{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_19584/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_19584","id":"gutenberg_19584","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/19584","summary":null,"tags":["Category: History - Ancient","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","History, Ancient","Mythology"],"text":"Produced by Dave Maddock, Keith Edkins and the Online\nDistributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net\n\n\n\n\n\nTranscriber's note: A few typographical errors have been corrected: they\nare listed at the end of the text.\n\nA\n\nNEW SYSTEM;\n\nOR, AN\n\nANALYSIS\n\nOF\n\nANTIENT MYTHOLOGY:\n\nWHEREIN AN ATTEMPT IS MADE TO DIVEST TRADITION OF FABLE;\nAND TO REDUCE THE TRUTH TO ITS ORIGINAL PURITY,\n\nBY JACOB BRYANT, ESQ.\n\n_THE THIRD EDITION._\nIN SIX VOLUMES.\n\nWITH A PORTRAIT AND\nSOME ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHOR;\n\nA VINDICATION OF THE APAMEAN MEDAL;\n\nObservations and Inquiries relating to various\nParts of Antient History;\n\nA COMPLETE INDEX,\n\nAND FORTY-ONE PLATES, NEATLY ENGRAVED.\n\nVOL. II.\n\nLONDON:\n\nPRINTED FOR J. WALKER; W.J. AND J. RICHARDSON; R. FAULDER AND SON; R. LEA;\nJ. NUNN; CUTHELL AND MARTIN; H.D. SYMONDS; VERNOR, HOOD, AND SHARPE; E.\nJEFFERY; LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO.; J. BOOKER; BLACK, PARRY, AND\nKINGSBURY; J. ASPERNE; J. MURRAY; AND J. HARRIS.\n\n1807.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nA\n\nNEW SYSTEM\n\nOR AN\n\nANALYSIS\n\nOF\n\nANTIENT MYTHOLOGY.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nPHOENIX AND PHOENICES.\n\nAs there has been much uncertainty about the purport and extent of these\nterms; and they are of great consequence in the course of history; I will\nendeavour to state their true meaning. Phoinic, or Poinic, was an Egyptian\nand Canaanitish term of honour; from whence were formed [Greek: Phoinix,\nPhoinikes, Phoinikoeis] of the Greeks, and Phoinic, Poinicus, Poinicius of\nthe Romans; which were afterwards changed to Phoenix, Punicus, and\n[1]Puniceus. It was originally a title, which the Greeks made use of as a\nprovincial name: but it was never admitted as such by the people, to whom\nit was thus appropriated, till the Greeks were in possession of the\ncountry. And even then it was but partially received: for though mention is\nmade of the coast of Phoenice, yet we find the natives called Sidonians,\nTyrians, and [2]Canaanites, as late as the days of the Apostles. It was an\nhonorary term, compounded of Anac with the Egyptian prefix; and rendered at\ntimes both Phoinic and Poinic. It signified a lord or prince: and was\nparticularly assumed by the sons of Chus and Canaan. The Mysians seem to\nhave kept nearest to the original pronunciation, who gave this title to the\nGod Dionusus, and called him Ph'anac.\n\n  [3]Ogygia me Bacchum vocat,\n  Osirin \u00c6gyptus putat,\n  Mysi Phanacem.\n\nIt was also conferred upon many things, which were esteemed princely and\nnoble. Hence the red, or scarlet, a colour appropriated to great and\nhonourable personages, was styled Phoinic. The palm was also styled\nPhoinic, [Greek: Phoinix]: and the antients always speak of it as a stately\nand noble tree. It was esteemed an emblem of honour; and made use of as a\nreward of victory. Plurimarum palmarum homo, was a proverbial expression\namong the Romans, for a soldier of merit. Pliny speaks of the various\nspecies of palms; and of the great repute in which they were held by the\nBabylonians. He says, that the noblest of them were styled the royal Palms;\nand supposes that they were so called from their being set apart for the\nking's use. But they were very early an emblem of royalty: and it is a\ncircumstance included in their original name. We find from Apuleius, that\nMercury, the [4]Hermes of Egypt, was represented with a palm branch in his\nhand: and his priests at Hermopolis used to have them stuck in their\n[5]sandals, on the outside. The Goddess [6]Isis was thus represented: and\nwe may infer that Hermes had the like ornaments; which the Greeks mistook\nfor feathers, and have in consequence of it added wings to his feet. The\nJews used to carry boughs of the same tree at some of their festivals; and\nparticularly at the celebration of their nuptials: and it was thought to\nhave an influence at the birth. Euripides alludes to this in his Ion; where\nhe makes Latona recline herself against a Palm tree, when she is going to\nproduce Apollo and Diana.\n\n    [7][Greek: Phoinika Par' habrokoman]\n  [Greek: Entha locheumata semn' elocheusato]\n    [Greek: Lat\u00f4.]\n\nIn how great estimation this tree was held of old, we may learn from many\npassages in the sacred writings. Solomon says to his espoused, [8]_how fair\nand how pleasant art thou, O Love, for delights: thy stature is like a Palm\ntree_. And the Psalmist for an encouragement to holiness, says, [9]_that\nthe righteous shall flourish like the Palm tree_: for the Palm was supposed\nto rise under a weight; and to thrive in proportion to its being\n[10]depressed. There is possibly a farther allusion in this, than may at\nfirst appear. The antients had an opinion, that the Palm was immortal: at\nleast, if it did die, it recovered again, and obtained a second life by\nrenewal. Hence the story of the bird, styled the Phoenix, is thought to\nhave been borrowed from this tree. Pliny, in describing the species of\nPalm, styled Syagrus, says, [11]Mirum de e\u00e2 accepimus, cum Phoenice Ave,\nqu\u00e6 putatur ex hujus Palm\u00e6 argumento nomen accepisse, iterum mori, et\nrenasci ex seips\u00e0. Hence we find it to have been an emblem of immortality\namong all nations, sacred and prophane. The blessed in heaven are\nrepresented in the Apocalypse by St. John, [12]as standing before the\nthrone in white robes, with branches of Palm in their hands. The notion of\nthis plant being an emblem of royalty prevailed so far, that when our\nSaviour made his last entrance into Jerusalem, the people took branches of\nPalm trees, and accosted him as a prince, crying, [13]_Hosanna--blessed is\nthe King of Israel_.\n\nThe title of Phoinic seems at first to have been given to persons of great\nstature: but, in process of time, it was conferred upon people of power and\neminence, like [Greek: anax] and [Greek: anaktes] among the Greeks. The\nCuthites in Egypt were styled Royal Shepherds, [Greek: Basileis Poimenes],\nand had therefore the title of Phoenices. A colony of them went from thence\nto Tyre and Syria: hence it is said by many writers that Phoenix came from\nEgypt to Tyre. People, not considering this, have been led to look for the\nshepherd's origin in Canaan, because they were sometimes called Phoenices.\nThey might as well have looked for them in Greece; for they were equally\nstyled [14][Greek: Hell\u00eanes], Hellenes. Phoenicia, which the Greeks called\n[Greek: Phoinik\u00ea], was but a small part of Canaan. It was properly a slip\nof sea coast, which lay within the jurisdiction of the Tyrians and\nSidonians, and signifies Ora Regia; or, according to the language of the\ncountry, the coast of the Anakim. It was a lordly title, and derived from a\nstately and august people. All the natives of Canaan seem to have assumed\nto themselves great honour. The Philistines are spoken of as [15]Lords, and\nthe merchants of Tyre as Princes; whose grandeur and magnificence are often\nalluded to in the Scriptures. The prophet Ezekiel calls them the princes of\nthe sea. [16]_Then all the princes of the sea shall come down from their\nthrones, and lay away their robes, and put off their broidered garments._\nAnd Isaiah speaks to the same purpose. [17]_Who hath taken this counsel\nagainst Tyre, that crowning city, whose merchants are princes; whose\ntraffickers are the honourable of the earth?_ The scripture term by which\nthey are here distinguished is [Hebrew: SHRIM], Sarim: but the title which\nthey assumed to themselves was Ph'anac, or Ph'oinac, the Phoenix of the\nGreeks and Romans. And as it was a mere title, the sacred writers of the\nold testament never make use of it to distinguish either the people or\ncountry. This part of Canaan is never by them called Phoenicia: yet others\ndid call it so; and the natives were styled Phoenices before the birth of\nHomer. But this was through mistake; for it was never used by the natives\nas a provincial appellation. I have shewn that it was a title of another\nsort, a mark of rank and pre-eminence: on this account it was assumed by\nother people, and conferred upon other places. For this reason it is never\nmentioned by any of the sacred writers before the captivity, in order to\navoid ambiguity. The Gentile writers made use of it; and we see what\nmistakes have ensued. There were Phoenicians of various countries. They\nwere to be found upon the Sinus [18]Persicus, upon the Sinus [19]Arabicus,\nin Egypt, in [20]Crete, in [21]Africa, in [22]Epirus, and even in Attica.\n[23][Greek: Phoinikes--genos ti Ath\u00ean\u00eaisi]. _There is a race of people\ncalled Phoenicians_ _among the [24]Athenians._ In short, it was a title\nintroduced at Sidon, and the coast adjoining, by people from Egypt: and who\nthe people were that brought it may be known from several passages in\nantient history; but particularly from an extract in Eusebius, [25][Greek:\nPhoinix kai Kadmos, apo Th\u00eab\u00f4n t\u00f4n Aigupti\u00f4n exelthontes eis t\u00ean Surian,\nTurou kai Sid\u00f4nos ebasileuon.] _Phoenix and Cadmus, retiring from Thebes,\nin Egypt, towards the coast of Syria, settled at Tyre and Sidon, and\nreigned there._ It is said, that [26]Belus carried a colony to the same\nparts: and from what part of the world [27]Belus must be supposed to have\ncome, needs not to be explained. Euripides styles Cepheus the king of\nEthiopia, the son of Phoenix: and Apollodorus makes him the son of Belus:\nhence we may infer, that Belus and Phoenix were the same. Not that there\nwere any such persons as Phoenix and Belus, for they were certainly titles:\nand, under the characters of those two personages, Colonies, named Belid\u00e6\nand Phoenices, went abroad, and settled in different parts. Their history\nand appellation may be traced from Babylonia to Arabia and Egypt; and from\nthence to Canaan, and to the regions in the west. It were therefore to be\nwished, that the terms Phoenix and Phoenicia had never been used in the\ncommon acceptation; at least when the discourse turns upon the more antient\nhistory of Canaan. When the Greeks got possession of the coast of Tyre,\nthey called it Phoenicia: and from that time it may be admitted as a\nprovincial name. In consequence of this, the writers of the New Testament\ndo not scruple to make use of it, but always with a proper limitation; for\nthe geography of the Scriptures is wonderfully exact. But the Greek and\nRoman writers often speak of it with a greater latitude, and include Judea\nand Palestina within its borders; and sometimes add Syria and Idume. But\nthese countries were all separate and distinct; among which Phoenicia bore\nbut a small proportion. Yet, small as it may have been, many learned men\nhave thought, that all the colonies, which at times settled upon the coast\nof the Mediterranean, were from this quarter; and that all science was of\nPhoenician original. But this is not true according to their acceptation of\nthe term. Colonies did settle; and science came from the east: but not\nmerely from the Sidonian. I shall shew, that it was principally owing to a\nprior and superior branch of the family.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nADDENDA.\n\n_OF THE PALM TREE_.\n\nPhoenix was a colour among horses. They were styled Phoenices, and\n[28]Phoeniciati, from the colour of the Palm tree, which they resembled;\nand upon the same account had the name of Spadices. This, according to\nAulus Gellius, was a term synonymous with the former. [29]Rutilus, et\nSpadix Phoenicii [Greek: sun\u00f4numos], exuberantiam splendoremque significant\nruboris, quales sunt fructus Palm\u00e6 arboris, nondum sole incocti: unde\nspadicis et Phoenicei nomen est. [30]Spadix, [Greek: spadix], avulsus est a\nPalm\u00e2 termes cum fructu. Homer, describing the horses of Diomedes, says,\nthat the one was Phoenix, or of a bright Palm colour, with a white spot in\nhis forehead like a moon.\n\n  [31][Greek: Hos to men allo toson phoinix \u00ean, ende met\u00f4p\u00f4i]\n  [Greek: Leukon s\u00eam' etetukto peritrochon \u00ea\u00fcte m\u00ean\u00ea.]\n\nUpon this the Scholiast observes, [Greek: Phoinikes to chr\u00f4ma, \u00eatoi\npurrhos]. The horse was of a Palm colour, which is a bright red. We call\nsuch horses bays, which probably is a term of the same original. The branch\nof a Palm tree was called Bai in Egypt; and it had the same name in other\nplaces. Baia, [Greek: Baia], are used for Palm-branches by St. John.\n[32][Greek: Ta baia t\u00f4n Phoinik\u00f4n]. And it is mentioned by the author of\nthe book of Maccabees, that the Jews, upon a solemn occasion, entered the\ntemple. [33][Greek: Meta ainese\u00f4s kai bai\u00f4n]. And Demetrius writes to the\nhigh priest, Simon, [34][Greek: Ton stephanon ton chrusoun kai t\u00ean Ba\u00efn\u00ean,\nha apesteilate, kekomismetha.] Coronam auream et Bainem, qu\u00e6 misistis,\naccepimus. The Greeks formed the word [Greek: ba\u00efn\u00ea] from the Egyptian Bai.\nThe Romans called the same colour Badius. [35]Varro, speaking of horses,\nmentions,\n\n  Hic badius, ille gilvus, ille Murinus.\n\nAs the Palm tree was supposed to be immortal; or, at least, if it did die,\nto revive, and enjoy a second life, the Egyptians gave the name of Bai to\nthe soul: [36][Greek: Esti men gar to bai psuch\u00ea.]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nOF THE\n\nTERM CAHEN:\n\nTHE\n\nCOHEN, [Hebrew: KHN], OF THE HEBREWS.\n\nI have before taken notice that the term Cahen denoted a Priest, or\nPresident; and that it was a title often conferred upon princes and kings.\nNor was it confined to men only: we find it frequently annexed to the names\nof Deities, to signify their rule and superintendency over the earth. From\nthem it was derived to their attendants, and to all persons of a\nprophetical or sacred character. The meaning of the term was so obvious,\nthat one would imagine no mistake could have ensued: yet such is the\nperverseness of human wit, that we find it by the Greeks and Romans\nconstantly misapplied. They could not help imagining, from the sound of the\nword, which approached nearly to that of [Greek: ku\u00f4n] and canis, that it\nhad some reference to that animal: and, in consequence of this unlucky\nresemblance, they continually misconstrued it _a dog_. Hence we are told by\n[37]\u00c6lian and [38]Plutarch, not only of the great veneration paid to dogs\nin Egypt, and of their being maintained in many cities and temples; in\nwhich they certainly exceed the truth; but we are moreover assured, that\nthe people of Ethiopia had a dog for their king: that he was kept in great\nstate, being surrounded with a numerous body of officers and guards, and in\nall respects royally treated. Plutarch speaks of him as being [39][Greek:\nsemn\u00f4s proskunomenos], worshipped with a degree of religious reverence. The\nwhole of this notion took its rise from a misinterpretation of the title\nabove. I have mentioned, that in early times Cahen was a title universally\nconferred upon priests and prophets: hence Lycophron, who has continually\nallusions to obsolete terms, calls the two diviners, Mopsus and\nAmphilochus, [Greek: Kunas].\n\n  [40][Greek: Doiaide rheithr\u00f4n Puramou pros ekbolais]\n  [Greek: Autoktonois sphagaisi D\u00earainou KYNES]\n  [Greek: Dm\u00eathentes aichmazousi loisthion boan.]\n\nUpon which the Scholiast observes: [Greek: Kunes hoi Manteis]: _by Cunes\nare meant Diviners:_ and again, [Greek: Kunas Apoll\u00f4nos tous manteis\neipein.] _The Poet, by_ [Greek: Kunas], _means the ministers and prophets\nof Apollo._ Upon this the learned [41]Meursius observes, that Lycophron had\nhere made use of a term imported from Egypt: so that, I think, we cannot be\nmistaken about the purport of the word, however it may have been perverted.\n\nThe name of the Deity, Canouphis, expressed also Canuphis, and Cnuphis, was\ncompounded with this term. He was represented by the Egyptians as a\nprincely person, with a serpent entwined round his middle, and embellished\nwith other characteristics, relating to time and duration, of which the\nserpent was an emblem. Oph, and Ouph, signified a serpent in the Amonian\nlanguage; and the Deity was termed Can-uph, from his serpentine\nrepresentation. The whole species, in consequence of this, were made sacred\nto him, and styled Canyphian. To this Lucan alludes, when, in speaking of\nthe Seps, he calls all the tribe of serpents Cinyphias pestes:\n\n    [42]Cinyphias inter pestes tibi palma nocendi.\n\nCanuphis was sometimes expressed Anuphis and Anubis; and, however rendered,\nwas by the Greeks and Romans continually spoken of as a dog; at least they\nsupposed him to have had a dog's head, and often mention his [43]barking.\nBut they were misled by the title, which they did not understand. The\nEgyptians had many emblematical personages, set off with heads of various\nanimals, to represent particular virtues and affections, as well as to\ndenote the various attributes of their Gods. Among others was this canine\nfigure, which I have no reason to think was appropriated to Canuph, or\nCneph. And though upon gems and marbles his name may be sometimes found\nannexed to this character, yet it must be looked upon as a Grecian work,\nand so denominated in consequence of their mistaken notion. For we must\nmake a material distinction between the hieroglyphics of old, when Egypt\nwas under her own kings; and those of later date, when that country was\nunder the government of the Greeks: at which time their learning was\ngreatly impaired, and their antient theology ruined. Horus Apollo assures\nus, if any credit may be given to what he says, that this canine figure was\nan emblem of the earth: [44][Greek: Oikoumen\u00ean graphontes kunokephalon\nz\u00f4graphousi.] _When they would describe the earth, they paint a\nCunocephalus._ It could not, therefore, I should think, in any degree\nrelate to Canuphis. The same[45] writer informs us, that under the figure\nof a dog they represented a priest, or sacred scribe, and a prophet; and\nall such as had the chief management of funerals: also the spleen, the\nsmell, sneezing; rule and government, and a magistrate, or judge: which is\na circumstance hardly to be believed. For, as hieroglyphics were designed\nto distinguish, it is scarce credible that the Egyptians should crowd\ntogether so many different and opposite ideas under one character, whence\nnothing could well ensue but doubt and confusion. Besides, I do not\nremember, that in any group of antient hieroglyphics the figure of a dog\noccurs. The meaning of this history, I think, may be with a little\nattention made out. The Egyptians were refined in their superstitions,\nabove all the nations in the world; and conferred the names and titles of\ntheir Deities upon vegetables and animals of every species; and not only\nupon these, but also upon the parts of the human body, and the very\npassions of the mind. Whatever they deemed salutary, or of great value,\nthey distinguished by the title of Sacred, and consecrated it to some\n[46]God. This will appear from words borrowed from Egypt. The Laurel,\nLaurus, was denominated from Al-Orus: the berry was termed bacca, from\nBacchus; Myrrh, [Greek: Murrha] was from Ham-Ourah; Casia, from Chus. The\nCrocodile was called Caimin and Campsa; the Lion, El-Eon; the Wolf, El-Uc;\nthe Cat, Al-Ourah: whence the Greeks formed [Greek: le\u00f4n, lukos, ailouros].\nThe Egyptians styled Myrrh, Baal; balsam, baal-samen; Camphire, Cham-phour,\n[Greek: kamphoura] of Greece; Opium, Ophion. The sweet reed of Egypt was\nnamed [47]Canah, and Conah, by way of eminence; also, [48]Can-Osiris.\nCinnamon was denominated from Chan-Amon; Cinnabar, [Greek: kinnabaris],\nfrom Chan-Abor; the sacred beetle, Cantharus, from Chan-Athur. The harp was\nstyled Cinnor, and was supposed to have been found out by Cinaras; which\nterms are compounded of Chan-Or, and Chan-Arez; and relate to the Sun, or\nApollo, the supposed inventor of the lyre. Priests and magistrates were\nparticularly honoured with the additional title of Cahen; and many things\nheld sacred were liable to have it in their composition. Hence arose the\nerror of Horus Apollo; who, having been informed that the antient Egyptians\ndistinguished many things which were esteemed holy by this sacred title,\nreferred the whole to hieroglyphics, and gave out that they were all\nrepresented under the figure of a dog. And it is possible, that in later\ntimes the Grecian artists, and the mixed tribes of Egypt, may have\nexpressed them in this manner; for they were led by the ear; and did not\ninquire into the latent purport of the [49]theology transmitted to them.\nFrom hence we may perceive how little, in later times, even the native\nEgyptians knew of their rites and history.\n\nFarther accounts may be produced from the same writer, in confirmation of\nwhat I have been saying. He not only mentions the great veneration paid by\nthe Egyptians to dogs, but adds, that in many temples they kept [Greek:\nkunokephaloi], a kind of baboons, or animals with heads like those of dogs,\nwhich were wonderfully endowed. By their assistance the Egyptians found out\nthe particular periods of the Sun and Moon. These did not, like other\nanimals, die at once, but by piece-meal; so that one half of the animal was\noftentimes buried, while the other half[50] survived. He moreover assures\nus, that they could read and write; and whenever one of them was introduced\ninto the sacred apartments for probation, the priest presented him with a\n[51]tablet, and with a pen and ink; and by his writing could immediately\nfind out if he were of the true intelligent breed. These animals are said\nto have been of infinite use to the antient Egyptians in determining times\nand seasons; for it seems they were, in some particular functions, the most\naccurate and punctual of any creatures upon earth: [52]Per \u00e6quinoctia enim\nduodecies in die urinam reddere, et in nocte[53] compertus (Cunocephalus),\n\u00e6quali interstitio servato, Trismegisto ansam dedit diem dividendi in\nduodecim partes \u00e6quales. Such is the history of these wonderful\n[54]animals. That Apes and Baboons were, among the Egyptians, held in\nveneration, is very certain. The Ape was sacred to the God Apis; and by the\nGreeks was rendered Capis, and [55]Ceipis. The Baboon was denominated from\nthe Deity[56] Babon, to whom it was equally sacred. But what have these to\ndo with the supposed Cunocephalus, which, according to the Grecian\ninterpretation, is an animal with the head of a dog? This characteristic\ndoes not properly belong to any species of Apes, but seems to have been\nunduly appropriated to them. The term Cunocephalus, [Greek: Kunokephalos],\nis an Egyptian compound: and this strange history relates to the priests of\nthe country, styled Cahen; also to the novices in their temples; and to the\nexaminations, which they were obliged to undergo, before they could be\nadmitted to the priesthood. To explain this, I must take notice, that in\nearly times they built their temples upon eminences, for many reasons; but\nespecially for the sake of celestial observations. The Egyptians were much\naddicted to the study of astronomy: and they used to found their colleges\nin Upper Egypt upon rocks and hills, called by them Caph. These, as they\nwere sacred to the Sun, were farther denominated Caph-El, and sometimes\nCaph-Aur, and Caph-Arez. The term Caph-El, which often occurs in history,\nthe Greeks uniformly changed to [Greek: Kephal\u00ea], Cephale: and from\nCahen-Caph-El, the sacred rock of Orus, they formed [Greek: Kunokephal\u00ea],\nand [Greek: Kunokephalos]; which they supposed to relate to an animal with\nthe head of a dog. But this Cahen-Caph-El was certainly some royal seminary\nin Upper Egypt, whence they drafted novices to supply their colleges and\ntemples. These young persons were, before their introduction, examined by\nsome superior priest; and, accordingly as they answered upon their trial,\nthey were admitted, or refused. They were denominated Caph-El, and\nCahen-Caph-El, from the academy where they received their first\ninstruction; and this place, though sacred, seems to have been of a class\nsubordinate to others. It was a kind of inferior cloister and temple, such\nas Capella in the Romish church; which, as well as Capellanus, was derived\nfrom Egypt: for, the church, in its first decline, borrowed largely from\nthat country. That there was some particular place of this sort situated\nupon a rock or eminence, may, I think, be proved from Martianus Capella;\nand, moreover, that it was a seminary well known, where the youth of Upper\nEgypt were educated. For, in describing the sciences, under different\npersonages, he gives this remarkable account of Dialectica upon introducing\nher before his audience. [57]H\u00e6c se educatam dicebat in _\u00c6gyptiorum Rupe;_\natque in Parmenidis exinde gymnasium, atque Atticam demeasse. And Johannes\nSarisburiensis seems to intimate that Parmenides obtained his knowledge\nfrom the same quarter, when he mentions [58]\"_in Rupe_ vitam egisse. In\nthis short detail we have no unpleasing account of the birth of science in\nEgypt, and of its progress thence to Attica. It is plain that this Rupes\n\u00c6gyptiaca could be nothing else but a seminary, either the same, or at\nleast similar to that, which I have before been describing. As the\nCunocephali are said to have been sacred to Hermes, this college and temple\nwere probably in the nome of Hermopolis. Hermes was the patron of Science,\nand particularly styled Cahen, or [59]Canis: and the Cunocephali are said\nto have been worshipped by the people of that [60]place. They were\ncertainly there reverenced: and this history points out very plainly the\nparticular spot alluded to. Hermopolis was in the upper region styled\nTheba\u00efs: and there was in this district a tower, such as has been\n[61]mentioned. It was in aftertimes made use of for a repository, where\nthey laid up the tribute. This may have been the Rupes \u00c6gyptiaca, so famed\nof old for science; and which was the seat of the Chancephalim, or\nCunocephalians.\n\nIt is said of the Cunocephali, that when one part was dead and buried, the\nother still survived. This can relate to nothing else but a society, or\nbody politic, where there is a continual decrement, yet part still remains;\nand the whole is kept up by succession. It is an enigma, which particularly\nrelates to the priesthood in Egypt: for the sacred office there was\nhereditary, being vested in certain families; and when part was dead, a\nresidue still [62]survived, who admitted others in the room of the\ndeceased. [63][Greek: Epean de tis apothan\u00eai, toutou ho pais\nantikatistatai.] The sons, we find, supplied the place of their fathers:\nhence the body itself never became extinct, being kept up by a regular\nsuccession. As to the Cunocephali giving to Hermes the first hint of\ndividing the day into twelve parts from the exactness, which was observed\nin their [64]evacuations, it is a surmise almost too trifling to be\ndiscussed. I have shewn that the Cunocephali were a sacred college, whose\nmembers were persons of great learning: and their society seems to have\nbeen a very antient institution. They were particularly addicted to\nastronomical observations; and by contemplating the heavens, styled Ouran,\nthey learned to distinguish the seasons, and to divide the day into parts.\nBut the term Ouran the Greeks by a strange misconception changed to [Greek:\nourein]; of which mistake they have afforded other instances: and from this\nabuse of terms the silly figment took its rise.\n\nThe Cunocephali are not to be found in Egypt only, but in India likewise;\nand in other parts of the world. Herodotus [65]mentions a nation of this\nname in Libya: and speaks of them as a race of men with the heads of dogs.\nHard by in the neighbourhood of this people he places the [Greek:\nAkephaloi], men with no heads at all: to whom, out of humanity, and to\nobviate some very natural distresses, he gives eyes in the breast. But he\nseems to have forgot mouth and ears, and makes no mention of a nose: he\nonly says, [66][Greek: Akephaloi, hoi en st\u00eathesin ophthalmous echontes.]\nBoth these and the Cunocephali were denominated from their place of\nresidence, and from their worship: the one from Cahen-Caph-El, the other\nfrom Ac-Caph-El: each of which appellations is of the same purport, the\nright noble, or sacred [67]rock of the Sun.\n\nSimilar to the history of the Cunocephali, and Acephali, is that of the\nCunodontes. They are a people mentioned by Solinus and Isidorus, and by\nthem are supposed to have had the teeth of dogs. Yet they were probably\ndenominated, like those above, from the object of their worship, the Deity\nChan-Adon; which the Greeks expressed [Greek: Kunod\u00f4n], and styled his\nvotaries [68]Cunodontes.\n\nThe Greeks pretended, that they had the use of the sphere, and were\nacquainted with the zodiac, and its asterisms very early. But it is plain\nfrom their mistakes, that they received the knowledge of these things very\nlate; at a time when the terms were obsolete, and the true purport of them\nnot to be obtained. They borrowed all the schemes under which the stars are\ncomprehended from the Egyptians: who had formed them of old, and named them\nfrom circumstances in their own religion and mythology. They had\nparticularly conferred the titles of their Deities upon those stars, which\nappeared the brightest in their hemisphere. One of the most remarkable and\nbrilliant they called Cahen Sehor; another they termed Purcahen; a third\nCahen Ourah, or Cun Ourah. These were all misconstrued, and changed by the\nGreeks; Cahen-Sehor to Canis Sirius; P'urcahen to Procyon; and Cahen Ourah\nto Cunosoura, the dog's tail. In respect to this last name I think, from\nthe application of it in other instances, we may be assured that it could\nnot be in acceptation what the Greeks would persuade us: nor had it any\nrelation to a dog. There was the summit of a hill in Arcadia of this\n[69]name: also a promontory in [70]Attica; and another in [71]Euboea. How\ncould it possibly in its common acceptation be applicable to these places?\nAnd as a constellation if it signified a dog's tail, how came it to be a\nname given to the tail of a bear? It was a term brought from [72]Sidon, and\nEgypt: and the purport was to be sought for from the language of the\nAmonians.\n\nThe antient Helladians used upon every promontory to raise pillars and\naltars to the God of light, Can-Our, the Chan-Orus of Egypt. But Can-Our,\nand Can-Ourah, they changed to [Greek: kunosoura], as I have shewn: yet\nnotwithstanding this corruption, the true name is often to be discovered.\nThe place which is termed Cunosoura by Lucian, in his Icaromemenippus, is\ncalled Cunoura by Stephanus Byzant, and by [73]Pausanias. Cunoura is also\nused by Lycophron, who understood antient terms full well, for any high\nrock or headland.\n\n  [74][Greek: En haisi pros kunoura kampulous schasas]\n  [Greek: Peuk\u00eas odontas.]\n\n    [Greek: Pros kunoura, pros tracheias petras.] Scholiast. ibid.\n\nWe find the same mistake occur in the account transmitted to us concerning\nthe first discovery of purple. The antients very gratefully gave the merit\nof every useful and salutary invention to the Gods. Ceres was supposed to\nhave discovered to men corn, and bread: Osiris shewed them the use of the\nplough; Cinyras of the harp: Vesta taught them to build. Every Deity was\nlooked up to as the cause of some blessing. The Tyrians and Sidonians were\nfamous for the manufacture of purple: the die of which was very exquisite,\nand the discovery of it was attributed to Hercules of Tyre; the same who by\nPal\u00e6phatus is styled Hercules [75]Philosophus. But some will not allow him\nthis honour; but say, that the dog of Hercules was the discoverer. For\naccidentally feeding upon the Murex, with which the coast abounded, the dog\nstained his mouth with the ichor of the fish; and from hence the first hint\nof dying was [76]taken. This gave birth to the proverbial expression,\n[77][Greek: Heur\u00eama kunos \u00ean h\u00ea sebast\u00ea porphura.] Nonnus mentions the\nparticular circumstance of the dog's staining his mouth:\n\n  [78][Greek: Chioneas porphure par\u00ea\u00efdas haimati kochlou.]\n\nSuch is the story, which at first sight is too childish to admit of credit.\nIt is not likely that a dog would feed upon shell-fish: and if this may at\nany time have happened, yet whoever is at all conversant in natural\nhistory, must know, that the murex is of the turbinated kind, and\nparticularly aculeated; having strong and sharp protuberances, with which a\ndog would hardly engage. The story is founded upon the same misconception,\nof which so many instances have been produced. Hercules of Tyre, like all\nother oriental divinities, was styled Cahen, and Cohen; as was allowed by\nthe Greeks themselves. [79][Greek: Ton H\u00earakl\u00ean phasi kata t\u00ean Aigupti\u00f4n\ndialekton CH\u00d4NA legesthai.] _We are told, that Hercules in the language of\nthe Egyptians is called Chon._ This intelligence, however, they could not\nabide by; but changed this sacred title to [80][Greek: ku\u00f4n], a dog, which\nthey described as an attendant upon the Deity.\n\nThe Grecians tell us, that the Egyptians styled Hermes a dog: but they seem\nto have been aware, that they were guilty of an undue representation. Hence\nPlutarch tries to soften, and qualify what is mentioned, by saying,\n[81][Greek: Ou gar kuri\u00f4s ton Herm\u00ean KYNA legousin (hoi Aiguptioi)]: by\nwhich this learned writer would insinuate, that it was not so much the name\nof a dog, as the qualities of that animal, to which the Egyptians alluded.\nPlutarch thought by this refinement to take off the impropriety of\nconferring so base a name upon a Deity. But the truth is, that the\nEgyptians neither bestowed it nominally; nor alluded to it in any degree.\nThe title which they gave to Hermes was the same that they bestowed upon\nHercules: they expressed it Cahen, and Cohen; and it was very properly\nrepresented above by the Greek term [Greek: Ch\u00f4n], Chon. It is said of\nSocrates, that he sometimes made use of an uncommon oath, [Greek: ma ton\nkuna, kai ton ch\u00eana] _by the dog and the goose_: which at first does not\nseem consistent with the gravity of his character. But we are informed by\nPorphyry, that this was not done by way of ridicule: for Socrates esteemed\nit a very serious and religious mode of attestation: and under these terms\nmade a solemn appeal to the son of [82]Zeus. The purport of the words is\nobvious: and whatever hidden meaning there may have been, the oath was made\nridiculous by the absurdity of the terms. Besides, what possible connection\ncould there have subsisted between a dog and a Deity; a goose and the son\nof Jove? There was certainly none: yet Socrates, like the rest of his\nfraternity, having an antipathy to foreign terms, chose to represent his\nideas through this false medium; by which means the very essence of his\ninvocation was lost. The son of Zeus, to whom he appealed, was the Egyptian\nCahen abovementioned; but this sacred title was idly changed to [Greek:\nkuna kai ch\u00eana], a dog and a goose, from a similitude in sound. That he\nreferred to the Egyptian Deity, is manifest from Plato, who acknowledges\nthat he swore, [83][Greek: ma ton kuna ton Aigupti\u00f4n theon]. By which we\nare to understand a Cahen of Egypt. Porphyry expressly says, that it was\nthe God Hermes the son of Zeus, and Maia: [84][Greek: Kata ton tou Dios kai\nMaias paida epoieito ton horkon].\n\nI cannot account upon any other principle than that upon which I have\nproceeded, for the strange representation of Apollo, and Bacchus, gaping\nwith open mouths. So it seems they were in some places described. Clemens\nof Alexandria mentions from Polemon, that Apollo was thus exhibited:\n[85][Greek: Polem\u00f4n de kech\u00eanotos Apoll\u00f4nos oiden agalma]. And we are told\nthat a gaping[86] Bacchus was particularly worshipped at Samos. They were\nboth the same as the Egyptian Orus; who was styled Cahen-On, Rex, vel Deus\nSol; out of which Cahen-On the Grecians seem to have formed the word\n[Greek: Chain\u00f4n]: and in consequence of it, these two Deities were\nrepresented with their jaws widely extended. This term was sometimes\nchanged to [Greek: koinos], communis: hence it is that we so often meet\nwith [Greek: koinoi Theoi], and [Greek: koinoi b\u00f4moi], upon coins and\nmarbles: also [Greek: koinos Herm\u00eas]. And as Hermes was the reputed God of\ngain, every thing found was adjudged to be [Greek: koinos], or common.\n\n                  [87][Greek: All' esidousa]\n  [Greek: Exapin\u00eas, Herm\u00eas koinos, eph\u00ea thugat\u00ear.]\n  [88][Greek: Koinon einai ton Herm\u00ean.]\n\nNotwithstanding this notion so universally received, yet among the Grecians\nthemselves the term [Greek: koinos] was an antient title of eminence.\n[89][Greek: Koinos, ho Despot\u00eas]. _Coinos signifies a lord and master_:\nundoubtedly from Cohinus; and that from Cohen. It would be endless to\nenumerate all the instances which might be brought of this nature. Of this,\nI think, I am assured, that whoever will consider the uncouth names both of\nDeities, and men, as well as of places, in the light recommended; and\nattend to the mythology transmitted concerning them; will be able by these\nhelps to trace them to their original meaning. It is, I think, plain, that\nwhat the Grecians so often interpreted [Greek: kunes], was an antient\nAmonian title. When therefore I read of the brazen dog of Vulcan, of the\ndog of Erigone, of Orion, of Geryon, of Orus, of Hercules, of Amphilochus,\nof Hecate, I cannot but suppose, that they were the titles of so many\nDeities; or else of their priests, who were denominated from their office.\nIn short, the Cahen of Egypt were no more dogs than the Pater\u00e6 of Amon were\nbasons: and though Diodorus does say, that at the grand celebrity of\n[90]Isis, the whole was preceded by dogs, yet I cannot help being persuaded\nthat they were the priests of the Goddess.\n\nBy this clue we may unravel many intricate histories transmitted from\ndifferent parts. In the temple of Vulcan, near mount \u00c6tna, there are said\nto have been a breed of dogs, which fawned upon good men, but were\nimplacable to the bad. [91]Inde etiam perpetuus ignis a Siculis alebatur in\n\u00c6tn\u00e6o Vulcani templo, cui custodes adhibiti sunt sacri canes, blandientes\npiis hominibus, in impios ferocientes. In the celebrated gardens of Electra\nthere was a golden dog, which shewed the same regard to good men, and was\nas inveterate to others.\n\n  [92][Greek: Chruseos oidainonti ku\u00f4n sunulaktee laim\u00f4i]\n  [Greek: Sain\u00f4n \u00eathada ph\u00f4ta.]\n\nWhat is more remarkable, there were many gaping dogs in this temple; which\nare represented as so many statues, yet were endowed with life.\n\n  [93][Greek: Chasmasi poi\u00eatoisi ses\u00eairotes anthere\u00f4nes]\n  [Greek: Pseudale\u00f4n skulak\u00f4n stiches emphrones.]\n\nHomer describes something of the same nature in the gardens of Alcinous.\n\n  [94][Greek: Chruseioi d' hekaterthe kai argureoi kunes \u00easan,]\n  [Greek: Hous H\u00eaphaistos eteuxen idui\u00eaisi prapidessin,]\n  [Greek: Athanatous ontas, kai ag\u00ear\u00f4s \u00eamata panta.]\n\nAll this relates to the Cusean priests of Vulcan or Hephaistos, and to the\npriesthood established in his temple: which priesthood was kept up by\nsuccession, and never became extinct. What was Cusean, the Greeks often\nrendered [Greek: Chruseion], as I shall hereafter shew. The same people\nwere also styled Cuthim; and this word likewise among the antients\nsignified gold: from hence these priests were styled [Greek: Chruseioi\nkunes]. We find the like history in Crete: here too was a golden dog, which\nZeus had appointed to be the guardian of his temple[95]. By comparing these\nhistories, I think we cannot fail of arriving at the latent meaning. The\nGod of light among other titles was styled Cahen, or Chan-Ades: but the\nterm being taken in the same acceptation here, as in the instances above,\nthe Deity was changed to a dog, and said to reside in the infernal regions.\nFrom hence he was supposed to have been dragged to light by Hercules of\nThebes. The notion both of Cerberus and Hades being subterraneous Deities\ntook its rise from the temples of old being situated near vast caverns,\nwhich were esteemed passages to the realms below. Such were in Messenia, in\nArgolis, in Bithynia, and at Enna in Sicily; not to mention divers other\nplaces. These temples were often named Kir-Abor; and the Deity Chan-Ades;\nout of which terms the Greeks formed [Greek: Ton Kerberon kuna hadou]; and\nfabled, that he was forced into upper air by Hercules, through these\ninfernal inlets. And as temples similar in name and situation were built in\nvarious parts, the like history was told of them all. Pausanias takes\nnotice of this event, among other places, being ascribed to the cavern at\n[96]T\u00e6narus; as well as to one at [97]Troezen, and to a third near the city\n[98]Hermione. The Poet Dionysius speaks of the feat being performed in the\ncountry of the Marianduni, near Colchis.\n\n  [99][Greek: Kai Mariandun\u00f4n hieron pedon, enth' enepousin]\n  [Greek: Oudaiou Kronidao megan kuna Chalkeoph\u00f4non]\n  [Greek: Chersin anelkomenon megal\u00eatoros H\u00earakl\u00eaos,]\n  [Greek: Deinon apo stomat\u00f4n baleein sial\u00f4dea chulon.]\n\nBut however the Deity in all these instances may have been degraded to the\nregions of darkness, yet he was the God of light, [Greek: Kun-had\u00eas]; and\nsuch was the purport of that name. He was the same as Apollo, as may be\nproved from the Cunid\u00e6 at Athens, who were a family set apart for his\nservice. [Greek: Kunnidai, genos Ath\u00ean\u00eaisin, ex hou ho hiereus tou Kunniou\nApoll\u00f4nos.] Hesychius. _The Cunnidai are a family at Athens, out of which\nthe priest of Apollo Cunnius is chosen_. He styles him Apollo Cunnius: but\nthe Cunidai were more properly denominated from Apollo Cunides, the same as\nCun-Ades. Poseidon was expressly styled Cun-Ades; and he was the same Deity\nas Apollo, only under a different title, as I have shewn. [Greek: Kunad\u00eas\nPoseid\u00f4n Ath\u00ean\u00eaisin etimaito.] Hesychius. _Poseidon was worshipped at\nAthens under the title of Cun-Ades._\n\nThough I have endeavoured to shew, that the term of which I have been\ntreating was greatly misapplied, in being so uniformly referred to dogs,\nyet I do not mean to insinuate that it did not sometimes relate to them.\nThey were distinguished by this sacred title, and were held in some degree\nof [100]veneration; but how far they were reverenced is not easy to\ndetermine. Herodotus,[101] speaking of the sanctity of some animals in\nEgypt, says, that the people in every family, where a dog died, shaved\nthemselves all over: and he mentions it as a custom still subsisting in his\nown time. Plutarch[102] differs from him. He allows that these animals\nwere, at one time, esteemed holy; but it was before the time of Cambyses:\nfrom the \u00e6ra of his reign they were held in another light: for when this\nking killed the sacred Apis, the dogs fed so liberally upon his entrails,\nwithout making a proper distinction, that they lost all their sanctity. It\nis of little consequence whichever account be the truest. They were\ncertainly of old looked upon as sacred; and esteemed emblems of the Deity.\nAnd it was, perhaps, with a view to this, and to prevent the Israelites\nretaining any notion of this nature, that a dog was not suffered to come\nwithin the precincts of the temple at [103]Jerusalem. In the Mosaic law,\nthe price of a dog, and the hire of a harlot, are put upon the same level.\n[104]_Thou shalt not bring the hire of a whore, or the price of a dog, into\nthe house of the Lord thy God for any vow: for both these are an\nabomination to the Lord thy God._\n\nTo conclude: The Dog, in Egypt, was undoubtedly called Cahen, and Cohen; a\ntitle by which many other animals, and even vegetables, were honoured, on\naccount of their being consecrated to some Deity. The Greeks did not\nconsider that this was a borrowed appellation, which belonged to the Gods\nand their Priests; and was from them extended to many things held sacred.\nHence they have continually referred this term to one object only: by which\nmeans they have misrepresented many curious pieces of history: and a number\nof idle fables have been devised to the disparagement of all that was true.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nOF\n\nCHUS;\n\nSTYLED\n\n[Greek: CHRYSOS] AND [Greek: CHRYSA\u00d4R.]\n\nAmong the different branches of the great Amonian family which spread\nthemselves abroad, the sons of Chus were the most considerable, and at the\nsame time the most enterprising. They got access into countries widely\ndistant; where they may be traced under different denominations, but more\nparticularly by their family title. This we might expect the Greeks to have\nrendered Chusos, and to have named the people [Greek: Chusaioi], Chus\u00e6i.\nBut, by a fatal misprision, they uniformly changed these terms to words\nmore familiar to their ear, and rendered them [Greek: Chrusos], and [Greek:\nChruseios], as if they had a reference to gold. I have before mentioned the\nvarious parts of the world where the Amonians settled, and especially this\nbranch of that family. Their most considerable colonies westward were in\nI\u00f6nia and Hellas; and about Cuma and Liguria in Italy; and upon the coast\nof Iberia in Spain. They were likewise to be found in Cyrene; and still\nfarther in Mauritania, and in the islands opposite to that coast. In the\nnorth they were to be met with at Colchis, towards the foot of Mount\nCaucasus, and in most regions upon the coast of the Euxine sea. In the\nhistories of these countries the Grecians have constantly changed Chusos,\nthe Gentile name, to Chrusos, [Greek: Chrusos]; and Chus-Or, Chusorus, to\n[Greek: Chrus\u00f4r], Chrusor: and, in consequence of this alteration, they\nhave introduced in their accounts of these places some legend about gold.\nHence we read of a golden fleece at Colchis; golden apples at the\nHesperides; at [105]Tartessus, a golden cup; and, at Cuma, in Campania, a\ngolden branch:\n\n  Aureus et foliis, et lento vimine, ramus.\n\nSomething similar is observable in the history of Cyrene. The natives were\nnot remarkable for either mines or merchandize: yet, Pal\u00e6phatus, having\nmentioned that they were [Greek: kata genos Aithiopes], Ethiopians by\nextraction, that is, Cuseans, subjoins: [106][Greek: Eisi de sphodra\nchrusoi]. Pindar, in celebrating each happy circumstance of the Insul\u00e6\nFortunat\u00e6, mentions, that there were trees with branches of gold:\n[107][Greek: Anthema de chrusou phlegei]. The river Phasis, in Colchis, was\nsupposed to have abounded with gold; and the like was pretended of the\nHermus and Pactolus in I\u00f6nia. Not only the Poets, but many of the graver\n[108]historians, speak of their golden sands. Yet there is reason to doubt\nof the fact: for not one of them produces any good voucher for what they\nsuppose. They do not mention any trade carried on, nor riches accruing from\nthis lucky circumstance: so that there is no reason to think that one grain\nof gold was gathered from these celebrated streams. Among the several\nislands occupied by this people were Rhodes and Delos. In the former, the\nchief city is said to have been blessed with showers of gold. [109][Greek:\nEntha pote breche theon Basileus ho megas chrusais niphadessi polin.] At\nDelos every thing was golden, even the slippers of the God.\n\n  [110][Greek: Chrusea kai ta pedila, poluchrusos gar Apoll\u00f4n.]\n\nAnd this not only in aftertimes, when the island was enriched with\nofferings from different nations, but even at the birth of the God; by\nwhich is meant the foundation of his temple, and introduction of his rites.\n\n  [111][Greek: Chrusea toi tote panta themeilia geinato, D\u00eale,]\n  [Greek: Chrus\u00f4i de trochoessa pan\u00eameros errhee limn\u00ea,]\n  [Greek: Chruseion d' ekomisse genethlion ernos elai\u00eas,]\n  [Greek: Chrus\u00f4i de pl\u00eammure bathus In\u00f4pos helichtheis,]\n  [Greek: Aut\u00ea de chrusoio ap' oudeos heileo paida,]\n  [Greek: En d' ebaleu kolpoisin.]\n\nWe find that the very soil and foundations of the island were golden: the\nlake floated with golden waves: the olive tree vegetated with golden fruit:\nand the river Inopus, deep as it was, swelled with gold. Homer, in a hymn\nto the same personage, represents the whole more compendiously, by saying,\nthat the island was weighed down with treasure:\n\n              [112][Greek: Chrus\u00f4i d' ara D\u00ealos hapasa]\n  [Greek: Bebrithei.]\n\nI have before mentioned that the Amonians settled in Liguria: and, in\nconsequence of it, the Heliad\u00e6 are represented as weeping, not only amber,\nbut gold. Philostratus, speaking of a particular species of fir-trees in\nBoetica, says, that they dropped blood, just as the Heliad\u00e6 upon the Padus\ndid[113] gold.\n\nChus, by the Egyptians and Canaanites, was styled Or-Chus, and[114]\nChus-Or: the latter of which was expressed by the Greeks, analogous to the\nexamples above, [Greek: Chrus\u00f4r], Chrusor: and we learn in Eusebius, from\nPhilo, that Chrusor was one of the principal Deities of the Phenicians, a\ngreat benefactor to mankind; and by some supposed to have been the same as\nHephaistus. Both the Tyrians and Sidonians were undoubtedly a mixed race,\nand preserved the memory of Ham, and Chus, equally with that of Canaan.\n\nThis name, so often rendered Chrusos, and Chrusor, was sometimes changed to\n[Greek: Chrusa\u00f4r], Chrusaor: and occurs in many places where the Cuthites\nwere known to have settled. We have been shewn that they were a long time\nin Egypt; and we read of a Chrusaor in those parts, who is said to have\narisen from the blood of Medusa.\n\n    [115][Greek: Exethore Chrusa\u00f4r te megas, kai P\u00eagasos hippos.]\n\nWe meet with the same Chrusaor in the regions of Asia Minor, especially\namong the Carians. In these parts he was particularly worshipped, and said\nto have been the first deified mortal. The great Divan of that nation was\ncalled Chrusaorium; and there was a city [116]Chrusaoris, and a temple of\nthe same name. [117][Greek: Engus de t\u00eas pole\u00f4s to tou Chrusaore\u00f4s Dios\nkoinon hapant\u00f4n Kar\u00f4n, eis ho suniasi thusantes te kai bouleusamenoi.] This\ncity was properly called Chus-Or, and built in memory of the same person;\nas the city Chusora, called also [118]Cerchusora, in Egypt. It was\nundoubtedly founded by some of the same family, who in aftertimes\nworshipped their chief ancestor; as the Sidonians and Syrians did likewise.\nFor this we have the testimony of Sanchoniathon; who, having mentioned the\nvarious benefits bestowed upon mankind by Chrusaor, says, at the\nconclusion, [119][Greek: Dio kai h\u00f4s theon auton meta thanaton\nesebasth\u00easan;] _for which reason, after his death, they worshipped him as a\nGod_. The first king of Iberia was named Chrusaor, the reputed father of\n[120]Geryon; and he is said to have been [Greek: poluchrusos], a person of\ngreat wealth: all which is an Egyptian history, transferred from the Nile\nto the Boetis.\n\n  [121][Greek: Chrusa\u00f4r d' eteke trikar\u00eanon G\u00earuon\u00eaa,]\n  [Greek: Michtheis Challiro\u00eai kour\u00eai klutou \u00d4keanoio.]\n\nGeryon of Spain was, according to this mythology of the poet, the son of\nChrusaor; and Chrusaor was confessedly of Egyptian original: so that,\nwhatever the fable may allude to, it must have been imported into Boetica\nfrom Egypt by some of the sons of Chus. The Grecians borrowed this term,\nand applied it to Apollo; and from this epithet, Chrusaor, he was\ndenominated the God of the golden sword. Homer accordingly styles him,\n[122][Greek: Apoll\u00f4na Chrusaora]: and, speaking of Apollo's infancy, he\nsays, [123][Greek: Oud' ar' Apoll\u00f4na Chrusaora th\u00easato m\u00eat\u00ear]: and Diana is\ntermed [124][Greek: Autokasign\u00eat\u00ea Chrusaoros Apoll\u00f4nos.]\n\nThis title cannot possibly relate to the implement supposed: for it would\nbe idle to style an infant the God of the golden sword. It was a weapon,\nwhich at no time was ascribed to him: nor do I believe, that he is ever\nrepresented with one either upon a gem, or a marble. He is described as\nwishing for a harp, and for a bow.\n\n  [125][Greek: Ei\u00ea moi kitharis te phil\u00ea, kai kampula toxa.]\n\nAnd his mother is said to have been pleased that she produced him to the\nworld an archer:\n\n                  [126][Greek: Chaire de Let\u00f4,]\n  [Greek: Houneka toxophoron kai karteron huion etikten.]\n\nThese habiliments are often specified: but I do not recollect any mention\nmade of a sword, nor was the term Chrusaor of Grecian etymology.\n\nSince then we may be assured that Chus was the person alluded to under the\nname of Chrusos, Chrubor, and Chrusaor; we need not wonder that his\nsubstitute Apollo is so often styled [Greek: Chrusokom\u00eas], and [Greek:\nChrusoluros]: that the harp, called by the Amonians [127] Chan-Or, and\nCuth-Or, from the supposed inventor, should by the Grecians be denominated\n[Greek: Chrusea phorminx] [128][Greek: Apoll\u00f4nos]: that so many cities,\nwhere Apollo was particularly worshipped, should be called Chruse, and\nChrusopolis, the number of which was of no small [129]amount. Nor is this\nobservable in cities only, but in rivers, which were named in the same\nmanner. For it was usual, in the first ages, to consecrate rivers to\nDeities, and to call them after their names. Hence many were denominated\nfrom Chusorus, which by the Greeks was changed to [Greek: Chrusorrhoas];\nand from this mistake they were supposed to abound with gold. The Nile was\ncalled Chrusorrhoas[130], which had no pretensions to gold: and there was a\nriver of this name at [131]Damascus. Others too might be produced, none of\nwhich had any claim to that mineral. There was a stream Chrusorrhoas near\nthe Amazonian city Themiscura in [132]Pontus: and the river Pactolus was of\nold so called, whence probably came the notion of its abounding with gold.\n[133][Greek: Pakt\u00f4los potamos esti t\u00eas Ludias----ekaleito de proteron\nChrusorrhoas.] It was named Chrusorrhoas first, and in aftertimes Pactolus:\nwhence we may conclude, in respect to gold, that the name was not given on\naccount of any such circumstance; but the notion was inferred from the\nname.\n\nIt is apparent that this repeated mistake arose in great measure from the\nterm Chusus and Chrusus being similar: whence the latter was easily\nconvertible into the former; which to the Grecians appeared a more\nintelligible, and at the same time a more splendid, title. But there was\nstill another obvious reason for this change. Chus was by many of the\neastern nations expressed Cuth; and his posterity the Cuthim. This term, in\nthe antient Chald\u00e4ic, and other Amonian languages, signified [134]gold:\nhence many cities and countries, where the Cuthites settled, were described\nas golden, and were represented by the terms Chrusos and Chruse. These, as\nI have shewn, had no relation to gold, but to Chus, who was reverenced as\nthe Sun, or Apollo; and was looked upon as Dionusus; but may more truly be\nesteemed Bacchus. Hence, when the poet Dionysius mentions the island Chruse\nin [135]India, his commentator observes; [Greek: Chrus\u00ea n\u00easos, legomen\u00ea\nhout\u00f4s, \u00ea dia to chruson pherein, \u00ea kata ton Dionuson;] and at last\nconcludes, [136][Greek: Chrusous einai p\u00f4s dokei ho h\u00ealios.]\n\nIn a former dissertation concerning the Shepherd Kings in Egypt, I have\nshewn that they were the sons of Chus, who came into that country under the\ntitle of Aurit\u00e6. They settled in a province named from them Cushan, which\nwas at the upper part of Delta; and in aftertimes called Nomos Arabicus. It\nwas in the vicinity of Memphis, and Aphroditopolis, which places they\nlikewise [137]occupied. I have mentioned that Chusos was often expressed\nChrusos, and the country of the Cuthim rendered the golden country. If then\nthere be that uniformity in error which I maintain, it may be expected\nthat, in the history of these places, there should be some reference to\ngold. It is remarkable that all this part of Egypt, conformably to what I\nhave said, was called [Greek: Chrus\u00ea], Chruse. Here was the campus aureus,\nand Aphrodite Aurea of the Romans: and all the country about Memphis was\nstyled golden. To this Diodorus, among others, bears witness: [138][Greek:\nT\u00ean te Aphrodit\u00ean onomazesthai para tois ench\u00f4riois Chrus\u00ean EK PALAIAS\nPARADOSE\u00d4S, kai pedion einai kaloumenon Chrus\u00eas Aphrodit\u00eas peri t\u00ean\nonomazomen\u00ean Memphin]. When the Cuthite shepherds came into Egypt, they\nmade Memphis the seat of royal [139]residence: and hard by was the nome of\nAphrodite, and the Arabian nome, which they particularly possessed: and\nwhich, in consequence of it, were both styled the regions of the Cuthim.\nHence came the title of [140]Aphrodite Chruse: and hence the country had\nthe name of the Golden District. The island at the point of Delta, where\nstood the city Cercusora, is called Gieserat [141]Eddahib, or the Golden\nIsland, at this day. Diodorus mentions, that this appellation of Chruse was\nderived from _a very antient tradition_. This tradition undoubtedly related\nto the shepherds, those sons of Chus, who were so long in possession of the\ncountry; and whose history was of the highest antiquity.\n\nThe Cuthites in the west occupied only some particular spots: but from\nBabylonia eastward the greatest part of that extensive sea-coast seems to\nhave been in their possession. In the history of these parts, there is\noften some allusion to gold, as may be seen in the island Chruse,\nabove-mentioned; and in the Chersonesus Aurea, which lay beyond the Ganges:\nand not only of gold, but sometimes a reference to brass; and this from a\nsimilar mistake. For as Chusus was changed to Chrusus, [Greek: Chrusos],\ngold; so was Cal-Chus, the hill, or place of Chus, converted to Chalcus,\n[Greek: Chalkos], brass. Colchis was properly Col-Chus; and therefore\ncalled also Cuta, and Cutaia. But what was Colchian being sometimes\nrendered Chalcion, [Greek: Kalkion], gave rise to the fable of brazen\nbulls; which were only Colchic Tor, or towers. There was a region named\nColchis in [142]India: for where the Cuthites settled, they continually\nkept up the memory of their forefathers, and called places by their names.\nThis being a secret to Philostratus, has led him into a deal of mysterious\nerror. It is well known that this people were styled Oreit\u00e6, and Aurit\u00e6,\nboth in Egypt and in other parts. Philostratus says that [143]Apollonius\ncame to a settlement of the Oreit\u00e6 upon the Indian Ocean. He also visited\ntheir Pegad\u00e6; and, what is remarkable, he met with a people whose very\nrocks were brazen; their sand was brazen: the rivers conveyed down their\nstreams fine filaments of brass: and the natives esteemed their land golden\non account of the plenty of brass. Now what is this detail, but an abuse of\nterms, ill understood, and shamefully misapplied? Philostratus had heard of\na region in India; the history of which he would fain render marvellous.\nThe country, whither Apollonius is supposed to go, was a province of the\nIndo-Cuthites, who were to be met with in various parts under the title of\nOreit\u00e6. They were worshippers of fire, and came originally from the land of\nUr; and hence had that name. The Pegad\u00e6 of the country are what we now call\nPagodas; and which are too well known to need describing. There were in\nthis part of the world several cities, and temples, dedicated to the memory\nof Chus. Some of these are famous at this day, though denominated after the\nBabylonish dialect Cutha, and Cuta; witness Calcutta, and Calecut. The\nlatter seems to have been the capital of the region called of old Colchis.\nThis was more truly expressed Cal-Chus; which Philostratus has mistaken for\n[Greek: Chalkos], brass; and made the very [144]rocks and rivers abound\nwith that mineral. And yet, that the old mistake about gold may not be\nomitted, he concludes with a strange antithesis, by saying, that the\nnatives esteemed their country Chrusitis, or golden, from the quantity of\n[145]brass.\n\nIt has been my endeavour to prove that what the Grecians represented by\nChrusos, Chrusor, and Chrusaor, should have been expressed Chus, Chusos,\nand Chusor, called also Chus-Orus. Chus was the son of Ham; and though the\nnames of the Grecian Deities are not uniformly appropriated, yet Ham is\ngenerally looked upon as [Greek: Helios], the Sun; and had the title Dis,\nand Dios: hence the city of Amon in Egypt was rendered Diospolis. If then\nChrusos, and Chrusor, be, as I have supposed, Chus; the person so\ndenominated must have been, according to the more antient mythology, the\nson of Helius, and Dios. We find accordingly that it was so. The Scholiast\nupon Pindar expressly says, [146][Greek: Dios pais ho Chrusos]. And in\nanother place he is said to have been the offspring of Helius, who was no\nother than Cham. [147][Greek: Ek theias kai Huperionos H\u00ealios, ek de H\u00ealiou\nho Chrusos.] Magic and incantations are attributed to Chus, as the\ninventor; and they were certainly first practised among his sons: hence it\nis said by Sanchoniathon, [148][Greek: Ton Chrus\u00f4r logous ask\u00easai kai\nep\u00f4idas, kai manteias]. He was however esteemed a great benefactor; and\nmany salutary inventions were ascribed to him. He had particularly the\ncredit of being the first who ventured upon the seas: [149][Greek: Pr\u00f4ton\nte pant\u00f4n anthr\u00f4p\u00f4n pleusai]. Whether this can be said truly of Chus\nhimself, is uncertain: it agrees full well with the history of his sons;\nwho, as we have the greatest reason to be assured, were the first great\nnavigators in the world.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nOF\n\nCANAAN, CNAAN,\n\nAND\n\n[Greek: CHNAS];\n\nAND OF THE\n\nDERIVATIVE [Greek: KUKNOS].\n\nLucian tells us, that, reflecting upon the account given of Pha\u00ebthon, who\nfell thunderstruck into the Eridanus, and of his sisters, who were changed\nto poplars weeping amber, he took a resolution, if he should ever be near\nthe scene of these wonderful transactions, to inquire among the natives\nconcerning the truth of the [150]story. It so happened, that, at a certain\ntime, he was obliged to go up the river above mentioned: and he says, that\nhe looked about very wistfully; yet, to his great amazement, he saw neither\namber nor poplar. Upon this he took the liberty to ask the people, who\nrowed him, when he should arrive at the amber-dropping trees: but it was\nwith some difficulty that he could make them understand what he meant. He\nthen explained to them the story of Pha\u00ebthon: how he borrowed the chariot\nof the Sun; and being an awkward charioteer, tumbled headlong into the\nEridanus: that his sisters pined away with grief; and at last were\ntransformed to trees, the same of which he had just spoken: and he assured\nthem, that these trees were to be found somewhere upon the banks, weeping\namber. Who the deuce, says one of the boatmen, could tell you such an idle\nstory? We never heard of any charioteer tumbling into the river; nor have\nwe, that I know of, a single poplar in the country. If there were any trees\nhereabouts dropping amber, do you think, master, that we would sit here,\nday after day, tugging against stream for a dry groat, when we might step\nashore, and make our fortunes so easily? This affected Lucian a good deal:\nfor he had formed some hopes of obtaining a little of this precious\ncommodity; and began to think that he must have been imposed upon. However,\nas Cycnus, the brother of Pha\u00ebthon, was here changed to a swan, he took it\nfor granted that he should find a number of those birds sailing up and down\nthe stream, and making the groves echo with their melody. But not\nperceiving any in a great space, he took the liberty, as he passed onward,\nto put the question again to the boatmen; and to make inquiry about these\nbirds. Pray, gentlemen, says he, at what particular season is it that your\nswans hereabouts sing so sweetly? It is said, that they were formerly men,\nand always at Apollo's side; being in a manner of his privy council. Their\nskill in music must have been very great: and though they have been changed\ninto birds, they retain that faculty, and, I am told, sing most\nmelodiously. The watermen could not help smiling at this account. Why, sir,\nsays one of them, what strange stories you have picked up about our\ncountry, and this river? We have plied here, men and boys, for years; and\nto be sure we cannot say that we never saw a swan: there are some here and\nthere towards the fens, which make a low dull noise: but as for any\nharmony, a rook or a jackdaw, in comparison of them, may be looked upon as\na nightingale.\n\nSuch are the witty strictures of Lucian upon the story of Pha\u00ebthon and\nCycnus, as described by the poets. Whatever may have been the grounds upon\nwhich this fiction is founded, they were certainly unknown to the Greeks;\nwho have misinterpreted what little came to their hands, and from such\nmisconstruction devised these fables. The story, as we have it, is not\nuniformly told. Some, like Lucian, speak of swans in the plural; and\nsuppose them to have been the ministers, and attendants of Apollo, who\nassisted at his concerts. Others mention one person only, called Cycnus;\nwho was the reputed brother of Pha\u00ebthon, and at his death was transformed\nto the bird of that name. The fable is the same whichever way it may be\nrelated, and the purport of it is likewise the same. There is one mistake\nin the story, which I must set right before I proceed; as it may be of some\nconsequence in the process of my inquiry. Pha\u00ebthon is represented by many\nof the poets as the offspring of the Sun, or Apollo: [151]Sole satus\nPha\u00ebthon. But this was a mistake, and to be found chiefly among the Roman\npoets. Pha\u00ebthon was the Sun. It was a title of Apollo; and was given to him\nas the God of light. This is manifest from the testimony of the more early\nGreek poets, and particularly from Homer, who uses it in this acceptation.\n\n              [152][Greek: Oudepot' autous]\n  [Greek: \u00caelios Phaethon epiderketai aktinessin.]\n\nIn respect to Cycnus and his brotherhood, those vocal ministers of Apollo,\nthe story, which is told of them, undoubtedly alludes to Canaan, the son of\nHam; and to the Canaanites, his posterity. They sent out many colonies;\nwhich colonies, there is great reason to think, settled in those places,\nwhere these legends about swans particularly prevailed. The name of Canaan\nwas by different nations greatly varied, and ill expressed: and this\nmisconstruction among the Greeks gave rise to the fable. To shew this, it\nwill be proper to give an account of the rites and customs of the\nCanaanites, as well as of their extensive traffic. Among the many branches\nof the Amonian family, which settled in various parts of the world, and\ncarried on an early correspondence, the Canaanites were not the least\nrespectable. They traded from Sidon chiefly, before that city was taken by\nthe king of Ascalon: and upon their commerce being interrupted here, they\n[153]removed it to the strong hold of Tyre. This place was soon improved to\na mighty city, which was very memorable in its day. The Canaanites, as they\nwere a sister tribe of the Mizra\u00efm, so were they extremely like them in\ntheir rites and religion. They held a heifer, or cow, in high veneration,\nagreeably with the [154]customs of Egypt. Their chief Deity was the Sun,\nwhom they worshipped together with the Baalim, under the titles Ourchol,\nAdonis, Thamuz. It was a custom among the Grecians, at the celebration of\ntheir religious festivals, to crown the whole with hymns of praise, and the\nmost joyful exclamations. But the Egyptians were of a gloomy turn of mind,\nwhich infected the whole of their worship. Their hymns were always composed\nin melancholy affecting airs, and consisted of lamentations for the loss of\nOsiris, the mystic flight of Bacchus, the wanderings of Isis, and the\nsufferings of the Gods. Apuleius takes notice of this difference in the\nrites and worship of the two nations: [155]\u00c6gyptiaca numinum fana plena\nplangoribus: Gr\u00e6ca plerumque choreis. Hence the author of the Orphic\nArgonautica, speaking of the initiations in Egypt, mentions,\n\n  [156][Greek: Threnous t' Aiguption, kai Osiridos hiera chutla.]\n\nThe Canaanites at Byblus, Berytus, Sidon, and afterwards at Tyre, used\nparticularly mournful dirges for the loss of Adonis, or Thamuz; who was the\nsame as Thamas, and Osiris in Egypt. The Cretans had the like mournful\nhymns, in which they commemorated the grief of Apollo for the loss of\nAtymnius.\n\n                  [157][Greek: Ailina melpein,]\n  [Greek: Hoia para Kr\u00eatessin anax eligainen Apoll\u00f4n]\n  [Greek: Dakruche\u00f4n erateinon Atumnion.]\n\nThe measures and harmony of the Canaanites seem to have been very\naffecting, and to have made a wonderful impression on the minds of their\naudience. The infectious mode of worship prevailed so far, that the\nchildren of Israel were forbidden to weep, and make lamentation upon a\nfestival: [158][Greek: Einai gar heort\u00ean, kai m\u00ea dein en aut\u00eai klaiein, ou\ngar exeinai.] And Nehemiah gives the people a caution to the same purpose:\n[159]_This day is holy unto the Lord your God: mourn not, nor weep_. And\nEsdras counsels them in the same manner: [160]_This day is holy unto the\nLord: be not sorrowful_. It is likewise in another place mentioned, that\n[161]_the Levites stilled all the people, saying, Hold your peace, for the\nday is holy: neither be ye grieved_. Such was the prohibition given to the\nIsraelites: but among the Canaanites this shew of sorrow was encouraged,\nand made part of their [162]rites.\n\nThe father of this people is represented in the Mosaic history, according\nto our version, Canaan: but there is reason to think that by the Egyptians\nand other neighbouring nations it was expressed Cnaan. This by the Greeks\nwas rendered [Greek: Chnaas], and [Greek: Chnas]; and in later times\n[Greek: Chna], Cna. [163][Greek: Chna, houtos h\u00ea Phoinik\u00ea ekaleito--to\nethnikon Chnaos.] We are told by Philo from Sanchoniathon, that [164]Isiris\nthe Egyptian, who found out three letters, was the brother of Cna: by which\nis meant, that Mizra\u00efm was the brother of Canaan. I have taken notice more\nthan once of a particular term, [Greek: Uk], Uc; which has been passed over\nunnoticed by most writers: yet is to be found in the composition of many\nwords; especially such as are of Amonian original. The tribe of Cush was\nstyled by Manethon, before the passage was depraved, [Greek: Ukkousos].\nUch, says this author, in the sacred language of Egypt, signifies a\n[165]king. Hence it was conferred as a title upon the God Sehor, who, as we\nmay infer from Manethon and [166]Hellanicus, was called Ucsiris, and\nIcsiris; but by the later Greeks the name was altered to Isiris and Osiris.\nAnd not only the God Sehor, or Sehoris was so expressed; but Cnas, or\nCanaan, had the same title, and was styled Uc-Cnas, and the Gentile name or\npossessive was Uc-cnaos, [Greek: Uk-knaos: to ethnikon gar Chnaos], as we\nlearn from Stephanus. The Greeks, whose custom it was to reduce every\nforeign name to something similar in their own language, changed [Greek:\nUkknaos] to [Greek: Kukneios], Uc Cnaus to Cucneus; and from [Greek: Uk\nKnas] formed [Greek: Kuknos]. Some traces of this word still remain, though\nalmost effaced; and may be observed in the name of the Goddess Ichnaia.\nInstead of Uc-Cnaan the son of Ham, the Greeks have substituted this\npersonage in the feminine, whom they have represented as the daughter of\nthe Sun. She is mentioned in this light by Lycophron: [167][Greek: T\u00eas\nH\u00ealiou thugatros Ichnaias brabeus]. They likewise changed Thamuz and Thamas\nof Canaan and Egypt to Themis a feminine; and called her Ichnaia Themis.\nShe is so styled by Homer.\n\n              [168][Greek: Theai d' esan endothi pasai,]\n  [Greek: Hossai aristai esan, Di\u00f4n\u00ea te, Rhei\u00ea te,]\n  [Greek: Ichnai\u00ea te Themis, kai agastonos Amphitrit\u00ea.]\n\n[Greek: Ichnaia] is here used adjectively. [Greek: Ichnaia Themis]\nsignifies Themis, or Thamuz, of [169]Canaan.\n\nThere was another circumstance, which probably assisted to carry on the\nmistake: a Canaanitish temple was called both Ca-Cnas, and Cu-Cnas; and\nadjectively[170] Cu-Cnaios; which terms there is reason to think were\nrendered [Greek: Kuknos], and [Greek: Kukneios]. Besides all this, the swan\nwas undoubtedly the insigne of Canaan, as the eagle and vulture were of\nEgypt, and the dove of Babylonia. It was certainly the hieroglyphic of the\ncountry. These were the causes which contributed to the framing many idle\nlegends, such as the poets improved upon greatly. Hence it is observable,\nthat wherever we may imagine any colonies from Canaan to have settled and\nto have founded temples, there is some story about swans: and the Greeks,\nin alluding to their hymns, instead of [Greek: Ykknaon asma,] the music of\nCanaan, have introduced [Greek: kukneion asma,] the singing of these birds:\nand, instead of the death of Thamuz, lamented by the Cucnaans, or priests,\nthey have made the swans sing their own dirge, and foretell their own\nfuneral. Wherever the Canaanites came, they introduced their national\nworship; part of which, as I have shewn, consisted in chanting hymns to the\nhonour of their country God. He was the same as Apollo of Greece: on which\naccount, Lucian, in compliance with the current notion, says, that the\nCycni were formerly the assessors and ministers of that Deity. By this we\nare to understand, that people of this denomination were in antient times\nhis priests. One part of the world, where this notion about swans\nprevailed, was in Liguria, upon the banks of the Eridanus. Here Pha\u00ebthon\nwas supposed to have met with his downfal; and here his brother Cycnus\nunderwent the metamorphosis, of which we have spoken. In these parts some\nAmonians settled very early; among whom it appears that there were many\nfrom Canaan. They may be traced by the mighty works which they carried on;\nfor they drained the river towards its mouth, and formed some vast canals,\ncalled Foss\u00e6 Philistin\u00e6. Pliny, speaking of the entrance into the Eridanus,\nsays, [171]Ind\u00e9 ostia plana, Carbonaria, ac fossiones Philistin\u00e6, quod alii\nTartarum vocant: omnia ex Philistin\u00e6 foss\u00e6 abundatione nascentia. These\ncanals were, undoubtedly the work of the Canaanites, and particularly of\nsome of the Caphtorim, who came from Philistim: and hence these outlets of\nthe river were named Philistin\u00e6. The river betrays its original in its\nname; for it has no relation to the Celtic language, but is apparently of\nEgyptian or Canaanitish etymology. This is manifest from the terms of which\nit is made up; for it is compounded of Ur-Adon, sive Orus Adonis; and was\nsacred to the God of that name. The river, simply, and out of composition,\nwas Adon, or Adonis: and it is to be observed, that this is the name of one\nof the principal rivers in Canaan. It ran near the city Biblus, where the\ndeath of Thamuz was particularly lamented. It is a circumstance taken\nnotice of by many authors, and most pathetically described by Milton.\n\n          [172]Thammuz came next behind,\n  Whose annual wound in Lebanon allur'd\n  The Syrian damsels to lament his fate\n  In amorous ditties all a summer's day:\n  While smooth Adonis from his native rock\n  Ran purple to the sea; suppos'd with blood\n  Of Thammuz yearly wounded.\n\nIt is said that the Eridanus was so called first by [173]Pherecydes Syrus:\nand that my etymology is true, may in great measure be proved from the\n[174]Scholiast upon Aratus. He shews that the name was of Egyptian\noriginal, at least consonant to the language of Egypt; for it was the same\nas the Nile. It is certain that it occurred in the antient sphere of Egypt,\nwhence the Grecians received it. The great effusion of water in the\ncelestial sphere, which, Aratus says, was the Nile, is still called the\nEridanus: and, as the name was of oriental original, the purport of it must\nbe looked for among the people of those parts. The river Strymon, in\nThrace, was supposed to abound with swans, as much as the Eridanus; and the\nantient name of this river was Palaestinus. It was so called from the\nAmonians, who settled here under the name of Adonians, and who founded the\ncity Adonis. They were by the later Greeks styled, after the I\u00f6nic manner,\nEdonians, and their city Edonis. [175][Greek: Strum\u00f4n potamos esti t\u00eas\nThrak\u00eas kata polin \u00cad\u00f4nida, pros\u00eagoreueto de proteron Palaistinos.] _The\nStrymon is a river of Thrace, which runs by the city Edonis: it was of old\ncalled the river Pal\u00e6stinus_. In these places, and in all others where any\nof the Canaanites settled, the Grecians have introduced some story about\nswans.\n\nSome of them seem to have gained access at Delphi; as did likewise others\nfrom Egypt: and by such was that oracle first founded. Egypt, among other\nnames, was called Ait, and Ai Ait, by the Greeks expressed [Greek: Aetia]:\n[176][Greek: Ekl\u00eath\u00ea de--kai AETIA.] The natives, in consequence of it,\nwere called [Greek: Aetioi], and [Greek: Aetai]; which was interpreted\neagles. Hence, we are told by Plutarch, that some of the feathered kind,\neither eagles or swans, came from the remote parts of the earth, and\nsettled at Delphi. [177][Greek: Aetous tinas, \u00ea Kuknous, \u00f4 Terentiane\nPriske, muthologousin apo t\u00f4n akr\u00f4n t\u00eas g\u00eas epi to meson pheromenous eis\ntauto sumpesein Puthoi peri ton kaloumenon omphalon.] These eagles and\nswans undoubtedly relate to colonies from Egypt and Canaan. I recollect but\none philosopher styled Cygnus; and, what is remarkable, he was of Canaan.\nAntiochus, the Academic, mentioned by Cicero in his philosophical works,\nand also by [178]Strabo, was of Ascaloun, in Palestine; and he was surnamed\nCygnus, the Swan: which name, as it is so circumstanced, must, I think,\nnecessarily allude to this country.\n\nAs in early times colonies went by the name of the Deity whom they\nworshipped, or by the name of the insigne and hieroglyphic under which\ntheir country was denoted, every depredation made by such people was placed\nto the account of the Deity under such a device. This was the manner in\nwhich poets described things: and, in those days, all wrote in measure.\nHence, instead of saying that the Egyptians, or Canaanites, or Tyrians,\nlanded and carried off such and such persons; they said, that it was done\nby Jupiter, in the shape of an eagle, or a swan, or a bull: substituting an\neagle for Egypt, a swan for Canaan, and a bull for the city of [179]Tyre.\nIt is said of the Telchines, who were Amonian priests, that they came to\nAttica under the conduct of Jupiter in the shape of an eagle.\n\n  [180][Greek: Aietos h\u00eagemoneue di aitheros antitupos Zeus.]\n\nBy which is meant, that they were Egyptian priests; and an eagle was\nprobably the device in their standard, as well as the insigne of their\nnation.\n\nSome of the same family were to be found among the Atlantes of Mauritania,\nand are represented as having the shape of swans. Prometheus, in \u00c6schylus,\nspeaks of them in the commission which he gives to Io: [181]_You must go_,\nsays he, _as far as the city Cisthene in the Gorgonian plains, where the\nthree Phorcides reside; those antient, venerable ladies, who are in the\nshape of swans, and have but one eye, of which they make use in common._\nThis history relates to an Amonian temple founded in the extreme parts of\nAfrica; in which there were three priestesses of Canaanitish race; who, on\nthat account, are said to be in the shape of swans. The notion of their\nhaving but one eye among them took its rise from an hieroglyphic very\ncommon in Egypt, and probably in Canaan: this was the representation of an\neye, which was said to be engraved upon the pediment of their [182]temples.\nAs the land of Canaan lay so opportunely for traffic, and the emigrants\nfrom most parts went under their conduct, their history was well known.\nThey navigated the seas very early, and were necessarily acquainted with\nforeign regions; to which they must at one time have betaken themselves in\ngreat numbers, when they fled before the sons of Israel. In all the places\nwhere they settled they were famous for their hymns and music; all which\nthe Greeks have transferred to birds, and supposed that they were swans who\nwere gifted with this harmony. Yet, sweet as their notes are said to have\nbeen, there is not, I believe, a person upon record who was ever a witness\nto it. It is, certainly, all a fable. When, therefore, Plutarch tells us\nthat Apollo was pleased with the music of swans, [183][Greek: mousik\u00eai te\nh\u00eadetai, kai kukn\u00f4n ph\u00f4nais]; and when \u00c6schylus mentions their singing\ntheir own dirges; they certainly allude to Egyptian and Canaanitish\npriests, who lamented the death of Adon and Osiris. And this could not be\nentirely a secret to the Grecians, for they seem often to refer to some\nsuch notion. Socrates termed swans his fellow-servants: in doing which he\nalluded to the antient priests, styled Cycni. They were people of the\nchoir, and officiated in the temples of the same Deities; whose servant he\nprofessed himself to be. Hence Porphyry assures us, [184][Greek: Hou paiz\u00f4n\nhomodoulous autou elegen tous kuknous (Sokrat\u00eas)], _that Socrates was very\nserious when he mentioned swans as his fellow-servants._ When, therefore,\nAristophanes speaks of the [185]Delian and Pythian swans, they are the\npriests of those places, to whom he alludes. And when it is said by Plato,\nthat the soul of Orpheus, out of disgust to womankind, led the life of a\n[186]swan, the meaning certainly is, that he retired from the world to some\ncloister, and lived a life of celibacy, like a priest. For the priests of\nmany countries, but particularly of Egypt, were recluses, and devoted\nthemselves to [187]celibacy: hence monkery came originally from Egypt.\nLycophron, who was of Egypt, and skilled in antient terms, styles Calchas,\nwho was the priest of Apollo, a swan. [188][Greek: Molossou kupe\u00f4s koitou\nkuknon.] These epithets, the Scholiast tells us, belong to Apollo; and\nCalchas is called a swan, [Greek: dia to g\u00earaion, kai mantikon]: _because\nhe was an old prophet and priest_. Hence, at the first institution of the\nrites of Apollo, which is termed the birth of the Deity, at Delos, it is\nsaid that many swans came from the coast of Asia, and went round the island\nfor the space of seven days.\n\n              [189][Greek: Kuknoi de theou melpontes aoidoi]\n  [Greek: M\u00eaonion Pakt\u00f4lon ekukl\u00f4santo lipontes]\n  [Greek: Hebdomakis peri D\u00ealon; ep\u00eaeisan de lochei\u00eai]\n  [Greek: Mousa\u00f4n ornithes, aoidotatoi pete\u00ean\u00f4n.]\n\nThe whole of this relates to a choir of priests, who came over to settle at\nDelos, and to serve in the newly erected temple. They circled the island\nseven times; because seven, of old, was looked upon as a mysterious and\nsacred number.\n\n  [190][Greek: Hebdom\u00ea ein agathois, kai hebdom\u00ea esti genethl\u00ea.]\n  [Greek: Hebdom\u00ea en pr\u00f4toisi, kai hebdom\u00ea esti telei\u00ea.]\n  [Greek: Hebdomat\u00eai d\u00ea hoi tetelesmena panta tetuktai.]\n  [Greek: Hepta de panta tetuktai en ouran\u00f4i asteroenti.]\n\nThe birds in the island of Diomedes, which were said to have been\noriginally companions of that hero, were undoubtedly priests, and of the\nsame race as those of whom I have been treating. They are represented as\ngentle to good men, and averse to those who are bad. Ovid describes their\nshape and appearance: [191]Ut non cygnorum, sic albis proxima cygnis;\nwhich, after what has been said, may, I think, be easily understood.\n\nIf then the harmony of swans, when spoken of, not only related to something\nquite foreign, but in reality did not of itself exist, it may appear\nwonderful that the antients should so universally give into the notion. For\nnot only the poets, but [192]Plato, Plutarch, Cicero, Pliny, with many\nothers of high rank, speak of it as a circumstance well known. But it is to\nbe observed, that none of them speak from their own experience: nor are\nthey by any means consistent in what they say. Some mention this singing as\na general faculty; which was exerted at all times: others limit it to\nparticular seasons, and to particular places. Aristotle seems to confine it\nto the seas of [193]Africa: [194]Aldrovandus says, that it may be heard\nupon the Thames near London. The account given by Aristotle is very\nremarkable. He says, that mariners, whose course lay through the Libyan\nsea, have often met with swans, and heard them singing in a melancholy\nstrain: and upon a nearer approach, they could perceive that some of them\nwere dying, from whom the harmony proceeded. Who would have expected to\nhave found swans swimming in the salt sea, in the midst of the\nMediterranean? There is nothing that a Grecian would not devise in support\nof a favourite error. The legend from beginning to end is groundless: and\nthough most speak of the music of swans as exquisite; yet some absolutely\ndeny [195]the whole of it; and others are more moderate in their\ncommendations. The watermen in Lucian give the preference to a jackdaw: but\nAntipater in some degree dissents, and thinks that the swan has the\nadvantage.\n\n  [196][Greek: L\u00f4iteros kukn\u00f4n mikros throos, \u00eae koloi\u00f4n]\n  [Greek: Kr\u00f4gmos.]\n\nAnd Lucretius confesses, that the screaming of a crane is not quite so\npleasing:\n\n  [197]Parvus ut est, Cygni melior canor, ille gruum quam\n  Clamor:\n\nWhich however is paying them no great compliment. To these respectable\npersonages I must add the evidence of a modern; one too of no small repute,\neven the great Scaliger. He says, that he made a strict scrutiny about this\naffair, when in Italy; and the result of his observations was this:\n[198]Ferrari\u00e6 multos (cygnos) vidimus, sed cantores sane malos, neque\nmelius ansere canere.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nOF\n\nTEMPLE SCIENCE.\n\nThe Egyptians were very famous for geometrical knowledge: and as all the\nflat part of their country was annually overflowed, it is reasonable to\nsuppose that they made use of this science to determine their lands, and to\nmake out their several claims, at the retreat of the waters. Many indeed\nhave thought, that the confusion of property, which must for a while have\nprevailed, gave birth to practical [199]geometry, in order to remedy the\nevil: and in consequence of it, that charts and maps were first delineated\nin this country. These, we may imagine, did not relate only to private\ndemesnes: but included also the course of the Nile in its various branches;\nand all the sea coast, and its inlets, with which lower Egypt was bounded.\n\nIt is very certain, that the people of Colchis, who were a colony from\nEgypt, had charts of this sort, with written descriptions of the seas and\nshores, whithersoever they traded: and they at one time carried on a most\nextensive commerce. We are told, says the [200]Scholiast upon Apollonius,\nthat the Colchians still retain the laws and customs of their forefathers:\nand they have pillars of stone, upon which are engraved maps of the\ncontinent, and of the ocean: [Greek: Eisi de, ph\u00easi, kai nomoi par' autois\nt\u00f4n Prog\u00f4non, kai St\u00ealai, en hais g\u00eas kai thalass\u00eas anagraphai eisi.] The\npoet, upon whom the above writer has commented, calls these pillars,\n[Greek: kurbeis]: which, we are told, were of a square figure, like\nobelisks: and on these, he says, were delineated all the passages of the\nsea; and the boundaries of every country upon the earth.\n\n  [201][Greek: Hoi d\u00ea toi graptas pater\u00f4n hethen eiruontai]\n  [Greek: Kurbeas, hois eni pasai hodoi, kai peirat' easin]\n  [Greek: Hugr\u00eas te, trapher\u00eas te, perix epineissomenoisin.]\n\nThese delineations had been made of old, and transmitted to the Colchians\nby their forefathers; which forefathers were from [202]Egypt.\n\nIf then the Colchians had this science, we may presume that their mother\ncountry possessed it in as eminent a degree: and we are assured, that they\nwere very knowing in this article. Clemens Alexandrinus [203]mentions, that\nthere were maps of Egypt, and charts of the Nile very early. And we are\nmoreover told, that Sesostris (by which is meant the Sethosians) drew upon\nboards schemes of all the countries, which he had traversed: and copies of\nthese were given both to [204]the Egyptians, and to the Scythians, who held\nthem in high estimation. This is a curious account of the first delineation\nof countries, and origin of maps; which were first described upon\n[205]pillars. We may from hence be enabled to solve the enigma concerning\nAtlas, who is said to have supported the heavens upon his shoulders. This\ntook its rise from some verses in Homer, which have been strangely\nmisconstrued. The passage is in the Odyssey; where the poet is speaking of\nCalypso, who is said to be the daughter of Atlas, [Greek: oloophronos], a\nperson of deep and recondite knowledge:\n\n  [206][Greek: Atlantos thugat\u00ear oloophronos, hoste thalass\u00eas]\n  [Greek: Pas\u00eas benthea oiden, echei de te KIONAS autos]\n  [Greek: Makras, hai Gaian te kai Ouranon amphis echousin.]\n\nIt is to be observed, that when the antients speak of the feats of\nHercules, we are to understand the Herculeans; under the name of Cadmus is\nmeant the Cadmians; under that of Atlas, the Atlantians. With this\nallowance how plain are the words of Homer! The [207]Atlantians settled in\nPhrygia and Mauritania; and, like the Colchians, were of the family of Ham.\nThey had great experience in sea affairs: and the poet tells us, that they\nknew all the soundings in the great deep.\n\n                  [Greek: Echei de te Kionas autos]\n  [Greek: Makras, hai Gai\u00ean te kai Ouranon amphis echousin.]\n\n_They had also long pillars, or obelisks, which referred to the sea; and\nupon which was delineated the whole system both of heaven and earth_;\n[Greek: amphis], _all around, both on the front of the obelisk, and on the\nother sides_. [Greek: Kiones Kosmou] were certainly maps, and histories of\nthe universe; in the knowledge of which the Atlantians seem to have\ninstructed their brethren the Herculeans. The Grecians, in their accounts,\nby putting one person for a people, have rendered the history obscure;\nwhich otherwise would be very intelligible. There is a passage in Eusebius,\nwhich may be rendered very plain, and to the purpose, if we make use of the\nclue above-mentioned. [208][Greek: H\u00earodotos de legei ton \u00caraklea mantin\nkai phusikon genomenon para Atlantos tou Barbarou tou Phrugos diadechesthai\ntas tou Kosmou Kionas.] This may be paraphrased in the following manner;\nand with such latitude will be found perfectly consonant to the truth. _The\nHerculeans were a people much given to divination, and to the study of\nnature. Great part of their knowledge they are thought to have had\ntransmitted to them from those Atlantians, who settled in Phrygia,\nespecially the history of the earth and heavens; for all such knowledge the\nAtlantians had of old consigned to pillars and obelisks in that country:\nand from them it was derived to the Herculeans, or Heraclid\u00e6, of Greece._\nThe Atlantians were esteemed by the Grecians as barbarous: but they were in\nreality of the same family. Their chief ancestor was the father of the\nPeleiad\u00e6, or Ionim; of whom I shall hereafter have much to say: and was the\nsupposed brother of Saturn. The Hellenes, though they did not always allow\nit, were undoubtedly of his race. This may be proved from Diodorus Siculus,\nwho gives this curious history of the Peleiad\u00e6, his offspring. [209][Greek:\nTautas de migeisas tois euphuestatois H\u00ear\u00f4si kai Theois arch\u00eagous\nkatast\u00eanai tou pleistou genous ton anthr\u00f4p\u00f4n, tekousas tous di' aret\u00ean\nTheous kai H\u00ear\u00f4as onomasthentas.--Parapl\u00ease\u00f4s de kai tas allas Atlantidas\ngenn\u00easai paidas epiphaneis, h\u00f4n tous men ethn\u00f4n, tous de pole\u00f4n genesthai\nktistas; dioper ou monon par' eniois t\u00f4n Barbar\u00f4n, alla kai para tois\nHell\u00easi tous pleistous t\u00f4n archaiotat\u00f4n H\u00ear\u00f4\u00f4n eis tautas anapherein to\ngenos.] _These daughters of Atlas, by their connections and marriages with\nthe most illustrious heroes, and divinities, may be looked up to as the\nheads of most families upon earth. And from them proceeded all those, who\nupon account of their eminence were in aftertimes esteemed Gods and\nHeroes_. And having spoken of Maia, and her offspring, the author proceeds\nto tell us, that _the other Atlantides in like manner gave birth to a most\nnoble race: some of whom were the founders of nations; and others the\nbuilders of cities: insomuch that most of the more antient heroes, not only\nof those abroad, who were esteemed Barbari, but even of the Helladians,\nclaimed their ancestry from them_. And they received not only their\nancestry, but their knowledge also, [Greek: tou kosmou kionas]; all the\ncelestial and terrestrial phenomena, which had been entrusted to the sacred\npillars of the Atlantes, [Greek: hai gai\u00ean te kai ouranon amphis echousin],\nwhich contained descriptions both of the heavens, and the earth. From\nPhrygia they came at last to Hellas, where they were introduced by\nAnaximander, who is said, [210][Greek: Esdounai pr\u00f4ton ge\u00f4graphikon\npinaka], _to have been the first who introduced a geographical chart_: or,\nas Laertius expresses it, [211][Greek: G\u00eas kai Thalatt\u00eas perimetron], _the\ncircumference of the terraqueous globe delineated_.\n\nThough the origin of maps may be deduced from Egypt, yet they were not the\nnative Egyptians, by whom they were first constructed. Delineations of this\nnature were the contrivance of the Cuthites, or Shepherds. They were, among\nother titles, styled Sa\u00eft\u00e6; and from them both astronomy and geometry were\nintroduced in those parts. They, with immense labour, drained the lower\nprovinces; erected stupendous buildings; and raised towers at the mouths of\nthe river, which were opportunely situated for navigation. For, though the\nMizraim were not addicted to commerce, yet it was followed by other\nfamilies besides the Cuthites, who occupied the lower provinces towards the\nsea. The towers which were there raised served for lighthouses, and were,\nat the same time, temples, denominated from some title of the Deity, such\nas Canoph, Caneph, Cneph; also Perses, Proteus, Phanes, and Canobus. They\nwere on both accounts much resorted to by mariners, and enriched with\nofferings. Here were deposited charts of the coast, and of the navigation\nof the Nile, which were engraved on pillars, and in aftertimes sketched out\nupon the Nilotic Papyrus. There is likewise reason to think that they were\nsometimes delineated upon walls. This leads me to take notice of a passage\nfrom Pherecydes Syrus, which seems to allude to something of this nature:\nthough, I believe, in his short detail that he has misrepresented the\nauthor from whom he copied. He is said, by Theopompus, [212][Greek: pr\u00f4ton\nperi t\u00eas phuse\u00f4s, kai The\u00f4n, Hell\u00easi graphein], _to have been the first who\nwrote for the benefit of his countrymen about nature and the Gods_. Suidas\n[213]mentions, that he composed a theogony; all which knowledge, we are\nassured, came from Egypt. It is certain that he studied in that[214]\ncountry; whence we may conclude, that the following history is Egyptian. He\nsays, that Zas, or Jupiter, composed a large and curious robe, upon which\nhe described the earth, and the ocean, and the habitations upon the ocean.\n[215][Greek: Zas poiei pharos mega te, kai kalon, kai en aut\u00f4i poikillei\nG\u00ean, kai \u00d4g\u00eanon, kai ta \u00d4g\u00eanou d\u00f4mata.] Now, Zas, or, as it should be\nrendered, Zan, was the Dorian title of Amon. And Ogenus, the Ocean, was the\nmost antient name of the Nile; whence the Grecians borrowed their Oceanus.\n[216][Greek: Hoi gar Aiguptioi nomizousin \u00f4keanon einai ton par' autois\npotamon Neilon.] _The Egyptians, by the term Oceanus, understand their own\nriver Nilus_. The same author, in another place, calls this river\nOceames[217]. [Greek: Ton de potamon archaiotaton men onoma schein \u00d4keam\u00ean,\nhos estin Hellenisti \u00f4keanos.] The former term, Ogenus, whence the Greeks\nborrowed their Oceanus, was a compound of Oc-Gehon, and Avas originally\nrendered Ogehonus. It signifies the noble Gehon, and is a name taken from\none of the rivers of Paradise. The Nile was sometimes called simply Gehon,\nas we learn from the author of the Chronicon Paschale. [218][Greek: Echei\nde (h\u00ea Aiguptos) potamon G\u00ea\u00f4n--Neilon kaloumenon.] It was probably a name\ngiven by the Cuthites, from whom, as will be hereafter shewn, the river\nIndus had the name of Phison. [219][Greek: Potamoi onomastoi Indos, ho kai\nPheis\u00f4n, Neilos, ho kai G\u00ea\u00f4n.] _The two most celebrated rivers are the\nIndus, the same as the Phison, and the Nile, which is called the Gehon._\nThe river, also, of Colchis, rendered Phasis, and Phasin, was, properly,\nthe Phison. The Nile, being of old styled Oc-Gehon, and having many\nbranches, or arms, gave rise to the fable of the sea monster \u00c6geon, whom\nOvid represents as supporting himself upon the whales of the ocean.\n\n              [220]Bal\u00e6narumque prementem\n  \u00c6g\u00e6ona suis immania terga lacertis.\n\nThe Scholiast upon Lycophron informs us farther, that the river had three\nnames; and imagines that upon this account it was called Triton.\n[221][Greek: Trit\u00f4n ho Neilos, hoti tris met\u00f4nomasth\u00ea; proteron gar \u00d4keanos\nan ekaleito, deuteron Aetos;--to de Neilos neon esti.] I shall not at\npresent controvert his etymology. Let it suffice, that we are assured, both\nby this author and by others, that the Nile was called Oceanus: and what is\nalluded to by Pherecydes is certainly a large map or chart. The robe of\nwhich he speaks was indeed a Pharos, [Greek: Pharos]; but a Pharus of a\ndifferent nature from that which he describes. It was a building, a temple,\nwhich was not constructed by the Deity, but dedicated to him. It was one of\nthose towers of which I have before treated; in which were described upon\nthe walls, and otherwise delineated, [Greek: \u00d4g\u00eanos kai \u00d4g\u00eanou d\u00f4mata], the\ncourse of the Gehon, or Nile; and the towns and houses upon that river.\n\nI imagine that the shield of Achilles, in Homer, was copied from something\nof this sort which the poet had seen in Egypt: for Homer is continually\nalluding to the customs, as well as to the history, of that kingdom. And,\nit is evident, that what he describes on the central part of the shield, is\na map of the earth, and of the celestial appearances.\n\n  [222][Greek: En men Gaian eteux', en d' Ouranon, en de thalassan.]\n  [Greek: En d' etithei POTAMOIO mega sthenos \u00d4KEANOIO.]\n\nThe antients loved to wrap up every thing in mystery and fable: they have\ntherefore described Hercules, also, with a robe of this sort:\n\n  [223][Greek: Poikilon heima pher\u00f4n, tupon Aitheros, eikona Kosmou:]\n\n_He was invested with a robe, which was a type of the heavens, and a\nrepresentation of the whole world._\n\nThe garment of Thetis, which the poets mention as given her upon her\nsupposed marriage with Peleus, was a Pharos of the same kind as that\ndescribed above. We may learn, from Catullus, who copied the story, that\nthe whole alluded to an historical picture preserved in some tower; and\nthat it referred to matters of great antiquity, though applied by the\nGreeks to later times, and ascribed to people of their own nation.\n\n  [224]Pulvinar vero Div\u00e6 geniale locatur\n  Sedibus in mediis; Indo quod dente politum\n  Tincta tegit roseo conchylis purpura fuco.\n  H\u00e6c vestis priscis hominum variata figuris\n  Heroum mir\u00e2 virtutes indicat arte.\n\nIt contained a description of some notable achievements in the first ages;\nand a particular account of the Apotheosis of Ariadne, who is described,\nwhatever may be the meaning of it, as carried by Bacchus to heaven. The\nstory is said to have been painted on a robe, or coverlet; because it was\ndelineated upon a Pharos: that word being equivocal, and to be taken in\neither sense. And here I cannot but take notice of the inconsistency of the\nGreeks, who make Theseus a partaker in this history; and suppose him to\nhave been acquainted with Ariadne. If we may credit Plutarch[225], Theseus,\nas soon as he was advanced towards manhood, went, by the advice of his\nmother \u00c6thra, from Troezen, in quest of his father \u00c6geus at Athens. This\nwas some years after the Argonautic expedition; when Medea had left Jason,\nand put herself under the protection of this same \u00c6geus. After having been\nacknowledged by his father, Theseus went upon his expedition to Crete;\nwhere he is said to have first seen Ariadne, and to have carried her away.\nAll this, I say, was done after Jason had married Medea, and had children\nby her; and after she had left him and was come to Athens. But the story of\nAriadne, in the above specimen, is mentioned as a fact of far older date.\nIt was prior to the arrival of Medea in Greece, and even to the Argonautic\nexpedition. It is spoken of as a circumstance of the highest antiquity:\nconsequently, [226]Theseus could not any ways be concerned in it.\n\nThere, is an account in Nonnus of a robe, or Pharos, which Harmonia is\nsupposed to have worn when she was visited by the Goddess of beauty. There\nwas delineated here, as in some above mentioned, the earth, and the\nheavens, with all the stars. The sea, too, and the rivers, were\nrepresented; and the whole was, at the bottom, surrounded by the ocean.\n\n  [227][Greek: Pr\u00f4t\u00ean Gaian epasse mesomphalon, amphi de gai\u00eai]\n  [Greek: Ouranon esphair\u00f4se tup\u00f4i kecharagmenon astr\u00f4n.]\n  [Greek: Sumphert\u00ean de thalassan eph\u00earmose suzugi Gai\u00eai,]\n  [Greek: Kai potamous poikillen; ep' androme\u00f4i de met\u00f4p\u00f4i]\n  [Greek: Taurophu\u00eas morphouto kerasphoros enchloos eik\u00f4n.]\n  [Greek: Kai pumat\u00ean para pezan e\u00fckl\u00f4stoio chit\u00f4nos]\n  [Greek: \u00d4keanos kukl\u00f4se peridromon antuga Kosmou.]\n\nAll this relates to a painting, either at Sidon or Berytus; which was\ndelineated in a tower, or temple, sacred to Hermon.\n\nOrpheus alludes to a Pharos of this sort, and to the paintings and\nfurniture of it, in his description of the robes with which Apollo, or\nDionusus, is invested. He speaks of them as the same Deity.\n\n  [228][Greek: Tauta de panta telein hierai skeu\u00eai pukasanta,]\n  [Greek: S\u00f4ma theou plattein periaugous \u00caelioio.]\n  [Greek: Pr\u00f4ta men argupheais enalinkion aktinessi]\n  [Greek: Peplon phoinikeon, puri eikelon, amphibalesthai.]\n  [Greek: Autar huperthe nebroio panaiolou heuru kathapsai]\n  [Greek: Derma polustikton th\u00earos kata dexion \u00f4mon,]\n  [Greek: Astr\u00f4n daidale\u00f4n mim\u00eam', hierou te poloio.]\n  [Greek: Eita d' huperthe nebr\u00eas chruseon z\u00f4st\u00eara balesthai,]\n  [Greek: Pamphano\u00f4nta, perix stern\u00f4n phoreein, mega s\u00eama.]\n  [Greek: Euthus, hot' ek perat\u00f4n gai\u00eas Phaeth\u00f4n anorous\u00f4n]\n  [Greek: Chruseiais aktisi bal\u00eai rhoon \u00d4keanoio,]\n  [Greek: Aug\u00ea d' aspetos \u00eai, ana de dros\u00f4i amphimigeisa,]\n  [Greek: Marmair\u00eai din\u00eaisin helissomen\u00ea kata kuklon]\n  [Greek: Prosthe theou, z\u00f4ne d' ar' hupo stern\u00f4n ametr\u00eat\u00f4n]\n  [Greek: Phainet' ar' \u00f4keanou kuklos, mega thaum' esidesthai.]\n\nWhen the poet has thus adorned the Deity, we find, towards the conclusion,\nthat these imaginary robes never shew to such advantage as in the morning.\n_When the sun_, says he, _rises from the extremities of the earth, and\nenlightens the ocean with his horizontal rays; then they appear in great\nsplendour, which is increased by the morning dew._ All this investiture of\nthe Deity relates to the earth and the heavens, which were delineated upon\na [229]skin, [Greek: derma polustikton th\u00earos], styled [Greek: peplon].\nThis is described, [Greek: Astr\u00f4n daidale\u00f4n mim\u00eam', hierou te poloio]: _as\na copy and imitation of all the celestial appearances_. The whole was\ndeposited in a Pharos upon the sea shore, upon which the sun, at his\nrising, darted his early rays; and whose turrets glittered with the dew:\n[Greek: Hupo stern\u00f4n ametr\u00eat\u00f4n phainet' ar' \u00f4keanou kuklos]: from the upper\nstory of the tower, which was of an unmeasurable height, there was an\nunlimited view of the ocean. This vast element surrounded the edifice like\na zone; and afforded a wonderful ph\u00e6nomenon. Such, I imagine, is the\nsolution of the enigma.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nTAR, TOR, TARIT.\n\nI have taken notice of the fears and apprehensions, under which the first\nnavigators must necessarily have been, when they traversed unknown seas;\nand were liable to be entangled among the rocks, and shelves of the deep:\nand I mentioned the expedients of which they made use to obviate such\ndifficulties, and to render the coast less dangerous. They built upon every\nhill, and promontory, where they had either commerce or settlement,\nobelisks, and towers, which they consecrated to some Deity. These served in\na twofold capacity, both as seamarks by day, and for beacons by night. And\nas people in those times made only coasting voyages, they continually went\non shore with offerings, in order to gain the assistance of the God,\nwhoever there presided; for these towers were temples, and oftentimes\nrichly furnished and endowed. They were built sometimes on artificial\nmounds; but generally on natural eminences, that they might be seen at a\ngreat distance. They were called by the Amonians, who first erected them,\n[230]Tar, and Tor; the same as the [Hebrew: TWR] of the Chaldees, which\nsignified both a hill and tower. They were oftentimes compounded, and\nstyled Tor-Is, or fire towers: on account of the light which they\nexhibited, and the fires which were preserved in them. Hence came the\nturris of the Romans; and the [Greek: turis, turrhis, tursis, tursos], of\nthe Greeks. The latter, when the word Tor occurred in antient history,\noften changed it to [Greek: tauros], a bull; and invented a number of idle\nstories in consequence of this change. The Ophite God Osiris, the same as\nApollo, was by the Amonians styled Oph-El, and Ope-El: and there was upon\nthe Sinus Persicus a city Opis, where his rites were observed. There seems\nlikewise to have been a temple sacred to him, named Tor-Opel; which the\nGreeks rendered [Greek: Tauropolos]. Strabo speaks of such an oracular\ntemple; and says, that it was in the island Icaria, towards the mouth of\nthe Tigris: [231][Greek: N\u00eason Ikarion, kai hieron Apoll\u00f4nos hagion en\naut\u00eai, kai manteion Tauropolou.] Here, instead of Osiris, or Mithras, the\nserpent Deity, the author presents us with Apollo, the manager of bulls.\n\nOne of the principal and most antient settlements of the Amonians upon the\nocean was at Gades; where a prince was supposed to have reigned, named\nGeryon. The harbour at Gades was a very fine one; and had several Tor, or\nTowers to direct shipping: and as it was usual to imagine the Deity, to\nwhom the temple was erected, to have been the builder, this temple was said\nto have been built by Hercules. All this the Grecians took to themselves:\nthey attributed the whole to the hero of Thebes: and as he was supposed to\nconquer wherever he came, they made him subdue Geryon; and changing the\nTor, or Towers, into so many head of cattle, they [232]describe him as\nleading them off in triumph over the Pyranees and Alpes, to Hetruria, and\nso on to Calabria. From thence, for what reason we know not, he swims them\nover to Messana in Sicily: and after some stay he swims with them through\nthe sea back again, all the while holding by one of their horns. The bulls\nof Colchis, with which Jason was supposed to have engaged, were probably of\nthe same nature and original. The people of this country were Amonians, and\nhad once a [233]mighty trade; for the security of which they erected at the\nentrance of the Phasis towers. These served both as light-houses, and\ntemples; and were sacred to Adorus. They were on this account called\nTynador, whence the Greeks formed Tyndarus, Tyndaris, and Tyndarid\u00e6. They\nwere built after some, which stood near the city [234]Par\u00e6tonium of Egypt;\nand they are alluded to by the geographer Dionysius:\n\n  [235][Greek: Par de muchon Pontoio, meta chthona Tundarida\u00f4n,]\n  [Greek: Kolchoi naietaousin ep\u00ealudes Aiguptoio.]\n\nColchis was styled Cutaia, and had been early occupied by the sons of Chus.\nThe chief city, whence the country has been in general denominated, was\nfrom its situation called Cal-Chus, and Col-Chus, the hill, or place of\nChus. This by the Greeks was rendered Colchis: but as travellers are not\nuniform in expressing foreign terms, some have rendered what was Colchian,\nChalcian, and from Colchus they have formed [Greek: Chalkos], brass. The\nChalcian towers being moreover interpreted [Greek: tauroi], bulls, a story\ntook its rise about the brazen bulls of Colchis. Besides this, there was in\nthese towers a constant fire kept up for the direction of ships by night:\nwhence the bulls were said to breath fire.\n\nWe however sometimes meet with sacred towers, which were really denominated\nTauri from the worship of the mystic bull, the same as the Apis, and Mneuis\nof Egypt. Such was probably the temple of Minotaurus in Crete, where the\n[236]Deity was represented under an emblematical figure; which consisted of\nthe body of a man with the head of a bull. In Sicily was a promontory\nTaurus, mentioned by Diodorus Siculus; which was called also Tauromenium.\nHe acquaints us, that Hanno the Carthaginian sent his Admiral with orders\n[Greek: paraplein epi ton lophon kaloumenon Tauron], _to sail along the\ncoast to the promontory named Taurus_. This Taurus, he thinks, was\nafterwards named [Greek: Tauromenion], Tauromenium, from the people who\nsettled, and [237]remained there: as if this were the only place in the\nworld where people settled and remained. It was an antient compound, and no\npart of it of Grecian [238]original. Tauromenium is the same as Menotaurium\nreversed: and the figure of the Deity was varied exactly in the same\nmanner; as is apparent from the coins and engravings which have been found\nin Sicily. The Minotaur is figured as a man with the head of a bull; the\nTauromen as a bull with the face of a [239]man.\n\nAmong the [240]Hetrurians this term seems to have been taken in a more\nenlarged sense; and to have signified a city, or town fortified. When they\nsettled in Italy, they founded many places of strength; and are reputed to\nhave been the first who introduced the art of fortification. [241][Greek:\nTurs\u00eanoi pr\u00f4ton epheuron t\u00ean teichopoi\u00efan]. Hence the word Tar, and Tur, is\noften found in the composition of names, which relate to people of this\ncountry. They worshipped the Sun, styled Zan, and Zeen; whose temples were\ncalled Tur-Zeen: and in consequence of it one of the principal names by\nwhich their country was distinguished, was Turzenia. The Scholiast upon\nLycophron mentions it as [242][Greek: Ch\u00f4ran apo Turs\u00eanou kl\u00eatheisan\nTurs\u00eanian], _a region, which from Tur-Seen was named Tursenia_. The Poet\nabove takes notice of two persons by the names of Tarchon, and Turseen.\n[243][Greek: Tarch\u00f4n te, kai Turs\u00eanos, aith\u00f4nes lukoi.] From Tarchon there\nwas a city and district named [244]Tarcunia; from whence came the family of\nthe Tarquins, or Tarquinii, so well known in the history of [245]Rome. The\nAmonians esteemed every emanation of light a fountain; and styled it Ain,\nand Aines: and as they built lighthouses upon every island and insular\npromontory, they were in consequence of it called Aines, Agnes, Inis,\nInesos, Nesos, Nees: and this will be found to obtain in many different\ncountries and languages. The Hetrurians occupied a large tract of\nsea-coast; on which account they worshipped Poseidon: and one of their\nprincipal cities was Poseidonium. They erected upon their shores towers and\nbeacons for the sake of their navigation, which they called Tor-ain: whence\nthey had a still farther denomination of Tur-aini, and their country was\nnamed Tur-ainia; the [Greek: Turrh\u00eania] of the later Greeks. All these\nappellations are from the same object, the edifices which they erected:\neven Hetruria seems to have been a compound of Ai-tur; and to have\nsignified the land of Towers. Another name for buildings of this nature was\nTurit, or Tirit; which signified a tower or turret. I have often mentioned\nthat temples have been mistaken for Deities, and places for persons. We\nhave had an instance of this above; where Tarchon, and Tursenus are\nsupposed to have been founders of colonies. Torone was a place in\nMacedonia; and signifies literally the Tower of the Sun. The Poets have\nformed out of it a female personage; and supposed her to have been the wife\nof [246]Proteus. So Amphi-Tirit is merely an oracular tower. This too has\nby the Poets been changed to a female, Amphitrite; and made the wife of\nNeptune. The name of Triton is a contraction of Tirit-On; and signifies the\ntower of the Sun, like Torone: but a Deity was framed from it, who was\nsupposed to have had the appearance of a man upwards, but downwards to have\nbeen like a fish. From this emblematical representation we may judge of the\nfigure of the real Deity; and be assured that it could be no other than\nthat of Atargatis and Dagon. The [247]Hetrurians were thought to have been\nthe inventors of trumpets: and in their towers upon the sea-coast there\nwere people appointed to be continually upon the watch both by day and\nnight; and to give a proper signal, if any thing happened extraordinary.\nThis was done by a blast from the trumpet; and Triton was hence feigned to\nhave been Neptune's trumpeter. He is accordingly described by Nonnus,\n\n  [248][Greek: Turs\u00ean\u00eas Barudoupon ech\u00f4n salpinga thalass\u00eas;]\n\n_as possessing the deep toned trumpet of the Hetrurian main_. However in\nearly times these brazen instruments were but little known: and people were\nobliged to make use of what was near at hand, the conchs of the sea, which\nevery strand afforded. By sounding these, they gave signals from the top of\nthe towers when any ship appeared: and this is the implement with which\nTriton is more commonly furnished. The antients divided the night into\ndifferent watches; the last of which was called cockcrow: and in\nconsequence of this they kept a cock in their Tirat, or Towers, to give\nnotice of the dawn. Hence this bird was sacred to the Sun, and named\nAlector, [Greek: Alekt\u00f4r]: which seems to be a compound out of the titles\nof that Deity, and of the tower set apart for his service: for all these\ntowers were temples. Those styled Tritonian were oracular; as we may infer\nfrom the application made by the Argonauts. What Homer attributes to\nProteus, Pindar ascribes to Triton. [249][Greek: Manteuetai de h\u00f4s par'\nOm\u00ear\u00f4i Pr\u00f4teus, kai para Pindar\u00f4i Trit\u00f4n tois Argonautais.] Pausanias\nmentions a tradition of a [250]Triton near Tanagra, who used to molest\nwomen, when they were bathing in the sea; and who was guilty of other acts\nof violence. He was at last found upon the beach overpowered with wine; and\nthere slain. This Triton was properly a Tritonian, a priest of one of these\ntemples: for the priests appear to have been great tyrants, and oftentimes\nvery brutal. This person had used the natives ill; who took advantage of\nhim, when overpowered with liquor, and put him to death.\n\nThe term Tor, in different parts of the world, occurs sometimes a little\nvaried. Whether this happened through mistake, or was introduced for\nfacility of utterance, is uncertain. The temple of the Sun, Tor Heres, in\nPhenicia was rendered [Greek: Tri\u00ear\u00eas], Trieres; the promontory Tor-Ope-On,\nin Caria, Triopon; Tor-Hamath, in Cyprus, Trimathus; Tor-Hanes, in India,\nTrinesia; Tor-Chom, or Chomus, in Palestine, Tricomis. In antient times the\ntitle of Anac was often conferred upon the Deities; and their temples were\nstyled Tor-Anac, and Anac-Tor. The city Miletus was named [251]Anactoria:\nand there was an Hero\u00fcm at Sparta called [Greek: Anaktoron], Anactoron;\nwhere Castor and Pollux had particular honours, who were peculiarly styled\nAnactes. It was from Tor-Anac that Sicily was denominated Trinacis and\nTrinacia. This, in process of time, was still farther changed to Trinacria;\nwhich name was supposed to refer to the triangular form of the island. But\nherein was a great mistake; for, the more antient name was Trinacia, as is\nmanifest from Homer:\n\n  [252][Greek: Hoppote d\u00ea pr\u00f4ton pelas\u00eais euergea n\u00eaa]\n  [Greek: Trinaki\u00eai n\u00eas\u00f4i.]\n\nAnd the name, originally, did not relate to the island in general, but to a\npart only, and that a small district near \u00c6tna. This spot had been occupied\nby the first inhabitants, the Cyclopians, Lestrygons, and Sicani: and it\nhad this name from some sacred tower which they built. Callimachus calls\nit, mistakenly, Trinacria, but says that it was near \u00c6tna, and a portion of\nthe antient Sicani.\n\n                  [253][Greek: Aue d' ar' Aitna,]\n  [Greek: Aue de Trinakri\u00ea Sikan\u00f4n hedos.]\n\nThe island Rhodes was called [254]Trinacia, which was not triangular: so\nthat the name had certainly suffered a variation, and had no relation to\nany figure. The city Trachin, [Greek: Trachin], in Greece, was properly\nTor-chun, turris sacra vel regia, like Tarchon in Hetruria. Chun and Chon\nwere titles, said peculiarly to belong to Hercules: [255][Greek: Ton\nH\u00earakl\u00ean ph\u00easi kata ton Aigupti\u00f4n dialekton K\u00f4na legesthai.] We accordingly\nfind that this place was sacred to Hercules; that it was supposed to have\nbeen [256]founded by him; and that it was called [257]Heraclea.\n\nI imagine that the trident of Poseidon was a mistaken implement; as it does\nnot appear to have any relation to the Deity to whom it has been by the\nPoets appropriated. Both the towers on the sea-coast, and the beacons,\nwhich stood above them, had the name of Tor-ain. This the Grecians changed\nto Triaina, [Greek: Triaina], and supposed it to have been a three-pronged\nfork. The beacon, or Torain, consisted of an iron or brazen frame, wherein\nwere three or four tines, which stood up upon a circular basis of the same\nmetal. They were bound with a hoop; and had either the figures of Dolphins,\nor else foliage in the intervals between them. These filled up the vacant\nspace between the tines, and made them capable of holding the combustible\nmatter with which they were at night filled. This instrument was put upon a\nhigh pole, and hung sloping sea-ward over the battlements of the tower, or\nfrom the stern of a ship: with this they could maintain, either a smoke by\nday, or a blaze by night. There was a place in Argos named [258]Triaina,\nwhich was supposed to have been so called from the trident of Neptune. It\nwas undoubtedly a tower, and the true name Tor-ain; as may be shewn from\nthe history with which it is attended. For it stood near a fountain, though\na fountain of a different nature from that of which we have been speaking.\nThe waters of Amumone rose here: which Amumone is a variation from Amim-On,\n_the waters of the Sun_. The stream rose close to the place, which was\nnamed Tor-ain, from its vicinity to the fountain.\n\n[Illustration: A _The ancient Tower at Torone_\nB _Tower of Cronus in Sicily_]\n\n[Illustration: _Ancient Triain\u00e6_]\n\nCerberus was the name of a place, as well as Triton and Torone, though\nesteemed the dog of hell. We are told by [259]Eusebius, from Plutarch, that\nCerberus was the Sun: but the term properly signified the temple, or place,\nof the Sun. The great luminary was styled by the Amonians both Or and Abor;\nthat is, _light_, and _the parent of light:_ and Cerberus is properly\nKir-Abor, the place of that Deity. The same temple had different names,\nfrom the diversity of the God's titles who was there worshipped. It was\ncalled TorCaph-El; which was changed to [Greek: trikephalos], just as\nCahen-Caph-El was rendered [Greek: kunokephalos]: and Cerberus was hence\nsupposed to have had three heads. It was also styled Tor-Keren, Turris\nRegia; which suffered a like change with the word above, being expressed\n[Greek: trikar\u00eanos]: and Cahen Ades, or Cerberus, was hence supposed to\nhave been a triple-headed monster. That these idle figments took their rise\nfrom names of places, ill expressed and misinterpreted, may be proved from\nPal\u00e6phatus. He abundantly shews that the mistake arose hence, though he\ndoes not point out precisely the mode of deviation. He first speaks of\nGeryon, who was supposed to have had three heads, and was thence styled\n[Greek: trikephalos.] [260][Greek: \u00can de toionde touto; polis estin en t\u00f4i\nEuxin\u00f4i pont\u00f4i Trikar\u00eania kaloumen\u00ea kl.] _The purport of the fable about\nGeryones is this: There was, upon the Pontus Euxinus, a city named\nTricarenia; and thence came the history_ [Greek: G\u00earuonou tou Trikar\u00eanou],\n_of Geryon the Tricarenian; which was interpreted, a man with three heads._\nHe mentions the same thing of Cerberus. [261][Greek: Legousi peri Kerberou,\nh\u00f4s ku\u00f4n \u00ean, ech\u00f4n treis kephalas; d\u00ealon de hoti kai houtos apo t\u00eas pole\u00f4s\nekl\u00eath\u00ea Trikar\u00eanos, h\u00f4sper ho G\u00earuon\u00eas.] _They say of Cerberus, that he was\na dog with three heads: but it is plain that he was so called from a city\nnamed Tricaren, or Tricarenia, as well as Geryones_. Pal\u00e6phatus says, very\ntruly, that the strange notion arose from a place. But, to state more\nprecisely the grounds of the mistake, we must observe, that from the\nantient Tor-Caph-El arose the blunder about [Greek: trikephalos]; as, from\nTor-Keren, rendered Tricarenia, was formed the term [Greek: trikar\u00eanos]:\nand these personages, in consequence of it, were described with three\nheads.\n\nAs I often quote from Pal\u00e6phatus, it may be proper to say something\nconcerning him. He wrote early: and seems to have been a serious and\nsensible person; one, who saw the absurdity of the fables, upon which the\ntheology of his country was founded. In the purport of his name is\nsignified an antiquarian; a person, who dealt in remote researches: and\nthere is no impossibility, but that there might have casually arisen this\ncorrespondence between his name and writings. But, I think, it is hardly\nprobable. As he wrote against the mythology of his country, I should\nimagine that [Greek: Palaiphatos], Pal\u00e6phatus, was an assumed name, which\nhe took for a blind, in order to screen himself from persecution: for the\nnature of his writings made him liable to much ill will. One little\ntreatise of [262]Pal\u00e6phatus about Orion is quoted verbatim by the Scholiast\nupon [263]Homer, who speaks of it as a quotation from Euphorion. I should\ntherefore think, that Euphorion was the name of this writer: but as there\nwere many learned men so called, it may be difficult to determine which was\nthe author of this treatise.\n\nHomer, who has constructed the noblest poem that was ever framed, from the\nstrangest materials, abounds with allegory and mysterious description. He\noften introduces ideal personages, his notions of which he borrowed from\nthe edifices, hills, and fountains; and from whatever savoured of wonder\nand antiquity. He seems sometimes to blend together two different\ncharacters of the same thing, a borrowed one, and a real; so as to make the\ntrue history, if there should be any truth at bottom, the more\nextraordinary and entertaining.\n\nI cannot help thinking, that Otus and Ephi\u00e2ltes, those gigantic youths, so\ncelebrated by the Poets, were two lofty towers. They were building to\nAlohim, called [264]Alo\u00ebus; but were probably overthrown by an earthquake.\nThey are spoken of by Pindar as the sons of Iphimedeia; and are supposed to\nhave been slain by Apollo in the island Naxos.\n\n                  [265][Greek: En de Nax\u00f4i]\n  [Greek: Phanti thanein liparai Iphimedeias paidas]\n  [Greek: \u00d4ton, kai se, tolmaeis Ephialta anax.]\n\nThey are also mentioned by Homer, who styles them [Greek: g\u00eageneis], or\nearthborn: and his description is equally fine.\n\n  [266][Greek: Kai rh' eteken duo paide, minunthadi\u00f4 de genesth\u00ean,]\n  [Greek: \u00d4ton t' antitheon, t\u00ealekleiton t' Ephialt\u00ean;]\n  [Greek: Hous d\u00ea m\u00eakistous threpse zeid\u00f4ros aroura,]\n  [Greek: Kai polu kallistous meta ge kluton \u00d4ri\u00f4na.]\n  [Greek: Enne\u00f4roi gar toi ge, kai enneap\u00eachees \u00easan]\n  [Greek: Euros, atar m\u00eakos ge genesth\u00ean enneorguioi.]\n\nHomer includes Orion in this description, whom he mentions elsewhere; and\nseems to borrow his ideas from a similar object, some tower, or temple,\nthat was sacred to him. Orion was Nimrod, the great hunter in the\nScriptures, called by the Greeks Nebrod. He was the founder of Babel, or\nBabylon; and is represented as a gigantic personage. The author of the\nPaschal Chronicle speaks of him in this light. [267][Greek: Nebr\u00f4d Giganta,\nton t\u00ean Babul\u00f4nian ktisanta--hontina kalousin \u00d4ri\u00f4na.] He is called Alorus\nby Abydenus, and Apollodorus; which was often rendered with the Amonian\nprefix Pelorus. Homer describes him as a great hunter; and of an enormous\nstature, even superior to the Aloeid\u00e6 above mentioned.\n\n  [268][Greek: Ton de met' \u00d4ri\u00f4na Pel\u00f4rion eiseno\u00easa,]\n  [Greek: Th\u00earas homou eileunta kat' asphodelon leim\u00f4na.]\n\nThe Poet styles him Pelorian; which betokens something vast, and is\napplicable to any towering personage, but particularly to Orion. For the\nterm Pelorus is the name by which the towers of Orion were called. Of these\nthere seems to have been one in Delos; and another of more note, to which\nHomer probably alluded, in Sicily; where Orion was particularly reverenced.\nThe streight of Rhegium was a dangerous pass: and this edifice was erected\nfor the security of those who were obliged to go through it. It stood near\nZancle; and was called [269]Pelorus, because it was sacred to Alorus, the\nsame as [270]Orion. There was likewise a river named from him, and rendered\nby Lycophron [271]Elorus. The tower is mentioned by Strabo; but more\nparticularly by Diodorus Siculus. He informs us that, according to the\ntradition of the place, Orion there resided; and that, among other works,\nhe raised this very mound and promontory, called Pelorus and Pelorias,\ntogether with the temple, which was situated upon it. [272][Greek: \u00d4ri\u00f4na\nprosch\u00f4sai to kata t\u00ean Pel\u00f4riada keimenon akr\u00f4t\u00earion, kai to temenos tou\nPoseid\u00f4nos kataskeuasai, tim\u00f4menon hupo t\u00f4n ench\u00f4ri\u00f4n diapheront\u00f4s.] We\nfind from hence that there was a tower of this sort, which belonged to\nOrion: and that the word Pelorion was a term borrowed from these edifices,\nand made use of metaphorically, to denote any thing stupendous and large.\nThe description in Homer is of a mixed nature: wherein he retains the\nantient tradition of a gigantic person; but borrows his ideas from the\ntowers sacred to him. I have taken notice before, that all temples of old\nwere supposed to be oracular; and by the Amonians were called Pator and\nPatara. This temple of Orion was undoubtedly a Pator; to which mariners\nresorted to know the event of their voyage, and to make their offerings to\nthe God. It was on this account styled Tor Pator; which being by the Greeks\nexpressed [Greek: tripat\u00f4r], tripator, gave rise to the notion, that this\nearthborn giant had three fathers.\n\n  [273][Greek: \u00d4ri\u00f4n tripat\u00f4r apo m\u00eateros anthore gai\u00eas.]\n\nThese towers, near the sea, were made use of to form a judgment of the\nweather, and to observe the heavens: and those which belonged to cities\nwere generally in the Acropolis, or higher part of the place. This, by the\nAmonians, was named Bosrah; and the citadel of Carthage, as well as of\nother cities, is known to have been so denominated. But the Greeks, by an\nunavoidable fatality, rendered it uniformly [274][Greek: bursa], bursa, a\nskin: and when some of them succeeded to Zancle [275]in Sicily, finding\nthat Orion had some reference to Ouran, or Ouranus, and from the name of\nthe temple ([Greek: tripat\u00f4r]) judging that he must have had three fathers,\nthey immediately went to work, in order to reconcile these different ideas.\nThey accordingly changed Ouran to [Greek: ourein]; and, thinking the\nmisconstrued hide, [Greek: bursa], no improper utensil for their purpose,\nthey made these three fathers co-operate in a most wonderful manner for the\nproduction of this imaginary person; inventing the most slovenly legend\nthat ever was devised. [276][Greek: Treis (theoi) tou sphagentos boos\nburs\u00eai enour\u00easan, kai ex aut\u00eas \u00d4ri\u00f4n egeneto.] Tres Dei in bovis mactati\npelle minxerunt, et inde natus est Orion.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nTIT AND TITH.\n\nWhen towers were situated upon eminences fashioned very round, they were by\nthe Amonians called Tith; which answers to [Hebrew: TD] in Hebrew, and to\n[277][Greek: titth\u00ea], and [Greek: titthos], in Greek. They were so\ndenominated from their resemblance to a woman's breast; and were\nparticularly sacred to Orus and Osiris, the Deities of light, who by the\nGrecians were represented under the title of Apollo. Hence the summit of\nParnassus was [278]named Tithorea, from Tith-Or: and hard by was a city,\nmentioned by Pausanias, of the same name; which was alike sacred to Orus\nand Apollo. The same author takes notice of a hill, near Epidaurus, called\n[279][Greek: Tittheion oros Apoll\u00f4nos.] There was a summit of the like\nnature at Samos, which, is by Callimachus styled _the breast of Parthenia_:\n[280][Greek: Diabrochon hudati maston Partheni\u00eas.] Mounds of this nature\nare often, by Pausanias and Strabo, termed, from their resemblance,\n[281][Greek: mastoeideis]. Tithonus, whose longevity is so much celebrated,\nwas nothing more than one of these structures, a Pharos, sacred to the sun,\nas the name plainly shews. Tith-On is [Greek: mastos heliou], _the mount of\nthe [282]Sun_. As he supplied the place of that luminary, he is said to\nhave been beloved by Aurora, and through her favour to have lived many\nages. This, indeed, is the reverse of that which is fabled of the\n[283]Cyclopes, whose history equally relates to edifices. They are said to\nhave raised the jealousy of Apollo, and to have been slain by his arrows:\nyet it will be found at bottom of the same purport. The Cyclopian turrets\nupon the Sicilian shore fronted due east: and their lights must necessarily\nhave been extinguished by the rays of the rising Sun. This, I imagine, is\nthe meaning of Apollo's slaying the Cyclopes with his arrows. Tethys, the\nantient Goddess of the sea, was nothing else but an old tower upon a mount;\nof the same shape, and erected for the same purposes, as those above. On\nthis account it was called Tith-Is, [Greek: mastos puros.] Thetis seems to\nhave been a transposition of the same name, and was probably a Pharos, or\nFire-tower, near the sea.\n\nThese mounts, [Greek: lophoi mastoeideis], were not only in Greece; but in\nEgypt, Syria, and most parts of the world. They were generally formed by\nart; being composed of earth, raised very high; which was sloped gradually,\nand with great exactness: and the top of all was crowned with a fair tower.\nThe situation of these buildings made them be looked upon as places of\ngreat safety: and the reverence in which they were held added to the\nsecurity. On these accounts they were the repositories of much wealth and\ntreasure: in times of peril they were crowded with things of value. In\nAssyria was a temple named Azara; which the Parthian plundered, and is said\nto have carried off ten thousand talents: [284][Greek: Chai \u00eare palant\u00f4n\nmuri\u00f4n gazan.] The same author mentions two towers of this sort in Judea,\nnot far from Jericho, belonging to Aristobulus and Alexander, and styled\n[285][Greek: Gazophulakia t\u00f4n Turann\u00f4n]: which were taken by Pompeius\nMagnus in his war with the Jews. There were often two of these mounds of\nequal height in the same inclosure; such as are described by Josephus at\nMach\u00e6rus, near some warm fountains. He mentions here a cavern and a rock;\n[286][Greek: sp\u00ealaion--t\u00eai petrai prouchous\u00eai skepomenon; taut\u00eas an\u00f4then\nh\u00f4sanei mastoi duo anechousin, all\u00eal\u00f4n olig\u00f4i diest\u00f4tes]: _and above it two\nround hills like breasts, at no great distance from each other_. To such as\nthese Solomon alludes, when he makes his beloved say, [287]_I am a wall,\nand my breasts like towers_. Though the word [Hebrew: CHWMH], Chumah, or\nComah, be generally rendered a wall; yet I should think that in this place\nit signified the ground which the wall surrounded: an inclosure sacred to\nCham, the Sun, who was particularly worshipped in such places. The Mizra\u00efm\ncalled these hills Typhon, and the cities where they were erected,\nTyphonian. But as they stood within inclosures sacred to Chom, they were\nalso styled Choma. This, I imagine, was the meaning of the term in this\nplace, and in some others; where the text alludes to a different nation,\nand to a foreign mode of worship. In these temples the Sun was principally\nadored, and the rites of fire celebrated: and this seems to have been the\nreason why the judgment denounced against them is uniformly, that they\nshall be destroyed by fire. If we suppose Comah to mean a mere wall, I do\nnot see why fire should be so particularly destined against a part, which\nis the least combustible. The Deity says, [288]_I will kindle a fire in the\nwall of Damascus. [289]I will send a fire on the wall of Gaza. [290]I will\nsend a fire on the wall of Tyrus. [291]I will kindle a [292]fire in the\nwall of Rabbah_. As the crime which brought down this curse was idolatry,\nand the term used in all these instances is Chomah; I should think that it\nrelated to a temple of Chom, and his high places, called by the Greeks\n[Greek: lophoi mastoeideis]: and to these the spouse of Solomon certainly\nalludes, when she Says, [Greek: eg\u00f4 teichos, kai hoi mastoi mou h\u00f4s\npurgoi]. This will appear from another passage in Solomon, where he makes\nhis beloved say, [293]_We have a little sister, and she hath no breasts. If\nshe be a Comah, we will build upon her a palace of silver._ A palace cannot\nbe supposed to be built upon a wall; though it may be inclosed with one.\nThe place for building was a Comah, or eminence. It is said of Jotham, king\nof Judah, that [294]_on the wall of Ophel he built much_. Ophel is\nliterally Pytho Sol, the Ophite Deity of Egypt and Canaan. What is here\ntermed a wall, was a Comah, or high place, which had been of old erected to\nthe sun by the Jebusites. This Jotham fortified, and turned it to\nadvantage; whereas before it was not used, or used for a bad purpose. The\nground set apart for such use was generally oval; and towards one extremity\nof the long diameter, as it were in the focus, were these mounds and towers\nerected. As they were generally royal edifices, and at the same time held\nsacred; they were termed Tarchon, like Tarchonium in Hetruria: which by a\ncorruption was in later times rendered Trachon, [Greek: Trach\u00f4n]. There\nwere two hills of this denomination near Damascus; from whence undoubtedly\nthe Regio Trachonitis received its name: [295][Greek: huperkeintai de aut\u00eas\n(Damaskou) duo legomenoi Trach\u00f4nes.] These were hills with towers, and must\nhave been very fair to see to. Solomon takes notice of a hill of this sort\nupon [296]_Lebanon, looking toward Damascus_; which he speaks of as a\nbeautiful structure. The term Trachon seems to have been still farther\nsophisticated by the Greeks, and expressed [Greek: Drak\u00f4n], Dracon: from\nwhence in, great measure arose the notion of treasures being guarded by\n[297]Dragons. We read of the gardens of the Hesperides being under the\nprotection of a sleepless serpent: and the golden fleece at Colchis was\nentrusted to such another guardian; of which there is a fine description in\nApollonius.\n\n  [298][Greek: Purgous eisopsesthe Kutaeos Ai\u00eatao,]\n  [Greek: Alsos te skioen Areos, tothi k\u00f4as ep' akr\u00eas]\n  [Greek: Peptamenon ph\u00eagoio Drak\u00f4n, teras ainon idesthai,]\n  [Greek: Amphis opipteuei dedok\u00eamenos; oude hoi \u00eamar,]\n  [Greek: Ou knephas h\u00eadumos hupnos anaidea damnatai osse.]\n\nNonnus often introduces a dragon as a protector of virginity; watching\nwhile the damsel slumbered, but sleepless itself: [299][Greek: Hupnale\u00eas\nagrupnon opipteut\u00eara korei\u00eas]: and in another place he mentions\n[300][Greek: Phrouron echeis apelethron Ophin]. Such an one guarded the\nnymph Chalcomeda, [301][Greek: Parthenik\u00eas agamoio bo\u00eathoos.] The Goddess\nProserpine had two [302]dragons to protect her, by the appointment of her\nmother Demeter.\n\nSuch are the poetical representations: but the history at bottom relates to\nsacred towers, dedicated to the symbolical worship of the serpent; where\nthere was a perpetual watch, and a light ever burning. The Titans, [Greek:\nTitanes], were properly Titanians; a people so denominated from their\nworship, and from the places where it was celebrated. They are, like Orion\nand the Cyclopians, represented as gigantic persons: and they were of the\nsame race, the children of Anak. The Titanian temples were stately\nedifices, erected in Chaldea, as well as in lower Egypt, upon mounds of\nearth, [Greek: lophoi mastoeideis], and sacred to Hanes; [Greek: Titanis]\nand [Greek: Titanes] are compounds of Tit-Hanes; and signify literally\n[Greek: mastos h\u00ealiou], the conical hill of Orus. They were by their\nsituation strong, and probably made otherwise defensible.\n\nIn respect to the legends about dragons, I am persuaded that the antients\nsometimes did wilfully misrepresent things, in order to increase the\nwonder. Iphicrates related, that in Mauritania there were dragons of such\nextent, that grass grew upon their backs: [303][Greek: Drakontas te legei\nmegalous, h\u00f4ste kai poan epipephukenai.] What can be meant under this\nrepresentation but a Dracontium, within whose precincts they encouraged\nverdure? It is said of Taxiles, a mighty prince in India, and a rival of\nPorus, that, upon the arrival of Alexander the Great, he shewed him every\nthing that was in his country curious, and which could win the attention of\na foreigner. Among other things he carried him to see a [304]Dragon, which\nwas sacred to Dionusus; and itself esteemed a God. It was of a stupendous\nsize, being in extent equal to five acres; and resided in a low deep place,\nwalled round to a great height. The Indians offered sacrifices to it: and\nit was daily fed by them from their flocks and herds, which it devoured at\nan amazing rate. In short my author says, that it was treated rather as a\ntyrant, than a benevolent Deity. Two Dragons of the like nature are\nmentioned by [305]Strabo; which are said to have resided in the mountains\nof Abisares, or Abiosares, in India: the one was eighty cubits in length,\nthe other one hundred and forty. Similar to the above is the account given\nby Posidonius of a serpent, which he saw in the plains of _Macra_, a region\nin Syria; and which he styles [306][Greek: drakonta pept\u00f4kota nekron]. He\nsays, that it was about an acre in length; and of a thickness so\nremarkable, as that two persons on horseback, when they rode on the\nopposite sides, could not see one another. Each scale was as big as a,\nshield; and a man might ride in at its mouth. What can this description\nallude to, this [Greek: drak\u00f4n pept\u00f4k\u00f4s], but the ruins of an antient\nOphite temple; which is represented in this enigmatical manner to raise\nadmiration? The plains of Macra were not far from Mount Lebanon and Hermon;\nwhere the Hivites resided; and where serpent-worship particularly\nprevailed. The Indian Dragon above mentioned seems to have been of the same\nnature. It was probably a temple, and its environs; where a society of\npriests resided, who were maintained by the public; and who worshipped the\nDeity under the semblance of a serpent. Tityus must be ranked among the\nmonsters of this class. He is by the Poets represented as a stupendous\nbeing, an earthborn giant:\n\n          [307]Terr\u00e6 omniparentis alumnum,\n  ---- per tota novem cui jugera corpus\n  Porrigitur.\n\nBy which is meant, that he was a tower, erected upon a conical mount of\nearth, which stood in an inclosure of nine acres. He is said to have a\nvulture preying upon his heart, or liver; immortale jecur tondens. The\nwhole of which history is borrowed from Homer, who mentions two vultures\nengaged in tormenting him.\n\n  [308][Greek: Kai Tituon eidon Gai\u00eas erikudeos huion,]\n  [Greek: Keimenon en daped\u00f4i; hod' ep' ennea keito pelethra;]\n  [Greek: Gupe de min hekaterthe par\u00eamenoi \u00eapar ekeiron,]\n  [Greek: Dertron es\u00f4 dunontes, hod' ouk apamuneto chersi.]\n\nThe same story is told of Prometheus, who is said to have been exposed upon\nMount Caucasus, near Colchis; with this variation, that an eagle is placed\nover him, preying upon his heart. These strange histories are undoubtedly\ntaken from the symbols and devices which were carved upon the front of the\nantient Amonian temples; and especially those of Egypt. The eagle and the\nvulture were the insignia of that country: whence it was called Ai-Gupt,\nand [309]Aetia, from Ait and Gupt, which signified an eagle and vulture.\nAit was properly a title of the Deity, and signified heat: and the heart,\nthe centre of vital heat, was among the Egyptians styled [310]Ait: hence we\nare told by [311]Orus Apollo, that a heart over burning coals was an emblem\nof Egypt. The Amonians dealt much in hieroglyphical representations. Nonnus\nmentions one of this sort, which seems to have been a curious emblem of the\nSun. It was engraved upon a jasper, and worn for a bracelet. Two serpents\nentwined together, with their heads different ways, were depicted in a\nsemicircular manner round the extreme part of the gem. At the top between\ntheir heads was an eagle; and beneath a sacred carriage, called Cemus.\n\n  [312][Greek: Aietos en chruseios, hate platun \u00eaera temn\u00f4n,]\n  [Greek: Orthos, echidnai\u00f4n didum\u00f4n mess\u00eagu kar\u00ean\u00f4n,]\n  [Greek: Hupsiphan\u00eas pterug\u00f4n pisur\u00f4n tetrazugi k\u00eam\u00f4i.]\n  [Greek: T\u00eai men xanthos iaspis epetreche.]\n\nThe history of Tityus, Prometheus, and many other poetical personages, was\ncertainly taken from hieroglyphics misunderstood, and badly explained.\nPrometheus was worshipped by the Colchians as a Deity; and had a temple and\nhigh place, called [313][Greek: Petra Tuphaonia], upon Mount Caucasus: and\nthe device upon the portal was Egyptian, an eagle over a heart. The\nmagnitude of these personages was taken from the extent of the temple\ninclosures. The words, per tota novem cui jugera corpus Porrigitur, relate\nto a garden of so many acres. There were many such inclosures, as I have\nbefore taken notice: some of them were beautifully planted, and ornamented\nwith pavilions and fountains, and called Paradisi. One of this sort stood\nin Syria upon the river [314]Typhon, called afterwards Orontes. Places of\nthis nature are alluded to under the description of the gardens of the\nHesperides, and Alcinous; and the gardens of Adonis. Such were those at\nPhaneas in Palestine; and those beautiful gardens of Daphne upon the\nOrontes above mentioned; and in the shady parts of Mount Libanus. Those of\nDaphne are described by Strabo, who mentions, [315][Greek: Mega te kai\nsun\u00earephes alsos, diarrheomenon p\u00eagaiois hudasin; en mes\u00f4i de Asulon\ntemenos, kai ne\u00f4s Apoll\u00f4noi kai Artemidos.] _There was a fine wide extended\ngrove, which sheltered the whole place; and which was watered with\nnumberless fountains. In the centre of the whole was a sanctuary and\nasylum, sacred to Artemis and Apollo_. The Groves of Daphne upon the\nmountains Her\u00e6i in Sicily, and the garden and temple at bottom were very\nnoble; and are finely described by [316]Diodorus.\n\nI have taken notice that the word [Greek: drak\u00f4n], draco, was a mistake for\nTarchon, [Greek: Tarch\u00f4n]: which was sometimes expressed [Greek: Trach\u00f4n];\nas is observable in the Trachones at Damascus. When the Greeks understood\nthat in these temples people worshipped a serpent Deity, they concluded\nthat Trachon was a serpent: and hence came the name of Draco to be\nappropriated to such an animal. For the Draco was an imaginary being,\nhowever afterwards accepted and understood. This is manifest from Servius,\nwho distributes the serpentine species into three tribes; and confines the\nDraco solely to temples: [317]Angues aquarum sunt, serpentes terrarum,\nDracones templorum. That the notion of such animals took its rise from the\ntemples of the Syrians and Egyptians, and especially from the Trachones,\n[Greek: Trach\u00f4nes], at Damascus, seems highly probable from the accounts\nabove: and it may be rendered still more apparent from Damasenus, a\nsupposed hero, who took his name from the city Damasene, or Damascus. He is\nrepresented as an earthborn giant, who encountered two dragons:\n[318][Greek: Kai chthonos apleton huia, drakontophonon Damas\u00eana.] One of\nthe monsters, with which he fought, is described of an enormous size,\n[Greek: pent\u00eakontapelethros Ophis], _a serpent in extent of fifty acres_:\nwhich certainly, as I have before insinuated, must have a reference to the\ngrove and garden, wherein such Ophite temple stood at Damascus. For the\ngeneral measurement of all these wonderful beings by [319]jugera or acres\nproves that such an estimate could not relate to any thing of solid\ncontents; but to an inclosure of that superficies. Of the same nature as\nthese was the gigantic personage, supposed, to have been seen at Gades by\nCleon Magnesius. He made, it seems, no doubt of Tityus and other such\nmonsters having existed. For being at Gades, he was ordered to go upon a\ncertain expedition by Hercules: and upon his return to the island, he saw\nupon the shore a huge sea-man, who had been thunderstruck, and lay extended\nupon the ground: [320][Greek: touton plethra men pente malista epechein];\n_and his dimensions were not less than five acres_. So Typhon, Caanthus,\nOrion, are said to have been killed by lightning. Orpheus too, who by some\nis said to have been torn to pieces by the Thracian women, by others is\nrepresented as slain by the bolt of Jupiter: and his epitaph imports as\nmuch.\n\n  [321][Greek: Thr\u00ea\u00efka chrusolur\u00ean t\u00ead' Orphea Mousai ethapsan,]\n  [Greek: Hon ktanen hupsimed\u00f4n Zeus psoloenti belei.]\n\nAll these histories relate to sacred inclosures; and to the worship of the\nserpent, and rites of fire, which were practised within them. Such an\ninclosure was by the Greeks styled [322][Greek: temenos], and the mound or\nhigh place [Greek: taphos] and [Greek: tumbos]; which had often a tower\nupon it, esteemed a sanctuary and asylum. Lycophron makes Cassandra say of\nDiomedes, [323][Greek: TYMBOS d' auton eks\u00f4sei]: _the temple, to which he\nshall fly, shall save him_. In process of time both the word [Greek:\ntumbos], as well as [Greek: taphos], were no longer taken in their original\nsense; but supposed uniformly to have been places of sepulture. This has\nturned many temples into tombs: and the Deities, to whom they were sacred,\nhave been represented as there buried. There was an Orphic Dracontium at\nLesbos; where a serpent was supposed to have been going to devour the\nremains of Orpheus: and this temple being of old styled Petra, it was\nfabled of the serpent, that he was turned into stone.\n\n  [324] Hic ferus expositum peregrinis anguis arenis\n  Os petit, et sparsos stillanti rore capillos.\n  Tandem Phoebus adest: morsusque inferre parantem\n  Arcet; et in lapidem rictus serpentis apertos\n  Congelat; et patulos, ut erant, indurat hiatus.\n\nAll the poetical accounts of heroes engaging with dragons have arisen from\na misconception about these towers and temples; which those persons either\nfounded, or else took in war. Or, if they were Deities of whom the story is\ntold, these buildings were erected to their honour. But the Greeks made no\ndistinction. They were fond of heroism; and interpreted every antient\nhistory according to their own prejudices: and in the most simple narrative\ncould find out a martial achievement. No colony could settle any where, and\nbuild an Ophite temple, but there was supposed to have been a contention\nbetween a hero and a dragon. Cadmus, as I have shewn, was described in\nconflict with such an one near Thebes, whose teeth he sowed in the earth:\n\n                                [325][Greek: odontas]\n  [Greek: Aonioio drakontos, hon \u00f4gugi\u00eai eni Th\u00eab\u00eai]\n  [Greek: Kadmos, hot' Eur\u00f4p\u00ean diz\u00eamenos eisaphikane,]\n  [Greek: Pephne.]\n\nSerpents are said to have infested [326]Cyprus, when it was occupied by its\nfirst inhabitants: and there was a fearful dragon in the isle of\n[327]Salamis. The Python of Parnassus is well known, which Apollo was\nsupposed to have slain, when he was very young; a story finely told by\nApollonius.\n\n  [328][Greek: H\u00f4s pote petrai\u00eai hupo deiradi Parn\u00eassoio]\n  [Greek: Delphun\u00ean toxoisi pel\u00f4rion exenarixe,]\n  [Greek: Kouros e\u00f4n eti gumnos, eti plokamoisi geg\u00eath\u00f4s.]\n\nAfter all, this dragon was a serpent temple; a tumbos, [Greek: tumbos],\nformed of earth, and esteemed of old oracular. To this, Hyginus bears\nwitness. [329]Python, Terr\u00e6 filius, Draco ingens. Hic ante Apollinem ex\noraculo in monte Parnasso responsa dare solitus est. Plutarch says, that\nthe dispute between Apollo and the Dragon was about the privilege of the\nplace. [330][Greek: Hoi Delph\u00f4n theologoi nomizousin entautha pote pros\nophin t\u00f4i The\u00f4i peri tou chr\u00east\u00eariou mach\u00ean genesthai.] Hence we may\nperceive, that he was in reality the Deity of the temple; though the Greeks\nmade an idle distinction: and he was treated with divine honours.\n[331][Greek: Puthoi men oun ho Drak\u00f4n ho Puthios thr\u00easkeuetai, kai tou\nOphe\u00f4s h\u00ea pan\u00eaguris katangelletai Puthia.] It is said, moreover, that the\nseventh day was appointed for a festival in the temple, and celebrated with\na P\u00e6an to the [332]serpent.\n\nWe often read of virgins, who were exposed to dragons and sea-monsters; and\nof dragons which laid waste whole provinces, till they were at length, by\nsome person of prowess, encountered and slain. These histories relate to\nwomen, who were immured in towers by the sea-side; and to banditti, who got\npossession of these places, whence they infested the adjacent country. The\n[333]author of the Chronicon Paschale supposes, that Andromeda, whom the\npoets describe as chained to a rock, and exposed to a sea-monster, was in\nreality confined in a temple of Neptune, a Petra of another sort. These\ndragons are represented as sleepless; because, in such places there were\ncommonly lamps burning, and a watch maintained. In those more particularly\nset apart for religious service there was a fire, which never went out.\n\n  [334]Irrestincta focis servant altaria flammas.\n\nThe dragon of Apollonius is ever watchful.\n\n                  [Greek: Oude hoi \u00eamar,]\n  [Greek: Ou knephas h\u00eadumos hupnos anaidea damnatai osse.]\n\nWhat the Poet styles the eyes of the Dragon, were undoubtedly windows in\nthe upper part of the building, through which the fire appeared. Plutarch\ntakes notice, that in the temple of Amon there was a [335]light continually\nburning. The like was observable in other temples of the [336]Egyptians.\nPausanias mentions the lamp of Minerva [337]Polias at Athens, which never\nwent out: the same custom was kept up in most of the [338]Prutaneia. The\nChaldeans and Persians had sacred hearths; on which they preserved a\n[339]perpetual fire. In the temple of [340]Apollo Carneus at Cyrene, the\nfire upon the altar was never suffered to be extinguished. A like account\nis given by Said Ebn Batrick of the sacred fire, which was preserved in the\ngreat temple at [341]Aderbain in Armenia. The Nubian Geographer mentions a\nnation in India, called [342]Caimachit\u00e6, who had large Puratheia, and\nmaintained a perpetual fire. According to the Levitical law, a constant\nfire was to be kept up upon the altar of God. [343]_The fire shall be ever\nburning upon the altar: it shall never go out._\n\nFrom what has preceded, we may perceive, that many personages have been\nformed out of places. And I cannot help suspecting much more of antient\nhistory, than I dare venture to acknowledge. Of the mythic age I suppose\nalmost every circumstance to have been imported, and adopted; or else to be\na fable. I imagine, that Chiron, so celebrated for his knowledge, was a\nmere personage formed from a tower, or temple, of that name. It stood in\nThessaly; and was inhabited by a set of priests, called Centauri. They were\nso denominated from the Deity they worshipped, who was represented under a\nparticular form. They styled him Cahen-Taur: and he was the same as the\nMinotaur of Crete, and the Tauromen of Sicilia; consequently of an\nemblematical and mixed figure. The people, by whom this worship was\nintroduced, were many of them Anakim; and are accordingly represented as of\ngreat strength and stature. Such persons among the people of the east were\nstyled [344]Nephelim: which the Greeks in after times supposed to relate to\n[Greek: nephel\u00ea], a cloud. In consequence of this, they described the\nCentaurs as born of a cloud: and not only the Centaurs, but Ixion, and\nothers, were reputed of the same original. The chief city of the Nephelim\nstood in Thessaly, and is mentioned by [345]Pal\u00e6phatus: but through the\nmisconception of his countrymen it was expressed [Greek: Nephel\u00ea], Nephele,\na cloud. The Grecians in general were of this race; as will be abundantly\nshewn. The Scholiast upon Lycophron mentions, that the descendants of\nHellen were by a woman named Nephele, whom Athamas was supposed to have\nmarried. [346][Greek: Athamas ho Aiolou tou Hell\u00eanos pais ek Nephel\u00eas\ngennai Hell\u00ean, kai Phrixon.] The author has made a distinction between\nHelle, and Hellen; the former of which he describes in the feminine. By\nPhrixus is meant [Greek: Phrux], Phryx, who passed the Hellespont, and\nsettled in Asia minor. However obscured the history may be, I think the\npurport of it is plainly this, that the Hellenes, and Phrygians were of the\nNephelim or Anakim race. Chiron was a temple, probably at Nephele in\nThessalia, the most antient seat of the Nephelim. His name is a compound of\nChir-On, in purport the same as Kir-On, the tower and temple of the Sun. In\nplaces of this sort people used to study the heavenly motions: and they\nwere made use of for seminaries, where young people were instructed; on\nwhich account they were styled [Greek: paidotrophoi]. Hence Achilles was\nsupposed to have been taught by [347]Chiron, who is reported to have had\nmany disciples. They are enumerated by Xenophon in his treatise upon\nhunting, and amount to a large number. [348][Greek: Egenonto aut\u00f4i math\u00eatai\nkun\u00eagesi\u00f4n te, kai heter\u00f4n kal\u00f4n, Kephalos, Askl\u00eapios, Melani\u00f4n, Nest\u00f4r,\nAmphiaraos, P\u00ealeus, Telam\u00f4n, Meleagros, Th\u00easeus, Hippolutos, Palam\u00ead\u00eas,\nOdusseus, Menestheus, Diom\u00ead\u00eas, Kast\u00f4r, Poludeuk\u00eas, Macha\u00f4n, Podaleirios,\nAntilochos, Aineias, Achilleus.] Jason is by Pindar made to say of himself,\n[349][Greek: Phami didaskalian Cheir\u00f4nos oisein]: and the same circumstance\nis mentioned in another place; [350][Greek: Kronidai de traphen Cheir\u00f4ni\nd\u00f4kan (Iasona)]. These histories could not be true of Chiron as a person:\nfor, unless we suppose him to have been, as the Poets would persuade us, of\na different species from the rest of mankind, it will be found impossible\nfor him to have had pupils in such different ages. For not only \u00c6sculapius,\nmentioned in this list, but Apollo likewise learnt of him the medicinal\narts. [351][Greek: Askl\u00eapios kai Apoll\u00f4n para Cheir\u00f4ni t\u00f4i Kentaur\u00f4i\niasthai didaskontai.] Xenophon indeed, who was aware of this objection,\nsays, that the term of Chiron's life was sufficient for the performance of\nall that was attributed to him: [352][Greek: Ho Cheir\u00f4nos bios pasin\nex\u00earkei; Zeus gar kai Cheir\u00f4n adelphoi]: but he brings nothing in proof of\nwhat he alleges. It is moreover incredible, were we to suppose such a being\nas Chiron, that he should have had pupils from so many different\n[353]countries. Besides many of them, who are mentioned, were manifestly\nideal personages. For not to speak of Cephalus and Castor, Apollo was a\nDeity; and \u00c6sculapius was the [354]like: by some indeed esteemed the son of\nthe former; by others introduced rather as a title, and annexed to the\nnames of different Gods. Aristides uses it as such in his invocation of\n[355]Hercules: [Greek: I\u00f4, Paian, H\u00earakles, Askl\u00eapie]: and he also speaks\nof the temple of Jupiter \u00c6sculapius, [Greek: Dios Askl\u00eapiou ne\u00f4s]. It was\nidle therefore in the Poets to suppose that these personages could have\nbeen pupils to Chiron. Those that were instructed, whoever they may have\nbeen, partook only of Chironian education; and were taught in the same kind\nof academy: but not by one person, nor probably in the same place. For\nthere were many of these towers, where they taught astronomy, music, and\nother sciences. These places were likewise courts of judicature, where\njustice was administered: whence Chiron was said to have been [Greek:\nphilophrone\u00f4n, kai dikaiotatos]:\n\n  [356][Greek: Hon Cheir\u00f4n edidaxe dikaiotatos Kentaur\u00f4n.]\n\nThe like character is given of him by Hermippus, of Berytus.\n\n                                [357][Greek: Houtos]\n  [Greek: Eis te dikaiosun\u00ean thn\u00eat\u00f4n genos \u00eagage, deixas]\n  [Greek: Horkon, kai thusias hilaras, kai sch\u00eamat' Olumpou.]\n\nRight was probably more fairly determined in the Chironian temples, than in\nothers. Yet the whole was certainly attended with some instances of\ncruelty: for human sacrifices are mentioned as once common, especially at\nPella in Thessaly; where, if they could get a person, who was an Achean by\nbirth, they used to offer him at the altars of Peleus and [358]Chiron.\n\nThere were many edifices denominated Chironian, and sacred to the Sun.\nCharon was of the same purport, and etymology; and was sacred to the same\nDeity. One temple of this name, and the most remarkable of any, stood\nopposite to Memphis on the western side of the Nile. It was near the spot\nwhere most people of consequence were buried. There is a tower in this\nprovince, but at some distance from the place here spoken of, called\n[359]Kiroon at this day. As Charon was a temple near the catacombs, or\nplace of burial; all the persons who were brought to be there deposited,\nhad an offering made on their account, upon being landed on this shore.\nHence arose the notion of the fee of Charon, and of the ferryman of that\nname. This building stood upon the banks of a canal, which communicated\nwith the Nile: but that which is now called Kiroon, stands at some distance\nto the west, upon the lake [360]Moeris; where only the kings of Egypt had a\nright of sepulture. The region of the catacombs was called the Acheronian\nand [361]Acherusian plain, and likewise the Elysian: and the stream, which\nran by it, had the name of Acheron. They are often alluded to by Homer, and\nother Poets, when they treat of the region of departed souls. The Amonians\nconferred these names upon other places, where they settled, in different\nparts of the world. They are therefore to be met with in [362]Phrygia,\n[363]Epirus, [364]Hellas, [365]Apulia, [366]Campania, and other countries.\nThe libri [367]Acherontii in Italy, mentioned by Arnobius, were probably\ntranscripts from some hieroglyphical writings, which had been preserved in\nthe Acherontian towers of the Nile. These were carried by Tages to\nHetruria; where they were held in great veneration.\n\nAs towers of this sort were seminaries of learning, Homer from one of them\nhas formed the character of sage Mentor; under whose resemblance the\nGoddess of wisdom was supposed to be concealed. By Mentor, I imagine, that\nthe Poet covertly alludes to a temple of Menes. It is said, that Homer in\nan illness was cured by one [368]Mentor, the son of [Greek: Alkimos],\nAlcimus. The person probably was a Mentorian priest, who did him this kind\noffice, if there be any truth in the story. It was from an oracular temple\nstyled Mentor; and Man-Tor, that the sacred cakes had the name of\nAmphimantora. [369][Greek: Amphimantora, alphita meliti dedeumena.]\n\nCastor, the supposed disciple of Chiron, was in reality the same as Chiron;\nbeing a sacred tower, a Chironian edifice, which served both for a temple\nand Pharos. As these buildings for the most part stood on strands of the\nsea, and promontories; Castor was esteemed in consequence of it a tutelary\nDeity of that element. The name seems to be a compound of Ca-Astor, the\ntemple or place of Astor; who was rendered at different times Asterius,\nAsterion, and Astarte. Ca-Astor was by the Greeks abbreviated to Castor;\nwhich in its original sense I should imagine betokened a fire-tower: but\nthe Greeks in this instance, as well as in innumerable others, have\nmistaken the place and temple for the Deity, to whom it was consecrated.\nThe whole history of Castor and Pollux, the two Dioscuri, is very strange\nand inconsistent. Sometimes they are described as two mortals of Laced\u00e6mon,\nwho were guilty of violence and rapine, and were slain for their\nwickedness. At other times they are represented as the two principal\nDeities; and styled Dii Magni, Dii Maximi, Dii Potentes, Cabeiri. Mention\nis made by Pausanias of the great regard paid to them, and particularly by\nthe Cephalenses. [370][Greek: Megalous gar sphas hoi taut\u00eai Theous\nonomazousin.] _The people there style them by way of eminence the Great\nGods_. There are altars extant, which are inscribed [371]CASTORI ET POLLUCI\nDIIS MAGNIS. In [372]Gruter is a Greek inscription to the same purport.\n[Greek: Gaios Gaiou Acharneus Hiereus genomenos The\u00f4n Megal\u00f4n Dioskor\u00f4n\nKabeir\u00f4n.] But though Castor was enshrined, as a God, he was properly a\nTarchon, such as I have before described; and had all the requisites which\nare to be found in such buildings. They were the great repositories of\ntreasure; which people there entrusted, as to places of great security. The\ntemple of Castor vas particularly famous on this account, as we may learn\nfrom Juvenal:\n\n              [373]\u00c6rat\u00e2 multus in arc\u00e2\n  Fiscus, et ad vigilem ponendi Castora nummi.\n\nThe Deity, who was alluded to under the name of Castor, was the Sun: and he\nhad several temples of that denomination in Laconia, and other parts of\nGreece. His rites were first introduced by people from Egypt and Canaan.\nThis we may infer, among other circumstances, from the title of Anac being\nso particularly conferred on him and his brother Pollux: whence their\ntemple was styled [Greek: Anakeion] in Laconia; and their festival at\nAthens [Greek: anakeia], anakeia. For Anac was a Canaanitish term of\nhonour; which the Greeks changed to [Greek: anax] and [374][Greek:\nanaktes]. I have before mentioned, that in these places were preserved the\nArchives of the cities and provinces in which they stood: and they were\noften made use of for courts of judicature, called [Greek: prutaneia], and\npr\u00e6toria; whither the antient people of the place resorted, to determine\nabout right and wrong. Hence it is that Castor and Pollux, two names of the\nsame personage, were supposed to preside over judicial affairs. This\ndepartment does but ill agree with the general and absurd character, under\nwhich they are represented: for what has horsemanship and boxing to do with\nlaw and equity? But these were mistaken attributes, which arose from a\nmisapplication of history. Within the precincts of their temples was a\nparade for boxing and wrestling; and often an Hippodromus. Hence arose\nthese attributes, by which the Poets celebrated these personages:\n\n  [375][Greek: Kastora th' Hippodamon, kai pux agathon Poludeukea.]\n\nThe Deity, originally referred to, was the Sun: As he was the chief Deity,\nhe must necessarily have been esteemed the supervisor and arbitrator of all\nsublunary things:\n\n  [376][Greek: \u00caelios, hos pant' ephorai, kai pant' epakouei.]\n\nOn this account the same province of supreme judge was conferred on his\nsubstitute Castor, in conjunction with his brother Pollux: and they were\naccordingly looked upon as the conservators of the rights of mankind.\nCicero makes a noble appeal to them in his seventh oration against Verres;\nand enlarges upon the great department, of which they were presumed to be\npossessed: at the same time mentioning the treasures, which were deposited\nin their temples. [377]Vos omnium rerum forensium, consiliorum maximorum,\nlegum, judiciorumque arbitri, et testes, celeberrimo in loco PR\u00c6TORII\nlocati, Castor et Pollux; quorum ex templo qu\u00e6stum sibi iste (Verres) et\npr\u00e6dam maximam improbissime comparavit--teque, Ceres, et Libera--a quibis\ninitia vit\u00e6 atque vict\u00fbs, legum, morum, mansuetudinis, humanitatis exempla\nhominibus et civitatibus data ac dispertita esse dicuntur. Thus we find\nthat they are at the close joined with Ceres, and Libera; and spoken of as\nthe civilizers of the world: but their peculiar province was law and\njudicature.\n\nMany instances to the same purpose might be produced; some few of which I\nwill lay before the reader. Trophonius, like Chiron and Castor, was a\nsacred tower; being compounded of Tor-Oph-On, Solis Pythonis turris,\nrendered Trophon, and Trophonius. It was an oracular temple, situated near\na vast cavern: and the responses were given by dreams. Tiresias, that\nantient prophet, was an edifice of the same nature: and the name is a\ncompound of Tor-Ees, and Tor-Asis; from whence the Greeks formed the word\nTiresias. He is generally esteemed a diviner, or soothsayer, to whom people\napplied for advice: but it was to the temple that they applied, and to the\nDeity, who was there supposed to reside. He was, moreover, said to have\nlived nine ages: till he was at last taken by the Epigoni, when he died.\nThe truth is, there was a tower of this name at Thebes, built by the\nAmonians, and sacred to the God Orus. It stood nine ages, and was then\ndemolished. It was afterwards repaired, and made use of for a place of\naugury: and its situation was close to the temple of Amon. [378][Greek:\nTh\u00eabaiois de meta tou Amm\u00f4nos to Hieron, oi\u00f4noskopeion te Teiresiou\nkaloumenon.] Tiresias, according to Apollodorus, was the son of Eueres,\n[379][Greek: Eu\u00ear\u00eas], or, according to the true Dorian pronunciation,\nEuares, the same as the Egyptian Uc Arez, the Sun. He is by Hyginus styled\n[380]Eurimi filius; and in another place Eurii filius, Pastor. Eurius,\nEurimus, Euarez, are all names of the Sun, or places sacred to him; but\nchanged to terms of relation by not being understood. Tiresias is\nadditionally styled Pastor; because all the Amonian Deities, as well as\ntheir princes, were called Shepherds: and those, who came originally from\nChaldea, were styled the children of Ur, or Urius.\n\nBy the same analogy we may trace the true history of Terambus, the Deity of\nEgypt, who was called the Shepherd Terambus. The name is a compound of\nTor-Ambus, or Tor-Ambi, the oracular tower of Ham. He is said to have been\nthe son of Eusires, [381][Greek: Euseirou tou Poseid\u00f4nos]; and to have come\nover, and settled in Thessaly, near mount Othrys. According to Antonius\nLiberalis, he was very rich in flocks, and a great musician, and\nparticularly expert in all pastoral measure. To him they attributed the\ninvention of the pipe. The meaning of the history is, I think, too plain,\nafter what has preceded, to need a comment. It is fabled of him, that he\nwas at last turned into a bird called Cerambis, or Cerambix. Terambus and\nCerambis are both antient terms of the same purport: the one properly\nexpressed is Tor-Ambi; the other Cer-Ambi, the oracular temple of the Sun.\n\nI have taken notice that towers of this sort were the repositories of much\ntreasure; and they were often consecrated to the Ophite Deity, called Opis\nand Oupis. It is the same which Callimachus addresses by the title of\n[382][Greek: Oupi, Anass' eu\u00f4pi]: and of whom Cicero speaks, and styles\nUpis; [383]quam Gr\u00e6ci Upim paterno nomine appellant. The temple was hence\ncalled Kir-Upis; which the Grecians abridged to [Greek: Grupes]: and\nfinding many of the Amonian temples in the north, with the device of a\nwinged serpent upon the frontal, they gave this name to the hieroglyphic.\nHence, I imagine, arose the notion of [Greek: Grupes], or Gryphons; which,\nlike the dragons abovementioned, were supposed to be guardians of treasure,\nand to never sleep. The real conservators of the wealth were the priests.\nThey kept up a perpetual fire, and an unextinguished light in the night.\nFrom Kir Upis, the place of his residence, a priest was named Grupis; and\nfrom Kir-Uph-On, Gryphon. The Poets have represented the Grupes as animals\nof the serpentine kind; and supposed them to have been found in countries\nof the Arimaspians, Alazonians, Hyperboreans, and other the most northern\nregions, which the Amonians possessed. In some of the temples women\nofficiated, who were denominated from the Deity they served. The Scholiast\nupon Callimachus calls the chief of them Upis; and styles her, and her\nassociates, [Greek: Koras] [384][Greek: Huperboreous], Hyperborean young\nwomen. The Hyperboreans, Alazonians, Arimaspians, were Scythic nations of\nthe same family. All the stories about Prometheus, Chim\u00e6ra, Medusa,\nPegasus, Hydra, as well as of the Grupes, or Gryphons, arose, in great\nmeasure, from the sacred devices upon the entablatures of temples.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nTAPH, TUPH, TAPHOS.\n\nThere was another name current among the Amonians, by which they called\ntheir [Greek: lophoi], or high places. This was Taph; which at times was\nrendered Tuph, Toph, and Taphos. Lower Egypt being a flat, and annually\noverflowed, the natives were forced to raise the soil, on which they built\ntheir principal edifices, in order to secure them from the inundation: and\nmany of their sacred towers were erected upon conical mounds of earth. But\nthere were often hills of the same form constructed for religious purposes,\nupon which there was no building. These were very common in Egypt. Hence we\nread of Taphanis, or Taph-Hanes, Taph-Osiris, Taph-Osiris parva, and contra\nTaphias, in Antoninus; all of this country. In other parts were Taphiousa,\nTape, Taphura, Tapori, Taphus, Taphosus, Taphitis. All these names relate\nto high altars, upon which they used oftentimes to offer human sacrifices.\nTyphon was one of these; being a compound of Tuph-On, which signifies the\nhill or altar of the Sun. Tophet, where the Israelites made their children\npass through fire to [385]Moloch, was a mount of this form. And there seem\nto have been more than one of this denomination; as we learn from the\nprophet Jeremiah, [386]_They have built the high places of Tophet, which is\nin the valley of the son of Hinnom, to burn their sons and their daughters\nin the fire._ And in another place: _They have built also the high places\nof Baal, to burn their sons with fire for burnt-offerings unto Baal._ These\ncruel operations were generally performed upon mounts of this sort; which,\nfrom their conical figure, were named Tuph and Tupha. It seems to have been\na term current in many countries. The high Persian [387]bonnet had the same\nname from its shape: and Bede mentions a particular kind of standard in his\ntime; which was made of plumes in a globular shape, and called in like\nmanner, [388]Tupha, vexilli genus, ex consertis plumarum globis. There was\nprobably a tradition, that the calf, worshipped by the Israelites in the\nwilderness near Horeb, was raised upon a sacred mound, like those described\nabove: for Philo Jud\u00e6us says, that it was exhibited after the model of an\nEgyptian Tuphos: [389][Greek: Aiguptiakou mim\u00eama Tuphou]. This I do not\ntake to have been a Grecian word; but the name of a sacred orbicular mount,\nanalogous to the Touphas of Persis.\n\nThe Amonians, when they settled in Greece, raised many of these Tupha, or\nTapha, in different parts. These, beside their original name, were still\nfarther denominated from some title of the Deity, to whose honour they were\nerected. But as it was usual, in antient times, to bury persons of\ndistinction under heaps of earth formed in this fashion; these Tapha came\nto signify tombs: and almost all the sacred mounds, raised for religious\npurposes, were looked upon as monuments of deceased heroes. Hence\n[390]Taph-Osiris was rendered [Greek: taphos], or the burying place of the\nGod Osiris: and as there were many such places in Egypt and Arabia, sacred\nto Osiris and Dionusus; they were all by the Greeks esteemed places of\nsepulture. Through this mistake many different nations had the honour\nattributed to them of these Deities being interred in their country. The\ntumulus of the Latines was mistaken in the same manner. It was originally a\nsacred hillock; and was often raised before temples, as an altar; such as I\nhave before described. It is represented in this light by Virgil:\n\n  [391]Est urbe egressis tumulus, templumque vetustum\n  Desert\u00e6 Cereris; juxtaque antiqua cupressus.\n\nIn process of time the word tumulus was in great measure looked upon as a\ntomb; and tumulo signified to bury. The Greeks speak of numberless\nsepulchral monuments, which they have thus misinterpreted. They pretended\nto shew the tomb of [392]Dionusus at Delphi; also of Deucalion, Pyrrha,\nOrion, in other places. They imagined that Jupiter was buried in Crete:\nwhich Callimachus supposes to have been a forgery of the natives.\n\n  [393][Greek: Kr\u00eates aei pseustai; kai gar taphon, \u00f4 Ana, seio]\n  [Greek: Kr\u00eates etekt\u00eainanto, su d' ou thanes, essi gar aiei.]\n\nI make no doubt, but that there was some high place in Crete, which the\nlater Greeks, and especially those who were not of the country, mistook for\na tomb. But it certainly must have been otherwise esteemed by those who\nraised it: for it is not credible, however blind idolatry may have been,\nthat people should enshrine persons as immortal, where they had the\nplainest evidences of their mortality. An inscription _Viro Immortali_ was\nin a style of flattery too refined for the simplicity of those ages. If\ndivine honours were conferred, they were the effects of time, and paid at\nsome distance; not upon the spot, at the vestibule of the charnel-house.\nBesides, it is evident, that most of the deified personages never existed:\nbut were mere titles of the Deity, the Sun; as has been, in great measure,\nproved by Macrobius. Nor was there ever any thing of such detriment to\nantient history, as the supposing that the Gods of the Gentile world had\nbeen natives of the countries, where they were worshipped. They have by\nthese means been admitted into the annals of times: and it has been the\nchief study of the learned to register the legendary stories concerning\nthem; to conciliate absurdities, and to arrange the whole in a\nchronological series. A fruitless labour, and inexplicable: for there are\nin all these fables such inconsistences, and contradictions, as no art, nor\nindustry, can remedy. Hence, all who have expended their learning to this\npurpose, are in opposition to one another, and often at variance with\nthemselves. Some of them by these means have rendered their works, which\nmight have been of infinite use to the world, little better than the\nreveries of Monsieur Voltaire. The greatest part of the Grecian theology\narose from misconceptions and blunders: and the stories concerning their\nGods and Heroes were founded on terms misinterpreted and abused. Thus from\nthe word [Greek: taphos], taphos, which they adopted in a limited sense,\nthey formed a notion of their gods having been buried in every place, where\nthere was a tumulus to their honour. This misled bishop Cumberland, Usher,\nPearson, Petavius, Scaliger, with numberless other learned men; and among\nthe foremost the great Newton. This extraordinary genius has greatly\nimpaired the excellent system, upon which he proceeded, by admitting these\nfancied beings into chronology. We are so imbued in our childhood with\nnotions of Mars, Hercules, and the rest of the celestial outlaws, that we\nscarce ever can lay them aside. We absolutely argue upon Pagan principles:\nand though we cannot believe the fables, which have been transmitted to us;\nyet we forget ourselves continually; and make inferences from them, as if\nthey were real. In short, till we recollect ourselves, we are semi-pagans.\nIt gives one pain to see men of learning, and principle, debating which was\nthe Jupiter who lay with Semele; and whether it was the same that outwitted\nAmphitryon. This is not, says a critic, the Hermes, who cut off Argus's\nhead; but one of later date, who turned Battus into a stone. I fancy, says\nanother, that this was done, when I\u00f6 was turned into a cow. It is said of\nJupiter, that he made the night, in which he enjoyed Alcmena, as long as\n[394]three; or, as some say, as long as nine. The Abbe [395]Banier with\nsome phlegm excepts to this coalition of nights; and is unwilling to allow\nit. But he is afterwards more complying; and seems to give it his sanction,\nwith this proviso, that chronological verity be not thereby impeached. _I\nam of opinion_, says he, _that there was no foundation for the fable of\nJupiter's having made the night, on which he lay with Alcmena, longer than\nothers: at least this event put nothing in nature out of order; since the\nday, which followed, was proportionably shorter, as Plautus [396]remarks._\n\n  Atque quanto nox fuisti longior h\u00e2c proxim\u00e2,\n  Tanto brevior dies ut fiat, faciam; ut \u00e6que disparet,\n  Et dies e nocte accedat.\n\nWere it not invidious, I could subjoin names to every article, which I have\nalleged; and produce numberless instances to the same purpose.\n\nIt may be said, that I run counter to the opinions of all antiquity: that\nall the fathers who treated of this subject, and many other learned men,\nsupposed the Gods of the heathen to have been deified mortals, who were\nworshipped in the countries, where they died. It was the opinion of\nClemens, Eusebius, Cyril, Tertullian, Athenagoras, Epiphanius, Lactantius,\nArnobius, Julius Firmicus, and many others. What is more to the purpose, it\nwas the opinion of the heathen themselves; the very people, by whom these\ngods were honoured: yet still it is a mistake. In respect to the fathers,\nthe whole of their argument turns upon this point, the concessions of the\nGentiles. The more early writers of the church were not making a strict\nchronological inquiry: but were labouring to convert the heathen. They\ntherefore argue with them upon their own principles; and confute them from\ntheir own testimony. The Romans had their Dii Immortales; the Greeks their\n[Greek: Theoi Athanatoi]: yet acknowledged that they had been men; that\nthey died, and were buried. Cicero owns; [397]ab Euhemero et mortes, et\nsepultur\u00e6 demonstrantur deorum. It matters not whether the notion were\ntrue; the fathers very fairly make use of it. They avail themselves of\nthese concessions; and prove from them the absurdity of the Gentile\nworship, and the inconsistency of their opinions. Even Maximus Tyrius, the\nPlatonic, could not but smile, at being shewn in the same place the temple,\nand tomb of the deity[398]; [Greek: hieron Theou, kai taphon Theou]. These\nsupposed places of sepulture were so numerous, that Clemens Alexandrinus\ntells us, they were not to be counted. [399][Greek: Alla gar epionti moi\ntous proskunoumenous humin taphous, emoi men oud' ho pas an arkes\u00eai\nchronos.] But, after all, these [Greek: Taphoi] were not tombs, but [Greek:\nlophoi mastoeideis], conical mounds of earth; on which in the first ages\nofferings were made by fire. Hence [Greek: tuph\u00f4], tupho, signified to make\na smoke, such as arose from incense upon these Tupha, or eminences.\nBesides, if these were deified men, who were buried under these hills; how\ncan we explain the difficulty of the same person being buried in different\nplaces, and at different times? To this it is answered, that it was another\nBacchus, and another Jupiter. Yet this still adds to the difficulty: for it\nis hard to conceive, that whoever in any country had the name of Jupiter,\nshould be made a God. Add to this, that Homer and Hesiod, and the authors\nof the Orphic poetry, knew of no such duplicates. There is no hint of this\nsort among the antient writers of their nation. It was a refinement in\nafter ages; introduced to obviate the difficulties, which arose from the\nabsurdities in the pagan system. Arnobius justly ridicules the idle\nexpedients, made use of to render a base theology plausible. Gods, of the\nsame name and character, were multiplied to make their fables consistent;\nthat there might be always one ready at hand upon any chronological\nemergency. Hence no difficulty could arise about a Deity, but there might\nbe one produced, adapted to all climes, and to every age. [400]Aiunt\nTheologi vestri, et vetustatis abscondit\u00e6 conditores, tres in rerum natur\u00e2\nJoves esse--quinque Soles, et Mercurios quinque. Aiunt iidem Theologi\nquatuor esse Vulcanos, et tres Dianas; \u00c6sculapios totidem, et Dionysos\nquinque; ter binos Hercules, et quatuor Veneres; tria genera Castorum,\ntotidemque Musarum. But Arnobius is too modest. Other writers insist upon a\ngreater variety. In respect to Jupiters, Varro according to Tertullian\nmakes them in number three hundred. [401]Varro trecentos Joves, sive\nJupiteres, dicendum, ---- introducit. The same writer mentions forty heroes\nof the name of Hercules; all which variety arose from the causes above\nassigned: and the like multiplicity may be found both of kings and heroes;\nof kings, who did not reign; of heroes, who never existed. The same may be\nobserved in the accounts transmitted of their most early prophets, and\npoets: scarce any of them stand single: there are duplicates of every\ndenomination. On this account it is highly requisite for those, who suppose\nthese personages to have been men, and make inferences from the\ncircumstances of their history, to declare explicitly which they mean; and\nto give good reasons for their determination. It is said of Jupiter, that\nhe was the son of Saturn; and that he carried away Europa, before the\narrival of Cadmus. He had afterwards an amour with Semele, the supposed\ndaughter of Cadmus: and they mention his having a like intimacy with\nAlcmena an age or two later. After this he got acquainted with Leda, the\nwife of Tyndarus: and he had children at the siege of Troy. If we may\nbelieve the poets, and all our intelligence comes originally from the\npoets, Jupiter was personally interested in that war. But this interval\ncontains little less than two hundred years. These therefore could not be\nthe actions of one man: on which account I want to know, why Sir Isaac\nNewton [402]in his chronological interpretations chooses to be determined\nby the story of Jupiter and Europa, rather than by that of Jupiter and\nLeda. The learned [403]Pezron has pitched upon a Jupiter above one thousand\nyears earlier, who was in like manner the son of Saturn. But Saturn,\naccording to some of the best mythologists, was but four generations\ninclusive before the \u00e6ra of Troy. Latinus, the son of Faunus, was alive\nsome years after that city had been taken; when \u00c6neas was supposed to have\narrived in Italy. The poet tells us, [404]Fauno Picus pater: isque parentem\nTe, Saturne, refert; Tu sanguinis ultimus auctor. The series amounts only\nto four, Latinus, Faunus, Picus, Saturn. What authority has Pezron for the\nanticipation of which he is guilty in determining the reign of Jupiter? and\nhow can he reconcile these contradictory histories? He ought to have given\nsome good reason for setting aside the more common and accepted accounts;\nand placing these events so [405]early. Shall we suppose with the critics\nand commentators that this was a prior Jupiter? If it were a different\nperson, the circumstances of his life should be different: but the person,\nof whom he treats, is in all respects similar to the Jupiter of Greece and\nRome. He has a father Saturn; and his mother was Rhea. He was nursed in\nCrete; and had wars with the Titans. He dethrones his father, who flies to\nItaly; where he introduces an age of gold. The mythology concerning him we\nfind to be in all respects uniform. It is therefore to little purpose to\nsubstitute another person of the same name by way of reconciling matters,\nunless we can suppose that every person so denominated had the same\nrelations and connexions, and the same occurrences in life reiterated:\nwhich is impossible. It is therefore, I think, plain, that the Grecian\nDeities were not the persons [406]supposed: and that their imputed names\nwere titles. It is true, a very antient and respectable writer,\n[407]Euhemerus, of whom I have before made mention, thought otherwise. It\nis said, that he could point out precisely, where each god departed: and\ncould particularly shew the burying-place of Jupiter. Lactantius, who\ncopied from him, says, that it was at Cnossus in [408]Crete. Jupiter, \u00e6tate\npessum act\u00e2, in Cret\u00e2 vitam commutavit.--Sepulchrum ejus est in Cret\u00e2, et\nin oppido Cnosso: et dicitur Vesta hanc urbem creavisse: inque sepulchro\nejus est inscriptio antiquis literis Gr\u00e6cis, [Greek: Zan Kronou]. If\nJupiter had been buried in Crete, as these writers would persuade us, the\naccounts would be uniform about the place where he was deposited.\nLactantius, we find, and some others, say, that it was in the city Cnossus.\nThere are writers who mention it to have been in a cavern upon [409]Mount\nIda: others upon Mount [410]Jasius. Had the Cretans been authors of the\nnotion, they would certainly have been more consistent in their accounts:\nbut we find no more certainty about the place of his burial, than of his\nbirth; concerning which Callimachus could not determine.\n\n  [411][Greek: Zeu, se men Idaioisin en ouresi phasi genesthai,]\n  [Greek: Zeu, se d' en Arkadi\u00eai.]\n\nHe was at times supposed to have been a native of Troas, of Crete, of\nThebes, of Arcadia, of Elis: but the whole arose from the word [Greek:\ntaphos] being, through length of time, misunderstood: for there would have\nbeen no legend about the birth of Jupiter, had there been no mistake about\nhis funeral. It was a common notion of the Magnesians, that Jupiter was\nburied in their country upon Mount Sipylus. Pausanias says, that he\nascended the mountain, and beheld the tomb, which was well worthy of\n[412]admiration. The tomb of [413]Isis in like manner was supposed to be at\nMemphis, and at Phil\u00e6 in Upper Egypt: also at Nusa in Arabia. Osiris was\nsaid to have been buried in the same places: likewise at Taphosiris, which\nis thought by Procopius to have had its name, [414]because it was the place\nof sepulture of Osiris. The same is said of another city, which was near\nthe mouth of the Nile, and called Taphosiris parva. But they each of them\nhad their name from the worship, and not from the interment of the Deity.\nThis is plain from the account given of the [Greek: taphos Osiridos], or\nhigh altar of Osiris, by Diodorus; from whom we learn that Busiris and\nOsiris were the same. [415]_The Grecians_, says this author, _have a\nnotion, that Busiris in Egypt used to sacrifice strangers: not that there\nwas ever such a king as Busiris; but the_ [Greek: taphos], _or altar, of\nOsiris had this name in the language of the natives_. In short, Busiris was\nonly a variation for Osiris: both were compounded of the Egyptian term\n[416]Sehor, and related to the God of day. Hence the altars of the same\nDeity were called indifferently the altars of Osiris, or Busiris, according\nas custom prevailed.\n\nI have in a former chapter taken notice of the Tarchons and Dracontia in\nSyria, and other parts: which consisted of sacred ground inclosed with a\nwall, and an altar or two at the upper part. Such an inclosure is described\nby Pausanias, which must have been of great antiquity: hence the history of\nit was very imperfectly known in his time. He is speaking of Nemea in\nArgolis; [417]_near which_, says he, _stands the temple of Nemean Jupiter,\na structure truly wonderful, though the roof is now fallen in. Round the\ntemple is a grove of cypress; in which there is a tradition that Opheltes\nwas left by his nurse upon the grass, and in her absence killed by a\nserpent.--In the same place is the tomb of Opheltes, surrounded with a wall\nof stone; and within the inclosure altars. There is also a mound of earth\nsaid to be the tomb of Lycurgus, the father of Opheltes._ Lycurgus is the\nsame as Lycus, Lycaon, Lycoreus, the Sun: and Opheltes, his supposed\noffspring, is of the same purport. To say the truth, [418]Opheltes, or, as\nit should be expressed, Ophel-tin is the place; and Ophel the Deity, Sol\nPytho, whose symbol was a serpent. Ophel-tin was a Taphos with a [Greek:\ntemenos], or sacred inclosure: it was a sacred mound to the Ophite Deity;\nlike that which was inclosed and fortified by [419]Manasseh king of Judah;\nand which had been previously made use of to the same purpose by\n[420]Jotham. A history similar to that of Opheltes is given of Archemorus;\nwho was said to have been left in a garden by his nurse Hypsipyle, and in\nher absence slain by a serpent. Each of them had festivals instituted,\ntogether with sacred games, in memorial of their misfortune. They are on\nthis account by many supposed to have been the same person. But in reality\nthey were not persons, but places. They are, however, so far alike, as they\nare terms which relate to the same worship and Deity. Opheltin is the\nplace, and altar of the Ophite God above-mentioned: and Archemorus was\nundoubtedly the antient name of the neighbouring town, or city. It is a\ncompound of Ar-Chemorus; and signifies the city of Cham-Orus, the same who\nis styled Ophel. In many of these places there was an antient tradition of\nsome person having been injured by a serpent in the beginning of life;\nwhich they have represented as the state of childhood. The mythology upon\nthis occasion is different: for sometimes the personages spoken of are\nkilled by the serpent: at other times they kill it: and there are instances\nwhere both histories are told of the same person. But whatever may have\nbeen the consequence, the history is generally made to refer to a state of\nchildhood. Hercules has accordingly a conflict with two serpents in his\ncradle: and Apollo, who was the same as Python, was made to engage a\nserpent of this name at Parnassus, when he was a child;\n\n  [421][Greek: Kouros, e\u00f4n, ETI GYMNOS, eti plokamoisi geg\u00eath\u00f4s.]\n\nNear mount Cyllene in Arcadia was the sacred Taphos of [422]\u00c6putus, who was\nsupposed to have been stung by a serpent. \u00c6putus was the same as Iapetus,\nthe father of mankind. In the Dionusiaca the priests used to be crowned\nwith serpents; and in their frantic exclamations to cry out [423]Eva, Eva;\nand sometimes Evan, Evan: all which related to some history of a serpent.\nApollo, who is supposed by most to have been victor in his conflict with\nthe Pytho, is by Porphyry said to have been slain by that serpent:\nPythagoras affirmed, that he saw his tomb at Tripos in [424]Delphi; and\nwrote there an epitaph to his honour. The name of Tripos is said to have\nbeen given to the place, because the daughters of Triopus used to lament\nthere the fate of Apollo. But Apollo and the Python were the same; and\nTripus, or Triopus, the supposed father of these humane sisters, was a\nvariation for Tor-Opus, the serpent-hill, or temple; where neither Apollo,\nnor the Python were slain, but where they were both worshipped, being one\nand the same Deity. [425][Greek: Puthoi men oun ho Drak\u00f4n ho Puthios\nthr\u00easkeuetai, kai tou Ophe\u00f4s h\u00ea pan\u00eaguris katangelletai Puthia.] _At\nPython_ (the same as Delphi) _the Pythian Dragon is worshipped; and the\ncelebrity of the serpent is styled Pythian_. The daughters of Triopus were\nthe priestesses of the temple; whose business it was to chant hymns in\nmemory of the serpent: and what is very remarkable, the festival was\noriginally observed upon the seventh [426]day.\n\nThe Greeks had innumerable monuments of the sort, which I have been\ndescribing. They were taken for the tombs of departed heroes, but were\nreally consecrated places: and the names by which they were distinguished,\nshew plainly their true history. Such was the supposed tomb of [427]Orion\nat Tanagra, and of Phoroneus in [428]Argolis; the tomb of [429]Deucalion in\nAthens; and of his wife [430]Pyrrha in Locris: of [431]Endymion in Elis: of\nTityus in [432]Panopea: of Asterion in the island [433]Lade: of the\nEgyptian [434]Belus in Achaia. To these may be added the tombs of Zeus in\nMount Sipylus, Mount Iasius, and Ida: the tombs of Osiris in various parts:\nand those of Isis, which have been enumerated before. Near the \u00c6aceum at\nEpidaurus was a hill, reputed to have been the tomb of the hero\n[435]Phocus. This \u00c6aceum was an inclosure planted with olive trees of great\nantiquity; and at a small degree above the surface of the ground was an\naltar sacred to \u00c6acus. To divulge the traditions relative to this altar\nwould, it seems, be an high profanation. The author, therefore, keeps them\na secret. Just before this sacred septum was the supposed tomb of Phocus,\nconsisting of a mound of raised earth, fenced round with a border of stone\nwork: and a large rough stone was placed upon the top of all. Such were the\nrude monuments of Greece, which were looked upon as so many receptacles of\nthe dead: but were high altars, with their sacred [Greek: temen\u00ea], which\nhad been erected for divine worship in the most early times. The\nHelladians, and the Persians, were of the same [436]family: hence we find\nmany similar rites subsisting among the two nations. The latter adhered to\nthe purer Zaba\u00efsm, which they maintained a long time. They erected the same\nsacred Tupha, as the Grecians: and we may be assured of the original\npurpose, for which these hills were raised, from the use to which they put\nthem. They were dedicated to the great fountain of light, called by the\nPersians, Ana\u00eft: and were set apart as Puratheia, for the celebration of\nthe rites of fire. This people, after they had defeated the Sac\u00e6 in\nCappadocia, raised an immense Comah in memorial of their victory.\n[437]Strabo, who describes it very minutely, tells us, that they chose a\nspot in an open plain; where they reared a Petra, or high place, by heaping\nup a vast mound of earth. This they fashioned to a conical figure; and then\nsurrounded it with a wall of stone. In this manner they founded a kind of\ntemple in honour of Ana\u00eft, Omanus, and Anandrates, the Deities of their\ncountry. I have mentioned that the Egyptians had hills of this nature: and\nfrom them the custom was transmitted to Greece. Typhon, or more properly\nTuphon, [Greek: Tuph\u00f4n], who was supposed to have been a giant, was a\ncompound of Tuph-On, as I have before mentioned; and signified a sacred\n[438]mount of the sun. Those cities in Egypt, which had a high place of\nthis sort, and rites in consequence of it, were styled Typhonian. Upon such\nas these they sacrificed red haired men, or men with hair of a light\ncolour; in other words strangers. For both the sons of Chus, and the\nMizra\u00efm were particularly dark and woolly: so that there could be no surer\nmark than the hair to distinguish between a native and a foreigner. These\nsacrifices were offered in the city [439]Idithia, [440]Abaris,\n[441]Heliopolis, and Taphosiris; which in consequence of these offerings\nwere denominated Typhonian cities. Many writers say, that these rites were\nperformed to Typhon at the [442]tomb of Osiris. Hence he was in later times\nsupposed to have been a person, one of immense size: and he was also\nesteemed a [443]God. But this arose from the common mistake by which places\nwere substituted for the Deities there worshipped. Typhon was the Tupha, or\naltar, the supposed tomb of the God: and the offerings were made to the\nSun, styled On; the same as Osiris, and Busiris. As there were Typhonian\nmounts in many parts, he was in consequence of it supposed to have been\nburied in different places: near mount Caucasus in Colchis; near the river\nOrontes in Syria; and under lake Serbonis. Typhon, or rather Typhonian\nworship, was not unknown in the region of [444]Troas, near which were the\nScopuli Typhonis. Plutarch mentions that in the Phrygian Theology Typhon\nwas esteemed the grandson of Isaac or Is\u00e6ac: and says that he was so spoken\nof [Greek: en tois Phrugiois] [445][Greek: grammasin]. But all terms of\nrelation are to be disregarded. The purport of the history was this. The\naltar was termed Tuphon Isiac, sive [Greek: B\u00f4mos Isiakos], from the sacra\nIsiaca, which were performed upon it. The same Isaac or Is\u00e6ac was sometimes\nrendered \u00c6sacus, and supposed to have been a son of the river Granicus.\n\n  [446]\u00c6sacon umbros\u00e2 furtim peperisse sub Id\u00e2\n  Fertur Alexirho\u00eb Granico nata bicorni.\n\nThe antient Arcadians were said to have been the offspring of [447]Typhon,\nand by some the children of Atlas; by which was meant, that they were\npeople of the Typhonian, and Atlantian religion. What they called his tombs\nwere certainly mounds of earth, raised very high, like those which have\nbeen mentioned before: only with this difference, that some of these had\nlofty towers adorned with pinnacles, and battlements. They had also carved\nupon them various symbols; and particularly serpentine hieroglyphics, in\nmemorial of the God to whom they were sacred. In their upper story was a\nperpetual fire, which was plainly seen in the night. I have mentioned, that\nthe poets formed their notions about Otus and Ephialtes from towers: and\nthe idea of Orion's stupendous bulk taken from the Pelorian edifice in\nSicily. The gigantic stature of Typhon was borrowed from a like object: and\nhis character was formed from the hieroglyphical representations in the\ntemples styled Typhonian. This may be inferred from the allegorical\ndescription of Typhoeus, given by Hesiod. Typhon and Typhoeus, were the\nsame personage: and the poet represents him of a mixed form, being partly a\nman, and partly a monstrous dragon, whose head consisted of an assemblage\nof smaller serpents.\n\n                  [448][Greek: Ek de hoi \u00f4m\u00f4n]\n  [Greek: \u00can hekaton kephalai ophios, deinoio Drakontos.]\n\nAs there was a perpetual fire kept up in the upper story, he describes it\nas shining through the apertures in the building.\n\n                  [449][Greek: Ek de hoi oss\u00f4n]\n  [Greek: Thespesi\u00eais kephal\u00eaisin hup' ophrusi pur amarusse;]\n  [Greek: Pase\u00f4n d' ek kephale\u00f4n pur kaieto derkomenoio.]\n\nBut the noblest description of Typhon is given in some very fine poetry by\nNonnus. He has taken his ideas from some antient tower situated near the\nsea upon the summit of an high mountain. It was probably the Typhonian\ntemple of Zeus upon mount Casius, near the famed Serbonian lake. He\nmentions sad noises heard within, and describes the roaring of the surge\nbelow: and says that all the monsters of the sea stabled in the cavities at\nthe foot of the mountain, which was washed by the ocean.\n\n                  [450][Greek: En ichthuoenti de pont\u00f4i]\n  [Greek: Histamenou Tuph\u00f4nos es\u00f4 bruoentos enaulou]\n  [Greek: Benthe\u00ef tarsa pep\u00eakto, kai \u00eaeri mignuto gast\u00ear]\n  [Greek: Thlibomen\u00ea nepheessi; Giganteiou de kar\u00eanou]\n  [Greek: Phrikton aersiloph\u00f4n a\u00ef\u00f4n bruch\u00eama leont\u00f4n,]\n  [Greek: Pontios eiluoenti le\u00f4n ekalupteto kolp\u00f4i. ktl.]\n\nWe may perceive, that this is a mixed description, wherein, under the\ncharacter of a gigantic personage, a towering edifice is alluded to; which\nwas situated upon the summit of a mountain, and in the vicinity of the sea.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nOB, OUB, PYTHO,\n\nSIVE DE\n\nOPHIOLATRIA.\n\n    [Greek: Para panti t\u00f4n nomizomen\u00f4n par' humin The\u00f4n Ophis sumbolon mega\n    kai must\u00earion anagraphetai.] Justin. Martyr. Apolog. l. 1. p. 60.\n\nIt may seem extraordinary, that the worship of the serpent should have ever\nbeen introduced into the world: and it must appear still more remarkable,\nthat it should almost universally have prevailed. As mankind are said to\nhave been ruined through the influence of this being, we could little\nexpect that it would, of all other objects, have been adopted, as the most\nsacred and salutary symbol; and rendered the chief object of\n[451]adoration. Yet so we find it to have been. In most of the antient\nrites there is some allusion to the [452]serpent. I have taken notice, that\nin the Orgies of Bacchus, the persons who partook of the ceremony used to\ncarry serpents in their hands, and with horrid screams called upon Eva,\nEva. They were often crowned with [453]serpents, and still made the same\nfrantic exclamation. One part of the mysterious rites of Jupiter Sabazius\nwas to let a snake slip down the bosom of the person to be initiated, which\nwas taken out below[454]. These ceremonies, and this symbolic worship,\nbegan among the Magi, who were the sons of Chus: and by them they were\npropagated in various parts. Epiphanius thinks, that the invocation, Eva,\nEva, related to the great [455]mother of mankind, who was deceived by the\nserpent: and Clemens of Alexandria is of the same opinion. He supposes,\nthat by this term was meant [456][Greek: Euan ekein\u00ean, di' h\u00ean h\u00ea plan\u00ea\npar\u00eakolouth\u00ease.] But I should think, that Eva was the same as Eph, Epha,\nOpha, which the Greeks rendered [Greek: Ophis], Ophis, and by it denoted a\nserpent. Clemens acknowledges, that the term Eva properly aspirated had\nsuch a signification. [457][Greek: To onoma to Euia dasunomenon\nherm\u00eaneuetai Ophis.] Olympias, the mother of [458]Alexander, was very fond\nof these Orgies, in which the serpent was introduced. Plutarch mentions,\nthat rites of this sort were practised by the Edonian women near mount\nH\u00e6mus in Thrace; and carried on to a degree of madness. Olympias copied\nthem closely in all their frantic manoeuvres. She used to be followed with\nmany attendants, who had each a thyrsus with [459]serpents twined round it.\nThey had also snakes in their hair, and in the chaplets, which they wore;\nso that they made a most fearful appearance. Their cries were very\nshocking: and the whole was attended with a continual repetition of the\nwords, [460]Evoe, Saboe, Hues Attes, Attes Hues, which were titles of the\nGod Dionusus. He was peculiarly named [Greek: Hu\u00eas]; and his priests were\nthe Hyades, and Hyantes. He was likewise styled Evas. [461][Greek: Euas ho\nDionusos.]\n\nIn Egypt was a serpent named Thermuthis, which was looked upon as very\nsacred; and the natives are said to have made use of it as a royal tiara,\nwith which they ornamented the statues of [462]Isis. We learn from Diodorus\nSiculus, that the kings of Egypt wore high bonnets, which terminated in a\nround ball: and the whole was surrounded with figures of [463]asps. The\npriests likewise upon their bonnets had the representation of serpents. The\nantients had a notion, that when Saturn devoured his own children, his wife\nOps deceived him by substituting a large stone in lieu of one of his sons,\nwhich stone was called Abadir. But Ops, and Opis, represented here as a\nfeminine, was the serpent Deity, and Abadir is the same personage under a\ndifferent denomination. [464]Abadir Deus est; et hoc nomine lapis ille,\nquem Saturnus dicitur devor\u00e2sse pro Jove, quem Gr\u00e6ci [Greek: baitulon]\nvocant.--Abdir quoque et Abadir [Greek: baitulos]. Abadir seems to be a\nvariation of Ob-Adur, and signifies the serpent God Orus. One of these\nstones, which Saturn was supposed to have swallowed instead of a child,\nstood, according to [465]Pausanias, at Delphi. It was esteemed very sacred,\nand used to have libations of wine poured upon it daily; and upon festivals\nwas otherwise honoured. The purport of the above history I imagine to have\nbeen this. It was for a long time a custom to offer children at the altar\nof Saturn: but in process of time they removed it, and in its room erected\na [Greek: stulos], or stone pillar; before which they made their vows, and\noffered sacrifices of another nature. This stone, which they thus\nsubstituted, was called Ab-Adar, from the Deity represented by it. The term\nAb generally signifies a [466]father: but, in this instance, it certainly\nrelates to a serpent, which was indifferently styled Ab, Aub, and [467]Ob.\nI take Abadon, or, as it is mentioned in the Revelations, Abaddon, to have\nbeen the name of the same Ophite God, with whose worship the world had been\nso long infected. He is termed by the Evangelist [468][Greek: Abadd\u00f4n, ton\nAngelon t\u00eas Abussou], the angel of the bottomless pit; that is, the prince\nof darkness. In another place he is described as the [469]dragon, that old\nserpent, which is the devil, and Satan. Hence I think, that the learned\nHeinsius is very right in the opinion, which he has given upon this\npassage; when he makes Abaddon the same as the serpent Pytho. Non\ndubitandum est, quin Pythius Apollo, hoc est spurcus ille spiritus, quem\nHebr\u00e6i Ob, et Abaddon, Hellenist\u00e6 ad verbum [Greek: Apollu\u00f4na], c\u00e6teri\n[Greek: Apoll\u00f4na], dixerunt, sub h\u00e2c form\u00e2, qu\u00e2 miseriam humano generi\ninvexit, primo cultus[470].\n\n[Illustration: _Ophis Thermuthis, sive Ob Basiliscus \u00c6gyptiacus cum\nSacerdote Supplicante._]\n\n[Illustration: Pl. VII.]\n\nIt is said, that, in the ritual of Zoroaster, the great expanse of the\nheavens, and even nature itself, was described under the symbol of a\nserpent[471]. The like was mentioned in the Octateuch of Ostanes: and\nmoreover, that in Persis and in other parts of the east they erected\ntemples to the serpent tribe, and held festivals to their honour, esteeming\nthem [472][Greek: Theous tous megistous, kai arch\u00eagous t\u00f4n hol\u00f4n], _the\nsupreme of all Gods, and the superintendants of the whole world_. The\nworship began among the people of Chaldea. They built the city Opis upon\nthe [473]Tigris, and were greatly addicted to divination, and to the\nworship of the serpent[474]. Inventi sunt ex iis (Chaldeis) augures, et\nmagi, divinatores, et sortilegi, et inquirentes Ob, et Ideoni. From Chaldea\nthe worship passed into Egypt, where the serpent Deity was called Can-oph,\nCan-eph, and C'neph. It had also the name of Ob, or Oub, and was the same\nas the Basiliscus, or Royal Serpent; the same also as the Thermuthis: and\nin like manner was made use of by way of ornament to the statues of their\n[475]Gods. The chief Deity of Egypt is said to have been Vulcan, who was\nalso styled Opas, as we learn from [476]Cicero. He was the same as Osiris,\nthe Sun; and hence was often called Ob-El, sive Pytho Sol: and there were\npillars sacred to him with curious hieroglyphical inscriptions, which had\nthe same name. They were very lofty, and narrow in comparison of their\nlength; hence among the Greeks, who copied from the Egyptians, every thing\ngradually tapering to a point was styled Obelos, and Obeliscus. Ophel\n(Oph-El) was a name of the same purport: and I have shewn, that many sacred\nmounds, or Tapha, were thus denominated from the serpent Deity, to whom\nthey were sacred.\n\nSanchoniathon makes mention of an history, which he once wrote upon the\nworship of the serpent. The title of this work, according to Eusebius was,\n[477]Ethothion, or Ethothia. Another treatise upon the same subject was\nwritten by Pherecydes Syrus, which was probably a copy of the former; for\nhe is said to have composed it, [478][Greek: para Phoinik\u00f4n lab\u00f4n tas\naphormas], _from some previous accounts of the Phenicians_. The title of\nhis book was the Theology of Ophion, styled Ophioneus; and of his\nworshippers, called Ophionid\u00e6. Thoth, and Athoth, were certainly titles of\nthe Deity in the Gentile world: and the book of Sanchoniathon might very\npossibly have been from hence named Ethothion, or more truly Athothion. But\nfrom the subject, upon which it was written, as well as from the treatise\nof Pherecydes, I should think, that Athothion, or Ethothion, was a mistake\nfor Ath-ophion, a title which more immediately related to that worship, of\nwhich the writer treated. _Ath_ was a sacred title, as I have shewn: and I\nimagine, that this dissertation did not barely relate to the serpentine\nDeity; but contained accounts of his votaries, the Ophit\u00e6, the principal of\nwhich were the sons of Chus. The worship of the Serpent began among them;\nand they were from thence denominated Ethopians, and Aithopians, which the\nGreeks rendered [Greek: Aithiopes]. It was a name, which they did not\nreceive from their complexion, as has been commonly surmised; for the\nbranch of Phut, and the Lubim, were probably of a deeper die: but they were\nso called from Ath-Ope, and Ath-Opis, the God which they worshipped. This\nmay be proved from Pliny. He says that the country \u00c6thiopia (and\nconsequently the people) had the name of \u00c6thiop from a personage who was a\nDeity--ab [479]\u00c6thiope Vulcani filio. The \u00c6thiopes brought these rites into\nGreece: and called the island, where they first established them,\n[480]Ellopia, Solis Serpentis insula. It was the same as Euboea, a name of\nthe like purport; in which island was a region named \u00c6thiopium. Euboea is\nproperly Oub-Aia; and signifies the Serpent Island. The same worship\nprevailed among the Hyperboreans, as we may judge from the names of the\nsacred women, who used to come annually to Delos. They were priestesses of\nthe Tauric Goddess, and were denominated from her titles.\n\n  [481][Greek: Oupis te, Lox\u00f4 te, kai Euai\u00f4n Hekaerg\u00ea.]\n\nHercules was esteemed the chief God, the same as Chronus; and was said to\nhave produced the Mundane egg. He was represented in the Orphic Theology\nunder the mixed symbol of a [482]lion and serpent: and sometimes of a\n[483]serpent only. I have before mentioned, that the Cuthites under the\ntitle of Heliad\u00e6 settled at Rhodes: and, as they were Hivites or Ophites,\nthat the island in consequence of it was of old named Ophiusa. There was\nlikewise a tradition, that it had once swarmed with [484]serpents. The like\nnotion prevailed almost in every place, where they settled. They came under\nthe more general titles of Leleges and Pelasgi: but more particularly of\nElopians, Europians, Oropians, Asopians, Inopians, Ophionians, and\n\u00c6thiopes, as appears from the names, which they bequeathed; and in most\nplaces, where they resided, there were handed down traditions, which\nalluded to their original title of Ophites. In Phrygia, and upon the\nHellespont, whither they sent out colonies very early, was a people styled\n[Greek: Ophiogeneis], or the serpent-breed; who were said to retain an\naffinity and correspondence with [485]serpents. And a notion prevailed,\nthat some hero, who had conducted them, was changed from a serpent to a\nman. In Colchis was a river Ophis; and there was another of the same name\nin Arcadia. It was so named from a body of people, who settled upon its\nbanks, and were said to have been conducted by a serpent: [486][Greek: Ton\nh\u00eagemona genesthai drakonta]. These reptiles are seldom found in islands,\nyet Tenos, one of the Cyclades, was supposed to have once swarmed with\nthem. [487][Greek: En t\u00eai T\u00ean\u00f4i, miai t\u00f4n Kuklad\u00f4n n\u00eas\u00f4i, opheis kai\nskorpioi deinoi eginonto.] Thucydides mentions a people of \u00c6tolia called\n[488]Ophionians: and the temple of Apollo at Patara in Lycia seems to have\nhad its first institution from a priestess of the same [489]name. The\nisland of Cyprus was styled Ophiusa, and Ophiodes, from the serpents, with\nwhich it was supposed to have [490]abounded. Of what species they were is\nno where mentioned; excepting only that about Paphos there was said to have\nbeen a [491]kind of serpent with two legs. By this is meant the Ophite\nrace, who came from Egypt, and from Syria, and got footing in this\n[492]island. They settled also in Crete, where they increased greatly in\nnumbers; so that Minos was said by an unseemly allegory, [493][Greek:\nopheis our\u00easai], serpentes minxisse. The island Seriphus was one vast rock,\nby the Romans called [494]saxum seriphium; and made use of as a larger kind\nof prison for banished persons. It is represented as having once abounded\nwith serpents; and it is styled by Virgil _serpentifera_, as the passage is\nhappily corrected by Scaliger.\n\n  [495]\u00c6ginamque simul, serpentiferamque Seriphon.\n\nIt had this epithet not on account of any real serpents, but according to\nthe Greeks from [496]Medusa's head, which was brought hither by Perseus. By\nthis is meant the serpent Deity, whose worship was here introduced by\npeople called Peresians. Medusa's head denoted divine wisdom: and the\nisland was sacred to the serpent as is apparent from its name[497]. The\nAthenians were esteemed Serpentigen\u00e6; and they had a tradition, that the\nchief guardian of their Acropolis was a [498]serpent. It is reported of the\nGoddess Ceres, that she placed a dragon for a guardian to her temple at\n[499]Eleusis; and appointed another to attend upon Erectheus. \u00c6geus of\nAthens, according to Androtion, was of the [500]serpent breed: and the\nfirst king of the country is said to have been [501][Greek: Drak\u00f4n], a\nDragon. Others make Cecrops the first who reigned. He is said to have been\n[502][Greek: diphu\u00eas], _of a twofold nature_; [Greek: sumphues ech\u00f4n s\u00f4ma\nandros kai drakontos], _being formed with the body of a man blended with\nthat of a serpent_. Diodorus says, that this was a circumstance deemed by\nthe Athenians inexplicable: yet he labours to explain it, by representing\nCecrops, as half a man, and half a [503]brute; because he had been of two\ndifferent communities. Eustathius likewise tries to solve it nearly upon\nthe same principles, and with the like success. Some had mentioned of\nCecrops, that he underwent a metamorphosis, [504][Greek: apo ophe\u00f4s eis\nanthr\u00f4pon elthein], _that he was changed from a serpent to a man_. By this\nwas signified according to Eustathius, that Cecrops, by coming into Hellas,\ndivested himself of all the rudeness and barbarity of his [505]country, and\nbecame more civilized and humane. This is too high a compliment to be payed\nto Greece in its infant state, and detracts greatly from the character of\nthe Egyptians. The learned Marsham therefore animadverts with great\njustice. [506]Est verisimilius ilium ex \u00c6gypto mores magis civiles in\nGr\u00e6ciam induxisse. _It is more probable, that he introduced into Greece,\nthe urbanity of his own country, than that he was beholden to Greece for\nany thing from thence._ In respect to the mixed character of this\npersonage, we may, I think, easily account for it. Cecrops was certainly a\ntitle of the Deity, who was worshipped under this [507]emblem. Something of\nthe like nature was mentioned of Triptolemus, and [508]Ericthonius: and the\nlike has been said above of Hercules. The natives of Thebes in Boeotia,\nlike the Athenians above, esteemed themselves of the serpent race. The\nLaced\u00e6monians likewise referred themselves to the same original. Their city\nis said of old to have swarmed with [509]serpents. The same is said of the\ncity Amycl\u00e6 in Italy, which was of Spartan original. They came hither in\nsuch abundance, that it was abandoned by the [510]inhabitants. Argos was\ninfested in the same manner, till Apis came from Egypt, and settled in that\ncity. He was a prophet, the reputed son of Apollo, and a person of great\nskill and sagacity. To him they attributed the blessing of having their\ncountry freed from this evil.\n\n  [511][Greek: Apis gar elth\u00f4n ek peras Naupaktias,]\n  [Greek: Iatromantis, pais Apoll\u00f4nos, chthona]\n  [Greek: T\u00ean d' ekkathairei kn\u00f4dalon brotophthor\u00f4n.]\n\nThus the Argives gave the credit to this imaginary personage of clearing\ntheir land of this grievance: but the brood came from the very quarter from\nwhence Apis was supposed to have arrived. They were certainly Hivites from\nEgypt: and the same story is told of that country. It is represented as\nhaving been of old over-run with serpents; and almost depopulated through\ntheir numbers. Diodorus Siculus seems to understand this [512]literally:\nbut a region, which was annually overflowed, and that too for so long a\nseason, could not well be liable to such a calamity. They were serpents of\nanother nature, with which it was thus infested: and the history relates to\nthe Cuthites, the original Ophit\u00e6, who for a long time possessed that\ncountry. They passed from Egypt to Syria, and to the Euphrates: and mention\nis made of a particular breed of serpents upon that river, which were\nharmless to the natives, but fatal to every body else. [513]This, I think,\ncannot be understood literally. The wisdom of the serpent may be great; but\nnot sufficient to make these distinctions. These serpents were of the same\nnature as the [514]birds of Diomedes, and the dogs in the temple of Vulcan:\nand these histories relate to Ophite priests, who used to spare their own\npeople, and sacrifice strangers, a custom which prevailed at one time in\nmost parts of the world. I have mentioned that the Cuthite priests were\nvery learned: and as they were Ophites, whoever had the advantage of their\ninformation, was said to have been instructed by serpents. Hence there was\na tradition, that Melampus was rendered prophetic from a communication with\nthese [515]animals. Something similar is said of Tiresias.\n\nAs the worship of the serpent was of old so prevalent, many places, as well\nas people from thence, received their names. Those who settled in Campania\nwere called Opici; which some would have changed to Ophici; because they\nwere denominated from serpents. [516][Greek: Oi de (phasin) hoti Ophikoi\napo t\u00f4n ophi\u00f4n.] But they are, in reality, both names of the same purport,\nand denote the origin of the people. We meet with places called Opis,\nOphis, Ophit\u00e6a, Ophionia, Ophio\u00ebssa, Ophiodes, and Ophiusa. This last was\nan antient name, by which, according to Stephanus, the islands Rhodes,\nCythnus, Besbicus, Tenos, and the whole continent of Africa, were\ndistinguished. There were also cities so called. Add to these places\ndenominated Oboth, Obona, and reversed Onoba, from Ob, which was of the\nsame purport. Clemens Alexandrinus says, that the term Eva signified a\nserpent, if pronounced with a proper [517]aspirate. We find that there were\nplaces of this name. There was a city Eva in [518]Arcadia: and another in\n[519]Macedonia. There was also a mountain Eva, or Evan, taken notice of by\n[520]Pausanias, between which and Ithome lay the city Messene. He mentions\nalso an Eva in [521]Argolis, and speaks of it as a large town. Another name\nfor a serpent, of which I have as yet taken no notice, was Patan, or Pitan.\nMany places in different parts were denominated from this term. Among\nothers was a city in [522]Laconia; and another in [523]Mysia, which\nStephanus styles a city of \u00c6olia. They were undoubtedly so named from the\nworship of the serpent, Pitan: and had probably Dracontia, where were\nfigures and devices relative to the religion which prevailed. Ovid mentions\nthe latter city, and has some allusions to its antient history, when he\ndescribes Medea as flying through the air from Attica to Colchis.\n\n  [524]\u00c6oliam Pitanem l\u00e6v\u00e2 de parte relinquit,\n  Factaque de saxo longi simulacra _Draconis_.\n\n[Illustration: Pl. VIII.]\n\nThe city was situated upon the river Eva or Evan, which the Greeks rendered\n[525]Evenus. It is remarkable, that the Opici, who are said to have been\ndenominated from serpents, had also the name of Pitanat\u00e6: at least one part\nof that family were so called. [526][Greek: Tinas de kai Pitanatas\nlegesthai.] Pitanat\u00e6 is a term of the same purport as Opici, and relates to\nthe votaries of Pitan, the serpent Deity, which was adored by that people.\n\nMenelaus was of old styled [527]Pitanates, as we learn from Hesychius: and\nthe reason of it may be known from his being a Spartan, by which was\nintimated one of the serpentigen\u00e6, or Ophites. Hence he was represented\nwith a serpent for a device upon his shield. It is said that a brigade, or\nportion of infantry, was among some of the Greeks named [528]Pitanates; and\nthe soldiers, in consequence of it, must have been termed Pitanat\u00e6:\nundoubtedly, because they had the Pitan, or serpent, for their\n[529]standard. Analogous to this, among other nations, there were soldiers\ncalled [530]Draconarii. I believe, that in most countries the military\nstandard was an emblem of the Deity there worshipped.\n\nFrom what has been said, I hope, that I have thrown some light upon the\nhistory of this primitive idolatry: and have moreover shewn, that wherever\nany of these Ophite colonies settled they left behind from their rites and\ninstitutes, as well as from the names, which they bequeathed to places,\nample memorials, by which they may be clearly traced out. It may seem\nstrange, that in the first ages there should have been such an universal\ndefection from the truth; and above all things such a propensity to this\nparticular mode of worship, this mysterious attachment to the serpent. What\nis scarce credible, it obtained among Christians; and one of the most early\nheresies in the church was of this sort, introduced by a sect, called by\n[531]Epiphanius Ophit\u00e6, by [532]Clemens of Alexandria Ophiani. They are\nparticularly described by Tertullian, whose account of them is well worth\nour notice. [533]Accesserunt his H\u00e6retici etiam illi, qui Ophit\u00e6\nnuncupantur: nam serpentem magnificant in tantum, ut illum etiam ipsi\nChristo pr\u00e6ferant. Ipse enim, inquiunt, scienti\u00e6 nobis boni et mali\noriginem dedit. Hujus animadvertens potentiam et majestatem Moyses \u00e6reum\nposuit serpentem: et quicunque in eum aspexerunt, sanitatem consecuti sunt.\nIpse, aiunt, pr\u00e6terea in Evangelio imitatur serpentis ipsius sacram\npotestatem, dicendo, et sicut Moyses exaltavit serpentem in deserto, ita\nexaltari oportet filium hominis. Ipsum introducunt ad benedicenda\nEucharistia sua. In the above we see plainly the perverseness of human wit,\nwhich deviates so industriously; and is ever after employed in finding\nexpedients to countenance error, and render apostasy plausible. It would be\na noble undertaking, and very edifying in its consequences, if some person\nof true learning, and a deep insight into antiquity, would go through with\nthe history of the [534]serpent. I have adopted it, as far as it relates to\nmy system, which is, in some degree, illustrated by it.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nCUCLOPES OR CYCLOPES.\n\n    [Greek: Palaiotatoi men legontai en merei tini t\u00eas ch\u00f4ras (t\u00eas\n    Sikelias) Kukl\u00f4pes, kai Laistrugones oik\u00easai; h\u00f4n eg\u00f4 oute genos ech\u00f4\n    eipein, oute hopothen eis\u00ealthon, \u00ea hopoi apech\u00f4r\u00easan.] Thucydides. l.\n    6. p. 378.\n\nThucydides acquaints us concerning the Cyclopes and L\u00e6strygones, that they\nwere the most antient inhabitants of Sicily, but that he could not find out\ntheir race: nor did he know from what part of the world they originally\ncame, nor to what country they afterwards betook themselves. I may appear\npresumptuous in pretending to determine a history so remote and obscure;\nand which was a secret to this learned Grecian two thousand years ago. Yet\nthis is my present purpose: and I undertake it with a greater confidence,\nas I can plainly shew, that we have many lights, with which the natives of\nHellas were unacquainted; besides many advantages, of which they would not\navail themselves.\n\nThe gigantic Cyclopes were originally Ophit\u00e6, who worshipped the symbolical\nserpent. They have been represented by the poets, as persons of an enormous\n[535]stature, rude and savage in their demeanour, and differing from the\nrest of mankind in countenance. They are described as having only one large\neye; which is said to have been placed, contrary to the usual situation of\nthat organ, in the middle of their foreheads. Their place of residence was\nupon mount \u00c6tna, and in the adjacent district at the foot of that\n[536]mountain, which was the original region styled Trinacia. This is the\ncommon account, as it has been transmitted by the Poets, as well as by the\nprincipal mythologists of Greece: and in this we have been taught to\nacquiesce. But the real history is not so obvious and superficial. There\nare accounts of them to be obtained, that differ much from the\nrepresentations which are commonly exhibited. The Poets have given a mixed\ndescription: and in lieu of the Deity of the place have introduced these\nstrange personages, the ideas of whose size were borrowed from sacred\nedifices, where the Deity was worshipped. They were Petra, or temples of\nCoelus; of the same nature and form as the tower of Orion, which was at no\ngreat distance from them. Some of them had the name of [537]Charon, and\nTarchon: and they were esteemed Pelorian, from the God Alorus, the same as\nCoelus and Python. The Grecians confounded the people, who raised these\nbuildings, with the structures themselves. Strabo places them near\n[538]\u00c6tna, and Leontina: and supposes, that they once ruled over that part\nof the island. And it is certain that a people styled Cyclopians did\npossess that [539]province. Polyphemus is imagined to have been the chief\nof this people: and Euripides describes the place of his residence as\ntowards the foot of the mountain: [540][Greek: Oikeis hup' Aitn\u00eai t\u00eai\npurostakt\u00f4i Petrai]. They are represented as a people savage, and lawless,\nand delighting in human flesh. Hence it is prophesied by Cassandra, as a\ncurse upon Ulysses, that he would one day be forced to seek for refuge in a\nCyclopian [541]mansion. And when he arrives under the roof of Polyphemus,\nand makes inquiry about his host, and particularly upon what he fed; he is\ntold, that the Cyclops above all things esteemed the flesh of strangers.\n[542]Chance never throws any body upon this coast, says Silenus, but he is\nmade a meal of; and it is looked upon as a delicious repast. This character\nof the Cyclopians arose from the cruel custom of sacrificing strangers,\nwhom fortune brought upon their coast. This was practised in many parts of\nthe world, but especially here, and upon the coast of the Lamii in Italy;\nand among all the Scythic nations upon the Euxine sea: into all which\nregions it was introduced from Egypt and Canaan.\n\nBut we must not consider the Cyclopians in this partial light: nor look for\nthem only in the island of Sicily, to which they have been by the Poets\nconfined. Memorials of them are to be found in many parts of Greece, where\nthey were recorded as far superior to the natives in science and ingenuity.\nThe Grecians, by not distinguishing between the Deity, and the people, who\nwere called by his titles, have brought great confusion upon this history.\nThe Cyclopians were denominated from [Greek: Kukl\u00f4ps], Cyclops, the same as\nCoelus. According to Parmeno Byzantinus, he was the God [543]Nilus of\nEgypt, who was the same as [544]Zeus, and Osiris. The history both of the\nDeity, and of the people, became in time obsolete: and it has been rendered\nmore obscure by the mixed manner in which it has been represented by the\nPoets.\n\nIt is generally agreed by writers upon the subject, that the Cyclopians\nwere of a size superior to the common race of mankind. Among the many\ntribes of the Amonians, which went abroad, were to be found people, who\nwere styled [545]Anakim, and were descended from the sons of Anac: so that\nthis history, though carried to a great excess, was probably founded in\ntruth. They were particularly famous for architecture; which they\nintroduced into Greece, as we are told by [546]Herodotus: and in all parts,\nwhither they came, they erected noble structures, which were remarkable for\ntheir height and beauty: and were often dedicated to the chief Deity, the\nSun, under the name of Elorus, and P'elorus. People were so struck with\ntheir grandeur, that they called every thing great and stupendous,\nPelorian. And when they described the Cyclopians as a lofty towering race,\nthey came at last to borrow their ideas of this people from the towers, to\nwhich they alluded. They supposed them in height to reach to the clouds;\nand in bulk to equal the promontories, on which they were founded. Homer\nsays of Polyphemus,\n\n  [547][Greek: Kai gar thaum' etetukto pel\u00f4rion, oude e\u00f4ikei]\n  [Greek: Andri ge sitophag\u00f4i, alla rhi\u00f4i hul\u00eaenti.]\n\nVirgil says of the same person,\n\n  [548]Ipse arduus, altaque pulsat sidera.\n\nAs these buildings were oftentimes light-houses, and had in their upper\nstory one round casement, Argolici clype\u00ef, aut Phoebe\u00e6 lampadis instar, by\nwhich they afforded light in the night-season; the Greeks made this a\ncharacteristic of the people. They supposed this aperture to have been an\neye, which was fiery, and glaring, and placed in the middle of their\nforeheads. Hence Callimachus describes them as a monstrous race:\n\n                  [549][Greek: aina Pel\u00f4ra,]\n  [Greek: Pr\u00eaosin Osseioisin eoikota; pasi d' hup' ophrun]\n  [Greek: Phaea mounogl\u00eana sakei isa tetraboei\u00f4i.]\n\nThe Grecians have so confounded the Cyclopian Deity with his votaries, that\nit is difficult to speak precisely of either. They sometimes mention him as\na single person; the same as Nilus of Egypt, who was esteemed the father of\nthe Gods. At other times they introduce a plurality, whom they still\nrepresent as of the highest antiquity, and make the brethren of Cronus:\n[550][Greek: Kukl\u00f4pes--hoi adelphoi \u00easan tou Kronou, tou patros tou Dios.]\nProclus in Photius informs us, that, according to the antient mythology of\nthe Auctores Cyclici, the giants with an hundred hands, and the Cyclopes,\nwere the first born of the [551]Earth and Coelus. But in these histories\nevery degree of relation has been founded upon idle surmises: and is\nuniformly to be set aside. The Cyclopian Deity was [552]Ouranus, and the\nCyclopians were his priests and votaries: some of whom had divine honours\npaid to them, and were esteemed as Gods. Upon the Isthmus of Corinth was an\nantient temple; which seems to have been little more than a [Greek: taphos]\nor high altar, where offerings were made to the Cyclopian [553]Deities.\nPeople of this family settled upon the southern coast of Sicily at\nCamarina; which some have supposed to have been the Hupereia of Homer,\nwhere the Pheacians once resided.\n\n  [554][Greek: Hoi prin men pot' enaion en euruchor\u00f4i Hupereiai,]\n  [Greek: Anchou Kukl\u00f4p\u00f4n andr\u00f4n huper\u00eanoreont\u00f4n.]\n\nBut there is no reason to think, that the city Hupereia was in Sicily; or\nthat the Pheacians came from that country. The notion arose from a common\nmistake. All the Greek and Roman Poets, and even Strabo, with other\nrespectable writers, have taken it for granted, that the Cyclopians of\nHomer were near \u00c6tna in Sicily. Others except to their being near \u00c6tna; and\ninsist, that they were in the vicinity of Eryx upon the opposite part of\nthe island. But Homer does not once mention the island during his whole\naccount of the Cyclopes: nor does Ulysses arrive in Sicily, till after many\nsubsequent adventures. That there were Cyclopians near \u00c6tna is certain: but\nthose mentioned by Homer were of another country, and are represented as\nnatives of the continent though his account is very indeterminate and\nobscure. There were probably people of this family in many parts of Sicily,\nespecially about the city Camarina. They seem to have been of the Anakim\nrace, and worshippers of the Sun. Hence they were styled Camarin, and their\nchief city Camarina, which was so called from a city of the same name in\n[555]Chaldea, the Ur of the Scriptures. Polyphemus is mentioned as a\nmusician and a shepherd; but of a savage and brutal disposition: which\ncharacter arose from the cruel rites practised by the Cyclopians. According\nto [556]Bacchylides it was said, that Galatus, Illyrius, and Celtus were\nthe sons of Polyphemus. By this was certainly signified, that the Galat\u00e6,\nIllyrii, and Celt\u00e6, were of Cyclopian original, and of the Anakim race; all\nequally Amonians. Lycophron mentions the cave of this personage, by which\nwas meant an antient temple; and he calls it [557][Greek: monogl\u00eanou stegas\nChar\u00f4nos]: _the habitation of Charon, a personage with one eye_. But here,\nas I have often observed, the place is mistaken for a person; the temple\nfor the Deity. Charon was the very place; the antient temple of the Sun. It\nwas therefore styled Char-On from the God, who was there worshipped; and\nafter the Egyptian custom an eye was engraved over its portal. These\ntemples were sometimes called Charis, [558][Greek: Charis]; which is a\ncompound of Char-Is, and signifies a prutaneion, or place sacred to\nHephastus. As the rites of fire were once almost universally practised,\nthere were many places of this name, especially in [559]Parthia, Babylonia,\nand Phrygia. The Grecians rendered Char-Is by [Greek: Charis], a term in\ntheir own language, which signified grace and elegance. And nothing\nwitnesses their attachment to antient terms more than their continually\nintroducing them, though they were strangers to their true meaning. The\nArimaspians were Hyperborean Cyclopians; and had temples named Charis, or\nCharisia, in the top of which were preserved a perpetual fire. They were of\nthe same family as those of [560]Sicily, and had the same rites; and\nparticularly worshipped the Ophite Deity under the name of [561]Opis.\nAristeas Proconnesius wrote their history; and among other things mentioned\nthat they had but one eye, which was placed in their graceful forehead.\n\n  [562][Greek: Ophthalmon d' hen' hekastos echei charienti met\u00f4p\u00f4i.]\n\nHow could the front of a Cyclopian, one of the most hideous monsters that\never poetic fancy framed, be styled graceful? The whole is a mistake of\nterms: and what this writer had misapplied, related to Charis, a tower; and\nthe eye was the casement in the top of the edifice, where a light, and fire\nwere kept up. What confirmed the mistake was the representation of an eye,\nwhich, as I have mentioned, was often engraved over the entrance of these\ntemples. The chief Deity of Egypt was frequently represented under the\nsymbol of an eye, [563]and a sceptre. I have observed, that Orion was\nsupposed to have had three fathers, merely because a tower, sacred to him\nin Sicily, and called Tor-Pator, was altered to [Greek: Tripat\u00f4r]; which\nchange seemed to countenance such an opinion. The Cyclopians were of the\nsame region in that island; and their towers had undoubtedly the same name:\nfor the Cyclopians were styled [564][Greek: Tritopateres], and were\nsupposed to have been three in number. Some such mistake was made about the\ntowers styled Charis: whence the Grecians formed their notion of the\nGraces. As Charis was a tower sacred to fire; some of the Poets have\nsupposed a nymph of that name, who was beloved by Vulcan. Homer speaks of\nher as his wife: [565][Greek: Charis--Kal\u00ea, h\u00ean \u00f4puie periklutos\nAmphiguneis.] But Nonnus makes her his mistress; and says, that he turned\nher out of doors for her jealousy.\n\n  [566][Greek: Ek de dom\u00f4n edi\u00f4ke Charin z\u00eal\u00eamona numph\u00ean.]\n\nThe Graces were said to be related to the Sun who was in reality the same\nas Vulcan. The Sun among the people of the east was called Hares, and with\na guttural, Chares: and his temple was styled Tor-Chares. But as Tor-Pator\nwas changed to Tripator; so Tor-Chares was rendered Trichares, which the\nGreeks expressed [Greek: Tricharis]; and from thence formed a notion of\nthree Graces. Cicero says, that they were the daughters of night, and\nErebus: but Antimachus, more agreeably to this etymology, maintained, that\nthey were the offspring of the Sun and light; [567][Greek: Aigl\u00eas kai\nH\u00ealiou thugateras.] These seeming contradictions are not difficult to be\nreconciled.\n\nThe Amonians, wherever they settled, were celebrated for their superiority\nin science; and particularly for their skill in building. Of this family\nwere Trophonius, and his brother Agamedes, who are represented as very\ngreat in the profession. They were truly wonderful, says [568]Pausanias,\nfor the temples, which they erected to the Gods; and for the stately\nedifices, which they built for men. They were the architects, who contrived\nthe temple of Apollo at Delphi, and the treasury constructed to Urius. They\nwere, I make no doubt, some of those, who were styled Cyclopians; as the\npeople under this appellation were far the most eminent in this way. When\nthe Sibyl in Virgil shews \u00c6neas the place of torment in the shades below,\nand leads him through many melancholy recesses, we find that the whole was\nseparated from the regions of bliss by a wall built by the Cyclopians. The\nSibyl accordingly at their exit tells him,\n\n          [569]Cyclopum educta caminis\n  Moenia conspicio.\n\nFrom hence we find that they were the reputed builders of the infernal\nmansions; which notion arose from the real buildings, which they erected.\nFor all the ideas of the antients about the infernal regions, and the\ntorments of hell, were taken from the temples in each country; and from the\nrites and inquisition practised in them. But the Cyclopians were not merely\nimaginary operators. They founded several cities in Greece; and constructed\nmany temples to the Gods, which were of old in high repute. They were so\nmuch esteemed for their skill, that, as the Scholiast upon Statius\nobserves, every thing great and noble was looked upon as Cyclopian:\n[570]quicquid magnitudine su\u00e2 nobile est, Cyclopum manu dicitur fabricatum.\nNor was this a fiction, as may be surmised; for they were in great measure\nthe real architects. And if, in the room of those portentous beings the\nCyclopes, [Greek: Kukl\u00f4pes], we substitute a colony of people called\nCyclopians, we shall find the whole to be true, which is attributed to\nthem; and a new field of history will be opened, that was before unknown.\nThey were, undoubtedly, a part of the people styled Academians, who resided\nin Attica; where they founded the Academia, and Ceramicus, and introduced\nhuman sacrifices. Hence we are informed, that the Athenians, in the time of\na plague, sacrificed three virgin daughters of Hyacinthus at the tomb\nGer\u00e6stus, the [571]Cyclops. But Ger\u00e6stus was not a person, but a place.\n[Greek: Geraistos] is a small variation for Ker-Astus; and signifies the\ntemple of Astus the God of fire. It was certainly the antient name of the\nplace where these sacrifices were exhibited: and the Taphos was a Cyclopian\naltar, upon which they were performed. The Cyclopians are said to have\nbuilt the antient city Mycene, which Hercules in Seneca threatens to ruin.\n\n      ----[572]quid moror? majus mihi\n  Bellum Mycenis restat, ut Cyclopea\n  Eversa manibus moenia nostris concidant.\n\nNonnus speaks of the city in the same light:\n\n  [573][Greek: Stemmati teichioenti periz\u00f4sthenta Muk\u00ean\u00ea,]\n  [Greek: Kukl\u00f4p\u00f4n kanonessi.]\n\nThe gate of the city, and the chief tower were particularly ascribed to\nthem: [574][Greek: Kukl\u00f4p\u00f4n de kai tauta erga einai legousin.] _These too\nare represented as the work of the Cyclopians_. They likewise built Argos;\nwhich is mentioned by Thyestes in Seneca as a wonderful performance.\n\n          [575]Cyclopum sacras\n  Turres, labore majus humano decus.\n\nAll these poetical histories were founded in original truths. Some of them\nbuilt Hermione, one of the most antient cities in Greece. The tradition\nwas, that it was built by [576]Hermion the son of Europs, or Europis, a\ndescendant of Phoroneus, and Niobe; and was inhabited by Dorians, who came\nfrom Argos: in which history is more than at first appears. The city stood\nnear a stagnant lake, and a deep cavern; where was supposed to be the most\ncompendious passage to the shades below: [577][Greek: t\u00ean eis hadou\nkatabasin suntomon.] The lake was called the pool of Acherusia; near to\nwhich and the yawning cavern the Cyclopians chose to take up their\nhabitation. They are said to have built [578]Tiryns; the walls of which\nwere esteemed no less a wonder than the [579]pyramids of Egypt. They must\nhave resided at Nauplia in Argolis; a place in situation not unlike\nHermione above-mentioned. Near this city were caverns in the earth, and\nsubterraneous passages, consisting of [580]labyrinths cut in the rock, like\nthe syringes in Upper Egypt, and the maze at the lake M\u00e6ris: and these too\nwere reputed the work of Cyclopians. Pausanias thinks very truly, that the\nNauplians were from Egypt. [581][Greek: \u00casan de hoi Nauplieis, emoi dokein,\nAiguptioi ta palaiotera.] _The Nauplians seem to me to have been a colony\nfrom Egypt in the more early times_. He supposes that they were some of\nthose emigrants, who came over with Dana\u00fcs. The nature of the works, which\nthe Cyclopians executed, and the lake, which they named Acherusia, shew\nplainly the part of the world from whence they came. The next city to\nNauplia was Troezen, where Orus was said to have once reigned, from whom\nthe country was called Oraia: but Pausanias very justly thinks, that it was\nan Egyptian history; and that the region was denominated from [582]Orus of\nEgypt, whose worship undoubtedly had been here introduced. So that every\ncircumstance witnesses the country, from whence the Cyclopians came. Hence\nwhen [583]Euripides speaks of the walls of antient Mycene, as built by the\nCyclopians after the Phenician rule and method: the Phenicians alluded to\nwere the [Greek: Phoinikes] of Egypt, to which country they are primarily\nto be referred. Those who built Tiryns are represented as seven in number;\nand the whole is described by Strabo in the following manner. [584][Greek:\nTirunthi horm\u00eat\u00eari\u00f4i chr\u00easasthai dokei Proitos, kai teichisai dia Kukl\u00f4p\u00f4n;\nhous hepta men einai, kaleisthai de Gasterocheiras, trephomenous ek t\u00eas\ntechn\u00eas.] _Proetus seems to have been the first who made use of Tiryns as\nan harbour; which place he walled round by the assistance of the\nCyclopians. They were seven in number, styled Gastrocheirs; and lived by\ntheir labour._ Hesychius in some degree reverses this strange name, and\nsays, that they were called [Greek: Encheirogasteres]. The Grecians\ncontinually mistook places for persons, as I have shewn. These seven\nCyclopes were, I make no doubt, seven Cyclopian towers built by the people,\nof whom I have been treating. Some of them stood towards the harbour to\nafford light to ships, when they approached in the night. They were sacred\nto Aster, or [585]Astarte; and styled Astro-caer, and Caer-Aster; out of\nwhich the Greeks formed [Greek: Gastrocheir], and [Greek: Encheirogast\u00ear];\na strange medley made up of hands, and bellies. Strabo in particular having\nconverted these building's into so many masons, adds, [586][Greek:\nGasterocheiras, trephomenous ek t\u00eas techn\u00eas]. _They were honest bellyhanded\nmen, industrious people, who got their livelihood by their art_. These\ntowers were erected likewise for Purait, or Puratheia, where the rites of\nfire were performed: but Purait, or Puraitus, the Greeks changed to [Greek:\nProitos]; and gave out that the towers were built for [587]Proetus, whom\nthey made a king of that country.\n\nI imagine, that not only the common idea of the Cyclopians was taken from\ntowers and edifices; but that the term [Greek: Kukl\u00f4ps], and [Greek:\nKukl\u00f4pis], Cuclops, and Cuclopis, signified a building or temple; and from\nthence the people had their name. They were of the same family as the\nCadmians, and Phoenices; and as the Hivites, or Ophites who came from\nEgypt, and settled near Libanus and Baal Hermon, upon the confines of\nCanaan. They worshipped the Sun under the symbol of a serpent: hence they\nwere styled in different parts, where they in time settled, Europians,\nOropians, Anopians, Inopians, Asopians, Elopians; all which names relate to\nthe worship of the Pytho Ops, or Opis. What may be the precise etymology of\nthe term [Greek: Kukl\u00f4ps], Cuclops, I cannot presume to determine. Cuclops,\nas a personage, was said to have been the son of [588]Ouranus and the\nearth: which Ouranus among the Amonians was often styled Coel, or Coelus;\nand was worshipped under the forementioned emblem of a serpent. Hence the\ntemple of the Deity may have been originally called Cu-Coel-Ops, Domus\nCoeli Pythonis; and the priests and people Cucelopians. But whatever may\nhave been the purport of the name, the history of these personages is\nsufficiently determinate.\n\nThere was a place in Thrace called [589]Cuclops, where some of the\nCyclopian race had settled; for many of the Amonians came hither. Hence\nThrace seems at one time to have been the seat of science: and the\nAthenians acknowledged, that they borrowed largely from them. The natives\nwere very famous; particularly the Pierians for their music, the Peonians\nfor pharmacy, and the Edonians for their rites and worship. Those, who went\nunder the name of Cyclopes, probably introduced architecture; for which art\nthey seem to have been every where noted. There was a fountain in these\nparts, of which Aristotle takes notice, as of a wonderful nature.\n[590][Greek: En de Kukl\u00f4psi tois Thraxi kr\u00eanidion estin, hud\u00f4r ech\u00f4n, ho\nt\u00eai men opsei katharon, kai diaphanes, kai tois allois homoion; hotan de\npi\u00eai ti z\u00f4on ex autou, parachr\u00eama diaphtheiretai.] _In the region of the\nCyclopians of Thrace is a fountain, clear to the eye, and pure, and in no\nwise differing from common water: of which, however, if an animal drinks,\nit is immediately poisoned_. There is another account given by Theopompus;\nwho speaks of the people by the name of the Chropes, which is a contraction\nfor Charopes. He says, that even going into the water was fatal.\n[591][Greek: Theopompos historei kr\u00ean\u00ean en Chr\u00f4psi t\u00eas Thrak\u00eas, ex h\u00eas tous\nlousamenous parachr\u00eama metallassein.] _Theopompus mentions a fountain among\nthe Charopes of Thrace, in which, if a person attempts to bathe, he\nimmediately loses his life._ I have taken notice of this history, because\nwe find, that the persons who are called [592]Cuclopes by one writer, are\nstyled Char-opes by another, and very justly: for the terms are nearly of\nthe same purport. The Charopes were denominated from a temple, and place\ncalled Char-Ops, or Char-Opis, locus Dei Pythonis: and the Cyclopes were,\nas I have before supposed, denominated from Cu-Coel-Ops, or Cu-Coel-Opis,\nthe temple of the same Deity. They were both equally named from the Ophite\nGod, the great object of their adoration, and from the temple where he was\nworshipped.\n\nThe head of Medusa in Argolis is said to have been the work of the\n[593]Cyclopians. This seems to have been an antient hieroglyphical\nrepresentation upon the temple of Caphisus. It was usual with the\nEgyptians, and other Amonians, to describe, upon the Architrave of their\ntemples, some emblem of the Deity, who there presided. This representation\nwas often an eagle, or vulture; a wolf, or a lion; also an heart, or an\neye. The last, as I have shewn, was common to the temples of [594]Osiris,\nand was intended to signify the superintendency of Providence, from whom\nnothing was hid. Among others the serpent was esteemed a most salutary\nemblem: and they made use of it to signify superior skill and knowledge. A\nbeautiful female countenance, surrounded with an assemblage of serpents,\nwas made to denote divine wisdom, which they styled Meed, and Meet, the\n[Greek: M\u00eatis] of the Greeks. Under this characteristic they represented an\nheavenly personage, and joined her with Eros, or divine love: and by these\ntwo they supposed that the present mundane system was produced. Orpheus\nspeaks of this Deity in the masculine gender:\n\n  [595][Greek: Kai M\u00eatis, pr\u00f4tos genet\u00f4r, kai Er\u00f4s poluterp\u00eas.]\n\nOn this account many antient temples were ornamented with this curious\nhieroglyphic: and among others the temple of Caphisus [596]in Argolis.\nCaphisus is a compound of Caph-Isis, which signifies Petra Isidis, and\nrelates to the same Deity as Metis. For we must not regard sexes, nor\ndifference of appellations, when we treat of antient Deities.\n\n  [597][Greek: Ars\u00ean men kai th\u00ealus ephus, polematoke M\u00eati.]\n  [598][Greek: Pantophu\u00eas, genet\u00f4r pant\u00f4n, polu\u00f4nume Daimon.]\n\nI have taken notice that the Cyclopians of Thrace were styled Charopes;\nwhich name they must have received from their rites, and place of worship.\nChar-Opis signifies the temple of the Python, or serpent: and we find that\nit was situated near a poisonous pool. It was sacred to the Sun: and there\nwere many temples of this name in [599]Egypt, and other countries. The Sun\nwas called Arez; and the lion, which was an emblem of the Sun, had the same\ndenomination: and there is reason to think, that the device upon Charopian\ntemples was sometimes a lion. Homer, undoubtedly, had seen the fierce\nfigure of this animal upon some sacred portal in Egypt; to which he often\nalludes, when he speaks of a Charopian lion.\n\n  [600][Greek: Arktoit', agroteroi te Sues, charopoi te Leontes.]\n\n[Illustration: _Pl. IX._ MEDUSA.\n\nFrom a Gem in the Collection of His Grace the Duke of Marlborough]\n\nThe devices upon temples were often esteemed as talismans, and supposed to\nhave an hidden and salutary influence, by which the building was preserved.\nIn the temple of Minerva, at Tegea, was some sculpture of Medusa, which the\nGoddess was said to have given, [601][Greek: anal\u00f4ton es ton panta kronon\neinai (t\u00ean polin)]; _to preserve the city from ever being taken in war_. It\nwas probably from this opinion, that the [602]Athenians had the head of\nMedusa represented upon the walls of their acropolis: and it was the\ninsigne of many cities, as we may find from antient coins. The notion of\nthe Cyclopes framing the thunder and lightning for Jupiter arose chiefly\nfrom the Cyclopians engraving hieroglyphics of this sort upon the temples\nof the Deity. Hence they were represented as persons,\n\n  [603][Greek: Hoi Z\u00eani bront\u00ean t' edosan, teuxan te keraunon.]\n\nThe Poets considered them merely in the capacity of blacksmiths, and\ncondemned them to the anvil. This arose from the chief Cyclopian Deity\nbeing called Acmon, and Pyracmon. He was worshipped under the former title\nin Phrygia; where was a city and district called Acmonia, mentioned by\nAlexander [604]Polyhistor. The Amazonians paid the like reverence: and\nthere was a sacred grove called Acmonium upon the [605]Thermodon, which was\nheld in great repute. He was by some looked upon as the offspring of\nheaven; by others worshipped as Ouranus, and Coelus, the heaven itself; and\nAcmonides was supposed to have been his [606]son, whom some of the\nmythologists made the ruling spirit of the earth. Hence Simmias Rhodius\nintroduces Divine Love displaying his influence, and saying, that he\nproduced Acmonides, that mighty monarch of the earth, and at the same time\nfounded the sea. [607][Greek: Leusse me ton Gas te barusternou Anakt'\nAkmonidan, tan hala th' hedrasanta.]\n\nAcmon seems to have been worshipped of old at Tiryns, that antient city of\nGreece, whose towers were said to have been built by the Cyclopians. For\nAcmon was the Cyclopian Deity; and is represented by Callimachus as the\ntutelary God of the place, though the passage has been otherwise\ninterpreted.\n\n          [608][Greek: Toios gar aei Tirunthios Akm\u00f4n]\n  [Greek: Hest\u00eake pro pule\u00f4n.]\n\nThe term has commonly been looked upon as an adjective; and the passage has\nbeen rendered Talis Tirynthius indefessus, which is scarce sense.\nCallimachus was very knowing in mythology, and is here speaking of the\nCyclopian God Acmon, whom he makes the [Greek: theos propulaios], or\nguardian Deity of the place. It was the same God, that was afterwards\ncalled Hercules, and particularly styled Tirynthius, to whom Callimachus\nhere alludes, under a more antient name.\n\nAs the Cyclopians were great artists, they probably were famous for works\nin brass, and iron: and that circumstance in their history may have been\nfounded in truth. The Id\u00e6i Dactyli were Cyclopians: and they are said to\nhave first forged metals, and to have reduced them to common [609]use; the\nknowledge of which art they obtained from the fusion of minerals at the\nburning of mount [610]Ida. Whether this was an eruption of fire from the\ninternal part of the mountain, or only a fire kindled among the forests,\nwhich crowned its summit, cannot be determined. It was an event of antient\ndate; and admitted, as a remarkable epocha, in the most early series of\nchronology. From this event the Curetes, and Corybantes, who were the same\nas the [611]Id\u00e6i Dactyli, are supposed to have learned the mystery of\nfusing and forging metals. From them it was propagated to many countries\nwestward, particularly to the Pang\u00e6an mountains, and the region Curetis,\nwhere the Cyclopians dwelt in Thrace: also to the region Trinacia and\nLeontina, near \u00c6tna, which they occupied in Sicily.\n\nThus have I endeavoured to shew the true history [612]and antiquity of this\npeople: and we may learn from their works, [613]that there was a time, when\nthey were held in high estimation. They were denominated from their\nworship: and their chief Deity among other titles was styled Acmon, and\nPyracmon. They seem to have been great in many sciences: but the term Acmon\nsignifying among the Greeks an anvil, the Poets have limited them to one\nbase department, and considered them as so many blacksmiths. And as they\nresided near \u00c6tna, they have made the burning mountain their forge:\n\n  [614]Ferrum exercebant vasto Cyclopes in antro,\n  Brontesque, Steropesque, et nudus membra Pyracmon.\n\n[Illustration: _Pl. X_]\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nOF\n\nTEMPLE RITES\n\nIN THE\n\nFIRST AGES.\n\nI must continually put the reader in mind how common it was among the\nGreeks, not only out of the titles of the Deities, but out of the names of\ntowers, and other edifices, to form personages, and then to invent\nhistories to support what they had done. When they had created a number of\nsuch ideal beings, they tried to find out some relation: and thence\nproceeded to determine the parentage, and filiation of each, just as fancy\ndirected. Some colonies from Egypt, and Canaan, settled in Thrace; as\nappears from numberless memorials. The parts which they occupied were upon\nthe Hebrus, about Edonia, Sithonia, and Mount H\u00e6mus. They also held Pieria,\nand Peonia, and all the sea coast region. It was their custom, as I have\nbefore mentioned, in all their settlements to form puratheia; and to\nintroduce the rites of fire, and worship of the Sun. Upon the coast, of\nwhich I have been speaking, a temple of this sort was founded, which is\ncalled Torone. The name is a compound of Tor-On, as I have before taken\nnotice. The words purathus, and puratheia, were, in the language of Egypt,\nPur-Ath, and Por-Ait, formed from two titles of the God of fire. Out of one\nof these the Grecians made a personage, which they expressed [Greek:\nProitos], Proetus, whose daughters, or rather priestesses, were the\nProetides. And as they followed the Egyptian rites, and held a Cow sacred,\nthey were, in consequence of it, supposed to have been turned into\n[615]cows; just as the priestesses of Hippa were said to have been changed\ninto mares; the Oenotrop\u00e6 and Peleiad\u00e6 into pigeons. Proteus of Egypt, whom\nMenelaus was supposed to have consulted about his passage homeward, was a\ntower of this sort with a purait. It was an edifice, where both priests and\npilots resided to give information; and where a light was continually\nburning to direct the ships in the night. The tower of Torone likewise was\na Pharos, and therefore styled by Lycophron [Greek: phlegraia Tor\u00f4n\u00ea], the\nflaming Torone. The country about it was, in like manner, called\n[616][Greek: Phlegra], Phlegra, both from these flaming Towers, and from\nthe worship there introduced. There seems to have been a fire-tower in this\nregion named Proteus; for, according to the antient accounts, Proteus is\nmentioned as having resided in these parts, and is said to have been\nmarried to Torone. He is accordingly styled by the Poet,\n\n  [617][Greek: phlegraias posis]\n  [Greek: Stugnos Tor\u00f4n\u00eas, h\u00f4i gel\u00f4s apechthetai,]\n  [Greek: Kai dakru.]\n\nThe epithet [Greek: stugnos], gloomy, and sad, implies a bad character,\nwhich arose from the cruel rites practised in these places. In all these\ntemples they made it a rule to sacrifice strangers, whom fortune brought in\ntheir way. Torone stood near [618]Pallene, which was styled [619][Greek:\nG\u00eagen\u00f4n trophos], _the nurse of the earth-born, or giant brood_. Under this\ncharacter both the sons of Chus, and the Anakim of Canaan are included.\nLycophron takes off from Proteus the imputation of being accessary to the\nvile practices, for which the place was notorious; and makes only his sons\nguilty of murdering strangers. He says, that their father left them out of\ndisgust,\n\n  [620][Greek: Tekn\u00f4n aluxas tas xenoktonas palas.]\n\nIn this he alludes to a custom, of which I shall take notice hereafter.\nAccording to Eustathius, the notion was, that Proteus fled by a\nsubterraneous passage to Egypt, in company with his daughter Eidothea.\n[621][Greek: Apokatest\u00ea eis Pharon meta t\u00eas thugatros Eidotheas.] He went,\nit seems, from one Pharos to another; from Pallene to the mouth of the\nNile. The Pharos of Egypt was both a watch-tower, and a temple, where\npeople went to inquire about the success of their voyage; and to obtain the\nassistance of pilots. Proteus was an Egyptian title of the Deity, under\nwhich he was worshipped, both in the Pharos, and at [622]Memphis. He was\nthe same as Osiris, and Canobus: and particularly the God of mariners, who\nconfined his department to the [623]sea. From hence, I think, we may\nunravel the mystery about the pilot of Menelaus, who is said to have been\nnamed Canobus, and to have given name to the principal seaport in Egypt.\nThe priests of the country laughed at the idle [624]story; and they had\ngood reason: for the place was far prior to the people spoken of, and the\nname not of Grecian original. It is observable, that Stephanus of Byzantium\ngives the pilot another name, calling him, instead of Canobus, [Greek:\nPharos], Pharus. His words are [Greek: Pharos ho Pr\u00f4reus Menalaou], which\nare scarce sense. I make no doubt, from the history of Proteus above, but\nthat in the original, whence Stephanus copied, or at least whence the story\nwas first taken, the reading was [Greek: Pharos ho Pr\u00f4teus Menelaou]; that\nis, the Proteus of Menelaus, so celebrated by Homer, who is represented, as\nso wise, and so experienced in navigation, whom they esteemed a great\nprophet, and a Deity of the sea, was nothing else but a Pharos. In other\nwords, it was a temple of Proteus upon the Canobic branch of the Nile, to\nwhich the Poet makes Menelaus have recourse. Such was the original history:\nbut [Greek: Pr\u00f4teus Menelaou] has been changed to [Greek: pr\u00f4reus]; and the\nGod Canobus turned into a Grecian pilot. As these were Ophite temples, a\nstory has been added about this person having been stung by a serpent.\n[625][Greek: Pr\u00f4reus en t\u00eai n\u00eas\u00f4i d\u00eachtheis hupo ophe\u00f4s etaph\u00ea.] _This\nPilot was bitten by a serpent, and buried in the island_. Conformable to my\nopinion is the account given by Tzetzes, who says, that Proteus resided in\nthe [626]Pharos: by which is signified, that he was the Deity of the place.\nHe is represented in the Orphic poetry as the first-born of the world, the\nchief God of the sea, and at the same time a mighty [627]prophet.\n\nThe history then of Menelaus in Egypt, if such a person ever existed,\namounts to this. In a state of uncertainty he applied to a temple near\nCanobus, which was sacred to Proteus. This was one title out of many, by\nwhich the chief Deity of the country was worshipped, and was equivalent to\nOn, Orus, Osiris, and Canobus. From this place Menelaus obtained proper\nadvice, by which he directed his voyage. Hence some say, that he had\n[Greek: Phrontis], Phrontis, for his pilot. [628][Greek: Kubern\u00eat\u00eas aristos\nMenelaou ho Phrontis, huios On\u00eatoros.] _Menelaus had an excellent pilot,\none Phrontis, the son of Onetor._ This, I think, confirms all that I have\nbeen saying: for what is Phrontis, but advice and experience? and what is\nOnetor, but the Pharos, from whence it was obtained? Onetor is the same as\nTorone, [Greek: Tor\u00f4n\u00ea], only reversed. They were both temples of Proteus,\nthe same as On, and Orus: both [Greek: Phlegraiai], by which is meant\ntemples of fire, or light-houses. Hence we may be pretty certain, that the\nthree pilots, Canobus, Phrontis, Pharos, together with Onetor, were only\npoetical personages: and that the terms properly related to towers, and\nsanctuaries, which were of Egyptian original.\n\nThese places were courts of justice, where the priests seem to have\npractised a strict inquisition; and where pains and penalties were very\nsevere. The notion of the Furies was taken from these temples: for the term\nFuria is from Ph'ur, ignis, and signifies a priest of fire. It was on\naccount of the cruelties here practised, that most of the antient judges\nare represented as inexorable; and are therefore made judges in hell. Of\nwhat nature their department was esteemed may be learned from Virgil,\n\n  [629]Gnossius h\u00e6c Rhadamanthus habet durissima regna:\n  Castigatque, auditque dolos, subigitque fateri, &c.\n\nThe temple at Phlegya in Boeotia was probably one of these courts; where\njustice was partially administered, and where great cruelties were\nexercised by the priests. Hence a person, named Phlegyas, is represented in\nthe shades below, crying out in continual agony, and exhorting people to\njustice.\n\n  [630]--Phlegyasque miserrimus omnes\n  Admonet, et tristi testatur voce per umbras,\n  Discite justitiam moniti, et non temnere Divos.\n\nExcellent counsel, but introduced rather too late. Phlegyas was in reality\nthe Sun; so denominated by the \u00c6thiopes, or Cuthites, and esteemed the same\nas Mithras of Persis. They looked up to him as their great benefactor, and\nlawgiver: for they held their laws as of divine original. His worship was\nintroduced among the natives of Greece by the Cuthites, styled Ethiopians,\nwho came from Egypt. That this was the true history of Phlegyas we may be\nassured from Stephanus, and Phavorinus. They mention both Phlegyas, and\nMithras, as men deified; and specify, that they were of Ethiopian original.\n[631][Greek: Mithran, kai Phleguan, andras Aithiopas to genos.] Minos\nindeed is spoken of, as an upright judge: and the person alluded to under\nthat character was eminently distinguished for his piety, and justice. But\nhis priests were esteemed far otherwise, for they were guilty of great\ncruelties. Hence we find, that Minos was looked upon as a judge of hell,\nand styled Qu\u00e6sitor Minos. He was in reality a Deity, the same as Menes,\nand Menon of Egypt: and as Manes of Lydia, Persis, and other countries. And\nthough his history be not consistently exhibited, yet, so much light may be\ngained from the Cretans, as to certify us, that there was in their island a\ntemple called Men-Tor, the tower of Men, or Menes. The Deity, from a\nparticular [632]hieroglyphic, under which the natives worshipped him, was\nstyled Minotaurus. To this temple the Athenians were obliged annually to\nsend some of their prime youth to be sacrificed; just as the people of\nCarthage used to send their children to be victims at [633]Tyre. The\nAthenians were obliged for some time to pay this tribute, as appears from\nthe festival in commemoration of their deliverance. The places most\ninfamous for these customs were those, which were situated upon the\nseacoast: and especially those dangerous passes, where sailors were obliged\nto go on shore for assistance, to be directed in their way. Scylla upon the\ncoast of Rhegium was one of these: and appears to have been particularly\ndreaded by mariners. Ulysses in Homer says, that he was afraid to mention\nher name to his companions, lest they should through astonishment have lost\nall sense of preservation.\n\n  [634][Greek: Skull\u00ean d' ouket' emutheom\u00ean apr\u00eakton ani\u00ean,]\n  [Greek: M\u00eap\u00f4s moi deisantes apoll\u00eaxeian hetairoi,]\n  [Greek: Eiresi\u00eas, entos de pukazoien spheas autous.]\n\nSome suppose Scylla to have been a dangerous rock; and that it was\nabominated on account of the frequent shipwrecks. There was a rock of that\nname, but attended with no such peril. We are informed by Seneca,\n[635]Scyllam saxum esse, et quidem non terribile navigantibus. It was the\ntemple, built of old upon that [636]eminence, and the customs which\nprevailed within, that made it so detested. This temple was a Petra: hence\nScylla is by Homer styled [Greek: Skull\u00ea Petrai\u00ea]; and the dogs, with which\nshe was supposed to have been surrounded, were Cahen, or priests.\n\nAs there was a Men-tor in Crete, so there was a place of the same name,\nonly reversed, in Sicily, called Tor-men, and Tauromenium. There is reason\nto think, that the same cruel practices prevailed here. It stood in the\ncountry of the Lami\u00e6, Lestrygons, and Cyclopes, upon the river On-Baal,\nwhich the Greeks rendered Onoballus. From hence we may conclude, that it\nwas one of the Cyclopian buildings. Homer has presented us with something\nof truth, though we receive it sadly mixed with fable. We find from him,\nthat when Ulysses entered the dangerous pass of Rhegium, he had six of his\ncomrades seized by Scylla: and he loses the same number in the cavern of\nthe Cyclops, which that monster devoured. Silenus, in a passage before\ntaken notice of, is by Euripides made to say, that the most agreeable\nrepast to the Cyclops was the flesh of strangers: nobody came within his\nreach, that he did not feed upon.\n\n  [637][Greek: Glukutata, ph\u00easi, ta krea tous xenous pherein;]\n  [Greek: Oudeis mol\u00f4n deur', hostis ou katesphag\u00ea.]\n\nFrom these accounts some have been led to think, that the priests in these\ntemples really fed upon the flesh of the persons sacrificed: and that these\nstories at bottom allude to a shocking depravity; such, as one would hope,\nthat human nature could not be brought to. Nothing can be more horrid, than\nthe cruel process of the Cyclops, as it is represented by Homer. And though\nit be veiled under the shades of poetry, we may still learn the\ndetestation, in which these places were held.\n\n  [638][Greek: Sun de du\u00f4 marpsas h\u00f4ste skulakas poti gai\u00eai]\n  [Greek: Kopt', ek d' enkephalos chamadis rhee, deue de gaian.]\n  [Greek: Tous te diamele\u00efsti tam\u00f4n h\u00f4plissato dorpon;]\n  [Greek: \u00casthie d' \u00f4ste le\u00f4n oresitrophos, oud' apeleipen]\n  [Greek: Enkata te, sarkas te, kai ostea mueloenta.]\n  [Greek: H\u00eameis de klaiontes aneschethomen Dii cheiras,]\n  [Greek: Sketlia erg' horo\u00f4ntes, am\u00eachani\u00ea d' eche thumon.]\n\n  [639]He answered with his deed: his bloody hand\n  Snatch'd two unhappy of my martial band,\n  And dash'd like dogs against the rocky floor:\n  The pavement swims with brains, and mingled gore.\n  Torn limb from limb, he spreads the horrid feast,\n  And fierce devours it like a mountain beast.\n  He sucks the marrow, and the blood he drains;\n  Nor entrails, flesh, nor solid bone remains.\n  We see the death, from which we cannot move,\n  And humbled groan beneath the hand of Jove.\n\nOne would not be very forward to strengthen an imputation, which disgraces\nhuman nature: yet there must certainly have been something highly brutal\nand depraved in the character of this people, to have given rise to this\ndescription of foul and unnatural feeding. What must not be concealed,\nEuhemerus, an antient writer, who was a native of these parts, did aver,\nthat this bestial practice once prevailed. Saturn's devouring his own\nchildren is supposed to allude to this custom. And we learn from this\nwriter, as the passage has been transmitted by [640]Ennius, that not only\nSaturn, but Ops, and the rest of mankind in their days, used to feed upon\nhuman flesh.--[641]Saturnum, et Opem, c\u00e6terosque tum homines humanam carnem\nsolitos esitare. He speaks of Saturn, and Ops, as of persons, who once\nlived in the world, and were thus guilty. But the priests of their temples\nwere the people to be really accused; the Cyclopians, Lami\u00e6, and\nLestrygons, who officiated at their altars. He speaks of the custom, as\nwell known: and it had undoubtedly been practised in those parts, where in\naftertimes hie was born. For he was a native [642]of Zancle, and lived in\nthe very country, of which we have been speaking, in the land of the\nLestrygons, and Cyclopians. The promontory of Scylla was within his sight.\nHe was therefore well qualified to give an account of these parts; and his\nevidence must necessarily have weight. Without doubt these cruel practices\nleft lasting impressions; and the memorials were not effaced for ages.\n\nIt is said of Orpheus by Horace, C\u00e6dibus, et victu foedo deterruit: by\nwhich one should be led to think, that the putting a stop to this unnatural\ngratification was owing to him. Others think, that he only discountenanced\nthe eating of raw flesh, which before had been usual. But this could not be\ntrue of Orpheus: for it was a circumstance, which made one part of his\ninstitutes. If there were ever such a man, as Orpheus, he enjoined the very\nthing, which he is supposed to have prohibited. For both in the [643]orgies\nof Bacchus and in the rites of Ceres, as well as of other Deities, one part\nof the mysteries consisted in a ceremony styled [Greek: \u00f4mophagia]; at\nwhich time they eat the flesh quite crude with the blood. In Crete at the\n[644]Dionusiaca they used to tear the flesh with their teeth from the\nanimal, when alive. This they did in commemoration of Dionusus. [645]Festos\nfuneris dies statuunt, et annuum sacrum trieteric\u00e2 consecratione componunt,\nomnia per ordinem facientes, qu\u00e6 puer moriens aut fecit, aut passus est.\n_Vivum laniant dentibus Taurum_, crudeles epulas annuis commemorationibus\nexcitantes. Apollonius Rhodius speaking of persons like to Bacchanalians,\nrepresents them [646][Greek: Thuasin \u00f4moborois ikelai], as savage as the\nThyades, who delighted in bloody banquets. Upon this the Scholiast\nobserves, that the M\u00e6nadas, and Bacch\u00e6, used to devour the raw limbs of\nanimals, which they had cut or torn asunder. [647][Greek: Pollakis t\u00eai\nmaniai kataschisthenta, kai \u00f4mosparakta, esthiousin.] In the island of\nChios it was a religious custom to tear a man limb from limb by way of\nsacrifice to Dionusus. The same obtained in Tenedos. It is Porphyry, who\ngives the account. He was a staunch Pagan, and his evidence on that account\nis of consequence. He quotes for the rites of Tenedos Euelpis the\nCarystian. [648][Greek: Ethuonto de kai en Chi\u00f4 t\u00f4i \u00d4madi\u00f4i Dionus\u00f4i\nanthr\u00f4pon diesp\u00f4ntes; kai en Tened\u00f4i, ph\u00easin Euelpis ho Karustios.] From\nall which we may learn one sad truth, that there is scarce any thing so\nimpious and unnatural, as not at times to have prevailed.\n\nWe need not then wonder at the character given of the Lestiygones, Lami\u00e6,\nand Cyclopians, who were inhabitants of Sicily, and lived nearly in the\nsame part of the island. They seem to have been the priests, and\npriestesses, of the Leontini, who resided at Pelorus, and in the Cyclopian\ntowers: on which account the Lami\u00e6 are by Lucilius termed [649]Turricol\u00e6.\nThey are supposed to have delighted in human blood, like the Cyclopians,\nbut with this difference, that their chief repast was the flesh of young\npersons and children; of which they are represented as very greedy. They\nwere priests of Ham, called El Ham; from whence was formed 'Lamus and\n'Lamia. Their chief city, the same probably, which was named Tauromenium,\nis mentioned by Homer, as the city of Lamus.\n\n  [650][Greek: Hebdomat\u00eai d' hikomestha Lamou aipu ptoliethron.]\n\nAnd the inhabitants are represented as of the giant race.\n\n  [651][Greek: Phoit\u00f4n d' iphthimoi Laistrugones, allothen allos,]\n  [Greek: Murioi, ouk andressin eoikotes, alla Gigasi.]\n\nMany give an account of the Lestrygons, and Lami\u00e6, upon the Liris in Italy;\nand also upon other parts of that coast: and some of them did settle there.\nBut they were more particularly to be found in [652]Sicily near Leontium,\nas the Scholiast upon Lycophron observes. [653][Greek: Laistrugones, hoi\nnun Leontinoi.] _The antient Lestrygons were the people, whose posterity\nare now called Leontini_. The same writer takes notice of their incivility\nto strangers: [654][Greek: Ouk \u00easan eithismenoi xenous hupodechesthai.]\nThat they were Amonians, and came originally from Babylonia, is pretty\nevident from the history of the Erythrean Sibyl; who was no other than a\nLamian priestess. She is said to have been the daughter of Lamia, who was\nthe daughter of Poseidon. [655][Greek: Sibullan--Lamias ousan thugatera tou\nPoseid\u00f4nos.] Under the character of one person is to be understood a\npriesthood: of which community each man was called Lamus, and each\npriestess Lamia. By the Sibyl being the daughter of Lamia, the daughter of\nPoseidon, is meant, that she was of Lamian original, and ultimately\ndescended from the great Deity of the sea. Who is alluded to under that\ncharacter, will hereafter be shewn. The countries, to which the Sibyl is\nreferred, point out her extraction: for she is said to have come from\nEgypt, and Babylonia. [656][Greek: Hoi de aut\u00ean Babul\u00f4nian, heteroi de\nSibullan kalousin Aiguptian.] If the Sibyl came from Babylonia and Egypt,\nher supposed parent, Lamia, must have been of the same original.\n\nThe Lami\u00e6 were not only to be found in Italy, and Sicily, but Greece,\nPontus, and [657]Libya. And however widely they may have been separated,\nthey are still represented in the same unfavourable light. Euripides says,\nthat their very name was detestable.\n\n  [658][Greek: Tis t' ounoma tod' eponeidiston brotois]\n  [Greek: Ouk oide Lamias t\u00eas Libustik\u00eas genos.]\n\nPhilostratus speaks of their bestial appetite, and unnatural gluttony.\n[659][Greek: Lamias sark\u00f4n, kai malista anthr\u00f4pei\u00f4n erain.] And Aristotle\nalludes to practices still more shocking: as if they tore open the bodies\nbig with child, that they might get at the infant to devour it. _I speak_,\nsays he, _of people, who have brutal appetites_. [660][Greek: Leg\u00f4 de tas\nth\u00eari\u00f4deis, hoion t\u00ean anthr\u00f4pon, t\u00ean legousi tas kuousas anaschizousan ta\npaidia katestheein.] These descriptions are perhaps carried to a great\nexcess; yet the history was founded in truth: and shews plainly what\nfearful impressions were left upon the minds of men from the barbarity of\nthe first ages.\n\nOne of the principal places in Italy, where the Lamia seated themselves,\nwas about Formi\u00e6; of which Horace takes notice in his Ode to \u00c6lius Lamia.\n\n  [661]\u00c6li, vetusto nobilis ab Lamo, &c.\n  Authore ab illo ducis originem,\n  Qui Formiarum moenia dicitur\n    Princeps, et innantem Maric\u00e6\n    Littoribus tenuisse Lirim.\n\nThe chief temple of the Formians was upon the sea-coast at Caiete. It is\nsaid to have had its name from a woman, who died here: and whom some make\nthe nurse of \u00c6neas, others of Ascanius, others still of [662]Creusa. The\ntruth is this: it stood near a cavern, sacred to the God Ait, called Ate,\nAtis, and Attis; and it was hence called Caieta, and Caiatta. Strabo says,\nthat it was denominated from a cave, though he did not know the precise\n[663]etymology. There were also in the rock some wonderful subterranes,\nwhich branched out into various apartments. Here the antient Lamii, the\npriests of Ham, [664]resided: whence Silius Italicus, when he speaks of the\nplace, styles it [665]Regnata Lamo Caieta. They undoubtedly sacrificed\nchildren here; and probably the same custom was common among the Lamii, as\nprevailed among the Laced\u00e6monians, who used to whip their children round\nthe altar of Diana Orthia. Thus much we are assured by Fulgentius, and\nothers, that the usual term among the antient Latines for the whipping of\nchildren was Caiatio. [666]Apud Antiquos Caiatio dicebatur puerilis c\u00e6des.\n\nThe coast of Campania seems to have been equally infamous: and as much\ndreaded by mariners, as that of Rhegium, and Sicily. Here the Sirens\ninhabited, who are represented, as the bane of all, who navigated those\nseas. They like the Lamii were Cuthite, and Canaanitish priests, who had\nfounded temples in these parts; and particularly near three small islands,\nto which they gave name. These temples were rendered more than ordinary\nfamous on account of the women, who officiated. They were much addicted to\nthe cruel rites, of which I have been speaking; so that the shores, upon\nwhich they resided, are described, as covered with the bones of men,\ndestroyed by their artifice.\n\n  [667]Jamque adeo scopulos Sirenum advecta subibat,\n  Difficiles quondam, multorumque ossibus albos.\n\nThey used hymns in their temples, accompanied with the music of their\ncountry: which must have been very enchanting, as we may judge from the\ntraditions handed down of its efficacy. I have mentioned, that the songs of\nthe Canaanites and Cretans were particularly plaintive, and pleasing:\n\n  [668]They sang in sweet but melancholy strains;\n  Such as were warbled by the Delian God,\n  When in the groves of Ida he bewail'd\n  The lovely lost Atymnius.\n\nBut nothing can shew more fully the power of antient harmony than the\ncharacter given of the Sirens. Their cruelty the antients held in\ndetestation; yet always speak feelingly of their music. They represent\ntheir songs as so fatally winning, that nobody could withstand their\nsweetness. All were soothed with it; though their life was the purchase of\nthe gratification. The Scholiast upon Lycophron makes them the children of\nthe muse [669]Terpsichore. Nicander supposes their mother to have been\nMelpomene: others make her Calliope. The whole of this is merely an\nallegory; and means only that they were the daughters of harmony. Their\nefficacy is mentioned by [670]Apollonius Rhodius: and by the Author of the\nOrphic [671]Argonautica: but the account given by Homer is by far the most\naffecting.\n\n  [672][Greek: Seir\u00eanas men pr\u00f4ton aphixeai, hai rha te pantas]\n  [Greek: Anthr\u00f4pous thelgousin, hotis spheas eisaphikanei.]\n  [Greek: Hostis a\u00efdrei\u00eai pelasei, kai phthongon akousei]\n  [Greek: Seir\u00ean\u00f4n, t\u00f4i d' outi gun\u00ea, kai n\u00eapia tekna]\n  [Greek: Oikade nost\u00easanti paristatai, oude ganuntai;]\n  [Greek: Alla te Seir\u00eanes ligur\u00eai thelgousin aoid\u00eai,]\n  [Greek: H\u00eamenoi en leim\u00f4ni; polus t' amph' osteophin this]\n  [Greek: Andr\u00f4n puthomen\u00f4n, peri de rhinoi phthinuthousin.]\n\nThey are the words of Circe to Ulysses, giving him an account of the\ndangers which he was to encounter.\n\n  [673]Next where the Sirens dwell, you plough the seas.\n  Their song is death, and makes destruction please.\n  Unblest the man, whom music makes to stray\n  Near the curst coast, and listen to their lay.\n  No more that wretch shall view the joys of life,\n  His blooming offspring, or his pleasing wife.\n\n  In verdant meads they sport, and wide around\n  Lie human bones, that whiten all the ground:\n  The ground polluted floats with human gore,\n  And human carnage taints the dreadful shore.\n  Fly, fly the dangerous coast.\n\nThe story at bottom relates to the people above-mentioned; who with their\nmusic used to entice strangers into the purlieus of their temples, and then\nput them to death. Nor was it music only, with which persons were seduced\nto follow them. The female part of their choirs were maintained for a\ntwofold purpose, both on account of their voices and their beauty. They\nwere accordingly very liberal of their favours, and by these means enticed\nseafaring persons, who paid dearly for their entertainment. Scylla was a\npersonage of this sort: and among the fragments of Callimachus we have a\nshort, but a most perfect, description of her character.\n\n  [674][Greek: Skulla, gun\u00ea katakasa, kai ou psuthos ounom' echousa.]\n\n[Greek: Katakasa] is by some interpreted _malefica_: upon which the learned\nHemsterhusius remarks very justly--[Greek: katakasa] cur Latine vertatur\nmalefica non video. Si Grammaticis obtemperes, meretricem interpretabere:\nerat enim revera [Greek: N\u00easi\u00f4tis kal\u00ea hetaira], ut Heraclitus [Greek: peri\napis]: c. 2. Scylla then, under which character we are here to understand\nthe chief priestess of the place, was no other than a handsome island\nstrumpet. Her name it seems betokened as much, and she did not belie it:\n[Greek: ou psuthos ounom' echousa]. We may from these data decipher the\nhistory of Scylla, as given by Tzetzes. [Greek: \u00can de pr\u00f4ton Skulla gun\u00ea\neuprep\u00eas; Poseid\u00f4ni de sunousa apeth\u00eari\u00f4th\u00ea.] _Scylla was originally a\nhandsome wench: but being too free with seafaring people she made herself a\nbeast_. She was, like the Sibyl of Campania, said by Stesichorus to have\nbeen the daughter of [675]Lamia. Hence we may learn, that all, who resided\nin the places, which I have been describing, were of the same religion, and\nof the same family; being the descendants of Ham, and chiefly by the\ncollateral branches of Chus, and Canaan.\n\nThe like rites prevailed in Cyprus, which had in great measure been peopled\nby persons of these [676]families. One of their principal cities was\nCurium, which was denominated from [677]Curos, the Sun, the Deity, to whom\nit was sacred. In the perilous voyages of the antients nothing was more\ncommon than for strangers, whether shipwrecked, or otherwise distressed, to\nfly to the altar of the chief Deity, [Greek: Theou philiou, kai xeniou],\n_the God of charity and hospitality_, for his protection. This was fatal to\nthose who were driven upon the western coast of Cyprus. The natives of\nCurium made it a rule to destroy all such, under an appearance of a\nreligious rite. Whoever laid their hands upon the altar of Apollo, were\ncast down the precipice, upon which it stood. [678][Greek: Euthus estin\nakra, aph' h\u00eas rhiptousi tous hapsamenous tou b\u00f4mou tou Apoll\u00f4nos]. Strabo\nspeaks of the practice, as if it subsisted in his time. A like custom\nprevailed at the Tauric Chersonesus, as we are informed by Herodotus.\n[679][Greek: Thuousi men t\u00eai Parthen\u00f4i tous te nau\u00eagous, kai tous an lab\u00f4si\nHell\u00ean\u00f4n epanachthentas, trop\u00f4i toi\u00f4ide. Katarxamenoi rhopal\u00f4i paiousi t\u00ean\nkephal\u00ean. Hoi men d\u00ea legousi, h\u00f4s to s\u00f4ma apo tou kr\u00eamnou di\u00f4theousi kat\u00f4;\nepi gar kr\u00eamnou hidrutai to Hiron. ktl.] _The people of this place worship\nthe virgin Goddess Artemis: at whose shrine they sacrifice all persons, who\nhave the misfortune to be shipwrecked upon their coast: and all the\nGrecians, that they can lay hold of, when they are at any time thither\ndriven. All these they without any ceremony brain with a club. Though\nothers say, that they shove them off headlong from a high precipice: for\ntheir temple is founded upon a cliff._\n\nThe den of Cacus was properly Ca-Chus, the cavern or temple of Chus, out of\nwhich the poets, and later historians have formed a strange personage, whom\nthey represent as a shepherd, and the son of Vulcan. Many antient\nDivinities, whose rites and history had any relation to Ur in Chaldea, are\nsaid to have been the children of Vulcan; and oftentimes to have been born\nin fire. There certainly stood a temple of old upon the Aventine mountain\nin Latium, which was the terror of the neighbourhood. The cruelties of the\npriests, and their continual depredations, may be inferred from the history\nof Cacus. Virgil makes Evander describe the place to \u00c6neas; though it is\nsupposed in his time to have been in ruins.\n\n  [680]Jam primum saxis suspensam hanc aspice rupem,\n  Disject\u00e6 procul ut moles, desertaque montis\n  Stat domus, et scopuli ingentem traxere ruinam.\n  Hic spelunca fuit, vasto submota recessu,\n  Semihominis Caci, facies quam dira tegebat,\n  Solis inaccessum radiis: semperque recenti\n  C\u00e6de tepebat humus; foribusque affixa superbis\n  Ora vir\u00fbm tristi pendebant pallida tabo.\n  Huic monstro Vulcanus erat pater.\n\nLivy mentions Cacus as a shepherd, and a person of great strength, and\nviolence. [681]Pastor, accola ejus loci, Cacus, ferox viribus. He is\nmentioned also by Plutarch, who styles him Caccus, [Greek: Kakkos].\n[682][Greek: Ton men gar H\u00eaphaistou paida R\u00f4maioi Kakkon historousi pur kai\nphlogas aphienai dia tou stomatos ex\u00f4 rheousas.] As there were both\npriests, and priestesses, in temples of this sort, persons styled both\nLami, and Lami\u00e6; so we read both of a Cacus, and a Caca. The latter was\nsupposed to have been a Goddess, who was made a Deity for having betrayed\nher brother to Hercules. [683]Colitur et Caca, qu\u00e6 Herculi fecit indicium\nboum; divinitatem consecuta, quia perdidit fratrem. In short, under the\ncharacters of Caca, and Cacus, we have a history of Cacusian priests, who\nseem to have been a set of people devoted to rapine and murder.\n\nWhat we express Cocytus, and suppose to have been merely a river, was\noriginally a temple in Egypt called Co-Cutus: for rivers were generally\ndenominated from some town, or temple, near which they ran. Co-Cutus means\nthe Cuthite temple, the house of Cuth. It was certainly a place of\ninquisition, where great cruelties were exercised. Hence the river, which\nwas denominated from it, was esteemed a river of hell; and was supposed to\nhave continual cries, and lamentations resounding upon its waters.\n\n  [684]Cocytus, named of lamentation loud\n  Heard on its banks.\n\nMilton supposes the river to have been named from the Greek word [Greek:\nk\u00f4kutos]: but the reverse is the truth. From the baleful river and temple\nCo-cutus came the Greek terms [Greek: k\u00f4kutos], and [Greek: k\u00f4ku\u00f4].\nAcheron, another infernal river, was properly a temple of Achor, the\n[Greek: theos apomuios] of Egypt, Palestine, and Cyrene. It was a temple of\nthe Sun, called Achor-On: and it gave name to the river, on whose banks it\nstood. Hence like Cocutus it was looked upon as a melancholy stream, and by\nthe Poet Theocritus styled [685][Greek: Acheronta polustonon], _the river\nof lamentations_. Aristophanes speaks of an eminence of this name, and\ncalls it [686][Greek: Acherontios skopelos haimatostag\u00eas], _the rock of\nAcheron, dropping blood_.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nOF\n\nMEED OR [Greek: M\u00caTIS],\n\nAND THE\n\nGODDESS HIPPA.\n\nOne of the most antient Deities of the Amonians was named Meed, or Meet; by\nwhich was signified divine wisdom. It was rendered by the Grecians [Greek:\nM\u00eatis] in the masculine: but seems to have been a feminine Deity; and\nrepresented under the symbol of a beautiful female countenance surrounded\nwith serpents. The author of the Orphic Poetry makes Metis the origin of\nall [687]things: which Proclus expresses [688][Greek: t\u00ean d\u00eamiourgik\u00ean\naitian]: and supposes this personage to be the same as Phanes, and\nDionusus, from whom all things proceeded. By Timotheus Chronographus, in\nhis account of the creation, this divinity was described as that vivifying\nlight, which first broke forth upon the infant world, and produced life and\nmotion. His notion is said to have been borrowed from Orpheus: [Greek:\nEphrase de (ho] [689] [Greek: Orpheus) hoti to ph\u00f4s rh\u00eaxan ton aithera\neph\u00f4tise pasan t\u00ean ktisin; eip\u00f4n, ekeino einai to ph\u00f4s to rh\u00eaxan ton\naithera to proeir\u00eamenon, to hupertaton pant\u00f4n, hou onoma ho autos Orpheus\nakousas ek Manteias exeipe M\u00caTIS, hoper herm\u00eaneuetai BOUL\u00ca, PH\u00d4S, Z\u00d4ODOT\u00caR.\nEipen en t\u00eai autou ekthesei tautas tas treis theias t\u00f4n onomat\u00f4n dunameis\nmian einai dunamin, kai hen kratos tout\u00f4n Theon, hon oudeis horai.] The\naccount is remarkable. Hippa was another Goddess, of the like antiquity,\nand equally obsolete. Some traces however are to be still found in the\nOrphic verses above-mentioned, by which we may discover her original\ncharacter and department. She is there represented as the nurse of\n[690]Dionusus, and seems to have been the same as Cybele, who was\nworshipped in the mountains of [691]Phrygia, and by the Lydians upon\nTmolus. She is said to have been the soul of the [692]world: and the person\nwho received and fostered Dionusus, when he came from the thigh of his\nfather. This history relates to his second birth, when he returned to a\nsecond state of childhood. Dionusus was the chief God of the Gentile world,\nand worshipped under various titles; which at length came to be looked upon\nas different Deities. Most of these secondary Divinities had the title of\nHippius, and Hippia: and as they had female attendants in their temples,\nthese too had the name of Hippai. What may have been the original of the\nterm Hippa, and Hippus, will be matter of future disquisition. Thus much is\ncertain, that the Greeks, who were but little acquainted with the purport\nof their antient theology, uniformly referred it to [693]horses. Hence it\nwas often prefixed to the names of Gods, and of Goddesses, when it had no\nrelation to their department; and seemed inconsistent with their character.\nWe have not only an account of [Greek: Ar\u00eas Hippios], Mars the horseman;\nbut of Poseidon Hippius, though a God of the sea. He is accordingly\ncomplimented upon this title by the Poet Aristophanes.\n\n  [694][Greek: Hippi' Anax Poseidon, h\u00f4i]\n  [Greek: Chalkokrot\u00f4n hipp\u00f4n ktupos]\n  [Greek: Kai chremetismos handanei.]\n\nCeres had the title of Hippia: and the Goddess of wisdom, Minerva, had the\nsame. We read also of Juno Hippia, who at Olympia partook of joint rites\nand worship, with those equestrian Deities Neptune, and Mars. Pausanias\nmentions [695][Greek: Poseid\u00f4nos Hippiou, mai H\u00earas Hippiou b\u00f4moi]: and\nhard-by [Greek: t\u00eai men Are\u00f4s Hippiou, t\u00eai de Ath\u00eanas Hippiou b\u00f4mos.] In\nArcadia, and Elis, the most antient rites were preserved: and the Grecians\nmight have known, that the terms Hippa and Hippia were of foreign purport\nfrom the other titles given to Juno at Olympia. For they sacrificed here to\n[696]Amonian Juno, and to Juno Paramonian; which were also titles of\nHermes. Hippa was a sacred Egyptian term, and as such was conferred upon\nArsino\u00eb, the wife of Ptolemy Philadelphus: for the princes of Egypt always\nassumed to themselves sacred appellations. [697][Greek: Hippia Arsino\u00ea, h\u00ea\ntou Philadelphou gun\u00ea.] As the Grecians did not inquire into the hidden\npurport of antient names, they have continually misrepresented the\nhistories of which they treated. As Ceres was styled Hippa, they have\nimagined her to have been turned into a [698]mare: and Hippius Poseidon was\nin like manner changed to a horse, and supposed in that shape to have had\nan intimate acquaintance with the Goddess. Of this Ovid takes notice.\n\n  [699]Et te, flava comas, frugum mitissima mater\n  Sensit equum: te sensit avem crinita colubris\n  Mater equi volucris.\n\nThe like is mentioned of the nymph [700]Ocuro\u00eb: also of Philyra, who was so\nchanged by Saturn. He is said to have taken upon himself the same shape,\nand to have followed her neighing over the mountains of Thessaly.\n\n  [701]Talis et ipse jubam cervice effudit equin\u00e2\n  Conjugis adventu pernix Saturnus, et altum\n  Pelion hinnitu fugiens implevit acuto.\n\nAll these legendary stories arose from this antient term being obsolete,\nand misapplied. Homer makes mention of the mares of Apollo, which the God\nwas supposed to have bred in Pieria:\n\n  [702][Greek: Tas en Pieri\u00eai threps' argurotoxos Apoll\u00f4n.]\n\nAnd he has accordingly put them in harness, and given them to the hero\nEumelus. Callimachus takes notice of the same mares in his hymn to the\nShepherd God Apollo.\n\n  [703][Greek: Phoibon kai Nomion kikl\u00easkomen, exet' ekeinou,]\n  [Greek: Exet' ep' Amphrus\u00f4i zeug\u00eatidas etrephen hippas,]\n  [Greek: \u00caitheou hup' er\u00f4ti kekaumenos Adm\u00eatoio.]\n\nThese Hippai, misconstrued mares, were priestesses of the Goddess Hippa,\nwho was of old worshipped in Thessaly, and Thrace, and in many different\nregions. They chanted hymns in her temples, and performed the rites of\nfire: but the worship growing obsolete, the very terms were at last\nmistaken. How far this worship once prevailed may be known from the many\nplaces denominated from Hippa. It was a title of Apollo, or the Sun, and\noften compounded Hippa On, and contracted Hippon: of which name places\noccur in Africa near Carthage[704]. [Greek: H\u00eate d\u00ea Kirta polis entautha\nkai hoi duo Hipp\u00f4nes.] Argos was of old called Hippeion; not from the\nanimal [Greek: Hippos], but [705][Greek: apo Hipp\u00eas tou Danaou,] _from\nHippa the daughter of Danaus_. That is from a priestess, who founded there\na temple, and introduced the rites of the Goddess whom she served. As it\nwas a title of the Sun, it was sometimes expressed in the masculine gender\nHippos: and Pausanias takes notice of a most curious, and remarkable piece\nof antiquity, though he almost ruins the purport of it by referring it to\nan horse. It stood near mount Taygetus in Laconia, and was called the\nmonument of Hippos. The author tells us, [706]_that at particular intervals\nfrom this monument stood seven pillars, [Greek: kata tropon oimai\narchaion,] placed_, says he, _as I imagine, according to some antient rule\nand method; which pillars were supposed to represent the seven planets_. If\nthen these exterior stones related to the [707]seven erratic bodies in our\nsphere, the central monument of Hippos must necessarily have been designed\nfor the Sun. And however rude the whole may possibly have appeared, it is\nthe most antient representation upon record, and consequently the most\ncurious, of the planetary system.\n\nIt is from hence, I think, manifest, that the titles Hippa, and Hippos,\nrelated to the luminary Osiris; and betokened some particular department of\nthat Deity, who was the same as Dionusus. He was undoubtedly worshipped\nunder this appellation in various regions: hence we read of Hippici Montes\nin Colchis: [Greek: Hippou k\u00f4m\u00ea] in Lycia: [Greek: Hippou akra] in Libya:\n[Greek: Hippou oros] in Egypt: and a town Hippos in Arabia Felix. There\noccur also in composition[708], Hippon, Hipporum, Hippouris, Hippana,\nHipponesus, Hippocrene. This last was a sacred fountain, denominated from\nthe God of light, who was the patron of verse, and science: but by the\nGreeks it was referred to an animal, and supposed to have been produced by\nthe hoof of an horse. The rites of Dionusus Hippius were carried into\nThrace, where the horses of Diomedes were said to have been fed with human\nflesh. Deianira is introduced by Ovid, as asking Hercules, if he did not\nwell remember this practice.\n\n  [709]Non tibi succurrit crudi Diomedis imago,\n  Efferus human\u00e2 qui dape pavit equos?\n\nAbderus, the founder of Abdera, is supposed to have been a victim to these\nanimals: of which Scymnus Chius gives the following account.\n\n  [710][Greek: T\u00f4n d' epi thalatt\u00eai keimen\u00f4n estin polis]\n  [Greek: Abd\u00ear', ap' Abd\u00earou men \u00f4nomasmen\u00ea,]\n  [Greek: Tou kai ktisantos proteron aut\u00ean; hos dokei]\n  [Greek: Hupo t\u00f4n Diom\u00eadous husteron xenokton\u00f4n]\n  [Greek: Hipp\u00f4n phthar\u00eanai.]\n\nThese horses, [Greek: xenoktonoi], which fed upon the flesh of strangers,\nwere the priests of Hippa, and of Dionusus, styled Hippus, or more properly\nHippius. They seem to have resided in an island, and probably in the\nThracian Chersonese: which they denominated [711]Diu-Medes, or the island\nof the Egyptian Deity Medes. From hence the Grecian Poets have formed a\npersonage Diomedes, whom they have made king of the country. There were\nopposite to Apulia islands of the same name, where similar rites prevailed.\nThe priests were here Cycneans, and described as a species of swans, who\nwere kind to people of their own race, but cruel to [712]strangers. A\nDiomedes is supposed to have been a king in these parts, and to have given\nname to these islands. It is said by Scymnus Chios above, that Abderus, who\nwas devoured by the horses of Diomedes in Thrace, built the city, which\nbore his name. The Grecians continually supposed the personage, in whose\nhonour a city was built, to have been the founder. I have mentioned, that\nAbderus signifies the place of Abdir, which is a contraction of Abadir, the\nserpent Deity Ad-Ur, or Adorus. And it is plain from many passages in\nantient writers, that human sacrifices were common at his shrine; and\nparticularly those of infants. By Abdera being a victim to the horses of\nDiomedes is meant that the natives of that place, which stood in the\nvicinity of the Chersonesus, were obliged to submit to the cruel rites of\nthe Diomedean [713]priests. The very name must have come from them; for\nthey worshipped the Deity under the titles of Meed, Hippa, and Abadir; and\nvarious other appellations.\n\nThere is an account given by [714]Pal\u00e6phatus of one Metra, who in the more\nauthentic manuscripts is called [Greek: M\u00eastra], Meestra. It is said of\nher, that she could change herself into various forms, particularly [Greek:\nek kor\u00eas genesthai boun, kai authis kuna, kai orneon,] _that she would\ninstead of a young woman appear an ox, or a cow; or else be in the shape of\na dog, or of a bird_. She is represented as the daughter of Eresicthon: and\nthese uncommon properties are mentioned by Ovid[715], who sets them off\nwith much embellishment. The story at bottom is very plain. Egypt, the land\nof the Mizraim, was by the Greeks often styled [716]Mestra and\n[717]Mestraia: and by the person here called Mestra we are certainly to\nunderstand a woman of that country. She was sometimes mentioned simply as a\nCahen, or priestess, which the Grecians have rendered [Greek: kuna], a dog.\nWomen in this sacred capacity attended at the shrine of Apis, and Mneuis;\nand of the sacred heifer at Onuphis. Some of them in different countries\nwere styled Cygneans, and also Peleiad\u00e6, of whom the principal were the\nwomen at [718]Dodona. Many of them were priestesses of Hippa, and upon that\naccount styled Hippai, as I have shewn. Hence the mythologists under the\ncharacter of Meestra have represented an Egyptian priestess, who could\nassume many departments, which were misconstrued different shapes. She\ncould become, if we may credit Ovid,\n\n  Nunc equa, nunc ales, modo bos.\n\nor according to Pal\u00e6phatus, [Greek: boun, kuna, kai orneon]: _a cow, a dog,\nand a bird_. The whole of this related to the particular service of the\npriestess; and to the emblem under which the Deity was worshipped.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nRITES\n\nOF\n\nDAMATER, OR CERES.\n\nI shall now proceed to the rites of Ceres: and the general character of\nthis Goddess is so innocent, and rural, that one would imagine nothing\ncruel could proceed from her shrine. But there was a time, when some of her\ntemples were as much dreaded, as those of Scylla, and the Cyclops. They\nwere courts of justice; whence she is often spoken of as a lawgiver.\n\n  [719]Prima Ceres unco terram dimovit aratro,\n  Prima dedit leges.\n\nShe is joined by Cicero with Libera, and they are styled the Deities,\n[720]a quibus initia vit\u00e6, atque victus, _legum, morum_, mansuetudinis,\nhumanitatis, exempla hominibus, et civitatibus data, ac dispertita esse\ndicantur. The Deity, to whom she was a substitute, was El, the Sun. He was\nprimarily worshipped in these temples: and I have shewn, that they were\nfrom Achor denominated Acherontian; also temples of Ops, and Oupis, the\ngreat serpent God. Hence it is said by Hesychius, that Acheron, and Ops,\nand Helle, and [721]Gerys, and Terra, and Demeter, were the same. [Greek:\nH\u00ea] [722][Greek: Acher\u00f4, kai \u00d4pis, kai Hell\u00ea, kai G\u00earus, kai G\u00ea, kai\nD\u00eam\u00eat\u00ear,] [723][Greek: to auto.] Ceres was the Deity of fire: hence at\nCnidus she was called [Greek: Kura], [724]Cura, a title of the Sun. Her\nRoman name Ceres, expressed by Hesychius Gerys, was by the Dorians more\nproperly rendered [725]Garys. It was originally a name of a city, called\n[Greek: Charis]: for many of the Deities were erroneously called by the\nnames of the places where they were worshipped. Charis is Char-Is, the\n[726]city of fire; the place where Orus and Hephastus were worshipped.\nHence as a personage she is made the wife of [727]Vulcan, on account of her\nrelation to fire. Her title of Damater was equally foreign to Greece; and\ncame from Babylonia, and the east. It may after this seem extraordinary,\nthat she should ever be esteemed the Goddess of corn. This notion arose in\npart from the Grecians not understanding their own theology: which bad\noriginally, became continually more depraved, through their ignorance. The\ntowers of Ceres were P'urtain, or [Greek: Prutaneia]; so called from the\nfires, which were perpetually there preserved. The Grecians interpreted\nthis [Greek: purou tameion]; and rendered, what was a temple of Orus, a\ngranary of corn. In consequence of this, though they did not abolish the\nantient usage of the place, they made it a repository of grain, from whence\nthey gave largesses to the people upon any act of merit. [728][Greek: Topos\n\u00ean par' Ath\u00eanaiois, en h\u00f4i koinai sit\u00easeis tois d\u00eamosiois euergetais\nedidonto; hothen kai Prutaneion ekaleito, hoionei purotameion; puros gar ho\nsitos;] In early times the corn there deposited seems to have been for the\npriests and [729]diviners. But this was only a secondary use, to which\nthese places were adapted. They were properly sacred towers, where a\nperpetual fire was preserved. Pausanias takes notice of such a one in\nArcadia. [730][Greek: D\u00eam\u00eatros, kai Kor\u00eas hieron, pur de entautha kaiousi,\npoioumenoi phrontida, m\u00ea lath\u00eai sphisin aposbesthen.] He mentions a like\ncircumstance at the Prutaneion in Elis[731]: [Greek: Esti de h\u00eai Hestia\ntephras kai aut\u00ea pepoi\u00eamen\u00ea, kai ep' aut\u00eas pur ana pasan te h\u00eameran, kai en\npas\u00eai nukti h\u00f4saut\u00f4s kaietai.] Attica at first was divided into separate\nand independent hamlets: each of which had its own Prutaneion, and Archon.\nThese Archons were priests of the [732]Prutaneia; and were denominated from\ntheir office. Archon is the same as Orchon, and like Chon-Or signifies the\nGod of light, and fire; from which title the priests had their name. In\nBabylonia, and Chaldea, they were called Urchani.\n\nAs in these temples there was always a [733]light, and a fire burning on\nthe hearth, some of the Grecians have varied in their etymology, and have\nderived the name from [Greek: pur], Pur. Suidas supposes it to have been\noriginally called [Greek: Puros tameion]. [734][Greek: Prutaneion, puros\ntameion, entha \u00ean asbeston pur.] The Scholiast upon Thucydides speaks to\nthe same purpose. [735][Greek: Alloi de phasin, hoti to Prutaneion puros \u00ean\ntameion, entha \u00ean asbeston pur.] _Others tell us, that the Prutaneion was\nof old called Puros Tameion, from [Greek: pur], pur: because it was the\nrepository of a perpetual fire_. It was sacred to Hestia, the Vesta of the\nRomans; which was only another title for Damater: and the sacred hearth had\nthe same name. [736][Greek: Hestian d' an kuri\u00f4tata kaloi\u00eas t\u00ean en\nPrutanei\u00f4i, eph' h\u00eas to pur to asbeston anaptetai.] I have mentioned, that\nthese places were temples, and at the same time courts of justice: hence we\nfind, that in the Prutaneion at Athens, the laws of Solon were\n[737]engraved. These laws were described upon wooden cylinders: some of\nwhich remained to the time of [738]Plutarch.\n\nMany of these temples were dedicated to the Deity under the name of\nPersephone, or Proserpine, the supposed daughter of Ceres. They were in\nreality the same personage. Persephone was styled [Greek: Kora], Cora;\nwhich the Greeks misinterpreted [Greek: Parthenos], the virgin, or damsel.\nHow could a person, who according to the received accounts had been\nravished by Pluto, and been his consort for ages; who was the reputed queen\nof hell, be styled by way of eminence [Greek: Parthenos]? [Greek: Kora],\nCora, which they understood was the same as Cura, a feminine title of the\nsun: by which Ceres also was called at Cnidos. However mild and gentle\nProserpine may have been represented in her virgin state by the Poets; yet\nher tribunal seems in many places to have been very formidable. In\nconsequence of this we find her with Minos, and Rhadamanthus, condemned to\nthe shades below, as an infernal inquisitor. Nonnus says,\n\n    [739][Greek: Persephon\u00ea th\u00f4r\u00eaxen Erinnuas.]\n\n_Proserpine armed the furies_. The notion of which Furies arose from the\ncruelties practised in these Prutaneia. They were called by the Latines,\nFuri\u00e6; and were originally only priests of fire: but were at last ranked\namong the hellish tormentors. Ceres the benefactress, and lawgiver, was\nsometimes enrolled in the list of these d\u00e6mons. This is manifest from a\npassage in Antimachus, quoted by Pausanias, where her temple is spoken of\nas the shrine of a Fury.\n\n    [740][Greek: D\u00eam\u00eatros, tothi phasin Erinnuos einai edethlon.]\n\nThe like is mentioned by the Scholiast upon Lycophron, [741][Greek: Erinnus\nh\u00ea D\u00eam\u00eat\u00ear en Onkais polei t\u00eas Arkadias timaitai.] Her temple stood upon\nthe river Ladon, and she had this name given to her by the people of the\nplace. [Greek: Kalousi de Erinnun hoi Thelpousioi t\u00ean Theon.] _The\nThelpusians call the Goddess Demeter a Fury_. Herodotus speaks of a\nPrutaneion in Achaia Pthiotic, called Le\u00eftus; of which he gives a fearful\naccount. _No person_, he says, _ever entered the precincts, who returned.\nWhatever person ever strayed that way, was immediately seized upon by the\npriests, and sacrificed. The custom so far prevailed, that many, who\nthought they were liable to suffer, fled away to foreign parts. And he\nadds, that after a long time, when any of them ventured to return, if they\nwere caught, they were immediately led to the Prutaneion. Here they were\ncrowned with garlands. and in great parade conducted to the altar_. I shall\nquote the author's words. [742][Greek: L\u00eaiton de kaleousi to Prutan\u00eaion hoi\nAchaioi; \u00ean de eselth\u00eai, ouk esti, hok\u00f4s exeisi, prin \u00ea thusesthai mell\u00eai;\nh\u00f4ste ti pros toutoisi polloi \u00eade t\u00f4n mellont\u00f4n toute\u00f4n thusesthai,\ndeisantes oichonto apodrantes es all\u00ean ch\u00f4r\u00ean. Chronou de pro\u00efontos, opis\u00f4\nkatelthontes, \u00ean alisk\u00f4ntai, estellonto es to Prutan\u00eaion, h\u00f4s thuetai te\nex\u00eageonto, stemmasi pas pukastheis, kai h\u00f4s sun pomp\u00eai exachtheis.] The\npeople of Le\u00eftus are said to have been the sons of Cutissorus. Herodotus\nspeaks of the temple, as remaining in his time: and of the custom still\nsubsisting. He farther mentions, that when Xerxes was informed of the\nhistory of this place, as he passed through Thessaly, he withheld himself\nfrom being guilty of any violation. And he moreover ordered his army to pay\ndue regard to its sanctity; so very awful, it seems, was mysterious\ncruelty.\n\nI imagine, that the story of the Harpies relates to priests of the Sun.\nThey were denominated from their seat of residence, which was an oracular\ntemple called Harpi, and Hirpi, analogous to Orphi, and Urphi in other\nplaces. I have shewn, that the antient name of a priest was Cahen, rendered\nmistakenly [Greek: kun], and canis. Hence the Harpies, who were priests of\nUr, are styled by Apollonius, _the Dogs of Jove_. His accosting Calais, and\nZethus, tells them, that it would be a profanation to offer any injury to\nthose personages.\n\n  [743][Greek: Ou themis, \u00f4 huieis Boreou xipheesin elassan]\n  [Greek: Harpuias, megaloio Dios KYNAS.]\n\nThis term in the common acceptation is not applicable to the Harpies,\neither as birds, for so they are represented; or as winged animals. But\nthis representation was only the insigne of the people, as the vulture, and\neagle were of the Egyptians: a lion of the Persians. The Harpies were\ncertainly a [744]college of priests in Bithynia; and on that account called\nCahen. They seem to have been a set of rapacious persons, who, for their\nrepeated acts of violence, and cruelty, were driven out of the country.\nTheir temple was styled Arpi; and the environs Arpi-ai: hence the Grecians\nformed [745][Greek: Harpuiai.] There was a region in Apulia named Arpi; and\nin its neighbourhood were the islands of Diomedes, and the birds, which\nwere fabled to have been like swans. I have before shewn, that they were\nAmonian priests: so likewise were the Hirpi near Soracte in Latium. They\nwere priests of fire: of whose customs I have taken notice.\n\nThe persons who resided in these temples are represented as persons of\ngreat strength and stature: for many of them were of the race of Anac.\nThere is reason to think, that a custom prevailed in these places of making\nstrangers engage in fight with some of the priests trained up for that\npurpose. The manner of contention was either with the c\u00e6stus, or by\nwrestling. And as the priest appointed for the trial was pretty sure of\ncoming off the conqueror, the whole was looked upon as a more specious kind\nof sacrifice. Amycus, who was king of Bithynia, is represented as of a\n[746]gigantic size, and a great proficient with the c\u00e6stus. He was in\nconsequence of it the terror of all strangers who came upon the coast.\nCercyon of [747]Megara was equally famed for wrestling; by which art he\nslew many, whom he forced to the unequal contention. But Cercyon was the\nname of the [748]place; and they were the Cercyonians, the priests of the\ntemple, who were noted for these achievements. Pausanias gives an account\nof them under the character of one person. [749][Greek: Einai de ho Kerku\u00f4n\nlegetai kai ta alla adikos eis tous xenous, kai palaiein ou boulomenois.]\n_Cercyon was in other respects lawless in his behaviour towards strangers;\nbut especially towards those who would not contend with him in wrestling_.\nThese Cercyonians were undoubtedly priests of Ceres, or Damater: who seems\nto have been tired of their service, and glad to get rid of them, as we are\ninformed by the poet.\n\n  [750]Qu\u00e6que Ceres l\u00e6to vidit pereuntia vultu\n    Corpora These\u00e2 Cercyonea manu.\n\nBefore most temples of old were areas, which were designed for Gumnasia,\nwhere these feats of exercise were performed. Lucian speaks of one before\nthe temple of [751]Apollo Lucius. And Pausanias mentions that particular\n[752]parade, where Cercyon was supposed to have exhibited his art. It stood\nbefore the tomb of Alope, and was called the Pal\u00e6stra of Cercyon even in\nthe time of this writer, who takes notice of many others. He styles it\n[Greek: taphos Alop\u00eas], as if it were a tomb. But it was a Taph, or high\naltar, sacred to Al-Ope, Sol Pytho, who was the Deity of the place called\nCer-Cuon. Before this altar was the pal\u00e6stra; where the Cercyonian priests\nobliged people to contend with them. I have taken notice of a Pharos at\n[753]Torone, which Proteus is said to have quitted, that he might not be\nwitness to the cruelties of his sons. He fled, it seems, to Egypt, [Greek:\nTekn\u00f4n aluxas tas xenoktonas palas], to shun their wicked practices: for\nthey were so skilled in the Pal\u00e6stric art, that they slew all strangers\nwhom they forced to engage with them. Taurus, called Minotaurus, was a\ntemple in Crete: but by the Grecians is spoken of as a person. Under this\ncharacter Taurus is represented as a [754]renowned wrestler, and many\npersons are said to have been sent from Athens to be victims to his\nprowess. Eusebius styles him, [755][Greek: \u00f4mos kai an\u00eameros], a man of a\ncruel and sour disposition. After he had done much mischief, Theseus at\nlength [Greek: Tauron katepalaise], foiled him in his own art, and slew\nhim. He is supposed to have done the like by Cercyon. [756][Greek: Legetai\nde ho Kerku\u00f4n tous diastantas pantas es pal\u00ean] [757][Greek: diaphtheirai\npl\u00ean Th\u00ease\u00f4s.] _For it is said of Cercyon, that he slew every person who\nventured to cope with him in wrestling, except Theseus_. In all these\ninstances the place is put for the persons who resided in it: of which\nmistake I have been obliged often to take notice.\n\nAntient history affords numberless instances of this ungenerous and cruel\npractice. The stranger, who stood most in need of courtesy, was treated as\na profest enemy: and the rites of hospitality were evaded under the undue\nsanction of a sacrifice to the Gods. In the history of Busiris we have an\naccount of this custom prevailing in Egypt. [758][Greek: Bousirin de kata\nt\u00ean Aigupton t\u00f4i Dii kallierein sphagiazonta tous parepid\u00eamountas XENOUS.]\n_It is said of Busiris, that he used to offer to Jupiter, as the most\nacceptable sacrifice, all the strangers, whom chance brought into his\ncountry_. There was a tradition concerning Ant\u00e6us, that he covered the roof\nof a temple, sacred to Poseidon, with the sculls of foreigners, whom he\nforced to engage with him. The manner of the engagement was by\n[759]wrestling. Eryx in Sicily was a proficient in this art, and did much\nmischief to strangers: till he was in his turn slain. The Deity was the\nsame in these parts, as was alluded to under the name of Taurus, and\nMinotaurus, in Crete; and the rites were the same. Hence Lycophron speaks\nof Eryx by the name of Taurus; and calls the place of exercise before the\ntemple,\n\n              [760][Greek: Taurou gumnadas kakoxenou]\n  [Greek: Pal\u00eas konistras.]\n\nThis the Scholiast interprets [Greek: palaistran tou Erukos tou\nxenoktonou], _The Gymnasium of Eryx, who used to murder strangers_.\nAndrogeos the son of Minos came to the [761]like end, who had been superior\nto every body in this art. Euripides styles the hero Cycnus [762][Greek:\nxenodaiktan], on account of his cruelty to strangers. He resided it seems\nnear the sea-coast; used to oblige every person, who travelled that way, or\nwhom ill fortune brought on shore to contend with him. And his ambition was\nto be able with the skulls of the victims, which he slew, to build a temple\nto Apollo. [763][Greek: Kakoxenos ho Kuknos, kai en parod\u00f4i t\u00eas thalass\u00eas\noik\u00f4n, epekertomei tous pariontas, naon t\u00f4i Apoll\u00f4ni boulomenos ek t\u00f4n\nkephal\u00f4n oikodom\u00easai.] Mention is made of Lycaon, qui advenas et hospites\ntrucidavit. He is said to have founded the temple of Jupiter [764]Lyc\u00e6us,\nand to have first introduced human sacrifices, particularly those of\ninfants. [Greek: Luka\u00f4n de epi ton b\u00f4mon ton] [765][Greek: Lukaiou Dios\nbrephos \u00eanenken anthr\u00f4pou, kai ethuse to brephos, kai espeisen epi tou\nb\u00f4mou to haima.] _Lycaon was the person, who brought an infant, the\noffspring of a man, to the altar of Zeus Lucaios: and he slew the infant,\nand he sprinkled the altar with the blood which issued from it_. Antinous\nin Homer threatens to send Irus to one Echetus, a king in Epirus, who was\nthe dread of that country. The same threat is uttered against [766]Ulysses,\nif he should presume to bend the bow, which Penelope had laid before the\nsuitors. Under the character of Lycaon, Cycnus, &c. we are to understand\nLycaonian and Cycnean priests; which latter were from Canaan: and this\nmethod of interpretation is to be observed all through these histories.\nEchetus, [Greek: Echetos], was a title of Apollo, rendered more commonly\n[767][Greek: Hekatos] by the Greeks, as if it came from the word [Greek:\nhekas]. It was an Amonian title by which Orus, and Osiris, were called: and\nthis king Echetus was a priest of that family, who was named from the\nDeity, whom he served. The Poet styles him [Greek: brot\u00f4n d\u00eal\u00eamona], from\nhis cruelty to strangers.\n\n  [768][Greek: Pemps\u00f4 s' \u00capeironde bal\u00f4n en n\u00eai melain\u00eai]\n  [Greek: Eis Echeton basil\u00eaa, brot\u00f4n d\u00eal\u00eamona pant\u00f4n.]\n  [Greek: Hos k' apo rhina tam\u00eaisi, kai ouata n\u00eale\u00ef chalk\u00f4i,]\n  [Greek: M\u00eadea t' exerusas d\u00f4\u00eai kusin \u00f4ma dasasthai.]\n\n  I'll send thee, caitiff, far beyond the seas,\n  To the grim tyrant Echetus, who mars\n  All he encounters; bane of human kind.\n  Thine ears he'll lop, and pare the nose away\n  From thy pale ghastly visage: dire to tell!\n  The very parts, which modesty conceals,\n  He'll tear relentless from the seat of life,\n  To feed his hungry hounds.\n\nWhen the Spaniards got access to the western world, there were to be\nobserved many rites, and many terms, similar to those, which were so common\namong the sons of Ham. Among others was this particular custom of making\nthe person, who was designed for a victim, engage in fight with a priest of\nthe temple. In this manner he was slaughtered: and this procedure was\nesteemed a proper method of [769]sacrifice.\n\nThe histories of which I have been speaking were founded in truth, though\nthe personages are not real. Such customs did prevail in the first ages:\nand in consequence of these customs we find those beggarly attributes of\nwrestling and boxing conferred upon some of the chief Divinities. Hercules\nand Pollux were of that number, who were as imaginary beings, as any\nmentioned above: yet represented upon earth as sturdy fellows, who righted\nsome, and [770]wronged many. They were in short a kind of honourable\nBanditti, who would suffer nobody to do any mischief, but themselves. From\nthese customs were derived the Isthmian, Nemean, Pythic, and Olympic games,\ntogether with those at Delos. Of these last Homer gives a fine description\nin his Hymn to Apollo.\n\n  [771][Greek: Alla su D\u00eal\u00f4i, Phoibe, malist' epiterpeai \u00eator.]\n  [Greek: Entha toi helkechit\u00f4nes Iaones \u00eagerethontai,]\n  [Greek: Autois sun paidessi, kai aidoi\u00eais alochoisi.]\n  [Greek: Hoide se PYGMACHI\u00cai te, kai orch\u00eathm\u00f4i, kai aoid\u00eai]\n  [Greek: Mn\u00easamenoi terpousin, hotan st\u00eas\u00f4ntai ag\u00f4na.]\n\nThese contentions had always in them something cruel, and savage: but in\nlater times they were conducted with an appearance of equity. Of old the\nwhole ceremony was a most unfair and barbarous process.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nCAMPE AND CAMPI.\n\nAnother name for those Amonian temples was Campi, of the same analogy, and\nnearly of the same purport, as Arpi above-mentioned. It was in after times\nmade to signify the parade before the temples, where they wrestled, and\notherwise celebrated their sacred games; and was expressed Campus. When\nchariots came in fashion, these too were admitted within the precincts; and\nraces of this sort introduced. Among the Latines the word Campus came to\nmean any open and level space; but among the Sicilians the true meaning was\nin some degree preserved. [Greek: Kampos--Ippodromos, Sikuloi.] Hesychius.\nIt was properly a place of exercise in general, and not confined to races.\nHence a combatant was styled [772]Campio, and the chief persons, who\npresided, [773]Campigeni. The exercise itself was by the Greeks styled\n[Greek: ag\u00f4n, aethlos, hamilla]; all Amonian terms, taken from the titles\nof the Deity, in whose honour the games were instituted. These temples\npartly from their symbols, and partly from their history, being\nmisinterpreted, were by the antient mythologists represented as so many\ndragons and monsters. Nonnus mentions both Arpe, and Campe in this light,\nand says that the latter had fifty heads, each of some different beast,\n\n              [774][Greek: \u00cas apo deir\u00eas]\n  [Greek: \u00canthee pent\u00eakonta kar\u00eaata poikila th\u00ear\u00f4n.]\n\nBut Campe was an oracular temple and inclosure, sacred to Ham or Cham:\nwhere people used to exercise. The fifty heads related to the number of the\npriests, who there resided; and who were esteemed as so many wild beasts\nfor their cruelty. Nonnus makes Jupiter kill Campe: but Diodorus Siculus\ngives the honour to Dionusus; who is supposed to have slain this monster at\nZaborna in Libya; and to have raised over her, [Greek: ch\u00f4ma pammegethes],\na vast mound of earth. This heap of soil was in reality a high place or\naltar; which in after times was taken for a place of burial. These\ninclosures grew by degrees into disrepute; and the history of them\nobsolete. In consequence of which the [Greek: taphoi], or mounds, were\nsupposed to be the tombs of heroes. The Grecians, who took every history to\nthemselves, imagined, that their Jupiter and Dionusus, and their Hercules\nhad slain them. But what they took for tombs of enemies were in reality\naltars to these very Gods; who were not confined to Greece, nor of Grecian\noriginal. The Campanians in Italy were an antient Amonian colony; and they\nwere denominated from Campe or Campus, which was probably the first temple,\nthey erected. Stephanus Byzantinus shews, that there was of old such a\nplace: [Greek: Kampos--ktisma Kampanou]: but would insinuate that it took\nits name from a person the head of the colony. Eustathius more truly makes\nit give name to the people: though he is not sufficiently determinate.\n[775][Greek: Kampanoi apo t\u00f4n hupokath\u00eamen\u00f4n ekei Kamp\u00f4n \u00f4nomasth\u00easan, \u00ea\napo Kampou pole\u00f4s.] There were many of these Campi in Greece, which are\nstyled by Pausanias [Greek: hupaithra], in contradistinction to the\ntemples, which were covered. They are to be found in many parts of the\nworld, where the Amonian religion obtained, which was propagated much\nfarther than we are aware. In our island the exhibition of those manly\nsports in vogue among country people is called Camping: and the inclosures\nfor that purpose, where they wrestle and contend, are called Camping\ncloses. There are many of them in Cambridgeshire, as well as in other parts\nof the kingdom. In Germany we meet with the name of K\u00e6mpenfelt; in which\nword there is no part derived from the Latin language: for the terms would\nthen be synonymous, and one of them redundant. K\u00e6mpenfelt was, I imagine,\nan antient name for a field of sports, and exercise, like the gymnasium of\nthe Greeks: and a Camping place in Britain is of the like purport.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nANTIENT HEROES.\n\n    [Greek: Katholou de phasin (hoi Aiguptioi) tous Hell\u00eanas exidiazesthai\n    tous epiphanestatous H\u00ear\u00f4as te, kai Theous, eti de kai apoikias tas\n    par' heaut\u00f4n.] Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 21.\n\nIt has been my uniform purpose, during the whole process, which I have made\nin my system, to shew, that the Grecians formed Deities out of titles; and\nthat they often attributed to one person, what belonged to a people. And\nwhen they had completed the history, they generally took the merit of it to\nthemselves. By means of this clue we may obtain an insight into some of the\nmost remote, and the most obscure parts of antiquity. For many and great\nachievements have been attributed to heroes of the first ages, which it was\nnot possible for them singly to have performed. And these actions, though\nin some degree diversified, and given to different personages, yet upon\nexamination will be found to relate to one people or family; and to be at\nbottom one and the same history.\n\nOSIRIS.\n\nIf we consider the history of Osiris, he will appear a wonderful conqueror,\nwho travelled over the face of the whole [776]earth, winning new\nterritories, wherever he came; yet always to the advantage of those whom he\nsubdued. He is said to have been the son of Rhea: and his chief attendants\nin his peregrinations were Pan, Anubis, Macedo, with Maro, a great planter\nof vines; also Triptolemus much skilled in husbandry. The people of India\nclaimed Osiris, as their own; and maintained, that he was born at Nusa in\ntheir [777]country. Others supposed his birth-place to have been at Nusa in\n[778]Arabia, where he first planted the vine. Many make him a native of\nEgypt: and mention the rout of his travels as commencing from that country\nthrough Arabia, and Ethiopia; and then to India, and the regions of the\neast. When he was arrived at the extremities of the ocean, he turned back,\nand passed through the upper provinces of Asia, till he came to the\nHellespont, which he crossed. He then entered [779]Thrace, with the King of\nwhich he had a severe encounter: yet he is said to have persevered in his\nrout westward, till he arrived at the fountains of the Ister. He was also\nin Italy, and Greece: from the former of which he expelled the giants near\nPhlegra in Campania. He visited many places upon the ocean: and though he\nis represented as at the head of an army; and his travels were attended\nwith military operations; yet he is at the same time described with the\nMuses, and Sciences in his retinue. His march likewise was conducted with\nsongs, and dances, and the sound of every instrument of music. He built\ncities in various parts; particularly [780]Hecatompulos, which he\ndenominated Theba, after the name of his mother. In every region, whither\nhe came, he is said to have instructed the people in [781]planting, and\nsowing, and other useful arts. He particularly introduced the vine: and\nwhere that was not adapted to the soil, he taught the natives the use of\nferment, and shewed them the way to make [782]wine of barley, little\ninferior to the juice of the grape. He was esteemed a great blessing to the\nEgyptians both as a [783]Lawgiver, and a King. He first built temples to\nthe Gods: and was reputed a general benefactor of [784]mankind. After many\nyears travel they represent him as returning to Egypt in great triumph,\nwhere after his death he was enshrined as a Deity. His Taphos, or high\naltar, was shewn in many places: in all which he in aftertimes was supposed\nto have been buried. The people of Memphis shewed one of them; whereon was\na sacred pillar, containing a detail of his life, and great actions, to the\nfollowing purport. [785]_My father was Cronus, the youngest of all the\nGods. I am the king Osiris, who carried my arms over the face of the whole\nearth, till I arrived at the uninhabited parts of India. From thence I\npassed through the regions of the north to the fountain-head of the Ister.\nI visited also other remote countries; nor stopped till I came to the\nwestern ocean. I am the eldest son of Cronus; sprung from the genuine and\nrespectable race of_ ([Greek: S\u00f4os]) _Sous, and am related to the fountain\nof day. There is not a nation upon earth, where I have not been; and to\nwhose good I have not contributed._\n\nThis is a very curious piece of antient history: and it will be found to be\nin great measure true, if taken with this allowance, that what is here said\nto have been achieved by one person, was the work of many. Osiris was a\ntitle conferred upon more persons than one; by which means the history of\nthe first ages has been in some degree confounded. In this description the\nCuthites are alluded to, who carried on the expeditions here mentioned.\nThey were one branch of the posterity of Ham; who is here spoken of as the\neldest son of Cronus. How justly they conferred upon him this rank of\nprimogeniture, I will not determine. By [786]Cronus we are here to\nunderstand the same person, as is also represented under the name of So\u00fcs.\nThis would be more truly expressed [Greek: S\u00f4on], So\u00f6n; by which is meant\nthe Sun: All the Amonian families affected to be styled Heliad\u00e6, or the\noffspring of the Sun: and under this title they alluded to their great\nancestor the father of all: as by Osiris they generally meant Ham. [Greek:\nS\u00f4on], So\u00f6n, is the same as [787]Zoon, and Zoan, the fountain of day. The\nland of Zoan in Egypt was the nome of Heliopolis: and the city Zoan the\nplace of the Sun. The person then styled here So\u00fcs can be no other than the\ngreat Patriarch under a title of the Sun. He is accordingly by Philo\nBiblius called Ouso\u00fcs in an extract from Sanchoniathon. He makes him indeed\nreside, where Tyre was afterwards built; but supposes him to have lived at\na time, when there were great rains and storms; and to have been the first\nconstructor of a ship, and the first who ventured upon the [788]seas. In\nrespect to the travels of Osiris we shall find that the posterity of Ham\ndid traverse at different times the regions above-mentioned: and in many of\nthem took up their abode. They built the city Memphis in Egypt; also\nHecatompulos, which they denominated Theba, after the name of their reputed\nmother. They also built Zoan, the city of the Sun.\n\nOsiris is a title often conferred upon the great patriarch himself: and\nthere is no way to find out the person meant but by observing the history,\nwhich is subjoined. When we read of Osiris being exposed in an ark, and\nbeing afterward restored to day; of his planting the vine, and teaching\nmankind agriculture; and inculcating religion, and justice; the person\nalluded to stands too manifest to need any farther elucidation. And when it\nis said of Osiris, that he went over most parts of the habitable globe, and\nbuilt cities in various regions; this too may be easily understood. It can\nallude to nothing else, but a people called Osirians, who traversed the\nregions mentioned. They were principally the Cuthites, who went abroad\nunder various denominations: and the histories of all the great heroes, and\nhero\u00efnes of the first ages will be found of the same purport, as the\nforegoing. Osiris is supposed to have been succeeded in Egypt by Orus.\nAfter Orus came Thoules; who was succeeded by [789]Sesostris.\n\nPERSEUS.\n\nPerseus was one of the most antient heroes in the mythology of Greece: the\nmerit of whose supposed achievements the Helladians took to themselves; and\ngave out that he was a native of Argos. He travelled to the temple of\n[790]Ammon; and from thence traversed the whole extent of Africa. He\nsubdued the [791]Gorgons, who lived in Mauritania, and at Tartessus in\nBoetica; and defeated the Ethiopians upon the western ocean, and the\nnations about mount _Atlas_: which [792]mountain he only and Hercules are\nsaid to have passed. Being arrived at the extremity of the continent, he\nfound means to pass over, and to get possession of all the western islands.\nHe warred in the East; where he freed [793]Andromeda, the daughter of\nCepheus king of the eastern Ethiopia, who was exposed to a sea-monster.\nSome imagine this to have happened at [794]Joppa in Palestine, where the\n[795]bones of this monster of an extraordinary size are supposed to have\nbeen for a long time preserved. He is said to have built [796]Tarsus in\nCilicia, reputed the most antient city in the world; and to have planted\nthe peach tree at [797]Memphis. The Persians were supposed to have been his\ndescendants. He travelled through Asia Minor, to the country of the\n[798]Hyperboreans upon the Ister, and the lake M\u00e6otis; and from thence\ndescended to Greece. Here he built Mycene, and Tiryns, said by many to have\nbeen the work of the Cyclopians. He established a seminary at Helicon: and\nwas the founder of those families, which were styled Dorian, and Herculean.\nIt is a doubt among writers, whether he came into Italy. Some of his family\nwere there; who defeated the giant race in Campania, and who afterwards\nbuilt Argiletum, and Ardea in Latium. Virgil supposes it to have been\neffected by Danae, the mother of this Hero:\n\n  [799]Ardea ---- quam dicitur olim\n  Acrisione\u00efs Dan\u00e4e fund\u00e2sse colonis.\n\nBut [800]Servius says, that Perseus himself in his childhood was driven to\nthe coast of Daunia. He is represented as the ancestor of the Grecian\nHercules, supposed to have been born at Thebes in Boeotia. In reality\nneither [801]Hercules, nor Perseus, was of Grecian original;\nnotwithstanding the genealogies framed in that country. The history of the\nlatter came apparently from Egypt, as we may learn from Diodorus[802]:\n[Greek: Phasi de kai ton Persea gegonenai kat' Aigupton.] Herodotus more\ntruly represents him as an [803]Assyrian; by which is meant a Babylonian:\nand agreeably to this he is said to have married [804]Asterie, the daughter\nof Belus, the same as Astaroth and Astarte of Canaan; by whom he had a\ndaughter Hecate. This, though taken from an idle system of theology, yet\nplainly shews, that the history of Perseus had been greatly misapplied and\nlowered, by being inserted among the fables of Greece. Writers speak of him\nas a great [805]Astronomer, and a person of uncommon knowledge. He\ninstructed mariners to direct their way in the sea by the lights of heaven;\nand particularly by the polar constellation. This he first observed, and\ngave it the name of Helice. Though he was represented as a Babylonian; yet\nhe resided in Egypt, and is said to have reigned at Memphis. To say the\ntruth, he was worshipped at that place: for Perseus was a title of the\nDeity; [806][Greek: Perseus, ho H\u00ealios]; _Perseus was no other than the\nSun_, the chief God of the Gentile world. On this account he had a temple\nof great repute at [807]Chemmis, as well as at Memphis, and in other parts\nof Egypt. Upon the Heracleotic branch of the Nile, near the sea, was a\ncelebrated watch-tower, denominated from him. His true name was Perez, or\nParez, rendered Peresis, Perses, and Perseus: and in the account given of\nthis personage we have the history of the Peresians, Parrhasians, and\nPerezites, in their several peregrinations; who were no other than the\nHeliad\u00e6, and Osirians abovementioned. It is a mixed history, in which their\nforefathers are alluded to; particularly their great progenitor, the father\nof mankind. He was supposed to have had a renewal of life: they therefore\ndescribed Perseus as inclosed in an [808]ark, and exposed in a state of\nchildhood upon the waters, after having been conceived in a shower of gold.\n\nBochart thinks that the name both of Persis and Perseus was from [Hebrew:\nPRS], Paras, an Horse: because the Persians were celebrated horsemen, and\ntook great delight in that animal. But it must be considered that the name\nis very antient, and prior to this use of horses. P'aras, P'arez, and\nP'erez, however diversified, signify the Sun; and are of the same analogy\nas P'ur, P'urrhos, P'oros, which betoken fire. Every animal, which was in\nany degree appropriated to a Deity, was called by some sacred [809]title.\nHence an horse was called P'arez: and the same name, but without the\nprefix, was given to a lion by many nations in the east. It was at first\nonly a mark of reference, and betokened a solar animal, specifying the\nparticular Deity to whom it was sacred. There were many nations, which were\ndistinguished in the same manner; some of whom the Greeks styled\nParrhasians. Hence the antient Arcadians, those Selenit\u00e6, who were\nundoubtedly an Amonian colony, had this appellation. A people in Elis had\nthe same. The Poets described the constellation of Helice, or the Bear, by\nthe title of Parrhasis, Arctos, and Parrhasis Ursa. This asterism was\nconfessedly first taken notice of by Perez or Perseus, by which is meant\nthe Persians.\n\n  [810] Versaque ab axe suo Parrhasis Arctos erat.\n\nIn the east, where the worship of Arez greatly prevailed, there were to be\nfound many nations called after this manner. Part of Media, according to\n[811]Polybius, had the name of Parrhasia. There were also Parrhasii and\nParrhasini in [812]Sogdiana; and [813]the like near Caucasus: also a town\nnamed [814]Parasinum in the Tauric Chersonesus. The people styled\n[815]Parrhasians in Greece were the same as the Dorians and Heraclid\u00e6; all\nalike Cuthites, as were the antient Persians. Hence it is truly said by\nPlato, that the Heraclid\u00e6 in Greece, and the Ach\u00e6menid\u00e6 among the Persians\nwere of the same stock: [816][Greek: To de H\u00earakleous te genos kai to\nAchaimeneous eis Persea ton Dios anapheretai.] On this account\n[817]Herodotus makes Xerxes claim kindred with the Argives of Greece, as\nbeing equally of the posterity of Perses, the same as Perseus, the Sun:\nunder which character the Persians described the patriarch, from whom they\nwere descended. Perseus was the same as Mithras, whose sacred cavern was\nstyled Perse\u00fcm.\n\n  [818]Phoebe parens--seu te roseum Titana vocari\n  Gentis Ach\u00e6meni\u00e6 ritu; seu pr\u00e6stat Osirin\n  Frugiferum; seu Pers\u00ebi sub rupibus antri\n  Indignata sequi torquentem cornua Mithram.\n\nOF MYRINA,\n\nAND THE\n\nAMAZONIANS OF LIBYA.\n\nFrom a notion that the Amazons were a community of women, historians have\nrepresented the chief personage of their nation as a [819]female. She is\nmentioned by some as having flourished long before the \u00e6ra of [820]Troy:\nand it is by others said more precisely, that she lived in the time of\nOrus, the son of Isis and Osiris. This removes her history far back; so as\nto make it coeval with the first annals of time. Her dominions lay in the\nmost western parts of [821]Africa, at the extremity of Atlas; where the\nmountain terminated in the ocean, to which it gave name. This country was\ncalled Mauritania; and was supposed to have been possessed by the Atlantes\nand Gorgons. The Grecian writers, who did not know that the same family\nwent under different titles, have often made the same nation at variance\nwith itself. And as they imagined every migration to have been a warlike\nexpedition, they have represented Myrina as making great conquests; and\nwhat is extraordinary, going over the same ground, only in a retrograde\ndirection, which Osiris had just passed before. Her first engagement was\nwith the Atlantes of Cercene: against whom she marched with an army of\n30,000 foot, and 2,000 horse; whom she completely armed with the skins of\nserpents. Having defeated the Atlantes, she marched against the Gorgons,\nwhom she likewise [822]conquered; and proceeding forward, subdued the\ngreater part of Africa, till she arrived at the borders of Egypt. Having\nentered into an alliance with Orus, she passed the Nile, and invaded the\nArabians, whom she defeated. She then conquered the Syrians, and Cilicians,\nand all the nations about Mount Taurus; till she arrived at Phrygia, and\nthe regions about the river Ca\u00efcus. Here she built many cities,\nparticularly Cuma, Pitane, and Priene. She also got possession of several\nislands; and among others, of Lesbos and Samothracia, in which last she\nfounded an asylum. After these transactions, Myrina, accompanied with\nMopsus the diviner, made an expedition into Thrace, which was the ultimate\nof her progress; for she was supposed to have been here slain. According to\nHomer she died in Phrygia: for he takes notice of her tomb in the plains of\nTroas; and represents it as a notable performance.\n\n  [823][Greek: Esti de tis proparoithe pole\u00f4s aipeia kol\u00f4n\u00ea,]\n  [Greek: En pedi\u00f4i apaneuthe, peridromos entha kai entha;]\n  [Greek: T\u00ean \u00eatoi andres Batieian kikl\u00easkousin,]\n  [Greek: Athanatoi de te s\u00eama poluskarthmoio Murin\u00eas.]\n\nThe tomb of this hero\u00efne was in reality a sacred mound, or high altar; and\nMyrina a Gentile divinity. In her supposed conquests we may in great\nmeasure see the history of Osiris, and Perseus, reversed, and in some\ndegree abridged; yet not so far varied, but that the purport may be plainly\ndiscerned. Indeed there is no other way to obtain the hidden meaning, but\nby collating the different histories, and bringing them in one view under\nthe eye of the reader.\n\nHERCULES.\n\nSimilar to the foregoing are the expeditions of Hercules, and the conquests\nwhich he is supposed to have performed. After many exploits in Greece, the\nreputed place of his nativity, he travelled as far as mount Caucasus near\nColchis, to free Prometheus, who was there exposed to an eagle or vulture.\nUpon the Thermodon he engaged with the Amazons, whom he utterly defeated;\nand then passed over into Thrace. Upon his return into Greece he was\nordered to make an expedition into Iberia, a region in the farthest part of\nSpain; where Chrusaor, a prince of great wealth, resided. Hercules accepts\nof the commission; but, I know not for what reason, goes first to Crete,\nand from thence to [824]Libya; and what is extraordinary, proceeds to\nEgypt. This makes the plan of his supposed rout somewhat irregular and\nunaccountable. After some time spent in these parts, he builds the city\nHecatompulos, said before to have been built by Osiris: and then traverses\nthe whole of Africa westward, till he arrives at the Fretum Gaditanum. Here\nhe erects two pillars; which being finished, he at last enters Iberia. He\ndefeats the sons of Chrusaor, who were in arms to oppose him; and bestows\ntheir kingdom upon others. He likewise seizes upon the oxen of Geryon. He\nthen marches into the country of the Celt\u00e6, and [825]founds the city\nCorunna, and likewise [826]Alesia in Gaul. He afterwards fights with the\ngiants Albion and Bergion near Arelate, in the plain styled Campus\nLapideus; where are the salt waters of Salona. He then passes the\n[827]Alpes; and upon the banks of the Eridanus encounters a person of\nshepherd race; whom he kills, and seizes his [828]golden flocks. In his way\nhomeward he visits Hetruria, and arrives at the mountain Palatinus upon the\nTiber. From thence he goes to the maritime part of Campania, about Cuma,\nHeraclea, and the lake Aornon. Not far from hence was an adust and fiery\nregion; supposed to have been the celebrated Phlegra, where the giants\nwarred against heaven: in which war Hercules is said to have [829]assisted.\nHere was an antient oracular temple; and hard by the mountain Vesuvius,\nwhich in those days flamed violently, though it did not for many ages\nafterwards. During his residence here he visited the hot fountains near\nMisenus and Dic\u00e6archea; and made a large causeway, called in aftertimes Via\nHerculanea, and Agger Puteolanus. After having visited the Locrians, and\nthe people of Rhegium, he crossed the sea to Sicily; which sea he swam\nover, holding by the horn of an ox. At his arrival some warm springs burst\nforth miraculously, to give him an opportunity of bathing. Here he boxed\nwith Eryx; defeated the Sicani; and performed many other exploits. What is\nremarkable, having in Spain seized upon the cattle of Geryon, he is said to\nhave made them travel over the Pyrenean mountains, and afterwards over the\nAlpes, into Italy; and from thence cross the sea into Sicily; and being now\nabout to leave that island, he swims with them again to Rhegium: and\nranging up the coast of the Adriatic, passes round to Illyria, from thence\nto Epirus; and so descends to Greece. The whole of these travels is said to\nhave been completed in ten years.\n\nHe was also reported, according to [830]Megasthenes and others, to have\nmade an expedition into [831]India, and to have left many memorials of his\ntransactions in those parts. He travelled likewise into the region called\nafterwards Scythia; the natives of which country were his [832]descendants.\nHe also visited the Hyperboreans. In all these peregrinations he is\ngenerally described as proceeding alone: at least we have no intimation of\nany army to assist in the performance of these great enterprises. He is\nindeed supposed to have sailed with six ships to [833]Phrygia: but how he\ncame by them is not said; nor whence he raised the men, who went with him.\nAt other times he is represented with a club in his hand, and the skin of\nan animal upon his shoulders. When he passed over the ocean, he is said to\nhave been wafted in a golden [834]bowl. In Phrygia he freed Hesione from a\nCetus, or sea monster, just as Perseus delivered Andromeda. He is mentioned\nas founding many cities in parts very remote: the sea-coast of Boetica, and\nCantabria, was, according to some writers, peopled by [835]him. By\nSyncellus he is said to have resided in Italy, and to have reigned in\n[836]Latium. The Grecians supposed that he was burnt upon Mount Oeta: but\nthe people of Gades shewed his Taphos in their [837]city, just as the\nEgyptians shewed the Taphos of Osiris at Memphis, and elsewhere. Hence it\nwas imagined by many, that Hercules was buried at Gades. The philosopher\nMegaclides could not be brought to give the least assent to the histories\nof this [838]hero: and Strabo seems to have thought a great part of them to\nhave been a [839]fable. In short, the whole account of this personage is\nvery inconsistent: and though writers have tried to compromise matters by\nsupposing more persons than one of this name, yet the whole is still\nincredible, and can never be so adjusted as to merit the least belief. How\nthey multiplied the same Deity, in order to remedy their faulty mythology,\nmay be seen in the following extract from Cicero. [840]Quanquam, quem\npotissimum Herculem colamus, scire velim: plures enim nobis tradunt ii, qui\ninteriores scrutantur et reconditas literas. Antiquissimum Jove natum, sed\nitem Jove antiquissimo: nam Joves quoque plures in priscis Gr\u00e6corum literis\ninvenimus. Ex eo igitur et Lysito est is Hercules, quem concert\u00e2sse cum\nApolline de tripode accepimus. Alter traditur Nilo natus, \u00c6gyptius; quem\naiunt Phrygias literas conscripsisse. Tertius est ex Id\u00e6is Dactylis, cui\ninferias afferunt. Quartus Jovis est, et Asteri\u00e6, Laton\u00e6 sororis, quem\nTyrii maxime colunt; cujus Carthaginem filium ferunt. Quintus in\n[841]Indi\u00e2, qui Belus dicitur. Sextus hic, ex Alcumen\u00e2 quem Jupiter genuit;\nsed tertius Jupiter: quoniam, ut docebo, plures Joves accepimus.\n\nHercules was a title given to the chief deity of the Gentiles, who have\nbeen multiplied into almost as many personages, as there were countries,\nwhere he was worshipped. What has been attributed to this god singly, was\nthe work of Herculeans; a people who went under this title among the many\nwhich they assumed; and who were the same as the Osirians, Peresians, and\nCuthites. They built Tartessus in Boetica, and occupied great part of\nIberia. They likewise founded [842]Corunna in Cantabria, and [843]Alesia in\nGaul: of which there are traditions to this day. Some of them settled near\n[844]Arelate; others among the [845]Alpes: also at Cuma, and Heraclea in\nCampania. They were also to be found at Tyre, and in Egypt; and even in the\nremotest parts of [846]India. In short, wherever there were Heraclid\u00e6, or\nHerculeans, an Hercules has been supposed. Hence his character has been\nvariously represented. One, while he appears little better than a sturdy\nvagrant; at other times he is mentioned as a great benefactor; also as the\npatron of science, the [847]God of eloquence, with the Muses in his train.\nOn this account he had the title of [848]Musagetes; and the Roman general\nFulvius dedicated a temple which he had erected to his honour, and\ninscribed it [849]_Herculi Musarum_. There are gems, upon which he is\nrepresented as presiding among the Deities of [850]Science. He is said to\nhave been swallowed by a Cetus, or large fish, from which he was after some\ntime delivered. This history will hereafter be easily decyphered. He was\nthe chief deity of the [851]Gentile world; the same as Hermes, Osiris, and\nDionusus; and his rites were introduced into various parts by the Cuthites.\nIn the detail of his peregrinations is contained, in great measure, an\nhistory of that people, and of their settlements. Each of these the Greeks\nhave described as a warlike expedition; and have taken the glory of it to\nthemselves. He is said to have had many sons. One of these was\n[852]Archemagoras; by which is meant the father or chief of the Magi. There\nare many others enumerated: the principal of whom are said to have been;\n[853]Sardus, or Sardon; Cyrnus, Gelonus, Olynthus, Scythus, Galathus,\nLydus, Iberus, Celtus, Poimen. As these are all manifestly the names of\nnations, we may perceive by the purport of this history, that the\nSardinians, Corsicans, Iberians, Celt\u00e6, Galat\u00e6, Scyth\u00e6, &c. &c. together\nwith those styled Shepherds, were Herculeans; all descended from that\n[854]Hercules, who was the father of Archemagoras the chief of the Magi.\n\nDIONUSUS.\n\nThe history of Dionusus is closely connected with that of Bacchus, though\nthey were two distinct persons. It is said of the former, that he was born\nat [855]Nusa in Arabia: but the people upon the Indus insisted, that he was\na native of their [856]country; and that the city Nusa, near mount Meru,\nwas the true place of his birth. There were, however, some among them, who\nallowed, that he came into their parts from the west; and that his arrival\nwas in the most antient times. He taught the nations, whither he came, to\nbuild and to plant, and to enter into societies. To effect this, he\ncollected the various families out of the villages in which they dwelt, and\nmade them incorporate in towns and cities, which he built in the most\ncommodious situations. After they were thus established, he gave them laws,\nand instructed them in the worship of the Gods. He also taught them to\nplant the Vine, and to extract the juice of the grape; together with much\nother salutary knowledge. This he did throughout all his [857]travels, till\nhe had conquered every region in the East. Nor was it in these parts only,\nthat he shewed himself so beneficent a conqueror; but over all the\nhabitable [858]world. The account given by the Egyptians is consonant to\nthat of the Indians: only they suppose him to have been of their own\ncountry; and to have set out by the way of Arabia and the Red Sea, till he\narrived at the extremities of the East. He travelled also into [859]Lybia,\nquite to the Atlantic; of which performance Thym\u00e6tes is said to have given\nan account in an antient Phrygian poem. After his Indian expedition, which\ntook him up three years, he passed from Asia by the Hellespont into Thrace,\nwhere Lycurgus withstood him, and at last put him to flight. He came into\nGreece; and was there adopted by the people, and represented as a native of\ntheir country. He visited many places upon the Mediterranean; especially\nCampania, and the coast of Italy, where he was taken prisoner by the\nHetrurian pirates. Others say, that he conquered all [860]Hetruria. He had\nmany attendants; among whom were the Tityri, Satyri, Thyades, and Amazons.\nThe whole of his history is very inconsistent in respect both to time and\nplace. Writers therefore have tried to remedy this by introducing different\npeople of the same name. Hence Dionusus is multiplied into as many\n[861]personages as Hercules. His history was looked upon as very\ninteresting; and therefore was the chief theme of all the antient\n[862]bards. His flight, styled [Greek: phug\u00ea Dionusou], was particularly\n[863]recorded. He was the same as Osiris; and many of the later\nmythologists acknowledged this truth. [Greek: Aiguptioi men gar ton par'\nautois theon Osirin onomazomenon phasin einai ton par' Hell\u00easi Dionuson\ntouton de muthologousin epelthein pasan t\u00ean oikoumen\u00ean--Homoi\u00f4s de kai tous\nIndous ton theon touton par' heautois apophanesthai gegonenai.] _The\nEgyptians_, says [864]Diodorus, _maintain that their God Osiris is no other\nthan the Dionusus of Greece: And they farther mention, that he travelled\nover the face of the whole earth--In like manner the Indi assure us, that\nit is the same Deity, who wan conversant in their [865]country_.\n\nDionusus, according to the Grecian mythology, is represented as having been\ntwice born: and is said to have had two fathers and two mothers. He was\nalso exposed in an [866]ark, and wonderfully preserved. The purport of\nwhich histories is plain. We must however for the most part consider the\naccount given of Dionusus, as the history of the Dionusians. This is\ntwofold. Part relates to their rites and religion; in which the great\nevents of the infant world, and the preservation of mankind in general,\nwere recorded. In the other part, which contains the expeditions and\nconquests of this personage, are enumerated the various colonies of the\npeople, who were denominated from him. They were the same as the Osirians\nand Herculeans; all of one family, though under different appellations. I\nhave shewn, that there were many places which claimed his birth; and as\nmany, where was shewn the spot of his interment. Of these we may find\nsamples in Egypt, Arabia, and India; as well as in Africa, Greece, and its\nislands. For the Grecians, wherever they met with a grot or a cavern sacred\nto him, took it for granted that he was born there: and wherever he had a\ntaphos, or high altar, supposed that he was there [867]buried. The same is\nalso observable in the history of all the Gods.\n\nFrom what has been said we may perceive that the same history has been\nappropriated to different personages: and if we look farther into the\nannals of the first ages, we shall find more instances to the same purpose.\nIt is said of [868]Cronus, and Astarte, that they went over the whole\nearth; disposing of the countries at their pleasure, and doing good\nwherever they came. Cronus in consequence of it is represented as an\nuniversal [869]benefactor; who reclaimed men from their savage way of life,\nand taught them to pass their days in innocence and truth. A like account\nis given of Ouranus, the great king of the [870]Atlantians, who observing\nmankind in an unsettled and barbarous state, set about building cities for\ntheir reception; and rendered them more humane and civilized by his\ninstitutions and laws. His influence was very extensive; as he is supposed\nto have had the greater part of the world under his rule. All this, and\nwhat was above done by Cronus and Astarte, the Grecians attributed to\nApollo and Themis. Strabo mentions from the historian, Ephorus, that the\noracle at Delphi was founded by these two [871]deities at the time, when\nApollo was going over the world doing good to all mankind. He taught the\nnations, where he came, to be more [872]gentle and humane in their manners;\nand to abstain from their wild fruits, and foul banquets: affording them\ninstructions how to improve themselves by cultivation.\n\nSome of these persons are mentioned as proceeding in a pacific manner: but\nthese peregrinations in general are represented as a process of war; and\nall that was effected, was supposed to have been by conquest. Thus Osiris,\nHercules, Perseus, Dionusus, displayed their benevolence sword in hand: and\nlaid every country under an obligation to the limits of the earth. The like\nis said of Zeuth, the Zeus of Greece, who was an universal conqueror and\nbenefactor: [873][Greek: Ton Dia kurion genomenon ton hol\u00f4n epelthein\nhapasan t\u00ean oikoumen\u00ean, euergetounta to genos t\u00f4n anthr\u00f4p\u00f4n; dienenkein de\nauton kai s\u00f4matos rh\u00f4m\u00eai kai tais allais hapasais aretais, kai dia touto\ntachu kurion genesthai tou sumpantos kosmou.] _Zeus_ (or Jupiter) _having\ngot the entire supremacy marched over the whole earth, benefiting mankind\nwherever he came. And as he was a person of great bodily strength, and at\nthe same time had every princely quality, he very soon subdued the whole\nworld_.\n\nNo mention is made of any conquests achieved by Orus: and tho reason is,\nbecause he was the same as Osiris. Indeed they were all the same personage:\nbut Orus was more particularly Osiris in his second state; and therefore\nrepresented by the antient Egyptians as a child. What is omitted by him,\nwas made up by his immediate successor Thoules; who like those, who\npreceded, conquered every country which was inhabited. [874][Greek: Eita\nOsiris, meth' hon \u00d4ros, kai meta auton Thoul\u00eas, hos kai he\u00f4s tou \u00f4keanou\npasan t\u00ean g\u00ean pareil\u00eaphen.] _After him_ (that is, S\u00f6us, or Sosis,) _came\nOsiris; and then Orus: to whom succeeded Thoules, who conquered the whole\nearth quite to the ocean_. The like history is given of him by [875]Suidas,\nand by the author of the [876]Chronicon Paschale.\n\nThese accounts I have collated, and brought in succession to one another;\nthat we may at a view see the absurdity of the history, if taken in the\ncommon acceptation. And however numerous my instances may have been, I\nshall introduce other examples before I quit the subject. I must\nparticularly speak of an Egyptian hero, equally ideal with those\nabovementioned; whose history, though the most romantic and improbable of\nany, has been admitted as credible and true. The person to whom I allude,\nis the celebrated Sesostris. Most of the antient historians speak of his\ngreat achievements; and the most learned of the modern chronologists have\nendeavoured to determine his \u00e6ra, and point out the time of his reign. But\ntheir endeavours have been fruitless; and they vary about the time when he\nlived not less than a thousand years: nay, some differ even more than this\nin the \u00e6ra, which they assign to him.\n\nSESOSTRIS.\n\nAmong the writers who have written concerning this extraordinary personage,\nDiodorus Siculus is the most uniform and full; and with his evidence I will\nbegin my account. He[877] informs us, that, when this prince was a youth,\nhe was entrusted by his father with a great army. He upon this invaded\nArabia: and though he was obliged to encounter hunger and thirst in the\nwilds, which he traversed; yet he subdued the whole of that large tract of\ncountry. He was afterwards sent far into the west; where he conquered all\nthe legions of Lybia, and annexed great part of that country to the kingdom\nof Egypt. After the death of his father he formed a resolution to subdue\nall the nations upon earth. Accordingly, having settled everything at home,\nand appointed governors to each province, he set out with an army of six\nhundred thousand foot, and twenty-four thousand horse, and twenty-seven\nthousand armed chariots. With these he invaded the Ethiopians to the south;\nwhom he defeated, and made tributaries to Egypt. He then built a fleet of\nships upon the Red sea: and he is recorded as the first person who\nconstructed vessels fit for distant navigation. With these, by means of his\ngenerals, he subdued all the sea-coast of Arabia, and all the coast upon\nthe ocean as far as India. In the mean time he marched in person, with a\npuissant army, by land, and conquered the whole continent of Asia. He not\nonly overran the countries, which Alexander afterwards invaded; but crossed\nboth the Indus and the Ganges; and from thence penetrated to the eastern\nocean. He then turned to the north, and attacked the nations of Scythia;\ntill he at last arrived at the Tan\u00e4is, which divides Europe and Asia. Here\nhe founded a colony; leaving behind him some of his people, as he had just\nbefore done at [878]Colchis. These nations are said to the last to have\nretained memorials of their original from Egypt. About the same time Asia\nMinor, and most of the islands near it, fell into his hands. He at last\npassed into [879]Thrace, where he is said to have been brought into some\ndifficulties. He however persisted, and subdued all the regions of Europe.\nIn most of these countries he erected pillars with hieroglyphical\ninscriptions; denoting that these parts of the world had been subdued by\nthe great Sesostris, or, as [880]Diodorus expresses his name, Sesoosis. He\nlikewise erected statues of himself, formed of stone, with a bow and a\nlance: which statues were in length four cubits and four palms, according\nto the dimensions of his own height and stature. Having thus finished his\ncareer of [881]victory, he returned laden with spoils to Egypt, after an\nabsence of [882]nine years; which is one year less than was attributed to\nthe expeditions of Hercules.\n\nThe detail given by this historian is very plain and precise: and we\nproceed very regularly and minutely in a geographical series from one\nconquest to another: so that the story is rendered in some degree\nplausible. But we may learn from Diodorus himself, that little credit is to\nbe paid to this narration, after all the pains he may have taken to win\nupon our credulity. He ingenuously owns, that not only the Grecian writers,\nbut even the priests of Egypt, and the bards of the same country varied in\nthe accounts which they gave of this hero; and were guilty of great\ninconsistence. It was therefore his chief labour to collect what he thought\nmost credible, and what appeared most consonant to the memorials in Egypt,\nwhich time had spared: [883][Greek: Ta pithan\u00f4tata, kai tois uparchousin\neti kata t\u00ean ch\u00f4ran s\u00eameiois ta malista sumph\u00f4nounta dielthein.] But, as\nthese memorials consisted chiefly in hieroglyphics, I do not see how it was\npossible for Diodorus to understand what the bards and priests could not\ndecypher. The adjustment of this history, had it been practicable, should\nhave been the work of a native Egyptian, and not of a person either from\nGreece or Sicily. This writer afterwards mentions the mighty [884]works of\nSesostris upon his return into Egypt: the temples which he built, and the\ngreat entrenchments which he made to the east, to guard the country from\nthe Arabians: and having enumerated the whole of his actions, he concludes\nwith an ingenuous confession, that [885]little could be obtained that was\nprecisely true. He has, without doubt, culled the most probable\nachievements of this hero; and coloured and arranged them to the best\nadvantage: yet they still exceed belief. And if, after this care and\ndisposition, they seem incredible, how would they appear in the garb, in\nwhich he found them? Yet the history of this personage has been admitted as\ncredible by the most learned [886]writers and chronologists: though, as I\nbefore mentioned, they cannot determine the \u00e6ra of his reign within a\nthousand years. Sir John Marsham and Sir Isaac Newton suppose him to have\nbeen the Sesac of the scriptures; and consequently bring his reign down to\nthe time of Rehoboam king of Judah. But the only reason for this, as far as\nI can perceive, seems to be, that Sesostris is represented as a great\nconqueror; and Sesac is presumed, from his large [887]army, to have been so\nlikewise. But there is nothing more said of Sesac, than that he formed a\nplan of conquering the king of Judah; and accordingly came with the army\nbefore mentioned, to put his design in execution. But the [888]capital\nbeing delivered into his hands without the least resistance, and the king\nintirely submitting himself to his will; he contented himself with the rich\nplunder, which he found, and which he carried away at his departure. We may\nalso infer from the servitude, to which the people of Judah were reduced,\nthat he imposed upon them some future contributions.\n\nThis is the whole of the history of Sesac, or Shishak; by whom no other\nexpedition was undertaken that we know of: nor is there mention made upon\nrecord of a single battle which he fought. Yet from a notion that Sesac was\na great warrior, he is made the same as Sesostris: and the age of the\nlatter is brought down very many centuries beneath the \u00e6ra, to which the\nbest writers have adjudged it. When we differ from received tradition, we\nshould not pass over in silence what is said on the contrary part; but give\nit at large, and then shew our reasons for our departure from it. I have\ntaken notice of the supposed conquerors of the earth: and among them of the\nreputed deities of Egypt, who came under the names of Osiris, Perseus,\nThoules, &c. These are supposed, if they ever existed, to have lived in the\nfirst ages of the world, when Egypt was in its infant state; and Sesostris\nis made one of their number. He is by some placed after Orus; by others\nafter Thoules; but still referred to the first ages. He is represented\nunder the name of Sethos, [889]Sethosis, Sesoosis, Sesonchosis, Sesostris;\nbut the history, with which these names are accompanied, shews plainly the\nidentity of the personage. Eusebius in reckoning up the dynasty of kings,\nwho reigned after Hephaistus or Vulcan, mentions them in the following\norder: [890]_Then succeeded his son Helius; after him Sosis, then Osiris,\nthen Orus, then Thoules, who conquered the whole earth to the ocean; and\nlast of all Sesostris_. The [891]Scholiast upon Apollonius Rhodius calls\nhim Sesonchosis; and places him immediately after Orus, and the third in\nsuccession from Osiris: giving at the same time an account of his\nconquests. He adds that he was the person whom Theopompus called Sesostris.\nThe same Scholiast quotes a curious passage from Dic\u00e6archus, in which\nSesonchosis maintains the same rank, and was consequently of the highest\nantiquity. [892]_Dic\u00e6archus in the first book of his history mentions, that\nimmediately after the reign of Orus, the son of Isis and Osiris, in Egypt,\nthe government devolved to Sesonchosis: so that from the time of\nSesonchosis to Nilus were two thousand years_. Cedrenus [893]calls him\nSesostris; and mentions him after Osiris, and Orus, and Thoules; which last\nwas by the above writer omitted. [Greek: Osiris. \u00d4ros. Thoul\u00eas. meta de\ntouton Ses\u00f4stris.] The author of the Chronicon Paschale makes Orus to have\nbeen succeeded by the same personage, as is mentioned above, whom he calls\nThoulis; and next to him introduces Sesostris. He relates all his great\nconquests; and gives us this farther information, that this prince was the\nfirst of the line of Ham, who reigned in Egypt; in other words, he was the\nfirst king of the country. [894][Greek: En toutois meta tauta chronois\nebasileue t\u00f4n Aigupti\u00f4n pr\u00f4tos ek tes phul\u00eas TOU CHAM] [895][Greek:\nSes\u00f4stris.] Aristotle speaks of Sesostris; but does not determine the time\nof his reign on account of its great antiquity. He only says that it was\nlong before the age of [896]Minos, who was supposed to have reigned in\nCrete. Apollonius Rhodius, who is thought to have been a native of Egypt,\nspeaks of the great actions of this prince; but mentions no name: not\nknowing, I imagine, by which properly to distinguish him, as he was\nrepresented under so many. He however attributes to him every thing which\nis said of [897]Sesostris; particularly the settling a Colony at Colchis,\nand building innumerable cities in the countries which he traversed:\n\n                  [Greek: muria d' ast\u00ea]\n  [Greek: Nassat' epoichomenos.]\n\nHe represents him as conquering all Asia and Europe; and this in times so\nremote, that many of the cities which he built, were in ruins before the\n\u00e6ra of the Argonauts.\n\nFrom what has been said, we may perceive that if such a person as Sesostris\nhad existed, his reign must have been of the earliest date. He is by some\nrepresented as succeeding Thoules: according to others he comes one degree\nhigher, being introduced after [898]Orus, who in the catalogue of Panodorus\nis placed first of the Demigods, that reigned in Egypt; but by\n[899]Herodotus is ranked among the deities. According to Dic\u00e6archus the\nreign of Sesostris was two thousand five hundred years before Nilus: and\nthe reign of the latter was four hundred and thirty-six years before the\nfirst Olympiad. I do not place the least confidence in these computations;\nbut would only shew from them that the person spoken of must be referred to\nthe mythic age, to the \u00e6ra of the Demigods of Egypt. Some of these\nevidences are taken notice of by Sir John [900]Marsham; who cannot\nextricate himself from the difficulties with which his system is attended.\nHe has taken for granted, that Sesostris and Sesonchosis are the Sesac of\nthe Scriptures; though every circumstance of their history is repugnant to\nthat notion. [901]_I know_ _not,_ says he, _what to make of this\nSesonchosis; who is represented as five thousand years before Menes, and\nwho is referred to the time of the Demigods_. In another place: _Sesostris,\nwho is in the twelfth Dynasty of Africanus, and whose \u00e6ra extends higher,\nthan the Canon of Eusebius reaches, reigned according to Scaliger's\ncomputation in the 1392d year of the Julian Period. By this calculation\nSesostris is made prior to Sesostris; and this too by no less than 2355\nyears: for it is manifest, as I will shew from Scripture, that Sesostris\nundertook his expedition into Asia, and got possession of Jerusalem in the\n3747th year of the Period abovementioned_. What is said in the sacred\nwritings, I have taken notice of before. Not a word occurs about Sesostris,\nnor of any such Asiatic expedition. I am obliged to say, that through the\nwhole of this learned writer's process, instead of a proof, we find nothing\nelse but the question begged, and some inferences of his own in consequence\nof this assumption. He indeed quotes the authority of Manethon from\nJosephus to prove that the great actions of Sesostris were the same as were\nperformed by Sesac. But Manethon says no such thing: nor does Josephus\nattribute any such exploits to Sesac: but expressly says more than once,\nthat Sesac, and Sesostris were two different [902]persons. It is no where\nsaid of Sesac, that he made an expedition into Asia; much less that he\nconquered it, as is supposed of Sesostris. Sesac went up against Jerusalem,\nand took it, [Greek: amach\u00eati], without meeting with any opposition. Upon\nthis he departed, and carried with him the treasures which he had there\nseized: in other words, he went home again. There is not the least mention\nmade of his invading [903]Samaria, or the country about Libanus, and Sidon;\nor of his marching to Syria: all which made but a small part of the great\nContinent, called in aftertimes Asia: much less did he visit the countries\nof the Assyrians, and Babylonians; or the regions of Elam and the Medes.\nAll this, and much more he must have done, to have come up to the\ncharacter, to which they would fain entitle him.\n\nI will not enter into any farther discussion of the great conquests\nattributed to this supposed monarch Sesostris. They are as ideal as those\nof Sesac, and sufficiently confute themselves. First Osiris is said to have\nconquered the whole earth: then Zeus, then Perseus, then [904]Hercules, all\nnearly of the same degree of antiquity, if we may believe the best\nMythologists. Myrina comes in for a share of conquest in the time of Orus.\nAfter her Thoules subdues the whole from the Eastern Ocean, to the great\nAtlantic: and as if nothing had been performed before, Sesostris\nimmediately succeeds, and conquers it over again. [905]Herodotus informs\nus, as a token of these victories, that Sesostris erected pillars and\nobelisks with emblematical inscriptions: and that he saw some of them in\nPhrygia, and in other countries, which had been conquered. He without doubt\nsaw pillars: but how did he know for certain, by whom they were erected?\nand who taught him to interpret the symbols? Pausanias takes [906]notice of\na colossal statue in the Theb\u00e4is, and says that the history given of it was\nnot satisfactory. He tells us, that it stood near the Syringes, in upper\nEgypt; and he viewed it with great admiration. It was the figure of a man\nin a sitting posture; which some said was the representation of Memnon the\nEthiopian: others maintained, that it was the statue of Phamenophis: and\nothers again, that it related to Sesostris. There were here emblems, and\nsymbols; yet a diversity of opinions. I want therefore to know, how\nHerodotus could interpret in Phrygia, what a native could not decypher in\nEgypt. The same question may be asked about the people of Syria, among whom\nwere obelisks attributed to the same person. How came they to be so\ndeterminate about an Egyptian work; when people of that country in the same\ncircumstances were so utterly at a loss? the whole undoubtedly was matter\nof surmise. I shall not therefore say any thing more of Sesostris; as I\nmust again speak of him, when I come to the kings of Egypt.\n\nIf we compare the above histories, we may perceive that they bear a\nmanifest similitude to one another; though they are attributed to different\npersons. They contain accounts of great achievements in the first ages: in\neffecting which these antient heroes are represented as traversing immense\nregions, and carrying their arms to the very limits of the known world: the\ngreat Tartarian ocean to the east, and the Atlantic westward, being the\nboundaries of their travel. Some of them seem to have been of the same age;\nand to have carried on these conquests at nearly the same time: and those,\nwhose \u00e6ra may possibly differ, have this in common with the others; that\nthey visit the same countries, march for the most part by the same rout;\nand are often joined by the same allies, and are followed by the like\nattendants. They are in general esteemed benefactors, wherever they go: and\ncarry the sciences with them, as well as their religious rites; in which\nthey instruct the natives in different parts of the world. These are to be\nsure noble occurrences; which however could not possibly have happened, as\nthey are represented above. It is not to be supposed, that any person in\nthose early ages, or in any age, could go over such a tract of country;\nmuch less that he should subdue it. It is still more improbable, that such\nextensive conquests should be so immediately repeated: and that they should\nin some instances be carried on by different people at nearly the same\ntime. They, who speak of mighty empires being founded in those early days,\nknow little of true history; and have formed a very wrong judgment of the\npolitics, which then universally prevailed. The whole earth, as far as we\ncan learn, was divided into little co\u00f6rdinate states: every city seems to\nhave been subservient to its own Judge and Ruler, and independent of all\nothers. In the land of [907]Canaan thirty-one kings were subdued by Joshua,\nbetween Jordan and the sea: and some were still left by him unconquered. In\nthose days, says the learned Marsham, quot urbes, tot regna. The like was\nfor many ages after observable in Greece, as well as in Latham, Samnium,\nand Hetruria. A powerful enemy made Egypt unite under one head: and the\nnecessities of the people in a time of dearth served to complete that\nsystem. The Israelites too, when settled in Canaan, formed a large kingdom.\nExcepting these two nations we know of none of any considerable extent,\nthat were thus united. The [908]Syrians and the Philistim were in separate\nstates, and under different governors. The kingdoms of Nineve and Babylonia\nconsisted each of one mighty city, with its environs; in which were perhaps\nincluded some subordinate villages. They were properly walled\n[909]Provinces; and the inhabitants were in a state of rest for ages. The\nAssyrian did not till about seven hundred years before Christ, begin to\ncontend for dominion, and make acquisition of territory: and we may form a\njudgment, from what he then [910]gained, of what he was possessed before.\nThe cities Hala, Habor, Haran in Mesopotamia, with Carchemish upon the\nEuphrates, were his first conquests: to these he added the puny states Ina,\nIva, and Sepharvaim upon the same river. He then proceeded to Hamath,\nDamascus, and other cities of Syria; and at last came to Samaria. The line\nof conquest points out the route, which he took; and shews that there were\nin Mesopotamia numberless little states, independent of Babylon and Nineve,\nthough in their immediate vicinity. Consequently the notion of the extent,\ndominion, and antiquity of those Monarchies, as delivered by Ctesias and\nothers, is entirely void of truth. The conquests likewise of those Heroes\nand Demigods, who are made coeval with the supposed foundations of those\nMonarchies, must be equally groundless. To say the truth, the very\npersonages are ideal, and have been formed out of the titles of the Deity:\nand the history, with which they are attended, related not to conquest, but\nto peregrinations of another nature; to Colonies which went abroad, and\nsettled in the countries mentioned. The antients, as I have repeatedly\nsaid, have given to a person, what related to a people: and if we make this\nsmall allowance, the history will be found in great measure true.\n\nNINUS AND SEMIRAMIS.\n\nHaving given an account of the mythic heroes of Egypt, I think it necessary\nto subjoin an history of two others of the like stamp, who have made no\nless figure in the annals of Babylon and Assyria. The persons, to whom I\nallude, are Ninus and Semiramis; whose conquests, though they did not\nextend so far as those above, are yet alike wonderful, and equally\ngroundless. It is said of Ninus, that he was the first king of\n[911]Assyria: and being a prince of great power, he made war on his\nneighbours the Babylonians, whom he conquered. He afterwards invaded the\nArmenians; whose king Barsanes, finding himself much inferior to his\nadversary, diverted his anger by great presents, and a voluntary\n[912]submission. The next object of his ambition was Media, which he soon\nsubdued; and getting Phanius, the king of the country, into his hands,\ntogether with his wife and seven children, he condemned them all to be\ncrucified. His hopes being greatly raised by this success, he proceeded to\nreduce all the nations to his obedience between the Tana\u00efs and the Nile:\nand in seventeen years he made so great a progress, that, excepting\nBactria, all Asia submitted to him as far as the river Indus. In the series\nof conquered countries Ctesias enumerates Egypt, Phenicia, Coile Syria,\nCilicia, Pamphylia, Lycia, Caria, Phrygia, Mysia, Lydia, Cappadocia, and\nthe nations in Pontus, and those near the Tana\u00efs. To these are added the\nDacians, Hyrcanians, Derbicians, Carmanians, Parthians, with all Persis and\nSusiana, and the numerous nations upon the Caspian sea. After these notable\nactions he laid the foundation of the great city Nineve: which by mistake\nis said to have been built upon the banks of the [913]Euphrates. His last\nexpedition was against the Bactrians: at which time he first saw Semiramis,\na woman of uncommon endowments, and great personal charms. He had an army\nwhich amounted to seven millions of foot, and two millions of horse, with\ntwo hundred thousand chariots with scythes. For the possibility of which\ncircumstances Diodorus tries to account in favour of the historian, from\nwhom he borrows. By the conduct of Semiramis the Bactrians are subdued; and\nNinus takes the capital of the country: upon which, in return for her\nservices, he makes Semiramis his queen. Not long after he dies, leaving\nonly one son by this princess, who was called Ninyas.\n\nThe history of Semiramis is variously related by different authors. Some\nmake her a native of Ascalon; and say that she was exposed in the desert,\nand nourished by pigeons. She was in this situation discovered by a\nshepherd named Simma. He bred her up, and married her to Menon; whom she\ndeserted for Ninus. During her son's minority she assumed the regal state:\nand the first work which she undertook was the interment of her husband.\nShe accordingly buried him with great splendor; and raised over him a mound\nof earth, no less than a mile and a quarter high, and proportionally wide\nat bottom: after which she built Babylon. This being finished, she made an\nexpedition into Media; and wherever she came left memorials of her power\nand munificence. This was effected by erecting vast structures, forming\nlakes, and laying out gardens of great extent; particularly in Chaonia and\nEcbatana. In short, she levelled hills, and raised [914]mounds of an\nimmense height, which retained her name for ages. After this she invaded\nEgypt, and conquered Ethiopia, with the greater part of Lybia: and having\naccomplished her wish, and there being no enemy to cope with her, excepting\nthe people of India, she resolved to direct her forces towards that\nquarter. She had an army of three millions of foot, five hundred thousand\nhorse, and one hundred thousand chariots. For the passing of rivers, and\nengaging with the enemy by water, she had procured two thousand ships, to\nbe so constructed as to be taken to pieces for the advantage of carriage:\nwhich ships were built in Bactria by experienced persons from Phenicia,\nSyria, and Cyprus. With these she entered into a naval engagement with\nStrabrobates king of India; and at the first encounter sunk a thousand of\nhis ships. Upon this she built a bridge over the river Indus, and\npenetrated into the heart of the country. Here Strabrobates engaged her;\nbut being deceived by the numerous appearance of her elephants, at first\ngave way. For being deficient in those animals, she had procured the hides\nof three thousand black oxen; which being properly sewed, and stuffed with\nstraw, formed an appearance of so many elephants. All this was done so\nnaturally, that the real animals could not stand the sight. But this\nstratagem being at last discovered, Semiramis was obliged to retreat, after\nhaving lost a great part of her [915]army. Soon after this she resigned the\ngovernment to her son Ninyas, and died. According to some writers, she was\nslain by his hand.\n\nThe history of Ninus and Semiramis, as here represented, is in great\nmeasure founded upon terms, which have been misconstrued; and these\nfictions have been invented in consequence of the mistakes. Under the\ncharacter of Semiramis we are certainly to understand a people styled\nSemarim, a title assumed by the antient Babylonians. They were called\nSemarim from their insigne, which was a dove, expressed Semaramas, of which\nI shall speak hereafter more at large. It was used as an object of worship;\nand esteemed the same as Rhea, the mother of the gods: [916][Greek:\nSemiramin kai t\u00ean Rhean kaloumen\u00ean par' Assuriois.]\n\nIf we take the history of Semiramis, as it is given us by Ctesias and\nothers; nothing can be more inconsistent. Some make her the wife of Ninus:\nothers say that she was his [917]daughter: and about the time of her birth\nthey vary beyond measure. She is sometimes made c\u00f6eval with the city\nNineve: at other times she is brought down within a few centuries of\n[918]Herodotus. She invades the Babylonians before the city was [919]built,\nfrom whence they were denominated: and makes sumptuous gardens at Ecbatana.\nHence that city is introduced as co\u00ebval with Nineve: though, if the least\ncredit may be given to [920]Herodotus, it was built many ages after by\nDe\u00efoces the Mede. The city Nineve itself is by Ctesias placed upon the\n[921]Euphrates; though every other writer agrees, that it lay far to the\neast, and was situated upon the Tigris. This shews how little credit is to\nbe paid to Ctesias. The whole account of the fleet of ships built in\nBactria, and carried upon camels to the Indus, is a childish forgery. How\ncan we suppose, that there were no woods to construct such vessels, but in\nthe most inland regions of Asia? The story of the fictitious elephants,\nmade out of the hides of black oxen, which put to flight the real\nelephants, is another silly fable. Megasthenes, who wrote of India, would\nnot allow that Semiramis was ever in those [922]parts. Arrian seems to\nspeak of it as a groundless [923]surmise. Her building of Babylon was by\n[924]Berosus treated as a fable. Herennius Philo maintained, that it was\nbuilt by a son of Belus the wise, two thousand years before her [925]birth.\nSuidas says, that she called Nineve [926]Babylon: so uncertain is every\ncircumstance about this Heroine. She is supposed to have sent to Cyprus,\nand Phenicia, for artists to construct and manage the ships abovementioned;\nas if there had been people in those parts famous for navigation before the\nfoundation of Nineve. They sometimes give to Semiramis herself the merit of\nbuilding the [927]first ship; and likewise the invention of weaving cotton:\nand another invention more extraordinary, which was that of emasculating\n[928]men, that they might be guardians, and overseers in her service. Yet,\nit is said of her, that she took a man to her bed every night, whom she put\nto death in the morning. How can it be imagined, if she was a woman of such\nunbridled [929]lust, that she would admit such spies upon her actions? We\nmay as well suppose, that a felon would forge his own gyves, and construct\nhis own prison. Claudian thinks, that she did it to conceal her own sex, by\nhaving a set of beardless people about her.\n\n              [930]Seu prima Semiramis astu\n  Assyriis mentita virum, ne vocis acut\u00e6\n  Mollities, levesque gen\u00e6 se prodere possent,\n  Hos sibi junxisset socios: seu Parthica ferro\n  Luxuries nasci vetuit lanuginis umbram;\n  Servatosque diu puerili flore coegit\n  Arte retardatam Veneri servire juventam.\n\nIn respect to Semiramis I do not see how this expedient could avail. She\nmight just as well have dressed up her maids in mens clothes, and with less\ntrouble. In short the whole of these histories in their common acceptation\nis to the last degree absurd, and improbable: but if we make use of an\nexpedient, which I have often recommended, and for a person substitute a\npeople, we shall find, when it is stripped of its false colouring, that\nthere is much truth in the narration.\n\nIt was a common mode of expression to call a tribe or family by the name of\nits founder: and a nation by the head of the line. People are often spoken\nof collectively in the singular under such a patronymic. Hence we read in\nScripture, that Israel abode in tents; that Judah was put to the worst in\nbattle; that Dan abode in ships; and Asher remained on the sea-coast. The\nsame manner of speaking undoubtedly prevailed both in Egypt, and in other\ncountries: and Chus must have been often put for the Cuthites, or Cuseans;\nAmon for the Amonians; and Asur, or the Assyrian, for the people of\nAssyria. Hence, when it was said, that the Ninevite performed any great\naction, it has been ascribed to a person Ninus, the supposed founder of\nNineve. And as none of the Assyrian conquests were antecedent to Pul, and\nAssur Adon, writers have been guilty of an unpardonable anticipation, in\nascribing those conquests to the first king of the country. A like\nanticipation, amounting to a great many centuries, is to be found in the\nannals of the Babylonians. Every thing that was done in later times, has\nbeen attributed to Belus, Semiramis, and other, imaginary princes, who are\nrepresented as the founders of the kingdom. We may, I think, be assured,\nthat under the character of Ninus, and Ninyas, we are to understand the\nNinevites; as by Semiramis is meant a people called Samarim: and the great\nactions of these two nations are in the histories of these personages\nrecorded. But writers have rendered the account inconsistent by limiting,\nwhat was an historical series of many ages, to the life of a single person.\nThe Ninevites and Samarim did perform all that is attributed to Semiramis,\nand Ninus. They did conquer the Medes, and Bactrians; and extended their\ndominions westward as far as Phrygia, and the river Tanais, and to the\nSouthward as far as Arabia, and Egypt. But these events were many ages\nafter the foundation of the two kingdoms. They began under Pul of Nineve;\nand were carried on by Assur Adon, Salmanassur, Sennacherib, and other of\nhis successors. Nineve was at last ruined, and the kingdom of Assyria was\nunited with that of [931]Babylonia. This is probably alluded to in the\nsupposed marriage of Semiramis and Ninus. Then it was, that the Samarim\nperformed the great works attributed to them. For, exclusive of what was\nperformed at Babylon; _There are_, says [932]Strabo, _almost over the face\nof the whole earth, vast [933]mounds of earth, and walls, and ramparts,\nattributed to Semiramis; and in these are subterraneous passages of\ncommunication, and tanks for water, with staircases of stone. There are\nalso vast canals to divert the course of rivers, and lakes to receive them;\ntogether with highways and bridges of a wonderful structure_. They built\nthe famous terraces at [934]Babylon; and those beautiful gardens at\nEgbatana, after that city had fallen into their hands. To them was owing\nthat cruel device of emasculating their slaves, that their numerous wives,\nand concubines might be more securely guarded: an invention, which cannot\nconsistently be attributed to a woman. They found out the art of weaving\ncotton: which discovery has by some been assigned to those of their family,\nwho went into Egypt: for there were Samarim here too. In consequence of\nthis, the invention has been attributed to a Semiramis, who is here\nrepresented as a man, and a king of the country: at least it is referred to\nhis reign. [935][Greek: Epi te Semirame\u00f4s basile\u00f4s Aigupti\u00f4n ta bussina\nhimatia heur\u00easthai historousin.] The Samarim of Egypt and Babylonia, were\nof the same family, the sons of Chus. They came and settled among the\nMizraim, under the name of the shepherds, of whose history I have often\nspoken. The reason of their being called Semarim, and Samarim, I shall\nhereafter disclose, together with the purport of the name, and the history,\nwith which it is attended.\n\nZOROASTER.\n\nThe celebrated Zoroaster seems to have been a personage as much mistaken,\nas any, who have preceded. The antients, who treated of him, have described\nhim in the same foreign light, as they have represented Perseus, Dionusus,\nand Osiris. They have formed a character, which by length of time has been\nseparated, and estranged, from the person, to whom it originally belonged.\nAnd as among the antients, there was not a proper uniformity observed in\nthe appropriation of terms, we shall find more persons than one spoken of\nunder the character of Zoroaster: though there was one principal, to whom\nit more truly related. It will be found, that not only the person\noriginally recorded, and reverenced; but others, by whom the rites were\ninstituted and propagated, and by whom they were in aftertimes renewed,\nhave been mentioned under this title: Priests being often denominated from\nthe Deity, whom they served.\n\nOf men, styled Zoroaster, the first was a deified personage, reverenced by\nsome of his posterity, whose worship was styled Magia, and the professors\nof it Magi. His history is therefore to be looked for among the accounts\ntransmitted by the antient Babylonians, and Chaldeans. They were the first\npeople styled Magi; and the institutors of those rites, which related to\nZoroaster. From them this worship was imparted to the Persians, who\nlikewise had their Magi. And when the Babylonians sunk into a more\ncomplicated idolatry, the Persians, who succeeded to the sovereignty of\nAsia, renewed under their Princes, and particularly under Darius, the son\nof Hystaspes, these rites, which had been, in a great degree, effaced, and\nforgotten. That king was devoted to the religion styled Magia[936]; and\nlooked upon it as one of his most honourable titles, to be called a\nprofessor of those doctrines. The Persians were originally named Peresians,\nfrom the Deity Perez, or Parez the Sun; whom they also worshipped under the\ntitle of [937]Zor-Aster. They were at different \u00e6ras greatly distressed and\npersecuted, especially upon the death of their last king Yesdegerd. Upon\nthis account they retired into Gedrosia and India; where people of the same\nfamily had for ages resided. They carried with them some shattered\nmemorials of their religion in writing, from whence the Sadder, Shaster,\nVedam, and Zandavasta were compiled. These memorials seem to have been\ntaken from antient symbols ill understood; and all that remains of them\nconsists of extravagant allegories and fables, of which but little now can\nbe decyphered. Upon these traditions the religion of the Brahmins and\nPersees is founded.\n\nThe person who is supposed to have first formed a code of institutes for\nthis people, is said to have been one of the Magi, named Zerdusht. I\nmention this, because Hyde, and other learned men, have imagined this\nZerdusht to have been the antient Zoroaster. They have gone so far as to\nsuppose the two names to have been the [938]same; between which I can\nscarce descry any resemblance. There seem to have been many persons styled\nZoroaster: so that if the name had casually retained any affinity, or if it\nhad been literally the same, yet it would not follow, that this Persic and\nIndian Theologist was the person of whom antiquity speaks so loudly. We\nread of persons of this name in different parts of the world, who were all\nof them Magi, or Priests, and denominated from the rites of Zoroaster,\nwhich they followed. Suidas mentions a Zoroaster, whom he styles an\nAssyrian; and another whom he calls [Greek: Perso-M\u00ead\u00eas], Perso-Medes: and\ndescribes them both as great in science. There was a Zoroaster\nProconnesius, in the time of Xerxes, spoken of by [939]Pliny. Arnobius\nmentions Zoroastres Bactrianus: and Zoroastres Zostriani nepos\n[940]Armenius. Clemens Alexandrinus takes notice of Zoroaster [941]Medus,\nwho is probably the same as the Perso-Medes of Suidas. Zoroastres Armenius\nis likewise mentioned by him, but is styled the son of [942]Armenius, and a\nPamphylian. It is said of him that he had a renewal of life: and that\nduring the term that he was in a state of death, he learned many things of\nthe Gods. This was a piece of mythology, which I imagine did not relate to\nthe Pamphylian Magus, but to the head of all the Magi, who was reverenced\nand worshipped by them. There was another styled a Persian, whom Pythagoras\nis said to have [943]visited. Justin takes notice of the Bactrian\n[944]Zoroaster, whom he places in the time of Ninus. He is also mentioned\nby [945]Cephalion, who speaks of his birth, and the birth of Semiramis\n([Greek: genesin Semirame\u00f4s kai Z\u00f4roastrou Magou]) as of the same date. The\nnatives of India have a notion of a Zoroaster, who was of Chinese original,\nas we are informed by [946]Hyde. This learned man supposes all these\npersonages, the Mede, the Medo-Persic, the Proconnesian, the Bactrian, the\nPamphylian, &c. to have been one and the same. This is very wonderful; as\nthey are by their history apparently different. He moreover adds, that\nhowever people may differ about the origin of this person, yet all are\nunanimous about the time when he [947]lived. To see that these could not\nall be the same person, we need only to cast our eye back upon the evidence\nwhich has been collected above: and it will be equally certain, that they\ncould not be all of the same \u00e6ra. There are many specified in history; but\nwe may perceive, that there was one person more antient and celebrated than\nthe rest; whose history has been confounded with that of others who came\nafter him. This is a circumstance which has been observed by [948]many: but\nthis ingenious writer unfortunately opposes all who have written upon the\nsubject, however determinately they may have expressed themselves. [949]At\nquicquid dixerint, ille (Zoroaster) fuit tantum unus, isque tempore Darii\nHystaspis: nec ejus nomine plures unquam extitere. It is to be observed,\nthat the person, whom he styles Zoroaster, was one Zerdusht. He lived, it\nseems, in the reign of Darius, the father of Xerxes; which was about the\ntime of the battle of Marathon: consequently not a century before the birth\nof Eudoxus, Xenophon, and Plato. We have therefore no authority to suppose\n[950]this Zerdusht to have been the famous Zoroaster. He was apparently the\nrenewer of the Sabian rites: and we may be assured, that he could not be\nthe person so celebrated by the antients, who was referred to the first\nages. Hyde asserts, that all writers agree about the time, when Zoroaster\nmade his appearance: and he places him, as we have seen above, in the reign\nof Darius. But Xanthus Lydius made him above [951]six hundred years prior.\nAnd [952]Suidas from some anonymous author places him five hundred years\nbefore the war of Troy. Hermodorus Platonicus went much farther, and made\nhim five thousand years before that [953]\u00e6ra. Hermippus, who professedly\nwrote of his doctrines, supposed him to have been of the same\n[954]antiquity. Plutarch also [955]concurs, and allows him five thousand\nyears before that war. Eudoxus, who was a consummate philosopher, and a\ngreat traveller, supposed him to have flourished six thousand years before\nthe death of [956]Plato. Moses [957]Chorenensis, and [958]Cephalion, make\nhim only contemporary with Ninus, and Semiramis: but even this removes him\nvery far from the reign of Darius. Pliny goes beyond them all; and places\nhim many thousand years before Moses. [959]Est et alia Magices factio, a\nMose, et Jamne, et Lotapea Jud\u00e6is pendens: sed multis millibus annorum post\nZoroastrem. The numbers in all these authors, are extravagant: but so much\nwe may learn from them, that they relate to a person of the highest\nantiquity. And the purport of the original writers, from whence the\nGrecians borrowed their evidence, was undoubtedly to shew, that the person\nspoken of lived at the extent of time; at the commencement of all\nhistorical data. No fact, no memorial upon record, is placed so high as\nthey have carried this personage. Had Zoroaster been no earlier than\nDarius, Eudoxus would never have advanced him to this degree of antiquity.\nThis writer was at the same distance from Darius, as Plato, of whom he\nspeaks: and it is not to be believed, that he could be so ignorant, as not\nto distinguish between a century, and six thousand years. Agathias indeed\nmentions, that some of the Persians had a notion, that he flourished in the\ntime of one Hystaspes; but he confesses, that who the Hystaspes was, and at\nwhat time he lived, was [960]uncertain. Aristotle wrote not long after\nEudoxus, when the history of the Persians was more known to the Grecians,\nand he allots the same number of years between Zoroaster and Plato, as had\nbeen [961]before given. These accounts are for the most part carried too\nfar; but at the same time, they fully ascertain the high antiquity of this\nperson, whose \u00e6ra is in question. It is plain that these writers in general\nextend the time of his life to the \u00e6ra of the world, according to their\nestimation; and make it prior to Inachus, and Phoroneus, and \u00c6gialeus of\nSicyon.\n\nHuetius takes notice of the various accounts in respect to his country.\n[962]Zoroastrem nunc Persam, nunc Medum ponit Clemens Alexandrinus;\nPersomedum Suidas; plerique Bactrianuni; alii \u00c6thiopem, quos inter ait\nArnobius ex \u00c6thiopi\u00e2 interiore per igneam Zonam venisse Zoroastrem. In\nshort, they have supposed a Zoroaster, wherever there was a Zoroastrian:\nthat is, wherever the religion of the Magi was adopted, or revived. Many\nwere called after him: but who among men was the Prototype can only be\nfound out by diligently collating the histories, which have been\ntransmitted. I mention _among men_; for the title originally belonged to\nthe Sun; but was metaphorically bestowed upon sacred and enlightened\npersonages. Some have thought that the person alluded to was Ham. He has by\nothers been taken for Chus, also for Mizraim, and [963]Nimrod: and by\nHuetius for Moses. It may be worth while to consider the primitive\ncharacter, as given by different writers. He was esteemed the first\nobserver of the heavens; and it is said that the antient Babylonians\nreceived their knowledge in Astronomy from him: which was afterwards\nrevived under Ostanes; and from them it was derived to the [964]Egyptians,\nand to the Greeks. Zoroaster was looked upon as the head of all those, who\nare supposed to have followed his [965]institutes: consequently he must\nhave been prior to the Magi, and Magia, the priests, and worship, which\nwere derived from him. Of what antiquity they were, may be learned from\nAristotle. [966][Greek: Aristotel\u00eas d' en pr\u00f4t\u00f4i peri philosophias (tous\nMagous) kai presbuterous einai t\u00f4n Aigupti\u00f4n.] _The Magi, according to\nAristotle, were prior even to the Egyptians_: and with the antiquity of the\nEgyptians, we are well acquainted. Plato styles him the son of\n[967]Oromazes, who was the chief Deity of the Persians: and it is said of\nhim, that he laughed upon the day on which he was [968]born. By this I\nimagine, that something fortunate was supposed to be portended: some\nindication, that the child would prove a blessing to the world. In his\nchildhood he is said to have been under the care of [969]Azonaces: which I\nshould imagine was a name of the chief Deity Oromazes, his reputed father.\nHe was in process of time greatly enriched with knowledge, and became in\nhigh repute for his [970]piety, and justice. He first sacrificed to the\nGods, and taught men to do the [971]same. He likewise instructed them in\nscience, for which he was greatly [972]famed: and was the first who gave\nthem laws. The Babylonians seem to have referred to him every thing, which\nby the Egyptians was attributed to Thoth and Hermes. He had the title of\n[973]Zarades, which signifies the Lord of light, and is equivalent to Orus,\nOromanes, and Osiris, It was sometimes expressed [974]Zar-Atis, and\nsupposed to belong to a feminine Deity of the Persians. Moses Chorenensis\nstyles him [975]Zarovanus, and speaks of him as the father of the Gods.\nPlutarch would insinuate, that he was author of the doctrine, embraced\nafterwards by the Manicheans, concerning two prevailing principles, the one\ngood, and the other evil[976]: the former of these was named Oromazes, the\nlatter Areimanius. But these notions were of late [977]date, in comparison\nof the antiquity which is attributed to [978]Zoroaster. If we might credit\nwhat was delivered in the writings transmitted under his name, which were\nprobably composed by some of the later Magi, they would afford us a much\nhigher notion of his doctrines. Or if the account given by Ostanes were\ngenuine, it would prove, that there had been a true notion of the Deity\ntransmitted from [979]Zoroaster, and kept up by the Magi, when the rest of\nthe gentile world was in darkness. But this was by no means true. It is\nsaid of Zoroaster, that he had a renewal of [980]life: for I apply to the\noriginal person of the name, what was attributed to the Magus of Pamphylia:\nand it is related of him, that while he was in the intermediate state of\ndeath, he was instructed by the [981]Gods. Some speak of his retiring to a\nmountain of Armenia, where he had an intercourse with the [982]Deity: and\nwhen the mountain burned with fire, he was preserved unhurt. The place to\nwhich he retired, according to the Persic writers, was in the region called\n[983]Adarbain; where in aftertimes was the greatest Puratheion in Asia.\nThis region was in Armenia: and some make him to have been born in the same\ncountry, upon one of the Gordi\u00e6an [984]mountains. Here it was, that he\nfirst instituted sacrifices, and gave laws to his followers; which laws are\nsupposed to be contained in the sacred book named Zandavasta. To him has\nbeen attributed the invention of Magic; which notion has arisen from a\nmisapplication of terms. The Magi Were priests, and they called religion in\ngeneral Magia. They, and their rites, grew into disrepute; in consequence\nof which they were by the Greeks called [Greek: apate\u00f4nes, pharmakeutai]:\n_jugglers, and conjurers_. But the Persians of old esteemed them very\nhighly. [985][Greek: Magon, ton theoseb\u00ea, kai theologon, kai hierea, hoi\nPersai hout\u00f4s legousin.] _By a Magus, the Persians understand a sacred\nperson, a professor of theology, and a Priest._ [Greek: Para Persais]\n[986][Greek: Magoi hoi philosophoi, kai theophiloi.] _Among the Persians,\nthe Magi are persons addicted to philosophy, and to the worship of the\nDeity._ [987]Dion. Chrysostom, and Porphyry speak to the same purpose. By\nZoroaster being the author of Magia, is meant, that he was the first\npromoter of religious rites, and the instructor of men in their duty to\nGod. The war of Ninus with Zoroaster of Bactria relates probably to some\nhostilities carried on between the Ninevites of Assyria, and the Bactrians,\nwho had embraced the Zoroastrian rites. Their priest, or prince, for they\nwere of old the same, was named [988]Oxuartes; but from his office had the\ntitle of Zoroaster; which was properly the name of the Sun, whom he adored.\nThis religion began in Chaldea; and it is expressly said of this Bactrian\nking, that he borrowed the knowledge of it from that country, and added to\nit largely. [989]Cujus scienti\u00e6 s\u00e6culis priscis multa ex Chald\u00e6orum arcanis\nBactrianus addidit Zoroastres. When the Persians gained the empire in Asia,\nthey renewed these rites, and doctrines. [990]Multa deinde (addidit)\nHystaspes Rex prudentissimus, Darii pater. These rites were idolatrous; yet\nnot so totally depraved, and gross, as those of other nations. They were\nintroduced by Chus; at least by the Cuthites: one branch of whom were the\nPeresians, or Persians. The Cuthites of Chaldea were the original Magi, and\nthey gave to Chus the title of Zoroaster Magus, as being the first of the\norder. Hence the account given by Gregorius Turonensis is in a great degree\ntrue. [991]Primogeniti Cham filii No\u00eb fuit Chus. Hic ad Persas transiit,\nquem Pers\u00e6 vocitavere Zoroastrem. Chus, we find, was called by this title;\nand from him the religion styled Magia passed to the Persians. But titles,\nas I have shewn, were not always determinately appropriated: nor was Chus\nthe original person, who was called Zoroaster. There was another beyond\nhim, who was the first deified mortal, and the prototype in this worship.\nTo whom I allude, may, I think, be known from the history given above. It\nwill not fail of being rendered very clear in the course of my procedure.\n\nThe purport of the term Zoroaster is said, by [992]the author of the\nRecognitions, and by others, to be _the living star_: and they speak of it\nas if it were of Grecian etymology, and from the words [Greek: z\u00f4on] and\n[Greek: ast\u00ear]. It is certainly compounded of Aster, which, among many\nnations, signified a star. But, in respect to the former term, as the\nobject of the Persic and Chaldaic worship was the Sun, and most of their\ntitles were derived from thence; we may be pretty certain, that by\nZoro-Aster was meant Sol Asterius. Zor, Sor, Sur, Sehor, among the\nAmonians, always related to the Sun. Eusebius says, that Osiris was\nesteemed the same as Dionusus, and the Sun: and that he was called\n[993]Surius. The region of Syria was hence denominated [Greek: Suria]; and\nis at this day called Souria, from Sur, and Sehor, the Sun. The Dea Syria\nat Hierapolis was properly Dea Solaris. In consequence of the Sun's being\ncalled Sor, and Sur, we find that his temple is often mentioned under the\nname of [994]Beth-Sur, and [995]Beth-Sura, which Josephus renders\n[996][Greek: B\u00eath-Sour]. It was also called Beth-Sor, and Beth-Soron, as we\nlearn from [997]Eusebius, and [998]Jerome. That Suria was not merely a\nprovincial title is plain, from the Suria Dea being worshipped at Erix in\n[999]Sicily; and from an inscription to her at [1000]Rome. She was\nworshipped under the same title in Britain, as we may infer from an\nInscription at Sir Robert Cotton's, of Connington, in Cambridgeshire.\n\n[1001]DE\u00c6 SURI\u00c6\nSUB CALPURNIO\nLEG. AUG. &c.\n\nSyria is called Sour, and Souristan, at this day.\n\n[Illustration: Pl. XI. _Deus Azon Persicus._]\n\nThe Grecians therefore were wrong in their etymology; and we may trace the\norigin of their mistake, when they supposed the meaning of Zoroaster to\nhave been vivens astrum. I have mentioned, that both Zon and [1002]Zoan\nsignified the Sun: and the term Zor had the same meaning. In consequence of\nthis, when the Grecians were told that Zor-Aster was the same as\nZoan-Aster, they, by an uniform mode of mistake, expressed the latter\n[Greek: z\u00f4on]; and interpreted Zoroaster [Greek: astera z\u00f4on]. But Zoan\nsignified the Sun. The city Zoan in Egypt was Heliopolis; and the land of\nZoan the Heliopolitan nome. Both Zoan-Aster, and Zor-Aster, signified Sol\nAsterius. The God Menes was worshipped under the symbol of a bull; and\noftentimes under the symbol of a bull and a man. Hence we read of\nMeno-Taur, and of Taur-Men, in Crete, Sicily, and other places. The same\nperson was also styled simply [1003]Taurus, from the emblem under which he\nwas represented. This Taurus was also called Aster, and Asterius, as we\nlearn from [1004]Lycophron, and his Scholiast. [Greek: Ho Ast\u00earios houtos\nestin ho kai Minotauros]. _By Asterius is signified the same person as the\nMinotaur._ This Taur-Aster is exactly analogous to [1005]Zor-Aster above.\nIt was the same emblem as the Mneuis, or sacred bull of Egypt; which was\ndescribed with a star between his horns. Upon some of the\n[1006]entablatures at Naki Rustan, supposed to have been the antient\nPersepolis, we find the Sun to be described under the appearance of a\nbright [1007]star: and nothing can better explain the history there\nrepresented, than the account given of Zoroaster. He was the reputed son of\nOromazes, the chief Deity; and his principal instructor was Azonaces, the\nsame person under a different title. He is spoken of as one greatly beloved\nby heaven: and it is mentioned of him, that he longed very much to see the\nDeity, which at his importunity was granted to him. This interview,\nhowever, was not effected by his own corporeal eyes, but by the mediation\nof an [1008]angel. Through this medium the vision was performed: and he\nobtained a view of the Deity surrounded with light. The angel, through\nwhose intervention this favour was imparted, seems to have been one of\nthose styled Zoni, and [1009]Azoni. All the vestments of the priests, and\nthose in which they used to apparel their Deities, had sacred names, taken\nfrom terms in their worship. Such were Camise, Candys, Camia, Cidaris,\nMitra, Zona, and the like. The last was a sacred fillet, or girdle, which\nthey esteemed an emblem of the orbit described by Zon, the Sun. They either\nrepresented their Gods as girded round with a serpent, which was an emblem\nof the same meaning; or else with this bandage, denominated [1010]Zona.\nThey seem to have been secondary Deities, who were called Zoni and\n[1011]Azoni. The term signifies Heliad\u00e6: and they were looked upon as\n\u00e6thereal essences, a kind of emanation from the Sun. They were exhibited\nunder different representations; and oftentimes like Cneph of Egypt. The\nfillet, with which the Azoni were girded, is described as of a fiery\nnature: and they were supposed to have been wafted through the air.\nArnobius speaks of it in this light. [1012]Age, nunc, veniat, qu\u00e6so, per\nigneam zonam Magus ab interiore orbe Zoroastres. I imagine, that by\nAzonaces, [Greek: Az\u00f4nak\u00eas], beforementioned, the reputed teacher of\nZoroaster, was meant the chief Deity, the same as Oromanes, and Oromasdes.\nHe seems to have been the supreme of those \u00e6thereal spirits described\nabove; and to have been named Azon-Nakis, which signifies the great Lord,\n[1013]Azon. Naki, Nakis, Nachis, Nachus, Negus, all in different parts of\nthe world betoken a king. The temple at Istachar, near which these\nrepresentations were found, is at this day called the palace of Naki\nRustan, whoever that personage may have been.\n\n[Illustration: Pl. XII. _Apud K\u00e6mpferum in Amoenitat. Exot. p. 312_]\n\n[Illustration: Zor-Aster, sive Taurus Solaris \u00c6gyptiacus]\n\nORPHEUS.\n\nThe character of Orpheus is in some respects not unlike that of Zoroaster,\nas will appear in the sequel. He went over many regions of the earth; and\nin all places, whither he came, was esteemed both as a priest, and a\nprophet. There seems to be more in his history than at first sight appears:\nall which will by degrees be unfolded. His skill in harmony is represented\nas very wonderful: insomuch that he is said to have tamed the wild beasts\nof the forest, and made the trees follow him. He likewise could calm the\nwinds, and appease the raging of the sea. These last circumstances are\ntaken notice of by a poet in some fine verses, wherein he laments his\ndeath.\n\n  [1014][Greek: Houk eti koimaseis anem\u00f4n bromon, ouchi chalazan,]\n    [Greek: Ou niphet\u00f4n surmous, ou patageusan hala.]\n  [Greek: \u00d4leo gar. kl.]\n\nHe is mentioned, as having been twice in a state of [1015]death; which is\nrepresented as a twofold descent to the shades below. There is also an\nobscure piece of mythology about his wife, and a serpent; also of the Rhoia\nor Pomegranate: which seems to have been taken from some symbolical\nrepresentation at a time, when the purport was no longer understood. The\nOrpheans dealt particularly in symbols, as we learn from Proclus.\n[1016][Greek: Orphikoi dia sumbolon, Puthagoreioi dia eikon\u00f4n, ta theia\nm\u00eanuein ephiemenoi.] His character for science was very great; and\nEuripides takes particular notice of some antient tablets, containing much\nsalutary knowledge, which were bequeathed to the Thracians by Orpheus:\n[1017][Greek: has Orphei\u00ea kategrapse g\u00earus.] Plato styles his works\n[1018][Greek: bibl\u00f4n homadon], _a vast lumber of learning_, from the\nquantity, which people pretended had been transmitted from him. He one\nwhile resided in Greece; and particularly at Thebes in Boeotia. Here he\nintroduced the rites of Dionusus, and celebrated his Orgies upon mount\n[1019]Cith\u00e6ron. He is said to have been the first who instituted those\nrites: and was the author of all mysterious worship. [1020][Greek: Pr\u00f4tos\nOrpheus must\u00earia The\u00f4n pared\u00f4ken.] All these were accompanied with science\nof another nature: for he is reputed to have been skilled in many arts.\n\nFrom Thebes he travelled towards the sea-coast of Chaonia, in order to\nrecover his lost Eurydice; who had been killed by a serpent. According to\n[1021]Agatharchides Cnidius it was at Aorthon in Epirus, that he descended\nfor this purpose to the shades below. The same account is given by\n[1022]Pausanias, who calls the place more truly Aornon. In the Orphic\nArgonauts it is said to have been performed at T\u00e6narus in [1023]Laconia. He\nlikewise resided in Egypt, and travelled over the regions of Libya; and\nevery where instructed people in the rites, and religion, which he\nprofessed. In the same manner he went over a great part of the world.\n\n  [1024][Greek: \u00d4s hikom\u00ean epi gaian apeireton, \u00eade pol\u00eaas,]\n  [Greek: Aigupt\u00f4i, Libu\u00eai te, brotois ana thesphata phain\u00f4n.]\n\nSome make Orpheus by birth a Thracian; some an Arcadian: others a Theban.\nPausanias mentions it as an opinion among the [1025]Egyptians, that both\nOrpheus, and Amphion, were from their country. There is great uncertainty\nabout his parents. He is generally supposed to have been the son of\nOeagrus, and Calliope: but Asclepiades made him the son of Apollo, by that\n[1026]Goddess. By some his mother was said to have been Menippe; by others\n[1027]Polymnia. He is also mentioned as the son of [1028]Thamyras. Plato\ndiffers from them all, and styles both Orpheus, and Mus\u00e6us, [1029][Greek:\nSel\u00ean\u00eas kai Mous\u00f4n engonoi], _the offspring of the Moon, and the Muses_: in\nwhich account is contained some curious mythology. The principal place of\nhis residence is thought to have been in Pieria near mount H\u00e6mus. He is\nalso said to have resided among the Edonians; and in Sithonia, at the foot\nof mount Pang\u00e6us; also upon the sea-coast at Zona. In all these places he\ndisplayed his superiority in science; for he was not only a Poet, and\nskilled in harmony, but a great Theologist and Prophet; also very knowing\nin medicine, and in the history of the [1030]heavens. According to\nAntipater Sidonius, he was the author of Heroic verse. And some go so far\nas to ascribe to him the invention of letters; and deduce all knowledge\nfrom [1031]him.\n\nMany of the things, reported to have been done by Orpheus, are attributed\nto other persons, such as [1032]Eetion, Mus\u00e6us, Melampus, Linus, Cadmus,\nand Philammon. Some of these are said to have had the same [1033]parents.\nAuthors in their accounts of Orpheus, do not agree about the manner of his\n[1034]death. The common notion is, that he was torn to pieces by the\nThracian women. But, according to Leonides, in La\u00ebrtius, he was slain by\nlightning: and there is an [1035]epitaph to that purpose. The name of\nOrpheus is to be found in the lists of the Argonauts: and he is mentioned\nin the two principal poems upon that subject. Yet there were writers who\nplaced him eleven generations before the war of Troy, consequently ten\ngenerations before that expedition. [1036][Greek: Gegone pro 11 gene\u00f4n t\u00f4n\nTr\u00f4ik\u00f4n--bi\u00f4nai de geneas 9; hoi de 11 ph\u00easin.] _He was born eleven ages\nbefore the siege of Troy, and he is said to have lived nine ages; and\naccording to some eleven_. This extent of [1037]life has been given him in\norder to bring him down as low as the aera of the Argonauts: though, if we\nmay believe Pherecydes Syrus, he had no share in that expedition.\n\nTo remedy the inconsistences, which arise in the history of Orpheus,\nwriters have supposed many persons of this name. Suidas takes notice of no\nless than four in [1038]Thrace. But all these will not make the history\nconsistent. Vossius therefore, with good reason, doubts whether such a\nperson ever existed. Nay, he asserts, [1039]Triumviros istos Poeseos,\nOrphea, Mus\u00e6um, Linum, non fuisse: sed esse nomina ab antiqu\u00e2 Phoenicum\nlingu\u00e2, qu\u00e2 usi Cadmus, et aliquamdiu posteri. There is great truth in what\nVossius here advances: and in respect to Orpheus, the testimony of\nAristotle, quoted by him from Cicero, is very decisive. [1040]Orpheum\npoetam docet Aristoteles nunquam fuisse. Dionysius, as we learn from\nSuidas, affirmed the same thing. Pal\u00e6phatus indeed admits the man; but sets\naside the history. [1041][Greek: Pseud\u00eas kai ho peri tou Thrphe\u00f4s muthos.]\n_The history too of Orpheus is nothing else but a fable_. From what has\nbeen said, I think it is plain, that under the character of this personage\nwe are to understand a people named [1042]Orpheans; who, as Vossius rightly\nintimates, were the same as the Cadmians. In consequence of this, there\nwill sometimes be found a great similarity between the characters of these\ntwo persons.\n\nI have shewn, that Colonies from [1043]Egypt settled in the region of\nSethon, called afterwards Sethonia, upon the river Pal\u00e6stinus. They were\nlikewise to be found in the countries of Edonia, Pieria, and Peonia: in one\nof which they founded a city and temple. The Grecians called this city\nOrpheus: [1044][Greek: Orpheus esti polis upo t\u00eai Pieri\u00eai.] _Orpheus is a\ncity of Thrace, below Pieria_. But the place was originally expressed\nOrphi, by which is meant the oracular temple of Orus. From hence, and from\nthe worship here instituted, the people were styled Orphites, and Orpheans.\nThey were noted for the Cabiritic mysteries; and for the Dionusiaca, and\nworship of Damater. They were likewise very famous for the medicinal arts;\nand for their skill in astronomy and music. But the Grecians have\ncomprehended, under the character of one person, the history of a people.\nWhen they settled in Thrace, they introduced their arts, and their worship,\namong the barbarous [1045]natives, by whom they were revered for their\nsuperior knowledge. They likewise bequeathed many memorials of themselves,\nand of their forefathers, which were probably some emblematical sculptures\nupon wood or stone: hence we read of the tablets of Orpheus preserved in\nThrace, and particularly upon mount [1046]H\u00e6mus. The temple which they\nbuilt upon this mountain seems to have been a college, and to have\nconsisted of a society of priests. They were much addicted to celibacy, as\nwe may judge from their history; and were, in great measure, recluses after\nthe mode of Egypt and Canaan. Hence it is said of Orpheus, that he secreted\nhimself from the world, and led the life of a [1047]Swan: and it is\nmoreover mentioned of Arist\u00e6us, when he made a visit to Dionusus upon mount\nH\u00e6mus, that he disappeared from the sight of men, and was never after\n[1048]seen. According to the most common accounts concerning the death of\nOrpheus, it was owing to his principles, and manner of life. He was a\nsolitary, and refused all commerce with womankind: hence the M\u00e6nades, and\nother women of Thrace, rose upon him, and tore him to pieces. It is said,\nthat his head, and lyre were thrown into the Hebrus; down which they were\nwafted to Lemnos. What is here mentioned of Orpheus, undoubtedly relates to\nthe Orpheans, and to their temple upon mount H\u00e6mus. This temple was in\nprocess of time ruined: and there is great reason to think, that it was\ndemolished upon account of the cruelties practised by the priests, and\nprobably from a detestation of their unnatural crimes, to which there are\nfrequent allusions. Ovid having given a character of Orpheus, concludes\nwith an accusation to this purpose.\n\n  [1049]Ille etiam Thracum populis fuit auctor amores\n  In teneros transferre mares: citraque juventam\n  \u00c6tatis breve ver, et primos carpere flores.\n\nThose of the community, who survived the disaster, fled down the Hebrus to\nLesbos; where they either found, or erected, a temple similar to that which\nthey had quitted. Here the same worship was instituted; and the place grew\ninto great reputation. They likewise settled at Lenmos. This island lay at\nno great distance from the former; and was particularly devoted to the\nDeity of fire. It is said by Hecat\u00e6us, that it received the name of Lemnos\nfrom the Magna Dea, Cybele. She was styled by the natives [Greek: L\u00eamnos],\nand at her shrine they used to sacrifice young persons. [1050][Greek: Apo\nmegal\u00eas legomen\u00eas Theou; taut\u00eai de kai parthenous ethuon.] They seem to\nhave named the temple at Lesbos Orphi, and Orphe\u00ef caput: and it appears to\nhave been very famous on account of its oracle. Philostratus says, that the\nIonians, and \u00c6olians, of old universally consulted it: and, what is\nextraordinary, that it was held in high estimation by the people of\n[1051]Babylonia. He calls the place the head of Orpheus: and mentions, that\nthe oracle proceeded from a cavity in the earth; and that it was consulted\nby Cyrus, the Persian. That the Babylonians had a great veneration for a\ntemple named Orphi, I make no doubt: but it certainly could not be the\ntemple at Lesbos. During the Babylonish empire, Greece, and its islands,\nwere scarcely known to people of that country. And when the Persians\nsucceeded, it is not credible, that they should apply to an oracle at\nLesbos, or to an oracle of Greece. They were too refined in their religious\nnotions to make any such application. It is notorious, that, when Cambyses,\nand Ochus, invaded Egypt, and when Xerxes made his inroad into Greece, they\nburnt and ruined the temples in each nation, out of abomination to the\nworship. It was another place of this name, an oracle of their own, to\nwhich the Babylonians, and Persians, applied. For it cannot be supposed, in\nthe times spoken of, that they had a correspondence with the western world.\nIt was Ur, in Chaldea, the seat of the antient Magi, which was styled\nUrphi, and Orphi, on account of its being the seat of an oracle. That there\nwas such a temple is plain from Stephanus Byzantinus, who tells us,\n[1052][Greek: Manteion echein autous (Chaldaious) para barbarois, h\u00f4s\nDelphoi par' Hell\u00easi.] _The Chaldeans had an oracle as famous among the\npeople of those parts, as Delphi was among the Grecians_. This temple was\nundoubtedly styled Urphi. I do not mean, that this was necessarily a proper\nname; but an appellative, by which oracular places were in general\ndistinguished. The city Edessa in Mesopotamia seems likewise to have had\nthe name of Urphi, which was given on account of the like rites, and\nworship. That it was so named, we may fairly presume from its being by the\nnatives called [1053]Urpha, at this day. It was the former temple, to which\nthe Babylonians, and Persians had recourse: and it was from the Magi of\nthese parts, that the Orphic rites and mysteries were originally derived.\nThey came from Babylonia to Egypt, and from thence to Greece. We\naccordingly find this particular in the character of Orpheus, [1054][Greek:\neinai de ton Orphea mageusai deinon], _that he was great in all the\nmysteries of the Magi_. We moreover learn from Stephanus Monachius, that\nOrphon, a term of the same purport as Orpheus, was one of the appellations,\nby which the Magi were called. [1055]Orphon, quod Arabibus Magum sonat. In\nshort, under the character of Orpheus, we have the history both of the\nDeity, and of his votaries. The head of Orpheus was said to have been\ncarried to Lemnos, just as the head of Osiris used to be wafted to Byblus.\nHe is described as going to the shades below, and afterwards returning to\nupper air. This is similar to the history of Osiris, who was supposed to\nhave been in a state of death, and after a time to have come to life. There\nwas moreover something mysterious in the death of Orpheus; for it seems to\nhave been celebrated with the same frantic acts of grief, as people\npractised in their lamentations for Thamuz and Osiris, and at the rites of\nBaal. The Bistonian women, who were the same as the Thyades, and M\u00e6nades,\nused to gash their arms with knives, and besmear themselves with\n[1056]blood, and cover their heads with ashes. By this display of sorrow we\nare to understand a religious rite; for Orpheus was a title, under which\nthe Deity of the place was worshipped. He was the same as Orus of Egypt,\nwhom the Greeks esteemed both as Apollo, and Hephaistus. That he was a\ndeity is plain from his temple and oracle abovementioned: which, we find,\nwere of great repute, and resorted to by various people from the opposite\ncoast.\n\nAs there was an Orpheus in Thrace, so there appears to have been an Orpha\nin [1057]Laconia, of whose history we have but few remains. They represent\nher as a Nymph, the daughter of Dion, and greatly beloved by Dionusus. She\nwas said, at the close of her life, to have been changed to a tree. The\nfable probably relates to the Dionusiaca, and other Orphic rites, which had\nbeen in early times introduced into the part of the world abovementioned,\nwhere they were celebrated at a place called Orpha. But the rites grew into\ndisuse, and the history of the place became obsolete: hence Orpha has been\nconverted to a nymph, favoured of the God there worshipped; and was\nafterwards supposed to have been changed to one of the trees, which grew\nwithin its precincts.\n\nMany undertook to write the history of Orpheus; the principal of whom were\nZopurus of Heraclea, Prodicus Chius, Epigenes, and Herodorus. They seem all\nto have run into that general mistake of forming a new personage from a\ntitle, and making the Deity a native, where he was inshrined. The writings,\nwhich were transmitted under the name of Orpheus, were innumerable: and are\njustly ridiculed by Lucian, both for their quantity, and matter. There were\nhowever some curious hymns, which used to be of old sung in Pieria, and\nSamothracia; and which Onomacritus copied. They contain indeed little more\nthan a list of titles, by which the Deity in different places was\naddressed. But these titles are of great antiquity: and though the hymns\nare transmitted in a modern garb, the person, through whom we receive them,\nbeing as late as [1058]Pisistratus, yet they deserve our notice. They must\nnecessarily be of consequence, as they refer to the worship of the first\nages, and afford us a great insight into the Theology of the antients.\nThose specimens also, which have been preserved by Proclus, in his\ndissertations upon Plato, afford matter of great curiosity. They are all\nimitations, rather than translations of the antient Orphic poetry,\naccompanied with a short comment. This poetry was in the original Amonian\nlanguage, which grew obsolete among the Helladians, and was no longer\nintelligible: but was for a long time preserved in [1059]Samothracia, and\nused in their sacred rites.\n\nCADMUS.\n\nAlthough I have said so much about Dionusus, Sesostris, and other great\ntravellers, I cannot quit the subject till I have taken notice of Cadmus:\nfor his expeditions, though not so extensive as some, which I have been\nmentioning, are yet esteemed of great consequence in the histories of\nantient nations. The time of his arrival in Greece is looked up to as a\nfixed \u00e6ra: and many circumstances in chronology are thereby determined. He\nis commonly reputed to have been a Phenician by birth; the son of Agenor,\nwho was the king of that country. He was sent by his father's order in\nquest of his sister Europa; and after wandering about a long time to little\npurpose, he at last settled in Greece. In this country were many traditions\nconcerning him; especially in Attica, and Boeotia. The particular spot,\nwhere he is supposed to have taken up his residence, was in the latter\nprovince at Tanagra upon the river Ismenus. He afterwards built Thebes: and\nwherever he came, he introduced the religion of his country. This consisted\nin the worship of [1060]Dionusus; and in the rites, which by the later\nGreeks were termed the Dionusiaca. They seem to have been much the same as\nthe Cabyritic mysteries, which he is said to have established in\nSamothracia. He fought with a mighty dragon; whose teeth he afterwards\nsowed, and produced an army of men. To him Greece is supposed to have been\nindebted for the first introduction of [1061]letters; which are said to\nhave been the letters of his country Phenicia, and in number sixteen. He\nmarried Harmonia, the daughter of Mars and Venus: and his nuptials were\ngraced with the presence of all the Gods, and Goddesses; each of whom\nconferred some gift upon the bride. He had several children; among whom was\na daughter Semele, esteemed the mother of Bacchus. After having experienced\ngreat vicissitudes in life, he is said to have retired with his wife\nHarmonia to the coast of Illyria, where they were both changed to serpents.\nHe was succeeded at Thebes by his son Polydorus, the father of Labdacus,\nthe father of Laius. This last was the husband of Jocasta, by whom he had\nOedipus.\n\nBochart with wonderful ingenuity, and equal learning, tries to solve the\n\u00e6nigmas, under which this history is represented. He supposes Cadmus to\nhave been a fugitive Canaanite, who fled from the face of Joshua: and that\nhe was called Cadmus from being a Cadmonite, which is a family mentioned by\nMoses. In like manner he imagines, that Harmonia had her name from mount\nHermon, which was probably in the district of the Cadmonites. The story of\nthe dragon he deduces from the Hev\u00e6i, or Hivites; the same people as the\nCadmonites. He proceeds afterwards with great address to explain the rest\nof the fable, concerning the teeth of the dragon, which were sown; and the\narmed men, which from thence arose: and what he says is in many particulars\nattended with a great shew of probability. Yet after all his ingenious\nconjectures, I am obliged to dissent from him in some points; and\nparticularly in one, which is of the greatest moment. I cannot be induced\nto think, that Cadmus was, as Bochart represents him, a Phenician. Indeed I\nam persuaded, that no such person existed. If Cadmus brought letters from\nPhenicia, how came he to bring but sixteen; when the people, from whom he\nimported them, had undoubtedly more, as we may infer from their neighbours?\nAnd if they were the current letters of Greece, as Herodotus intimates; how\ncame it to pass, that the tablet of Alcmena, the wife of Amphitryon, the\nthird in descent from Cadmus, could not be understood, as we are assured by\n[1062]Plutarch? He says, that in the reign of Agesilaus of Sparta, a\nwritten tablet was found in the tomb of Alcmena, to whom it was inscribed:\nthat the characters were obsolete, and unintelligible; on which account\nthey sent it to Conuphis of Memphis in Egypt, to be decyphered. If these\ncharacters were Phenician, why were they sent to a priest of a different\ncountry for interpretation? and why is their date and antiquity defined by\nthe reign of a king in Egypt? [1063][Greek: Tous tupous einai t\u00eas epi\nPr\u00f4tei basileuonti grammatik\u00eas.] _The form of the letters was the same as\nwas in use when Proteus reigned in that country._ Herodotus, indeed, to\nprove that the Cadmians brought letters into Greece, assures us, that he\nsaw specimens of their writing at Thebes, in the temple of Apollo\n[1064]Ismenius: that there was a tripod as antient as the reign of Laius,\nthe son of Labdacus; with an inscription, which imported, that it had been\nthere dedicated by Amphitryon upon his victory over the Telebo\u00e6. I make no\ndoubt, but that Herodotus saw tripods with antient inscriptions: and there\nmight be one with the name of Amphitryon: but how could he be sure that it\nwas the writing of that person, and of those times? We know what a pleasure\nthere is in enhancing the antiquity of things; and how often inscriptions\nare forged for that purpose. Is it credible that the characters of\nAmphitryon should be so easy to be apprehended, when those of his wife\nAlcmena could not be understood? and which of the two are we in this case\nto believe, Herodotus or Plutarch? I do not mean that I give any credence\nto the story of Alcmena and her tablet: nor do I believe that there was a\ntripod with characters as antient as Amphitryon. I only argue from the\nprinciples of the Greeks to prove their inconsistency. The Pheneat\u00e6 in\nArcadia shewed to Pausanias an inscription upon the basis of a brazen\nstatue, which was dedicated to [1065]Poseidon Hippius. It was said to have\nbeen written by Ulysses, and contained a treaty made between him and some\nshepherds. But Pausanias acknowledges that it was an imposition; for\nneither statues of brass, nor statues of any sort, were in use at the time\nalluded to.\n\nIt is said of Cadmus, that he introduced the rites of [1066]Bacchus into\nGreece. But how is this possible, if Bacchus was his descendant, the son of\nhis daughter Semele? To remedy this, the latter mythologists suppose, that\nthere was a prior Bacchus, who was worshipped by Cadmus. This is their\nusual recourse, when they are hard pressed with inconsistencies. They then\ncreate other personages, to help them out of their difficulties. They form,\nwith great facility, a new Semiramis, or Ninus; another Belus, Perseus,\nMinos, Hermes, Phoroneus, Apis, though to little purpose: for the mistake\nbeing fundamental, the inconveniencies cannot be remedied by such\nsubstitutes. We are told that Cadmus was a Phenician: but Diodorus Siculus\nspeaks of him as assuredly of Egypt; and mentions moreover, that he was a\nnative of the Theba\u00efs: [1067][Greek: Kadmon ek Th\u00eab\u00f4n onta t\u00f4n Aigupti\u00f4n].\nPherecydes Syrus also, from whom most of the mythology of Greece was\nborrowed, makes Cadmus an [1068]Egyptian, the son of Agenor and Argiope,\nwho was the daughter of Nilus. By others he is said to have been the son of\nAntiope, the daughter of Belus: consequently he must originally have been\nof Babylonish extraction. His father Agenor, from whom he is supposed to\nhave been instructed in the sciences, is represented by Nonnus as residing\nat Thebes.\n\n  [1069][Greek: Patria thespesi\u00eas deda\u00eamenos orgia techn\u00eas,]\n  [Greek: Aigupti\u00eas sophi\u00eas metanastios, \u00eamos Ag\u00ean\u00f4r]\n  [Greek: Memphidos ennaet\u00eas hekatompulon \u00f4ikee Th\u00eab\u00ean.]\n\nWe learn the same from the Scholiast upon Lycophron, who styles the king\nOgugus. [1070][Greek: Kai ho \u00d4gugos Th\u00eab\u00f4n Aigupti\u00f4n \u00ean Basileus, hothen ho\nKadmos huparch\u00f4n, elth\u00f4n en Helladi tas Heptapulous ektise.] _Moreover\nOgugus was king of Thebes in Egypt: of which country was Cadmus, who came\ninto Greece, and built the city styled Heptapul\u00e6_. It was from the same\npart of the world, that the mysteries were imported, in which Cadmus is\nrepresented as so knowing: and here it was, that he was taught\nhieroglyphics, and the other characters, which are attributed to him. For\nhe is said to have been expert [1071][Greek: Cheiros opisthoporoio\ncharagmata loxa charass\u00f4n.] These arts he carried first to the coast of\nSidon, and Syria; and from thence he is supposed to have brought them to\nGreece: for, before he came to Hellas, he is said to have reigned in\nconjunction with Phoenix, both at Sidon and Tyre. [1072][Greek: Phoinix kai\nKadmos, apo Th\u00eab\u00f4n t\u00f4n Aigupti\u00f4n exelthontes eis t\u00ean Surian Turou kai\nSid\u00f4nos ebasileusan.] _Phoenix and Cadmus came from Thebes in Egypt, and\nreigned at Tyre and Sidon._\n\nThus I have taken pains to shew, that Cadmus was not, as has been generally\nthought, a Phenician. My next endeavour will be to prove that no such\nperson existed. If we consider the whole history of this celebrated hero,\nwe shall find, that it was impossible for one person to have effected what\nhe is supposed to have performed. His expeditions were various and\nwonderful; and such as in those early times would not have been attempted,\nnor could ever have been completed. The Helladians say little more, than\nthat he built Thebes, and brought letters into Greece: that he slew a\ndragon, from the teeth of which being sowed in the ground there arose an\narmy of earthborn men. The writers of other countries afford us a more\nextensive account: among the principal of which are to be esteemed\nHerodotus, Diodorus, Strabo, and Pausanias. Some of them had their\n[1073]doubts about the reality of this adventurer: and from the history\nwhich they have transmitted, we may safely infer, that no such person\nexisted, as has been described under the character of Cadmus.\n\nHe is said to have sailed first to [1074]Phenicia and Cyprus; and\nafterwards to [1075]Rhodes. Here he instructed the people in the religion\nwhich he professed; and founded a temple at Lindus, where he appointed an\norder of priests. He did the same [1076]at Thera, and afterwards was at\n[1077]Thasus: and proceeding in his travels partook of the Cabiritic\nmysteries in [1078]Samothracia. He visited [1079]Ionia, and all the coast\nupwards to the Hellespont and Propontis. He was at Lesbos, which he named\n[1080]Issa: where some of his posterity were to be found long after. He was\nalso at Anaphe, one of the Sporades; which island was denominated\nMembliaros from one of his [1081]followers. Mention is made of his being\nupon the [1082]Hellespont, and in Thrace. Here he resided, and found out a\nmine of [1083]gold, having before found one of copper in [1084]Cyprus.\nHence he is said to have procured great wealth. [1085][Greek: Hode Kadmou\nploutos peri Thrak\u00ean, kai to Pangaion oros.] We hear of him afterwards in\n[1086]Euboea; where there are to be found innumerable traces of him, and\nhis followers. He was likewise at [1087]Sparta, as we may infer from the\nHero\u00fcm erected to him by Eurotas, and his brethren, the sons of Hur\u00e6us. He\nmust have resided a great while in [1088]Attica; for there were many\nedifices about Athens attributed to him. He settled at Tanagra in Boeotia;\nwhere he lost all his companions, who were slain by a dragon. He afterwards\nbuilt Thebes. Here he was king; and is said to have reigned sixty-two\n[1089]years. But as if his wanderings were never to be terminated, he\nleaves his newly founded city, and goes to Illyria. Here we find him again\nin regal state. [1090][Greek: Basileuei Kadmos t\u00f4n Illuri\u00f4n.] He reigns\nover the country which receives its name from his son. [1091][Greek:\nIlluria--apo Illuriou tou Kadmonos paidos.] Now whoever is truly acquainted\nwith antiquity, must know, that, in the times here spoken of, little\ncorrespondence was maintained between nation and nation. Depredations were\nvery frequent; and every little maritime power was in a state of\n[1092]piracy: so that navigation was attended with great peril. It is not\ntherefore to be believed, that a person should so often rove upon the seas\namid such variety of nations, and reside among them at his pleasure: much\nless that he should build temples, found cities, and introduce his\nreligion, wherever he listed; and this too in such transient visits.\nBesides, according to the Egyptian accounts, the chief of his adventures\nwere in Libya. He married Harmonia at the lake [1093]Tritonis; and is said\nto have founded in that part of the world no less. than an hundred cities:\n\n                  [1094][Greek: Libustidi Kadmos arourai]\n  [Greek: D\u00f4m\u00easas poli\u00f4n hekatontada.]\n\nSome of these cities seem to have been situated far west in the remoter\nparts of Africa.\n\n  [1095][Greek: Kai Libues strato\u00f4nto par' Hesperion klima gai\u00eas,]\n  [Greek: Anchineph\u00ea naiontes Al\u00eamonos astea Kadmou.]\n\nCarthage itself was of old called [1096]Cadmeia: so that he may be ranked\namong the founders of that city. [Greek: Karch\u00ead\u00f4n, M\u00eatropolis\nLibu\u00eas--ekaleito de Kain\u00ea polis, kai Kadmeia.] He is mentioned by Moses\nChorenensis to have settled in [1097]Armenia, where there was a regio\nCadmeia not far from Colchis. He reigned here; and is said to have been of\nthe giant race, and to have come from [1098]Babylonia. And as the city\nCarthage in Libya was called Cadmeia, so in this region Cadmeia, there was\na city Carthage: [1099][Greek: Karch\u00ead\u00f4n polis Armenias.]\n\nSuch are the expeditions of Cadmus. But is it credible that any person\ncould have penetrated into the various regions, whither he is supposed to\nhave gone? to have founded colonies in Phenicia, Cyprus, Rhodes, Thera,\nThasus, Anaphe, Samothracia? to have twice visited the Hellespont? to have\nworked the mines in the Pangean mountains, and in other places? to have\nmade settlements in Euboea, Attica, Boeotia, and Illyria? and, above all,\nto have had such territories in Afric? He is represented as heir to the\nkingdom of Egypt: this he quitted, and obtained a kingdom in Phenicia. He\nleaves this too; and after much wandering arrives in Greece; where he\nfounds several cities, and reigns sixty-two years. After this, hard to\nconceive! he is made king in Illyria. He must also have reigned in Afric:\nand his dominions seem to have been considerable, as he founded an hundred\ncities. He is represented as a king in Armenia; and had there too no small\nterritory. Sure kingdoms in those times must have been very cheap, if they\nwere so easily attainable. But the whole is certainly a mistake; at least\nin respect to [1100]Cadmus. No person could possibly have effected what is\nattributed to him. They were not the achievements of one person, nor of one\nage. And place Cadmus at any given \u00e6ra, and arrange his history, as may\nappear most plausible; yet there will arise numberless inconsistencies from\nthe connexions he must have in respect to time, place, and people; such as\nno art nor disposition can remedy.\n\nIt may be asked, if there were no such man as Cadmus, what did the antients\nallude to under this character? and what is the true purport of these\nhistories? The travels of Cadmus, like the expeditions of Perseus,\nSesostris, and Osiris, relate to colonies, which at different times went\nabroad, and were distinguished by this title. But what was the work of\nmany, and performed at various seasons, has been attributed to one person.\nCadmus was one of the names of Osiris, the chief Deity of Egypt. Both\nEuropa, and Harmonia are of the like nature. They were titles of the Deity:\nbut assumed by colonies, who went out, and settled under these\ndenominations. The native Egyptians seldom left their country, but by\nforce. This necessity however did occur: for Egypt at times underwent great\n[1101]revolutions. It was likewise in some parts inhabited by people of a\ndifferent cast; particularly by the sons of Chus. These were obliged to\nretire: in consequence of which they spread themselves over various parts\nof the earth. All, who embarked under the same name, or title, were in\naftertimes supposed to have been under the same leader: and to him was\nattributed the honour of every thing performed. And as colonies of the same\ndenomination went to parts of the world widely distant; their ideal\nchieftain, whether Cadmus, or Bacchus, or Hercules, was supposed to have\ntraversed the same ground: and the achievements of different ages were\nconferred upon a fancied hero of a day. This has been the cause of great\ninconsistency throughout the mythology of the antients. To this they added\nlargely, by being so lavish of titles, out of reverence to their gods.\nWherever they came they built temples to them, and cities, under various\ndenominations; all which were taken from some supposed attribute. These\ntitles and attributes, though they belonged originally to one God, the Sun;\nyet being [1102]manifold, and misapplied, gave rise to a multitude of\nDeities, whose \u00e6ra never could be settled, nor their history rendered\nconsistent. Cadmus was one of these. He was the same as Hermes of Egypt,\ncalled also Thoth, Athoth, and Canathoth: and was supposed to have been the\ninventor of letters. He was sometimes styled Cadmilus, another name for\nHermes; under which he was worshipped in Samothracia, and Hetruria.\nLycophron speaking of the prophet Prulis, in Lesbos, tells us, that he was\nthe son of Cadmus, and of the race of Atlas. And he was the person, who was\nsupposed to give information to the Greeks, when they were upon their\nexpedition towards Troy.\n\n  [1103][Greek: H\u00f4s m\u00ea se Kadmos \u00f4phel' en perirrhut\u00f4i]\n  [Greek: Iss\u00eai phuteusai dusmen\u00f4n pod\u00eaget\u00ean.]\n\nThese are the words of Cassandra: upon which the Scholiast observes;\n[Greek: Prulis, huios tou Kadmilou, kai Kadmou, \u00eatoi Hermou:] _Prulis of\nLesbos was the son of Cadmilus, or Cadmus, the same as Hermes_. And\nafterwards he mentions, [1104][Greek: ho Kadmos, \u00eatoi Herm\u00eas,] _Cadmus, who\nis the same as Hermes_. In another place he takes notice, that the name of\nHermes among the Hetrurians was [1105]Cadmilus: and it has been shewn, that\nCadmilus, and Cadmus, are the same. To close the whole, we have this\nfurther evidence from Phavorinus, that Cadmus was certainly an epithet or\ntitle of Hermes. [1106][Greek: Kadmos, ou kurion monon, alla kai Hermou\nepitheton.]\n\nHarmonia, the wife of Cadmus, who has been esteemed a mere woman, seems to\nhave been an emblem of nature, and the fostering nurse of all things. She\nis from hence styled [1107][Greek: pantrophos Harmonia.] And when Venus is\nrepresented in the allegory as making her a visit, she is said to go\n[1108][Greek: eis domon Harmonias pamm\u00eatoros], _to the house of the\nall-productive parent_. In some of the Orphic verses she is represented not\nonly as a Deity, but as the light of the world.\n\n  [1109][Greek: Harmoni\u00ea, kosmoio phaesphore, kai sophe Daimon.]\n\nHarmonia was supposed to have been a personage, from whom all knowledge was\nderived. On this account the books of science were styled [1110][Greek:\nkurbias Harmonias], the books of Harmonia, as well as the books of Hermes.\nThese were four in number, of which Nonnus gives a curious account, and\nsays, that they contained matter of wonderful antiquity.\n\n  [1111][Greek: Ein heni thesphata panta, taper pepr\u00f4mena kosm\u00f4i]\n  [Greek: Pr\u00f4togonoio Phan\u00eatos epigraphe mantipolos cheir.]\n\nThe first of them is said to have been coeval with the world.\n\n  [1112][Greek: Pr\u00f4t\u00ean kurbin op\u00f4pen atermonos h\u00ealika kosmou,]\n  [Greek: Ein heni panta pherousan, hosa sk\u00eaptouchos Ophi\u00f4n]\n  [Greek: \u00canusen.]\n\nFrom hence we find, that Hermon, or Harmonia, was a Deity, to whom the\nfirst writing is ascribed. The same is said of Hermes. [1113][Greek: Herm\u00eas\nlegetai The\u00f4n en Aigupt\u00f4i grammata pr\u00f4tos heurein.] The invention is also\nattributed to Taut, or Thoth. [1114][Greek: Pr\u00f4tos esti Taautos, ho t\u00f4n\ngrammat\u00f4n t\u00ean heuresin epino\u00easas,--hon Aiguptioi men ekalesan Th\u00f4uth,\nAlexandreis de Th\u00f4th, Herm\u00ean de Hell\u00eanes metephrasan.] Cadmus is said not\nonly to have brought letters into Greece, but to have been the inventor of\nthem: from whence we may fairly conclude, that under the characters of\nHermon, Hermes, Taut, Thoth, and Cadmus, one person is alluded to. The\nDeity called by the Greeks Harmonia, was introduced among the Canaanites\nvery early by people from Egypt: and was worshipped in Sidon, and the\nadjacent country, by the name of [1115]Baal Hermon.\n\nEuropa likewise was a Deity; according to Lucian the same as Astarte, who\nwas worshipped at Hierapolis in Syria. He visited the temple, and had this\ninformation from the priests: [1116][Greek: h\u00f4s de moi tis t\u00f4n Hire\u00f4n\nap\u00eageto, Eur\u00f4p\u00eas esti (to agalma) t\u00eas Kadmou adelphe\u00eas.] He is speaking of\nthe statue in the temple, which the priests told him belonged to a Goddess,\nthe same as Europa, the sister of Cadmus. She was also esteemed the same as\nRhea; which Rhea we know was the reputed mother of the gods, and\nparticularly the mother of Jupiter.\n\n  [1117][Greek: Est' an Rheia tekoi paida Kron\u00f4i en philot\u00eati.]\n\nPindar speaks of Europa, as the [1118]daughter of Tityus: and by Herodotus\nshe is made the mother of [1119]Sarpedon and Minos.\n\nI have mentioned, that Cadmus was the same as the Egyptian Thoth; and it is\nmanifest from his being Hermes, and from the invention of letters being\nattributed to him. Similar to the account given of Cadmus is the history of\na personage called by the Greeks Caanthus; this history contains an epitome\nof the voyage undertaken by Cadmus, though with some small variation.\nCaanthus is said to have been the son of Oceanus; which in the language of\nEgypt is the same as the son of Ogus, and Oguges; a different name for the\nsame [1120]person. Ogus, and with the reduplication Ogugus, was the same as\nOgyges, in whose time the flood was supposed to have happened. Ogyges is\nrepresented both as a king of Thebes in Egypt, and of Thebes in Boeotia:\nand in his time Cadmus is said to have left the former country, and to have\ncome to the latter, being sent in quest of his sister Europa by his father.\nCaanthus was sent by his father with a like commission. His sister Melia\nhad been stolen away; and he was ordered to search every country, till he\nfound her. He accordingly traversed many seas, and at last lauded in\nGreece, and passed into Boeotia. Here he found, that his sister was\ndetained by Apollo in the grove of Ismenus. There was a fountain [1121]of\nthe same name near the grove, which was guarded by a dragon. Caanthus is\nsaid to have cast fire into this sacred recess; on which account he was\nslain by Apollo. His [Greek: taphos], or tomb, was in aftertimes shewn by\nthe Thebans. We may perceive, that the main part of this relation agrees\nwith that of Cadmus. Melie, the sister of Caanthus, is by some spoken of as\nthe mother of [1122]Europa: which shews, that there is a correspondence\nbetween the two histories. The person also, who sent these two adventurers,\nthe sister, of whom they went in quest, and the precise place, to which\nthey both came, exhibit a series of circumstances so similar, that we need\nnot doubt, but that it is one and the same history. It is said, that\nCaanthus threw fire into the sacred [1123]grove: which legend, however\nmisconstrued, relates to the first establishment of fire-worship at Thebes\nin the grove of Apollo Ismenius. The term Ismenius is compounded of Is-Men,\nignis Menis. Meen, Menes, Manes, was one of the most antient titles of the\nEgyptian God Osiris, the same as Apollo, and Caanthus. What has been\nmentioned about Cadmus and Caanthus, is repeated under the character of a\nperson named Curnus; who is said to have been sent by his father Inachus in\nsearch of his sister [1124]Io. Inachus, Oceanus, Ogugus, and Agenor, are\nall the same personages under different names; and the histories are all\nthe same.\n\nThat Cadmus was of old esteemed a Deity may be farther proved from his\nbeing worshipped at Gortyna in Crete, as we learn from [1125]Solinus. Iidem\nGortynii et Cadmum colunt, Europ\u00e6 fratrem. He had moreover an Heroum at\nSparta, which was erected by people styled the sons of [1126]Hur\u00e6us. We\nlearn from Pal\u00e6phatus, that according to some of the antient mythologists,\nCadmus was the person, who slew the serpent [1127]at Lerna. And according\nto Nonnus he contended with the giant Typhasus, and restored to Jupiter his\nlost [1128]thunder. By this is meant, that he renewed the rites, and\nworship of the Deity, which had been abolished. These are circumstances,\nwhich sufficiently shew, that Cadmus was a different personage, from what\nhe is generally imagined. There was a hill in Phrygia of his name, and\nprobably sacred to him; in which were the fountains of the river\n[1129]Lycus. There was also a river Cadmus, which rose in the same\nmountain, and was lost underground. It soon afterwards burst forth again,\nand joined the principal stream. Mountains and rivers were not denominated\nfrom ordinary personages. In short Cadmus was the same as Hermes, Thoth,\nand Osiris: under which characters more than one person is alluded to, for\nall theology of the antients is of a mixed nature. He may principally be\nesteemed Ham, who by his posterity was looked up to as the Sun, and\nworshipped under his titles: a circumstance, however, which was common to\nall, who were styled Baalim. That he was the same as Ham, will appear from\nthe etymology of his name. I have before shewn, that the Sun was styled\n[1130]Achad, Achon, and Achor: and the name, of which we are treating, is a\ncompound of [1131]Achad-Ham, rendered by the Greeks Acadamus and Academus,\nand contracted Cadmus. Many learned men have thought, that the place at\nAthens called Academia was founded by Cadmus, and denominated from him: and\nof the latter circumstance I make no doubt. [1132]Ab hoc Cadmo Eruditi\nAcademiam, quasi Cadmiam deducunt: quo nomine indigitari locum musis\nstudiisque sacratum notissimum est. The true name of Cadmus, according to\nthis supposition, must have been, as I have represented, Acadamus; or, as\nthe Ionians expressed it, Academus, to have Academia formed from it.\nHerodotus informs us, that, when the Cadmians came to Attica, they\nintroduced a new system of [1133]Architecture; and built temples in a style\ndifferent from that to which the natives had been used. And he describes\nthese buildings as erected at some distance from those of the country. This\nwas the situation of the place called Academia, which stood at the distance\nof a few furlongs from [1134]Athens. It was a place of exercise and\nscience; and by all accounts finely disposed: being planted with a variety\nof trees, but particularly Olives, called here ([Greek: Moriai]) Mori\u00e6.\nThere were likewise springs, and baths for the convenience of those who\nhere took their exercise. The tradition among the Athenians was, that one\nEcademus, or Academus, founded it in antient times; from whom it received\nits name. La\u00ebrtius styles him the hero Ecademus: [1135][Greek: Apo tinos\nH\u00ear\u00f4os \u00f4nomasth\u00ea Ekad\u00eamou]. And Suidas to the same purpose; [Greek: Apo\nEkad\u00eamou tinos H\u00ear\u00f4os onomasthen.] But Eupolis, the comic writer, who was\nfar prior, speaks of him as a Deity: [1136][Greek: En euskiois drumoisin\nAkad\u00eamou Theou]. The trees, which grew within the precincts, were looked\nupon as very sacred, [1137][Greek: ont\u00f4s hierai], and the place itself in\nantient times was of so great sanctity, that it was a profanation to laugh\nthere; [1138][Greek: proteron en Akad\u00eamiai m\u00eade gelasai exousian einai].\n\nThe Ceramicus at Athens had the same name; and it was undoubtedly given\nfrom the same personage. [Greek: Akad\u00eamia. kaleitai de hout\u00f4s ho\nKeramikos]. Hesych. The common notion was, that it was denominated from the\nhero [1139]Ceramus, the son of Dionusus. This arose from the common\nmistake; by which the place was put for the person, to whom it was sacred,\nand whose name it bore. Ham was the supposed hero: and Ceramus was Cer-Ham,\nthe tower or temple of Ham, which gave name to the inclosure. This abuse of\nterms is no where more apparent than in an inscription mentioned by Gruter;\nwhere there is a mixed title of the Deity formed from his place of worship.\n\n[1140]Malac\u00e6 Hispani\u00e6.\nMARTI CIRADINO\nTEMPLUM COMMUNI VOTO\nERECTUM.\n\nCir-Adon was the temple of Adon, or Adonis; the Amonian title of the chief\nGod. In like manner near mount Laphystium in Boeotia, the God [1141]Charops\nwas worshipped, and styled Hercules Charops. But Char-Ops, or Char-Opis,\nsignified the temple of the serpent Deity: and was undoubtedly built of old\nby the people named Charopians, and Cyclopians; who were no other than the\nantient Cadmians. Ceramicus was an Egyptian name; and one of the gates or\ntowers of the gates at [1142]Naucratis in that country was so called. It\nwas also the name of an harbour in Caria, probably denominated from some\nbuilding at the [1143]entrance.\n\nI may possibly be thought to proceed too far in abridging history of so\nmany heroic personages, upon whose names antiquity has impressed a\nreverence; and whose mighty actions have never been disputed. For though\nthe dress and colouring may have been thought the work of fancy, yet the\nsubstance of their history has been looked upon as undeniably true. To\nwhich I answer, that it was undoubtedly founded in truth: and the only way\nto ascertain what is genuine, must be by stripping history of this\nunnatural veil, with which it has been obscured; and to reduce the whole to\nits original appearance. This may be effected upon the principles which I\nhave laid down; for if instead of Perseus, or Hercules, we substitute\nbodies of men, who went under such titles, the history will be rendered\nvery probable, and consistent. If instead of one person, Cadmus traversing\nso much ground, and introducing the rites of his country at Rhodes, Samos,\nThera, Thasus, Samothrace, and building so many cities in Libya, we suppose\nthese things to have been done by colonies, who were styled Cadmians, all\nwill be very right, and the credibility of the history not disputed. Many\ndifficulties may by these means be solved, which cannot otherwise be\nexplained: and great light will be thrown upon the mythology of the\nantients.\n\nThe story then of Cadmus, and Europa, relates to people from Egypt, and\nSyria, who went abroad at different times, and settled in various parts.\nThey are said to have been determined in their place of residence by an ox,\nor cow: by which this only is meant, that they were directed by an oracle:\nfor without such previous inquiry no colonies went abroad. An oracle by the\nAmonians was termed Alphi, and Alpha, the voice of God. In Egypt the\nprincipal oracular temples were those of the sacred animals Apis and\nMneuis. These animals were highly reverenced at Heliopolis, and Memphis,\nand in other cities of that country. They were of the male kind; but the\nhonours were not confined to them; for the cow and heifer were held in the\nlike veneration, and they were esteemed equally prophetic. Hence it was,\nthat they were in common with the Apis and Mneuis styled Alphi, and Alpha:\nwhich name was likewise current among the Tyrians, and Sidonians. In\nconsequence of this, Plutarch, speaking of the letter Alpha, says,\n[1144][Greek: Phoinikas hout\u00f4 kalein ton Boun.] _The Phenicians call an ox\nAlpha_. And Hesychius speaks to the same purpose. [Greek: Alpha, bous.]\nThus we find that Alpha was both an oracle, and an oracular animal. The\nGrecians took it in the latter acceptation; and instead of saying that the\nCadmians acted in obedience to an oracle, they gave out, that Cadmus\nfollowed a cow. What is alluded to in the animal, which was supposed to\nhave been his guide, may be known by the description given of it by\nPausanias: [1145][Greek: Epi de hekateras t\u00eas boos pleuras s\u00eameion epeinai\nleukon, eikasmenon kukl\u00f4i t\u00eas Sel\u00ean\u00eas.] _There was a white mark on each\nside of the cow like the figure of the moon_. The poet quoted by the\nScholiast upon Aristophanes speaks to the same purpose. [1146][Greek:\nLeukon sch\u00eam' hekaterthe periplokon, \u00eaute M\u00ean\u00eas.] This is an exact\ndescription of the [1147]Apis, and other sacred kine in Egypt: and the\nhistory relates to an oracle given to the Cadmians in that country. This\nthe Grecians have represented, as if Cadmus had been conducted by a cow:\nthe term Alphi, and Alpha, being liable to be taken in either of these\nacceptations. Nonnus speaks of Cadmus as bringing the rites of\n[1148]Dionusus, and Osiris, from Egypt to Greece: and describes him\naccording to the common notion as going in quest of a bull, and as being\ndetermined in his place of residence by a [1149]cow. Yet he afterwards\nseems to allude to the true purport of the history; and says, that the\nanimal spoken of was of a nature very different from that, which was\nimagined: that it was not one of the herd, but of divine original.\n\n  [1150][Greek: Kadme mat\u00ean periphoite, poluplanon ichnos helisseis;]\n  [Greek: Masteueis tina Tauron, hon ou boe\u00ea teke gast\u00ear.]\n\nUnder the character of Europa are to be understood people styled Europians\nfrom their particular mode of worship. The first variation from the purer\nZabaism consisted in the Ophiolatria, or worship of the serpent. This\ninnovation spread wonderfully; so that the chief Deity of the Gentile world\nwas almost universally worshipped under this symbolical representation. The\nserpent among the Amonians was styled Oph, Eph, and Ope: by the Greeks\nexpressed [Greek: Ophis, Opis, Oupis]: which terms were continually\ncombined with the different titles of the Deity. This worship prevailed in\nBabylonia, Egypt, and Syria: from which countries it was brought by the\nCadmians into Greece. Serpentis eam venerationem acceperunt Gr\u00e6ci a Cadmo.\n[1151]Vossius. It made a part in all their [1152]mysteries; and was\nattended with some wonderful circumstances: of which I have before made\nsome mention in the treatise de Ophiolatri\u00e2. Colonies, which went abroad,\nnot only went under the patronage, but under some title of their God: and\nthis Deity was in aftertimes supposed to have been the real conductor. As\nthe Cadmians, and Europians, were Ophit\u00e6, both their temples, and cities,\nalso the hills, and rivers, where they settled, were often denominated from\nthis circumstance. We read of Anopus Asopus, Oropus, Europus, Charopus,\nEllopis, Ellopia; all nearly of the same purport, and named from the same\nobject of worship. Europa was a [1153]Deity: and the name is a compound\nEur-Ope, analogous to Canope, Canophis, and Cnuphis of Egypt; and signifies\nOrus Pytho. It is rendered by the Greeks as a feminine, upon a supposition,\nthat it was the name of a woman; but it related properly to a country; and\nwe find many places of the like etymology in Media, Syria, and Babylonia:\nwhich were expressed in the masculine Europos, and Oropus. The same also is\nobservable in Greece.\n\nI have shewn, that Cadmus was Taut, or Thoth; the Taautes of Sanchoniathon.\nIt is said of this person, that he first introduced the worship of the\nserpent: and this so early, that not only the Tyrians and Sidonians, but\nthe Egyptians received it from him. From hence we may infer, that it came\nfrom [1154]Babylonia, [1155][Greek: T\u00ean men oun tou Drakontos phusin, kai\nt\u00f4n ophe\u00f4n, autos exetheiasen ho Taautos, kai met' auton authis Phoinikes\nte, kai Aiguptioi].\n\nThe learned writers, who have treated of the Cadmians, have failed in\nnothing more, than in not considering, that they were a twofold colony,\nwhich came both from Egypt, and Syria: from Egypt first; and then from\nSyria, and Canaan. In their progress westward they settled in Cyprus,\nCrete, Rhodes, Samos, Lesbos, Thrace: also in Euboea, Attica, and Boeotia.\nIn process of time they were enabled to make settlements in other parts,\nparticularly in Epirus and Illyria: and to occupy some considerable\nprovinces in Italy as high up as the Padus. Wherever they passed they left\nbehind them numberless memorials: but they are to be traced by none more\nplainly than by their rites, and worship. As they occupied the greatest\npart of Syria, that country was particularly addicted to this species of\nidolatry. Many temples were erected to the Ophite God: and many cities were\ndenominated from him. Both [1156]Appian and Stephanus Byzantinus mention\nplaces in Syrophenicia called Oropus. Upon the Euphrates also in\nMesopotamia were the cities [1157]Amphipolis, and [1158]Dura, both called\nof old Oropus. The chief Syrian God had the title of Bel, Baal, and Belial:\nwhich last the Greeks rendered [Greek: Beliar]. Hence Clemens instead of\nsaying, what agreement can there be between Christ and Belial, says\n[1159][Greek: Tis de sumph\u00f4n\u00easis Christou pros BELIAR]. This Belial, or\nBeliar, was the same as Belorus, and Osiris, who were worshipped under the\nsymbol of a serpent. Hence Hesychius explains the term Beliar by a serpent.\n[Greek: Beliar--drak\u00f4n.] _Beliar is the same as a dragon or serpent._ The\nCadmians are said to have betaken themselves to Sidon, and Biblus: and the\ncountry between these cities is called Chous at this day. To the north is\nthe city, and province of Hama: and a town, and castle, called by D'Anville\nCadmus; by the natives expressed Quadamus, or [1160]Chadamus. The Cadmians\nprobably founded the temple of Baal Hermon in Mount Libanus, and formed one\nof the Hivite nations in those parts. Bochart has very justly observed,\nthat an Hivite is the same as an [1161]Ophite: and many of this\ndenomination resided under Mount Libanus, and Anti-Libanus; part of which\nwas called Baal Hermon, as we learn from the sacred writings. [1162]_Now\nthese are the nations, which the Lord left to prove Israel, namely, five\nLords of the Philistines, and all the Canaanites, and the Sidonians; and\nthe Hivites that dwell in Mount Lebanon from Mount Baal Hermon unto the\nentering in of Hamath._ There were other Hivites, who are mentioned by\nMoses among the children of [1163]Canaan. But the Cadmonites, and many of\nthe people about Mount Libanus were of another family. The Hivites of\nCanaan Proper were those, who by a stratagem obtained a treaty with\n[1164]Joshua. Their chief cities were Gibeon, Cephirah, Beeroth, and\nKirjath Jearim. These lay within the the tribe of [1165]Judah, and of\nBenjamin, who possessed the southern parts of Canaan. But the other\nHivites, among whom were the Cadmonites, lay far to the north under\nLibanus, at the very extremities of the country. The sacred writer\ndistinguishes them from the Canaanites, as well as from the other Hivites,\nby saying, the Hivites of Baal Hermon. And he seems to distinguish the\nSidonians from the genuine Canaanites, and justly: for if we may credit\nprophane history, the Cadmians had obtained the sovereignty in that city:\nand the people were of a mixed race. [1166][Greek: Kadmos--Turou kai\nSid\u00f4nos ebasileuen.] The Cadmians extended themselves in these parts quite\nto the Euphrates, and westward to the coast of Greece, and Ausonia; and\nstill farther to the great Atlantic. They went under the name of Ellopians,\nOropians, [1167]Cadmonites, Hermonians, Ophit\u00e6, and wherever they settled\nthere will be always found some reference to their antient history, and\nreligion. As they were particularly styled Ophit\u00e6, or Hivites, many places\nwhither they came, were said to swarm with [1168]serpents. Rhodes was under\nthis predicament, and had the name of Ophiusa: which name was given on\naccount of the Hivites, who there settled, and of the serpent-worship,\nwhich they introduced. But the common notion was, that it was so called\nfrom real serpents, with which it was infested. The natives were said to\nhave been of the giant race, and the [1169]Heliad\u00e6 or offspring of the Sun;\nunder which characters the antients particularly referred to the sons of\nChus, and Canaan. Their coming to the island is alluded to under the\narrival both of Danaus and Cadmus, by whom the rites, and [1170]religion of\nthe Rhodians are supposed to have been introduced. In Greece were several\ncities named Oropus, by which is signified Ori Serpentis civitas. One of\nthese was near [1171]Tanagia upon the border of Attica, and Boeotia. This\nis the very spot where the Cadmians first resided: and the city was\nundoubtedly built by them. It stood near the warm baths of Amphiaraus,\nwhose temple belonged to the Oropians; and who was particularly worshipped\nby them. We are informed by Strabo, that the temple of Amphiaraus was built\neither in imitation, or in memory, of one called Cnopia at [1172]Thebes.\nCnopia is a contraction for Can-Opia; and the temple was certainly founded\nby people from Egypt. It took its name from Can-ope, or Can-opus, the\nOphite God of that country; and of the people likewise, by whom the\nbuilding was erected. The natives of Boeotia had many memorials of their\nhaving been originally Ophites. The history of their country had continual\nreferences to serpents and dragons. They seem to have been the national\ninsigne: at least they were esteemed so by the people of Thebes. Hence we\nfind, that upon the tomb of Epaminondas there was figured a shield with a\nserpent for a device, to signify that he was an Ophite, or [1173]Theban.\nThe Spartans were of the same race: and there is said to have been the same\ndevice upon the shield of [1174]Menelaus, and of [1175]Agamemnon. The story\nof Cadmus, and of the serpent, with which he engaged upon his arrival in\nBoeotia, relates to the Ophite worship, which was there instituted by the\nCadmians. So Jason in Colchis, Apollo in Phocis, Hercules at Lerna, engaged\nwith serpents, all which are histories of the same purport; but mistaken by\nthe later Grecians.\n\nIt will not, I think, be amiss to take notice of some of those countries\nwestward, to which Cadmus is said to have betaken himself. From Boeotia he\nis supposed to have passed to Epirus and Illyria; and it is certain, that\nthe Cadmians settled in many places upon that coast. In Thesprotia was a\nprovince of the Athamanes; who were denominated from their Deity Ath-Man,\nor Ath-Manes. Here were the rivers Acheron, and Cocytus, the lake\nAcherusia, and the pestiferous pool [1176]Aornon Here was the city Acanthus\nsimilar to one of the same name about forty miles above [1177]Memphis: and\na nation of people called [1178]Oreit\u00e6: all which have a reference to\nEgypt. The oracle at Dodona was founded by people from the same country, as\nwe are assured by [1179]Herodotus and others. And not only colonies from\nthat country, but people from Canaan must have betaken themselves to these\nparts, as is evident from names of places. This will appear from the city\n[1180]Phoenice: and from another near Oricum, called Pal\u00e6ste; and from the\ncoast and region styled Pal\u00e6stina. This was the spot where C\u00e6sar landed,\nbefore he marched to Pharsalia. [1181]Postridie terram attigit Cerauniorum\nsaxa inter, et alia loca periculosa, quietam nactus stationem. At portus\nomnes timens, quod teneri ab adversariis arbitrabatur, ad eundem locum, qui\nadpellatur Pal\u00e6ste, omnibus navibus incolumibus, milites exposuit. Lucan\ntakes notice of the same circumstance, and the coast Pal\u00e6stina.\n\n  [1182]Inde rapi coepere rates, atque \u00e6quora classem\n  Curva sequi; qu\u00e6 jam, vento fluctuque secundo\n  Lapsa, Pal\u00e6stinas uncis confixit arenas.\n\nHere was the haven Comar, or [1183]Comarus, near the pool Aornus: and a\ncity [1184]Oropus, similar to the Oropus of Syria, and Boeotia. And higher\nup was a region Europa, styled Europa Scythica by Festus Rufus. It is\nobservable that there was a city in Epirus called [1185]Tecmon, similar to\none in Canaan, as we may infer from the chief of David's captains being\nstyled the [1186]Tecmonite.\n\nSome of this family proceeded to the western part of the Adriatic gulf, and\nsettled upon the Eridanus, or Po. Here were the Orobians, the same as the\nOropians, whose chief city was Comus: near which the consul Marcellus\noverthrew the [1187]Galli Insubres. The story of Phaethon, who was supposed\nto have fallen into the Eridanus, is manifestly of Egyptian original; as\nthe fable of Cycnus is from Canaan. Phaethon is by some represented as the\nfirst king, who reigned in [1188]Chaonia, and Epirus. He was in reality the\nsame as Osiris, the Sun; whose worship was in there very early, as well as\nupon the Padus. The names of the Deities in every country are generally\nprefixed to the list of kings, and mistaken accordingly. Cycnus is supposed\nto have resided not only in Liguria, but in \u00c6tolia, and Phocis. There was\nin these parts a lake [1189]Conope, from Cycnus called also [1190]Cycn\u00eba;\nwhich names undoubtedly came from Egypt, and Canaan. The colonies upon the\nPadus left many memorials of their original; especially those, who were\nfrom the Caphtorim of Palestina. Some of them had carried on a great work\nupon the part of the river, where they settled; which from them was called\n[1191]Fossa Philistina; and Fossiones Philistin\u00e6. Of this I have made\nmention [1192]before.\n\nIt is said of Cadmus, that at the close of his life, he was, together with\nhis wife Harmonia, changed to a serpent of stone. This wonderful\nmetamorphosis is supposed to have happened at Encheli\u00e6, a town in Illyria,\nwhich circumstance is taken notice of by Lucan.\n\n  [1193]Tunc qui Dardaniam tenet Oricon, et vagus altis\n  Dispersus sylvis Athamas, et _nomine prisco_\n  Encheli\u00e6, versi testantes funera Cadmi.\n\nThe true history is this. These two personages were here enshrined in a\ntemple, or Petra: and worshipped under the symbol of a serpent. Scylax\nCaryandensis, speaking of this part of Illyria, says, [1194][Greek: Kadmou\nkai Harmonias hoi lithoi eisin entautha, kai hieron.] _In this region are\ntwo stones sacred to Cadmus, and Harmonia: and there is likewise a temple\ndedicated to them._ Lucan, who calls the place Encheli\u00e6, speaks of the name\nas of great antiquity. It undoubtedly was of long standing, and a term from\nthe Amonian language. Encheli\u00e6, [Greek: Encheliai], is the place of\nEn-Chel, by which is signified the fountain of heaven; similar to Hanes,\nAnorus, Anopus in other parts. The temple was an Ophite Petra: which terms\ninduced people to believe, that there were in these temples serpents\npetrified. It is possible, that in later times the Deity may have been\nworshipped under this form: whence it might truly be said of Cadmus, and\nHarmonia, that they would one day be exhibited in stone.\n\n  [1195][Greek: La\u00efne\u00ean \u00eamellon echein ophi\u00f4dea morph\u00ean.]\n\nBut the notion in general arose from a mistake; and was owing to a\nmisinterpretation of the word Petra. On this account many personages were\nsaid to have undergone this change. Pollux, who was of a character superior\nto what is generally imagined, was said to have been turned to a stone.\n\n  [1196][Greek: Eis lithon autoteleston emorph\u00f4th\u00ea Poludeuk\u00eas.]\n\nAriadne underwent the like [1197]change. Also Battus, Atlas, [1198]Alcmena,\nand others. All these histories relate to personages, enshrined in temples\nstyled Petra, who had a [Greek: stulos] or rude pillar erected to their\nhonour. This was the usage in all parts, before the introduction of images.\nThere are allusions to these Ophite temples, and to these pillars, upon the\ncoins of Syria, and Tyre. Upon these the Deity is represented between two\nrough stones, with two [1199]serpents on each side of him. A temple of this\nsort, which betrayed great antiquity, stood in the vicinity of Thebes, and\nwas called the serpent's head. Pausanius speaks of it as remaining in his\n[1200]time. The same author affords another instance in his account of\nAchaia; which is attended with some remarkable circumstances. He tells us,\n[1201]that at Pher\u00e6, a city of that region, was a fountain sacred to\nHermes; and the name of it was Hama. Near this fountain were thirty large\nstones, which had been erected in antient times. Each of these was looked\nupon as a representative of some Deity. And Pausanias remarks, that instead\nof images, the Greeks in times of old universally paid their adoration to\nrude unwrought [1202]stones.\n\nThat the Cadmians were the people, whom I suppose them, may I think be\nproved from many other circumstances. There are some particulars in the\nhistory of these emigrants, by which they may be as effectually\ndistinguished, as by any national mark of feature, or complexion. I have\ntaken notice in a former treatise of the Cuthites, who came from Babylonia\nand settled in Egypt; and who were afterwards expelled the country. They\ncame under different titles; and were styled Phenicians, Arabians, and\nEthiopians; but they were more particularly distinguished by the name of\nOrit\u00e6, and of shepherds. These appellations must be carefully kept in\nremembrance, for they will be found to occur in almost every part of the\nworld, wherever any of this family settled. In the histories above given of\nOsiris, Dionusus, and others, we find, that the sons of Chus are\nrepresented as great travellers, and at the same time general benefactors:\nand it is to be observed, that the same characters occur in every history:\nthe great outlines are the same in all. They appear to have been zealous\nworshippers of the Sun; and addicted to the rites of fire: which mode of\nworship they propagated, wherever they came. They are described as of\nsuperior stature, and were reputed the sons of Anac, and Urius, from\nCanaan, and Babylonia. In respect to science, they seem to have been very\neminent, if we consider the times when they lived. They were particularly\nfamed for their knowledge in astronomy, architecture, and music. They had\ngreat sagacity in finding [1203]mines, and consequently were very rich.\nLastly, there continually occurs in their history some allusion to\nshepherds. Every one of these particulars may be met with in the accounts\ngiven of the Cadmians: but it was the turn of the times to make every thing\ncentre in their imaginary leader, Cadmus. He is supposed to have found out\nmines in Cyprus, and Thrace: and to have been the inventor of letters, and\nthe introducer of science. To him are ascribed the temples at Rhodes; and\nthe buildings in Attica and Boeotia. We find him celebrated as a great\n[1204]theologist and astronomer: and it is reported of Cadmus, as it was\nalso of Orpheus, that he left behind him many valuable remains, which\n[1205]Bion Proconnesius is said to have translated. But all these gifts, so\nlavishly bestowed upon one person, should be transferred to a people, who\nwent under the name of Cadmians: and in whom all these requisites are to be\nfound. If we make this allowance, the history will be found to be true.\nThis people, in their migrations westward, were accompanied by others from\nCanaan, and Syria. I have shewn that they settled at Rhodes, where they\nwere called Ophites, or Hivites. Another of their titles was Heliad\u00e6, or\nchildren of the [1206]Sun. They were looked upon as adepts in every branch\nof science, and particularly famed for their skill in astronomy. They were\nthe first navigators of the seas; and the division of time, with the\nnotification of seasons, is ascribed to them. [1207][Greek: Hoi de H\u00ealiadai\ndiaphoroi gegonotes t\u00f4n all\u00f4n en paideiai di\u00eanenkan, kai malista en\nAstrologiai; eis\u00eag\u00easanto de kai peri t\u00eas nautilias polla, polla de kai peri\ntas h\u00f4ras dietaxan.] All these arts, if we may believe Herodotus, took\ntheir rise in [1208]Babylonia: from whence they were carried by the Orit\u00e6\ninto Egypt: and from Egypt westward to Rhodes, and to various parts\nbesides. The Orit\u00e6, or Aurit\u00e6, were the same as the Heliad\u00e6, denominated\nfrom the great object of their worship, the Sun. He was among other titles\nstyled [1209]Orites: as we learn from Lycophron: which is by his Scholiast\ninterpreted the Sun. [1210][Greek: \u00d4rit\u00ean theon, ton auton H\u00ealion.] _The\nDeity, which is termed Orites, is no other than the Sun._ These Heliad\u00e6\nwere Ophit\u00e6; and introduced at Rhodes, and in other places, the worship of\nthe serpent. Hence they occur in Greece under various titles, such as\nEllopians, Europians, Oropians, Asopians, and the like, being so\ndenominated from places which they consecrated to Ops, and Opis, the\nserpent. The Cadmians settled in Euboea, which was called Ellopia from\nEllops, a supposed brother of [1211]Cothus. Plutarch gives an account of\nCothus himself coming to Euboea in company with another named Arclus.\n[1212][Greek: Kothos, kai Arklos, hoi Xouthou paides eis Euboian h\u00eakon\noik\u00easantes.] By Cothus and Arclus are meant Cuthites and Herculeans, people\nof the same family, who settled in this island. The Orit\u00e6 of Egypt were\nalso styled Arabians; and the Arabian nome was denominated from them. The\nCadmians, who settled in Euboea, may be traced under the same names. Strabo\ncalls the people, who were supposed to attend Cadmus, Arabians,\n[1213][Greek: Arabes, hoi sun Kadm\u00f4i.] One district in the island was\ndenominated from them, \u00c6thiopium: [1214][Greek: Aithiopion, onoma ch\u00f4riou\nen Euboiai.] This is more particularly described by Stephanus, as the\npassage is happily corrected by Salmasius. [Greek: Aithiopion, ch\u00f4rion\nEuboias para D\u00ealiou, pl\u00easion tou Euripou.] _There is a part of Euboea hard\nby Delium, and near to the Euripus, called Ethiopium._ But the most\ncritical mark, by which any of these islands were distinguished, was that\nof [1215]Orit\u00e6. This is the express title of the shepherds in Egypt; which\nthey assumed both on account of the Deity, whom they worshipped, and in\nreference to the city Ur in Chaldea, from whence they were in part derived.\nThey founded a city of the same name in Euboea, which the Greeks expressed\n[1216]Oria: whence came the provincial title of Orit\u00e6. Here Orion was\nsupposed to have been [1217]nursed, whose history we know was from\nBabylonia. The natives had a tradition, that he was the son of\n[1218]Urieus, and of the gigantic race: the purport of which, I think,\ncannot be mistaken. They passed, as I have shewn, from Euboea to Attica,\nand Boeotia. Here also was a city [1219]Ur, like that in Chaldea, and a\ntradition about Orion being born in these parts. They likewise pretended to\nshew his [1220]tomb. This city Ur, or Uria, was in the district of Tanagra,\nand stood directly opposite to the province of Ethiopia in Euboea, being\nseparated only by the narrow frith of the [1221]Euripus. They settled also\nat Tr\u00e6zen, where Orus is said to have resided: by which we are to\nunderstand his worshippers, the Orit\u00e6. [1222][Greek: Phasi de \u00d4ron\ngenesthai sphisin en g\u00eai pr\u00f4ton; emoi men oun Aiguption phainetai, kai\noudam\u00f4s Hell\u00eanikon onoma \u00d4ros einai. Basileusai d' oun phasin auton, kai\n\u00d4raian ap' autou kaleisthai t\u00ean g\u00ean.] _The people of Tr\u00e6zen_, says\nPausanias, _give out, that one Orus was the first in their country. But the\nname Orus to me seems to have been of Egyptian original. They farther\nrelate, that this Orus was a king, and that the province was from him\ncalled Oraia._ Uria above, and Oraia here, however differently expressed,\nsignify literally the land of Ur. In all these places the Cuthites went\nunder various appellations, but particularly of Cyclopians, Ellopians, and\n[1223]Europians from their worship. Agreeably to the account which has been\nabove given, we find, that the Heroum of Cadmus at Sparta was built by\nEuropus, and his brethren: and they likewise are represented as the sons of\n[1224]_Ur\u00e6us_. As we are acquainted with the eastern manner of speaking;\nand know that by the daughter of Tyre, the daughter of Jerusalem, the\nchildren of Moab, the children of Kedar, the children of Seir, the children\nof the east, are meant the inhabitants of those places: may we not be\nassured that by Europus and the sons of Urius and Ur\u00e6us, are pointed out a\npeople styled Europians of Babylonish extraction, who were ab origine from\nUr in Chaldea? And is it not plain, that the history of Cadmus is founded\nupon terms ill understood, and greatly misapplied? Yet the truth is not\ntotally defaced, as I hope, that I have made appear. By Moses Chorenensis\nCadmus is represented as of the giant race; and he is said to have come\nfrom [1225]Babylonia. Nonnus mentions his planting in Greece a colony of\ngiants.\n\n  [1226][Greek: Kai stachus autolocheutos an\u00eaex\u00eato Gigant\u00f4n.]\n\nHence the Cadmians were styled [Greek: Anakes], and [1227][Greek: Anaktes];\nand the temples of their Gods, [Greek: Anaktoria], Anactoria. These terms\nwere imported from the Anakim of Egypt and Canaan: but as the people, who\nbrought them, were Orit\u00e6, and the sons of Urius, they must ultimately have\ncome from Babylonia. Here astronomy, and the other sciences first\ncommenced; and the worship of the Sun was first instituted: where the\npriests, and professors were styled Orit\u00e6, and [1228]Orchani. Lucian indeed\nsays, that astronomy was not derived to the Greeks either from the\nEgyptians, or the Ethiopians; but from [1229]Orpheus. This however\nintimates, that the Ethiopians, under which name the sons of Chus are\nmentioned by the [1230]Greeks, were supposed to have introduced science\ninto this country; otherwise this caveat had been unnecessary. But we shall\nin the end shew, that Orpheus was from the same quarter. And to put the\nmatter out of all doubt, we find Herodotus maintaining very determinately,\nthat the knowledge of the heavens, and every thing relating to the\ndistribution of time, was imported from [1231]Babylonia. As these\nBabylonians, these sons of Urius, manifestly came to Greece by the way of\nEgypt, it appears pretty evident, that they were the sons of Chus, of the\nshepherd race, who so long held the sovereignty in that kingdom. Hence it\nis, that throughout the whole mythology of the Grecians there are continual\nallusions to shepherds; a title, which we know was peculiar to the Aurit\u00e6\nof Egypt. Nonnus, in his allegorical poem, describes Cadmus in a pastoral\nhabit, playing upon an instrument, and reclining himself under the shade of\nan oak.\n\n  [1232][Greek: Klinas geitoni n\u00f4ton hupo drui phorbados hul\u00eas,]\n  [Greek: Kai phore\u00f4n agraulon a\u00eatheos heima Nom\u00eaos.]\n\nHe gives to him the same powers in harmony which were attributed to\nOrpheus. Hence Cadmus is made to say that he could charm the woods upon the\nmountains, and sooth the wild beasts of the forest: that he could even calm\nthe ocean, and stop the course of its turbulent waters.\n\n  [1233][Greek: Thelx\u00f4 dendrea panta, kai ourea, kai phrena th\u00ear\u00f4n;]\n  [Greek: \u00d4keanon speudonta palindin\u00eaton erux\u00f4.]\n\nAlmost all the principal persons, whose names occur in the mythology of\nGreece and Italy, are represented as shepherds. Not only the Gods Faunus,\nApollo, Pan, Sylvanus, Pales, Adonis, but Eumelus, Triptolemus,\nEricthonius, Eumolpus, Arist\u00e6us, Battus, Daphnis, Terambus of Egypt, and\nOsiris, are represented of that profession. Hence it is, that we find\naltars, and inscriptions to the shepherd [1234]Gods. Apollo was styled\n[Greek: Nomeus], and [Greek: Poimnios]; and was said to have been educated\nin [1235]Arabia. When Rhea produced to the world Poseidon, she gave him to\nthe care of a [1236]shepherd to bring him up among the flocks. Atlas, the\ngreat astronomer, is represented as a shepherd. [1237][Greek: Atlas\nmath\u00eamatikos \u00ean Libus an\u00ear.--Polueidos de ho dithurambopoios ton Atlanta\ntouton POIMENA Libun ph\u00easin.] _Atlas the great mathematician, was a person\nof Libya. The Dithyrambic poet Polueidos says, that Atlas was a Libyan\nshepherd._ There was a tradition that the temple of Ammon in Libya was\nbuilt by a shepherd, from whom it received its name; [1238][Greek: apo tou\nhidrusamenou poimenos.] It is reported of the Muses, that they were of\nshepherd extraction, and tended flocks, which they entrusted to their\nfavourite Arist\u00e6us.\n\n  [1239][Greek: Kai min he\u00f4n m\u00eal\u00f4n thesan \u00earanon, hoss' enemonto]\n  [Greek: Ampedion Phthian Athamantion, amphi t' erumn\u00ean]\n  [Greek: Othrun, kai potamou hieron rhoon Apidanoio.]\n\nThis is the person by Virgil styled Pastor Arist\u00e6us. Zethus and Amphion are\ndescribed as of the same profession, though kings of Thebes, [1240][Greek:\nZ\u00eathos de kai Amphi\u00f4n adelphoi \u00easan poimenes.] Even the monster Polyphemus\nis taken notice of as a musician, and a [1241]shepherd. Macrobius mentions,\nthat among the Phrygians the Sun was worshipped under a pastoral\n[1242]character, with a pipe and a wand. Tiresias, the prophet, is by\nHyginus styled Tiresias, Eueri filius, or as some read it, Tiresias, Eurii\nfilius, [1243]_Pastor_. This was also one of the titles out of many\nconferred upon the Phenician Hercules, to whom they attributed the\ninvention of purple. He was the chief Deity, the same as Cham, and Orus,\nthe God of light; to whom there is a remarkable invocation in the\nDionusiaca of Nonnus.\n\n  [1244][Greek: Astrochit\u00f4n H\u00earakles, anax puros, Orchame kosmou,]\n  [Greek: \u00caelie, broteoio biou dolichoskie POIM\u00caN.]\n\nSome of the pyramids in Egypt were styled the pyramids of the shepherd\n[1245]Philitis; and were said to have been built by people, whom the\nEgyptians held in abomination: from whence we may form a judgment of the\npersons, by whom those edifices were erected. Many hills, and places of\nreputed sanctity were denominated from shepherds. Caucasus, in the vicinity\nof Colchis, had its name conferred by Jupiter in memory of Caucasus a\nshepherd. [1246][Greek: To oros eis tim\u00ean tou Poimenos Kaukason\nmetonomasas.] Mount Cith\u00e6ron in Boeotia was called Asterius; but received\nthe former name from one Cith\u00e6ron, a [1247]shepherd, supposed to have been\nthere slain. I have mentioned from Herodotus, that the Cadmians built the\ntemple of [1248]Damater, or Ceres, in Attica, where they introduced her\nworship. And there is a remarkable circumstance mentioned in consequence of\nthis by Hesychius, who tells us, that the priests of this Goddess were of a\nparticular family, called [Greek: Poimenidai], or _the Shepherd race_.\n[Greek: Poimenidai, genos, ex hou ho D\u00eam\u00eatros hiereus.] The Cadmians\ntherefore, from whom this priesthood came, must have been in a peculiar\nmanner shepherds. The mountain Ap\u00e6santus in Argolis is said to have been\nnamed from [1249]Ap\u00e6santus, a shepherd. The Cuthites settled in Thrace near\nH\u00e6mus, in Sethonia; of whom Stephanus gives this short but remarkable\nhistory: [Greek: ekalounto proteron Nomaioi]. The author does not say, that\nthey _were_ shepherds; but that they antiently were so called: so that it\nwas not so much the profession, as the title of the people. They settled in\nHetruria, and Latium; in which last province stood the city Pr\u00e6neste, of\nwhich I have before spoken. It was said to have been of high antiquity, and\nwas founded by Coeculus,\n\n  [1250]Vulcano genitum pecora inter agrestia Regem,\n  Inventumque focis, omnis quem credidit \u00e6tas.\n\nWe find here, that the founder of this city was a shepherd, and a king, and\nthe reputed son of Vulcan, the same as Urius. It is said of him, that he\nwas, inventum focis, because he was ab origine from the land of fire; by\nwhich is meant Ur of Chaldea. So the personage, represented under the\ncharacter of Cacus upon Mount Aventine, is by Livy said to have been a\nshepherd. [1251]Pastor accola ejus loci, nomine Cacus, ferox viribus. He\nlikewise is said to have been the son of the God of Fire: [1252]Huic\nmonstro Vulcanus erat pater. The first city which the Cadmians built in\nBoeotia was named [1253]Poimandris; or as Eustathius renders it Poimandria,\n[1254][Greek: Poimandria]; the same which was afterwards called Tanagra. It\nis said to have been so denominated from one Poimander. This name is by\ninterpretation a shepherd, or rather a shepherd of men. It answers to the\ntitle of [Greek: Poim\u00ean laou], so frequently to be met with in Homer. That\nexcellent Poet was wonderfully fond of every thing, which savoured of\nantiquity: and has continual references to the antient history of Egypt,\nand to the rites of that country. He sometimes seems to adhere\nsuperstitiously to obsolete terms, thinking probably, that they enriched\nhis verse, and gave a venerable air to the narration. Of these, no one\noccurs more frequently than the title of a shepherd Prince, which he\nbestows on many of his leaders. It is the translation of a title, which the\nsons of Chus, as well as the Egyptians, gave to their Deities, and to their\nkings. Hence the writings of Hermes were inscribed the works of the\nShepherd Prince, as we may infer from the Greek transcript: for that was\nwritten in imitation of the former, and called [1255]Poimandras.\n\nThus have I endeavoured to state the progress of the Cuthites under their\ndifferent appellations to Greece; and to describe the rout which they took\nin their peregrinations, I have shewn, that under the title of Phenicians\nand Cadmians, they first settled in Canaan, and in the region about Tyre\nand Sidon: from whence they extended themselves towards the midland parts\nof Syria; where they built Antioch. [1256][Greek: Kasos, kai B\u00ealos, Inachou\npaides, pros t\u00f4i Oront\u00eai potam\u00f4i t\u00ean nun Antiocheian t\u00eas Surias polin\nektisan.] _Casus, and Belus, two sons of Inachus, built the city in Syria,\nwhich is now called Antioch upon the river Orontes._ By Casus is meant\nChus; and Belus is a Babylonish title of Ham, as well as of his immediate\ndescendants, who are here alluded to. From Syria they penetrated to the\nEuphrates, and from thence to Armenia: and that there were colonies here of\nAmonians, and particularly of the Cuthites, may be known from the history\nof Cadmus: but more especially from the similitude of language, person, and\nmanners, which subsisted among these [1257]nations. Zonaras is very\nexplicit upon this head. He mentions the incroachments of the sons of Ham\nin these parts, and shews the extent of the trespass, of which they were\nguilty. [1258][Greek: Hoide ge paides tou Cham t\u00ean apo Surias kai Abanou\nkai Libanou t\u00f4n or\u00f4n g\u00ean kateschon, kai hosa pros thalassan aut\u00f4n\netetrapto, mechris \u00f4keanou, kateil\u00eaphasi.] _In respect to the sons of Ham,\nthey seized upon all the inland country, which reaches from Syria, and\nparticularly from the mountains Albanus, and Libanus: and all the region,\nwhich from thence extends towards the sea, even as far as the Ocean._ Of\nthese emigrants Tacitus has given a curious account, which has never been\nsufficiently heeded. He takes notice of those who settled in Canaan, as\nwell as those who passed higher towards the north. [1259]Sunt, qui tradant\nAssyrios convenas, indigum agrorum populum, parte \u00c6gypti potitos, ac mox\n[1260]proprias urbes, Hebr\u00e6asque terras, et propiora Syri\u00e6 coluisse. As the\nCadmians settled about Byblus and Sidon, there seems in consequence of it\nto have been a religious correspondence kept up between this colony and\nEgypt. It is said according to the enigmatical turn of the times, that the\nhead of Osiris was annually wafted by the floods to [1261]Byblus. It was\nreported to have been just seven days in its passage; and the whole was\nperformed [Greek: thei\u00eai nautili\u00eai], by a voyage truly miraculous. There\nare many proofs that the religion of Syria came in great measure from\nEgypt. The rites of Adonis, and the lamentations upon his account at Sidon,\nand Byblus, were copies of the mourning for Osiris, and represented in the\nsame [1262]manner. Lucian, having described the pompous temple at\nHierapolis, says, that there was another in the neighbourhood, not of\nAssyrian, but Egyptian original; the rites of which were received by the\nnatives from Heliopolis in that [1263]country. This he did not see: but\nspeaks of it as very grand, and of high antiquity.\n\nThese particulars I have thought proper to discuss thoroughly, in order to\ndisclose the true history of the Cadmians, as I am hereby enabled to prove\nthe great antiquity of this people; and to shew who they were, and from\nwhence they came. It has been observed by many of the learned, that some\nparticular race of men spread themselves abroad, and got access among\nnumberless nations. Some have thought that they were Scythians: others,\nthat they were Egyptians: others still, that they were from Phenicia, and\nCanaan. What they have said upon the subject, however they may seem to\ndiffer from one another, may in some degree be allowed. But I believe, that\nthe true account is that which I have here given. I have endeavoured, with\ngreat pains, to sift the history to the bottom: and it is to me manifest,\nthat they were for the most part the Aurit\u00e6, those shepherds of Egypt. This\npeople had spread themselves over that country like a deluge: but were in\ntime forced to retreat, and to betake themselves to other parts. In\nconsequence of this they were dissipated over regions far remote. They were\nprobably joined by others of their family, as well as by the Canaanites,\nand the Caphtorim of Palestina. They are to be met with in Persis, and\nGedrosia, under the name of Orit\u00e6. They are to be found in Boetica upon the\nAtlantic under the same [1264]name. They settled in Colchis, Thrace,\nPhrygia, Sicily, and Hetruria; and upon the extreme parts of the\nMediterranean: Diluvio ex illo tot vasta per \u00e6quora vecti.\n\nThese are the migrations, of which the antient historian [1265]Istrus wrote\nin a curious treatise, long since lost; which he inscribed [Greek: peri t\u00f4n\nAigupti\u00f4n apoikias]. We meet with a summary account of them in Diodorus\nSiculus, who mentions, that after the death of Isis and Osiris the\nEgyptians sent out many colonies, which were scattered over the face of the\nearth. [1266][Greek: Ho de oun Aiguptioi phasi kai meta tauta apoikias\npleistas ex Aiguptou kata pasan diaspar\u00eanai t\u00ean oikoumen\u00ean.] Of these\nmigrations there were two remarkable above the rest: the one of the sons of\nChus, concerning whom I have been treating; the other of the Israelites,\nwhich was somewhat later than the former. The author above takes notice of\nboth these occurrences, in a most valuable extract preserved by Photius;\nwherein he does not sufficiently distinguish the particular families of\nthese emigrants, nor the different times of the migration: yet the account\nis very curious; and the history of each transaction plainly delineated.\n[1267][Greek: Euthus oun hoi xenolatoumen\u00f4n t\u00f4n alloethn\u00f4n hoi\nepiphanestatoi, kai drastik\u00f4tatoi sustraphentes exerrhiph\u00easan, h\u00f4s tines\nphasin, eis t\u00ean Hellada, kai tinas heterous topous, echontes axiologous\nh\u00eagemonas; h\u00f4n h\u00eagounto Danaos, kai Kadmos, t\u00f4n all\u00f4n epiphanestatoi. Hode\npolus le\u00f4s exepesen eis t\u00ean nun kaloumen\u00ean Ioudaian.] _Upon this, as some\nwriters tell us, the most eminent and enterprising of those foreigners, who\nwere in Egypt, and obliged to leave the country, betook themselves to the\ncoast of Greece, and also to other regions, having put themselves under the\ncommand of proper leaders for that purpose. Some of them were conducted by\nDanaus, and Cadmus, who were the most illustrious of the whole. There were\nbeside these a large, but less noble, body of people, who retired into the\nprovince called now [1268]Judea._\n\nWhen therefore we speak of the history of Greece as far back as we can\ncarry it, and of the rites and religion introduced into that country, we\nmay accede to the account given of them by Zonaras. [1269][Greek: Ek\nChaldai\u00f4n gar legetai phoit\u00easai tauta pros Aigupton kakeithen pros\nHell\u00eanas.] _All these things came from Chaldea to Egypt; and from thence\nwere derived to the Greeks_. The same is attested by [1270]Josephus. What\npreceded the arrival of the Cadmians, and other Cuthites, in these parts,\nis utterly unknown. With them commences the history of the country. It is\ntrue, there are accounts concerning Erectheus, Ericthonius, Cecrops, and\nother antient kings: but they were superadded to the history of Attica,\njust as the names of Inachus, Phoroneus, Apis, were to that of Argos. It\nwas therefore matter of great surprise to Solon, when he was informed by\nthe Egyptian priests of the antient occurrences of their country, and of\nthe wars of the Atlantians, to find the same names stand at the head of\ntheir histories, as were observable in those of Greece: [1271][Greek:\nKekropos te, kai Erechthe\u00f4s, kai Erichthoniou, kai Erisichthonos, t\u00f4n te\nall\u00f4n.] _For instance, the names of Cecrops, Erectheus, Ericthonius,\nErisicthon, and others._ [Greek: Kai ta t\u00f4n Gunaik\u00f4n kai tauta.] _The names\nalso of their women were the same._ In reality, they were all titles of the\nDeity, as might be easily shewn. Erectheus for instance was the God of the\nsea, and as such worshipped by the very people who enlisted him among their\nkings. This may be proved from Athenagoras. [1272][Greek: Ath\u00eanaios\nErechthei Poseid\u00f4ni thuei.] _The Athenian sacrifices to Erectheus the same\nas Poseidon_. Strabo seems to think, that most of the antient names were\nforeign; [1273]such as Cecrops, and Codrus, and Arclus, and Cothus: and he\nis certainly right in his opinion.\n\nWhat I have here said, may in some degree prove a basis for the history of\nGreece. We may indeed talk of Xuthus, Ion, and Hellen: also of the Leleges,\nand Pelasgi, and thus amuse ourselves in the dark: but no real emolument\ncan possibly arise, till the cloud, with which history has been so long\nobscured, be done away. This cannot well be effected, till some of the\nfirst principles, upon which we are to proceed, be made out, and these\ngreat truths determined.\n\nThis inquisition I have been obliged to make concerning some of the\nprincipal personages in the annals of Greece. For it is impossible to lay a\nfoundation for a future history unless what is true, and what is false, be\npreviously determined. All those, of whom I have been treating, stand\nforemost in the lists of antiquity, and have been admitted with too little\nconsideration. Many of the first Fathers in the Christian church, seeing\nthe high pretensions of the Grecians, tried to invalidate their claim, by\nshewing that all their antient heroes were subsequent to Moses. This was\nthe repeated labour of Clemens of Alexandria, Theophilus, Eusebius,\nTatianus, and others. It was a point urged by them continually in their\nrecommendation of the Scriptures, as if priority of time were necessarily a\nmark of truth. The best chronologers likewise admit these personages in\ntheir computations; and great pains have been used to reconcile the\ncontradictions in their histories, and to ascertain the \u00e6ra when they\nflourished. These learned men acted upon a very laudable principle, but\nfailed in the very beginning of their process. For, as I have before taken\nnotice, the question should not have been about the time when these persons\nlived, but whether they ever existed. The fathers proceeded upon very\nprecarious grounds, and brought their evidence to a wrong test. They indeed\nstate things very fairly, and have authorities for all that they advance.\nBut the traditions of the Greeks were not uniform. And if any Gentile\nwriter, instead of carrying the \u00e6ra of Inachus and Phoroneus, or of\nDionusus and Perseus, towards the time of Moses, had extended it to the\ntimes of the first kings in Egypt, I do not see what they could have done;\nfor this person, in his turn, could have produced authorities. They might\nindeed have disputed the point, and have opposed evidence to evidence, but\nnothing certain could have ensued.\n\nEND OF VOL. II.\n\nW. Marchant, Printer, 3, Greville-street, Holborn.\n\n[1] In all antient accounts of the Romans the term was expressed Poini, and\nPoinicus. Poinei stipendia pendunt. Poinei sunt soliti suos sacrificare\npuellos. Ennius. Annal. vii. Afterwards it was changed to Poenus, and\nPunicus.\n\n[2] Simon the Canaanite. Matth. c. 10. v 4. Also the woman of Canaan.\nMatthew. c. 15. v. 22.\n\n[3] Ausonius. Epigram. 25. Ph'Anac, the Great Lord.\n\n[4] Apuleius. l. xi. p. 246.\n\n[5] Zachlas adest \u00c6gyptius, propheta primarius,--et cum dicto juvenem\nquempiam linteis amiculis intectum, pedesque palmeis baxeis indutum, et\nadusque deraso capite, producit in medium. Apuleius. l. 2. p. 39.\n\n[6] Pedes ambrosios tegebant sole\u00e6, palm\u00e6 victricis foliis intext\u00e6. Ibid.\nl. 11. p. 241.\n\n[7] Euripides in Ione. v. 920.\n\n[8] Cantic. c. 7. v. 6.\n\n[9] Psalm 93. v. 12.\n\n[10] Plutarch Symposiac. l. 8. c. 4. Adversus pondera resurgit. Gellius. l.\n3. c. 6.\n\n[11] Pliny. Hist. Nat. l. 13. c. 4. [Greek: Hieron Heliou to phuton, ag\u00ear\u00f4n\nte on]. Juliani Imp. Orat. v. p. 330.\n\n[12] Revelations. c. 7. v. 9. [Greek: Peribebl\u00eamenoi stolas leukas, kai\nPhoinikes en tais chersin aut\u00f4n.]\n\n[13] John. c. 12. v. 13.\n\n[14] [Greek: Hekkaidekat\u00ea dunasteia Poimenes Hell\u00eanes Basileis.] Syncellus.\np. 61.\n\n[15] The Lords of the Philistines; and the Princes of the Philistines. 1\nSamuel. c. 29. v. 2, 3, 4.\n\n[16] Ezekiel. c. 26. v. 16.\n\n[17] Isaiah. c. 23. v. 8.\n\nEzekiel. c. 28. v. 2.\n\n[18] Herodotus brings the Phoenicians from the Mare Erythr\u00e6um; by which he\nmeans the Sinus Persicus. l. 7. c. 89. l. 1. c. 1.\n\n[19] Philo, mentioning the march of the Israelites towards the Red Sea, and\nthe Amalekites, adds: [Greek: nemontai d' aut\u00ean Phoinikes]. De V. Mosis.\nvol. 2. p. 115.\n\n[Greek: Phoinik\u00f4n k\u00f4m\u00ea], in Edom. Procopius. Persic. l. 1. c. 19.\n\n[20] Phoenicus, in Crete. Steph. Byzant.\n\n[21] [Greek: Aphroi Phoinikes]. Gloss\u00e6.\n\n[22] [Greek: Kata Bouthr\u00f4ton Phoinik\u00ea]. Strabo. l. 7. p. 499.\n\nMount Olympus, in Lycia, was styled, by way of eminence, Phoinic. [Greek:\nOlumpos polis megal\u00ea kai oros hom\u00f4numon, ho kai Phoinikous kaleitai].\nStrabo. l. 14. p. 982. Bochart supposes Phoenic and Phoenices ([Greek:\nPhoinikes]) to be derived from Beni Anac, changed to Pheni Anac, i.e. the\nsons of Anac: but how can this be applicable to a mountain, or to the Palm\ntree? I am happy, however, that in a part of my etymology, and that a\nprincipal part, I am countenanced by that learned man.\n\nBishop Cumberland derives it from Anac torquis. Orig. p. 302.\n\n[23] Hesychius.\n\n[24] A city and mountain in Boeotia, called Phoenice: the natives,\nPhoenicians. Strabo. l. 9. p. 629.\n\n[25] Chron. p. 27.\n\n[26] Syncellus. p. 126. from Eusebius.\n\n[27] [Greek: B\u00ealos ap' Euphr\u00eatao. ktl.] Nonnus.\n\n[28] Bochart. Hierazoican. l. 2. c. 7.\n\n[29] Gellius. l. 2. c. 26.\n\n[30] Gellius. Ibidem.\n\n[31] Iliad [psi]. v. 454.\n\n[32] John. c. 12. v. 13.\n\n[33] 1 Maccab. c. 13. v. 51.\n\n[34] Ibidem. c. 13. v. 37.\n\n[35] Varro apud Nonium Marcellum.\n\n[36] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 7. p. 11.\n\n[37] \u00c6lian de Animalibus. l. 7. c. 60.\n\nHe cites Hermippus and Aristotle for vouchers.\n\n[38] [Greek: Ethnos einai phasin Aithiop\u00f4n, hopou, ku\u00f4n basileuei, kai\nbasileus prosagoreutai, kai hiera kai timas echei basile\u00f4n. Andres de\nprassousin, haper h\u00eagemosi pole\u00f4n pros\u00eachei, kai archousin.] Plutarch\nadversus Sto\u00efcos. vol. 2. p. 1064.\n\n[39] Ibid.\n\n[40] Lycophron. v. 439.\n\n[41] Comment. upon Lycophron. p. 68.\n\n[42] Lucan. Pharsalia. l. 9. v. 787.\n\n[43] Ausa Jovi nostro latrantem opponere Anubim. Propert. l. 3. El. 11.\n\n[Greek: Hex\u00eas de estin ho kunopolitis nomos, kai Kun\u00f4n polis, en h\u00eai\nAnoubis timaitai, kai tois kusi tim\u00ea, kai sitis tetaktai tis hiera.]\nStrabo. l. 17. p. 1166.\n\n[44] [Greek: Sel\u00ean\u00ean de graphontes, \u00ca OIKOUMEN\u00caN, \u00ea grammatea, \u00ea hierea, \u00ea\norg\u00ean, \u00ea kolumbon, kunokephalon z\u00f4graphousi.] l. 1. c. 14. p. 26.\n\n[45] [Greek: Hierogrammatea te palin, \u00ea proph\u00eat\u00ean, \u00ea osphr\u00easin, \u00ea ptarmon,\n\u00ea arch\u00ean, \u00ea dikast\u00ean, boulomenoi graphein kuna z\u00f4graphousin.] l. 1. c. 39.\np. 52.\n\n[46] [Greek: E\u00f4 gar tous Aiguptious, hoiper kai deisidaimonestatoi eisi\npant\u00f4n; hom\u00f4s tois theiois onomasin eis koron epichr\u00f4menous; schedon gar ta\npleista EX OURANOU estin.] Lucian de imaginibus.\n\nSee Observations on Antient History. p. 166.\n\nSolebant autem \u00c6gyptii sibi suisque Deorum patriorum nomina plerumque\nimponere.--Moremque hunc gens illa servare perrexit, postquam salutari luce\nEvangelic\u00e2 diu fruita esset. Jablonsky. v. 1. l. 1. c. 5. p. 105.\n\n[47] It is possibly alluded to in Psalm 80. v. 16. and in Jeremiah. c. 6.\nv. 20.\n\n[48] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 365. [Greek: Chenosiris].\n\n[49] The purport of the term Cahen, or Cohen, was not totally unknown in\nGreece. They changed it to [Greek: ko\u00eas], and [Greek: koi\u00eas]; but still\nsupposed it to signify a priest. [Greek: Koi\u00eas, hiereus Kabeir\u00f4n, ho\nkathair\u00f4menos phonea.] Hesychius. [Greek: Koiaitai hieraitai.] Ibid.\n\nIt was also used for a title of the Deity. [Greek: Koias, ho strongulos\nlithos]; scilicet [Greek: Baitulos]. Moscopulus. p. 5. The B\u00e6tulus was the\nmost antient representation of the Deity. See Apollon. Rhod. Schol. ad. l.\n1. v. 919.\n\n[50] [Greek: Ou, kathaper ta loipa z\u00f4a en h\u00eamerai miai teleutai, hout\u00f4 kai\ntoutous: alla meros aut\u00f4n kath' hekast\u00ean h\u00eameran nekroumenon hupo t\u00f4n\nHiere\u00f4n thaptesthai. ktl.]\n\n[Greek: He\u00f4s d' an hai hebdom\u00eakonta kai duo pl\u00ear\u00f4th\u00f4isin h\u00eameras, tote\nholos apothn\u00easkei.] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 14. p. 2.\n\n[51] [Greek: Eis hieron epeidan pr\u00f4ta komisth\u00ea Kunokephalos, delton aut\u00f4i\nparatith\u00easin ho Hiereus, kai schoinion, kai melan, peiraz\u00f4n, ei ek t\u00eas\nepistamen\u00eas esti sungeneias grammata, kai ei graphei.] Horapollo. l. 1. c.\n14. p. 28.\n\n[52] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 16 p. 30. [Greek: D\u00f4dekatis t\u00eas h\u00eameras kath'\nhekast\u00ean h\u00f4ran ourei; tode auto kai tais dusi nuxi poiei. ktl.] Speaking of\nthe two Equinoxes.\n\n[53] Hoffman: Cunocephalus.\n\nVossius de Idol. vol. 2. l. 3. c. 78.\n\n[54] What Orus Apollo attributes to the Cunocephalus, Damascius (in Vit\u00e2\nIsidori) mentions of the Cat. Photii Bibliotheca. c. 242. p. 1049.\n\n[55] By Strabo expressed [Greek: Keipos], who says, that it was reverenced\nby the people at Babylon, opposite to Memphis. l. 17. p. 1167. [Greek:\nKeipon de Babul\u00f4nioi hoi kata Memphin (sebousi)].\n\n[56] Babun, [Greek: Babun], of Hellanicus Lesbius. Athen\u00e6us. l. 15. p. 680.\ncalled Bebon, [Greek: Beb\u00f4n], by Manethon. Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p.\n371, 376. Babon was thought to have been the same as Typhon: by some\nesteemed a female, and the wife of that personage. Plutarch. ibid.\n\nThe Ape and Monkey were held sacred, not in Egypt only, but in India, and\nlikewise in a part of Africa. Diodorus Sicul. l. 20. p. 793. Maffeus\nmentions a noble Pagoda in India, which was called the monkeys' Pagoda.\nHistoria Ind. l. 1. p. 25: and Balbus takes notice of Peguan temples,\ncalled by the natives Varelle, in which monkeys were kept, out of a\nreligious principle. See Balbi Itinerarium.\n\n[57] Martianus Capella. l. 4. sub initio.\n\nAstronomia is made to speak to the same purpose.--Per immensa spatia\nseculorum, ne profan\u00e2 loquacitate vulgarer, \u00c6gyptiorum clausa adytis\nocculebar. Martianus Capella. l. 8.\n\n[58] Johannes Sarisburiensis Metalogic. l. 2. p. 787. Editio Lugd. Bat.\nanno 1639.\n\nHe speaks of Parmenides as if he were a native of Egypt; and seems to have\nunderstood that Parmenides took up his residence in the Egyptian seminary,\nin order to obtain a thorough knowledge in science. Et licet Parmenides\n\u00c6gyptius in rupe vitam egerit, ut rationem Logices inveniret, tot et tantos\nstudii habuit successores, ut ei inventionis su\u00e6 totam fere pr\u00e6ripuerint\ngloriam.\n\n[59] Hermes was the same as Anubis Latrator. Jablonsky. l. 5. c. 1.\n\n[Greek: Kuna sebeis; tupt\u00f4 d' eg\u00f4.] Anaxandrides apud Athen\u00e6um. l. 7. p.\n300.\n\n[Greek: Herm\u00ean kuna.] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris.\n\n[60] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1167. [Greek: Kunokephalon de (tim\u00f4sin)\nHermopolitai.]\n\n[61] [Greek: Hermopolitik\u00ea phulak\u00ea]. Strabo. ibid.\n\n[62] Analogous to this we read in Herodotus, that the Persian brigade,\nwhose deficiencies were supplied by continual recruits, was styled [Greek:\nathanatos], immortalis. Herodotus. l. 7. c. 83.\n\nIt consisted of ten thousand men.\n\n[63] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 37.\n\n[64] [Greek: D\u00f4dekatis h\u00eameras kath' hekast\u00ean h\u00f4ran OUREI Kunokephalos.]\nHorapollo. l. 1. c. 16.\n\n[65] Herodot. l. 4. c. 191.\n\nUpon the Mare Erythr\u00e6um, [Greek: hidruma Kunoskephal\u00f4n kaloumenon]. Strabo.\nl. 16. p. 1120. Also Pliny. l. 6. c. 30. and l. 7. c. 2. of Cunocephali in\nEthiopia and India.\n\n[66] Herodot. l. 4. c. 191.\n\n[67] Many places were named Cunocephale: all which will be found upon\ninquiry to have been eminences, or buildings situated on high, agreeably to\nthis etymology. [Greek: Kunoskephal\u00ea, LOPHOS tis Thessalias.] Stephanus\nByzant. from Polybius. l. 17.\n\n[Greek: Kun\u00f4nkephalai] near Scotiussa. [Greek: LOPH\u00d4N pukn\u00f4n parall\u00eal\u00f4n\nAKRAI.] Plutarch in Flaminino, of the same place.\n\nThe citadel at Thebes was called [Greek: Kunoskephal\u00ea] by Xenophon. Those\nwho speak of the Cunocephali as a people, describe them as Mountaineers.\nMegasthenes per diversos Indi\u00e6 montes esse scribit nationes caninis\ncapitibus. Solinus. c. 52.\n\nA promontory of this name upon the coast of the Red Sea, mentioned above\nfrom Strabo. Another promontory Cunocephale in Corcyra. Procopius. Goth. l.\n3. c. 27.\n\n[68] Solinus. c. 4. and Isidorus. Origi l. 9. de Portentis.\n\n[69] Steph. Byzantinus.\n\n[70] Ptolemy. l. 3. c. 15.\n\n[71] Hesychius. Also a family at Laced\u00e6mon, [Greek: Phul\u00ea Lak\u00f4nik\u00ea]: and\nCunosouroi, the name of a family at Megara. See Alexander ab Alexandro. l.\n1. c. 17.\n\n[72]\n\n  Esse duas Arctos, quarum Cynosura petatur\n  Sidoniis; Helicen Graia carina notet. Ovid. Fastor. l. 3. v. 107.\n\n[73] L. 3. p. 207.\n\n[74] V. 99.\n\n[75] Pal\u00e6phatus [Greek: peri epheur\u00ease\u00f4s konchul\u00eas.]. p. 124.\n\n[76] Cassiodorus of the purple. Cum fame canis avida in Tyrio littore\nprojecta conchylia impressis mandibulis contudisset, illa naturaliter\nhumorem sanguineum diffluentia ora ejus mirabili colore tinxerunt: et ut\nest mos hominibus occasiones repentinas ad artes ducere, talia exempla\nmeditantes fecerunt principibus decus nobile. l. 9. c. 36.\n\nSee also Chronicon Paschale. p. 43. Achilles Tatius. l. 3. Julius Pollux.\nl. 1. c. 4. p. 30. Ed. Amstel. Pliny. l. 9. c. 36.\n\n[77] Cyrus Prodromus [Greek: epi apod\u00eam\u00f4i t\u00eai philiai].\n\n[78] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 40. p. 1034.\n\n[79] Etymologicum Magnum.\n\n[80] Johannes Antiochenus, who tells the story at large, says, that purple\nwas the discovery [Greek: kunos poimenikou] which in the original history\nwas undoubtedly a shepherd king.\n\n[81] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 355.\n\n[82] [Greek: Oude S\u00f4krat\u00eas ton kuna kai ton ch\u00eana omnus epaizen.] Porphyry\nde Abstinenti\u00e2. l. 3. p. 286.\n\nIt is said to have been first instituted by Rhadamanthus of Crete: [Greek:\nEkeleuse (Rhadamanthus) kata ch\u00eanos, kai kunos, kai kriou omnunai.]\nEustathius upon Homer. Odyss. [Upsilon]. p. 1871.\n\nSee Aristophan. [Greek: Ornithes.] Scholia, v. 521. [Greek: Omnunai\nkeleusai (Rhadamanthun) ch\u00eana, kai kuna, ktl.] from Socrates. l. 12. de\nRebus Creticis.\n\nThe antient Abantes of Euboea styled Zeus himself Cahen; called in\naftertimes Cen\u00e6us. There was a promontory of the same name: [Greek: K\u00eanaion\nakr\u00f4t\u00earion (Abant\u00f4n)] Steph. Byzant. Here Hercules was supposed to have\nsacrificed after his conquest of \u00c6chalia.\n\n  Victor ab \u00c6chali\u00e2 Cen\u00e6o sacra parabat\n  Vota Jovi. Ovid. Metamorph. l. 9 v. 136.\n\nSophocles in Trachin. v. 242, mentions, [Greek: B\u00f4mous, tel\u00eat' enkarta\nK\u00eanai\u00f4i Dii].\n\n[83] Plato in Gorgi\u00e2. vol. 1. p. 482.\n\n[84] Porphyry. l. 3. p. 286. so corrected by Jablonsky. l. v. c. 1. p. 10\n\n[85] Clementis Cohortatio. p. 32.\n\n[86] Pliny. l. 8. p. 446.\n\n[87] Anthologia. l. 1. Epigram. 144.\n\n[88] Theophrast. Charact.\n\n[89] Hesychius.\n\n[90] Diodorus Siculus de pomp\u00e2 Isiac\u00e2. l. 1. p. 78.\n\n[91] Huetius. Pr\u00e6p. Evang. p. 86. from Cornutus de natur\u00e2 Deorum.\n\nA like history is given of serpents in Syria by Aristotle, [Greek: peri\nthaumasi\u00f4n akousmat\u00f4n]: and by Pliny and Isidorus, of birds in the islands\nof Diomedes.\n\n[92] Nonni Dionysica. l. 3. p. 94.\n\n[93] Ibid.\n\n[94] Homer. Odyss. l. 8. v. 92.\n\n[95] [Greek: Ton Kuna ton chruseon apedeixen (ho Zeus) phulattein to hieron\nen Kr\u00eat\u00eai]. Antoninus Liberalis. c. 35. p. 180.\n\n[96] Pausanias of T\u00e6narus. l. 3. p. 275.\n\n[97] ---- of Troezen. l. 2. p. 183.\n\n[98] ---- of Hermione. l. 2. p. 196.\n\n[99] Dionys. [Greek: Peri\u00eag\u00eas]. v. 791. This temple stood, according to\nDiodorus Siculus and Arrian, in the country of the Cimmerians, near the\nAcherusian Chersonese. See Scholia to Dionysius above.\n\n[100] Oppida tota canem venerantur. Juvenal. Sat. 15. v. 8. Diodorus. l. 1.\np. 16.\n\n[101] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 66.\n\n[102] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 368.\n\n[103] [Greek: Ex\u00f4 kunes] was a proverbial expression among the Jews.\n\n[104] Deuteronomy. c. 23. v. 18.\n\n[105] In this golden cup Hercules was supposed to have passed over the\nocean. [Greek: Chruseon ---- depas, en h\u00f4i ton \u00f4keanon dieperasen\nH\u00earakl\u00eas.] Apollodorus. l. 2. p. 100.\n\nThere was likewise in the same place a story about a golden belt.\nPhilostratus: Vita Apollon. l. 5. p. 212.\n\n[106] Pal\u00e6phatus. Edit. Elz. 1642. p. 76. the author would not say [Greek:\nsphodra plousioi], but keeps to the antient term [Greek: chrusoi], though\nit is scarce sense.\n\n[107] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 2. [Greek: stroph. d.] p. 25.\n\n[108] [Greek: Chrusophorousi d' ek tou Kaunasou pollai p\u00eagai ps\u00eagma\naphanes.] Appian de Bello Mithridat. p. 242. Salauces, an antient king of\nColchis, was said to have abounded with gold. Pliny. l. 33. c. 15. p. 614.\nArrian supposes that they put fleeces into the river, to intercept ([Greek:\nps\u00eagma aphanes]) this imperceptible mineral; and that hence arose the fable\nof the Golden Fleece.\n\n[109] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 7. p. 64.\n\n[110] Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo. v. 34.\n\nIn like manner there was a shower of gold at Thebes, in Boeotia. Pindar\nspeaks of Jupiter [Greek: Chrus\u00f4i mesonuktion niphonta]. Isthm. Ode 7. p.\n746.\n\n[111] Callimachus. Hymn to Delos. v. 260.\n\n[112] Homer. Hymn to Apollo. v. 135.\n\n[113] [Greek: Peuk\u00eas eidos heteron; leibesthai d' haimati, kathaper t\u00f4i\nchrus\u00f4i t\u00ean H\u00ealiada aigeiron.] Philostratus. l. 5. p. 211. \u00c6schylus\nmentions the Arimaspians as living upon a golden stream:\n\n                  [Greek: Hoi Chrusorrhuton ]\n  [Greek: Oikousin amphi nama Plat\u00f4nos porou.] Prometheus. p. 49.\n\n[114] Hence the celebrated city in Egypt had the name of Cherchusora. Some\ntraces of Orcus may be found in Zeus Hircius, and Orcius, mentioned by\nPausanias. l. 5. p. 442. He supposes the name to be from [Greek: horkos],\nan oath, and mentions a legend to that purpose.\n\n[115] Hesiod. Theog. v. 281.\n\n[116] [Greek: Chrusaoris, polis Karias----Epaphroditos de t\u00ean Karian pasan\nChrusaorida legesthai (ph\u00easi).] Steph. Byzant.\n\n[117] Strabo. l. 14. p. 975. Zeus was a title conferred upon more than one\nof the family.\n\n[118] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 15. Also c. 17. and 97. called by Strabo [Greek:\nKerkesoura]. l. 17. p. 1160.\n\n[119] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb. Pr\u00e6p. Evan. l. 1. p. 35.\n\n[120] Diodorus Sic. l. 4. p. 224.\n\n[121] Hesiod. Theog. v. 287.\n\n[Greek: Tris\u00f4maton bot\u00ear' Erutheias.] Euripides. Hercules Furens. v. 423.\n\n[122] Homer. Iliad. [Omicron]. v. 256.\n\n[123] Homer. Hymn to Apollo. v. 123.\n\n[124] Second Hymn to Diana. v. 3.\n\nPerseus is styled [Greek: Chrusaoros] in Orpheus de Lapid. c. 15. v. 41.\n\n[125] Homer. Hymn to Apollo. v. 131.\n\n[126] Ibid. v. 126.\n\n[127] Apollo was represented as the author of the lyre, called among the\noriental nations Kinor, and Cuthar: from the latter of which came [Greek:\nkitharis], and cithara in the west.\n\n[128] Pindar. Pyth. Ode 1.\n\n[129] [Greek: Chrus\u00ea, h\u00ea polis tou Apoll\u00f4nos engus L\u00eamnou--kai t\u00eas Lesbias\ntopos; kai Pan\u00eaphaistia t\u00eas L\u00eamnou akr\u00f4t\u00earion--kai en Bithuniai, kai peri\nChalk\u00eadona, kai t\u00eas Karias; kai en t\u00eai Halikarnasidi D\u00f4rion pedion; kai en\nHell\u00easpont\u00f4i; esti kai all\u00ea Cherrhon\u00easos t\u00eas Indik\u00eas; en de t\u00eai ektos\nGangou Indik\u00eai.] Stephanus Byzant.\n\nSee also [Greek: Chrusopolis] ibidem.\n\n[130] Cedrenus. p. 12.\n\n[131] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1095.\n\n[132] Hoffman Lexic.\n\n[133] Plutarch de fluminibus. p. 1151. The original name was Chrusaor,\nwhich had no relation to a golden stream: at least that part of it was so\nnamed which ran through the city Mastaura. See Stephanus Byzant. [Greek:\nMastaura.]\n\n[134] [Hebrew: KTM] of of the Hebrews.\n\n[135] Dionysius [Greek: peri\u00eag\u00eas]. v. 589. Scholia ibidem.\n\n[136] The antients, as I have before observed, were not consistent in their\ntheology. The Sun was properly Cham, styled also Orus, but, as a title, was\nbestowed upon more persons than one.\n\n[137] Josephus of Salatis, the first Shepherd King; [Greek: Houtos en t\u00eai\nMemphidi kategineto.] Contra Apion. l. 1. \u00a7. 14.\n\n[138] Diodorus Sic. l. 1. p. 88.\n\n[139] Josephus contra Apion. l. 1. c. 14.\n\n[140] Justin Martyr mentions this: [Greek: Egn\u00f4 gar kai temenos Chrus\u00eas\nAphrodit\u00eas en Aigupt\u00f4i legomenon, kai pedion Chrus\u00eas Aphrodit\u00eas\nonomazomenon.] Cohort, p. 28. Chruse Aphrodite is plainly the Cuthite\nVenus; the Deity of the Cuthim.\n\n[141] Pocock's and Norden's Travels, and maps of the country about Cairo.\n\n[142] Colchis, near Comar. Arrian Periplus maris Erythr\u00e6i. Geog. Vet. vol.\n1. p. 33.\n\n[143] [Greek: Kataschein de phasi kai es P\u00eagadas t\u00eas t\u00f4n \u00d4reit\u00f4n ch\u00f4ras.\nHoide \u00d4reitai, chalkai men autois hai petrai, chalk\u00ea de h\u00ea psammos,\nchalkoun de ps\u00eagma hoi potamoi agousi. Chrusitin h\u00eagountai t\u00ean g\u00ean dia t\u00ean\neugeneian tou Chalkou.] Philostratus. Vita Apollon. l. 3. p. 155.\n\n[144] The Petra and Pagoda were the same: both names for temples.\n\n[145] This mistake arose from Cal-Chus being styled the region of the\nCuthim.\n\n[146] Scholia upon Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. p. 259.\n\n[147] Ibid. Isth. Ode 5. p. 462.\n\n[148] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb: Pr\u00e6p. Evan. l. 1. c. 10. p. 35.\n\n[149] Ibid.\n\n[150] Lucian de Electro. vol. 2. p. 523. Edit. Salmurii.\n\n[151] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 1. v. 751.\n\n[152] Homer. Odyss. l. [lambda]. v. 15. Pha\u00ebthon was universally allowed to\nbe the Sun by the antient mythologists of Greece; to whom we must appeal,\nand not to the Roman poets. Orpheus says,\n\n  [Greek: \u00caelion Phaethonta eph' harmasi p\u00f4loi agousi.] de Lapid. v. 90.\n\nAnd in another place;\n\n  [Greek: Euthus hot' ek perat\u00f4n gai\u00eas Phaeth\u00f4n anorous\u00f4n, kl.]\n\nPha\u00ebthon was the same as Phanes: and there is something very mysterious in\nhis character. He is represented as the first born of heaven: [Greek:\nPr\u00f4togonos Phaeth\u00f4n perim\u00eakeos \u00caeros huios]--Hunc ait (Orpheus) esse omnium\nDeorum parentem; quorum caus\u00e2 coelum condiderit, liberisque prospexerit, ut\nhaberent habitaculum, sedemque communem: [Greek: Ektisen Athanatois domon\naphthiton.] Lactantus de fals\u00e2 religione. l. 1. c. 5. p. 15. His history\nwill be explained hereafter.\n\n[153] Phoenices post multos deinde annos, a Rege Ascaloniorum expugnati,\nnavibus appulsi, Tyron urbem ante annum Trojan\u00e6 cladis condiderunt. Justin.\nl. 18. c. 3. See Isaiah. c. 23. v. 11. They enlarged Tyre: but it was a\ncity before: for it is mentioned Joshua. c. 19. v. 29. as the strong city\nTyre.\n\n[154] Porphyry de Abstinenti\u00e2. l. 2. p. 158.\n\n[155] Apuleius de genio Socratis.\n\n[156] Argonautica. v. 32. See Clementis Cohortatio. p. 12.\n\n[157] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 19. p. 520.\n\n[158] Joseph. Antiq. l. 11. c. 5. p. 563.\n\n[159] Nehemiah. c. 8. v. 9.\n\n[160] 1 Esdras. c. 9. v. 52, 53.\n\n[161] Nehemiah. c. 8. v. 11.\n\n[162] Sanchoniathon alludes to the songs of Canaan, and their great\nsweetness, when he is in an allegorical manner speaking of Sidon; whom he\nmakes a person, and the inventress of harmony. [Greek: Apo de Pontou\nginetai Sid\u00f4n, h\u00ea kath' huperbol\u00ean euph\u00f4nias pr\u00f4t\u00ea humnon \u00f4id\u00eas heuren.]\nApud Euseb. P. E. lib. 1. c. 10. p. 38.\n\n[163] Stephanus Byzant.\n\n[164] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb. l. 1. c. 10. p. 39.\n\n[165] [Greek: Uk kath' hieran gl\u00f4ssai basilea s\u00eamainei]. Josephus contra\nAp. l. 1. c. 13. p. 445.\n\n[166] Osiris, [Greek: Usiris], according to Hellanicus. Plutarch de Iside\net Osiride.\n\n[167] Verse 129.\n\n[168] Homer's Hymn to Apollo. v. 92.\n\n[169] Ichnaia was a city in Sicily, and elsewhere.\n\n[Greek: Achnai polis Thessalias--esti kai polis Boi\u00f4tias]. Steph. Byzant.\n\n[Greek: Arachnaion oros Argous]. Ibid. Ar-Achnaion is the hill of Canaan,\nor the Canaanitish mount.\n\n[170] See Radicals. p. 106.\n\n[171] Pliny. l. 3. p. 173.\n\n[172] Milton. Paradise Lost. l. 1. v. 416. See also Ezekiel. c. 8. v. 14.\n\n[173] Hyginus. Fab. 154. p. 266. not. 7. [Greek: Heteroi de phasi,\ndikaiotaton auton einai Neilon.] Eratosthenes. Catasterism. 37.\n\n[174] [Greek: Kaleitai de hupo t\u00f4n ench\u00f4ri\u00f4n Buchernos. Aiguptioi de phasi\nNeilon einai ton kat\u00east\u00earismenon.] Scholia in Aratum. p. 48.\n\n[175] Plutarch de Fluminibus. vol. 2. p. 1154.\n\n[176] Eustathius in Dionysium. v. 239. See Steph. Byzant. [Greek:\nAiguptos.]\n\n[177] Plutarch [Greek: peri ton ekleloipot\u00f4n chr\u00east\u00eari\u00f4n.] vol. 1. p. 409.\n\n[178] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1101. There was supposed to have been a person in\nThessaly named Cycnus, the son of Apollo. He lived upon a lake Uria; which\nwas so called from his mother.\n\n  Inde lacus Hyries videt, et Cycn\u00ebia Tempe,\n  Qu\u00e6 subitus celebravit olor. Ovid. Metam. l. 7. v. 371.\n\nUria was also a river in Boeotia: and here was a Cycnus, said to have been\nthe son of Poseidon. Pausan. l. 10. p. 831.\n\n[179] [Greek: Erasthenta de Pasipha\u00eas Dia genesthai men Tauron; nun de\naeton kai kuknon.] Porphyry de Abstin. l. 3. p. 285.\n\n[Greek: Pou nun ekeinos ho aetos? pou dai ho kuknos? pou dai autos ho\nZeus.] Clemens. Alex. Cohort. p. 31.\n\n[180] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 24. p. 626.\n\n[181]\n\n  [Greek: Pros Gorgoneia pedia Kisthen\u00eas, hina]\n  [Greek: Hai phorkides naiousi, d\u00eanaioi korai,]\n  [Greek: Treis kuknomorphoi, koinon omm' ekt\u00eamenai.] \u00c6schyli Prometheus.\n      p. 48.\n\n[Greek: Hai men phorkides treis--eichon eidos Kukn\u00f4n]. Scholia ibidem.\n\n[Greek: Phorkun \u00ean an\u00ear Kur\u00eanaios; hoide Kur\u00eanaioi kata genos men eisin\nAithiopes.] Pal\u00e6phatus. Edit. Elz. p. 76.\n\n[182] [Greek: Tate \u00f4ta, kai tous ophthalmous hoi d\u00eamiourgountes ex hul\u00eas\ntimias kathierousi, tois Theois anatithentes eis tous ne\u00f4s; touto d\u00eapou\nainissomenoi, h\u00f4s panta theos horai, kai akouei.] Clemens Alexand. l. 5. p.\n671.\n\nSee Diodorus. l. 3. p. 145. This may have been one reason, among others,\nwhy the Cyclopians and Arimaspians are represented with one eye: [Greek:\nton moun\u00f4pa straton Arimaspon]. \u00c6schylus Prometh. p. 49. The Arimaspian\nhistory was written by Aristeus Proconnesius, and styled [Greek: Arimaspeia\nep\u00ea.]\n\n[183] Plutarch. [Greek: Ei.] vol. 2. p. 387.\n\n[184] Porph. de Abst. l. 3. p. 286.\n\n[185] Aristophanes. Aves. [Greek: Kukn\u00f4i Puthi\u00f4i kai Deli\u00f4i.] v. 870.\n\n[186] Plato de Republic\u00e2. l. 10. p. 620. vol.2.\n\n[187] Porph. de Abstin. l. 4. p. 364.\n\n[188] Lycophron. v. 426. Scholia Ibidem.\n\n[189] Callimachus. Hymn to Delos. v. 249.\n\n[190] Fragmenta Lini. Ex Aristobulo. See Poesis Philosoph. H. Steph. p.\n112.\n\n[191] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 14. v. 509.\n\n[192] Plato in Ph\u00e6done. vol. 1. p. 84. Plutarch. in [Greek: Ei.] v. 2. p.\n387.\n\nCicero Tusc. Qu\u00e6st. l. 1. Pliny. l. x. c. 23.\n\n\u00c6lian de Animal. l. 2. c. 32. l. x. c. 36.\n\nPhilostratus. Vita Apollon. l. 3. c. 23.\n\n[193] De Animalibus. l. 9. [Greek: Kai tines \u00ead\u00ea pleontes para t\u00ean Libu\u00ean\nperietuchon en t\u00eai thalatt\u00eai pollois adousi ph\u00f4n\u00eai go\u00f4dei; kai tout\u00f4n\nhe\u00f4r\u00f4n apothn\u00easkontas enious.] vol. 2. p. 423.\n\n[194] See Brown's Vulgar Errors. l. 3. c. 27.\n\n[195] [Greek: Ho de Mundios ph\u00easin Alexandros pollois teleut\u00f4si\nparakolouth\u00easas ouk akousai adont\u00f4n.] Athen\u00e6us. l. 9. c. 11.\n\n[196] Epigram. in Erinnam. l. 3. p. 280. H. Steph.\n\n[197] Lucretius. l. 4. v. 182.\n\n[198] See Vossius de Idol. vol. 2. l. 3. c. 88. p. 1212. and Pierius de\nCygnis. p. 254.\n\n[199] Herod. l. 2. c. 109.\n\n[Greek: Ge\u00f4metrias te au heuretai gegonasin (hoi Aiguptioi.)] Clemens.\nStrom. l. 1. p. 361.\n\n[200] L. 4. v. 279.\n\n[201] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 4. v. 279.\n\n[202] Dionys. [Greek: Peri\u00eag\u00easis]. v. 688.\n\n[203] Clem. Alexand. speaks [Greek: Peri te t\u00eas Kosmographias kai\nGe\u00f4graphias ktl.--Ch\u00f4rographias te t\u00eas Aiguptou, kai t\u00eas tou Neilou\ndiagraph\u00eas.] Strom. 6. p. 757.\n\n[204] [Greek: Ses\u00f4stris de, phasin, ho Aiguptios, poll\u00ean periel\u00ealuth\u00f4s g\u00ean\npinaxi te ded\u00f4ke t\u00ean periodon, kai t\u00eas t\u00f4n pinak\u00f4n anagraphas ouk\nAiguptiois monon, alla kai Skuthais eis thauma metadounai \u00eaxi\u00f4sen.]\nEustath. Pr\u00e6f. Epist. to Dionys. p. 12.\n\n[205] \u00c6gyptios primos omnium tam coelum quam terram esse dimensos: ejusque\nrei scientiam columnis incisam ad posteros propag\u00e2sse. Petavii Uranalogia.\np. 121. taken from Achilles Tatius.\n\n[206] Homer. Odyss. l. [alpha]. v. 52.\n\n[207] The Atlantians were styled [Greek Ourani\u00f4nes], or sons of heaven. The\nhead of the family was supposed to be the brother of Saturn. Diodorus. l.\n3. p. 193.\n\n[208] Euseb. [Greek: Histori\u00f4n sunag\u00f4g\u00ea]. p. 374. c. 2.\n\n[209] L. 3. 194.\n\n[210] Strabo. l. 1. p. 13.\n\n[211] Diog. Laert. Anaximander.\n\n[212] Laertius. l. 1. p. 74.\n\n[213] In Pherecyde.\n\n[214] Josephus cont. Apion. l. 1. c. 2.\n\n[215] Clemens. Strom. l. 6. p. 741.\n\n[216] Diodorus Sic. l. 1. p. 12.\n\n[217] Ibid. l. 1. p. 17.\n\n[218] P. 30.\n\n[219] Chron. Paschale. p. 34. Zonaras. p. 16.\n\nSee Salmasius upon Solinus. c. 35. concerning Ogen. Also, Windelini\nAdmiranda Nili. p. 12. and 16.\n\n[220] Metamorph. l. 2. v. 9.\n\n[221] V. 119.\n\n[222] Iliad. l. 18. v. 483. and v. 606.\n\n[223] Nonni Dionus. l. 40. p. 1040.\n\n[224] Catull. Epithalamium of Peleus and Thetis. v. 47.\n\n[225] Plutarch. Life of Theseus.\n\n[226] Add to this, what I have before taken notice of, the great absurdity\nof making the Grecian Argo the first ship which sailed upon the seas: Illa\nrudem cursu prima imbuit Amphitriten: when the poet, at the same instant,\nis describing Theseus, previous to the Argo, _in a ship_, and attended with\n_fleet of ships_.\n\n  Namque fluentisono prospectans littore Di\u00e6\n  Thesea _cedentem celeri cum classe_ tuetur,\n  Indomitos in corde gerens Ariadna furores.\n\nCatulli. Epithal. Pel. et Thet. v. 52. See Famiani Strad\u00e6 Prolus. l. 3. p.\n285.\n\n[227] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 41. p. 1070.\n\n[228] Orphica ex Macrobio Saturn. l. 1. c. 18. p. 202.\n\n[229] Maps, and books too, when writing was introduced, were made of skins,\ncalled [Greek: diphtherai]. [Greek: Tas biblous diphtheras kaleousi apo tou\npalaiou hoi I\u00f4nes.] Herodot. l. 5. c. 58.\n\nA Zone, of curious imagery, is given by Homer to Hercules. Odyss. l.\n[Lambda]. v. 609.\n\n[Greek: Chruseos \u00ean telam\u00f4n, hina theskela erga tetukto.]\n\nA remarkable passage, from Isidorus Basilidis, quoted by Clemens\nAlexandrin. [Greek: Kai gar moi dokei tous prospoioumenous philosophein,\nhina math\u00f4si, ti estin h\u00ea hupopteros drus, kai to ep' aut\u00eai pepoikilmenon\nPHAROS. Panta hosa Pherekud\u00eas all\u00eagor\u00easas etheolog\u00easen, lab\u00f4n apo t\u00eas tou\nCham proph\u00eateias.] Strom. l. 6. p. 767.\n\nIn the former verses from Nonnus we may see the method of deviation.\nPharos, a tower, is taken for Pharos a garment; and this altered to [Greek:\nChit\u00f4n]: and, after all, the genuine history is discernible,\nnotwithstanding the veil which is spread over it. The author says, that, at\nthe bottom, [Greek: e\u00fckl\u00f4stoio Chit\u00f4nos], of the well-woven garment, flowed\nthe Ocean, which surrounded the world. This is certainly a\nmisinterpretation of the term [Greek: pharos]: and, in the original\nwritings, whence these verses were copied, the history related to a tower:\nand it was at the foot [Greek: PHAROU EUKLUSTOIO] that the ocean beat, by\nwhich the earth was encircled.\n\n[230] Bochart Geog. Sacra. l. 1. c. 228. p. 524. of [Hebrew: TWR].\n\n[231] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1110.\n\n[232] Diodorus Siculus. l. 4. p. 231.\n\n[233] Strabo. l. 11. p. 762.\n\n[234] [Greek: Tundarioi skopeloi]. Ptolem\u00e6us. p. 122. See Strabo. l. 17. p.\n1150.\n\n[235] Dionysius. v. 688. Pliny styles them oppida.\n\nOppida--in rip\u00e2 celeberrima, Tyndarida, Circ\u00e6um, &c. l. 6. c. 4.\n\n[236] The Minotaur was an emblematical representation of Menes, the same as\nOsiris; who was also called Dionusus, the chief Deity of Egypt. He was also\nthe same as Atis of Lydia, whose rites were celebrated in conjunction with\nthose of Rhea, and Cybele, the mother of the Gods. Gruter has an\ninscription, M. D. M. ID\u00c6, et ATTIDI MINOTAURO. He also mentions an altar\nof Attis Minoturannus. vol. 1. p. xxviii. n. 6.\n\n[237] Diodor. Sicul. l. 16. p. 411.\n\n[238] Meen was the moon: and Meno-Taurus signified Taurus Lunaris. It was a\nsacred emblem, of which a great deal will be said hereafter.\n\n[239] See Paruta's Sicilia nummata.\n\n[240] [Greek: Turis, ho peribolos tou teichous]. Hesych. From whence we may\ninfer, that any place surrounded with a wall or fortification might be\ntermed a Tor or Turris.\n\n[Greek: Tarch\u00f4nion polis Turrh\u00eanias.] Stephan. Byzant.\n\n[241] Scholia upon Lycophron. v. 717.\n\n[242] Scholia upon Lycophron. v. 1242.\n\nThe Poet says of \u00c6neas, [Greek: Palin plan\u00eat\u00ean dexetai Turs\u00eania.] v. 1239.\n\n[243] Lycophron. v. 1248.\n\n[244] [Greek: Tarkunia polis Turrhenidos apo Tarch\u00f4nos; to ethnikon\nTarkunios.] Steph. Byzant.\n\n[245] Strabo. l. 5. p. 336. [Greek: Tark\u00f4na, aph' hou Tarkunia h\u00ea polis.]\n\n[246] Lycophron. v. 116.\n\n[Greek: H\u00ea Tor\u00f4ne, gun\u00ea Pr\u00f4te\u00f4s.] Scholia ibidem.\n\n[247] [Greek: Turrh\u00eanoi salpinga]. Tatianus Assyrius. p. 243.\n\n[248] L. 17. p. 468.\n\n[249] Scholia upon Lycophron. v. 754.\n\n[250] Pausanias. l. 9. p. 749.\n\n[251] Pausanias. l. 7. p. 524.\n\n[Greek: Deime de toi mala kalon Anaktoron.] Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo. v.\n77.\n\n[252] Homer. Odyss. [lambda]. v. 105. Strabo supposes Trinakis to have been\nthe modern name of the island; forgetting that it was prior to the time of\nHomer. l. 6. p. 407: he also thinks that it was called Trinacria from its\nfigure: which is a mistake.\n\n[253] Hymn to Diana. v. 56. I make no doubt but Callimachus wrote [Greek:\nTrinakia].\n\n[254] Pliny. l. 5. c. 31.\n\n[255] Etymolog. Magn.\n\n[256] Stephanas Byzant.\n\n[257] [Greek: Trachin, h\u00ea nun H\u00earakleia kaloumen\u00ea.] Hesych. or, as Athen\u00e6us\nrepresents it, more truly, [Greek: H\u00earakleian, t\u00ean Trachinian kaleomen\u00ean.]\nl. 11. p. 462.\n\n[258] [Greek: Triaina topos Argous; entha t\u00ean triainan orth\u00ean est\u00easen ho\nPoseid\u00f4n, sunginomenos t\u00ea Amum\u00f4n\u00ea, kai euthus kat' ekeino hud\u00f4r aneblusen,\nho kai t\u00ean epikl\u00easin eschen ex Amum\u00f4n\u00eas.] Scholia in Euripidis Phoeniss. v.\n195.\n\n[259] Eusebius. Pr\u00e6p. Evan. l. 3. c. 11. p. 113.\n\n[260] Pal\u00e6phatus. p. 56.\n\n[261] Ibid. p. 96.\n\n[262] Pal\u00e6phatus. p. 20.\n\n[263] Iliad. [Sigma]. v. 486.\n\n[264] Diodorus Siculus. l. 3. p. 324.\n\n[265] Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. p. 243.\n\n[266] Homer. Odyss. [Lambda]. v. 306.\n\n[267] Chron. Paschale. p. 36.\n\n[Greek: Nebr\u00f4d----kalousin \u00d4ri\u00f4na]. Cedrenus. p. 14.\n\n[268] Homer. Odyss. [Lambda]. v. 571.\n\n[269] Strabo. l. 3. p. 259.\n\n[270] Alorus was the first king of Babylon; and the same person as Orion,\nand Nimrod. See Radicals. p. 10. notes.\n\n[271] [Greek: Hel\u00f4ros, entha psuchron ekballei poton.] Lycophron. v. 1033.\n\n[Greek: Rheithr\u00f4n Hel\u00f4rou prosthen.] Idem. v. 1184. [Greek: Ho potamos ho\nHel\u00f4ros esche to onoma apo tinos basile\u00f4s Hel\u00f4rou.] Schol. ibid. There were\nin Sicily many places of this name; [Greek: Pedion Hel\u00f4rion]. Diodorus. l.\n13. p. 148. Elorus Castellum. Fazellus. Dec. 1. l. 4. c. 2.\n\nVia Helorina. [Greek: Hel\u00f4ros polis.] Cluver. Sicilia Antiqua. l. 1. c. 13.\np. 186.\n\n[272] Diodorus Siculus. l. 4. p. 284.\n\n[273] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 13. p. 356.\n\n[274] [Greek: Kata mes\u00ean de t\u00ean polin h\u00ea akropolis, h\u00ean ekaloun bursan,\nophrus hikan\u00f4s orthia.] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1189.\n\nSee also Justin. l. 18. c. 5. and Livy. l. 34. c. 62.\n\n[275] [Greek: Zankl\u00ea polis Sikelias--apo Zanklou tou g\u00eagenous.] Stephanus\nByzant.\n\n[276] Scholia in Lycophron. v. 328.\n\n[Greek: \u00d4ri\u00f4n--kata trop\u00ean tou ou eis \u00f4 apo tou ouri\u00f4n estin apo historias\ntou our\u00easai tous theous en t\u00eai burs\u00eai, kai genesthai auton.] Etymolog. Mag.\n[Greek: \u00d4ri\u00f4n.]\n\n[277] [Greek: Titth\u00ea, titthos, titthion, mastos.] Hesychius.\n\n[278] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 878.\n\n[279] [Greek: Oros--ho de Tittheion onomazousin eph' h\u00eam\u00f4n, t\u00eanikauta de\nekaleito Murtion.] Pausan. l. 2. p. 170.\n\n[280] Callimach. Hymn in Delon. v. 48. [Greek: Mastoi], often taken notice\nof by Xenophon. [Greek: Anabas]. l. 4. p. 320. A hill at Lesbos. [Greek: En\nLesb\u00f4i klein\u00eas Eresou perikumoni MAST\u00d4.] Athen\u00e6us. l. 3. p. 111. [Greek:\nEchei d' en aut\u00f4i kai maston.] Polyb. l. 1. p. 57.\n\n[281] Strabo mentions in Cyprus, [Greek: Amathous polis--kai oros\nmastoeides Olumpos]. l. 14. p. 1001.\n\n[282] The Circean promontory in Italy seems to have been named Tit-On; for,\nthe bay below is by Lycophron styled Titonian. [Greek: Tit\u00f4nion te cheuma].\nv. 1275. Rivers and seas were often denominated from places near which they\nflowed.\n\n[283] Of the Cyclopes I shall hereafter treat at large.\n\n[284] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1080. Azara signified a treasure.\n\n[285] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1106.\n\n[286] Bell. Jud. l. 7. p. 417.\n\n[287] Canticles. c. 8. v. 10.\n\n[288] Jeremiah. c. 49. v. 27.\n\n[289] Amos. c. 1. v. 7.\n\n[290] Ibid. c. 1. v. 10.\n\n[291] Ibid. c. 1. v. 14.\n\n[292] It is remarkable, that in many of the very antient temples there was\na tradition of their having suffered by lightning.\n\n[293] Canticles. c. 8. v. 8.\n\n[294] 2 Chron. c. 27. v. 3.\n\n[295] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1096.\n\n[296] Canticles. c. 7. v. 4.\n\n[297]\n\n  Pervenit ad Draconis speluncam ultimam,\n  Custodiebat qui thesauros abditos. Ph\u00e6drus. l. 4. Fab. 18.\n\nSee Macrobius. Saturn. l. 1. c. 20. of dragons guarding treasures.\n\n[298] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 2. v. 405.\n\n[299] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 14. p. 408.\n\n[300] Nonni Dionys. l. 33. p. 840.\n\n[301] Ibid. l. 35. p. 876.\n\n[302] Ibid. l. 6. p. 186.\n\n[303] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1183.\n\n[304] [Greek: En de tois edeixe kai z\u00f4on huperphues, Dionusou agalma, h\u00f4i\nIndoi ethuon. Drak\u00f4n \u00ean, m\u00eakos pentaplethron; etrepheto de en chori\u00f4i\nkoil\u00f4i, en kr\u00eamn\u00f4i bathei, teichei hups\u00eal\u00f4i huper t\u00f4n akr\u00f4n peribebl\u00eamenos;\nkai an\u00ealiske tas Ind\u00f4n agelas. ktl.] Maximus Tyr. Dissert. 8. c. 6. p. 85.\n\n[305] Strabo. l. 15. p. 1022.\n\n[306] [Greek: Makra pedion. En tout\u00f4i de Poseid\u00f4nios historei ton Drakonta\npept\u00f4kota horath\u00eanai nekron, m\u00eakos schedon ti kai plethriaion, pachos de,\nh\u00f4sth' hippeas hekater\u00f4then parastantas all\u00ealous m\u00ea kathorain; chasma de,\nh\u00f4st' ephippon dexasthai, t\u00eas de pholidos lepida hekast\u00ean huperairousan\nthureou.]  Strabo. l. 16. p. 1095. The epithet [Greek: pept\u00f4k\u00f4s] could not\nproperly be given to a serpent: but to a building decayed, and in ruins\nnothing is more applicable. A serpent creeps upon its belly, and is even\nwith the ground, which he goes over, and cannot fall lower. The moderns\nindeed delineate dragons with legs: but I do not know that this was\ncustomary among the antients.\n\n[307] Virgil. \u00c6neis. l. 6. v. 595.\n\n[308] Homer. Odyss. l. [Lambda]. v. 575.\n\nQuintus Calaber styles him [Greek: poulupelethros].\n\n  [Greek: Poulupelethros ekeito kata chthonos eurupedoio.] l. 3. v. 395.\n\n                  [Greek: Tituon megan, hon rh' eteken ge]\n  [Greek: Di' Helar\u00ea, threpsen de kai aps elocheusato Gaia.]\n                  Apollon. Rhodius. l. 1. v. 761.\n\n[309] [Greek: Aiguptos--ekl\u00eath\u00ea Musara--kai Aeria, kai Potamitis, kai\nAETIA, apo tinos Indou Aetou.] Stephanus Byzant.\n\nEustathius mentions, [Greek: Kai Aetia, apo tinos Indou Aetou. ktl.] In\nDionysium. v. 239. p. 42.\n\n[310] Orus Apollo styles it in the Ionian manner [Greek: \u00cath]. l. 1. c. 7.\np. 10. [Greek: Tode \u00cath kardia].\n\n[311] [Greek: Aigupton de graphontes, thumiat\u00earion kaiomenon z\u00f4graphousi,\nkai epan\u00f4 kardian.] l. 1. c. 22. p. 38. It also signified an eagle.\n\n[312] See the whole in Nonnus. l. 5. p. 148. It seems to have been a winged\nmachine, which is called [Greek: K\u00eamos], from Cham the Sun. Hence the\nnotion of the chariot of the Sun, and horses of the same.\n\n[313] [Greek: Kaukasou en kn\u00eamoisi, Tuphaoni\u00ea hote petr\u00ea.] Apollonius\nRhodius. l. 2. v. 1214.\n\n[314] Typhon was a high place; but represented as a Giant, and supposed to\nbe thunderstruck here, near the city Antioch. Strabo. l. 16. p. 1090. Here\nwas [Greek: Numphaion, sp\u00ealaion ti hieron.] p. 1091.\n\n[315] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1089. He mentions a place near the fountains of the\nriver Orontes called Paradisos: [Greek: Mechri kai t\u00f4n tou Orontou p\u00eag\u00f4n,\nhai pl\u00easion tou te Libanou kai tou Paradeisou.] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1096.\n\n[316] Diodorus Siculus. l. 4. p. 283.\n\n[317] Servii Comment. in Virgil. \u00c6neid. l. 2. v. 204.\n\n[318] Nonni Dionys. l. 25. p. 668.\n\n[319] Tot jugera ventre prementem. Ovid of the Pytho of Parnassus. Met. l.\n1. v. 459.\n\nSee Pausanias. l. 10. p. 695. He says, the extent related to the place,\n[Greek: entha ho Tituos eteth\u00ea].\n\n[320] [Greek: H\u00f4s de authis epan\u00eakein (ton Kleonta) es ta Gadeira, andra\nheurein thalassion EKPEPT\u00d4KOTA es t\u00ean g\u00ean; touton plethra men pente malista\nepechein, keraun\u00f4thenta de hupo tou theou kaiesthai.] Pausan. l. 10. p.\n806.\n\n[321] Diogenes Laertius. Prooem. p. 5.\n\n[322] [Greek: Temenos; hieron ch\u00f4rion aph\u00f4rismenon The\u00f4i.] Scholia in\nHomer. Il. l. [Gamma]. v. 696.\n\n[Greek: Kai temenos peripuston Amuklaioio Kan\u00f4bou]. Dionysius. [Greek:\nPeri\u00eag\u00eas.] v. 13.\n\n[Greek: Asulon temenos] at Daphne upon the Orontes. See above. p. 428.\n\n[323] Lycophron. v. 6l3.\n\n[324] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 11. v. 56.\n\n[325] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 3. v. 1176.\n\n[326] [Greek: B\u00ea d' ep' eran Dias pheug\u00f4n ophi\u00f4dea Kupron.] Parthenius, as\ncorrected by Vossius. See Notes to Pompon. Mela. p. 391.\n\n[327] Lycophron. v. 110.\n\n[328] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 2. v. 707.\n\n[329] Hyginus. Fab. 140.\n\n[330] Plutarch de Oraculoram defectu. v. 1. p. 417.\n\n[331] Clemens Alexand. Cohort. p. 29.\n\n[332] Prolegomena to the Pyth. Odes of Pindar.\n\n[333] P. 39.\n\n[334] Silius Ital. l. 3. v. 29.\n\n[335] [Greek: Luchnon asbeston.] Plutarch de Defect. Orac. vol. 1. p. 410.\n\n[336] Porphyr. de Abstinenti\u00e2. l. 2.\n\n[337] L. 1. p. 63.\n\n[338] [Greek: To de luchnion en Prutanei\u00f4i.] Theoc. Idyll. 21. v. 36.\n\n[Greek: Puros te phengos aphthiton kekl\u00eamenon.] \u00c6sch. [Greek: Cho\u00eaphoroi.]\nv. 268.\n\n[339] See Hyde Relig. Vet. Persarum: and Stanley upon the Chaldaic\nreligion.\n\n[340] [Greek: Aei de toi aenaon pur.] Callimach. Hymn to Apollo. v. 84.\n\n[341] Vol. 2. p. 84.\n\n[342] Clima. 4. p. 213.\n\n[343] Leviticus. c. 6. v. 13. Hence the [Greek: xulophoria]; a custom, by\nwhich the people were obliged to carry wood, to replenish the fire when\ndecaying.\n\n[344] It is said in the Scriptures, that _there were giants in the earth in\nthose days; and also after that_. Genesis. c. 6. v. 4. The word in the\noriginal for giants is Nephelim.\n\n[345] C. 2. p. 6.\n\n[346] V. 22.\n\n[347] Orphic. Argonaut. v. 395.\n\n[348] De Venatione. p. 972.\n\n[349] Pyth. Ode 4. p. 244.\n\n[350] Ibid. p. 246.\n\n[351] Justin. Martyr de Monarchi\u00e2. p. 42.\n\n[352] De Venat. p. 972.\n\n[353] \u00c6sculapius was of Egypt. Cephalus is said to have lived in the time\nof Cecrops [Greek: autochth\u00f4n]: or, as some say, in the time of Erectheus;\nmany centuries before Antilochus and Achilles, who were at the siege of\nTroy.\n\n[354] \u00c6sculapius was the Sun. Euseb. Pr\u00e6p. Evang. l. 3. p. 112.\n\n[355] Oratio in Herculem. vol. 1. p. 64. Oratio in \u00c6sculapium. p. 67.\n\n[356] Homer. Iliad. [Lambda]. v. 831.\n\n[357] Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 361.\n\n[358] [Greek: Monimos de historei, en t\u00eai t\u00f4n thaumasi\u00f4n sunag\u00f4g\u00eai, en\nPell\u00eai t\u00eas Thettalias Achaion anthr\u00f4pon P\u00ealei kai Cheir\u00f4ni katathuesthai.]\nClementis Cohort. p. 36.\n\n[359] Pocock's Travels. v. 1. p. 65.\n\n[360] Ibid.\n\n[361] [Greek: Para t\u00ean limn\u00ean t\u00ean kaloumen\u00ean Acherousian]. Diodorus Sic. l.\n1. p. 86.\n\n[362] In Phrygi\u00e2--juxta specus est Acherusia, ad manes, ut aiunt, pervius.\nMela. l. 1. c. 19. p. 100.\n\n[363] River Acheron, and lake Acherusia in Epirus. Pausan. l. 1. p. 40.\nStrabo. l. 7. p. 499. Thucydides. l. 1. p. 34.\n\n[364] Near Corinth Acherusia. Pausan. l. 2. p. 196.\n\nIn Elis Acheron. Strabo. l. 8. p. 530.\n\n[365] Cels\u00e6 nidum Acheronti\u00e6. Horat. l. 3. Ode. 4. v. 14.\n\n[366] Near Avernus. In like manner there were [Greek: pedia \u00calusia] in\nEgypt, Messenia, and in the remoter parts of Iberia. See Plutarch in\nSertorio, and Strabo. l. 3. p. 223.\n\n[367] Also Libri Tarquitiani Aruspicum Hetruscorum, so denominated from\nTar-Cushan. Marcellinus. l. 25. c. 2. p. 322.\n\n[368] Herodot. Vit. Hom. c. 3.\n\n[369] Hesychius.\n\n[370] L. 1. p. 77.\n\n[371] Fleetwood's Inscript. p. 42.\n\n[372] P. 319. n. 2.\n\n[373] Sat. 14. v. 259.\n\n[374] Pausanias. l. 2. p. l6l, 162.\n\nThere was a hill called Anakeion: [Greek: Anakeion; oros, \u00ea t\u00f4n Dioskour\u00f4n\nHieron.] Suidas.\n\nIt is said of the celebrated Polygnotus, that he painted [Greek: tas en t\u00f4i\nth\u00easaur\u00f4i kai en t\u00f4i Anakei\u00f4i graphas.] Harpocration. The treasury we may\nsuppose to have been a part of the temple.\n\n[375] Homer. Iliad. [Gamma]. v. 237.\n\n[376] Homer. Odyss. [Mu]. v. 323.\n\n[377] Cicero in Verrem. Orat. 7. sect. ult.\n\n[378] Pausanias. l. 9. p. 741.\n\n[379] Apollodorus. l. 3. p. 154.\n\n[380] Hyginus. fab. 68, and 75.\n\n[381] Antonin. Liberalis Metamorph. c. 22.\n\n[382] Hymn. in Dian. v. 204.\n\n[383] Cicero de Nat. Deorum. l. 3. 23.\n\nShe is supposed to be the same as Diana. [Greek: Kalousi de t\u00ean Artemin\nThrakes Bendeian, Kr\u00eates de Diktunan, Lakedaimonioi de Oupin.] Pal\u00e6phatus.\nc. 32. p. 78.\n\n[384] Scholia in Callimach. Hymn. in Dianam. v. 204.\n\n[Greek: \u00d4pin, kai Hekaerg\u00ean--ek t\u00f4n Huperbore\u00f4n.] Pausan. l. 5. p. 392.\n\n              Metuenda feris Hecaerge,\n  Et Soror, optatum numen venantibus, Opis.\n              Claudian in Laudes Stilic. l. 3. v. 253.\n\n[385] 2 Kings. c. 23. v. 10. 2 Chron. c. 28. v. 3.\n\n[386] C. 7. v. 31. and c. 19. v. 5. There was a place named Tophel\n(Toph-El) near Paran upon the Red Sea. Deuteron. c. 1. v. 1.\n\n[387] Zonar. vol. 2. p. 227. [Greek: Touphan kalei ho d\u00eam\u00f4d\u00eas kai polus\nanthr\u00f4pos.]\n\n[388] Bed\u00e6. Hist. Angli\u00e6. l. 2. c. 16.\n\n[389] De legibus specialibus. p. 320.\n\nThe Greek term [Greek: tuphos], fumus, vel fastus, will hardly make sense,\nas introduced here.\n\n[390] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. v. 1. p. 359.\n\n[391] Virgil. \u00c6n. l. 2. v. 713.\n\n[392] [Greek: T\u00ean taph\u00ean (Dionusou) einai phasin en Delphois para ton\nChrusoun Apoll\u00f4na.] Cyril. cont. Julian. l. 1. p. 11.\n\n[393] Callimach. Hymn. in Jovem. v. 8.\n\n  [Greek: H\u00f4de megas keitai Zan, hon Dia kikl\u00easkousi.]\n                  Porphyr. Vita Pythagor\u00e6. p. 20.\n\n[394] Hence Hercules was styled [Greek: Triesperos]. Lycoph. v. 33.\n\n[Greek: Zeus treis hesperas eis mian metabal\u00f4n sunekatheude t\u00eai Alkm\u00ean\u00eai.]\nSchol. ibid.\n\n[395] Abbe Banier. Mythology of the Antients explained. vol. 4. b. 3. c. 6.\np. 77, 78. Translation.\n\n[396] Plaut. Amphitryo. Act. 1. s. 3.\n\n[397] Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 1. c. 42.\n\n[Greek: Alla kai taphon autou (Z\u00eanos) deiknuousi]. Lucian. de Sacrificiis.\nv. 1. p. 355.\n\n[398] Maximus Tyrius. Dissert. 38. p. 85.\n\n[399] Clementis Cohort. p. 40.\n\n[400] Arnobius contra Gentes. l. 4. p. 135. Clem. Alexand. Cohort. p. 24.\n\n[401] Tertullian. Apolog. c. 14.\n\n[Greek: Peusomai de sou kai 'g\u00f4, \u00f4 anthr\u00f4pe, posoi Z\u00eanes heuriskontai.]\nTheoph. ad Autolyc. l. 1. p. 344.\n\n[402] Newton's Chronology. p. 151.\n\n[403] Pezron. Antiquities of nations. c. 10, 11, 12.\n\n[404] Virgil. \u00c6n. l. 7. v. 48.\n\n[405] Sir Isaac Newton supposes Jupiter to have lived after the division of\nthe kingdoms in Israel; Pezron makes him antecedent to the birth of\nAbraham, and even before the Assyrian monarchy.\n\n[406] Arnobius has a very just observation to this purpose. Omnes Dii non\nsunt: quoniam plures sub eodem nomine, quemadmodum accepimus, esse non\npossunt, &c. l. 4. p. 136.\n\n[407] Antiquus Auctor Euhemerus, qui fuit ex civitate Messene, res gestas\nJovis, et c\u00e6terorum, qui Dii putantur, collegit; historiamque contexuit ex\ntitulis, et inscriptionibus sacris, qu\u00e6 in antiquissimis templis\nhabebantur; maximeque in fano Jovis Triphylii, ubi auream columnam positam\nesse ab ipso Jove titulus indicabat. In qu\u00e2 column\u00e2 gesta sua perscripsit,\nut monumentum esset posteris rerum suarum. Lactant. de Fals\u00e2 Relig. l. 1.\nc. 11. p. 50.\n\n(Euhemerus), quem noster et interpretatus, et secutus est pr\u00e6ter c\u00e6teros,\nEnnius. Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 1. c. 42.\n\n[408] Lactantius de Fals\u00e2 Relig. l. 1. c. 11. p. 52.\n\n[409] Varro apud Solinum. c. 16.\n\n[410] Epiphanius in Ancorato. p. 108.\n\nCyril. contra Julianum. l. 10. p. 342. See Scholia upon Lycophron. v. 1194.\n\n[411] Callimach. Hymn. in Jovem. v. 6.\n\n[412] [Greek: Taphon theas axion]. Pausan. l. 2. p. 161.\n\n[413] Diodor. Sicul. l. 1. p. 23. [Greek: Taph\u00eanai legousi t\u00ean Isin en\nMemphei.]\n\nOsiris buried at Memphis, and at Nusa. Diodorus above. Also at Byblus in\nPhenicia.\n\n[Greek: Eisi de enioi Bubli\u00f4n, hoi legousi para sphisi tethaphthai ton\nOsirin ton Aiguption.] Lucian. de Syri\u00e2 De\u00e2. v. 2. p. 879.\n\n[Greek: Ta men oun peri t\u00eas taph\u00eas t\u00f4n The\u00f4n tout\u00f4n diaph\u00f4neitai para tois\npleistois.] Diodor. l. 1. p. 24.\n\n[414] Procopius [Greek: peri ktismat\u00f4n]. l. 6. c. 1. p. 109.\n\n[Greek: Aiguptioi te gar Osiridos pollachou th\u00eakas, h\u00f4sper eir\u00eatai,\ndeiknuousi.] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 358. He mentions [Greek: pollous\nOsiridos taphous en Aigupt\u00f4i.] Ibid. p. 359.\n\n[415] L. 1. p. 79. [Greek: Peri t\u00eas Bousiridos xenoktonias para tois\nHell\u00easin enischusai ton muthon; ou tou Basile\u00f4s onomazomenou Bousiridos,\nalla tou Osiridos taphou taut\u00ean echontos t\u00ean pros\u00eagorian kata t\u00ean t\u00f4n\nench\u00f4ri\u00f4n dialekton.] Strabo likewise says, that there was no such king as\nBusiris. l. 17. p. 1154.\n\n[416] Bou-Sehor and Uch-Sehor are precisely of the same purport, and\nsignify the great Lord of day.\n\n[417] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 144.\n\n[418] Altis, Baaltis, Orontis, Opheltis, are all places compounded with\nsome title, or titles, of the Deity.\n\n[419] 2 Chron. c. 33. v. 14.\n\n[420] 2 Chron. c. 27. v. 3. _On the wall_ ([Hebrew: CHWMT]) _of Ophel he\nbuilt much:_ or rather on the Comah, or sacred hill of the Sun, called\nOph-El, he built much.\n\n[421] Apollon. Rhodii Argonaut. l. 2. v. 709. Apollo is said to have killed\nTityus, [Greek: Boupais e\u00f4n]. Apollon. l. 1. v. 760.\n\n[422] [Greek: Ton de tou Aiputou taphon spoud\u00eai malista etheasam\u00ean--esti\nmen oun g\u00eas ch\u00f4ma ou mega, lithou kr\u00eapidi en kukl\u00f4i periechomenon.] Pausan.\nl. 8. p. 632.\n\n[Greek: Aipution tumbon], celebrated by Homer. Iliad. [beta]. v. 605.\n\n[Greek: Aiputos], supposed to be the same as Hermes. [Greek: Naos Hermou\nAiputou] near Tegea in Arcadia. Pausan. l. 8. p. 696. Part of Arcadia was\ncalled [Greek: Aiputis].\n\n[423] Clemens Alexand. Cohort. p. 11. [Greek: Anestemmenoi tois ophesin\nepololuzontes Euan, Euan ktl.]\n\n[424] Porphyrii Vita Pythagor\u00e6.\n\n[425] Clement. Alexand. Cohort. p. 29.\n\n[426] The Scholiast upon Pindar seems to attribute the whole to Dionusus,\nwho first gave out oracles at this place, and appointed the seventh day a\nfestival. [Greek: En h\u00f4i pr\u00f4tos Dionusos ethemisteuse, kai apokteinas ton\nOphin ton Puth\u00f4na, ag\u00f4nizetai ton Puthikon ag\u00f4na kata Hebdom\u00ean h\u00eameran.]\nProlegomena in Pind. Pyth. p. 185.\n\n[427] Pausanias. l. 9. p. 749.\n\n[428] Ibid. l. 2. p. 155.\n\n[429] Strabo. l. 9. p. 651.\n\n[430] Ibid.\n\n[431] Pausanias. l. 5. p. 376.\n\n[432] Ibid. l. 10. p. 806.\n\n[433] Ibid. l. 1. p. 87.\n\n[434] At Patr\u00e6, [Greek: mn\u00eama Aiguptiou tou B\u00ealou.] Pausan. l. 7. p. 578.\n\n[435] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 179.\n\n[436] Herodotus. l. 7. c. 150. and l. 6. c. 54.\n\nPlato in Alcibiad. 1^{mo}. vol. 2. p. 120.\n\nUpon Mount M\u00e6nalus was said to have been the tomb of Arcas, who was the\nfather of the Arcadians.\n\n  [Greek: Esti de Mainali\u00ea duscheimeros, entha te keitai]\n  [Greek: Archas, aph' hou d\u00ea pantes epikl\u00easin kaleontai.]\n                  Oraculum apud Pausan. l. 8. p. 616.\n\nBut what this supposed tomb really was, may be known from the same author:\n[Greek: To de ch\u00f4rion touto, entha ho taphos esti tou Arkados, kalousin\nH\u00ealiou B\u00f4mous.] Ibid.\n\n[Greek: Taphos, \u00ea tumbos, \u00ea s\u00eameion.]. Hesych.\n\n[437] Strabo. l. 11. p. 779. [Greek: En de t\u00f4i pedi\u00f4i PETRAN TINA\nprosch\u00f4mati sumpl\u00ear\u00f4santes eis bounoeides sch\u00eama ktl.]\n\n[438] Typhon was originally called [Greek: G\u00eagen\u00eas], and by Hyginus Terr\u00e6\nFilius. Fab. 152. p. 263. Diodorus. l. 1. p. 79. he is styled [Greek: G\u00eas\nhuios exaisios.] Antoninus Liberal. c. 25.\n\n[439] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 380.\n\n[440] Josephus contra Apion. l. 1. p. 460.\n\n[441] Porphyry de Abstinen. l. 2. p. 223.\n\nThere was [Greek: Petra Tuphaonia] in Caucasus. Etymolog. Magnum. [Greek:\nTiph\u00f4s; Tuphaonia Petra estin hups\u00eal\u00ea en Kaukas\u00f4i.]\n\n[Greek: Kaukasou en kn\u00eamoisi, Tuphaoni\u00ea hoti Petr\u00ea.] Apollon. l. 2. v.\n1214.\n\n[442] Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 79.\n\n[443] [Greek: Par\u00eagorousi thusiais kai pra\u00fcnousi (ton Tuph\u00f4na)], Plutarch.\nIsis et Osiris. p. 362.\n\n[444] Diodorus Sicul. l. 5. p. 338.\n\n[445] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 362. [Greek: Isaiakou tou H\u00earakleous ho\nTuph\u00f4n].\n\n[446] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 11. v. 762.\n\n[447] [Greek: Enioi de hupo tou Tuph\u00f4nos, hupo de Atlantos Xenagoras\neir\u00eaken.]  Schol. Apollon. l. 4. v. 264.\n\n[448] Hesiod. Theogon. v. 824.\n\n[449] Ibid. v. 826. Typhis, Typhon, Typhaon, Typhoeus, are all of the same\npurport.\n\n[450] Nonni Dionys. l. 1. p. 24.\n\n[451] [Greek: Opheis--timaisthai ischur\u00f4s]. Philarchus apud \u00c6lian: de\nAnimal. l. 17. c. 5.\n\n[452] See Justin Martyr above.\n\n[Greek: S\u00eameion Orgi\u00f4n Bakchik\u00f4n Ophis esti tetelesmenos.] Clemens Alexand.\nCohort. p. 11. See Augustinus de Civitate Dei. l. 3. c. 12. and l. 18. c.\n15.\n\n[453] [Greek: Anestemmenoi tois ophesin.] Clemens above.\n\n[454] In mysteriis, quibus Sabadiis nomen est, aureus coluber in sinum\ndimittitur consecratis, et eximitur rursus ab inferioribus partibus.\nArnobius. l. 5. p. 171. See also Clemens, Cohort. p. 14. [Greek: Drak\u00f4n\ndielkomenos tou kolpou. k. l.]\n\nSebazium colentes Jovem anguem, cum initiantur, per sinum ducunt. Julius\nFirmicus. p. 23. [Greek: Sabazios, ep\u00f4numon Dionusou.] Hesych.\n\n[455] [Greek: Tous Opheis anestemmenoi, euazontes to Oua, Oua, ekein\u00ean t\u00ean\nEuan eti, t\u00ean dia tou Ophe\u00f4s apat\u00eatheisan, epikaloumenoi.] Epiphanius. tom.\n2. l. 3. p. 1092.\n\n[456] Cohortatio. p. 11.\n\n[457] Ibid.\n\n[458] Plutarch. Alexander. p. 665.\n\n[459] [Greek: Opheis megalous cheiro\u00eatheis epheilketo tois thiasois (h\u00ea\nOlumpias), hoi pollakis ek tou kittou kai t\u00f4n mustik\u00f4n likn\u00f4n\nparanaduomenoi, kai perielittomenoi thursois t\u00f4n gunaik\u00f4n, kai tois\nstephanois, exepl\u00eatton tous andras.] Plutarch. ibid.\n\n[460] [Greek: Tous opheis tous Pareias thlib\u00f4n, kai huper t\u00eas kephal\u00eas\nai\u00f4r\u00f4n, kai bo\u00f4n, Euoi, Saboi, kai eporchoumenos Y\u00eas Att\u00eas, Att\u00eas Y\u00eas.]\nDemosth. [Greek: Peri stephanou.] p. 516.\n\n[461] Hesych.\n\n[462] [Greek: T\u00eas Isidos agalmata anedousi taut\u00eai, h\u00f4s tini diad\u00eamati\nbasilei\u00f4i.] \u00c6lian. Hist. Animal. l. 10. c. 31.\n\n[463] [Greek: Tous Basileis--chr\u00easthai pilois makrois epi tou peratos\nomphalon echousi, kai periespeiramenois ophesi, hous kalousin aspidas.] l.\n3. p. 145.\n\n[464] Priscian. l. 5. and l. 6.\n\n[465] Pausan. l. 10. p. 859.\n\n[466] Bochart supposes this term to signify a father, and the purport of\nthe name to be Pater magnificus. He has afterwards a secondary derivation.\nSed fallor, aut Abdir, vel Abadir, cum pro lapide sumitur, corruptum ex\nPhoenicio Eben-Dir, lapis sph\u00e6ricus. Geog. Sac. l. 2. c. 2. p. 708.\n\n[467] See Radicals. p. 59. and Deuteronomy. c. 18. v. 11.\n\n[468] [Greek: Echousai basilea eph' hant\u00f4n ton Angelon t\u00eas Abussou; onoma\naut\u00f4i Hebra\u00efsti Abadd\u00f4n, en de t\u00ea Hell\u00eanik\u00eai onoma echei Apollu\u00f4n.]\nRevelations. c. 20. v. 11.\n\n[469] Revelations. c. 20. v. 2. Abadon signifies serpens Dominus, vel\nSerpens Dominus Sol.\n\n[470] Daniel Heinsius. Aristarchus. p. 11.\n\n[471] Euseb. P. E. l. 1. p. 41, 42.\n\n[472] Euseb. ibidem. [Greek: Tade auta kai Ostan\u00eas ktl.]\n\n[473] Herod. l. 2. c. 189. also Ptolemy.\n\n[474] M. Maimonides in more Nevochim. See Selden de Diis Syris. Synt. 1. c.\n3. p. 49.\n\n[475] [Greek: Oubaion, ho estin Hell\u00eanisti Basiliskon; honper chrusoun\npoiountes Theois perititheasin.] Horapollo. l. 1. p. 2.\n\n[Greek: Oubaion] is so corrected for [Greek: Ouraion], from MSS. by J.\nCorn. De Pauw.\n\n[476] Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 3.\n\n[477] Pr\u00e6p. Evan. l. 1. p. 41.\n\n[478] Euseb. supra.\n\n[479] L. 6. p. 345.\n\n[480] Strabo. l. 10. p. 683. It was supposed to have had its name from\nEllops, the Son of Ion, who was the brother of Cothus.\n\n[481] Callimachus. H. in Delon. v. 292. [Greek: Euai\u00f4n], Eva-On, Serpens\nSol.\n\n[482] Athenagoras. Legatio. p. 294. [Greek: \u00carakl\u00eas Chronos.]\n\n[483] Athenag. p. 295. [Greek: H\u00earakl\u00eas Theos--drak\u00f4n heliktos.]\n\n[484] It is said to have been named Rhodus from Rhod, a Syriac for a\nserpent. Bochart. G. S. p. 369.\n\n[485] [Greek: Entautha muthuousi tous Ophiogeneis sungeneian tina echein\npros tous opheis]. Strabo. l. 13. p. 850. Ophiogen\u00e6 in Hellesponto circa\nParium. Pliny. l. 7. p. 371.\n\n[486] Pausan. l. 8. p. 614.\n\n[487] Aristoph. Plutus. Schol. v. 718.\n\n[488] L. 3. c. 96. Strabo. l. 10. p. 692.\n\n[489] Steph. Byzant. [Greek: Patara.]\n\n[490] [Greek: B\u00ea d' ep' eran Dias pheug\u00f4n ophi\u00f4dea Kupron.] Parthenius. See\nVossius upon Pomp. Mela. l. 1. c. 6. p. 391.\n\nOvid Metamorph. l. 10. v. 229. Cypri arva Ophiusia.\n\n[491] They were particularly to be found at Paphos. Apollon. Discolus.\nMirabil. c. 39. [Greek: Ophis podas ech\u00f4n duo.]\n\n[492] Herodotus. l. 7. c. 90. [Greek: Hoi de apo Aithiopi\u00eas, h\u00f4s autoi\nKuprioi legousi.]\n\n[493] [Greek: Ho gar Min\u00f4s opheis, kai skorpious, kai skolopendras ouresken\nkl.]  Antonin. Liberalis. c. 41. p. 202. See notes, p. 276.\n\n[494] Tacitus. Annal. l. 4. c. 21.\n\n[495] In Ceiri.\n\n[496] Strabo. l. 10. p. 746.\n\n[497] What the Greeks rendered [Greek: Seriphos] was properly Sar-Iph; and\nSar-Iphis, the same as Ophis: which signified Petra Serpentis, sive\nPythonis.\n\n[498] Herodotus. l. 8. c. 41.\n\n[499] Strabo. l. 9. p. 603.\n\n[500] Lycophron Scholia. v. 496. [Greek: apo t\u00f4n odont\u00f4n tou drakontos.]\n\n[501] Meursius de reg. Athen. l. 1. c. 6.\n\n[502] Apollodorus. l. 3. p. 191.\n\n[503] Diodorus. l. I. p. 25. Cecrops is not by name mentioned in this\npassage according to the present copies: yet what is said, certainly\nrelates to him, as appears by the context, and it is so understood by the\nlearned Marsham. See Chron. Canon. p. 108.\n\n[504] Eustat. on Dionys. p. 56. Edit. Steph.\n\n[505] [Greek: Ton barbaron Aiguptiasmon apheis. ktl.] ibid.\n\nSee also Tzetzes upon Lycophron. v. 111.\n\n[506] Chron. Canon, p. 109.\n\n[507] It may not perhaps be easy to decypher the name of Cecrops: but thus\nmuch is apparent, that it is compounded of Ops, and Opis, and related to\nhis symbolical character.\n\n[508] [Greek: Drakontas duo peri ton Erikthonion.] Antigonus Carystius. c.\n12.\n\n[509] Aristot. de Mirabilibus. vol. 2. p. 717.\n\n[510] Pliny. l. 3. p. 153. l. 8. p. 455.\n\n[511] \u00c6schyli Supplices. p. 516.\n\n[512] L. 3. p. 184.\n\n[513] Apollonius Discolus. c. 12. and Aristot. de Mirabilibus, vol. 2. p.\n737.\n\n[514] Aves Diomedis--judicant inter suos et advenas, &c. Isidorus Orig. l.\n12. c. 7. Pliny. l. 10. c. 44.\n\n[515] Apollodorus. l. 1. p. 37.\n\n[516] Stephanas Byzant. [Greek: Opikoi.]\n\n[517] The same is said by Epiphanius. [Greek: Heuia ton ophin paides\nHebrai\u00f4n onomazousi.] Epiphanius advers. H\u00e6res. l. 3. tom. 2. p. 1092.\n\n[518] Steph. Byzant.\n\n[519] Ptolemy. p. 93. [Greek: Euia.]\n\n[520] Pausanias. l. 4. p. 356.\n\n[521] L. 2. p. 202.\n\n[522] Pausan. l. 3. p. 249.\n\n[523] There was a city of this name in Macedonia, and in Troas. Also a\nriver.\n\n[524] Ovid Metamorph. l. 7. v. 357.\n\n[525] Strabo. l. 13. p. 913. It is compounded of Eva-Ain, the fountain, or\nriver of Eva, the serpent.\n\n[526] Strabo. l. 5. p. 383.\n\n[527] [Greek: Menelaon, hos \u00ean Pitanat\u00eas.] Hesych.\n\n[Greek: Drak\u00f4n epi t\u00eai aspidi (Menelaou) estin eirgasmenos.] Pausan. l. 10.\np. 863.\n\n[528] [Greek: Pitanat\u00eas, lochos]. Hesych.\n\n[529] It was the insigne of many countries. Textilis _Anguis_\n\nDiscurrit per utramque aciem. Sidon. Apollinaris. Carm. 5. v. 409.\n\n[530]\n\n  Stent bellatrices Aquil\u00e6, s\u00e6vique _Dracones_.\n                  Claudian de Nuptiis Honor. et Mari\u00e6. v. 193.\n\n  Ut primum vestras Aquilas Provincia vidit,\n  Desiit hostiles confestim horrere _Dracones_.\n                  Sidon. Apollinaris. Carm. 2. v. 235.\n\n[531] Epiphanius H\u00e6res. 37. p. 267.\n\n[532] Clemens. l. 7. p. 900.\n\n[533] Tertullian de Pr\u00e6script. H\u00e6ret. c. 47. p. 221.\n\n[534] Vossius, Selden, and many learned men have touched upon this subject.\nThere is a treatise of Philip Olearius de Ophiolatri\u00e2. Also Dissertatio\nTheologico-Historico, &c. &c. de cultu serpentum. Auctore M. Johan.\nChristian. Kock. Lipsi\u00e6. 1717.\n\n[535] Homer. Odyss. l. 10. v. 106.\n\n[536] H\u00e6c a principio patria Cyclopum fuit. Justin. of the island Sicily.\nl. 4. c. 2.\n\n[537]\n\n  [Greek: Os opsetai men tou monogl\u00eanou stegas]\n  [Greek: Char\u00f4nos.] Lycophron. v. 659.\n\nCharon was not a person, but Char-On, the temple of the Sun.\n\n[538] [Greek: T\u00f4n peri t\u00ean Aitn\u00ean kai Leontin\u00ean Kukl\u00f4pas (dunasteusai)].\nStrabo. l. 1. p. 38.\n\n[539] The province of Leontina called Xuthia. Diodorus. l. 5. p. 291.\n\n[540] Cyclops. v. 297.\n\n[541] Lycophron. v. 659.\n\n[542]\n\n  [Greek: Glukutata phasi ta krea tous xenous pherein.]\n  [Greek: Oudeis mol\u00f4n deur', hostis ou katesphag\u00ea.] Euripid. Cyclops. v.\n      126.\n\n[543] The river Nilus was called Triton, and afterwards Nilus. [Greek:\nMet\u00f4nomasth\u00eai de apo Neilou tou Kukl\u00f4pos.] Scholia in Apollon. l. 4. v.\n268.\n\nNilus Deorum maximus. Huetii Demons. Evang. Prop. 4. p. 111.\n\n[544] [Greek: Aiguptie Zeu, Neile]. Athen\u00e6us. l. 5. p. 203.\n\nVulcanus--Nilo natus, Opas, ut \u00c6gyptii appellant. Cicero de Natur\u00e2 Deor. l.\n3. c. 22. Hence [Greek: Neilos Kukl\u00f4ps] must have been the chief Deity; and\nthe Cyclopians his votaries and priests.\n\n[Greek: Neiloio temenos Kronida]. Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. p. 239. He was no\nother than Ouranus, and Coelus.\n\n[545] [Greek: Asteri\u00f4n, huios Anaktos], who was buried in the island Lade,\nnear Miletus, is mentioned as a gigantic personage by Pausanias. l. 1. p.\n87. Large bones have been found in Sicily; which were probably the bones of\nelephants, but have been esteemed the bones of the Cyclopians by Kircher\nand Fazellus. Fazellus. Dec. 1. l. 1. c. 6.\n\n[546] Herodotus. l. 5. c. 61. He alludes to them under the name of\nCadmians.\n\n[547] Odyss. 10. v. 190.\n\n[548] \u00c6neid. l. 3. v. 619.\n\n[549] Hymn in Dian. v. 51.\n\n[Greek: Mounos d' ophthalmos mess\u00f4i epekeito met\u00f4p\u00f4i.] Hesiod. Theogon. v.\n143.\n\nClemens Alexandrinus tells us, that Homer's account of Polyphemus is\nborrowed from the character of Saturnus in the Orphic poetry. Strom. l. 6.\np. 751.\n\n[550] Scholia in \u00c6schyl. Prometh. p. 56.\n\n[551] [Greek: Paides Ouranou, kai G\u00eas.]\n\n[552] [Greek: Ex h\u00eas aut\u00f4i (Ouran\u00f4i) treis paidas gin\u00f4skousin\nhekatontacheiras, kai treis heterous apotiktousi Kukl\u00f4pas.] Proclus in\nPhotio. c. ccxxxix. p. 982.\n\nEuripides makes them the sons of Oceanus.\n\n  [Greek: Hin' hoi mon\u00f4pes pontiou paides Theou]\n  [Greek: Kukl\u00f4pes oikous' antr' er\u00eam' androktonoi.] Cyclops. v. 21.\n\n[553] [Greek: Kai d\u00ea Hieron estin archaion, Kukl\u00f4pon kaloumenos b\u00f4mos, kai\nthuousin ep' autai Kukl\u00f4psi.] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 114.\n\n[554] Odyss. [Zeta]. v. 5. [Greek: Hupereian, hoi men t\u00ean en Sikelia\nKamarin\u00ean.]  Schol. ibid.\n\n[555] [Greek: En polei t\u00eas Babul\u00f4nias Kamarin\u00eai, h\u00ean tinas legein polin\nOurian.]  Alexand. Polyhist. apud Euseb. Pr\u00e6p. Evan. l. 9. p. 418.\n\n[556] Natalis Comes. l. 9. p. 510. By the Celt\u00e6 are meant those of Iberia:\n[Greek: opsigonoi Tit\u00eanes] of Callimachus.\n\n[557] Lycoph. v. 659. Appian mentions a nation of Cyclopians in Illyria,\nwho were near the Pheacians.\n\n[558] The liba made in such temples were from it named Charisia. [Greek:\nCharision, eidos plakount\u00f4n.] Hesych.\n\n[559] In Parthia, [Greek: Kalliop\u00ea, Charis]. Appian. Syriac. p. 125.\n\n[Greek: Phrugias polis Karis]. Steph. Byzant.\n\nCharisi\u00e6 in Arcadia. Ibid. The island Cos, called of old Caris. Ibid.\n\n[560] Herodotus. l. 4. c. 13. [Greek: Arimaspous andras mounophthalmous.]\n\nStrabo. l. 1. p. 40. [Greek: Tacha de kai tous monommatous Kukl\u00f4pas ek t\u00eas\nSkuthik\u00eas historias meten\u00eanochen (Hom\u00earos.)]\n\n[561] [Greek: Oupis te, Lox\u00f4 te, kai euai\u00f4n Hekaerg\u00ea.] Callimach. H. in\nDelon. v. 292.\n\n[562] Casaubon. not. in Strabon. l. 1. p. 40.\n\n[Greek: Moun\u00f4pa straton Arimaspon.] \u00c6schyl. Prineth. p. 49.\n\n[563] [Greek: Ton gar basilea kai kurion Osirin ophthalm\u00f4i kai sk\u00eaptr\u00f4i\ngraphousin.]  Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 354.\n\n[564] Lycophron. v. 328. See Suidas.\n\n[Greek: Philochoros Tritopatoras pant\u00f4n gegonenai pr\u00f4tous.] Etymolog. Mag.\nSee Meursii not. in Lycophron. v. 328. [Greek: Rhaisei tripatrou phasgan\u00f4i\nKandaonos.]\n\n[565] Iliad. [Sigma]. v. 382. and [Xi]. v. 275. See Pausan. l. 9. p. 781.\n\n[566] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 29. p. 760.\n\nThe Graces and the Furies (Charites et Furi\u00e6) were equally denominated from\nthe Sun, and fire; and in consequence of it had joint worship in Arcadia.\nPausan. l. 8. p. 669. Charis, [Greek: Charis], of the Greeks, was the same\npersonage as Ceres of the Romans. She was also called Damater, and esteemed\none of the Furies. Pausan. l. 8. p. 649.\n\n[567] Pausanias. l. 9. p. 781. So Coronis is said to have been the daughter\nof Phlegyas. Pausan. l. 2. p. 170: and Cronus the son of Apollo. l. 2. p.\n123. Chiron the son of Saturn; Charon the son of Erebus and night. The hero\nCharisius, the son of Lycaon, which Lycaon was no other than Apollo, the\nGod of light. These were all places, but described as personages; and made\nthe children of the Deity, to whom they were sacred.\n\n[568] [Greek: Deinous Theois te hiera kataskeuasasthai, kai basileia\nanthr\u00f4pois; kai gar t\u00f4i Apoll\u00f4ni ton Naon \u00f4ikodom\u00easanto ton en Delphois,\nkai Huriei ton Th\u00easauron.] Pausan. l. 9. p. 785.\n\nTurres, ut Aristoteles, Cyclopes (invenerunt). Pliny. l. 7. c. 56.\n\n[569] Virgil. \u00c6n. l. 6. v. 630.\n\n[570] Lutatius Placidus in Statii Theba\u00efd. l. 1. p. 26.\n\n[571] [Greek: Tas Huakinthou koras--epi ton Geraistou tou Kukl\u00f4pos taphon\nkatesphaxan.] Apollodorus. l. 3. p. 205.\n\n[572] Hercules furens. Act. 4. v. 996.\n\n[573] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 41. p. 1068.\n\nEuripides styles the walls of Argos [Greek: Ourania]:\n\n[Greek: 'Ina teichea la\u00efna, Kukl\u00f4pei', ourania nemontai.] Troades. v. 1087.\n\n[574] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 146.\n\n[575] Seneca Thyestes. Act. 2. v. 406.\n\n[576] [Greek: Entos de tou Isthmou t\u00eas Troiz\u00eanos homoros estin Hermion\u00ea;\nOikist\u00ean de t\u00eas archaias pole\u00f4s Hermioneis genesthai phasin Hermiona\nEur\u00f4pos.] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 191.\n\n[577] Strabo. l. 8. p. 573. It was inhabited by people particularly styled\n[Greek: Halieis], or men of the sea; who were brought thither by Druops\nArcas.\n\n[578] Pausan. l. 2. p. 147. [Greek: Kukl\u00f4p\u00f4n men estin ergon.] p. 169.\n\nSee Strabo. l. 8. p. 572. [Greek: Teichisai dia Kukl\u00f4p\u00f4n.]\n\n[579] [Greek: Ta teich\u00ea ta en Tirunthi--oude onta elattonos thaumatos (t\u00f4n\nPuramid\u00f4n).] Pausanias. l. 9. p. 783.\n\n[580] [Greek: Ephex\u00eas de t\u00eai Naupliai, ta sp\u00ealaia, kai hoi en autois\noikodom\u00eatoi laburinthoi. Kukl\u00f4peia d' onomazousin.] Strabo. l. 8. p. 567.\n\n[581] Pausanias. l. 4. p. 367.\n\n[582] [Greek: Emoi men oun Aiguption phainetai, kai oudam\u00f4s Hell\u00eanikon\nonoma \u00d4ros einai. ktl.] Pausan. l. 2. p. 181.\n\n[583]\n\n              [Greek: Kukl\u00f4p\u00f4n bathra]\n  [Greek: Phoiniki kanoni kai tukois h\u00earmosmena.]\n              Eurip. Herc. Furens. v. 944.\n\n[584] Strabo. l. 8. p. 572.\n\n[585] Many places were denominated from Aster; such as Asteria, Asterion,\nAsteris, Astr\u00e6a, Astarte. See Steph. Byzantinus. [Greek: Asterion, polis\nThettalias--h\u00ea nun Piresia.] Idem. [Greek: Asteri\u00ea, h\u00ea D\u00ealos, kai h\u00ea Kr\u00eat\u00ea,\nekaleito.] Hesychius. [Greek: D\u00ealos Asteri\u00ea]. Callimach. H. in Delon. v.\n37. and 40. Asteria signifies the island of Aster.\n\n[586] L. 8. p. 572.\n\n[587] Pausanias mentions the apartments of the daughters of Proetus. l. 2.\np. 169. But the daughters of Proetus were property the virgins who\nofficiated at the Purait, the young priestesses ot the Deity.\n\nThe Sicilian Cyclopes were three, because there were three towers only,\nerected upon the islands called Cyclopum Scopuli; and that they were\nlighthouses is apparent from the name which still remains: for they are at\nthis day styled Faraglioni, according to Fazellus. The Cyclopes of Tiryns\nwere seven, as we learn from Strabo; because the towers probably were in\nnumber so many. From this circumstance we may presume, that the ideas of\nthe antients concerning the Cyclopians, were taken from the buildings which\nthey erected.\n\n[588] The Cyclopian buildings were also called Ouranian. [Greek: Kukl\u00f4peia\nt' ourania teichea.] Euripid. Electra. v. 1158.\n\n[589] Both Cuclops, and Cuclopes, was the name of a place. We may,\ntherefore, I think, be pretty well assured, that the Cyclopians were from\nhence denominated. And as sacred places had their names from the Deity, to\nwhom they were dedicated, it is very probable, that the Cuclopian towers\nwere named from Coelus Ops, the Deity there worshipped: for I have shewn,\nthat this people were the reputed children of Ouranus and Coelus.\n\n[590] Aristoteles de mirabil. auscult. p. 732.\n\n[591] In excerptis apud Sononem. See not. Meursii in Antigonum Carystium.\np. 183.\n\n[592] Of the Cyclopians of Thrace see Scholia in Euripid. Orest. v. 966.\n[Greek: Kukl\u00f4pes, Thrakikon ethnos]. Also Scholia in Statii Theb. l. 2. p.\n104.\n\n[593] [Greek: para de to hieron tou K\u00eaphissou Medous\u00eas lithou pepoi\u00eamen\u00ea\nkephal\u00ea. Kukl\u00f4p\u00f4n phasin einai kai touto ergon.] Pausan. l. 2. p. 156.\n[Greek: K\u00eaphissos], Doric\u00e8 [Greek: Kaphissos], vel [Greek: Kaphisos]: from\nCaph-Isis, Petra De\u00e6 Isidis.\n\n[594] [Greek: \u00caeliou, hos pant' ephorai kai pant' hupakouei.] Homer. Odyss.\nl. [Lambda]. v. 108.\n\n[595] Orphic Fragment. 6. v. 19. the same as Phanes, and Dionusus. Frag. 8.\nv. 2. Schol. ibid.\n\n[596] Hence the stream and lake of Cephisus in Boeotia were styled [Greek:\nhudata kai limn\u00ea K\u00eaphissidos]: by the antient Dorians expressed [Greek:\nKaphisidos], from [Greek: Kaph-Isis].\n\n[597] Orphic Hymn. 31. v. 10.\n\n[598] Hymn. 10. v. 10. Metis was the same as Pan.\n\nMeed-Ous whence came [Greek: Medousa], is exactly analogous to Cotinousa,\nAithousa, Alphiousa, Ampelousa, Pithecousa, Scotousa, Arginousa,\nLampadousa, Amathousa, Ophiousa, Asterousa; and signifies the temple of\nMetis, or divine wisdom. Aster-Ous was a temple on Mount Caucasus:\nAmath-Ous, the same in Cyprus: Ampel-Ous, a temple in Mauritania:\nAlphi-Ous, in Elis: Achor-Ous, in Egypt: all dedicated to the Deity, under\ndifferent titles.\n\n[599] [Greek: Chasmasi leonteiois ta t\u00f4n hier\u00f4n thur\u00f4mata kosmousin (hoi\nAiguptioi).]  Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 366.\n\n[600] Odyss. [Lambda]. v. 610. It is a term which seems to have puzzled the\ncommentators. [Greek: Charopoi, epipl\u00eaktikoi, phoberoi]. Scholiast. Ibid.\nIt was certainly an Amonian term: and the Poet alluded to a Charopian\ntemple.\n\n[Greek: T\u00eas d' \u00ean Treis kephalai, mia men charopoio leontos]. Hesiod.\nTheogon. v. 321. Homer in another place mentions,\n\n  [Greek: Luk\u00f4n klang\u00ean, charop\u00f4n te Leont\u00f4n.] Hymn. [Greek: eis M\u00eatera\n      the\u00f4n]. v. 4.\n\nAs a lion was from hence styled Charops, so from another temple it was\nnamed Charon. [Greek: Char\u00f4n ho le\u00f4n]. Hesych. Achilles is styled [Greek:\nAichm\u00eat\u00eas Char\u00f4n], Lycoph. v. 260. a martial Charonian Lion.\n\n[601] Pausan. l. 8. p. 696.\n\n[602] Pausan. l. 1. p. 49.\n\n[603] Hesiod. Theogon. v. 141. Scholia Apollon. l. 1. v. 730.\n\n[Greek: Kukl\u00f4pes tote Dii men didoasi bront\u00ean, kai astrap\u00ean, kai keraunon.]\nApollodorus. l. 1. p. 4.\n\n[604] See Stephanus. [Greek: Akmonia polis Phrugias ktl.] He styles Acmon\n[Greek: Akmona ton Mane\u00f4s.] Manes was the chief Deity of Lydia, Lycia, and\nPersis; and the same as Menes of Egypt.\n\nThere was a city Acmonia in Thrace. Ptol. l. 5. p. 138.\n\n[605] [Greek: Esti kai allo Akmonion alsos peri Thermadonta.] Steph.\nByzant. Apollonius takes notice of [Greek: Alseos Akmonioio.] l. 2. v. 994.\nHere Mars was supposed to have married Harmonia, the mother of the\nAmazonians.\n\n[606] Acmonides is represented as a patronymic; but there is reason to\nthink that it is an Amonian compound, Acmon-Ades, Acmon the God of light,\nthe same as Coelus, Cronus, and Osiris. Acmon and Acmonides were certainly\nthe same person: [Greek: Akm\u00f4n; Kronus, Ouranos.] Hesych. [Greek:\nAkmonid\u00eas, ho Char\u00f4n, kai ho Ouranos]. ibid. He was the Cyclopian God, to\nwhom different departments were given by the mythologists. Charon Cyclops\nis mentioned by Lycophron. v. 659. above quoted.\n\n[607] Simmi\u00e6 Rhodii [Greek: Pterugia]. Theocritus. Heinsii. p. 214.\n\n[608] Callimachi Hymn. in Dianam. v. 146.\n\n[609] [Greek: Daktuloi Idaioi Kr\u00eataees]. Apollonius Rhod. l. 1. v. 1129.\n\nThe Scholiast upon this Poet takes notice of only three; of which one was\nAcmon:\n\n  [Greek: Kelmis, Damnameneus te megas, kai huperbios Akm\u00f4n,]\n  [Greek: Hoi pr\u00f4toi techn\u00ean polum\u00eatios H\u00eaphaistoio]\n  [Greek: Heuron en ourei\u00eaisi napais ioenta sid\u00earon,]\n  [Greek: Es pur t' \u00eanenkan, kai ariprepes ergon edeixan.]\n\nThese verses are quoted from the antient author, [Greek: ho t\u00ean phor\u00f4nida\nsuntheis.]\n\nDiodorus Siculus, l. 1. p. 333. says, that some made the Id\u00e6i Dactyli ten\nin number; others an hundred.\n\n[610] Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 401. Strabo. l. 10. p. 725.\n\n[611] Strabo. l. 10. p. 715. They are by Tatianus Assyrius spoken of as the\nCyclopes, and the same invention attributed to them. [Greek: Chalkeuein\nKukl\u00f4pes (edidaxan).] p. 243.\n\nFabricam ferrariam primi excogit\u00e2runt Cyclopes, See Hoffman. Ferrum.\n\n[612] [Greek: Kukl\u00f4pes, Thrakikon ethnos, apo Kukl\u00f4pos basile\u00f4s hout\u00f4s\nonomazomenoi.--pleiones de aut\u00f4n en t\u00eai Kour\u00eatidi; \u00easan de ARISTOI\nTECHNITAI.] Schol. in Euripid. Orest. v. 966.\n\nMention is afterwards made [Greek: t\u00f4n ek t\u00eas Kour\u00eatidos Kukl\u00f4p\u00f4n]. The\nCuretes worshipped Cronus: so that Cronus and Cuclops were the same. See\nPorphyry de Abstin. l. 2. p. 225.\n\n[613] They are said to have made the altar upon which the Gods were sworn,\nwhen the Titans rebelled against Jupiter. Scholiast upon Aratus. p. 52. In\nmemorial of this altar an Asterism was formed in the Sphere, denominated\n[Greek: b\u00f4mos], ara.\n\n[614] Virgil \u00c6n. l. 8. v. 424.\n\n[615] Proetides implerunt falsis mugitibus auras. Virgil. Eclog. 6. v. 48.\n\n[616] Herod. l. 7. c. 123.\n\n[Greek: H\u00ea Pall\u00ean\u00ea Cherron\u00easos, h\u00ea en t\u00f4i Isthm\u00f4i keitai. h\u00ea prin men\nPotidaia, nun de Kassandreia, Phlegraia de prin ekaleito; \u00f4koun d' aut\u00ean\nhoi muthuomenoi Gigantes, ethnos asebes, kai anomon.] Strabo. Epitome. l.\n7. p. 510.\n\n[617] Lycophron. v. 115.\n\n[618] Stephanus places Torone in Thrace, and supposes it to have been named\nfrom Torone, who was not the wife, but daughter of Proteus. [Greek: Apo\nTor\u00f4n\u00eas t\u00eas Pr\u00f4te\u00f4s.] Some made her the daughter of Poseidon and Phoenice.\nSee Steph. [Greek: Phlegraia]. There were more towers than one of this\nname.\n\n[619] [Greek: Pall\u00eanian ep\u00ealthe G\u00eagen\u00f4n trophon], Lycoph. v. 127.\n\n[620] Lycophron. v. 124.\n\n[621] Eustath. on Dionysius. v. 259.\n\n[622] Herodot. l. 2. c. 112.\n\n[623] [Greek: Pr\u00f4tea kikl\u00eask\u00f4, pontou kl\u00eaidas echonta.] Orphic Hymn. 24.\n\n[624] Aristides. Oratio \u00c6gyptiaca. v. 3. p. 608.\n\n[625] Stephanus Byzant. [Greek: Pharos.]\n\n[626] Chilias. 2. Hist. 44. p. 31. [Greek: Pr\u00f4teus phoinik\u00eas phinikos\npais--peri t\u00ean pharon katoik\u00f4n.]\n\n[627] Orphic Hymn to Proteus. 24.\n\n[628] Eustath. in Dionys. v. 14.\n\n[Greek: Phrontin On\u00eatorid\u00ean]. Homer. Odyss. [Gamma]. v. 282. See also\nHesych.\n\n[629] \u00c6neid. l. 6. v. 556.\n\n[630] Virg. \u00c6neid. l. 6. v. 618.\n\n[631] Stephanus. [Greek: Aithiopia.]\n\n[632] The hieroglyphic was a man with the head of a bull; which had the\nsame reference, as the Apis, and Mneuis of Egypt.\n\n[633] Diodorus Sic. l. 20. p. 756.\n\n[634] Homer. Odyss. [Mu]. v. 222.\n\n[635] Epist. 79.\n\n[636] [Greek: Akousilaos Phorkunos kai Hekat\u00eas t\u00ean Skullan legei.\nSt\u00easikoros de, en t\u00eai Skull\u00eai, Lamias t\u00ean Skullan ph\u00easi thugatera einai.]\nApollonius. Schol. l. 4. v. 828.\n\n[637] Euripides. Cyclops. v. 126.\n\n[638] Odyss. l. [Iota]. v. 389.\n\n[639] Imitated by Mr. Pope.\n\n[640] Ennius translated into Latin the history of Euhemerus, who seems to\nhave been a sensible man, and saw into the base theology of his country. He\nlikewise wrote against it, and from hence made himself many enemies. Strabo\ntreats him as a man devoted to fiction. l. 2. p. 160.\n\n[641] Ex Ennii Histori\u00e2 sacr\u00e2, quoted by Lactantius. Divin. Institut. vol.\n1. c. 13. p. 59.\n\n[642] [Greek: Mess\u00eanion Eu\u00eameron]. Strabo. l. 1. p. 81.\n\n[643] Clemens. Cohort. p. 11. Arnobius. l. 5.\n\n[644] [Greek: Dionuson Mainolon orgiasousi Bakchoi, \u00f4mophagiai t\u00ean\nhieromanian agontes, kai teliskousi tas kreonomias t\u00f4n phon\u00f4n anestemmenoi\ntois ophesin.] Clemens Cohort. p. 11.\n\n[645] Julius Firmicus. p. 14.\n\n[646] Apollon. Rhod. l. 1. v. 636.\n\n[647] Scholia Apollon. l. 1. v. 635.\n\n[648] Porphyry [Greek: peri apoch\u00eas]. l. 2. p. 224.\n\n[649] Turricolas Lamias, Fauni quas Pompiliique\n\nInstituere Num\u00e6. Lactant. de fals\u00e2 Relig. l. 1. c. 22. p. 105.\n\n[650] Homer Odyss. [Kappa]. v. 81.\n\n[651] Ibid. [Kappa]. v. 120.\n\n[652] [Greek: En merei tini t\u00eas ch\u00f4ras (t\u00eas Sikelias) Kukl\u00f4pes, kai\nLaistrugones, oik\u00easai.] Thucyd. l. 6. p. 378.\n\n[653] Scholia. v. 956. Leon in Leontium is a translation of Lais ([Hebrew:\nLWSH]) Leo: Bochart.\n\n[654] Lycoph. above.\n\n[655] Plutarch de Defect. Orac. vol. 1. p. 398.\n\n[Greek: Heteroi de phaisin ek Maliai\u00f4n aphikesthai Lamias thugatera\nSibullan.] Clem. Alex. Strom. l. 1. p. 358. Pausanias makes her the\ndaughter of Jupiter and Lamia. l. 10. p. 825.\n\n[656] Clemens Alex. l. 1. p. 358.\n\n[657] See Diodorus. l. 20. p. 778. of the Lamia in Libya, and of her\ncavern.\n\n[658] Euripides quoted ibid.\n\n[659] Philostratus. Vita Apollon. l. 4. p. 183.\n\n[660] Aristot. Ethic. l. 7. c. 6. p. 118. See Plutarch [Greek: peri\npolupragmosun\u00eas], And Aristoph. Vesp\u00e6. Schol. v. 1030.\n\n[661] Horace, l. 3. ode 17.\n\n[662] Virgil \u00c6n. l. 7. v. 1. See Servius.\n\n[663] Strabo. l. 5. p. 357. [Greek: Kolpon Kaiattan. kl.]\n\n[664] Ibid. p. 356.\n\n[665] Silius. l. 8.\n\n[666] De Virgilian\u00e2 continenti\u00e2. p. 762. Caiat signified a kind of whip, or\nthong, probably such was used at Caiate.\n\n[667] Virgil. \u00c6neid. l. 5. v. 873.\n\n[668] See Nonnus. l. 19. p. 320.\n\n[669] V. 653. See Natalis Comes.\n\n[670] L. 4. v. 892.\n\n[671] V. 1269.\n\n[672] Odyss. l. [Mu]. v. 39.\n\n[673] From Mr. Pope's translation.\n\n[674] Callimachi Frag. 184. p. 510.\n\n[675] Apollon. l. 4. v. 828. Scholia. She is said also to have been the\ndaughter of Hecate and Phorcun. Ibid. The daughter of a Deity means the\npriestess. Phor-Cun signifies Ignis Dominus, the same as Hephastus.\n\n[676] Herodotus. l. 7. c. 90.\n\n[677] [Greek: Kuros ho h\u00ealios.] See Radicals. p. 48.\n\n[678] Strabo. l. 14. p. 1002. the promontory was called Curias [Greek:\nKurias akra; eita polis Kourion.]\n\n[679] L. 4. c. 103.\n\n[680] Virgil. \u00c6neid. l. 8. v. 190.\n\n[681] Livy. l. 1. c. 7.\n\n[682] Plutarch. in Amatorio. vol. 2. p. 762.\n\n[683] Lactantius de F. R. l. 1. c. 20. p. 90.\n\n[684] Milton. l. 2. v. 579.\n\n[685] Theoc. Idyl. 17. v. 47.\n\n[686] Aristoph. [Greek: Batrach.] v. 474. So Cocytus is by Claudian\ndescribed as the river of tears.\n\n      ---- presso lacrymarum fonte resedit\n  Cocytos. De Rapt. Proserp. l. 1. v. 87.\n\n[687] He makes Metis the same as Athena. H. 31. l. 10.\n\nIn another place Metis is styled [Greek: pr\u00f4tos genet\u00f4r]. Frag. 6. v. 19.\np. 366.\n\n[688] Ibid. Fragm. 8. p. 373.\n\n[689] Eusebii. Chron. Log. p. 4. l. 42.\n\n[690] [Greek: Hippan kikl\u00eask\u00f4 Bakchou trophon.] Hymn. 48.\n\n[691] Hymn. 47. v. 4.\n\n[692] Orphic Frag. 43. [Greek: H\u00ea men gar Hippa tou pantos ousa psuch\u00ea\nktl.]  Proclus. ibid. p. 401.\n\n[693] Among the Egyptians, the emblems of which they made use were\narbitrary, and very different from the things to which they referred. An\neagle, an ox, and a horse, were all used as symbols, but had no real\nconnexion with the things alluded to, nor any the least likeness. The\nGrecians not considering this were always misled by the type; and never\nregarded the true history, which was veiled under it.\n\n[694] [Greek: Hippeis.] v. 548.\n\n[695] Pausan. l. 5. p. 414.\n\n[696] Ibid. l. 5. p. 416.\n\n[697] Hesych. [Greek: Hippia.]\n\n[698] Pausan. l. 8. p. 649.\n\n[699] Metam. l. 6. v. 117.\n\n[700] Ibid. l. 2. v. 668.\n\n[701] Virg. Georg. l. 3. v. 92.\n\n[702] Iliad. [Beta]. v. 766. He also mentions the mares of Eresicthon, with\nwhich Boreas was supposed to have been enamoured.\n\n  [Greek: Ta\u00f4n kai Bore\u00eas \u00earasseto boskomena\u00f4n,]\n  [Greek: Hipp\u00f4i d' eisamenos parelexato kuanochait\u00eai.]\n  [Greek: Hai d' hupokussamenai etekon duokaideka p\u00f4lous.] Odyss.\n      [Upsilon]. v. 224.\n\n[703] H. to Apollo. v. 47.\n\n[704] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1188.\n\n[705] Hesych. [Greek: Hippeion].\n\n[706] [Greek: Pro\u00efousi de Hippou kaloumenon mn\u00eama estin.--Kiones de hepta,\nhoi tou mn\u00eamatos toutou diechousin ou polu, kata tropon oimai ton archaion,\nhous aster\u00f4n t\u00f4n Plan\u00eat\u00f4n phasin agalmata.] Pausan. l. 3. p. 262.\n\n[707] They included the moon among the primary planets; not being\nacquainted with any secondary.\n\n[708] See Steph. Byzant. and Cellarius.\n\n[709] Ovid. Deianira ad Hero. Epist.\n\n[710] Geog. Vet. vol. 2. v. 665. See also Diodorus. l. 4. p. 223. also\nStrabo Epitome. l. 7. p. 511.\n\n[711] See Radicals. p. 119.\n\n[712] The birds at the lake Stymphalus are described as feeding upon human\nflesh. [Greek: Logos Ornithas pote androphagous ep' aut\u00f4i traph\u00eanai.]\nPausan. l. 8. p. 610. The real history of the place was, that the birds\ncalled Stymphalides were a set of Canibal priests.\n\n[713] Glaucus, the son of Sisiphus is said to have been eaten by horses.\nPal\u00e6phatus. p. 58.\n\n[714] P. 54.\n\n[715] Metamorph. l. 8. v. 873.\n\n[716] Josephus calls Egypt Mestra. Antiq. l. 1. c. 6. \u00a7. 2. See Radicals,\np. 8. Notes.\n\n[717] [Greek: Ho pr\u00f4tos oik\u00easas t\u00ean Mestraian ch\u00f4ran, \u00eatoi Aigupton,\nMestraim.]  Euseb. Chron. p. 17.\n\n[718] Herodotus. l. 2 c. 55.\n\n[719] Ovid Metam. l. 5. v. 341. Most temples of old were courts of justice;\nand the priests were the judges, who there presided.\n\n\u00c6lian. V. H. l. 14. c. 34. [Greek: Dikastai to archaion par' Aiguptiois hoi\nhiereis \u00easan.]\n\n[720] Oratio in Verrem. 5. Sect. ultima. vol. 3. p. 291.\n\n[721] Ceres is mentioned by Varro quasi Geres. l. 4. p. 18.\n\n[722] Hesychius. [Greek: Acheir\u00f4.]\n\n[723] Repentur in poematiis antiquis, a Pith\u00e6o editis, carmen in laudem\nSolis; quod eum esse Liberum, et Cererem, et Jovem statuit. Huetius.\nDemonst. Evang. Prop. 4. p. 142.\n\n[724] Coelius. Rhodog. l. 17. c. 27.\n\n[725] Varro speaks of Ceres, as if her name was originally Geres. l. 4. p.\n18.\n\n[726] There was a place called Charisia in Arcadia. Pausan. l. 8. p. 603.\nCharesus, and Charesene, in Phrygia. Charis in Persis, and Parthia. See\nTreatise upon the Cyclopes.\n\n[727] Pausan. l. 9. p. 781. Nonnus. l. 29. p. 760.\n\n[728] Etymolog. Mag. and Suidas.\n\n[729] [Greek: Chr\u00easmologoi meteichon t\u00eas en t\u00f4i Prutanei\u00f4i sit\u00ease\u00f4s.].\nAristoph. [Greek: Eir\u00ean\u00ea]. Scholia, v. 1084.\n\n[730] L. 8. p. 6l6.\n\n[731] L. 5. p. 415.\n\n[732] [Greek: Prutaneia te echousa kai Archontas.] Thucyd. l. 2. p. 107.\n\n[733] [Greek: To de luchnion en Prutanei\u00f4i.] Theocrit. Idyl. 21.\n\n[734] Suidas.\n\n[735] L. 2. p. 107. Others gave another reason. [Greek: Prutaneion\nekaleito, epeid\u00ea ekei ekath\u00eanto hoi Prutaneis, hoi t\u00f4n hol\u00f4n pragmat\u00f4n\ndioik\u00eatai.] Ibid.\n\n[736] Julius Pollux. l. 1. c. 1. p. 7.\n\n[737] [Greek: Prutaneion estin, en h\u00f4i nomoi tou Sol\u00f4nos eisi gegrammenoi.]\nPausan. l. 1. p. 41.\n\n[738] Plutarch in Solone. p. 92.\n\n[739] L. 41. p. 1152.\n\n[740] L. 8. p. 649. Mount Caucasus was denominated, as is supposed, from a\nshepherd Caucasus. The women, who officiated in the temple, were styled the\ndaughters of Caucasus, and represented as Furies: by which was meant\npriestesses of fire.\n\nCaucasi fili\u00e6 Furi\u00e6. See Epiphanius Anchorat. p. 90.\n\n[741] Lycophron. Scholia. v. 1225. [Greek: Kai Kallimachos Erinnun kalei\nD\u00eam\u00eatra.] Ibid.\n\nNeptune is said to have lain with Ceres, when in the form of a Fury.\nApollodorus. l. 3. p. 157. She is said from thence to have conceived the\nhorse Areion.\n\nLycophron alludes to her cruel rites, when he is speaking of Tantalus, and\nPelops.\n\n  [Greek: Hou pappon en gamphaisin Hennaia pote]\n  [Greek: Erkun' Erinnus, thouria, xiph\u00eaphoros,]\n  [Greek: Asarka mistullous' etumbeusen taph\u00f4i.] v. 152.]\n\n[742] Herodotus. l. 7. c. 197.\n\n[743] L. 2 v. 288.\n\n[744] The Sirens and Harpies were persons of the same vocation, and of this\nthe Scholiast upon Lycophron seems to have been apprised. See v. 653.\n\n[745] Harpya, [Greek: Harpuia], was certainly of old a name of a place. The\ntown so called is mentioned to have been near Encheli\u00e6 in Illyria. Here was\nan Amonian Petra of Cadmus, and Harmonia.\n\n[746] [Greek: Titu\u00f4i enalinkios an\u00ear.] Theocrit. Idyl. 22. v. 94.\n\n[747] Pausan. l. 1. p. 94.\n\n[748] [Greek: Kerkuon] is compounded of Ker-Cuon, and signifies the temple\nof the Deity.\n\n[749] L. 1. p. 94.\n\n[750] Ovid. Ibis. v. 411.\n\n[751] Anacharsis. vol. 2. p. 388. [Greek: Gumnasion huph' h\u00eam\u00f4n onomazetai,\nkai estin hieron Apoll\u00f4nos Lukiou.]\n\n[752] [Greek: Kai ho topos houtos palaistra kai es eme ekaleito oligon pou\ntaphou t\u00eas Alop\u00eas apech\u00f4n.] Pausan. l. 1. p. 94.\n\nThat very antient temple of Pan on Mount Lyc\u00e6um in Arcadia had a Gymnasium\nin a grove. [Greek: Esti en t\u00f4i Lukai\u00f4i Panos te Hieron, kai peri auto\nalsos dendr\u00f4n, kai Hippodromos te, kai pro autou stadion.] Pausan. l. 8. p.\n678.\n\n[753] I have mentioned, that Torone was a temple of the Sun, and also\n[Greek: phlegraia], by which was meant a place of fire, and a light-house.\nThis is not merely theory: for the very tower may be seen upon coins, where\nit is represented as a Pharos with a blaze of fire at the top. See vol. 2.\npage 118.\n\n[754] Plutarch. Theseus, p. 6.\n\n[755] Chron. Logos. p. 31. He was also named Asterus, Asterion, and\nAsterius. Lycoph. v. 1299. Schol. and Etymolog. Mag. Minois. Asterius was\nrepresented as the son of Anac. [Greek: Asteriou tou Anaktos]. Pausan. l.\n7. p. 524. [Greek: Andreiai tous apothanontas hupo Th\u00ease\u00f4s huperebalen ho\nAsteri\u00f4n (ho Min\u00f4)] Pausan. l. 2. p. 183.\n\n[756] Pausan. l. 1. p. 94.\n\n[757] Diodorus explains farther the character of this personage, [Greek:\nton palaionta tois pariousi, kai ton h\u00eatt\u00eathenta diaphtheironta]. l. 4 p.\n226.\n\n[758] Diodorus Sic. l. 4. p. 225, and 233.\n\n[759] [Greek: Ide\u00f4s ton Antaion ph\u00easi t\u00f4n XEN\u00d4N t\u00f4n h\u00eatt\u00eamen\u00f4n TOIS\nKRANIOIS erephein ton tou Poseid\u00f4nos naon.] Pindar. Isth. Ode 4. Scholia.\np. 458. See Diodorus concerning Ant\u00e6us [Greek: sunanankazonta tous xenous\ndiapalaiein.] l. 4. p. 233.\n\n[760] V. 866, and Scholia.\n\n[761] Diodorus Sic. l. 4. p. 263.\n\n[762] Hercules Furens. v. 391.\n\n[763] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 10. p. 97. Scholia. from the Cygnus of\nStesichorus.\n\n[764] Euripides. Orestes. v. 1648. Schol. Lycaon was a Deity, and his\npriests were styled Lycaonid\u00e6. He was the same as Jupiter Lyc\u00e6us, and\nLucetius: the same also as Apollo.\n\n[765] Pausan. l. 8. p. 600.\n\n[766] Odyss. l. [Phi]. v. 307.\n\n[767] [Greek: Mn\u00easomai, oude lathoimi Apoll\u00f4nos Ekatoio]. Homer. [Eta]. to\nApollo. v. 1.\n\n[Greek: Eu eid\u00f4s agoreue theopropias Hekatoio.] Iliad. [Alpha]. v. 385.\n\n[Greek: Artemis iocheaira, kasign\u00eat\u00ea Hekatoio.] Iliad. [Upsilon]. v. 71.\n\n[768] Odyss. [Sigma]. v. 83.\n\n[769] Purchas. Pilg. vol. 5. p. 872. and Garcilasso della Vega. Rycaut. p.\n403.\n\n[770] See Plutarch's life of Theseus. p. 3, 4. vol. 1.\n\n[771] V. 146.\n\n[772] Campio, Gladiator. Isidorus.\n\n[773] Vegetius. l. 2. c. 7.\n\n[774] Nonnus. l. 18. p. 500.\n\n[775] Eustathius on Dionysius. v. 357.\n\n[776] Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 13, 14.\n\n[777] [Greek: Homoi\u00f4s de tous Indous ton theon touton par' heautois\napophanesthai gegonenai.] Diod. Sic. l. 4. p. 210.\n\n[778] Diodorus. l. 1. p. 14.\n\n[779] Diodorus. l. 1. p. 17.\n\n[780] Ibid. p. 14. This city is also said to have been built by Hercules.\nDiodorus. l. 4. p. 225.\n\n[781]\n\n  Primus aratra manu sollerti fecit Osiris,\n  Et teneram ferro sollicitavit humum. Tibull. l. 1. El. 8. v. 29.\n\n[782] [Greek: Zuthos, ek t\u00f4n krith\u00f4n poma.] Diodorus. l. 1. p. 37.\n\n[783] [Greek: Basileuonta de Osirin Aiguptious euthus aporou biou kai\nth\u00eari\u00f4dous apallaxai, karpous te deixanta, kai nomous themenon autois.]\nPlut. Is. et Osir. p. 356.\n\n[784] Eusebius. Pr. Ev. l. 1. p. 44, 45.\n\n[785] Diodorus Sic. l. 1. p. 24.\n\n[786] Both the Patriarch, and his son Ham, had the name of Cronus, as may\nbe learned from Sanchoniathon. [Greek: Egenn\u00eath\u00easan de kai en Paraiai\nKron\u00f4i treis paides, Kronos hom\u00f4numos t\u00f4i patri, ktl.]  Euseb. Pr\u00e6p. l. 1.\nc. 10. p. 37.\n\nParaia is the same as Pur-aia, the land of Ur; from whence the Gentile\nwriters deduce all their mythology.\n\n[787] See Radicals. p. 42.\n\n[788] [Greek: Rhagdai\u00f4n de genomen\u00f4n ombr\u00f4n kai pneumat\u00f4n,--dendrou\nlabomenon ton Ous\u00f4on, kai apokladeusanta, pr\u00f4ton tolm\u00easai eis thalassan\nemb\u00eanai.]  Euseb. Pr. Ev. l. 1. c. 10. p. 35.\n\n[789] Euseb. Chron. p. 7. l. 43.\n\n[790] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1168.\n\n[791] [Greek: Tas Gorgonas ep' \u00f4keanon ousas ton peri polin Ib\u00earias t\u00ean\nTart\u00easson.]  Schol. in Lycophr. ad v. 838.\n\n[792] [Atlas] Apex Perseo et Herculi pervius. Solin. c. 24.\n\n[793] Andromedam Perseus nigris port\u00e2rit ab Indis. Ovid. Art. Amand. l. 1.\nv. 53.\n\n[794] Pausan. l. 4. p. 370.\n\n[795] Pliny mentions these bones being brought from Joppa to Rome in the\n\u00e6dileship of M. Scaurus; longitudine pedum 40, altitudine costarum Indicos\nelephantos excedente, spin\u00e6 crassitudine sesquipedali. l. 9. c. 5.\n\n[796] Deseritur Taurique jugum, Perseaque Tarsus. Lucan. l. 3. v. 225. See\nSolin. c. 38.\n\n[797] Perseam quoque plantam ---- a Perseo Memphi satam. Plin. l. 15. c.\n13.\n\nOf Perseus in Cilicia, see Chron. Pasch. p. 39.\n\n[798] Pindar. Pyth. Od. 10. v. 49 and 70. [Greek: Eis to t\u00f4n Makar\u00f4n andr\u00f4n\nethnos.] Schol. in v. 70.\n\n[799] Virgil. \u00c6n. l. 7. v. 409.\n\nArdea a Danae Persei matre condita. Plin. Hist. Nat l. 3. p. 152.\n\n[800] Servius in Virgil. \u00c6n. l. 8.\n\n[801] Diodorus Sic. l. 1. p. 21.\n\n[802] Ibidem.\n\n[803] Herodotus. l. 6. c. 54. See Chron. Paschale. p. 38.\n\nSome make him a Colchian. [Greek: H\u00eali\u00f4i gar ph\u00easin huious genesthai duo en\ntois topois ekeinois, hois onomata \u00ean Perseus kai Ai\u00eat\u00eas; toutous de\nkataschesin t\u00ean ch\u00f4ran; kai Ai\u00eat\u00ean men Kolchous kai Mai\u00f4tas, Persea de\nTaurik\u00eas Basileusai.] Schol. in Apollon. Argonautic. l. 3. v. 199.\n\n[804] [Greek: H\u00ea de Persou gun\u00ea Asteria pais \u00ean Koiou kai Phoib\u00eas; hoi\nKoios de kai Phoib\u00ea OURANOU paides.] Schol. in Lycophron. v. 1175.\n\n[805] Natalis Comes. l. 7. c. 18.\n\n[806] Schol. in Lycophr. v 18.\n\nLycophr. v. 17.\n\n[Greek: Ton chrusopatron morphnon--ton Persea.] Schol. in Lycophr. v. 838.\n\n[807] [Greek: Engus t\u00eas Ne\u00eas polios]. He is said to have introduced here\nGymnic exercises. Herodot. l. 2. c. 91. And to have often appeared\npersonally to the priests. Herodot. ibid.\n\nHerodotus of the Dorians. l. 6. c. 54.\n\n[808] [Greek: En larnaki xulin\u00f4i]. Schol. in Lycophr. v. 838.\n\n[Greek: En kib\u00f4t\u00f4i tini]. Chron. Pasch. p. 38. from Euripides.\n\nThe father of Danae [Greek: eneirxas aut\u00ean eis t\u00ean Kib\u00f4ton meta tou PAIDOS\nkath\u00eaken eis to pelagos.] Schol. in Pind. Pyth. Od. 10. v. 72.\n\n[809] All salutary streams were consecrated to the Sun. There were some\nwaters of this nature near Carthage, which were named Aqu\u00e6 Persian\u00e6. See\nApuleii Florida. c. 16. p. 795, and p. 801. They were so named from Perez,\nthe Sun, to whom they were sacred.\n\n[810] Ovid. Trist. l. 1. eleg. 3. v. 48. See Natalis Comes. l. 7. c. 18.\n\n[811] Polyb. l. 5. p. 389.\n\n[812] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 6. c. 16. See Q. Curtius, and Strabo.\n\n[813] Parrhasii in Hyrcania. Strabo. l. 11. p. 775.\n\n[814] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 2. c. 98.\n\n[815] Of Parrhasians in Arcadia. Strabo. l. 8. p. 595. See Plin. Hist. Nat.\nl. 4. c. 6.\n\n  [Greek: Huios Dinutta Damarchos t\u00ean d' aneth\u00eaken]\n    [Greek: Eikon', ap' Arkadias Parrhasios genean.]\n              Pausan. l. 6. p. 471. See also l. 8. p. 654.\n\n[816] Plato in Alcibiad. vol. 2. p. 120.\n\n[817] Herodot. l. 7. c. 150.\n\n[818] Statii Theb. l. 1. v. 717.\n\n[819] Diodorus Sicul. l. 3. p. 185.\n\n[820] [Greek: Pollais geneais proteron t\u00f4n Tr\u00f4ik\u00f4n.] Ibid.\n\n[821] [Greek: T\u00eas Libu\u00eas en tois pros hesperan meresin epi tou peratos t\u00eas\noikoumen\u00eas.] Diodorus Sic. l. 3. p. 186.\n\nShe likewise was in possession of the [Greek: n\u00easoi eudaimones], or Islands\nof the blessed, which lay opposite to her dominions in Africa.\n\n[822] Writers mention that she raised over the slain three large mounds of\nearth, which were called [Greek: taphoi Amaz\u00f4n\u00f4n], the tombs of the\nAmazons. This shews that the Gorgons and Amazons were the same people,\nhowever separated, and represented in a state of warfare.\n\n[823] Iliad [Beta]. v. 811. [Greek: Murina; onoma kurion Amazonos.] Scholia\nibid.\n\n[824] Diodorus Sicul. l. 4. p. 216, 217, 225, 227, &c. See also Justin. l.\n44. c. 4. and Apollodorus. l. 2. p. 100.\n\nHercules of Tyre was said to have been the Son of Athamas, the same as\nPal\u00e6mon.\n\n[825] Ludovicus Nonnius in Hispania. p. 196, 170.\n\n[826] Diodorus Sicul. l. 4. p. 227.\n\nCorunna the same as Kir-Ona.\n\nMany Amonian cities of similar analogy to Alesia.\n\n[827] Diodorus, above.\n\n[828] [Greek: Chrusa m\u00eala--probata.] Schol. in Apollon. Argonaut. l. 4. v.\n1396. [Greek: ex Agroitou en g' Libuk\u00f4n.]\n\n[829] [Greek: Ton H\u00earaklea, summachount\u00f4n aut\u00f4i t\u00f4n the\u00f4n, krat\u00easai t\u00eai\nmach\u00eai, kai tous pleistous anelonta t\u00ean ch\u00f4ran \u00eax\u00eamer\u00f4sai.] Diodorus Sicul.\nl. 4. p. 229. Strabo. l. 5. p. 376. and l. 6. p. 430.\n\n[830] Strabo. l. 15. p. 1007. and l. 11. p. 771. Diodorus Sic. l. 2. p.\n124.\n\n[831] Arrian. Hist. Indica. p. 321.\n\n[832] Herod. l. 4. c. 9. Aristid. Orat. v. 1. p. 85.\n\n[833] Ovid. Metam. l. 11. v. 218.\n\n[834] Poculo Herculem vectum ad Erytheiam. Macrob. Sat. l. 5. c. 21.\nApollodorus. l. 2. p. 100. Schol. Apollon. Argonaut. l. 4. v. 1396. from\nPherecydes Syrus; and from the Libyca of Agroitas. [Greek: Lab\u00f4n chrusoun\ndepas par' H\u00ealiou--dia tou \u00f4keanou plein.]\n\n[835] Strabo. l. 3. p. 237. He was supposed to have been the founder of\nTartossus, where he was worshipped under the name of Archaleus. Etymolog.\nMag. [Greek: Gadara.]\n\n[836] Syncellus. p. 171.\n\n[837] Pomponius Mela. l. 3. c. 6.\n\n[838] Athen\u00e6us. l. 12. c. 512.\n\n[839] Strabo. l. 15. p. 1009. [Greek: Plasma t\u00f4n H\u00earakleian poiount\u00f4n.]\n\n[840] Nat. Deorum. l. 3. c. 16.\n\n[841] Arrian speaks of this Indian Hercules, together with the others\nmentioned by Cicero. [Greek: Ei de t\u00f4i pista tauta, allos an outos\nH\u00earakle\u00eas ei\u00ea, ouch ho Th\u00eabaios, \u00ea ho Turios houtos, \u00ea ho Aiguptios, \u00ea tis\nkai kata an\u00f4 ch\u00f4r\u00ean ou porrh\u00f4 t\u00eas Ind\u00f4n g\u00eas \u00f4ikismen\u00ean megas basileus.]\nHist. Ind. p. 319. Varro mentions forty of this name, who were all reputed\nDeities.\n\n[842] See Ludovicus Nonnius, in Hispan. p. 196, 170.\n\n[843] See Audigier Origines des Fran\u00e7ois. part. 1. p. 225, 230.\n\n[844] Mela. l. 2. c. 5. l. 30.\n\n[845] Petronius. p. 179. Est locus Herculeis aris sacer.\n\n[846] He was worshipped by the Suraceni, a particular Indian nation, who\nstyled him [Greek: G\u00eagen\u00eas], or the Man of the Earth. Arrian. Hist. Indic.\np. 321.\n\n[847] Hercules apud Celtas. See Voss. de Idolat. l. 1. c. 35. l. 2. c. 15.\n\n[848] Eumenius in Orat. pro Scholis instaurandis. See Lilius Gyraldus,\nSynt. 10. p. 330.\n\n[849] Suetonius in Augusto. c. 29. Livy. l. 40. c. 51.\n\n[850] Johan. Sambuci Emblemata.\n\n[851] He was the same as Osiris, the Sun. [Greek: Ton en pasi kai dia\npant\u00f4n H\u00ealion.] Macrob. Saturn. l. 1. c. 20. p. 207. See Porphyry apud\nEuseb. Pr\u00e6p. Evang. l. 3. p. 112.\n\n[852] See Lilius Gyraldus Syntag. 10. p. 592. Pausanias expresses the name\n[Greek: Aichmagoras]. l. 8. p. 624.\n\n[853] Lilius Gyrald p. 595.\n\n[854] In the following extracts we may see the character of this Deity\namong different nations. [Greek: H\u00earaklea de hontina es Indous aphikesthai\nlogos katechei par' autoisin Indoisin G\u00eagenea legesthai; touton toi\nH\u00earaklea malista pros Suras\u00ean\u00f4n gerairesthai, Indikou ethnous.] Arrian.\nHist. Ind. p. 321.\n\n[Greek: Alla tis archaios esti theos Aiguptioisi H\u00earakle\u00eas; h\u00f4s de autoi\nlegousi etea esti eptakischilia kai meria es Amasin basileusanta.] Herod.\nl. 2. c. 43. [Greek: All' ismen Aiguptious, hoson tina agousin H\u00earaklea,\nkai Turious, hoti pr\u00f4ton sebousi The\u00f4n.] Aristid. Orat. v. 1. p. 59. He had\nat Tyre a Temple, as old as the city. [Greek: Ephasan gar hama Tur\u00f4i\noikizomen\u00eai kai to Hieron tou theou hidrunth\u00eanai.] Herod. l. 2. c. 44.\n\n[Greek: Esti gar en Tur\u00f4i Hieron H\u00earakleous palaiotaton, h\u00f4n mn\u00eam\u00eai\nanthr\u00f4pin\u00eai dias\u00f4setai; ou tou Argeiou H\u00earakleous. k. l.] Arrian. Expedit.\nAlex. p. 88.\n\n[855] Diodorus Sic. l. 3. p. 195. 196. and p. 200.\n\n[856] [Greek: Dionusou apogonous Oxudrakas.] Strabo. l. 15. p. 1008. The\nTyrians laid the same claim to him. [Greek: Ton Dionuson Turioi nomizousin\nheaut\u00f4n einai.] Achill. Tatius. l. 2. p. 67. So did likewise the Cretans,\nand the people of Naxos. Some of the Libyans maintained, that he was\neducated in the grotto of the Nymphs upon the river Triton. Diodor. Sic. l.\n3. p. 202. 203. Concerning Dionusus the benefactor, see Arrian. Hist. Ind.\np. 321.\n\nOf his coming to India from the west. Philostratus. l. 2. p. 64. [Greek:\nEp\u00ealuton auton Assurion.]\n\n[857] Of his travels, see Strabo. l. 15. p. 1008.\n\n[858] [Greek: Ton d' oun Dionuson, epelthonta meta stratopedou pasan t\u00ean\noikoumen\u00ean, didaxai t\u00ean phuteian tou ampelou.] Diodor. Sic. l. 3. p. 197.\n\n[Greek: Kai pro Alexandrou, Dionusou peri pollos logos katechei, h\u00f4s kai\ntoutou strateusantos es Indous.] Arrian. Hist. Indic. p. 318.\n\n[859] Diodorus. l. 3. p. 204.\n\n[860] [Greek: Indous kai Turrh\u00eanous legousin, h\u00f4s katestrepsato\n(Dionusos).] Aristid. Orat. in Dionus. p. 54.\n\n[861] Cic. de Nat. Deor. l. 3. c. 23. Of the various places of his birth,\nsee Diodorus Sic. l. 3. p. 200.\n\n[862] Linus, Orpheus, Panopides, Thym\u00e6tes, and Dionysius Milesius, Diodorus\nSic. l. 3. p. 201.\n\n[863] It was a common subject for Elegy. Plutarch. Isis et Osir.\n\n[Greek: Poi\u00easometha de t\u00ean arch\u00ean apo Dionusou, dio kai palaion einai\nsphodra touton, kai megistais euergesiais katatetheisthai t\u00f4i genei t\u00f4n\nanthr\u00f4p\u00f4n.] Diodorus Sicul. l. 4. p. 210.\n\n[Greek: Linon phasi tois Pelasgikois grammasi suntaxamenon tas tou pr\u00f4tou\nDionusou praxeis.] Diodorus Sic. l. 3. p. 201.\n\n[864] L. 4. p. 210.\n\n[Greek: Ton Osirin Dionuson einai legousin.] Herodot. l. 2. c. 42. c. 145.\n\n[865] The Indians gave the same account of Dionusus, as the Egyptians did\nof Osiris. [Greek: Polias te oik\u00easai (Dionuson) kai nomous thesthai t\u00eaisi\npolesin, oinou te dot\u00eara Indois genesthai;--kai speirein didaxai t\u00ean g\u00ean,\ndidonta auton spermata;--boas te hup' arotr\u00f4i zeuxai Dionuson pr\u00f4ton;--kai\ntheous sebein hoti edidaxe Dionusos--ktl.] Arrian. Hist. Indic. p. 321.\n\n[866] Pausan. l. 3. p. 272. As his rites came originally from Chaldea, and\nthe land of Ur, he is in consequence of it often styled [Greek: Purigen\u00eas,\namd Purisporos;] Strabo. l. 13. p. 932. [Greek: Elthe, makar Dionuse,\nPYRISPORE, tauromet\u00f4pe.] Orphic. Hymn. 44. v. 1.\n\n[867] There was a cavern, where they supposed him to be buried, at Delphi,\n[Greek: para chruse\u00f4i Apoll\u00f4ni.] Cyril contra Jul. p. 342.\n\n[868] [Greek: Kronos perie\u00f4n t\u00ean oikoumen\u00ean.] Sanchoniath. apud Euseb.\nPr\u00e6p. Evang. l. 1. c. 10. p. 38.\n\n[869] [Greek: Ton men oun Kronon onta presbutaton basilea genesthai; kai\ntous kath' heauton anthr\u00f4pous ex agriou diait\u00eas eis bion h\u00eameron\nmetast\u00easai, kai dia touto apodoch\u00eas megal\u00eas tuchonta pollous epelthein t\u00eas\noikoumen\u00eas topous; eis\u00eag\u00easasthai de pasi t\u00ean te dikaiosun\u00ean kai t\u00ean\nhaplot\u00eata t\u00eas psuch\u00eas.]  Diodorus Sicul. l. 5. p. 334.\n\n[870] [Greek: Ouranon--tous anthr\u00f4pous sporad\u00ean oikountas sunagagein eis\npole\u00f4s peribolon, kai t\u00eas men anomias kai th\u00eari\u00f4dous biou\npausai--katakt\u00easasthai de auton t\u00eas oikoumen\u00eas t\u00ean pleist\u00ean.] Ibid. l. 3.\np. 1*9.\n\n[871] [Greek: Apoll\u00f4na meta Themidos, \u00f4phel\u00easai boulomenon to genos h\u00eam\u00f4n;\neita t\u00ean \u00f4pheleian eip\u00f4n, hoti eis h\u00eamerot\u00eata proukaleito.] Strabo. l. 9.\np. 646.\n\n[872] [Greek: Kath' hon chronon Apoll\u00f4na t\u00ean g\u00ean epionta h\u00eameroun tous\nanthr\u00f4pous apo te t\u00f4n an\u00eamer\u00f4n karp\u00f4n kai bi\u00f4n.] Ibid.\n\n[873] Diodorus Sicul. l. 3. p. 195.\n\nThe wanderings of Isis and Iona relate to the same history: as do likewise\nthose of Cadmus.\n\n[874] Eusebii Chron. p. 7. l. 37.\n\n[875] [Greek: Thoulis. Houtos ebasileuse pas\u00eas Aiguptou, kai he\u00f4s \u00f4keanou;\nkai mian t\u00f4n en aut\u00f4i n\u00eas\u00f4n ekalesen apo tou idiou onomatos Thoul\u00ean.]\nSuidas.\n\n[876] [Greek: Meta Osirin ebasileusen Oros; kai meta ton Oron ebasileuse\nThoulis, hostis parelabe meta duname\u00f4s tinos pasan t\u00ean g\u00ean he\u00f4s tou\n\u00f4keanou.]  Chron. Pasch. p. 46.\n\nHe is mentioned by Cedrenus. [Greek: Thoul\u00eas, hos kai he\u00f4s tou \u00f4keanou\npusan t\u00ean g\u00ean pareil\u00eaphen.] p. 20.\n\n[877] Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 49.\n\n[878] See Apollon. Argonaut. l. 4. v. 277. and Herodot. l. 2. c. 102.\n\nSyncellus. p. 59, 60\n\n[879] Diodorus Sic. above. He was near losing his whole army.\n\n[880] [Greek: T\u00ean de ch\u00f4ran hoplois katestrepsato tois heautou Basileus\nBasile\u00f4n, kai Despot\u00eas Despot\u00f4n Seso\u00f4sis.] Diodor. Sicul. ibid.\n\n[881] He passed through all Ethiopia to the Cinnamon country. Strabo. l.\n17. p. 1138. This must be Indica Ethiopia, and the island Seran-Dive. Hence\ncame Cinnamon: here were [Greek: st\u00ealai kai epigraphai.]\n\nVenit ad occasum, mundique extrema Sesostris. Lucan. l. 10. v. 276\n\n[882] [Greek: Ses\u00f4stris et\u00ea m\u00ea, hos hapasan echeir\u00f4sato t\u00ean Asian en\neniautois ennea.]  Syncellus. p. 59.\n\nSome make him advance farther, and conquer all Europe: [Greek: homoi\u00f4s\nhupetaxe kai t\u00ean Asian pasan, kai T\u00caN EUROP\u00caN, kai t\u00ean Skuthian, kai t\u00ean\nMusian.] Chron. Pasch. p. 47. Herodotus thinks he did not proceed farther\nthan Thrace. l. 2. c. 103.\n\n[883] Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 49.\n\n[884] Of all the great actions of Sesostris, see Marsham. Can. Chron. sec.\n14. p. 354.\n\n[885] [Greek: Peri de tout\u00f4n to men al\u00eathes ekthesthai met' akribeias ou\nrhadion.]  Diodorus Sicul. L. 1. p. 52.\n\n[886] Sir John Marsham's Can. Chron. sec. 14. p. 354.\n\nSir Isaac Newton's Chronology, p. 217.\n\n[887] 1 Kings. c. 14. v. 25, 26. _And it came to pass, that in the fifth\nyear of king Rehoboam Shishak king of Egypt came up against Jerusalem\n(because they had transgressed against the Lord); with twelve hundred\nchariots, and threescore thousand horsemen; and the people were without\nnumber, that came with him out of Egypt; the Lubims, the Sukkiims, and the\nEthiopians._ 2 Chron. c. 12. v. 2, 3.\n\n[888] [Greek: Paralab\u00f4in de Sousakos amach\u00eati t\u00ean polin]. Joseph. Antiq. l.\n8. c. 10.\n\n[889] Sethosis of Josephus contra Apion. l. 1. p. 447.\n\n[890] Euseb. Chron. p. 7. l. 43. [Greek: Thoul\u00eas; meta de touton\nSes\u00f4stris.]\n\n[891] [Greek: Sesonch\u00f4sis, Aiguptou pas\u00eas basileus meta \u00d4ron t\u00eas Isidos kai\nOsiridos paida, t\u00ean men Asian horm\u00easas pasan katestrepsato, homoi\u00f4s de ta\npleista t\u00eas Eur\u00f4p\u00eas. Theopompos de en trit\u00f4i Ses\u00f4strin auton kalei.]\nSchol. in Apollon. Argonaut. l. 4. v. 272.\n\n[892] [Greek: Dikaiarchos en pr\u00f4t\u00f4i, meta ton Isidos kai Osiridos \u00d4ron,\nbasilea gegonenai Sesonch\u00f4sin legei; h\u00f4ste genesthai apo t\u00eas Sesonch\u00f4sidos\nbasileias mechri t\u00eas Neilou et\u00ea dischilia.] Schol. in Apollon. Argonaut.\nibid.\n\n[893] Cedrenus. v. 1. p. 20. Osiris, Orus, Thoules, Sesostris.\n\n[894] Succeeded by [Greek: Phara\u00f4.] Chron. Pasch. p. 48.\n\n[895] Joannes Antiochenus has borrowed the same history, and calls this\nking Sostris. [Greek: Ebasileusen Aigupti\u00f4n pr\u00f4tos ek t\u00eas phul\u00eas tou Cham\nS\u00f4stris.] p. 23. He adds, that Sostris, or Sesostris, lived in the time of\nHermes, [Greek: Herm\u00eas ho trismegistos Aiguptios.] He was succeeded by\nPharaoh, [Greek: pr\u00f4tos], the first of the name. Ibid. Herodotus calls him\nPheron, and Pherona. l. 2. c. 111.\n\n[896] [Greek: Polu huperteinei tois chronois t\u00ean Min\u00f4 basileian h\u00ea\nSes\u00f4strios.]  Politic. l. 7. c. 10.\n\n[897] Apollon. Argonaut. l. 4. v. 272. [Greek: Enthen d\u00ea tina\nphasi--Sesonch\u00f4sis, Aiguptou pas\u00eas basileus--Theopompos de en trit\u00f4i\nSes\u00f4strin auton kalei.] Schol. ibid.\n\n[Greek: Peri de t\u00f4n chron\u00f4n, kath' hous egeneto Sesonch\u00f4sis, ho men\nApoll\u00f4nios touto monon ph\u00easi, polus gar ad\u00ean apen\u00eanothen ai\u00f4n.] Schol.\nibid.\n\nLycophron speaks of Apollo [Greek: Z\u00f4st\u00earios], and a promontory [Greek:\nZ\u00f4st\u00earion, en h\u00f4i hieron Zost\u00eariou Apoll\u00f4nos.] Schol. ad v. 1278.\n\n[898] Schol. Apollon. l. 4. v. 272. Syncellus joins him with Serapis. p.\n91.\n\n[899] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 144.\n\n[Greek: Oup\u00f4 teirea panta k. t. l.] Apollon. Argonaut. l. 4. v. 261. See\nthe whole, and Schol. ibid.\n\n[900] Canon. Chronic. Sec. 10. p. 238, 239.\n\n[901] Quis igitur Sesonchosis ille, qui, Menen antevertens annis amplius\n5000, inter Semideos locum habere videatur? Marsham. Canon Chronic. Sec.\n10. p. 238.\n\nSesostris in XII. Africani Dynasti\u00e2 (qu\u00e6 Eusobiani Canonis epocham\nantevertit) ex Scaligeri calculis regnavit anno Per. Jul. 1392: quo\nratiocinio Sesostris factus est annos 2355 ipso Sesostre senior. Nam ex S.\nliteris (suo loco) apparebit, Sesostrim expeditionem suscepisse in Asiam,\net Hierosolyma cepisse Anno Per. Jul. 3747. Ibid. p. 239.\n\n[902] Antiq. l. 8. c. 10. p. 449. and 450.\n\n[903] He came merely as a confederate to Jeroboam, in favour of the kingdom\nof Israel; and his intention was to ruin Judah: but his cruel purpose was\naverted by the voluntary submission both of the king and people; and by the\ntreasures they gave up to him, which were the purchase of their security.\n\n[904] Hercules is said to have commanded the armies of Osiris. Diodorus.\nSicul. l. 1. p. 15.\n\n[905] L. 2. c. 106. Concerning the interpretation of these emblems, see\nJoan Pierii Hieroglyph. l. 34. c. 20.\n\n[906] Pausan. l. 1. p. 101. The Statue remains to this day. In like manner\nit was reported that Dionusus raised Pillars. Strabo. l. 3. p. 260.\n\n[Greek: Entha te kai St\u00ealai Th\u00eabaigeneos Dionusou]. Dionys. Perieg. v. 623.\n\nHercules erected the like. All which was done by people styled Dionysians\nand Herculeans.\n\n[907] Joshua. c. 12. v. 24. Adonibezek had threescore and ten vassal\nprinces at his feet; if the headman of every village may be so called.\nJudges. c. 1. v. 7.\n\n[908] Benhadad of Damascus was attended with thirty-two kings, when he\ninvaded Samaria. 1 Kings. c. 20. v. 1.\n\n[909] The people plowed, and sowed, and had fruits, and pastures, within\ntheir walls.\n\n[910] 2 Kings. c. 17. v. 6. and c. 18. v. 11. and v. 34. Isaiah. c. 10. v.\n9. c. 37. v. 13.\n\n[911] Diodorus Sicul. l. 2. p. 90.\n\n[912] Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 91.\n\n[913] Ibid. p. 92.\n\n[914] [Greek: Haut\u00ea men apedexato ch\u00f4mata ana to pedion eonta axiothe\u00eata.]\nHerod. l. 1. c. 184.\n\nSuch [Greek: ch\u00f4mata] were raised by the Amonians in all places where they\nsettled, called [Greek: taphoi].\n\nFour such were in Troas. [Greek: Eisi men oun lophoi tettares, Olumpioi\nkaloumenoi.] Strabo. l. 10. p. 720. There were such also of the Amazons in\nMauritania.\n\n[915] She carried back but twenty men, according to Strabo. l. 15. p. 1051.\n\n[916] Chron. Paschale. p. 36. Semiramis was, we find, Rhea: and Rhea was\nthe same as Cybele, the mother of the Gods: [Greek: t\u00ean Rhean, Kibel\u00ean, kai\nKub\u00ean, kai Dindum\u00ean\u00ean.] Strabo. l. 10. p. 721.\n\n[917] Cononis narrationes apud Phot. p. 427.\n\n[918] Herodot. l. 1. c. 184. five ages ([Greek: geneai]) before Nitocris\nthe mother of Labynitus, whom Cyrus conquered.\n\nIt may be worth while to observe the different opinions of authors about\nthe time, when Semiramis is supposed to have lived.\n\n                                                                  Years.\nAccording to Syncellus she lived before Christ                      2177\nPetavius makes the term                                             2060\nHelvicus                                                            2248\nEusebius                                                            1984\nMr. Jackson                                                         1964\nAbp. Usher                                                          1215\nPhilo Biblius from Sanchoniathon (apud Euseb. Pr\u00e6p. Evang.          1200\nl. 1. p. 31.) about\nHerodotus about                                                      713\n\nWhat credit can be given to the history of a person, the time of whose life\ncannot be ascertained within 1535 years? for so great is the difference of\nthe extremes in the numbers before given.\n\nSee Dionys. Perieg. Schol. in v. 1006.\n\n[919] Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 90.\n\n[920] Herodotus. l. 1. c. 98.\n\n[921] Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 92.\n\n[922] Strabo. l. 15. p. 1007.\n\n[923] Arrian. Hist. Ind. p. 318.\n\n[924] Josephus cont. Ap. l. 1. c. 19. p. 451.\n\n[925] Steph. Byzant. [Greek: Babul\u00f4n.]\n\n[926] Suidas: [Greek: Semiramis.]\n\n[927] Pliny. l. 7. p. 417.\n\n[928] Semiramis teneros mares castravit omnium prima. Marcellinus. l. 14.\nc. 6.\n\n[929] [Greek: Semiramis lagnos gun\u00ea, kai miaiphonos.] Athenag. Legatio. p.\n307.\n\n[930] Claudian. in Eutrop. l. 1. v. 339.\n\n[931] This is the reason that we find these kingdoms so often confounded,\nand the Babylonians continually spoken of as Assyrians, and sometimes as\nPersians. [Greek: Babul\u00f4n Persik\u00ea polis]. Steph. Byz.\n\n[932] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1071.\n\n[933] These mounds were high altars, upon which they sacrificed to the Sun.\nBy Ctesias they are supposed to have been the tombs of her lovers, whom she\nburied alive. Syncellus. p. 64.\n\n[934] They built Babylon itself; which by Eupolemus was said to have been\nthe work of Belus, and the Giants. Euseb. Pr\u00e6p. l. 9. c. 17. p. 418. Quint.\nCurt. l. 5. c. 1. Abydenus apud Euseb. Pr\u00e6p. l. 9. c. 15. Syncellus. p. 44.\n\n[935] Clemens Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 364.\n\n[936] He ordered it to be inscribed upon his tomb, [Greek: hoti kai Magik\u00f4n\ngenoito didaskalos]. Porph. de Abstin. l. 4. p. 399.\n\n[937] By Zoroaster was denoted both the Deity, and also his priest. It was\na name conferred upon many personages.\n\n[938] Zerd\u00fbsht, seu, ut semel cum vocali damna scriptum vidi, Zordush't,\nidem est, qui Gr\u00e6cis sonat [Greek: Z\u00f4roastr\u00eas]. Hyde Relig. Vet. Persar. c.\n24. p. 312.\n\n[939] L. 30. c. 1. p. 523.\n\n[940] Arnobius. l. 1. p. 31.\n\n[941] Clemens. l. 1. p. 399.\n\n[942] Ibid. l. 5. p. 711. [Greek: Tade sunegraphen Zoroastr\u00eas ho Armeniou\nto genos Pamphulos. kl. En ad\u00eai genomenos eda\u00ean para The\u00f4n.]\n\n[943] Clemens. l. 1. p. 357. Apuleius Florid. c. 15. p. 795, mentions a\nZoroaster after the reign of Cambyses.\n\n[944] Justin. l. 1. c. 1.\n\n[945] Syncellus. p. 167.\n\n[946] P. 315. It is also taken notice of by Huetius. Sinam recentiores\nPers\u00e6 apud Indos degentes faciunt (Zoroastrem). D.E. Prop. 4. p. 89.\n\n[947] Sed haud mirum est, si Europ\u00e6i hoc modo dissentiant de homine\nperegrino, cum illius populares orientales etiam de ejus prosapi\u00e2 dubitent.\nAt de ejus tempore concordant omnes, unum tantum constituentes Zoroastrem,\neumque in eodem seculo ponentes. p. 315.\n\n[948] Plures autem fuere Zoroastres ut satis constat. Gronovius in\nMarcellinum. l. 23. p. 288. Arnobius and Clemens mention more than one.\nStanley reckons up six. See Chaldaic Philosophy.\n\n[949] P. 312.\n\n[950] Zoroaster may have been called Zerdusht, and Zertoost: but he was not\nZerdusht the son of Gustasp, who is supposed to have lived during the\nPersian Monarchy. Said Ebn. Batrick styles him Zorodasht, but places him in\nthe time of Nahor, the father of Terah, before the days of Abraham. vol. 1.\np. 63.\n\n[951] Diogenes Laert. Prooem. p. 3.\n\n[952] [Greek: Pro t\u00f4n Tr\u00f4ik\u00f4n etesi ph' Z\u00f4roastr\u00eas.]\n\n[953] Laertius Prooem. p. 3.\n\n[954] Pliny. l. 30. c. 1.\n\n[955] [Greek: Z\u00f4roastris ho Magos, hon pentakischiliois etesin t\u00f4n Tr\u00f4ik\u00f4n\ngegonenai presbuteron historousin.] Isis et Osir. p. 369.\n\n[956] Zoroastrem hunc sex millibus annorum ante Platonis mortem. Pliny. l.\n30. c. 1.\n\n[957] P. 16. and p. 47.\n\n[958] Euseb. Chron. p. 32. Syncellus. p. 167.\n\n[959] Pliny. l. 30. c. 1. p. 524.\n\n[960] [Greek: Ouk einai mathein poteron Dareiou pat\u00ear, eite kai allos k l.]\nHe owns, that he could not find out, when Zoroaster lived. [Greek: Hop\u00eanika\nmen (ho Z\u00f4roastr\u00eas) \u00eachmase t\u00ean arch\u00ean, kai tous nomous etheto, ouk enesti\nsaph\u00f4s diagn\u00f4nai.] l. 2. p. 62.\n\n[961] Pliny. l. 30. c. 1.\n\n[962] Huetii Demons. Evan. Prop. 4. p. 88. 89.\n\n[963] See Huetius ibid.\n\n[964] [Greek: Astronomian pr\u00f4toi Babul\u00f4nioi epheuron dia Z\u00f4roastrou, meth'\nhon Ostan\u00eas;--aph' h\u00f4n Aiguptioi kai Hell\u00eanes edexanto.] Anon. apud Suidam.\n[Greek: Astron.]\n\n[965] Primus dicitur magicas artes invenisse. Justin. l. 1. c. 1.\n\n[966] Diog. Laertius Prooem. p. 6.\n\n[967] [Greek: T\u00ean Mageian t\u00ean Z\u00f4roastrou tou \u00d4romazou.] Plato in Alcibiade\nl. 1. p. 122.\n\nAgathias calls him the son of Oromasdes. l. 2. p. 62.\n\n[968] Pliny. l. 7. c. 16. Risit eodem, quo natus est, die. See Lord's\naccount of the modern Persees in India. c. 3. It is by them said, that he\nlaughed as soon as he came into the world.\n\n[969] Hermippus apud Plinium. l. 30. c. 1.\n\n[970] Dio. Chrysostom. Oratio Borysthenica. 38. Fol. 448. Euseb. Pr\u00e6p. l.\n1. p. 42. See also Agathias just mentioned.\n\n[971] [Greek: Thuein euktaia kai charist\u00earia.] Plutarch Is. et Osir. p.\n369.\n\n[972] Primus dicitur artes magicas invenisse, et mundi principia,\nsiderumque motus diligentissime spect\u00e2sse. Justin. l. 1. c. 1.\n\n[973] [Greek: Zarad\u00eas; ditt\u00ea gar ep' aut\u00f4i ep\u00f4numia.] Agath. l. 2. p. 62.\n\n[974] [Greek: Zar\u00eatis, Artemis, Persai.] Hesych.\n\nZar-Ades signifies the Lord of light: Zar-Atis and Atish, the Lord of fire.\n\n[975] L. 1. c. 5. p. 16. Of the title Zar-Ovanus, I shall treat hereafter.\n\n[976] Plutarch. Is. et Osiris. p. 369.\n\n[977] See Agathias. l. 2. p. 62.\n\n[978] Plutarch says, that Zoroaster lived five thousand years before the\nTrojan war. Plutarch above.\n\n[979] [Greek: Houtos (ho Theos) estin ho pr\u00f4tos, aphthartos, a\u00efdios,\nagenn\u00eatos, amer\u00eas, anomoiotatos, h\u00eaniochos pantos kalou, ad\u00f4rodok\u00eatos,\nagath\u00f4n agath\u00f4tatos, phronim\u00f4n phronim\u00f4tatos. Esti de kai pat\u00ear eunomias,\nkai dikaiosun\u00eas, autodidaktos, phusikos, kai teleios, kai sophos, kai\nhierou phusikou monos heuret\u00eas.] Euseb. P. E. l. 1. p. 42.\n\n[980] Clemens. l. 5. p. 711.\n\n[981] [Greek: En haid\u00ea genomenos eda\u00ean para The\u00f4n.] Ibid.\n\n[982] Dion. Chrysostom. Oratio Borysthenica. p. 448.\n\n[983] Hyde. p. 312.\n\n[984] Abulfeda. vol. 3. p. 58. See Hyde. p. 312.\n\n[985] Hesych. [Greek: Magon.]\n\n[986] Suidas. [Greek: Magoi.]\n\n[987] Oratio Borysthen. p. 449.\n\n[Greek: Magoi, hoi peri to theion sophoi.] Porph. de Abst. l. 4. p. 398.\n\nApuleius styles Magia--Diis immortalibus acceptam, colendi eos ac venerandi\npergnaram, piam scilicet et diviniscientem, jam inde a Zoroastre Oromazi,\nnobili C\u00e6litum antistite. Apol. 1. p. 447. so it should be read. See\nApuleii Florida. c. 15. p. 793. l. 3.\n\n[Greek: Tous de Magous peri te therapeias the\u00f4n diatribein kl.] Cleitarchus\napud Laertium. Prooem. p. 5.\n\n[988] Diodorus Sic. l. 2. p. 94.\n\n[989] Marcellinus. l. 23. p. 288.\n\n[990] Ibidem. It should be Regis prudentissimi; for Hystaspes was no king.\n\n[991] Rerum Franc. l. 1. He adds, Ab hoc etiam ignem adorare consueti,\nipsum divinitus igne consumptum, ut Deum colunt.\n\n[992] [Greek: Astron z\u00f4on]. Clemens Recognit. l. 4. c. 28. p. 546. Greg.\nTuronensis supra. Some have interpreted the name [Greek: astrothut\u00eas.]\n\n[993] [Greek: Prosagoreuousi kai Surion]. Pr. Evan. l. 1. p. 27. Some would\nchange it to [Greek: Seirion]: but they are both of the same purport; and\nindeed the same term differently expressed. Pers\u00e6 [Greek: Sur\u00ea] Deum\nvocant. Lilius Gyrald. Synt. 1. p. 5.\n\n[994] Joshua. c. 15. v. 58.\n\n[995] 1 Maccab. c. 4. v. 61. called Beth-Zur. 2 Chron. c. 11. v. 7. There\nwas an antient city Sour, in Syria, near Sidon. Judith. c. 2. v. 28. it\nretains its name at this day.\n\n[996] [Greek: B\u00eathsour]. Antiq. l. 8. c. 10.\n\nThe Sun was termed Sehor, by the sons of Ham, rendered Sour, Surius,\n[Greek: Seirios] by other nations.\n\n[Greek: Seirios, ho H\u00ealios]. Hesych. [Greek: Seirios onoma asteros, \u00ea ho\nH\u00ealios.] Phavorinus.\n\n[997] [Greek: Bedsour--esti nun k\u00f4m\u00ea Bethsor\u00f4n]. In Onomastico.\n\n[998] Bethsur est hodie Bethsoron. In locis Hebr\u00e6is.\n\n[999] Lilius Gyraldus Syntag. 13. p. 402.\n\n[1000] Jovi. O. M. et De\u00e6 Suri\u00e6: Gruter. p. 5. n. 1.\n\nD. M. SYRI\u00c6 sacrum. Patinus. p. 183.\n\n[1001] Apud Brigantas in Northumbri\u00e2. Camden's Britannia. p. 1071.\n\n[1002] See Radicals. p. 42. of Zon.\n\n[1003] Chron. Paschale. p. 43. Servius upon Virg. \u00c6neid. l. 6. v. 14.\n\n[1004] Lycophron. v. 1301.\n\n[1005] Zor and Taur, among the Amonians, had sometimes the same meaning.\n\n[1006] See the engraving of the Mneuis, called by Herodotus the bull of\nMycerinus. Herod. l. 2. c. 130. Editio Wesseling. et Gronov.\n\n[1007] See the Plates annexed, which are copied from K\u00e6mpfer's Amoenitates\nExotic\u00e6. p. 312. Le Bruyn. Plate 158. Hyde. Relig. Vet. Pers. Tab. 6. See\nalso plate 2. and plate 4. 5. vol. 1. of this work. They were all\noriginally taken from the noble ruins at Istachar, and Naki Rustan in\nPersia.\n\n[1008] Huetii Prop. 4. p. 92.\n\nLord, in his account of the Persees, says, that Zertoost (so he expresses\nthe name) was conveyed by an Angel, and saw the Deity in a vision, who\nappeared like a bright light, or flame. Account of the Persees. c. 3.\n\n[1009] See Stanley's Chaldaic Philos. p. 7. and p. 11. They were by\nDamascius styled [Greek: Z\u00f4noi] and [Greek: Az\u00f4noi]: both terms of the same\npurport, though distinguished by persons who did not know their purport.\n\n[1010] See Plates annexed.\n\n[1011] Martianus Capella. l. 1. c. 17. Ex cunctis igitur Coeli regionibus\nadvocatis Diis, c\u00e6teri, quos Azonos vocant, ipso commonente Cyllenio,\nconvocantur. Psellus styles them [Greek: Az\u00f4noi], and [Greek: Z\u00f4naioi]. See\nScholia upon the Chaldaic Oracles.\n\n[1012] Arnobius. l. 1. p. 31.\n\n[1013] The Sun was styled both Zon, and Azon; Zan and Azan: so Dercetis was\ncalled Atargatis: Neith of Egypt, Aneith. The same was to be observed in\nplaces. Zelis was called Azilis: Saba, Azaba: Stura, Astura: Puglia,\nApuglia: Busus, Ebusus: Damasec, Adamasec. Azon was therefore the same as\nZon; and Azon Nakis may be interpreted Sol Rex, vel Dominus.\n\n[1014] Antholog. l. 3. p. 269.\n\n[1015] See Huetius. Demons. Evang. prop. 4. p. 129.\n\n[1016] In Theolog. Platonis. l. 1. c. 4.\n\n[1017]\n\n  [Greek: Oude ti pharmakon]\n  [Greek: Thr\u00eassais en sanisi,]\n  [Greek: Tas Orphei\u00ea kategrapse g\u00earus.] Alcestis. v. 968.\n\n[1018] Plato de Repub. l. 2. p. 364.\n\n[1019] Lactant. de F. R. l. 1. p. 105.\n\n[1020] Scholia in Alcestin. v. 968.\n\nConcerning Orpheus, see Diodorus. l. 1. p. 86. Aristoph. Ran\u00e6. v. 1064.\nEuseb. P. E. lib. 10. p. 469.\n\n[1021] L. 22. See Natalis comes. l. 7. p. 401.\n\n[1022] L. 9. p. 768.\n\n[1023] V. 41.\n\n[1024] Ibid. v. 99.\n\n[1025] L. 6. p. 505.\n\n[1026] Apollon. Rhod. l. 1. v. 23.\n\n[1027] Scholia. ibid.\n\n[1028] Natalis Comes. l. 7. p. 400.\n\n[1029] De Repub. l. 2. p. 364. Mus\u00e6us is likewise, by the Scholiast upon\nAristophanes, styled [Greek: huios Sel\u00ean\u00eas]. Ran\u00e6. v. 106. Schol.\n\n[1030] Lucian. Astrologus.\n\n[1031] See Lilius Gyraldus de Poetarum Hist. Dialog. 2. p. 73. [Greek:\nOrpheus, phormiktas aoidan pat\u00ear.] Pindar. Pyth. Ode. 4. p. 253.\n\n[1032] Clementis Cohort. p. 12. Diog. Laert. Prooem. p. 3. Herodotus. l. 2.\nc. 49. Diodorus. l. 1. p. 87. l. 3. p. 300. Apollodorus. l. 1. p. 7.\n\n[1033] Linus was the son of Apollo and Calliope. See Suidas, [Greek:\nLinos].\n\n[1034] There were, in like manner, different places where he was supposed\nto have been buried.\n\n[1035] Prooem. p. 5. Antholog. l. 3. p. 270. In like manner Zoroaster was\nsaid to have been slain by lightning.\n\n[1036] Suidas, [Greek: Orpheus].\n\n[1037] Tzetzes makes him live one hundred years before the war of Troy.\nHist. 399. Chil. 12.\n\n[1038] [Greek: Orpheus.]\n\n[1039] Vossius de Arte Poet. c. 13. p. 78.\n\n[1040] Cicero de Nat. Deor. l. 1. c. 38. See also \u00c6lian. Var. Hist. l. 8.\nc. 6.\n\n[1041] C. 24. p. 84.\n\n[1042] Through the whole of this I am obliged to dissent from a person of\ngreat erudition, the late celebrated Professor I. M. Gesner, of Gottingen:\nto whom, however, I am greatly indebted, and particularly for his curious\nedition of the Orphic poems, published at Leipsick, 1764.\n\n[1043] All the Orphic rites were confessedly from Egypt. Diodorus above.\nSee Lucian's Astrologus.\n\n[1044] Suidas.\n\n[1045] Maximus Tyrius. c. 37. p. 441.\n\n[1046] Scholia upon the Hecuba of Euripides. v. 1267. See also the\nAlcestis. v. 968.\n\n[1047] Plato de Repub. l. 10. p. 620.\n\n[1048] Diodorus. l. 4. p. 282. The history of Arist\u00e6us is nearly a parody\nof the histories of Orpheus and Cadmus.\n\n[1049] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 10. v. 81. The like mentioned of the Cadmians.\nSee \u00c6schylus. [Greek: Hept' epi Th\u00eabais.] Prooem. \u00c6lian. Var. Hist. l. 13.\nc. 5.\n\n[1050] Hecat\u00e6us apud Steph. Byzant. [Greek: L\u00eamnos.] The first inhabitants\nare said to have been Thracians, styled [Greek: Sinties kai Sapaioi]; the\nchief cities Myrina, and Hephaistia.\n\n[1051] Philostrati Heroica. p. 677. [Greek: en koil\u00eai t\u00ea g\u00eai chr\u00easm\u00f4dei.]\n\n[1052] Steph Byz. [Greek: Chaldaios.]\n\n[1053] Pocock's Travels. vol. 2. p. 159.\n\n[1054] Pausan. l. 6. p. 505.\n\n[1055] See Huetii Demonst. Evang. pr. 4. p. 129.\n\n[1056]\n\n  [Greek: Stiktous d' h\u00eamaxanto brachionas, amphi melain\u00ea]\n    [Greek: Deuomenai spodi\u00ea thr\u00eaikion plokamon.] Antholog. l. 3. p. 270.\n\n[1057] Servius in Virgil. eclog. 8. See Salmasius upon Solinus. p. 425.\n\n[1058] [Greek: Peri t\u00ean pent\u00eakost\u00ean Olumpiada.] Tatianus. Assyr. p. 275.\nThese were the Orphic hymns, which were sung by the Lycomed\u00e6 at Athens.\n\n[1059] Diodorus Sic. l. 5. p. 322.\n\n[1060]\n\n                  [Greek: Aiguptiou Dionusou]\n  [Greek: Mustidos ennuchias teletas edidaxeto techn\u00eas.] Nonnus. Dionus. l.\n      4. p. 128.\n\nThere will be found in some circumstances a great resemblance between\nCadmus and Orpheus.\n\n[1061] [Greek: Hoi de Phoinikes houtoi hoi sun Kadm\u00f4i apikomenoi--eis\u00eagagon\ndidaskalia es tous Hell\u00eanas, kai d\u00ea kai grammata, ouk eonta prin Hell\u00easin.]\nHerod. l. 5. c. 58.\n\nLiteras--in Greciam intulisse e Phoenice Cadmum, sedecim numero. Pliny. l.\n7. c. 56.\n\n[1062] Plutarch. De genio Socratis. vol. 1. p. 578.\n\n[1063] Plutarch. above.\n\n[1064]\n\n  [Greek: Ho men d\u00ea heis t\u00f4n tripod\u00f4n epigramma echei,]\n  [Greek: Amphitru\u00f4n m' aneth\u00eaken e\u00f4n apo T\u00ealeboa\u00f4n.]\n  [Greek: Tauta h\u00ealiki\u00ean an ei\u00ea kata La\u00efon ton Labdakou.] Herod. l. 5. c.\n      59.\n\n[1065] Pausanias. l. 8. p. 628.\n\n[1066] He is said to have introduced [Greek: Dionusiak\u00ean, teletourgian,\nphall\u00eaphorian]\n\n[1067] Diodorus Sicul. l. 1. p. 20.\n\n[1068] Cadmum Pherecydes. l. iv. Historiarum ex Agenore et Argiope, Nili\nfluvii fili\u00e2 natum esse tradidit. Natalis Comes. l. 8. c. 23. p. 481. There\nare various genealogies of this personage. [Greek: Libu\u00eas t\u00eas Epaphou kai\nPoseid\u00f4nos, Ag\u00ean\u00f4r kai B\u00ealos. Ag\u00ean\u00f4ros kai Antiop\u00eas t\u00eas B\u00ealou Kadmos.]\nScholia Euripid. Phoeniss. v. 5.\n\n[Greek: Pherekud\u00eas de en d hout\u00f4 ph\u00easin. Ag\u00ean\u00f4r de ho Poseid\u00f4nos gamei\nDamn\u00f4 t\u00ean B\u00ealou; t\u00f4n de ginontai Phoinix kai Isaia, h\u00ean ischei Aiguptos,\nkai Melia, h\u00ean ischei Danaos. epeita enischei Ag\u00ean\u00f4r Argiop\u00ean t\u00ean Neilou\ntou potamou; tou de ginetai Kadmos.] Apollon. Scholia. l. 3. v. 1185.\n\n[1069] Dionusiac. l. 4. p. 126.\n\n[1070] V. 1206. The Poet calls the Thebans of Boeotia, [Greek: \u00d4gugou\nspartos le\u00f4s.]\n\n[1071] Nonnus, l. 4. p. 126.\n\n[1072] Euseb. Chron. p. 27. and Syncellus. p. 152.\n\n[1073] See Pausan. l. 9. p. 734.\n\n[1074] [Greek: Phoinix kai Kadmos, apo Th\u00eab\u00f4n t\u00f4n Aigupti\u00f4n exelthontes eis\nt\u00ean Surian ktl.] Euseb. Chron. p. 27.\n\n[1075] Diodorus Sic. l. 5. p. 329.\n\n[1076] [Greek: Kadmos--prosesche t\u00ean Th\u00earan.] Herod. l. 4. c. 147.\n\n[1077] Conon apud Photium. p. 443. and Scholia Dionysii. v. 517. [Greek:\nEiche de hieron H\u00earakleous h\u00ea Thasos, hupo t\u00f4n aut\u00f4n Phoinik\u00f4n hidruthen,\nhoi pleusantes kata z\u00eat\u00easin t\u00eas Eur\u00f4p\u00eas t\u00ean Thason ektisan.]\n\n[1078] Diodorus Sic. l. 5. p. 323.\n\n[1079] Nonnus. l. 3. p. 86. Priene in Ionia called Cadmia. Strabo. l. 14.\np. 943.\n\n[1080] Lycophron. v. 219.\n\n[1081] Steph. Byzant.\n\n[1082] Nonnus. p. 86.\n\n[1083] Auri metalla et conflaturam Cadmus Phoenix (invenit) ad Pang\u00e6um\nmontem. Plin. l. 7. c. 56. [Greek: Kadmos, kai T\u00ealephassa en Thrak\u00eai\nkat\u00f4k\u00easan.] Apollodorus. l. 3. p. 130.\n\n[1084] Plin. l. 34. c. 10. Hygin. f. 274.\n\n[1085] Strabo. l. 14. p. 998.\n\n[1086] Ibid. l. 10. p. 685.\n\n[1087] Pausanias. l. 3. p. 245.\n\n[1088] Herodotus. l. 5. c. 61.\n\n[1089] Cedrenus. p. 23.\n\n[1090] Apollodorus. l. 3. p. 143. Pausan. l. 9. p. 719.\n\n[1091] Stephanus Byzantin.\n\n[1092] Thucydid. l. 1. c. 5, 6.\n\n[1093]\n\n                  [Greek: Para Trit\u00f4nidi limn\u00eai]\n  [Greek: Harmoni\u00ea parelekto rhod\u00f4pidi Kadmos al\u00eat\u00eas.] Nonnus. l. 13. p.\n      372.\n\nDiodorus says that he married her in Samothracia. l. 5. p. 323.\n\n[1094] Nonnus. l. 13. p. 372.\n\n[1095] Nonnus. l. 13. p. 370.\n\n[1096] Stephanus Byzant. The Carthaginians are by Silius Italicus styled\nCadmeans.\n\n                  Sacri cum perfida pacti\n  Gens Cadmea super regno certamina movit. l. 1. v. 5.\n\n[1097] L. 1. c. 9, 10. p. 26. l. 2. c. 4. p. 87.\n\n[1098] Moses Choren. l. 1. c. 9. p. 26. There was a city Cadmea in Cilicia.\n[Greek: Kadmeia ektisth\u00ea kai Sid\u00ea en Kilikia.] Eusebii Chron. p. 30. l. 23.\n\n[1099] Stephanus Byzant. Some think that this is a mistake for [Greek:\nKalch\u00ead\u00f4n], Chalcedon. But Chalcedon was not in Armenia, nor in its\nvicinity.\n\n[1100] Cadmus was coeval with Dardanus. He was in Samothrace before the\nfoundation of Troy. Diodorus Sicul. l. 5. p. 323. Yet he is said to be\ncontemporary with the Argonauts: Clemens Alexandrinus Strom. l. 1. p. 382.\nand posterior to Tiresias, who was in the time of Epigonoi. Yet Tiresias is\nsaid to have prophesied of Cadmus, and his offspring.\n\n                  [Greek: polla de Kadm\u00f4i]\n  [Greek: Chr\u00easei, kai megalois hustera Labdakidais]\n                  Callimachi Lavacra Palladis. v. 125.\n\nThe son of Cadmus is supposed to have lived at the time of the Trojan war:\nLycophron. v. 217. and Scholia. His daughter Semele is said to have been\nsixteen hundred years before Herodotus, by that writer's own account. l. 2\nc. 145. She was at this rate prior to the foundation of Argos; and many\ncenturies before her father; near a thousand years before her brother.\n\n[1101] See Excerpta ex Diodori. l. xl. apud Photium. p. 1152. concerning\nthe different nations in Egypt, and of their migrations from that country.\n\n[1102] Diana says to her father Jupiter,\n\n  [Greek: Dos moi partheni\u00ean ai\u00f4nion, Appa, phulaxai,]\n  [Greek: Kai polu\u00f4numi\u00ean]. Callim. H. in Dianam. v. 6.\n\n  [Greek: Pantas ep' anthr\u00f4pous epei\u00ea polu\u00f4numos estin]. Homer. [Eta]. in\n      Apoll. v. 82.\n\n  [Greek: Poll\u00ea men anthr\u00f4poisi k' ouk an\u00f4numos]\n  [Greek: Thea kekl\u00eamai Kupris]. Eurip. Hippolytus. v. 1.\n\nThe Egyptian Deities had many titles.\n\nISIDI. MYRIONYM\u00c6. Gruter. lxxxiii. n. 11.\n\n[1103] Lycophron. v. 219.\n\n[1104] Scholia. ibid.\n\n[1105] Lycophron. Schol. v. 162.\n\n[1106] Vetus Auctor apud Phavorinum.\n\n[1107] Nonnus. l. 41. p. 1070. Harmonia, by the Scholiast upon Apollonius,\nis styled [Greek: Numph\u00ea Na\u00efs] l. 2. v. 992. The marriage of Cadmus and\nHarmonia is said to be only a parody of the marriage of Peleus and Thetis.\nDiodorus. l. 5. p. 323.\n\n[1108] Nonnus. l. 41. p. 1068.\n\n[1109] Oraculum Apollinis Sminthei apud Lactantium, D. I. l. 1. c. 8. p.\n32. She is styled the mother of the Amazons. Steph. Byzant. [Greek:\nAkmonia.]\n\n[1110] Nonnus. l. 12. p. 328.\n\n[1111] Ibid.\n\n[1112] Nonnus. l. 12. p. 328.\n\n[1113] Plutarch. Sympos. l. 9. qu\u00e6st. 13. p. 738.\n\n[1114] Philo apud Euseb. P. E. l. 1. p. 31.\n\n[1115] Judges. c. 3 v. 3. Hermon was particularly worshipped about Libanus,\nand Antilibanus, where was the country of the Cadmonites, and Syrian\nHivites.\n\n[1116] Lucian de Syri\u00e2 De\u00e2. p. 6.\n\n[1117] Apud Proclum in Tim\u00e6um. p. 121. See Orpheus. Fragm. p. 403.\n\n[1118] Pyth. Ode 4. p. 237.\n\n[1119] Herodotus. l. 1. c. 173.\n\n[1120] Og, Ogus, Ogenus, Ogugus, [Greek: \u00d4gug\u00eas, \u00d4genidai], all relate to\nthe ocean.\n\n[1121] [Greek: An\u00f4ter\u00f4 de tou Ismeniou t\u00ean kr\u00ean\u00ean idois an, h\u00eantina Are\u00f4s\nphasin hieran einai, kai drakonta hupo tou Are\u00f4s epitetachthai phulaka t\u00eai\np\u00eag\u00eai; pros taut\u00ea t\u00eai kr\u00ean\u00eai taphos esti Kaanthou; Melias de adelphon, kai\n\u00d4keanou paida einai Kaanthon legousin stal\u00eanai de hupo tou patros z\u00eat\u00easanta\nh\u00earpasmen\u00ean t\u00ean adelph\u00ean ktl]. Pausan. l. 9. p. 730.\n\n[1122] Dicitur Europa fuisse Agenoris Phoenicum Regis, et Meli\u00e6 Nymph\u00e6,\nfilia. Natalis Comes. l. 8. p. 481.\n\n[1123] So Phlegyas was said to have fired the temple of Apollo at Delphi.\nEuseb. Chron. p. 27. Apud Delphos templum Apollinis incendit Phlegyas.\nLutatius Placidus upon Statius. Thebaid. l. 1. v. 703. But Phlegyas was the\nDeity of fire, prior to Apollo and his temple. Apollo is said to have\nmarried Coronis the daughter of Phlegyas. Hyginus. f. 161. and by her he\nhad a son Delphus, from whom Delphi had its name. ibid. See Pausan. l. 10.\np. 811. The mythologists have made Apollo slay Caanthus: but Caanthus,\nCunthus, Cun\u00e6thus, were all titles of the same Deity called Chan-Thoth in\nEgypt.\n\n[1124] Diodorus Siculus. l. 5. p. 331.\n\n[1125] Solinus. l. 17.\n\n[1126] Pausanias. l. 3. p. 245.\n\n[1127] Pal\u00e6phatus. p. 22.\n\n[1128] Dionysiaca. l. 1. p. 42. l. 1. p. 38.\n\n[1129] Strabo. l. 12. p. 867.\n\n[1130] See Radicals. p. 95.\n\n[1131] Places sacred to the Sun had the name of Achad, and Achor. Nisibis\nwas so called. _In Achor, qu\u00e6 est Nisibis_. Ephraimus Syrus. _Et in Achad,\nqu\u00e6 nunc dicitur Nisibis_. Hieron. See Geograph. Hebr\u00e6or. Extera. p. 227.\nof the learned Michaelis.\n\nThe Deity, called Achor, and Achad, seems to be alluded to by Isaiah. c.\n65. v. 10. and c. 66. v. 17. Achad well known in Syria: Selden de Diis\nSyris. c. 6. p. 105.\n\n[1132] Hoffman--Academia. Hornius. Hist. Philos. l. 7.\n\n[1133] [Greek: Kai sphi Hira esti en Ath\u00ean\u00eaisi hidrumena, t\u00f4n ouden meta\ntoisi loipoisi Ath\u00eanaioisi, alla te kech\u00f4rismena t\u00f4n all\u00f4n Hir\u00f4n; kai d\u00ea\nkai Achai\u00ef\u00eas D\u00eam\u00eatros Hiron te kai orgia]. Herod. l. 5. c. 61.\n\n[1134] Pausanias. l. 1. p. 71.\n\n[1135] Diog. Laertius. l. 3. \u00a7 6. Hornius says, Academia a Cadmo nomen\naccepit, non ab Ecademo. l. 7. c. 3. but Ecademus, and Cadmus, were\nundoubtedly the same person. Harpocration thinks that it took its name from\nthe person, who first consecrated it. [Greek: Apo tou Kathier\u00f4santos\nAkad\u00eamou.]\n\n[Greek: H\u00ea men Akad\u00eamia apo H\u00ear\u00f4os tinos Akad\u00eamou ktisantos ton topon.]\nUlpian upon Demosthen. contra Timocratem.\n\n[1136] Eupolis Comicus: [Greek: en Astroteutois] apud La\u00ebrtium in Vit\u00e2\nPlatonis. l. 3. \u00a7. 7.\n\n[1137] [Greek: \u00can gar gumnasion apo Akad\u00eamou--peri auton de \u00easan hai ont\u00f4s\nhierai Elaiai t\u00eas Theou, hai kalountai Moriai.] Schol. upon Aristoph.\n[Greek: Nephelai]. v. 1001.\n\n[1138] \u00c6lian. Var. Hist. l. 3. c. 35.\n\n[1139] [Greek: To de ch\u00f4rion ho Keramikos to men onoma echei apo H\u00ear\u00f4os\nKeramou; Dionusou te einai kai Ariadn\u00eas.] Pausan. l. 1. p. 8.\n\n[1140] Gruter. Inscrip. p. 57. n. 13.\n\n[1141] Pausan. l. 9. p. 779.\n\n[1142] Athen\u00e6us. l. 11. p. 480.\n\n[1143] Pliny. l. 5. c. 29.\n\n[1144] Plutarch. Sympos. l. ix. c. 3. p. 738. Alpha likewise signified a\nleader: but I imagine, that this was a secondary sense of the word. As\nAlpha was a leading letter in the alphabet, it was conferred as a title\nupon any person who took the lead, and stood foremost upon any emergency.\n\n[1145] Pausan. l. 9. p. 733.\n\n[1146] Scholia in Aristoph. [Greek: Batrach.] v. 1256.\n\n[1147] Herodot. l. 3. c. 28.\n\n[1148]\n\n                  [Greek: Aiguptiou Dionusou]\n  [Greek: Euia phoit\u00eat\u00earos Osiridos Orgia phain\u00f4n.] l. 4. p. 126.\n\n[1149]\n\n  [Greek: Patridos astu polisson *** ]\n  [Greek: ** barugounon heon pod* **.] Nonnus l. 4. p. 130*.\n\n[1150] L. 4. p. 128.\n\n[1151] Vossius de Idol. vol.3. Comment. in Rabbi M. Maimonidem de\nSacrificiis. p. 76.\n\n[1152] Justin Martyr. 1. Apolog. p. 60.\n\nSee Radicals. p. 59.\n\n[1153] Europa was the same as Rhea, and Astarte. Lucian. Dea Syria.\n\n[1154] Hence Nonnus alluding to the Tauric oracle, which Cadmus followed,\ncalls it Assyrian: by this is meant Babylonian; for Babylonia was in\naftertimes esteemed a portion of Assyria.\n\n[Greek: Assuri\u00ean d' apoeipe te\u00eas h\u00eag\u00eatora pomp\u00eas.] l. 4. p. 128.\n\n[1155] Eusebius. P. E. l. 1. c. 10. p. 40.\n\n[1156] Appian de Bello Syriac. p. 125.\n\nStephanus. Oropus.\n\n[1157] Pliny. l. 5. c. 25.\n\n[1158] Isidorus Characenus, apud Georgr. Vet. v. 2.\n\n[1159] Clemens Alexand. l. 5. p. 680.\n\n[1160] See D'Anville's Map of Syria.\n\n[1161] Bochart Geog. Sacra. l. 4. p. 305.\n\n[1162] Judges. c. 3. v. 1, 3.\n\n[1163] Genesis. c. 10. v. 17.\n\n[1164] Joshua. c.9. v. 3. and 7.\n\n[1165] Joshua. c. 15. v. 9. and c. 18. v. 25, 26.\n\n[1166] Eusebii. Chron. p. 27.\n\n[1167] Cadmus is called [Greek: Kadm\u00f4n]. Steph. Byzant. [Greek: Illuria].\nBerkelius has altered it to [Greek: Kadmos], though he confesses, that it\nis contrary to the evidence of every Edition and MSS.\n\n[1168] Concerning Hivite Colonies, see backward. vol. 2. p. 207.\n\n[1169] Diodorus Sic. l. 5. p. 327. 329.\n\n[1170] Ibid.\n\n[1171] Pausanias. l. 1. p. 83.\n\nThere was Oropia as well as Elopia in Euboea. Steph. Byzant. Oropus in\nMacedonia. Ibid. Also in Syria: Orobii Transpadani. Europus near Mount\nH\u00e6mus. Ptolemy. Europa in Epirus. Ibid.\n\n[1172] Strabo. l. 9. p. 619.\n\n[1173] Suidas. Epaminondas.\n\n[1174] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 863.\n\n[1175] Both Menelaus and Agamemnon were antient titles of the chief Deity.\nThe latter is supposed to have been the same as Zeus, \u00c6ther, and Coelus. He\nseems to have been worshipped under the symbol of a serpent with three\nheads. Hence Homer has given to his hero of this name a serpent for a\ndevice, both upon his breastplate, and upon his baldrick.\n\n  [Greek: T\u00eas d' ex argureos telam\u00f4n \u00ean, autar ep' aut\u00f4i]\n  [Greek: Kuaneos elelikto drak\u00f4n; kephalai de hoi \u00easan]\n  [Greek: Treis amphistephees, henos auchenos ekpephuuiai.] Iliad.\n      [Lambda]. v. 38.\n\n[1176] Pausanias. l. 1. p. 40. Strabo. l. 7. p. 499.\n\nAornon, and an oracular temple in Thesprotia. Pausanias. l. 9. p. 768.\n\n[1177] [Greek: Kai en Aigupt\u00f4i Akanthos, Memphidos apechousa stadious\ntriakosious eikosi;--esti de h\u00ea Athamanias.] Steph. Byzant.\n\n[1178] [Greek: Eita meta touton eisin OREITAI legomenoi.] Dic\u00e6archus. Geog.\nVet. vol. 2. p. 3. v. 45.\n\n[1179] L. 2. c. 57, 58.\n\n[1180] [Greek: Kata Bouthr\u00f4ton Phoinik\u00ea.] Strabo. l. 7. p. 499. It was a\nplace of great note. Polybius. l. 1. p. 94, 95.\n\n[1181] C\u00e6sar de Bello Civili. l. 3. c. 6.\n\n[1182] Lucan. l. 5. v. 458.\n\n[1183] [Greek: Komaras.] Strabo. l. 7. p. 500. The same observable in\nIndia-Petra Aornon near Comar. Arrian. Exped. p. 191. and Indic. p. 319.\n\n[1184] Steph. Byzant.\n\n[1185] [Greek: Tekm\u00f4n polis Thespr\u00f4t\u00f4n.] Steph. Byzant. See T. Livius. l.\n45. c. 26.\n\n[1186] 2 Samuel. c. 23. v. 8. In our version rendered the Tachmonite, chief\namong the captains.\n\n[1187] Victoria ad Comum parta. T. Livius. l. 33. c. 36.\n\n[1188] Gurtler. l. 2. p. 597.\n\n[1189] Also a city Conope, by Stephanus placed in Acarnania.\n\n[1190] Antoninus Liberalis. c. 12. p. 70. A city Conopium was also to be\nfound upon the Palus M\u00e6otis. Steph. Byzant.\n\n[1191] Plin. l. 3. c. 16. The Cadmians of Liguria came last from Attica and\nBoeotia: hence we find a river Eridanus in these parts, as well as in the\nformer country. [Greek: Potamoi de Ath\u00eanaiois rheousin Heilissos te, kai\n\u00caridan\u00f4i t\u00f4i Keltik\u00f4i kata auta onoma ech\u00f4n. k. l.]  Pausan. l. 1. p. 45.\n\n[1192] Vol. 1. p. 376.\n\n[1193] Lucan. l. 3. v. 187. The same is mentioned by the poet Dionysius.\n\n  [Greek: Keinon d au peri kolpon idois perikudea tumbon,]\n  [Greek: Tumbon, hon Harmoni\u00eas, Kadmoio te ph\u00eamis enispei,]\n  [Greek: Keithe gar eis Ophi\u00f4n skolion genos \u00eallaxanto.] v. 390.\n\n[1194] Geog. Vet. vol. 1. p. 9. Here were [Greek: Petrai Plagtai].\n\n[1195] Nonni Dionys. l. 44. p. 1144.\n\n[1196] Nonnus. l. 25. p. 646.\n\n[1197] [Greek: Laine\u00ean poi\u00ease korussomen\u00ean Ariadn\u00ean.] Nonnus. l. 44. p.\n1242.\n\n[1198] Pausan. l. 9. p. 743.\n\n[1199] See Goltius, Vaillant, and Suidas, [Greek: H\u00earakl\u00eas].\n\n[1200] [Greek: ---- lithois ch\u00f4rion periechomenon logasin Ophe\u00f4s kalousin\nhoi Th\u00eabaioi kephal\u00ean.] Pausan. l. 9. p. 747.\n\n[1201] Pausan. l. 7. p. 579.\n\n[1202] [Greek: Timas the\u00f4n anti agalmat\u00f4n eichon argoi lithoi.] Ibid.\n\n[1203] [Greek: Kadmos Phoinix lithotomian exeure, kai metalla chrusou ta\nperi to Pankaion epeno\u00easen oros.] Clemens. Strom. l. 1. p. 363. See Natalis\nComes of Cadmus.\n\n[1204] Nonnus. Dionys. l. 4. p. 128.\n\n[1205] Clemens. Alex. l. 6. p. 753.\n\n[1206] Styled [Greek: paides H\u00ealiou] by Diodorus. l. 5. p. 327.\n\n[1207] Diodorus. l. 5. p. 328.\n\n[1208] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 109.\n\n[1209] [Greek: \u00ca ton Thoraion, Pt\u00f4on, \u00d4rit\u00ean, theon.] Lycophron. v. 352.\n\n[1210] Scholiast. Ibid.\n\n[1211] Strabo. l. 10. p. 683.\n\n[1212] Qu\u00e6stiones Gr\u00e6c\u00e6. p. 296.\n\n[1213] Strabo. l. 10. p. 685.\n\n[1214] Harpocration.\n\n[1215] Strabo. l. 10. p. 683. Polybius. l. 11. p. 627.\n\n[1216] [Greek: En t\u00eai \u00d4riai kaloumen\u00eai t\u00eas Histiai\u00f4tidos.] Strabo. l. 10.\np. 683.\n\nOria is literally the land of Ur.\n\n[1217] Strabo. l. 10. p. 683. He mentions a domestic quarrel among some of\nthis family, and adds, [Greek: tous \u00d4ritas--polemoumenous hupo t\u00f4n\nEllopie\u00f4n], _that the Orit\u00e6 were attacked by the Ellopians_.\n\n[1218] Antoninus Liberalis. c. 25. p. 130.\n\n[1219] [Greek: H\u00ea Huria de t\u00eas Tanagrik\u00eas nun esti, proteron de t\u00eas\nTh\u00eaba\u00efdos, hopou ho Hurios memutheutai, kai h\u00ea tou \u00d4ri\u00f4nos genesis.]\nStrabo. l. 9. p. 620. He is called [Greek: Hurieus] by Euphorion. See\nHomer. [Sigma]. Scholia. v. 486.\n\n[1220] [Greek: Esti kai \u00d4ri\u00f4nos mn\u00eama en Tanagra.] Pausan. l. 9. p. 749.\n\n[1221] [Greek: Esti d' h\u00ea men Huria pros ton Euripon.] Steph. Byzant.\n\n[1222] Pausanias. l. 2. p. 181.\n\n[1223] Europus is the same as Oropus, and signifies Orus Pytho. Ops, Opis,\nOpus, Opas, all signify a serpent. Zeus was the same as Orus and Osiris;\nhence styled Europus, and Europas; which Homer has converted to [Greek:\nEuruopas], and accordingly styles Jupiter [Greek: Euruopa Zeus.]\n\n[1224] Pausanias. l. 3. p. 245. [Greek: einai de autous Huraiou paidas.]\n\n[1225] L. 2. c. 4. p. 87.\n\n[1226] Nonnus. l. 4. p. 136.\n\n[1227] [Greek: O gar d\u00ea chronos ekeinos \u00eanenken anthr\u00f4pous cheir\u00f4n men\nergois, kai pod\u00f4 tachesi, kai s\u00f4mat\u00f4n rh\u00f4mais, h\u00f4s eoiken, huperphuous, kai\nakamatous.] Plutarch. in Theseo. p. 3.\n\n[1228] [Greek: Esti de kai phulon ti t\u00f4n Chaldai\u00f4n, kai ch\u00f4ra t\u00eas\nBabul\u00f4nias hup' ekein\u00f4n oikoumen\u00ea, pl\u00easiazousa kai tois Arapsi, kai t\u00ea kata\nPersas legomen\u00ea thalatt\u00eai. Esti de kai t\u00f4n Chaldai\u00f4n t\u00f4n Astronomik\u00f4n gen\u00ea\nplei\u00f4; kai gar Orch\u00eanoi tines prosagoreuontai.] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1074.\n\n[1229] Lucian de Astrolog. p. 987.\n\n[1230] [Greek: Chous, ex hou Aithiopes.] Euseb. Chron. p. 11.\n\n[1231] [Greek: Polon men gar, kai gn\u00f4mona, kai ta du\u00f4deka merea t\u00eas h\u00eamer\u00eas\npara Babul\u00f4ni\u00f4n emathon Hell\u00eanes.] l. 2. c. 109.\n\n[1232] L. 1. p. 32.\n\n[1233] Nonnus. l. 1. p. 38.\n\n[1234] Rom\u00e6 Inscriptio Vetus.\n\n  [Greek: TOIS NOMIOIS THEOIS.] Gruter. xcii. n. 4.\n\n[1235]\n\n                  Omne benignum\n  Virus odoriferis Arabum quod doctus in arvis\n  Aut Amphrysiaco Pastor de gramine carpsi.\n                  Statii Sylv. l. 1. Soteria. v. 104.\n\n[1236] [Greek: Rea, h\u00eanika Poseid\u00f4na eteke, ton men es poimn\u00ean\nkatathesthai, diait\u00ean entautha hexonta meta t\u00f4n arn\u00f4n.] Pausan. l. 8. p.\n6l3.\n\n[1237] Scholia in Lycophron. v. 879.\n\n[1238] Pausanias. l. 4. p. 337. So also says Eustathius. [Greek: Hoi de\nphasi ton ekei Dia Amm\u00f4na kl\u00eath\u00eanai apo tinos hom\u00f4numou Poimenos,\nprokatarxantos t\u00eas tou Hierou hidruse\u00f4s.] Schol. in Dionys. v. 211.\n\n[1239] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 2. v. 515.\n\nThe same Poet of the nymph Cyrene.\n\n  [Greek: Entha d' Aristaion Phoib\u00f4i teken, hon kaleousin]\n  [Greek: Agrea, kai Nomion polul\u00ea\u00efoi Haimoni\u00eaeis] l. 2. v. 568.\n\n[1240] Syncellus. p. 156.\n\n[1241] Homer. Odyss. l. 1. Pastor Polyphemus of Virgil.\n\n[1242] Macrobii Saturn. l. 1. c. 21. p. 210.\n\n[1243] Hyginus. Fab. 68. Euri, and Eueris Filius. He is by Theocritus\nstyled [Greek: Mantis Eu\u00eareid\u00eas.] Idyl. 24. v. 70.\n\n[1244] Nonni Dionys. l. 40. p. 1038.\n\n[1245] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 128.\n\n[1246] Cleanthes [Greek: peri Thromachias], quoted by Plutarch de Flum.\n[Greek: Phasis.]\n\n[1247] Plutarch de Flum. [Greek: Ism\u00eanos.]\n\n[1248] Herodotus. l. 5. c. 61.\n\n[1249] Plut. de Fluv. Inachus.\n\n[1250] Virgil. \u00c6neid. l. 7. v. 678.\n\n[1251] T. Livius. l. 1. c. 7.\n\n[1252] Virgil. l. 8. v. 198.\n\n[1253] [Greek: H\u00ea Poimandris estin h\u00ea aut\u00ea t\u00eai Tanagrik\u00eai.] Strabo. l. 9.\np. 619.\n\n[1254] [Greek: Poimandria polis Boi\u00f4tias, h\u00ea kai Tanagra kaloumen\u00ea.] Schol.\nLycoph. v. 326. [Greek: Poimandria] is by some interpreted mulctrale: but\nthat was not the original purport of the word.\n\n[1255] Hermes Trismegistus, sive [Greek: Poimandr\u00eas].\n\n[1256] Syncellus. p. 126. Eusebius. Chron. p. 24.\n\n[1257] By which are meant the Syrians, Arabians, and Armenians. [Greek: To\nmen gar t\u00f4n Armeni\u00f4n ethnos, kai to t\u00f4n Sur\u00f4n, kai t\u00f4n Arab\u00f4n poll\u00ean\nhomophulian emphainei kata te t\u00ean dialekton, kai tous bious, kai tous t\u00f4n\ns\u00f4mat\u00f4n charakt\u00earas ktl.--eikazein de dei kai tas t\u00f4n ethn\u00f4n tout\u00f4n\nkatonomasias emphereis all\u00ealais einai.] Strabo. l. 1. p. 70.\n\n[1258] Zonaras. l. 1. p. 21.\n\n[1259] Tacitus. Hist. l. 5. c. 2.\n\n[1260] It should perhaps be proximas urbes. The same history is alluded to\nby Eusebius. [Greek: Epi Apidos tou Phor\u00f4ne\u00f4s moira tou Aigupti\u00f4n stratou\nexepesen Aiguptou, hoi en Palaistin\u00ea kaloumen\u00ea Suriai ou porrh\u00f4 Arabias\n\u00f4k\u00easai.] Euseb. Chron. p. 26.\n\n[1261] Lucian de De\u00e2 Syri\u00e2.\n\n[1262] They were in each country styled the mourning for Thamas, and\nThamuz.\n\n[1263] [Greek: Echousi de kai allo Phoinikes Hiron, ouk Assurion, alla\nAiguption, to ex H\u00ealioupolios es t\u00ean Phoinik\u00ean apiketo. kl.] Lucian de De\u00e2\nSyri\u00e2.\n\n[1264] In Boetica they were called Oritani. Strabo. l. 8. p. 204.\n\nThere were Orit\u00e6 in Epirus. Dic\u00e6archus status Gr\u00e6ci\u00e6. [Greek: Meta touton\neisin Oreitai.] p. 4. v. 45.\n\nOrit\u00e6 in Persis. Arrian. l. 4. c. 26. also in Gedrosia. See Auctor Peripli\nMaris Erythr\u00e6i.\n\n[Greek: Pros ton dusin tou Indou potamou Oritai.] Schol. Dionys. v. 1095.\n[Greek: \u00d4ritai ethnos Indikon.] Steph. Byzant. There were Orit\u00e6 in Persis,\nhard by the Cutha of Josephus. Ant. l. 9. c. 4. and c. 15.\n\n[1265] Clemens. Alexand. Strom. l. 1. p. 382.\n\n[1266] Diodorus Siculus. l. 1. p. 24.\n\n[1267] Ex Diodori. l. xl. apud Photium. p. 1152.\n\n[1268] A similar account is given by the same author. l. 1. p. 24.\n\n[1269] Zonaras. v. 1. p. 22. Also Syncellus. p. 102.\n\n[1270] He is very full upon this head. Contra Apion. l. 1. p. 443. and 444.\n\n[1271] Plato. Critias. vol. 3. p. 110.\n\n[1272] Legatio. p. 279.\n\n[1273] [Greek: Kai apo t\u00f4n onomat\u00f4n de eni\u00f4n to barbaron emphainetai.\nKekrops, kai Kodros, kai Aiklos] (read [Greek: Arklos]) [Greek: kai Kothos.\nk. l.] l. 7. p. 495.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nCorrections made to printed original.\n\n(Cahen, near ref. 93) [Greek: anthere\u00f4nes]: '[Greek: antheri\u00f4nes]' in\noriginal\n\n(ibid., near ref. 99) instances: 'intances' in original\n\n(Chus, near ref. 110) [Greek: poluchrusos]: '[Greek: polochrusos]' in\noriginal\n\n(ibid., near ref. 145) represented: 'respresented' in original\n\n(Canaan, near ref. 193) Aristotle: 'Asistotle' in original\n\n(Temple Science, near ref. 210) [Greek: ge\u00f4graphikon]: '[Greek:\ngeographikon]' in original\n\n(ibid., near ref. 228) [Greek: periaugous]: '[Greek: eriaugous]' in\noriginal\n\n(Tar, near ref. 226) [Greek: toi ge]: no space in original\n\n(Tit, near ref. 316) worshipped a serpent: 'woshipped a sepent' in original\n\n(Cuclopes, near ref. 607) [Greek: Akmonidan]: '[Greek: Lkmonidan]' in\noriginal\n\n(Temple Rites, near ref. 647) [Greek: kataschisthenta]: '[Greek:\nkataschithenta]' in original\n\n(ibid., near ref. 660) [Greek: t\u00ean (anthr\u00f4pon)]: '[Greek: t\u00ea\u00ea]' in original\n\n(Hippa, near ref. 694) [Greek: chremetismos]: '[Greek: chrematismos]' in\noriginal\n\n(Damater, near ref. 763) [Greek: epekertomei]: '[Greek: epekeratomei]' in\noriginal\n\n(Campe, near ref. 773) taken: duplicated over page end in original\n\n(Myrina, near ref. 823) [Greek: aipeia]: '[Greek: aipuia]' in original\n\n(Ninus, near ref. 912) period (after 'all to be crucified'): comma in\noriginal\n\n(ibid., near ref. 916) title: 'titled' in original\n\n(Zoroaster, near ref. 1005) analogous: 'analagous' in original\n\n(Cadmus, near ref. 1142) country: 'county' in original\n\n(ibid., near ref. 1237) [Greek: math\u00eamatikos]: '[Greek: mathematekos]' in\noriginal\n\n(ibid., near ref. 1264) Phenicia,: repeated word (on 2 lines) in original\n\n(Note 1.) soliti suos: 'solitei sos' in original\n\n(Note 50.) [Greek: thaptesthai]: '[Greek: thappesthai]' in original\n\n(Note 226.) corde: 'codre' in original\n\n(Note 229.) [Greek: e\u00fckl\u00f4stoio]: dialytika on [Greek: e] in original\n\n(Note 401.) [Greek: kai 'g\u00f4]: no space in original\n\n(Note 534.) Theologico: 'Tehologico' in original\n\n(Note 538.) [Greek: dunasteusai]: '[Greek: dunastusai]' in original\n\n(Note 552.) [Greek: er\u00eam']: apostrophe printed as comma in original\n\n(Note 752.) [Greek: t\u00eas (Alop\u00eas)]: '[Greek: tks]' in original\n\n(Note 781.) sollerti: 'solerti' in original\n\n(Note 803.) [Greek: kataschesin]: '[Greek: kataschsein]' in original\n\n(Note 854.) [Greek: (Argeiou) H\u00earakleous]: '[Greek: H\u00ea\u00earakleous]' in\noriginal\n\n(Note 1136.) l. 3. \u00a7. 7.: 'l. \u00a7. c. 7.' in original, cf. previous note\n\n(Note 1175.) [Greek: kephalai]: '[Greek: kephelai]' in original\n\n(Note 1177.) [Greek: eikosi]: only '[Greek: ikosi]' legible in scan (at\nstart of line)","title":"A New System; or, an Analysis of Antient Mythology. Volume 2 (of 6)","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":105457}