of his Patrimony, that of _Rome_ with its Duchy, which the Pope\nclaimed and was conquering, those of _Ravenna_ with the Exarchate, and of\nthe territories taken from the _Lombards_; both which he had newly\nconquered. These were the three dominions, whose keys were in the lap of\nSt. _Peter_, and whose Crowns are now worn by the Pope, and by the conquest\nof which he became the little horn of the fourth Beast. By _Peter_'s giving\nthe _Pallium_ to the Pope with his right hand, and the banner of the city\nto the King with his left, and by naming the Pope before the King in the\ninscription, may be understood that the Pope was then reckoned superior in\ndignity to the Kings of the earth.\n\nAfter the death of _Charles_ the great, his son and successor _Ludovicus\nPius_, at the request of the Pope, [13] confirmed the donations of his\ngrandfather and father to the see of _Rome_. And in the confirmation he\nnames first _Rome_ with its Duchy extending into _Tuscany_ and _Campania_;\nthen the Exarchate of _Ravenna_, with _Pentapolis_; and in the third place,\nthe territories taken from the _Lombards_. These are his three conquests,\nand he was to hold them of the Emperor for the use of the Church _sub\nintegritate_, entirely, without the Emperor's medling therewith, or with\nthe jurisdiction or power of the Pope therein, unless called thereto in\ncertain cases. This ratification the Emperor _Ludovicus_ made under an\noath: and as the King of the _Ostrogoths_, for acknowledging that he held\nhis kingdom of _Italy_ of the _Greek_ Emperor, stamped the effigies of the\nEmperor on one side of his coins and his own on the reverse; so the Pope\nmade the like acknowledgment to the _Western_ Emperor. For the Pope began\nnow to coin money, and the coins of _Rome_ are henceforward found with the\nheads of the Emperors, _Charles_, _Ludovicus Pius_, _Lotharius_, and their\nsuccessors, on the one side, and the Pope's inscription on the reverse, for\nmany years.\n\nNotes to Chap. VII.\n\n[1] Chap. vii. 8.\n\n[2] Ver. 20, 21.\n\n[3] Ver. 24.\n\n[4] Ver. 25.\n\n[5] Sigonius de Regno Italiae, ad Ann. 726.\n\n[6] Sigonius ib. ad Ann. 726, 752.\n\n[7] Sigon. ib. Ann. 750.\n\n[8] Sigon. ib. Ann. 753, 754, 755.\n\n[9] Sigon. ib. Ann. 773.\n\n[10] Sigon. de Regno Ital. ad Ann. 796.\n\n[11] Vide Anastasium.\n\n[12] Sigon. de Regno Ital.\n\n[13] Confirmationem recitat Sigonius, lib. 4. de Regno Italiae, ad An. 817.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nCHAP. VIII.\n\n_Of the power of the eleventh horn of _Daniel_'s fourth Beast, to change\ntimes and laws_.\n\nIn the reign of the _Greek_ Emperor _Justinian_, and again in the reign of\n_Phocas_, the Bishop of _Rome_ obtained some dominion over the _Greek_\nChurches, but of no long continuance. His standing dominion was only over\nthe nations of the _Western Empire_, represented by _Daniel_'s fourth\nBeast. And this jurisdiction was set up by the following Edict of the\nEmperors _Gratian_ and _Valentinian.--[1] Volumus ut quicunque judicio\nDamasi, quod ille cum Concilio quinque vel septem habuerit Episcoporum, vel\neorum qui Catholici sunt judicio vel Concilio condemnatus fuerit, si juste\nvoluerit Ecclesiam retentare, ut qui ad sacerdotale judicium per\ncontumeliam non ivisset: ut ab illustribus viris Praefectis Praetorio Galliae\natque Italiae, authoritate adhibita, ad Episcopale judicium remittatur, sive\na Consularibus vel Vicariis, ut ad Urbem Romam sub prosecutione perveniat.\nAut si in longinquioribus partibus alicujus ferocitas talis emerserit,\nomnis ejus causae edictio ad Metropolitae in eadem Provincia Episcopi\ndeduceretur examen. Vel si ipse Metropolitanus est, Romam necessario, vel\nad eos quos Romanus Episcopus judices dederit, sine delatione\ncontendat.----Quod si vel Metropolitani Episcopi vel cujuscunque sacerdotis\niniquitas est suspecta, aut gratia; ad Romanum Episcopum, vel ad Concilium\nquindecim finitimorum Episcoporum accersitum liceat provocare; modo ne post\nexamen habitum, quod definitum fuerit, integretur_. This Edict wanting the\nname of both _Valens_ and _Theodosius_ in the Title, was made in the time\nbetween their reigns, that is, in the end of the year 378, or the beginning\nof 379. It was directed to the _Praefecti Praetorio Italiae & Galliae_, and\ntherefore was general. For the _Praefectus Praetorio Italiae_ governed\n_Italy_, _Illyricum occidentale_ and _Africa_; and the _Praefectus Praetorio\nGalliae_ governed _Gallia_, _Spain_, and _Britain_.\n\nThe granting of this jurisdiction to the Pope gave several Bishops occasion\nto write to him for his resolutions upon doubtful cases, whereupon he\nanswered by decretal Epistles; and henceforward he gave laws to the\n_Western_ Churches by such Epistles. _Himerius_ Bishop of _Tarraco_, the\nhead city of a province in _Spain_, writing to Pope _Damasus_ for his\ndirection about certain Ecclesiastical matters, and the Letter not arriving\nat _Rome_ till after the death of _Damasus_, A.C. 384; his successor\n_Siricius_ answered the same with a legislative authority, telling him of\none thing: _Cum hoc fieri--missa ad Provincias a venerandae memoriae\npraedecessore meo Liberio generalia decreta, prohibeant_. Of another:\n_Noverint se ab omni ecclesiastico honore, quo indigne usi sunt, Apostolicae\nSedis auctoritate, dejectos_. Of another: _Scituri posthac omnium\nProvinciarum summi Antistites, quod si ultro ad sacros ordines quenquam de\ntalibus esse assumendum, & de suo & de aliorum statu, quos contra Canones &\ninterdicta nostra provexerint, congruam ab Apostolica Sede promendam esse\nsententiam_. And the Epistle he concludes thus: _Explicuimus, ut arbitror,\nfrater charissime, universa quae digesta sunt in querelam; & ad singulas\ncausas, de quibus ad Romanam Ecclesiam, utpote ad caput tui corporis,\nretulisti; sufficientia, quantum opinor, responsa reddidimus. Nunc\nfraternitatis tuae animum ad servandos canones, & tenenda decretalia\nconstituta, magis ac magis incitamus: ad haec quae ad tua consulta\nrescripsimus in omnium Coepiscoporum perferri facias notionem; & non solum\ncorum, qui in tua sunt dioecesi constituti, sed etiam ad universos\nCarthaginenses ac Boeticos, Lusitanos atque [2] Gallicos, vel eos qui\nvicinis tibi collimitant hinc inde Provinciis, haec quae a nobis sunt salubri\nordinatione disposita, sub literarum tuarum prosecutione mittantur. Et\nquanquam statuta sedis Apostolicae vel Canonum venerabilia definita, nulli\nSacerdotum Domini ignorare sit liberum: utilius tamen, atque pro\nantiquitate sacerdotii tui, dilectioni tuae esse admodum poterit gloriosum,\nsi ea quae ad te speciali nomine generaliter scripta sunt, per unanimitatis\ntuae sollicitudinem in universorum fratrum nostrorum notitiam perferantur;\nquatenus & quae a nobis non inconsulte sed provide sub nimia cautela &\ndeliberatione sunt salubriter constituta, intemerata permaneant, & omnibus\nin posterum excusationibus aditus, qui jam nulli apud nos patere poterit,\nobstruatur. Dat. 3 Id. Febr. Arcadio & Bautone viris clarissimis\nConsulibus_, A.C. 385. Pope _Liberius_ in the reign of _Jovian_ or\n_Valentinian_ I. sent general Decrees to the Provinces, ordering that the\n_Arians_ should not be rebaptized: and this he did in favour of the Council\nof _Alexandria_, that nothing more should be required of them than to\nrenounce their opinions. Pope _Damasus_ is said to have decreed in a\n_Roman_ Council, that _Tithes_ and _Tenths_ should be paid upon pain of an\n_Anathema_; and that _Glory be to the Father_, &c. should be said or sung\nat the end of the _Psalms_. But the first decretal Epistle now extant is\nthis of _Siricius_ to _Himerius_; by which the Pope made _Himerius_ his\nVicar over all _Spain_ for promulging his Decrees, and seeing them\nobserved. The Bishop of _Sevill_ was also the Pope's Vicar sometimes; for\n_Simplicius_ wrote thus to _Zeno_ Bishop of that place: _Talibus idcirco\ngloriantes indiciis, congruum duximus vicaria Sedis nostrae te auctoritate\nfulciri: cujus vigore munitus, Apostolicae institutionis Decreta, vel\nsanctorum terminos Patrum, nullatenus transcendi permittas_. And Pope\n_Hormisda_ [3] made the Bishop of _Sevill_ his Vicar over _Boetica_ and\n_Lusitania_, and the Bishop of _Tarraco_ his Vicar over all the rest of\n_Spain_, as appears by his Epistles to them.\n\nPope _Innocent_ the first, in his decretal Epistle to _Victricius_ Bishop\nof _Rouen_ in _France_, A.C. 404, in pursuance of the Edict of _Gratian_,\nmade this Decree: _Si quae autem causae vel contentiones inter Clericos tam\nsuperioris ordinis quam etiam inferioris fuerint exortae; ut secundum\nSynodum Nicenam congregatis ejusdem Provinciae Episcopis jurgium terminetur:\nnec alicui liceat, [4] Romanae Ecclesiae, cujus in omnibus causis debet\nreverentia custodiri, relictis his sacerdotibus, qui in eadem Provincia Dei\nEcclesiam nutu Divino gubernant, ad alias convolare Provincias. Quod siquis\nforte praesumpserit; & ab officio Clericatus summotus, & injuriarum reus\njudicetur. Si autem majores causae in medium fuerint devolutae, ad Sedem\nApostolicam sicut Synodus statuit, & beata consuetudo exigit, post judicium\nEpiscopale referantur_. By these Letters it seems to me that _Gallia_ was\nnow subject to the Pope, and had been so for some time, and that the Bishop\nof _Rouen_ was then his Vicar or one of them: for the Pope directs him to\nrefer the greater causes to the See of _Rome_, according to custom. But the\nBishop of _Arles_ soon after became the Pope's Vicar over all _Gallia_: for\nPope _Zosimus_, A.C. 417, ordaining that none should have access to him\nwithout the credentials of his Vicars, conferred upon _Patroclus_ the\nBishop of _Arles_ this authority over all _Gallia_, by the following\nDecree.\n\n_Zosimus universis Episcopis per Gallias & septem\nProvincias constitutis_.\n\n_Placuit Apostolicae Sedi, ut siquis ex qualibet Galliarum parte sub\nquolibet ecclesiastico gradu ad nos Romae venire contendit, vel alio\nterrarum ire disponit, non aliter proficiscatur nisi Metropolitani Episcopi\nFormatas acceperit, quibus sacerdotium suum vel locum ecclesiasticum quem\nhabet, scriptorum ejus adstipulatione perdoceat: quod ex gratia statuimus\nquia plures episcopi sive presbyteri sive ecclesiastici simulantes, quia\nnullum documentum Formatarum extat per quod valeant confutari, in nomen\nvenerationis irrepunt, & indebitam reverentiam promerentur. Quisquis\nigitur, fratres charissimi, praetermissa supradicti Formata sive episcopus,\nsive presbyter, sive diaconus, aut deinceps inferiori gradu sit, ad nos\nvenerit: sciat se omnino suscipi non posse. Quam auctoritatem ubique nos\nmisisse manifestum est, ut cunctis regionibus innotescat id quod statuimus\nomnimodis esse servandum. Siquis autem haec salubriter constituta temerare\ntentaverit sponte sua, se a nostra noverit communione discretum. Hoc autem\nprivilegium Formatarum sancto Patroclo fratri & coepiscopo nostro,\nmeritorum ejus speciali contemplatione, concessimus_. And that the Bishop\nof _Arles_ was sometimes the Pope's Vicar over all _France_, is affirmed\nalso by all the Bishops of the Diocess of _Arles_ in their Letter to Pope\n_Leo_ I. _Cui id etiam honoris dignitatisque collatum est_, say they, _ut\nnon tantum has Provincias potestate propria gubernaret; verum etiam omnes\nGallias sibi Apostolicae Sedis vice mandatas, sub omni ecclesiastica regula\ncontineret_. And Pope _Pelagius_ I. A.C. 556, in his Epistle to _Sapaudus_\nBishop of _Arles_: _Majorum nostrorum, operante Dei misericordia, cupientes\ninhaerere vestigiis & eorum actus divino examine in omnibus imitari:\nCharitati tuae per universam Galliam, sanctae Sedis Apostolicae, cui divina\ngratia praesidemus, vices injungimus_.\n\nBy the influence of the same imperial Edict, not only _Spain_ and _Gallia_,\nbut also _Illyricum_ became subject to the Pope. _Damasus_ made\n_Ascholius_, or _Acholius_, Bishop of _Thessalonica_ the Metropolis of\n_Oriental Illyricum_, his Vicar for hearing of causes; and in the year 382,\n_Acholius_ being summoned by Pope _Damasus_, came to a Council at _Rome_.\nPope _Siricius_ the successor of _Damasus_, decreed that no Bishop should\nbe ordained in _Illyricum_ without the consent of _Anysius_ the successor\nof _Acholius_. And the following Popes gave _Rufus_ the successor of\n_Anysius_, a power of calling Provincial Councils: for in the Collections\nof _Holstenius_ there is an account of a Council of _Rome_ convened under\nPope _Boniface_ II. in which were produced Letters of _Damasus_,\n_Syricius_, _Innocent_ I. _Boniface_ I. and _Caelestine_ Bishops of _Rome_,\nto _Ascholius_, _Anysius_ and _Rufus_, Bishops of _Thessalonica_: in which\nLetters they commend to them the hearing of causes in _Illyricum_, granted\nby the Lord and the holy Canons to the Apostolic See thro'out that\nProvince. And Pope _Siricius_ saith in his Epistle to _Anysius_: _Etiam\ndudum, frater charissime, per Candidianum Episcopum, qui nos praecessit ad\nDominum, hujusmodi literas dederamus, ut nulla licentia esset, sine\nconsensu tuo in Illyrico Episcopos ordinare praesumere, quae utrum ad te\npervenerint scire non potui. Multa enim gesta sunt per contentionem ab\nEpiscopis in ordinationibus faciendis, quod tua melius caritas novit_. And\na little after: _Ad omnem enim hujusmodi audaciam comprimendam vigilare\ndebet instantia tua, Spiritu in te Sancto fervente: ut vel ipse, si potes,\nvel quos judicaveris Episcopos idoneos, cum literis dirigas, dato consensu\nqui possit, in ejus locum qui defunctus vel depositus fuerit, Catholicum\nEpiscopum vita & moribus probatum, secundum Nicaenae Synodi statuta vel\nEcclesiae Romanae, Clericum de Clero meritum ordinare_. And Pope _Innocent_\nI. saith in his Epistle to _Anysius_: _Cui_ [Anysio] _etiam anteriores\ntanti ac tales viri praedecessores mei Episcopi, id est, sanctae memoriae\nDamasus, Siricius, atque supra memoratus vir ita detulerunt; ut omnia quae\nin omnibus illis partibus gererentur, Sanctitati tuae, quae plena justitiae\nest, traderent cognoscenda_. And in his Epistle to _Rufus_ the successor of\n_Anysius_: _Ita longis intervallis disterminatis a me ecclesiis discat\nconsulendum; ut prudentiae gravitatique tuae committendam curam causasque,\nsiquae exoriantur, per Achaiae, Thessaliae, Epiri veteris, Epiri novae, &\nCretae, Daciae mediterraneae, Daciae ripensis, Moesiae, Dardaniae, & Praevali\necclesias, Christo Domino annuente, censeam. Vere enim ejus sacratissimis\nmonitis lectissimae sinceritatis tuae providentiae & virtuti hanc injungimus\nsollicitudinem: non primitus haec statuentes, sed Praecessores nostros\nApostolicos imitati, qui beatissimis Acholio & Anysio injungi pro meritis\nista voluerunt_. And _Boniface_ I. in his decretal Epistle to _Rufus_ and\nthe rest of the Bishops in _Illyricum_: _Nullus, ut frequenter dixi,\nalicujus ordinationem citra ejus_ [Episcopi Thessalonicensis] _conscientiam\ncelebrare praesumat: cui, ut supra dictum est, vice nostra cuncta\ncommittimus_. And Pope _Caelestine_, in his decretal Epistle to the Bishops\nthro'out _Illyricum_, saith: _Vicem nostram per vestram Provinciam\nnoveritis_ [Rufo] _esse commissam, ita ut ad eum, fratres carissimi,\nquicquid de causis agitur, referatur. Sine ejus consilio nullus ordinetur.\nNullus usurpet, eodem inconscio, commissam illi Provinciam; colligere nisi\ncum ejus voluntate Episcopus non praesumat_. And in the cause of\n_Perigenes_, in the title of his Epistle, he thus enumerates the Provinces\nunder this Bishop: _Rufo & caeteris Episcopis per Macedoniam, Achaiam,\nThessaliam, Epirum veterem, Epirum novam, Praevalin, & Daciam constitutis_.\nAnd Pope _Xistus_ in a decretal Epistle to the same Bishops: _Illyricanae\nomnes Ecclesiae, ut a decessoribus nostris recepimus, & nos quoque fecimus,\nad curam nunc pertinent Thessalonicensis Antistitis, ut sua sollicitudine,\nsiquae inter fratres nascantur, ut assolent, actiones distinguat atque\ndefiniat; & ad eum, quicquid a singulis sacerdotibus agitur, referatur. Sit\nConcilium, quotiens causae fuerint, quotiens ille pro necessitatum\nemergentium ratione decreverit_. And Pope _Leo_ I. in his decretal Epistle\nto _Anastasius_ Bishop of _Thessalonica_: _Singulis autem Metropolitanis\nsicut potestas ista committitur, ut in suis Provinciis jus habeant\nordinandi; ita eos Metropolitanos a te volumus ordinari; maturo tamen &\ndecocto judicio_.\n\n_Occidental Illyricum_ comprehended _Pannonia prima_ and _secunda_,\n_Savia_, _Dalmatia_, _Noricum mediterraneum_, and _Noricum ripense_; and\nits Metropolis was _Sirmium_, till _Attila_ destroyed this city. Afterwards\n_Laureacum_ became the Metropolis of _Noricum_ and both _Pannonias_, and\n_Salona_ the Metropolis of _Dalmatia_. Now [5] the Bishops of _Laureacum_\nand _Salona_ received the _Pallium_ from the Pope: and _Zosimus_, in his\ndecretal Epistle to _Hesychius_ Bishop of _Salona_, directed him to\ndenounce the Apostolic decrees as well to the Bishops of his own, as to\nthose of the neighbouring Provinces. The subjection of these Provinces to\nthe See of _Rome_ seems to have begun in _Anemius_, who was ordained Bishop\nof _Sirmium_ by _Ambrose_ Bishop of _Millain_, and who in the Council of\n_Aquileia_ under Pope _Damasus_, A.C. 381, declared his sentence in these\nwords: _Caput Illyrici non nisi civitas Sirmiensis: Ego igitur illius\ncivitatis Episcopus sum. Eum qui non confitetur filium Dei aeternum, &\ncoeternum patri, qui est sempiternus, anathema dico_. The next year\n_Anemius_ and _Ambrose_, with _Valerian_ Bishop of _Aquileia_, _Acholias_\nBishop of _Thessalonica,_ and many others, went to the Council of _Rome_,\nwhich met for overruling the _Greek_ Church by majority of votes, and\nexalting the authority of the Apostolic See, as was attempted before in the\nCouncil of _Sardica_.\n\n_Aquileia_ was the second city of the _Western Empire_, and by some called\nthe second _Rome_. It was the Metropolis of _Istria_, _Forum Julium_, and\n_Venetia_; and its subjection to the See of _Rome_ is manifest by the\ndecretal Epistle of _Leo_ I. directed to _Nicetas_ Bishop of this city; for\nthe Pope begins his Epistle thus: _Regressus ad nos filius meus Adeodatus\nDiaconus Sedis nostrae, dilectionem tuam poposcisse memorat, ut de his a\nnobis authoritatem Apostolicae Sedis acciperes, quae quidem magnam\ndifficultatem dijudicationis videntur afferre_. Then he sets down an answer\nto the questions proposed by _Nicetas_, and concludes thus: _Hanc autem\nEpistolam nostram, quam ad consultationem tuae fraternitatis emisimus, ad\nomnes fratres & comprovinciales tuos Episcopos facies pervenire, ut in\nomnium observantia, data profit authoritas. Data 1-2 Kal. Apr. Majorano\nAug. Cos._ A.C. 458. _Gregory_ the great A.C. 591, [6] cited _Severus_\nBishop of _Aquileia_ to appear before him in judgment in a Council at\n_Rome_.\n\nThe Bishops of _Aquileia_ and _Millain_ created one another, and therefore\nwere of equal authority, and alike subject to the See of _Rome_. Pope\n_Pelagius_ about the year 557, testified this in the following words: [7]\n_Mos antiquus fuit_, saith he, _ut quia pro longinquitate vel difficultate\nitineris, ab Apostolico illis onerosum fuerit ordinari, ipsi se invicem\nMediolanensis & Aquileiensis ordinare Episcopos debuissent_. These words\nimply that the ordination of these two Bishops belonged to the See of\n_Rome_. When _Laurentius_ Bishop of _Millain_ had excommunicated _Magnus_,\none of his Presbyters, and was dead, [8] _Gregory_ the great absolved\n_Magnus_, and sent the _Pallium_ to the new elected Bishop _Constantius_;\nwhom the next year [9] he reprehended of partiality in judging\n_Fortunatus_, and commanded him to send _Fortunatus_ to _Rome_ to be judged\nthere: four years after [10] he appointed the Bishops of _Millain_ and\n_Ravenna_ to hear the cause of one _Maximus_; and two years after, viz.\nA.C. 601, when _Constantius_ was dead, and the people of _Millain_ had\nelected _Deusdedit_ his successor, and the _Lombards_ had elected another,\n[11] _Gregory_ wrote to the Notary, Clergy, and People of _Millain_, that\nby the authority of his Letters _Deusdedit_ should be ordained, and that he\nwhom the _Lombards_ had ordained was an unworthy successor of _Ambrose_:\nwhence I gather, that the Church of _Millain_ had continued in this state\nof subordination to the See of _Rome_ ever since the days of _Ambrose_; for\n_Ambrose_ himself acknowledged the authority of that See. _Ecclesia\nRomana_, [12] saith he, _hanc consuetudinem non habet, cujus typum in\nomnibus sequimur, & formam_. And a little after: _In omnibus cupio sequi\nEcclesiam Romanam_. And in his Commentary upon 1 _Tim_. iii. _Cum totus\nmundus Dei sit, tamen domus ejus Ecclesia dicitur, cujus hodie rector est\nDamasus_. In his Oration on the death of his brother _Satyrus_, he relates\nhow his brother coming to a certain city of _Sardinia_, _advocavit\nEpiscopum loci, percontatusque est ex eo utrum cum Episcopis Catholicis hoc\nest cum Romana Ecclesia conveniret?_ And in conjunction with the Synod of\n_Aquileia_ A.C. 381, in a synodical Epistle to the Emperor _Gratian_, he\nsaith: _Totius orbis Romani caput Romanam Ecclesiam, atque illam\nsacrosanctam Apostolorum fidem, ne turbari sineret, obsecranda fuit\nclementia vestra; inde enim in omnes venerandae communionis jura dimanant_.\nThe Churches therefore of _Aquileia_ and _Millain_ were subject to the See\nof _Rome_ from the days of the Emperor _Gratian_. _Auxentius_ the\npredecessor of _Ambrose_ was not subject to the see of _Rome_, and\nconsequently the subjection of the Church of _Millain_ began in _Ambrose_.\nThis Diocese of _Millain_ contained _Liguria_ with _Insubria_, the _Alpes\nCottiae_ and _Rhaetia_; and was divided from the Diocese of _Aquileia_ by the\nriver _Addua_. In the year 844, the Bishop of _Millain_ broke off from the\nSee of _Rome_, and continued in this separation about 200 years, as is thus\nrelated by [13] _Sigonius_: _Eodem anno Angilbertus Mediolanensis\nArchiepiscopus ab Ecclesia Romana parum comperta de causa descivit,\ntantumque exemplo in posterum valuit, ut non nisi post ducentos annos\nEcclesia Mediolanensis ad Romanae obedientiam auctoritatemque redierit_.\n\nThe Bishop of _Ravenna_, the Metropolis of _Flaminia_ and _AEmilia_, was\nalso subject to the Pope: for _Zosimus_, A.C. 417, excommunicated some of\nthe Presbyters of that Church, and wrote a commonitory Epistle about them\nto the Clergy of that Church as a branch of the _Roman_ Church: _In sua_,\nsaith he, _hoc est, in Ecclesia nostra Romana_. When those of _Ravenna_,\nhaving elected a new Bishop, gave notice thereof to Pope _Sixtus_, the Pope\nset him aside, and [14] ordained _Peter Chrysologus_ in his room.\n_Chrysologus_ in his Epistle to _Eutyches_, extant in the Acts of the\nCouncil of _Chalcedon_, wrote thus: _Nos pro studio pacis & fidei, extra\nconsensum Romanae civitatis Episcopi, causas fidei audire non possumus_.\nPope _Leo_ I. being consulted by _Leo_ Bishop of _Ravenna_ about some\nquestions, answered him by a decretal Epistle A.C. 451. And Pope _Gregory_\nthe great, [15] reprehending _John_ Bishop of _Ravenna_ about the use of\nthe _Pallium_, tells him of a Precept of one of his Predecessors, Pope\n_John_, commanding that all the Privileges formerly granted to the Bishop\nand Church of _Ravenna_ should be kept: to this _John_ returned a\nsubmissive answer; and after his death Pope _Gregory_ ordered a visitation\nof the Church of _Ravenna_, confirmed the privileges heretofore granted\nthem, and sent his _Pallium_, as of antient custom, to their new Bishop\n_Marinian_. Yet this Church revolted sometimes from the Church of _Rome_,\nbut returned again to its obedience.\n\nThe rest of _Italy_, with the Islands adjacent, containing the\n_suburbicarian_ regions, or ten Provinces under the temporal Vicar of\n_Rome, viz._ 1_Campania_, 2_Tuscia_ and _Umbria_, 3_Picenum suburbicarium_,\n4_Sicily_, 5_Apulia_ and _Calabria_, 6_Brutii_ and _Lucania_, 7_Samnium_,\n8_Sardinia_, 9_Corsica_, and 10_Valeria_, constituted the proper Province\nof the Bishop of _Rome_. For the Council of _Nice_ in their fifth Canon\nordained that Councils should be held every spring and autumn in every\nProvince; and according to this Canon, the Bishops of this Province met at\n_Rome_ every half year. In this sense Pope _Leo_ I. applied this Canon to\n_Rome_, in a decretal Epistle to the Bishops of _Sicily_, written _Alippio\n& Ardabure Coss_. A.C. 447. _Quia saluberrime_, saith he, _a sanctis\npatribus constitutum est, binos in annis singulis Episcoporum debere esse\nconventus, terni semper ex vobis ad diem tertium Kalendarum Octobrium Romam\naeterno concilio sociandi occurrant. Et indissimulanter a vobis haec\nconsuetudo servetur, quoniam adjuvante Dei gratia, facilius poterit\nprovideri, ut in Ecclesiis Christi nulla scandala, nulli nascantur errores;\ncum coram Apostolo Petro semper in communione tractatum fuerit, ut omnia\nCanonum Decreta apud omnes Domini sacerdotes inviolata permaneant_. The\nProvince of _Rome_ therefore comprehended _Sicily_, with so much of _Italy_\nand the neighbouring Islands as sent Bishops to the annual Councils of\n_Rome_; but extended not into the Provinces of _Ravenna_, _Aquileia_,\n_Millain_, _Arles_, &c. those Provinces having Councils of their own. The\nBishops in every Province of the _Roman_ Empire were convened in Council by\nthe Metropolitan or Bishop of the head city of the Province, and this\nBishop presided in that Council: but the Bishop of _Rome_ did not only\npreside in his own Council of the Bishops of the _suburbicarian_ regions,\nbut also gave Orders to the Metropolitans of all the other Provinces in the\n_Western Empire_, as their universal governor; as may be further perceived\nby the following instances.\n\nPope _Zosimus_ A.C. 417, cited _Proculus_ Bishop of _Marseilles_ to appear\nbefore a Council at _Rome_ for illegitimate Ordinations; and condemned him,\nas he mentions in several of his Epistles. Pope _Boniface_ I. A.C. 419,\nupon a complaint of the Clergy of _Valentia_ against _Maximus_ a Bishop,\nsummoned the Bishops of all _Gallia_ and the seven Provinces to convene in\na Council against him; and saith in his Epistle, that his Predecessors had\ndone the like. Pope _Leo_ I. called a general Council of all the Provinces\nof _Spain_ to meet in _Gallaecia_ against the _Manichees_ and\n_Priscillianists_, as he says in his decretal Epistle to _Turribius_ a\n_Spanish_ Bishop. And in one of his decretal Epistles to _Nicetas_ Bishop\nof _Aquileia_, he commands him to call a Council of the Bishops of that\nProvince against the _Pelagians_, which might ratify all the Synodal\nDecrees which had been already ratified by the See of _Rome_ against this\nheresy. And in his decretal Epistle to _Anastasius_ Bishop of\n_Thessalonica_, he ordained that Bishop should hold two Provincial Councils\nevery year, and refer the harder causes to the See of _Rome_: and if upon\nany extraordinary occasion it should be necessary to call a Council, he\nshould not be troublesom to the Bishops under him, but content himself with\ntwo Bishops out of every Province, and not detain them above fifteen days.\nIn the same Epistle he describes the form of Church-Government then set up,\nto consist in a subordination of all the Churches to the See of _Rome_: _De\nqua forma_, saith he, _Episcoporum quoque est orta distinctio, & magna\ndispositione provisum est ne omnes sibi omnia vindicarent, sed essent in\nsingulis Provinciis singuli quorum inter fratres haberetur prima sententia,\n& rursus quidam in majoribus urbibus constituti sollicitudinem sumerent\nampliorem, per quos ad unam Petri Sedem universalis Ecclesiae cura\nconflueret, & nihil usque a suo capite dissideret. Qui ergo scit se\nquibusdam esse praepositum, non moleste ferat aliquem sibi esse praepositum;\nsed obedientiam quam exigit etiam ipse dependat; et sicut non vult gravis\noneris sarcinam ferre, ita non audeat aliis importabile pondus imponere_.\nThese words sufficiently shew the monarchical form of government then set\nup in the Churches of the _Western Empire_ under the Bishop of _Rome_, by\nmeans of the imperial Decree of _Gratian_, and the appeals and decretal\nEpistles grounded thereupon.\n\nThe same Pope _Leo_, having in a Council at _Rome_ passed sentence upon\n_Hilary_ Bishop of _Arles_, for what he had done by a Provincial Council in\n_Gallia_, took occasion from thence to procure the following Edict from the\n_Western_ Emperor _Valentinian_ III. for the more absolute establishing the\nauthority of his See over all the Churches of the _Western Empire_.\n\n_Impp. Theodosius & Valentinianus AA. Aetio\nViro illustri, Comiti & Magistro utriusque\nmilitiae & Patricio._\n\n_Certum est & nobis & imperio nostro unicum esse praesidium in supernae\nDivinitatis favore, ad quem promerendum praecipue Christiana fides &\nveneranda nobis religio suffragatur. Cum igitur Sedis Apostolicae Primatum\nsancti Petri meritum, qui princeps est Episcopalis coronae & Romanae dignitas\ncivitatis, sacrae etiam Synodi firmavit auctoritas: ne quid praeter\nauctoritatem Sedis istius illicitum praesumptio attemperare nitatur: tunc\nenim demum Ecclesiarum pax ubique servabitur, si Rectorem suum agnoscat\nUniversitas. Haec cum hactenus inviolabiliter suerint custodita, Hilarius\nArelatensis, sicut venerabilis viri Leonis Romani Papae fideli relatione\ncomperimus, contumaci ausu illicita quaedam praesumenda tentavit, & ideo\nTransalpinas Ecclesias abominabilis tumultus invasit, quod recens maxime\ntestatur exemplum. Hilarius enim qui Episcopus Arelatensis vocatur,\nEcclesiae Romanae urbis inconsulto Pontifice indebitas sibi ordinationes\nEpiscoporum sola temeritate usurpans invasit. Nam alios incompetenter\nremovit; indecenter alios, invitis & repugnantibus civibus, ordinavit. Qui\nquidem, quoniam non facile ab his qui non elegerant, recipiebantur, manum\nsibi contrahebat armatam, & claustra murorum in hostilem morem vel\nobsidione cingebat, vel aggressione reserabat, & ad sedem quietis pacem\npraedicaturus per bella ducebat: His talibus contra Imperii majestatem, &\ncontra reverentiam Apostolicae Sedis admissis, per ordinem religiosi viri\nUrbis Papae cognitione discussis, certa in eum, ex his quos male\nordinaverat, lata sententia est. Erat quidem ipsa sententia per Gallias\netiam sine Imperiali Sanctione valitura: quid enim Pontificis auctoritate\nnon liceret? Sed nostram quoque praeceptionem haec ratio provocavit. Nec\nulterius vel Hilario, quem adhuc Episcopum nuncupare sola mansueta Praesulis\npermittit humanitas, nec cuiquam alteri ecclesiasticis rebus arma miscere,\naut praeceptis Romani Antistitis liceat obviare: ausibus enim talibus fides\n& reverentia nostri violatur Imperii. Nec hoc solum, quod est maximi\ncriminis, submovemus: verum ne levis saltem inter Ecclesias turba nascatur,\nvel in aliquo minui religionis disciplina videatur, hoc perenni sanctione\ndiscernimus; nequid tam Episcopis Gallicanis quam aliarum Provinciarum\ncontra consuetudinem veterem liceat, sine viri venerabilis Papae Urbis\naeternae auctoritate, tentare. Sed illis omnibusque pro lege sit, quicquid\nsanxit vel sanxerit Apostolicae Sedis auctoritas: ita ut quisquis\nEpiscoporum ad judicium Romani Antistitis evocatus venire neglexerit, per\nModeratorem ejusdem Provinciae adesse cogatur, per omnia servatis quae Divi\nparentes nostri Romanae Ecclesiae detulerunt, Aeti pater carissime Augusti.\nUnde illustris & praeclara magnificentia tua praesentis Edictalis Legis\nauctoritate faciet quae sunt superius statuta servari, decem librarum auri\nmulta protinus exigenda ab unoquoque Judice qui passus fuerit praecepta\nnostra violari. Divinitas te servet per multos annos, parens carissime.\nDat. _viii._ Id. Jun. Romae, Valentiniano A. _vi._ Consule_, A.C. 445. By\nthis Edict the Emperor _Valentinian_ enjoined an absolute obedience to the\nwill of the Bishop of _Rome_ thro'out all the Churches of his Empire; and\ndeclares, that for the Bishops to attempt any thing without the Pope's\nauthority is contrary to antient custom, and that the Bishops summoned to\nappear before his judicature must be carried thither by the Governor of the\nProvince; and he ascribes these privileges of the See of _Rome_ to the\nconcessions of his dead Ancestors, that is, to the Edict of _Gratian_ and\n_Valentinian_ II. as above: by which reckoning this dominion of the Church\nof _Rome_ was now of 66 years standing: and if in all this time it had not\nbeen sufficiently established, this new Edict was enough to settle it\nbeyond all question thro'out the _Western Empire_.\n\nHence all the Bishops of the Province of _Arles_ in their Letter to Pope\n_Leo_, A.C. 450, petitioning for a restitution of the privileges of their\nMetropolitan, say: _Per beatum Petrum Apostolorum principem, sacrosancta\nEcclesia Romana tenebat supra omnes totius mundi Ecclesias principatum_.\nAnd _Ceratius_, _Salonius_ and _Veranus_, three Bishops of _Gallia_, say,\nin their Epistle to the same Pope: _Magna praeterea & ineffabili quadam nos\npeculiares tui gratulatione succrescimus, quod illa specialis doctrinae\nvestrae pagina ita per omnium Ecclesiarum conventicula celebratur, ut vere\nconsona omnium sententia declaretur; merito illic principatum Sedis\nApostolicae constitutum, unde adhuc Apostolici spiritus oracula reserentur_.\nAnd _Leo_ himself, in [16] his Epistle to the metropolitan Bishops thro'out\n_Illyricum_: _Quia per omnes Ecclesias cura nostra distenditur, exigente\nhoc a nobis Domino, qui Apostolicae dignitatis beatissimo Apostolo Petro\nprimatum, fidei sui remuneratione commisit, universalem Ecclesiam in\nfundamenti ipsius soliditate constituens_.\n\nWhile this Ecclesiastical Dominion was rising up, the northern barbarous\nnations invaded the _Western Empire_, and founded several kingdoms therein,\nof different religions from the Church of _Rome_. But these kingdoms by\ndegrees embraced the _Roman_ faith, and at the same time submitted to the\nPope's authority. The _Franks_ in _Gaul_ submitted in the end of the fifth\nCentury, the _Goths_ in _Spain_ in the end of the sixth; and the _Lombards_\nin _Italy_ were conquered by _Charles_ the great A.C. 774. Between the\nyears 775 and 794, the same _Charles_ extended the Pope's authority over\nall _Germany_ and _Hungary_ as far as the river _Theysse_ and the _Baltic_\nsea; he then set him above all human judicature, and at the same time\nassisted him in subduing the City and Duchy of _Rome_. By the conversion of\nthe ten kingdoms to the _Roman_ religion, the Pope only enlarged his\nspiritual dominion, but did not yet rise up as a horn of the Beast. It was\nhis temporal dominion which made him one of the horns: and this dominion he\nacquired in the latter half of the eighth century, by subduing three of the\nformer horns as above. And now being arrived at a temporal dominion, and a\npower above all human judicature, he reigned [17] _with a look more stout\nthan his fellows_, and [18] _times and laws were_ henceforward _given into\nhis hands, for a time times and half a time_, or three times and an half;\nthat is, for 1260 solar years, reckoning a time for a Calendar year of 360\ndays, and a day for a solar year. After which [19] _the judgment is to sit,\nand they shall take away his dominion_, not at once, but by degrees, _to\nconsume, and to destroy it unto the end. [20] And the kingdom and dominion,\nand greatness of the kingdom under the whole heaven shall_, by degrees, _be\ngiven unto the people of the saints of the most High, whose kingdom is an\neverlasting kingdom, and all dominions shall serve and obey him_.\n\nNotes to Chap. VIII.\n\n[1] _See the Annals of _Baronius__, Anno 381. Sect. 6.\n\n[2] Populos Galliciae.\n\n[3] Hormisd. Epist. 24. 26.\n\n[4] _The words, _sine auctoritate_, seem wanting._\n\n[5] Vide Caroli a S. Paulo Geographiam sacram, p. 72, 73.\n\n[6] Greg. M. lib. 1. Indic. 9. Epist. 16.\n\n[7] Apud Gratianum de Mediolanensi & Aquileiensi Episcopis.\n\n[8] Greg. M. lib. 3. Epist. 26. & lib. 4. Epist. 1.\n\n[9] Greg. lib. 5. Epist. 4.\n\n[10] Greg. lib. 9. Epist. 10 & 67.\n\n[11] Greg. lib. 11. Epist. 3, 4.\n\n[12] Ambros l. 3. de sacramentis, c. 1.\n\n[13] Sigonius de Regno Italiae, lib. 5.\n\n[14] _See _Baronius__, Anno 433. Sect. 24.\n\n[15] Greg. M. lib. 3. Epist. 56, 57. & lib. 5. Epist. 25, 26, 56.\n\n[16] Epist. 25. apud Holstenium.\n\n[17] Dan. vii. 20.\n\n[18] Ver. 25.\n\n[19] Ver. 26.\n\n[20] Ver. 27.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nCHAP. IX.\n\n_Of the kingdoms represented in _Daniel_ by the Ram and He-Goat_.\n\nThe second and third Empires, represented by the Bear and Leopard, are\nagain represented by the Ram and He-Goat; but with this difference, that\nthe Ram represents the kingdoms of the _Medes_ and _Persians_ from the\nbeginning of the four Empires, and the Goat represents the kingdom of the\n_Greeks_ to the end of them. By this means, under the type of the Ram and\nHe-Goat, the times of all the four Empires are again described: _I lifted\nup mine eyes_, saith [1] _Daniel_, _and saw_, _and behold there stood\nbefore the river_ [Ulai] _a Ram which had two horns, and the two horns were\nhigh, but one was higher than the other, and the higher came up last.--And\nthe Ram having two horns, are the kings of _Media_ and _Persia__: not two\npersons but two kingdoms, the kingdoms of _Media_ and _Persia_; and the\nkingdom of _Persia_ was the higher horn and came up last. The kingdom of\n_Persia_ rose up, when _Cyrus_ having newly conquered _Babylon_, revolted\nfrom _Darius_ King of the _Medes_, and beat him at _Pasargadae_, and set up\nthe _Persians_ above the _Medes_. This was the horn which came up last. And\nthe horn which came up first was the kingdom of the _Medes_, from the time\nthat _Cyaxares_ and _Nebuchadnezzar_ overthrew _Nineveh_, and shared the\nEmpire of the _Assyrians_ between them. The Empires of _Media_ and\n_Babylon_ were contemporary, and rose up together by the fall of the\n_Assyrian_ Empire; and the Prophecy of the four Beasts begins with one of\nthem, and that of the Ram and He-Goat with the other. As the Ram represents\nthe kingdom of _Media_ and _Persia_ from the beginning of the four Empires;\nso the He-Goat represents the Empire of the _Greeks_ to the end of those\nMonarchies. In the reign of his great horn, and of the four horns which\nsucceeded it, he represents this Empire during the reign of the Leopard:\nand in the reign of his little horn, which stood up in the latter time of\nthe kingdom of the four, and after their fall became mighty but not by his\nown power, he represents it during the reign of the fourth Beast.\n\n_The rough Goat_, saith _Daniel, is the King of_ Grecia, that is, the\nkingdom; _and the great horn between his eyes is the first King_: not the\nfirst Monarch, but the first kingdom, that which lasted during the reign of\n_Alexander_ the great, and his brother _Aridaeus_ and two young sons,\n_Alexander_ and _Hercules_. [2] _Now that_ [horn] _being broken off,\nwhereas four_ [horns] _stood up for it, four kingdoms shall stand up out of\nthe nation_ [of the _Greeks_], _but not in his_ [the first horn's] _power_.\nThe four horns are therefore four kingdoms; and by consequence, the first\ngreat horn which they succeeded is the first great kingdom of the _Greeks_,\nthat which was founded by _Alexander_ the great, _An. Nabonass._ 414, and\nlasted till the death of his son _Hercules_, _An. Nabonass._ 441. And the\nfour are those of _Cassander_, _Lysimachus_, _Antigonus_, and _Ptolemy_, as\nabove.\n\n[3] _And in the latter time of their kingdom, when the transgressors are\ncome to the full, a King_ [or new kingdom] _of fierce countenance, and\nunderstanding dark sentences, shall stand up: and his power shall be\nmighty, but not by his own power_. This King was the last horn of the Goat,\nthe little horn which came up out of one of the four horns, and waxed\nexceeding great. The latter time of their kingdom was when the _Romans_\nbegan to conquer them, that is, when they conquered _Perseus_ King of\n_Macedonia_, the fundamental kingdom of the _Greeks_. And at that time the\ntransgressors came to the full: for then the High-priesthood was exposed to\nsale, the Vessels of the Temple were sold to pay for the purchase; and the\nHigh-priest, with some of the _Jews_, procured a licence from _Antiochus\nEpiphanes_ to do after the ordinances of the heathen, and set up a school\nat _Jerusalem_ for teaching those ordinances. Then _Antiochus_ took\n_Jerusalem_ with an armed force, slew 4000 _Jews_, took as many prisoners\nand sold them, spoiled the Temple, interdicted the worship, commanded the\nLaw of _Moses_ to be burnt, and set up the worship of the heathen Gods in\nall _Judea_. In the very same year, _An. Nabonass._ 580, the _Romans_\nconquered _Macedonia_, the chief of the four horns. Hitherto the Goat was\nmighty by its own power, but henceforward began to be under the _Romans_.\n_Daniel_ distinguishes the times, by describing very particularly the\nactions of the Kings of the north and south, those two of the four horns\nwhich bordered upon _Judea_, until the _Romans_ conquered _Macedonia_; and\nthenceforward only touching upon the main revolutions which happened within\nthe compass of the nations represented by the Goat. In this latter period\nof time the little horn was to stand up and grow mighty, but not by his own\npower.\n\nThe three first of _Daniel_'s Beasts had their dominions taken away, each\nof them at the rise of the next Beast; but their lives were prolonged, and\nthey are all of them still alive. The third Beast, or Leopard, reigned in\nhis four heads, till the rise of the fourth Beast, or Empire of the\n_Latins_; and his life was prolonged under their power. This Leopard\nreigning in his four heads, signifies the same thing with the He-Goat\nreigning in his four horns: and therefore the He-Goat reigned in his four\nhorns till the rise of _Daniel_'s fourth Beast, or Empire of the _Latins_:\nthen its dominion was taken away by the _Latins_, but its life was\nprolonged under their power. The _Latins_ are not comprehended among the\nnations represented by the He-Goat in this Prophecy: their power over the\n_Greeks_ is only named in it, to distinguish the times in which the He-Goat\nwas mighty by his own power, from the times in which he was mighty but not\nby his own power. He was mighty by his own power till his dominion was\ntaken away by the _Latins_; after that, his life was prolonged under their\ndominion, and this prolonging of his life was in the days of his last horn:\nfor in the days of this horn the Goat became mighty, but not by his own\npower.\n\nNow because this horn was a horn of the Goat, we are to look for it among\nthe nations which composed the body of the Goat. Among those nations he was\nto rise up and grow mighty: he grew mighty [4] _towards the south, and\ntowards the east, and towards the pleasant land_; and therefore he was to\nrise up in the north-west parts of those nations, and extend his dominion\ntowards _Egypt_, _Syria_ and _Judea_. In the latter time of the kingdom of\nthe four horns, it was to rise up out of one of them and subdue the rest,\nbut not by its own power. It was to be assisted by a foreign power, a power\nsuperior to itself, the power which took away the dominion of the third\nBeast, the power of the fourth Beast. And such a little horn was the\nkingdom of _Macedonia_, from the time that it became subject to the\n_Romans_. This kingdom, by the victory of the _Romans_ over _Persius_ King\nof _Macedonia_, _Anno Nabonass._ 580, ceased to be one of the four horns of\nthe Goat, and became a dominion of a new sort: not a horn of the fourth\nBeast, for _Macedonia_ belonged to the body of the third; but a horn of the\nthird Beast of a new sort, a horn of the Goat which grew mighty but not by\nhis own power, a horn which rose up and grew potent under a foreign power,\nthe power of the _Romans_.\n\nThe _Romans_, by the legacy of _Attalus_ the last King of _Pergamus_, _An.\nNabonass._ 615, inherited that kingdom, including all _Asia Minor_ on this\nside mount _Taurus_. _An. Nabonass._ 684 and 685 they conquered _Armenia_,\n_Syria_ and _Judea_; _An. Nabonass._ 718, they subdued _Egypt_. And by\nthese conquests the little horn [5] _waxed exceeding great towards the\nsouth, and towards the east, and towards the pleasant land. And it waxed\ngreat even to the host of heaven; and cast down some of the host and of the\nstars to the ground, and stamped upon them_, that is, upon the people and\ngreat men of the _Jews_. [6] _Yea, he magnified himself even to the Prince\nof the Host_, the _Messiah_, the Prince of the _Jews_, whom he put to\ndeath, _An. Nabonass._ 780. _And by him the daily sacrifice was taken away,\nand the place of his sanctuary was cast down_, viz. in the wars which the\narmies of the _Eastern_ nations under the conduct of the _Romans_ made\nagainst _Judea_, when _Nero_ and _Vespasian_ were Emperors, _An. Nabonass._\n816, 817, 818. [7] _And an host was given him against the daily sacrifice\nby reason of transgression, and it cast down the truth to the ground, and\nit practised and prospered_. This transgression is in the next words called\n_the transgression of desolation_; and in _Dan._ xi. 31. _the abomination\nwhich maketh desolate_; and in _Matth._ xxiv. 15. _the abomination of\ndesolation, spoken of by _Daniel_ the prophet, standing in the holy place_.\nIt may relate chiefly to the worship of _Jupiter Olympius_ in his Temple\nbuilt by the Emperor _Hadrian_, in the place of the Temple of the _Jews_,\nand to the revolt of the _Jews_ under _Barchochab_ occasioned thereby, and\nto the desolation of _Judea_ which followed thereupon; all the _Jews_,\nbeing thenceforward banished _Judea_ upon pain of death. _Then I heard_,\nsaith [8] _Daniel, one saint speaking, and another saint said unto that\ncertain saint which spake, How long shall be the vision concerning the\ndaily sacrifice, and the transgression of desolation, to give both the\nsanctuary and the host to be trodden under foot? And he said unto me, Unto\ntwo thousand and three hundred days; then shall the sanctuary be cleansed._\n_Daniel_'s days are years; and these years may perhaps be reckoned either\nfrom the destruction of the Temple by the _Romans_ in the reign of\n_Vespasian_, or from the pollution of the Sanctuary by the worship of\n_Jupiter Olympius_, or from the desolation of _Judea_ made in the end of\nthe _Jewish_ war by the banishment of all the _Jews_ out of their own\ncountry, or from some other period which time will discover. Henceforward\nthe last horn of the Goat continued mighty under the _Romans_, till the\nreign of _Constantine_ the great and his sons: and then by the division of\nthe _Roman_ Empire between the _Greek_ and _Latin_ Emperors, it separated\nfrom the _Latins_, and became the _Greek_ Empire alone, but yet under the\ndominion of a _Roman_ family; and at present it is mighty under the\ndominion of the _Turks_.\n\nThis last horn is by some taken for _Antiochus Epiphanes_, but not very\njudiciously. A horn of a Beast is never taken for a single person: it\nalways signifies a new kingdom, and the kingdom of _Antiochus_ was an old\none. _Antiochus_ reigned over one of the four horns, and the little horn\nwas a fifth under its proper kings. This horn was at first a little one,\nand waxed exceeding great, but so did not _Antiochus_. It is described\ngreat above all the former horns, and so was not _Antiochus_. His kingdom\non the contrary was weak, and tributary to the _Romans_, and he did not\nenlarge it. The horn was a _King of fierce countenance, and destroyed\nwonderfully, and prospered and practised_; that is, he prospered in his\npractises against the holy people: but _Antiochus_ was frighted out of\n_Egypt_ by a mere message of the _Romans_, and afterwards routed and\nbaffled by the _Jews_. The horn was mighty by another's power, _Antiochus_\nacted by his own. The horn stood up against the Prince of the Host of\nheaven, the Prince of Princes; and this is the character not of _Antiochus_\nbut of _Antichrist_. The horn cast down the Sanctuary to the ground, and so\ndid not _Antiochus_; he left it standing. The Sanctuary and Host were\ntrampled under foot 2300 days; and in _Daniel_'s Prophecies days are put\nfor years: but the profanation of the Temple in the reign of _Antiochus_\ndid not last so many natural days. These were to last till the time of the\nend, till the last end of the indignation against the _Jews_; and this\nindignation is not yet at an end. They were to last till the Sanctuary\nwhich had been cast down should be cleansed, and the Sanctuary is not yet\ncleansed.\n\nThis Prophecy of the Ram and He-Goat is repeated in the last Prophecy of\n_Daniel_. There the Angel tells _Daniel_, that [9] _he stood up to\nstrengthen _Darius_ the _Mede_, and that there should stand up yet three\nkings in _Persia__, [_Cyrus_, _Cambyses_, and _Darius Hystaspis_] _and the\nfourth_ [_Xerxes_] _should be far richer than they all; and by his wealth\nthro' his riches he should stir up all against the realm of _Grecia__. This\nrelates to the Ram, whose two horns were the kingdoms of _Media_ and\n_Persia_. Then he goes on to describe the horns of the Goat by the [10]\n_standing up of a mighty king, which should rule with great dominion, and\ndo according to his will_; and by the breaking of his kingdom into four\nsmaller kingdoms, and not descending to his own posterity. Then he\ndescribes the actions of two of those kingdoms which bordered on _Judea_,\n_viz_. _Egypt_ and _Syria_, calling them the Kings of the _South_ and\n_North_, that is, in respect of _Judea_; and he carries on the description\ntill the latter end of the kingdoms of the four, and till the reign of\n_Antiochus Epiphanes_, when transgressors were come to the full. In the\neighth year of _Antiochus_, the year in which he profaned the Temple and\nset up the heathen Gods in all _Judea_, and the _Romans_ conquered the\nkingdom of _Macedon_; the prophetic Angel leaves off describing the affairs\nof the kings of the _South_ and _North_, and begins to describe those of\nthe _Greeks_ under the dominion of the _Romans_, in these words: [11] _And\nafter him Arms_ [the _Romans_] _shall stand up, and they shall pollute the\nsanctuary of strength_. As [Hebrew: MMLK] signifies _after the king_, Dan.\nxi. 8; so here [Hebrew: MMNW] may signify _after him_: and so [Hebrew:\nMN-H'CHT] may signify _after one of them_, Dan. viii. 9. Arms are every\nwhere in these Prophecies of _Daniel_ put for the military power of a\nkingdom, and they stand up when they conquer and grow powerful. The\n_Romans_ conquered _Illyricum_, _Epirus_ and _Macedonia_, in the year of\n_Nabonassar_ 580; and thirty five years after, by the last will and\ntestament of _Attalus_ the last King of _Pergamus_, they inherited that\nrich and flourishing kingdom, that is, all _Asia_ on this side mount\n_Taurus_: and sixty nine years after, they conquered the kingdom of\n_Syria_, and reduced it into a Province: and thirty four years after they\ndid the like to _Egypt_. By all these steps the _Roman_ arms stood up over\nthe _Greeks_. And after 95 years more, by making war upon the _Jews, they\npolluted the sanctuary of strength, and took away the daily sacrifice,\nand_, in its room soon after, _placed the abomination which made_ the Land\n_desolate_: for this abomination was placed after the days of Christ,\n_Matth._ xxiv. 15. In the 16th year of the Emperor _Hadrian_, A. C. 132,\nthey placed this abomination by building a Temple to _Jupiter Capitolinus_,\nwhere the Temple of God in _Jerusalem_ had stood. Thereupon the _Jews_\nunder the conduct of _Barchochab_ rose up in arms against the _Romans_, and\nin that war had 50 cities demolished, 985 of their best towns destroyed,\nand 580000 men slain by the sword: and in the end of the war, A.C. 136,\nthey were all banished _Judea_ upon pain or death; and that time the land\nhath remained desolate of its old inhabitants.\n\nNow that the prophetic Angel passes in this manner from the four kingdoms\nof the _Greeks_ to the _Romans_ reigning over the _Greeks_, is confirmed\nfrom hence, that in the next place he describes the affairs of the\n_Christians_ unto the time of the end, in these words: [12] _And they that\nunderstand among the people shall instruct many, yet they shall fall by the\nsword and by flame, by captivity and by spoil many days. Now when they\nshall fall they shall be holpen with a little help_, _viz_. in the reign of\n_Constantine_ the great; _but many shall cleave to them with dissimulation.\nAnd some of them of understanding there shall fall to try them, and to\npurge_ them from the dissemblers; _and to make them white even to the time\nof the end_. And a little after, the time of the end is said to be _a time,\ntimes, and half a time_: which is the duration of the reign of the last\nhorn of _Daniel_'s fourth Beast, and of the _Woman_ and her _Beast_ in the\n_Apocalyps_.\n\nNotes to Chap. IX.\n\n[1] Chap. viii. 3.\n\n[2] Ver. 22.\n\n[3] Ver. 23.\n\n[4] Chap. viii. 9.\n\n[5] Chap. viii. 9, 10.\n\n[6] Ver. 11.\n\n[7] Ver. 12.\n\n[8] Ver. 13, 14.\n\n[9] Dan. xi. 1, 2.\n\n[10] Ver. 3.\n\n[11] Dan xi. 31.\n\n[12] Chap. xi. 33, &c.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nCHAP. X.\n\n_Of the Prophecy of the Seventy Weeks._\n\nThe Vision of the Image composed of four Metals was given first to\n_Nebuchadnezzar_, and then to _Daniel_ in a dream: and _Daniel_ began then\nto be celebrated for revealing of secrets, _Ezek._ xxviii. 3. The Vision of\nthe four Beasts, and of _the Son of man_ coming in the clouds of heaven,\nwas also given to _Daniel_ in a dream. That of the Ram and the He-Goat\nappeared to him in the day time, when he was by the bank of the river\n_Ulay_; and was explained to him by the prophetic Angel _Gabriel_. It\nconcerns the _Prince of the host_, and the _Prince of Princes_: and now in\nthe first year of _Darius_ the _Mede_ over _Babylon_, the same prophetic\nAngel appears to _Daniel_ again, and explains to him what is meant by the\n_Son of man_, by the _Prince of the host_, and the _Prince of Princes_. The\nProphecy of the _Son of man_ coming in the clouds of heaven relates to the\nsecond coming of _Christ_; that of the _Prince of the host_ relates to his\nfirst coming: and this Prophecy of the _Messiah_, in explaining them,\nrelates to both comings, and assigns the times thereof.\n\nThis Prophecy, like all the rest of _Daniel_'s, consists of two parts, an\nintroductory Prophecy and an explanation thereof; the whole I thus\ntranslate and interpret.\n\n[1] '_Seventy weeks are [2] cut out upon thy people, and upon thy holy\ncity, to finish transgression, and [3] to make an end of sins, to expiate\niniquity, and to bring in everlasting righteousness, to consummate the\nVision and [4] the Prophet, and to anoint the most Holy_.\n\n'_Know also and understand, that from the going forth of the commandment to\ncause to return and to build _Jerusalem_, unto [5] the Anointed the Prince,\nshall be seven weeks_.\n\n'_Yet threescore and two weeks shall [6] it return, and the street be built\nand the wall; but in troublesome times: and after the threescore and two\nweeks, the Anointed shall be cut off, and [6] it shall not be his; but the\npeople of a Prince to come shall destroy the city and the sanctuary: and\nthe end thereof shall be with a flood, and unto the end of the war,\ndesolations are determined_.\n\n'_Yet shall he confirm the covenant with many for one week: and in half a\nweek he shall cause the sacrifice and oblation to cease: and upon a wing of\nabominations he shall make it desolate, even until the consummation, and\nthat which is determined be poured upon the desolate_.'\n\n_Seventy weeks are cut out upon thy people, and upon thy holy city, to\nfinish transgression_, &c. Here, by putting a week for seven years, are\nreckoned 490 years from the time that the dispersed _Jews_ should be\nre-incorporated into [7] a people and a holy city, until the death and\nresurrection of _Christ_; whereby _transgression should be finished, and\nsins ended, iniquity be expiated, and everlasting righteousness brought in,\nand this Vision be accomplished, and the Prophet consummated_, that Prophet\nwhom the _Jews_ expected; and whereby _the most Holy_ should be _anointed_,\nhe who is therefore in the next words called the _Anointed_, that is, the\n_Messiah_, or the _Christ_. For by joining the accomplishment of the vision\nwith the expiation of sins, the 490 years are ended with the death of\n_Christ_. Now the dispersed _Jews_ became a people and city when they first\nreturned into a polity or body politick; and this was in the seventh year\nof _Artaxerxes Longimanus_, when _Ezra_ returned with a body of _Jews_ from\ncaptivity, and revived the _Jewish_ worship; and by the King's commission\ncreated Magistrates in all the land, to judge and govern the people\naccording to the laws of God and the King, _Ezra_ vii. 25. There were but\ntwo returns from captivity, _Zerubbabel_'s and _Ezra_'s; in _Zerubbabel_'s\nthey had only commission to build the Temple, in _Ezra_'s they first became\na polity or city by a government of their own. Now the years of this\n_Artaxerxes_ began about two or three months after the summer solstice, and\nhis seventh year fell in with the third year of the eightieth _Olympiad_;\nand the latter part thereof, wherein _Ezra_ went up to _Jerusalem_, was in\nthe year of the _Julian Period_ 4257. Count the time from thence to the\ndeath of _Christ_, and you will find it just 490 years. If you count in\n_Judaic_ years commencing in autumn, and date the reckoning from the first\nautumn after _Ezra_'s coming to _Jerusalem_, when he put the King's decree\nin execution; the death of _Christ_ will fall on the year of the _Julian\nPeriod_ 4747, _Anno Domini_ 34; and the weeks will be _Judaic_ weeks,\nending with sabbatical years; and this I take to be the truth: but if you\nhad rather place the death of _Christ_ in the year before, as is commonly\ndone, you may take the year of _Ezra_'s journey into the reckoning.\n\n_Know also and understand, that from the going forth of the commandment to\ncause to return and to build _Jerusalem_, unto the Anointed the Prince,\nshall be seven weeks_. The former part of the Prophecy related to the first\ncoming of _Christ_, being dated to his coming as a Prophet; this being\ndated to his coming to be Prince or King, seems to relate to his second\ncoming. There, the Prophet was consummate, and the most holy anointed:\nhere, he that was anointed comes to be Prince and to reign. For _Daniel_'s\nProphecies reach to the end of the world; and there is scarce a Prophecy in\nthe Old Testament concerning _Christ_, which doth not in something or other\nrelate to his second coming. If divers of the antients, as [8] _Irenaeus_,\n[9] _Julius Africanus_, _Hippolytus_ the martyr, and _Apollinaris_ Bishop\nof _Laodicea_, applied the half week to the times of _Antichrist_; why may\nnot we, by the same liberty of interpretation, apply the seven weeks to the\ntime when _Antichrist_ shall be destroyed by the brightness of _Christ_'s\ncoming?\n\nThe _Israelites_ in the days of the antient Prophets, when the ten Tribes\nwere led into captivity, expected a double return; and that at the first\nthe _Jews_ should build a new Temple inferior to _Solomon_'s, until the\ntime of that age should be fulfilled; and afterwards they should return\nfrom all places of their captivity, and build _Jerusalem_ and the Temple\ngloriously, _Tobit_ xiv. 4, 5, 6: and to express the glory and excellence\nof this city, it is figuratively said to be built of precious stones,\n_Tobit_ xiii. 16, 17, 18. _Isa._ liv. 11, 12. _Rev._ xi. and called the\n_New Jerusalem_, the _Heavenly Jerusalem_, the _Holy City_, the _Lamb's\nWife_, the _City of the Great King_, the _City into which the Kings of the\nearth do bring their glory and honour_. _Now_ while such a return from\ncaptivity was the expectation of _Israel_, even before the times of\n_Daniel_, I know not why _Daniel_ should omit it in his Prophecy. This part\nof the Prophecy being therefore not yet fulfilled, I shall not attempt a\nparticular interpretation of it, but content myself with observing, that as\nthe _seventy_ and the _sixty two weeks_ were _Jewish_ weeks, ending with\nsabbatical years; so the _seven weeks_ are the compass of a _Jubilee_, and\nbegin and end with actions proper for a _Jubilee_, and of the highest\nnature for which a _Jubilee_ can be kept: and that since _the commandment\nto return and to build _Jerusalem__, precedes the _Messiah the Prince_ 49\nyears; it may perhaps come forth not from the _Jews_ themselves, but from\nsome other kingdom friendly to them, and precede their return from\ncaptivity, and give occasion to it; and lastly, that this rebuilding of\n_Jerusalem_ and the waste places of _Judah_ is predicted in _Micah_ vii.\n11. _Amos_ ix. 11, 14. _Ezek._ xxxvi. 33, 35, 36, 38. _Isa._ liv. 3, 11,\n12. lv. 12. lxi. 4. lxv. 18, 21,22. and _Tobit_ xiv. 5. and that the return\nfrom captivity and coming of the _Messiah_ and his kingdom are described in\n_Daniel_ vii. _Rev._ xix. _Acts_ i. _Mat._ xxiv. _Joel_ iii. _Ezek._ xxxvi.\nxxxvii. _Isa._ lx. lxii. lxiii. lxv. and lxvi. and many other places of\nscripture. The manner I know not. Let time be the Interpreter.\n\n_Yet threescore and two weeks shall it return, and the street be built and\nthe wall, but in troublesome times: and after the threescore and two weeks\nthe _Messiah_ shall be cut off, and it shall not be his; but the people of\na Prince to come shall destroy the city and the sanctuary_, &c. Having\nforetold both comings of _Christ_, and dated the last from their returning\nand building _Jerusalem_; to prevent the applying that to the building\n_Jerusalem_ by _Nehemiah_, he distinguishes this from that, by saying that\nfrom this period to the _Anointed_ shall be, not seven weeks, but\nthreescore and two weeks, and this not in prosperous but in troublesome\ntimes; and at the end of these Weeks the _Messiah_ shall not be the Prince\nof the _Jews_, but be cut off; and _Jerusalem_ not be his, but the city and\nsanctuary be destroyed. Now _Nehemiah_ came to _Jerusalem_ in the 20th year\nof this same _Artaxerxes_, while _Ezra_ still continued there, _Nehem._\nxii. 36, and found the city lying waste, and the houses and wall unbuilt,\n_Nehem._ ii. 17. vii. 4, and finished the wall the 25th day of the month\n_Elul_, _Nehem._ vi. 15, in the 28th year of the King, that is, in\n_September_ in the year of the _Julian Period_ 4278. Count now from this\nyear threescore and two weeks of years, that is 434 years, and the\nreckoning will end in _September_ in the year of the _Julian Period_ 4712\nwhich is the year in which _Christ_ was born, according to _Clemens\nAlexandrinus_, _Irenaeus_, _Eusebius_, _Epiphanius_, _Jerome_, _Orosius_,\n_Cassiodorus_, and other antients; and this was the general opinion, till\n_Dionysius Exiguus_ invented the vulgar account, in which _Christ_'s birth\nis placed two years later. If with some you reckon that _Christ_ was born\nthree or four years before the vulgar account, yet his birth will fall in\nthe latter part of the last week, which is enough. How after these weeks\n_Christ_ was cut off and the city and sanctuary destroyed by the _Romans_,\nis well known.\n\n_Yet shall he confirm the covenant with many for one week._ He kept it,\nnotwithstanding his death, till the rejection of the _Jews_, and calling of\n_Cornelius_ and the _Gentiles_ in the seventh year after his passion.\n\n_And in half a week he shall cause the sacrifice and oblation to cease_;\nthat is, by the war of the _Romans_ upon the _Jews_: which war, after some\ncommotions, began in the 13th year of _Nero_, A.D. 67, in the spring, when\n_Vespasian_ with an army invaded them; and ended in the second year of\n_Vespasian_, A.D. 70, in autumn, _Sept._ 7, when _Titus_ took the city,\nhaving burnt the Temple 27 days before: so that it lasted three years and\nan half.\n\n_And upon a wing of abominations he shall cause desolation, even until the\nconsummation, and that which is determined be poured upon the desolate._\nThe Prophets, in representing kingdoms by Beasts and Birds, put their wings\nstretcht out over any country for their armies sent out to invade and rule\nover that country. Hence a wing of abominations is an army of false Gods:\nfor an abomination is often put in scripture for a false God; as where\n_Chemosh_ is called [10] the abomination of _Moab_, and _Molech_ the\nabomination of _Ammon_. The meaning therefore is, that the people of a\nPrince to come shall destroy the sanctuary, and abolish the daily worship\nof the true God, and overspread the land with an army of false gods; and by\nsetting up their dominion and worship, cause desolation to the _Jews_,\nuntil the times of the _Gentiles_ be fulfilled. For _Christ_ tells us, that\nthe abomination of desolation spoken of by _Daniel_ was to be set up in the\ntimes of the _Roman Empire_, _Matth._ xxiv. 15.\n\nThus have we in this short Prophecy, a prediction of all the main periods\nrelating to the coming of the _Messiah_; the time of his birth, that of his\ndeath, that of the rejection of the _Jews_, the duration of the _Jewish_\nwar whereby he caused the city and sanctuary to be destroyed, and the time\nof his second coming: and so the interpretation here given is more full and\ncomplete and adequate to the design, than if we should restrain it to his\nfirst coming only, as Interpreters usually do. We avoid also the doing\nviolence to the language of _Daniel_, by taking the _seven weeks_ and\n_sixty two weeks_ for one number. Had that been _Daniel_'s meaning, he\nwould have said _sixty and nine weeks_, and not _seven weeks_ and _sixty\ntwo weeks_, a way of numbring used by no nation. In our way the years are\n_Jewish Luni-solar years_, [11] as they ought to be; and the _seventy weeks\nof years_ are _Jewish weeks_ ending with _sabbatical years_, which is very\nremarkable. For they end either with the year of the birth of _Christ_, two\nyears before the vulgar account, or with the year of his death, or with the\nseventh year after it: all which are _sabbatical years_. Others either\ncount by Lunar years, or by weeks not _Judaic_: and, which is worst, they\nground their interpretations on erroneous Chronology, excepting the opinion\nof _Funccius_ about the _seventy weeks_, which is the same with ours. For\nthey place _Ezra_ and _Nehemiah_ in the reign of _Artaxerxes Mnemon_, and\nthe building of the Temple in the reign of _Darius Nothus_, and date the\nweeks of _Daniel_ from those two reigns.\n\nThe grounds of the Chronology here followed, I will now set down as briefly\nas I can.\n\nThe _Peloponnesian_ war began in spring _An._ 1 _Olymp._ 87, as _Diodorus_,\n_Eusebius_, and all other authors agree. It began two months before\n_Pythodorus_ ceased to be _Archon_, _Thucyd._ l. 2. that is, in _April_,\ntwo months before the end of the _Olympic_ year. Now the years of this war\nare most certainly determined by the 50 years distance of its first year\nfrom the transit of _Xerxes_ inclusively, _Thucyd._ l. 2. or 48 years\nexclusively, _Eratosth. apud Clem. Alex._ by the 69 years distance of its\nend, or 27th year, from the beginning of _Alexander_'s reign in _Greece_;\nby the acting of the _Olympic_ games in its 4th and 12th years, _Thucyd._\nl. 5; and by three eclipses of the sun, and one of the moon, mentioned by\n_Thucydides_ and _Xenophon_. Now _Thucydides_, an unquestionable witness,\ntells us, that the news of the death of _Artaxerxes Longimanus_ was brought\nto _Ephesus_, and from thence by some _Athenians_ to _Athens_, in the 7th\nyear of this _Peloponnesian_ war, when the winter half year was running;\nand therefore he died _An._ 4 _Olymp._ 88, in the end of _An. J.P._ 4289,\nsuppose a month or two before midwinter; for so long the news would be in\ncoming. Now _Artaxerxes Longimanus_ reigned 40 years, by the consent of\n_Diodorus_, _Eusebius_, _Jerome_, _Sulpitius_; or 41, according to _Ptol.\nin can. Clem. Alexand._ l. 1. _Strom. Chron. Alexandr_. _Abulpharagius_,\n_Nicephorus_, including therein the reign of his successors _Xerxes_ and\n_Sogdian_, as _Abulpharagius_ informs us. After _Artaxerxes_ reigned his\nson _Xerxes_ two months, and _Sogdian_ seven months; but their reign is not\nreckoned apart in summing up the years of the Kings, but is included in the\n40 or 41 years reign of _Artaxerxes_: omit these nine months, and the\nprecise reign of _Artaxerxes_ will be thirty nine years and three months.\nAnd therefore since his reign ended in the beginning of winter _An. J.P._\n4289, it began between midsummer and autumn, _An. J.P._ 4250.\n\nThe same thing I gather also thus. _Cambyses_ began his reign in spring\n_An. J.P._ 4185, and reigned eight years, including the five months of\n_Smerdes_; and then _Darius Hystaspis_ began in spring _An. J.P._ 4193, and\nreigned thirty six years, by the unanimous consent of all Chronologers. The\nreigns of these two Kings are determined by three eclipses of the moon\nobserved at _Babylon_, and recorded by _Ptolemy_; so that it cannot be\ndisputed. One was in the seventh year of _Cambyses_, _An. J.P._ 4191,\n_Jul._ 16, at 11 at night; another in the 20th year of _Darius_, _An. J.P._\n4212, _Nov._ 19, at 11h. 45' at night; a third in the 31st year of\n_Darius_, _An. J.P._ 4223, _Apr._ 25, at 11h. 30 at night. By these\neclipses, and the Prophecies of _Haggai_ and _Zechary_ compared together,\nit is manifest that his years began after the 24th day of the 11th _Jewish_\nmonth, and before the 25th day of _April_, and by consequence about\n_March_. _Xerxes_ therefore began in spring _An. J.P._ 4229: for _Darius_\ndied in the fifth year after the battle at _Marathon_, as _Herodotus_,\n_lib._ 7, and _Plutarch_ mention; and that battle was in _October_ _An.\nJ.P._ 4224, ten years before the battle at _Salamis_. _Xerxes_ therefore\nbegan within less than a year after _October_ _An. J.P._ 4228, suppose in\nthe spring following: for he spent his first five years, and something\nmore, in preparations for his expedition against the _Greeks_; and this\nexpedition was in the time of the _Olympic_ games, _An._ 1 _Olymp._ 75,\n_Calliade Athenis Archonte_, 28 years after the _Regifuge_, and Consulship\nof the first Consul _Junius Brutus_, _Anno Urbis conditae_ 273, _Fabio &\nFurio Coss._ The passage of _Xerxes_'s army over the _Hellespont_ began in\nthe end of the fourth year of the 74th _Olympiad_, that is, in _June_ _An.\nJ.P._ 4234, and took up one month: and in autumn, three months after, on\nthe full moon, the 16th day of the month _Munychion_, was the battle at\n_Salamis_, and a little after that an eclipse of the sun, which by the\ncalculation fell on _Octob._ 2. His sixth year therefore began a little\nbefore _June_, suppose in spring _An. J.P._ 4234, and his first year\nconsequently in spring _An. J.P._ 4229, as above. Now he reigned almost\ntwenty one years, by the consent of all writers. Add the 7 months of\n_Artabanus_, and the sum will be 21 years and about four or five months,\nwhich end between midsummer and autumn _An. J.P._ 4250. At this time\ntherefore began the reign of his successor _Artaxerxes_, as was to be\nproved.\n\nThe same thing is also confirmed by _Julius Africanus_, who informs us out\nof former writers, that the 20th year of this _Artaxerxes_ was the 115th\nyear from the beginning of the reign of _Cyrus_ in _Persia,_ and fell in\nwith _An._ 4 _Olymp._ 83. It began therefore with the _Olympic_ year, soon\nafter the summer Solstice, _An. J.P._ 4269. Subduct nineteen years, and his\nfirst year will begin at the same time of the year _An. J.P._ 4250, as\nabove.\n\nHis 7th year therefore began after midsummer _An. J.P._ 4256; and the\nJourney of _Ezra_ to _Jerusalem_ in the spring following fell on the\nbeginning of _An. J.P._ 4257, as above.\n\nNotes to Chap. X.\n\n[1] Chap. ix. 24, 25, 26, 27.\n\n[2] _Cut upon_. A phrase in _Hebrew_, taken from the practise of numbring\nby cutting notches.\n\n[3] Heb. _to seal_, i.e. to finish or consummate: a metaphor taken from\nsealing what is finished. So the _Jews_ compute, _ad obsignatum Misna, ad\nobsignatum Talmud_, that is, _ad absolutum_.\n\n[4] Heb. _the Prophet_, not the Prophecy.\n\n[5] Heb. _the Messiah_, that is, in _Greek_, _the Christ_; in _English_,\n_the Anointed_. I use the _English_ word, that the relation of this clause\nto the former may appear.\n\n[6] _Jerusalem_.\n\n[7] See _Isa._ xxiii. 13.\n\n[8] Iren. l. 5. Haer. c. 25.\n\n[9] Apud Hieron. in h. l.\n\n[10] 1 Kings xi. 7.\n\n[11] The antient solar years of the eastern nations consisted of 12 months,\nand every month of 30 days: and hence came the division of a circle into\n360 degrees. This year seems to be used by _Moses_ in his history of the\nFlood, and by _John_ in the _Apocalypse_, where a time, times and half a\ntime, 42 months and 1260 days, are put equipollent. But in reckoning by\nmany of these years together, an account is to be kept of the odd days\nwhich were added to the end of these years. For the _Egyptians_ added five\ndays to the end of this year; and so did the _Chaldeans_ long before the\ntimes of _Daniel_, as appears by the _AEra_, of _Nabonassar_: and the\n_Persian_ Magi used the same year of 365 days, till the Empire of the\n_Arabians_. The antient _Greeks_ also used the same solar year of 12 equal\nmonths, or 360 days; but every other year added an intercalary month,\nconsisting of 10 and 11 days alternately.\n\nThe year of the _Jews_, even from their coming out of _Egypt_, was\nLuni-solar. It was solar, for the harvest always followed the Passover, and\nthe fruits of the land were always gathered before the feast of\nTabernacles, _Levit._ xxiii. But the months were lunar, for the people were\ncommanded by _Moses_ in the beginning of every month to blow with trumpets,\nand offer burnt offerings with their drink offerings, _Num._ x. 10. xxviii.\n11, 14. and this solemnity was kept on the new moons, _Psal._ lxxxi. 3,4,5.\n1 _Chron._ xxiii. 31. These months were called by _Moses_ the first,\nsecond, third, fourth month, _&c._ and the first month was also called\n_Abib_, the second _Zif_, the seventh _Ethanim_, the eighth _Bull_, _Exod._\nxiii. 4. 1 _Kings_ vi. 37, 38. viii. 2. But in the _Babylonian_ captivity\nthe _Jews_ used the names of the _Chaldean_ months, and by those names\nunderstood the months of their own year; so that the _Jewish_ months then\nlost their old names, and are now called by those of the _Chaldeans_.\n\nThe _Jews_ began their civil year from the autumnal Equinox, and their\nsacred year from the vernal: and the first day of the first month was on\nthe visible new moon, which was nearest the Equinox.\n\nWhether _Daniel_ used the _Chaldaick_ or _Jewish_ year, is not very\nmaterial; the difference being but six hours in a year, and 4 months in 480\nyears. But I take his months to be _Jewish_: first, because _Daniel_ was a\n_Jew_, and the _Jews_ even by the names of the _Chaldean_ months understood\nthe months of their own year: secondly, because this Prophecy is grounded\non _Jeremiah_'s concerning the 70 years captivity, and therefore must be\nunderstood of the same sort of years with the seventy; and those are\n_Jewish_, since that Prophecy was given in _Judea_ before the captivity:\nand lastly, because _Daniel_ reckons by weeks of years, which is a way of\nreckoning peculiar to the _Jewish_ years. For as their days ran by sevens,\nand the last day of every seven was a sabbath; so their years ran by\nsevens, and the last year of every seven was a sabbatical year, and seven\nsuch weeks of years made a _Jubilee_.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nCHAP. XI.\n\n_Of the Times of the Birth and Passion of _Christ__.\n\nThe times of the Birth and Passion of _Christ_, with such like niceties,\nbeing not material to religion, were little regarded by the _Christians_ of\nthe first age. They who began first to celebrate them, placed them in the\ncardinal periods of the year; as the annunciation of the Virgin _Mary_, on\nthe 25th of _March_, which when _Julius Caesar_ corrected the Calendar was\nthe vernal Equinox; the feast of _John_ Baptist on the 24th of _June_,\nwhich was the summer Solstice; the feast of St. _Michael_ on _Sept._ 29,\nwhich was the autumnal Equinox; and the birth of _Christ_ on the winter\nSolstice, _Decemb._ 25, with the feasts of St. _Stephen_, St. _John_ and\nthe _Innocents_, as near it as they could place them. And because the\nSolstice in time removed from the 25th of _December_ to the 24th, the 23d,\nthe 22d, and so on backwards, hence some in the following centuries placed\nthe birth of _Christ_ on _Decemb._ 23, and at length on _Decemb._ 20: and\nfor the same reason they seem to have set the feast of St. _Thomas_ on\n_Decemb._ 21, and that of St. _Matthew_ on _Sept._ 21. So also at the\nentrance of the Sun into all the signs in the _Julian_ Calendar, they\nplaced the days of other Saints; as the conversion of _Paul_ on _Jan._ 25,\nwhen the Sun entred [Aquarius]; St. _Matthias_ on _Feb._ 25, when he entred\n[Pisces]; St. _Mark_ on _Apr._ 25, when he entred [Taurus]; _Corpus\nChristi_ on _May_ 26, when he entred [Gemini]; St. _James_ on _July_ 25,\nwhen he entred [Cancer]; St. _Bartholomew_ on _Aug._ 24, when he entred\n[Virgo]; _Simon_ and _Jude_ on _Octob._ 28, when he entred [Scorpio]: and\nif there were any other remarkable days in the _Julian_ Calendar, they\nplaced the Saints upon them, as St. _Barnabas_ on _June_ 11, where _Ovid_\nseems to place the feast of _Vesta_ and _Fortuna_, and the goddess\n_Matuta_; and St. _Philip_ and _James_ on the first of _May_, a day\ndedicated both to the _Bona Dea_, or _Magna Mater_, and to the goddess\n_Flora_, and still celebrated with her rites. All which shews that these\ndays were fixed in the first _Christian_ Calendars by Mathematicians at\npleasure, without any ground in tradition; and that the _Christians_\nafterwards took up with what they found in the Calendars.\n\nNeither was there any certain tradition about the years of _Christ_. For\nthe _Christians_ who first began to enquire into these things, as _Clemens\nAlexandrinus_, _Origen_, _Tertullian_, _Julius Africanus_, _Lactantius_,\n_Jerome_, St. _Austin_, _Sulpicius Severus_, _Prosper_, and as many as\nplace the death of _Christ_ in the 15th or 16th year of _Tiberius_, make\n_Christ_ to have preached but one year, or at most but two. At length\n_Eusebius_ discovered four successive Passovers in the Gospel of _John_,\nand thereupon set on foot an opinion that he preacht three years and an\nhalf; and so died in the 19th year of _Tiberius_. Others afterwards,\nfinding the opinion that he died in the Equinox _Mar._ 25, more consonant\nto the times of the _Jewish_ Passover, in the 17th and 20th years, have\nplaced his death in one of those two years. Neither is there any greater\ncertainty in the opinions about the time of his birth. The first\n_Christians_ placed his baptism near the beginning of the 15th year of\n_Tiberius_; and thence reckoning thirty years backwards, placed his birth\nin the 43d _Julian_ year, the 42d of _Augustus_ and 28th of the _Actiac_\nvictory. This was the opinion which obtained in the first ages, till\n_Dionysius Exiguus_, placing the baptism of _Christ_ in the 16th year of\n_Tiberius_, and misinterpreting the text of _Luke_, iii. 23. as if _Jesus_\nwas only beginning to be 30 years old when he was baptized, invented the\nvulgar account, in which his birth is placed two years later than before.\nAs therefore relating to these things there is no tradition worth\nconsidering; let us lay aside all and examine what prejudices can be\ngathered from records of good account.\n\nThe fifteenth year of _Tiberius_ began _Aug._ 28, _An. J.P._ 4727. So soon\nas the winter was over, and the weather became warm enough, we may reckon\nthat _John_ began to baptize; and that before next winter his fame went\nabroad, and all the people came to his baptism, and _Jesus_ among the rest.\nWhence the first Passover after his baptism mentioned _John_ ii. 13. was in\nthe 16th year of _Tiberius_. After this feast _Jesus_ came into the land of\n_Judea_, and staid there baptizing, whilst _John_ was baptizing in _AEnon_,\n_John_ iii. 22, 23. But when he heard that _John_ was cast into prison, he\ndeparted into _Galilee_, _Mat._ iii. 12. being afraid, because the\nPharisees had heard that he baptized more disciples than _John_, _John_ iv.\n1. and in his journey he passed thro' _Samaria_ four months before the\nharvest, _John_ iv. 35. that is, about the time of the winter Solstice. For\ntheir harvest was between _Easter_ and _Whitsunday_, and began about a\nmonth after the vernal Equinox. _Say not ye_, saith he, _there are yet four\nmonths, and then cometh harvest? Behold I say unto you, lift up your eyes,\nand look on the fields, for they are white already to harvest_; meaning,\nthat the people in the fields were ready for the Gospel, as his next words\nshew[1]. _John_ therefore was imprisoned about _November_, in the 17th year\nof _Tiberius_; and _Christ_ thereupon went from _Judea_ to _Cana_ of\n_Galilee_ in _December_, and was received there of the _Galileans_, who had\nseen all he did at _Jerusalem_ at the Passover: and when a Nobleman of\n_Capernaum_ heard he was returned into _Galilee_, and went to him and\ndesired him to come and cure his son, he went not thither yet, but only\nsaid, _Go thy way, thy son liveth; and the Nobleman returned and found it\nso, and believed, he and his house_, John iv. This is the beginning of his\nmiracles in _Galilee_; and thus far _John_ is full and distinct in relating\nthe actions of his first year, omitted by the other Evangelists. The rest\nof his history is from this time related more fully by the other\nEvangelists than by _John_; for what they relate he omits.\n\nFrom this time therefore _Jesus_ taught in the Synagogues of _Galilee_ on\nthe sabbath-days, being glorified of all: and coming to his own city\n_Nazareth_, and preaching in their Synagogue, they were offended, and\nthrust him out of the city, and led him to the brow of the hill on which\nthe city was built to cast him headlong; but he passing thro' the midst of\nthem, went his way, and came and dwelt at _Capernaum_, _Luke_ iv. And by\nthis time we may reckon the second Passover was either past or at hand.\n\nAll this time _Matthew_ passeth over in few words, and here begins to\nrelate the preaching and miracles of _Christ_. _When _Jesus__, saith he,\n_had heard that _John_ was cast into prison, he departed into _Galilee_;\nand leaving _Nazareth_, he came and dwelt at _Capernaum_, and from that\ntime began to preach and say, Repent, for the kingdom of heaven is at\nhand_, Matth. iv. 12. Afterwards he called his disciples _Peter_, _Andrew_,\n_James_ and _John_; and then _went about all_ Galilee, _teaching in the\nSynagogues,--and healing all manner of sickness:--and his fame went\nthro'out all _Syria_; and they brought unto him all sick people,--and there\nfollowed him great multitudes of people from _Galilee_, and from\n_Decapolis_, and from _Jerusalem_, and from _Judea_, and from beyond\n_Jordan__, Matth, iv. 18, 25. All this was done before the sermon in the\nmount: and therefore we may certainly reckon that the second Passover was\npast before the preaching of that sermon. The multitudes that followed him\nfrom _Jerusalem_ and _Judea_, shew that he had lately been there at the\nfeast. The sermon in the mount was made when great multitudes came to him\nfrom all places, and followed him in the open fields; which is an argument\nof the summer-season: and in this sermon he pointed at the lilies of the\nfield then in the flower before the eyes of his auditors. _Consider_, saith\nhe, _the lilies of the field, how they grow; they toil not, neither do they\nspin; and yet _Solomon_ in all his glory was not arayed like one of these.\nWherefore if God so clothe the grass of the field, which to day is and to\nmorrow is cast into the oven_, &c. _Matth._ vi. 28. So therefore the grass\nof the field was now in the flower, and by consequence the month of _March_\nwith the Passover was past.\n\nLet us see therefore how the rest of the feasts follow in order in\n_Matthew_'s Gospel: for he was an eye-witness of what he relates, and so\ntells all things in due order of time, which _Mark_ and _Luke_ do not.\n\nSome time after the sermon in the mount, when the time came that he should\nbe received, that is, when the time of a feast came that he should be\nreceived by the _Jews_, he set his face to go to _Jerusalem_: and as he\nwent with his disciples in the way, when the _Samaritans_ in his passage\nthro' _Samaria_ had denied him lodgings, and a certain Scribe said unto\nhim, _Master, I will follow thee whithersoever thou goest_, Jesus _said\nunto him, The foxes have holes, and the birds of the air have nests, but\nthe Son of man hath not where to lay his head_, Matth. viii. 19. Luke ix.\n51, 57. The Scribe told _Christ_ he would bear him company in his journey,\nand _Christ_ replied that he wanted a lodging. Now this feast I take to be\nthe feast of Tabernacles, because soon after I find _Christ_ and his\nApostles on the sea of _Tiberias_ in a storm so great, that the ship was\ncovered with water and in danger of sinking, till _Christ rebuked the winds\nand the sea_, Matth. viii. 23. For this storm shews that winter was now\ncome on.\n\nAfter this _Christ_ did many miracles, and _went about all the cities and\nvillages of _Galilee_, teaching in their Synagogues, and preaching the\ngospel of the kingdom, and healing every sickness, and every disease among\nthe people_, Matth. ix. he then sent forth the twelve to do the like,\n_Matth._ x. and at length when he had received a message from _John_, and\nanswered it, he said to the multitudes, _From the days of _John_ the\nBaptist until now the kingdom of heaven suffereth violence_; and upbraided\nthe cities, _Chorazin_, _Bethsaida_, and _Capernaum_, wherein most of his\nmighty works were done, because they repented not, _Matth._ xi. Which\nseveral passages shew, that from the imprisonment of _John_ till now there\nhad been a considerable length of time: the winter was now past, and the\nnext Passover was at hand; for immediately after this, _Matthew_, in chap.\nxii. subjoins, that _Jesus went on the sabbath-day thro' the corn, and his\ndisciples were an hungred, and began to pluck the ears of corn and to\neat,--rubbing them_, saith _Luke_, _in their hands_: the corn therefore was\nnot only in the ear, but ripe; and consequently the Passover, in which the\nfirst-fruits were always offered before the harvest, was now come or past.\n_Luke_ calls this sabbath [Greek: deuteroproton], the second prime sabbath,\nthat is, the second of the two great feasts of the Passover. As we call\n_Easter_ day high _Easter_, and its _octave_ low _Easter_ or _Lowsunday_:\nso _Luke_ calls the feast on the seventh day of the unlevened bread, the\nsecond of the two prime sabbaths.\n\nIn one of the sabbaths following he went into a Synagogue, and healed a man\nwith a withered hand, _Matth._ xii. 9. _Luke_ vi. 6. And when the Pharisees\ntook counsel to destroy him, _he withdrew himself from thence, and great\nmultitudes followed him; and he healed them all, and charged them that they\nshould not make him known_, Matth. xii. 14. Afterwards being in a ship, and\nthe multitude standing on the shore, he spake to them three parables\ntogether, taken from the seeds-men sowing the fields, _Matth._ xiii. by\nwhich we may know that it was now seed-time, and by consequence that the\nfeast of Tabernacles was past. After this he went _into his own country,\nand taught them in their Synagogue_, but _did not many mighty works there\nbecause of their unbelief_. Then the twelve having been abroad a year,\nreturned, and told _Jesus_ all that they had done: and at the same time\n_Herod_ beheaded _John_ in prison, and his disciples came and told _Jesus_;\nand when _Jesus_ heard it, he took the twelve and departed thence privately\nby ship into a desert place belonging to _Bethsaida_: and the people when\nthey knew it, followed him on foot out of the cities, the winter being now\npast; and he healed their sick, and in the desert fed them to the number of\nfive thousand men, besides women and children, with only five loaves and\ntwo fishes, _Matth._ xiv. _Luke_ ix. at the doing of which miracle the\nPassover of the _Jews_ was nigh, _John_ vi. 4. But _Jesus_ went not up to\nthis feast; but _after these things walked in _Galilee_, because the\n_Jews__ at the Passover before had taken counsel to destroy him, and still\n_sought to kill him_, John vii. i. Henceforward therefore he is found first\nin the coast of _Tyre_ and _Sidon_, then by the sea of _Galilee_,\nafterwards in the coast of _Caesarea Philippi_; and lastly at _Capernaum_,\n_Matth._ xv. 21, 29. xvi. 13. xvii. 34.\n\nAfterwards when the feast of Tabernacles was at hand, his brethren\nupbraided him for walking secretly, and urged him to go up to the feast.\nBut he went not till they were gone, and then went up privately, _John_\nvii. 2. and when the _Jews_ sought to stone him, he escaped, _John_ viii.\n59. After this he was at the feast of the Dedication in winter, _John_ x.\n22. and when they sought again to take him, he fled beyond _Jordan_, _John_\nx. 39, 40. _Matth_. xix. 1. where he stayed till the death of _Lazarus_,\nand then came to _Bethany_ near _Jerusalem_, and raised him, _John_ xi. 7,\n18. whereupon the _Jews_ took counsel from that time to kill him: and\n_therefore_ he _walked no more openly among the _Jews_, but went thence\ninto a country near to the wilderness, into a city called _Ephraim_; and\nthere continued with his disciples_ till the last Passover, in which the\n_Jews_ put him to death, _John_ xi. 53, 54.\n\nThus have we, in the Gospels of _Matthew_ and _John_ compared together, the\nhistory of _Christ_'s actions in continual order during five Passovers.\n_John_ is more distinct in the beginning and end; _Matthew_ in the middle:\nwhat either omits, the other supplies. The first Passover was between the\nbaptism of _Christ_ and the imprisonment of _John, John_ ii. 13. the second\nwithin four months after the imprisonment of _John_, and _Christ_'s\nbeginning to preach in _Galilee_, _John_ iv. 35. and therefore it was\neither that feast to which _Jesus_ went up, when the Scribe desired to\nfollow him, _Matth._ viii. 19. _Luke_ ix. 51, 57. or the feast before it.\nThe third was the next feast after it, when the corn was eared and ripe,\n_Matth_, xii. 1. _Luke_ vi. 1. The fourth was that which was nigh at hand\nwhen _Christ_ wrought the miracle of the five loaves, _Matth_. xiv. 15.\n_John_ vi. 4, 5. and the fifth was that in which _Christ_ suffered,\n_Matth._ xx. 17. _John_ xii. 1.\n\nBetween the first and second Passover _John_ and _Christ_ baptized\ntogether, till the imprisonment of _John_, which was four months before the\nsecond. Then _Christ_ began to preach, and call his disciples; and after he\nhad instructed them a year, lent them to preach in the cities of the\n_Jews_: at the same time _John_ hearing of the fame of _Christ_, sent to\nhim to know who he was. At the third, the chief Priests began to consult\nabout the death of _Christ_. A little before the fourth, the twelve after\nthey had preached a year in all the cities, returned to _Christ_; and at\nthe same time _Herod_ beheaded _John_ in prison, after he had been in\nprison two years and a quarter: and thereupon _Christ_ fled into the desart\nfor fear of _Herod_. The fourth _Christ_ went not up to _Jerusalem_ for\nfear of the _Jews_, who at the Passover before had consulted his death, and\nbecause his time was not yet come. Thenceforward therefore till the feast\nof Tabernacles he walked in _Galilee_, and that secretly for fear of\n_Herod_: and after the feast of Tabernacles he returned no more into\n_Galilee_, but sometimes was at _Jerusalem_, and sometimes retired beyond\n_Jordan_, or to the city _Ephraim_ by the wilderness, till the Passover in\nwhich he was betrayed, apprehended, and crucified.\n\n_John_ therefore baptized two summers, and _Christ_ preached three. The\nfirst summer _John_ preached to make himself known, in order to give\ntestimony to _Christ_. Then, after _Christ_ came to his baptism and was\nmade known to him, he baptized another summer, to make _Christ_ known by\nhis testimony; and _Christ_ also baptized the same summer, to make himself\nthe more known: and by reason of _John_'s testimony there came more to\n_Christ_'s baptism than to _John_'s. The winter following _John_ was\nimprisoned; and now his course being at an end, _Christ_ entered upon his\nproper office of preaching in the cities. In the beginning of his preaching\nhe completed the number of the twelve Apostles, and instructed them all the\nfirst year in order to send them abroad. Before the end of this year, his\nfame by his preaching and miracles was so far spread abroad, that the\n_Jews_ at the Passover following consulted how to kill him. In the second\nyear of his preaching, it being no longer safe for him to converse openly\nin _Judea_, he sent the twelve to preach in all their cities: and in the\nend of the year they returned to him, and told him all they had done. All\nthe last year the twelve continued with him to be instructed more\nperfectly, in order to their preaching to all nations after his death. And\nupon the news of _John_'s death, being afraid of _Herod_ as well as of the\n_Jews_, he walked this year more secretly than before; frequenting desarts,\nand spending the last half of the year in _Judea_, without the dominions of\n_Herod_.\n\nThus have we in the Gospels of _Matthew_ and _John_ all things told in due\norder, from the beginning of _John_'s preaching to the death of _Christ_,\nand the years distinguished from one another by such essential characters\nthat they cannot be mistaken. The second Passover is distinguished from the\nfirst, by the interposition of _John_'s imprisonment. The third is\ndistinguished from the second, by a double character: first, by the\ninterposition of the feast to which _Christ_ went up, _Mat._ viii. 19.\n_Luke_ ix. 57. and secondly, by the distance of time from the beginning of\n_Christ_'s preaching: for the second was in the beginning of his preaching,\nand the third so long after, that before it came _Christ_ said, _from the\ndays of _John_ the Baptist until now_, &c. and upbraided the cities of\n_Galilee_ for their not repenting at his preaching, and mighty works done\nin all that time. The fourth is distinguished from the third, by the\nmission of the twelve from _Christ_ to preach in the cities of _Judea_ in\nall the interval. The fifth is distinguished from all the former by the\ntwelve's being returned from preaching, and continuing with _Christ_ during\nall the interval, between the fourth and fifth, and by the passion and\nother infallible characters.\n\nNow since the first summer of _John_'s baptizing fell in the fifteenth year\nof the Emperor _Tiberius_, and by consequence the first of these five\nPassovers in his sixteenth year; the last of them, in which _Jesus_\nsuffered, will fall on the twentieth year of the same Emperor; and by\nconsequence in the Consulship of _Fabius_ and _Vitellius_, in the 79th\n_Julian_ year, and year of _Christ_ 34, which was the sabbatical year of\nthe _Jews_. And that it did so, I further confirm by these arguments.\n\nI take it for granted that the passion was on friday the 14th day of the\nmonth _Nisan_, the great feast of the Passover on saturday the 15th day of\n_Nisan_, and the resurrection on the day following. Now the 14th day of\n_Nisan_ always fell on the full moon next after the vernal Equinox; and the\nmonth began at the new moon before, not at the true conjunction, but at the\nfirst appearance of the new moon: for the _Jews_ referred all the time of\nthe silent moon, as they phrased it, that is, of the moon's disappearing,\nto the old moon; and because the first appearance might usually be about 18\nhours after the true conjunction, they therefore began their month from the\nsixth hour at evening, that is, at sun set, next after the eighteenth hour\nfrom the conjunction. And this rule they called [Hebrew: YH] _Jah_,\ndesigning by the letters [Hebrew: Y] and [Hebrew: H] the number 18.\n\nI know that _Epiphanius_ tells us, if some interpret his words rightly,\nthat the _Jews_ used a vicious cycle, and thereby anticipated the legal new\nmoons by two days. But this surely he spake not as a witness, for he\nneither understood _Astronomy_ nor _Rabbinical_ learning, but as arguing\nfrom his erroneous hypothesis about the time of the passion. For the _Jews_\ndid not anticipate, but postpone their months: they thought it lawful to\nbegin their months a day later than the first appearance of the new moon,\nbecause the new moon continued for more days than one; but not a day\nsooner, lest they should celebrate the new moon before there was any. And\nthe _Jews_ still keep a tradition in their books, that the _Sanhedrim_ used\ndiligently to define the new moons by sight: sending witnesses into\nmountainous places, and examining them about the moon's appearing, and\ntranslating the new moon from the day they had agreed on to the day before,\nas often as witnesses came from distant regions, who had seen it a day\nsooner than it was seen at _Jerusalem_. Accordingly _Josephus_, one of the\n_Jewish_ Priests who ministred in the temple, tells us [2] that the\nPassover was kept _on the 14th day of_ Nisan, [Greek: kata selenen]\n_according to the moon, when the sun was in _Aries__. This is confirmed\nalso by two instances, recorded by him, which totally overthrow the\nhypothesis of the _Jews_ using a vicious cycle. For that year in which\n_Jerusalem_ was taken and destroyed, he saith, the Passover was on the 14th\nday of the month _Xanticus_, which according to _Josephus_ is our _April_;\nand that five years before, it fell on the 8th day of the same month. Which\ntwo instances agree with the course of the moon.\n\nComputing therefore the new moons of the first month according to the\ncourse of the moon and the rule _Jah_, and thence counting 14 days, I find\nthat the 14th day of this month in the year of _Christ_ 31, fell on tuesday\n_March_ 27; in the year 32, on sunday _Apr._ 13; in the year 33, on friday\n_Apr._ 3; in the year 34, on wednesday _March_ 24, or rather, for avoiding\nthe Equinox which fell on the same day, and for having a fitter time for\nharvest, on thursday _Apr._ 22. also in the year 35, on tuesday _Apr._ 12.\nand in the year 36, on saturday _March_ 31.\n\nBut because the 15th and 21st days of _Nisan_, and a day or two of\n_Pentecost_, and the 10th, 15th, and 22d of _Tisri_, were always sabbatical\ndays or days of rest, and it was inconvenient on two sabbaths together to\nbe prohibited burying their dead and making ready fresh meat, for in that\nhot region their meat would be apt in two days to corrupt: to avoid these\nand such like inconveniences, the _Jews_ postponed their months a day, as\noften as the first day of the month _Tisri_, or, which is all one, the\nthird of the month _Nisan_, was sunday, wednesday or friday: and this rule\nthey called [Hebrew: 'DW] _Adu_, by the letters [Hebrew: W , D , ']\nsignifying the numbers 1, 4, 6; that is, the 1st, 4th, and 6th days of the\nweek; which days we call sunday, wednesday and friday. Postponing therefore\nby this rule the months found above; the 14th day of the month _Nisan_ will\nfall in the year of _Christ_ 31, on wednesday _March_ 28; in the year 32,\non monday _Apr._ 14; in the year 33, on friday _Apr._ 3; in the year 34, on\nfriday _Apr._ 23; in the year 35, on wednesday _Apr._ 13, and in the year\n36, on saturday _March_ 31.\n\nBy this computation therefore the year 32 is absolutely excluded, because\nthe Passion cannot fall on friday without making it five days after the\nfull moon, or two days before it; whereas it ought to be upon the day of\nthe full moon, or the next day. For the same reason the years 31 and 35 are\nexcluded, because in them the Passion cannot fall on friday, without making\nit three days after the full moon, or four days before it: errors so\nenormous, that they would be very conspicuous in the heavens to every\nvulgar eye. The year 36 is contended for by few or none, and both this and\nthe year 35 may be thus excluded.\n\n_Tiberius_ in the beginning of his reign made _Valerius Gratus_ President\nof _Judea_; and after 11 years, substituted _Pontius Pilate_, who governed\n10 years. Then _Vitellius_, newly made President of _Syria_, deprived him\nof his honour, substituting _Marcellus_, and at length sent him to _Rome_:\nbut, by reason of delays, _Tiberius_ died before _Pilate_ got thither. In\nthe mean time _Vitellius_, after he had deposed _Pilate_, came to\n_Jerusalem_ in the time of the Passover, to visit that Province as well as\nothers in the beginning of his office; and in the place of _Caiaphas_, then\nHigh Priest, created _Jonathas_ the son of _Ananus_, or _Annas_ as he is\ncalled in scripture. Afterwards, when _Vitellius_ was returned to\n_Antioch_, he received letters from _Tiberius_, to make peace with\n_Artabanus_ king of the _Parthians_. At the same time the _Alans_, by the\nsollicitation of _Tiberius_, invaded the kingdom of _Artabanus_; and his\nsubjects also, by the procurement of _Vitellius_, soon after rebelled: for\n_Tiberius_ thought that _Artabanus_, thus pressed with difficulties, would\nmore readily accept the conditions of peace. _Artabanus_ therefore\nstraightway gathering a greater army, opprest the rebels; and then meeting\n_Vitellius_ at _Euphrates_, made a league with the _Romans_. After this\n_Tiberius_ commanded _Vitellius_ to make war upon _Aretas_ King of\n_Arabia_. He therefore leading his army against _Aretas_, went together\nwith _Herod_ to _Jerusalem_, to sacrifice at the publick feast which was\nthen to be celebrated. Where being received honourably, he stayed three\ndays, and in the mean while translated the high Priesthood from _Jonathas_\nto his brother _Theophilus_: and the fourth day, receiving letters of the\ndeath of _Tiberius_, made the people swear allegiance to _Caius_ the new\nEmperor; and recalling his army, sent them into quarters. All this is\nrelated by _Josephus_ _Antiq._ _lib._ 18. _c._ 6, 7. Now _Tiberius_ reigned\n22 years and 7 months, and died _March_ 16, in the beginning of the year of\n_Christ_ 37; and the feast of the Passover fell on _April_ 20 following,\nthat is, 35 days after the death of _Tiberius_: so that there were about 36\nor 38 days, for the news of his death to come from _Rome_ to _Vitellius_ at\n_Jerusalem_; which being a convenient time for that message, confirms that\nthe feast which _Vitellius_ and _Herod_ now went up to was the Passover.\nFor had it been the Pentecost, as is usually supposed, _Vitellius_ would\nhave continued three months ignorant of the Emperor's death: which is not\nto be supposed. However, the things done between this feast and the\nPassover which _Vitellius_ was at before, namely, the stirring up a\nsedition in _Parthia_, the quieting that sedition, the making a league\nafter that with the _Parthians_, the sending news of that league to _Rome_,\nthe receiving new orders from thence to go against the _Arabians_, and the\nputting those orders in execution; required much more time than the fifty\ndays between the Passover and Pentecost of the same year: and therefore the\nPassover which _Vitellius_ first went up to, was in the year before.\nTherefore _Pilate_ was deposed before the Passover A.C. 36, and by\nconsequence the passion of _Christ_ was before that Passover: for he\nsuffered not under _Vitellius_, nor under _Vitellius_ and _Pilate_\ntogether, but under _Pilate_ alone.\n\nNow it is observable that the high Priesthood was at this time become an\nannual office, and the Passover was the time of making a new high Priest.\nFor _Gratus_ the predecessor of _Pilate_, saith _Josephus_, made _Ismael_\nhigh Priest after _Ananus_; and a while after, suppose a year, deposed him,\nand substituted _Eleazar_, and a year after _Simon_, and after another year\n_Caiaphas_; and then gave way to _Pilate_. So _Vitellius_ at one Passover\nmade _Jonathas_ successor to _Caiaphas_, and at the next _Theophilus_ to\n_Jonathas_. Hence _Luke_ tells us, that in the 15th year of _Tiberius_,\n_Annas_ and _Caiaphas_ were high Priests, that is, _Annas_ till the\nPassover, and _Caiaphas_ afterwards. Accordingly _John_ speaks of the high\nPriesthood as an annual office: for he tells us again and again, in the\nlast year of _Christ_'s preaching, that _Caiaphas_ was high Priest for that\nyear, _John_ xi. 49, 51. xviii. 13. And the next year _Luke_ tells you,\nthat _Annas_ was high Priest, _Acts_ iv. 6. _Theophilus_ was therefore made\nhigh Priest in the first year of _Caius_, _Jonathas_ in the 22d year of\n_Tiberius_, and _Caiaphas_ in the 21st year of the same Emperor: and\ntherefore, allotting a year to each, the Passion, when _Annas_ succeeded\n_Caiaphas_, could not be later than the 20th year of _Tiberius_, A.C. 34.\n\nThus there remain only the years 33 and 34 to be considered; and the year\n33 I exclude by this argument. In the Passover two years before the\nPassion, when _Christ_ went thro' the corn, and his disciples pluckt the\nears, and rubbed them with their hands to eat; this ripeness of the corn\nshews that the Passover then fell late: and so did the Passover A.C. 32,\n_April 14_, but the Passover A.C. 31, _March 28th_, fell very early. It was\nnot therefore two years after the year 31, but two years after 32 that\n_Christ_ suffered.\n\nThus all the characters of the Passion agree to the year 34; and that is\nthe only year to which they all agree.\n\nNotes to Chap. XI.\n\n[1] I observe, that _Christ_ and his forerunner _John_ in their parabolical\ndiscourses were wont to allude to things present. The old Prophets, when\nthey would describe things emphatically, did not only draw parables from\nthings which offered themselves, as from the rent of a garment, 1 _Sam._\nxv. from the sabbatic year, _Isa._ xxxvii. from the vessels of a Potter,\n_Jer._ xviii, &c. but also when such fit objects were wanting, they\nsupplied them by their own actions, as by rending a garment, 1 _Kings_ xi.\nby shooting, 2 _Kings_ xiii. by making bare their body, _Isa._ xx. by\nimposing significant names to their sons, _Isa._ viii. _Hos._ i. by hiding\na girdle in the bank of _Euphrates_, _Jer._ xiii. by breaking a potter's\nvessel, _Jer._ xix. by putting on fetters and yokes, _Jer._ xxvii. by\nbinding a book to a stone, and casting them both into _Euphrates_, _Jer._\nli. by besieging a painted city, _Ezek._ iv. by dividing hair into three\nparts, _Ezek._ v. by making a chain, _Ezek._ vii. by carrying out houshold\nstuff like a captive and trembling, _Ezek._ xii, &c. By such kind of types\nthe Prophets loved to speak. And _Christ_ being endued with a nobler\nprophetic spirit than the rest, excelled also in this kind of speaking, yet\nso as not to speak by his own actions, that was less grave and decent, but\nto turn into parables such things as offered themselves. On occasion of the\nharvest approaching, he admonishes his disciples once and again of the\nspiritual harvest, _John_ iv. 35. _Matth._ ix. 37. Seeing the lilies of the\nfield, he admonishes his disciples about gay clothing, _Matth._ vi. 28. In\nallusion to the present season of fruits, he admonishes his disciples about\nknowing men by their fruits, _Matth._ vii. 16. In the time of the Passover,\nwhen trees put forth leaves, he bids his disciples _learn a parable from\nthe fig tree: when its branch is yet tender and putteth forth leaves, ye\nknow that summer is nigh_, &c. _Matth._ xxiv. 32. _Luke_ xxi. 29. The same\nday, alluding both to the season of the year and to his passion, which was\nto be two days after, he formed a parable of the time of fruits\napproaching, and the murdering of the heir, _Matth._ xxi. 33. Alluding at\nthe same time, both to the money-changers whom he had newly driven out of\nthe Temple, and to his passion at hand; he made a parable of a Noble-man\ngoing into a far country to receive a kingdom and return, and delivering\nhis goods to his servants, and at his return condemning the slothful\nservant because he put not his money to the exchangers, _Matth._ xxv. 14.\n_Luke_ xix. 12. Being near the Temple where sheep were kept in folds to be\nsold for the sacrifices, he spake many things parabolically of sheep, of\nthe shepherd, and of the door of the sheepfold; and discovers that he\nalluded to the sheepfolds which were to be hired in the market-place, by\nspeaking of such folds as a thief could not enter by the door, nor the\nshepherd himself open, but a porter opened to the shepherd, _John_ x. 1, 3.\nBeing in the mount of _Olives_, _Matth._ xxxvi. 30. _John_ xiv. 31. a place\nso fertile that it could not want vines, he spake many things mystically of\nthe Husbandman, and of the vine and its branches, _John_ xv. Meeting a\nblind man, he admonished of spiritual blindness, _John_ ix. 39. At the\nsight of little children, he described once and again the innocence of the\nelect, _Matth._ xviii. 2. xix. 13. Knowing that _Lazarus_ was dead and\nshould be raised again, he discoursed of the resurrection and life eternal,\n_John_ xi. 25, 26. Hearing of the slaughter of some whom _Pilate_ had\nslain, he admonished of eternal death, _Luke_ xiii. 1. To his fishermen he\nspake of fishers of men, _Matth._ iv. 10. and composed another parable\nabout fishes. _Matth._ xiii. 47. Being by the Temple, he spake of the\nTemple of his body, _John_ ii. 19. At supper he spake a parable about the\nmystical supper to come in the kingdom of heaven, _Luke_ xiv. On occasion\nof temporal food, he admonished his disciples of spiritual food, and of\neating his flesh and drinking his blood mystically, _John_ vi. 27, 53. When\nhis disciples wanted bread, he bad them beware of the leven of the\nPharisees, _Matth._ xvi. 6. Being desired to eat, he answered that he had\nother meat, _John_ iv. 31. In the great day of the feast of Tabernacles,\nwhen the _Jews_, as their custom was, brought a great quantity of waters\nfrom the river _Shiloah_ into the Temple, _Christ_ stood and cried, saying,\n_If any man thirst let him come unto me and drink. He that believeth in me,\nout of his belly shall flow rivers of living water_, John vii. 37. The next\nday, in allusion to the servants who by reason of the sabbatical year were\nnewly set free, he said, _If ye continue in my word, the truth shall make\nyou free_. Which the _Jews_ understanding literally with respect to the\npresent manumission of servants, answered, _We be _Abraham_'s seed, and\nwere never in bondage to any man: how sayeth thou, ye shall be made free?_\nJohn viii. They assert their freedom by a double argument: first, because\nthey were the seed of _Abraham_, and therefore newly made free, had they\nbeen ever in bondage; and then, because they never were in bondage. In the\nlast Passover, when _Herod_ led his army thro' _Judea_ against _Aretas_\nKing of _Arabia_, because _Aretas_ was aggressor and the stronger in\nmilitary forces, as appeared by the event; _Christ_ alluding to that state\nof things, composed the parable of a weaker King leading his army against a\nstronger who made war upon him, _Luke_ xiv. 31. And I doubt not but divers\nother parables were formed upon other occasions, the history of which we\nhave not.\n\n[2] Joseph. Antiq. lib. 3. c. 10.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nCHAP. XII.\n\n_Of the Prophecy of the Scripture of Truth._\n\nThe kingdoms represented by the second and third Beasts, or the Bear and\nLeopard, are again described by _Daniel_ in his last Prophecy written in\nthe third year of _Cyrus_ over _Babylon_, the year in which he conquered\n_Persia_. For this Prophecy is a commentary upon the Vision of the Ram and\nHe-Goat.\n\n_Behold_, saith [1] he, _there shall stand up yet three kings in _Persia__,\n[_Cyrus_, _Cambyses_, and _Darius Hystaspes_] _and the fourth_ [_Xerxes_]\n_shall be far richer than they all: and by his strength thro' his riches he\nshall stir up all against the realm of _Grecia_. And a mighty king_\n[_Alexander_ the great] _shall stand up, that shall rule with great\ndominion, and do according to his will. And when he shall stand up, his\nkingdom shall be broken, and shall be divided towards the four winds of\nheaven; and not to his posterity_ [but after their death,] _nor according\nto his dominion which he ruled: for his kingdom shall be pluckt up, even\nfor others besides those_. _Alexander_ the great having conquered all the\n_Persian_ Empire, and some part of _India_, died at _Babylon_ a month\nbefore the summer Solstice, in the year of _Nabonassar_ 425: and his\ncaptains gave the monarchy to his bastard brother _Philip Aridaeus_, a man\ndisturbed in his understanding; and made _Perdiccas_ administrator of the\nkingdom. _Perdiccas_ with their consent made _Meleager_ commander of the\narmy, _Seleucus_ master of the horse, _Craterus_ treasurer of the kingdom,\n_Antipater_ governor of _Macedon_ and _Greece_, _Ptolemy_ governor of\n_Egypt_; _Antigonus_ governor of _Pamphylia_, _Lycia_, _Lycaonia_, and\n_Phrygia major_; _Lysimachus_ governor of _Thrace_, and other captains\ngovernors of other Provinces; as many as had been so before in the days of\n_Alexander_ the great. The _Babylonians_ began now to count by a new _AEra_,\nwhich they called the _AEra_ of _Philip_, using the years of _Nabonassar_,\nand reckoning the 425th year of _Nabonassar_ to be the first year of\n_Philip_. _Roxana_ the wife of _Alexander_ being left big with child, and\nabout three or four months after brought to bed of a son, they called him\n_Alexander_, saluted him King, and joined him with _Philip_, whom they had\nbefore placed in the throne. _Philip_ reigned three years under the\nadministratorship of _Perdiccas_, two years more under the\nadministratorship of _Antipater_, and above a year more under that of\n_Polyperchon_; in all six years and four months; and then was slain with\nhis Queen _Eurydice_ in _September_ by the command of _Olympias_ the mother\nof _Alexander_ the great. The _Greeks_ being disgusted at the cruelties of\n_Olympias_, revolted to _Cassander_ the son and successor of _Antipater_.\n_Cassander_ affecting the dominion of _Greece_, slew _Olympias_; and soon\nafter shut up the young king _Alexander_, with his mother _Roxana_, in the\ncastle of _Amphipolis_, under the charge of _Glaucias_, _An. Nabonass._\n432. The next year _Ptolemy_, _Cassander_ and _Lysimachus_, by means of\n_Seleucus_, form'd a league against _Antigonus_; and after certain wars\nmade peace with him, _An. Nabonass._ 438, upon these conditions: that\n_Cassander_ should command the forces of _Europe_ till _Alexander_ the son\nof _Roxana_ came to age; and that _Lysimachus_ should govern _Thrace_,\n_Ptolemy_ _Egypt_ and _Lybia_, and _Antigonus_ all _Asia_. _Seleucus_ had\npossest himself of _Mesopotamia_, _Babylonia_, _Sustana_ and _Media_, the\nyear before. About three years after _Alexander_'s death he was made\ngovernor of _Babylon_ by _Antipater_; then was expelled by _Antigonus_; but\nnow he recovered and enlarged his government over a great part of the\n_East_: which gave occasion to a new _AEra_, called _AEra Seleucidarum_. Not\nlong after the peace made with _Antigonus_, _Diodorus_ saith the same\n_Olympic_ year; _Cassander_, seeing that _Alexander_ the son of _Roxana_\ngrew up, and that it was discoursed thro'out _Macedonia_ that it was fit he\nshould be set at liberty, and take upon him the government of his father's\nkingdom, commanded _Glaucias_ the governor of the castle to kill _Roxana_\nand the young king _Alexander_ her son, and conceal their deaths. Then\n_Polyperchon_ set up _Hercules_, the son of _Alexander_ the great by\n_Barsine_, to be king; and soon after, at the sollicitation of _Cassander_,\ncaused him to be slain. Soon after that, upon a great victory at sea got by\n_Demetrius_ the son of _Antigonus_ over _Ptolemy_, _Antigonus_ took upon\nhimself the title of king, and gave the same title to his son. This was\n_An. Nabonass._ 441. After his example, _Seleucus_, _Cassander_,\n_Lysimachus_ and _Ptolemy_, took upon themselves the title and dignity of\nkings, having abstained from this honour while there remained any of\n_Alexander_'s race to inherit the crown. Thus the monarchy of the _Greeks_\nfor want of an heir was broken into several kingdoms; four of which, seated\n_to the four winds of heaven_, were very eminent. For _Ptolemy_ reigned\nover _Egypt_, _Lybia_ and _Ethiopia_; _Antigonus_ over _Syria_ and the\nlesser _Asia_; _Lysimachus_ over _Thrace_; and _Cassander_ over _Macedon_,\n_Greece_ and _Epirus_, as above.\n\n_Seleucus_ at this time reigned over the nations which were beyond\n_Euphrates_, and belonged to the bodies of the two first Beasts; but after\nsix years he conquered _Antigonus_, and thereby became possest of one of\nthe four kingdoms. For _Cassander_ being afraid of the power of\n_Antigonus_, combined with _Lysimachus_, _Ptolemy_ and _Seleucus_, against\nhim: and while _Lysimachus_ invaded the parts of _Asia_ next the\n_Hellespont_, _Ptolemy_ subdued _Phoenicia_ and _Coelosyria_, with the\nsea-coasts of _Asia_.\n\n_Seleucus_ came down with a powerful army into _Cappadocia_, and joining\nthe confederate forces, fought _Antigonus_ in _Phrygia_ and flew him, and\nseized his kingdom, _An. Nabonass._ 447. After which _Seleucus_ built\n_Antioch_, _Seleucia_, _Laodicea_, _Apamea_, _Berrhaea_, _Edessa_, and other\ncities in _Syria_ and _Asia_; and in them granted the _Jews_ equal\nprivileges with the _Greeks_.\n\n_Demetrius_ the son of _Antigonus_ retained but a small part of his\nfather's dominions, and at length lost _Cyprus_ to _Ptolemy_; but\nafterwards killing _Alexander_, the son and successor of _Cassander_ king\nof _Macedon_, he seized his kingdom, _An. Nabonass._ 454. Sometime after,\npreparing a very great army to recover his father's dominions in _Asia_;\n_Seleucus_, _Ptolemy_, _Lysimachus_ and _Pyrrhus_ king of _Epirus_,\ncombined against him; and _Pyrrhus_ invading _Macedon_, corrupted the army\nof _Demetrius_, put him to flight, seized his kingdom, and shared it with\n_Lysimachus_. After seven months, _Lysimachus_ beating _Pyrrhus_, took\n_Macedon_ from him, and held it five years and a half, uniting the kingdoms\nof _Macedon_ and _Thrace_. _Lysimachus_ in his wars with _Antigonus_ and\n_Demetrius_, had taken from them _Caria_, _Lydia_, and _Phrygia_; and had a\ntreasury in _Pergamus_, a castle on the top of a conical hill in _Phrygia_,\nby the river _Caicus_, the custody of which he had committed to one\n_Philetaerus_, who was at first faithful to him, but in the last year of his\nreign revolted. For _Lysimachus_, having at the instigation of his wife\n_Arsinoe_, slain first his own son _Agathocles_, and then several that\nlamented him; the wife of _Agathocles_ fled with her children and brothers,\nand some others of their friends, and sollicited _Seleucus_ to make war\nupon _Lysimachus_; whereupon _Philetaerus_ also, who grieved at the death of\n_Agathocles_, and was accused thereof by _Arsinoe_, took up arms, and sided\nwith _Seleucus_. On this occasion _Seleucus_ and _Lysimachus_ met and\nfought in _Phrygia_; and _Lysimachus_ being slain in the battel, lost his\nkingdom to _Seleucus_, _An. Nabonass._ 465. Thus the Empire of the\n_Greeks_, which at first brake into four kingdoms, became now reduced into\ntwo notable ones, henceforward called by _Daniel_ the kings of the _South_\nand _North_. For _Ptolemy_ now reigned over _Egypt_, _Lybia_, _Ethiopia_,\n_Arabia_, _Phoenicia_, _Coelosyria_, and _Cyprus_; and _Seleucus_, having\nunited three of the four kingdoms, had a dominion scarce inferior to that\nof the _Persian_ Empire, conquered by _Alexander_ the great. All which is\nthus represented by _Daniel_:[2] _And the king of the_ South [_Ptolemy_]\n_shall be strong, and one of his Princes_ [_Seleucus_, one of _Alexander_'s\nPrinces] _shall be strong above him, and have dominion; his dominion shall\nbe a great dominion_.\n\nAfter _Seleucus_ had reigned seven months over _Macedon_, _Greece_,\n_Thrace_, _Asia_, _Syria_, _Babylonia_, _Media_, and all the _East_ as far\nas _India_; _Ptolemy Ceraunus_, the younger brother of _Ptolemy\nPhiladelphus_ king of _Egypt_, slew him treacherously, and seized his\ndominions in _Europe_: while _Antiochus Soter_, the son of _Seleucus_,\nsucceeded his father in _Asia_, _Syria_, and most of the _East_; and after\nnineteen or twenty years was succeeded by his son _Antiochus Theos_; who\nhaving a lasting war with _Ptolemy Philadelphus_, at length composed the\nsame by marrying _Berenice_ the daughter of _Philadelphus_: but after a\nreign of fifteen years, his first wife _Laodice_ poisoned him, and set her\nson _Seleucus Callinicus_ upon the throne. _Callinicus_ in the beginning of\nhis reign, by the impulse of his mother _Laodice_, besieged _Berenice_ in\n_Daphne_ near _Antioch_, and slew her with her young son and many of her\nwomen. Whereupon _Ptolemy Euergetes_, the son and successor of\n_Philadelphus_, made war upon _Callinicus_; took from him _Phoenicia_,\n_Syria_, _Cilicia_, _Mesopotamia_, _Babylonia_, _Sustana_, and some other\nregions; and carried back into _Egypt_ 40000 talents of silver, and 2500\nimages of the Gods, amongst which were the Gods of _Egypt_ carried away by\n_Cambyses_. _Antiochus Hierax_ at first assisted his brother _Callinicus_,\nbut afterwards contended with him for _Asia_. In the mean time _Eumenes_\ngovernor of _Pergamus_ beat _Antiochus_, and took from them both all _Asia_\nwestward of mount _Taurus_. This was in the fifth year of _Callinicus_, who\nafter an inglorious reign of 20 years was succeeded by his son _Seleucus\nCeraunus_; and _Euergetes_ after four years more, _An. Nabonass._ 527, was\nsucceeded by his son _Ptolemy Philopator_. All which is thus signified by\n_Daniel_:[3] _And in the end of years they_ [the kings of the _South_ and\n_North_] _shall join themselves together: for the king's daughter of the_\nSouth [_Berenice_] _shall come to the king of the _North_ to make an\nagreement, but she shall not retain the power of the arm; neither shall she\nstand, nor her seed, but she shall be delivered up, and he_ [_Callinicus_]\n_that brought her, and he whom she brought forth, and they that strengthned\nher in_ [those] _times_, [or defended her in the siege of _Daphne_.] _But\nout of a branch of her roots shall one stand up in his seat_ [her brother\n_Euergetes_] _who shall come with an army, and shall enter into the\nfortress_ [or fenced cities] _of the king of the _North_, and shall act\nagainst them and prevail: and shall carry captives into _Egypt_, their Gods\nwith their Princes and precious vessels of silver and gold; and he shall\ncontinue some years after the king of the_ North.\n\n_Seleucus Ceraunus_, inheriting the remains of his father's kingdom, and\nthinking to recover the rest, raised a great army against the governor of\n_Pergamus_, now King thereof, but died in the third year of his reign. His\nbrother and successor, _Antiochus Magnus_, carrying on the war, took from\nthe King of _Pergamus_ almost all the lesser _Asia_, recovering also the\nProvinces of _Media_, _Persia_ and _Babylonia_, from the governors who had\nrevolted: and in the fifth year of his reign invading _Coelosyria_, he with\nlittle opposition possest himself of a good part thereof; and the next year\nreturning to invade the rest of _Coelosyria_ and _Phoenicia_, beat the army\nof _Ptolemy Philopator_ near _Berytus_; he then invaded _Palestine_ and the\nneighbouring parts of _Arabia_, and the third year returned with an army of\n78000: but _Ptolemy_ coming out of _Egypt_ with an army of 75000, fought\nand routed him at _Raphia_ near _Gaza_, between _Palestine_ and _Egypt_;\nand recovered all _Phoenicia_ and _Coelosyria_, _Ann. Nabonass._ 532. Being\npuffed up with this victory, and living in all manner of luxury, the\n_Egyptians_ revolted, and had wars with him, but were overcome; and in the\nbroils sixty thousand _Egyptian Jews_ were slain. All which is thus\ndescribed by _Daniel_: [4] _But his sons_ [_Seleucus Ceraunus_, and\n_Antiochus Magnus_, the sons of _Callinicus_] _shall be stirred up, and\nshall gather a great army; and he_ [_Antiochus Magnus_] _shall come\neffectually and overflow, and pass thro' and return, and_ [again the next\nyear] _be stirred up_ [marching even] _to his fortress_, [the frontier\ntowns of _Egypt_;] _and the King of the _South_ shall be moved with choler,\nand come forth_ [the third year] _and fight with him, even with the King of\nthe _North_; and he_ [the King of the _North_] _shall lead forth a great\nmultitude, but the multitude shall be given into his hand. And the\nmultitude being taken away, his heart shall be lifted up, and he shall cast\ndown many ten thousands; but he shall not be strengthned by it: for the\nking of the _North_ shall return_, &c.\n\nAbout twelve years after the battle between _Philopator_ and _Antiochus_,\n_Philopator_ died; and left his kingdom to his young son _Ptolemy\nEpiphanes_, a child of five years old. Thereupon _Antiochus Magnus_\nconfederated with _Philip_ king of _Macedon_, that they should each invade\nthe dominions of _Epiphanes_ which lay next to them. Hence arose a various\nwar between _Antiochus_ and _Epiphanes_, each of them seizing _Phoenicia_\nand _Coelosyria_ by turns; whereby those countries were much afflicted by\nboth parties. First _Antiochus_ seized them; then one _Scopas_ being sent\nwith the army of _Egypt_, recovered them from _Antiochus_: the next year,\n_An. Nabonass._ 550, _Antiochus_ fought and routed _Scopas_ near the\nfountains of _Jordan_, besieged him in _Sidon_, took the city, and\nrecovered _Syria_ and _Phoenicia_ from _Egypt_, the _Jews_ coming over to\nhim voluntarily. But about three years after, preparing for a war against\nthe _Romans_, he came to _Raphia_ on the borders of _Egypt_; made peace\nwith _Epiphanes_, and gave him his daughter _Cleopatra_: next autumn he\npassed the _Hellespont_ to invade the cities of _Greece_ under the _Roman_\nprotection, and took some of them; but was beaten by the _Romans_ the\nsummer following, and forced to return back with his army into _Asia_.\nBefore the end of the year the fleet of _Antiochus_ was beaten by the fleet\nof the _Romans_ near _Phocaea_: and at the same time _Epiphanes_ and\n_Cleopatra_ sent an embassy to _Rome_ to congratulate the _Romans_ on their\nsuccess against their father _Antiochus_, and to exhort them to prosecute\nthe war against him into _Asia_. The _Romans_ beat _Antiochus_ again at sea\nnear _Ephesus_, past their army over the _Hellespont_, and obtain'd a great\nvictory over him by land, took from him all _Asia_ westward of mount\n_Taurus_, gave it to the King of _Pergamus_ who assisted them in the war;\nand imposed a large tribute upon _Antiochus_. Thus the King of _Pergamus_,\nby the power of the _Romans_, recovered what _Antiochus_ had taken from\nhim; and _Antiochus_ retiring into the remainder of his kingdom, was slain\ntwo years after by the _Persians_, as he was robbing the Temple of _Jupiter\nBelus_ in _Elymais_, to raise money for the _Romans_. All which is thus\ndescribed by _Daniel_. [5] _For the King of the_ North [_Antiochus_] _shall\nreturn, and shall set forth a multitude greater than the former; and shall\ncertainly come, after certain years, with a great army and with much\nriches. And in those times there shall many stand up against the King of\nthe_ South, [particularly the _Macedonians_;] _also the robbers of thy\npeople_ [the _Samaritans_, &c.] _shall exalt themselves to establish the\nvision, but they shall fall. So the King of the _North_ shall come, and\ncast up a mount, and take the most fenced cities; and the arms of the\n_South_ shall not withstand, neither his chosen people, neither shall there\nhe any strength to withstand. But he that cometh against him shall do\naccording to his own will, and none shall stand before him: and he shall\nstand in the glorious land, which shall fail in his hand. He shall also set\nhis face to go with the strength_ [or army] _of all his kingdom, and make\nan agreement with him_ [at _Raphia_;] _and he shall give him the daughter\nof women corrupting her; but she shall not stand his side, neither be for\nhim. After this he shall turn his face unto the Isles, and shall take many:\nbut a Prince for his own behalf_ [the _Romans_] _shall cause the reproach\noffered by him to cease; without his own reproach he shall cause it to turn\nupon him. Then he shall turn his face towards the fort of his own land: but\nhe shall stumble and fall, and not be found._\n\n_Seleucus Philopator_ succeeded his father _Antiochus_, _Anno Nabonass._\n561, and reigned twelve years, but did nothing memorable, being sluggish,\nand intent upon raising money for the _Romans_ to whom he was tributary. He\nwas slain by _Heliodorus_, whom he had sent to rob the Temple of\n_Jerusalem_. _Daniel_ thus describes his reign. [6] _Then shall stand up in\nhis estate a raiser of taxes in the glory of the kingdom, but within few\ndays be shall be destroyed, neither in anger nor in battle._\n\nA little before the death of _Philopator_, his son _Demetrius_ was sent\nhostage to _Rome_, in the place of _Antiochus Epiphanes_, the brother of\n_Philopator_; and _Antiochus_ was at _Athens_ in his way home from _Rome_,\nwhen _Philopator_ died: whereupon _Heliodorus_ the treasurer of the\nkingdom, stept into the throne. But _Antiochus_ so managed his affairs,\nthat the _Romans_ kept _Demetrius_ at _Rome_; and their ally the King of\n_Pergamus_ expelled _Heliodorus_, and placed _Antiochus_ in the throne,\nwhile _Demetrius_ the right heir remained an hostage at _Rome_. _Antiochus_\nbeing thus made King by the friendship of the King of _Pergamus_ reigned\npowerfully over _Syria_ and the neighbouring nations: but carried himself\nmuch below his dignity, stealing privately out of his palace, rambling up\nand down the city in disguise with one or two of his companions; conversing\nand drinking with people of the lowest rank, foreigners and strangers;\nfrequenting the meetings of dissolute persons to feast and revel; clothing\nhimself like the _Roman_ candidates and officers, acting their parts like a\nmimick, and in publick festivals jesting and dancing with servants and\nlight people, exposing himself by all manner of ridiculous gestures. This\nconduct made some take him for a madman, and call him _Antiochus_ [Greek:\nEpimenes]. In the first year of his reign he deposed _Onias_ the\nhigh-Priest, and sold the high-Priesthood to _Jason_ the younger brother of\n_Onias_: for _Jason_ had promised to give him 440 talents of silver for\nthat office, and 15 more for a licence to erect a place of exercise for the\ntraining up of youth in the fashions of the heathen; which licence was\ngranted by the King, and put in execution by _Jason_. Then the King sending\none _Apollonius_ into _Egypt_ to the coronation of _Ptolemy Philometor_,\nthe young son of _Philometor_ and _Cleopatra_, and knowing _Philometor_ not\nto be well affected to his affairs in _Phoenicia_, provided for his own\nsafety in those parts; and for that end came to _Joppa_ and _Jerusalem_,\nwhere he was honourably received; from thence he went in like manner with\nhis little army to the cities of _Phoenicia_, to establish himself against\n_Egypt_, by courting the people, and distributing extraordinary favours\namongst them. All which is thus represented by _Daniel_. [7] _And in his_\n[_Philometor_'s] _estate shall stand up a vile person, to whom they_ [the\n_Syrians_ who set up _Heliodorus_] _shall not give the honour of the\nkingdom. Yet he shall come in peaceably, and obtain the kingdom by\nflatteries_ [made principally to the King of _Pergamus_;] _and the arms_\n[which in favour of _Heliodorus_ oppose him] _shall be overflowed with a\nfood from before him, and be broken; yea also_ [_Onias_ the high-Priest]\n_the Prince of the covenant. And after the league made with him,_ [the King\nof _Egypt_, by sending _Apollonius_ to his coronation] _he shall work\ndeceitfully_ [against the King of _Egypt_,] _for he shall come up and shall\nbecome strong_ [in _Phoenicia _] _with a small people. And he shall enter\ninto the quiet and plentiful cities of the Province_ [of _Phoenicia_;]\n_and_ [to ingratiate himself with the _Jews_ of _Phoenicia_ and _Egypt_,\nand with their friends] _he shall do that which his fathers have not done,\nnor his fathers fathers: he shall scatter among them the prey and the\nspoil, and the riches_ [exacted from other places;] _and shall forecast his\ndevices against the strong holds_ [of _Egypt_] _even for a time._\n\nThese things were done in the first year of his reign, _An. Nabonass._ 573.\nAnd thenceforward he forecast his devices against the strong holds of\n_Egypt_, until the sixth year. For three years after, that is in the fourth\nyear of his reign, _Menelaus_ bought the high-Priesthood from _Jason_, but\nnot paying the price was sent for by the King; and the King, before he\ncould hear the cause, went into _Cilicia_ to appease a sedition there, and\nleft _Andronicus_ his deputy at _Antioch_; in the mean time the brother of\n_Menelaus_, to make up the money, conveyed several vessels out of the\nTemple, selling some of them at _Tyre_, and sending others to _Andronicus_.\nWhen _Menelaus_ was reproved for this by _Onias_, he caused _Onias_ to be\nslain by _Andronicus_: for which fact the King at his return from _Cilicia_\ncaused _Andronicus_ to be put to death. Then _Antiochus_ prepared his\nsecond expedition against _Egypt_, which he performed in the sixth year of\nhis reign, _An. Nabonass._ 578: for upon the death of _Cleopatra_, the\ngovernors of her son the young King of _Egypt_ claimed _Phoenicia_ and\n_Coelosyria_ from him as her dowry; and to recover those countries raised a\ngreat army. _Antiochus_ considering that his father had not quitted the\npossession of those countries[8], denied they were her dowry; and with\nanother great army met and fought the _Egyptians_ on the borders of\n_Egypt_, between _Pelusium_ and the mountain _Casius_. He there beat them,\nand might have destroyed their whole army, but that he rode up and down,\ncommanding his soldiers not to kill them, but to take them alive: by which\nhumanity he gained _Pelusium_, and soon after all _Egypt_; entring it with\na vast multitude of foot and chariots, elephants and horsemen, and a great\nnavy. Then seizing the cities of _Egypt_ as a friend, he marched to\n_Memphis_, laid the whole blame of the war upon _Eulaeus_ the King's\ngovernor, entred into outward friendship with the young King, and took upon\nhim to order the affairs of the kingdom. While _Aniochus_ was thus\nemploy'd, a report being spread in _Phoenicia_ that he was dead, _Jason_ to\nrecover the high-Priesthood assaulted _Jerusalem_ with above a thousand\nmen, and took the city: hereupon the King thinking _Judea_ had revolted,\ncame out of _Egypt_ in a furious manner, re-took the city, slew forty\nthousand of the people, made as many prisoners, and sold them to raise\nmoney; went into the Temple, spoiled it of its treasures, ornaments,\nutensils, and vessels of gold and silver, amounting to 1800 talents; and\ncarried all away to _Antioch_. This was done in the year of _Nabonassar_\n578, and is thus described by _Daniel_. [9] _And he shall stir up his\npower, and his courage against the King of the _South_ with a great army;\nand the King of the _South_ shall be stirrd up to battle with a very great\nand mighty army; but he shall not stand: for they_, even _Antiochus_ and\nhis friends, _shall forecast devices against him_, as is represented above;\n_yea, they that feed of the portion of his meat, shall_ betray and _destroy\nhim, and his army shall be overthrown, and many shall fall down slain. And\nboth these Kings hearts shall be to do mischief; and they_, being now made\nfriends, _shall speak lyes at one table_, against the _Jews_ and against\nthe holy covenant; _but it shall not prosper: for yet the end_, in which\nthe setting up of the abomination of desolation is to prosper, _shall be at\nthe time appointed. Then shall he return into his land with great riches,\nand his heart shall be against the holy covenant; and he shall act_,\nagainst it by spoiling the Temple, _and return into his own land_.\n\nThe _Egyptians_ of _Alexandria_ seeing _Philometor_ first educated in\nluxury by the Eunuch _Eulaeus_, and now in the hands of _Antiochus_, gave\nthe kingdom to _Euergetes_, the younger brother of _Philometor_. Whereupon\n_Antiochus_ pretending to restore _Philometor_, made war upon _Euergetes_;\nbeat him at sea, and besieged him and his sister _Cleopatra_ in\n_Alexandria_: while the besieged Princes sent to _Rome_ to implore the\nassistance of the Senate. _Antiochus_ finding himself unable to take the\ncity that year, returned into _Syria_, leaving _Philometor_ at _Memphis_ to\ngovern _Egypt_ in his absence. But _Philometor_ made friendship with his\nbrother that winter; and _Antiochus_, returning the next spring _An.\nNabonass._ 580, to besiege both the brothers in _Alexandria_, was met in\nthe way by the _Roman_ Ambassadors, _Popilius Laena_, _C. Decimius_, and _C.\nHostilius_: he offered them his hand to kiss, but _Popilius_ delivering to\nhim the tables wherein the message of the Senate was written, bad him read\nthose first. When he had read them, he replied he would consider with his\nfriends what was fit to be done; but _Popilius_ drawing a circle about him,\nbad him answer before he went out of it: _Antiochus_, astonished at this\nblunt and unusual imperiousness, made answer he would do what the _Romans_\ndemanded; and then _Popilius_ gave the King his hand to kiss, and he\nreturned out of _Egypt_. The same year, _An. Nabonass._ 580, his captains\nby his order spoiled and slaughtered the _Jews_, profaned the Temple, set\nup the worship of the heathen Gods in all _Judea_, and began to persecute\nand make war upon those who would not worship them: which actions are thus\ndescribed by _Daniel_. [10] _At the time appointed he shall come_ again\n_towards the _South_, but the latter shall not be as the former. For the\nships of _Chittim_ shall come_, with an embassy from _Rome_, _against him.\nTherefore he shall be grieved, and return, and have indignation against the\nholy covenant. So shall he do; he shall even return, and have intelligence\nwith them that forsake the holy covenant._\n\nIn the same year that _Antiochus_ by the command of the _Romans_ retired\nout of _Egypt_, and set up the worship of the _Greeks_ in _Judea_; the\n_Romans_ conquered the kingdom of _Macedon_, the fundamental kingdom of the\nEmpire of the _Greeks_, and reduced it into a _Roman_ Province; and thereby\nbegan to put an end to the reign of _Daniel_'s third Beast. This is thus\nexprest by _Daniel_. _And after him Arms_, that is the _Romans_, _shall\nstand up_. As [Hebrew: MMLK] signifies _after the King_, Dan. xi. 8; so\n[Hebrew: MMNW] may signify _after him_. _Arms_ are every where in this\nProphecy of _Daniel_ put for the military power of a kingdom: and they\nstand up when they conquer and grow powerful. Hitherto _Daniel_ described\nthe actions of the Kings of the _North_ and _South_; but upon the conquest\nof _Macedon_ by the _Romans_, he left off describing the actions of the\n_Greeks_, and began to describe those of the _Romans_ in _Greece_. They\nconquered _Macedon_, _Illyricum_ and _Epirus_, in the year of _Nabonassar_\n580. 35 years after, by the last will and testament of _Attalus_ the last\nKing of _Pergamus_, they inherited that rich and flourishing kingdom, that\nis, all _Asia_ westward of mount _Taurus_; 69 years after they conquered\nthe kingdom of _Syria_, and reduced it into a Province, and 34 years after\nthey did the like to _Egypt_. By all these steps the _Roman_ Arms stood up\nover the _Greeks_: and after 95 years more, by making war upon the _Jews_,\n_they polluted the sanctuary of strength, and took away the daily\nsacrifice, and then placed the abomination of desolation_. For this\nabomination was placed after the days of _Christ_, _Math._ xxiv. 15. In the\n16th year of the Emperor _Adrian_, A.C. 132, they placed this abomination\nby building a Temple to _Jupiter Capitolinus_, where the Temple of God in\n_Jerusalem_ had stood. Thereupon the _Jews_ under the conduct of\n_Barchochab_ rose up in arms against the _Romans_, and in the war had 50\ncities demolished, 985 of their best towns destroyed, and 580000 men slain\nby the sword; and in the end of the war, A.C. 136, were banished _Judea_\nupon pain of death, and thenceforward the land remained desolate of its old\ninhabitants.\n\nIn the beginning of the _Jewish_ war in _Nero_'s reign, the Apostles fled\nout of _Judea_ with their flocks; some beyond _Jordan_ to _Pella_ and other\nplaces, some into _Egypt_, _Syria_, _Mesopotamia_, _Asia minor_, and\nelsewhere. _Peter_ and _John_ came into _Asia_, and _Peter_ went thence by\n_Corinth_ to _Rome_; but _John_ staying in _Asia_, was banished by the\n_Romans_ into _Patmos_, as the head of a party of the _Jews_, whose nation\nwas in war with the _Romans_. By this dispersion of the _Christian Jews_,\nthe _Christian_ religion, which was already propagated westward as far as\n_Rome_, spred fast into all the _Roman_ Empire, and suffered many\npersecutions under it till the days of _Constantine_ the great and his\nsons: all which is thus described by _Daniel_. [11] _And such as do\nwickedly against the covenant, shall he_, who places the abomination,\n_cause to dissemble_, and worship the heathen Gods; _but the people_ among\nthem _who do know their God, shall be strong and act. And they that\nunderstand among the people, shall instruct many: yet they shall fall by\nthe sword, and by flame, and by captivity, and by spoil many days. Now when\nthey shall fall, they shall be holpen with a little help, viz._ in the\nreign of _Constantine_ the great; _and_ at that time by reason of their\nprosperity, _many shall_ come over to them from among the heathen, and\n_cleave to them with dissimulation. But of those of understanding there\nshall_ still _fall to try_ God's people _by them and to purge_ them from\nthe dissemblers, _and to make them white even to the time of the end:\nbecause it is yet for a time appointed._\n\nHitherto the _Roman_ Empire continued entire; and under this dominion, the\nlittle horn of the He-Goat continued _mighty, but not by his own power_.\nBut now, by the building of _Constantinople_, and endowing it with a Senate\nand other like privileges with _Rome_; and by the division of the _Roman_\nEmpire into the two Empires of the _Greeks_ and _Latins_, headed by those\ntwo cities; a new scene of things commences, in which which [12] _a King_,\nthe Empire of the _Greeks_, _doth according to his will, and_, by setting\nhis own laws above the laws of God, _exalts and magnifies himself above\nevery God, and speaks marvellous things against the God of Gods, and shall\nprosper till the indignation be accomplished.--Neither shall he regard the\nGod of his fathers, nor the_ lawful _desire of women_ in matrimony, _nor\nany God, but shall magnify himself above all. And in his seat he shall\nhonour _Mahuzzims__, that is, strong guardians, the souls of the dead;\n_even with a God whom his fathers knew not shall he honour them_, in their\nTemples, _with gold and silver, and with precious stones and valuable\nthings_. All which relates to the overspreading of the _Greek_ Empire with\nMonks and Nuns, who placed holiness in abstinence from marriage; and to the\ninvocation of saints and veneration of their reliques, and such like\nsuperstitions, which these men introduced in the fourth and fifth\ncenturies. [13] _And at the time of the end the King of the_ South, or the\nEmpire of the _Saracens_, _shall push at him_; _and the King of the_ North,\nor Empire of the _Turks_, _shall come against him like a whirlwind, with\nchariots and with horsemen, and with many ships_; _and be shall enter into\nthe countries_ of the _Greeks_, _and shall overflow and pass over. He shall\nenter also into the glorious land, and many countries shall be overthrown;\nbut these shall escape out of his hand, even _Edom_ and _Moab_, and the\nchief of the children_ Ammon: that is, those to whom his Caravans pay\ntribute. _He shall stretch forth his hand also upon the countries, and the\nland of _Egypt_ shall not escape_; _but he shall have power over the\ntreasures of gold and silver, and over all the precious things of _Egypt_;\nand the _Lybians_ and _Ethiopians_ shall be at his steps_. All these\nnations compose the Empire of the _Turks_, and therefore this Empire is\nhere to be understood by the King of the _North_. They compose also the\nbody of the He-Goat; and therefore the Goat still reigns in his last horn,\nbut not by his own power.\n\nNotes to Chap. XII.\n\n[1] Chap. xi. 2, 3, 4.\n\n[2] Chap. xi. 5.\n\n[3] Chap. xi. 6, 7, 8.\n\n[4] Chap. xi. 10, &c.\n\n[5] Chap. xi. 13-19.\n\n[6] Chap. xi. 20.\n\n[7] Chap. xi. 21, &c.\n\n[8] 2 Maccab. iii. 5, 8. & iv. 4.\n\n[9] Chap. xi. 25, &c.\n\n[10] Chap. xi. 29, 30.\n\n[11] Chap. xi. 32, &c.\n\n[12] Chap. xi. 36, &c.\n\n[13] Chap. xi. 40, &c.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nCHAP. XIII.\n\n_Of the King who did according to his will, and magnified himself above\nevery God, and honoured _Mahuzzims_, and regarded not the desire of women_.\n\nIn the first ages of the Christian religion the Christians of every city\nwere governed by a Council of Presbyters, and the President of the Council\nwas the Bishop of the city. The Bishop and Presbyters of one city meddled\nnot with the affairs of another city, except by admonitory letters or\nmessages. Nor did the Bishops of several cities meet together in Council\nbefore the time of the Emperor _Commodus_: for they could not meet together\nwithout the leave of the _Roman_ governors of the Provinces. But in the\ndays of that Emperor they began to meet in Provincial Councils, by the\nleave of the governors; first in _Asia_, in opposition to the\n_Cataphrygian_ Heresy, and soon after in other places and upon other\noccasions. The Bishop of the chief city, or Metropolis of the _Roman_\nProvince, was usually made President of the Council; and hence came the\nauthority of Metropolitan Bishops above that of other Bishops within the\nsame Province. Hence also it was that the Bishop of _Rome_ in _Cyprian_'s\ndays called himself the Bishop of Bishops. As soon as the Empire became\nChristian, the _Roman_ Emperors began to call general Councils out of all\nthe Provinces of the Empire; and by prescribing to them what points they\nshould consider, and influencing them by their interest and power, they set\nup what party they pleased. Hereby the _Greek_ Empire, upon the division of\nthe _Roman_ Empire into the _Greek_ and _Latin_ Empires, became _the King\nwho_, in matters of religion, _did according to his will_; _and_, in\nlegislature, _exalted and magnified himself above every God_: and at\nlength, by the seventh general Council, established the worship of the\nimages and souls of dead men, here called _Mahuzzims_.\n\nThe same King placed holiness in abstinence from marriage. _Eusebius_ in\nhis Ecclesiastical history [1] tells us, that _Musanus_ wrote a tract\nagainst those who fell away to the heresy of the _Encratites_, which was\nthen newly risen, and had introduced pernicious errors; and that _Tatian_,\nthe disciple of _Justin_, was the author thereof; and that _Irenaeus_ in his\nfirst book against heresies teaches this, writing of _Tatian_ and his\nheresy in these words: _A Saturnino & Marcione profecti qui vocantur\nContinentes, docuerunt non contrahendum esse matrimonium; reprobantes\nscilicet primitivum illud opificium Dei, & tacite accusantes Deum qui\nmasculum & faeminam condidit ad procreationem generis humani. Induxerunt\netiam abstinentiam ab esu eorum quae animalia appellant, ingratos se\nexhibentes ergo eum qui universa creavit Deum. Negant etiam primi hominis\nsalutem. Atque hoc nuper apud illos excogitatum est, Tatiano quodam omnium\nprimo hujus impietatis auctore: qui Justini auditor, quamdiu cum illo\nversatus est, nihil ejusmodi protulit. Post martyrium autem illius, ab\nEcclesia se abrumpens, doctoris arrogantia elatus ac tumidus, tanquam\npraestantior caeteris, novam quandam formam doctrinae conflavit: AEonas\ninvisibiles commentus perinde ac Valentinus: asserens quoque cum Saturnino\n& Marcione, matrimonium nihil aliud esse quam corruptionem ac stuprum: nova\npraeterea argumenta ad subvertendam Adami salutem excogitans. Haec Irenaeus de\nHaeresi quae tunc viguit Encratitarum._ Thus far _Eusebius_. But altho the\nfollowers of _Tatian_ were at first condemned as hereticks by the name of\n_Encratites_, or _Continentes_; their principles could not be yet quite\nexploded: for _Montanus_ refined upon them, and made only second marriages\nunlawful; he also introduced frequent fastings, and annual, fasting days,\nthe keeping of _Lent_, and feeding upon dried meats. The _Apostolici_,\nabout the middle of the third century, condemned marriage, and were a\nbranch of the disciples of _Tatian_. The _Hierocitae_ in _Egypt_, in the\nlatter end of the third century, also condemned marriage. _Paul_ the\n_Eremite_ fled into the wilderness from the persecution of _Decius_, and\nlived there a solitary life till the reign of _Constantine_ the great, but\nmade no disciples. _Antony_ did the like in the persecution of\n_Dioclesian_, or a little before, and made disciples; and many others soon\nfollowed his example.\n\nHitherto the principles of the _Encratites_ had been rejected by the\nChurches; but now being refined by the Monks, and imposed not upon all men,\nbut only upon those who would voluntarily undertake a monastic life, they\nbegan to be admired, and to overflow first the _Greek_ Church, and then the\n_Latin_ also, like a torrent. _Eusebius_ tells us, [2] that _Constantine_\nthe great had those men in the highest veneration, who dedicated themselves\nwholly to the divine philosophy; and that he almost venerated the most holy\ncompany of Virgins perpetually devoted to God; being certain that the God\nto whom he had consecrated himself did dwell in their minds. In his time\nand that of his sons, this profession of a single life was propagated in\n_Egypt_ by _Antony_, and in _Syria_ by _Hilarion_; and spred so fast, that\nsoon after the time of _Julian_ the Apostate a third part of the\n_Egyptians_ were got into the desarts of _Egypt_. They lived first singly\nin cells, then associated into _coenobia_ or convents; and at length came\ninto towns, and filled the Churches with Bishops, Presbyters and Deacons.\n_Athanasius_ in his younger days poured water upon the hands of his master\n_Antony_; and finding the Monks faithful to him, made many of them Bishops\nand Presbyters in _Egypt_: and these Bishops erected new Monasteries, out\nof which they chose Presbyters of their own cities, and sent Bishops to\nothers. The like was done in _Syria_, the superstition being quickly\npropagated thither out of _Egypt_ by _Hilarion_ a disciple of _Antony_.\n_Spiridion_ and _Epiphanius_ of _Cyprus_, _James_ of _Nisibis_, _Cyril_ of\n_Jerusalem_, _Eustathius_ of _Sebastia_ in _Armenia_, _Eusebius_ of\n_Emisa_, _Titus_ of _Bostra_, _Basilius_ of _Ancyra_, _Acacius_ of\n_Caesarea_ in _Palestine_, _Elpidius_ of _Laodicea_, _Melitius_ and\n_Flavian_ of _Antioch_, _Theodorus_ of _Tyre_, _Protogenes_ of _Carrhae_,\n_Acacius_ of _Berrhaea_, _Theodotus_ of _Hierapolis_, _Eusebius_ of\n_Chalcedon_, _Amphilochius_ of _Iconium_, _Gregory Nazianzen_, _Gregory\nNyssen_, and _John Chrysostom_ of _Constantinople_, were both Bishops and\nMonks in the fourth century. _Eustathius_, _Gregory Nazianzen_, _Gregory\nNyssen_, _Basil_, &c. had Monasteries of Clergymen in their cities, out of\nwhich Bishops were sent to other cities; who in like manner erected\nMonasteries there, till the Churches were supplied with Bishops out of\nthese Monasteries. Hence _Jerome_, in a Letter written about the year 385,\n[3] saith of the Clergy: _Quasi & ipsi aliud sint quam Monachi, & non\nquicquid in Monachos dicitur redundet in Clericos qui patres sunt\nMonachorum. Detrimentum pecoris pastoris ignominia est_. And in his book\nagainst _Vigilantius_: _Quid facient Orientis Ecclesiae? Quae aut Virgines\nClericos accipiunt, aut Continentes, aut si uxores habuerint mariti esse\ndesistunt_. Not long after even the Emperors commanded the Churches to\nchuse Clergymen out of the Monasteries by this Law.\n\n_Impp. Arcad & Honor. AA. Caesario PF. P._\n\n[4] _Si quos forte Episcopi deesse sibi Clericos arbitrantur, ex monachorum\nnumero rectius ordinabunt: non obnoxios publicis privatisque rationibus cum\ninvidia teneant, sed habeant jam probatos. Dat. _vii._ Kal. Aug. Honorio A.\n_iv._ & Eutychianio Coss._ A.C. 598. The _Greek_ Empire being now in the\nhands of these _Encratites_, and having them in great admiration, _Daniel_\nmakes it a characteristick of the King who doth according to his will, that\n_he should not regard the desire of Women._\n\nThus the Sect of the _Encratites_, set on foot by the _Gnosticks_, and\npropagated by _Tatian_ and _Montanus_ near the end of the second century;\nwhich was condemned by the Churches of that and the third century, and\nrefined upon by their followers; overspread the _Eastern_ Churches in the\nfourth century, and before the end of it began to overspread the _Western_.\nHenceforward the Christian Churches having a form of godliness, but denying\nthe power thereof, came into the hands of the _Encratites_: and the\nHeathens, who in the fourth century came over in great numbers to the\nChristians, embraced more readily this sort of Christianity, as having a\ngreater affinity with their old superstitions, than that of the sincere\nChristians; who by the lamps of the seven Churches of _Asia_, and not by\nthe lamps of the Monasteries, had illuminated the Church Catholic during\nthe three first centuries.\n\nThe _Cataphrygians_ brought in also several other superstitions: such as\nwere the doctrine of Ghosts, and of their punishment in Purgatory, with\nprayers and oblations for mitigating that punishment, as _Tertullian_\nteaches in his books _De Anima_ and _De Monogamia_. They used also the sign\nof the cross as a charm. So _Tertullian_ in his book _de Corona militis_:\n_Ad omnem progressum atque promotum, ad omnem aditum & exitum, ad vestitum,\nad calceatum, ad lavacra, ad mensas, ad lamina, ad cubilia, ad sedilia,\nquacunque nos conversatio exercet, frontem crucis signaculo terimus_. All\nthese superstitions the Apostle refers to, where he saith: _Now the Spirit\nspeaketh expresly, that in the latter times some shall depart from the\nfaith, giving heed to seducing spirits, and doctrines of devils_, the\n_Daemons_ and Ghosts worshipped by the heathens, _speaking lyes in\nhypocrisy_, about their apparitions, the miracles done by them, their\nreliques, and the sign of the cross, _having consciences seared with a hot\niron_; _forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats_, &c. 1\nTim. iv. 1,2,3. From the _Cataphrygians_ these principles and practices\nwere propagated down to posterity. _For the mystery of iniquity_ did\n_already work_ in the _Apostles_ days in the _Gnosticks_, continued to work\nvery strongly in their offspring the _Tatianists_ and _Cataphrygians_, and\nwas to work _till that man of sin_ should _be revealed_; _whose coming is\nafter the working of Satan, with all power and signs, and lying wonders,\nand all deceivableness of unrighteousness_; coloured over with a form of\n_Christian_ godliness, but without the power thereof, 2 _Thess_. ii. 7-10.\n\nFor tho some stop was put to the _Cataphrygian_ Christianity, by Provincial\nCouncils, till the fourth century; yet the _Roman_ Emperors then turning\n_Christians_, and great multitudes of heathens coming over in outward\nprofession, these found the _Cataphrygian_ Christianity more suitable to\ntheir old principles, of placing religion in outward forms and ceremonies,\nholy-days, and doctrines of Ghosts, than the religion of the sincere\n_Christians_: wherefore they readily sided with the _Cataphrygian\nChristians_, and established that Christianity before the end of the fourth\ncentury. By this means those of understanding, after they had been\npersecuted by the heathen Emperors in the three first centuries, and _were\nholpen with a little help_, by the conversion of _Constantine_ the great\nand his sons to the _Christian_ religion, fell under new persecutions, _to\npurge them_ from the dissemblers, _and to make them white, even to the time\nof the end_.\n\nNotes to Chap. XIII.\n\n[1] Lib. 4. c. 28, 29.\n\n[2] In vita Constantini, l. 4. c. 28.\n\n[3] Epist. 10.\n\n[4] L. 32. de Episcopis.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nCHAP. XIV.\n\n_Of the _Mahuzzims_, honoured by the King who doth according to his will_.\n\nIn scripture we are told of some _trusting in God_ and others _trusting in\nidols_, and that _God is our refuge, our strength, our defense_. In this\nsense God is _the rock of his people_, and false Gods are called _the rock\nof those that trust in them_, Deut. xxxii. 4, 15, 18, 30, 31, 37. In the\nsame sense the Gods of _the King_ who _shall do according to his will_ are\ncalled _Mahuzzims_, munitions, fortresses, protectors, guardians, or\ndefenders. _In his estate_, saith [1] _Daniel_, _shall he honour\n_Mahuzzims_; even with a God whom his fathers knew not, shall he honour\nthem with gold and silver, and with precious stones, and things of value.\nThus shall he do in the most strong holds_ or temples;--_and he shall cause\nthem to rule over many, and divide the land_ among them _for a possession_.\nNow this came to pass by degrees in the following manner.\n\n_Gregory Nyssen_ [2] tells us, that after the persecution of the Emperor\n_Decius_, _Gregory_ Bishop of _Neocaesarea_ in _Pontus_, _instituted among\nall people, as an addition or corollary of devotion towards God, that\nfestival days and assemblies should be celebrated to them who had contended\nfor the faith_, that is, to the _Martyrs_. And he adds this reason for the\ninstitution: _When he observed_, saith _Nyssen_, _that the simple and\nunskilful multitude, by reason of corporeal delights, remained in the error\nof idols; that the principal thing might be corrected among them, namely,\nthat instead of their vain worship they might turn their eyes upon God; he\npermitted that at the memories of the holy Martyrs they might make merry\nand delight themselves, and be dissolved into joy_. The heathens were\ndelighted with the festivals of their Gods, and unwilling to part with\nthose delights; and therefore _Gregory_, to facilitate their conversion,\ninstituted annual festivals to the _Saints_ and _Martyrs_. Hence it came to\npass, that for exploding the festivals of the heathens, the principal\nfestivals of the _Christians_ succeeded in their room: as the keeping of\n_Christmas_ with ivy and feasting, and playing and sports, in the room of\nthe _Bacchanalia_ and _Saturnalia_; the celebrating of _May-day_ with\nflowers, in the room of the _Floralia_; and the keeping of festivals to the\nVirgin _Mary_, _John_ the Baptist, and divers of the Apostles, in the room\nof the solemnities at the entrance of the Sun into the signs of the\n_Zodiac_ in the old _Julian_ Calendar. In the same persecution of _Decius_,\n_Cyprian_ ordered the passions of the Martyrs in _Africa_ to be registred,\nin order to celebrate their memories annually with oblations and\nsacrifices: and _Felix_ Bishop of _Rome_, a little after, as _Platina_\nrelates, _Martyrum gloria consulens, constituit at quotannis sacrificia\neorum nomine celebrarentur_; \"consulting the glory of the Martyrs, ordained\nthat sacrifices should be celebrated annually in their name.\" By the\npleasures of these festivals the _Christians_ increased much in number, and\ndecreased as much in virtue, until they were _purged and made white_ by the\npersecution of _Dioclesian_. This was the first step made in the\n_Christian_ religion towards the veneration of the Martyrs: and tho it did\nnot yet amount to an unlawful worship; yet it disposed the _Christians_\ntowards such a further veneration of the dead, as in a short time ended in\nthe invocation of Saints.\n\nThe next step was the affecting to pray at the sepulchres of the Martyrs:\nwhich practice began in _Dioclesian_'s persecution. The Council of\n_Eliberis_ in _Spain_, celebrated in the third or fourth year of\n_Dioclesian_'s persecution, A.C. 305, hath these Canons. Can. 34. _Cereos\nper diem placuit in Coemeterio non incendi: inquietandi enim spiritus\nsanctorum non sunt. Qui haec non observarint, arceantur ab Ecclesiae\ncommunione._ Can. 35. _Placuit prohiberi ne faeminae in Coemeterio\npervigilent, eo quod saepe sub obtentu orationis latenter scelera\ncommittant._ Presently after that persecution, suppose about the year 314,\nthe Council of _Laodicea_ in _Phrygia_, which then met for restoring the\nlapsed discipline of the Church, has the following Canons. Can. 9. _Those\nof the Church are not allowed to go into the _Coemeteries_ or _Martyries_,\nas they are called, of hereticks, for the sake of prayer or recovery of\nhealth: but such as go, if they be of the faithful, shall be excommunicated\nfor a time_. Can. 34. _A _Christian_ must not leave the Martyrs of\n_Christ_, and go to false Martyrs_, that is, to the Martyrs of the\nhereticks; _for these are alien from God: and therefore let those be\nanathema who go to them_. Can. 51. _The birth-days of the Martyrs shall not\nbe celebrated in _Lent_, but their commemoration shall be made on the\nSabbath-days and Lords days_. The Council of _Paphlagonia_, celebrated in\nthe year 324, made this Canon: _If any man being arrogant, abominates the\ncongregations of the Martyrs, or the Liturgies performed therein, or the\nmemories of the Martyrs, let him be anathema_. By all which it is manifest\nthat the _Christians_ in the time of _Dioclesian_'s persecution used to\npray in the _Coemeteries_ or burying-places of the dead; for avoiding the\ndanger of the persecution, and for want of Churches, which were all thrown\ndown: and after the persecution was over, continued that practice in honour\nof the Martyrs, till new Churches could be built: and by use affected it as\nadvantageous to devotion, and for recovering the health of those that were\nsick. It also appears that in these burying-places they commemorated the\nMartyrs yearly upon days dedicated to them, and accounted all these\npractices pious and religious, and anathematized those men as arrogant who\nopposed them, or prayed in the _Martyries_ of the hereticks. They also\nlighted torches to the Martyrs in the day-time, as the heathens did to\ntheir Gods; which custom, before the end of the fourth century, prevailed\nmuch in the _West_. They sprinkled the worshipers of the Martyrs with\nholy-water, as the heathens did the worshipers of their Gods; and went in\npilgrimage to see _Jerusalem_ and other holy places, as if those places\nconferred sanctity on the visiters. From the custom of praying in the\n_Coemeteries_ and _Martyries_, came the custom of translating the bodies of\nthe Saints and Martyrs into such Churches as were new built: the Emperor\n_Constantius_ began this practice about the year 359, causing the bodies of\n_Andrew_ the Apostle, _Luke_ and _Timothy_, to be translated into a new\nChurch at _Constantinople_: and before this act of _Constantius_, the\n_Egyptians_ kept the bodies of their Martyrs and Saints unburied upon beds\nin their private houses, and told stories of their souls appearing after\ndeath and ascending up to heaven, as _Athanasius_ relates in the life of\n_Antony_. All which gave occasion to the Emperor _Julian_, as _Cyril_\nrelates, to accuse the _Christians_ in this manner: _Your adding to that\nantient dead man, Jesus, many new dead men, who can sufficiently abominate?\nYou have filled all places with sepulchres and monuments, altho you are no\nwhere bidden to prostrate yourselves to sepulchres, and to respect them\nofficiously._ And a little after: _Since _Jesus_ said that sepulchres are\nfull of filthiness, how do you invoke God upon them_? and in another place\nhe saith, that if _Christians_ had adhered to the precepts of the\n_Hebrews_, _they would have worshiped one God instead of many, and not a\nman, or rather not many unhappy men_: And that they _adored the wood of the\ncross, making its images on their foreheads, and before their houses_.\n\nAfter the sepulchres of Saints and Martyrs were thus converted into places\nof worship like the heathen temples, and the Churches into sepulchres, and\na certain sort of sanctity attributed to the dead bodies of the Saints and\nMartyrs buried in them, and annual festivals were kept to them, with\nsacrifices offered to God in their name; the next step towards the\ninvocation of Saints, was the attributing to their dead bodies, bones and\nother reliques, a power of working miracles, by means of the separate\nsouls, who were supposed to know what we do or say, and to be able to do us\ngood or hurt, and to work those miracles. This was the very notion the\nheathens had of the separate souls of their antient Kings and Heroes, whom\nthey worshiped under the names of _Saturn_, _Rhea_, _Jupiter_, _Juno_,\n_Mars_, _Venus_, _Bacchus_, _Ceres_, _Osiris_, _Isis_, _Apollo_, _Diana_,\nand the rest of their Gods. For these Gods being male and female, husband\nand wife, son and daughter, brother and sister, are thereby discovered to\nbe antient men and women. Now as the first step towards the invocation of\nSaints was set on foot by the persecution of _Decius_, and the second by\nthe persecution of _Dioclesian_; so this third seems to have been owing to\nthe proceedings of _Constantius_ and _Julian_ the Apostate. When _Julian_\nbegan to restore the worship of the heathen Gods, and to vilify the Saints\nand Martyrs; the _Christians_ of _Syria_ and _Egypt_ seem to have made a\ngreat noise about the miracles done by the reliques of the _Christian_\nSaints and Martyrs, in opposition to the powers attributed by _Julian_ and\nthe heathens to their Idols. For _Sozomen_ and _Ruffinus_ tell us, that\nwhen he opened the heathen Temples, and consulted the Oracle of _Apollo\nDaphnaeus_ in the suburbs of _Antioch_, and pressed by many sacrifices for\nan answer; the Oracle at length told him that the bones of the Martyr\n_Babylas_ which were buried there hinder'd him from speaking. By which\nanswer we may understand, that some _Christian_ was got into the place\nwhere the heathen Priests used to speak thro' a pipe in delivering their\nOracles: and before this, _Hilary_ in his book against _Constantius_,\nwritten in the last year of that Emperor, makes the following mention of\nwhat was then doing in the _East_ where he was. _Sine martyrio persequeris.\nPlus crudelitati vestrae _Nero_, _Deci_, _Maximiane_, debemus. Diabolum enim\nper vos vicimus. Sanctus ubique beatorum martyrum sanguis exceptus est, dum\nin his Daemones mugiunt, dum aegritudines depelluntur, dum miraculorum opera\ncernuntur, elevari sine laqueis corpora, & dispensis pede faeminis vestes\nnon defluere in faciem, uri sine ignibus spiritus, confiteri sine\ninterrogantis incremento fidei_. And _Gregory Nazianzen_, in his first\nOration against the Emperor _Julian_ then reigning, writes thus: _Martyres\nnon extimuisti quibus praeclari honores & festa constituta, a quibus Daemones\npropelluntur & morbi curantur; quorum sunt apparitiones & praedictiones;\nquorum vel sola corpora idem possunt quod animae sanctae, sive manibus\ncontrectentur, sive honorentur: quorum vel solae sanguinis guttae atque\nexigua passionis signa idem possunt quod corpora. Haec non colis sed\ncontemnis & aspernaris_. These things made the heathens in the reign of the\nsame Emperor demolish the sepulchre of _John_ the Baptist in _Phoenicia_,\nand burn his bones; when several _Christians_ mixing themselves with the\nheathens, gathered up some of his remains, which were sent to _Athanasius_,\nwho hid them in the wall of a Church; foreseeing by a prophetic spirit, as\n_Ruffinus_ tells us, that they might be profitable to future generations.\n\nThe cry of these miracles being once set on foot, continued for many years,\nand encreased and grew more general. _Chrysostom_, in his second Oration on\nSt. _Babylas_, twenty years after the silencing of the Oracle of _Apollo\nDaphnaeus_ as above, viz. A.C. 382, saith of the miracles done by the Saints\nand their reliques [3]: _Nulla est nostri hujus Orbis seu regio, seu gens,\nseu urbs, ubi nova & inopinata miracula haec non decantentur; quae quidem si\nfigmenta fuissent, prorsus in tantam hominum admirationem non venissent_.\nAnd a little after: _Abunde orationi nostrae fidem faciunt quae quotidiana a\nmartyribus miracula eduntur, magna affatim ad illa hominum multitudine\naffluente_. And in his 66th Homily, describing how the Devils were\ntormented and cast out by the bones of the Martyrs, he adds: _Ob eam causam\nmulti plerumque Reges peregre profecti sunt, ut hoc spectaculo fruerentur.\nSiquidem sanctorum martyrum templa futuri judicii vestigia & signa\nexhibent, dum nimirum Daemones flagris caeduntur, hominesque torquentur &\nliberantur. Vide quae sanctorum vita functorum vis sit?_ And _Jerom_ in his\nEpitaph on _Paula_, thus [4] mentions the same things. _Paula vidit\nSamariam: ibi siti sunt Elisaeus & Abdias prophetae, & Joannes Baptista, ubi\nmultis intremuit consternata miraculis. Nam cernebat variis daemones rugire\ncruciatibus, & ante sepulchra sanctorum ululare, homines more luporum\nvocibus latrare canum, fremere leonum, sibilare serpentum, mugire taurorum,\nalios rotare caput & post tergum terram vertice tangere, suspensisque pede\nfaeminis vestes non defluere in faciem_. This was about the year 384: and\n_Chrysostom_ in his Oration on the _Egyptian_ Martyrs, seems to make\n_Egypt_ the ringleader in these matters, saying [5]: _Benedictus Deus\nquandoquidem ex AEgypto prodeunt martyres, ex AEgypto illa cum Deo pugnante\nac insanissima, & unde impia ora, unde linguae blasphemae; ex AEgypto martyres\nhabentur; non in AEgypto tantum, nec in finitima vicinaque regione, sed\n_UBIQUE TERRARUM_. Et quemadmodum in annonae summa ubertate, cum viderunt\nurbium incolae majorem quam usus habitatorum postulat esse proventum, ad\nperegrinas etiam urbes transmittunt: cum & suam comitatem & liberalitatem\nostendant, tum ut praeter horum abundantiam cum facilitate res quibus\nindigent rursus ab illis sibi comparent: sic & AEgyptii, quod attinet ad\nreligionis athletas, fecerunt. Cum apud se multam eorum Dei benignitate\ncopiam cernerent, nequaquam ingens Dei munus sua civitate concluserunt, sed\nin _OMNES TERRAE PARTES_ bonorum thesauros effuderunt: cum ut suum in\nfratres amorem ostenderent, tum ut communem omnium dominum honore\nafficerent, ac civitati suae gloriam apud omnes compararent, totiusque\nterrarum _ORBIS_ esse _METROPOLIN_ declararent.--Sanctorum enim illorum\ncorpora quovis adamantino & inexpugnabili muro tutius nobis urbem\ncommuniunt, & tanquam excelsi quidam scopuli undique prominentes, non horum\nqui sub sensus cadunt & oculis cernuntur hostium impetus propulsant tantum,\nsed etiam invisibilium daemonum insidias, omnesque diaboli fraudes\nsubvertunt ac dissipant.--Neque vero tantum adversus hominum insidias aut\nadversus fallacias daemonum utilis nobis est haec possessio, sed si nobis\ncommunis dominus ob peccatorum multitudinem irascatur, his objectis\ncorporibus continuo poterimus eum propitium reddere civitati_. This Oration\nwas written at _Antioch_, while _Alexandria_ was yet the Metropolis of the\n_East_, that is, before the year 381, in which _Constantinople_ became the\nMetropolis: and it was a work of some years for the _Egyptians_ to have\ndistributed the miracle-working reliques of their Martyrs over all the\nworld, as they had done before that year. _Egypt_ abounded most with the\nreliques of Saints and Martyrs, the _Egyptians_ keeping them embalmed upon\nbeds even in their private houses; and _Alexandria_ was eminent above all\nother cities for dispersing them, so as on that account to acquire glory\nwith all men, and manifest herself to be the _Metropolis_ of the world.\n_Antioch_ followed the example of _Egypt_, in dispersing the reliques of\nthe forty Martyrs: and the examples of _Egypt_ and _Syria_ were soon\nfollowed by the rest of the world.\n\nThe reliques of the forty Martyrs at _Antioch_ were distributed among the\nChurches before the year 373; for _Athanasius_ who died in that year, wrote\nan Oration upon them. This Oration is not yet published, but _Gerard\nVossius_ saw it in MS. in the Library of Cardinal _Ascanius_ in _Italy_, as\nhe says in his commentary upon the Oration of _Ephraem Syrus_ on the same\nforty Martyrs. Now since the Monks of _Alexandria_ sent the reliques of the\nMartyrs of _Egypt_ into all parts of the earth, and thereby acquired glory\nto their city, and declared her in these matters the Metropolis of the\nwhole world, as we have observed out of _Chrysostom_; it may be concluded,\nthat before _Alexandria_ received the forty Martyrs from _Antioch_, she\nbegan to send out the reliques of her own Martyrs into all parts, setting\nthe first example to other cities. This practice therefore began in _Egypt_\nsome years before the death of _Athanasius_. It began when the\nmiracle-working bones of _John_ the Baptist were carried into _Egypt_, and\nhid in the wall of a Church, _that they might be profitable to future\ngenerations_. It was restrained in the reign of _Julian_ the Apostate: and\nthen it spred from _Egypt_ into all the Empire, _Alexandria_ being the\nMetropolis of the whole world, according to _Chrysostom_, for propagating\nthis sort of devotion, and _Antioch_ and other cities soon following her\nexample.\n\nIn propagating these superstitions, the ring-leaders were the Monks, and\n_Antony_ was at the head of them: for in the end of the life of _Antony_,\n_Athanasius_ relates that these were his dying words to his disciples who\nthen attended him. _Do you take care_, said _Antony_, _to adhere to\n_Christ_ in the first place, and then to the Saints, that after death they\nmay receive you as friends and acquaintance into the everlasting\ntabernacles, Think upon these things, perceive these things; and if you\nhave any regard to me, remember me as a father_. This being delivered in\ncharge to the Monks by _Antony_ at his death, A.C. 356, could not but\ninflame their whole body with devotion towards the Saints, as the ready way\nto be received, by them into the eternal Tabernacles after death. Hence\ncame that noise about the miracles, done by the reliques of the Saints in\nthe time of _Constantius_: hence came the dispersion of the miracle-working\nreliques into all the Empire; _Alexandria_ setting the example, and being\nrenowned, for it above all other cities. Hence it came to pass in the days\nof _Julian_, A.C. 362, that _Athanasius_ by a prophetic spirit, as\n_Ruffinus_ tells us, hid the bones of _John_ the Baptist from the Heathens,\nnot in the ground to be forgotten, but in the hollow wall of a Church\nbefore proper witnesses, that they might _be profitable to future\ngenerations_. Hence also came the invocation of the Saints for doing such\nmiracles, and for assisting men in their devotions, and mediating with God.\nFor _Athanasius_, even from his youth, looked upon the dead Saints and\nMartyrs as mediators of our prayers: in his Epistle to _Marcellinus_,\nwritten in the days of _Constantine_ the great, he saith that the words of\nthe _Psalms_ are not to be transposed or any wise changed, but to be\nrecited and sung without any artifice, as they are written, _that the holy\nmen who delivered them, knowing them to be their own words, may pray with\nus; or rather, that the Holy Ghost who spake in the holy men, seeing his\nown words with which he inspired them, may join_ with them _in assisting\nus_.\n\nWhilst _Egypt_ abounded with Monks above any other country, the veneration\nof the Saints began sooner, and spred faster there than in other places.\n_Palladius_ going into _Egypt_ in the year 388 to visit the Monasteries,\nand the sepulchres of _Apollonius_ and other Martyrs of _Thebais_ who had\nsuffered under _Maximinus_, saith of them: _Iis omnibus Christiani fecerunt\naedem unam, ubi nunc multae virtutes peraguntur. Tanta autem fuit viri\ngratia, ut de iis quae esset precatus statim exaudiretur, eum sic honorante\nservatore: quem etiam nos in martyrio precati vidimus, cum iis qui cum ipso\nfuerunt martyrio affecti; & Deum adorantes, eorum corpora salutavimus._\n_Eunapius_ also, a heathen, yet a competent witness of what was done in his\nown times, relating how the soldiers delivered the temples of _Egypt_ into\nthe hands of the Monks, which was done in the year 389, rails thus in an\nimpious manner at the Martyrs, as succeeding in the room of the old Gods of\n_Egypt_. _Illi ipsi, _milites_, Monachos Canobi quoque collocarunt, ut pro\nDiis qui animo cernuntur, servos & quidem flagitiosos divinis honoribus\npercolerent, hominum mentibus ad cultum ceremoniasque obligatis. Ii namque\ncondita & salita eorum capita, qui ob scelerum multitudinem a judicibus\nextremo judicio fuerant affecti, pro Divis ostentabant; iis genua\nsubmittebant, eos in Deorum numerum receptabant, ad illorum sepulchra\npulvere sordibusque conspurcati. Martyres igitur vocabantur, & ministri\nquidem & legati arbitrique precum apud Deos; cum fuerint servilia infida &\nflagris pessime subacta, quae cicatrices scelerum ac nequitiae vestigia\ncorporibus circumferunt; ejusmodi tamen Deos fert tellus_. By these\ninstances we may understand the invocation of Saints was now of some\nstanding in _Egypt_, and that it was already generally received and\npractised there by the common people.\n\nThus _Basil_ a Monk, who was made Bishop of _Caesarea_ in the year 369, and\ndied in the year 378, in his Oration on the Martyr _Mamas_, saith: _Be ye\nmindful of the Martyr; as many of you as have enjoyed him in your dreams,\nas many as in this place have been assisted by him in prayer, as many of\nyou as upon invoking him by name have had him present in your works, as\nmany as he has reduced into the way from wandering, as many as he has\nrestored to health, as, many as have had their dead children restored by\nhim to life, as many as have had their lives prolonged by him_: and a\nlittle after, he thus expresses the universality of this superstition in\nthe regions of _Cappadocia_ and _Bithynia_: _At the memory of the Martyr_,\nsaith he, _the whole region is moved; at his festival the whole city is\ntransported with joy. Nor do the kindred of the rich turn aside to the\nsepulchres of their ancestors, but all go to the place of devotion._ Again,\nin the end of the Homily he prays, that _God would preserve the Church,\nthus fortified with the great towers of the Martyrs_: and in his Oration on\nthe forty Martyrs; _These are they_, saith he, _who obtaining our country,\nlike certain towers afford us safety against our enemies. Neither are they\nshut up in one place only, but being distributed are sent into many\nregions, and adorn many countries.--You have often endeavoured, you have\noften laboured to find one who might pray for you: here are forty, emitting\none voice of prayer.--He that is in affliction flies to these, he that\nrejoices has recourse to these: the first, that he may be freed from evil,\nthe last that he may continue in happiness. Here a woman praying for her\nchildren is heard; she obtains a safe return for her husband from abroad,\nand health for him in his sickness.--O ye common keepers of mankind, the\nbest companions of our cares, suffragans and coadjutors of our prayers,\nmost powerful embassadors to God_, &c. By all which it is manifest, that\nbefore the year 378, the Orations and Sermons upon the Saints went much\nbeyond the bounds of mere oratorical flourishes, and that the common people\nin the _East_ were already generally corrupted by the Monks with\nSaint-worship.\n\n_Gregory Nazianzen_ a Monk, in his sixth Oration written A.C. 373, when he\nwas newly made Bishop of _Sasima_, saith: _Let us purify ourselves to the\nMartyrs, or rather to the God of the Martyrs_: and a little after he calls\nthe Martyrs _mediators of obtaining an ascension or divinity_. The same\nyear, in the end of his Oration upon _Athanasius_ then newly dead, he thus\ninvokes him: _Do thou look down upon us propitiously, and govern this\npeople, as perfect adorers of the perfect Trinity, which in the Father,\nSon, and Holy Ghost, is contemplated and worshiped: if there shall be\npeace, preserve me, and feed my flock with me; but if war, bring me home,\nplace me by thyself, and by those that are like thee; however great my\nrequest._ And in the end of the funeral Oration upon _Basil_, written A.C.\n378, he thus addresses him: _But thou, O divine and sacred Head, look down\nupon us from heaven; and by thy prayers either take away that thorn of the\nflesh which is given us by God for exercise, or obtain that we may bear it\nwith courage, and direct all our life to that which is most fitting for us.\nWhen we depart this life, receive us there in your Tabernacles, that living\ntogether and beholding the holy and blessed Trinity more purely and\nperfectly, whereof we have now but an imperfect view, we may there come to\nthe end of our desires, and receive this reward of the wars which we have\nwaged or suffered_: and in his Oration upon _Cyprian_, not the Bishop of\n_Carthage_, but a _Greek_, he invokes him after the same manner; and tells\nus also how a pious Virgin named _Justina_, was protected by invoking the\nVirgin _Mary_, and how miracles were done by the ashes of _Cyprian_.\n\n_Gregory Nyssen_, another eminent Monk and Bishop, in the life of _Ephraem\nSyrus_, tells how a certain man returning from a far country, was in great\ndanger, by reason all the ways were intercepted by the armies of barbarous\nnations; but upon invoking _Ephraem_ by name, and saying, _Holy _Ephraem_\nassist me_, he escaped the danger, neglected the fear of death, and beyond\nhis hope got safe home. In the end of this Oration _Gregory_ calls upon\n_Ephraem_ after the following manner: _But thou, O Ephraem, assisting now at\nthe divine altar, and sacrificing to the Prince of life, and to the most\nholy Trinity, together with the Angels; remember us all, and obtain for us\npardon of our sins, that we may enjoy the eternal happiness of the kingdom\nof heaven._ The same _Gregory_, in his Oration on the Martyr _Theodorus_\nwritten A.C. 381, thus describes the power of that Martyr, and the practice\nof the people. _This Martyr_, saith he, _the last year quieted the\nbarbarous tempest, and put a stop to the horrid war of the fierce and cruel\n_Scythians_.--If any one is permitted to carry away the dust with which the\ntomb is covered, wherein the body of the Martyr rests; the dust is accepted\nas a gift, and gathered to be laid up as a thing of great price. For to\ntouch the reliques themselves, if any such prosperous fortune shall at any\ntime happen; how great a favour that is, and not to be obtained without the\nmost earnest prayers, they know well who have obtained it. For as a living\nand florid body, they who behold it embrace it, applying to it the eyes,\nmouth, ears, and all the organs of sense; and then with affection pouring\ntears upon the Martyr, as if he was whole and appeared to them: they offer\nprayers with supplication, that he would intercede for them as an advocate,\npraying to him as an Officer attending upon God, and invoking him as\nreceiving gifts whenever he will._ At length _Gregory_ concludes the\nOration with this prayer: _O Theodorus, we want many blessings; intercede\nand beseech for thy country before the common King and Lord: for the\ncountry of the Martyr is the place of his passion, and they are his\ncitizens, brethren and kindred, who have him, defend, adorn and honour him.\nWe fear afflictions, we expect dangers: the wicked _Scythians_ are not far\noff, ready to make war against us. As a soldier fight for us, as a Martyr\nuse liberty of speech for thy fellow-servants. Pray for peace, that these\npublick meetings may not cease, that the furious and wicked barbarian may\nnot rage against the temples and altars, that the profane and impious may\nnot trample upon the holy things. We acknowledge it a benefit received from\nthee, that we are preserved safe and entire, we pray for freedom from\ndanger in time to come: and if there shall be need of greater intercession\nand deprecation, call together the choir of thy brethren the Martyrs, and\nin conjunction with them all intercede for us. Let the prayers of many just\nones attone for the sins of the multitudes and the people; exhort _Peter_,\nexcite _Paul_, and also _John_ the divine and beloved disciple, that they\nmay be sollicitous for the Churches which they have erected, for which they\nhave been in chains, for which they have undergone dangers and deaths; that\nthe worship of idols may not lift up its head against us, that heresies may\nnot spring up like thorns in the vineyard, that tares grown up may not\nchoak the wheat, that no rock void of the fatness of true dew may be\nagainst us, and render the fruitful power of the word void of a root; but\nby the power of the prayers of thyself and thy companions, O admirable man\nand eminent among the Martyrs, the commonwealth of _Christians_ may become\na field of corn_. The same _Gregory Nyssen_, in his sermon upon the death\nof _Meletius_ Bishop of _Antioch_, preached at _Constantinople_ the same\nyear, A.C. 381, before the Bishops of all the _East_ assembled in the\nsecond general Council, spake thus of _Meletius_. _The Bridegroom_, saith\nhe, _is not taken from us: he stands in the midst of us, tho we do not see\nhim: he is a Priest in the most inward places, and face to face intercedes\nbefore God for us and the sins of the people_. This was no oratorical\nflourish, but _Gregory_'s real opinion, as may be understood by what we\nhave cited out of him concerning _Ephraem_ and _Theodorus_: and as _Gregory_\npreached this before the Council of _Constantinople_, you may thence know,\nsaith [6] _Baronius_, that he professed what the whole Council, and\ntherewith the whole Church of those parts believed, namely, that the Saints\nin heaven offer prayers for us before God.\n\n_Ephraem Syrus_, another eminent Monk, who was contemporary with _Basil_,\nand died the same year; in the end of his Encomium or Oration upon _Basil_\nthen newly dead, invokes him after this manner: _Intercede for me, a very\nmiserable man; and recal me by thy intercessions, O father; thou who art\nstrong, pray for me who am weak; thou who art diligent, for me who am\nnegligent; thou who art chearful, for me who am heavy; thou who art wise,\nfor me who am foolish. Thou who hast treasured up a treasure of all\nvirtues, be a guide to me who am empty of every good work_. In the\nbeginning of his Encomium upon the forty Martyrs, written at the same time,\nhe thus invokes them: _Help me therefore, O ye Saints, with your\nintercession; and O ye beloved, with your holy prayers, that _Christ_ by\nhis grace may direct my tongue to speak_, &c. and afterwards mentioning the\nmother of one of these forty Martyrs, he concludes the Oration with this\nprayer: _I entreat thee, O holy, faithful, and blessed woman, pray for me\nto the Saints, saying; Intercede ye that triumph in _Christ_, for the most\nlittle and miserable _Ephraem_, that he may find mercy, and by the grace of\n_Christ_ may be saved_. Again, in his second Sermon or Oration on the\npraises of the holy Martyrs of _Christ_, he thus addresses them: _We\nentreat you most holy Martyrs, to intercede with the Lord for us miserable\nsinners, beset with the filthiness of negligence, that he would infuse his\ndivine grace into us_: and afterwards, near the end of the same discourse;\n_Now ye most holy men and glorious Martyrs of God, help me a miserable\nsinner with your prayers, that in that dreadful hour I may obtain mercy,\nwhen the secrets of all hearts shall be made manifest. I am to day become\nto you, most holy Martyrs of _Christ_, as it were an unprofitable and\nunskilful cup-bearer: for I have delivered to the sons and brothers of your\nfaith, a cup of the excellent wine of your warfare, with the excellent\ntable of your victory, replenished with all sorts of dainties. I have\nendeavoured, with the whole affection and desire of my mind, to recreate\nyour fathers and brothers, kindred and relations, who daily frequent the\ntable. For behold they sing, and with exultation and jubilee glorify God,\nwho has crown'd your virtues, by setting on your most sacred heads\nincorruptible and celestial crowns; they with excessive joy stand about the\nsacred reliques of your martyrdoms, wishing for a blessing, and desiring to\nbear away holy medicines both for the body and the mind. As good disciples\nand faithful ministers of our benign Lord and Saviour, bestow therefore a\nblessing on them all: and on me also, tho weak and feeble, who having\nreceived strength by your merits and intercessions, have with the whole\ndevotion of my mind, sung a hymn to your praise and glory before your holy\nreliques. Wherefore I beseech you stand before the throne of the divine\nMajesty for me _Ephraem_, a vile and miserable sinner, that by your prayers\nI may deserve to obtain salvation, and with you enjoy eternal felicity by\nthe grace and benignity and mercy of our Lord and Saviour _Jesus Christ_,\nto whom with the Father and Holy Ghost be praise, honour and glory for ever\nand ever_. Amen.\n\nBy what has been cited out of _Basil_, the two _Gregories_ and _Ephraem_, we\nmay understand that Saint-worship was established among the Monks and their\nadmirers in _Egypt_, _Phoenicia_, _Syria_ and _Cappadocia_, before the year\n378, this being the year in which _Basil_ and _Ephraem_ died. _Chrysostom_\nwas not much later; he preached at _Antioch_ almost all the time of\n_Theodosius_ the great, and in his Sermons are many exhortations to this\nsort of superstition, as may be seen in the end of his Orations on S.\n_Julia_, on St. _Pelagia_, on the Martyr _Ignatius_, on the _Egyptian_\nMartyrs, on Fate and Providence, on the Martyrs in general, on St.\n_Berenice_ and St. _Prosdoce_, on _Juventinus_ and _Maximus_, on the name\nof _Coemetery_, &c. Thus in his Sermon on _Berenice_ and _Prosdoce_:\n_Perhaps_, saith he, _you are inflamed with no small love towards these\nMartyrs; therefore with this ardour let us fall down before their reliques,\nlet us embrace their coffins. For the coffins of the Martyrs have great\nvirtue, even as the bones of the Martyrs have great power. Nor let us only\non the day of this festival, but also on other days apply to them, invoke\nthem, and beseech them to be our patrons: for they have great power and\nefficacy, not only whilst alive, but also after death; and much more after\ndeath than before. For now they bear the marks or brands of _Christ_; and\nwhen they shew these marks, they can obtain all things of the King. Seeing\ntherefore they abound with such efficacy, and have so much friendship with\nhim; we also, when by continual attendance and perpetual visitation of them\nwe have insinuated ourselves into their familiarity, may by their\nassistance obtain the mercy of God_.\n\n_Constantinople_ was free from these superstitions till _Gregory Nazianzen_\ncame thither A.D. 379; but in a few years it was also inflamed with it.\n_Ruffinus_ [7] tells us, that when the Emperor _Theodosius_ was setting out\nagainst the tyrant _Eugenius_, which was in the year 394, he went about\nwith the Priests and people to all the places of prayer; lay prostrate in\nhaircloth before the shrines of the Martyrs and Apostles, and pray'd for\nassistance by the intercession of the Saints. _Sozomen_ [8] adds, that when\nthe Emperor was marched seven miles from _Constantinople_ against\n_Eugenius_, he went into a Church which he had built to _John_ the Baptist,\n_and invoked the Baptist for his assistance. Chrysostom_ [9] says: _He that\nis clothed in purple, approaches to embrace these sepulchres; and laying\naside his dignity, stands supplicating the Saints to intercede for him with\nGod: and he who goes crowned with a diadem, offers his prayers to the\ntent-maker and the fisher-man as his Protestors._ And in [10] another\nplace: _The cities run together to the sepulchres of the Martyrs, and the\npeople are inflamed with the love of them_.\n\nThis practice of sending reliques from place to place for working miracles,\nand thereby inflaming the devotion of the nations towards the dead Saints\nand their reliques, and setting up the religion of invoking their souls,\nlasted only till the middle of the reign of the Emperor _Theodosius_ the\ngreat; for he then prohibited it by the following Edict. _Humatum corpus,\nnemo ad alterum locum transferat; nemo Martyrem distrahat, nemo mercetur:\nHabeant vero in potestate, si quolibet in loco sanctorum est aliquis\nconditus, pro ejus veneratione, quod _Martyrium_ vocandum sit, addant quod\nvoluerint fabricarum. Dat. _iv._ Kal. Mart. Constantinopoli, Honorio nob.\npuero & Euodio Coss._ A.C. 386. After this they filled the fields and\nhigh-ways with altars erected to Martyrs, which they pretended to discover\nby dreams and revelations: and this occasioned the making the fourteenth\nCanon of the fifth Council of _Carthage_, A.C. 398. _Item placuit, ut\naltaria, quae passim per agros aut vias, tanquam memoriae Martyrum\nconstituuntur, in quibus nullum corpus aut reliquiae Martyrum conditae\nprobantur, ab Episcopis, qui illis locis praesunt, si fieri potest,\nevertantur. Si autem hoc propter tumultus populares non sinitur, plebes\ntamen admoneantur, ne illa loca frequentent, ut qui recte sapiunt, nulla\nibi superstitione devincti teneantur. Et omnino nulla memoria Martyrum\nprobabiliter acceptetur, nisi aut ibi corpus aut aliquae certae reliquiae\nsint, aut ubi origo alicujus habitationis, vel possessionis, vel passionis\nfidelissima origine traditur. Nam quae per somnia, & per inanes quasi\nrevelationes quorumlibet hominum ubique constituuntur altaria, omnimode\nreprobentur._ These altars were for invoking the Saints or Martyrs buried\nor pretended to be buried under them. First they filled the Churches in all\nplaces with the reliques or pretended reliques of the Martyrs, for invoking\nthem in the Churches; and then they filled the fields and high-ways with\naltars, for invoking them every where: and this new religion was set up by\nthe Monks in all the _Greek_ Empire before the expedition of the Emperor\n_Theodosius_ against _Eugenius_, and I think before his above-mentioned\nEdict, A.C. 386.\n\nThe same religion of worshiping _Mahuzzims_ quickly spred into the _Western\nEmpire_ also: but _Daniel_ in this Prophecy describes chiefly the things\ndone among the nations comprehended in the body of his third Beast.\n\nNotes to Chap. XIV.\n\n[1] Chap. xi. 38, 39\n\n[2] Orat. de vita Greg. Thaumaturg. T. 3. p. 574.\n\n[3] Vide Hom. 47. in. S. Julian.\n\n[4] Epist. 27. ad Eustochium.\n\n[5] Edit. Frontonis Ducaei, Tom. 1.\n\n[6] Ad. an. 381, Sect. 41.\n\n[7] Hist. Eccl. l. 2. c. 23.\n\n[8] L. 4. c. 24.\n\n[9] Hom. 66. ad. populum, circa finem. & Hom. 8, 27. in Matth. Hom. 42, 43.\nin Gen. Hom. 1. in 1 Thess.\n\n[10] Exposit. in Psal. 114. sub finem.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n_The end of the first Part._\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nPART II.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nOBSERVATIONS\nUPON THE\nAPOCALYPSE\nOF\nSt. _JOHN_.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nCHAP. I.\n\n_Introduction, concerning the time when the _Apocalypse_ was written_.\n\n_Irenaeus_ introduced an opinion that the _Apocalypse_ was written in the\ntime of _Domitian_; but then he also postponed the writing of some others\nof the sacred books, and was to place the _Apocalypse_ after them: he might\nperhaps have heard from his master _Polycarp_ that he had received this\nbook from _John_ about the time of _Domitian_'s death; or indeed _John_\nmight himself at that time have made a new publication of it, from whence\n_Irenaeus_ might imagine it was then but newly written. _Eusebius_ in his\n_Chronicle_ and _Ecclesiastical History_ follows _Irenoeus_; but afterwards\n[1] in his _Evangelical Demonstrations_, he conjoins the banishment of\n_John_ into _Patmos_, with the deaths of _Peter_ and _Paul_: and so do [2]\n_Tertullian_ and _Pseudo-Prochorus_, as well as the first author, whoever\nhe was, of that very antient fable, that _John_ was put by _Nero_ into a\nvessel of hot oil, and coming out unhurt, was banished by him into\n_Patmos._ Tho this story be no more than a fiction yet was it founded on a\ntradition of the first churches, that _John_ was banished into _Patmos_ in\nthe days of _Nero_. _Epiphanius_ represents the _Gospel of John_ as written\nin the time of _Domitian_, and the _Apocalypse_ even before that of _Nero_.\n[3] _Arethas_ in the beginning of his Commentary quotes the opinion of\n_Irenaeus_ from _Eusebius_, but follows it not: for he afterwards affirms\nthe _Apocalypse_ was written before the destruction of _Jerusalem_, and\nthat former commentators had expounded the sixth seal of that destruction.\n\nWith the opinion of the first Commentators agrees the tradition of the\nChurches of _Syria_, preserved to this day in the title of the _Syriac_\nVersion of the _Apocalypse_, which title is this: _The Revelation which was\nmade to _John_ the Evangelist by God in the Island _Patmos_, into which he\nwas banished by _Nero_ the _Caesar__. The fame is confirmed by a story told\nby [4] _Eusebius_ out of _Clemens Alexandrinus_, and other antient authors,\nconcerning a youth, whom _John_ some time after his return from _Patmos_\ncommitted to the care of the Bishop of a certain city. The Bishop educated,\ninstructed, and at length baptized him; but then remitting of his care, the\nyoung man thereupon got into ill company, and began by degrees first to\nrevel and grow vitious, then to abuse and spoil those he met in the night;\nand at last grew so desperate, that his companions turning a band of\nhigh-way men, made him their Captain: and, saith [5] _Chrysostom_, he\ncontinued their Captain a long time. At length _John_ returning to that\ncity, and hearing what was done, rode to the thief; and, when he out of\nreverence to his old master fled, _John_ rode after him, recalled him, and\nrestored him to the Church. This is a story of many years, and requires\nthat _John_ should have returned from _Patmos_ rather at the death of\n_Nero_ than at that of _Domitian_; because between the death of _Domitian_\nand that of _John_ there were but two years and an half; and _John_ in his\nold age was [6] so infirm as to be carried to Church, dying above 90 years\nold, and therefore could not be then suppos'd able to ride after the thief.\n\nThis opinion is further supported by the allusions in the _Apocalypse_ to\nthe Temple and Altar, and holy City, as then standing; and to the\n_Gentiles_, who were soon after to tread under foot the holy City and\noutward Court. 'Tis confirmed also by the style of the _Apocalypse_ itself,\nwhich is fuller of _Hebraisms_ than his Gospel. For thence it may be\ngathered, that it was written when _John_ was newly come out of _Judea_,\nwhere he had been used to the _Syriac_ tongue; and that he did not write\nhis Gospel, till by long converse with the _Asiatick_ Greeks he had left\noff most of the _Hebraisms_. It is confirmed also by the many false\n_Apocalypses_, as those of _Peter_, _Paul_, _Thomas_, _Stephen_, _Elias_\nand _Cerinthus_, written in imitation of the true one. For as the many\nfalse Gospels, false Acts, and false Epistles were occasioned by true ones;\nand the writing many false _Apocalypses_, and ascribing them to Apostles\nand Prophets, argues that there was a true Apostolic one in great request\nwith the first _Christians_: so this true one may well be suppos'd to have\nbeen written early, that there may be room in the Apostolic age for the\nwriting of so many false ones afterwards, and fathering them upon _Peter_,\n_Paul_, _Thomas_ and others, who were dead before _John_. _Caius_, who was\ncontemporary with _Tertullian_, [7] tells us that _Cerinthus_ wrote his\nRevelations as a great Apostle, and pretended the visions were shewn him by\nAngels, asserting a _millennium_ of carnal pleasures at _Jerusalem_ after\nthe resurrection; so that his _Apocalypse_ was plainly written in imitation\nof _John_'s: and yet he lived so early, that [8] he resisted the Apostles\nat _Jerusalem_ in or before the first year of _Claudius_, that is, 26 years\nbefore the death of _Nero_, and [9] died before _John_.\n\nThese reasons may suffice for determining the time; and yet there is one\nmore, which to considering men may seem a good reason, to others not. I'll\npropound it, and leave it to every man's judgment. The _Apocalypse_ seems\nto be alluded to in the Epistles of _Peter_ and that to the _Hebrews_ and\ntherefore to have been written before them. Such allusions in the Epistle\nto the _Hebrews_, I take to be the discourses concerning the High-Priest in\nthe heavenly Tabernacle, who is both Priest and King, as was _Melchisedec_;\nand those concerning the _word of God_, with the _sharp two-edged sword_,\nthe [Greek: sabbatismos], or _millennial_ rest, the _earth whose end is to\nbe burned_, suppose by the lake of fire, _the judgment and fiery\nindignation which shall devour the adversaries_, the _heavenly City which\nhath foundations whose builder and maker is God_, the _cloud of witnesses,\nmount _Sion_, heavenly _Jerusalem_, general assembly, spirits of just men\nmade perfect_, viz. by the resurrection, and _the shaking of heaven and\nearth, and removing them, that the new heaven, new earth and new kingdom\nwhich cannot be shaken, may remain_. In the first of _Peter_ occur these:\n[10] _The Revelation of Jesus Christ_, twice or thrice repeated; [11] the\n_blood of _Christ_ as of a Lamb foreordained before the foundation of the\nworld_; [12] the _spiritual building_ in heaven, 1 Pet. ii. 5. _an\ninheritance incorruptible and undefiled and that fadeth not away, reserved\nin heaven for us, who are kept unto the salvation, ready to be revealed in\nthe last time_, 1 Pet. i. 4, 5. [13] the _royal Priesthood_, [14] the _holy\nPriesthood_, [15] the _judgment beginning at the house of God_, and [16]\n_the Church at _Babylon__. These are indeed obscurer allusions; but the\nsecond Epistle, from the 19th verse of the first Chapter to the end, seems\nto be a continued Commentary upon the _Apocalypse_. There, in writing to\nthe _Churches in _Asia__, to whom _John_ was commanded to send this\nProphecy, he tells them, they _have a more sure word of Prophecy_, to be\nheeded by them, _as a light that shineth in a dark place, until the day\ndawn, and the day-star arise in their hearts_, that is, until they begin to\nunderstand it: for _no Prophecy_, saith he, _of the scripture is of any\nprivate interpretation; the Prophecy came not in old time by the will of\nman, but holy men of God spake, as they were moved by the Holy Ghost.\nDaniel_ [17] himself professes that he understood not his own _Prophecies_;\nand therefore the Churches were not to expect the interpretation from their\nProphet _John_, but to study the Prophecies themselves. This is the\nsubstance of what _Peter_ says in the first chapter; and then in the second\nhe proceeds to describe, out of this _sure word of Prophecy_, how there\nshould arise in the Church _false Prophets_, or _false teachers_, expressed\ncollectively in the _Apocalypse_ by the name of the false Prophet; who\nshould _bring in damnable heresies, even denying the Lord that bought\nthem_, which is the character of _Antichrist_: _And many_, saith he, _shall\nfollow their lusts_ [18]; they that dwell on the earth [19] shall be\ndeceived by the false Prophet, and be made drunk with the wine of the\nWhore's fornication, _by reason of whom the way of truth shall be\nblasphemed_; for [20] the Beast is full of blasphemy: _and thro'\ncovetousness shall they with feigned words make merchandize of you_; for\nthese are the Merchants of the Earth, who trade with the great Whore, and\ntheir merchandize [21] is all things of price, with the bodies and souls of\nmen: _whose judgment--lingreth not, and their damnation [22] slumbreth\nnot_, but shall surely come upon them at the last day suddenly, as the\nflood upon _the old world_, and fire and brimstone upon _Sodom_ and\n_Gomorrha_, when the just shall be delivered [23] like _Lot_; for _the Lord\nknoweth how to deliver the godly out of temptations, and to reserve the\nunjust unto the day of judgment to be punished_, in the lake of fire; _but\nchiefly them that walk after the flesh in the lust of uncleanness_, [24]\nbeing made drunk with the wine of the Whore's fornication; who _despise\ndominion, and are not afraid to blaspheme glories_; for the beast opened\nhis mouth against God [25] to blaspheme his name and his tabernacle, and\nthem that dwell in heaven. _These, as natural brute beasts_, the ten-horned\nbeast and two-horned beast, or false Prophet, _made to be taken and\ndestroyed_, in the lake of fire, _blaspheme the things they understand\nnot_:--they count it pleasure to riot in the day-time--sporting themselves\nwith their own deceivings, while they feast [26] with you, _having eyes\nfull of an [27] Adulteress_: for the kingdoms of the beast live deliciously\nwith the great Whore, and the nations are made drunk with the wine of her\nfornication. They _are gone astray, following the way of _Balaam_, the son\nof _Beor_, who loved the wages of unrighteousness_, the false Prophet [28]\nwho taught _Balak_ to cast a stumbling-block before the children of\n_Israel_. _These are_, not fountains of living water, but _wells without\nwater_; not such clouds of Saints as the two witnesses ascend in, but\n_clouds that are carried with a tempest_, &c. Thus does the author of this\nEpistle spend all the second Chapter in describing the qualities of the\n_Apocalyptic_ Beasts and false Prophet: and then in the third he goes on to\ndescribe their destruction more fully, and the future kingdom. He saith,\nthat because the coming of _Christ_ should be long deferred, they should\nscoff, saying, _where is the promise of his coming_? Then he describes the\nsudden coming of the day of the Lord upon them, _as a thief in the night_,\nwhich is the _Apocalyptic_ phrase; and the _millennium_, or _thousand\nyears_, which _are with God but as a day_; the _passing away of the old\nheavens_ and earth, by a conflagration in the lake of fire, and our\n_looking for new heavens and a new earth, wherein dwelleth righteousness_.\n\nSeeing therefore _Peter_ and _John_ were Apostles of the circumcision, it\nseems to me that they staid with their Churches in _Judea_ and _Syria_ till\nthe _Romans_ made war upon their nation, that is, till the twelfth year of\n_Nero_; that they then followed the main body of their flying Churches into\n_Asia_, and that _Peter_ went thence by _Corinth_ to _Rome_; that the\n_Roman_ Empire looked upon those Churches as enemies, because _Jews_ by\nbirth; and therefore to prevent insurrections, secured their leaders, and\nbanished _John_ into _Patmos_. It seems also probable to me that the\n_Apocalypse_ was there composed, and that soon after the Epistle to the\n_Hebrews_ and those of _Peter_ were written to these Churches, with\nreference to this Prophecy as what they were particularly concerned in. For\nit appears by these Epistles, that they were written in times of general\naffliction and tribulation under the heathens, and by consequence when the\nEmpire made war upon the _Jews_; for till then the heathens were at peace\nwith the _Christian Jews_, as well as with the rest. The Epistle to the\n_Hebrews_, since it mentions _Timothy_ as related to those _Hebrews_, must\nbe written to them after their flight into _Asia_, where _Timothy_ was\nBishop; and by consequence after the war began, the _Hebrews_ in _Judea_\nbeing strangers to _Timothy_. _Peter_ seems also to call _Rome_ _Babylon_,\nas well with respect to the war made upon _Judea_, and the approaching\ncaptivity, like that under old _Babylon_, as with respect to that name in\nthe _Apocalypse_: and in writing _to the strangers scattered thro'out\n_Pontus_, _Galatia_, _Cappadocia_, _Asia_ and _Bithynia__, he seems to\nintimate that they were the strangers newly scattered by the _Roman_ wars;\nfor those were the only strangers there belonging to his care.\n\nThis account of things agrees best with history when duly rectified. For\n[29] _Justin_ and [30] _Irenaeus_ say, that _Simon Magus_ came to _Rome_ in\nthe reign of _Claudius_, and exercised juggling tricks there.\n_Pseudo-Clemens_ adds, that he endeavoured there to fly, but broke his neck\nthro' the prayers of _Peter_. Whence [31] _Eusebius_, or rather his\ninterpolator _Jerom_, has recorded, that _Peter_ came to _Rome_ in the\nsecond year of _Claudius_: but [32] _Cyril_ Bishop of _Jerusalem_,\n_Philastrius_, _Sulpitius_, _Prosper_, _Maximus Taurinensis_, and\n_Hegesippus junior_, place this victory of _Peter_ in the time of _Nero_.\nIndeed the antienter tradition was, that _Peter_ came to _Rome_ in the days\nof this Emperor, as may be seen in [33] _Lactantius_. _Chrysostom_ [34]\ntells us, that the Apostles continued long in _Judea_, and that then being\ndriven out by the _Jews_ they went to the _Gentiles_. This dispersion was\nin the first year of the _Jewish_ war, when the _Jews_, as _Josephus_ tells\nus, began to be tumultuous and violent in all places. For all agree that\nthe Apostles were dispersed into several regions at once; and _Origen_ has\nset down the time, [35] telling us that in the beginning of the _Judaic_\nwar, the Apostles and disciples of our Lord were scattered into all\nnations; _Thomas_ into _Parthia_, _Andrew_ into _Scythia_, _John_ into\n_Asia_, and _Peter_ first into _Asia_, where he preacht to the dispersion,\nand thence into _Italy_. [36] _Dionysius Corinthius_ saith, that _Peter_\nwent from _Asia_ by _Corinth_ to _Rome_, and all antiquity agrees that\n_Peter_ and _Paul_ were martyred there in the end of _Nero_'s reign. _Mark_\nwent with _Timothy_ to _Rome_, 2 _Tim._ iv. 11. _Colos._ iv. 10. _Sylvanus_\nwas _Paul_'s assistant; and by the companions of _Peter_, mentioned in his\nfirst Epistle, we may know that he wrote from _Rome_; and the Antients\ngenerally agree, that in this Epistle he understood _Rome_ by _Babylon_.\nHis second Epistle was writ to the same dispersed strangers with the first,\n2 _Pet._ iii. 1. and therein he saith, that _Paul_ had writ of the same\nthings to them, and also in his other Epistles, _ver._ 15, 16. Now as there\nis no Epistle of _Paul_ to these strangers besides that to the _Hebrews_,\nso in this Epistle, chap. x. 11, 12. we find at large all those things\nwhich _Peter_ had been speaking of, and here refers to; particularly the\n_passing away of the old heavens and earth_, and _establishing an\ninheritance immoveable_, with an exhortation to grace, because _God_, to\nthe wicked, _is a consuming fire_, Heb. xii. 25, 26, 28, 29.\n\nHaving determined the time of writing the _Apocalyse_, I need not say much\nabout the truth of it, since it was in such request with the first ages,\nthat many endeavoured to imitate it, by feigning _Apocalypses_ under the\nApostles names; and the Apostles themselves, as I have just now shewed,\nstudied it, and used its phrases; by which means the style of the Epistle\nto the _Hebrews_ became more mystical than that of _Paul_'s other Epistles,\nand the style of _John_'s Gospel more figurative and majestical than that\nof the other Gospels. I do not apprehend that _Christ_ was called the word\nof God in any book of the New Testament written before the _Apocalypse_;\nand therefore am of opinion, the language was taken from this Prophecy, as\nwere also many other phrases in this Gospel, such as those of _Christ_'s\nbeing _the light which enlightens the world, the lamb of God which taketh\naway the sins of the world, the bridegroom, he that testifieth, he that\ncame down from heaven, the Son of God_, &c. _Justin Martyr_, who within\nthirty years after _John_'s death became a _Christian_, writes expresly\nthat _a certain man among the _Christians_ whose name was _John_, one of\nthe twelve Apostles of _Christ_, in the Revelation which was shewed him,\nprophesied that those who believed in _Christ_ should live a thousand years\nat _Jerusalem__. And a few lines before he saith: _But I, and as many as\nare _Christians_, in all things right in their opinions, believe both that\nthere shall be a resurrection of the flesh, and a thousand years life at\n_Jerusalem_ built, adorned and enlarged_. Which is as much as to say, that\nall true _Christians_ in that early age received this Prophecy: for in all\nages, as many as believed the thousand years, received the _Apocalypse_ as\nthe foundation of their opinion: and I do not know one instance to the\ncontrary. _Papias_ Bishop of _Hierapolis_, a man of the Apostolic age, and\none of _John_'s own disciples, did not only teach the doctrine of the\nthousand years, but also [37] asserted the _Apocalypse_ as written by\ndivine inspiration. _Melito_, who flourished next after _Justin_, [38]\nwrote a commentary upon this Prophecy; and he, being Bishop of _Sardis_ one\nof the seven Churches, could neither be ignorant of their tradition about\nit, nor impose upon them. _Irenaeus_, who was contemporary with _Melito_,\nwrote much upon it, and said, that _the number 666 was in all the antient\nand approved copies; and that he had it also confirmed to him by those who\nhad seen _John_ face to face_, meaning no doubt his master _Polycarp_ for\none. At the same time [39] _Theophilus_ Bishop of _Antioch_ asserted it,\nand so did _Tertullian_, _Clemens Alexandrinus_, and _Origen_ soon after;\nand their contemporary _Hippolytus_ the Martyr, Metropolitan of the\n_Arabians_, [40] wrote a commentary upon it. All these were antient men,\nflourishing within a hundred and twenty years after _John_'s death, and of\ngreatest note in the Churches of those times. Soon after did _Victorinus\nPictaviensis_ write another commentary upon it; and he lived in the time of\n_Dioclesian_. This may surely suffice to shew how the _Apocalypse_ was\nreceived and studied in the first ages: and I do not indeed find any other\nbook of the New Testament so strongly attested, or commented upon so early\nas this. The Prophecy said: _Blessed is he that readeth, and they that hear\nthe words of this Prophecy, and keep the things which are written therein._\nThis animated the first _Christians_ to study it so much, till the\ndifficulty made them remit, and comment more upon the other books of the\nNew Testament. This was the state of the _Apocalypse_, till the thousand\nyears being misunderstood, brought a prejudice against it: and _Dionysius_\nof _Alexandria_, noting how it abounded with barbarisms, that is with\n_Hebraisms_, promoted that prejudice so far, as to cause many _Greeks_ in\nthe fourth century to doubt of the book. But whilst the _Latins_, and a\ngreat part of the _Greeks_, always retained the _Apocalypse_, and the rest\ndoubted only out of prejudice, it makes nothing against its authority.\n\nThis Prophecy is called _the Revelation_, with respect to _the scripture of\ntruth_, which _Daniel_ [41] was commanded to _shut up and seal, till the\ntime of the end_. _Daniel_ sealed it _until the time of the end_; and until\nthat time comes, the Lamb is opening the seals: and afterwards the two\nWitnesses prophesy out of it a long time in sack-cloth, before they ascend\nup to heaven in a cloud. All which is as much as to say, that these\nProphecies of _Daniel_ and _John_ should not be understood till the time of\nthe end: but then some should prophesy out of them in an afflicted and\nmournful state for a long time, and that but darkly, so as to convert but\nfew. But in the very end, the Prophecy should be so far interpreted as to\nconvince many. _Then_, saith _Daniel, many shall run to and fro, and\nknowledge shall be encreased_. For the Gospel must be preached in all\nnations before the great tribulation, and end of the world. The\npalm-bearing multitude, which come out of this great tribulation, cannot be\ninnumerable out of all nations, unless they be made so by the preaching of\nthe Gospel before it comes. There must be a stone cut out of a mountain\nwithout hands, before it can fall upon the toes of the Image, and become a\ngreat mountain and fill the earth. An Angel must fly thro' the midst of\nheaven with the everlasting Gospel to preach to all nations, before\n_Babylon_ falls, and the Son of man reaps his harvest. The two Prophets\nmust ascend up to heaven in a cloud, before the kingdoms of this world\nbecome the kingdoms of _Christ_. 'Tis therefore a part of this Prophecy,\nthat it should not be understood before the last age of the world; and\ntherefore it makes for the credit of the Prophecy, that it is not yet\nunderstood. But if the last age, the age of opening these things, be now\napproaching, as by the great successes of late Interpreters it seems to be,\nwe have more encouragement than ever to look into these things. If the\ngeneral preaching of the Gospel be approaching, it is to us and our\nposterity that those words mainly belong: [42] _In the time of the end the\nwise shall understand, but none of the wicked shall understand. [43]\nBlessed is he that readeth, and they that hear the words of this Prophecy,\nand keep those things which are written therein._\n\nThe folly of Interpreters has been, to foretel times and things by this\nProphecy, as if God designed to make them Prophets. By this rashness they\nhave not only exposed themselves, but brought the Prophecy also into\ncontempt. The design of God was much otherwise. He gave this and the\nProphecies of the Old Testament, not to gratify men's curiosities by\nenabling them to foreknow things, but that after they were fulfilled they\nmight be interpreted by the event, and his own Providence, not the\nInterpreters, be then manifested thereby to the world. For the event of\nthings predicted many ages before, will then be a convincing argument that\nthe world is governed by providence. For as the few and obscure Prophecies\nconcerning _Christ_'s first coming were for setting up the _Christian_\nreligion, which all nations have since corrupted; so the many and clear\nProphecies concerning the things to be done at _Christ_'s second coming,\nare not only for predicting but also for effecting a recovery and\nre-establishment of the long-lost truth, and setting up a kingdom wherein\ndwells righteousness. The event will prove the _Apocalypse_; and this\nProphecy, thus proved and understood, will open the old Prophets, and all\ntogether will make known the true religion, and establish it. For he that\nwill understand the old Prophets, must begin with this; but the time is not\nyet come for understanding them perfectly, because the main revolution\npredicted in them is not yet come to pass. _In the days of the voice of the\nseventh Angel, when he shall begin to sound, the mystery of God shall be\nfinished, as he hath declared to his servants the Prophets_: and then _the\nkingdoms of this world shall become the kingdoms of our Lord and his\n_Christ_, and he shall reign for ever_, Apoc. x. 7. xi. 15. There is\nalready so much of the Prophecy fulfilled, that as many as will take pains\nin this study, may see sufficient instances of God's providence: but then\nthe signal revolutions predicted by all the holy Prophets, will at once\nboth turn mens eyes upon considering the predictions, and plainly interpret\nthem. Till then we must content ourselves with interpreting what hath been\nalready fulfilled.\n\nAmongst the Interpreters of the last age there is scarce one of note who\nhath not made some discovery worth knowing; and thence I seem to gather\nthat God is about opening these mysteries. The success of others put me\nupon considering it; and if I have done any thing which may be useful to\nfollowing writers, I have my design.\n\nNotes to Chap. I.\n\n[1] Dem. Evang. l. 3.\n\n[2] Vid. _Pamelium_ in notis ad _Tertull._ de Praescriptionbus, n. 215 &\n_Hieron_ l. 1. contra _Jovinianum_, c. 14. Edit._Erasmi._\n\n[3] Areth. c. 18, 19.\n\n[4] Hist. Eccl. l. 3. c. 23.\n\n[5] Chrysost. ad Theodorum lapsum.\n\n[6] Hieron. in Epist. ad Gal. l. 3. c. 6.\n\n[7] Apud Euseb. Eccl. Hist. l. 3. c. 28. Edit. _Valesii_.\n\n[8] Epiphan. Haeres. 28.\n\n[9] Hieron. adv. Lucif.\n\n[10] 1 Pet. i. 7, 13. iv. 13. & v. 1.\n\n[11] Apoc. xiii. 8.\n\n[12] Apoc. xxi.\n\n[13] Apoc. i. 6. & v. 10.\n\n[14] Apoc. xx. 6.\n\n[15] Apoc. xx. 4, 12.\n\n[16] Apoc. xvii.\n\n[17] Dan. viii. 15, 16, 27. & xii. 8, 9.\n\n[18] [Greek: aselgeias], _in many of the best MSS._\n\n[19] Apoc. xiii. 7, 12.\n\n[20] Apoc. xiii. 1, 5, 6.\n\n[21] Apoc. xviii. 12, 13.\n\n[22] Apoc. xix. 20.\n\n[23] Apoc. xxi. 3, 4.\n\n[24] Apoc. ix. 21. _and_ xvii. 2.\n\n[25] Apoc. xiii. 6.\n\n[26] Apoc. xviii. 3, 7, 9.\n\n[27] [Greek: moichalidos].\n\n[28] Apoc. ii. 14.\n\n[29] Apol. ad Antonin. Pium.\n\n[30] Haeres. l. 1. c. 20. Vide etiam Tertullianum, Apol. c. 13.\n\n[31] Euseb. Chron.\n\n[32] Cyril Catech. 6. Philastr. de haeres. cap. 30. Sulp. Hist. l. 2.\nProsper de promiss. dimid. temp. cap. 13. Maximus serm. 5. in Natal. Apost.\nHegesip. l. 2. c. 2.\n\n[33] Lactant de mortib. Persec. c. 2.\n\n[34] Hom. 70. in Matt. c. 22.\n\n[35] Apud Euseb. Eccl. Hist. l. 2. c. 25.\n\n[36] Euseb. Hist. l. 2. c. 25.\n\n[37] Arethas in Proaem. comment. in Apoc.\n\n[38] Euseb. Hist. l. 4. cap. 26. Hieron.\n\n[39] Euseb. Hist. l. 4. c. 24.\n\n[40] Hieron.\n\n[41] Dan. x. 21. xii. 4, 9.\n\n[42] Dan. xii. 4, 10.\n\n[43] Apoc. i. 3.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nCHAP. II.\n\n_Of the relation which the _Apocalypse_ of _John_ hath to the Book of the\nLaw of _Moses_, and to the worship of God in the Temple_.\n\nThe _Apocalypse_ of _John_ is written in the same style and language with\nthe Prophecies of _Daniel_, and hath the same relation to them which they\nhave to one another, so that all of them together make but one complete\nProphecy; and in like manner it consists of two parts, an introductory\nProphecy, and an Interpretation thereof.\n\nThe Prophecy is distinguish'd into seven successive parts, by the opening\nof the seven seals of the book which _Daniel_ was commanded to seal up: and\nhence it is called the _Apocalypse_ or _Revelation_ of _Jesus Christ_. The\ntime of the seventh seal is sub-divided into eight successive parts by the\nsilence in heaven for half an hour, and the sounding of seven trumpets\nsuccessively: and the seventh trumpet sounds to the battle of the great day\nof God Almighty, whereby _the kingdoms of this world become the kingdoms of\nthe Lord and of his Christ_, and those are destroyed that destroyed the\nearth.\n\nThe Interpretation begins with the words, _And the temple of God was opened\nin heaven, and there was seen in his temple the Ark of his Testament_: and\nit continues to the end of the Prophecy. The Temple is the scene of the\nvisions, and the visions in the Temple relate to the feast of the seventh\nmonth: for the feasts of the _Jews_ were typical of things to come. The\nPassover related to the first coming of _Christ_, and the feasts of the\nseventh month to his second coming: his first coming being therefore over\nbefore this Prophecy was given, the feasts of the seventh month are here\nonly alluded unto.\n\nOn the first day of that month, in the morning, the High-Priest dressed the\nlamps: and in allusion hereunto, this Prophecy begins with a vision of one\nlike _the Son of man_ in the High-Priest's habit, appearing as it were in\nthe midst of the seven golden candlesticks, or over against the midst of\nthem, dressing the lamps, which appeared like a rod of seven stars in his\nright hand: and this dressing was perform'd by the sending seven Epistles\nto the Angels or Bishops of the seven Churches of _Asia_, which in the\nprimitive times illuminated the Temple or Church Catholick. These Epistles\ncontain admonitions against the approaching Apostacy, and therefore relate\nto the times when the Apostacy began to work strongly, and before it\nprevailed. It began to work in the Apostles days, and was to continue\nworking _till the man of sin should be revealed_. It began to work in the\ndisciples of _Simon_, _Menander_, _Carpocrates_, _Cerinthas_, and such\nsorts of men as had imbibed the metaphysical philosophy of the _Gentiles_\nand _Cabalistical Jews_, and were thence called _Gnosticks_. _John_ calls\nthem _Antichrists_, saying that in his days there were many _Antichrists_.\nBut these being condemned by the Apostles, and their immediate disciples,\nput the Churches in no danger during the opening of the first four seals.\nThe visions at the opening of these seals relate only to the civil affairs\nof the heathen _Roman_ Empire. So long the Apostolic traditions prevailed,\nand preserved the Church in its purity: and therefore the affairs of the\nChurch do not begin to be considered in this Prophecy before the opening of\nthe fifth seal. She began then to decline, and to want admonitions; and\ntherefore is admonished by these Epistles, till the Apostacy prevailed and\ntook place, which was at the opening of the seventh seal. The admonitions\ntherefore in these seven Epistles relate to the state of the Church in the\ntimes of the fifth and sixth seals. At the opening of the fifth seal, the\nChurch is purged from hypocrites by a great persecution. At the opening of\nthe sixth, that which letted is taken out of the way, namely the heathen\n_Roman_ Empire. At the opening of the seventh, the man of sin is revealed.\nAnd to these times the seven Epistles relate.\n\nThe seven Angels, to whom these Epistles were written, answer to the seven\n_Amarc-holim_, who were Priests and chief Officers of the Temple, and had\njointly the keys of the gates of the Temple, with those of the Treasuries,\nand the direction, appointment and oversight of all things in the Temple.\n\nAfter the lamps were dresed, _John_ saw _the door_ of the Temple _opened_;\nand by _the voice as it were of a trumpet_, was called up to the eastern\ngate of the great court, to see the visions: and _behold a throne was set_,\nviz. the mercy-seat upon the Ark of the Testament, which the _Jews_\nrespected as _the throne of God between the _Cherubims__, _Exod._ xxv. 2.\n_Psal._ xcix. 1. _And he that sat on it was to look upon like _Jasper_ and\n_Sardine_ stone_, that is, of an olive colour, the people of _Judea_ being\nof that colour. _And_, the Sun being then in the _East, a rainbow was about\nthe throne_, the emblem of glory. _And round about the throne were four and\ntwenty seats_; answering to the chambers of the four and twenty Princes of\nthe Priests, twelve on the south side, and twelve on the north side of the\nPriests Court. _And upon the seats were four and twenty Elders sitting,\nclothed in white rayment, with crowns on their heads_; representing the\nPrinces of the four and twenty courses of the Priests clothed in linen.\n_And out of the throne proceeded lightnings and thunderings, and voices_,\nviz. the flashes of the fire upon the Altar at the morning-sacrifice, and\nthe thundering voices of those that sounded the trumpets, and sung at the\nEastern gate of the Priests Court; for these being between _John_ and the\nthrone appeared to him as proceeding from the throne. _And there were seven\nlamps of fire burning_, in the Temple, _before the throne, which are the\nseven spirits of God_, or Angels of the seven Churches, represented in the\nbeginning of this Prophecy by seven stars. _And before the throne was a sea\nof glass clear as chrystal_; the brazen sea between the porch of the Temple\nand the Altar, filled with clear water. _And in the midst of the throne,\nand round about the throne, were four Beasts full of eyes before and\nbehind_: that is, one Beast before the throne and one behind it, appearing\nto _John_ as in the midst of the throne, and one on either side in the\ncircle about it, to represent by the multitude of their eyes the people\nstanding in the four sides of the peoples court. _And the first Beast was\nlike a lion, and the second was like a calf, and the third had the face of\na man, and the fourth was like a flying eagle_. The people of _Israel_ in\nthe wilderness encamped round about the tabernacle, and on the east side\nwere three tribes under the standard of _Judah_, on the west were three\ntribes under the standard of _Ephraim_, on the south were three tribes\nunder the standard of _Reuben_, and on the north were three tribes under\nthe standard of _Dan_, _Numb._ ii. And the standard of _Judah_ was a Lion,\nthat of _Ephraim_ an Ox, that of _Reuben_ a Man, and that of _Dan_ an\nEagle, as the _Jews_ affirm. Whence were framed the hieroglyphicks of\n_Cherubims_ and _Seraphims_, to represent the people of _Israel_. A\n_Cherubim_ had one body with four faces, the faces of a Lion, an Ox, a Man\nand an Eagle, looking to the four winds of heaven, without turning about,\nas in _Ezekiel_'s vision, chap. i. And four _Seraphims_ had the same four\nfaces with four bodies, one face to every body. The four Beasts are\ntherefore four _Seraphims_ standing in the four sides of the peoples court;\nthe first in the eastern side with the head of a Lion, the second in the\nwestern side with the head of an Ox, the third in the southern side with\nthe head of a Man, the fourth in the northern side with the head of an\nEagle: and all four signify together the twelve tribes of _Israel_, out of\nwhom the hundred forty and four thousand were sealed, _Apoc._ vii. 4. _And\nthe four Beasts had each of them six wings_, two to a tribe, in all twenty\nand four wings, answering to the twenty and four stations of the people.\n_And they were full of eyes within_, or under their wings. _And they rest\nnot day and night_, or at the morning and evening-sacrifices, _saying,\nholy, holy, holy Lord God Almighty, which was, and is, and is to come_.\nThese animals are therefore the Seraphims, which appeared to _Isaiah_ [1]\nin a vision like this of the _Apocalypse_. For there also the Lord sat upon\na throne in the temple; and the Seraphims each with six wings cried, _Holy,\nholy, holy Lord God of hosts. And when those animals give glory and honour\nand thanks to him that sitteth upon the throne, who liveth for ever and\never, the four and twenty Elders_ go into the Temple, and there _fall down\nbefore him that sitteth on the throne, and worship him that liveth for ever\nand ever, and cast their crowns before the throne, saying, Thou art worthy,\nO Lord, to receive glory and honour and power: for thou hast created all\nthings, and for thy pleasure they are and were created_. At the morning and\nevening-sacrifices, so soon as the sacrifice was laid upon the Altar, and\nthe drink-offering began to be poured out, the trumpets sounded, and the\n_Levites_ sang by course three times; and every time when the trumpets\nsounded, the people fell down and worshiped. Three times therefore did the\npeople worship; to express which number, the Beasts cry _Holy, holy, holy_:\nand the song being ended, the people prayed standing, till the solemnity\nwas finished. In the mean time the Priests went into the Temple, and there\nfell down before him that sat upon the throne, and worshiped.\n\n_And _John_ saw, in the right hand of him that sat upon the throne, a book\nwritten within and on the backside, sealed with seven seals_, viz. the book\nwhich _Daniel_ was commanded to seal up, and which is here represented by\nthe prophetic book of the Law laid up on the right side of the Ark, as it\nwere in the right hand of him that sat on the throne: for the festivals and\nceremonies of the Law prescribed to the people in this book, adumbrated\nthose things which were predicted in the book of _Daniel_; and the writing\nwithin and on the backside of this book, relates to the synchronal\nProphecies. [2] _And none was found worthy to open the book_ but the Lamb\nof God. _And lo, in the midst of the throne and of the four Beasts, and in\nthe midst of the Elders_, that is, at the foot of the Altar, _stood a lamb\nas it had been slain_, the morning-sacrifice; _having seven horns_, which\nare the seven Churches, _and seven eyes, which are the seven spirits of God\nsent forth into all the earth. And he came, and took the book out of the\nright hand of him that sat upon the throne: And when he had taken the book,\nthe four Beasts and four and twenty Elders fell down before the Lamb,\nhaving every one of them harps, and golden vials full of odours, which are\nthe prayers of saints. And they sung a new song, saying, Thou art worthy to\ntake the book, and to open the seals thereof: for thou wast slain, and hast\nredeemed us to God by thy blood out of every kindred, and tongue, and\npeople, and nation; and hast made us, unto our God, Kings and Priests, and\nwe shall reign on the earth._ The Beasts and Elders therefore represent the\nprimitive _Christians_ of all nations; and the worship of these\n_Christians_ in their Churches is here represented under the form of\nworshiping God and the Lamb in the Temple: God for his benefaction in\ncreating all things, and the Lamb for his benefaction in redeeming us with\nhis blood: God as sitting upon the throne and living for ever, and the Lamb\nas exalted above all by the merits of his death. _And I heard_, saith\n_John_, _the voice of many Angels round about the throne, and the Beasts\nand the Elders: and the number of them was ten thousand times ten thousand,\nand thousands of thousands; saying with a loud voice, Worthy is the Lamb\nthat was slain to receive power, and riches, and wisdom, and strength, and\nhonour, and glory, and blessing. And every creature which is in heaven, and\non the earth, and under the earth, and such as are in the sea, and all that\nare in them, heard I, saying, Blessing, honour, glory, and power, be unto\nhim that sitteth upon the throne, and unto the Lamb for ever and ever. And\nthe four Beasts said, _Amen_. And the four and twenty Elders fell down and\nworshiped him that liveth for ever and ever._ This was the worship of the\nprimitive _Christians_.\n\nIt was the custom for the High-Priest, seven days before the fast of the\nseventh month, to continue constantly in the Temple, and study the book of\nthe Law, that he might be perfect in it against the day of expiation;\nwherein the service, which was various and intricate, was wholly to be\nperformed by himself; part of which service was reading the Law to the\npeople: and to promote his studying it, there were certain Priests\nappointed by the _Sanhedrim_ to be with him those seven days in one of his\nchambers in the Temple, and there to discourse with him about the Law, and\nread it to him, and put him in mind of reading and studying it himself.\nThis his opening and reading the Law those seven days, is alluded unto in\nthe Lamb's opening the seals. We are to conceive that those seven days\nbegin in the evening before each day; for the _Jews_ began their day in the\nevening, and that the solemnity of the fast begins in the morning of the\nseventh day.\n\nThe seventh seal was therefore opened on the day of expiation, and then\n_there was silence in heaven for half an hour. And an Angel_, the\nHigh-Priest, _stood at the Altar, having a golden Censer; and there was\ngiven him much incense, that he should offer it with the prayers of all\nSaints, upon the golden Altar which was before the throne_. The custom was\non other days, for one of the Priests to take fire from the great Altar in\na silver Censer; but on this day, for the High-Priest to take fire from the\ngreat Altar in a golden Censer: and when he was come down from the great\nAltar, he took incense from one of the Priests who brought it to him, and\nwent with it to the golden Altar: and while he offered the incense, the\npeople prayed without in silence, which is the silence in heaven for half\nan hour. When the High-Priest had laid the incense on the Altar, he carried\na Censer of it burning in his hand, into the most holy place before the\nArk. _And the smoke of the incense, with the prayers of the Saints,\nascended up before God out of the Angel's hand._ On other days there was a\ncertain measure of incense for the golden Altar: on this day there was a\ngreater quantity for both the Altar and the most holy Place, and therefore\nit is called _much incense_. After this _the Angel took the Censer, and\nfilled it with fire from the_ great _Altar, and cast it into the earth_;\nthat is, by the hands of the Priests who belong to his mystical body, he\ncast it to the earth without the Temple, for burning the Goat which was the\nLord's lot. _And_ at this and other concomitant sacrifices, until the\nevening-sacrifice was ended, _there were voices, and thundrings, and\nlightnings, and an earthquake_; that is, the voice of the High-Priest\nreading the Law to the people, and other voices and thundrings from the\ntrumpets and temple-musick at the sacrifices, and lightnings from the fire\nof the Altar.\n\nThe solemnity of the day of expiation being finished, the seven Angels\nfound their trumpets at the great sacrifices of the seven days of the feast\nof tabernacles; and at the same sacrifices, the seven thunders utter their\nvoices, which are the musick of the Temple, and singing of the _Levites_,\nintermixed with the soundings of the trumpets: and the seven Angels pour\nout their vials of wrath, which are the drink-offerings of those\nsacrifices.\n\nWhen six of the seals were opened, _John_ said: [3] _And after these\nthings_, that is, after the visions of the sixth seal, _I saw four Angels\nstanding on the four corners of the earth, holding the four winds of the\nearth, that the wind should not blow on the earth, nor on the sea, nor on\nany tree. And I saw another Angel ascending from the _East_, having the\nseal of the living God: and he cried with a loud voice to the four Angels,\nto whom it was given to hurt the earth and the sea, saying, Hurt not the\nearth, nor the sea, nor the trees, till we have sealed the servants of our\nGod in their foreheads._ This sealing alludes to a tradition of the _Jews_,\nthat upon the day of expiation all the people of _Israel_ are sealed up in\nthe books of life and death. For the _Jews_ in their _Talmud_ [4] tell us,\nthat in the beginning of every new year, or first day of the month _Tisri_,\nthe seventh month of the sacred year, three books are opened in judgment;\nthe book of life, in which the names of those are written who are perfectly\njust; the book of death, in which the names of those are written who are\nAtheists or very wicked; and a third book, of those whose judgment is\nsuspended till the day of expiation, and whose names are not written in the\nbook of life or death before that day. The first ten days of this month\nthey call the penitential days; and all these days they fast and pray very\nmuch, and are very devout, that on the tenth day their sins may be\nremitted, and their names may be written in the book of life; which day is\ntherefore called the day of expiation. And upon this tenth day, in\nreturning home from the Synagogues, they say to one another, _God the\ncreator seal you to a good year_. For they conceive that the books are now\nsealed up, and that the sentence of God remains unchanged henceforward to\nthe end of the year. The same thing is signified by the two Goats, upon\nwhose foreheads the High-Priest yearly, on the day of expiation, lays the\ntwo lots inscribed, _For God_ and _For _Azazel__; God's lot signifying the\npeople who are sealed with the name of God in their foreheads; and the lot\n_Azazel_, which was sent into the wilderness, representing those who\nreceive the mark and name of the Beast, and go into the wilderness with the\ngreat Whore.\n\nThe servants of God being therefore sealed in the day of expiation, we may\nconceive that this sealing is synchronal to the visions which appear upon\nopening the seventh seal; and that when the Lamb had opened six of the\nseals and seen the visions relating to the inside of the sixth, he looked\non the backside of the seventh leaf, and then saw _the four Angels holding\nthe four winds of heaven, and another Angel ascending from the _East_ with\nthe seal of God_. Conceive also, that the Angels which held the four winds\nwere the first four of the seven Angels, who upon opening the seventh seal\nwere seen standing before God; and that upon their holding the winds,\n_there was silence in heaven for half an hour_; and that while the servants\nof God were sealing, the Angel with the golden Censer offered their prayers\nwith incense upon the golden Altar, and read the Law: and that so soon as\nthey were sealed, the winds hurt the earth at the sounding of the first\ntrumpet, and the sea at the sounding of the second; these winds signifying\nthe wars, to which the first four trumpets sounded. For as the first four\nseals are distinguished from the three last by the appearance of four\nhorsemen towards the four winds of heaven; so the wars of the first four\ntrumpets are distinguished from those of the three last, by representing\nthese by _four winds_, and the others by _three great woes_.\n\nIn one of _Ezekiel_'s visions, when the _Babylonian_ captivity was at hand,\n_six men_ appeared _with slaughter-weapons_; _and a seventh_, who [5]\nappeared _among them clothed in white linen and a writer's ink-horn by his\nside_, is commanded to _go thro' the midst of _Jerusalem_, and set a mark\nupon the foreheads of the men that sigh and cry for all the abominations\ndone in the midst thereof_: and then the six men, like the Angels of the\nfirst six trumpets, are commanded to slay those men who are not marked.\nConceive therefore that the hundred forty and four thousand are sealed, to\npreserve them from the plagues of the first six trumpets; and that at\nlength by the preaching of the everlasting gospel, they grow into _a great\nmultitude, which no man could number, of all nations, and kindreds, and\npeople and tongues_: and at the sounding of the seventh trumpet come out of\nthe great tribulation _with Palms in their hands: the kingdoms of this\nworld_, by the war to which that trumpet sounds, _becoming the kingdoms of\nGod and his _Christ__. For the solemnity of the great _Hosannah_ was kept\nby the _Jews_ upon the seventh or last day of the feast of tabernacles; the\n_Jews_ upon that day carrying Palms in their hands, and crying _Hosannah_.\n\nAfter six of the Angels, answering to the six men with slaughter-weapons,\nhad sounded their trumpets, the Lamb in the form of _a mighty Angel cane\ndown from heaven clothed with a cloud, and a rainbow was upon his head, and\nhis face was as it were the Sun, and his feet as pillars of fire_, the\nshape in which _Christ_ appeared in the beginning of this Prophecy; _and he\nhad in his hand a little book open_, the book which he had newly opened;\nfor he received but one book from him that sitteth upon the throne, and he\nalone was worthy to open and look on this book. _And he set his right foot\nupon the sea and his left foot on the earth, and cried with a loud voice,\nas when a lion roareth_. It was the custom for the High-Priest on the day\nof expiation, to stand in an elevated place in the peoples court, at the\nEastern gate of the Priests court, and read the Law to the people, while\nthe Heifer and the Goat which was the Lord's lot, were burning without the\nTemple. We may therefore suppose him standing in such a manner, that his\nright foot might appear to _John_ as it were standing on the sea of glass,\nand his left foot on the ground of the house; and that he cried with a loud\nvoice, in reading the Law on the day of expiation. _And when he had cried,\nseven thunders uttered their voices_. Thunders are the voice of a cloud,\nand a cloud signifies a multitude; and this multitude may be the _Levites_,\nwho sang with thundering voices, and played with musical instruments at the\ngreat sacrifices, on the seven days of the feast of Tabernacles: at which\ntimes the trumpets also sounded. For the trumpets sounded, and the\n_Levites_ sang alternately, three times at every sacrifice. The Prophecy\ntherefore of the seven thunders is nothing else than a repetition of the\nProphecy of the seven trumpets in another form. _And the Angel which I saw\nstand upon the sea and upon the earth, lifted up his hand to heaven, and\nsware by him that liveth for ever and ever, that_ after the seven thunders\n_there should be time no longer; but in the days of the voice of the\nseventh Angel, when he shall begin to sound, the mystery of God should be\nfinished, as he hath declared to his servants the Prophets_. The voices of\nthe thunders therefore last to the end of this world, and so do those of\nthe trumpets.\n\n_And the voice which I heard from heaven_, saith _John_, _spake unto me\nagain and said, Go and take the little book, &c. And I took the little book\nout of the Angel's hand, and ate it up; and it was in my mouth sweet as\nhoney, and as soon as I had eaten it, my belly was bitter. And he said unto\nme, Thou must prophesy again before many peoples, and nations, and tongues,\nand kings_. This is an introduction to a new Prophecy, to a repetition of\nthe Prophecy of the whole book; and alludes to _Ezekiel_'s eating a roll or\nbook spread open before him, and written within and without, full of\nlamentations and mourning and woe, but sweet in his mouth. Eating and\ndrinking signify acquiring and possessing; and eating the book is becoming\ninspired with the Prophecy contained in it. It implies being inspired in a\nvigorous and extraordinary manner with the Prophecy of the whole book, and\ntherefore signifies a lively repetition of the whole Prophecy by way of\ninterpretation, and begins not till the first Prophecy, that of the seals\nand trumpets, is ended. It was sweet in _John_'s mouth, and therefore\nbegins not with the bitter Prophecy of the _Babylonian_ captivity, and the\n_Gentiles_ being in the outward court of the Temple, and treading the holy\ncity under foot; and the prophesying of the _two Witnesses_ in sackcloth,\nand their smiting the earth with all plagues, and being killed by the\nBeast; but so soon as the Prophecy of the trumpets is ended, it begins with\nthe sweet Prophecy of the glorious _Woman in heaven_, and the victory of\n_Michael_ over the Dragon; and after that, it is bitter in _John_'s belly,\nby a large description of the times of the great Apostacy.\n\n_And the Angel stood_, upon the earth and sea, _saying, Rise and measure\nthe Temple of God and the Altar, and them that worship therein_, that is,\ntheir courts with the buildings thereon, viz. the square court of the\nTemple called the separate place, and the square court of the Altar called\nthe Priests court, and the court of them that worship in the Temple called\nthe new court: _but the_ great _court which is without the Temple, leave\nout, and measure it not, for it is given to the _Gentiles_, and the holy\ncity shall they tread under foot forty and two months_. This measuring hath\nreference to _Ezekiel_'s measuring the Temple _of Solomon_: there the whole\nTemple, including the outward court, was measured, to signify that it\nshould be rebuilt in the latter days. Here the courts of the Temple and\nAltar, and they who worship therein, are only measured, to signify the\nbuilding of a second Temple, for those that are sealed out of all the\ntwelve tribes of _Israel_, and worship in the inward court of sincerity and\ntruth: but _John_ is commanded to leave out the outward court, or outward\nform of religion and Church-government, because it is given to the\n_Babylonian Gentiles_. For the glorious woman in heaven, the remnant of\nwhole seed kept the commandments of God, and had the testimony of _Jesus_,\ncontinued the same woman in outward form after her flight into the\nwilderness, whereby she quitted her former sincerity and piety, and became\nthe great Whore. She lost her chastity, but kept her outward form and\nshape. And while the _Gentiles_ tread the holy city underfoot, and worship\nin the outward court, the two witnesses, represented perhaps by the two\nfeet of the Angel standing on the sea and earth, prophesied against them,\nand _had power_, like _Elijah_ and _Moses_, _to consume their enemies with\nfire proceeding out of their mouth, and to shut heaven that it rain not in\nthe days of their Prophecy, and to turn the waters into blood, and to smite\nthe earth with all plagues as often as they will_, that is, with the\nplagues of the trumpets and vials of wrath; and at length they are slain,\nrise again from the dead, and ascend up to heaven in a cloud; and then the\nseventh trumpet sounds to the day of judgment.\n\nThe Prophecy being finished, _John_ is inspired anew by the eaten book, and\nbegins the Interpretation thereof with these words, _And the Temple of God\nwas opened in heaven, and there was seen in his Temple the Ark of the\nTestament_. By the Ark, we may know that this was the first Temple; for the\nsecond Temple had no Ark. _And there were lightnings, and voices, and\nthundrings, and an earthquake, and great hail_. These answer to the wars in\nthe _Roman_ Empire, during the reign of the four horsemen, who appeared\nupon opening the first four seals. _And there appeared a great wonder in\nheaven, a woman clothed with the Sun_. In the Prophecy, the affairs of the\nChurch begin to be considered at the opening of the fifth seal; and in the\nInterpretation, they begin at the same time with the vision of the Church\nin the form of a woman in heaven: there she is persecuted, and here she is\npained in travail. The Interpretation proceeds down first to the sealing of\nthe servants of God, and marking the rest with the mark of the Beast; and\nthen to the day of judgment, represented by a harvest and vintage. Then it\nreturns back to the times of opening the seventh seal, and interprets the\nProphecy of the seven trumpets by the pouring out of seven vials of wrath.\nThe Angels who pour them out, come out of the _Temple of the Tabernacle_;\nthat is, out of the second Temple, for the Tabernacle had no outward court.\nThen it returns back again to the times of measuring the Temple and Altar,\nand of the _Gentiles_ worshiping in the outward court, and of the Beast\nkilling the witnesses in the streets of the great city; and interprets\nthese things by the vision of _a woman sitting on the Beast, drunken with\nthe blood of the Saints_; and proceeds in the interpretation downwards to\nthe fall of the great city and the day of judgment.\n\nThe whole Prophecy of the book, represented by the book of the Law, is\ntherefore repeated, and interpreted in the visions which follow those of\nsounding the seventh trumpet, and begin with that of the Temple of God\nopened in heaven. Only the things, which the seven thunders uttered, were\nnot written down, and therefore not interpreted.\n\nNotes to Chap. II.\n\n[1] Isa. vi.\n\n[2] Apoc. v.\n\n[3] Apoc. vii\n\n[4] Buxtorf in Synogoga Judaica, c. 18, 21.\n\n[5] Ezek. ix.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nCHAP. III.\n\n_Of the relation which the Prophecy of _John_ hath to those of _Daniel_;\nand of the Subject of the Prophecy_.\n\nThe whole scene of sacred Prophecy is composed of three principal parts:\nthe regions beyond _Euphrates_, represented by the two first Beasts of\n_Daniel_; the Empire of the _Greeks_ on this side of _Euphrates_,\nrepresented by the Leopard and by the He-Goat; and the Empire of the\n_Latins_ on this side of _Greece_, represented by the Beast with ten horns.\nAnd to these three parts, the phrases of the _third part of the earth, sea,\nrivers, trees, ships, stars, sun, and moon_, relate. I place the body of\nthe fourth Beast on this side of _Greece_, because the three first of the\nfour Beasts had their lives prolonged after their dominion was taken away,\nand therefore belong not to the body of the fourth. He only stamped them\nwith his feet.\n\nBy the _earth_, the _Jews_ understood the great continent of all _Asia_ and\n_Africa_, to which they had access by land: and by the Isles of the _sea_,\nthey understood the places to which they sailed by sea, particularly all\n_Europe_: and hence in this Prophecy, the _earth_ and _sea_ are put for the\nnations of the _Greek_ and _Latin_ Empires.\n\nThe third and fourth Beasts of _Daniel_ are the same with the Dragon and\nten-horned Beast of _John_, but with this difference: _John_ puts the\nDragon for the whole _Roman_ Empire while it continued entire, because it\nwas entire when that Prophecy was given; and the Beast he considers not\ntill the Empire became divided: and then he puts the Dragon for the Empire\nof the _Greeks_, and the Beast for the Empire of the _Latins_. Hence it is\nthat the Dragon and Beast have common heads and common horns: but the\nDragon hath crowns only upon his heads, and the Beast only upon his horns;\nbecause the Beast and his horns reigned not before they were divided from\nthe Dragon: and when the Dragon gave the Beast his throne, the ten horns\nreceived power as Kings, the same hour with the Beast. The heads are seven\nsuccessive Kings. Four of them were the four horsemen which appeared at the\nopening of the first four seals. In the latter end of the sixth head, or\nseal, considered as present in the visions, it is said, _five_ of the seven\nKings _are fallen, and one is, and another is not yet come; and the Beast\nthat was and is not_, being wounded to death with a sword, _he is the\neighth, and of the seven_: he was therefore a collateral part of the\nseventh. The horns are the same with those of _Daniel_'s fourth Beast,\ndescribed above.\n\nThe four horsemen which appear at the opening of the first four seals, have\nbeen well explained by Mr. _Mede_; excepting that I had rather continue the\nthird to the end of the reign of the three _Gordians_ and _Philip_ the\n_Arabian_, those being Kings from the _South_, and begin the fourth with\nthe reign of _Decius_, and continue it till the reign of _Dioclesian_. For\nthe fourth horseman _sat upon a pale_ horse, _and his name was Death; and\nhell followed with him; and power was given them to kill unto the fourth\npart of the earth, with the sword, and with famine, and with the plague,\nand with the Beasts of the earth_, or armies of invaders and rebels: and as\nsuch were the times during all this interval. Hitherto the _Roman_ Empire\ncontinued in an undivided monarchical form, except rebellions; and such it\nis represented by the four horsemen. But _Dioclesian_ divided it between\nhimself and _Maximianus_, A.C. 285; and it continued in that divided state,\ntill the victory of _Constantine_ the great over _Licinius_, A.C. 323,\nwhich put an end to the heathen persecutions set on foot by _Dioclesian_\nand _Maximianus_, and described at the opening of the fifth seal. But this\ndivision of the Empire was imperfect, the whole being still under one and\nthe same Senate. The same victory of _Constantine_ over _Licinius_ a\nheathen persecutor, began the fall of the heathen Empire, described at the\nopening of the sixth seal: and the visions of this seal continue till after\nthe reign of _Julian_ the Apostate, he being a heathen Emperor, and\nreigning over the whole _Roman_ Empire.\n\nThe affairs of the Church begin to be considered at the opening of the\nfifth seal, as was said above. Then she is represented by _a woman_ in the\nTemple of heaven, _clothed with the sun_ of righteousness, _and the moon_\nof _Jewish_ ceremonies _under her feet, and upon her head a crown of twelve\nstars_ relating to the twelve Apostles and to the twelve tribes of\n_Israel_. When she fled from the Temple into the wilderness, she left in\nthe Temple a _remnant of her seed, who kept the commandments of God, and\nhad the testimony of Jesus Christ_; and therefore before her flight she\nrepresented the true primitive Church of God, tho afterwards she\ndegenerated like _Aholah_ and _Aholibah_. In _Diocesian_'s persecution _she\ncried, travelling in birth, and pained to be delivered_. And in the end of\nthat persecution, by the victory of _Constantine_ over _Maxentius_ A.C.\n312, _she brought forth a man-child_, such a child as _was to rule all\nnations with a rod of iron_, a _Christian_ Empire. _And her child_, by the\nvictory of _Constantine_ over _Licinius_, A.C. 323, _was caught up unto God\nand to his throne. And the woman_, by the division of the _Roman_ Empire\ninto the _Greek_ and _Latin_ Empires, _fled_ from the first Temple _into\nthe wilderness_, or spiritually barren Empire of the _Latins_, where she is\nfound afterwards sitting upon the Beast and upon the seven mountains; and\nis called _the great city which reigneth over the Kings of the earth_, that\nis, over the ten Kings who give their kingdom to her Beast.\n\nBut before her flight there was war in heaven between _Michael_ and the\nDragon, the _Christian_ and the heathen religions; and the Dragon, _that\nold serpent, called the Devil and Satan, who deceiveth the whole world, was\ncast out to the earth, and his Angels were cast out with him_. And _John\nheard a voice in heaven, saying, Now is come salvation and strength, and\nthe kingdom of our God, and the power of his _Christ_: for the accuser of\nour brethren is cast down. And they overcame him by the blood of the Lamb,\nand by the word of their testimony. And they loved not their lives unto the\ndeath. Therefore rejoice, ye heavens, and ye that dwell in them. Woe be to\nthe inhabiters of the earth and sea_, or people of the _Greek_ and _Latin_\nEmpires, _for the devil is come down amongst you, having great wrath,\nbecause he knoweth that he hath but a short time_.\n\n_And when the Dragon saw that he was cast down_ from the _Roman_ throne,\nand the man-child caught up thither, he _persecuted the woman which brought\nforth the man-child; and to her_, by the division of the _Roman_ Empire\nbetween the cities of _Rome_ and _Constantinople_ A.C. 330, _were given two\nwings of a great eagle_, the symbol of the _Roman_ Empire, _that she might\nflee_ from the first Temple _into the wilderness_ of _Arabia, to her place_\nat _Babylon_ mystically so called. _And the serpent_, by the division of\nthe same Empire between the sons of _Constantine_ the great, A.C. 337,\n_cast out of his mouth water as a flood_, the _Western_ Empire, _after the\nwoman; that he might cause her to be carried away by the flood. And the\nearth_, or _Greek_ Empire, _helped the woman, and the earth opened her\nmouth, and swallowed up the flood_, by the victory of _Constantius_ over\n_Magnentius_, A.C. 353, and thus the Beast was wounded to death with a\nsword. _And the Dragon was wroth with the woman_, in the reign of _Julian_\nthe Apostate A.C. 361, _and_, by a new division of the Empire between\n_Valentinian_ and _Valens_, A.C. 364, _went_ from her into the _Eastern_\nEmpire _to make war with the remnant of her seed_, which she left behind\nher when she fled: and thus the Beast revived. By the next division of the\nEmpire, which was between _Gratian_ and _Theodosius_ A.C. 379, the _Beast_\nwith ten horns _rose out of the sea_, and the _Beast_ with two horns _out\nof the earth_: and by the last division thereof, which was between the sons\nof _Theodosius_, A.C. 395, _the Dragon gave the Beast his power and throne,\nand great authority_. And the ten horns _received power as Kings, the same\nhour with the Beast_.\n\nAt length the woman arrived at her place of temporal as well as spiritual\ndominion upon the back of the Beast, where she is nourished _a time, and\ntimes, and half a time, from the face of the serpent_; not in his kingdom,\nbut at a distance from him. She is nourished by _the merchants of the\nearth_, three times or years and an half, or 42 months, or 1260 days: and\nin these Prophecies days are put for years. During all this time the Beast\nacted, and _she sat upon him_, that is, reigned over him, and over the ten\nKings _who gave their power and strength_, that is, their kingdom _to the\nBeast_; and she was _drunken with the blood of the Saints_. By all these\ncircumstances she is the eleventh horn of _Daniel_'s fourth Beast, who\nreigned with _a look more stout than his fellows_, and was of a different\nkind from the rest, and had eyes _and a mouth_ like the woman; _and made\nwar with the saints, and prevailed against them_, and _wore them out_, and\n_thought to change times and laws_, and had them _given into his hand,\nuntil a time, and times, and half a time_. These characters of the woman,\nand little horn of the Beast, agree perfectly: in respect of her temporal\ndominion, she was a horn of the Beast; in respect of her spiritual\ndominion, she rode upon him in the form of a woman, and was his Church, and\ncommitted fornication with the ten Kings.\n\nThe second Beast, which _rose up out of the earth_, was the Church of the\n_Greek_ Empire: for it _had two horns like those of the Lamb_, and\ntherefore was a Church; and it _spake as the Dragon_, and therefore was of\nhis religion; and it _came up out of the earth_, and by consequence in his\nkingdom. It is called also _the false Prophet_ who wrought miracles before\nthe first Beast, by which he deceived them that received his mark, and\nworshiped his image. When the Dragon went from the woman to make war with\nthe remnant of her seed, this Beast arising out of the earth assisted in\nthat war, and _caused the earth and them which dwell therein to worship_\nthe authority of _the first Beast, whose mortal wound was healed_, and to\n_make an Image to him_, that is, to assemble a body of men like him in\npoint of religion. He had also _power to give life_ and authority _to the\nImage_, so that it could _both speak, and_ by dictating _cause that all_\nreligious bodies of men, _who would not worship_ the authority of _the\nImage, should be_ mystically _killed. And he causeth all men to receive a\nmark in their right hand or in their forehead, and that no man might buy or\nsell save he that had the mark, or the name of the Beast, or the number of\nhis name_; all the rest being excommunicated by the Beast with two horns.\nHis mark is [Cross] [Cross] [Cross], and his name [Greek: LATEINOS], and\nthe number of his name 666.\n\nThus the Beast, after he was wounded to death with a sword and revived, was\ndeified, as the heathens used to deify their Kings after death, and had an\nImage erected to him; and his worshipers were initiated in this new\nreligion, by receiving the mark or name of this new God, or the number of\nhis name. By killing all that will not worship him and his Image, the first\nTemple, illuminated by the lamps of the seven Churches, is demolished, and\na new Temple built for them who will not worship him; and the outward court\nof this new Temple, or outward form of a Church, is given to the\n_Gentiles_, who worship the Beast and his Image: while they who will not\nworship him, are sealed with the name of God in their foreheads, and retire\ninto the inward court of this new Temple. These are the 144000 sealed out\nof all the twelve tribes of _Israel_, and called the _two Witnesses_, as\nbeing derived from the two wings of the woman while she was flying into the\nwilderness, and represented by two of the seven candlesticks. These appear\nto _John_ in the inward court of the second Temple, standing on mount\n_Sion_ with the Lamb, and as it were on the sea of glass. These are _the\nSaints of the most High_, and _the host of heaven_, and _the holy people_\nspoken of by _Daniel_, as worn out and trampled under foot, and destroyed\nin the latter times by the little horns of his fourth Beast and He-Goat.\n\nWhile the _Gentiles_ tread the holy city under foot, God _gives power to\nhis two Witnesses, and they prophesy a thousand two hundred and threescore\ndays clothed in sackcloth_. They are called _the two Olive-trees_, with\nrelation to the two Olive-trees, which in _Zechary_'s vision, chap. iv.\nstand on either side of the golden candlestick to supply the lamps with\noil: and Olive-trees, according to the Apostle _Paul_, represent Churches,\n_Rom._ xi. They supply the lamps with oil, by maintaining teachers. They\nare also called _the two candlesticks_; which in this Prophecy signify\nChurches, the seven Churches of _Asia_ being represented by seven\ncandlesticks. Five of these Churches were found faulty, and threatned if\nthey did not repent; the other two were without fault, and so their\ncandlesticks were fit to be placed in the second Temple. These were the\nChurches in _Smyrna_ and _Philadelphia_. They were in a state of\ntribulation and persecution, and the only two of the seven in such a state:\nand so their candlesticks were fit to represent the Churches in affliction\nin the times of the second Temple, and the only two of the seven that were\nfit. The _two Witnesses_ are not new Churches: they are the posterity of\nthe primitive Church, the posterity of the two wings of the woman, and so\nare fitly represented by two of the primitive candlesticks. We may conceive\ntherefore, that when the first Temple was destroyed, and a new one built\nfor them who worship in the inward court, two of the seven candlesticks\nwere placed in this new Temple.\n\nThe affairs of the Church are not considered during the opening of the\nfirst four seals. They begin to be consider'd at the opening of the fifth\nseal, as was said above; and are further considered at the opening of the\nsixth seal; and the seventh seal contains the times of the great Apostacy.\nAnd therefore I refer the Epistles to the seven Churches unto the times of\nthe fifth and sixth seals: for they relate to the Church when she began to\ndecline, and contain admonitions against the great Apostacy then\napproaching.\n\nWhen _Eusebius_ had brought down his _Ecclesiatical History_ to the reign\nof _Dioclesian_, he thus describes the state of the Church: _Qualem\nquantamque gloriam simul ac libertatem doctrina verae erga supremum Deum\npietatis a Christo primum hominibus annunciata, apud omnes Graecos pariter &\nbarbaros ante persecutionem nostra memoria excitatam, consecuta sit, nos\ncerte pro merito explicare non possumus. Argumento esse possit Imperatorum\nbenignitas erga nostros: quibus regendas etiam provincias committebant,\nomni sacrificandi metu eos liberantes ob singularem, qua in religionem\nnostram affecti erant, benevolentiam._ And a little after: _Jam vero quis\ninnumerabilem hominum quotidie ad fidem Christi confugientium turbam, quis\nnumerum ecclesiarum in singulis urbibus, quis illustres populorum concursus\nin aedibus sacris, cumulate possit describere? Quo factum est, ut priscis\naedificiis jam non contenti, in singulis urbibus spatiosas ab ipsis\nfundamentis exstruerent ecclesias. Atque haec progressii temporis\nincrescentia, & quotidie in majus & melius proficiscentia, nec livor ullus\natterere, nec malignitas daemonis fascinare, nec hominum insidiae prohibere\nunquam potuerunt, quamdiu omnipotentis Dei dextra populum suum, utpote tali\ndignum praesidio, texit atque custodiit. Sed cum ex nimia libertate in\nnegligentiam ac desidiam prolapsi essemus; cum alter alteri invidere atque\nobtrectare caepisset; cum inter nos quasi bella intestina gereremus, verbis,\ntanquam armis quibusdam hastisque, nos mutuo vulnerantes; cum Antistites\nadversus Antistites, populi in populos collisi, jurgia ac tumultus\nagitarent; denique cum fraus & simulatio ad summum malitiae culmen\nadolevisset: tum divina ultio, levi brachio ut solet, integro adhuc\necclesiae statu, & fidelium turbis libere convenientibus, sensim ac moderate\nin nos caepit animadvertere; orsa primum persecutione ab iis qui militabant.\nCum vero sensu omni destituti de placando Dei numine ne cogitaremus quidem;\nquin potius instar impiorum quorundam res humanas nulla providentia\ngubernari rati, alia quotidie crimina aliis adjiceremus: cum Pastores\nnostri spreta religionis regula, mutuis inter se contentionibus\ndecertarent, nihil aliud quam jurgia, minas, aemulationem, odia, ac mutuas\ninimicitias amplificare studentes; principatum quasi tyrannidem quandam\ncontentissime sibi vindicantes: tunc demum juxta dictum Hieremiae,\n_obscuravit Dominus in ira sua filiam Sion, & dejecit de caelo gloriam\nIsrael_,--per Ecclesiarum scilicet subversionem_, &c. This was the state of\nthe Church just before the subversion of the Churches in the beginning of\n_Dioclesian_'s persecution: and to this state of the Church agrees the\nfirst of the seven Epistles to the Angel of the seven Churches, [1] that to\nthe Church in _Ephesus_. _I have something against thee_, saith _Christ_ to\nthe Angel of that Church, _because thou hast left thy first love. Remember\ntherefore from whence thou art fallen, and repent, and do the first works;\nor else I will come unto thee quickly, and will remove thy candlestick out\nof its place, except thou repent. But this thou hast, that thou hatest the\ndeeds of the _Nicolaitans_, which I also hate_. The _Nicolaitans_ are the\n_Continentes_ above described, who placed religion in abstinence from\nmarriage, abandoning their wives if they had any. They are here called\n_Nicolaitans_, from _Nicolas_ one of the seven deacons of the primitive\nChurch of _Jerusalem_; who having a beautiful wife, and being taxed with\nuxoriousness, abandoned her, and permitted her to marry whom she pleased,\nsaying that we must disuse the flesh; and thenceforward lived a single life\nin continency, as his children also. The _Continentes_ afterwards embraced\nthe doctrine of _AEons_ and Ghosts male and female, and were avoided by the\nChurches till the fourth century; and the Church of _Ephesus_ is here\ncommended for hating their deeds.\n\nThe persecution of _Dioclesian_ began in the year of _Christ_ 302, and\nlasted ten years in the _Eastern_ Empire and two years in the _Western_. To\nthis state of the Church the second Epistle, to the Church of _Smyrna_,\nagrees. _I know_, saith [2] _Christ_, _thy works, and tribulation, and\npoverty, but thou art rich; and I know the blasphemy of them, which say\nthey are _Jews_ and are not, but are the synagogue of Satan. Fear none of\nthose things which thou shalt suffer: Behold, the Devil shall call some of\nyou into prison, that ye may be tried; and ye shall have tribulation ten\ndays. Be thou faithful unto death, and I will give thee a crown of life._\nThe tribulation of ten days can agree to no other persecution than that of\n_Dioclesian_, it being the only persecution which lasted ten years. By _the\nblasphemy of them which say they are _Jews_ and are not, but are the\nsynagogue of Satan_, I understand the Idolatry of the _Nicolaitans_, who\nfalsly said they were _Christians_.\n\nThe _Nicolaitans_ are complained of also in [3] the third Epistle, as men\nthat _held the doctrine of _Balaam_, who taught _Balac_ to cast a\nstumbling-block before the children of _Israel_, to eat things sacrificed\nto Idols, and [4] to commit_ spiritual _fornication_. For _Balaam_ taught\nthe _Moabites_ and _Midianites_ to tempt and invite _Israel_ by their women\nto commit fornication, and to feast with them at the sacrifices of their\nGods. The Dragon therefore began now to come down among the inhabitants of\nthe earth and sea.\n\nThe _Nicolaitans_ are also complained of in the fourth Epistle, under the\nname of the _woman _Jezabel_, who calleth herself a Prophetess, to teach\nand to seduce the servants of _Christ_ to commit fornication, and to eat\nthings sacrificed to Idols_. The woman therefore began now to fly into the\nwilderness.\n\nThe reign of _Constantine_ the great from the time of his conquering\n_Licinius_, was monarchical over the whole _Roman_ Empire. Then the Empire\nbecame divided between the sons of _Constantine_: and afterwards it was\nagain united under _Constantius_, by his victory over _Magnentius_. To the\naffairs of the Church in these three successive periods of time, the third,\nfourth, and fifth Epistles, that is, those to the Angels of the Churches in\n_Pergamus_, _Thyatira_, and _Sardis_, seem to relate. The next Emperor was\n_Julian_ the Apostate.\n\nIn the sixth Epistle, [5] to the Angel of the Church in _Philadelphia_,\n_Christ_ saith: _Because_ in the reign of the heathen Emperor _Julian_,\n_thou hast kept the word of my patience, I also will keep thee from the\nhour of temptation, which_ by the woman's flying into the wilderness, and\nthe Dragon's making war with the remnant of her seed, and the killing of\nall who will not worship the Image of the Beast, _shall come upon all the\nworld, to try them that dwell upon the earth_, and to distinguish them by\nsealing the one with the name of God in their foreheads, and marking the\nother with the mark of the Beast. _Him that overcometh, I will make a\npillar in the Temple of my God; and he shall go no more out_ of it. _And I\nwill write upon him the name of my God_ in his forehead. So the\n_Christians_ of the Church of _Philadelphia_, as many of them as overcome,\nare sealed with the seal of God, and placed in the second Temple, and go no\nmore out. The same is to be understood of the Church in _Smyrna_, which\nalso kept the word of God's patience, and was without fault. These two\nChurches, with their posterity, are therefore the _two Pillars_, and the\n_two Candlesticks_, and the _two Witnesses_ in the second Temple.\n\nAfter the reign of the Emperor _Julian,_ and his successor _Jovian_ who\nreigned but five months, the Empire became again divided between\n_Valentinian_ and _Valens_. Then the Church Catholick, in the Epistle to\nthe Angel of the Church of _Laodicea_, is reprehended as _lukewarm_, and\n[6] threatned to be _spewed out of _Christ's_ mouth_. She said, that she\nwas _rich and increased with goods, and had need of nothing_, being in\noutward prosperity; _and knew not that she was_ inwardly _wretched, and\nmiserable, and poor, and blind, and naked_. She is therefore _spewed out of\n_Christ's_ mouth_ at the opening of the seventh seal: and this puts an end\nto the times of the first Temple.\n\nAbout one half of the _Roman_ Empire turned _Christians_ in the time of\n_Constantine_ the great and his sons. After _Julian_ had opened the\nTemples, and restored the worship of the heathens, the Emperors\n_Valentinian_ and _Valens_ tolerated it all their reign; and therefore the\nProphecy of the sixth seal was not fully accomplished before the reign of\ntheir successor _Gratian_. It was the custom of the heathen Priests, in the\nbeginning of the reign of every sovereign Emperor, to offer him the dignity\nand habit of the _Pontifex Maximus_. This dignity all Emperors had hitherto\naccepted: but _Gratian_ rejected it, threw down the idols, interdicted the\nsacrifices, and took away their revenues with the salaries and authority of\nthe Priests. _Theodosius_ the great followed his example; and heathenism\nafterwards recovered itself no more, but decreased so fast, that\n_Prudentius_, about ten years after the death of _Theodosius_, called the\nheathens, _vix pauca ingenia & pars hominum rarissima_. Whence the affairs\nof the sixth seal ended with the reign of _Valens_, or rather with the\nbeginning of the reign of _Theodosius_, when he, like his predecessor\n_Gratian_, rejected the dignity of _Pontifex Maximus_. For the _Romans_\nwere very much infested by the invasions of foreign nations in the reign of\n_Valentinian_ and _Valens_: _Hoc tempore_, saith _Ammianus_, _velut per\nuniversum orbem Romanum bellicum canentibus buccinis, excitae gentes\nsaevissimae limites sibi proximos persultabant: Gallias Rhaetiasque simul\nAlemanni populabantur: Sarmatae Pannonias & Quadi: Picti, Saxones, & Scoti &\nAttacotti Britannos aerumnis vexavere continuis: Austoriani, Mauricaeque aliae\ngentes Africam solito acrius incursabant: Thracias diripiebant praedatorii\nglobi Gotthorum: Persarum Rex manus Armeniis injectabat_. And whilst the\nEmperors were busy in repelling these enemies, the _Hunns_ and _Alans_ and\n_Goths_ came over the _Danube_ in two bodies, overcame and slew _Valens_,\nand made so great a slaughter of the _Roman_ army, that _Ammianus_ saith:\n_Nec ulla Annalibus praeter Cannensem ita ad internecionem res legitur\ngesta_. These wars were not fully stopt on all sides till the beginning of\nthe reign of _Theodosius_, A.C. 379 & 380: but thenceforward the Empire\nremained quiet from foreign armies, till his death, A.C. 395. So long the\nfour winds were held: and so long there was silence in heaven. And the\nseventh seal was opened when this silence began.\n\nMr. _Mede_ hath explained the Prophecy of the first six trumpets not much\namiss: but if he had observed, that the Prophecy of pouring out the vials\nof wrath is synchronal to that of sounding the trumpets, his explanation\nwould have been yet more complete.\n\nThe name of _Woes_ is given to the wars to which the three last trumpets\nsound, to distinguish them from the wars of the four first. The sacrifices\non the first four days of the feast of Tabernacles, at which the first four\ntrumpets sound, and the first four vials of wrath are poured out, are\nslaughters in four great wars; and these wars are represented by four winds\nfrom the four corners of the earth. The first was an east wind, the second\na west wind, the third a south wind, and the fourth a north wind, with\nrespect to the city of _Rome_, the metropolis of the old _Roman_ Empire.\nThese four plagues fell upon _the third part of the Earth, Sea, Rivers,\nSun, Moon and Stars_; that is, upon the Earth, Sea, Rivers, Sun, Moon and\nStars of the third part of the whole scene of these Prophecies of _Daniel_\nand _John_.\n\nThe plague of the eastern wind [7] at the sounding of the first trumpet,\nwas to fall upon the _Earth_, that is, upon the nations of the _Greek_\nEmpire. Accordingly, after the death of _Theodosius_ the great, the\n_Goths_, _Sarmatians_, _Hunns_, _Isaurians_, and _Austorian_ Moors invaded\nand miserably wasted _Greece_, _Thrace_, _Asia minor_, _Armenia_, _Syria_,\n_Egypt_, _Lybia_, and _Illyricum_, for ten or twelve years together.\n\nThe plague of the western wind at the sounding of the second trumpet, was\nto fall upon the _Sea_, or _Western_ Empire, by means of _a great mountain\nburning with fire_ cast into it, and _turning it to blood_. Accordingly in\nthe year 407, that Empire began to be invaded by the _Visigoths_,\n_Vandals_, _Alans_, _Sueves_, _Burgundians_, _Ostrogoths_, _Heruli_,\n_Quadi_, _Gepides_; and by these wars it was broken into ten kingdoms, and\nmiserably wasted: and _Rome_ itself, the burning mountain, was besieged and\ntaken by the _Ostrogoths_, in the beginning of these miseries.\n\nThe plague of the southern wind at the sounding of the third trumpet, was\nto cause _a great star, burning as it were a lamp, to fall from heaven upon\nthe rivers and fountains of waters_, the _Western_ Empire now divided into\nmany kingdoms, and to turn them to _wormwood_ and _blood_, and make them\n_bitter_. Accordingly _Genseric_, the King of the _Vandals_ and _Alans_ in\n_Spain_, A.C. 427, enter'd _Africa_ with an army of eighty thousand men;\nwhere he invaded the _Moors_, and made war upon the _Romans_, both there\nand on the sea-coasts of _Europe_, for fifty years together, almost without\nintermission, taking _Hippo_ A.C. 431, and _Carthage_ the capital of\n_Africa_ A.C. 439. In A.C. 455, with a numerous fleet and an army of three\nhundred thousand _Vandals_ and _Moors_, he invaded _Italy_, took and\nplundered _Rome_, _Naples_, _Capua_, and many other cities; carrying thence\ntheir wealth with the flower of the people into _Africa_: and the next\nyear, A.C. 456, he rent all _Africa_ from the Empire, totally expelling the\n_Romans_. Then the _Vandals_ invaded and took the Islands of the\n_Mediterranean_, _Sicily_, _Sardinia_, _Corsica_, _Ebusus_, _Majorca_,\n_Minorca_, &c. and _Ricimer_ besieged the Emperer _Anthemius_ in _Rome_,\ntook the city, and gave his soldiers the plunder, A.C. 472. The _Visigoths_\nabout the same time drove the _Romans_ out of _Spain_: and now the\n_Western_ Emperor, the _great star which fell from heaven, burning as it\nwere a lamp_, having by all these wars gradually lost almost all his\ndominions, was invaded, and conquered in one year by _Odoacer_ King of the\n_Heruli_, A.C. 476. After this the _Moors_ revolted A.C. 477, and weakned\nthe _Vandals_ by several wars, and took _Mauritania_ from them. These wars\ncontinued till the _Vandals_ were conquered by _Belisarius_, A.C. 534. and\nby all these wars _Africa_ was almost depopulated, according to\n_Procopius_, who reckons that above five millions of men perished in them.\nWhen the _Vandals_ first invaded _Africa_, that country was very populous,\nconsisting of about 700 bishopricks, more than were in all _France_,\n_Spain_ and _Italy_ together: but by the wars between the _Vandals_,\n_Romans_ and _Moors_, it was depopulated to that degree, that _Procopius_\ntells us, it was next to a miracle for a traveller to see a man.\n\nIn pouring out the third vial it is [8] said: _Thou art righteous, O\nLord,--because thou hast judged thus: for they have shed the blood of thy\nSaints and Prophets, and thou hast given them blood to drink, for they are\nworthy_. How they shed the blood of Saints, may be understood by the\nfollowing Edict of the Emperor _Honorius_, procured by four Bishops sent to\nhim by a Council of _African_ Bishops, who met at _Carthage_ 14 _June_,\nA.C. 410.\n\n_Impp. Honor. &. Theod. AA. Heracliano Com. Afric._\n\n_Oraculo penitus remoto, quo ad ritus suos haereticae superstitionis\nabrepserant, sciant omnes sanctae legis inimici, plectendos se poena &\nproscriptionis & sanguinis, si ultra convenire per publicum, execranda\nsceleris sui temeritate temptaverint. Dat. _viii._ Kal. Sept. Varano V.C.\nCons._ A.C. 410.\n\nWhich Edict was five years after fortified by the following.\n\n_Impp. Honor. & Theod. AA. Heracliano Com. Afric._\n\n_Sciant cuncti qui ad ritus suos haeresis superstitionibus obrepserant\nsacrosanctae legis inimici, plectendos se poena & proscriptionis &\nsanguinis, si ultra convenire per publicum exercendi sceleris sui\ntemeritate temptaverint: ne qua vera divinaque reverentia contagione\ntemeretur. Dat. _viii._ Kal. Sept. Honorio _x._ & Theod. _vi._ AA. Coss._\nA.C. 415.\n\nThese Edicts being directed to the governor of _Africa_, extended only to\nthe _Africans_. Before these there were many severe ones against the\n_Donatists_, but they did not extend to blood. These two were the first\nwhich made their meetings, and the meetings of all dissenters, capital: for\nby _hereticks_ in these Edicts are meant all dissenters, as is manifest by\nthe following against _Euresius_ a _Luciferan_ Bishop.\n\n_Impp. Arcad. & Honor. AA. Aureliano Proc. Africae._\n\n_Haereticorum vocabulo continentur, & latis adversus eos sanctionibus debent\nsuccumbere, qui vel levi argumento a judicio Catholicae religionis & tramite\ndetecti fuerint deviare: ideoque experientia tua Euresium haereticum esse\ncognoscat. Dat. _iii._ Non. Sept. Constantinop. Olybrio & Probino Coss._\nA.C. 395.\n\nThe _Greek_ Emperor _Zeno_ adopted _Theoderic_ King of the _Ostrogoths_ to\nbe his son, made him master of the horse and _Patricius_, and Consul of\n_Constantinople_; and recommending to him the _Roman_ people and Senate,\ngave him the _Western_ Empire, and sent him into _Italy_ against _Odoacer_\nKing of the _Heruli_. _Theoderic_ thereupon led his nation into _Italy_,\nconquered _Odoacer_, and reigned over _Italy_, _Sicily_, _Rhaetia_,\n_Noricum_, _Dalmatia_, _Liburnia_, _Istria_, and part of _Suevia_,\n_Pannonia_ and _Gallia_. Whence _Ennodius_ said, in a Panegyric to\n_Theoderic_: _Ad limitem suum Romana regna remeasse._ _Theoderic_ reigned\nwith great prudence, moderation and felicity; treated the _Romans_ with\nsingular benevolence, governed them by their own laws, and restored their\ngovernment under their Senate and Consuls, he himself supplying the place\nof Emperor, without assuming the title. _Ita sibi parentibus praefuit_,\nsaith _Procopius_, _ut vere Imperatori conveniens decus nullum ipsi\nabesset: Justitiae magnus ei cultus, legumque diligens custodia: terras a\nvicinis barbaris servavit intactas_, &c. Whence I do not reckon the reign\nof this King, amongst the plagues of the four winds.\n\nThe plague of the northern wind, at the sounding of the fourth trumpet, was\nto cause _the Sun, Moon and Stars_, that is, the King, kingdom and Princes\nof the _Western_ Empire, _to be darkned_, and to continue some time in\ndarkness. Accordingly _Belisarius_, having conquered the _Vandals_, invaded\n_Italy_ A.C. 535, and made war upon the _Ostrogoths_ in _Dalmatia_,\n_Liburnia_, _Venetia_, _Lombardy_, _Tuscany_, and other regions northward\nfrom _Rome_, twenty years together. In this war many cities were taken and\nretaken. In retaking _Millain_ from the _Romans_, the _Ostrogoths_ slew all\nthe males young and old, amounting, as _Procopius_ reckons, to three\nhundred thousand, and sent the women captives to their allies the\n_Burgundians_. _Rome_ itself was taken and retaken several times, and\nthereby the people were thinned; the old government by a Senate ceased, the\nnobles were ruined, and all the glory of the city was extinguish'd: and\nA.C. 552, after a war of seventeen years, the kingdom of the _Ostrogoths_\nfell; yet the remainder of the _Ostrogoths_, and an army of _Germans_\ncalled in to their assistance, continued the war three or four years\nlonger. Then ensued the war of the _Heruli_, who, as _Anastasius_ tells us,\n_perimebant cunctam Italiam_, slew all _Italy_. This was followed by the\nwar of the _Lombards_, the fiercest of all the _Barbarians_, which began\nA.C. 568, and lasted for thirty eight years together; _facta tali clade_,\nsaith _Anastasius_, _qualem a saeculo nullus meminit_; ending at last in the\nPapacy of _Sabinian_, A.C. 605, by a peace then made with the _Lombards_.\nThree years before this war ended, _Gregory_ the great, then Bishop of\n_Rome_, thus speaks of it: _Qualiter enim & quotidianis gladiis & quantis\nLongobardorum incursionibus, ecce jam per triginta quinque annorum\nlongitudinem premimur, nullis explere vocibus suggestionis valemus_: and in\none of his Sermons to the people, he thus expresses the great consumption\nof the _Romans_ by these wars: _Ex illa plebe innumerabili quanti\nremanseritis aspicitis, & tamen adhuc quotidie flagella urgent, repentini\ncasus opprimunt, novae res & improvisae clades affligunt_. In another Sermon\nhe thus describes the desolations: _Destructae urbes, eversa sunt castra,\ndepopulati agri, in solitudinem terra redacta est. Nullus in agris incola,\npene nullus in urbibus habitator remansit. Et tamen ipsae parvae generis\nhumani reliquiae adhuc quotidie & sine cessatione feriuntur, & finem non\nhabent flagella coelestis justitiae. Ipsa autem quae aliquando mundi Domina\nesse videbatur, qualis remansit Roma conspicimus innumeris doloribus\nmultipliciter attrita, defolatione civium, impressione hostium, frequentia\nruinarum.--Ecce jam de illa omnes hujus faeculi potentes ablati sunt.--Ecce\npopuli defecerunt.--Ubi enim Senatus? Ubi jam populus? Contabuerunt ossa,\nconsumptae sunt carnes. Omnis enim saecularium dignitatum ordo extinctus est,\n& tamen ipsos vos paucos qui remansimus, adhuc quotidie gladii, adhuc\nquotidie innumerae tribulationes premunt.--Vacua jam ardet Roma. Quid autem\nista de hominibus dicimus? Cum ruinis crebrescentibus ipsa quoque destrui\naedificia videmus. Postquam defecerunt homines etiam parietes cadunt. Jam\necce desolata, ecce contrita, ecce gemitibus oppressa est,_ &c. All this\nwas spoken by _Gregory_ to the people of _Rome_, who were witnesses of the\ntruth of it. Thus by _the plagues of the four winds_, the Empire of the\n_Greeks_ was shaken, and the Empire of the _Latins_ fell; and _Rome_\nremained nothing more than the capital of a poor dukedom, subordinate to\n_Ravenna_, the seat of the Exarchs.\n\nThe fifth trumpet sounded to the wars, which the _King of the_ South, as he\nis called by _Daniel_, made _in the time of the end_, in _pushing at the\nKing who did according to his will_. This plague began with the _opening of\nthe bottomless pit_, which denotes the letting out of a false religion: the\n_smoke which came out of the pit_, signifying the multitude which embraced\nthat religion; and the _locusts which came out of the smoke_, the armies\nwhich came out of that multitude. This pit was opened, to let out smoke and\nlocusts into the regions of the four monarchies, or some of them. _The King\nof these locusts_ was the _Angel of the bottomless pit_, being chief\ngovernor as well in religious as civil affairs, such as was the Caliph of\nthe _Saracens_. Swarms of locusts often arise in _Arabia faelix_, and from\nthence infest the neighbouring nations: and so are a very fit type of the\nnumerous armies of _Arabians_ invading the _Romans_. They began to invade\nthem A.C. 634, and to reign at _Damascus_ A.C. 637. They built _Bagdad_\nA.C. 766, and reigned over _Persia_, _Syria_, _Arabia_, _Egypt_, _Africa_\nand _Spain_. They afterwards lost _Africa_ to _Mahades_, A.C. 910; _Media_,\n_Hircania_, _Chorasan_, and all _Persia_, to the _Dailamites_, between the\nyears 927 and 935; _Mesopotamia_ and _Miafarekin_ to _Nasiruddaulas_, A.C.\n930; _Syria_ and _Egypt_ to _Achsjid_, A.C. 935, and now being in great\ndistress, the Caliph of _Bagdad_, A.C. 936, surrendred all the rest of his\ntemporal power to _Mahomet_ the son of _Rajici_, King of _Wasit_ in\n_Chaldea_, and made him Emperor of Emperors. But _Mahomet_ within two years\nlost _Bagdad_ to the _Turks_; and thenceforward _Bagdad_ was sometimes in\nthe hands of the _Turks_, and sometimes in the hands of the _Saracens_,\ntill _Togrul-beig_, called also _Togra_, _Dogrissa_, _Tangrolipix_, and\n_Sadoc_, conquered _Chorasan_ and _Persia_; and A.C. 1055, added _Bagdad_\nto his Empire, making it the seat thereof. His successors _Olub-Arflan_ and\n_Melechschah_, conquered the regions upon _Euphrates_; and these conquests,\nafter the death of _Melechschah_, brake into the kingdoms of _Armenia_,\n_Mesopotamia_, _Syria_, and _Cappadocia_. The whole time that the Caliphs\nof the _Saracens_ reigned with a temporal dominion at _Damascus_ and\n_Bagdad_ together, was 300 years, viz. from the year 637 to the year 936\ninclusive. Now locusts live but five months; and therefore, for the decorum\nof the type, these locusts are said to _hurt men five months and five\nmonths_, as if they had lived about five months at _Damascus_, and again\nabout five months at _Bagdad_; in all ten months, or 300 prophetic days,\nwhich are years.\n\nThe sixth trumpet sounded to the wars, which _Daniel_'s King of the _North_\nmade against the King above-mentioned, _who did according to his will_. In\nthese wars the King of the _North_, according to _Daniel_, conquered the\nEmpire of the _Greeks_, and also _Judea_, _Egypt_, _Lybia_, and _Ethiopia_:\nand by these conquests the Empire of the _Turks_ was set up, as may be\nknown by the extent thereof. These wars commenced A.C. 1258, when the four\nkingdoms of the _Turks_ seated upon _Euphrates_, that of _Armenia major_\nseated at _Miyapharekin_, _Megarkin_ or _Martyropolis_, that of\n_Mesopotamia_ seated at _Mosul_, that of all _Syria_ seated at _Aleppo_,\nand that of _Cappadocia_ seated at _Iconium_, were invaded by the _Tartars_\nunder _Hulacu_, and driven into the western parts of _Asia minor_, where\nthey made war upon the _Greeks_, and began to erect the present Empire of\nthe _Turks_. Upon the sounding of the sixth trumpet, [9] _John heard a\nvoice from the four horns of the golden Altar which is before God, saying\nto the sixth Angel which had the trumpet, Loose the four Angels which are\nbound at the great river _Euphrates_. And the four Angels were loosed,\nwhich were prepared for an hour and a day, and a month and a year, for to\nslay the third part of men_. By the four horns of the golden Altar, is\nsignified the situation of the head cities of the said four kingdoms,\n_Miyapharekin_, _Mosul_, _Aleppo_, and _Iconium_, which were in a\nquadrangle. They slew the third part of men, when they conquered the\n_Greek_ Empire, and took _Constantinople_, A.C. 1453. and they began to be\nprepared for this purpose, when _Olub-Arslan_ began to conquer the nations\nupon _Euphrates_, A.C. 1063. The interval is called an hour and a day, and\na month and a year, or 391 prophetic days, which are years. In the first\nthirty years, _Olub-Arslan_ and _Melechschah_ conquered the nations upon\n_Euphrates_, and reigned over the whole. _Melechschah_ died A.C. 1092, and\nwas succeeded by a little child; and then this kingdom broke into the four\nkingdoms above-mentioned.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nNotes to Chap. III.\n\n[1] Apoc. ii. 4, &c.\n\n[2] Apoc. ii. 9, 10.\n\n[3] Ver. 14.\n\n[4] Numb. xxv. 1, 2, 18, & xxi. 16.\n\n[5] Apoc. iii. 10, 12.\n\n[6] Apoc. iii. 16, 17.\n\n[7] Apoc. viii. 7, &c.\n\n[8] Apoc. xvi. 5, 6.\n\n[9] Apoc. ix. 13, &c.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n_THE END._\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n_Advertisement._\n\n_The last pages of these Observations having been differently drawn up by\nthe Author in another copy of his Work; they are here inserted as they\nfollow in that copy, after the 22d line of the 261st page foregoing._\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n_And none was found worthy to open the book_ till the Lamb of God appeared;\nthe great High-Priest represented by a lamb slain at the foot of the Altar\nin the morning-sacrifice. _And he came, and took the book out of the hand\nof him that sat upon the throne._ For the High-Priest, in the feast of the\nseventh month, went into the most holy place, and took the book of the law\nout of the right side of the Ark, to read it to the people: and in order to\nread it well, he studied it seven days, that is, upon the fourth, fifth,\nsixth, seventh, eighth, ninth and tenth days, being attended by some of the\npriests to hear him perform. These seven days are alluded to, by the Lamb's\nopening the seven seals successively.\n\nUpon the tenth day of the month, a young bullock was offered for a\nsin-offering for the High-Priest, and a goat for a sin-offering for the\npeople: and lots were cast upon two goats to determine which of them should\nbe God's lot for the sin-offering; and the other goat was called _Azazel_,\nthe scape-goat. The High-Priest in his linen garments, took a censer full\nof burning coals of fire from the Altar, his hand being full of sweet\nincense beaten small; and went into the most holy place within the veil,\nand put the incense upon the fire, and sprinkled the blood of the bullock\nwith his finger upon the mercy-seat and before the mercy-seat seven times;\nand then he killed the goat which fell to God's lot, for a sin-offering for\nthe people, and brought his blood within the veil, and sprinkled it also\nseven times upon the mercy-seat and before the mercy-seat. Then he went out\nto the Altar, and sprinkled it also seven times with the blood of the\nbullock, and as often with the blood of the goat. After this _he laid both\nhis hands upon the head of the live goat; and confessed over him all the\niniquities of the children of _Israel_, and all their transgressions in all\ntheir sins, putting them upon the head of the goat; and sent him away into\nthe wilderness by the hands of a fit man: and the goat bore upon him all\ntheir iniquities into a land not inhabited_, Levit. chap. iv. & chap. xvi.\nWhile the High-Priest was doing these things in the most holy place and at\nthe Altar, the people continued at their devotion quietly and in silence.\nThen the High-Priest went into the holy place, put off his linen garments,\nand put on other garments; then came out, and sent the bullock and the goat\nof the sin-offering to be burnt without the camp, with fire taken in a\ncenser from the Altar: and as the people returned home from the Temple,\nthey said to one another, _God seal you to a good new year_.\n\nIn allusion to all this, _when he had opened the seventh seal, there was\nsilence in heaven about the space of half an hour. And an Angel stood at\nthe Altar having a golden Censer, and there was given unto him much\nincense, that he should offer it with the prayers of all Saints, upon the\ngolden Altar which was before the throne. And the smoke of the incense with\nthe prayers of the Saints ascended up before God out of the Angel's hand.\nAnd the Angel took the Censer, and filled it with fire of the Altar, and\ncast it to the earth_, suppose without the camp, for sacrificing the goat\nwhich fell to God's lot. For the High-Priest being _Christ_ himself, the\nbullock is omitted. At this sacrifice _there were voices and thundrings_,\nof the musick of the Temple, _and lightnings_ of the sacred fire, _and an\nearthquake_: and synchronal to these things was the sealing of _the 144000\nout of all the twelve tribes of the children of _Israel_ with the seal of\nGod in their foreheads_, while the rest of the twelve tribes received the\nmark of the Beast, and the Woman fled from the Temple into the wilderness\nto her place upon this Beast. For this sealing and marking was represented\nby casting lots upon the two goats, sacrificing God's lot on mount _Sion_,\nand sending the scape-goat into the wilderness loaden with the sins of the\npeople.\n\nUpon the fifteenth day of the month, and the six following days, there were\nvery great sacrifices. And in allusion to the sounding of trumpets, and\nsinging with thundring voices, and pouring out drink-offerings at those\nsacrifices, _seven trumpets are sounded_, and _seven thunders utter their\nvoices_, and _seven vials of wrath are poured out_. Wherefore the sounding\nof the _seven trumpets_, the voices of the _seven thunders_, and the\npouring out of the _seven vials of wrath_, are synchronal, and relate to\none and the same division of the time of the seventh seal following the\nsilence, into seven successive parts. The seven days of this feast were\ncalled the feast of Tabernacles; and during these seven days the children\nof _Israel_ dwelt in booths, and rejoiced with palm-branches in their\nhands. To this alludes _the multitude with palms in their hands_, which\nappeared after the sealing of the 144000, and _came out of the great\ntribulation_ with triumph at the battle of the great day, to which the\nseventh trumpet sounds. The visions therefore of the 144000, and of the\npalm-bearing multitude, extend to the sounding of the seventh trumpet, and\ntherefore are synchronal to the times of the seventh seal.\n\nWhen the 144000 _are sealed out of all the twelve tribes of _Israel__, and\nthe rest receive _the mark of the Beast_, and thereby the first temple is\ndestroyed; _John_ is bidden to _measure the temple and altar_, that is,\ntheir courts, _and them that worship therein_, that is, the 144000 standing\non mount _Sion_ and on the sea of glass: _but the court that is without the\ntemple_, that is, the peoples court, to _leave out and measure it not,\nbecause it is given to the_ Gentiles, those who receive the mark of the\nBeast; _and the holy city they shall tread under foot forty and two\nmonths_, that is, all the time that the Beast acts under the woman\n_Babylon_: and _the two witnesses prophesy 1260 days_, that is, all the\nsame time, _clothed in sackcloth. These have power_, like _Elijah, to shut\nheaven that it rain not_, at the sounding of the first trumpet; and, like\n_Moses, to turn the waters into blood_ at the sounding of the second; _and\nto smite the earth with all plagues_, those of the trumpets, _as often as\nthey will_. These prophesy at the building of the second temple, like\n_Haggai_ and _Zechary_. These are _the two Olive-trees_, or Churches, which\n_supplied the lamps with oil_, _Zech._ iv. These are _the two\ncandlesticks_, or Churches, _standing before the God of the earth_. Five of\nthe seven Churches of _Asia_, those in prosperity, are found fault with,\nand exhorted to repent, and threatned to be _removed out of their places_,\nor _spewed out of _Christ's_ mouth_, or _punished with the sword of\n_Christ's_ mouth, except they repent_: the other two, the Churches of\n_Smyrna_ and _Philadelphia_, which were under persecution, remain in a\nstate of persecution, to illuminate the second temple. When the primitive\nChurch catholick, represented by _the woman in heaven_, apostatized, and\nbecame divided into two corrupt Churches, represented by the _whore of\n_Babylon__ and the _two-horned Beast_, the 144000 _who were sealed out of\nall the twelve tribes_, became the _two Witnesses_, in opposition to those\ntwo false Churches: and the name of _two Witnesses_ once imposed, remains\nto the true Church of God in all times and places to the end of the\nProphecy.\n\nIn the interpretation of this Prophecy, _the woman in heaven clothed with\nthe sun_, before she flies into the wilderness, represents the primitive\nChurch catholick, illuminated with the _seven lamps_ in the _seven golden\ncandlesticks_, which are the _seven Churches_ of _Asia_. The Dragon\nsignifies the same Empire with _Daniel_'s He-goat in the reign of his last\nhorn, that is, the whole _Roman_ Empire, until it became divided into the\n_Greek_ and _Latin_ Empires; and all the time of that division it signifies\nthe _Greek_ Empire alone: and the Beast is _Daniel_'s fourth Beast, that\nis, the Empire of the _Latins_. Before the division of the _Roman_ Empire\ninto the _Greek_ and _Latin_ Empires, the Beast is included in the body of\nthe Dragon; and from the time of that division, the Beast is the _Latin_\nEmpire only. Hence the Dragon and Beast have the same heads and horns; but\nthe heads are crowned upon the Dragon, and the horns upon the Beast. The\nhorns are ten kingdoms, into which the Beast becomes divided presently\nafter his separation from the Dragon, as hath been described above. The\nheads are seven successive dynasties, or parts, into which the _Roman_\nEmpire becomes divided by the opening of the seven seals. Before the woman\nfled into the wilderness, _she being with child_ of a Christian Empire,\n_cried travelling_, viz. in the ten years persecution of _Dioclesian_, _and\npained to be delivered: and the Dragon_, the heathen _Roman_ Empire, _stood\nbefore her, to devour her child as soon as it was born. And she brought\nforth a man child, who_ at length _was to rule all nations with a rod of\niron. And her child was caught up unto God, and to his throne_ in the\nTemple, by the victory of _Constantine_ the great over _Maxentius_: _and\nthe woman fled_ from the Temple _into the wilderness_ of _Arabia_ to\n_Babylon_, _where she hath a place_ of riches and honour and dominion, upon\nthe back of the Beast, _prepared of God, that they should feed her there\n1260 days. And there was war in heaven_, between the heathens under\n_Maximinus_ and the new Christian Empire; _and the great Dragon was cast\nout, that old serpent, which deceiveth the whole world_, the spirit of\nheathen idolatry; _he was cast out_ of the throne _into the earth. And they\novercame him by the blood of the Lamb, and by the word of their testimony;\nand they loved not their lives unto the death_.\n\n_And when the Dragon saw that he was cast unto the earth, he persecuted the\nwoman which brought forth the man child_, stirring up a new persecution\nagainst her in the reign of _Licinius_. _And to the woman_, by the building\nof _Constantinople_ and equalling it to _Rome_, _were given two wings of a\ngreat eagle, that she might flee into the wilderness into her place_ upon\nthe back of her Beast, _where she is nourished for a time, and times, and\nhalf a time, from the face of the serpent. And the serpent_, upon the death\nof _Constantine_ the great, _cast out of his mouth water as a flood_, viz.\nthe _Western_ Empire under _Constantine junior_ and _Constans_, _after the\nwoman: that he might cause her to be carried away of the flood. And the\nearth_, the nations of _Asia_ now under _Constantinople_, _helped the\nwoman_; and by conquering the _Western_ Empire, now under _Magnentius_,\n_swallowed up the flood which the Dragon cast out of his mouth. And the\nDragon was wroth with the woman, and went to make war with the remnant of\nher seed, which keep the commandments of God, and have the testimony of\n_Jesus Christ_, which_ in that war _were sealed out of all the twelve\ntribes of _Israel__, and remained upon mount _Sion_ with the Lamb, being in\nnumber 144000, and having their father's name written in their foreheads.\n\nWhen the earth had swallowed up the flood, and the Dragon was gone to make\nwar with the remnant of the woman's seed, _John stood upon the sand of the\nsea, and saw a Beast rise out of the sea, having seven heads and ten horns.\nAnd the Beast was like unto a Leopard, and his feet were as the feet of a\nBear, and his mouth as the mouth of a Lion._ _John_ here names _Daniel_'s\nfour Beasts in order, putting his Beast in the room of _Daniel_'s fourth\nBeast, to shew that they are the same. _And the Dragon gave_ this Beast\n_his power and his seat and great authority_, by relinquishing the\n_Western_ Empire to him. _And one of his heads_, the sixth, was _as it were\nwounded to death_, viz. by the sword of the earth, which swallowed up the\nwaters cast out of the mouth of the Dragon; _and his deadly wound was\nhealed_, by a new division of the Empire between _Valentinian_ and\n_Valens_, _An._ 364. _John_ saw the Beast rise out of the sea, at the\ndivision thereof between _Gratian_ and _Theodosius_, _An._ 379. The Dragon\ngave the Beast his power, and his seat and great authority, at the death of\n_Theodosius_, when _Theodosius_ gave the _Western_ Empire to his son\n_Honorius_. After which the two Empires were no more united: but the\n_Western_ Empire became presently divided into ten kingdoms, as above; and\nthese kingdoms at length united in religion under the woman, and reign with\nher _forty and two months_.\n\n_And I beheld_, saith _John_, _another Beast coming up out of the earth._\nWhen the woman fled from the Dragon into the kingdom of the Beast, and\nbecame his Church, this other Beast rose up out of the earth, to represent\nthe Church of the Dragon. For _he had two horns like the Lamb_, such as\nwere the bishopricks of _Alexandria_ and _Antioch_: _and he spake as the\nDragon_ in matters of religion: _and he causeth the earth_, or nations of\nthe Dragon's kingdom, _to worship the first Beast, whose deadly wound was\nhealed_, that is, to be of his religion. _And he doth great wonders, so\nthat he maketh fire come down from heaven on the earth in the sight of\nmen_; that is, he excommunicateth those who differ from him in point of\nreligion: for in pronouncing their excommunications, they used to swing\ndown a lighted torch from above. _And he said to them that dwell on the\nearth, that they should make an image to the Beast, which had the wound by\na sword, and did live_; that is, that they should call a Council of men of\nthe religion of this Beast. _And he had power to give life unto the image\nof the Beast, that the image of the Beast should both speak, and cause that\nas many as would not worship the image of the Beast should be killed_, viz.\nmystically, by dissolving their Churches. _And he causeth all both small\nand great, rich and poor, free and bond, to receive a mark in their right\nband or in their foreheads, and that no man might buy or sell, save he that\nhad the mark, or the name of the Beast, or the number of his name_; that\nis, the mark [Cross], or the name [Greek: LATEINOS], or the number thereof\n[Greek: chxs], 666. All others were excommunicated.\n\nWhen the seven Angels had poured out the seven vials of wrath, and _John_\nhad described them all in the present time, he is called up from the time\nof the seventh vial to the time of the sixth seal, to take a view of the\nwoman and her Beast, who were to reign in the times of the seventh seal. In\nrespect of the latter part of time of the sixth seal, then considered as\npresent, the Angel tells _John_: _The Beast that thou sawest, was and is\nnot, and shall ascend out of the abyss, and go into perdition_; that is, he\nwas in the reign of _Constans_ and _Magnentius_, until _Constantius_\nconquered _Magnentius_, and re-united the _Western_ Empire to the\n_Eastern_. He is not during the reunion, and he shall ascend out of the\nabyss or sea at a following division of the Empire. The Angel tells him\nfurther: _Here is the mind which hath wisdom: the seven heads are seven\nmountains, on which the woman sitteth_; _Rome_ being built upon seven\nhills, and thence called the seven-hilled city. _Also there are seven\nKings: five are fallen, and one is, and the other is not yet come; and when\nhe cometh, he must continue a short space: and the Beast that was and is\nnot, even he is the eighth, and is of the seven, and goeth into perdition_.\nFive are fallen, the times of the five first seals being past; and one is,\nthe time of the sixth seal being considered as present; and another is not\nyet come, and when he cometh, which will be at the opening of the seventh\nseal, he must continue a short space: and the Beast that was and is not,\neven he is the eighth, by means of the division of the _Roman_ Empire into\ntwo collateral Empires; and is of the seven, being one half of the seventh,\nand shall go into perdition. The words, _five are fallen, and one is, and\nthe other is not yet come_, are usually referred by interpreters to the\ntime of _John_ the Apostle, when the Prophecy was given: but it is to be\nconsidered, that in this Prophecy many things are spoken of as present,\nwhich were not present when the Prophecy was given, but which would be\npresent with respect to some future time, considered as present in the\nvisions. Thus where it is said upon pouring out the seventh vial of wrath,\nthat _great _Babylon_ came in remembrance before God, to give unto her the\ncup of the wine of the fierceness of his wrath_; this relates not to the\ntime of _John_ the Apostle, but to the time of pouring out the seventh vial\nof wrath. So where it is said, _Babylon is fallen, is fallen_; and _thrust\nin thy sickle and reap, for the time is come for thee to reap_; and _the\ntime of the dead is come, that they should be judged_; and again, _I saw\nthe dead small and great stand before God_: these sayings relate not to the\ndays of _John_ the Apostle, but to the latter times considered as present\nin the visions. In like manner the words, _five are fallen, and one is, and\nthe other is not yet come_, and _the Beast that was and is not, he is the\neighth_, are not to be referred to the age of _John_ the Apostle, but\nrelate to the time when the Beast was to be wounded to death with a sword,\nand shew that this wound was to be given him in his sixth head: and without\nthis reference we are not told in what head the Beast was wounded. _And the\nten horns which thou sawest, are ten Kings, which have received no kingdom\nas yet, but receive power as Kings one hour with the Beast. These have one\nmind_, being all of the whore's religion, _and shall give their power and\nstrength unto the Beast. These shall make war with the Lamb_, at the\nsounding of the seventh trumpet; _and the Lamb shall overcome them: for he\nis Lord of Lords and King of Kings; and they that are with him are called\nand chosen and faithful. And he saith unto me, the waters which thou sawest\nwhere the whore sitteth, are peoples and multitudes and nations and\ntongues_, composing her Beast. _And the ten horns which thou sawest upon\nthe Beast, these shall hate the whore, and shall make her desolate and\nnaked, and shall eat her flesh, and burn her with fire_, at the end of the\n1260 days. _For God hath put in their hearts to fulfil his will, and to\nagree and give their kingdom unto the Beast, until the words of God shall\nbe fulfilled. And the woman which thou sawest, is that great city which\nreigneth over the Kings of the earth_, or the great city of the _Latins_,\nwhich reigneth over the ten Kings till the end of those days.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n_FINIS_.","title":"Observations upon the Prophecies of Daniel, and the Apocalypse of St. John","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":71659}