{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_20205/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_20205","id":"gutenberg_20205","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/20205","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: History - Ancient","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Maya language -- Glossaries, vocabularies, etc.","Maya language -- Texts","Mayas -- Antiquities","Mayas -- History","Native America"],"text":"Produced by Julia Miller and the Online Distributed\nProofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net\n\n\n\n\n\nTranscriber's Note\n\nA number of typographical errors and inconsistencies have been\nmaintained in this version of this book. They have been marked with a\n[TN-#], which refers to a description in the complete list found at the\nend of the text. One error that was corrected is also listed at the end\nof the text.\n\nOe ligatures used in the original text have been expanded. The following\ncodes are used for characters that are not able to be represented in the\ntext format used for this version of the book.\n\n  [c]   small open o\n  [C]   capital open o\n  [=h]  h with stroke\n  [)o]  o with breve\n  [)u]  u with breve\n  [k]   tresillo\n\n\n\n\n              LIBRARY\n\n                OF\n\n        ABORIGINAL AMERICAN\n            LITERATURE.\n\n               No. 1.\n\n             EDITED BY\n\n           D.\u00a0G. BRINTON\n\n\n\n\n        BRINTON'S LIBRARY OF\n  ABORIGINAL AMERICAN LITERATURE.\n             NUMBER 1.\n\n\n\n\n                THE\n          MAYA CHRONICLES.\n\n\n\n\n             EDITED BY\n         DANIEL G. BRINTON\n\n\n             AMS PRESS\n              NEW YORK\n\n\n\n\n  Reprinted from the edition of 1882, Philadelphia\n  First AMS EDITION published 1969\n  Manufactured in the United States of America\n\n  Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number: 70-83457\n\n  AMS PRESS, INC.\n  New York, N.Y. 10003\n\n\n\n\n                    TO THE MEMORY\n                         OF\n             CARL HERMANN BERENDT, M.D.,\n\n  WHOSE LONG AND EARNEST DEVOTION TO THE ETHNOLOGY\n    AND LINGUISTICS OF AMERICA HAS MADE THIS WORK\n       POSSIBLE, AND WHOSE UNTIMELY DEATH HAS\n          LOST TO AMERICAN SCHOLARS RESULTS\n             OF FAR GREATER IMPORTANCE,\n\n              THIS VOLUME IS DEDICATED.\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE.\n\n\nThe belief that the only solid foundation for the accurate study of\nAmerican ethnology and linguistics must be in the productions of the\nnative mind in their original form has led me to the venturesome\nundertaking of which this is the first issue. The object of the proposed\nseries of publications is to preserve permanently a number of rude\nspecimens of literature composed by the members of various American\ntribes, and exhibiting their habits of thought, modes of expressions,\nintellectual range and \u00e6sthetic faculties.\n\nWhether the literary and historical value of these monuments is little\nor great, they merit the careful attention of all who would weigh and\nmeasure the aboriginal mind, and estimate its capacities correctly.\n\nThe neglect of this field of study is largely owing to a deficiency of\nmaterial for its pursuit. Genuine specimens of native literature are\nrare, and almost or quite inaccessible. They remain in manuscript in the\nhands of a few collectors, or, if printed, they are in forms not\nconvenient to obtain, as in the ponderous transactions of learned\nsocieties, or in privately printed works. My purpose is to gather\ntogether from these sources a dozen volumes of moderate size and\nreasonable price, and thus to put the material within the reach of\nAmerican and European scholars.\n\nNow that the first volume is ready, I see in it much that can be\nimproved upon in subsequent issues. I must ask for it an indulgent\ncriticism, for the novelty of the undertaking and its inherent\ndifficulties have combined to make it less finished and perfected than\nit should have been.\n\nIf the series meets with a moderate encouragement, it will be continued\nat the rate of two or three volumes of varying size a year, and will, I\nthink, prove ultimately of considerable service to the students of man\nin his simpler conditions of life and thought, especially of American\nman.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n\nINTRODUCTION.\n\n  \u00a7 1. The Name Maya, p. 9. \u00a7 2. The Maya Linguistic Family, p. 17.\n    \u00a7 3. Origin of the Maya Tribes, p. 20. \u00a7 4. Political Condition at\n    the Time of the Conquest, p. 25. \u00a7 5. Grammatical Observations, p. 27.\n    \u00a7 6. The Numeral System, p. 37. \u00a7 7. The Calendar, p. 50. \u00a7 8. Ancient\n    Hieroglyphic Books, p. 61. \u00a7 9. Modern Maya Manuscripts, p. 67.\n    \u00a7 10. Grammars and Dictionaries, p. 72.\n\n\nTHE CHRONICLES.\n\n  INTRODUCTORY                                                     p. 81\n\n    I. The Series of the Katuns, p. 89. Text, p. 95. Translation,\n       p. 100. Notes, p. 106.\n\n   II. The Series of the Katuns, p. 136. Text, p. 138. Translation,\n       p. 144. Notes, p. 150.\n\n  III. The Record of the Count of the Katuns, p. 152. Text, p. 153.\n       Translation, p. 158. Notes, p. 163.\n\n   IV. The Maya Katuns, p. 165. Text, p. 166. Translation, p. 169.\n       Notes, p. 173.\n\n    V. The Chief Katuns, p. 177. Text, p. 178. Translation, p. 180.\n       Notes, p. 182.\n\n\nTHE CHRONICLE OF CHAC XULUB CHEN.\n\n  Introductory, p. 189. Text, p. 193. Translation, p. 216. Notes,\n  p. 242.\n\n  VOCABULARY                                                      p. 261\n\n\n\n\nI.\n\nINTRODUCTION.\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n1. THE NAME \"MAYA.\" 2. THE MAYA LINGUISTIC FAMILY. 3. ORIGIN OF THE MAYA\nTRIBES. 4. POLITICAL CONDITION AT THE TIME OF THE CONQUEST. 5.\nGRAMMATICAL OBSERVATIONS. 6. THE NUMERAL SYSTEM. 7. THE CALENDAR. 8.\nANCIENT HIEROGLYPHIC BOOKS. 9. MODERN MAYA MANUSCRIPTS. 10. GRAMMARS AND\nDICTIONARIES OF THE LANGUAGE.\n\n\n\u00a7 1. _The Name \"Maya.\"_\n\nIn his second voyage, Columbus heard vague rumors of a mainland westward\nfrom Jamaica and Cuba, at a distance of ten days' journey in a\ncanoe.[9-1] Its inhabitants were said to be clothed, and the specimens\nof wax which were found among the Cubans must have been brought from\nthere, as they themselves did not know how to prepare it.\n\nDuring his fourth voyage (1503-4), when he was exploring the Gulf\nsouthwest from Cuba, he picked up a canoe laden with cotton clothing\nvariously dyed. The natives in it gave him to understand that they were\nmerchants, and came from a land called MAIA.[10-1]\n\nThis is the first mention in history of the territory now called\nYucatan, and of the race of the Mayas; for although a province of\nsimilar name was found in the western extremity of the island of Cuba,\nthe similarity was accidental, as the evidence is conclusive that no\ncolony of the Mayas was found on the Antilles.[10-2] These islands were\npeopled by a wholly different stock, the remnants of whose language\nprove them to have been the northern outposts of the Arawacks of Guiana,\nand allied to the great Tupi-Guaranay stem of South America.\n\nMAYA was the patrial name of the natives of Yucatan. It was the proper\nname of the northern portion of the peninsula. No single province bore\nit at the date of the Conquest, and probably it had been handed down as\na generic term from the period, about a century before, when this whole\ndistrict was united under one government.\n\nThe natives of all this region called themselves _Maya uinic_, Maya men,\nor _ah Mayaa_, those of Maya; their language was _Maya than_, the Maya\nspeech; a native woman was _Maya c[=h]uplal_; and their ancient capital\nwas _Maya pan_, the MAYA banner, for there of old was set up the\nstandard of the nation, the elaborately worked banner of brilliant\nfeathers, which, in peace and in war, marked the rallying point of the\nConfederacy.\n\nWe do not know where they drew the line from others speaking the same\ntongue. That it excluded the powerful tribe of the Itzas, as a recent\nhistorian thinks,[12-1] seems to be refuted by the documents I bring\nforward in the present volume; that, on the other hand, it did not\ninclude the inhabitants of the southwestern coast appears to be\nindicated by the author of one of the oldest and most complete\ndictionaries of the language. Writing about 1580, when the traditions of\ndescent were fresh, he draws a distinction between the _lengua de Maya_\nand the _lengua de Campeche_.[12-2] The latter was a dialect varying\nvery slightly from pure Maya, and I take it, this manner of indicating\nthe distinction points to a former political separation.\n\nThe name Maya is also found in the form _Mayab_, and this is asserted by\nvarious Yucatecan scholars of the present generation, as Pio Perez,\nCrescencio Carrillo, and Eligio Ancona, to be the correct ancient form,\nwhile the other is but a Spanish corruption.[13-1]\n\nBut this will not bear examination. All the authorities, native as well\nas foreign, of the sixteenth century, write _Maya_. It is impossible to\nsuppose that such laborious and earnest students as the author of the\nDictionary of Motul, as the grammarian and lexicographer Gabriel de San\nBuenaventura, and as the educated natives whose writings I print in this\nvolume, could all have fallen into such a capital blunder.[13-2]\n\nThe explanation I have to offer is just the reverse. The use of the\nterminal _b_ in \"Mayab\" is probably a dialectic error, other examples of\nwhich can be quoted. Thus the writer of the Dictionary of Motul informs\nus that the form _maab_ is sometimes used for the ordinary negative\n_ma_, no; but, he adds, it is a word of the lower classes, _es palabra\nde gente comun_. So I have little doubt but that _Mayab_ is a vulgar\nform of the word, which may have gradually gained ground.\n\nAs at present used, the accent usually falls on the first syllable,\n_Ma\u00b4ya_, and the best old authorities affirm this as a rule; but it is a\nrule subject to exceptions, as at the end of a sentence and in certain\ndialects Dr. Berendt states that it is not infrequently heard as\n_Ma\u00b4ya\u00b4_ or even _Maya\u00b4_.[14-1]\n\nThe meaning and derivation of the word have given rise to the usual\nnumber of nonsensical and far-fetched etymologies. The Greek, the\nSanscrit, the ancient Coptic and the Hebrew have all been called in to\ninterpret it. I shall refer to but a few of these profitless\nsuggestions.\n\nThe Abb\u00e9 Brasseur (de Bourbourg) quotes as the opinion of Don Ramon de\nOrdo\u00f1ez, the author of a strange work on American arch\u00e6ology, called\n_History of the Heaven and the Earth_, that _Maya_ is but an\nabbreviation of the phrase _ma ay ha_, which, the Abb\u00e9 adds, means word\nfor word, _non adest aqua_, and was applied to the peninsula on account\nof the scarcity of water there.[15-1]\n\nUnfortunately that phrase has no such, nor any, meaning in Maya; were it\n_ma yan haa_, it would have the sense he gives it; and further, as the\nAbb\u00e9 himself remarked in a later work, it is not applicable to Yucatan,\nwhere, though rivers are scarce, wells and water abound. He therefore\npreferred to derive it from _ma_ and _ha_, which he thought he could\ntranslate either \"Mother of the Water,\" or \"Arm of the Land!\"[15-2]\n\nThe latest suggestion I have noticed is that of Eligio Ancona, who,\nclaiming that _Mayab_ is the correct form, and that this means \"not\nnumerous,\" thinks that it was applied to the first native settlers of\nthe land, on account of the paucity of their numbers![15-3]\n\nAll this seems like learned trifling. The name may belong to that\nancient dialect from which are derived many of the names of the days and\nmonths in the native calendar, and which, as an esoteric language, was\nin use among the Maya priests, as was also one among the Aztecs of\nMexico. Instances of this, in fact, are very common among the American\naborigines, and no doubt many words were thus preserved which could not\nbe analyzed to their radicals through the popular tongue.\n\nOr, if it is essential to find a meaning, why not accept the obvious\nsignification of the name? _Ma_ is the negative \"no,\" \"not;\" _ya_ means\nrough, fatiguing, difficult, painful, dangerous. The compound _maya_ is\ngiven in the Dictionary of Motul with the translations \"not arduous nor\nsevere; something easy and not difficult to do;\" _cosa no grave ni\nrecia; cosa facil y no dificultosa de hacer_. It was used adjectively as\nin the phrase, _maya u chapahal_, his sickness is not dangerous. So they\nmight have spoken of the level and fertile land of Yucatan, abounding in\nfruit and game, that land to which we are told they delighted to give,\nas a favorite appellation, the term _u luumil ceh, u luumil cutz_, the\nland of the deer, the land of the wild turkey; of this land, I say, they\nmight well have spoken as of one not fatiguing, not rough nor\nexhausting.\n\n\n\u00a7 2. _The Maya Linguistic Family._\n\nWhatever the primitive meaning and first application of the name Maya,\nit is now used to signify specifically the aborigines of Yucatan. In a\nmore extended sense, in the expression \"the Maya family,\" it is\nunderstood to embrace all tribes, wherever found, who speak related\ndialects presumably derived from the same ancient stock as the Maya\nproper.\n\nOther names for this extended family have been suggested, as Maya-Kiche,\nMam-Huastec, and the like, compounded of the names of two or more of the\ntribes of the group. But this does not appear to have much advantage\nover the simple expression I have given, though \"Maya-Kiche\" may be\nconveniently employed to prevent confusion.\n\nThese affiliated tribes are, according to the investigations of Dr. Carl\nHermann Berendt, the following:--\n\n   1. The Maya proper, including the Lacandons.\n\n   2. The Chontals of Tabasco, on and near the coast west of the mouth\n      of the Usumacinta.\n\n   3. The Tzendals, south of the Chontals.\n\n   4. The Zotzils, south of the Tzendals.\n\n   5. The Chaneabals, south of the Zotzils.\n\n   6. The Chols, on the upper Usumacinta.\n\n   7. The Chortis, near Copan.\n\n   8. The Kekchis, and\n\n   9. The Pocomchis, in Vera Paz.\n\n  10. The Pocomams.    }\n\n  11. The Mams.        }\n\n  12. The Kiches.      }\n\n  13. The Ixils.       }   In or bordering on Guatemala.\n\n  14. The Cakchiquels. }\n\n  15. The Tzutuhils.   }\n\n  16. The Huastecs, on the Panuco river and its tributaries, in Mexico.\n\nThe languages of these do not differ more, in their extremes, than the\nFrench, Spanish, Italian and other tongues of the so-called Latin races;\nwhile a number resemble each other as closely as the Greek dialects of\nclassic times.\n\nWhat lends particular importance to the study of this group of languages\nis that it is that which was spoken by the race in several respects the\nmost civilized of any found on the American continent. Copan, Uxmal and\nPalenque are names which at once evoke the most earnest interest in the\nmind of every one who has ever been attracted to the subject of the\narch\u00e6ology of the New World. This race, moreover, possessed an abundant\nliterature, preserved in written books, in characters which were in some\ndegree phonetic. Enough of these remain to whet, though not to satisfy,\nthe curiosity of the student.\n\nThe total number of Indians of pure blood speaking the Maya proper may\nbe estimated as nearly or quite 200,000, most of them in the political\nlimits of the department of Yucatan; to these should be added nearly\n100,000 of mixed blood, or of European descent, who use the tongue in\ndaily life.[19-1] For it forms one of the rare examples of American\nlanguages possessing vitality enough not only to maintain its own\nground, but actually to force itself on European settlers and supplant\ntheir native speech. It is no uncommon occurrence in Yucatan, says Dr.\nBerendt, to find whole families of pure white blood who do not know one\nword of Spanish, using the Maya exclusively. It has even intruded on\nliterature, and one finds it interlarded in books published in Merida,\nvery much as lady novelists drop into French in their imaginative\neffusions.[20-1]\n\nThe number speaking the different dialects of the stock are roughly\nestimated at half a million, which is probably below the mark.\n\n\n\u00a7 3. _Origin of the Maya Tribes._\n\nThe Mayas did not claim to be autochthones. Their legends referred to\ntheir arrival by the sea from the East, in remote times, under the\nleadership of Itzamna, their hero-god, and also to a less numerous,\nimmigration from the west, from Mexico, which was connected with the\nhistory of another hero-god, Kukul C\u00e0n.\n\nThe first of these appears to be wholly mythical, and but a repetition\nof the story found among so many American tribes, that their ancestors\ncame from the distant Orient. I have elsewhere explained this to be but\na solar or light myth.[20-2]\n\nThe second tradition deserves more attention from the historian, as it\nis supported by some of their chronicles and by the testimony of several\nof the most intelligent natives of the period of the conquest, which I\npresent on a later page of this volume.\n\nIt cannot be denied that the Mayas, the Kiches and the Cakchiquels, in\ntheir most venerable traditions, claimed to have migrated from the north\nor west, from some part of the present country of Mexico.\n\nThese traditions receive additional importance from the presence on the\nshores of the Mexican Gulf, on the waters of the river Panuco, north of\nVera Cruz, of a prominent branch of the Maya family, the _Huastecs_. The\nidea suggests itself that these were the rearguard of a great migration\nof the Maya family from the north toward the south.\n\nSupport is given to this by their dialect, which is most closely akin to\nthat of the Tzendals of Tabasco, the nearest Maya race to the south of\nthem, and also by very ancient traditions of the Aztecs.\n\nIt is noteworthy that these two partially civilized races, the Mayas and\nthe Aztecs, though differing radically in language, had legends which\nclaimed a community of origin in some indefinitely remote past. We find\nthese on the Maya side narrated in the sacred book of the Kiches, the\n_Popol Vuh_, in the Cakchiquel _Records of Tecpan Atitlan_, and in\nvarious pure Maya sources which I bring forward in this volume. The\nAztec traditions refer to the Huastecs, and a brief analysis of them\nwill not be out of place.\n\nAt a very remote period the Mexicans, under their leader Mecitl, from\nwhom they took their name, arrived in boats at the mouth of the river\nPanuco, at the place called Panotlan, which name means \"where one\narrives by sea.\" With them were the Olmecs under their leader Olmecatl,\nthe Huastecs, under their leader Huastecatl, the Mixtecs and others.\nThey journeyed together and in friendship southward, down the coast,\nquite to the volcanoes of Guatemala, thence to Tamoanchan, which is\ndescribed as the terrestial[TN-1] paradise, and afterwards, some of them\nat least, northward and eastward, toward the shores of the Gulf.\n\nOn this journey the intoxicating beverage made from the maguey, called\n_octli_ by the Aztecs, _cii_ by the Mayas, and _pulque_ by the\nSpaniards, was invented by a woman whose name was _Mayauel_, in which we\ncan scarcely err in recognizing the national appellation _Maya_.[23-1]\nFurthermore, the invention is closely related to the history of the\nHuastecs. Their leader, alone of all the chieftains, drank to excess,\nand in his drunkenness threw aside his garments and displayed his\nnakedness. When he grew sober, fear and shame impelled him to collect\nall those who spoke his language, and leaving the other tribes, he\nreturned to the neighborhood of Panuco and settled there\npermanently.[23-2]\n\nThe annals of the Aztecs contain frequent allusions to the Huastecs. The\nmost important contest between the two nations took place in the reign\nof Montezuma the First (1440-1464). The attack was made by the Aztecs,\nfor the alleged reason that the Huastecs had robbed and killed Aztec\nmerchants on their way to the great fairs in Guatemala. The Huastecs are\ndescribed as numerous, dwelling in walled towns, possessing quantities\nof maize, beans, feathers and precious stones, and painting their faces.\nThey were signally defeated by the troops of Montezuma, but not reduced\nto vassalage.[24-1]\n\nAt the time of the Conquest the province of the Huastecs was densely\npeopled; \"none more so under the sun,\" remarks the Augustinian friar\nNicolas de Witte, who visited it in 1543; but even then he found it\nalmost deserted and covered with ruins, for, a few years previous, the\nSpaniards had acted towards its natives with customary treachery and\ncruelty. They had invited all the chiefs to a conference, had enticed\nthem into a large wooden building, and then set fire to it and burned\nthem alive. When this merciless act became known the Huastecs deserted\ntheir villages and scattered among the forests and mountains.[24-2]\n\nThese traditions go to show that the belief among the Aztecs was that\nthe tribes of the Maya family came originally from the north or\nnortheast, and were at some remote period closely connected with their\nown ancestors.\n\n\n\u00a7 4. _Political Condition at the Time of the Conquest._\n\nWhen the Spaniards first explored the coasts of Yucatan they found the\npeninsula divided into a number of independent petty states. According\nto an authority followed by Herrera, these were eighteen in number.\nThere is no complete list of their names, nor can we fix with certainty\ntheir boundaries. The following list gives their approximate position.\nOn the west coast, beginning at the south--\n\n   1. _Acalan_, on the Bahia de Terminos.\n   2. _Tixchel_ (or Telchac?)\n   3. _Champoton_ (Chakanputun, or Potonchan).\n   4. _Kinpech_ (Campech or Campeche).\n   5. _Canul_ (Acanul or H' Canul).\n   6. _Hocabaihumun._\n   7. _Cehpech_, in which Merida was founded.\n   8. _Zipatan_, on the northwest coast.\n\nOn the east coast, beginning at the north--\n\n   9. _Choaca_, near Cape Cotoche.\n  10. _Ekab_, opposite the Island of Cozumel.\n  11. _Conil_, or of the Cupuls.[TN-3]\n  13. _Bakhalal_, or Bacalar.\n  14. _Chetemal._\n  15. _Taitza_, the Peten district.\n\nCentral provinces--\n\n  16. _H' Chel_ (or Ah Kin Chel) in which Itzamal\n       was located.\n  17. _Zotuta_, of the Cocoms.\n  18. _Mani_, of the Xius.\n  19. _Cochuah_ (or Cochva, or Cocol\u00e1), the principal\n       town of which was Ichmul.\n\nAs No. 15, the Peten district, was not conquered by the Spaniards until\n1697, it was doubtless not included in the list drawn up by Herrera's\nauthority, so that the above would correspond with his statement.\n\nEach of these provinces was ruled by a hereditary chief, who was called\n_batab_, or _batabil uinic_ (_uinic_=man). He sometimes bore two names,\nthe first being that of his mother, the second of his father, as _Can\nEk_, in which _Can_ was from the maternal, _Ek_ from the paternal line.\nThe surname (_kaba_) descended through the male. It was called _hach\nkaba_, the true name, or _hool kaba_, the head name. Much attention was\npaid to preserving the genealogy, and the word for \"of noble birth\" was\n_ah kaba_, \"he who has a name.\"\n\nEach village of a province was organized under a ruler, who was styled\n_halach uinic_, the true or real man. Frequently he was a junior member\nof the reigning family. He was assisted by a second in command, termed\n_ah kulel_, as a lieutenant, and various subordinate officials, whose\nduties will be explained in the notes to Nakuk Pech's narrative.\n\nPersonal tenure of land did not exist. The town lands were divided out\nannually among the members of the community, as their wants required,\nthe consumption of each adult being calculated at twenty loads (of a\nman) of maize each year, this being the staple food.[27-1]\n\n\n\u00a7 5. _Grammatical Observations._\n\nCompared with many American languages, the Maya is simple in\nconstruction. It is analytic rather than synthetic; most of its roots\nare monosyllables or dissyllables, and the order of their arrangement is\nvery similar to that in English. It has been observed that foreigners,\ncoming to Yucatan, ignorant of both Spanish and Maya, acquire a\nconversational knowledge of the latter more readily than of the\nformer.[28-1]\n\nAn examination of the language explains this. Neither nouns nor\nadjectives undergo any change for gender, number or case. Before animate\nnouns the gender may be indicated by the prefixes _ah_ and _ix_,\nequivalent to the English _he_ and _she_ in such expressions as\n_he-bear_, _she-bear_. The plural particle is _ob_, which can be\nsuffixed to animate nouns, but is in fact the third person plural of the\npersonal pronoun.\n\nThe conjugations of the verbs are four in number. All passives and\nneuters end in _l_, and also a certain number of active verbs; these\nform the first conjugation, while the remaining three are of active\nverbs only. The time-forms of the verb are three, the present, the\naorist, and the future. Taking the verb _nacal_, to ascend, these forms\nare _nacal_, _naci_, _nacac_. The present indicative is:--\n\n  Nacal in cah,             I ascend.\n  Nacal \u00e1 cah,              thou ascendest.\n  Nacal \u00fa cah,              he ascends.\n  Nacal c cah,              we ascend.\n  Nacal a cah ex,           you ascend.\n  Nacal u cah ob,           they ascend.\n\nWhen this form is analyzed, we discover that _in_, _\u00e1_, _\u00fa_, _c_,\n_a-ex_, _u-ob_, are personal possessive pronouns, my, thy, his, our,\nyour, their; and that _nacal_ and _cah_ are in fact verbal nouns\nstanding in apposition. _Cah_, which is the sign of the present tense,\nmeans the doing, making, being occupied or busy at something. Hence\n_nacal in cah_, I ascend, is literally \"the ascent, my being occupied\nwith.\" The imperfect tense is merely the present with the additional\nverbal noun _cuchi_ added, as--\n\n  Nacal in cah cuchi,       I was ascending.\n  Nacal \u00e1 cah cuchi,        Thou wast ascending.\n                                   etc.\n\n_Cuchi_ means carrying on, bearing along, and the imperfect may thus be\nrendered:--\n\n\"The ascent, my being occupied with, carrying on.\"\n\nThis is what has been called by Friedrich M\u00fcller the \"possessive\nconjugation,\" the pronoun used being not in the nominative but in the\npossessive form.\n\nThe aorist presents a different mode of formation:--\n\n  Nac-en, (i.e. Naci-en)    I ascended.\n  Nac-ech,                  Thou ascended.\n  Naci,                     He ascended.\n  Nac-on,                   We ascended.\n  Nac-ex,                   You ascended.\n  Nac-ob,                   They ascended.\n\nHere _en_, _ech_, _on_, _ex_, are apparently the simple personal\npronouns I, thou, we, you, and are used predicatively. The future is\nalso conjugated in this form by the use of the verbal _bin_, _binel_, to\ngo:\n\n  Bin nacac en,             I am going to ascend.\n  Bin nacac ech,            Thou art going to ascend.\n                                         etc.\n\nThe present of all the active verbs uses this predicative form, while\ntheir aorists and futures employ possessive forms. Thus:--\n\n  Ten cambezic,             I teach him.\n  Tech cambezic,            Thou teaches him.\n  Lay cambezic,             He teaches him.\n\nHere, however, I must note a difference of opinion between eminent\ngrammatical critics. Friedrich M\u00fcller considers all such forms as--\n\n  Nac-en,                   I ascended,\n\nto exhibit \"the predicative power of the true verb,\" basing his opinion\non the analogy of such expressions as--\n\n  Ten batab en,             I (am) a chief.[31-1]\n\nM. Lucien Adam, on the other hand, says:--\"The intransitive preterit\n_nac-en_ may seem morphologically the same as the Aryan _\u00e1s-mi_; but\nhere again, _nac_ is a verbal noun, as is demonstrated by the plural of\nthe third person _nac-ob_, 'the ascenders.' _Nac-en_ comes to mean\n'ascender [formerly] me.'\"[31-2]\n\nI am inclined to think that the French critic is right, and that, in\nfact, there is no true verb in the Maya, but merely verbal nouns,\n_nomina actionis_, to which the pronouns stand either in the possessive\nor objective relations, or, more remotely, in the possessive relation to\nanother verbal noun in apposition, as _cah_, _cuchi_, etc. The\nimportance of this point in estimating the structure of the language\nwill be appreciated by those who have paid any attention to the science\nof linguistics.\n\nThe objective form of the conjugation is composed of the simple personal\npronouns of both persons, together with the possessive of the agent and\nthe particle _ci_, which conveys the accessory notion of present action\ntowards. Thus, from _moc_, to tie:--\n\n  Ten c in moc ech,         I tie thee,\n         literally,         I my present tying thee.\n\nThese refinements of analysis have, of course, nothing to do with the\nconvenience of the language for practical purposes. As it has no dual,\nno inclusive and exclusive plurals, no articles nor substantive verb, no\ntransitions, and few irregular verbs, its forms are quickly learned. It\nis not polysynthetic, at any rate, not more so than French, and its\nwords undergo no such alteration by agglutination as in Aztec and\nAlgonkin. Syncopated forms are indeed common, but to no greater extent\nthan in colloquial English. The unit of the tongue remains the word, not\nthe sentence, and we find no immeasurable words, expressing in\nthemselves a whole paragraph, such as grammarians like to quote from the\nEskimo, Aztec, Qquichua and other highly synthetic languages.\n\nThe position of words in a sentence is not dissimilar from that in\nEnglish. The adjective precedes the noun it qualifies, and sentences\nusually follow the formula, subject--verbal--object. Thus:--\n\n  _Hemac cu  yacuntic  Diose,       utz  uinic._\n   He    who   loves    God,  [is]  good  man.\n\nBut transposition is allowable, as--\n\n  _Taachili    u tzicic    u    yum     uinic._\n   Generally     obeys    his   father, a man.\n\nAs shown in this last example, the genitive relation is indicated by the\npossessive pronoun, as it sometimes was in English, \"John, his book;\"\nbut the Maya is \"his book John,\" _u huun Juan_.\n\nAnother method which is used for indicating the genitive and ablative\nrelations is the termination _il_. This is called \"the determinative\nending,\" and denotes whose is the object named, or of what. It is\noccasionally varied to _al_ and _el_, to correspond to the last\npreceding vowel, but this \"vocalic echo\" is not common in Maya. While it\ndenotes use, it does not convey the idea of ownership. Thus, _u c[=h]een\nin yum_, my father's well, means the well that belongs to my father; but\n_c[=h]enel in yum_, my father's well, means the well from which he\nobtains water, but in which he has no proprietorship. Material used is\nindicated by this ending, as _xanil na_, a house of straw (_xan_, straw,\n_na_, house).\n\nCompound words are frequent, but except occasional syncope, the members\nof the compound undergo no change. There is little resembling the\nincapsulation (_emboitement_) that one sees in most American languages.\nThus, midnight, _chumucakab_, is merely a union of _chumuc_, middle, and\n_akab_, night; dawn, _ahalcab_, is _ahal_, to awaken, _cab_, the world.\n\nWhile from the above brief sketch it will be seen that the Maya is free\nfrom many of the difficulties which present themselves in most American\ntongues, it is by no means devoid of others.\n\nIn its _phonetics_, it possesses six elements which to the Spaniards\nwere new. They are represented by the signs:\n\n  c[=h],   k,   pp,   t[=h],  tz,   [c].\n\nOf these the c[=h] resembles dch, pronounced forcibly; the [c] is as dz;\nthe pp is a forcible double p; and in the t[=h] the two letters are to\nbe pronounced separately and forcibly. There remains the _k_ which is\nthe most difficult of all. It is a sort of palato-guttural, the only one\nin the language, and its sound can only be acquired by long practice.\n\nThe _particles_ are very numerous, and make up the life of the language.\nBy them are expressed the relations of space and time, and all the finer\nshades of meaning. Probably no one not to the manor born could render\ncorrectly their full force. Buenaventura, in his Grammar, enumerates\nsixteen different significations of the particle _il_.[35-1]\n\nThe elliptical and obscure style adopted by most native writers, partly\nfrom ignorance of the art of composition, partly because they imitated\nthe mystery in expression affected by their priests, forms a serious\nobstacle even to those fairly acquainted with the current language.\nMoreover, the older manuscripts contain both words and forms unfamiliar\nto a cultivated Yucatecan of to-day.\n\nI must, however, not omit to contradict formally an assertion made by\nthe traveler Waldeck, and often repeated, that the language has\nundergone such extensive changes that what was written a century ago is\nunintelligible to a native of to-day. So far is this from the truth\nthat, except for a few obsolete words, the narrative of the Conquest,\nwritten more than three hundred years ago, by the chief Pech, which I\nprint in this volume, could be read without much difficulty by any\neducated native.\n\nAgain, as in all languages largely monosyllabic, there are many\nsignifications attached to one word, and these often widely different.\nThus _kab_ means, a hand; a handle; a branch; sap; an offence; while\n_cab_ means the world; a country; strength; honey; a hive; sting of an\ninsect; juice of a plant; and, in composition, promptness. It will be\nreadily understood that cases will occur where the context leaves it\ndoubtful which of these meanings is to be chosen.\n\nThese _homonyms_ and _paronyms_, as they are called by grammarians,\noffer a fine field for sciolists in philology, wherein to discover\nanalogies between the Maya and other tongues, and they have been\nvigorously culled out for that purpose. All such efforts are\ninconsistent with correct methods in linguistics. The folly of the\nprocedure may be illustrated by comparing the English and the Maya. I\nsuppose no one will pretend that these languages, at any rate in their\npresent modern forms, are related. Yet the following are but a few of\nthe many verbal similarities that could be pointed out:--\n\n  MAYA.        ENGLISH.\n  bateel,      battle.\n  c[=h]ab,     to grab, to take.\n  hol,         hole.\n  hun,         one.\n  lum,         loam.\n  pol,         poll (head).\n  potum,       a pot.\n  pul,         to pull, carry.\n  tun,         stone.\n\nSo with the Latin we could find such similarities as _volah_=volo,\n_[c]a_=dare, etc.\n\nIn fact, no relationship of the Maya linguistic group to any other has\nbeen discovered. It contains a number of words borrowed from the Aztec\n(Nahuatl); and the latter in turn presents many undoubtedly borrowed\nfrom the Maya dialects. But this only goes to show that these two great\nfamilies had long and close relations; and that we already know, from\ntheir history, traditions and geographical positions.\n\n\n\u00a7 6. _The Numeral System._\n\nThe Mayas had a mathematical turn, and possessed a developed system of\nnumeration. It counted by units and scores; in other words, it was a\nvigesimal system. The cardinal numbers were:--\n\n  Hun,           one.\n  Ca,            two.\n  Ox,            three.\n  Can,           four.\n  Ho,            five.\n  Uac,           six.\n  Uuc,           seven.\n  Uaxac,         eight.\n  Bolon,         nine.\n  Lahun,         ten.\n  Buluc,         eleven.\n  Lahca,         twelve.\n  Oxlahun,       thirteen.\n  Canlahun,      fourteen.\n  Holhun,        fifteen.\n  Uaclahun,      sixteen.\n  Uuclahun,      seventeen.\n  Uaxaclahun,    eighteen.\n  Bolonlahun,    nineteen.\n  Hunkal,        twenty.\n\nThe composition of these numerals from twelve to nineteen inclusive is\neasily seen. _Lahun_ is apparently a compound of _lah hun_ (sc.\n_uinic_), \"it finishes one (man);\" that is, in counting on the fingers.\n_Lah_ means the end, to end, and also the whole of anything. _Kal_, a\nscore, is literally a fastening together, a shutting up, from the verb\n_kal_, to shut, to lock, to button up, etc.\n\nFrom twenty upward, the scores are used:--\n\n  Hun tu kal,    one to the score, 21.\n  Ca tu kal,     two to the score, 22.\n  Ox tu kal,   three to the score, 23,\n\nand so on up to\n\n  Ca kal,               two score, 40.\n\nAbove forty, three different methods can be used to continue the\nnumeration.\n\n1. We may continue the same employed between 20 and 40, thus:--\n\n  Hun tu cakal,               one to two score, 41.\n  Ca tu cakal,                two to two score, 42.\n  Ox tu cakal,              three to two score, 43,\n\nand so on.\n\n2. The numeral copulative _catac_ can be used, with the numeral particle\n_tul_; as:--\n\n  Cakal catac catul,         two score and two, 42.\n  Cakal catac oxtul,       two score and three, 43.\n\n3. We may count upon the next score above, as:\n\n  Hun tu yoxkal,        one on the third score, 41.\n  Ca tu yoxkal,         two on the third score, 42.\n  Ox tu yoxkal,       three on the third score, 43.\n\nThe last mentioned system is that advanced by Father Beltran, and is the\nonly one formally mentioned by him. It has recently been carefully\nanalyzed by Prof. Leon de Rosny, who has shown that it is a consistent\nvigesimal method.[40-1]\n\nIt might be asked, and the question is pertinent, and is left unanswered\nby Prof. Leon de Rosny, why _hun tu kal_ means \"one to the score,\" and\n_hun tu can kal_ is translated, \"one on the fourth score.\" This\nimportant shade of meaning may be given, I think, by the possessive _u_\nwhich originally belonged in the phrase, but suffered elision. Properly\nit should be,\n\n  Hun tu u can kal.\n\nThis seems apparent from other numbers where it has not suffered\nelision, but merely incorporation, as:--\n\n  Hun tu yox kal=hun tu u ox kal, 41.\n  Hu tu yokal=hun tu u ho kal, 81.\n\nThis system of numeration, advanced by Beltran, appears to have been\nadopted by all of the later writers, who may have learned the Maya\nlargely from his Grammar. Thus, in the translation of the Gospel of St.\nJohn, published by the Baptist Bible Translation Society, chap. II, v.\n20; _Xupan uactuyoxkal hab utial u mental letile kulnaa_, \"forty and six\nyears was this temple in building;\"[41-1] and in that of the Gospel of\nSt. Luke, said to have been the work of Father Joaquin Ruz, the same\nsystem is followed.[41-2]\n\nNevertheless, Beltran's method has been severely criticised by Don Juan\nPio Perez, who ranks among the ablest Yucatecan linguists of this\ncentury. He has pronounced it artificial, not in accordance with either\nthe past or present use of the natives themselves, and built up out of\nan effort to assimilate the Maya to the Latin numeral system.\n\nI give his words in the original, from his unpublished essay on Maya\ngrammar.[42-1]\n\n\"Los Indios de Yucatan cuentan por veintenas, que llaman _kal_ y en\ncierto modo tienen diez y nueve unidades hasta completar la primera\nveintena que es _hunkal_ aunque en el curso de esta solo se encuentran\nonce numeros simples, pues los nombres de los restantes se forman de los\nde la primera decena.\n\n\"Para contar de una \u00e0 otra veintena los numeros fraccionarios \u00f2 las diez\ny nueve unidades, terminadas por la particula _tul_ \u00f2 su sincopa\n_tu_,[42-2] se juntan antepuestas \u00e0 la veintena espresada; por exemplo,\n_hunkal_, 20; _huntukal_, 21; _catukal_, 22; y _huntucakal_, 41;\n_catucakal_, 42; _oxtucankal_, 83; _cantuhokal_, 140, etc.\n\n\"El Padre Fr. Beltran de Santa Rosa, como puede verse en su _Arte de\nLengua Maya_, form\u00f3 un sistema distinto \u00e0 este desde la 2\u00aa veintena\nhasta la ultima, pues para espresar las unidades entre este y la 3\u00aa\nveintena pone \u00e0 esta terminandolas y por consiguiente rebajandole su\nvalor por solo su anteposicion \u00e0 dichas unidades fraccionarias, y asi\npara espresar el numero 45 por ejemplo dice _ho tu yoxkal_, cuando\n_oxkal_ \u00f2 _yoxkal_ significa 60.\n\n\"No s\u00e9 de donde tom\u00f3 los fundamentos en que se apoya este sistema, quiza\nen el uso de su tiempo, que no ha llegado hasta este; aunque he visto en\nvarios manuscritos antiguos, que los Indios de entonces como los de\nahora, usaban el sistema que indico, y espresaban las unidades integras\nque numeraban, y para espresar el numero 65 dicen; _Oxkal catac hotul_ \u00f9\n_hotu oxkal_, que usa el Padre Beltran por 45.[43-1]\n\n\"Mas el metodo que explico esta apoyado en el uso y aun en el curso que\nse advierte en la 1\u00aa y 2\u00aa veintena \u00e9 indican que asi deben continuar las\ndecenas hasta la 20\u00aa y no formar sistemas confusos que por ser mas \u00f4\nmenos an\u00e1logos \u00e0 la numeracion romana lo juzgaban mas \u00f4 menos perfectos,\nporque la consideraban como un tipo a que debia arreglarse cualquiera\notra lengua, cuando en ellas todo lo que no este conforme con el uso\nrecibido y corriente, es construir castillos en el aire y hacer reformas\nque por mas ingeniosas que sean, no pasan de inoficiosas.\"\n\nIn the face of this severe criticism of Father Beltran's system, I\ncannot explain how it is that in Pio Perez's own Dictionary of the Maya,\nthe numerals above 40 are given according to Beltran's system; and that\nthis was not the work of the editors of that volume (which was published\nafter his death), is shown by an autographic manuscript of his\ndictionary in my possession, written about 1846,[44-1] in which also the\nnumerals appear in Beltran's form.\n\nThree other manuscript dictionaries in my collection, all composed\nprevious to 1690, affirm the system of Beltran, and I am therefore\nobliged to believe that it was authentic and current among the natives\nlong before white scholars began to dress up their language in the\nill-fitting garments of Aryan grammar.\n\nProceeding to higher numbers, it is interesting to note that they also\nproceed on the vigesimal system, although this has not heretofore been\ndistinctly shown. The ancient computation was:\n\n  20 units   = one _kal_                   =         20\n  20 kal     = one _bak_                   =        400\n  20 bak     = one _pic_                   =      8,000\n  20 pic     = one _calab_                 =    160,000\n  20 calab   = one _kinchil_ or _tzotzceh_ =  3,200,000\n  20 kinchil = one _alau_                  = 64,000,000\n\nThis ancient system was obscured by the Spaniards using the word _pic_\nto mean 1000 and _kinchil_ to mean 1,000,000, instead of their original\nsignifications.\n\nThe meaning of _kal_, I have already explained to be a fastening\ntogether, a package, a bundle. _Bak_, as a verb, is to tie around and\naround with a network of cords; _pic_ is the old word for the short\npetticoat worn by the women, which was occasionally used as a sac. If we\nremember that grains of corn or of cacao were what were generally\nemployed as counters, then we may suppose these were measures of\nquantity. The word _kal_ (_qal_), in Kiche means a score and also\nspecifically 20 grains of cacao; _bak_ in Cakchiquel means a corn-cob,\nand as a verb to shell an ear of corn, but I am not clear of any\nconnection between this and the numeral. Other meanings of _bak_ in Maya\nare \"meat\" and the _partes pudendas_ of either sex.\n\n_Calab_, seems to be an instrumental form from _cal_, to stuff, to fill\nfull.[45-1] The word _calam_ is used in the sense of excessive,\novermuch. In Cakchiquel the phrase _mani hu cala_, not (merely) one\n_cala_, is synonymous with _mani hu chuvi_, not (merely) one bag or\nsack, both meaning a countless number.[46-1] In that dialect the\nspecific meaning of _cala_ is 20 loads of cacao beans.[46-2]\n\nThe term _tzotzceh_ means deerskin, but for _kinchil_ and _alau_, I have\nfound no satisfactory derivation that does not strain the forms of the\nword too much. I would, however, suggest one possible connection of\nmeaning.\n\nIn _kinchil_, we have the word _kin_, day; in _alau_, the word _u_\nmonth, and in the term for mathematical infinity, _hunhablat_, we find\n_hun haab_, one year, just as in the related expression, _hunhablazic_,\nwhich signifies that which lasts a whole year. If this suggestion is\nwell grounded, then in these highest expressions of quantity (and I am\ninclined to think that originally _hun hablat_, one _hablat_=20 _alau_)\nwe have applications of the three time periods, the day, the month, and\nthe year, with the figurative sense that the increase of one over the\nother was as the relative lengths of these different periods.\n\nI think it worth while to go into these etymologies, as they may throw\nsome light on the graphic representation of the numerals in the Maya\nhieroglyphics. It is quite likely that the figures chosen to represent\nthe different higher units would resemble the objects which their names\nliterally signify. The first nineteen numerals were written by a\ncombination of dots and lines, examples of which we find in abundance in\nthe Codex Troano and other manuscripts. The following explanation of it\nis from the pen of a native writer in the last century:--\n\n[Illustration]\n\n\"Yantac thun yetel paiche tu pachob, he hunppel thune hunppel bin haabe,\nuaix cappele cappel bin haabe, uaix oxppel thuun, ua canppel thuune,\ncanppel binbe, uaix oxppel thuun baixan; he paichee yan yokol xane, ua\nhunppel paichee, hoppel haab bin; ua cappel paichee lahunppiz bin; uaix\nhunppel paichee yan yokol xane, ua yan hunppel thuune uacppel bin be;\nuaix cappel thuune yan yokol paichee uucppel bin be; ua oxppel thuun yan\nyokole, uaxppel binbe; uaixcanppel thun yan yokole paichee (bolonppel\nbinbe); yanix thun yokol (cappel) paichee buluc piz; uaix cappel thune\nlahcapiz; ua oxppel thuun, oxlahunpiz.\"\n\n\"They (our ancestors) used (for numerals in their calendars) dots and\nlines back of them; one dot for one year, two dots for two years, three\ndots for three, four dots for four, and so on; in addition to these they\nused a line; one line meant five years, two lines ten years; if one line\nand above it one dot, six years; if two dots above the line, seven\nyears; if three dots above, eight; if four dots above the line, nine; a\ndot above two lines, eleven; if two dots, twelve; if three dots,\nthirteen.\"[48-1]\n\nThe plan of using the numerals in Maya differs somewhat from that in\nEnglish.\n\nIn the first place, they are rarely named without the addition of a\n_numeral particle_, which is suffixed. These particles indicate the\ncharacter or class of the objects which are, or are about to be,\nenumerated. When they are uttered, the hearer at once knows what kind of\nobjects are to be spoken of. Many of them can be traced to a meaning\nwhich has a definite application to a class, and they have analogues in\nEuropean tongues. Thus I may say \"seven head of\"--and the hearer knows\nthat I am going to speak of cattle, or sheep, or cabbages, or similar\nobjects usually counted by heads. So in Maya _ac_ means a turtle or a\nturtle shell; hence it is used as a particle in counting canoes, houses,\nstools, vases, pits, caves, altars, and troughs, and some general\nappropriateness can be seen; but when it is applied also to cornfields,\nthe analogy seems remote.\n\nOf these numeral particles, not less than _seventy-six_ are given by\nBeltran, in his Grammar, and he does not exhaust the list. Of these\n_piz_ and _pel_, both of which mean, single, singly, are used in\ncounting years, and will frequently recur in the annals I present in\nthis volume.\n\nBy their aid another method of numeration was in vogue for counting\ntime. For \"eighty-one years,\" they did not say _hutuyokal haab_, but\n_can kal haab catac hunpel haab_, literally, \"four score years and one\nyear.\" The copulative _catac_ is also used in adding a smaller number to\na _bak_, or 400, as for 450, _hun bak catac lahuyoxkal_, \"one _bak_ and\nten toward the third score.\" _Catac_ is a compound of _ca tac_, _ca_\nmeaning \"then\" or \"and,\" and _tac_, which Dr. Berendt considered to be\nan irregular future of _talel_, to come, \"then will come fifty,\" but\nwhich may be the imperative of _tac_ (_tacah_, _tace_, third\nconjugation), which means to put something under another, as in the\nphrase _tac ex che yalan cum_, put you wood under the pot.\n\nIt will be seen that the latter method is by addition, the former by\nsubtraction. Another variety of the latter is found in the annals. For\ninstance, \"ninety-nine years\" is not expressed by _bolonlahutuyokal\nhaab_, nor yet by _cankal haab catac bolonlahunpel haab_, but by _hunpel\nhaab minan ti hokal haab_, \"one single year lacking from five score\nyears.\"\n\n\n\u00a7 7. _The Calendar._\n\nThe system of computing time adopted by the Mayas is a subject too\nextensive to be treated here in detail, but it is indispensable, for the\nproper understanding of their annals, that the outlines of their\nchronological scheme be explained.\n\nThe year, _haab_, was intended to begin on the day of the transit of the\nsun by the zenith, and was counted from July 16th. It was divided into\neighteen months, _u_ (_u_, month, moon), of twenty days, _kin_ (sun,\nday, time), each. The days were divided into groups of five, as\nfollows:--\n\n  1. _Kan._       6. _Muluc._  11. _Ix._      16. _Cauac._\n  2. Chicchan.    7. Oc.       12. Men.       17. Ahau.\n  3. Cimi.        8. Chuen.    13. Cib.       18. Imix.\n  4. Manik.       9. Eb.       14. Caban.     19. Ik.\n  5. Lamat.      10. Ben.      15. E[c]nab.   20. Akbal.\n\nThe months, in their order, were:--\n\n   1. Pop.\n   2. Uo.\n   3. Zip.\n   4. Zo[c].\n   5. Zeec.\n   6. Xul.\n   7. [C]e-yaxkin.\n   8. Mol.\n   9. Chen.\n  10. Yaax.\n  11. Zac.\n  12. Ceh.\n  13. Mac.\n  14. Kankin.\n  15. Moan.\n  16. Pax.\n  17. Kayab.\n  18. Cumku.\n\nAs the Maya year was of 365 days, and as 18 months of 20 days each\ncounted only 360 days, there were five days intervening between the last\nof the month Cumku and the first day of the following year. These were\ncalled \"days without names,\" _xma kaba kin_ (_xma_, without, _kaba_,\nnames, _kin_, days), an expression not quite correct, as they were named\nin regular order, only they were not counted in any month.\n\nIt will be seen, by glancing at the list of days, that this arrangement\nbrought at the beginning of each year, the days Kan, Muluc, Ix and Cauac\nin turn, and that no other days could begin the year. These days were\ntherefore called _cuch haab_, \"the bearers of the years\" (_cuch_, to\nbear, carry, _haab_, year), and years were distinguished as \"a year\nKan,\" \"a year Muluc,\" etc., as they began with one or another of these\n\"year bearers.\"\n\nBut the calendar was not so simple as this. The days were not counted\nfrom one to twenty, and then beginning at one again, and so on, but by\nperiods of 13 days each. Thus, in the first month, beginning with 1 Kan,\nthe 14th day of that month begins a new \"week,\" as it has been called,\nand is named 1 Caban. Twenty-eight of these weeks make 364 days, thus\nleaving one day to complete the year. When the number of these odd days\namounted to 13, in other words when thirteen years had elapsed, this\nformed a period which was called \"the _katun_ of days,\" _kin katun_, and\nby Spanish writers an \"indiction.\"\n\nIt will be readily observed by an inspection of the following table,\nthat four of these indictions, in other words 52 years, will elapse\nbefore a \"year bearer\" of the same name and number recommences a year.\n\n  ___________________________________________________________\n      _1st year._ | _14th year._ | _27th year._ | _40th year_[TN-5]\n  -----------------------------------------------------------\n   1 |  Kan       |    Muluc     |    Ix        |    Cauac\n   2 |  Muluc     |    Ix        |    Cauac     |    Kan\n   3 |  Ix        |    Cauac     |    Kan       |    Muluc\n   4 |  Cauac     |    Kan       |    Muluc     |    Ix\n   5 |  Kan       |    Muluc     |    Ix        |    Cauac\n   6 |  Muluc     |    Ix        |    Cauac     |    Kan\n   7 |  Ix        |    Cauac     |    Kan       |    Muluc\n   8 |  Cauac     |    Kan       |    Muluc     |    Ix\n   9 |  Kan       |    Muluc     |    Ix        |    Cauac\n  10 |  Muluc     |    Ix        |    Cauac     |    Kan\n  11 |  Ix        |    Cauac     |    Kan       |    Muluc\n  12 |  Cauac     |    Kan       |    Muluc     |    Ix\n  13 |  Kan       |    Muluc     |    Ix        |    Cauac.\n  -----------------------------------------------------------\n\nA cycle of 52 years was thus obtained in a manner almost identical with\nthat of the Aztecs, Tarascos and other nations.\n\nBut the Mayas took an important step in advance of all their\ncontemporaries in arranging a much longer cycle.\n\nThis long cycle was an application of the vigesimal system to their\nreckoning of time. Twenty days were a month, _u_ or _uinal_; twenty\nyears was a cycle, _katun_. To ask one's age the question was put\n_haypel u katunil_? How many katuns have you? And the answer was,\n_hunpel katun_, one katun (twenty years), or, _hopel in katunil_, I am\nfive katuns, or a hundred years old, as the case might be.\n\nThe division of the katuns was on the principle of the Beltran system of\nnumeration (see page 40), as,\n\n  _xel u ca katun_,      thirty years.\n  _xel u yox katun_,      fifty years.\n\nLiterally these expressions are, \"dividing the second katun,\" \"dividing\nthe third katun,\" _xel_ meaning to cut in pieces, to divide as with a\nknife. They may be compared to the German _dritthalb_, two and a half,\nor \"the third a half.\"[54-1]\n\nThe Katun of 20 years was divided into five lesser divisions of 4 years\neach, called _tzuc_, a word with a signification something like the\nEnglish \"bunch,\" and which came to be used as a numeral particle in\ncounting parts, divisions, paragraphs, reasons, groups of towns,\netc.[54-2]\n\nThese _tzuc_ were called by the Spaniards _lustros_, from the Latin\n_lustrum_, although that was a period _five_ years. Cogolludo says:\n\"They counted their eras and ages, which they entered in their books, by\nperiods of 20 years each, and by _lustros_ of four years each. The first\nyear they placed in the East [that is, on the Katun-wheel, and in the\nfigures in their books], calling it _cuch haab_; the second in the West,\ncalled _Hijx_; the third in the South, _Cavac_; and the fourth, Muluc,\nin the North, and this served them for the Dominical letter. When five\nof the _lustros_ had passed, that is 20 years, they called it a _Katun_,\nand they placed one carved stone upon another, cemented with lime and\nsand, in the walls of their temples, or in the houses of their\npriests.\"[55-1]\n\nThe historian is wrong in saying that the first year was called\n_cuchhaab_; that was the name applied to all the Dominical days, and as\nI have said, means \"year bearer.\" The first year was called _Kan_, from\nthe first day of its first month.\n\nThis is but one of many illustrations of how cautious we must be in\naccepting any statement of the early Spanish writers about the usages of\nthe natives.\n\nThere is, however, some obscurity about the length of the _Katun_. All\nthe older Spanish writers, without exception, and most of the native\nmanuscripts, speak of it distinctly as a period of twenty years. Yet\nthere are three manuscripts of high authority in the Maya which state\nthat it embraced twenty-four years, although the last four were not\nreckoned. This theory was adopted and warmly advocated by Pio Perez, in\nhis essay on the ancient chronology of Yucatan, and is also borne out by\ncalculations which have been made on the hieroglyphic Codex Troano, by\nM. Delaporte, in France, and Professor Cyrus Thomas, in the United\nStates.[56-1]\n\nThis discrepancy may arise from the custom of counting the katuns by two\ndifferent systems, ground for which supposition is furnished by various\nmanuscripts; but for purposes of chronology and ordinary life, it will\nbe evident that the writers of the annals in the present volume adopted\nthe Katun of twenty years' length; while on the other hand the native\nPech, in his History of the Conquest, which is the last piece in the\nvolume, gives for the beginning and the end of the Katun the years\n1517-1541, and therefore must have had in mind one of twenty-four years'\nduration. The solution of these contradictions is not yet at hand.\n\nThis great cycle of 13\u00a0\u00d7\u00a020=260 years was called an _ahau Katun_\ncollectively, and each period in it bore the same name.\n\nThis name, _ahau Katun_, deserves careful analysis. _Ahau_ is the\nordinary word for chief, king, ruler. It is probably a compound of _ah_,\nwhich is the male prefix and sign of the _nomen agentis_, and _u_,\ncollar, a collar of gold or other precious substance, distinguishing the\nchiefs. _Katun_ has been variously analyzed. Don Pio Perez supposed it\nwas a compound of _kat_, to ask, and _tun_, a stone, because at the\nclose of these periods they set up the sculptured stone, which was\nafterwards referred to in order to fix the dates of occurrences.[57-1]\nThis, however, would certainly require that _kat_ be in the passive,\n_katal_ or _kataan_, and would give _katantun_. Beltran in his Grammar\ntreats the word as an adjective, meaning very long, perpetual.[57-2] But\nthis is a later, secondary sense. Its usual signification is a body or\nbatallion[TN-7] of warriors engaged in action. As a verb, it is to\nfight, to give battle, and thus seems related to the Cakchiquel _[k]at_,\nto cut, or wound, to make prisoner.[58-1] The series of years, ordered\nand arranged under a controlling day and date, were like a row of\nsoldiers commanded by a chief, and hence the name _ahau katun_.\n\nEach of these _ahaus_ or chiefs of the Katuns was represented in the\nnative calendars by the picture or portrait of a particular personage\nwho in some way was identified with the Katun, and his name was given to\nit. This has not been dwelt upon nor even mentioned by previous writers\non the subject, but I have copies of various native manuscripts which\nillustrate it, and give the names of each of the rulers of the Katuns.\n\nThe thirteen _ahau katuns_ were not numbered from 1 upward, but\nbeginning at the 13th, by the alternate numbers, in the following\norder:--\n\n  13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2\n\nVarious reasons have been assigned for this arrangement. It would be\nforeign to my purpose to discuss them here, and I shall merely quote the\nfollowing, from a paper I wrote on the subject, printed in the _American\nNaturalist_, Sept., 1881:--\n\n     \"Gallatin explained them as the numerical characters of the days\n     \"Ahau\" following the first day of each year called Cauac; Dr.\n     Valentini thinks they refer to the numbers of the various idols\n     worshiped in the different Ahaus; Professor Thomas that they are\n     the number of the year (in the indiction of 52 years) on which the\n     Ahau begins. Each of these statements is true in itself, but each\n     fails to show any practical use of the series; and of the last\n     mentioned it is to be observed that the objection applies to it\n     that at the commencement of an Ahau Katun the numbers would run 1,\n     12, 10, 8, etc., whereas we know positively that the numbers of the\n     Ahaus began with 13 and continued 11, 9, 7, 5, etc.\n\n     \"The explanation which I offer is that the number of the Ahau was\n     taken from the last day Cauac preceding the Kan with which the\n     first year of each Ahau began--for, as 24 is divisible by 4, the\n     first year of each Ahau necessarily began with the day Kan. This\n     number was the \"ruling number\" of the Ahau, and not for any\n     mystical or ceremonial purpose, but for the practical one of at\n     once and easily converting any year designated in the Ahau into its\n     equivalent in the current Kin Katun, or 52 year cycle. All that is\n     necessary to do this is, to _add the number of the year in the Ahau\n     to the number of the year Cauac corresponding to this \"ruling\n     number.\" When the sum exceeds 52, subtract that number._\n\n     \"Take an example: To what year in the Kin Katun does 10 Ahau XI\n     (the 10th year of the 11th Ahau) correspond?\n\n     \"On referring to a table, or, as the Mayas did, to a 'Katun wheel,'\n     we find the 11th Cauac to be the 24th year of the cycle; add ten to\n     this and we have 34 as the number of the year in the cycle to which\n     10 Ahau XI corresponds. The great simplicity and convenience of\n     this will be evident without further discussion.\"\n\nThe important question remains, how closely, by these cycles, did the\nMayas approximate to preserving the exact date of an event?\n\nTo answer this fairly, we should be sure that we have a perfectly\nauthentic translation of their hieroglyphic annals. It is doubtful that\nwe have. Those I present in this volume are the most perfect, so far as\nI know, but they certainly do not agree among themselves. Can their\ndiscrepancies be explained? I think they can in a measure (1) by the\ndiffering length of the katuns, (2) by the era assumed as the\ncommencement of the reckoning.\n\nIt must be remembered that there was apparently no common era adopted by\nthe Mayas; each province may have selected its own; and it is quite\nerroneous to condemn the annals off-hand for inaccuracy because they\nconflict between themselves.\n\n\n\u00a7 8. _Ancient Hieroglyphic Books._\n\nThe Mayas were a literary people. They made frequent use of tablets,\nwrote many books, and covered the walls of their buildings with\nhieroglyphic signs, cut in the stones or painted upon the plaster.\n\nThe explanation of these signs is one of the leading problems in\nAmerican arch\u00e6ology. It was supposed to have been solved when the\nmanuscript of Bishop Landa's account of Yucatan was discovered, some\ntwenty years ago, in Madrid. The Bishop gave what he called \"an A, B,\nC,\" of the language, but which, when applied to the extant manuscripts\nand the mural inscriptions, proved entirely insufficient to decipher\nthem.\n\nThe disappointment of the antiquaries was great, and by one of them, Dr.\nFelipe Valentini, Landa's alphabet has been denounced as \"a Spanish\nfabrication.\"[61-1] But certainly any one acquainted with the history of\nthe Latin alphabet, how it required the labor of thousands of years and\nthe demands of three wholly different families of languages, to bring it\nto its perfection, should not have looked to find among the Mayas, or\nanywhere else, a parallel production of human intelligence. Moreover,\nrightly understood, Landa does not intimate anything of the kind. He\ndistinctly states that what he gives are the sounds of the Spanish\nletters as they would be transcribed in Maya characters; not at all that\nthey analyzed the sounds of their words and expressed the phonetic\nelements in these characters. On the contrary, he takes care to affirm\nthat they could not do this, and gives an example in point.[62-1] Dr.\nValentini, therefore, was attacking a windmill, and entirely\nmisconstrued the Bishop's statements.\n\nI shall not, in this connection, enter into a discussion of the nature\nof these hieroglyphics. It is enough for my purpose to say that they\nwere recognized by the earliest Spanish explorers as quite different\nfrom those of Mexico, and as the only graphic system on the continent,\nso far as they knew it, which merited the name of writing.[62-2]\n\nThe word for book in Maya is _huun_, a monosyllable which reappears in\nthe Kiche _vuh_ and the Huasteca _uuh_. In Maya this initial _h_ is\nalmost silent and is occasionally dropped, as _yuunil Dios_, the book of\nGod (syncopated form of _u huunil Dios_, the suffix _il_ being the\n\"determinative\" ending). I am inclined to believe that _huun_ is merely\na form of _uoohan_, something written, this being the passive participle\nof _uooh_, to write, which, as a noun, also means a character, a\nletter.[63-1]\n\nAnother name for their books, especially those containing the prophecies\nand forecasts of the priestly diviners, is said to have been _anahte_;\nor _analte_. This word is not to be found in any of the early\ndictionaries. The usual authority for it is Villagutierre Sotomayor, who\ndescribes these volumes as they were seen among the Itzas of Lake Peten,\nabout 1690.[64-1]\n\nThese books consisted of one long sheet of a kind of paper made by\nmacerating and beating together the leaves of the maguey, and afterwards\nsizing the surface with a durable white varnish. The sheet was folded\nlike a screen, forming pages about 9\u00a0\u00d7\u00a05 inches. Both sides were covered\nwith figures and characters painted in various brilliant colors. On the\nouter pages boards were fastened, for protection, so that the completed\nvolume had the appearance of a bound book of large octavo size.\n\nInstead of this paper, parchment was sometimes used. This was made from\ndeerskins, thoroughly cured and also smoked, so that they should be less\nliable to the attacks of insects. A very durable substance was thus\nobtained, which would resist most agents of destruction, even in a\ntropical climate. Twenty-seven rolls of such parchment, covered with\nhieroglyphics, were among the articles burned by Bishop Landa, at Mani,\nin 1562, in a general destruction of everything which related to the\nancient life of the nation. He himself says that he burned all that he\ncould lay his hands upon, to the great distress of the natives.[65-1]\n\nA very few escaped the destructive bigotry of the Spanish priests. So\nfar as known these are.--\n\n1. The Codex Tro, or Troano, in Madrid, published by the French\ngovernment, in 1869.\n\n2. What is believed to be the second part of the Codex Troano, now\n(1882) in process of publication in Paris.\n\n3. The Codex Peresianus, in the National Library, Paris, a very limited\nedition of which has been issued.\n\n4. The Dresden Codex, in Kingsborough's Mexico, and photographed in\ncolors, to the number of 50 copies, in 1880, which is believed to\ncontain fragments of two different manuscripts.\n\nTo these are, perhaps, to be added one other in Europe and two in\nMexico, which are in private hands, and are alleged to be of the same\ncharacter.\n\nAll the above are distinctly in characters which were peculiar to the\nMayas, and which are clearly variants of those found on the sculptured\nbeams and slabs of Uxmal, Chichen Itza, Palenque and Copan.\n\nIt is possible that many other manuscripts may be discovered in time,\nfor Landa tells us that it was the custom to bury with the priests the\nbooks which they had written. As their tombs were at times of solid\nstones, firmly cemented together, and well calculated to resist the\nmoisture and other elements of destruction for centuries, it is nowise\nunlikely that explorations in Yucatan will bring to light some of these\nhidden documents.\n\nThe contents of these books, so far as we can judge from the hints in\nthe early writers, related chiefly to the ritual and calendar, to their\nhistory or Katuns, to astrological predictions and divinations, to their\nmythology, and to their system of healing disease.\n\n\n\u00a7 9. _Modern Maya Manuscripts._\n\nAs I have said, the Mayas were naturally a literary people. Had they\nbeen offered the slightest chance for the cultivation of their\nintellects they would have become a nation of readers and writers.\nStriking testimony to this effect is offered by Doctor Don Augustin de\nEchano, Prebend of the Cathedral Church of Merida, about the middle of\nthe last century. He observes that twelve years of experience among the\nIndians had taught him that they were very desirous of knowledge, and\nthat as soon as they learned to read, they eagerly perused everything\nthey could lay their hands on; and as they had nothing in their tongue\nbut some old writings that treated of sorceries and quackeries, the\nworthy Prebend thought it an excellent idea that they should be\nsupplied, in place of these, with some ---- _sermons_![67-1] But what\nelse could be expected of a body of men who crushed out with equal\nbigotry every spark of mental independence in their own country?\n\nThe \"old writings\" to which the Prebend alludes were composed by natives\nwho had learned to write the Maya in the alphabet adopted by the early\nmissionaries and conquerors. An official document in Maya, still extant,\ndates from 1542, and from that time on there were natives who wrote\ntheir tongue with fluency. But their favorite compositions were works\nsimilar to those to which their forefathers had been partial,\nprophecies, chronicles and medical treatises.\n\nRelying on their memories, and no doubt aided by some of the ancient\nhieroglyphical manuscripts, carefully secreted from the vandalism of the\nmonks, they wrote out what they could recollect of their national\nliterature.\n\nThere were at one time a large number of these records. They are\nreferred to by Cogolludo, Sanchez Aguilar and other early historians.\nProbably nearly every village had one, which in time became to be\nregarded with superstitious veneration.\n\nWherever written, each of these books bore the same name; it was always\nreferred to as \"The Book of Chilan Balam.\" To distinguish them apart,\nthe name of the village where one was composed was added. Thus we have\nstill preserved to us, in whole or in fragments, the Book of Chilan\nBalam of Chumayel, of Kaua, of Nabula, etc., in all, it is said, about\nsixteen.\n\n\"Chilan Balam\" was the designation of a class of priests. \"Chilan,\" says\nBishop Landa, \"was the name of their priests, whose duty it was to teach\nthe sciences, to appoint holy days, to treat the sick, to offer\nsacrifices, and especially to utter the oracles of the gods. They were\nso highly honored by the people that usually they were carried on\nlitters on the shoulders of the devotees.\"[69-1] Strictly speaking, in\nMaya, _chilan_ means \"interpreter,\" \"mouth-piece,\" from \"_chij_,\" \"the\nmouth,\" and in this ordinary sense frequently occurs in other writings.\nThe word _balam_--literally, \"tiger,\"--was also applied to a class of\npriests, and is still in use among the natives of Yucatan as the\ndesignation of the protective spirits of fields and towns, as I have\nshown at length in a study of the word as it occurs in the native myths\nof Guatemala.[70-1] \"_Chilan Balam_,\" therefore, is not a proper name,\nbut a title, and in ancient times designated the priest who announced\nthe will of the gods and explained the sacred oracles. This accounts for\nthe universality of the name and the sacredness of its associations.\n\nThe dates of the books which have come down to us are various. One of\nthem, \"The Book of Chilan Balam of Mani,\" was undoubtedly composed not\nlater than 1595, as is proved by internal evidence. Various passages in\nthe works of Landa, Lizana, Sanchez Aguilar and Cogolludo--all early\nhistorians of Yucatan--prove that many of these native manuscripts\nexisted in the sixteenth century. Several rescripts date from the\nseventeenth century--most from the latter half of the eighteenth.\n\nThe names of the writers are generally not given, probably because the\nbooks, as we have them, are all copies of older manuscripts, with merely\nthe occasional addition of current items of note by the copyist; as, for\ninstance, a malignant epidemic which prevailed in the peninsula in 1673\nis mentioned as a present occurrence by the copyist of \"The Book of\nChilan Balam of Nabula.\"\n\nThese \"Books of Chilan Balam\" are the principal sources from which Se\u00f1or\nPio Perez derived his knowledge of the ancient Maya system of computing\ntime, and also drew what he published concerning the history of the\nMayas before the Conquest, and from them also are taken the various\nchronicles which I present in the present volume.\n\nThat I am enabled to do so is due to the untiring researches of Dr. Carl\nHermann Berendt, who visited Yucatan four times, in order to study the\nnative language, to examine the antiquities of the peninsula, and to\ntake accurate copies, often in fac-simile, of as many ancient\nmanuscripts as he could discover. After his death, his collection came\ninto my hands.\n\nThe task of deciphering these manuscripts is by no means a light one,\nand I must ask in advance for considerable indulgence for my attempt.\nWords and phrases are used which are not explained in the dictionaries,\nor, if explained, are used in a different sense from that now current.\nThe orthography is far from uniform, each syllable is often written\nseparately, and as the punctuation is wholly fanciful or entirely\nabsent, the separation of words, sentences and paragraphs is often\nuncertain and the meaning obscure.\n\nAnother class of documents are the titles to the municipal lands, the\nrecords of surveys, etc. I have copies of several of these, and among\nthem was found the history of the Conquest, by Nakuk Pech, which I\npublish. It was added to the survey of his town, as a general statement\nof his rights and defence of the standing of his family.\n\nMy translations are not in flowing and elegant language. Had they been\nso, they would not have represented the originals. For the sake of\naccuracy I have not hesitated to sacrifice the requirements of English\ncomposition.\n\n\n\u00a7 10. _Grammars and Dictionaries of the Language._\n\nThe learned Yucatecan, Canon Crescencio Carillo y Ancona, states in his\nlast work that there have been written thirteen grammars and seventeen\ndictionaries of the Maya.[72-1]\n\nThe first grammar printed was that of Father Luis de Villalpando. This\nearly missionary died in 1551 or 1552, and his work was not issued until\nsome years later. Father Juan Coronel also gave a short Maya grammar to\nthe press, together with a _Doctrina_. It is believed that copies of\nboth of these are preserved. Beltran, however, acknowledges that in\npreparing his own grammar he has never seen either of these earlier\nworks.[73-1]\n\nIn 1684, the _Arte de la Lengua Maya_, composed by Father Gabriel de San\nBuenaventura, a French Franciscan stationed in Yucatan, was printed in\nMexico.[73-2] Only a few copies of this work are known. It has, however,\nbeen reprinted, though not with a desirable fidelity, by the Abbe\nBrasseur (de Bourbourg), in the second volume of the reports of the\n_Mission Scientifique au Mexique et \u00e0 l'Amerique Centrale_, Paris, 1870.\n\nThe leading authority on Maya grammar is Father Pedro Beltran, who was a\nnative of Yucatan, and instructor in the Maya language in the convent of\nMerida about 1740. He was thoroughly conversant with the native tongue,\nand his _Arte_ was reprinted in Merida, in 1859, as the best work of the\nkind which had been produced.[74-1]\n\nThe eminent antiquary, Don Juan Pio Perez contemplated writing a Maya\ngrammar, and collected a number of notes for that purpose,[74-2] as did\nalso the late Dr. Berendt, but neither brought his work to any degree of\ncompleteness. I have copies of the notes left by both these diligent\nstudents, as also both editions of Beltran, and an accurate MS. copy of\nBuenaventura, from all of which I have derived assistance in completing\nthe present study.\n\nThe first Maya dictionary printed was issued in the City of Mexico in\n1571. It was published as that of Father Luis de Villalpando, but as he\nhad then been dead nearly twenty years, it was probably merely based\nupon his vocabulary. It was in large 4to, of the same size as the second\nedition of Molina's _Vocabulario de la Lengua Mexicana_. At least one\ncopy of it is known to be in existence.\n\nFor more than three centuries no other dictionary was put to press,\nalthough for some unexplained reason that of Villalpando was unknown in\nYucatan. At length, in 1877, the publication was completed at M\u00e9rida, of\nthe _Diccionario de la Lengua Maya_, by Don Juan Pio Perez.[75-1] It\ncontains about 20,000 words, and is Maya-Spanish only. It is the result\nof a conscientious and lifelong study of the language, and a work of\ngreat merit. The deficiencies it presents are, that it does not give the\nprincipal parts of the verbs, that it omits or does not explain\ncorrectly many old terms in the language, and that it gives very few\nexamples of idioms or phrases showing the uses of words and the\nconstruction of sentences.\n\nI can say little in praise of the _Vocabulaire Maya-Francais-Espagnole_,\ncompiled by the Abb\u00e9 Brasseur (de Bourbourg), and printed in the second\nvolume of the Report of the _Mission Scientifique au Mexique et \u00e0\nl'Amerique Centrale_. It contains about ten thousand words, but many of\nthese are drawn from doubtful sources, and are incorrectly given; while\nthe derivations and analogies proposed are of a character unknown to the\nscience of language.\n\nBesides the above and various vocabularies of minor interest, I have\nmade use of three manuscript dictionaries of the first importance, which\nwere obtained by the late Dr. Berendt. They belonged to three Franciscan\nconvents which formerly existed in Yucatan, and as they are all\nanonymous, I shall follow Dr. Berendt's example, and refer to them by\nthe names of the convents to which they belonged. These were the convent\nof San Francisco in Merida, that at the town of Ticul and that at Motul.\n\nThe most recent of these is that of the convent of Ticul. It bears the\ndate 1690, and is in two parts, Spanish-Maya and Maya-Spanish.\n\nThe _Diccionario del Convento de San Francisco de Merida_ bears no date,\nbut in the opinion of the most competent scholars who have examined it,\namong them Se\u00f1or Pio Perez, it is older than that of Ticul, probably by\nhalf a century. It is also in two parts, which have evidently been\nprepared, by different hands.\n\n_The Diccionario del Convento de Motul_ is by far the most valuable of\nthe three, and has not been known to Yucatecan scholars. A copy of it\nwas picked up on a book stall in the City of Mexico by the Abb\u00e9\nBrasseur, and sold by him to Mr. John Carter Brown, of Providence, R.\u00a0I.\nIn 1864 this was very carefully copied by Dr. Berendt, who also made\nextensive additions to it from other sources, indicating such by the use\nof inks of different colors. This copy, in three large quarto volumes,\nin all counting over 2500 pages, is that which I now have, and have\nfound of indispensable assistance in solving some of the puzzles\npresented by the ancient texts in the present volume.\n\nThe particular value of the _Diccionario de Motul_ is not merely the\nrichness of its vocabulary and its numerous examples of construction,\nbut that it presents the language as it was when the Spaniards first\narrived. The precise date of its compilation is indeed not given, but\nthe author speaks of a comet which he saw in 1577, and gives other\nevidence that he was writing in the first generation after the Conquest.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[9-1] \"Tambien diz [el Almirante] que sup\u00f3 que ... aquella isla Espa\u00f1ola\n\u00f3 la otra isla Jamaye estaba cerca de tierra firme, diez jornadas de\nCanoa que podia ser sesenta \u00e1 setenta leguas, y que era la gente vestida\nalli.\" Navarrete, _Viages_, Tom. I, pag. 127.\n\n[10-1] \"In questo loco pigliorono una Nave loro carica di mercantia et\nmerce la quale dicevono veniva da una cierta provintia chiamata MAIAM\nvel Iuncatam con molte veste di bambasio de le quale ne erono il forcio\ndi sede di diversi colori.\" _Informatione di Bartolomeo Colombo._ It is\nthus printed in Harisse, _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, p. 473;\nbut in the original MS. in the Magliabechian library the words \"vel\nIuncatam\" are superscribed over the word \"MAIAM,\" and do not belong to\nthe text. (Note of Dr. C.\u00a0H. Berendt.) They are, doubtless, a later\ngloss, as the name \"Yucatan\" cannot be traced to any such early date.\nThe mention of _silk_ is, of course, a mistake. Peter Martyr also\nmentions the name in his account of the fourth voyage: \"Ex Guaassa\ninsula et Taia Maiaque et cerabazano, regionibus Veragu\u00e6 occidentalibus\nscriptum reliquit Colonus, hujus inventi princeps,\" etc. _Decad._ III,\nLib. IV.\n\n[10-2] I have collected this evidence, drawing largely from the\nmanuscript works on the Arawack language left by the Moravian\nmissionary, the Rev. Theodore Schultz, and published it in a monograph,\nentitled: _The Arawack Language of Guiana in its Linguistic and\nEthnological Relations_. (_Transactions of the American Philosophical\nSociety_, 1871.) There was a province in Cuba named _Maiye_; see Nicolas\nFort y Roldan, _Cuba Ind\u00edgena_, pp. 112, 167 (Madrid, 1881). According\nto Fort, this meant \"origin and beginning,\" in the ancient language of\nCuba; but there is little doubt but that it presents the Arawack\nnegative prefix _ma_ (which happens to be the same in the Maya) and may\nbe a form of _maj\u00f9jun_, not wet, dry.\n\n[12-1] Eligio Ancona, _Historia de Yucatan_, Tom. I, p. 31 (Merida,\n1878).\n\n[12-2] _Diccionario Maya-Espa\u00f1ol del Convento de Motul._ MS. _Sub voce,\nichech._ The manuscript dictionaries which I use will be described in\nthe last section of this Introduction. The example given is:--\n\n\"ICHECH; tu eres, en lengua de Campeche; _ichex_, vosotros seis; _in\nen_, yo soy; _in on_, nosotros somos. De aqui sale en lengua de Maya,\n_tech cech ichech e_, tu que eres por ahi quien quiera,\" etc.\n\n[13-1] See Eligio Ancona, _Hist. de Yucatan_, Tom. I, p. 37.\n\n[13-2] \"MAYA (accento en la primera); nombre proprio de esta tierra de\nYucatan.\" _Diccionario de Motul_, MS. \"Una provincia que llamavan de la\n_Maya_, de la qual la lengua de Yucatan se llama _Mayathan_.\" Diego de\nLanda, _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 14. \"Esta tierra de\nYucatan, \u00e0 quien los naturales llaman _Ma\u00b4ya_,\" Cogolludo, _Historia de\nYucatan_, Lib. IV, Cap. III. \"El antiguo Reyno de Maya \u00f2 Mayapan que hoy\nse llama Yucatan.\" Villagutierre, _Historia de el Itza y de el\nLacandon_, p. 25. The numerous MSS. of the Books of Chilan Balam are\nalso decisive on this point.\n\n[14-1] _Nombres Geograficos en Lengua Maya_, folio, MS. in my\ncollection.\n\n[15-1] Note to Landa, _Rel. de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 14.\n\n[15-2] _Vocabulaire Maya-Francais-Espagnole_, _sub voce_, MAYA.\n\n[15-3] _Hist. de Yucatan_, p. 37.\n\n[19-1] A discussion of the items of the census of 1862 may be found in\nthe work of the Licentiate Apolinar Garcia y Garcia, _Historia de la\nGuerra de Castas de Yucatan_, Tomo I, Prologo, pp. lxvii, et seq.\n(Merida 1865.) The completion of this meritorious work was unfortunately\nprevented by the war. The author was born near Chan [C]enote, Yucatan,\nin 1837, and was appointed _Juez de Letras_ at Izamal in 1864.\n\n[20-1] See, for example, _El Toro de Sinkeuel, Leyenda Hipica_ (Merida,\n1856), a political satire, said to be directed against General Ampudia,\nby Manuel Garcia.\n\n[20-2] D.\u00a0G. Brinton, _The Myths of the New World; a Treatise on the\nSymbolism and Mythology of the Red Race of America_, Chap. VI (2d Ed.\nNew York, 1876).\n\n[23-1] _Maya-uel_ may be from _maya_ and _ohel_, to know either\nintellectually or carnally; or the last syllable may be _uol_, will,\ndesire, mind. This inventive woman would thus have been named \"the Maya\nwit\" (in the old meaning of the word).\n\n[23-2] Sahagun, _Historia de la Nueva Espa\u00f1a_, Lib. X, Cap. XXIX, p. 12.\n\n[24-1] Fray Diego Duran, _Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espa\u00f1a y Islas\nde Tierra Firme_, Cap. XIX (Ed. Mexico, 1867).\n\n[24-2] See _Lettre de Fray Nicolas de Witt_ (should be Witte), 1554, in\nTernaux Compans, _Recueil des Pi\u00e9ces[TN-2] sur le Mexique_, p. 254, 286;\nalso the report of the \"Audiencia\" held in Mexico in 1531, in Herrera,\n_Historia de las Indias Occidentales_, Dec. IV, Lib. IX, Cap. V.\n\n[27-1] I mention this particularly in order to correct a grave error in\nLanda's _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 130. He says, \"Suelen de\ncostumbre sembrar para cada casado con su muger medida de cccc pi\u00e9s que\nllaman _hun-uinic_, medida con vara de XX pies, XX en ancho y XX en\nlargo.\" The agrarian measure _uinic_ or _hun uinic_ (one man) contained\n20 _kaan_, each 24 yards (_varas_) square. One _kaan_ was estimated to\nyield two loads of corn, and hence the calculation was forty loads of\nthe staff of life for each family. Landa's statement that a patch 20\nfeet square was assigned to a family is absurd on the face of it.\n\n[28-1] \"La lengua castellana es mas dificultosa que la Maya para la\ngente adulta, que no la ha mamado con la leche, como lo ha ense\u00f1ado la\nexperiencia en los estranjeros de distintas naciones, y en los negros\nbozales que se han radicado en esta provincia, que mas facilmente han\naprendido la Maya que la castellana.\" Apolinar Garcia y Garcia,\n_Historia de la Guerra de Castas en Yucatan_. Prologo, p. lxxv. (folio,\nMerida, 1865).\n\n[31-1] Friedrich M\u00fcller, _Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft_, II Band, s.\n309. (Wien, 1882).\n\n[31-2] Lucien Adam, _Etudes sur six Langues Am\u00e9ricaines_, p. 155.\n(Paris, 1878).\n\n[35-1] Gabriel de San Buenaventura, _Arte de la Lengua Maya_, fol. 28\n(Mexico, 1684).\n\n[40-1] _M\u00e9moire sur la num\u00e9ration dans la langue et dans l'Ecriture\nsacr\u00e9e des anciens Mayas_, in the Compte-Rendu of the Congr\u00e8s\nInternational des Am\u00e9ricanistes, Vol. II, p. 439 (Paris, 1875).\n\n[41-1] _Leti u Ebanhelio Hezu Crizto hebix Huan_, London, 1869. This\ntranslation was made by the Rev. A. Henderson and the Rev. Richard\nFletcher, missionaries to the British settlements at Belize.\n\n[41-2] _Leti u Cilich Evangelio Jesu Christo hebix San Lucas._ Londres,\n1865. The first draught of this translation, in the handwriting of\nFather Ruz, with numerous corrections by himself, is in the library of\nthe Canon Crescencio Carrillo at M\u00e9rida. A copy of it was obtained by\nthe Rev. John Kingdon of Belize, and printed in London without any\nacknowledgment of its origin. It does not appear to me to be accurate.\nFor instance, chap. X, v. 1, \"The Lord appointed other seventy also,\"\nwhere the Maya has _xan lahcatu cankal_, \"seventy-two;\" and again chap.\nXV, v. 4, the ninety-nine sheep are increased to _bolon lahu uaxackal_,\none hundred and fifty-nine!\n\n[42-1] _Apuntes para una Gramatica Maya._ Por Don Juan Pio Perez, MSS.\npp. 126, 128.\n\n[42-2] \"Me parece que _tu_ es s\u00edncopa de _ti u_.\" (Note of Dr. Berendt.)\nThere is no doubt but that Dr. Berendt is correct.\n\n[43-1] This is not correct. Beltran gives for 45, _hotu yoxkal_, which I\nanalyze, _ho ti u u ox kal_.\n\n[44-1] _Apuntes del Diccionario de la Lengua Maya. Por un yucateco\naficionado \u00e0 la lengua_, 4to, pp. 486, MSS.\n\n[45-1] \"CAL: hartar \u00f4 emborrachar la fruta.\" _Diccionario Maya-Espa\u00f1ol\ndel Convento de San Francisco_, Merida, MS. I have not found this word\nin other dictionaries within my reach.\n\n[46-1] _Calepino en Lengua Cakchiquel por Fray_ Francisco de\nVarea,[TN-4] MS. s.\u00a0v. _chuvi_. This MS. is in the Library of the\nAmerican Philosophical Society, Philadelphia.\n\n[46-2] F. Pantaleon de Guzman, _Compendio de Nombres en Lengua\nCakchiquel_, MS. This MS. is in my collection.\n\n[48-1] _Codice Perez_, p. 92, MS. This is a series of extracts from\nvarious ancient Maya manuscripts obtained by the late distinguished\nYucatecan antiquary, Don Juan Pio Perez, and named from him by Canon\nCrescencio Carrillo and other linguists. A copy of it is in my\ncollection. It is in quarto, pp. 258.\n\n[54-1] All the examples in the above paragraph are from the Appendix to\nthe _Diccionario Maya-Espa\u00f1ol del Convento de San Francisco, Merida_,\nMS. It also gives its positive authority to the length of the katuns, as\nfollows: \"Dicese que los Indios contaban los a\u00f1os \u00e0 pares (_sic_), y\ncuando llegaba uno a veinte a\u00f1os, entonces decian que tenian _hunpel\nkatun_, que son veinte a\u00f1os.'[TN-6] I think the words _\u00e0 pares_, must be an\nerror for _\u00e0 veintenas_; they may mean \"in equal series.\"\n\n[54-2] The _Diccionario de Motul_ MS. has the following lengthy\nentries:--\n\n\"TZUC: copete \u00f4 coleta de cabellos; \u00f4 de crines de caballo, \u00f4 las barbas\nque echa el maiz por arriba estando en la mazorca; y la cabeza que\ntienen algunas hachas y martillos en contra del tajo, y la cabeza del\nhorcon, y las nubes levantadas en alto y que dan que denotan segun dice\ntempestad de agua. Partes, enpartimie\u00f1tos. Cuenta para pueblos, para\npartes, parrafos i articulos, diferencios y vocablos montones.\"\n\n[55-1] _Historia de Yucatan_, Lib. IV, cap. V.\n\n[56-1] M. Delaporte's calculations are mentioned by Leon de Rosny,\n_Essai sur le D\u00e9chiffrement de l'Ecriture Hi\u00e9ratique de l'Am\u00e9rique\nCentrale_, p. 25 (Paris, 1876); Professor Thomas' will be found in the\n_American Naturalist_, for 1881, and in his _Study of the Codex Troano_,\nWashington, 1882.\n\n[57-1] Pio Perez, _Cronologia Antigua de Yucatan_. \u00a7 VIII.\n\n[57-2] \"_Katun_, para siempre.\" Beltran de Santa Rosa, _Arte del Idioma\nMaya_, p. 177.\n\n[58-1] The following extracts from two manuscripts in my hands will\nthrow further light on this derivation--\n\nKATUN: espacio de veinte a\u00f1os; _hun katun_, 20 a\u00f1os; _ca katun_, 40\na\u00f1os, etc.\n\nKATUN: batallon de gente, ordenada de guerra y ejercito asi, y soldados\ncuando actualmente andan en la guerra.\n\nKATUN (TAH, T\u00c9): guerrear, hacer guerra, \u00f2 dar guerra.\n\nKATUNBEN: el que tiene tantas venteinas de a\u00f1os, segun el numeral que se\nle junta, _hay katunben ech?_ cuantas venteinas de a\u00f1os tienes tu? _ca\nkatunben en_, tengo dos venteinas.\n\nDICCIONARIO DE MOTUL, MS., 1590.\n\n\u00c7AT (he): generalmente sig^a cortar algo con acha, cuchillo \u00f4 hiera;\ndetener algo que se huya, atajarlo, etc.\n\nVarea, _Calepino en Lengva[TN-8] Cakchiquel_, MS., 1699.\n\n[61-1] _Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society_, 1880.\n\n[62-1] The example he gives is the word _le_, which he says \"para\nescrivirle con sus caracteres _habiendoles nosotros hecho entender_ que\nson dos letras, lo escrivian ellos con tres,\" etc., thus plainly saying\nthat they did not analyze the word to its phonetic radicals in their\nsystem. _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 318.\n\n[62-2] Las Casas says, with great positiveness, that they found in\nYucatan \"letreros de ciertos caracteres que en otra ninguna parte.\"\n_Historia Apologetica_, cap. CXXIII. I also add an interesting\ndescription of their books and letters, furnished by the companions of\nFather Alonso Ponce, the Pope's Commissary-General, who traveled through\nYucatan in 1586, when many natives were still living who had been born\nbefore the Conquest (1541). Father Ponce had traveled through Mexico,\nand, of course, had learned about the Aztec picture-writing, which he\ndistinctly contrasts with the writing of the Mayas. Of the latter he\nsays: \"Son alabados de tres cosas entre todos los demas de la Nueva\nEspa\u00f1a, la una de que en su antiguedad tenian caracteres y letras, con\nque escribian sus historias y las ceremonias y orden de los sacrificios\nde sus idolos y su calendario, en libros hechos de corteza de cierto\narbol, los cuales eran unas tiras muy largas de quarta \u00f3 tercia en\nancho, que se doblaban y recogian, y venia \u00e1 queder \u00e1 manera de un libro\nencuardenada en cuartilla, poco mas, \u00f3 menos. Estas letras y caracteres\nno las entendian, sino los sacerdotes de los idolos, (que en aquella\nlengua se llaman 'ahkines'), y algun indio principal. Despues las\nentendieron y supieron l\u00e9er algunos frailes nuestros y aun las\nescribien.\" (_Relacion Breve y Verdadera de Algunas Cosas de las Muchas\nque Sucedieron al Padre Fray Alonso Ponce, Comisario-General en las\nProvincias de la Nueva Espa\u00f1a_, page 392). I know no other author who\nmakes the interesting statement that these characters were actually used\nby missionaries to impart instruction to the natives.\n\n[63-1] \"_uooh_; caracter o letra. _uooh_ (tah, te) escribir. _uoohan_,\ncosa que esta escrita.\" _Diccionario de Motul_, MS.\n\n[64-1] His words are: \"Y satisfaciendoles por la quenta se\u00f1alada, que\nellos mismos tenian, de que vsavan, para ajustar sus antiguas Profezias,\ny los Tiempos de su cumplimiento, que eran vnos Caracteres y Figuras\npintadas en vnas cortezas de Arboles, como de una quarta de largo cada\nhoja, \u00f2 tabilla, y del gruesso como de vn real de \u00e0 ocho, dobladas \u00e0 vna\nparte, y \u00e0 otra, \u00e0 manera de Viombo, que ellos llamavan Analtees,\" etc.,\n_Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza_, Lib. VII. cap I\n(Madrid, 1701). Pio Perez spells the word _anaht\u00e9_, _Diccionario de la\nLengua Maya_, s.\u00a0v. following a MS. of the last century, given in the\n_Codice Perez_. The word _hunilt\u00e9_, from _huunil_, the \"determinative\"\nform of \"_hun_,\" and _t\u00e9_, a termination to nouns which specifies or\nlocalizes them (e.\u00a0g. _amay_, an angle, _amay t\u00e9_, an angular figure,\netc)., would offer a plausible derivation for _analt\u00e9_.\n\n[65-1] \"Se les quemamos todos lo qual \u00e0 maravilla sentian y les dava\npena.\" _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, p. 316.\n\n[67-1] \"La experiencia de manejar tan incessantemente \u00e0 los Indios en\ncerca de doce a\u00f1os que los servi, me ense\u00f1\u00f3, que el motivo de estar\ntodavia muchos tan pegados \u00e0 sus antiguedades, era porque siendo los\nnaturales muy curios\u00f2s, y aplicandose \u00e0 saber leer: los que esto logran,\nquanto papel tienen \u00e0 mano, tanto leen: y no aviendo entre ella, mas\ntratados en su idioma, que los que sus antepasados escribieron, cuya\nmateria es solo de sus hechicerias, encantos, y curaciones con muchos\nabusos, y ensalmos; ya se ve que en estos bebian insensiblemente el\ntosigo para vomitar despues su malicia en otros muchos.\" _Aprobacion del\nDoctor D. Augustin de Echano_, etc., to Dr. Don Francisco Eugenio\nDominguez, _Platicas de los Principales Mysterios de Nvestra[TN-9] S^ta\nFee, hechas en el Idioma Yucateco_. Mexico, 1758. This extremely rare\nwork is highly prized for the purity and elegance of the Maya employed\nby the author.\n\n[69-1] _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_, page 160.\n\n[70-1] _The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths of Central America.\nProceedings of the American Philosophical Society_, Vol. XIX, 1881. The\nterminal letter in both these words--\"_chilan_,\" \"_balam_,\"--may be\neither \"_n_\" or \"_m_,\" the change being one of dialect and local\npronunciation. I have followed the older authorities in writing \"_Chilan\nBalam_,\" the modern preferring \"_Chilam Balam_.\"\n\n[72-1] _Historia Antigua de Yucatan, p. 123_ (Merida, 1882).\n\n[73-1] _Arte del Idioma Maya_, p. 242 (2d ed).\n\n[73-2] _Arte de la Lengua Maya_, compuesto por el R.\u00a0P. Fr. Gabriel de\nSan Buenaventura Predicador y difinidor habitual de la Provincia de San\nJoseph de Yucathan del Orden de N.\u00a0P.\u00a0S. Francisco. A\u00f1o de 1684. Con\nlicencia; En Mexico, por la Viuda de Bernardo Calderon, 4to. pag. 1-4,\nleaves 5-41.\n\n[74-1] _Arte del Idioma Maya reducido a succintas reglas, y semilexicon\nYucateco_ por el R.\u00a0P.\u00a0F. Pedro Beltran de Santa Rosa Maria. En Mexico\npor la Viuda de D. Joseph Bernardo de Hogal. A\u00f1o de 1746. 8vo, pp. 8,\n1-188. Segunda edicion, M\u00e9rida de Yucatan, Imprenta de J.\u00a0D. Espinosa.\nJulio, 1859. 8vo, 9 leaves, pp. 242.\n\n[74-2] _Apuntes para una Gramatica Maya._ Por Don Juan Pio Perez, pp.\n45-136. _MSS._\n\n[75-1] _Diccionario de la Lengua Maya_, por D. Juan Pio Perez. Merida de\nYucatan. Imprenta literaria, de Juan F. Molina Solis, 1866-1877. Large\n8vo, two cols. pp. i-xx, 1-437.\n\n\n\n\nTHE CHRONICLES.\n\n    I. THE SERIES OF THE KATUNS.\n        _From the Book of Chilan Balam of Mani._\n\n   II. THE SERIES OF THE KATUNS.\n        _From the Book of Chilan Balam of Tizimin._\n\n  III. THE RECORD OF THE COUNT OF THE KATUNS.\n        _From the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel._\n\n   IV. THE MAYA KATUNS.\n        _From the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel._\n\n    V. THE CHIEF KATUNS.\n        _From the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel._\n\n\n\n\nTHE CHRONICLES.\n\n\nThe chronicles and fragments of chronicles which I have collected here\nare all taken from the various \"Books of Chilan Balam.\" They constitute\nabout all that remains to us, so far as I know, of the ancient history\nof the peninsula. There are, indeed, in other portions of these \"Books\"\nreferences to historical events before the Conquest, but no other\nconsecutive narrations of them.\n\nExcept the one given first, none of these has ever been printed, nor\neven translated from the Maya into any European language. Whether they\ncorroborate or contradict one another, it is equally important for\nAmerican arch\u00e6ology to have them preserved and presented in their\noriginal form.\n\nIt does not come within my present purpose to try to reconcile the\ndiscrepancies between them. I am furnishing materials for history, not\nwriting it, and my chief duty is to observe accuracy, even at the risk\nof depreciating the value of the documents I offer.\n\nI have, therefore, followed strictly the manuscripts which I possess in\nfac-similes of the originals, and when I believe the text is corrupt or\nin error, I have suggested apart from the text what I suppose to be the\nneeded correction to the passage.\n\nIn the notes I have also discussed such grammatical or historical\nquestions as have occurred to me as of use in elucidating the text.\n\nThere will be found considerable repetition in these different versions,\nas must necessarily be from their character, if they have a claim to be\nauthentic records; but it is also fair to add that details will be found\nin each which are omitted in the others, and hence, that all are\nvaluable.\n\nThis similarity may be explained by two suppositions; either they are\ncopies from a common original, or they present the facts they narrate in\ngeneral formul\u00e6 which had been widely adopted by the priests for\ncommitting to memory their ancient history. The differences which we\nfind in them preclude the former hypothesis except as it may apply to\nthe first two. The similarities in the others I believe are no more than\nwould occur in relating the same incidents which had been learned\nthrough fixed forms of narration.\n\nThe division into sections I have made for convenience of reference. The\nvariants I have given at the bottom of the page are readings which I\nthink are preferable to those in the text, or corrections of manifest\nerrors; but I have endeavored to give the text, just as it is in the\nbest MSS. I have, errors and all.\n\nIt is not my purpose to enter into a critical historical analysis of\nthese chronicles. But a few remarks may be made to facilitate their\nexamination.\n\nMaking the necessary omissions in No. II, which I point out in the\nprefatory note to it, it will be found that all five agree tolerably\nwell in the length of time they embrace. Nos. III and IV begin at a\nlater date than the others, but coincide as far as they go.\n\nThe total period of time, from the earliest date given, to the\nsettlement of the country by the Spaniards, is 71 katuns. If the katun\nis estimated at twenty years, this equals 1420 years; if at twenty-four\nyears, then we have 1704 years.\n\nAll the native writers agree, and I think, in spite of the contrary\nstatement of Bishop Landa, that we may look upon it as beyond doubt,\nthat the last day of the 11th katun was July 15th, 1541. Therefore the\none of the above calculations would carry us back to A.\u00a0D. 121, the\nother to B.\u00a0C. 173.\n\nThe chief possibility of error in the reckoning would be from confusing\nthe great cycles of 260 (or 312) years, one with another, and assigning\nevents to different cycles which really happened in the same. This would\nincrease the number of the cycles, and thus extend the period of time\nthey appear to cover. This has undoubtedly been done in No. II.\n\nAccording to the reckoning as it now stands, six complete great cycles\nwere counted, and parts of two others, so that the native at the time of\nthe Conquest would have had eight great cycles to distinguish apart.\n\nI have not found any clear explanation how this was accomplished. We do\nnot even know what name was given to this great cycle, nor whether the\ncalendar was sufficiently perfected to prevent confusion in dates in the\nremote past.\n\nI find, however, two passages in the collection of ancient manuscripts,\nwhich I have before referred to as the _Codice Perez_, which seem to\nhave a bearing on this point; but as the text is somewhat corrupt and\nseveral of the expressions archaic, I am not certain that I catch the\nright meaning. These passages are as follows:--\n\n     U hi[c]il lahun ahau u [c]ocol hun uu[c] katun, u zut tucaten\n     oxlahunpiz katun [c]iban tu uichob tu pet katun; la hun uu[c] katun\n     u kaba ca bin [c]ococ u than lae, u hoppol tucaten; bay hoppci ca\n     [c]ib lae ca tun culac u yanal katun lae. Cabin [c]ococ uaxac ahau\n     lae u hoppol tucaten lae. (Page 90.)\n\n     U hi[c]il Lahun Ahau u [c]ocol u nuppul oxlahunpez katun [c]iban u\n     uichob tu pet tzaton lo hun (_sic_) uu[c] katun u kaba ca bin\n     [c]ococ u than lae, ca tun culac u yanal katun ca bin [c]ococ uaxac\n     Ahau lae; hu hoppol tucaten bay hoppci ca [c]ib. (Page 168.)\n\n\n_Translation._\n\n     At the last of the tenth ahau katun is ended one doubling of the\n     katun, and the return a second time of thirteen katuns is written\n     on the face of the katun circle; one doubling of the katuns, as it\n     is called, will then finish its course, to begin again; and when it\n     begins, it is written that another katun commences: when the eighth\n     katun ends it begins again (_i.\u00a0e._, to count with this eighth as\n     the first of the next \"doubling\").\n\n     At the last of the tenth Ahau Katun is ended the joining together\n     of thirteen katuns (which is) written on the face of the katun\n     circle; one doubling of the katuns, as it is called, will then\n     finish its course, and another katun will begin and will end as the\n     eighth katun; this begins a second time, as it began (at first) and\n     was then written.\n\nIn other words, if I do not miss the writer's meaning, the repetitions\nof the great cycle of thirteen katuns were not counted from either of\nits terminals, to wit, the thirteenth or the second katun, but from the\ntenth katun. These repetitions were called _uu[c] katun_, the doubling\nor foldings over of the katuns, and they were inscribed on the circle or\nwheel of the katuns at that part of it where the tenth katun was\nentered. These wheels were called _u pet katun_, the circle of the\nkatuns, or _u met katun_, the wheel of the katuns, or _u uazaklom\nkatun_, the return of the katuns. I have several copies of them, and one\nis given in Landa's work, but I know of none which is a genuine\noriginal, and, therefore, it is not surprising that I do not find on any\nof them the signs referred to adjacent to the tenth katun.\n\nFor the convenience of the reader I have drawn up the following\nchronological table of the events referred to in the Chronicles,\narranging them under the Great Cycles and Katuns to which they would\nbelong were the former numbered according to the regular sequence given\non page 59. I have also inserted the katuns which were omitted by the\nnative chroniclers, but which, according to that sequence, are necessary\nin order to complete their records in accordance with the theory of the\nMaya calendar. The references in Roman numerals are to the different\nchronicles.\n\n\nSYNOPSIS OF MAYA CHRONOLOGY.\n\n  _Great\n  Cycle._ _Katun._\n\n     I.      8  They leave Nonoual (I.)\n             6\n             4\n             2\n    II.     13  They arrive at Chacnouitan (I.)\n            11\n             9\n             7\n             5\n             3\n             1\n            12\n            10\n             8  Chichen Itza heard of (II.)\n             6  Bacalar and Chichen Itza discovered (I, II, III.)\n             4  Ahmekat Tutulxiu arrives (I?, II.)\n             2\n   III.     13  _Pop_ first counted (_i.\u00a0e._ calendar arranged) (II, III.)\n            11  Remove to Chichen Itza (I.)\n             9\n             7\n             5\n             3\n             1  Abandon Chichen Itza; remove to Champoton (I, II.)\n            12\n            10  Abandon Chichen Itza; remove to Champoton (III.)\n             8\n             6  Champoton taken (I, II.)\n             4  Champoton taken (III.)\n             2\n    IV.     13\n            11\n             9\n             7\n             5\n             3\n             1\n            12\n            10\n             8  Champoton abandoned (I, II, III.)\n             6  The Itzas houseless (I.[TN-10] II, III.) The [TN-11]well\n                dressed\" driven out (IV.)\n             4  Return to Chichen Itza (I, II.)\n             2  Uxmal founded (I.) The League in Mayapan begins (I.)\n     V.     13  Mayapan founded (V.)\n            11\n             9\n             7\n             5  Chichen Itza destroyed by Kinich Kakmo\n   (IV.)\n             3\n             1  The last of the Itzas leave Chichen Itza (IV.)\n            12\n            10  Uxmal founded (II.)\n             8  Plot of or against Hunac Ceel (I, II, III.)\n                Zaclactun Mayapan founded (IV.)\n                Chakanputun burned (IV.)\n             6  War with Ulmil (I.)\n             4  The land of Mayapan seized (II, III.)\n             2\n    VI.     13\n            11  Mayapan attacked by Itzas under Ulmil and depopulated by\n                foreigners (I.)\n             9\n             7\n             5  Naked cannibals came (IV.)\n             3\n             1  Tancah Mayapan destroyed (IV.)\n            12\n            10\n             8  Mayapan finally destroyed (I, II, III, V.)\n             6  The Maya league ended (V.)\n             4  The pestilence (II, III, IV.)\n             2  Spaniards first seen (I, II.) Smallpox (III.)\n   VII.     13  Ahpula died (I, II, III.) The pestilence (I.)\n            11  Spaniards arrive (I, II, III, IV, V.) Ahpula died (IV.)\n\n\n\n\nI. THE SERIES OF THE KATUNS.\n\n_From the Book of Chilan Balam of Mani._\n\n\nThe first chronicle which I present is the only one which has been\nheretofore published. On account of its comparative fullness it deserves\nespecial attention. It is taken from the Book of Chilan Balam of the\ntown of Mani.\n\nThis town, according to a tradition preserved by Herrera, was founded\nafter the destruction of Mayapan, and, therefore, not more than seventy\nyears before the arrival of the Spaniards. Mayapan was destroyed in\nconsequence of a violent feud between the two powerful families who\njointly ruled there, the Cocoms and the Xius or Tutul Xius. The latter,\nhaving slain all members of the Cocom family to be found in the city,\ndeserted its site and removed south about fifteen miles, and there\nestablished as their capital a city to which they gave the name Mani,\n\"which means 'it is past,' as if to say 'let us start anew.'\"[89-1]\n\nAt the time of the Conquest the reigning chief of the Tutulxius was\nfriendly to the Spaniards, and voluntarily submitted to their rule, as\nwe are informed with much minuteness of detail by the historian\nCogolludo.[90-1] We may reasonably suppose, therefore, that this\nchronicle was brought from Mayapan in the \"Books of Science,\" which\nHerrera refers to as esteemed their greatest treasure by the chiefs who\nbroke up their ancient confederation when Mayapan was deserted. Hence\nthe records ran a better chance of being preserved in this province than\nin those which were desolated by war. As I have already said (page 65) a\nlarge number were destroyed precisely at Mani by Bishop Landa, in 1562.\n\nI find among the memoranda of Dr. Berendt reference to four \"Books of\nChilan Balam,\" of Mani. These dated from 1689, 1697, 1755 and 1761,\nrespectively, but I have not learned from which of these Pio Perez\nextracted the chronicles he gave Mr. John L. Stephens. Dr. Berendt adds\nthat it was from one which was in possession of a native schoolmaster of\nMani, who, having the surname Balam, claimed to be descended from the\noriginal Chilan Balam![91-1]\n\nThe first publication of the document was in the Appendix to the second\nvolume of Mr. Stephens' _Incidents of Travel in Yucatan_ (New York,\n1843). It included the original Maya text, with a not very accurate\ntranslation into English of Pio Perez's rendering of the Maya. From Mr.\nStephen's volume, the document has been copied into various publications\nin Mexico, Yucatan and Europe.\n\nThe other attempt at an independent translation was that of the Abb\u00e9\nBrasseur (de Bourbourg), published at Paris in 1864, in the same volume\nwith Landa's _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_. The text he took from\nStephens' book, errors and omissions included, and his translation is\nentirely based on the English one, as he evidently did not have access\nto the original Spanish of Pio Perez.\n\nThe most important recent study of the subject has been made by Dr.\nValentini, who published the notes of Pio Perez on his translation, and\ngave a general re-examination of ancient Maya history, with a great deal\nof sagacity and a large acquaintance with the related Spanish\nliterature.[92-1] He is, however, in error in stating that he was the\nfirst to publish the notes of Perez, as they had previously been printed\nin a work by Canon Carrillo.[92-2]\n\nMuch use of this chronicle has been made by the recent historians of\nYucatan, Don Eligio Ancona and the Canon Crescencio Carrillo y Ancona;\nbut I am surprised to find that they have depended entirely on the\nprevious labors of Pio Perez, Stephens and Brasseur, and have made no\nattempt to verify or extend them.\n\nDr. Berendt, although earnestly devoted to collecting and copying these\nrecords did not, as Dr. Valentini observes, ever attempt a translation\nof any of them.\n\nNo hint is given as to the author of the document, nor do we know from\nwhat sources he derived his information. It has been plausibly suggested\nthat it was an epitome of the history of their nations, which was\nlearned by heart and handed down from master to disciple, and which\nserved as a verbal key to the interpretation of the painted and\nsculptured records, and to the \"katun stones\" which were erected at the\nexpiration of each cycle and inscribed with the principal events which\nhad transpired in it.\n\nThe Abb\u00e9 Brasseur placed at the head of his edition of this chronicle\nthe title, in Maya:--\n\n\"LELO LAI U TZOLAN KATUNIL TI MAYAB,\"\n\nwhich he translates--\n\n\"S\u00c9RIES DES EPOQUES DE L'HISTOIRE MAYA.\"\n\nThis is an invention of the learned antiquary. There is no such nor any\nother title to the original. It is simply called in the first line _u\ntzolan katun_, the arrangement or order of the katuns. The word _tzolan_\nis a verbal noun, the past participle of the passive voice of _tzol_,\nwhich means to put in order, to arrange, and is in the genitive of the\nthing possessed, as indicated by the pronoun _u_. Literally, the phrase\nreads, \"their arrangement (the) katuns.\"\n\n\nTEXT.\n\n1. Lai u tzolan katun lukci ti cab ti yotoch Nonoual cante anilo\nTutulxiu ti chikin Zuiua u luumil u talelob Tulapan [95-1]chiconahthan.\n\n2. Cante bin ti katun lic u ximbalob ca uliob uaye yetel Holon\nChantepeuh yetel u cuchulob. Ca hokiob ti petene uaxac ahau bin yan\ncuchi uac ahau, can ahau, cabil ahau, cankal haab catac hunppel haab,\ntumen hun piztun oxlahun ahau cuchie, ca uliob uay ti petene, cankal\nhaab catac hunppel haab, tu pakteil, yetel cu ximbalob lukci tu luumilob\nca talob uay ti petene Chacnouitan lae; u a\u00f1oil lae 81 ---- ---- ---- 81.\n\n3. Uaxac ahau, uac ahau; cabil ahau kuchci chacnouitan Ahmekat Tutulxiu;\nhunppel haab minan ti hokal haab cuchi yanob chacnouitan lae; lai u\nhabil lae ---- ---- ---- 99 a\u00f1os.\n\n4. Laitun uchci u chicpahal tzucubte Ziyan caan lae Bakhalal; can ahau,\ncabil ahau, oxlahun ahau, oxkal haab cu tepalob Ziyan caan ca emob uay\nlae; lai u habil cu tepalob Bakhalal [96-1]chuulte laitun chicpahci\nChic[=h]en Itza lae ---- ---- 60 a\u00f1os.\n\n5. Buluc ahau, bolon ahau, uuc ahau, ho ahau, ox ahau, hun ahau, uackal\nhaab, cu tepalob Chichen Itzaa, ca paxi Chic[=h]en Itza, ca binob cahtal\nChanputun, ti yanhi u yotochob ah Itzaob kuyan uincob lae; lay u habil\nlae ---- ---- 120.\n\n6. Uac ahau chucuc u luumil Chanputun. Can ahau, cabil ahau, oxlahun\nahau, buluc ahau, bolon ahau, uuc ahau, ho ahau, ox ahau, hun ahau,\nlahca ahau, lahun ahau, uaxac ahau paxci Chanputun; oxlahunkal haab cu\ntepalob Chanputun tumenel Ytza uinicob ca talob u tzac le u yotochob tu\ncaten; laixtun u katunil binciob ah Itzaob yalan che, yalan [96-2]aban,\nyalan ak ti numyaob lae; lai u habil cu [96-3]xinbal lae ---- ---- ----\n260.\n\n7. Uac ahau, can ahau, cakal haab, ca talob u he[c]ob yotoch tu caten ca\ntu zatahob chakanputun; lay u habil lae ---- ---- ---- 40.\n\n8. Lai u katunil cabil ahau u he[c]cicab Ahcuitok Tutulxiu Uxmal; cabil\nahau, oxlahun ahau, buluc ahau, bolon ahau, uuc ahau, ho ahau, ox ahau,\nhun ahau, lahca ahau, lahun ahau; lahun kal haab cu tepalob yetel u\nhalach uinicil chic[=h]en Itza yetel Mayalpan; lai u habil lae ---- ----\n200.\n\n9. Lai u katunil buluc ahau bolon ahau uuc ahau, uaxac ahau, paxci u\nhalach uinicil Chic[=h]en Itzaa tumenel u kebanthan Hunac eel; ca uch ti\nChacxibchac Chichen Itzaa tu kebanthan Hunac eel u halach uinicil\nMayalpan ich paae. Cankal haab catac lahunpiz haab, tu lahun tun, uaxac\nahau cuchie lai u habil paxci tumenel Ahzinteyut chan yetel Tzuntecum,\nyetel Taxcal, yetel Pantemit, Xuchueuet yetel Ytzcuat, yetel Kakaltecat;\nlai u kaba uiniclob lae uuctulob ah Mayelpanob lae ---- ---- ---- ----\n90.\n\n10. Laili u katunil uaxac ahau lai ca binob u paa ah Ulmil ahau tumenel\nu uahal uahoob yetel ah Itzmal ulil ahau lae oxlahun uu[c] u katunilob\nca paxob tumen Hunac eel; tumenel u [c]abal u natob; uac ahau ca [c]oci\nhunkal haab catac canlahun pizi; lai u habil cu [97-1]xinbal ---- 34.\n\n11. Uac ahau, can ahau, cabil ahau, oxlahun ahau, buluc ahau chucuc u\nluumil ich paa Mayapan, tumenel u pach tulum, tumenel multepal ich cah\nMayalpan, tumenel Ytza uinicob yetel Ulmil ahau lae, cankal haab catac\noxppel haab; yocol buluc ahau cuchi paxci Mayalpan tumenel ahuitzil\n[c]ul tan cah Mayapan ---- ---- 83.\n\n12. Uaxac ahau lai paxci Mayapan; lay u katunil uac ahau, can ahau,\ncabil ahau, lai haab, cu ximbal ca yax mani espa\u00f1oles u yax ulci caa\nluumi Yucatan tzucubte lae oxkal haab paxac ichpaa cuchie ---- ---- ----\n---- 60.\n\n13. Oxlahun ahau, buluc ahau uchci mayacimil ich paa yetel nohkakil;\noxlahun ahau cimci Ahpula; uacppel haab u binel ma [c]ococ u xocol\noxlahun ahau cuchie; ti yanil u xocol haab ti lakin cuchie, canil kan\ncumlahi pop, tu holhun zip catac oxppeli, bolon imix u kinil lai cimci\nAhpula; laytun a\u00f1o cu ximbal cuchi lae ca oheltab lai u xoc _numeroil\nanos_ lae 1536 a\u00f1os cuchie, oxkal haab paxac ichpa cuchi lae.\n\n14. Laili ma [c]ococ u xocol buluc ahau lae lai ulci _espa\u00f1oles_ kul\nuincob ti lakin, u talob ca uliob uay tac luumil lae; bolon ahau hoppci\n_cristianoil_; uchci caputzihil; laili ichil u katunil lae ulci yax\n_obispo_ Toroba u kaba; heix a\u00f1o cu ximbal uchie 1544.\n\n15. Yan cuchi uuc ahau cimci yax obispo de landa; ychil u katunil ho\nahau ca yan cahi padre manii lai a\u00f1o lae ---- ---- ---- 1550.\n\n16. Lai a\u00f1o cu ximbal ca cahi padre yok haa 1552.\n\n17. Lai a\u00f1o cu ximbal ca uli Oidor la ca paki Espital ---- ---- ----\n---- 1559.\n\n18. Lai a\u00f1o cu ximbal ca kuchi Doctor Quijada yax gob^or uaye ----\n---- ---- 1560.\n\n19. Lai a\u00f1o cu ximbal ca uchci c[=h]uitab lae 1562.\n\n20. Lai a\u00f1o cu ximbal ca uli Mariscal gob^or ca betab [99-1]thulub\n---- ---- ---- 1563.\n\n21. Lai a\u00f1o cu ximbal ca uchci nohkakil lae 1609.\n\n22. Lai a\u00f1o cu ximbal ca hichiucal kaxob 1610.\n\n23. Lai a\u00f1o cu ximbal ca [c]ibtah cah tumenel Juez Diego Pareja 1611.\n\n\nTRANSLATION.\n\n1. This is the arrangement of the katuns since the departure was made\nfrom the land, from the house Nonoual, where were the four Tutulxiu,\nfrom Zuiva at the west; they came from the land Tulapan, having formed a\nleague.\n\n2. Four katuns had passed in which they journeyed when they arrived here\nwith Holon Chantepeuh and his followers. When they set out for this\ncountry it was the eighth ahau. The sixth ahau, the fourth ahau, the\nsecond ahau (passed), four score years and one year, for it was the\nfirst year of the thirteenth ahau when they arrived here in this\ncountry; four score years and one year in all had passed since they\ndeparted from the land and came here, to the province Chacnouitan. These\nwere years 81.\n\n3. The eighth ahau, the sixth ahau; in the second ahau Ahmekat Tutulxiu\narrived at Chacnouitan; they were in Chacnouitan five score years\nlacking one year; these were years 99.\n\n4. Then took place the discovery of the province Ziyan caan or Bakhalal;\nthe fourth ahau, the second ahau, the thirteenth ahau, three score years\nthey ruled Ziyan caan when they descended here: in these years that they\nruled Bakhalal it occurred then that Chichen Itza was discovered. 60\nyears.\n\n5. The eleventh ahau, the ninth ahau, the seventh ahau, the fifth ahau,\nthe third ahau, the first ahau, six score years, they ruled at Chichen\nItza; then they abandoned Chichen Itza and went to live at Chanputun;\nthere those of Itza, holy men, had their houses; these were years 120.\n\n6. In the sixth ahau the land of Chanputun was seized. The fourth ahau,\nthe second ahau, the thirteenth ahau, the eleventh ahau, the ninth ahau,\nthe seventh ahau, the fifth ahau, the third ahau, the first ahau, the\ntwelfth ahau, the tenth ahau; the eighth ahau Chanputun was abandoned;\nthirteen score years Chanputun was ruled by the Itza men when they came\nin search of their houses a second time; in this katun those of Itza\nwere under the trees, under the boughs, under the branches, to their\nsorrow; the years that passed were 260.\n\n7. The sixth ahau, the fourth ahau, two score years, (had passed) when\nthey came and established their houses a second time, and they lost\nChakanputun; these were years 40.\n\n8. In the katun the second ahau Ahcuitok Tutulxiu founded (the city of)\nUxmal; the second ahau, the thirteenth ahau, the eleventh ahau, the\nninth ahau, the seventh ahau, the fifth ahau, the third ahau, the first\nahau, the twelfth ahau, the tenth ahau; ten score years they ruled with\nthe governor of Chichen Ytza and Mayapan; these were years 200.\n\n9. Then were the katuns eleventh ahau, ninth ahau, sixth ahau; in the\neighth ahau the governor of Chichen Itza was driven out on account of\nhis plotting against Hunac Eel; and this happened to Chac Xib Chac of\nChichen Itza on account of his plotting against Hunac Eel the governor\nof Mayapan, the fortress. Four score years and ten years, and it was the\ntenth year of the eighth ahau that it was depopulated by Ah Zinteyut\nChan, with Tzuntecum, and Taxcal, and Pantemit, Xuchueuet and Ytzcuat\nand Kakaltecat: these were the names of the seven men of Mayapan 90.\n\n10. In this eighth ahau they went to the fortress of the ruler of Ulmil\non account of his banquet to Ulil ruler of Itzmal; they were thirteen\ndivisions of warriors when they were dispersed by Hunac Eel, in order\nthat they might know what was to be given; in the sixth ahau it ended,\none score years and fourteen; the years that passed were 34.\n\n11. The sixth ahau, the fourth ahau, the second ahau, the thirteenth\nahau, the eleventh ahau; then was invaded the land of the fortress of\nMayapan by the men of Itza and their ruler Ulmil on account of the\nseizure of the castle by the joint government in the city of Mayapan;\nfour score years and three years; the eleventh ahau had entered when\nMayapan was depopulated by foreigners from the mountains in the midst of\nthe city of Mayapan 83.\n\n12. In the eighth ahau Mayapan was depopulated; then were the sixth\nahau, the fourth ahau, the second ahau; during this year the Spaniards\nfirst passed and first came to this land the province of Yucatan, sixty\nyears after the fortress was depopulated. ---- ---- ---- ---- 60.\n\n13. The thirteenth ahau; the eleventh ahau took place the pestilence in\nthe fortresses and the smallpox; in the thirteenth ahau Ahpula died; for\nsix years the count of the thirteenth ahau will not be ended; the count\nof the year was toward the East, the month Pop began with (the day)\nfourth Kan; the eighteenth day of the month Zip (that is), 9 Imix, was\nthe day on which Ahpula died; and that the count may be known in numbers\nand years it was the year 1536, sixty years after the fortress was\ndestroyed.\n\n14. The count of the eleventh ahau was not ended when the Spaniards,\nmighty men, arrived from the east; they came, they arrived here in this\nland; the ninth ahau Christianity began; baptism took place; also in\nthis katun came the first bishop Toroba by name; this was the year 1544.\n\n15. In the seventh ahau died the first bishop de Landa; in the fifth\nkatun the Fathers first settled at Mani, in the year 1550.\n\n16. As this year was passing the fathers settled upon the water ----\n---- ---- 1552\n\n17. As this year was passing the auditor came and the hospital was built\n---- ---- 1559\n\n18. As this year was passing the first governor Dr. Quijada, arrived\nhere ---- ---- 1560\n\n19. As this year was passing the hanging took place ---- ---- ---- ----\n1562\n\n20. As this year was passing the Governor Marshall came and built the\nreservoirs ---- 1563\n\n21. As this year was passing the smallpox occurred ---- ---- ---- ----\n1609\n\n22. As this year was passing those of Tekax were hanged ---- ---- ----\n1610\n\n23. As this year was passing the towns were written down by Judge Diego\nPareja ---- 1611\n\nNOTES.\n\n1. The introductory paragraph is not less obscure in construction than\nit is important in its historical statements, and I shall give it,\ntherefore, a particularly careful analysis.\n\nI have already explained the term _u tzolan katun_; _lukci_ is the\naorist of _lukul_, which forms regularly _luki_, but the mutation to\n_ci_ is used when the meaning _since_ or _after that_ is to be conveyed;\nas Beltran says, \"cuando el verbo trae estos romances, _despues que \u00f2\ndesde que_, como este romance; despues que murio mi padre, estoy triste:\n_cimci in yume, okomuol_\" (_Arte del Idioma Maya_, p. 61). _cab_ means\ncountry or place, in the sense of residence, whereas _luum_, used in the\nsame paragraph, is land or earth, in the general sense. The _Dicc. de\nMotul_ says: \"_cab_, pueblo \u00f2 region; _in cab_, mi pueblo, donde yo soy\nnatural.\" _yotoch_ is a compound of the possessive pronoun _u_, his or\ntheir, and _otoch_, the word for house when it is indicated whose house\nit is; otherwise _na_ is used; _otoch_ is probably allied to _och_ a\nverbal root signifying to give food to, the house being looked upon as\nspecifically the place where meals are prepared.\n\nThe word _cante_ is translated by Perez and Brasseur as _four_, and\napplied to the Tutulxiu, while the intervening word _anilo_ is not\ntranslated by either: _cante_ is no doubt the numeral _four_ with the\nnumeral particle _te_ suffixed. But here a serious difficulty arises.\nAccording to all the grammars and dictionaries the particle _te_ is\nnever used for counting persons, but only \"years, months, days (periods\nof time), leagues, cacao, eggs and gourds.\" Moreover, what is _anilo_?\nWe have, indeed, the form _tenilo_, I am that one, from the particle _i_\n(Buenaventura, _Arte de la Lengua Maya_, fol. 27, verso); and we might\nhave _yanilo_, they are those. But this necessitates a change in the\ntext, and if that has to be done I should prefer to suppose that _anilo_\nwas a mistake of the copyist, and that we should read _katun_ or\n_katunile_. This would reconcile the numeral particle and would do away\nwith the _four_ Tutulxius, of whom we hear nothing afterwards.\n\n_chikin_, the West, literally, that which bites or eats the sun, from\n_chi_, the mouth, and, as a verb, to bite. An eclipse is called in Maya\n_chibal kin_, the sun bitten; _ti chikin_, toward the West.\n\n_talelob_, plural form of _tal_ or _talel_, to come to, to go from.\n\n_chiconahthan_ is not translated by either Pio Perez or Brasseur, nor in\nthat precise form has it any meaning. I take it, however, to be a faulty\northography for _chichcunahthan_ which means to support that which\nanother says, hence, to agree with, to act in concert with; \"_chichcunah\nu thanil_, having renewed the agreement\" (_Diccionario de Ticul_). It\nrefers to an agreement entered into by the different leaders who were\nabout to undertake the migration into unknown lands. Possibly, however,\nthis is not a Maya word, but another echo of Aztec legend.\n_Chiconauhtlan_, \"the place of the Nine,\" was a village and mountain\nnorth of the lake of Tezcuco and close to the sacred spot Teotiuacan,\nwhere, in Aztec myth, the gods assembled to create the sun and moon\n(Sahagun, _Historia de Nueva Espa\u00f1a_, Lib VII, cap. II). _Tulapan\nChiconauhtlan_ would thus become a compound local name.\n\nIt will be seen from the above that the translation which I have given\nof this paragraph does not satisfy me as certainly correct. I shall now\ngive the original with an interlinear translation, and also those of Pio\nPerez and Brasseur, adding a free rendering which I am inclined to\nprefer, although it modifies the text somewhat.\n\n\n_Interlinear Translation._\n\n  Lai           u       tzolan      katun            lukci\n  This (is)   their     order     the katuns   since they departed\n\n  ti     cab,       ti        yotoch       Nonoual     cante\n  from the land    from    their house     Nonoual    the four\n\n  anilo,          Tutulxiu     ti       chikin        Zuiua,\n  those the (?)   Tutulxiu     to     the West (of)   Zuiua\n\n  u        luumil      u    talelob      Tulapan      chiconah than.\n  their  land (which) they  came (from)  was Tulapan  acting in concert.\n\n\n_Translation of Pio Perez._\n\nEsta es la serie de Katunes corridos desde que se quitaron de la tierra\ny casa de Nonoual en que estaban los cuatro Tutulxiu al poniente de\nZuina; el pais de donde vinieron fu\u00e9 Tulapan.\n\n\n_Translation of Brasseur._\n\nC' est ici la s\u00e9rie des epoques \u00e9coul\u00e9es depuis que s' enfuirent les\nquatre Tutul Xiu de la maison de Nonoual etant a l'ouest de Zuin\u00e0, et\nvinrent de la terre de Tulapan.\n\n\n_Free translation suggested._\n\nThis is the order of the Katuns since the four Katuns during which the\nTutulxiu left their home and country Nonoual to the west of Zuiua, and\nwent from the land and city of Tula, having agreed together to this\neffect.\n\nI have said nothing of the proper names in this paragraph. They are\nremarkable for the fact that three out of the four are unquestionably\nNahuatl or Aztec, and hence they have given occasion for considerable\ntheorizing in favor of the \"Toltec\" origin of the Maya civilization, and\nalso of the Nahuatl descent of the princely family of the Tutulxiu.\n\nTheir name is the only one in the paragraph with a distinctively Maya\nphysiognomy. It is a compound of _xiu_, the generic term for herb or\nplant, and _tutul_, a reduplicated form of _tul_, an abundance, an\nexcess, as in the verb _tutulancil_, to overflow, etc. (_Diccionario de\nTicul_, MS.). It would appear therefore to be a local name, and to\nsignify a place where there was an abundance of herbage. The surname is\nXiu only, and as such is still in use in Yucatan.\n\nBut it may also be claimed that even this is a Nahuatl name; for also in\nthat tongue _xiuitl_ means a plant, as well as a turquoise, a comet, a\nyear, and in composition a greenish or bluish color; while _tototl_ is a\nbird or fowl. The Maya _xiu_ and the Nahuatl _xiuitl_ (in which _itl_ is\na termination lost in composition) are undoubtedly the same word. Which\nnation borrowed it from the other? It is certainly a loan-word, for\nthese two languages have no common origin, while, as we might expect\nfrom neighbors, each does have a number of loan-words from the other.\n\nI answer that the Maya _xiu_ is unquestionably a loan from the Nahuatl,\nand my reason for the opinion is that while in Maya the root _xiu_ is\nsterile and has no relations to other words (unless perhaps to _xiitil_,\nto open like a flower, to brood as a bird, to augment, to grow), in\nNahuatl it is a very fertile root, and nearly thirty compounds of it can\nbe found in the dictionaries (See Molina, _Vocabulario de la Lengua\nMexicana_, fol. 159, verso). But the composition of the name follows the\nMaya and not the Nahuatl analogy.\n\nThat in either language the name Tutulxiu can be translated \"Bird-tree\"\n(Vogelbaum), as is argued by Dr. Carl Schultz-Sellack (_Archiv f\u00fcr\nEthnologie_, Band XI, 1879), and on which translation he bases a long\nargument, is very doubtful. It certainly could not in Maya; and in\nNahuatl, _tototl_ in composition would drop both its terminal\nconsonants.\n\nThe remaining names, Nonoual, Zuiua, Tula-pan, clearly indicate their\nNahuatl origin. Zuiua, which was erroneously printed in Pio Perez's\nversion as Zuina is Zuiva; Nonoual is Nonohual; Tulapan, literally \"the\nstandard of Tula,\" refers to the famous city of the Toltecs, presided\nover by Quetzalcoatl. All these names are borrowed directly from the\nmyth of this hero-god.\n\n_Zuiven_ was the name of the uppermost heaven, the abode of the Creator\nHometeuctli, the father of Quetzalcoatl, and the place of his first\nbirth as a divinity. In later days, when the Quetzalcoatl myth had\nextended to the Kiches and Cakchiquels, members of the Maya family in\nGuatemala, \"Tulan Zuiva\" was identified with the Aztec Chicomoztoc, the\nfamous \"Seven Caves,\" \"Seven Ravines,\" or \"Seven Cities,\" from which so\nmany tribes of Mexico, wholly diverse in language and lineage, claimed\nthat their ancestors emerged in some remote past (compare the _Codex\nVaticanus_, Lam. I; _Codex Zumarraga_, chap. I, with the _Popol Vuh_,\npp. 214, 227). To this spot the ancestors of the Guatemalan tribes were\nreported to have gone to receive their gods; from it issued the Aztec\ngod Huitzilopochtli; in it still were supposed to dwell his mother and\nother mighty divinities; and Quetzalcoatl was again the youngest born of\nIztac Mixcohuatl, the mighty lord of the Seven Caves (Motolinia,\n_Historia de los Indios de Nueva Espa\u00f1a_ p[TN-12] 10, etc.).\n\n_Tula_, properly _Tollan_, a syncopated form of _Tonatlan_, which means\n\"the place of the Sun,\" was a name applied to a number of towns in\nMexico, all named after that magnificent city inhabited by the Tolteca\n(\"dwellers in the place of the Sun\"), servants and messengers of the\nLight-God their ruler, the benign, the virgin-born Quetzalcoatl. The\ncommon tradition ran that it was destroyed by the wiles of Tezcatlipoca,\nthe brother, yet the eternal enemy, of Quetzalcoatl, and that at its\ndestruction the Toltecs disappeared, no one knew whither, while\nQuetzalcoatl, after reigning a score of years in Cholula, journeyed far\neastward to the home of the Sun, where he enjoyed everlasting life.\n\n_Nonohual_ also had a place in this myth. It was a mountain over against\nTulan. There it was that the eldest sister of Quetzalcoatl resided. When\nhe was made drunken by the insidious beverage handed him as a healing\ndraught by Tezcatlipoca, he sent for this sister, held to her lips the\nintoxicating cup, and with her passed a night of debauch, the memory of\nwhich filled him with such shame that nevermore dared he face his\nsubjects. Such is the story recited at length in the Aztec chronicle\ncalled the _Codex Chimalpopoca_.\n\n_Nonoalco_ was also the name of a small village near the city of Mexico\nwhich still appears on the maps. Sahagun tells us that some extreme\neastern tribes in Mexico called themselves _Nonoalca_ (_Historia de la\nNueva Espa\u00f1a_, Lib. X, cap,[TN-13] XXIX, p[TN-14] 12); and the licenciate\nDiego Garcia de Palacio mentions \"quatro lugares de Indios que llaman\nlos Nunualcos\" as dwelling, in his time (1576), in the eastern part of\nthe province of San Salvador, of Aztec descent, and who had recently\ncome there. (_Carta al Rey de Espa\u00f1a_, p. 60, New York, 1860). It should\nbe mentioned in reference to these names and all others of similar\nvocalization, that both in Maya and Nahuatl the Spanish constantly\nconfound the short [)o] and [)u]. As the Bachelor Don Antonio Vasquez\nGastelu observes: \"usan de la _o_ algunos tan obscuramente, que tira\nalgo \u00e0 la pronunciacion de la _u_ vocal\" (_Arte de lengua Mexicana_,\nfol. 1, verso, La Puebla de los Angeles, 1726).\n\nSe\u00f1or Alfredo Chavero, in his Appendix to Duran's _Historia de las\nIndias de Nueva Espa\u00f1a_ (p. 45, Mexico, 1880), claims that _Nonoalca_\nwas the name given to the Maya-Kiche tribes, or rather adopted by them,\nwhen, at an extremely remote epoch, they penetrated to the central table\nland of Mexico. He thinks that subsequently they became united with the\nToltecs, and were dispersed with that people at the destruction of the\ncity of Tula. The grounds for this theory he claims to find in certain\nunpublished manuscripts, which unfortunately he does not give in\nextracts, but only in general statements. Like much that this writer\npresents, these assertions lack support. All the names he quotes as of\nNonoalca, that is, Maya origin, are distinctly not of the latter tongue,\nbut are Nahuatl. And the introduction of the mystical city of Tula is of\nitself enough to invest the story with the garb of unreality.\n\nIt is, in fact, nowhere in terrestrial geography that we need look for\nthe site of the Tula of Quetzalcoatl, nor at any time in human history\ndid the Tolteca ply their skillful hands, nor Tezcatlipoca spread his\nsnares to destroy them. All this is but a mythical conception of the\ndaily struggle of light and darkness, and those writers who seek in the\nToltecs the ancestors or instructors of any nation whatsoever, make the\nonce common error of mistaking myth for history, fancy for fact.\nTherefore, any notion that Yucatan was civilized by the Toltecs after\ntheir dispersion, or owes anything to them, as so many, and I might say\nalmost all recent writers have maintained, is to me an absurdity.\n\nThis reference to the Quetzalcoatl myth at the commencement of the Maya\nchronicle needs not surprise us. We encounter it also in the Kiche\n_Popol Vuh_ and the Cakchiquel _Memorial de Tecpan Atitlan_. These\nmembers of the Maya family also grafted that myth upon their own\ntraditions. As history, it is valueless; but as indicative of a long and\nearly intercourse between the Maya and Nahuatl speaking tribes, it is of\ngreat interest. As this question will also recur in reference to various\nlater passages in the Maya chronicles, I will discuss it here.\n\nOne of the earliest historians of Yucatan, the Doctor Don Pedro Sanchez\nde Aguilar, states that six hundred years before the Spanish conquest\nthe Mayas were vassals of the Aztecs, and that they were taught or\nforced by these to construct the extraordinary edifices in their\ncountry, such as are found at Uxmal and Chichen Itza. His words are:\n\"Fueron tan politicos y justiciosos en Yucatan como los Mexicanos, cuyos\nvasallos habian sido seis cientos a\u00f1os antes de la llegada de los\nEspa\u00f1oles. De lo cual tan solamente hay tradicion y memoria entre ellos\npor los famosos, grandes y espantosos edificios de cal y canto y\nsilleria y figuras y estatuas de piedra labrada que dejaron en Oxumual\n[Uxmal] y en Chicheniza que hoy se veen y se pudieran habitar.\" _Informe\ncontra Idolum Cultores del Obispado de Yucatan_, fol. 87 (Madrid, 1639).\n\nThe vague tradition here referred to was made part of the testimony in a\nlawsuit at Valladolid, Yucatan, in 1618. These old documents were\nbrought to light by the late eminent Yucatecan historian Doctor Justo\nSierra, and Dr. Berendt took a copy in manuscript of the most important\npoints. I think it worth while to insert and translate this testimony.\n\n\nVILLA DE VALLADOLID--A\u00d1O DE 1618.\n\n\"DOCUMENTO 1\u00ba. A la primera pregunta dijo este testigo que conoce al\ndicho Don Juan Kahuil y \u00e0 la dicha Do\u00f1a Maria Quen su legitima muger y\nque todos los contenidos en la pregunta, tuvo noticia muy larga de su\npadre de este testigo, porque fue en su antiguedad _ahkin_, sacerdote\nentre los naturales antiguos, antes que recibiesen agua de bautismo,\ncomo los susodichos contenidos en la pregunta vinieron del reino de\nMexico y poblaron estas provincias, y que era gente bellicosa y valerosa\ny Se\u00f1ores, y asi poblaron \u00e0 Chichenica los unos, y otros se fueron hacia\nel Sur que poblaron \u00e1 Bacalar, y hacia el Norte que poblaron la costa;\nporque eran tres \u00f2 cuatro Se\u00f1ores y uno que se llamo _Tumispolchicbul_\nera deudo de Moctezuma, rey que fu\u00e8 de los reinos de Mexico, y que\n_Cuhuikakcamalcacalpuc_ era deudo muy cercano de dicho Don Juan Kahuil\npor parte de sus padres, y que dicha _Ixnahaucupul_ hija de _Kukumcupul_\nfue muger de su abuelo de dicho D. Juan Kahuil, todos los cuales fueron\nlos que vinieron de Mexico \u00e0 poblar estas Provincias, gente principal y\nSe\u00f1ores, pues poblaron y se se\u00f1orearon de esta tierra, porque como dicho\ntiene, le oy\u00f3 decir al dicho su padre que eran tenidos, obedecidos y\nrespetados como \u00e0 Se\u00f1ores de esta tierra, y de uno de ellos procede el\ndicho D. Juan Kahuil, y de estos hay mucha noticia y dicho su padre le\ndijo muchas veces, que habia constancia entre ellos de lo sucedido por\nestos Se\u00f1ores.\n\n\"2\u00ba. A la segunda pregunta dice este testigo, que como dicho tiene, oy\u00f3\ndecir \u00e0 su padre y otros Indios principales que los susodichos\ncontenidos en la primera pregunta vinieron de los reynos de Mejico \u00e0\npoblar est\u00e0s provincias, los unos se quedaron en Chichinica que fueron\nlos que edificaron los edificios sontuosos que hay en el dicho asiento,\ny otros se fueron \u00e0 poblar \u00e0 Bacalar, y otros fueron \u00e0 poblar la costa\nhacia el norte, y este que fu\u00e9 \u00e0 poblar la costa, se llamaba _Cacalpuc_,\nde donde procede el dicho D. Juan Kahuil, y estos que as\u00ed se\nrepartieron, fueron \u00e0 poblar las provincias susodichas, y las tuvieron\nsugetas y en govierno, y que le cupo \u00e0 un Cocom, el poblar en\nChichinica, y le obedecian todos por Se\u00f1or, y los de la isla de cuzumel\nle eran sugetos; y de alli (de Chicinica) se pasaron \u00e0 la provincia de\nSotuta, donde estaban, cuando los conquistadores vinieron, y siempre\nfueron tenidos, obedecidos y respetados como Se\u00f1ores.\n\n\"3\u00ba. A la primera pregunta dij\u00f2 este testigo que conoce al dicho D. Juan\nKahuil, y \u00e0 la dicha Da Maria Quen, su muger, y que de todos los\ncontenidos en la pregunta, tuvo muy larga noticia de ellos, porque D.\nJuan Camal, cacique \u00e8 gobernador que fu\u00e8 del pueblo de Sisal, de los\nprimeros que lo gobernaron por comision e titulo que le di\u00f2 el Oidor\nTomas Lopez, oiendo como era de los antiguos caciques del dicho pueblo\nen estas provincias, lo trataba en conversacion \u00e0 sus principales y este\ntestigo, que siempre estaba en su casa, y fu\u00e9 alguacil mayor ordinario\nen ella, como los contenidos habian venido de Mejico \u00e0 poblar esta\ntierra de Yucatan, y que los unos poblaron \u00e0 Chichinica y hicieron los\nedifici\u00f3s que estan en dicho asiento muy suntuosos, y que habiendo sido\nlos que vinieron de Mejico, cuatro deudos \u00f2 parientes con sus allegados\ny gente que trajaron; el uno pobl\u00f3 como dicho tiene \u00e0 Chichinica, y el\notro fu\u00e9 \u00e0 poblar \u00e0 Bacalar, y el otro hacia el Norte y pobl\u00f3 en la\ncosta, y el otro fu\u00e9 hacia Cozumel; \u00e8 poblaron con gente, y fueron\nSe\u00f1ores de estas provincias, y las gobernaron y se\u00f1orearon muchos a\u00f1os;\ny que oy\u00f3 decir que uno de ellos llamado _Tanupolchicbul_ era pariente\nde Moctezuma, rey de Mejico.\"\n\n\n(_Translation._)\n\nCORPORATION OF VALLADOLID--YEAR 1618.\n\n\"DOCUMENT NO. 1. To the first question the witness answered that he\nknows the said Don Juan Kahuil and the said Dona Maria Quen his lawful\nwife, and all those referred to in the question; that this witness had\nfull information from his father, who formerly was _ahkin_ or priest\namong the natives, before they had received the water of baptism, how\nthe parties above mentioned in the question came from the kingdom of\nMexico, and established towns[116-1] in these provinces, and that they\nwere a warlike and valiant people and lords, and thus some of them\nestablished themselves at Chichen Itza, and others went to the south and\nestablished towns at Bacalar, and toward the north and established towns\non the coast; because they were three or four lords, and one, who was\nnamed _Tumispolchicbul_, was a kinsman of Montezuma, king of the kingdom\nof Mexico, and that _Cuhuikakcamalcacalpuc_ was a very near kinsman of\nthe said Don Juan Kahuil on his father's side, and that the said\n_Ixnahaucupul_, daughter of _Kukumcupul_ was wife of the grandfather of\nthe said Don Juan Kahuil, all of whom were those who came from Mexico to\nfound towns in these provinces, prominent people and lords; then they\nfounded towns and ruled this land, because as he said, he heard his said\nfather say that they were regarded, obeyed and respected as lords of\nthis land, and that from one of them proceeded the said Don Juan Kahuil;\nand of these there is abundant information, and his said father often\nsaid to him that there was unanimity among them as to what took place by\nthese lords.\n\n\"2ND. To the second question this witness answered that as he has said,\nhe heard his father and other leading Indians say that the parties above\nmentioned in the first question came from the Kingdom of Mexico to found\ntowns in these provinces; some remained in Chichen Itza, who were those\nwho built the sumptuous edifices which are in the said locality; others\nwent to found towns at Bacalar, and others to found towns on the coast\nto the north; and he who went to found towns on the coast was named\nCacalpuc, from whom proceeds the said Don Juan Kahuil and those who thus\nmade division went to found towns in the above mentioned provinces, and\nheld them under subjection and government; and he chose a certain Cocom\nto rule in Chichen Itza, and they all obeyed him as lord, and those of\nthe island of Cozumel were subject to him; and from there (from Chichen\nItza) they passed to the province of Zotuta, where they were when the\nconquerors came, and they were always regarded, obeyed and respected as\nlords.\n\n\"3RD. To the first question this witness answered that he knew all the\nparties mentioned in the question and had abundant information about\nthem, because Don Juan Carnal who was chief and governor of Sisal, one\nof the first who governed it by commission and brief given him by the\nAuditor Tomas Lopez, being one of the ancient chiefs of the said town in\nthese provinces, spoke of the subject in conversation with his leading\nmen and with this witness, who was constantly in his house and was chief\nclerk in ordinary in it, saying the parties mentioned had come from\nMexico to found towns in this land of Yucatan, and that some settled at\nChichen Itza, and erected the very stately edifices which are in the\nsaid locality, and that those who came from Mexico were four kinsmen or\nrelatives with their friends and the people they brought with them; one\nsettled as heretofore said at Chichen Itza, one went to settle at\nBacalar, one went toward the north and settled on the coast, and the\nother went toward Cozumel; and they founded towns with their people, and\nwere lords of these provinces, and governed them and ruled them many\nyears; and that he had heard it said that one of them named\n_Tanupolchicbul_ was a kinsman of Moctezuma, King of Mexico.\"\n\nThis legend is also related, with some variation, by Herrera, and as I\nshall have occasion more than once to refer to his account, I shall\ntranslate it.\n\n\"At Chichen Itza, ten leagues from Itzamal, the ancients say there\nreigned three lords, brothers, who came from the west, and gathered\ntogether many people, and reigned some years in peace and justice; and\nthey constructed large and very beautiful edifices. It is said that they\nlived unmarried and very chastely; and it is added that in time one of\nthem was missing, and that his absence worked such bad results that the\nother two began to be unchaste and partial; and thus the people came to\nhate them, and slew them, and scattered abroad, and deserted the\nedifices, especially the most stately one, which is ten leagues from the\nsea.\n\n\"Those who established themselves at Chichen Itza call themselves Itzas;\namong these there is a tradition that there ruled a great lord called\nCuculc\u00e0n, and all agree that he came from the west; and the only\ndifference among them is as to whether he came before or after or with\nthe Itzas; but the name of the building at Chichen Itza, and what\nhappened after the death of the lords above mentioned, show that\nCuculcan ruled the country jointly with them. He was a man of good\ndisposition, was said not to have had either wife or children, and not\nto have known woman; he was devoted to the interests of the people, and\nfor this reason was regarded as a god. In order to pacify the land he\nagreed to found another city, where all business could be transacted. He\nselected for this purpose a site eight leagues further inland from where\nnow stands the city of Merida, and fifteen leagues from the sea. There\nthey erected a circular wall of dry stone, about a half quarter of a\nleague in diameter, leaving in it only two gateways. They erected\ntemples, giving to the largest the name Cuculc\u00e0n, and also constructed\naround the wall the houses of the lords among whom Cuculc\u00e0n had divided\nthe land, giving and assigning towns to each. To the city he gave the\nname Mayapan, which means \"the Standard of the Maya,\" as Maya is the\nname of their language.\n\n\"By this means the country was quieted and they lived in peace for some\nyears under Cuculcan, who governed with justice, until, having arranged\nfor his departure, and recommending them to continue the wise rule he\nhad established, he left them and returned to Mexico by the same route\nhe had come, remaining in Champoton some time, where, in memory of his\njourney, he erected a building in the sea, which remains to this\nday.\"[120-1]\n\nBishop Landa and some other early writers also give versions of this\ntradition, but do not add any facts to those in the above quotations.\nEvidently it was a widespread legend of the origin of the great\nbuildings of Chichen Itza. Is it a tradition of fact or is it a myth?\n\nI confess that to me it has a suspiciously mythical aspect. It is too\nsimilar to what I may call the standard hero-myth of the American\nAborigines. Everywhere, both in North and South America, we find the\nmyth of the four brothers who divided the land between them, one of whom\nis superior to the others and becomes the ruler and instructor of the\nancestors of the nation. He does not die, but disappears, or goes to\nheaven, and is often expected to return. Just so in one of the Maya\nmyths, Cuculcan did not return to Mexico, but rose to heaven, whence\nonce every year he descended to his temple at Mayapan and received the\ngifts which from far and wide pious pilgrims had brought to his shrine\n(Landa, _Relacion_, p. 302). All these myths relate to the worship of\nthe four cardinal points and to the Light-God, as I have shown in a\nprevious work (_The Myths of the New World_, chap. III. New York, 1876).\n\nThe proper names in the legend have nothing of a Nahuatl appearance.\nThey are all pure Maya. The \"kinsman of Moctezuma,\" the second reading\nof whose name is the correct one, is given as _tan u pol chicbul_, \"in\nfront of the head of the jay-bird,\" the _chicbul_ being what the\nSpaniards call the _mingo rey_, which I believe is a jay (Beltran, _Arte\ndel Idioma Maya_, p. 229). The other long name is a compound of _Zuhuy\nkak camal cacal puc_. The historian Cogolludo informs us that _Zuhuy\nKak_, literally \"virgin fire,\" was the daughter of a king, afterwards\ndeified as goddess of female infants (_Historia de Yucatan_, Lib. IV,\ncap. VIII). _Camal_ was and is a common patronymic in Yucatan;\n_cacalpuc_ means \"mountain land,\"[121-1] and thus the whole name is\neasily identified as Maya. Possibly the member of the family Camal who\nbore the name was a priest of the goddess.\n\nIt will be noticed that neither the legend nor the legal testimony\nspeaks of these foreigners as of a different language or lineage, but\nleaves us to infer the contrary. Had they been of Aztec race it would\ncertainly have been noticed, for the Mayas had frequent mercantile\nrelations with these powerful neighbors, they borrowed many words from\nthe Nahuatl tongue, and single chiefs in Yucatan formed alliances with\nthe Aztec rulers, and introduced Aztec warriors even into Mayapan, as is\nshown by the Chronicles I publish in this work, and also by the fact\nthat a small colony of Aztecs, descendants of these mercenaries, was\nliving in the province of Canul, west of Merida, when the Spaniards\nconquered the country (Landa, _Relacion_, p. 54). Therefore the Aztecs\nwere no strangers to the Mayas, and doubtless the learned members of the\npriesthood and nobles in the fifteenth century were quite well aware of\nthe existence of the powerful empire of Anahuac.\n\nBut regarding the legend I have quoted as, in part at least, based on\nactual history, we may accept the fact that there was an important\nemigration from Mexico, and yet not one of either Aztecs or \"Toltecs.\"\nIt must be remembered that the Huastecas, an important branch of the\nMaya family, occupied from time immemorial the coast of the Mexican Gulf\nnorth of Vera Cruz, and west to the mountains of Meztitlan, a province\ninhabited by a Nahuatl speaking race, but not subject to the dynasty of\nthe Montezumas.\n\nI have already referred briefly to their history, and it is possible\nthat after their serious reverses, about 1450, they sent migratory\nbodies to their relatives in Yucatan. At any rate, there seems a\nconsensus of testimony that the general trend of migration of the Maya\nrace, was from north to south, and in Central America, from west to\neast.\n\nWe have in this paragraph examples of the use of three of the \"numeral\nparticles.\" _Cante bin ti katun_, literally, \"it (_i.\u00a0e._ time) went on\nfor four katuns,\" and a few lines later _hunpel haab_, one year,\n_hunpiztun_, the first year.\n\nThe correct translation of _peten_ has been debated; it is from the root\n_pet_, anything round, a circle, and usually means \"island.\" By a later\nuse it signifies any locality with definite boundaries, hence a\nprovince, or kingdom. The following is the entry in the _Diccionario de\nMotul_:\n\n\"PETEN; isla, _item_ provincia, region, comarca--_uay tu petenil\nYucatan_, aqui en la provincia de Yucatan.\"\n\nThe name of the first leader, Holon Chan Tepeuh, does not recur in the\nAnnals. Its signification is: _holon_, a generic name for large bees and\nflies; _chan_, sufficient, powerful, still in use in Yucatan as a\nsurname; _tepeuh_, ruler, from _tepeual_, to rule. This last word is\nmarked in the _Diccionario de Motul_ as a \"vocablo antiquo.\" It is of\nAztec origin, as in the Nahuatl language _tepeuani_ means \"conqueror.\"\nThe name we are considering should probably be rendered \"Holon Chan, the\nruler.\" The province ruled by the Chan family at the time of the\nconquest was on the eastern coast, south of that of the Cupuls.\n\nThe name _Chacnouitan_ is elsewhere, as we shall see, spelled\n_Chacnovitan_ and _Chacnabiton_. I am inclined to believe the last\nmentioned is nearest the correct form. By Pio Perez it was supposed to\nbe an ancient name of Yucatan, and he translates the phrase, _uay ti\npetene Chacnouitan_, by \"\u00e0 esta isla de Chacnavitan (Yucatan).\" Dr.\nValentini says: \"the translation could as well stand for 'that distant\nisland,'\" and that \"Chacnouitan was neither the whole nor the northern\npart of Yucatan, but a district situated in the southwest of the\npeninsula,\" (_loc. cit._ p. 38).\n\nWith this I cannot agree, as the adverb _uay_ always refers to the place\n(in no matter how wide an accepation) where the speaker is. Therefore I\ntranslate it \"here, (_i.\u00a0e._ to this general country of Yucatan, and at\nfirst) to the province Chacnouitan.\" The province referred to was, I\ndoubt not, somewhere around Lake Peten. The word _chac_ is often used in\nlocal names in Yucatan, and usually means either \"water\" or \"red,\" as it\nis a homonym with several significations.\n\nSeveral names similar to it are found in the Peten district. On Lake\nYaxta, are the ruins of the very ancient city Napeten, and that lake may\nhave once been called \"Chac-napeten,\" \"the water of Napeten.\" Again, on\nthe road from Peten to Bacalar is the town Chacnabil, and the compound\n_Chacnabiltan_ would mean \"toward or in the direction of Chacnabil\" (see\n_Itinerarios y Leguarios que proceden de Merida, etc._, p. 15, Merida,\n1851). The Itzas always remembered the Peten district, and when they met\nwith reverses in northern Yucatan, they returned to it and established\nan important State there, which was not destroyed until the last decade\nof the seventeenth century.\n\n3. _Hunpel haab minan ti hokal haab_, \"one year lacking from five score\nyears.\"\n\nThe name Ahmekat is probably an old form for _ahmeknah_ or _ahmektan_,\nboth of which are given in the _Diccionario de Motul_ for chieftain,\nleader, captain.\n\n4. _Lai tun_, the relative _lai_ with the particle _tun_, which is\ncalled by Beltran a \"particula adornativa.\" _uchci_ is the aorist of the\ndefective verb _uchul_, _uchi_, _uchuc_, to happen, to take place, come\nto pass. _Emob_ is the third plural of _emel_, to descend, to disembark,\narrive. Pio Perez translates the phrase _ca emob uay lae_, \"luego\nbajaron aqui.\" As this was written in the province of Mani, the \"here\"\nnow refers in a narrower sense to the vicinity of the writer. The word\n_chuulte_ I take to be an error of transcription for _uchci_, as it is\nso translated by Pio Perez. It is noteworthy that the word _chicpahci_,\n\"discovered,\" conveys the sense that Chichen Itza was already in\nexistence when the migration here recorded reached northen[TN-15]\nYucatan. It is from _chicul_, a sign or mark by which something is\nrecognized.\n\nOf the proper names in this section Bakhalal, \"the canebrakes\" (_halal_,\nthe cane, _bak_, a roll or enclosure), is the modern province of\nBacalar, on the east coast of the peninsula. _Ziyan caan_ appears to be\nused as a synonym of it, or else refers to a part of it. Its meaning is\na picturesque reference to the view from the sea shore, where the\nhorizon is clearly defined, and the sky seems to rise from the water,\n\"the birth of the sky;\" _Ziyan_, birth, _caan_, sky.\n\nThe name Chi C[=h]een Itza was that of one of the grandest ancient\ncities of Yucatan. _C[=h]een_ is the name applied to a tract of\nlow-lying fertile land, especially suitable to the production of cacao\n(Berendt); _chi_ is edge or border. It is therefore a name referring to\na locality, \"on the border of the _c[=h]een_ of the Itzas.\" _C[=h]een_\nalso means well or cistern, and another derivation is \"at the mouth of\nthe well,\" as _chi_ can also be rendered \"mouth;\" either of these is\nappropriate to the features of the locality, as it is a fertile\nlow-lying tract with two large natural reservoirs near by.\n\n5. _Paxi_, from _paaxal_, a neuter form of the active verb _pa_, to\nbreak in pieces; it means \"to go to pieces, to fall in ruins, to be\ndepopulated or deserted.\" Applied to a city it is often translated \"to\nbe destroyed,\" but it does not convey quite so positive a meaning.\n_Kuyan uincob_, \"men of God,\" from _Ku_ the general name for Divinity.\nChichen Itza was one of the chief centres of religious life in Yucatan,\nand its priests were esteemed among the most learned in the peninsula.\n\nThe name Chanputun, Champoton, or, reversed, Potonchan, is derived by\nGomara from the Nahuatl _potonia_, to smell badly, and _chan_, house (in\ncomposition). Elsewhere, however, we find it in the form Chakanputun,\nand this is Maya. _Chakan_ is the term applied to a grassy plain, a\nsavanna, and it was especially applied to the ancient province in which\nthe city of Ho, now Merida, was situated, as appears from the following\nentry in the _Diccionario de Motul, MS._\n\n\"AHCHAKAN: el que es de M\u00e9rida, o de los pueblos de aquella comarca, que\nse llama _Chakan_.\"\n\nThe correct form of the name is probably _Chakan peten_, the savanna\nregion.\n\n6. The only obscure expression in this section is _yalan che, yalan\naban, yalan ak_. This often recurs in the ancient Maya manuscripts, and\nwas evidently a well-known formula, probably the refrain of one of their\nancient chants. In Mr. Stephens' translation it is rendered \"under the\nuninhabited mountains\"\u00a0(!) which is an attempt to render Pio Perez's\nwords \"bajo los montes despoblados,\" \"in the uninhabited forests.\"\n_Aban_ or _haban_ is an obsolete word, only found in compounds, as\n_yoxhaban_, huts made of branches. Both it and _ak_ were the names of\nvarious branches or twigs. The phrase is literally \"under the trees,\nunder the branches, under the foliage,\" and meant that those who thus\nlived were homeless and houseless. It is a striking testimony to the\nlove of solid buildings and walled cities which characterized the Mayas.\n\nI will add a verse from a curious prophetic chant in one of the Books of\nChilan Balam, where this expression occurs, and which is an interesting\nexample of these strange songs.\n\nTZOLAH TI AHKIN CHILAM.\n\n(_Recital of the priest Chilam._)\n\n    Uien, uien, a man uah;\n    Uken, uken, a man haa;\n    Tu kin, puz lum pach,\n    Tu kin, tzuch lum ich,\n    Tu kin, naclah muyal,\n    Tu kin, naclah uitz,\n    Tu kin, chuc lum [c]iic,\n    Tu kin, hubulhub,\n    Tu kin, co[c] yol chelem,\n    Tu kin, e[c]ele[c],\n    Tu kin, ox [c]alab u nak yaxche,\n    Tu kin, ox chuilab xotem,\n    Tu kin, pan tzintzin\n    Yetel banhob yalan che yalan haban.\n\n_Translation._\n\n    Eat, eat, thou hast bread;\n    Drink, drink, thou hast water;\n    On that day, dust possesses the earth,\n    On that day, a blight is on the face of the earth,\n    On that day, a cloud rises,\n    On that day, a mountain rises,\n    On that day, a strong man seizes the land,\n    On that day, things fall to ruin,\n    On that day, the tender leaf is destroyed,\n    On that day, the dying eyes are closed,\n    On that day, three signs are on the tree,\n    On that day, three generations hang there,\n    On that day, the battle flag is raised,\n    And they are scattered afar in the forests.\n\n7. _He[c]ob_, from _he[c]_, _he[c]el_ or _e[c]_, to fix firmly, to\nsettle, to found: _he[c]el ca cah uaye_, let us settle here, \"poblamos\naqui\" (_Dicc. de San Francisco_, MS.).\n\n8. The founding of Uxmal by Ahcuitok Tutulxiu is recorded in this\nparagraph; _ahcui_ is the name of a species of owl, _tok_ is the flint\nstone. By some old writers Uxmal is spelled Oxmal, which would give the\nmeaning \"to pass thrice,\" _ox_, three, _mal_, to pass. From _mal_,\npreterite _mani_, also was derived the name of the chief city of the\nTutulxiu, with a peculiar signification explained in a note on a\nprevious page.\n\nMr. Stephens has taken considerable pains to prove that Uxmal with its\nastonishing edifices was inhabited at and after the conquest (_Incidents\nof Travel in Yucatan_, Vol. II, p. 259); there may, indeed, have been an\nIndian village there, but the first European traveler who has left us a\ndescription of it, and who visited it in 1586, when many natives, born\nbefore the conquest, were still living, describes the massive buildings\nas even then in ruins, and very large trees growing upon them. An old\nIndian told him that according to their traditions, these structures had\nat that time been built nine hundred years, and that their builders had\nleft the country nearly that long ago. (_Relacion Breve y Verdadera de\nalgunas cosas de las muchas qui[TN-16] sucedieron al Padre Fray Alonzo\nPonce_, in the _Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de Espa\u00f1a_,\nvol. LVIII, p. 461.)\n\nThe phrase _u he[c]icab Ahcuitok Tutulxiu Uxmal_ is translated by Pio\nPerez \"se pobl\u00f3 en Uxmal,\" [TN-17]established himself in Uxmal,\"\nconveying the impression that he merely moved to that city. This is,\nhowever, not the sense of the original. _He[c]icab_ is an active verb\ngoverning Uxmal as its direct object, and means to found firmly or\npromptly.\n\nThe expression _halach uinicil_, the real man, the true man, is a common\nidiom for governor or ruler, he being the only \"real man\" in an\nautocratic community (ante p. 26).\n\nThe name of Mayapan is given in the form Mayalpan, which I think is\ndialectic. It is spoken of as an established city under the joint rule\nof several chiefs at the date of the founding of Uxmal.\n\n9. This paragraph describes how the ruler of the Itzas lost his share in\nthe government of Mayapan. _Kebanthan_, literally a plot, or to plot to\ndo some injury--\"concertar de hacer algun mal, y el tal concierto,\"\n_Diccionario de Motul_, MS. I have followed Pio Perez in translating\n\"against Hunac Eel,\" although \"by Hunac Eel\" seems more correct.\nElsewhere the name is Hunac Ceel. Ancona argues that he was a member of\nthe Cocom family (_Hist. de Yucatan_, I. p. 157.)\n\nSeveral of the names of the seven \"men of Mayapan\" have a Nahuatl\nappearance. Kakaltecat=Cacaltecatl, He of the Crow; Ytzcuat=Itzcoatl,\nSmirch-faced snake; Xuchueuet=Xochitl, the rose or flower;\nPantemit=Pantenamitl, the Conqueror of the city wall. These would seem\nto bear out what Landa and Herrera say, to the effect that at one period\nthe rulers of Mayapan invited Aztec warriors from the province of\nTabasco to come and dwell in the city and aid them in controlling the\ninhabitants.\n\nBoth Dr. Valentini and Se\u00f1or Pio Perez are of opinion the Katuns at the\ncommencement of this paragraph should read the 10th, 8th and 6th,\ninstead of the 11th, 9th and 6th, as it is necessary in order to\nestablish consistency with what follows.\n\n10. This is one of the most obscure sections in the chronicle. The\nphrase _tumenel u uahal uahob_ is rendered by Pio Perez \"because he made\nwar,\" while Brasseur translates it \"because of his great feasts.\" The\nmeaning of the root _uah_ is maize cakes, or, more generally, bread. The\n_Diccionario de Motul_ gives: \"UAHIL; banquete, convite \u00f4 comida,\" which\nis in favor of Brasseur's translation.\n\n_Oxlahun uu[c]_, \"thirteen divisions;\" _uu[c]_ or _uuu[c]_ means\nliterally a fold or double, and hence appears to have been applied to\nranks of men in double rows. I do not find, however, any such meaning\ngiven in the dictionaries. As a numeral particle it is used to count\nwhatever occurs in folds or doubles.\n\nThe number thirteen had a sacredness attached to it, from its frequent\nuse in the calendar. It appears from a passage in the _Popol Vuh_ that\nthe Cakchiquels, Pokomams and Pokomchis also divided their tribes into\nthirteen sections (_Popol Vuh_, p. 206). In the Maya language, 13 is\nalso used to signify a great but indefinite number: thus _oxlahun\ncacab_, thirteen generations, is equivalent to \"forever\"; _oxlahun\npixan_, thirteen times happy, is to be happy in the supreme degree; more\nremote from customary analogies is the phrase for \"full moon,\" _oxlhaun\ncaan u_, literally \"the thirteen-sky moon,\" the moon which fills with\nits light the whole sky (_Diccionario de Motul_, MS.).\n\nThe phrase _u [c]abal u natob_ is not translated at all in the English\nrendering in Stephens' _Travels_, nor in that of Valentini. Brasseur\nparaphrases it \"by him who gives intelligence.\"\n\nThe proper names Ulmil and Ulil seem both to be derived from _ula_,\nhost, the master of the feast.\n\nHere, again, I shall give the originals of the two previous translators.\n\n_Translation of Pio Perez._\n\n\"En este mismo periodo \u00f4 _katun_ del 8\u00ba ahau fueron \u00e1 destruir al rey\nUlmil porque le hacia la guerra al rey de Izamal Ulil. Trece divisiones\nde combatientes tenia cuando los dispers\u00f3 Hunac-eel para escarmentarlos:\nla guerra se concluy\u00f3 en el 6\u00ba ahau \u00e1 los 34 a\u00f1os.\"\n\n_Translation of Brasseur._\n\n\"C'est dans la m\u00eame p\u00e9riode du Huit Ahau qu'ils all\u00e8rent attaquer le roi\nUlmil, \u00e0 cause de ses grands festins avec Ulil, roi d'Ytzmal: ils\navaient treize divisions de troupes, lorsqu'ils furent d\u00e9faits par\nHunac-Eel, par celui qui donne l'intelligence. Au Six Ahau, c'en etait\nfait, apr\u00e8s trente quatre ans.\"\n\nThe name Hunac Eel should be Hunac Ceel, as it is given in the other\nchronicles. It means \"he who causes great fear,\" _hunac_ in composition\nmeans much, great, and _ceel_, cold, also the fright and terror which\nmakes one shiver as with cold (\"espanto, asombro \u00f4 turbacion que causa\nfri\u00f3.\" _Dicc. de Motul_, MS).[TN-18]\n\n11. This important section describes the destruction of the great city\nof Mayapan, which occurred somewhere between A.D. 1420-1450. The reasons\ngiven for the act are not clear.\n\n_Tumenel u pack tulum, tumenel multepal ich cah Mayalpan_, appears to me\nto have the precise meaning I have given in the text; but Pio Perez\ntranslates the passage thus \"fu\u00e9 invadido por los hombres de Itza y su\nrey Ulmil, el territorio fortificado de Mayalpan, porque tenia murallas,\ny porque gobernaba en comun el pueblo de aquella ciudad.\"\n\nThe expression _multepal_, from _mul_, to do an act jointly, or in\ncommon, and _tepal_, to govern, is interesting as showing that the\ngovernment of the country in its golden days of prosperity was not one\nof an autocratic monarch, but a league or confederation of the principal\nchiefs of the peninsula. This is also borne out by the descriptions of\nthe ancient government to be found in the pages of Landa and Herrera.\n\nThe Itzas seized the territory in and around Mayapan, but they were not\nthe ones who destroyed the city. This was the work of _Ahuitzil[c]ul_,\nforeign mountaineers. _[C]ul_, is the common term for a foreigner in\nMaya, and is now-a-days applied especially to the whites. _Uitz_,\nmountain, is used with reference to the high sierra which runs through\ncentral Yucatan, and so Pio Perez understood _ahuitzil_, \"los que tenian\nsus ciudades en la parte monta\u00f1osa.\" This is probably correct, though we\ndo not know to whom this appellation refers. Yet it may be added that\nanother meaning can be given to the phrase; _uitz_ is the term applied\nby the natives in some parts of the peninsula to the artificial mounds\nor pyramids on which their temples were situated, which are usually\ncalled _muul_.[132-1] In this sense _ahuitzil [c]ul_ should be rendered\n\"foreigners who had great pyramids.\"\n\nThe words _tan cah Mayapan_ (not Mayalpan as before) are rendered by Pio\nPerez and Brasseur as the name of a province or district; but as they\nsimply mean \"in the middle of the city of Mayapan,\" it appears to be\ntheir signification here.\n\n12. \"After the fortress was depopulated\" or destroyed. This no doubt\nrefers to the fortress of Mayapan, spoken of in the previous section.\nAguilar and his companions were wrecked on the coast of Yucatan, in\n1511, and this is probably the earliest date of any actual landing of\nEuropeans, although in 1506, Pinzon had sighted the eastern shores.\n\n13. _Mayacimil_, \"the death of the Mayas,\" a term applied to a general\nand fatal pestilence. Such are referred to by Landa (_Relacion_, \u00a7 X.)\nand Cogolludo (_Historia de Yucatan_, Lib. IV, cap. VI),[TN-19] The\n_Diccionario de Motul_, MS. has this entry:\n\n\"MAYACIMIL: una mortandad grande que fu\u00e9 en Yucatan. Y tomase por\nqualquier mortandad y pestilencia que lleva mucha gente.\"\n\n_Noh kakil_, _noh_, great, _kak_, fire, is the usual word for the\nsmallpox.\n\nThe reference to the death of Ahpula, who, as we learn from another\nchronicle, was a member of the royal Xiu family, is especially valuable\nas assigning a definite date in both the Maya and European calendars. It\nis specified with great minuteness, and yet Pio Perez made the serious\nerror in his computations regarding the Maya calendar of reading \"the\nsixth year of the 13th ahau\" instead of \"six years from the close of the\n13th ahau,\" as, in fact, he himself elsewhere translated it.\n\nThe expression _u xocol haab ti lakin cuchie_, \"the reckoning of the\nyear was toward the East,\" refers to the circle or wheel marked with the\nfour cardinal points by which the years were arranged with reference to\nthe four \"year-bearers\" Kan, Muluc, Ix and Cauac.\n\nThe last words of this section, \"sixty years after the fortress was\ndestroyed,\" are an obvious error, as in the preceding section this date\nis said to be that of the first arrival of the Spaniards.\n\n14. _Kul uincob_, \"mighty men,\" from _kul_, strong, powerful, probably\nakin to _ku_, god, but not with the religious signification which\n_kuyen_ has (see page 125). _Caputzihil_, literally \"to be born a second\ntime.\" Bishop Landa assures us positively that a rite of baptism was\nknown to the Mayas before the arrival of the whites, and that this name\nwas applied to it (_Relacion_, p. 144). As will be seen on a later page,\nMaya writers usually employed another term to express Christian baptism.\n\nThe year in which Bishop Francisco Toral first came to Yucatan was 1562\n(Cogolludo, _Hist. de Yucatan_, Lib. VI, cap. VI). He died in Mexico in\n1571.\n\nThe remainder of this chronicle has never been translated or published.\nIt refers to facts after the Conquest, but I think it of interest to\ngive it completely, as its manner of dealing with known dates will throw\nlight on its general accuracy.\n\n15. Bishop Diego de Landa, second bishop of the diocese of Merida, died\nat that city in 1579, aged fifty-four years. The first missionaries that\ncame to Mani were Fathers Villalpando and Benavente, in 1547 (Cogolludo,\n_Hist._, Lib. V, cap. VII). The convent there was established in 1549.\n\n16. No town of the name Yokhaa is now known. But I find on the ancient\nnative map of Mani, dating from 1557, given by Stephens (_Travels in\nYucatan_, Vol. II, p. 264), a locality marked _Yokha_, marked with a\ncross. This is no doubt the reference in the text.\n\n17. The Auditor Don T[)o]mas Lopez came to Yucatan from Guatemala. He\nwas in Yucatan as early as 1552, and published laws in that year\n(Cogolludo, Lib. V, cap. XIX, Lib. VII, cap. XI). A hospital was founded\nvery early in Mani, according to Cogolludo, but he does not give the\nexact date (_ibid._, Lib. IV, cap. XX).\n\n18. Doctor Don Diego Quijada arrived in Yucatan in 1562, and remained\nuntil 1565.\n\n19. When Landa was provincial, 1562-65, various Indians were hanged on\naccount of the prevalence of suicide.\n\n20. What Marshall is referred to is uncertain, _thulub_ should probably\nbe _chulub_, and so I have translated it. Berendt suggested _ca botab\nchulub_, \"when they paid for water,\" the reference being to a great\ndrought.\n\n21. An epidemic of measles and smallpox, in 1609, is referred to by\nCogolludo (Lib. IX, cap. I).\n\n22. In 1610 three Indians of Tekax were hanged for having killed their\nchief Don Pedro Xiu (Cogolludo, Lib. IX, cap. I).\n\n23. The reference is to a census or assessment of the town. None is\nmentioned in this year by Cogolludo, nor does he speak of the Judge\nDiego Pareja.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[89-1] \"No lo pudiendo sufrir los otros Se\u00f1ores, se conjuraron con el\nSe\u00f1or de los Tutuxius, i acudiendo en Dia se\u00f1alado \u00e0 la Casa del Se\u00f1or\nCocom, le mataron con sus Hijos, salvo uno, que estaba ausente, i le\nsaquearon la Casa, i le tomaron sus Heredades, i desamparon la Ciudad\n[de Mayapan], deseando cada Se\u00f1or vivir en libertad en sus Pueblos, al\ncabo de quinientos A\u00f1os, que se fund\u00f2, en la qual havian vivido con\nmucha Policia; i havria que se despobl\u00f2, segun la cuenta de los Indios,\nhasta que llegaron los Castellanos \u00e0 Yucat\u00e0n, setenta A\u00f1os. Cada Se\u00f1or\nprocur\u00f2 de llevar los mas Libros de sus Ciencias, que pud\u00f2, \u00e0 su Tierra,\nadonde hicieron Templos; i esta es la principal causa de los muchos\nEdificios, que hai en Yucatan. Sigui\u00f2 toda su gente Ahxiui, Se\u00f1or de los\nTutuxius, i pobl\u00f2 en Mani, que quiere decir, i\u00e0 pas\u00f2; como si dixese,\nhagamos Libro nuevo; i de tal manera poblaron sus Pueblos, que hicieron\nuna gran Provincia, que se llama oi dia, Tutuxi\u00f9.\" Herrera, _Historia de\nlas Indias Occidentales_, Dec. IV, Lib. X, caps. II, III.\n\n[90-1] _Historia de Yucatan_, Lib. III, cap. VI.\n\n[91-1] I quote Dr. Berendt's words. \"Los datos historic\u00f3s que public\u00f2\nStephens en el Apendice de su obra fueron extractados de tal libro de\nChilam Balam en poder de un Indio de Mani, maestro de escuela, que por\ntener el mismo apelido Balam pretendi\u00f3 ser descendiente del sacerdote de\nlos Mayas que lleg\u00f3 \u00e0 padrinar esta clase de escritos.\" _Chilam Balam,\nArticulos y Fragmentos en Lengua Maya_ MSS., Advertencia, p. vii.\n\nI have also in my collection a manuscript copy of what Yucatecan\nscholars call the _Codice Perez_, a mass of materials copied by Se\u00f1or\nPio Perez, among them this chronicle. The following is his own note at\nits close:--\n\n\"Hasta aqui termina el libro titulado Chilambalam que se conserva en el\nPueblo de Mani en poder del maestro de Capilla.\"\n\n[92-1] _The Katunes of Maya History_, A Chapter in the Early Chronology\nof Central America, with special reference to the Pio Perez Manuscripts.\nBy Philip J.\u00a0J. Valentini, Ph. D. _Proceedings of the American\nAntiquarian Society_, 1879. (Worcester, Mass. Press of Charles Hamilton,\n1880). The reprint is 60 pages, octavo.\n\n[92-2] Crescencio Carrillo, _Manual de Historia y Geografia de la\nPeninsula de Yucatan_, pp. 16-27. (12mo: Merida de Yucatan; imprenta de\nJ.\u00a0D. Espinosa e Hijos.)\n\n[95-1] chichcunahthan.\n\n[96-1] uchuc.\n\n[96-2] haban.\n\n[96-3] ximbal.\n\n[97-1] ximbal.\n\n[99-1] chulub.\n\n[116-1] The Spanish word \"poblar\" does not mean to people an uninhabited\ncountry, but to found villages and gather the people into communities.\n\n[120-1] _Historia de las Indias Occidentales Dec._ IV, Lib. X, cap. II.\n\n[121-1] _Cacal_ is reduplicated from _cab_, land, province, town. The\nchange from _b_ to _l_ is also seen in _cacalluum_, \"tierra buena para\nsembrar,\" _Diccionario de Motul_; also in the town names Tixcacal,\nXcacal, etc.\n\n[132-1] \"En toda la Peninsula existen unos cerros \u00e1 mano \u00f4 monticulos\nartificiales, que comunmente llaman los naturales en idioma Maya _Muul_\nen algunos lugares, y en otros _Uitz_.\" Don Jose T. Cervera in the\n_Revista de Merida_, Dec. 3, 1871.\n\n\n\n\nII. THE SERIES OF THE KATUNS.\n\n_From the Book of Chilan Balam of Tizimin._\n\n\nTizimin is a town of some importance, in the district of Valladolid,\nabout a hundred miles east of Merida. The \"Book of Chilan Balam\" which\nwas found there is one of the most ancient known, and appears to have\nbeen written about the close of the sixteenth century. It is now in the\npossession of the eminent antiquary, the Canon Crescencio Carrillo y\nAncona, of Merida, who has described it in his work on Maya\nliterature.[136-1] It contains 26 leaves, without numeration, and on the\n17th this chronicle is inserted without title or prefatory remarks. It\nis evidently a version of that previously given from the Book of Mani,\nalthough a few additional particulars are stated, and there seems to\nhave been an attempt to arrange the epochs in more completeness.\n\nThis has led to the insertion of a number of katuns which I think it\nevident do not properly come into the count. To correct the list the\nkatuns 8th, 6th, and 4th, mentioned in \u00a72, should be considered the same\nas 8th, 6th, and 4th, repeated in \u00a73 and \u00a74. Again, in section 11, the\n8th katun, on which the attack on Mayapan occurs, is to be considered\nthe same as the 8th with which \u00a712 begins, and the whole of the 25\nkatuns which are either stated to have intervened, or must be added in\norder to make the series correct, are to be omitted. Finally, the 8th\nkatun at the close of \u00a710 should immediately follow the 10th at the\nclose of \u00a78.\n\n\nTEXT.\n\n 1. Uaxac ahau.\n\n    Uac ahau[TN-20]\n\n    Can ahau.\n\n    Cabil ahau--[138-1]cakal hab catac humppel hab tu humpiztun\n    ahoxlahunahau.\n\n 2. Oxlahun ahau.\n\n    Uaxac ahau.\n\n    Uac ahau.\n\n    Ca ahau; kuchci chacnabiton mekat tutul xiu, humppel hab mati hokal\n    hab.\n\n 3. Uaxac ahau; uch cuchi [138-2]canpahal chic[=h]en Ytza; uch cu\n    chicpahal tzucubte Zian can lae.\n\n 4. Can ahau.\n\n    Cabil ahau.\n\n    Oxlahun ahau; lai tzolci pop.\n\n 5. Buluc ahau.\n\n    Bolon ahau.\n\n    Uuc ahau.\n\n    Ho ahau.\n\n    Ox ahau.\n\n    Hun ahau; lahunkal hab cu tepal chic[=h]en Ytza, ca paxi ca binob t\n    cahtal chakanputun ti yanhi yotochob ahYtzaob kuyan uinicobi.\n\n 6. Uac ahau; chuccu lumil chakanputun.\n\n    Can ahau.\n\n    Cabil ahau.\n\n    Oxlahun ahau.\n\n    Buluc ahau.\n\n    Bolon ahau.\n\n    Uuc ahau.\n\n    Ho ahau.\n\n    Ox ahau.\n\n    Hun ahau.\n\n    Lahca ahau.\n\n    Lahun ahau.\n\n    Uaxac ahau; paxci chakanputun; oxlahunkal hab cu tepal chacanputun\n    tumen Ytza [139-1]unincob; ca talob u tzaclob yotochob tucaten; ca u\n    zatahob be chakanputun; lay u katunil [139-2]biciob ahYtzaob yalan\n    che, yalan haban, yalan ak ti numyaob.\n\n 7. Vac ahau.\n\n    Can ahau; cakal hab ca talob u he[c] yotochob tu caten; ca u zatahob\n    be chankanputun.\n\n    Cabil ahau.\n\n    Oxlahun ahau.\n\n    Buluc ahau.\n\n    Bolon ahau.\n\n    Vuc ahau.\n\n    Ho ahau.\n\n    Ox ahau.\n\n    Hun ahau.\n\n    Lahca ahau.\n\n 8. Lahun ahau; u he[c]cicab ahzuitok tutulxiu uxmal; lahunkal hab cuchi\n    ca he[c]iob lum Uxmal.\n\n 9, 10. Buluc ahau.\n\n    Bolon ahau.\n\n    Uuc ahau.\n\n    Ho ahau.\n\n    Ox ahau.\n\n    Hun ahau.\n\n    Lahca ahau.\n\n    Lahun ahau.\n\n    Uaxac ahau; paxci u halach vinicil chic[=h]en Ytza tu kebanthan hunac\n    ceel, ah zinte yut chan, tzumte cum, taxal, pantemit, xuchvevet,\n    Itzcoat, kakal cat, lai u kaba u uinicilob lae uuctulob tumen u uahal\n    uahob y ytzmal ulil ahau: oxlahun uu[c] u katunilob ca paxob tumen\n    hunac ceel, tumen u [c]abal u natob.\n\n11. Uac ahau.\n\n    Can ahau; cakal hab ca chuci u lumil ahau, tumen u kebanthan hunac\n    ceel.\n\n    Cabil ahau.\n\n    Oxlahun ahau.\n\n    Buluc ahau.\n\n    Bolon ahau.\n\n    Uuc ahau.\n\n    Ho ahau.\n\n    Ox ahau.\n\n    Hun ahau.\n\n    Lahca ahau.\n\n    Uaxac ahau; uchci puchtun ich paa Mayapan tumen u pach tulum, tu tumen\n    multepal ich cah mayapan.\n\n    Uac ahau.\n\n    Cabil ahau; oxlahun tun mani [c]ulob u yaxil cob u lumil Yucatan\n    tzucubte; cankal hab catac oxlahun pizi.\n\n    Buluc ahau.\n\n    Bolon ahau.\n\n    Uuc ahau.\n\n    Ho ahau.\n\n    Ox ahau.\n\n    Hun ahau.\n\n    Lahca ahau.\n\n    Lahun ahau,[TN-21]\n\n    Uaxac ahau.\n\n    Uac ahau.\n\n    Can ahau.\n\n    Cabil ahau.\n\n    Oxlahun ahau.\n\n    Buluc ahau.\n\n12. Uaxac ahau; paxci cah mayapan tumenel vitzil [c]ul; lahunkal hab\n    catac cankal habi.\n\n13. Can ahau; uchi maya cimlal ocnalkuchil ych paa.\n\n    Cabil ahau; uchci nohkakil.\n\n    Oxlahun ahau; [142-1]uchci cimil ahpulha, uacppel hab u binel ca\n    [c]ococ u xol oxlahun ahau cuchie, ti yan u xocol hab ti lakin\n    cuchie, canil kan, cumlahi pop hool han, tu holhun zip catac oxppeli,\n    bolon imix u kinil cimci ahpulha laitun hab=1536 cuchi.\n\n14. Buluc ahau; ulci [c]ulob----kul uincob ti lakin u talob ca ulob uai\n    tac lumile.\n\n    Bolon ahau; hopci xptianoil; uchci caputzihil; lai li ichil u katunil\n    ulci yax obispo toral heix hab cu [142-2]xinbal cuchie--1544.\n\n15. Vuc ahau; cimci obispo Landa ichil u katunil.\n\n16. Ho ahau, ca yum cahi padre mani lai hab cu ximbal cuchi la--1550;\n    lai hab cu ximbal ca cahiob yok ha, 1552 cuchi.\n\n17. 1559, hab ca uli oydor ca paki spital.\n\n18. 1560, u habil ca uli Doctor quixada yax halach uinic uai ti lume.\n\n19. 1562, hab ca uchci chuitab.\n\n20. 1563, hab ca uli mariscal.\n\n21. 1569, hab ca uchi kakil.\n\n22. 1619, u habil ca hichi u cal [143-1]ahkaxob.\n\n23. 1611, hab ca [c]ibtabi cah tumenel Jues.\n\n\nTRANSLATION.\n\n 1. The eighth ahau.\n\n    The sixth ahau.\n\n    The fourth ahau.\n\n    The second ahau; four score years and one year to the first year of the\n    thirteenth ahau.\n\n 2. The thirteenth ahau.\n\n    The eighth ahau.\n\n    The sixth ahau.\n\n    The fourth ahau; Mekat Tutulxiu arrived at Chacnabiton; five score\n    years lacking one year.\n\n 3. The eighth ahau; it occurred that Chichen Itza was learned about; the\n    discovery of the province of Zian can took place.\n\n 4. The fourth ahau.\n\n    The second ahau.\n\n    The thirteenth ahau; then Pop was counted in order.\n\n 5. The eleventh ahau.\n\n    The ninth ahau.\n\n    The seventh ahau.\n\n    The fifth ahau.\n\n    The third ahau.\n\n    The first ahau; ten score years they ruled Chichen Itza, then it was\n    destroyed and they went to live at Chakanputun, where were the houses\n    of those of Itza, holy men.\n\n 6. The sixth ahau; the land of Chakanputun was seized.\n\n    The fourth ahau.\n\n    The second ahau.\n\n    The thirteenth ahau.\n\n    The eleventh ahau.\n\n    The ninth ahau.\n\n    The seventh ahau.\n\n    The fifth ahau.\n\n    The third ahau.\n\n    The first ahau.\n\n    The twelfth ahau.\n\n    The tenth ahau.\n\n    The eighth ahau; Chakanputun was abandoned; for thirteen score years\n    Chakanputun was ruled by the men of Itza; then they came in search of\n    their houses a second time; and they lost the road to Chakanputun; in\n    this katun those of Itza were under the trees, under the boughs,\n    under the branches, to their sorrow.\n\n 7. The sixth ahau.\n\n    The fourth ahau: two score years, and they came and established their\n    houses a second time; when they lost the road to Chakanputun.\n\n    The second ahau.\n\n    The thirteenth ahau.\n\n    The eleventh ahau.\n\n    The ninth ahau.\n\n    The seventh ahau.\n\n    The fifth ahau.\n\n    The third ahau.\n\n    The first ahau.\n\n    The twelfth ahau.\n\n 8. The tenth ahau; Ahzuitok Tutulxiu founded Uxmal: ten score years had\n    passed when they established the territory of Uxmal.\n\n 9, 10. The eleventh ahau.\n\n    The ninth ahau.\n\n    The seventh ahau.\n\n    The fifth ahau.\n\n    The third ahau.\n\n    The first ahau.\n\n    The twelfth ahau.\n\n    The tenth ahau.\n\n    The eighth ahau; the ruler deserted (depopulated) Chichen Itza, on\n    account of the plot of Hunac Ceel; Ahzinteyut Chan, Tzumtecum, Taxal,\n    Pantemit, Xuchueuet, Itzcoat, Kakalcat, these were the names of the\n    seven men; on account of the banquet with Ulil, ruler of Itzmal;\n    there were thirteen divisions of warriors when they were driven out\n    by Hunac Ceel, in order that they might know what was to be given.\n\n11. The sixth ahau.\n\n    The fourth ahau: two score years; then the ruler seized the land on\n    account of the plot of Hunac Ceel.\n\n    The second ahau.\n\n    The thirteenth ahau.\n\n    The eleventh ahau.\n\n    The ninth ahau.\n\n    The seventh ahau.\n\n    The fifth ahau.\n\n    The third ahau.\n\n    The first ahau.\n\n    The twelfth ahau.\n\n    The tenth ahau.\n\n    The eighth ahau; fighting took place in the fortress Mayapan, on\n    account of the seizure of the castle, and on account of the joint\n    government in the city of Mayapan.\n\n    The sixth ahau.\n\n    The second ahau; on the thirteenth foreigners passed, they say for\n    the first time, to this land, the province Yucatan; four score years\n    and thirteen.\n\n    The eleventh ahau.\n\n    The ninth ahau.\n\n    The seventh ahau.\n\n    The fifth ahau.\n\n    The third ahau.\n\n    The first ahau.\n\n    The twelfth ahau.\n\n    The tenth ahau.\n\n    The eighth ahau.\n\n    The sixth ahau.\n\n    The fourth ahau.\n\n    The second ahau.\n\n    The thirteenth ahau.\n\n    The eleventh ahau.\n\n12. The eighth ahau; Mayapan was depopulated by foreigners from the\n    mountains; ten score years and four score years.\n\n13. The fourth ahau; the pestilence, the general death, took place in\n    the fortress.\n\n    The second ahau; the smallpox took place.\n\n    The thirteenth ahau; the death of Ahpulha took place; it was the\n    sixth year when ended the count of the thirteenth ahau; the count of\n    the year was from the east, (the month) Pop passed on the fifth kan;\n    on the eighteenth of (the month) Zip, 9 Imix, was the day Ahpulha\n    died; it was the year 1536.\n\n14. The eleventh ahau; foreigners arrived--mighty men from the east;\n    they came, they arrived here in this land.\n\n    The ninth ahau; Christianity began; baptism took place; also in this\n    katun came the first bishop Toral; the year which was passing\n    was--1544.\n\n15. The seventh ahau; bishop Landa died in this katun.\n\n16. The fifth ahau; the Fathers settled at Mani; the year that was\n    passing was 1550; in the year 1552 they settled upon the water.\n\n17. 1559; this year came the auditor and built the Hospital.\n\n18. 1560; this year arrived Doctor Quixada, the first governor here in\n    this land.\n\n19. 1562; this year took place the hanging.\n\n20. 1563; this year came Mariscal.\n\n21. 1569; this year smallpox occurred.\n\n22. 1610; this year those of Tekax were hanged.\n\n23. 1611; this year the towns were written down by the Judge.\n\n\nNOTES.\n\nThe entire omission of the introductory paragraph of the Mani chronicle,\nwith its references to the Quetzalcoatl myth, is noteworthy.\n\nAs neither chronicle begins with the beginning of an Ahau Katun, it is\nobvious that some era was fixed upon in later days from which to count\nthe Katuns backward in time to the dawn of tradition, as well as\nforward.\n\n2. On the name _Chacnabiton_ see page 123.\n\n3. _Canpahal_ I take to be an old form of _canchahal_ or _canlaahal_,\nboth of which mean to learn or learn about. On _Zian can_ see page 124.\n\n4. I am at a loss for the exact bearing of the expression _lai tzolci\nPop_. Pop is the first month in the Maya year; _tzoolol_ is \"to be\ncounted in order\" (_Dicc. Motul_); the preterite in _ci_ would seem to\njustify the rendering \"since then Pop was counted in regular\nsuccession;\" (see remarks on the effect of _ci_, on page 106); in other\nwords, that the calendar was adopted at that time, which was also at the\nbeginning of an Ahau Katun, and, by the count given (supplying the\nkatuns not mentioned by the writer) thirty katuns, 600 years, since\ntheir traditions began.\n\n6. _Chuccu_, passive of _chucah_, to seize, take possession of.\n\n_Zatahob be_, \"they lost the road,\" probably meant, in a figurative\nsense, that they were prevented by intervening unfriendly tribes from\ncontinuing their intercourse with the western coast. _Biciob_, evidently\nfor _binciob_. The expression _yalan che_, _yalan haban_, _yalan ak_,\nhas already been explained (page 126).\n\n13. _Ocnakuchil._ The derivation of this word is stated to be from\n_ocol_, to enter, _na_, the houses, _kuch_, the crow or buzzard, the\nnumber of the dead being so great that the carrion birds entered the\ndwellings to prey upon the bodies.\n\nIn the account of Ahpula's death _ca [c]ococ_ should, I think, read _ca\nma [c]ococ_, \"when not yet was ended.\"\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[136-1] _Disertacion sobre la Historia de la Lengua Maya \u00f2 Yucateca_, in\nthe _Revista de Merida_, 1870, p. 128.\n\n[138-1] cankal.\n\n[138-2] canlaahal.\n\n[139-1] uinicob.\n\n[139-2] binciob.\n\n[142-1] uchuc.\n\n[142-2] ximbal.\n\n[143-1] tikaxob.\n\n\n\n\nIII. THE RECORD OF THE COUNT OF THE KATUNS.\n\n_From the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel._\n\n\nThe village of Chumayel is about six leagues east of Mani, and within\nthe boundaries of the province anciently ruled by the Xiu family.\n\nThe copy of the Book of Chilan Balam which was found there was a\nredaction made by an Indian, Don Juan Josef Hoil, in 1782. Like all\nthese volumes it is a sort of common place book, in which were copied\nmiscellaneous articles from much older manuscripts. One of these bears\nthe date 1689, but most of them have no date attached. Hoil's original\nis, I believe, in the possession of the Canon Crescencio Carrillo y\nAncona, of Merida. A fac-simile copy, by the hand of the late Dr.\nBerendt, is in my possession.\n\nAt the close of the volume, ff. 40-44, are found three summaries of the\nancient history of Yucatan, which are those I am about to give. They\nhave never been translated from the original, nor published in any form,\nand they contain details of interest. They are evidently from different\nsources, and are also different from those previously given.\n\n\nTEXT.\n\nU kahlay u xocan katunob uchi u chictahal u Chic[=h]een Ytza uchi lae\nlay [c]iban ti cab lae uchebal yoheltabal tumen hijmac yolah yohel te ti\nxocol katun lae.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n1.   VI. Uac ahau uchci u chictahal u chic[=h]een Ytza.\n\n   IIII. Can ahau lae.\n\n     II. Cabil ahau.\n\n   XIII. Oxlahun ahau tzolci pop.\n\n     XI. Buluc ahau.\n\n     IX. Bolon ahau.\n\n    VII. Uuc ahau.\n\n      V. Ho ahau.\n\n    III. Ox ahau.\n\n      I. Hun ahau.\n\n    XII. Lahca ahau.\n\n      X. Lahun ahau; paxci u chic[=h]een Ytza; uchi oxlahun uu[c] katun\n         cacahi chakanputun ti yotochob u katunil.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n2.   VI. Uac ahau.\n\n   IIII. Can ahau; chucci u lumil tumenob Chakanputun.\n\n     II. Cabil ahau.\n\n   XIII. Oxlahun ahau.\n\n     XI. Buluc ahau.\n\n     IX. Bolon ahau.\n\n    VII. Uuc ahau.\n\n      V. Ho ahau.\n\n    III. Ox ahau.\n\n      I. Hun ahau.\n\n    XII. Lahca ahau.\n\n      X. Lahun ahau.\n\n   VIII. Uaxac ahau; paxci chakan putunob tumenob ah Ytza uinicob ca\n         taliob u tzacle u yotochob tu caten; oxlahun uu[c] u katunil;\n         cahanob chakan putunob tic yotochob; layli u katunil binciob\n         ah Ytzaob yalan che, yalan haban, yalan ak, ti numyaob lae.\n\n3.   VI. Uac ahau.\n\n   IIII. Can ahau.\n\n     II. Cabil ahau.\n\n   XIII. Oxlahun ahau.\n\n     XI. Buluc ahau.\n\n     IX. Bolon ahau.\n\n    VII. Uuc ahau.\n\n      V. Ho ahau.\n\n    III. Ox ahau.\n\n      I. Hun ahau.\n\n    XII. Lahca ahau.\n\n      X. Lahun ahau.\n\n   VIII. Uaxac ahau; paxci ahYtza uinicob ti yotochob tu caten, tumen u\n         kebanthan hun nac ceel, tumen u uahal uahob _y_ ahYtzmal;\n         oxlahunuu[c] u katunil cahanobi ca paxiob tumen hun nac ceel,\n         tumen a [c]abal u natob ahYtzaob lae.\n\n4.   VI. Uac ahau.\n\n   IIII. Can ahau: chucci u luumil ichpaa Mayapan tumen AhYtza uinicob,\n         likulob ti yotoche tumenel ahYtzmalob, tumen u kebanthan -\u00a0-\u00a0-\u00a0-\n         hun nac ceel lae.\n\n5.   II. Cabil ahau.\n\n   XIII. Oxlahun ahau.\n\n     XI. Buluc ahau.\n\n     IX. Bolon ahau.\n\n    VII. Uuc ahau,[TN-22]\n\n      V. Ho ahau.\n\n    III. Ox ahau.\n\n      I. Hun ahau.\n\n    XII. Lahca ahau.\n\n      X. Lahun ahau.\n\n   VIII. Uaxac ahau: uchci puc[=h]tun ychpaa Mayapan tumen u pach paa, u\n         pach tulum, tumen multepal ych cah Mayapan lal lae.\n\n6.   VI. Uac ahau.\n\n   IIII. Can ahau: uchci mayacimlal; uchci ocnakuchil ych paa.\n\n     II. Cabil ahau: uchci kakil nohkakile.\n\n7. XIII. Oxlahun ahau; cimci Ahpula uacppel haab; u binel u xocol haab\n         ti lakin cuchie; [156-1]caanil kan cumlahci pop ti lakin he\n         tunte na cici pahool katun haab; hun hix cip catac oxppeli Bolon\n         ymix hi; u kinil lay cimci Ahpula lae napotxiu tu habil _D^o._\n         158 a\u00f1os.\n\n8.   XI. Buluc ahau: hulciob kul uinicob ti lakin; u yah talzah; ulob u\n         yaxchun uay lae luumil coon maya uinice tu habil _D^o._ 1523\n         a\u00f1os.\n\n     IX. Bolon ahau: hoppci _xpnoil_; uchci caputzihil; laytal ychil u\n         katunil hulci _obispo_ tora [157-1]ua; xane hauci [157-2]huytabe\n         tu habil _D^o._ 1546 a\u00f1os.\n\n    VII. Uuc ahau: cimci _obispo de Landa_.\n\n      V. Hoo ahau.\n\n    III. Ox ahau.\n\n\nTRANSLATION.\n\nThis is the Record of the count of the katuns from when took place the\ndiscovery of Chichen Itza; this is written for the town in order that it\nmay be known by whoever wishes to know as to the counting of the katuns.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n1.   VI. In the sixth ahau took place the discovery of Chichen Itza.\n\n   IIII. This is the fourth ahau.\n\n     II. The second ahau.\n\n   XIII. The thirteenth ahau; Pop was set in order.\n\n     XI. The eleventh ahau.\n\n     IX. The ninth ahau.\n\n    VII. The seventh ahau.\n\n      V. The fifth ahau.\n\n    III. The third ahau.\n\n      I. The first ahau.\n\n    XII. The twelfth ahau.\n\n      X. The tenth ahau; Chichen Itza was abandoned; at this time it took\n         place that thirteen divisions of warriors went to Chakanputun\n         for houses.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n2.   VI. The sixth ahau.\n\n   IIII. The fourth ahau; the land was taken in possession by those of\n         Chakanputun.\n\n     II. The second ahau.\n\n   XIII. The thirteenth ahau.\n\n     XI. The eleventh ahau.\n\n     IX. The ninth ahau.\n\n    VII. The seventh ahau.\n\n      V. The fifth ahau.\n\n    III. The third ahau.\n\n      I. The first ahau.\n\n    XII. The twelfth ahau.\n\n      X. The tenth ahau.\n\n   VIII. The eighth ahau: Chakanputun was deserted by the men of Itza\n         when they came in search of their houses for the second time;\n         thirteen divisions of warriors dwelt in the houses at\n         Chakanputun; in this katun those of Itza were under the trees,\n         under the boughs, under the branches, to their misery.\n\n3.   VI. The sixth ahau.\n\n     IV. The fourth ahau.\n\n     II. The second ahau.\n\n   XIII. The thirteenth ahau.\n\n     XI. The eleventh ahau.\n\n     IX. The ninth ahau.\n\n    VII. The seventh ahau.\n\n      V. The fifth ahau.\n\n    III. The third ahau.\n\n      I. The first ahau.\n\n    XII. The twelfth ahau.\n\n      X. The tenth ahau.\n\n   VIII. The eighth ahau: the men of Itza were driven out of their houses\n         a second time because of the plot of Hunac Ceel, because of the\n         festivities with those of Itzmal; thirteen divisions of warriors\n         dwelt there when they were driven out by Hunnac Ceel in order\n         that those of Itza might know what was to be given.\n\n4.   VI. The sixth ahau.\n\n   IIII. The fourth ahau; the territory of the fortress of Mayapan was\n         seized by the men of Itza as also the houses by those of Itzamal\n         because of the plotting -\u00a0-\u00a0-\u00a0- of Hunnac Ceel.\n\n5.   II. The second ahau.\n\n   XIII. The thirteenth ahau.\n\n     XI. The eleventh ahau.\n\n     IX. The ninth ahau.\n\n    VII. The seventh ahau.\n\n      V. The fifth ahau.\n\n    III. The third ahau.\n\n      I. The first ahau.\n\n    XII. The twelfth ahau.\n\n      X. The tenth ahau.\n\n   VIII. The eighth ahau: there was fighting in the fortress of Mayapan\n         because of the seizure of the fortress and the fortified town by\n         the joint government in the city of Mayapan.\n\n6.   VI. The sixth ahau.\n\n     IV. The fourth ahau: the pestilence took place, the general death took\n         place in the fortress.\n\n     II. The second ahau; the smallpox broke out.\n\n7. XIII. The thirteenth ahau; Ahpula died the sixth year; the count of\n         the years was toward the east: (the month) Pop began on 4 Kan to\n         the east *\u00a0*\u00a0*\u00a0*\u00a0* 9 Imix was the day on which Ahpula NapotXiu\n         died in the year of the Lord 158.\n\n8.   XI. The eleventh ahau: the mighty men came from the East, they\n         brought the sickness; they arrived for the first time in this\n         country we Maya men say in the year 1513.\n\n     IX. The ninth ahau: Christianity began; baptism took place; also in\n         this katun arrived bishop Toral here; also the hanging ceased in\n         the year 1546.\n\n    VII. The seventh ahau; bishop Landa died.\n\n      V. The fifth ahau.\n\n    III. The third ahau.\n\n\nNOTES.\n\nThe writer states, in a brief introduction, the nature and purpose of\nhis composition.\n\n_U kahlay_, the record, or the memoir, from _kahal_, to remember. The\nconcrete meaning of the root is \"to know by sight, to recognize.\"\n_[c]iban_, past participle, passive voice, of _[c]ib_ to write: the\noriginal signification of the word is \"to paint.\" _Yoheltabal_, passive\nform of _ohel_, to know, which is always conjugated with the pronominal\nprefixes, _u_, _a_, _y_. _Yolah_, syncopated form of _u uolah_, he\nwills, wishes, _uol=volo_, _uolah=voluntas_.\n\nIt will be noticed that this chronicle is not called an \"arrangement\" of\nthe katuns, _tzolan katun_, but a count or reckoning of them, _xocan_ or\n_xocol_, from _xoc_, to count.\n\n1. The count begins with the discovery of Chichen Itza, mentions that\nPop was \"counted in order\" at the beginning of the next following Ahau\nKatun, and having stated the desertion of Chichen Itza and the migration\nto Chakanputun, the chronicler draws a line, as if to separate broadly\nthese occurrences from those which followed.\n\n5. The distinction between _paa_ and _tulum_ appears to be that _tulum_\nis an enclosure surrounded by a defensive wall, and this wall itself;\nwhile _paa_ is a castle, or, in Maya land, a mound or pyramid with\nbuildings on it erected for purposes of defence.\n\n6. _Kakil nohkakil_, the fire, the great fire, but here in the sense of\na contagious febrile disease, probably the smallpox.\n\n7. The text in this section is corrupt, and I leave a line untranslated.\nThe writer informs us, what was omitted in the previous chronicles, that\nthe Ahpula whose death is so carefully mentioned by all, was a member of\nthe Xiu family which reigned over the province of Mani. They were almost\nthe first of the powerful Maya nobles to make friends with the\nSpaniards. The date 158 is apparently intended for 1538, or perhaps\n1508, which is more consistent with the following section, but less so\nwith the previous chronicles.\n\n_Kul uinicob_, as remarked on page 133, means \"the mighty men,\" not the\n\"holy men,\" as generally translated. The term was applied to the\nSpaniards. The _Dicc. de Motul_ MS. says:--\"KULVINIC: muy hombre, hombre\nde respeto y de hecho, y llaman as\u00ed los Indios \u00e1 los Espa\u00f1oles.\" _U yah\ntalzah_, they bring the sickness, probably the smallpox. _Coon_ or\n_con_, 1st pers. pl. pres. indic. of the irregular verb _cen_ (_cihi_,\n_ciac_), to say, to tell.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[156-1] Canil.\n\n[157-1] uay.\n\n[157-2] chuytabe.\n\n\n\n\nIV. THE MAYA KATUNS.\n\n_From the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel,_\n\n\nThe following chronicle is stated by its writer to be distinctively\ncalled the \"Maya Katuns,\" and to be written for (or by) the Itzas. We\nhave, therefore, no longer to do with the reckoning of the subjects of\nthe Xiu family who ruled at Mani, but with one which emanates from the\npriests of the Cocomes, who were hereditary masters of Chichen Itza. It\nis evidently of different origin, although many of the same facts are\nreferred to in it.\n\n\nTEXT.\n\nU kahlay katunob utial ahYtzaob mayakatun u kaba lae.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n1. Lahca ahau.\n\n    Lahun ahau.\n\n    Uaxac ahau.\n\n    Uac ahau; paxciob ahoni.\n\n    Can ahau.\n\n    Cabil ahau.\n\n    Oxlahun ahau.\n\n    Buluc ahau.\n\n    Bolon ahau.\n\n    Uuc ahau.\n\n    Hoo ahau; paxci u cah yahau ahYtzmal kinich kakmo _y_ pop hol chan\ntumenel hun nac ceel.\n\n    Ox ahau.\n\n2. Hun ahau: paxci yala ahYtza tu c[=h]icheen, tu yoxpiztun ychil hun\nahau paxci u chic[=h]een.\n\n    Lahca ahau.\n\n    Lahun ahau.\n\n3. Uaxac ahau: u katunil he[c]ci cah yala ahYtza likul yan che yalan\nhaban tan xuluc mul u kaba ti likulob ca u he[c]ahob luum Zaclactun\nMayapan u kaba tu uucpiztun uaxac ahau u katunil; laix u katunil cimci\nChakanputun tumen kak u pa cal yetel tec uilue.\n\n4. Uac ahau.\n\n    Can ahau.\n\n    Cabil ahau.\n\n    Oxlahun ahau.\n\n    Buluc ahau.\n\n    Bolon ahau.\n\n    Uuc ahau.\n\n    Hoo ahau: ulci [c]ul ti chibil uinic, yxma pic [c]ul u kaba; ma paxci\npeten tumenelobi.\n\n    Ox ahau.\n\n5. Hun ahau: paxci peten tan cah mayapan u kaba tu hunpiztun ychil hun\nahau u katunile; lukci halach uinic tutul _y_ u Batabilob cabe _y_\ncantzuc culcahobe; lay u katunil paxi uincob tan cah [167-1]cauec\n[167-2]chahiob u Batabilob cabe.\n\n6. Lahca ahau te c[=h]abi Otzmal u tunile.\n\n    Lahun ahau, te c[=h]abi Zizal u tunile.\n\n    Uaxac ahau, te c[=h]abi Kancaba u tunile.\n\n    Uac ahau, te c[=h]abi hunnacthi u tunile.\n\n7. Can ahau, te c[=h]abi atikuhe u tunilae; lay u katunil uchci\nmayacimlal tu hopiztun ychil can ahau u katunil lae.\n\n    Cabil ahau, te c[=h]abi chacalna u tunile.\n\n    Oxlahun ahau, te c[=h]abi euan u tunile.\n\n8. Buluc ahau, u yaxchun kin coloxpeten c[=h]abi u tunile; laix u\nkatunil cimci Ahpula Napotxiu u kaba tu hunpiztun Buluc ahau. Laix u\nkatunil yax hulciob espa\u00f1olesob uay tac lumil lae tu uucpiztun Buluc\nahau u katunil tiix hoppi xpnoil lae tu habil quinientos diez y nueve\na\u00f1os D^o 1519 a^s.\n\n9. Bolon ahau ma c[=h]abi u tunil lae; lay katun yax ulci obispo Fray\nFran^co [168-1]to Ral, huli tu uacpiztun ychil ahBolon ahau katun lae.\n\n    Uac ahau, ma c[=h]abi u tunil lae; lay u katunil cimci Obispo e landa\nlae, tii xuli uhel Obispo xani.\n\n    Hoo ahau.\n\n    Ox ahau.\n\n\nTRANSLATION.\n\nThe Record of the Katuns by the men of Itza called the Maya Katuns.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n1. The twelfth ahau.\n\n    The tenth ahau.\n\n    The eighth ahau.\n\n    The sixth ahau; the well dressed ones were driven out.\n\n    The fourth ahau.\n\n    The second ahau.\n\n    The thirteenth ahau.\n\n    The eleventh ahau.\n\n    The ninth ahau.\n\n    The seventh ahau.\n\n    The fifth ahau; the town was destroyed by Kinich kakmo, ruler of\nItzmal, and Pop Hol Chan on account of Hunnac Ceel.\n\n    The third ahau.\n\n2. The first ahau; the remainder of the Itzas at Chichen were driven\nout; on the third year in the first ahau Chichen was depopulated.\n\n    The twelfth ahau.\n\n    The tenth ahau.\n\n3. The eighth ahau; in this katun was founded a city by the remainder of\nthe Itzas coming out of the woods from under the branches, from the\nmidst of Xuluc Mul as it is called; they came from there and established\nthe land called Zaclactun Mayapan, in the seventh year of the eighth\nAhau katun; in this katun perished Chakanputun by fire, which destroyed\nit quickly, and suddenly consumed it.\n\n4. The sixth ahau.\n\n    The fourth ahau.\n\n    The second ahau.\n\n    The thirteenth ahau.\n\n    The eleventh ahau.\n\n    The ninth ahau.\n\n    The seventh ahau.\n\n    The fifth ahau; foreigners came seeking men to eat; \"breechless\nforeigners\" they were called; the country was not depopulated by them.\n\n    The third ahau.\n\n5. The first ahau; the district in the middle of Mayapan (or Tancah\nMayapan) was depopulated in the first year of the first ahau katun;\nthere went forth the governor Tutul, with the chiefs of the country and\nfour divisions from the towns; in this katun the men in the centre of\nthe town (or of Tancah) were driven out, and the chiefs of the country\nlost their power.\n\n6. The twelfth ahau: the stone of Otzmal was taken.\n\n    The tenth ahau; the stone of Zizal was taken.\n\n    The eighth ahau; the stone of Kancaba was taken.\n\n    The sixth ahau; the stone of Hunnacthi was taken.\n\n7. The fourth ahau; the stone of Ahtiku was taken; in this katun took\nplace the pestilence, in the fifth year in the fourth ahau katun.\n\n    The second ahau; the stone of Chacalna was taken.\n\n    The thirteenth ahau; the stone of Euan was taken.\n\n8. The eleventh ahau: in the time of its beginning, the stone of\nColoxpeten was taken; in this katun died Ahpula Napotxiu, in the first\nyear of the eleventh ahau; it was also in this katun that the Spaniards\nfirst arrived here in this land, in the seventh year of the eleventh\nahau katun; also Christianity began in the year fifteen hundred and\nnineteen, the year of our Lord 1519.\n\n9. The ninth ahau; no stone was taken at this time; in this katun first\ncame the bishop Brother Francisco Toral; he arrived in the sixth year of\nthe ninth ahau katun.\n\n    The seventh ahau; no stone was taken: in this katun died Bishop Landa;\nthen also ended the bishop his successor.\n\n    The fifth ahau.\n\n    The third ahau.\n\n\nNOTES.\n\n1. The writer begins with the 12th ahau, although nothing is noted until\nthe 6th. Here we have the brief entry _paxciob ahoni_. This might be\ntranslated \"those of Oni were driven out or scattered.\" But no such\nlocality is known or mentioned elsewhere. The _Diccionario de Motul,\nMS._ gives the meaning of _ahoni_ as \"pulido, galan, muy bien vestido,\"\n_ahoni a talel ex_, \"you come very well dressed.\" I suppose, therefore,\nthat it was a term applied to some early tribe who distinguished\nthemselves in comparison with their ruder neighbors by elegance of\ncostume. Later we shall find a similar term, \"breechless foreigners,\"\napplied to another tribe whose condition of nudity suggested their\nappellation.\n\nThe name Kinich Kakmo is mentioned by Cogolludo as that of an idol\nworshiped at Itzamal. He says:--\"They had another temple on another\nmound in the northern part of the city, and this, from the name of an\nidol which they worshiped here, they called _Kinich Kakm\u00f3_, which means\nthe sun with a face. They say that the rays were of fire and descended\nat mid-day to consume the sacrifice, as the vacamaya flies through the\nair (which is a bird something like a parrot, though larger in size, and\nwith finely colored feathers). They resorted to this idol in time of\nmortality, pestilence or much sickness, both men and women, and brought\nmany offerings. They said that at mid-day a fire descended and consumed\nthe sacrifice in the sight of all. After this the priests replied to\ntheir inquiries about the sickness, famine or pestilence, and thus they\nlearned their fate; although it often turned out quite the contrary of\nwhat he predicted.\" (_Historia de Yucatan_, Lib. IV, cap. VIII.)\n\nThe title given by Cogolludo to the divinity appears to have also been\nadopted by the ruling chief, who may also have been the high priest. It\nis both imperfectly and incorrectly translated by the historian. Its\ncomponents are _kin_, the sun, day; _ich_, the eye, the face; _kak_,\nfire; _moo_, the macaw, _Psittacus Macao_, deemed sacred throughout\nMexico and Central America, on account of its beautiful plumage. The\nfull translation of the name is \"the Eye of Day, the Sacred Bird of\nFire,\" a symbolic name of a solar deity.\n\nThe Chan family is mentioned by Sanchez Aguilar (_Informe contra Idolum\nCultores_, etc.), as among the princely houses of Yucatan at the date of\nthe Conquest.\n\n_Paxci u cah_, \"the town,\" that is, Chichen Itza. The writer composed\nhis chronicle at that place, so he does not think it necessary to name\nit specifically. The distance in a straight line from Chichen Itza to\nItzamal is 40 geographical miles.\n\n2. _Yala_, the remainder, from _ala_, above, over. A portion of the\nItzas remained in Chichen after the attack by Kinich Kakmo; these also\nnow leave it.\n\n3. The place _Xuluc mul_ is unknown in the present geography of the\npeninsula. It means \"the completed mounds,\" _mul_ being, as I have\nbefore remarked, the name given to the artificial pyramids and tumuli of\nstone so common in the peninsula, probably so called from the joint\nlabor of many in their construction.\n\nThe province of Zaclactun-Mayapan is also unknown, although there is a\nhacienda Zaclactun within the boundaries of the modern district of\nItzamal (Berendt, _Nombres geograficos en Lengua Maya_, MS.). The name\napparently means \"the place where white pottery is made.\"\n\n4. _Ti chibil uinic_ \"for men to be eaten;\" _chibil_, the passive of\n_chii_, to eat. The _Diccionario de Motul_ gives _chibil bak_, flesh to\nbe eaten. _Pic_ was the breech cloth or waist cloth, fastened around the\nwaist and falling to the knees, which was the common dress of the women.\nThe Dictionary just quoted translates the word, \"naguas de Indias que se\nsirven de saya \u00f3 faldellin ordinario, para cubrir desde la cintura\nabajo; y son las blancas sin color ni bordado.\" The phrase _ixma pic\n[c]ul_, foreigners without a breech cloth, intimates that they were\nnude.\n\nWho were these naked cannibals, who raided the provinces in order to\nobtain their unnatural food? Those daring navigators, those naked\nman-eaters, the Caribs, from whose name our word _cannibal_ is derived,\nat once suggest themselves. Curiously enough, the Abbe Brasseur has\nargued for the probability of their invasions upon other (though I think\ninsufficient) grounds (see his _Informe acerca de las Ruinas de Mayapan\ny de Uxmal_). This passage of the chronicle renders his theory probable.\n\n5. _Peten tan cah Mayapan_ could also be rendered, \"the district Tancah\nMayapan.\"\n\n6. _C[=h]abi Otzmal u tunile_, \"the stone of Otzmal was taken.\" Otzmal\nwas a locality under the rule of the Cocomes. (Cogolludo, _Historia_,\nLib. III, cap. VI.) Other versions read Itzmal and Uxmal. The reference\nis to the _u he[c] katun_, the setting up of the Katun-stone as a\nmemorial at the end of each period of twenty years. Incomplete\ndescriptions of this ceremony are given by Landa, _Relacion_, \u00a7 IX, and\nCogolludo, _Historia_, Lib. IV, cap. IV. I propose a more extended\nexamination of this question in a future volume of this series, devoted\nto documents relating to the calendars and chronology of the Central\nAmerican nations.\n\n8. The death of Ahpula Napot Xiu is given with minuteness but not in\naccordance with previous chronicles. In 1519 Cortes touched at the\nIsland of Cozumel, and that might have been assumed as the date of the\ncommencement of Christianity.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[167-1] caua.\n\n[167-2] cahiob.\n\n[168-1] Toral.\n\n\n\n\nV. THE CHIEF KATUNS.\n\n_From the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel._\n\n\nThe document which follows is brief, but of peculiar interest. It does\nnot appear to aim at a connected history of events, but in the form of a\nchant to refer certain incidents to the katuns in which they occurred.\nIt has more of a mythological character, and the repetitions remind one\nof the refrain of a song.\n\nIt is also found in the Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel, and is\ninserted without explanation or introduction, copied, no doubt, from\nsome ancient writing.\n\n\nTEXT.\n\n1. Can ahau u kaba katun; uchci u zihilob----[178-1]pauaha en cuh u\nyahauob.\n\n2. [178-2]Oxhunte ti katun lic u tepalob, lay u kabaob tamuk u tepalob\nlae.\n\n3. Can ahau u kaba katun; emciob [178-3]noh hemal, [178-4][c]eemal, u\nkabaob lae.\n\n4. Oxlahunte ti katun, lic u tepalob, lic u kabaticob, ti i ualac u\ncutob. Oxlahun cuthi, u cutob lae.\n\n5. Can ahau u katunil; uchci u caxanticob u chic[=h]een Ytzua; tii\nutzcinnahi mactzil tiob tumen u yumoobe. Cantzuc lukciob cantzucul cab u\nkabaob; likul ti likin kin colah peten bini huntzuci; [178-5]kul xaman\nnaco cob [178-6]hok huntzucci; heix hoki huntzucci holtun \u00e7uyuua ti\nchikin; hoki huntzuccie canhek uitz, bolonte uitz u kaba u luumil lae.\n\n6. Can ahau u katunil [178-7]uhci u payalob tu cantzuccilob can tzuccul\ncab u kabaob, ca emiob tu chic[=h]een Ytzae ahYtza tun u kabaob.\nOxlahunte ti katun, lic u tepalob; ca oci u kebanthanobi tumen hunnac\nceeli. Ca paxci u calob. Ca biniob tan yol che tan xuluc mul, u kaba.\nCan ahau u katunil; uchci yauat pixanobi. Oxlahunte ti katun lic u\ntepalobi y u numyaobi.\n\n7. Uaxac ahau u katunil; uchci yulelob yalaob ahYtza u kabaob. Ca ulob\ntii ca ualac u tepalob Chakanputun. Oxlahun ahau u katunii u he[c]ob cah\nmayapan mayauinic u kabaob. Uaxac ahau paxci u cahobi; ca uacchabi ti\npeten tulacal. Uac katuni paxiob, ca haui u Maya kabaob. Buluc ahau u\nkaba u katunil hauci u maya kabaob; Maya uinicob Christiano u kabaob\ntulacal u cuchcabal tzo ma Sanc Pedro y Rey ahtepale.\n\n\nTRANSLATION.\n\n1. The fourth ahau was the name of the katun; the births took place;--;\nthe towns were taken possession of by the rulers.\n\n2. It was the thirteenth katun in which they ruled; these were their\nnames while they ruled.\n\n3. The fourth ahau was the name of the katun; in it they arrived, the\nGreat Arrival, the Less Arrival, as they are called.\n\n4. It was the thirteenth katun in which they ruled, in which they took\nnames, at that time, while they resided here; in the thirteenth the\nresidence was continued, they resided here.\n\n5. The fourth ahau katun; then took place the search for Chichen Itza;\nat that time they were marvelously improved by the fathers. They went\nforth in four divisions which were called the four territories. One\ndivision came forth from the east of Kin Colah Peten; one division came\nforth from the north of Nacocob; one division came forth from the gate\nof Zuyuua to the west; one division came forth from the mountains of\nCanhek, the Nine Mountains, as the land is called.\n\n6. The fourth ahau katun; then took place the calling together of the\nfour divisions, the four territories as they were called, and they\narrived at Chichen Itza and were called the men of Itza. It was the\nthirteenth katun in which they ruled; then the plottings were introduced\nby Hunnac Ceel, and the territories were destroyed. Then they went into\nthe midst of the forests, into the midst of Xuluc Mul, so called. The\nfourth ahau katun; then singing for their happiness took place. It was\nthe thirteenth katun in which they governed and had heavy labor.\n\n7. The eighth ahau katun; thus it took place that there arrived the\nremainder of the Itza men as they were called; then they arrived; and\nabout that time they governed Chakanputun. In the thirteenth ahau katun\nthose called the Maya men founded the city Mayapan. In the eighth ahau\nthe towns were destroyed; then they were driven wholly out of the\nprovince. In the sixth katun they were destroyed, and it was ended with\nthose called Mayas. It was the eleventh ahau katun in which it ended\nwith those called Mayas. The Maya men were all called Christians and\ncame under the control of Saint Peter and the King, the rulers.\n\n\nNOTES.\n\n1. _U zihilob_, the births, probably meaning the beginning of things.\n_Pauaha en cuh_ has no meaning that I can make out; I therefore suppose\nit an error for _pachah u cah_, and translate in accordance with this\nemendation. The phrase seems to refer to the first settlement of the\ncountry, or to the first time the scattered inhabitants were gathered\ntogether in towns by their chiefs.\n\n2. \"These were their names\"; but no names are given. They seem to have\nbeen omitted by the copyist.\n\n3. _Emciob noh hemal [c]eemal_, faulty orthography for _noh emel,\n[c]eemel_, the latter syncopated from _[c]e[c]emel_. Literally, \"since\nthey descended; the Great Descent, the Little Descent.\"\n\nThe tradition here referred to is given at more length by Father Lizana,\nin his _Historia de Yucatan_, and is discussed also by Cogolludo\n(_Historia de Yucatan_, Lib. IV, cap. III). As the work of the former is\nwholly inaccessible, I quote from the reprint of a portion of it in\nBrasseur's edition of Diego de Landa's _Relacion_ p. 354. \"In former\ntimes they called the East _Cen-ial_, the Little Descent, and the West\n_Nohen-ial_, the Great Descent. The reason they give for this is that on\nthe east of this land a few people descended, and on the west a great\nmany; and with that syllable they understand little or much, to the east\nand the west; and that few people came from one direction and many from\nthe other.\" Father Lizana goes on to express his opinion that the few\nwho came from the East were the Carthaginians, and the many from the\nWest were the Mexicans.\n\nThe very corrupt form in which he has given the words has led Se\u00f1or\nEligio Ancona to suppose they belonged to the archaic and secret\nlanguage of the priests (_Historia de Yucatan_, Tomo I, p. 24), and Dr.\nCarl Schultz-Sellack to imagine that they referred to East and West,\nright and left, as he adopted the misreading _[c]iic_, left, for\n_[c]e[c]_, little (_Die Amerikanischen G\u00f6tter der Vier Weltgegenden_, in\nthe _Archiv f\u00fcr Ethnologie_, Band XI, 1879). But they are readily\nanalyzed when we have their correct orthography, as given above. The\nreference to them in this place shows that the author of the chant was\ndealing with the most ancient legends of his race.\n\nThe Itzas who resided in the Peten district left the region around\nChichen Itza some time in the fifteenth century, probably after the fall\nof Mayapan. They were ruled by an hereditary chieftain, called by the\nSpaniards \"the great king, Canek.\" Under him the territory was divided\ninto four districts, each with its own chief, with whom the Canek\nconsulted about important undertakings.\n\nEvidently in removing to Peten the Itzas were retracing their steps on\nthe line of their first entrance to the peninsula. They even attempted\nto go further west, and guided, probably, by ancient memories, a large\nnumber set out for Tabasco and the banks of the Usumaciuta,[TN-23] where\nrepose the ruins of Palenque, possibly the home of their ancestors. But\nthey were attacked and driven back by the natives of Tabasco, with the\nloss of their leader, a brother-in-law of the great Canek. These and\nother particulars about them are repeated by Villagutierre Sotomayor,\n_Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza_, folio, Madrid,\n1701.\n\n4. The elliptical form of expression here renders the translation\ndifficult. The verb _cutal_ (old form _cultal_), pret. _culhi_ or\n_cuthi_, fut. _culac_, means to sit down, to remain in a place, to be at\nhome there, to reside, etc. Perhaps the translation both here and in \u00a7 2\nshould be, \"for thirteen katuns they ruled, etc.\"\n\n5. The word _yum_, plural _yumob_, means father and also chief, leader,\nruler, etc. In modern Maya it is the translation of Sir, Mister, Se\u00f1or.\n\nThe proper names of the localities whence the four divisions are said to\nhave come, have a mythological cast. I cannot find any of them in the\npresent geography of Yucatan. Kin Colah Peten is mentioned in a \"katun\nwheel\" in this same Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel, as the name of one\nof the towns which furnished a katun stone. Zuiva I have already\nreferred to as appearing in the Quetzalcoatl myth (see page 110).\n\nThe mountains of Canhek and the Nine Mountains take us to the Itzas\naround Lake Peten, in the extreme south of the peninsula, this last\nmentioned division being, in fact, that from the south.\n\n6. _U payalob_, plural passive of _pay_, to call, to summon.\n\n_Tan yol che_, _ol_ or _yol_ is the heart or centre of the leaf or\nplant; _tan xuluc mul_, see page 174. _Yauat pixanobi_, they were happy\nin singing, or, they gained favor by singing. The expression is obscure.\nThe verb _auat_ is applied to the singing of birds, the crowing of\ncocks, and generally to the natural sound made by any animal, and, in\ncomposition, to the sound of musical instruments, as, _auatzah_, to play\non the flute, to blow a trumpet.\n\n7. _Uacchahi_ from _uacchahal_, appears to be a strongly figurative\nexpression. It is explained in Pio Perez' Dictionary, \"salirse con\nesfuerzo de su cubierta \u00f3 encaje, saltarse de ella _como tripa por el\nano_.\"\n\n_Hauic_, from _haual_, to end, finish, cease to exist. Thus the\nchronicler closes his recital, repeating the to him no doubt bitter fact\nthat the Maya nation and the Maya name had passed away.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[178-1] pachah u cah.\n\n[178-2] oxlahunte.\n\n[178-3] nohemel.\n\n[178-4] [c]e[c]emel.\n\n[178-5] likul.\n\n[178-6] hoki.\n\n[178-7] uchci.\n\n\n\n\n   THE CHRONICLE\n         OF\n  CHAC XULUB CHEN.\n\n         BY\n     NAKUK PECH.\n\n        1562.\n\n\n\n\nCHRONICLE OF CHICXULUB.\n\n\nAmong the ancient documents collected by Pio Perez was a series relating\nto the town of Chicxulub, about six leagues north of Merida. They are\nentitled _Documentos de Tierras de Chicxulub, 1542_. They consist of a\nhistory of the town and of the conquest of the country, written by Nakuk\nPech, about 1562; a survey of the town lands by several members of the\nPech family, testified to Feb. 7, 1542; a partial list of the Spanish\nconquerors; a portion of an account by another member of the Pech\nfamily, and a further statement by Nakuk Pech.\n\nThe longest and the most interesting of these is the history of the\nConquest, or, as the writer calls it, \"the history and the chronicle of\nChacxulubchen\"--_u belil u kahlail C[=h]ac Xulub C[=h]en_--this being\none of the native forms of the name of the town. It is headed \"Conquest\nand Map,\" but the map has disappeared. Usually such \"maps\" accompanying\nthe title papers of towns in Yucatan have as a central figure the\noutlines of a church with the name of the town; around this is drawn the\nfigure of the town lands, with the names of the wells, trees, stones and\nother landmarks mentioned in the titles.\n\nThe writer, Nakuk Pech, baptized Pablo Pech, must have been between\nsixty and seventy years of age when he drew up his statement, inasmuch\nas he mentions occurrences, as late as 1562, and also speaks of himself\nas an adult in 1519. He belonged to a noble family, the Pechs of Cumkal,\nwho are mentioned by Sanchez Aguilar as hereditary _batabs_, or\nindependent chiefs. They appear to have given their names to the\nprovince on the west coast called Kin Pech, or Campech, known to the\nEnglish as Campeachy, and to that of Ceh Pech, in which the city of Ho,\nafterwards called Merida, was situated. The Abbe Brass\u00e9ur,[TN-24] on very\nslight grounds, surmised that they were not originally of Maya stock,\nbut probably descendants of the Caribs.[190-1]\n\nHe states that he was the son of Ak Kom Pech, in baptism Martin Pech,\nand the grandson of Ah Tunal Pech, while the head of the house of Pech\nseems to have been Ah Naum Pech, baptized Don Francisco de Montejo Pech.\n\nPech always uses as the name of his town _Chac Xulub Chen_, which means\n\"the well of the great horns,\" probably because some huge antlers were\nfound there, or were set up to mark the spot. The modern name _Chic\nXulub_ was probably applied to it as a parody, or a play on words. It\nmeans to cuckold one, to put horns on him.[191-1]\n\nA literal translation of the document was made by Don Manuel Encarnacion\nAvila, of Merida, about 1860, and this has been of service to me in\ncompleting the present rendering. But Se\u00f1or Avila, though familiar with\nthe Maya of to-day, was evidently not at all acquainted with the ancient\nterms with reference to the calendar, and the usages of the natives\nbefore the Conquest. He therefore made serious errors wherever such\noccurred.\n\nMoreover, as it was his purpose to give an extremely literal\ntranslation, he often sacrificed to this both clearness and correctness,\nand in various passages his sentences are unintelligible.\n\nThe Abb\u00e9 Brasseur (de Bourbourg) commenced to copy the original when in\nMerida, but completed only the first two paragraphs. He applied for a\ncopy of the remainder; but by an error he received instead of this an\nunfinished transcript of another paper by the Pech family. These\nfragments he inserted, with a translation of his own, in the second\nvolume of the Reports of the _Mission Scientifique au Mexique et \u00e0\nl'Am\u00e9rique Centrale_, pp. 110-120 (4 to, Paris, Imprimerie Imp\u00e9riale:\n1870). As his lexicographic resources were, by his own statement, quite\ndeficient (_id._, note to p. 116), he is scarcely to be criticised if,\nas is the case, much of his translation but faintly presents the meaning\nof the original.\n\nIt will be seen that I have sacrificed every attempt at elegance in the\nEnglish translation to an endeavor to preserve faithfully the style of\nthe original, even to its needless repetitions and awkward sentences.\n\n\nTEXT.\n\n_Concixta yetel Mapa._\n\n1. U hotzuc ca culhi ah buluc ahau lai katun ca uli Espa\u00f1olesob ca\ncahiob te ti noh cah te ti Ho; lae te ix ah bolon ahaue ti tun cahi\ncristianoili; lae he hab yax ulci ca yum Espa\u00f1olesob uay ti lum lae tu\nhabil 1511 a\u00f1os.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n2. Ten cen yn Nakuk Pech yax hidalgos concixtadoren, uay ti lum lae tu\ncacabil Maxtunil cin [c]abal ti yax cah tu cacabil c[=h]acxulub C[=h]en.\nBai bic [c]aa nen in canante tumen in yumob Ah Naum Pech lic utzcinic\nutz olal u belil u kahlail uay ti cacab C[=h]ac Xulub C[=h]en in yax\nmekthantah lai cah lae capel cacab Chichinica _y_ uay C[=h]aac Xulub\nC[=h]en.\n\n3. Cen Nakuk Pech in kaba cuchi ti ma ococ haa tin pol cuchi u mehenen\nTahkom Pech D^on Martin Pech ti cah Xulkum Cheel; bai bic [c]aanoon\ncanan hol cacabob tumen in yum Ah Naum Pech likul tu cah Mutul ca tah\nculcintaben in canante cacab C[=h]ac Xulub C[=h]en lae ti manan to u\nmanac u talel ca yum Espa\u00f1olesob uay tac lumi Yucatan lae ten tun halach\nuinic uai ti cah uai ti luum C[=h]ac Xulub C[=h]en lae ca tun uli ca yum\nSr. Adelantado uai ti peten lae ichil yabil 1519 a\u00f1os cuchi lae ten ix\nyax batab; ca uli Espa\u00f1olesob tu lumil uai Maxtunil lae toonix kame tu\nyabal [c]aolalobe toonix yax [c]aic patan yetel [c]icil tiob _y_ ca\n[c]aic hanalob tiob capitanob Espa\u00f1olesob; hek Adelantado u kabae lai\nuli uai Maxtunil tu tancabal Nachi May; ti yanob ca binon cilob uchebal\nca [c]aic cicioltiob; mayto ococob ti cah cuchi chenbel zutucahob paibe\nuai ti lume oxppel u [c]anlob uai tu cacabil Maxtunile uai tun likulob\ncu binelob tu holpai [c]unul tu hol u payil [C]ilam tancoch yoxpel hab\ncahanobi.\n\n4. Tiob yan cuchi ca bini u kubulte in yumob tiob; lai Adelantado u kaba\nlai zutui uai ti lum; lae Ixkakuk u kaba u [c]a in yum tiob lai u kaba\nlai xc[=h]uplal u [c]ah tiob menyahticob _y_ tzenticob tiob tan yan\ncuchi ca tal katuntabilob tumen Cupulob ca tun lukobi ca biniob ti\ncahtalob ti Ecab kantanenkin u kaba u lumil cahlahciob; tix yanob cuchi\nca katuntabiob tumen Ah Ecabob ca lukobie ca cuchob Cauaca ti tun ocobi\nte maniob ti cah [194-1][C]ekom ti u kaba cuhe manciob ca cuchiob ti cah\nTixcuumcuUuc u kaba cah kuchciob ti liculob ca kuchoob Tinuum u kaba cah\nkuchciob caix u tzaclahob u Chic[=h]en Ytza u kaba ti tun u katahob u\nRey cah u lahanobi ca alab tiobi: \"Yan ahau, yume,\" ci yalalob, \"ye yan\nAhau Cocom Aun Pech Ahau Pech, Namox Cheel Ahau Cheel [C]i[c]an tun;\nKatun [c]ul, te xebnae,\" ci yalalob tumen [195-1]naob Bon Cupul; u\nlukulob tu Chic[=h]een Ytza lae catun cuchiob yicnal Ahau Ixcuat Cocom\nte Akee: \"Yume, matab a binelex te lae; bin zatacex,\" cibin yalablob\ntumen Ahau Ixcuat Cocom ca ualkahiob tutulpachob, ca binob ca cuchob\nCauaca tu caaten, caix kuchob tu holpayal Catzim u kaba tix nakob ti\nkankabe, ca biniob ti cahtalob tuyulpachob tet [C]elebnae u kabae lai\nyax cahicob ca ulob uai ti luum lae.\n\n5. Lai ye tan Chanpatune uacppel hab cahanobi caix u hokzahubaob te\nCampeche; lai Adelantado u kaba yax [c]ule lai mani uai ti lum; lae tiob\ntun yan Campech cuchi ca u katahob patan caix u yabi u thanob tumen\nbatabob tu cahalcahobe tulacal bini patan; tiob te maaniob ti kaknabe\nyahpulul patanob; lae ca tun binen _y_ in lakob Ah MaCamPech _y_ u yit\n[c]in Ixkil Ytzam Pech in yahaulil cah Cumkale _y_ in yum yan ti cah\nXulcum Cheele; lai in lakob cat binen tu pach patan, laix ca yilahob,\nlaix ca alak Nachi May, yoklal yohel maa yohel ma u thanob yoklal u yax\nulob ichil yotoch, ca uliob lae laitah oklal u thanahob u lakintob, ca\nbinob tu pach patan yoklal yettail tahiob Espa\u00f1olesob ti tun kubiob\ntumenel capitanobe; tiix c [196-1]matanok zayo _y_ capote _y_ zapato _y_\nu _y_ ppoc cicialtabion tumen te capitanob; caix lukon ca [c]oci ca\n[c]aic zililob Espa\u00f1olesob yan tacix ca buc ca ulon lay zayo _y_ capote,\nlay Ixkil Ytzam Pech yan Conkale laix ca lakah Macan Pech yan Yaxkukule\n_y_ in yum Ahkom Pech u noxibal ca binon.\n\n6. Cen ix Nakuk Pech lae in kaba ten yax batab yax kubob patan ca binon\nCampech ca kubob patan, caix uloon tutul pache tamuk u talel Espa\u00f1olesob\ntu bel Campech talel u cahob ti cahtal Ich can zi hoo ti nohcah ti Hoe;\ntuchi ix ca yubah u talelob Espa\u00f1olesob tu bel Campech, ca binon ca\n[c]ab ziltiob tolo ten caix binon tu caaten cat kube patan. Cen ix Nakuk\nPech uai tu cabil C[=h]ac Xulub Chen _y_ Ah Macan Pech yan tu cabil Yax\nKukul _y_ Ixkil Ytzam Pech u noh batabil Conkale _y_ ten cen Ixnakuk\nPech batab uai ti cah C[=h]ac Xulub C[=h]en teix oci ca ziltiob tucaaten\nte [C]ibkale[196-2] ix u chucan u nahubaob tucaaten ca kube ziltiob u\nlum y cab y u c[=h]ahucil hanalob u kamciob te [C]ibilkale ti tamuk u\ntalel yocolob ti cahtal ti Hoo lay D^n Fran^co de Montejo, yax capitan\nGeneral yax uli uai tu peten ti Hoo lae _y_ D^n Fran^co de Bracamonte y\nFran^co Tamayo _y_ Juan de Pacheco _y_ Perarberes lai capitanesob uliob\nichil habil 1541 a\u00f1os.\n\n7. Lai hab ca uliob ti Hoo ti cahtalob lay capitanob mektanmail\nEspa\u00f1olesob, ca uliob ti Ho lae tenili batab cen Ix Nakuk Pech, ca uli\nEspa\u00f1olesob te ti Hooe tenix kubi patan ti concixtadoresob ti Hoo, tenix\nbatab uai ti cacab C[=h]ac Xulub C[=h]en lae tamuk u escribanoil\nRoderigo Alvares ichil yabil 1542 a\u00f1os.\n\n8. U tan u toxol cahob ti concixtadoresob tumen capitanob adelantado lay\nyax Espa\u00f1olesob _y_ escribano Roderigo Alvares lai [c]ibtic u xocaan\npatanob ti yulel hun huntzuc ti cahob, baix tamuk u kubic patan in lakob\ntulacal lai in c[=h]ibalob lae ti tamuk ban patane yoklal toxbil patan\ntiob Espa\u00f1olesob tumen capitanob adelantado _y_ escribano Rodrigo\nAlvarez ichil hun hunteel hab uli Espa\u00f1olesob ti Hoo; tulacal ca ix\nc[=h]aben cen Ix Nakuk Pech ca [c]aben ti Don Julian Doncel encomendero\nlai u yax yumil cah uay C[=h]aac Xulub C[=h]en lae lai yax encomendero,\ncaix machi in kab _y_ tu tan capitan Don Fran^co de Montejo adelantado\nten tun [c]abi ti batabil ti D^n Julian Donsel tu kab, ca hoppi in tan\nlic u patan u yumil kul uinicilob.\n\n9. Cen Ix Nakuk Pech lae ten tan lic in batabil cuchi ca uli Albares yax\nalcalde mayor uai tu petenil Yucatan ti Hoo lae, caix uli Alvara de\nCarvayor alcalde Mayor, li xan caix uli Oidor D^n Tomas Lopez tenili\nbatab cuchie heix in kabatah cen ix Nakuk Pech ca oci ha tin pole _y_ ca\ntin kama bautismo D^n Pablo Pech lay in kaba ca hau[198-1] in kabatic\nNakuk Pechil; hidalgoson yax batabon tumen capitanob cat yax chuca uai\nti peten lae ton ix yax kubob patan ti [c]ulob cat [c]ab u chucil toon\ntumen Dios _y_ Rey ahtepal; lae ton u c[=h]ibalon hidalgos tu yalomal in\nmehenob tulacal tu tan kinil cu binel tu nak u hayalcab; lae ton batabon\nyahaubiI[TN-25] uai ti luum ti ma yanac Santa Yglesiaob ti cacabob, tan\nto u ximbal tabal lumob tumen Espa\u00f1olesob uatub ci tan u moltalob utial\nu kulteob ti yoklal piz uinicob cuchi ti ma christianacobi tulacal in\nmektan cahil uinicob tumen in kamci in Cristianoil, cen Nakuk Pech cuchi\nlaili batab en cuchi ca in kamah Santo Oleos _y_ Santo ocolal, utial in\ncamzic in mektan cahilob tulacal tenix yax mache vara utial justiciail,\ntumen t binen in nant u than Dios _y_ ca noh Ahau Rey Ahtepal; laitun ca\nyum ti Oidor D^n Tomas Lopes ca uchi lae yax [c]ai u xicin patan ti\nbatabob ti cahal cahob; lai temes ti ca yatan [c]ooctun yahaubil Oidor\nD^n Tomas Lopes ca tun tin kubah in bara ti in mehen D^n Pedro Pech\nichil habil 152 a^s.\n\n10. Lai cu xocol yabil cuchi lae ca in kamah u bara in yum Nakuk Pech\nD^n Pablo Pech Ursula Pech ixan uai ti cacab C[=h]ac Xulub C[=h]en,\nlae utial in meyactic Dios _y_ ca noh ahau Rey ahtepal utial in\nmektantic lai cah lae uai ti cacab C[=h]ac Xulub C[=h]en lae.\n\n11. La tun ulicob tu cahalob yetel u yahkulelob _y_ u holpopob bay tu\ncahal Yaxkukul, bay tu cahal Xulkum Cheel, bai tu cahal Maxtunil\nyaxc[=h]ibal Macan Pech yaxc[=h]ibal Tahkom Pech Xulkum Cheel, yet ulcob\nix yahkinob yaxc[=h]ibal Macan Pech yaxc[=h]ibal Tahkom Pech Xulkum\nCheel, yet ulcobix u cuchulob tu pachob, ca uliob uai ti cahtale yet\nulcobix yahkinob u holpopob _y_ yahkulelob tu pachob u halach uinicob,\nca uliob tu cacabil Yaxkukul baix toon xan cat uloon uai tu cacabil\nC[=h]ac Xulub C[=h]en lae, ca cahiob uai lae lai culcinaben Tah Nakuk\nPech, tumen in yum Tah Koon Pech u mehen Tah Tunal Pech yaxc[=h]ibal\nMaxtunile mektantic cah.\n\n12. Lae cat uli [c]ulob uai tu lumil cacabob lae manan Maya uinicob ti\nkuchi yolob u kube patan ti yax [c]ulob cuchi, lae lai u yax cantahob\n[c]ulob Espa\u00f1olesob [c]ocan ili tun u [c]abal cah canante. Cen tah Nakuk\nPech in yax kamici cah uai ti cacab C[=h]ac Xulub C[=h]en, ca uliob u\nchun u thanob tu pachob _y_ yahkulel _y_ u holpopob _y_ yahkinob lae,\nlai u kaba Ah Kul Matu _y_ Kulche _y_ ulcob ix yax kinob Ahkin Cocom\nAhkin Tacu _y_ ulcob ix u holpop Nachan Cen _y_ holpop Xuluc, lai u\nkaba, holpop lai mektanmailob ca ulob uai tii u lum Maxtunil _y_ Ah Kul\nChuc _y_ u holpop tu pachob; lai u he[c]ahob u cacabil uai C[=h]ac Xulub\nC[=h]en caix uliob u holcanob u nacomob, nacom Kan, nacom Xuluc, nacom\nPot, nacom May, nacom Ek, lai u kaba nacomob, layobi u kab nacomob yah\nmektanul batab tah Nakuk Pech ca ulen uai ti cah C[=h]ac Xulub C[=h]en;\nlai chiccunic yol lai in cu uchulob cat ulen uai ti cahtah uai ti luum\nuai tu cacabil C[=h]ac Xulub C[=h]en.\n\n13. Cen tah Nakuk Pech lae ca ulen tumen u halach uinic tenob ca chichi\ncah uai ti C[=h]ac Xulub C[=h]en; lae tumen u nucteelob cuchi lae manan\nu manak u talel Espa\u00f1olesob uai ti luum, lae minan u yana cah chicunic\ncah uai C[=h]ac Xulub C[=h]en; lai yobi t ubahilob lae ti xocan ili,\nyulel Espa\u00f1olesob ti noh cah ti Ho, _y_ u kamal cristianoil tumen\nuinicob uai Tah Ceh Peche [c]ocan ili ix in molic cah uai tulacahal\nC[=h]ac Xulub C[=h]en, cen D^n Pablo Pech _y_ in yum D^n Martin\nPech, conquixtador, Xulkum Cheel.\n\n14. Lae ti tum lae ti hoppi u licil u katun Espa\u00f1olesob ich mul\ncochleah[201-1] ca binon, _y_ in yum Ah Macan Pech yaxc[=h]ibal\nYaxkukul, y Yxkil Y[c]am Pech yaxc[=h]ibal Cumkal, _y_ ti binen tu pach\nkatun; ca oci u patan kooch uahobe lai tun mektanmai u yumil kul\nuiniclob cah, ca ti binon ti katun yah, yukul kah _y_ tuce tumenel u\nkuxilob ti kul uinicob; ichil uacpe u yanonie _y_ in lakob tu pach kul\nuinicob ti numia; mektanan tun in yum tumen u chunthanob, lay yobi hach\nilaob yuchul tulacal tu banalob tin cantah ichil in informacion tulacal\nlae uchebal yoheltabal tumen in c[=h]ibalob in mehenob tin pach ti uchen\ncimic uai okolcab[201-2] lae yoklal in titulo in probanza [c]aan ten\ntumen ca yumil ti Dios _y_ ca noh Ahau Rey ahtepal; manan in patan maix\nuchac in botic patan maix in mehenob maix in u ixmehenob bin u bote\npatan yoklal tu lukzah ten ca yumil ti Dios ichil u zahacil in puczical;\nti mato in uilal u uich Espa\u00f1olesob cuchi tu [c]ahten ich ich olal utial\nin kubic inba tu kab Espa\u00f1olesob _y_ in cahalob tulacal utial u cahal\ncahob tumenel capitanob Adelantado yax concixtadoresob; uliob uai ti u\nlumil Yucatane; he hab yax ulci [c]ulob tu lumil uai ti Cupule lae 1511\na\u00f1os.\n\n15. Cuchi mahun ilabac [c]ulob Espa\u00f1olesob ca chuci Jeronimo de Aguilar\ntumenob a Cusamilob; lai lae u chun yohelabal peten tulacal lae yoklal\n[c]oci u xinbaltabal uchi lumob tulacal, lai tah oklal ma talan uchi\nlumob peten tulacal lai tun cin [c]olic[202-1] tu tan Ahau ca tu cuchi\ntu tan Ahau Ah Macan Pech D^n Pedro Pech _y_ u cuchteelob yax\nc[=h]ibalob u nacomob tu pachob tulacal binob tu pach yoklal utzilob\nAhau ylal u uichob u maseual uinicob; caix tu te ta lahun cakal u nucil\nuinicob u bines tu pach ti Ahau Rey ahtepal u tzicob ti messa nachi ti\nEspa\u00f1a, heix mac xenahi[202-2] tu tzicile tu tan Rey ahtepale; lai tun\ntu yala Ahau ca u bote patanob tulacal, yal u mehenob tulacal, heix ton\nAh Pechob yaxc[=h]ibal uai ti lum _y_ yaxc[=h]ibal tal ti Cupul, ca bin\ntu yalah yabil peten _y_ yabil maya uinicob u bal lum, caix bin tu\ntzolah u xocan tu tanil ca noh Ahau ca u[c]ac[202-3] u talel he[c]bil u\nchi lum u Chinante Ahau; bay tun chacanhic ca lumil lae lai Aguilar, lae\nte hantabi tumen ah Naum Ah Pot Cusamile tu yabil 1517 a\u00f1os; lai yabil\nhauic c[=h]a katun, lae lai hauic u uacuntabal u tunil balcah, yoklal\nhunhunkal tun u talel uaatal u tunil balcah cuchi ti man uluc [c]ul\nEspa\u00f1olesobe Cusamil cuchi uaital petenil; tumen ulic Espa\u00f1olesob ca t\nhaui u betabal.\n\n16. 1519 a\u00f1os lai yabil yax ulcob Espa\u00f1olesob uai Cusamil tu yox mal,\nFernando de Cortes _y_ Espoblaco Lara. A 28 de Febrero cuchi ca uliob\nCusamilob u yax mal ahohelilob hahal u cibel than. Lai yabil cuchcob tu\nChic[=h]en tah mak opile ti tun yax oheltabi u Chic[=h]een Ytza tumen\nnoh Espa\u00f1olesob D^n Fran^co de Montejo Adelantado, u halach uinicob\nca [c]anob tu Chic[=h]en Ytza.\n\n17. 1521 a\u00f1os tu yoxlahunpiz u kinil agosto chucic u lumil Mexico tumen\nEspa\u00f1olesob; uchci u yox katun tabalob[203-1] Espa\u00f1olesob tumen cah\ntulacal uai tu cahal Cupule; cauthi katahob Ah Ceh Pech tu cimil Zalibna\n_y_ etahau Lenpot Tixkoc[=h]oh tu provinciail Ticanto _y_ yicnal ah\nKinichkakmo Ytzmal u nup u than holtun Ake; lai yabil lae uchic u kuchul\nEspa\u00f1olesob tu Chic[=h]een Ytza tu caten u he[c]ob u Chic[=h]en Ytza, ti\nca uli Capitan D^n Fran^co de Montejo yahtohil yahtochil Naocom\nCupul kuchal u cah. Hunkal hab yax kuchcob tu Chic[=h]en Ytza ti u\nkabahob ah makopilobe ah [c]u[c]opob.\n\n18. 1542 a\u00f1os lai hab ca u he[c]ahob lum Espanolesob ti Hich can Ziho\nchuncan u nup u than Kinich Kakmo ahkin _y_ Ahtutul Xiu yahaulil\ncabecera Mani u pol u meta u he[c]ahob yaxc[=h]ibalob, lai yax hoppic\nyocol patan tiob lae tu yoxten tun yulelob ta lumil, ca tun hunkul\nculhob, lae heklai culicob; helelae u hunten, ulcobe tu Chic[=h]en Ytzae\nti u yax makahob oop, matech u makal lai oop, ca u makahop Espanolesob u\nkabatcob ahmakoopilob; u caten ulcobi tu Chic[=h]ene ca [204-1]u tocahob\nnaobon Cupul; tu yoxten yulelobe ca tun hunkul culhiob lae lai yabil lae\n1542 a\u00f1os lai tun hunkul culhiob uai ti lum Ychcanzi hoo--yanilob,\nhelelae oxlahun Kan ahcuchhab ti Maya xoclae.\n\n19. 1543 anos lai yabil binci Espa\u00f1olesob tet xaman Cheile u xachete\nMayab uinicob u maseualtobe yoklal manan maseual uinic u palilob ti Ho;\nlai talob ti xache uinicob u maseualtob tu chi tun, ca kuchob ti Popce\nti uch ban patan tiobi likulob ti Ho, cat kuchob ti Popce tu chi, ca\nulob ca biniob Tikom, man ti kin yanhicobe te Tixkome ti humkal u kinil\nyanob ca lukabi lai Espa\u00f1olesob.\n\n20. Lae 1544 a\u00f1os lai hab ca [c]an [c]ul Cauaca Asiesa u capitanil, ca\n[c]anoob te Cauacae ti u chi pach yumili [204-2]ti oki patan tiobi cab\nulum ixim [c]abtiob tiob yan Cauacae, catun ca tu kalahob ti mascab\nahkul Caamal tal Sisal ca tu kata u xocal cah tulacal, hun hab tialan ti\nmazcab tumenob, lai paye u bel Espa\u00f1olesob ca taliob ti cahtal Sachi,\nheclai Ahkul Kamal lae lai oci ti batabil Saci Sisale D^n Juan Caamal\nde la Cruz u kabatah yoklal hach hahal u than, lai yax utzcit Cruz\nCauacae, u yabi u than tumen [c]ulob, lae lai tumen lai ti oci ti\nbatabil Sisal, ontkin ac u batabil cat cimil; lai ti pay u bel\nEspa\u00f1olesob ca binob ti katun yah Tixkochnah; xane he [c]ulob lae\nhunppel hab [c]ananob Cauaca, lukob cat talob Saci hunkul hi u kal\nuinicob ti mazcab yilab batab Caamal.\n\n21. Lae 1545 a\u00f1os [c]ani [c]ulob Saci laix yabil hopp ti cristianoil\ntumen padresob orden de San Fran^co, te tu holhaa Champotone hali yax\nulcob padresob u machmaob cahlohil ti Jehucristo tu kabob lai lic yezic\nti maseual uinicob, cat yax ulob tu tu holhaa Chanpoton, lae te chikin\nuai tu cuchcabal u than uai Ichcansihoo, ti Hoo tu cahal Ichcansihoo lai\nu kaba; lai padresob hoppez Cristianoil uai ti cah peten Yucatan lae lai\nu kabaobe Fr. Juan de la Puerta _y_ Fr. Luis de Villarpando _y_ Fr.\nDiego de Becal _y_ Fr. Juan de Guerrero y Fr. Merchol de Benavente layob\nhoppes Cristianoil uai ti peten chikin lae ti mato tac Cristianoil uai\nCupul; pachal hom to tac Cristianoil, baito bin cantic, ca bin hoppoc\ntoon uai ti Cupule.\n\n22. 1546 a\u00f1os, lai hab ca uchi ahetzil[206-1] lae altose la tierra: 9 de\nNoviembre bol ulo de pasen 4 meses ca uchi tu bolonpis u kinil noviembre\nti yabil de 1546 a\u00f1os canppel u cinanil katun; lae ca zihi lae kuchi\nhunppel hab yalcab uinicob; ca tali u molicubaob tu caten ocol u cibal\npatan, ca zihi katune ulel u cibahob ahezobob tali chikin tabsic uinicob\nca yutzcinah katun lae Etz Cunul _y_ Ah Camal talob chikin he [c]ul\ncimsabiobe catul mehen [c]ulob u camzah palil Mena ti cimob Chamaxe,\nppatal u cibahob; ca talob Saci tohyol tulacal [c]ulob ca liki katun\nyokolob lae[206-2] tihi t tun u cimsabal; Ah Etz Camal Tipakan Ah Pakam\ntu cimilhi Surusano yokol Nicte; tumen u cahalobe hunppel akab hi u\ncimil [c]ul tumen uinicob lae kohan yooc _y_ u kaboob, ca bini tu kinil\nkatun ti akab ti cah tulacal.\n\n23. 1547 a\u00f1os lai hab ca paxi u chem Exboxe Ecabe; ca bini Espanolesob\nbakzahticob u [c]ahob katun yok Boxte Ecabe ual Ekboxil.\n\n24. Lae 1548 a\u00f1os ulci padre Emitanyo Saci chumes[206-3] Cristianoil.\n\n25. Lae 1550 a\u00f1os mol ci cah tulacal tabal tal Manii.\n\n26. 1551 a\u00f1os ulci padre Guadian Fr. Fernando Guererro Saci Sisal lai\noces haa tu hol uinicob lai chunbezob cristianoil uay tu cuch cabal Saci\ntulacal, tal chikin Cheel, tali Ecab, tali Cusamil, tali ti xaman, tali\nti nohol, xan lai chunmes[207-1] u pakal monisterio Saci Sisal.\n\n27. Lae 1552 a\u00f1os lai hab cahciob padresob yokab cuchi; lai yabil ulcob\nah canbesah _y_ kayob uai Zisale, talob chikin laobi canbez u kayob\nmissa y bisperas ti canto de organo _y_ chul y cantolano ti hunkul ma\nohelon uai cuchi.\n\nLae 1553 a\u00f1os lai hab ca uli Oidor D. Tomas Lopes uai tal lumil Yucatan\nlae tali Castella ca uli tu [207-2]chibil tumen ca noh ahau Rey ahtepal\nde Castilla u yanton tu kab Espa\u00f1olesob uaye, lai haues ca tocabal tumen\nEspa\u00f1olesob, laix haues u chi on pek, laix ti chunmes u yanhal batabob\nti cahal cah, ca tu [c]a u barail, laix ti [c]ai u takail patan xan\noxppel u yocol patan ti Espa\u00f1olesob yub te cib uluum ixim c[=h]oyche y\nsulbiltab _y_ yic, buul, yib cuum, xamach, ppuul, ca muc yoklal patan ta\nc yumil [c]ulil c beta ti matac oidor [c]aic u nucul bahunbal; lai uchci\nu c[=h]abal kul chuuc tumen AhMacan Pech ca lukon Sisal yoklal u katci\nah chucil kulchuc, lae tumen lai toci u chucil Ah Ceh Pech uay Cupul,\nlae lai talic uai tu pach Ah kin Pech Macan Pech u palil Ahmacan Pech\nyetel u nacomob ti cab Yaxkukul lae.\n\n28. De 1519 a\u00f1os lai hab ca uli Espa\u00f1olesob uai tac cahal Con ah Ytza\nuai ti lum Yucatan, lae lai cin chicilbesah u kinil, yuil _y_ yabil yan\ncanal, Cen D^n Pablo Pech, u mehen en D^n Martin Pech, ti Xulcum Cheel,\nconcixtadoren, uai lae Maxtunil yetel C[=h]ac Xulub C[=h]en, tal kamah\nix [c]ulob tu uolol ca puczikal, maix ca [c]aab katun yah tiob laob lae\nD^n Juan de Montejo Adelantado y u chayanil capitanob bay yanil u kabaob\nti libro; ton ix yax kamah Cristianoil concixtadores D^n Martin Pech u\nmehen D^n Fernando Pech, D^n Pablo Pech u mehen en D^n Martin Pech, hel\ntu yoxlahunpis u kinil u de Octubre de 1518, ocic ha tu holob in mektan\ncahilob ti hunmolhob Maxtunile, ti ocol ha tu polob tumen yax obispo D^n\nFran^co Toral ti Maya uinicob; ca [208-1]oha tu polob men ca yum obispo\nlae cat [208-2]es sabi u uinbail santo tiob cahob tulacal u uinbail S.\nPedro _y_ S. Pablo y S. Juan, y S. Luis _y_ S. Antonio _y_ S. Miguel _y_\nS. Francisco _y_ S. Alonso y S. Agustin y S. Sebastian y S. Diego, ca u\n[208-3][c]ibotahob oleos ca u kabatah P^o yan c[=h]a oleos.\n\n29. Lay u kahlail tulacal lae tin hun molcinzah uay ti librose uchebal u\nnuctic uba uinicob himac bin oltic yohelto u [c]oc lukanil yanomal ca\nnoh ahau Dios uchac tumen tusinile.--U patanil hibic ulci Espa\u00f1olesob\nuay tac lumil lae tumen u yolat ca yumil ti Dios ahtepal uay ti peten;\nlae baix u than ca yum Se\u00f1or D^n Juan de Montejo y D. Fran^co de Monte\nlay yax ulob uai tac lumil lae laix tu [c]ah u thanil u cumtal iglesia\nti [c]ucen[c]ucil cahob u hol cababob y yotoch cah u kuna ca yum noh\nahau bay u cah mensone u yotoch ah na mulbeobe[209-1].\n\n30. Bay xan cu yalic ca noh yum Ah Naum Pech D^n Fran^co de Montejo Pech\ny D^n Juan Pech lai u kabaob ca oci haa tu holob tumen padresob y\nadelantado lay capitan hi layob ulob uai ti lume Yocolpeten, hek lai\nkabanzabi ti Yucatanil tumen ca yax yumob Espa\u00f1olesob lae baix bin u\npatcantic ca yum Espa\u00f1olesob, hebic u beltahob, caxtu yalah binil hunkul\ncuxlacon tumen Dios, caix ti yubah Maya uinicob heklay u kabaob lae, ca\ntu yalah Naum Pech ti u mektan cahil ti [c]u[c]ucencil:--\"Oheltex, talel\nu cah hunabku, ti peten heklai hahal Diose, u chicul hahal Dios; binex\ncuxlac, ca cici kamex, ma a [c]aicex katun yokolob ca pas ma u hanalob\n_y_ yukalob ixim, cax, uluum, cab, buul u hanalob yoklal [210-1]u colcah\nti Cristianoil lai u palil ton Dios;\" bay tun cibahob mamac [c]ai katun\ncaix tu likzahubaob ca bin u yan teob Espa\u00f1olesob tu concixtob tu yet\nxinbal tahob [c]ulob.\n\n31. Bay xan he Nachi Cocom ti cahan tu holcacab Sutuytae tu chuccabal\nChic[=h]en Ytzae heklay kabansabi Chic[=h]en Ytzaile he Ah Cohuot Cocome\ntu yantah u than Dios _y_ ca noh ahau tu luksah u [210-2]ponob u\nbanderasob, utia ca noh ahau utial conquixta _y_ adelantado _y_ yum\npadre clerigo tu cuch cahil xan maix u [c]a yah katun u lukzahubaob\nichilob kaxahob kunal _y_ yotoch cah tu cuchteelob.\n\n32. Hex Na[c]i Mabun Chane culhi tu ca cabil u natatah bicil talel u cah\nhunkul cuxtal yoltah u kububaob ti Dios tu hahil Ah Catzimob _y_\nAhChulimob tu chuccabil Manil, _y_ Ah Tutul Yiu hex uay ti lakin Chel\n_y_ Tan Cupulob hex ti Campeche Na[c]acab Canul; bay [c]a lukanhi u tan\nhahil Dios uay ti peten uay tu lumil Sacuholpatal Sacmutix tun, Ah\nMutule, Tunal Pech culhi uay ti cah lae.\n\n33. He Ah Naum Peche uay u payahe mehenob caix ti yalah:--\"Oheltex, hun\nynix u kaba kin ahbalcab bin uluk ahlikin cabob hun mexob Ahpul tu\nchicul hunabku ti peten ca xicex ti kam bu hahil asilex[211-1]:\" bay tan\nbinciob tu xinbalob yalan che yalan haban, ca kuchiob tu tancabal\nNa[c]aycab Canule Campech, ca yalahob:--\"Hele tac u yulel a uula, Ah\nNa[c]acab Canule, caxti kam tuzebal la umen;\" yalab lae ca tipp u chemob\ntu hol u kaknabil Campech, caix ti [211-2]yalahob ca yumtah banderasob\nsasacpon, ca ulon pixtahob Adelantado caix katabitiob tumen lai\nCristianoob Adelantado uatub ocahalob ichil Castellano than, matan u\nnatob ca uchen nucahob than:--\"matan c ubah than;\" ci u thanob caix\nalabi Yucatanilob uay tu lumil cutz tu lumil ceh.\n\n34. Bay tun binciob capitanesob _y_ ca yum Adelantado D^n Fran^co de\nMontejo lay tu beltah u yabal ppis _y_ kuuch utial muse utial bucoh\n[c]imin[211-3] tumen binel u cibahob tu cahal Manii yicnal Ahtutul Xiu:\nca kuchob Yiba caniob Yibae, kuchob Nohcacab likul tal Becal, bay tun\nmanciob Espa\u00f1olesob ca kuchob Mani yicnal Tutul Xiu caix ti uacuntabic\nnacon Ikeb nacon Caixicum nacon Chuc lay bin xic u paye Ah Cuat Cocom;\nlay tun u chun u culcintabal [211-4]ahactan ob tumen u cuchulob ca\nlukzabi u uichob yalan nohoch [211-5]yacatun sa bin tal pulbil huntul\nlay ma lukzabi u uich ti yacatun sabin, luksabi u uich ca [c]a be ti ca\nbin nacpalancal ti yicnal Adelantado Manii, caix ualkahi yah pululob tu\ncahal Cuuat Cocom; catun liki Ah Naum Pech _y_ tu catulilob xic u talez\nAh Cuat Cocom; cu kuchulob, ca yalah ti Naun Pech bicil ma yilahi maix\nyabahi ca yalah bicil ti binan tu Chic[=h]en Ytzae tuzebal tal ci tu\ncail tumen Ahpechob, ca kuchob Manil kube u c[=h]asahob tusebal u yalci\nAh Cocom ma yilah bal uch tu cahal caix [c]ab u chucil ti cabin u chucob\nmac u beltahlobe.\n\n35. Baix tun tal ci Ahpech tu cahalob yila u mektan cahilob uinicilobe\nbaytun talciob hex cat tal [c]ulob tumen bin uchci u cimsabal [c]uul ti\ncah tumen u cuchulob, catun manobca biniob yicnal Ah Batun Pech Cay\nChel, lay tun yilahobe ca manob ca binob Maxtunil yicnal Machi May _y_\ntun Ah Macan Pech; bai tun ualkahciob tu lumilob tu mektan cahilob tu\nYaxkukule; lai D^n Pablo Pech Ah Macan Cam Pech tumenel halach uinic\nlai mektanmail tulacal lai uay ti chi kin lae yoklal maix u lukul yol\nnacomob, tulacal bayxan lay tumen culcinaben in canant lay cacab C[=h]ac\nXubub C[=h]en lae tumenel maseneal uinicob lae tan u [212-1]sa uinolabob\nlai tumen [212-2]chic u nakci u yolah Dios ti cahob.\n\n36. Lae hex lay ytoria lae tulacal tux manel S^r Espa\u00f1olesob _y_\nkubabaob yax padresob, _y_ u kaba yax [c]ulob bin [c]oloc[213-1] tumen\nlai u [c]ilibal, lae yoklal mentahan utial yoheltabal bic uchic\nconcixta, uabic numya tu mansahob uay yalan chee yalan aak yalan haban,\nichil lay hab lae _y_ u cha yan yax uinicob mehentzilob hancabob yoklal\nmanal cappel oxppel hab cahanob ta muktun u [c]ablahal cahob tumen ca\nyumil [c]ulilob, lae ta muktun u ppizil cahob u ppizil u kaxilob cahob\ntumen Oidor Tomas Lopes yan sedula tu kabob tumen ca noh Ahau utial tun\nxotlahal kaxob ti mac cu cahtalob, ti ma yanac cahob cuchi tumen te\nzihnalon be nae tulacalob, ti cu halach uinicil Naum Pech cuchi, ti ma\nuluc [c]ulob he[c]ic Cristianoil uay ti lum cuchi, he tun cat kuchi u\nkinil u yulah uay ti peten, lae cat ul [c]ulob uai ti lum Yucatan lae,\nca binon kameob tumen u zahacil ca puczikal, cat [c]oci Cristianoil uay\nti lum lae cat [c]ablahon canante cacabob, ti ma yanac S^a Yglesia\ncuchi, cat hau u cahil lay bena lae ma cah.\n\n37. Helelae lay u chun in patcantic hen cex bin uchic u yuchul concixta\nbahun numya t mansah _y_ S^r Espa\u00f1olesob yoklal maya uinicob cuchi\nmatan yolte ukuubaob ti Dios, ten tun cen D. Pablo Pech tin tzolah u\nxicinob ti cacab Maxtunil.\n\n38. Bay tan matan culhani catun emon ti cacab C[=h]ac Xulub C[=h]en,\n[c]oci tun u Cumtal S^a iglesia, lae ca tun ppisah ca ppisbi tu\n[c]utpach cahlahbal yanumal in mehenob u chen cimic yokolcab, tumen ma u\nmacan tu baltiob[214-1] tumen Maya uinicob, ma u manbal cuntabalob u\nc[=h]inal hen cex bax tu [c]ahton ca yumil ti Dios tumen u zahacil\npuczikale, lay tumen [c]ab u chucil ton tumen ca noh ahau Rey Ahtepal\n_y_ catun cumcintah S^a iglesia utial kultic ca yumil ti Dios _y_ yotoch\ncah tu lakin iglesia u kuna ca noh Ahau yetel meson.\n\n39. Bay xan licix in betic in uotoch pakil na tu xaman iglesia; ma u\nyalic Maya uinicob ua utialtob tu kinil, lay tumen ci chicilbezic hebix\nin mentah mailobe _y_ yum D^n Pablo Pech Ah Macan Pech, y in yum D^n\nMartin Pech Ah kom Pech, _y_ in yum D^n Ambrosio Pech Op Pech ix u\nMaya kaba y Yxkil Ytzam Pech y D^n Estevan Pech Ahkulul Pech.\n\n40. Tac kamah u noh comisionil u ppiz kaxob, tu [c]ah u licenciail ca\nnoh Ahau Rey ahtepal ti ca yumil yax Oidor Tomas Lopes utial ca u [c]a\nnucte u than ton utial ca ppizic u pach ca tocoynail he tux cahantacob\nuay uay tu pach cahal utial ca utzac oheltic tux cu manel u ppizil ca\nluumil utial kilacabob utial u tzenticubaob u [c]aic u hanalob ca\nencomenderosob, lay oklal cin [c]aic u juramentoil tu tanil tulacal\nuinicob lay informacion lae u hahil cu yilicob u tocoynailob tu xma\nyocol u yanal tocoynail, lay oklal [c]aic u hahil.\n\n41. Heix macx yax encomendero uay ti cacab C[=h]aac Xulub C[=h]en lae\nD^n Julian Donsel encomendero hi uay ti cacah lae ca tu yalah ti batab\ncaxicob u [c]abob u chicul chi kax u luumob uay tu pach u mektan cahil;\nyoklal tan u ppizil u chi lumob u chi kaxob ti lakin, ti nohol, ti\nchikin, tulacal hen cex max cu cahtalob, tumen [c]octun u he[c]el\nCristianoil uay ti lume C[=h]aac Xulub C[=h]een, _y_ lix cacilech u yum\nSantiago patron ah canan cah utial D^n Pablo Pech.\n\n\nCONQUEST AND MAP.\n\n1. The fifth division of the 11th Ahau Katun was placed when the\nSpaniards arrived and settled the city of Merida; it was during the 9th\nAhau that Christianity was introduced; the year in which first came our\nlords the Spaniards here to this land was the\n\nyear 1511.\n\n2. I, who am Nakuk Pech, of the first hidalgos conquistadores here in\nthis land in the district Maxtunil, I am placed in the first town in the\ndistrict Chac Xulub Chen. As thus it is given me to guard by my lord Ah\nNaum Pech, I wish to compose carefully the history and chronicle of the\ndistrict of Chac Xulub Chen here, my first command, the town having two\ndistricts, Chichinica and, here, Chac Xulub Chen.\n\n3. My name was Nakuk Pech before I was baptized, son of Ah Kom Pech, Don\nMartin Pech, of the town of Xul Kum Chel; thus we were given the\ndistricts to guard by our lord Ah Naum Pech from the town Mutul, and I\nwas promoted to guard the district Chac Xulub Chen; when our lords, the\nSpaniards, did not pass nor come here to this land Yucatan, I was then\ngovernor here in this town, here in this land, Chac Xulub Chen. When our\nlord, the Se\u00f1or Adelantado came here to this province in the year 1519,\nI was head chief; when the Spaniards came here to the land of Maxtunil\nwe received them with loving attention; we also first gave them tribute\nand respect, and then we gave to eat to the Spanish captains; he who was\ncalled Adelantado came here to Maxtunil to the dwelling of Nachi May;\nthen we went to see that they should be given pleasures; they did not\neven enter the towns, not even visited the towns; they were here in this\nland for three months, being placed here in the district of Maxtunil;\nthen they departed and went to begin a seaport, the seaport [C]ilam, and\nremained there three years and a half.\n\n4. They were there when my father went to make delivery to them; he\ncalled the Adelantado returned here to this land; the maid servant named\nIxkakuk was presented to them by my father to give them food and wait\nupon them; and they were there when they were attacked by the Cupuls;\nand they departed, and went to live at Ecab Kantanenkin, as is called\nthe land where they settled; they were there when they were attacked by\nthose of Ecab, and they departed and arrived at Cauaca, which they\nentered, and passed to the town [C]ekom, as the town is called; they\npassed it and arrived at the town Tixcuumcuuc, so-called; and they\ndeparted from there and arrived at the town called Tinuum; and then they\nall set out in search of Chichen Itza, so-called; there they asked the\nKing of the town to meet them, and the people said to them; \"There is a\nKing, O Lord,\" they said, \"there is a King, Cocom Aun Pech, King Pech,\nNamox Chel, King Chel, of [C]i[c]antun; foreign warrior, rest in these\nhouses,\" they said to them, by the Captain Cupul. They departed from\nChichen Itza and arrived with King Ixcuat Cocom of Ake; \"Lords, you\ncannot go, you will lose yourselves,\" was said to them by the King\nIxcuat Cocom, and they turned back again, and went and arrived at Cauaca\nfor the second time, and they reached the seaport called Catzun, where\nthey marched by the sea, and went and returned to [C]elebnae, as it is\ncalled, where they first settled when they first came to this land.\n\n5. They remained in Chanpatun six years, when they went forth to\nCampeche; he, called the Adelantado, the first Spaniard, passed here to\nthis land; they were at Campeche when they asked tribute; according to\norders by the chiefs to all the villages there was tribute. They passed\non by the sea (asking) for tribute to be brought to them. Then I went\nwith my companions Ah Macan Pech and his younger brother Ixkil Ytzam\nPech, the king of the town Cumkal, and my father, who was in the town\nXulcumcheel; these were my companions when I went back for the tribute;\nthey saw it; also Nachi May accompanied us, because he knew that he (the\nAdelantado), did not know the language; because they first stayed at his\nhouse when they came, and for this reason they spoke to him to accompany\nthem when they went after the tribute, because he was a friend to the\nSpaniards when it (the tribute) was delivered to the captains; from them\nwe received coats and cloaks and shoes and rosaries and hats, and had\nmuch pleasure from the captains; we left when the Spaniards had ended\ngiving these gifts; already we had our clothes when we arrived, the\ncoats and cloaks (we) Ixkil Ytzam Pech of Conkal, our companions Ah\nMacan Pech of YaxKukul, and my father Ah Kom Pech, who were the greatest\nof us.\n\n6. And I Nakuk Pech by name was head chief when they first delivered\ntribute, when we went to Campech to deliver tribute, and we came back\nwhen the Spaniards coming on the road from Campech came to the towns to\ndwell at Ichcanzihoo, the city of Merida; and when it was heard that the\nSpaniards were coming on the road from Campech we went to give them\ngifts, and I went the second time to deliver tribute. And I Nakuk Pech\nof this district of Chac Xulub Chen, and Ah Macom Pech of the district\nYan Kukul, and Ixkil Ytzam Pech the head chief of Conkal, and also I\nNakuk Pech, chief here in the town Chac Xulub Chen, entered into giving\ngifts to them a second time at [C]ibikal, and they wished an abundance a\nsecond time, and they were given gifts, pheasants, and honey, and sweet\nfood at [C]ibilkal, when they came to settle at Merida; Don Francisco de\nMontejo, first Captain General, first came here to this land, to Merida,\nwith Don Francisco de Bracamonte and Francisco Tamayo and Juan de\nPacheco and Perarberes; these captains came in the year 1541.\n\n7. In the year when these captains who commanded came to Merida to\nsettle, then I, Ix Nakuk Pech, was chief, and when the Spaniards came to\nMerida, I paid tribute to the conquerors at Merida, as I was then chief\nhere in the district Chac Xulub Chen, Roderigo Alvarez being Secretary\nin the year 1542.\n\n8. When the Adelantado made the distribution of towns to the conquerors\nby the captains, and the Secretary Roderigo Alvarez wrote out the list\nof tributes according to each division of the towns, all my companions\nand kinsmen paid tribute, sufficient tribute according to the division\nof tribute to the Spaniards which the Adelantado made by the captains,\nand the Secretary Roderigo Alvarez, in the first year the Spaniards came\nto Merida; and I, Nakuk Pech, was taken and given to Don Julian Doncel\nthe Encomendero, the first lord of the town Chac Xulub Chen, the first\nEncomendero, and my hand was given him by the captain Don Francisco de\nMontejo, and I was given for a chief to Don Julian Doncel, in his hand,\nand I began to take tribute for the holy fathers.\n\n9. And I, Nakuk Pech, was thus chief when Alvarez, the first Alcalde\nMayor, came to this province Yucatan, to Merida, and when Alvara de\nCarvayor was Alcalde Mayor; and when the Auditor Thomas Lopez came I was\nchief, and I was called Ix Nakuk Pech, and when I entered the water and\nreceived baptism, I was called Don Pablo Pech; and I ceased to be called\nNakuk Pech; we first chiefs were created hidalgos by the captains when\npossession was first taken of this province, and we first paid tribute\nto the foreigners, and possession was given to us by God and the ruling\nking; and our descendants are hidalgos, and all our sons, until the time\nshall come when the world shall end; and we chiefs were rulers in this\nland when there was no Holy Church in the districts, and before the\nSpaniards began to march over the country, or to congregate together in\norder to worship; and formerly, when the men were not Christians, I\nruled wholly the men, and when I received Christianity I, Nakuk Pech, I\nwas a chief; and I received the Holy Oils and the Holy Faith in order\nthat I might teach it to all my subjects; and I was also the first to\nreceive the rod of the justicia, because I went to aid the Word of God\nand our great Lord the ruling king; then our Lord, the Auditor Don\nThomas Lopez, was the first who divided the tribute of the chiefs\naccording to the towns they occupied; and when the tribute was\nsatisfactorily finished by the governorship of the Auditor Don Thomas\nLopez, I gave my rod to my son Don Pedro Pech, in the year 1552.\n\n10. This was the number of the year when I received the rod from my\nfather, Nakuk Pech, Don Pablo Pech and of Ursula Pech, here in this town\nof Chac Xulub Chen, to serve God and our great ruler, the reigning king,\nin order that I may govern the town at this place Chac Xulub Chen.\n\n11. The first descendants of Macan Pech and of Ah Kom Pech, of Xulkum\nChel, came to their towns with their priests and chiefs, to the town of\nYaxkukul, to Xulkum Chel and to Maxtunil; they came back with their\ncompanions to this town; they came also with their priests and chiefs\nand ministers back to their rulers, when they came to the town Yaxkukul;\nand we, also, when we arrived at this town of Chac Xulub Chen. When we\nsettled here they appointed me, Nakuk Pech, by my father, Ah Kom Pech,\nson of Ah Tunal Pech, first descendant of Maxtunil, to govern this town.\n\n12. When the Spaniards came to the towns of this land there were no\nIndians who had a will to pay tribute to the first Spaniards; therefore\nthe first Spaniards made an account of what towns were to be given to be\ngoverned. I, Nakuk Pech, I first received the town here, in the district\nChac Xulub Chen, when first they came with orders to take it, with the\nchiefs, and captains and priests, whose names are Ah Kul Matu and (Ah)\nKul Che; and the first priests arrived, the priest Cocom, the priest\nTacu; and the captains arrived, the captain Nachan Cen and the captain\nXuluc, as their names were, the captains who commanded when they came to\nthis land Maxtunil, with the priest Chuc and his captains, to take\npossession; thus they found the town here, Chac Xulub Chen, when came\nthe soldiers and ensigns, Ensign Kan, Ensign Xuluc, Ensign Pot, Ensign\nMay, Ensign Ek, such were the names of the ensigns, the names of those I\ncommanded as chief when I, Nakuk Pech, came to this town Chac Xulub\nChen; thus my mind was strengthened when these things happened, and when\nI came here to settle here in the land and district Chac Xulub Chen.\n\n13. I, Nakuk Pech, came here by (order of) the governor that I should\nstrengthen the town Chac Xulub Chen; then among old men there was no\nsign that the Spaniards would come here to this land, nor was the\nvillage of Chac Xulub Chen strengthened then; it was when they heard the\naccount, when the Spaniards came to the city of Merida and Christianity\nwas received by the men of the province of Ceh Pech. I finished by\ngathering together all the town of Chac Xulub Chen, I, Don Pablo Pech,\nand my father, Don Martin Pech, Conquistador of Xulkum Cheel.\n\n14. When the war against the Spaniards began we spread out our forces\ntogether with them, and went with my father, Ah Macan Pech, of the first\nlineage of Yaxkukul, and Ixkil Y[c]am Pech, of the first lineage of\nCumkal, and I went after them to the war; then began the obligation of\ntribute to our rulers for the Spanish governors in the town; when we\nwent to the war there was _pinole_ and _tuce_ to drink, because they\nwere disgusted with the Christians; for six months we and my companions\nfollowed the Christians in their misfortunes; my father was then\ngoverned by the regidors, who saw that all that I write in my\ninformation truly happened, everything, in order that it may be known by\nmy family, my sons, in the hereafter, until the end of the world, for my\ntitle and evidence given me by our Lord God and our great lord, the\nreigning king; I have no tribute nor do I pay tribute, nor will my sons\nnor my daughters pay tribute, because our Lord God released me from it\nin the fear of my heart; before I had seen the face of the Spaniards I\nhad been given willingness that I should deliver myself and all my town\ninto the hands of the Spaniards, in order that they might be inhabited\nby the captains, the Adelantado and the first conquistadores who came\nhere to this land, Yucatan; and the year the first foreigners came here\nto the land of the Cupuls was the year 1511.\n\n15. In former times no one saw Spanish foreigners, not until Jeronimo de\nAguilar was captured by the natives of Cozumel; then first the whole of\nthe country became known, because all the country was marched over; but\nbecause the whole of the land was not made use of I spoke of it before\nthe king, when there went before the king Ah Macan Pech, Don Pedro Pech,\nand his followers, and the first of his lineage, and all his chiefs\nafter him; they went after him to honor the king, that he might see the\nfaces of his servants; then fifty of the principal men went afterwards\nto the lord the ruling king, to obey him at table, far off in Spain, and\nthose remained to obey before the ruling King; then the ruler said that\nall should pay tribute and all their sons, even we the Pechs of the\nfirst lineage in this land, and the first lineage of the Cupuls; then it\nwas said, there is a great province, and many men and things in the\nland, and an account shall be made of it before our great king, and now\nthey shall come to fix the limits of the land for our beloved king. Thus\nthe land was discovered by Aguilar, who was eaten by Ah Naum Ah Pat at\nCuzamil in the year 1517. In this year the katun ended, and then ended\nthe placing of the town stone, for at each twentieth stone they came to\nplace the town stones, formerly, when the Spaniards had not yet come to\nCuzamil, to this land; since the Spaniards came, it has ceased to be\ndone.\n\n16. In the year 1519 first came the Spaniards here to Cuzamil, for the\nthird time, Fernando de Cortes and Espoblaco Lara. On the 28th of\nFebruary, there came to Cuzamil for the first time those who knew to\nspeak the true words. In this year the eaters of anonas first arrived at\nChichen, and then for the first time Chichen Itza became known to the\ngreat Spaniards, (and) to Don Francisco de Montejo, Adelantado, the\ngovernor, when they were posted at Chichen Ytza.\n\n17. In the year 1521, on the 13th day of August, the territory of Mexico\nwas taken by the Spaniards. The third attack on the same Spaniards took\nplace by all the towns here in the town of Cupul, when they asked Ah Ceh\nPech about the killing at Zalibna, and his companion-king Cen Pot of\nTixkokhoch of the province of Ticanto, with the priest Ich Kak Mo of\nItzmal the companion of Holtun Ake. The year in which the Spaniards\narrived at Chichen Itza for the second time to settle at Chichen Itza\nwas that when arrived the captain Don Francisco de Montejo, the just\none, leader of the Cupuls. They arrived at the town twenty years after\nthey arrived at Chichen Ytza (the first time), where they were called\neaters of anonas, biters of anonas.\n\n18. In the year 1542, the Spaniards settled the territory of Merida; the\nfirst speaker, the companion priest Kinich Kakmo and the king of the\nTutulxiu of the capital Mani humbled their heads, and the first families\nwere settled; then first they came under tribute the third time (the\nSpaniards) came to this land, and they established themselves\npermanently, and stopped here. The first time when they came here to\nChichen Itza they began to eat anonas; never before had anonas been\neaten, and when the Spaniards ate them they were called anona-eaters;\nthe second time they came to Chichen they stopped at the house of the\nCaptain Cupul; the third time they arrived they settled permanently, in\nthe year 1542 they settled permanently in the territory of Merida, the\n13th Kan being the year-bearer, according to the Maya reckoning.\n\n19. In the year 1543 the Spaniards went north of the Chels to procure\nMaya men for servants because there were no men for servants at Merida;\nthey came to procure men for servants for their bidding; when they\nreached Popce the tribute was increased by those from Merida, when those\nwho command arrived at Popce, and they went on to Tikom, and the\nSpaniards remained at that time in Tikom more than twenty days before\nthey departed.\n\n20. In the year 1544 the Spanish Captain Asiesa was posted in Cauaca,\nand the chiefs were gathered together from Cauaca for the tribute, and\nthey gave in Cauca honey, pheasants and maize; then they placed in\nprison the priest Caamal from Sisal, and asked for an account of all the\ntowns; one year he was kept by them in prison; he then served as guide\nto the Spaniards when they came to Valladolid, and this priest Kamal of\nSisal entered as chief at Valladolid, and was called Don Juan Caamal de\nla Cruz, because he spoke very truthfully; he first introduced the cross\nin Cauaca, and he was listened to by the Spaniards, and for this he\nentered as chief at Sisal, and being chief a long time he died. He was\nalso guide to the Spaniards when they went to war with Tixkochnah; and\nwhen the Spaniards had been posted one year in Cauaca, they went forth\nand came to Valladolid on purpose to see the men the chief Kamal had\nplaced in prison.\n\n21. In the year 1545 the Spaniards were posted at Valladolid, and in\nthis year Christianity began by the fathers of the order of San\nFrancisco in the port of Champoton; there first came the fathers having\nin their hands the Redeemer Jesus Christ by name, that they might teach\nthe serving men; and first they came to the port of Champutun to the\nwest of this province called here Ichcansiho, then to Merida, the town\nIchcansiho as it is called. These are the names of the fathers who began\nChristianity in this country Yucatan, Fr. Juan de la Puerta, and Fr.\nLuis de Villarpando, and Fr. Diego de Becal, and Fr. Juan de Guerrero,\nand Fr. Merchol de Benavente, these began Christianity in the west of\nthis country, before Christianity came here to Cupul; afterwards the\ntrumpet of Christianity came here, as I was saying, and it began here at\nCupul.\n\n22. In the year 1546 there was a conjuration in the highlands of the\ncountry; on the 9th of November there had been peace for four months,\nand it occurred on the 9th day of November of the year 1546 that there\nwas war after four months: it began and continued for one year among the\nmen, when they were gathered together for the second time for the\ntribute of wax; when the war began it took place that the conjurors came\nfrom the west to deceive the people and to set in order the war; the\nconjuror Cunul and Ah Camal came from the west and killed the Spaniards\nand two sons of the Spaniards, scholars at Mena; they died at Chamax,\nwhere they wished to remain; then came to Valladolid all the Spaniards\nwho were well when the war broke out, and then began the massacre; the\nconjuror Camal Tipakan, of Pakam, killed Surusano over against Nicte; at\nthe towns one night the Spaniards were slain because the people fell\nsick in their hands and feet; there was then for a day and a night war\nin all the towns.\n\n23. In the year 1547 a ship was destroyed by Ex Box at Ecab; then the\nSpaniards went to make him fear, and made war against Box of Ecab, son\nof Ek Box.\n\n24. In the year 1548 the father Ermitanyo came to Valladolid to begin\nChristianity.\n\n25. In the year 1550 there was a general reunion of the towns and their\ndependencies at Mani.\n\n26. In the year 1551 the father guardian, Fr. Fernando Guerrero, came\nfrom Valladolid to Sisal and he baptized the people and introduced\nChristianity here into all the territory of Valladolid west of the\nChels; they came from Ecab, they came from Cozumel, they came from the\nnorth, they came from the south, and also he began the building of the\nmonastery Valladolid-Sisal.\n\n27. In the year 1552 the fathers settled here; in this year they came to\nteach and sing here at Sisal, they came from the west to teach and sing\nmass vespers with the singing of the organ and flute, and the canto\nllano, which never before did we know here.\n\nIn the year 1553 the Auditor, Don Thomas Lopez arrived here in this land\nof Yucatan from Castilla, and he arrived as a messenger from our great\nruler, the reigning king of Castilla, to protect us against the hand of\nthe Spaniards here. He put a stop to our being burned by the Spaniards,\nhe put a stop to our being bitten by dogs, he introduced the appointing\nof chiefs in each village by the giving of the baton; he also adjusted\nthe tribute for the third time, the tribute introduced by the Spaniards,\nmantles, wax, pheasants, maize, buckets, salt, peppers, broad beans,\nnarrow beans, jars, pots, vases, all for tribute to our Spanish rulers,\nwhich we paid before the Auditor had given his attention to these\nthings. At this time occurred the capture of the priest Chuuc by Ah\nMacan Pech when we left Sisal, because he wished the priest Chuc to be\ncaptured, as he had prevented the capture of Ah Ceh Pech here in Cupul;\nafterwards the priest Pech, Macan Pech with the servants of Macan Pech\nand his captains, came here to this town of Yaxkukul.\n\n28. From the year 1519 when the Spaniards came here to the town of Conah\nItza, here in this land, Yucatan, I have set forth the days, the months\nand the years as above stated, I, Don Pablo Pech, the son of Don Martin\nPech of Xul Kum Cheel, conquistador, here at Maxtunil and Chac Xulub\nChen; since we received the Spaniards with good will and heart, nor did\nwe make war upon them, Don Juan de Montejo, Adelantado, and the rest of\nthe captains, as their names are in the book; we also first received\nChristianity, we the conquistadores, Don Martin son of Don Fernando\nPech, Don Pablo Pech son of Don Martin Pech, on the 13th day of the\nmonth of October, 1518; all my subjects received baptism in Maxtunil;\nthey were baptized by the first bishop to the Maya people, Don Francisco\nToral; and when he baptized us our father the bishop showed the images\nof the saints to all the villages, images of Saint Peter and St. Paul,\nand St. John and St. Louis, and St. Antony, and St. Michael, and St.\nFrancis, and St. Alonzo, and St. Augustin and St. Sebastian, and St.\nDiego; and they desired the oils, and he who was called Peter took the\noils.\n\n29. Such is the chronicle of everything I have collected for the books,\nin order that the people might know it, whoever wished to know it, as\nhad decreed it from the beginning our great lord God who governs the\nuniverse. It is the declaration of how the Spaniards came to this land,\nhere to this country; by the will of the lord, the ruling God, also by\nthe orders of our lord Don Juan de Montejo, and Don Francisco de\nMontejo, who first came here to this land, and gave orders that churches\nshould be built in the plastered villages, in the outlying districts,\nand a town house and a temple for our great ruler, and also a public\nhouse for travelers.\n\n30. Thus also said our great father, Ah Naum Pech, Don Francisco de\nMontejo Pech, and Don Juan Pech, as were their names when they were\nbaptized by the fathers; and as the Adelantado, the Captain, those who\ncame here to this land Yocol Peten, but called Yucatan by the first\nSpaniards, as they the Spaniards, clearly relate. When our lord the\nSpaniards said that we are to live eternally with God, and when the Maya\nmen heard the names, then spoke Naum Pech to those he commanded, with\nsuavity:--\"Know ye, there comes to the town the one God, to the country\nthe true God, the sign of the true God; go ye to live with Him, joyfully\nreceive Him, do not war against Him, and if they have not to eat or\ndrink give them maize, fowls, pheasants, honey, beans to eat, that\nChristianity may enter and that we may be servants of God;\" thus they\nwished it, and they did not make war, but rose up and went to aid the\nSpaniards in the conquest and marched together with the foreigners.\n\n31. Thus also Nachi Cocom, who dwelt in the chief town of Zututa in the\nprovince Chichen Itza, that called Chichen Itza, and Ah Cahuot Cocom,\naiding the word of God and our great King, delivered up their standards\nand banners for the sake of our great King, for the conquest, and\nreceived the Adelantado and the father the priest in their towns, nor\ndid they make war, but abstained from all injury, and laid out churches\nand town-houses for their followers.\n\n32. And Na[c]i Mabun Chan settled in the district, and understood that\nthe eternal life had come to his village, and wished that to God truly\nwould be delivered the Catzins and Chuls in the district of Mani, and\nthe Tutulxiu, and the Chels in the East, and the (middle) Tan Cupuls and\nin Campeche Na[c]acab Canul; thus this earth was given by God to be\nredeemed, this land Zacuholpatal Zacmutixtun; and Tunal Pech of Mutul\nsettled here in this town.\n\n33. And Ah Naum Pech called the youths and said to him--\"Know ye, that\non the day called 1 Ymix it will dawn, there will come from the eastern\nlands bearded men with the sign of the only God to this land; go to\nreceive them with true pleasure;\" therefore they went and marched under\nthe trees, under the branches, and they arrived at the house of Na[c]ay\nCab, of Canul at Campech and said:--\"He, your guest, is now coming, Ah\nNa[c]a Cab of Canul, receive him promptly.\" Thus they said when the\nships appeared in the port of Campeche, when they saw the banners\nwaving, the white standard, and they came, when he had cast anchor, to\nthe Adelantado, and were asked in Castilian by the Christians, and the\nAdelantado, whether they had been baptized; but they did not know his\nlanguage, and replied: \"We do not understand the words;\" so they said,\nand thus they named this land here Yucatan, (which was known to us as)\nthe land of the wild turkey, the land of the deer.\n\n34. Thus then the captains and our lord the Adelantado Don Francisco de\nMontejo went on; and they made much cloth and thread to cut into\nclothing for the horses, as they wished to go to the town of Mani, to\nthe Tutulxiu. When they came to Yiba they held a talk in Yiba; they\narrived at Nohcacab coming out of Becal; thus the Spaniards passed and\narrived at Mani, to Tutulxiu, and then were appointed the chief Ikeb,\nthe chief Caixicum and the chief Chuc to go to invite Ah Cuat Cocom.\nThey were at first taken and placed in a cave by his followers: then\ntheir eyes were put out in that great cave of weasels, and there was not\none who did not have his eyes put out in the cave of weasels; their eyes\nwere put out and they were given the road to go groping to the\nAdelantado at Mani; and thus returned those who were cast out of the\ntown of Cuat Cocom. Then Ah Naum Pech rose up with both of them and came\nto Ah Cuat Cocom; when they arrived, he said to Ah Naum Pech that he had\nnot seen nor heard of it; he said he had gone to Chichen Itza, and he\ncame promptly to the towns with the Pechs, and they arrived at Mani to\ndeliver up promptly (the offenders); and the Cocom said he had not\nwitnessed what had happened in his village, and he would give permission\nthat they should be taken who had done it.\n\n35. Then Ah Pech came to the towns in order to see the people governed\nin them; the Spaniards also came, but on account of the massacre of the\nforeigners by the people, they passed on and went to Ah Batum Pech of\nChel, whom they saw, and passed on, and went to Maxtunil, to Nachi May\nand Ah Macan Pech; they then returned to their lands to the towns they\ngoverned at Yaxkukul; Don Pablo Pech, Ah Macan Pech, was governor of all\nthe district to the west, nor did his captains at all give up their\nspirits; soon I was appointed to guard the territory Chac Xulub Chen,\nbecause the serving men were at war on account of the labor given them,\nand by taking them the will of God was fulfilled in the towns.\n\n36. Such is the complete history of how passed the Spaniards and how the\nfirst fathers were received, and the names of the first conquerors I\nshall set forth according to the register, because this is composed in\norder that it may be known how the conquest occurred, and in what manner\nthey labored here, under the trees, under the branches[TN-26] under the\nbushes, in those years and months; and what the people and their sons\nfound to eat; for from two to three years they labored in the\ndistribution of the towns, by our rulers the Spaniards; they also\nlabored in the measuring of the towns, and the measuring of the forests\nof the towns by the Auditor Tomas Lopez, holding in his hand the Cedula\nof our great lord the king, that forests should be cut by whoever\nsettled. When there were no towns we were natives here of official\nhouses, Naum Pech being governor of all, nor at that time had the\nSpaniards come here to establish Christianity in this land; but when the\nday came that their arrival took place, when the Spaniards came to this\nland Yucatan, we received them with a friendly heart, and Christianity\nwas introduced into this land, and we were appointed to guard the\nvillages, when as yet there was no church; and now they have ceased\nbuilding official houses or villages.\n\n37. Thus I began to relate how the conquest took place and how many\nsufferings we underwent with our lords, the Spaniards, from the natives\nwho were not willing to deliver themselves to God; thus I recount what I\nheard concerning the town Maxtunil.\n\n38. We did not settle there, but descended to the town Chac Xulub Chen,\nand when the Holy Church was finished in Cumtal, we measured its sides\nand took possession so that our children should remain there from the\nbeginning until the end of the world, so that the natives should not\nobstruct us, nor enchant by the throwing of stones anything which had\nbeen given us by God and our lord through the fear of our hearts; for\nthis our great lord the ruling king gave us the authority; and when the\nchurch was prepared in which to worship our lord and God, and the public\nhouse to the east of the church and the temple of our great king and the\nresidence.\n\n39. I also built my house of stone to the north of the church. And that\nthe natives may not in the future say that it belongs to them, for this\nI show forth the occurrences as I did them with my father, I, Don Pablo\nPech, Ah Macan Pech, and my father Don Martin Pech, Ah Com Pech, my lord\nSe\u00f1or Don Ambrosio Pech, his native name being Op Pech, and Ixil Yzam\nPech, and Don Esteban Pech, Ah Culub Pech.\n\n40. We received the royal commissions to measure the forests. The\nlicense was given by our great monarch the ruling king through our lord\nthe first auditor, Tomas Lopez, that he should give us years ago his\norder that the uncultivated fields should be measured wherever they are,\nhere back of the town, that we may know where the boundaries of our\nlands pass in order that parents and children may maintain them and give\nfood to the Encomenderos. Therefore I swear before the people that this\ninformation is true, that they may have it in sight so that no\nuncultivated field shall entrench upon another uncultivated field; for\nthis reason I set forth the truth.\n\n41. The first Encomendero here in Chac Xulub Chen was Don Julian Doncel,\nwho ordered the chiefs that they should go to place the marks of the\nlimits of their forest lands here back of the towns they governed, and\nthus they were led to measure the boundaries of their lands and the\nforests toward the East, the South and the West, for the benefit of all\nwho dwell therein; because already Christianity was established in this\nland of Chac Xulub Chen with our holy lord Santiago the patron who\nguards the town of Don Pablo Pech.\n\n\nNOTES.\n\n1. \"The fifth division of the 11th Ahau Katun was placed\" (_i.\u00a0e._ in\nthe wall or in the Katun Stone), (see page 57, where this expression is\nexplained). In other words, the first arrival of the Spaniards at Merida\ntook place at the close of the 11th Ahau Katun. This was July, 1541, and\nit is in gratifying conformity with Bishop Landa, who also states that\nthat month was the commencement of a 20-year period; but he says that at\nthat date the 11th Katun began, while Pech goes on to say that it was\nthe next in order, the 9th. (See Landa, _Relacion_, p. 314.)\n\n_Noh cah te ti Ho_, the great town at Ho. This was the native name of\nthe ancient city which stood on the present site of Merida, and, by the\nMayas, is in use to this day. _Ho_ is the numeral 5, and some have\nsupposed that the name was given on account of five large mounds or\nbuildings said to have been conspicuous in the ancient city. That there\nwere precisely five is not positively stated by the old historians,\nthough four are specified. This theory would suppose that the name was\ngiven to the city only after these large structures were completed, and\nthat its name during that time had been lost. But this is not\nimprobable.\n\nIn fact, the ancient name of Merida was not Ho, but _Ichcanzihoo_, as\nappears from a later passage in Pech's narrative and from numerous\nothers in the Books of Chilan Balam. _Ho_ is only the abbreviation of\nthis long name. It appears to mean \"The five (temples) of many\nserpents.\" _Can_ is the generic term for serpent, and _ich_ used as a\nprefix denotes a place where there is an abundance of what the noun\nmeans: thus _ichche_=a place where the trees are tall and dense;\n_ichxiu_, a place where the grass is tall and thick (_Diccionario de\nMotul_). The serpents were probably those sculptured in stone or painted\non the walls. This theory receives additional probability from an entry\nin the _Diccionario de Motul_, MS., which relates that the largest mound\nin ancient Merida, situated back of the present convent of San\nFrancisco, was called by the natives _ahchuncan_, and that this was the\nname of the idol which used to be worshiped there. Its signification\nwould be \"the first or primitive serpent,\" or \"the first speaker,\"\n_i.\u00a0e._ oracle, as _can_ means both serpent and speech.\n\nThe temples at Ho were not in use when the Spaniards arrived, nor had\nthey been for many generations. Apparently only a few huts of wood and\nstraw made up the village, while these vast ruins were even then covered\nto the summit with a heavy growth of timber in all respects like the\nvirgin forest around them. This is clearly stated by the Friar Lorenzo\nde Bienvenida, who came to Merida in 1545. I quote his expressions from\na letter to the King in 1548:--\n\n\"La ciudad esta la tierra adentro treinta y tres leguas; llamase la\n_ciudad de Merida_; pusieronle asi por los edificios superbos que hai en\nella, que en todo lo descubierto en Indias no se han hallado tan\nsuperbos edificios, de canteria bien labrada, i grandes las piedras; no\nhai memoria de quien los hiz\u00f3; parecenos que se hicieron antes de la\nvenida de Christo porque tan grande estaba el monte encima dellos como\nen lo bajo de la tierra; son altos de cinco estados de piedra seca i\nencima los edificios, quatro quartos todo de celdas como de Frailes, de\nveinte pies de luengo i de diez de ancho, i todas las portadas de una\npiedra, lo alto de la puerta i de boveda, i destos hai en la tierra\notros muchos. Esta gente natural no habitaba en ellos, ni hacen casa\nsino de paja y madera, habiendo mas apareja de cal i piedra que en todo\nlo descubierto. En estos edificios tomamos sitio los Frailes para casa\nde San Francisco; lo que habia sido cultura de demonios, justo es que\nsea templo donde se sirve \u00e0 Dios, etc.\" (_Carta de Fr. Lorenzo de\nBienvenida, 1548, MS._)\n\nThe date, 1511, given as that of the first arrival of the Spaniards,\nrefers to the shipwreck of Aguilar and his companions, who in that year\nwere thrown on the eastern coast.\n\nThis introductory paragraph was entirely miscontrued[TN-27] by Avila, and\nnearly as much so by Brasseur. I add their translations to illustrate\nthis.\n\n\n_Translation of Avila._\n\n\"A la quinta vez que sent\u00f3 el noveno Rey en la guerra cuando llegaron\nlos Espa\u00f1oles que se poblaron en la ciudad de Merida, el principal Rey\nde esa ciudad era siempre cacique y el a\u00f1o en que llegaron los Se\u00f1ores\nEspa\u00f1oles aqui en esta suelo fu\u00e9 el de 1511.\"\n\n\n_Translation of Brasseur._\n\n\"C'est \u00e0 la cinqui\u00e8me division ciment\u00e9e (dans le mur) de ce onzi\u00e8me\nAhau-Katun qu'arriv\u00e8rent les Espagnols et qu'ils s'\u00e9tablirent \u00e0 Ti-Uoh\nde ce pays de Ti-Ho, et c'est \u00e0 la neuvi\u00e8me de cet Ahau que s'\u00e9tablit le\nChristianisme, cette ann\u00e9e m\u00eame que vinrent nos seigneurs les Espagnols\nen cette contr\u00e9e, c'est \u00e0 dire, en l'ann\u00e9e 1511.\"\n\nIt will be seen that the former completely travesties the passage, while\nthe latter mistakes the proper names and destroys the chronological\nvalue of the dates given.\n\n2. _Hidalgos conquistadoren_, Spanish titles which we are surprised to\nfind a native claiming; but later on (\u00a7 9) he informs us that he was\nauthorized to employ them by the Spanish officials.\n\nChichinica was a pueblo near Chicxulub, which is now no longer in\nexistence.\n\n3. _Ti ma ococ haa tin pol cuchi_, \"formerly, when the water will not\nentered to my head\" _i.\u00a0e._, before I was baptized. This complicated\nconstruction of the negative (_ma_), a future (_ococ_ from _ocol_) and\nthe sign of the past tense (_cuchi_), also occurs on an earlier page\n(98), where we have the sentence _uacppel haab u binel ma [c]ococ u\nxocol oxlahun ahau cuchi_, six years before the end of the 13th ahau.\n_Ocol haa_, syncopated to _ocola_, and even _oca_, was the usual term\nfor Christian baptism.\n\nXulkumcheel was a pueblo which does not seem to have survived.\n\n_Ah Naum Pech, likul tu cah Mutul._ Ah Naum Pech from, or native of, the\ntown Mutul. The latter is the modern Motul, about 22 miles easterly from\nChicxulub. The name is also spelled Mutul by Cogolludo (_Historia de\nYucatan_, Lib. VI, cap. VII).\n\n_Halach uinic_, previously explained, was the ancient native title of\nchief of a village. It is the same word which Oviedo, in his report of\nGrijalva's expedition deforms into _calachini_ (_Historia de las\nIndias_, Lib. XVII).\n\nThe date, 1519, like various others in the narrative, appears to have\nbeen erroneously entered or copied. It should probably be 1539.\n_Maxtunil_ does not at present exist. _[C]ilam_ is a town north of\nItzamal, near the sea coast. It is by some identified as the spot where\nFrancisco de Montejo embarked after his retreat from Chichen Itza, in\n1528.\n\n4. The _Kupuls_ were the family who reigned in the eastern province,\nwhere Valladolid was founded. They long retained their hostility to the\nSpaniards. _Ekab_ was situated on the coast opposite the island of\nCozumel. _[C]ekom_ should probably read Tekom. _Tixcuumcuuc_ no longer\nexists. _Tinuum_ is a town 4 leagues north of Valladolid, on the road to\nItzamal. _[C]i [C]antun_ is a town north of Itzamal, said by Sanchez\nAguilar to have been the ancient capital of the princely house of the\nChels. _Ake_ is probably the modern [C]onatak\u00e9. _Catzim_ is now the name\nof a hacienda in the Department of Itzamal, some distance from the\ncoast. _[C]elebna_ is unknown.\n\nThe expression _tumen naob Bon cupul_, translated by Avila \"porque esa\ncasa es de Bon Cupul,\" I think is an error of the copyist for _tumen\nnacon Cupul_. See also \u00a7 18.\n\n5. _Hokzah uba_, they betook themselves. The termination _uba_ is that\nof the third person of reflexive verbs.\n\nNachi May, already mentioned, was a member of an ancient princely house\nmentioned by Landa and Sanchez Aguilar. One of them, Ahkin May, was\napparently the hereditary high priest. The effort has been made to\nderive from their name the word _Maya_, and Brasseur would carry us to\nHaiti in order to discover its meaning (Landa, _Relacion_, p. 42, note),\nbut this is unnecessary. _May_ in the Maya tongue means \"a hoof,\" as of\na deer, and is a proper name still in use. There is no reason to suppose\nit in any way connected with _Maya_.\n\n_Matanok_ I take to be an error for _matanon_, from _mat_ (pret.\n_matnahi_).\n\n6. _[C]ibikal_ may be, as suggested by Dr. Berendt, Tipikal, a town in\nthe district of Merida. There is another of the name in the Sierra Alta\n(_Estadistica de Yucatan_, 1814).\n\nFrancisco de Bracamonte is mentioned by Cogolludo as among the first\nsettlers of Merida.\n\n7. Cogolludo mentions Rodrigo Alvarez as \"Escribano del juzgado,\" who\ncame with Montejo (_Historia de Yucatan_, Lib. III, cap. VI, and\nelsewhere).\n\n8. _U toxol cahob_, the distribution of the towns, literally \"the\npouring out;\" Avila translates it by \"cuando se repartian los pueblos.\"\nThe Spanish system of \"repartimientos\" and \"encomiendas\" was adopted in\nYucatan,[TN-28]\n\n9. The licentiate Alvares de Caravajal was alcalde mayor from 1554 to\n1558. (Cogolludo, _Hist. de Yucatan_, Lib. V. cap. XV.)\n\n10. This was apparently written by Don Pablo Pech, the son of the writer\nof the remainder of the history, and inserted in order to corroborate\nthe statement just made by his father, that the latter had transferred\nthe magistracy to him.\n\n11. The _holpop_, literally \"head of the mat,\" perhaps because when the\ncompany sat around or on the mat his place was at its head, was the\nofficial who had charge of the _tunkul_ or wooden drum, with which\npublic meetings, dances, summons to war, etc. were proclaimed, and with\nwhich the priests accompanied their voices in reciting the ancient\nchants (Cogolludo, _Hist. de Yucatan_, Lib. IV, cap. V). He was called\n_ahholpop_, and had charge of the public hall of the village, the\n_popolna_, \"casa de comunidad,\" in which public business was transacted\n(_Diccionario de Motul_, MS.)[TN-29]\n\nThe _ahkulel_ was the official second in command in a town or district.\nHe acted in place of the _batab_ or the _ahcuchcab_. The verb _kulel_\nmeans to transact business for another, to act as deputy.\n\n_Ahkin_ was the ordinary word for priest in the old language; kin, sun,\nday, time; _ahkin_, he who was familiar with the days and times, with\nthe calendar, and also with the past and the future.\n\n12. _U chun u thanob_; the _chunthan_ or _ahchunthan_, literally, he who\nhas the first word, was the member of the village who took the leading\npart in matters of business. The office and name are still in existence\nin the native village communities of Yucatan. (See Garcia y Garcia,\n_Historia de la Guerra de Castas en Yucatan_, Introd., p. xli.)\n\nThe _ahkul_ was an envoy or messenger, who carried the orders of the\nprince to his people and to foreign princes. The title was usually\nprefixed to the name of the person.\n\nThe _holcan_, \"head caller,\" was a military official in each village,\nwhose duty it was when war was announced to summon the men in his\ndistrict capable of bearing arms (see Landa, _Relacion_, p. 174). The\nSpanish writers translate it by _alferez_.\n\nThe _nacon_ was an elective war chief, who held his position for the\nterm of three years (Landa, _Relacion_, pp. 161, 173). The name is\nderived from _nacal_, to rise, go up, and hence as a delegate or elected\nrepresentative (as is stated by the _Dicc. de Motul_).\n\n13. The _nucteelob_ were the _ancianos_, the wise old men of the\nvillage; _manak_, a trace or sign that appears at a distance and then\ndisappears. _U manak uinic ti ulah_=I saw the trace of a man to-day, but\nit is no longer visible. _Diccionario de Motul, MS._\n\n\"The province of Ceh Pech\" was that in which Merida was: \"_u tzucub\nahcehpechob_, la provincia de los Peches al lado de Motul y Cumkal.\"\n_Dicc. de Motul, MS._\n\n14. _Kah_, _pinole_, is a drink made by mixing the meal of roasted maize\nwith water. The word _tuce_ (or, it may be, _tuze_) I do not find in any\ndictionary, nor does Avila translate it. The passage is an obscure one.\nAvila renders it \"cuando fuimos \u00e0 la guerra, bebian pi\u00f1ole y _tuce_,\nporque estaban enojados con los Cristianos.\" Possibly these were two\narticles of food especially used on warlike raids.\n\n_U zahacil in puczical_, a cant phrase probably borrowed from the\nmissionaries=\"the fear of my heart,\"--in my humbleness. _Puczikal_\nappears to be a root-word, though of three syllables. It means the heart\nof men and animals, also the mind or soul, the desires, and the interior\nof certain growths, as the pith of maize, etc. (_Dicc. de Motul._)\n\nThe year 1511 was that of the shipwreck of the deacon Geronimo de\nAguilar and his companions, who were the first whites known to the\nnatives of Yucatan.\n\nThe reference which is made in this section to a deputation of fifty\nnatives to Spain, is not mentioned, so far as I remember, by other\nhistorians. As in some respects my translation differs from that of\nAvila, I give his.\n\n\"Cuando lleg\u00f2 ante el monarca Ahmacan Pech, D^on Pedro Pech, y sus\ndeudos, sus primeros descendientes, sus capitanes, todos fueron con el\npara honrar el monarca y vea la cara \u00e1 sus vasallos indigenas, y escogi\u00f3\ncincuenta de los grandes de ellos para llevar tras de el al monarca\nreinante para servirlos en la mesa alli lejos en Espa\u00f1a, pero los que\nvomitaron en el festejo delante del monarca reinante, esos entonces dij\u00f2\nel Rey que pagaron tributos todos y todos sus descendientes, mas\nnosotros los Peches,\" etc.\n\nThe phrase _mac xenahi tu tzicile_ Avila translates \"who vomited at the\nfeasts;\" but I believe _xenhi_, vomited, is a misreading for _xanhi_,\nremained, and _tzicil_ is obedience, as serving-men.\n\n_Lae te hantabi_, who was eaten; Aguilar himself was not eaten, as he\nwas rescued by Cortes, in 1519, and served him as interpreter. But some\nof his companions were eaten by the natives, not of Cozumel, but of the\ncoast to the south, and this is what Pech meant to say, unless,\nindeed--and I am inclined to prefer this view--we read _hantezahbi_\ninstead of _hantabi_, which would give the sense \"the land was\ndiscovered by Aguilar, who was given food (supported, maintained) by Ah\nNaum,\" etc. For particulars about Aguilar see Herrera, _Hist. de las\nIndias_, Dec. II, Lib. IV, cap. VIII.\n\n_Lai yabil hauic_, etc. This is an important sentence, as fixing a date\nin the ancient chronology. _U tunil balcah_ is an ancient term, not\nexplained in the dictionaries. _Balcah_ (or _baalcah_) means \"a town and\nthe people who compose it\" (Pio Perez, _Diccionario_), hence people, the\nworld, as the French use _monde_. From many references in the Maya\nmanuscripts I derive the impression that the last stone in the katun\npillar was placed in turn by the towns, each giving its name to the\nstone and the cycle (see ante, p. 171).\n\nAssuming the correctness of the figures 1517--and there is no reason to\ndoubt it--then Pech counted the katuns as of 24 years each, as Pio Perez\nmaintained was correct; because he has already informed us in his\nintroductory paragraph that the year 1541 was the close of the 11th\nAhau, and 1541-1517=24.\n\n16. The two previous visits referred to were probably those of Cordova,\n1517, and Grijalva, 1518. \"Those who knew to speak the true words,\"\nrefers to the Catholic priests. All the historians of Cortes' expedition\ndwell on the effect produced on the natives of Cozumel by the religious\nservices he held there.\n\nThe date, Feb. 28, 1519, seems correct, although it is not mentioned by\nany other writer I have at hand. Cortes left Havana, Feb. 19.\n\n_Lai yabil_, \"in this year,\" evidently a date is omitted, as the first\narrival of the Spaniards at Chichen Itza was either at the close of 1526\nor beginning of 1527. One of the Maya MSS. gives the year as _bulucil\nMuluc_, the 11th Muluc. The Maya year, it will be remembered, began on\nthe 16th of July.\n\n\"It was on the memorable thirteenth of August, 1521, the day of St.\nHippolytus, that Cortes led his warlike array for the last time across\nthe black and blasted environs which lay around the Indian capital,\netc.\" Prescott, _Conquest of Mexico_, Book VI, chap. VIII. There is\nlittle doubt but that the tidings of the dreadful destruction of the\nmighty Tenochtitlan was rapidly disseminated among the tribes far down\ninto Yucatan and Central America, and made a profound impression on\nthem.\n\nThis section is confused and difficult. Avila translates:--\n\n\"Fueron atacados por tercera vez los mismos Espa\u00f1oles por todos los\npueblos aqui en el pueblo de Cupul cuando hallaron \u00e0 Ah Ceh Pech\nmuriendose en una casa no embarrada y \u00e0 su compa\u00f1ero el otro Rey Cen\nPot,\" etc.\n\n18. The official date of the founding of the city of Merida was Jan. 6,\n1542.\n\nThe anona or custard-apple does not seem to have been eaten by the\nnatives, and it impressed them as strange and somewhat unnatural to\nwitness the Spaniards suck them.\n\n_Ca u tocahob nao bon Cupul_; this is translated by Se\u00f1or Avila:\n\"quemaron al capitan Cupul:\" they burned the captain Cupul; but I take\nit to be a misreading for _ca u yotochob nacom Cupul_, and have so\ntranslated it. There is no account of a leader of the Cupuls having been\nburned, and, moreover, this is in accordance with \u00a7 4.\n\nAnother important chronological statement is made in this section, to\nwit, that the year 1542 (I suppose July 16, 1541-July 15, 1542 is meant)\nwas 13 Kan. As Pech has already told us that it was also the first year\nof the 9th Ahau Katun, we have the date fixed in both methods of\nreckoning, that is, by the Kin Katun as well as the Ahau Katun,\naccording to the calendar which his family used.\n\n19. The town of Tikom is still in existence, but I have not been able to\nfind Popce on any of the maps. The Chels were a well known princely\nfamily in ancient Yucatan. The _Dicc. de Motul_ says their province was\nthat of [C]izantun.\n\n26.[TN-30] The Don Juan Caamal whose acts are briefly sketched in this\nsection is the same mentioned in the _auto_ given previously, page 117.\nIt is still a family name in Yucatan (Berendt, _Nombres Proprios en\nlengua Maya_, folio. _MS._)[TN-31]\n\n21. The first mission to Yucatan was that of Fr. Jacobo de Testera, with\nsome companions whose names have not been preserved, 1531 to 1534 (see\nGeronimo de Mendieta, _Historia Eclesiastica Indiana_, pp. 380, 665;\nTorquemada. _Monarquia Indiana_, Lib. IX, cap. XIII, Lib. XX, cap.\nXLVII). They were stationed at Champoton and did not penetrate the\ncountry. The next attempt was in 1537. Testera, then Provincial of\nMexico, sent five Franciscan friars, who returned after two years of\nefforts. Their names are unknown (Cogolludo, _Historia de Yucatan_, vol.\nI, pp. 175, 182). The third is the one referred to in the text. Its\ncommissary was Fr. Luis de Villalpando, and its members were Fr. Lorenzo\nde Bienvenida, Fr. Melchor de Benavente, Fr. Juan de Herrera, Fr. Juan\nde Albalata, and Fr. Angel Maldonado. Five other missionaries came with\nJuan de la Puerta, in 1548 (Cogolludo).\n\n22. The term _ahetzil_, I do not find, and translate it as _ahe[c]il_,\nthe practice of conjuring, or sorcery. But it is quite possibly for\n_ahuitzil_, dwellers in the sierra. The next line is corrupt, and I can\nonly guess at the meaning. The date, Nov. 9, 1546, is correct, and the\nhistory here given of the insurrection of the natives at that time is\nsubstantially the same as is told at length by Cogolludo (_Hist. de\nYucatan_, Lib. V, cap. VII).\n\n27. The Auditor Tomas Lopez came from Guatemala (not Spain) to Yucatan\nin 1551 or 1552, and in the latter year promulgated his \"Laws\" for the\ngovernment of the natives, many of which are given in Cogolludo's\nHistory.\n\nThe passing reference to the cruelties of the Spaniards are more than\nborne out by the testimony of Fr. Lorenzo de Bienvenida. Writing to the\nKing in 1548 he says:--\n\n\"En esta villa (Valladolid) se levantaron este a\u00f1o de quarenta y siete\nlos Indios *\u00a0*\u00a0* i este levantamiento por mal tratamiento que hacen \u00e0\nlos Indios los Espa\u00f1oles tomandoles las mugeres y hijos y dandoles de\npalos i quebrandoles las piernas i brazos i matandolos i desmasiados\ntributos i desaforados servicios personales, i si V^a Alt^a no provee de\nremedio con brevedad, no es possible permanecer esta tierra, digo de\njusticia. *\u00a0*\u00a0*\u00a0*\n\n\"(El adelantado) di\u00f3 la capitania \u00e0 un sobrino que llaman Manso Pacheco.\nNero no fu\u00e9 mas cruel que este. Este pas\u00f3 adelante y lleg\u00f3 \u00e1 una\nprovincia que llaman _Chatemal_, estando de paz, i sin dar guerra los\nnaturales la rob\u00f3 i les comi\u00f3 los mantenimientos \u00e0 los naturales, i\nellos huyendo \u00e0 los montes de miedo de los Espa\u00f1oles porque en tomando\nalguno luego lo aperreaban, i desto huian los Indios i no sembraban i\ntodos murieron de hambre, digo todos porque habia pueblos de \u00e1\nquinientos casas i de \u00e1 mil, i el que agora tiene ciento es mucho;\nprovincia rica de cacao. Este capitan por sus proprias manos exercitaba\nlas fuerzas, con un garrote mat\u00e9 muchos i decia, 'este es buen palo para\ncastigar \u00e1 estos;' i desque lo habia muerto, 'O, quan bien lo d\u00e9.' Corto\nmuchos pechos \u00e1 mugeres, i manos \u00e1 hombres i narices i orejas i estaco,\ni \u00e1 las mugeres ataba calabazas \u00e1 los pies i las echaba en las lagunas\nahogar por su pasatiempo, i otras grandes crueldades.\" _Carta de Fr.\nLorenzo de Bienvanida,[TN-32] 1548. MS._\n\n28. The town Conah Itza, or Con Ahitza, Con of the Itzas, may refer to\nthe seaport, Coni, the eastern coast, where Montejo landed on his first\nexpedition. Bishop Toral did not arrive in Yucatan until 1562, so the\nmention of him proves that this narrative was written after that date.\n\n29. No such person as Juan de Montejo is known.\n\n30. _Yocol peten_; so it is first spelled in the original manuscript,\nand afterwards altered to _Yucalpeten_. This latter occurs as a name\napplied to the peninsula, or a portion of it, in a number of passages of\nthe Book of Chilan Balam of Chumayel. These have been quoted by the\nCanon Crescencio Carrillo in a recent work (_Historia Antigua de\nYucatan_, pp. 137, 140, Merida, 1882), to support his view that the name\nYucatan is an abbreviation of Yucalpeten.\n\nApart from the difficulty of explaining such an extensive abbreviation,\nwhich is not at all in the spirit of the Maya tongue, the words of Pech\nin this section and \u00a7 33 conclusively prove that the two names are\nentirely distinct in origin. Carrillo is of opinion that _yucal_ should\nbe divided into _y_, _u_, _cal_, and he translates the name \"la perla de\nla garganta de la tierra \u00f2 continente.\" This appears far-fetched.\n_Yocal_ is probably merely _yoc hail_, upon the water (_il_,\ndeterminative ending denoting what water); hence _yocal peten_, the\nregion upon the water, applied to Yucatan or some part of its coast\ndistrict. The _h_ is nearly mute and frequently elided, as in _ocola_\n(_ocol haa_) to baptize.\n\nA prophecy of the priest Pech, which is perhaps the one here referred\nto, appears in several of the Books of Chilan Balam, and also Spanish\ntranslations of it in the Histories of Lizana and Cogolludo, and a\nFrench version in Brasseur's report of the _Mission Scientifique au\nMexique_, etc.\n\nThe text is quite corrupt, but I insert it as I have emended it from a\ncomparison of three copies.\n\n\nU THAN AHAU PECH AHKIN.\n\n    Tu kinil uil u natabal kine,\n    Yume ti yokcab te ahtepal.\n    Uale can[c]it u katunil,\n    Uchi uale hahal pul.\n    Tu kin kue yoklal u kaba,\n    In kubene yume.\n    Ti a-uich-ex tu bel a uliah, Ahitza,\n    U yum cab ca ulom.\n    Than tu chun ahau Pech ahkin,\n    Tu kinil uil can ahau katun,\n    Uale tan hi[c]il u katunil.\n\n\nTHE WORD OF THE LORD PECH, THE PRIEST.\n\n    At that time it will be well to know the tidings,\n    Of the Lord, the ruler of the world.\n    After four katuns,\n    Then will occur the bringing of the truth.\n    At that time one who is a god by his name,\n    I deliver to you as a lord.\n    Be your eyes on the road for your guest, Men of Itza,\n    When the lord of the earth shall come.\n    The word of the first lord, Pech, the priest,\n    At the time of the fourth katun,\n    At the end of the katun.\n\nThe only line in which I have taken much liberty with the text is the\nfifth, where, after the word _kue_, one MS. reads: _yok taa ba akauba_,\nand another, _yok lac kauba_, neither of which is intelligible.\n\nIf the date assigned in these lines be a correct one, they were\ndelivered by the prophet in 1469. It is not impossible. The words are\nobscure and the prediction so indistinct that it might quite well have\nbeen made by an official augur at that time.\n\n31. Nachi Cocom, head of the ancient and powerful Cocom family, ruled at\nZotuta when Montejo made his settlement at Merida, and was a determined\nenemy of the Spaniards. He was defeated in 1542, in a sanguinary battle,\nand then accepted terms of peace. I have in my possession the copy of a\nsurvey which he made of the lands of the town of Zotuta in 1545, when he\nwas evidently on good terms with the Conquerors.\n\n32. The names Chan, Catzim and Chul belong to well known ancient\nYucatecan families, and many who bear them are still found among the\nnatives (Berendt, _Nombres Proprios en Lengua Maya_, MS.)[TN-33]\n\nThe words Zacuholpatal Zacmutixtun are rendered by Avila as proper\nnames, and I have followed his example. I have not found a satisfactory\nexplanation of them.\n\n33. The day _One Imix_ was a day of peculiar sanctity in ancient\nYucatan. Landa makes the rather unintelligible assertion that the count\nof their days, or their calendar, invariably commenced on that day\n(_Relacion_, p. 236).\n\nImix is the 18th day of the month, and it is possibly[TN-34] that it and\nthe two following days were used for intercalary days.\n\nMore to the purpose of explaining the prophecy in the text is the\nstatement of Francisco Hernandez, who, as reported by Bishop Las Casas,\nrelates that in the mythology of the Mayas, the god or gods Bacab, those\nwho support the four corners of the heaven and who are identified with\nthe \"year bearers\" or Dominical days of the calendar, died on the day\nOne Imix, and after three days came to life again. (Las Casas, _Historia\nApologetica de las Indias Occidentales_, cap. CXXIII.) This has\nreference apparently to the intercalary days Imix, Ik, and Akbal, which\nwere counted so as to allow the next Kin Katun period to begin on\nI[TN-35] Kan. I have explained this theory fully in a paper, \"Notes on\nthe Codex Troano and Maya Chronology,\" in the _American Naturalist_,\nSept. 1881. Naturally this was supposed by the Spanish missionaries to\nbe a reference to Christian traditions.\n\n_Ca tip u chemob_, when the ships were rocking; _tipil_ represents the\nslipping and sliding movement of a partially submerged or hidden body;\nthus the beating of the heart and the pulse is _tipilac_. _Ca yumtah\nbanderas ob_, when the banners waved; _yumtah_ is to swing to and fro as\na hamack or a flag. _Piixtahob_, from _pixitah_, to unreel or reel off\nyarn, etc., from a spindle. I suppose it refers to letting go the\nanchor.\n\nThe derivation of the name Yucatan here given is interesting, for\nseveral reasons. In the first place, it makes it evident that Pech did\nnot believe it was an abbreviation of Yucalpeten (see ante, page 255).\nAgain, although it has very often been stated that the name arose from a\nmisunderstanding of some native words by the Spaniards, there has been\nno uniformity of opinion as to what these words were. Several of the\nphrases suggested have been such as have no meaning in the Maya tongue;\n(see full discussions of the question in Eligio Ancona, _Historia de\nYucatan_, Vol. I, pp. 219, 220, and Crescencio Carrillo, _Historia\nAntigua de Yucatan_, cap. V.) As given by Pech it is perfectly\nintelligible and good Maya. Without syncope it would be \"_Matan ca ubah\na than_\" shortened to \"_Ma c'ubah than_,[TN-36] \"We do not understand\nyour speech.\" Pech is in error, however, in supposing that the name\narose on the arrival of Montejo; it was in use immediately after the\nexpedition of Cordova (1517), and if Bernal Diaz was correct in his\nrecollection, was applied to the land by the Indians Cordova brought\nback to Cuba with him from the Bay of Campeachy. (See Bernal Diaz,\n_Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de Nueva Espa\u00f1a_, cap. VII.)\n\n34. This is no doubt the same occurrence which is described at\nconsiderable length by Cogolludo, _Hist. de Yucatan_, Lib. III, cap. VI.\nBut the details differ very much and the names of the messengers and the\nchief to whom they were sent are not identical. I believe this\ndiscrepancy can be explained, but it would extend this note too far to\ngo into the subject here. The word _yacatunzabin_, which Avila renders\n\"en dicha cueva,\" seems a compound of _y_, _actun_, _zabin_. The last is\nthe name of the weasel; _actun_ means both a cave and a stone house. By\nsome it is supposed to be a compound of _ac_, tortoise, and _tun_,\nstone, a cave resembling a hollow tortoise shell.\n\n35. _Yoklal maix u lukul yol nacomob_, \"porque no se cansaban los\ncapitanes\" (Avila).\n\n36. Pech adds a list of the names of Conquistadores which I have not\ninserted, as it is less complete than that found in Cogolludo.\n\n39. _Ma u manbal cuntahbalob u c[=h]inal_; Avila translates this \"that\nthey shall not destroy\"; but the word _cuntahbal_, from _cun_, _cumtah_,\nmeans that which is to be enchanted, and _c[=h]inal_ is the throwing of\nstones. I suppose, therefore, it refers to some act of shamanism the\ndesign of which was to injure a neighbor.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[190-1] See his _Informe acerca de las Ruinas de Mayapan y de Uxmal_\n\n[191-1] \"<sc>Chijcxulub</sc>: poner los cuernos; hacer cabron \u00e1 uno: _u chiicah\nbin u xulub u lak_; diz que pus\u00f3 los cuernos \u00e1 su compa\u00f1ero \u00f4 proximo;\nque se aprobech\u00f3 de su muger \u00f4 manceba,\" _Diccionario de Motul, MS._\n\n[194-1] Tekom.\n\n[195-1] nacon Cupul.\n\n[196-1] matanon.\n\n[196-2] Tipikal.\n\n[198-1] hauah.\n\n[201-1] cochlahal.\n\n[201-2] yokolcab.\n\n[202-1] tzolic.\n\n[202-2] xanhi.\n\n[202-3] utznac.\n\n[203-1] tubalob.\n\n[204-1] yotochob nacon.\n\n[204-2] tiobi.\n\n[206-1] ahe[c]il.\n\n[206-2] tiihil.\n\n[206-3] chunbez.\n\n[207-1] chunbez.\n\n[207-2] chabil.\n\n[208-1] ociha.\n\n[208-2] ezabil.\n\n[208-3] [c]iboltahob.\n\n[209-1] mulbaobe.\n\n[210-1] ocol cah.\n\n[210-2] panob.\n\n[211-1] a--ciil--ex.\n\n[211-2] yilahob.\n\n[211-3] tzimin.\n\n[211-4] ahactunob.\n\n[211-5] actunzabin.\n\n[212-1] [c]a uinalalob.\n\n[212-2] chiic.\n\n[213-1] tzoloc.\n\n[214-1] beltahob.\n\n\n\n\nVOCABULARY.\n\n\nA\n\nAc, n. A turtle; a turtle shell.\n\nActun, n. (From _ac_, turtle shell, _tun_, stone.) A cave; a stone\nhouse.\n\nAh, A prefix signifying possession or action; also sign of masculine.\nSee pp. 28, 57.\n\nAhau, n. (From _ah_, prefix, and _u_, collar? See p. 57.) A ruler,\nchief, king; a period of time.\n\nAhbalcab, n. The coming dawn. \"Quiere amanescer.\" _Dicc. Motul._\n\nAhez, n. (From _ah_, prefix, _ezah_, to show, to feign.) A sorcerer,\nmagician.\n\nAhkin, n. (From _ah_, and _kin_, the sun, day, etc.) A priest.\n\nAhkulel, n. (From _ah_ and _kulel_, to arrange business, etc.) A\nlieutenant, deputy. pp. 27, 247.\n\nAhoni, n. Well-dressed persons. p. 173.\n\nAhpul, n[TN-37] One who carries or bears.\n\nAhpulul, n. He or that which is carried or brought.\n\nAhtepal, n. A ruler, governor.\n\nAhtohil, n. A lover of justice; a righteous man.\n\nAhuitzil, n. Mountaineers. p. 131.\n\nAk, n. Osiers, willow branches. \"Ramo de miembre.\" Pio Perez. _Dicc._\n\nAkab, n. Night, the night time.\n\nAl, n. Son or daughter of a woman. _Yal_, her son.\n\nAlah, v[TN-38] pres. _alic_, fut. _alab_. To speak, say, tell, order.\n\nAlau, A numeral. p. 46.\n\nAnahte.[TN-39] n. A book. p. 64.\n\nAtan, n. Wife.\n\nAuat, v. aor. _autah_, fut. _aut\u00e9_. To shout, to sing. \"Dar gritos.\"\n\n\nB\n\nBahun, adv. How much.\n\nBak, n.\n  1. Meat, flesh; the private parts.\n  2. The number 400.\n  3. The turn of a rope around anything.\n  4. In composition, an intensive particle, or conveys the idea of\n     enveloping with cords.\n\nBal _or_ Baal, n. Thing, business, matter.\n\nBalam, n. A tiger; a priest. p. 69.\n\nBaalcah, n. The town and its inhabitants; the world. \"El mundo con los\nque en el viven.\" _Dicc. Motul._\n\nBan _or_ Banban, adv. Much, too much.\n\nBatab, n. Chief, ruler. See p. 26.\n\nBe _or_ Bel, n. A path, a road; a business; condition; history.\n\nBeltah _or_ Beel _or_ Betah, v. aor. _tah_, fut. _t\u00e9_. To do, to make.\n\nBinel, v. irreg. aor. _bini_, fut. _binxic_. To go.\n\nBolon, Nine.\n\nBotah, v. To pay.\n\nBuc, n. Covering, clothing.\n\nBuluc, Ten.\n\nBuul, n. A broad bean.\n\n\nC\n\nCa, adv. Then, when.\n  conj. And.\n  pron. We.\n  adj. Two.\n\nCaan, n. The sky, the heavens.\n\nCab, n.\n  1. Land, earth. p. 106.\n  2. Honey; a hive.\n\nCacab, n. A town and the land belonging to it; a township, commune.\n\nCah, n. A town, village.\n\nCah, part. A suffix and sign of the present and imperfect tenses, p. 29.\n\nCahal, n. A town, village.\n  v. To reside, live in or at.\n\nCahtal, v. aor. _cahlahi_, f. _calac_. To live, dwell, reside.\n\nCal, n. Throat, neck; voice; in compos. an intensive particle.\n\nCalab, A numeral. p. 45.\n\nCambezah, v. To teach, to instruct.\n\nCan, n.\n  1. Conversation, talk.\n  2. The generic name for serpents.\n  3. The number four.\n  4. A gift or present.\n\nCan, v. aor. _tah_, fut. _t\u00e9_. To converse, to tell stories. aor. _ah_,\nfut. \u00e9[TN-40]. To teach, to impart information; to give another a\ncontagious disease.\n\nCan, part. in compos. Strongly, powerfully, as _cankax_, to tie very\nfirmly.\n\nCanantah, v. To watch, to guard over.\n\nCanlaahal, v. To learn about.\n\nCaputzihil, n. Baptism (_ca_, twice, _zihil_, to be born; an ancient\nword; see Landa, _Relacion_, p. 144).\n\nCatac, conj. And; used to connect numerals. p. 49.\n\nCaten, adv. The second time. _Tu caten_, for the second time. (From\n_ca_, _two_.)\n\nCatul, adv. Two. _Tu catulli_, both, the two.\n\nCaua, conj. And, then.\n\nCax, n. A fowl, a hen.\n\nCaxan, v. aor. _tah_, fut. _t\u00e9_. To seek, to find, to hunt for.\n\nCaxtun, adv. Then, be it so, thus.\n\nCeh, n. A deer.\n\nCen, v. irreg. aor. _cihi_, fut. _ciac_. To say, to tell.\n\nCi, Cici, part. These prefixes mean pleasant, agreeable; originally,\nwhat is pleasant to taste.\n\nCibah, v. aor. _cibhi_, fut. _cibic_. To wish, to permit, to dare. _U\ncibah ua a yum._ Did your father permit it?\n\nCicithan, n. (From _cici_, pleasant, _than_, words.) Words of love or\nblessing.\n\nCiciol, n. (From _cici_ and _ol_.) Joy, pleasure, peace, happiness.\n\nCii, n. The pulque liquor. See p. 22.\n\nCill, n. Delight, pleasure.\n\nCilich, adj. Saintly, holy.\n\nCob, v. 3d pl. pres. indic. of _cen_.[TN-41]\n\nCimil, v. To die.\n\nCoch, in comp. Conveys the notion of extending or broadening.\n\nCochhal _or_ Cochlahal, v. To make broad, to extend, to spread out.\n\nCuch, n.\n  1. Position, place.\n  2. Burden, load; _met_. sin.\n  3. Goods, possessions, treasures.\n\nCuch, v. aor. _ah_, fut. _\u00e9_.\n  1. To carry, to bear along.\n  2. To govern a town or state.\n\nCuchcabal, n. A province, region; the family, people or subjects of one\nruler.\n\nCuchhab, n. The year-bearer or Dominical sign. p. 52.\n\nCuchi. Sign of past tense. p. 29.\n\nCuchul, n. The family or retainers of one person. \"La familia \u00f3 gente\nque uno tiene en su casa.\" _Dicc. Motul._\n\nCul, n. A vase or cup.\n\nCulcinah, v. To appoint, to promote, to establish; _culcintahaan_,\nappointed or promoted to an office or dignity.\n\nCultal _or_ Cutal, v. aor. _culhi_, fut. _culac_. To sit down, remain,\nbe present, be at home, etc.\n\nCulul _or_ Cuulul _or_ Culicil, v. To rest or stop; to reside, to settle\ndown.\n\nCum _or_ Cuum, n. A vase, jar.\n\nCumcintah, v. To prepare for use, to put in order. Probably a form of\n_culcinah_.\n\nCumlaahaal, v. To stop, to check.\n\nCumtal, v. aor. _lahi_, fut. _ac_. To set up, to put in a place.\n\nCun _or_ Cunah _or_ Cunal, n. Enchantment, sorcery, conjury. _Au ohel\nua_ u _cunal c[=h]uplal?_ Do you know the conjury of a woman? _Dicc.\nMotul_ (_i.\u00a0e._, to make her submit to the will of a man).\n\nCuntabal, Passive supine; from _cunah_, to conjure.\n\nCutz, n. The wild turkey,[TN-42]\n\n\nCh.\n\nChac, n. Water, rain, a giant, a god.\n  adj. red. In comp. much or very.\n\nChacaan, n. Something plain, open, visible.\n\nChacanhal, v. To become visible, to show itself.\n\nChahal, v. To lose strength, to weaken.\n\nChakan, n. A savanna. p. 125.\n\nChapahal, v. To sicken.\n\nChayanil, n. The rest, the remainder.\n\nChe, n. A tree; wood; _adj._[TN-43] wooden.\n\nChem, n. A boat, a ship.\n\nChen, adv. Solely, only, merely.\n\nChenbel, adv. Vainly, fruitlessly.\n\nChi, n. The mouth; a border, limit, edge; a bite, as _u chi pek_, the\nbite of a dog.\n  verb, to bite, to eat.\n\nChicilbezah, v. To set landmarks, to point out.\n\nChichcunah, v. To strengthen, to fortify.\n\nChichcunahthan, v. To support another's words, to agree with, to act in\nconcert with. p. 107.\n\nChicul, n. A sign, mark, token.\n\nChikin, n. The West.\n\nChicpahal, v. aor. _pahi_, fut. _pahac_. To find, to discover, to\nrecover that which is lost; \"parecer lo perdido.\" Pio Perez, _Dicc._\n\nChilan, n. An interpreter, p. 69.\n\nChin, v. aor. _ah_, fut. _\u00e9_. To stone, to throw stones at.\n\nChin, adj. A term of endearment.\n\nChinchin, v. To incline, lean over, be out of line.\n\nChoy, n. A bucket; _choyche_, a wooden bucket.\n\nChuuc _or_ Chuc, v. aor. _ah_, fut. _\u00e9_. To grasp, seize, to take\npossession of.\n\nChucan, n. Completeness, sufficiency, abundance.\n\nChuccabil, n. A province, district.\n\nChul, n. A flute.\n\nChulub, n. Rain water; reservoirs.\n\nChun, n. Foundation; trunk (of a tree); beginning; cause.\n\nChunbezah, v. To cause, to occasion, to begin.\n\nChunthan, n. (From _chun_, first, _than_; speech, he who speaks first.)\nA principal, a presiding officer.\n\n\nC[=h]\n\nC[=h]aa, _or_ C[=h]taab, v. aor. _c[=h]aah_, fut. _cha\u00e9_.\n  1. To take, to carry; to carry off; hence to kill.\n  2. To recover that which is lost.\n\nC[=h]ahucil or[TN-44] C[=h]uhucil, n. Sweets.\n\nC[=h]een, n. Lowland; well. pp. 33, 125.\n\nC[=h]ibal, n. Lineage, generation.\n\nC[=h]uplal, n. Woman, girl.\n\nC[=h]uytab, v. To hang.\n\n\nE\n\nEt, A particle indicating similitude. As a verb, to hold alike in the\ntwo hands. Hence,\n  _eta_, friend;\n  _etel_, companion;\n  _etan_, wife;\n  _etcah_, fellow townsman;\n  _yetel_, and, with, etc.\n\nEz, n. Enchanter, sorcerer.\n\nEzah, v. To show, to make public; to imitate, feign.\n  _Ezabil_, what is to be or should be shown or published.\n\n\nH\n\nHaa, n. Water.\n\nHaab, n. Year. p. 50.\n\nHaban, n. Branch, twig. p. 126.\n\nHach, adv. Much, very.\n\nHahal, adj. and adv. True, truly.\n\nHalach, adj, and n. True, truth;\n  _halach than_, an oath;\n  _halach uinic_. p. 26.\n\nHalal, n. The cane.\n\nHanal, v. aor. _hani_, fut. _hanac_. To eat.\n\nHaual, v. aor. _haui_, fut. _hauac_. To cease, to stop.\n\nHayal, v. To level with the ground, to destroy; from _hay_, thin, flat;\nhence\n  _hayalcab_, the final end and destruction of the world.\n\nHe[c] _or_ E[c], v. aor. _ah_, fut. _\u00e9_. To fix firmly, to establish, to\nfound; to select a site.\n\nHe[c]cab, v. To fix or establish promptly; \"poner \u00f3 afirmar \u00f3 asentar de\npresto alguna cosa que quede ferme.\" _Dicc. Motul._\n\nHic[=h]cal, v. To tie up by the neck, to hang.\n\nHi[c] _or_ Hi[c]il, n. The close or last of the week, month, or year, as\n_u hi[c]il buluc ahau katun_, the last day of the eleventh Ahau katun.\n_Chilan Balam._\n\nHo, adj. Five.\n\nHokol, v. aor. _hoki_. To set out for, to go out from; of seeds, to\nsprout; of the beard, etc., to begin to grow.\n\nHokzahuba, v. To take oneself away from.\n\nHol, n. The end of anything, hence the door of a house, the gate of a\ntown, the mouth of a bag or jar, a hole, an aperture;\n  verb, sensu obscoeno, to seduce a girl, to penetrate her. _Dicc. Motul._\n\nHolcan, n. A warrior;\n  adj. brave, valiant.\n\nHolhaa, n. A seaport. See _haa_.\n\nHolpay, n. A seaport. See _pay_.\n\nHolpop, n. A chieftain (from _hol_ and _pop_, mat); \"he who is at the\nend or head of the mat.\"\n\nHom, n. A trumpet.\n\nHoppol, v. To begin.\n\nHun, adj. One.\n\nHunakbu, n. The one God.\n\nHunkul, adv. Once and forever, really, permanently.\n\nHunmol, adj. United together, congregated in one place[TN-45]\n\nHunten, adv. On one occasion, at one time.\n\nHuun, n. A book. p. 63.\n\n\nI.\n\nIch, n.\n  1. Face; eyes; twins; surface.\n  2. Fruit; longing; color.\n\nIch, prep. In, into, within.\n\nIlah v. aor. _ilah_, fut. _il\u00e9_.[TN-46] or _ilab_. To see, to look at, to\nvisit, to test, to try.\n\nIx, fem. prefix. See page 28;\n  conj. and also n. urine.\n\nIxim, n. Maize.\n\nIxmehen, n. A daughter.\n\n\nK.\n\nKaan, n. A measure. p. 27.\n\nKab, n. The hand, the arm.\n\nKaba, n. A name. See p. 26.\n\nKabanzah, v. To give a name.\n\nKah, n. Pinole, meal of roasted maize, used for stirring in water\nto drink.\n\nKahal, v. To remember, recall.\n\nKahlay, n. Memory, memorial, record.\n\nKak, n. Fire; also a febrile disease.\n\nKaknab, n. The sea, the ocean.\n\nKal, n. A score. p. 39;\n  verb, to imprison.\n\nKam _or_ Kamah, v. To accept, receive; to take possession of.\n\nKan, adj. Yellow.\n  n. The name of the first day of the Maya month.\n\nKat, v. To wish, to desire. To ask, to ask for, to inquire.\n\nKatun, n. A body of warriors; a period of time. p. 58.\n\nKax, n. Forest, woods.\n\nKaxah, v. To join, unite, tie together.\n\nKay _or_ Kayah, v. To sing.\n\nKeban, n. Sin, evil.\n\nKebanthan, v. To plot evil, to calumniate; to commit treason;\n\"kebanthanil, traicion.\" _Dicc. Motul._\n\nKilacale, n. Ancestors.\n\nKin, n. The sun; a day; time.\n\nKinchil. A numeral. p. 46.\n\nKoch _or_ Kooch, v. To carry on the shoulders as a burden,\nhence, _fig._ n. obligation, fault, sickness.\n\nKohan, n. Sickness.\n\nKu, n. God, divinity.\n\nKubulte, n. Delivery, deposit.\n\nKuchul, v. aor. _kuchi_, fut. _kuchuc_. To arrive, to come to.\n\nKul, in comp. much, very; _kulvinic_. pp. 133, 164.\n\nKuna, n. (From _ku_, god, _na_, house). A temple, a church.\n\nKuuch, n. Cotton threads.\n\nKuxil, n. Aversion, disgust, annoyance;\n  verb, to feel disgust at.\n\nKuyan, adj. Consecrated to God, holy.\n\n\nL\n\nLahal, v. To finish, to end.\n\nLahca. Twelve.\n\nLahun. Ten. p. 38.\n\nLai _or_ Lay, rel. and dem. pron. This, that, these, those, which, what,\netc.\n\nLak, n. Companion, neighbor.\n\nLic _or_ Licil, rel. In which, by which.\n\nLikil, v. To rise, to raise; as _likil katun_, to begin war.\n\nLikin _or_ Lakin, n. The East.\n\nLikul, prep. From, out of.\n\nLikzah, v. To lift up, to raise; _likzahuba_, to raise oneself.\n\nLoh, v. To redeem, to set at liberty.\n\nLohil, n. The Redeemer, the Saviour.\n\nLukanil, n. That which is set apart or separated.\n\nLukul, v. aor. _luki_, fut. _lukuc_. To leave a place, to depart from,\ngo out of.\n\nLukzah, v. To free, to separate from; _lukzahuba_, to quit, to abstain\nfrom.\n\n\nM\n\nMa, adv. No, not. From this are the negatives, _matan_, not, emphatic;\n_mato_, _matac_, _maina_, not even; _maix_, _matla_, neither; _mamac_,\nno one; _manan_, without, etc.\n\nMac, rel. pron. Who.\n\nMaccah, v. To obstruct, close up roads, etc.\n  Hence _macan_ p.\u00a0p.\u00a0p. that which is obstructed.\n\nMach, v. aor. _ah_, fut. _\u00e9_. To take with the hand, to hold in the\nhand.\n\nMactzil, adj. Marvelous, miraculous; n. a miracle, an act of Providence.\n(From _mac_, most, and _tzibil_, to be obeyed or reverenced.)\n\nMak, v. To eat soft things, to eat without chewing.\n\nMal _or_ Malel, v. aor. _mani_, fut. _manac_. To pass.\n\nManak, n. A sign or mark.\n\nManal, adv. Too much, in excess.\n\nManbal, adv. Nothing.\n\nMat, v. To receive, obtain.\n\nMaya, n. Derivation of. p. 16.\n\nMayacimil, n. The pestilence. p. 132.\n\nMazcab, n. A prison, gaol.\n\nMazeual, n. Vassal, servant. Nahuatl, _maceualli_.\n\nMehen, n. A son.\n\nMek, n. An armful, hence\n\nMektantah, _or_ Mektanma, v. To hold in one's power, to rule, govern.\n\nMektancah, n. Jurisdiction, municipality.\n\nMektanmail, n. A ruler, governor.\n\nMentah, v. To make, manufacture.\n\nMenyah, v. To work, serve.\n  n. Work, service.\n\nMet, n. A wheel. p. 86.\n\nMex _or_ Meex, n. The beard.\n\nMeyah, v. To serve, to labor for one.\n\nMinantal, v.\u00a0p.\u00a0p. minaan.[TN-47] To lack, to be absent or wanting, not\nto have.\n\nMolcintah, v. To gather together, join, unite.\n\nMoltah, v. To gather around.\n\nMothtal, v. To humble, to submit.\n\nMuk, n. Fortitude, bravery.\n\nMuktan, v. To suffer with fortitude.\n\nMul _or_ Mol, part. in comp. Jointly, in common.\n\nMulba, v. To congregate, to come together.\n\nMultepal, v. To rule or govern jointly. p. 131.\n\nMuz, v. To cut.\n\n\nN\n\nNa, n. A house, not designating whose.\n\nNaat, v. To know, understand.\n\nNacal, v. To ascend. p. 28.\n\nNachi, adv. Far off, distant.\n\nNacpalancal, v. To grope, to feel one's way.\n\nNah, v. To suit, wish, desire; _nahuba_, to suit, etc., for oneself.\n\nNak, n. The abdomen, belly, the end; verb. to end, finish; to join, to\nstick; _tu nak_, at the end, near, close to.\n\nNakal, v. To approach, to join on.\n\nNant, v. See _Naat_.\n\nNoh, adj. Great, large.\n\nNohkakil, n. Smallpox. p. 132.\n\nNohoch, adj. Great, large.\n\nNohol, n. The South.\n\nNuc, adj. Great, large.\n\nNuc, v. To answer;\n  n. an answer.\n\nNuctah, v. To understand, perceive.\n\nNuct\u00e9, adj. Old, ancient; _nucteel_, the elders and leading men of a\ntown.\n\nNucul, n. Signification, meaning; manner, form, figure.\n\nNumya, n. Toil, misery, unhappiness.\n\nNucahthan, v. To reply, to answer.\n\nNupthan, n. Companion, associate.\n\n\nO\n\nOc, n. The foot; _yooc_ his foot, their feet.\n\nOca _or_ Ochaa _or_ Ocolha, (From v. _ocol_, to enter, _haa_, water,) To\nbaptize.\n\nOcnakuchil, n. A pestilence. p. 151.\n\nOcol, v. aor. _oci_, fut. _ococ_. To enter; also _sensu obscoeno_.\n\nOhel, v. aor. _tah_, fut. _t\u00e9_. To know, to recognize.\n\nOl, n. Mind, intention, will.\n\nOlah, v. To wish, to desire;\n  n. will, goodwill, wish.\n\nOn, pron. We.\n\nOntkin, adv. For a long time.\n\nOp _or_ Oop, n. The anona, custard apple.\n\nOtoch, n. House, dwelling, denoting whose. p. 106.\n\nOx, adv. Three; _oxlahun_, thirteen. p. 130.\n\n\nP\n\nPa _or_ Paa, n. A walled town, stronghold, fortress. p. 163.\n\nPa, v. To break, break down, destroy.\n\nPach, To take possession of, to select a place.\n\nPach, n. The back of the shoulders; the outer or back part; hence, the\nlast or end of anything; _tu pach_, behind, after.\n\nPachal, adv. Afterwards, late.\n\nPaiche, n. A mark, a line.\n\nPak _or_ Pakil, n. A wall of stone, verb, aor. _ah_, fut. \u00e9.[TN-48] To\nfound, build, sow, plant; hence\n\nPakal, n. A building, founding, etc.\n\nPakte _or_ Pakteil, adv. All together, in all.\n\nPalil, n. A servant, man-servant.\n\nPan, n. Standard, banner.\n\nPatan, n. Tribute, tax; from _paatah_, to watch, to guard.\n\nPatcunah, v. To declare, set forth, explain;\n  n. an explanation, etc.\n\nPaxal _or_ Paaxal, v. aor. _xi_, fut. _xac_. To forsake, abandon,\ndesert, depopulate; \"desamparar y despoblar pueblo.\" _Dicc. Motul._\n\nPay, n. The sea-coast.\n\nPay, v. aor. _tah_, fut. _t\u00e9_. To draw or call toward one, hence,\n_payal_, to be called or summoned.\n\nPaybe, n. (From _pay_, and _be_, a road). A guide;\n  hence, adv., first, before.\n\nPek, n. A dog.\n\nPet, n. A circle, wheel.\n\nPeten, n. An island, country, province. p. 122.\n\nPic. A numeral. p. 45.\n\nPix _or_ Piixtah, v. To unwind, to cast anchor.\n\nPixan, n. Soul; happiness;\n  adj. happy.\n\nPol. n. Head; hair.\n\nPuchtun, n. Fighting, quarreling.\n\nPuczical, n. Heart; mind, will, soul.\n\nPul, v. To bring, to carry. _Ahpulul_, one who brings.\n\n\nPp\n\nPpatal, v. To remain, to stay.\n\nPpiz, n. A measure of grain, etc.\n\nPpoc, n. A hat.\n\nPpul _or_ Ppuul, n. An earthen jar.\n\n\nT\n\nTaab, n. Salt.\n\nTab, v. To tie together; hence\n\nTabal, n. Relationship; anything attached to or dependent on another.\n\nTabzah, v. To deceive, to delude, to tie.\n\nTah, adv. Whence, whither, thence, to, unto.\n  pron. For us, for our part.\n\nTakal, v. To stick to; to add to, to increase.\n\nTal, prep. From; _tii tal en_, I am from there. _Dicc. San Francisco._\n\nTal, v. aor. _ah_, fut. _\u00e9_. To touch, to begin to take; to make use of.\n\nTalel, v. aor. _tali_, fut. _talae_ or _tae_. To come, to go.\n\nTamuk, adv. While, when.\n\nTan, n. The breast; hence, the middle of anything; as _tan cah_, the\nmiddle of the town. p. 132.\n\nTan, postposition. Toward, as _lakintan_, toward the East.\n\nTancabal, n. The premises of a house; a house and its grounds.\n\nTancoch, n. A half (from _tan_, and _cochil_, the width, the size of a\nthing).\n\nTec, adv. Quickly, suddenly.\n\nTem _or_ Temah, v. To satisfy, please.\n\nTen, pron. I. _Ten c en_, I who am I.\n\nTepal, v. To rule, govern.\n\nThan, n. Word, speech.\n\nThun, n. A drop, a spot, a dot.\n\nTi, prep. To, by, for; sign of dative and ablative.\n\nTiihil, v. To happen there, to take place there.\n\nTipp, v. To exceed in size; to go forth from; as _tippan kin_, the sun\nhaving appeared.\n\nToc _or_ Tooc, v. aor. _tocah_, fut. _\u00e9_, To burn.\n\nToch, adj. Severe, firm, rough.\n\nTocoyna, n. A deserted house or field; \"solar yermo.\" _Dicc. Motul._\n\nToh, adj. Just, righteous; _ahtohil_, a magistrate.\n\nTohyol, adj. Healthy, well (from _toh_, _ol_).\n\nTox, v. To pour out; _tox haa ti pol_, to pour water on the head,\n_i.\u00a0e._, to baptize. _Dicc. Motul._ _Toxol_, the person baptized; also a\ndistribution or outpouring, as _toxol cahob_, a distribution of towns to\ndifferent rulers.\n\nTul, adj. Full, abounding. p. 39.\n  verb. To fill to overflowing, to rise (of the tide).\n  For _tutul_ see p. 109.\n\nTulpach, v. To go back, to return.\n\nTulum, n. A wall, walled town. p. 163.\n\nTumen, prep. For, by reason of, because of.\n\nTun, n. A stone.\n  A euphonic particle. p. 124.\n\nTux _or_ Tuux, adv. Where, in what part or place.\n\nTuzebal, adv. Promptly.\n\nTuzinil, adv. All, in all parts.\n\nTzac, v. To seek, to follow.\n\nTzen, n. Food, sustenance; hence,\n\nTzentah, To give food to.\n\nTzicil, v. To obey, to serve.\n\nTzimin, n. A horse.\n\nTzol, n. A string, thread; hence, verb, to arrange on a string, to put\nin order, to adjust; _tzolan_, an arrangement, series, order.\n\nTzuc, n. A part, division. p. 54.\n\nTzucub, n. A province.\n\n\nU\n\nU, n. The moon; a month; menstrual period; a string of beads, a collar;\nrosary.\n  pron. His, her, its, their.\n  Also a euphonic particle before vowels.\n\nUaatal, v. To set up, erect.\n\nUabic, adv. How, in what manner.\n\nUac, Six.\n\nUacchahal, v. To emerge with force. p. 185.\n\nUacuntah, v. To set on end, to put in place; to designate, appoint;\n_uacuntahbal_, the putting in place, etc.\n\nUah, n. Tortilla, bread; _uahal uahob_. p. 129.\n\nUahil, n. Banquet; guest.\n\nUalac, adv. While, meanwhile.\n\nUalkahal, v. To turn oneself, to return.\n\nUaxac, Eight.\n\nUay _or_ Uai, adv. Here, in this place.\n\nUazaklom, n. A return, p. 86.\n\nUbah, v. To hear, understand.\n\nUchebal, conj. In order that.\n\nUchul, v. aor. _uchi_, fut. _uchuc_. To happen, to occur, take place,\ncome to pass.\n\nUinalal, n. Labor, work.\n\nUinbail, n. Image, figure.\n\nUinic, n. Man; a measure, p. 27.\n\nUitz, n. A mountain, a hill. p. 131.\n\nUlul, v. To arrive, return.\n\nUlum, n. A bird, a pheasant.\n\nUooh, v. To write, p. 63.\n\nUtial, prep. For, on account of.\n\nUtz, adj. Good; _utzil_, the good, the well-being.\n\nUtzcinah, v. To make better, to perfect; to compose a speech or essay;\nto set in order.\n\nUtzuac, adv. Now, be it now.\n\nUuc. Seven.\n\nUu[c], n. A folding, doubling; a line of warriors.\n\n\nX\n\nXachetah, v. To seek, to procure.\n\nXamach, n. A large pot or jar.\n\nXaman, n. The North.\n\nXan, n. Straw;\n  conj. also adv. slowly.\n\nXantal, v. aor. _xanhi_ fut. _xanac_. To stay behind, to remain.\n\nXenhi, v. To vomit.\n\nXic, v. To split, to divide.\n\nXicin, n. The ear, the hearing.\n\nXimbal, v. to journey, to pass.\n\nXiu, n. Grass, herbage, name of a noble family. p. 109.\n\nXma, prep. Without.\n\nXocol, v. To count, to read.\n\nXotlahal, v. To cut.\n\nXul, n. End, limit;\n  v. to end, also _xulul_.\n\n\nY\n\nYa, n.\n  1. Love\n  2. Pain, wound, sickness.\n  3. Difficulty.\n  4. A shoe.\n\nYaab, adj. Much, abundant: _yaabil_, abundance, multitude.\n\nYacunah, v. To love.\n\nYah _or_ Yaah, n. Severe sickness.\n\nYala, The rest, remainder.\n\nYalan, prep. Under, beneath.\n\nYan _or_ Yanhal, v. To have, to be, to stand.\n\nYax, adv. First, freshly;\n  adj. green, young.\n\nYaxchun, n. The beginning, cause.\n\nYetel, conj. And, with, a compound of _u etel_, his or its companion,\nusually abbreviated _to[TN-49] y_.\n\nYib, n. A bean.\n\nYic, n. Red peppers.\n\nYok, prep. On, over, in front of.\n\nYoklal, prep. By reason of, because of.\n\nYokolcab, adv. On the earth, in the world.\n\nYol, n. Mind, spirit.\n\nYxma, prep. Without, =_xma_.[TN-50]\n\nYub, n. Cloak, coat.\n\nYum, n. Father; lord; ruler; head of a family.\n\nYum _or_ Yumtah, v. To wave, to move to and fro.\n\n\nZ\n\nZabin, n. A weasel.\n\nZah _or_ Zahal _or_ Zahacil, n. Fear, terror; verb, to fear.\n\nZat, v. aor. _ah_, fut. _\u00e9_. To lose.\n\nZi, n. Wood.\n\nZihnal, n. Birth, a native.\n\nZil _or_ Ziil, v. To give, to present;\n  n. gifts.\n\nZinah, v. To cut wood.\n\nZuhuy, n. A virgin.\n\nZulbil-taab, n. Purified salt, from _zul_, to soak.\n\nZut, v. To return; _tu zut pach_, back again, over again.\n\n\n[C]\n\n[C]a v. aor. _[c]aah_, fut. _[c]a\u00e9_ or _[c]aab_. To give; _[c]abal_,\npast part. pas. that which is to be given.\n\n[C]a, v. To avail, to be of advantage.\n\n[C]aleb, n. A seal, mould, press.\n\n[C]an, v. To devastate, ruin.\n\n[C]a[c], v. To suck; _[c]a[c]opob_, suckers of anonas, a name given to\nthe Spaniards.\n\n[C]iboltah, v. To desire, wish for.\n\n[C]ib _or_ [C]ibah, v. To write.\n\n[C]icil, n. Bravery; encouragement.\n\n[C]ilibal, n. A register, record.\n\n[C]oc, n. The end, the last.\n  v. To happen, to occur; to tear down.\n  adv. Already.\n\n[C]oocol, v. To end, finish.\n\n[C]u[c], v. To kiss, to suck.\n\n[C]uun[c]ucil, adj. Made of mud, or plastered.\n\n[C]ul, n. A foreigner, stranger. p. 131.\n\n[C]unul, v. To make a beginning.\n\n[C]u[c]ucinzah, v. To act mildly and kindly; from _[c]u[c]_, to kiss, to\nsuck.\n\n\n\n\n  Transcriber's Note\n\n  The following errors were corrected:\n\n  Page Error\n  196  Both footnotes on this page were numbered 1. The second was changed\n       to number 2.\n\n  The following misspellings and typographical errors were maintained.\n\n  Page  Error\n  TN-1   24   terrestial should read terrestrial\n  TN-2   24, fn. 2   Pi\u00e9ces should read Pi\u00e8ces\n  TN-3   25   Numbers 13 to 19 are one higher than they should be\n  TN-4   46, fn. 1   _Calepino en Lengua Cakchiquel por Fray_ Francisco de\n              Varea should read _Calepino en Lengua Cakchiquel_ por Fray\n              Francisco de Varea\n  TN-5   53   40th year should read 40th year.\n  TN-6   54, fn. 1   a\u00f1os.' should read a\u00f1os.\"\n  TN-7   57   batallion should read battalion\n  TN-8   58, fn. 1   Lengva should read Lengua\n  TN-9   67, fn. 1   Nvestra should read Nuestra\n  TN-10  87   (I. II, III.) should read (I, II, III.)\n  TN-11  87   well dressed\" should read \"well dressed\"\n  TN-12  111  p 10 should read p. 10\n  TN-13  111  cap, XXIX, should read cap. XXIX,\n  TN-14  111  p 12 should read p. 12\n  TN-15  124  northen should read northern\n  TN-16  128  qui should read que\n  TN-17  128  established himself should read \"established himself\n  TN-18  131  MS). should read MS.).\n  TN-19  132  cap. VI), should read cap. VI).\n  TN-20  138  Uac ahau should read Uac ahau.\n  TN-21  142  Lahun ahau, should read Lahun ahau.\n  TN-22  157  Uuc ahau, should read Uuc ahau.\n  TN-23  183  Usumaciuta should read Usumacinta\n  TN-24  190  Abbe Brass\u00e9ur should read Abb\u00e9 Brasseur\n  TN-25  198  yahaubiI should read yahaubil\n  TN-26  238  branches should read branches,\n  TN-27  244  miscontrued should read misconstrued\n  TN-28  247  in Yucatan, should read in Yucatan.\n  TN-29  247  MS.) should read MS.).\n  TN-30  252  26. should read 20.\n  TN-31  252  MS.) should read MS.).\n  TN-32  254  Bienvanida should read Bienvenida\n  TN-33  257  MS.) should read MS.).\n  TN-34  257  possibly should read possible\n  TN-35  257  I Kan should read 1 Kan\n  TN-36  258  \"_Ma c'ubah than_ should read \"_Ma c'ubah than_\"\n  TN-37  261  Ahpul, n should read Ahpul, n.\n  TN-38  261  Alah, v should read Alah, v.\n  TN-39  261  Anante. should read Anante,\n  TN-40  263  fut. \u00e9 should read fut. _\u00e9_\n  TN-41  263  Cob is out of alphabetical order\n  TN-42  264  wild turkey, should read wild turkey.\n  TN-43  265  _adj._ should not be italicized\n  TN-44  266  C[=h]ahucil or C[=h]uhucil should read C[=h]ahucil _or_\n              C[=h]uhucil\n  TN-45  267  one place should read one place.\n  TN-46  267  _il\u00e9_. should read _il\u00e9_,\n  TN-47  270  minaan should read _minaan_\n  TN-48  272  fut. \u00e9 should read fut. _\u00e9_\n  TN-49  277  _to y_ should read to _y_\n  TN-50  278  Yxma is out of alphabetical order\n\n  Inconsistent spelling:\n\n  Abbe / Abb\u00e9\n  Cuculcan / Cuculc\u00e0n\n  Pocomams / Pokomams\n  Pocomchis / Pokomchis\n  Puczical / Puczikal\n\n  Other inconsistencies:\n\n  i.e. / i.\u00a0e.\n\n  Accents on words in foreign languages are inconsistently used.","title":"The Maya Chronicles: Brinton's Library Of Aboriginal American Literature,  Number 1","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":57264}