{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_20411/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_20411","id":"gutenberg_20411","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/20411","summary":null,"tags":["Anthropology","Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: History - British","Category: History - European","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Ethnology","Paganism","Witchcraft","Witchcraft -- Great Britain"],"text":"Produced by Michael Ciesielski, Irma \u008apehar and the Online\nDistributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net\n\n\n\n\n\nTHE WITCH-CULT IN WESTERN EUROPE\n\n_A Study in Anthropology_\n\nBY\n\nMARGARET ALICE MURRAY\n\nOXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1921\n\nOxford University Press\n\n_London Edinburgh Glasgow Copenhagen\nNew York Toronto Melbourne Cape Town\nBombay Calcutta Madras Shanghai_\n\nHumphrey Milford Publisher to the UNIVERSITY\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE\n\n\nThe mass of existing material on this subject is so great that I have not\nattempted to make a survey of the whole of European 'Witchcraft', but have\nconfined myself to an intensive study of the cult in Great Britain. In\norder, however, to obtain a clearer understanding of the ritual and beliefs\nI have had recourse to French and Flemish sources, as the cult appears to\nhave been the same throughout Western Europe. The New England records are\nunfortunately not published _in extenso_; this is the more unfortunate as\nthe extracts already given to the public occasionally throw light on some\nof the English practices. It is more difficult to trace the English\npractices than the Scotch or French, for in England the cult was already in\na decadent condition when the records were made; therefore records in a\npurely English colony would probably contain much of interest.\n\nThe sources from which the information is taken are the judicial records\nand contemporary chroniclers. In the case of the chroniclers I have studied\ntheir facts and not their opinions. I have also had access to some\nunpublished trials among the Edinburgh Justiciary Records and also in the\nGuernsey Greffe.\n\nThe following articles have already appeared in various journals, to whose\neditors I am indebted for kind permission to republish: 'Organization of\nWitch Societies' and 'Witches and the number Thirteen' in _Folk Lore_; 'The\nGod of the Witches' in the _Journal of the Manchester Oriental Society_;\n'Child Sacrifice', 'Witches' Familiars', 'The Devil's Mark', 'The Devil's\nOfficers', 'Witches' Fertility Rites', 'Witches Transformations', in\n_Man_; and 'The Devil of North Berwick' in the _Scottish Historical\nReview_.\n\nMy thanks are due to Georgiana Aitken, W. Bonser, and Mary Slater for much\nkind help, also to Prof. C. G. Seligman for valuable suggestions and advice\nas to lines of research.\n\nM. A. MURRAY.\n\nUNIVERSITY COLLEGE,\nLONDON.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\n PAGE\nPREFACE 5\n\nINTRODUCTION 9\n\nI. CONTINUITY OF THE RELIGION 19\n\nII. THE GOD 28\n\n 1. As God 28\n\n 2. As a Human Being 31\n\n 3. Identification 47\n\n 4. As an Animal 60\n\nIII. ADMISSION CEREMONIES 71\n\n 1. General 71\n\n 2. The Introduction 76\n\n 3. The Renunciation and Vows 77\n\n 4. The Covenant 79\n\n 5. The Baptism 82\n\n 6. The Mark 86\n\nIV. THE ASSEMBLIES 97\n\n 1. The Sabbath. Method of going.\n The site. The date. The hour 97\n\n 2. The Esbat. Business.\n The site. The time. 112\n\nV. THE RITES 124\n\n 1. General 124\n\n 2. Homage 126\n\n 3. The Dances 130\n\n 4. The Music 135\n\n 5. The Feast 138\n\n 6. Candles 144\n\n 7. The Sacrament 148\n\n 8. Sacrifices: Of animals.\n Of children. Of the God 152\n\n 9 Magic Words 162\n\nVI. THE RITES, _continued_ 169\n\n 1. General 169\n\n 2. Rain-making 172\n\n 3. Fertility 173\n\nVII. THE ORGANIZATION 186\n\n 1. The Officer 186\n\n 2. The Covens 190\n\n 3. Duties 194\n\n 4. Discipline 197\n\nVIII. THE FAMILIARS AND TRANSFORMATIONS 205\n\n 1. The Divining Familiar 205\n\n 2. The Domestic Familiar 208\n\n 3. Methods of obtaining Familiars 222\n\n 4. Transformations into Animals 230\n\nAPPENDIX I.\n\n Fairies and Witches 238\n\nAPPENDIX II.\n\n Trial of Silvain Nevillon. Taken from De\n Lancre's _L'Incredulit\u00e9 et\n M\u00e9scr\u00e9ance_ 246\n\nAPPENDIX III.\n\n A. Covens and Names of Members 249\n\n B. Index of Witches' Names, with Notes 255\n\nAPPENDIX IV.\n\n Notes on the Trials of Joan\n of Arc and Gilles de Rais 270\n\nAPPENDIX V.\n\n Some Notes on 'Flying' Ointments.\n By Prof. A. J. Clark 279\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY 281\n\nGENERAL INDEX 286\n\n\n\n\nINTRODUCTION\n\n\nThe subject of Witches and Witchcraft has always suffered from the biassed\nopinions of the commentators, both contemporary and of later date. On the\none hand are the writers who, having heard the evidence at first hand,\nbelieve implicitly in the facts and place upon them the unwarranted\nconstruction that those facts were due to supernatural power; on the other\nhand are the writers who, taking the evidence on hearsay and disbelieving\nthe conclusions drawn by their opponents, deny the facts _in toto_. Both\nparties believed with equal firmness in a personal Devil, and both\nsupported their arguments with quotations from the Bible. But as the\nbelievers were able to bring forward more texts than the unbelievers and\nhad in their hands an unanswerable argument in the Witch of Endor, the\nunbelievers, who dared not contradict the Word of God, were forced to fall\nback on the theory that the witches suffered from hallucination, hysteria,\nand, to use the modern word, 'auto-suggestion'. These two classes still\npersist, the sceptic predominating. Between the believer who believed\neverything and the unbeliever who disbelieved everything there has been no\ncritical examination of the evidence, which presents a new and untouched\nfield of research to the student of comparative religion.\n\nAmong the believers in witchcraft everything which could not be explained\nby the knowledge at their disposal was laid to the credit of supernatural\npowers; and as everything incomprehensible is usually supposed to emanate\nfrom evil, the witches were believed to be possessed of devilish arts. As\nalso every non-Christian God was, in the eyes of the Christian, the\nopponent of the Christian God, the witches were considered to worship the\nEnemy of Salvation, in other words, the Devil. The greater number of these\nwriters, however, obtained the evidence at first hand, and it must\ntherefore be accepted although the statements do not bear the construction\nput upon them. It is only by a careful comparison with the evidence of\nanthropology that the facts fall into their proper places and an organized\nreligion stands revealed.\n\nThe common beliefs as to the powers of the witches are largely due to the\ncredulous contemporary commentators, who misunderstood the evidence and\nthen exaggerated some of the facts to suit their preconceived ideas of the\nsupernatural powers of the witches; thereby laying themselves open to the\nridicule of all their opponents, past and present. Yet the ridicule is not\nfully deserved, for the facts are there, though the explanation is wrong;\nfor even the two points, which are usually considered the ultimate proof of\nthe absurdity and incredibility of the whole system--the flying on a\nbroomstick through the window or up the chimney, and the transformation\ninto animals--are capable of explanation. The first can be accounted for\nwhen the form of early mound-dwellings is taken into consideration, and\nwhen it is remembered that among savage tribes there are often taboos\nconnected with the door, the two-faced god being essentially a deity of the\ndoor. Besides this the fertility rites connected with the broom should be\ntaken into account. The second should be compared with similar accounts of\ntransformation into animals among the cults of other nations. Mr. A. B.\nCook's comment on the Greek ritual applies quite as well to Western as to\nEastern Europe: 'We may venture on the general statement that within the\nbounds of Hellenic mythology _animal-metamorphosis commonly points to a\npreceding animal cult_.'[1]\n\nIt is interesting to note the class of mind among those contemporary\nwriters who believed in the reality of the facts confessed at the trials as\ncompared with those who disbelieved. It will be seen that the most\nbrilliant minds, the keenest intellects, the greatest investigators, were\namong the believers: Bodin, Lord Bacon, Raleigh, Boyle, Cudworth, Selden,\nHenry More, Sir Thomas Browne, Matthew Hale, Sir George Mackenzie, and many\nothers, most of whom had heard the evidence at first hand. The sceptics\nwere Weyer, pupil of the occultist Cornelius Agrippa; Reginald Scot, a\nKentish country squire; Filmer, whose name was a byword for political\nbigotry; Wagstaffe, who went mad from drink; and Webster, a fanatical\npreacher.[2] The sceptics, with the exception of Weyer, appear to have had\nlittle or no first-hand evidence; their only weapon was an appeal to common\nsense and sentiment combined; their only method was a flat denial of every\nstatement which appeared to point to supernatural powers. They could not\ndisprove the statements; they could not explain them without opposing the\naccepted religious beliefs of their time, and so weakening their cause by\nexposing themselves to the serious charge of atheism; therefore they denied\nevidence which in the case of any other accusation would have been accepted\nas proof.\n\nThe evidence which I now bring forward is taken entirely from contemporary\nsources, i.e. the legal records of the trials, pamphlets giving accounts of\nindividual witches, and the works of Inquisitors and other writers. I have\nomitted the opinions of the authors, and have examined only the recorded\nfacts, without however including the stories of ghosts and other 'occult'\nphenomena with which all the commentators confuse the subject. I have also,\nfor the reason given below, omitted all reference to charms and spells when\nperformed by one witch alone, and have confined myself to those statements\nonly which show the beliefs, organization, and ritual of a hitherto\nunrecognized cult.\n\nIn order to clear the ground I make a sharp distinction between Operative\nWitchcraft and Ritual Witchcraft. Under Operative Witchcraft I class all\ncharms and spells, whether used by a professed witch or by a professed\nChristian, whether intended for good or for evil, for killing or for\ncuring. Such charms and spells are common to every nation and country, and\nare practised by the priests and people of every religion. They are part of\nthe common heritage of the human race and are therefore of no practical\nvalue in the study of any one particular cult.\n\nRitual Witchcraft--or, as I propose to call it, the Dianic cult--embraces\nthe religious beliefs and ritual of the people known in late mediaeval\ntimes as 'Witches'. The evidence proves that underlying the Christian\nreligion was a cult practised by many classes of the community, chiefly,\nhowever, by the more ignorant or those in the less thickly inhabited parts\nof the country. It can be traced back to pre-Christian times, and appears\nto be the ancient religion of Western Europe. The god, anthropomorphic or\ntheriomorphic, was worshipped in well-defined rites; the organization was\nhighly developed; and the ritual is analogous to many other ancient\nrituals. The dates of the chief festivals suggest that the religion\nbelonged to a race which had not reached the agricultural stage; and the\nevidence shows that various modifications were introduced, probably by\ninvading peoples who brought in their own beliefs. I have not attempted to\ndisentangle the various cults; I am content merely to point out that it was\na definite religion with beliefs, ritual, and organization as highly\ndeveloped as that of any other cult in the world.\n\nThe deity of this cult was incarnate in a man, a woman, or an animal; the\nanimal form being apparently earlier than the human, for the god was often\nspoken of as wearing the skin or attributes of an animal. At the same time,\nhowever, there was another form of the god in the shape of a man with two\nfaces. Such a god is found in Italy (where he was called Janus or Dianus),\nin Southern France (see pp. 62, 129), and in the English Midlands. The\nfeminine form of the name, Diana, is found throughout Western Europe as the\nname of the female deity or leader of the so-called Witches, and it is for\nthis reason that I have called this ancient religion the Dianic cult. The\ngeographical distribution of the two-faced god suggests that the race or\nraces, who carried the cult, either did not remain in every country which\nthey entered, or that in many places they and their religion were\noverwhelmed by subsequent invaders.\n\nThe dates of the two chief festivals, May Eve and November Eve, indicate\nthe use of a calendar which is generally acknowledged to be\npre-agricultural and earlier than the solstitial division of the year. The\nfertility rites of the cult bear out this indication, as they were for\npromoting the increase of animals and only rarely for the benefit of the\ncrops. The cross-quarter-days, February 2 and August 1, which were also\nkept as festivals, were probably of later date, as, though classed among\nthe great festivals, they were not of so high an importance as the May and\nNovember Eves. To February 2, Candlemas Day, probably belongs the sun-charm\nof the burning wheel, formed by the whirling dancers, each carrying a\nblazing torch; but no special ceremony seems to be assigned to August 1,\nLammas Day, a fact suggestive of a later introduction of this festival.\n\nThe organization of the hierarchy was the same throughout Western Europe,\nwith the slight local differences which always occur in any organization.\nThe same organization, when carried to America, caused Cotton Mather to\nsay, 'The witches are organized like Congregational Churches.' This gives\nthe clue at once. In each Congregational Church there is a body of elders\nwho manage the affairs of the Church, and the minister who conducts the\nreligious services and is the chief person in religious matters; and there\nmay also be a specially appointed person to conduct the services in the\nminister's absence; each Church is an independent entity and not\nnecessarily connected with any other. In the same way there was among the\nwitches a body of elders--the Coven--which managed the local affairs of the\ncult, and a man who, like the minister, held the chief place, though as God\nthat place was infinitely higher in the eyes of the congregation than any\nheld by a mere human being. In some of the larger congregations there was a\nperson, inferior to the Chief, who took charge in the Chief's absence. In\nSouthern France, however, there seems to have been a Grand Master who was\nsupreme over several districts.\n\nThe position of the chief woman in the cult is still somewhat obscure.\nProfessor Pearson sees in her the Mother-Goddess worshipped chiefly by\nwomen. This is very probable, but at the time when the cult is recorded the\nworship of the male deity appears to have superseded that of the female,\nand it is only on rare occasions that the God appears in female form to\nreceive the homage of the worshippers. As a general rule the woman's\nposition, when divine, is that of the familiar or substitute for the male\ngod. There remains, however, the curious fact that the chief woman was\noften identified with the Queen of Faerie, or the Elfin Queen as she is\nsometimes called.\n\nThis connexion of the witches and fairies opens up a very wide field; at\npresent it is little more than speculation that the two are identical, but\nthere is promise that the theory may be proved at some later date when the\nsubject is more fully worked out. It is now a commonplace of anthropology\nthat the tales of fairies and elves preserve the tradition of a dwarf race\nwhich once inhabited Northern and Western Europe. Successive invasions\ndrove them to the less fertile parts of each country which they inhabited,\nsome betook themselves to the inhospitable north or the equally\ninhospitable mountains; some, however, remained in the open heaths and\nmoors, living as mound-dwellers, venturing out chiefly at night and coming\nin contact with the ruling races only on rare occasions. As the conqueror\nalways regards the religion of the conquered as superior to his own in the\narts of evil magic, the dwarf race obtained the reputation of wizards and\nmagicians, and their god was identified by the conquerors with the\nPrinciple of Evil. The identification of the witches with the dwarf or\nfairy race would give us a clear insight into much of the civilization of\nthe early European peoples, especially as regards their religious ideas.\n\nThe religious rites varied according to circumstances and the requirements\nof the people. The greater number of the ceremonies appear to have been\npractised for the purpose of securing fertility. Of these the sexual ritual\nhas been given an overwhelming and quite unwarranted importance in the\ntrials, for it became an obsession with the Christian judges and recorders\nto investigate the smallest and most minute details of the rite. Though in\nlate examples the ceremony had possibly degenerated into a Bacchanalian\norgy, there is evidence to prove that, like the same rite in other\ncountries, it was originally a ceremonial magic to ensure fertility. There\nis at present nothing to show how much of the Witches' Mass (in which the\nbread, the wine, and the candles were black) derived from the Christian\nritual and how much belonged to the Dianic cult; it is, however, possible\nthat the witches' service was the earlier form and influenced the\nChristian. The admission ceremonies were often elaborate, and it is here\nthat the changes in the religion are most clearly marked; certain\nceremonies must have been introduced when another cult was superimposed and\nbecame paramount, such as the specific renunciation of a previous religion\nwhich was obligatory on all new candidates, and the payment to the member\nwho brought a new recruit into the fold. The other rites--the feasts and\ndances--show that it was a joyous religion; and as such it must have been\nquite incomprehensible to the gloomy Inquisitors and Reformers who\nsuppressed it.\n\nMuch stress has always been laid by the sceptical writers on the undoubted\nfact that in many cases the witch confused dreams with reality and believed\nthat she had visited the Sabbath when credible witnesses could prove that\nshe had slept in her bed all the time. Yet such visions are known in other\nreligions; Christians have met their Lord in dreams of the night and have\nbeen accounted saints for that very reason; Mahomed, though not released\nfrom the body, had interviews with Allah; Moses talked with God; the\nEgyptian Pharaohs record similar experiences. To the devotee of a certain\ntemperament such visions occur, and it is only to be expected that in every\ncase the vision should take the form required by the religion of the\nworshipper. Hence the Christian sees Christ and enters heaven; Mahomed was\ncaught up to the Paradise of the true believers; the anthropomorphic\nJehovah permitted only a back view to His votary; the Egyptian Pharaohs\nbeheld their gods alive and moving on the earth. The witch also met her god\nat the actual Sabbath and again in her dreams, for that earthly Sabbath was\nto her the true Paradise, where there was more pleasure than she could\nexpress, and she believed also that the joy which she took in it was but\nthe prelude to a much greater glory, for her god so held her heart that no\nother desire could enter in. Thus the witches often went to the gibbet and\nthe stake, glorifying their god and committing their souls into his\nkeeping, with a firm belief that death was but the entrance to an eternal\nlife in which they would never be parted from him. Fanatics and\nvisionaries as many of them were, they resemble those Christian martyrs\nwhom the witch-persecutors often held in the highest honour.\n\nAnother objection is that, as the evidence of the witches at the trials is\nmore or less uniform in character, it must be attributed to the publication\nby the Inquisitors of a questionary for the use of all judges concerned in\nsuch trials; in short, that the evidence is valueless, as it was given in\nanswer to leading questions. No explanation is offered by the objectors as\nto how the Inquisitors arrived at the form of questionary, nor is any\nregard given to the injunction to all Inquisitors to acquaint themselves\nwith all the details of any heresy which they were commissioned to root\nout; they were to obtain the information from those who would recant and\nuse it against the accused; and to instruct other judges in the belief and\nritual of the heresy, so that they also might recognize it and act\naccordingly. The objectors also overlook the fact that the believers in any\ngiven religion, when tried for their faith, exhibit a sameness in their\naccounts of the cult, usually with slight local differences. Had the\ntestimony of the witches as to their beliefs varied widely, it would be\n_prima facie_ evidence that there was no well-defined religion underlying\ntheir ritual; but the very uniformity of their confessions points to the\nreality of the occurrence.\n\nStill another objection is that the evidence was always given under\ntorture, and that the wretched victims consequently made reckless\nassertions and accusations. In most of the English and many of the Scotch\ntrials legal torture was not applied; and it was only in the seventeenth\ncentury that pricking for the mark, starvation, and prevention of sleep\nwere used. Even then there were many voluntary confessions given by those\nwho, like the early Christian martyrs, rushed headlong on their fate,\ndetermined to die for their faith and their god.\n\nYet even if some of the evidence were given under torture and in answer to\nleading questions, there still remains a mass of details which cannot be\nexplained away. Among others there are the close connexions of the witches\nwith the fairies, the persistence of the number thirteen in the Covens,\nthe narrow geographical range of the domestic familiar, the avoidance of\ncertain forms in the animal transformations, the limited number of personal\nnames among the women-witches, and the survival of the names of some of the\nearly gods.\n\nIn England the legal method of executing a witch was by hanging; after\ndeath the body was burnt and the ashes scattered. In Scotland, as a rule,\nthe witch was strangled at the stake and the body burned, but there are\nseveral records of the culprit being sentenced to burning alive. In France\nburning alive was the invariable punishment.\n\nIn cases where popular fury, unrestrained by the law, worked its own\nvengeance on individuals, horrible scenes occurred; but these were the\nexception, and, examining only the legal aspect of the subject, it will be\nfound that witches had a fair trial according to the methods of the period,\nand that their punishment was according to the law. There was, however, one\npopular method of dealing with a person accused of witchcraft which is\ninteresting as showing the survival of a legal process, obsolete as regards\nthe law itself, but remaining in full force among the people. This is the\nordeal by water. In the Laws of Athelstan the full detail of this ordeal is\ngiven: after the person who was to undergo the ordeal had been prepared by\nprayer and fasting, he was tied, the right thumb to the right big toe, the\nleft thumb to the left big toe, and was then cast into the water with\nsuitable prayers to the Almighty to declare the right; if he sank he was\nconsidered innocent, if he floated he was guilty. The witch was 'tried' in\nthe same way, except that she was tied 'crossways', i.e. the right thumb to\nthe left big toe, and the left thumb to the right big toe. So great was the\nbelief in this test that many women accused of witchcraft insisted on\nundergoing this ordeal, which was often conducted with solemnity and\ndecency under the auspices of the minister of the parish and other grave\npersons. Unless there was strong feeling against the woman for other\nreasons, the mere fact of her floating did not rouse the populace against\nher, and she merely returned home; Widow Coman, for instance, was 'ducked'\non three separate occasions at her own request.\n\nThe theologians of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were greatly\nexercised by the conclusive evidence which proved that people known to be\ndevout and professing Christians had been present at the Sabbath, joined in\nthe ceremonies, and worshipped the witches' god. The Inquisitors recognized\nthe fact, and devote many pages of their books to the discussion of the\ncourse to be followed in the case of Christian priests, coming finally to\nthe conclusion that if a priest merely went to the Sabbath but was not in\nany way in an official position there his sacred character preserved him\nfrom evil. The theologians of the Reformed Churches, who could not accept\nthe sanctity of the priesthood with the same ease and were also desirous of\nfinding some means of accounting for the presence of the devout laity,\nboldly evolved the theory that the Devil could for his own purposes assume\nthe shape of good Christians in order to mislead the witches. By this plea\nthe accused often succeeded in escaping when the examiners were religious\nministers, but it was of no value to them when the trial was in a court of\nlaw, and the fact of their presence at an illegal assembly was proved. Lord\nCoke's definition of a witch summed up the law on the subject: 'A witch is\na person who hath conference with the Devil, to consult with him or to do\nsome act', and any person proved to have had such conference was thus\nconvicted of a capital offence and sentenced accordingly. This accounts for\nthe fact, commented on by all students of witch-trials, that a witch was\noften condemned even though she had invariably used her skill for good and\nnot for evil; for healing the sick, not for casting sickness. If it were\nproved that she had obtained her knowledge from the 'Devil' she had broken\nthe law and must die.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[Footnote 1: _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, 1894, p. 160. The italics are\nin the original.]\n\n[Footnote 2: See James Crossley's Introduction to Potts's _Discoverie of\nWitchcraft_, Chetham Society, pp. v-xii.]\n\n\n\n\nI. CONTINUITY OF THE RELIGION\n\n\nOf the ancient religion of pre-Christian Britain there are few written\nrecords, but it is contrary to all experience that a cult should die out\nand leave no trace immediately on the introduction of a new religion. The\nso-called conversion of Britain meant the conversion of the rulers only;\nthe mass of the people continued to follow their ancient customs and\nbeliefs with a veneer of Christian rites. The centuries brought a deepening\nof Christianity which, introduced from above, gradually penetrated\ndownwards through one class after another. During this process the laws\nagainst the practice of certain heathen rites became more strict as\nChristianity grew in power, the Church tried her strength against 'witches'\nin high places and was victorious, and in the fifteenth century open war\nwas declared against the last remains of heathenism in the famous Bull of\nInnocent VIII.\n\nThis heathenism was practised only in certain places and among certain\nclasses of the community. In other places the ancient ritual was either\nadopted into, or tolerated by, the Church; and the Maypole dances and other\nrustic festivities remained as survivals of the rites of the early cult.\n\nWhether the religion which survived as the witch cult was the same as the\nreligion of the Druids, or whether it belonged to a still earlier stratum,\nis not clear. Though the descriptions of classical authors are rather too\nvague and scanty to settle such a point, sufficient remains to show that a\nfertility cult did once exist in these islands, akin to similar cults in\nthe ancient world. Such rites would not be suppressed by the tribes who\nentered Great Britain after the withdrawal of the Romans; a continuance of\nthe cult may therefore be expected among the people whom the Christian\nmissionaries laboured to convert.\n\nAs the early historical records of these islands were made by Christian\necclesiastics, allowance must be made for the religious bias of the\nwriters, which caused them to make Christianity appear as the only religion\nexisting at the time. But though the historical records are silent on the\nsubject the laws and enactments of the different communities, whether lay\nor ecclesiastical, retain very definite evidence of the continuance of the\nancient cults.\n\nIn this connexion the dates of the conversion of England are instructive.\nThe following table gives the principal dates:\n\n597-604. Augustine's mission. London still heathen.\nConversion of \u00c6thelbert, King of Kent. After \u00c6thelbert's\ndeath Christianity suffered a reverse.\n\n604. Conversion of the King of the East Saxons, whose\nsuccessor lapsed.\n\n627. Conversion of the King of Northumbria.\n\n628. Conversion of the King of East Anglia.\n\n631-651. Aidan's missions.\n\n635. Conversion of the King of Wessex.\n\n653. Conversion of the King of Mercia.\n\n654. Re-conversion of the King of the East Saxons.\n\n681. Conversion of the King of the South Saxons.\n\nAn influx of heathenism occurred on two later occasions: in the ninth\ncentury there was an invasion by the heathen Danes under Guthrum; and in\nthe eleventh century the heathen king Cnut led his hordes to victory. As in\nthe case of the Saxon kings of the seventh century, Guthrum and Cnut were\nconverted and the tribes followed their leaders' example, professed\nChristianity, and were baptized.\n\nBut it cannot be imagined that these wholesale conversions were more than\nnominal in most cases, though the king's religion was outwardly the tribe's\nreligion. If, as happened among the East Saxons, the king forsook his old\ngods, returned to them again, and finally forsook them altogether, the\ntribe followed his lead, and, in public at least, worshipped Christ, Odin,\nor any other deity whom the king favoured for the moment; but there can be\nhardly any doubt that in private the mass of the people adhered to the old\nreligion to which they were accustomed. This tribal conversion is clearly\nmarked when a heathen king married a Christian queen, or vice versa; and it\nmust also be noted that a king never changed his religion without careful\nconsultation with his chief men.[3] An example of the two religions\nexisting side by side is found in the account of Redwald, King of the East\nSaxons, who 'in the same temple had an altar to sacrifice to Christ, and\nanother small one to offer victims to devils'.[4]\n\nThe continuity of the ancient religion is proved by the references to it in\nthe classical authors, the ecclesiastical laws, and other legal and\nhistorical records.\n\n1st cent. Strabo, 63 B.C.-A.D. 23.\n\n 'In an island close to Britain, Demeter and Persephone are venerated\n with rites similar to the orgies of Samothrace.'[5]\n\n4th cent. Dionysius says that in islands near Jersey and Guernsey the rites\nof Bacchus were performed by the women, crowned with leaves; they danced\nand made an even greater shouting than the Thracians.[6]\n\n7th cent. Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury, 668-690.\n\nThe _Liber Poenitentialis_[7] of Theodore contains the earliest\necclesiastical laws of England. It consists of a list of offences and the\npenance due for each offence; one whole section is occupied with details of\nthe ancient religion and of its rites. Such are:\n\nSacrifice to devils.\n\nEating and drinking in a heathen temple, (_a_) in ignorance, (_b_) after\nbeing told by the [Christian] priest that it is sacrilege and the table of\ndevils, (_c_) as a cult of idols and in honour of idols.\n\n 'Not only celebrating feasts in the abominable places of the heathen\n and offering food there, but also consuming it. Serving this hidden\n idolatry, having relinquished Christ. If anyone at the kalends of\n January goes about as a stag or a bull; that is, making himself into a\n wild animal and dressing in the skin of a herd animal, and putting on\n the heads of beasts; those who in such wise transform themselves into\n the appearance of a wild animal, penance for three years because this\n is devilish.'\n\n_The Laws of Wihtraed_, King of Kent,[8] 690.\n\nFines inflicted on those who offer to devils.\n\n8th cent. _The Confessionale and Poenitentiale of Ecgberht_, first\nArchbishop of York,[9] 734-766.\n\nProhibition of offerings to devils; of witchcraft; of auguries according to\nthe methods of the heathen; of vows paid, loosed, or confirmed at wells,\nstones, or trees; of the gathering of herbs with any incantation except\nChristian prayers.\n\n_The Law of the Northumbrian priests._[10]\n\n 'If then anyone be found that shall henceforth practise any\n heathenship, either by sacrifice or by \"fyrt\", or in any way love\n witchcraft, or worship idols, if he be a king's thane, let him pay X\n half-marks; half to Christ, half to the king. We are all to love and\n worship one God, and strictly hold one Christianity, and totally\n renounce all heathenship.'\n\n9th cent. _Decree attributed to a General Council of Ancyra._[11]\n\n 'Certain wicked women, reverting to Satan, and seduced by the\n illusions and phantasms of demons, believe and profess that they ride\n at night with Diana on certain beasts, with an innumerable multitude\n of women, passing over immense distances, obeying her commands as\n their mistress, and evoked by her on certain nights.'\n\n10th cent. _Laws of Edward and Guthrum._[12] After 901.\n\n 'If anyone violate christianity, or reverence heathenism, by word or\n by work, let him pay as well _wer_, as _wite_ or _lah-slit_, according\n as the deed may be.'\n\n_Laws of King Athelstan_,[13] 924-940.\n\n 'We have ordained respecting witchcrafts, and _lyblacs_, and\n _morthdaeds_: if anyone should be thereby killed, and he could not\n deny it, that he be liable in his life. But if he will deny it, and at\n the threefold ordeal shall be guilty; that he be cxx days in prison.'\n\n_Ecclesiastical canons of King Edgar_,[14] 959.\n\n 'We enjoin, that every priest zealously promote Christianity, and\n totally extinguish every heathenism; and forbid well worshipings, and\n necromancies, and divinations, and enchantments, and man worshipings,\n and the vain practices which are carried on with various spells, and\n with \"frithsplots\",[15] and with elders, and also with various other\n trees, and with stones, and with many various delusions, with which\n men do much of what they should not.--And we enjoin, that every\n Christian man zealously accustom his children to Christianity, and\n teach them the Paternoster and the Creed. And we enjoin, that on feast\n days heathen songs and devil's games be abstained from.'\n\n_Laws of King Ethelred_,[16] 978-1016.\n\n 'Let every Christian man do as is needful to him; let him strictly\n keep his Christianity.... Let us zealously venerate right\n Christianity, and totally despise every heathenism.'\n\n11th cent. _Laws of King Cnut_,[17] 1017-1035.\n\n 'We earnestly forbid every heathenism: heathenism is, that men worship\n idols; that is, that they worship heathen gods, and the sun or the\n moon, fire or rivers, water-wells or stones, or forest trees of any\n kind; or love witchcraft, or promote _morth-work_ in any wise.'\n\n13th cent. Witchcraft made into a sect and heresy by the Church. The priest\nof Inverkeithing presented before the bishop in 1282 for leading a\nfertility dance at Easter round the phallic figure of a god; he was allowed\nto retain his benefice.[18]\n\n14th cent. In 1303 the Bishop of Coventry was accused before the Pope for\ndoing homage to the Devil.[19]\n\n_Trial of Dame Alice Kyteler_, 1324.\n\nTried for both operative and ritual witchcraft, and found guilty.\n\n_Nider's Formicarius_, 1337.\n\nA detailed account of witches and their proceedings in Berne, which had\nbeen infested by them for more than sixty years.\n\n15th cent. Joan of Arc burnt as a witch, 1431. Gilles de Rais executed as a\nwitch, 1440.\n\n_Bernardo di Bosco_, 1457.\n\n Sent by Pope Calixtus III to suppress the witches in Brescia and its\n neighbourhood.\n\n_Bull of Pope Innocent VIII_, 1484.\n\n 'It has come to our ears that numbers of both sexes do not avoid to\n have intercourse with demons, Incubi and Succubi; and that by their\n sorceries, and by their incantations, charms, and conjurations, they\n suffocate, extinguish, and cause to perish the births of women, the\n increase of animals, the corn of the ground, the grapes of the\n vineyard and the fruit of the trees, as well as men, women, flocks,\n herds, and other various kinds of animals, vines and apple trees,\n grass, corn and other fruits of the earth; making and procuring that\n men and women, flocks and herds and other animals shall suffer and be\n tormented both from within and without, so that men beget not, nor\n women conceive; and they impede the conjugal action of men and women.'\n\nIt will be seen by the foregoing that so far from the Bull of Pope Innocent\nVIII being the beginning of the 'outbreak of witchcraft', as so many modern\nwriters consider, it is only one of many ordinances against the practices\nof an earlier cult. It takes no account of the effect of these practices on\nthe morals of the people who believed in them, but lays stress only on\ntheir power over fertility; the fertility of human beings, animals, and\ncrops. In short it is exactly the pronouncement which one would expect from\na Christian against a heathen form of religion in which the worship of a\ngod of fertility was the central idea. It shows therefore that the witches\nwere considered to deal with fertility only.\n\nLooked upon in the light of a fertility cult, the ritual of the witches\nbecomes comprehensible. Originally for the promotion of fertility, it\nbecame gradually degraded into a method for blasting fertility, and thus\nthe witches who had been once the means of bringing prosperity to the\npeople and the land by driving out all evil influences, in process of time\nwere looked upon as being themselves the evil influences, and were held in\nhorror accordingly.\n\nThe actual feelings of the witches towards their religion have been\nrecorded in very few cases, but they can be inferred from the few records\nwhich remain. The earliest example is from Lorraine in 1408, 'lequel m\u00e9fait\nles susdites dames disoient et confessoient avoir endur\u00e9 \u00e0 leur\ncontentement et saoulement de plaisir que n'avoient eu onc de leur vie en\ntel pourchas'.[20] De Lancre took a certain amount of trouble to obtain the\nopinions of the witches, whereby he was obviously scandalized.\n\n 'Vne sorciere entre autres fort insigne nous dict qu'elle auoit\n tousiours creu, que la sorcelerie estoit la meilleure\n religion.--Ieanne Dibasson aagee de vingt neuf ans nous dict que le\n sabbat estoit le vray Paradis, o\u00f9 il y a beaucoup plus de plaisir\n qu'on ne peut exprimer. Que ceux qui y vont trouuent le temps si court\n \u00e0 force de plaisir & de contentem[~e]t, qu'ils n'en peuuent sortir\n sans vn merveilleux regret, de maniere qu'il leur tarde infiniment\n qu'ils n'y reuiennent.--Marie de la Ralde, aagee de vingt huict ans,\n tres belle femme, depose qu'elle auoit vn singulier plaisir d'aller au\n sabbat, si bien que quand on la venoit semondre d'y aller elle y\n alloit comme \u00e0 nopces: non pas tant pour la libert\u00e9 & licence qu'on a\n de s'accointer ensemble (ce que par modestie elle dict n'auoir iamais\n faict ny veu faire) mais parce que le Diable tenoit tellement li\u00e9s\n leurs coeurs & leurs volontez qu'\u00e0 peine y laissoit il entrer nul\n autre desir.... Au reste elle dict qu'elle ne croyoit faire aucun mal\n d'aller au sabbat, & qu'elle y auoit beaucoup plus de plaisir &\n contentement que d'aller \u00e0 la Messe, parce que le Diable leur faisoit\n \u00e0 croire qu'il estoit le vray Dieu, & que la ioye que les sorciers\n prenoyent au sabbat n'estoit qu'vn commencement d'vne beaucoup plus\n grande gloire.--Elles disoyent franchement, qu'elles y alloyent &\n voyoient toutes ces execrations auec vne volupt\u00e9 admirable, & vn desir\n enrager d'y aller & d'y estre, trouu\u00e3t les iours trop reculez de la\n nuict pour faire le voyage si desir\u00e9, & le poinct ou les heures pour y\n aller trop lentes, & y estant, trop courtes pour vn si agreable seiour\n & delicieux amusement.--En fin il a le faux martyre: & se trouue des\n Sorciers si acharnez \u00e0 son seruice endiabl\u00e9, qu'il n'y a torture ny\n supplice qui les estonne, & diriez qu'ils vont au vray martyre & \u00e0 la\n mort pour l'amour de luy, aussi gayement que s'ils alloient \u00e0 vn\n festin de plaisir & reio\u00fcyssance publique.--Quand elles sont preuenues\n de la Iustice, elles ne pleurent & ne iettent vne seule larme, voire\n leur faux martyre soit de la torture, soit du gibet leur est si\n plaisant, qu'il tarde \u00e0 plusieurs qu'elles ne soi[~e]t execut\u00e9es \u00e0\n mort, & souffr[~e]t fort ioyeusement qu'on leur face le procez, tant\n il leur tarde qu'elles ne soient auec le Diable. Et ne s'impatientent\n de rien tant en leur prison, que de ce qu'elles ne lui peuuent\n tesmoigner c[=o]bi[~e] elles souffrent & desirent souffrir pour\n luy.'[21]\n\nBodin says, 'Il y en a d'autres, ausquelles Satan promet qu'elles seront\nbien heureuses apres cette vie, qui empesche qu'elles ne se repentent, &\nmeurent obstinees en leur mechancet\u00e9'.[22]\n\nMadame de Bourignon's girls at Lille (1661) 'had not the least design of\nchanging, to quit these abominable Pleasures, as one of them of Twenty-two\nYears old one day told me. _No_, said she, _I will not be other than I am;\nI find too much content in my Condition_.'[23] Though the English and\nScotch witches' opinions are not reported, it is clear from the evidence\nthat they were the same as those of the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es, for not only did\nthey join of their own free will but in many cases there seems to have been\nno need of persuasion. In a great number of trials, when the witches\nacknowledged that they had been asked to become members of the society,\nthere follows an expression of this sort, 'ye freely and willingly accepted\nand granted thereto'. And that they held to their god as firmly as those de\nLancre put to death is equally evident in view of the North Berwick\nwitches, of Rebecca West and Rose Hallybread, who 'dyed very Stuburn, and\nRefractory without any Remorss, or seeming Terror of Conscience for their\nabominable Witch-craft';[24] Major Weir, who perished as a witch,\nrenouncing all hope of heaven;[25] and the Northampton witches, Agnes\nBrowne and her daughter, who 'were never heard to pray, or to call vppon\nGod, never asking pardon for their offences either of God or the world in\nthis their dangerous, and desperate Resolution, dyed'; Elinor Shaw and Mary\nPhillips, at their execution 'being desired to say their Prayers, they both\nset up a very loud Laughter, calling for the Devil to come and help them\nin such a Blasphemous manner, as is not fit to Mention; so that the Sherif\nseeing their presumptious Impenitence, caused them to be Executed with all\nthe Expedition possible; even while they were Cursing and raving, and as\nthey liv'd the Devils true Factors, so they resolutely Dyed in his\nService': the rest of the Coven also died 'without any confession or\ncontrition'.[26]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[Footnote 3: Hunt, vol. i]\n\n[Footnote 4: Bede, Bk. II, ch. xv.]\n\n[Footnote 5: Strabo, _Geography_, Bk. IV, c. iv, 6.]\n\n[Footnote 6: Dionysius, _Periegetes_, ll. 1120-5.]\n\n[Footnote 7: Thorpe, ii, pp. 32-4.]\n\n[Footnote 8: Thorpe, i, p. 41.]\n\n[Footnote 9: Id., ii, p. 157 seq.]\n\n[Footnote 10: Id., ii, pp. 299, 303.]\n\n[Footnote 11: Scot, p. 66.--Lea, iii, p. 493.]\n\n[Footnote 12: Thorpe, i, p. 169.]\n\n[Footnote 13: Id., i, p. 203.]\n\n[Footnote 14: Id., ii, p. 249.]\n\n[Footnote 15: Frith = brushwood, splot = plot of ground; sometimes used for\n'splotch, splash'.]\n\n[Footnote 16: Thorpe, i, pp. 311, 323, 351.]\n\n[Footnote 17: Id., i, p. 379.]\n\n[Footnote 18: _Chronicles of Lanercost_, p. 109, ed. Stevenson.]\n\n[Footnote 19: Rymer, ii, 934.]\n\n[Footnote 20: Bournon, p. 23.]\n\n[Footnote 21: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 124, 125, 126, 135, 208, 458.]\n\n[Footnote 22: Bodin, _Fl\u00e9au_, p. 373.]\n\n[Footnote 23: Bourignon, _Parole_, p. 87.--Hale, p. 27.]\n\n[Footnote 24: _Full Tryals of Notorious Witches_, p. 8.]\n\n[Footnote 25: _Records of the Justiciary Court of Edinburgh_, ii, p.\n14.--Arnot, p. 359.]\n\n[Footnote 26: _Witches of Northamptonshire_, p. 8.]\n\n\n\n\nII. THE GOD\n\n1. _As God_\n\n\nIt is impossible to understand the witch-cult without first understanding\nthe position of the chief personage of that cult. He was known to the\ncontemporary Christian judges and recorders as the Devil, and was called by\nthem Satan, Lucifer, Beelzebub, the Foul Fiend, the Enemy of Salvation, and\nsimilar names appropriate to the Principle of Evil, the Devil of the\nScriptures, with whom they identified him.\n\nThis was far from the view of the witches themselves. To them this\nso-called Devil was God, manifest and incarnate; they adored him on their\nknees, they addressed their prayers to him, they offered thanks to him as\nthe giver of food and the necessities of life, they dedicated their\nchildren to him, and there are indications that, like many another god, he\nwas sacrificed for the good of his people.\n\nThe contemporary writers state in so many words that the witches believed\nin the divinity of their Master. Danaeus, writing in 1575, says, 'The\nDiuell co[~m]aundeth them that they shall acknowledge him for their god,\ncal vp[~o] him, pray to him, and trust in him.--Then doe they all repeate\nthe othe which they haue geuen vnto him; in acknowledging him to be their\nGod.'[27] Gaule, in 1646, nearly a century later, says that the witches vow\n'to take him [the Devil] for their God, worship, invoke, obey him'.[28]\n\nThe witches are even more explicit, and their evidence proves the belief\nthat their Master was to them their God. The accusation against Elisabeth\nVlamyncx of Alost, 1595, was that 'vous n'avez pas eu honte de vous\nagenouiller devant votre Belzebuth, que vous avez ador\u00e9'.[29] The same\naccusation was made against Marion Grant of Aberdeen, 1596, that 'the\nDeuill quhome thow callis thy god ... causit the worship him on thy kneis\nas thy lord'.[30] De Lancre (1609) records, as did all the Inquisitors,\nthe actual words of the witches; when they presented a young child, they\nfell on their knees and said, 'Grand Seigneur, lequel i'adore', and when\nthe child was old enough to join the society she made her vow in these\nwords: 'Ie me remets de tout poinct en ton pouuoir & entre tes mains, ne\nrecognois autre Dieu: si bien que tu es mon Dieu'.[31] Silvain Nevillon,\ntried at Orleans in 1614, said, 'On dit au Diable nous vous recognoissons\npour nostre maistre, nostre Dieu, nostre Createur'.[32] The Lancashire\nwitch, Margaret Johnson, 1633, said: 'There appeared vnto her a spirit or\ndivell in the similitude and proportion of a man. And the said divell or\nspirit bidd her call him by the name of Mamillion. And saith, that in all\nher talke and conferense shee calleth her said Divell Mamillion, my\ngod.'[33] According to Madame Bourignon, 1661, 'Persons who were thus\nengaged to the Devil by a precise Contract, will allow no other God but\nhim'.[34] Isobel Gowdie confessed that 'he maid vs beliew that ther wes no\nGod besyd him.--We get all this power from the Divell, and when ve seik it\nfrom him, ve call him \"owr Lord\".--At each tyme, quhan ve wold meitt with\nhim, we behoowit to ryse and mak our curtesie; and we wold say, \"Ye ar\nwelcom, owr Lord,\" and \"How doe ye, my Lord.\"'[35] The Yorkshire witch,\nAlice Huson, 1664, stated that the Devil 'appeared like a _Black Man_ upon\na Black Horse, with Cloven Feet; and then I fell down, and did Worship him\nupon my Knees'.[36] Ann Armstrong in Northumberland, 1673, gave a good deal\nof information about her fellow witches: 'The said Ann Baites hath severall\ntimes danced with the divell att the places aforesaid, calling him,\nsometimes, her protector, and, other sometimes, her blessed saviour.--She\nsaw Forster, Dryden, and Thompson, and the rest, and theire protector,\nwhich they call'd their god, sitting at the head of the table.--When this\ninformer used meanes to avoyd theire company, they threatned her, if she\nwould not turne to theire god, the last shift should be the worst.'[37] At\nCrighton, 1678, the Devil himself preached to the witches, 'and most\nblasphemously mocked them, if they offered to trust in God who left them\nmiserable in the world, and neither he nor his Son Jesus Christ ever\nappeared to them when they called on them, as he had, who would not cheat\nthem'.[38] Even in America, 1692, Mary Osgood, the wife of Capt. Osgood,\ndeclared that 'the devil told her he was her God, and that she should serve\nand worship him'.[39]\n\nPrayers were addressed to the Master by his followers, and in some\ninstances the prayer was taught by him. Alice Gooderidge of Stapenhill in\nDerbyshire, 1597, herself a witch and the daughter of a witch, was charged\nby Sir Humphrey Ferrers 'with witchcraft about one Michael's Cow: which Cow\nwhen shee brake all thinges that they tied her in, ranne to this Alice\nGooderige her house, scraping at the walls and windowes to haue come in:\nher olde mother Elizabeth Wright, tooke vpon her to help; vpon condition\nthat she might haue a peny to bestow vpon her god, and so she came to the\nmans house kneeled downe before the Cow, crossed her with a sticke in the\nforehead, and prayed to her god, since which time the Cow continued\nwel'.[40] Antide Colas, 1598, confessed that 'Satan luy comm\u00e3da de le prier\nsoir & matin, auant qu'elle s'addonnat \u00e0 faire autre oeuure'.[41] Elizabeth\nSawyer, the witch of Edmonton, 1621, was taught by the Devil; 'He asked of\nme to whom I prayed, and I answered him to Iesus Christ, and he charged me\nthen to pray no more to Iesus Christ, but to him the Diuell, and he the\nDiuell taught me this prayer, _Sanctibecetur nomen tuum_, Amen'.[42] Part\nof the dittay against Jonet Rendall, an Orkney witch, 1629, was that 'the\ndevill appeirit to you, Quhom ye called Walliman.--Indyttit and accusit for\ny^t of your awne confessioune efter ye met your Walliman upoun the hill ye\ncam to Williame Rendalls hous quha haid ane seik hors and promeised to\nhaill him if he could geve yow tua penneys for everie foot, And haveing\ngottin the silver ye hailled the hors be praying to your Walliman, Lykeas\nye have confest that thair is nather man nor beast sick that is not tane\naway be the hand of God bot for almis ye ar able to cur it be praying to\nyour Walliman, and yt thair is nane yt geves yow almis bot they will thryve\nather be sea or land it ye pray to yor Walliman'.[43] The witches of East\nAnglia, 1645, also prayed; '_Ellen_ the wife of _Nicholas Greenleife_ of\n_Barton_ in _Suffolke_, confessed, that when she prayed she prayed to the\nDevill and not to God.--_Rebecca West_ confessed that her mother prayed\nconstantly (and, as the world thought, very seriously), but she said it was\nto the devil, using these words, _Oh my God, my God_, meaning him and not\nthe LORD.'[44]\n\nA good example of the change of the word 'God', when used by the witch,\ninto the word 'devil' when recorded by the Christian writer, is found at\nBute in 1662: 'Jonet Stewart declares that quhen Alester McNivan was lying\nsick that Jonet Morisone and NcWilliam being in her house the said Jonet\ndesyred NcWilliam to goe see the said Allester the said NcWilliam lifting\nup her curcheffe said \"devill let him never be seene till I see him and\ndevill let him never ryse\" ... [NcWilliam was asked] if she lifted up her\ncurcheffe quhen Jonet Morisone desyred her to goe see Alester McNivan,\nsaying \"god let him never ryse till I goe see him.\"'[45]\n\n\n2. _As a Human Being._ (a) _Man_\n\nThe evidence of the witches makes it abundantly clear that the so-called\nDevil was a human being, generally a man, occasionally a woman. At the\ngreat Sabbaths, where he appeared in his grand array, he was disguised out\nof recognition; at the small meetings, in visiting his votaries, or when\ninducing a possible convert to join the ranks of the witch-society, he came\nin his own person, usually dressed plainly in the costume of the period.\nWhen in ordinary clothes he was indistinguishable from any other man of his\nown rank or age, but the evidence suggests that he made himself known by\nsome manual gesture, by a password, or by some token carried on his person.\nThe token seems to have been carried on the foot, and was perhaps a\nspecially formed boot or shoe, or a foot-covering worn under the shoe.[46]\n\nBesides the Grand Master himself there was often a second 'Devil', younger\nthan the Chief. There is no indication whatsoever as to the method of\nappointing the head of the witch-community, but it seems probable that on\nthe death of the principal 'Devil' the junior succeeded, and that the\njunior was appointed from among the officers (see chap. vii). This\nsuggestion, however, does not appear to hold good where a woman was the\nChief, for her second in command was always a man and often one well\nadvanced in years. The elderly men always seem to have had grey beards.\n\nDanaeus in 1575 summarizes the evidence and says of the Devil, 'he\nappeareth vnto them in likenesse of a man, insomuch that it hapneth many\ntymes, that among a great company of men, the Sorcerer only knoweth Satan,\nthat is present, when other doo not know him, although they see another\nman, but who or what he is they know not'.[47] De Lancre says, 'On a\nobseru\u00e9 de tout temps que lors qu'il veut receuoir quelcun \u00e0 faire pacte\nauec luy, il se presente tousiours en homme'.[48] Cooper states that 'the\nWizards and Witches being met in a place and time appointed, the devil\nappears to them in humane shape'.[49] Even a modern writer, after studying\nthe evidence, acknowledges that the witches 'seem to have been undoubtedly\nthe victims of unscrupulous and designing knaves, who personated\nSatan'.[50]\n\nThe witches not only described the personal appearance of the Devil, but\noften gave careful details as to his clothes; such details are naturally\nfuller when given by the women than by the men.\n\n_England._--John Walsh of Dorsetshire, 1566, described the Devil, whom he\ncalled his Familiar, as 'sometymes like a man in all proportions, sauing\nthat he had clouen feete'.[51] The Lancashire witch, Anne Chattox, 1613,\nsaid, 'A thing like a Christian man did sundry times come to this\nExaminate, and requested this Examinate to giue him her Soule: And in the\nend, this Examinate was contented to giue him her sayd Soule, shee being\nthen in her owne house, in the Forrest of Pendle; wherevpon the Deuill then\nin the shape of a Man, sayd to this Examinate: Thou shalt want nothing.'\nElizabeth Southerns of the same Coven said that 'there met her this\nExaminate a Spirit or Deuill, in the shape of a Boy, the one halfe of his\nCoate blacke, and the other browne'.[52] To Margaret Johnson, one of the\nlater Lancashire witches, 1633, there appeared 'a spirit or divell in the\nsimilitude and proportion of a man, apparelled in a suite of black, tyed\nabout w^th silke pointes'.[53] The Yarmouth witch, 1644, 'when she was in\nBed, heard one knock at her Door, and rising to her Window, she saw, it\nbeing Moonlight, a tall black Man there'.[54] The Essex witches, 1645,\nagreed very fairly in their description of the man who came amongst them:\naccording to Elizabeth Clarke he appeared 'in the shape of a proper\ngentleman, with a laced band, having the whole proportion of a man.... He\nhad oftentimes knocked at her dore in the night time; and shee did arise\nopen the dore and let him in'; Rebecca Weste gave evidence that 'the Devil\nappeared in the likeness of a proper young man'; and Rebecca Jones said\nthat the Devil as 'a very handsome young man came to the door, who asked\nhow she did'; on another occasion she met the Devil, 'as shee was going to\nSt. Osyth to sell butter', in the form of a 'man in a ragged sute'.[55]\nThere are two accounts of the evidence given by the Huntingdonshire witch,\nJoan Wallis of Keiston, 1646: Stearne says that she 'confessed the Devill\ncame to her in the likenesse of a man in blackish cloathing, but had cloven\nfeet'. Davenport's record is slightly different: 'Blackman came first to\nher, about a twelve-moneth since, like a man something ancient, in\nblackish cloathes, but he had ugly feet uncovered.'[56] The evidence of the\nSuffolk witches, 1645-6, is to the same effect; Thomazine Ratcliffe of\nShellie confessed that 'there came one in the likeness of a man.--One\n_Richmond_, a woman which lived at _Brampford_, confessed the Devill\nappeared to her in the likenesse of a man, called _Daniel_ the\nProphet.--One _Bush_ of _Barton_, widdow, confessed that the Devill\nappeared to her in the shape of a young black man'.[57] All the Covens of\nSomerset, 1664, were evidently under one Chief; he came to Elizabeth Style\nas 'a handsome man'; to Elizabeth Style, Anne Bishop, Alice Duke, and Mary\nPenny as 'a Man in black Clothes, with a little Band'; to Christian Green\n'in the shape of a Man in blackish Clothes'; and to Mary and Catherine\nGreen as 'a little Man in black Clothes with a little Band'.[58] To the\nYorkshire witch, Alice Huson, 1664, he appeared 'like a _Black Man_ on a\nHorse upon the Moor', and again 'like a _Black Man_ upon a Black Horse,\nwith Cloven Feet'.[59] Abre Grinset of Dunwich, in Suffolk, 1665, said 'he\ndid appear in the form of a Pretty handsom Young Man'.[60] In\nNorthumberland, 1673, Ann Armstrong said that 'she see the said Ann Forster\n[with twelve others and] a long black man rideing on a bay galloway, as she\nthought, which they call'd there protector'.[61] The Devonshire witch\nSusanna Edwards, 1682, enters into some detail: 'She did meet with a\ngentleman in a field called the Parsonage Close in the town of Biddiford.\nAnd saith that his apparel was all of black. Upon which she did hope to\nhave a piece of money of him. Whereupon the gentleman drawing near unto\nthis examinant, she did make a curchy or courtesy unto him, as she did use\nto do to gentlemen. Being demanded what and who the gentleman she spake of\nwas, the said examinant answered and said, That it was the Devil.'[62] In\nNorthamptonshire, 1705, he came to Mary Phillips and Elinor Shaw as 'a tall\nblack Man'.[63]\n\n_Scotland._--The earliest description is in the trial of Bessie Dunlop of\nLyne in Ayrshire in 1576, and is one of the most detailed. Bessie never\nspoke of the person, who appeared to her, as the 'Devil', she invariably\ncalled him Thom Reid; but he stood to her in the same relation that the\nDevil stood to the witches, and like the Devil he demanded that she should\nbelieve on him. She described him as 'ane honest wele elderlie man, gray\nbairdit, and had ane gray coitt with Lumbart slevis of the auld fassoun;\nane pair of gray brekis, and quhyte schankis, gartanit aboue the kne; ane\nblak bonet on his heid, cloise behind and plane befoir, with silkin laissis\ndrawin throw the lippis thairof; and ane quhyte wand in his hand'.[64]\nAlison Peirson, 1588, must have recognized the man who appeared to her, for\nshe 'wes conuict of the vsing of Sorcerie and Wichcraft, with the\nInuocatioun of the spreitis of the Dewill; speciallie, in the visioune and\nforme of ane Mr. William Sympsoune, hir cousing and moder-brotheris-sone,\nquha sche affermit wes ane grit scoller and doctor of medicin'.[65] Though\nthe Devil of North Berwick, 1590, appeared in disguise, it is not only\ncertain that he was a man but his identity can be determined. Barbara\nNapier deposed that 'the devil wess with them in likeness of ane black man\n... the devil start up in the pulpit, like a mickle blak man, with ane\nblack beard sticking out like ane goat's beard, clad in ane blak tatie\n[tattered] gown and ane ewill favoured scull bonnet on his heid; hauing ane\nblack book in his hand'. Agnes Sampson's description in the official record\nwas very brief: 'he had on him ane gown, and ane hat, which were both\nblack';[66] but Melville, who probably heard her evidence, puts it more\ndramatically: 'The deuell wes cled in ane blak gown with ane blak hat vpon\nhis head.... His faice was terrible, his noise lyk the bek of ane egle,\ngret bournyng eyn; his handis and leggis wer herry, with clawes vpon his\nhandis, and feit lyk the griffon.'[67] John Fian merely mentions that the\nfirst time the Devil came he was clothed in white raiment.[68] The evidence\nfrom Aberdeen, 1596-7, points to there being two Chiefs, one old and one\nyoung. Ellen Gray confessed that 'the Devill, thy maister, apperit to thee\nin the scheap of ane agit man, beirdit, with a quhyt gown and a thrummit\n[shaggy] hatt'. Andro Man 'confessis that Crystsunday cum to hym in liknes\nof ane fair angell, and clad in quhyt claythis'. Christen Mitchell stated\nthat 'Sathan apperit to the in the lyknes of a littill crippill man'; and\nMarion Grant gave evidence that 'the Deuill, quhom thow callis thy god,\napperit to thee in ane gryte man his licknes, in silkin abuilzeament\n[habiliment], withe ane quhyt candill in his hand'.[69] Isobell Haldane of\nPerth, 1607, was carried away into a fairy hill, 'thair scho stayit thrie\ndayis, viz. fra Thurisday till Sonday at xii houris. Scho mett a man with\nane gray beird, quha brocht hir furth agane.' This man stood to her in the\nsame relation as Thom Reid to Bessie Dunlop, or as the Devil to the\nwitches.[70] Jonet Rendall of Orkney, 1629, saw him 'claid in quhyt\ncloathis, with ane quhyt head and ane gray beard'.[71] In East Lothian,\n1630, Alexander Hamilton met the Devil in the likeness of a black man.[72]\nAt Eymouth, 1634, Bessie Bathgate was seen by two young men 'at 12 hours of\neven (when all people are in their beds) standing bare-legged and in her\nsark valicot, at the back of hir yard, conferring with the devil who was in\ngreen cloaths'.[73] Manie Haliburton of Dirlton, 1649, confessed that, when\nher daughter was ill, 'came the Devill, in licknes of a man, to hir hous,\ncalling himselff a phisition'.[74] He came also as 'a Mediciner' to Sandie\nHunter in East Lothian in 1649.[75] In the same year he appeared as a black\nman to Robert Grieve, 'an eminent Warlock' at Lauder.[76] In the same year\nalso 'Janet Brown was charged with having held a meeting with the Devil\nappearing as a man, at the back of Broomhills'.[77] Among the Alloa\nwitches, tried in 1658, Margret Duchall 'did freelie confes hir paction\nwith the diwell, how he appeared first to hir in the liknes of a man in\nbroun cloathis, and ane blak hat'; while Kathren Renny said 'that he first\nappeared to hir in the bodis medow in the liknes of a man with gray\ncloathis and ane blew cap'.[78] The years 1661 and 1662 are notable in the\nannals of Scotch witchcraft for the number of trials and the consequent\nmass of evidence, including many descriptions of the Grand-master. At\nForfar, in 1661, Helen Guthrie said that at several meetings the devil was\npresent 'in the shape of a black iron-hued man'; Katherine Porter 'saw the\ndivill and he had ane blacke plaid about him'; when Issobell Smyth was\nalone gathering heather, 'hee appeared to hir alone lik ane braw\ngentleman'; and on another occasion 'like a light gentleman'.[79] Jonet\nWatson of Dalkeith, also in 1661, said 'that the Deivill apeired vnto her\nin the liknes of ane prettie boy, in grein clothes.... Shoe was at a\nMeitting in Newtoun-dein with the Deavill, who had grein clothes vpone him,\nand ane blak hatt vpone his head'.[80] In the same year an Edinburgh Coven\nwas tried: Jonet Ker was accused that 'as you wer comeing from Edr to the\npark you mett with the devill at the bough in the liknes of a greavous\nblack man'; Helene Casso 'met with the devill in liknes of a man with\ngreine cloaths in the links of Dudingstone qr he wes gathering sticks\namongst the whines'; Isobel Ramsay 'mett with the devill in the Liknes of a\npleasant young man who said qr live you goodwyf and how does the minister\nAnd as you wes goeing away he gave you a sexpence saying God bud him give\nyou that qch you wared and bought meall therwith As also you had ane uther\nmeiting wt the devill in yor awne house in the liknes of yor awne husband\nas you wes lying in yor bed at qch tyme you engadged to be his servant';\nJonet Millar 'did meit wt the devill in liknes of ane young man in the hous\nbesyd the standing stane'.[81] The trials of the Auldearne witches in 1662\nare fully reported as regards matters which interested the recorder;\nunfortunately the appearance of the Devil was not one of these, therefore\nIsobel Gowdie's description is abbreviated to the following: 'He was a\nmeikle black roch man. Sometimes he had boots and sometimes shoes on his\nfoot; but still [always] his foot are forked and cloven.'[82] At Crook of\nDevon in Kinross-shire, in the same year, nine of the witches describe the\nmen they saw, for evidently there were two 'Devils' in this district;\nIsobel Rutherford said that 'Sathan was in the likness of a man with gray\ncloathes and ane blue bannet, having ane beard'; Bessie Henderson, 'the\nDevil appeared to you in the likeness of ane bonnie young lad, with ane\nblue bonnet'; Robert Wilson, 'the Devil was riding on ane horse with\nfulyairt clothes and ane Spanish cape'; Bessie Neil, 'Sathan appeared to\nyou with dun-coloured clothes'; Margaret Litster, 'Sathan having grey\nclothes'; Agnes Brugh, 'the Devil appeared in the twilight like unto a half\nlong fellow with an dusti coloured coat'; Margaret Huggon, 'he was an\nuncouth man with black cloathes with ane hood on his head'; Janet Paton,\n'Sathan had black coloured clothes and ane blue bonnet being an unkie like\nman'; Christian Grieve, 'Sathan did first appear to yow like ane little man\nwith ane blue bonnet on his head with rough gray cloaths on him'.[83] Marie\nLamont of Innerkip, also in 1662, said that 'the devil was in the likeness\nof a meikle black man, and sung to them, and they dancit'; he appeared\nagain 'in the likeness of a black man with cloven featt'.[84] At Paisley,\nin 1678, the girl-witch Annabil Stuart said that 'the Devil in the shape of\na Black man came to her Mother's House'; her brother John was more detailed\nin his description, he observed 'one of the black man's feet to be cloven:\nand that the black man's Apparel was black; and that he had a bluish Band\nand Handcuffs; and that he had Hogers[85] on his Legs without Shoes';\nMargaret Jackson of the same Coven confirmed the description, 'the black\nman's Clothes were black, and he had white Handcuffs'.[86] The clearest\nevidence is from an unpublished trial of 1678 among the records in the\nJusticiary Court in Edinburgh:\n\n 'Margaret Lowis declaires that about Elevin years ago a man whom she\n thought to be ane Englishman that cured diseases in the countrey\n called [blank] Webb appeared to her in her own house and gave her a\n drink and told her that she would have children after the taking of\n that drink And declares that that man made her renunce her baptisme\n ... and declares that she thought that the man who made her doe these\n things wes the divill and that she has hade severall meitings with\n that man after she knew him to be the divill.... Margaret Smaill\n prisoner being examined anent the Cryme of witchcraft depones that\n having come into the house of Jannet Borthvick in Crightoun she saw a\n gentleman sitting with her, and they desyred her to sitt down and\n having sitten down the gentleman drank to her and she drank to him and\n therefter the said Jannet Borthvick told her that that gentleman was\n the divill and declares that at her desyre she renunced her baptisme\n and gave herself to the divill.'\n\nAt Borrowstowness in 1679 Annaple Thomson 'had a metting with the devill in\nyour cwming betwixt Linlithgow and Borrowstownes, where the devil, in the\nlyknes of ane black man, told yow, that yow wis ane poore puddled bodie....\nAnd yow the said Annaple had ane other metting, and he inveitted yow to go\nalongst, and drink with him'. The same devil met Margaret Hamilton 'and\nconversed with yow at the town-well of Borrowstownes, and several tymes in\nyowr awin howss, and drank severall choppens of ale with you'.[87] The\nRenfrewshire trials of 1696 show that all Mrs. Fulton's grandchildren saw\nthe same personage; Elizabeth Anderson, at the age of seven, 'saw a black\ngrim Man go in to her Grandmothers House'; James Lindsay, aged fourteen,\n'met his Grandmother with a black grim Man'; and little Thomas Lindsay was\nawaked by his grandmother 'one Night out of his Bed, and caused him take a\nBlack Grimm Gentleman (as she called him) by the Hand'.[88] At Pittenweem,\nin 1704, 'this young Woman Isobel Adams [acknowledged] her compact with the\nDevil, which she says was made up after this manner, _viz._ That being in\nthe House of the said Beatie Laing, and a Man at the end of the Table,\nBeatie proposes to Isobel, that since she would not Fee and Hire with her,\nthat she would do it, with the Man at the end of the Table; And accordingly\nIsobel agreed to it, and spoke with the Man at that time in General terms.\nEight days after, the same Person in Appearance comes to her, and owns\nthat he was the Devil.'[89] The latest instance is at Thurso in 1719,\nwhere the Devil met Margaret Nin-Gilbert 'in the way in the likeness of a\nman, and engaged her to take on with him, which she consented to; and she\nsaid she knew him to be the devil or he parted with her'.[90]\n\nIn Ireland one of the earliest known trials for ritual witchcraft occurred\nin 1324, the accused being the Lady Alice Kyteler. She was said to have met\nthe Devil, who was called Robin son of Artis, 'in specie cuiusdam aethiopis\ncum duobus sociis ipso maioribus et longioribus'.[91]\n\nIn France also there is a considerable amount of evidence. The earliest\nexample is in 1430, when Pierronne, a follower of Joan of Arc, was put to\ndeath by fire as a witch. She persisted to the end in her statement, which\nshe made on oath, that God appeared to her in human form and spoke to her\nas friend to friend, and that the last time she had seen him he was clothed\nin a scarlet cap and a long white robe.[92] Estebene de Cambrue of the\nparish of Amou in 1567 said that the witches danced round a great stone,\n'sur laquelle est assis un grand homme noir, qu'elles appellent\nMonsieur'.[93] Jeanne Hervillier of Verberie near Compi\u00e8gne, in 1578,\ndaughter of a witch who had been condemned and burnt, 'confessa qu'\u00e0 l'aage\nde douze ans sa mere la presenta au diable, en forme d'vn grand homme noir,\n& vestu de noir, bott\u00e9, esperonn\u00e9, auec vne esp\u00e9e au cost\u00e9, & vn cheual\nnoir \u00e0 la porte'.[94] Fran\u00e7oise Secretain of Saint Claud in 1598 stated\n'qu'elle s'estoit donn\u00e9e au Diable, lequel auoit lors la semblance d'vn\ngrand homme noir'; Thievenne Paget, from the same district, 'racontoit que\nle Diable s'apparut \u00e0 elle la premiere fois en plein midy, en forme d'vn\ngrand homme noir'; and Antide Colas 'disoit, que Satan s'apparut \u00e0 elle en\nforme d'vn homme, de grande stature, ayant sa barbe & ses habillemens\nnoirs'.[95] Jeanne d'Abadie, in the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es, 1609, 'dit qu'elle y\nvid le Diable en forme d'homme noir & hideux, auec six cornes en la teste,\nparfois huict'.[96] Silvain Nevillon, tried at Orleans in 1614, 'dit que le\nSabbat se tenoit dans vne maison, o\u00f9 il vit \u00e0 la chemin\u00e9e co[~m]e ledit\nSabbat se faisoit, vn homme noir, duquel on ne voyoit point la teste. Vit\naussi vn grand homme noir \u00e0 l'opposite de celuy de la chemin\u00e9e. Dit que les\ndeux Diables qui estoient au Sabbat, l'vn s'appelloit l'Orthon, & l'autre\nTraisnesac.'[97] Two sisters were tried in 1652: one 'dict avoir trouv\u00e9 ung\ndiable en ghuise d'ung home \u00e0 pied'; the other said that 'il entra dans sa\nchambre en forme d'ung chat par une fenestre et se changea en la posture\nd'un home vestu de rouge'.[98]\n\nIn Belgium, Digna Robert, 1565, met 'un beau jeune homme v\u00e8tu d'une casaque\nnoire, qui \u00e9tait le diable, et se nommait Barrebon.... \u00c0 la No\u00ebl pass\u00e9e, un\nautre diable, nomm\u00e9 Crebas, est venu pr\u00e8s d'elle.' Elisabeth Vlamynx of\nNinove in the Pays d'Alost, 1595, was accused 'que vous avez, avant comme\napr\u00e8s le repas, vous septi\u00e8me ou huiti\u00e8me, dans\u00e9 sous les arbres en\ncompagnie de votre Belzebuth et d'un autre d\u00e9mon, tous deux en pourpoint\nblanc \u00e0 la mode fran\u00e7aise'. Josine Labyns in 1664, aged about forty: 'pass\u00e9\ndix-neuf ans le diable s'est offert \u00e0 vos yeux, derri\u00e8re votre habitation,\nsous la figure d'un grand seigneur, v\u00e8tu en noir et portant des plumes sur\nson chapeau.'[99]\n\nIn the copper mines of Sweden, 1670, the Devil appeared as a minister.[100]\nIn the province of Elfdale in the same year his dress was not the usual\nblack of that period: 'He used to appear, but in different Habits; but for\nthe most part we saw him in a gray Coat, and red and blue Stockings; he had\na red Beard, a high-crown'd Hat, with Linnen of divers colours wrapt about\nit, and long Garters upon his Stockings.'[101] This is not unlike the\ncostume of Thom Reid as described, more than a century before, by Bessie\nDunlop.\n\nIn America the same evidence is found. At Hartford, 1662, 'Robert Sterne\ntestifieth as followeth: I saw this woman goodwife Seager in ye woods with\nthree more women and with them I saw two black creatures like two Indians\nbut taller'; and Hugh Crosia 'sayd ye deuell opned ye dore of eben booths\nhous made it fly open and ye gate fly open being asked how he could tell he\nsayd ye deuell apeered to him like a boye and told him hee ded make them\nfly open and then ye boye went out of his sight.'[102] Elizabeth Knap at\nGroton, 1671, 'was with another maid yt boarded in ye house, where both of\nthem saw ye appearance of a mans head and shoulders, w^th a great white\nneckcloath, looking in at ye window, which shee hath since confessed, was\nye Devill coming to her.--One day as shee was alone in a lower roome she\nlooked out of ye window, and saw ye devill in ye habit of an old man,\ncoming over a great meadow.'[103] At Salem, 1692, Mary Osgood saw him as a\nblack man who presented a book; and Mary Lacey described him as a black man\nin a high-crowned hat.[104]\n\nThe evidence suggests that an important part of the Devil's costume was the\nhead-covering, which he appears to have worn both in and out of doors.\nThough the fact is not of special interest in itself, it may throw light on\none of the possible origins of the cult.\n\nIn 1576 Bessie Dunlop met Thom Reid, who was clearly the Devil; he was 'ane\nhonest wele elderlie man, gray bairdit, and had ane gray coitt with Lumbart\nslevis of the auld fassoun; ane pair of gray brekis and quhyte schankis,\ngartanit aboue the kne; ane blak bonet on his heid, cloise behind and plane\nbefoir, with silkin laissis drawin throw the lippis thairof.'[105] At North\nBerwick in 1590, 'the deuell, cled in a blak gown with a blak hat vpon his\nhead, preachit vnto a gret nomber of them.'[106] Another description of the\nsame event shows that 'the Devil start up in the pulpit, like a mickle\nblack man clad in a black tatie gown; and an evil-favoured scull-bonnet on\nhis head'.[107] At Aberdeen in 1597 Ellen Gray described the Devil as 'ane\nagit man, beirdit, with a quhyt gown and a thrummit hat'.[108] In 1609, in\nthe Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es, when the Devil appeared as a goat, 'on luy voit aussi\nquelque espece de bonet ou chapeau au dessus de ses cornes.'[109] The Alloa\nCoven in 1658 spoke of 'a man in broun clathis and ane blak hat'; and on\ntwo occasions of 'a young man with gray cloathis and ane blew cap'.[110] In\n1661 Janet Watson of Dalkeith 'was at a Meitting in Newtoun-dein with the\nDeavill, who had grein cloathes vpone him, and ane blak hatt vpone his\nhead'.[111] Five members of the Coven at Crook of Devon in 1662 spoke of\nthe Devil's head-gear: 'Sathan was in the likeness of a man with gray\ncloathes and ane blue bannet, having ane beard. Ane bonnie young lad with\nane blue bonnet. Ane uncouth man with black clothes with ane hood on his\nhead. Sathan had all the said times black coloured cloathes and ane blue\nbonnet being an unkie like man. Ane little man with ane blue bonnet on his\nhead with rough gray cloathes on him.'[112] In 1662 in Connecticut Robert\nSterne saw 'two black creatures like two Indians, but taller';[113] as he\nwas at a little distance it is probable that he took a plumed or horned\nhead-dress to be the same as the Indian head-gear. In Belgium in 1664\nJosine Labyns saw the Devil wearing a plumed hat.[114] In Somerset in 1665\nMary Green said that when he met the witches 'the little Man put his hand\nto his Hat, saying How do ye, speaking low but big'.[115] At Torryburn\nLilias Adie said that the light was sufficient to 'shew the devil, who wore\na cap covering his ears and neck'.[116] In Sweden in 1670 the Devil came\n'in a gray Coat, and red and blue Stockings, he had a red Beard, a\nhigh-crown'd Hat, with Linnen of divers colours wrapt about, and long\nGarters upon his Stockings'.[117] At Pittenweem in 1670 the young lass\nIsobel Adams saw the Devil as 'a man in black cloaths with a hat on his\nhead, sitting at the table' in Beatty Laing's house.[118]\n\n\n(b) _Woman_\n\nThe Queen of Elphin, or Elfhame, is sometimes called the Devil, and it is\noften impossible to distinguish between her and the Devil when the latter\nappears as a woman. Whether she was the same as the French Reine du Sabbat\nis equally difficult to determine. The greater part of the evidence\nregarding the woman-devil is from Scotland.\n\nIn 1576 Bessie Dunlop's evidence shows that Thom Reid, who was to her what\nthe Devil was to witches, was under the orders of the Queen of Elfhame:\n\n 'Interrogat, Gif sche neuir askit the questioun at him, Quhairfoir he\n com to hir mair [than] ane vthir bodye? Ansuerit, Remembring hir,\n quhen sche was lyand in child-bed-lair, with ane of her laiddis, that\n ane stout woman com in to hir, and sat doun on the forme besyde hir,\n and askit ane drink at her, and sche gaif hir; quha alsua tauld hir,\n that that barne wald de, and that hir husband suld mend of his\n seiknes. The said Bessie ansuerit, that sche remembrit wele thairof;\n and Thom said, That was the Quene of Elfame his maistres, quha had\n commandit him to wait vpoun hir, and to do hir gude. Confessit and\n fylit.'[119]\n\nIn 1588 Alison Peirson 'was conuict for hanting and repairing with the gude\nnychtbouris and Quene of Elfame, thir diuers [3]eiris bypast, as scho had\nconfest be hir depositiounis, declaring that scho could nocht say reddelie\nhow lang scho wes with thame; and that scho had freindis in that court\nquhilk wes of hir awin blude, quha had gude acquentence of the Quene of\nElphane. And that scho saw nocht the Quene thir seuin [3]eir.'[120] In 1597\nat Aberdeen Andro Man was accused that\n\n 'thriescoir yeris sensyne or thairby, the Devill, thy maister, come to\n thy motheris hous, in the liknes and scheap of a woman, quhom thow\n callis the Quene of Elphen, and was delyverit of a barne, as apperit\n to the their, thow confessis that be the space of threttie two yeris\n sensyn or thairby, thow begud to have carnall deall with that\n devilische spreit, the Quene of Elphen, on quhom thow begat dyveris\n bairnis, quhom thow hes sene sensyn.... Thow confessis that the\n Devill, thy maister, quhom thow termes Christsonday, and supponis to\n be ane engell, and Goddis godsone, albeit he hes a thraw by God, and\n swyis [sways] to the Quene of Elphen, is rasit be the speaking of the\n word _Benedicite_.... Siclyk, thow affermis that the Quene of Elphen\n hes a grip of all the craft, bot Christsonday is the gudeman, and hes\n all power vnder God.... Vpon the Ruidday in harvest, in this present\n yeir, quhilk fell on a Wedinsday, thow confessis and affermis, thow\n saw Christsonday cum out of the snaw in liknes of a staig, and that\n the Quene of Elphen was their, and vtheris with hir, rydand on quhyt\n haikneyes, and that thay com to the Binhill and the Binlocht, quhair\n thay vse commonlie to convene, and that thay quha convenis with thame\n kissis Christsonday and the Quene of Elphenis airss. Thow affermis\n that the quene is verray plesand, and wilbe auld and young quhen scho\n pleissis; scho mackis any kyng quhom scho pleisis, and lyis with any\n scho lykis'.[121]\n\nAnother Aberdeen witch, Marion Grant, was accused in the same year and\nconfessed, 'that the Devill, thy maister, quhome thow termes Christsonday,\ncausit the dans sindrie tymes with him and with Our Ladye, quha, as thow\nsayes, was a fine woman, cled in a quhyt walicot'.[122] In Ayrshire in 1605\nPatrick Lowrie and Jonet Hunter were accused that they 'att Hallowevin\nassemblit thame selffis vpon Lowdon-hill, quhair thair appeirit to thame\nare devillische Spreit, in liknes of ane woman, and callit hir selff Helen\nMcbrune'.[123] In the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es in 1609, one could 'en chasque\nvillage trouuer vne Royne du Sabbat, que Sathan tenoit en delices co[~m]e\nvne espouse priuilegi\u00e9e'.[124] At the witch-mass the worshippers 'luy\nbaisent la main gauche, tremblans auec mille angoisses, & luy offrent du\npain, des [oe]ufs, & de l'argent: & la Royne du Sabbat les re\u00e7oit, laquelle\nest assise \u00e0 son cost\u00e9 gauche, & en sa main gauche elle tient vne paix ou\nplatine, dans laquelle est grau\u00e9e l'effigie de Lucifer, laquelle on ne\nbaise qu'apr\u00e8s l'auoir premi\u00e8rement bais\u00e9e \u00e0 elle'.[125] In 1613 the\nLancashire witch, Anne Chattox, made a confused statement as to the sex of\nthe so-called spirits; it is however quite possible that the confusion is\ndue to the recorder, who was accustomed to consider all demons as male:\n'After their eating, the Deuill called Fancie, and the other Spirit\ncalling himselfe Tibbe, carried the remnant away: And she sayeth that at\ntheir said Banquet, the said Spirits gaue them light to see what they did,\nand that they were both shee Spirites and Diuels.'[126] In 1618 at\nLeicester Joan Willimott 'saith, that shee hath a Spirit which shee calleth\nPretty, which was giuen vnto her by William Berry of Langholme in\nRutlandshire, whom she serued three yeares; and that her Master when he\ngaue it vnto her, willed her to open her mouth, and hee would blow into her\na Fairy which should doe her good; and that shee opened her mouth, and he\ndid blow into her mouth; and that presently after his blowing, there came\nout of her mouth a Spirit, which stood vpon the ground in the shape and\nforme of a Woman, which Spirit did aske of her her Soule, which she then\npromised vnto it, being willed thereunto by her Master.'[127] William\nBarton was tried in Edinburgh about 1655:\n\n 'One day, says he, going from my own house in Kirkliston, to the\n Queens Ferry, I overtook in Dalmeny Muire, a young Gentlewoman, as to\n appearance beautiful and comely. I drew near to her, but she shunned\n my company, and when I insisted, she became angry and very nyce. Said\n I, we are both going one way, be pleased to accept of a convoy. At\n last after much entreaty she grew better natured, and at length came\n to that Familiarity, that she suffered me to embrace her, and to do\n that which Christian ears ought not to hear of. At this time I parted\n with her very joyful. The next night, she appeared to him in that same\n very place, and after that which should not be named, he became\n sensible, that it was the Devil. Here he renounced his Baptism, and\n gave up himself to her service, and she called him her beloved, and\n gave him this new name of Iohn Baptist, and received the Mark.'[128]\n\nAt Forfar in 1662 Marjorie Ritchie 'willingly and friely declared that the\ndivill appeired to her thrie severall tymes in the similitud of a womane,\nthe first tyme in on Jonet Barrie's house, the second tyme whyle she was\nputting vp lint in the companie of the said Jonet, and that the divill did\ntake her by the hand at that tyme, and promised that she should never want\nmoney; and therafter that the divill appeired to her in the moiss of\nNeutoune of Airly, wher and when she did renunce her baptism'.[129] In 1670\nJean Weir, sister of the notorious Major Weir, gave an account of how she\nentered the service of the Devil; the ceremony began as follows: 'When she\nkeeped a school at Dalkeith, and teached childering, ane tall woman came to\nthe declarants hous when the childering were there; and that she had, as\nappeared to her, ane chyld upon her back, and on or two at her foot; and\nthat the said woman desyred that the declarant should imploy her to spick\nfor her to the Queen of Farie, and strik and battle in her behalf with the\nsaid Queen (which was her own words).'[130] Among the Salem witches in\n1692, 'this Rampant Hag, Martha Carrier, was the person, of whom the\nConfessions of the Witches, and of her own Children among the rest, agreed,\nThat the Devil had promised her, she should be Queen of Hell.[131]\n\n\n3. _Identification_\n\nAs it is certain that the so-called 'Devil' was a human being, sometimes\ndisguised and sometimes not, the instances in which these persons can be\nidentified are worth investigating. In most cases these are usually men,\nand the names are often given, but it is only in the case of the Devil of\nNorth Berwick that the man in question is of any historic importance; the\nothers are simply private individuals of little or no note.\n\nElizabeth Stile of Windsor, in 1579, gives a description of Father\nRosimond's changes of form, which points to his being the Chief of the\nWindsor witches: 'She confesseth, her self often tymes to haue gon to\nFather Rosimond house where she founde hym sittyng in a Wood, not farre\nfrom thence, vnder the bodie of a Tree, sometymes in the shape of an Ape,\nand otherwhiles like an Horse.'[132] In the reign of Elizabeth, 1584, there\nis a list of eighty-seven suspected persons, among whom occur the names of\n'Ould Birtles the great devil, Roger Birtles and his wife and Anne Birtles,\nDarnally the sorcerer, the oulde witche of Ramsbury, Maud Twogood\nEnchantress, Mother Gillian witch' and several other 'oulde witches'.[133]\nThe account by John Stearne the pricker, in 1645, indicates that one of the\nmagistrates of Fenny Drayton was the local Devil: 'Some will say, It is\nstrange they should know when they should be searched, if it be kept\nprivate. I answer, Let it be kept never so private, it hath been common,\nand as common as any other thing, as they themselves have confessed: for so\ndid they of Fenny-Drayton in Cambridge-shire, who made very large\nConfessions, as, that the devil told them of our coming to town.'[134] One\nof the clearest cases, however, is that of Marsh of Dunstable in 1649,\n'whom Palmer confessed to be head of the whole Colledge of Witches, that\nhee knows in the world: This Palmer hath been a witch these sixty years (by\nhis own confession) long enough to know and give in the totall summe of all\nthe conjuring conclave, and the Society of Witches in England.'[135]\n\nIn Scotland a certain number of identifications are also possible. Alison\nPeirson, tried in 1588, learnt all her charms and obtained all her\nknowledge from the Devil, who came to her in the form of Mr. William\nSympson, her mother's brother's son, who was a great scholar and doctor of\nmedicine in Edinburgh.[136] Jonet Stewart in 1597 'learnt her charms from\numquhill Michaell Clark, smyth in Laswaid, and fra ane Italean strangear\ncallit Mr. John Damiet, ane notorious knawin Enchanter and Sorcerer'.[137]\nIn the trial of Marion Pardon of Hillswick in 1644 'it was given in\nevidence that a man spoke of the devil as Marion Pardon's pobe, i.e.\nnurse's husband or foster father'.[138] In a case tried at Lauder in 1649\nthere is an indication that one of the magistrates was the Chief of the\nwitches; Robert Grieve accused a certain woman at a secret session of the\ncourt, 'but the Devil came that same night unto her, and told her that Hob\nGrieve had fyled her for a witch'.[139] Isobel Ramsay in 1661 was accused\nthat 'you had ane uther meiting wt the devill in yor awne hous in the\nliknes of yor awne husband as you wes lying in yor bed at qch tyme you\nengadged to be his servant and receaved a dollar from him'.[140] When a man\nhad special knowledge as to which women were witches, it is suggestive that\nhe might be himself the Devil; as in the case of the Rev. Allan Logan, who\n'was particularly knowing in the detection of witches. At the\nadministration of the communion, he would cast his eye along, and say: \"You\nwitch wife, get up from the table of the Lord\", when some poor creature\nwould rise and depart.'[141]\n\nIt seems probable that the infamous Abb\u00e9 Guibourg was the head of the Paris\nwitches, for it was he who celebrated the 'black mass' and performed the\nsacrifice of a child, both of which were the duties of the 'Devil'.[142]\n\nAt Salem also the account given by the witches of the Rev. George Burroughs\npoints to his filling the office of 'Devil', for he was 'Head Actor at some\nof their Hellish Randezvouses, and one who had the promise of being a King\nin Satan's kingdom.--He was the person who had Seduc'd and Compell'd them\ninto the snares of Witchcraft'.[143] That Burroughs was a religious person\nis no argument against his being also the 'Devil' of Salem. Apart from the\nwell-known psychological fact that a certain form of religious feeling can\nexist at the same time as the propensity to and practice of sexual\nindulgence, there is proof that many of the witches were outwardly\nreligious according to the tenets of Christianity. So many Christian\npriests were also followers of the witch-religion that the Inquisitors of\nthe sixteenth century were greatly exercised in their minds as to how to\ndeal with the offenders. Antide Colas confessed that she attended the\nmidnight mass on Christmas Eve, then went to a witch meeting, and returned\nto the church in time for the mass at dawn on Christmas morning.[144] At\nIpswich in 1645 'Mother Lakeland hath been a professour of Religion, a\nconstant hearer of the Word for these many years, and yet a witch (as she\nconfessed) for the space of near twenty years'.[145] The best-known case\nof the kind is that of Major Weir in Edinburgh in 1670, whose outward\nappearance tallies with the usual descriptions of the Devil, and whose\nconduct is only explainable on the supposition that he actually was the\nChief of the witches: 'His garb was still a cloak, and somewhat dark, and\nhe never went without his staff. He was a tall black man, and ordinarily\nlooked down to the ground; a grim countenance, and a big nose.'[146] His\nreputation for piety was so great that a woman, who had actually seen him\ncommit an offence against the criminal law, was flogged for mentioning the\nfact and thus defaming a man of such extreme and well-established piety. He\nwas tried as a witch on his own unsolicited confession, and was burnt\ntogether with his staff, dying 'impenitent' and renouncing all hope of a\nChristian heaven. The most interesting case historically, however, is that\nof the Devil of the North Berwick witches (1590). The number of people\ninvolved was thirty-nine, i.e. three Covens; but though the names of all\nwere known, only four were tried. The records are given in considerable\ndetail, and the identification of the Chief is therefore possible.\n\nThe character of the accused in this case is of great importance when\nconsidering the evidence. Nothing more unlike the conventional idea of\nwitches can well be imagined than the man and women who were arraigned on\nthat occasion. Agnes Sampson, the wise wife of Keith, was 'a woman not of\nthe base and ignorant sort of Witches, but matron-like, grave and settled\nin her answers, which were all to some purpose'. John Fian, or Cunynghame,\nwas a schoolmaster, therefore a man of education; Effie McCalyan, the\ndaughter of Lord Cliftonhall, was a woman of family and position; Barbara\nNapier was also of good family. These were clearly the moving spirits of\nthe band, and they were all persons capable of understanding the meaning\nand result of their actions.[147]\n\nThe accusation against the witches was that they had met together to plot\nthe murder of the King and Queen by witchcraft. The trial therefore was on\na double charge, witchcraft and high treason, and both charges had to be\nsubstantiated. Keeping in mind Lord Coke's definition of a witch as 'a\nperson who has conference with the Devil to take counsel or to do some\nact', it is clear that the fact of the Devil's bodily presence at the\nmeetings had to be proved first, then the fact of the 'conference', and\nfinally the attempts at murder. The reports of the trial do not, however,\ndifferentiate these points in any way, and the religious prepossession of\nthe recorders colours every account. It is therefore necessary to take the\nfacts without the construction put upon them by the natural bias of the\nChristian judges and writers. The records give in some detail the account\nof several meetings where the deaths of the King and Queen were discussed,\nand instructions given and carried out to effect that purpose. At each\nmeeting certain ceremonies proper to the presence of the Grand Master were\nperformed, but the real object of the meeting was never forgotten or even\nobscured.\n\nThe actual evidence of the affair was given by Agnes Sampson (also called\nAnny Simpson or Tompson), John Fian, Euphemia or Effie McCalyan, and\nBarbara Napier. As it was a case of high treason, the two leaders, Sampson\nand Fian, were tortured to force them to divulge the name of the prime\nmover. Both these two and Effie McCalyan were condemned and executed;\nBarbara Napier, equally guilty according to the evidence but more fortunate\nin her jurors, was released; for which action the jurors themselves were\nsubsequently tried.\n\nThough the means used by the witches may seem ridiculous, the murderous\nintention is very clear. First they performed incantations to raise a storm\nto wreck the Queen's ship on her way to Scotland, and the storm which\nactually arose very nearly effected their purpose. As it failed, however,\nthey betook themselves to the accredited method of melting a waxen image,\nbut they were also ready to use poisons, which were to their minds the most\nvirulent that could be prepared.\n\nI have arranged the evidence so as to make as far as possible a consecutive\nnarrative of the occurrences.\n\n _John Fian_, tried December 26, 1590. The first items relate to his\n consulting with the Devil and working witchcraft. 7. Item, Fylit, for\n the rasing of wyndis att the Kingis passing to Denmark, and for the\n sending of ane letter to Marioun Linkup in Leyth, to that effect,\n bidding hir to meit him and the rest, on the see, within fyve dayes;\n quhair Satan delyuerit ane catt out of his hand to Robert Griersoune,\n gevand the word to 'Cast the same in the see hola!': And thaireftir,\n being mountit in a schip, and drank ilk ane to otheris, quhair Satane\n said, 'ye shall sink the schip', lyke as thay thocht thay did. 8.\n Item, Fylit, for assembling him selff with Sathane, att the Kingis\n returning to Denmark; quhair Satan promeist to raise ane mist, and\n cast the Kingis Majestie in Ingland.\n\n _Agnes Sampson_, tried January 27, 1591. The first part of the dittay\n is entirely occupied with her conferences with the devil and her\n healing the sick by his advice. 40. Item, fylit and convict, of the\n delyuerie of ane letter, quhilk John Fiene, clerk, maid in George\n Mutis bak[e] hous in the Pannis, accumpaneit with the gudwyff of the\n hous, Gelie Duncan [and eight others], quha convenit thair for rasing\n of storme, to stay the Quene's hame cuming to Scotland; eftir\n consultatioun, quhether Gelie Duncan or Bessie Thomsoun wes meitest to\n send the letter with; and concludit to send the said Gelie, quhilk\n letter wes send to Marioun Lenchop in Leyth. The effect quhairoff is\n this: Marioun Lenchop, ye sall warne the rest of the sisteris, to\n raise the wind this day, att eleavin houris, to stay the Quenis cuming\n in Scotland. Lyke as they that wer convenit at the Pannis sould do\n their part be-eist; and to meit thame that wer in the Pannis; and att\n thair meting, thay sould mak the storme vniversall thro the see. [Then\n follows the method of doing this by casting in a cat.]\n\n [From _Newes from Scotland_.] The said Agnis Tompson (Sampson)\n confessed, that the Divell, being then at North Barrick Kirke\n attending their comming, in the habit or likenesse of a man ... and\n having made his ungodly exhortations, wherein he did greatly inveigh\n against the King of Scotland, he received their oathes for their good\n and true service towards him, and departed; which done, they returned\n to sea, and so home again. At which time, the witches demaunded of the\n Divell, 'why he did beare such hatred to the Kinge?' who aunswered,\n 'By reason the King is the greatest enemie hee hath in the world.' All\n which their confessions and depositions are still extant upon record.\n\n _Barbara Napier_, tried May 8, 1591. Released. Assisors tried June 7,\n and acquitted. The said Barbara was accusit, that scho gaif hir\n presens, in the maist develisch and tressonabill Conventioune, haldin\n be hir and hir complices in the Divellis name, vpoune Lambmes-ewin\n last, att the New-heavin callit Aitchesounes-heavin, betuix\n Musselburcht and Prestonpannis, sin his Majestie come furth of\n Denmark; quhair war assemblit nyne principallis, to witt, Agnes\n Sampsoune, Jonett Straittoun, Ewfame McCalyeane, hir selff, Johne\n Fiene, Robert Griersoun, George Moitis wyffe in Prestoune, Margrett\n Thomsoune, and Donald Robesoune; quhilk is nyne persounes, the Devill,\n quha wes with thame in liknes of ane blak man, thocht maist meit to do\n the turne for the quhilk thay wer convenit; and thairfore, he sett\n thame nyne nerrest to him selff, in ane cumpany; and thay, togidder\n with the wyffe of Saltoune myle and the rest of the inferiouris, to\n the nowmer of threttie persounes, standand skairse the lenth of ane\n buird frae the foirsaid nyne persounes in ane vthir cumpany;[148]\n Agnes Sampsoune proponit the distructioune of his hienes persoune,\n saying to the Dewill, 'We haif ane turne ado, and we would fain be att\n itt gif we could, and thairfore help ws to itt'. The Dewill ansuerit,\n he sould do quhat he could, bott it wald be lang to, because it wald\n be thoirterit [thwarted], and he promeist to hir and thame ane pictour\n of walx, and ordenit hir and thame to hing, roist, and drop ane taid,\n and to lay the droppis of the taid [mixed with other supposedly\n virulent poisons], in his hienes way, quhair his Maiestie wald gang\n inowre or outowre, or in ony passage quhair itt mycht drop vpoun his\n hienes heid or body, for his hienes distructioune, that ane vther\n mycht haif rewlit in his Maiesties place, and the ward [government]\n mycht haif gane to the Dewill. Att the quhilk conventioune, his hienes\n name wes pronunceit in Latine; and Agnes Sampsoune wes appointit to\n mak the pictour and to gif it to the Devill to be inchantit, quhilk\n scho maid in deid, and gaif itt to him; and he promiseit to giff it to\n the said Barbara and to Effie McCalyan, att the nixt meting to be\n roistit. Margarett Thomsoun was appointit to dropp the taid. There wes\n ane appointit to seik sum of his hienes linning claithes, to do the\n turne with.\n\n _Agnes Sampson_, continued. Anny Sampsoun affirmed that sche, in\n company with nyn vthers witches, being convenit in the nycht besyd\n Prestounpannes, the deuell ther maister being present standing in the\n midis of thame; ther a body of wax, schaipen and maid be the said Anny\n Sampsoun, wrappit within a lynnyng claith, was fyrst delyuerit to the\n deuell; quhilk efter he had pronuncit his verde, delyuerit the said\n pictour to Anny Sampsoun, and sche to hir nyxt marrow, and sa euery\n ane round about, saying, 'This is King James the sext, ordonit to be\n consumed at the instance of a noble man Francis Erle Bodowell!'\n Efterwart again, at ther meting be nycht at the kirk of Northberick,\n wher the deuell, cled in a blak gown with a blak hat vpon his head,\n preachit vnto a gret nomber of them out of the pulpit, having lyk\n leicht candles rond about him. The effect of his language was till\n knaw, what skaith they had done, whow many they had won to ther\n oppinion sen their last meting, what succes the melting of the pictour\n had tane, and sic vain toyes. And because ane auld sely pure plowman,\n callit Grey Meill, chancit to say that 'nathing ailit the King yet,\n God be thankit' the deuell gaif him a gret blaw. Then dyuers amang\n them enterit in a raisonyng, maruelling that all ther deuellerie culd\n do na harm to the King, as it did till others dyuers. The deuell\n answerit, 'Il est vn home de Dieu'.[149]\n\n _Euphemia McCalyan_, tried June 9, 1591, executed (burnt alive) June\n 25, 1591. Evidence was first given as to her practising witchcraft and\n consorting with well-known witches. Item, indyttit and accusit, of the\n conventicle had att North Berwick Kirk, tuentie dayes before\n Michelmas, 1590; and thair inquyring for the Kings pictour, gewin by\n Annie Sampsoun to the Dewill, to be inchantit, for the tressonabill\n distructioun of the King. Item, indyttit and accusit, for being att\n ane Conventioun haldin at the New Heaven callit the Fayrie-hoillis,\n att Lambmes last wes, to the effect immediatlie aboue writtin. Item,\n Indytit and accusit, for an Conventioun halden by yow and utheris\n notorious Wichis, youre associattis, att the Brwme-hoillis, quhair yow\n and thay tuik the sea, Robert Griersoun being your admerell and\n Maister-manne. [Then comes the recital of the magical means used to\n raise a tempest], quhairby the Quene wes putt back be storme. Item,\n Indytit, for consulting with the said Annie Sampsoun, Robert\n Griersoun, and diuers vtheris Wichis, for the tressonabill staying of\n the Quene's hame-cuming, be storme and wind; and rasing of storme, to\n that effect; or ellis to haif drownit hir Majestie and hir cumpany, be\n coniuring of cattis and casting of thame in the sea, at Leith, at the\n bak of Robert Griersounis hous.\n\n _Barbara Napier_, continued. And siclyke, the said Barbara was\n accusit, that sche gaif hir bodelie presens vpoun Alhallowewin last\n was, 1590 yeiris, to the frequent conuentioune haldin att the Kirk of\n North-Berwick, quhair sche dancit endlang the Kirk-yaird, and Gelie\n Duncan playit on ane trump, Johnne Fiene missellit [muffled] led the\n ring; Agnes Sampsoun and hir dochteris and all the rest following the\n said Barbara, to the nowmer of sevin scoir of persounes.... And the\n Devill start vp in the pulpett, lyke ane mekill blak man, haifand ane\n blak buik in his hand, callit on ewerie ane of thame, desyring thame\n all to be guid serwandis to him, and he sould be ane guid maister to\n thame. Robert Griersoun and Johne Fian stuid on his left hand; and the\n said Robert ffand grit fault with the Dewill, and cryit out, that all\n quhilkis wer besyd mycht heir, becaus his hienes pictour was nocht\n gewin thame, as wes promesit; the said Effie McCalyan remembrand and\n bid[d]and the said Robert Griersoun to speir for the pictour, meaning\n his Maiesties pictour, quhilk sould have been roistit. Robert\n Griersoun said thir wordis, 'Quhair is the thing ye promiseit?'\n meaning the pictour of walx, dewysit for roisting and vndoing his\n hienes persoune, quhilk Agnes Sampsoune gaif to him; and Robert cryit\n to 'haif the turne done'; yit his hienes name was nocht nameit, quhill\n thay that wer wemen nameit him; craifand in playne termes his hienes\n pictour. Bot he ansuerit, 'It sould be gottin the nixt meitting; and\n he wald hald the nixt assemblie for that caus the soner: It was nocht\n reddie at that tyme.' Robert Griersoune ansuerit, 'Ye promiseit twyis\n and begylit ws.' And four honest-like wemene wer very ernist and\n instant to haif itt. And the said Barbara and Effie McCalyane gatt\n than ane promeis of the Dewill, that his hienes pictour sould be\n gottin to thame twa, and that rycht sone: And this mater of his hienes\n pictour was the caus of that assemblie.\n\nThis ends the evidence of the witches; the point to be proved now is the\nidentity of the man whom they believed in and obeyed as God incarnate.\n\nIn all cases of murder or attempted murder it is necessary to find the\nperson who would benefit, for murder is differentiated from manslaughter by\nthe fact that it is deliberately planned and that it is done for a motive.\nIn the case of the witches of North Berwick, the man who instigated the\nmeetings, and to whom consequently suspicion points, was Francis Stewart\nEarl of Bothwell. His position as regards both the King and the witches\nmust therefore be investigated.\n\nFrancis, afterwards Earl of Bothwell, was the eldest son of John Stewart\nand Jane Hepburn, sister of that Earl of Bothwell whom Mary Queen of Scots\nmarried. Francis succeeded his maternal uncle in title and estates. His\nfather, Lord John Stewart, was an illegitimate son of James V. The Pope,\nhowever, legitimized all the natural children of James V; and Mary, after\nher accession, granted letters of legitimation[150] to her two\nhalf-brothers, John Stewart, and James, afterwards the Regent Moray. John\nwas slightly the elder of the two, and had he been legitimate would have\nbeen the heir to the exclusion of Mary. The Regent Moray left only\ndaughters, whereas John Stewart had several sons, of whom Francis was the\neldest. Francis might therefore claim to be the next heir male to the\nthrone of Scotland, and possibly of England, had James VI died without\nchildren. James's own opinion of the matter is shown in his speech to his\nParliament in 1592, when he denounced Bothwell as an aspirant to the\nthrone, although he was 'but a bastard, and could claim no title to the\ncrown'. Bothwell, however, was himself no bastard, though his father was.\nBut the significance of the witches' attempt, as well as the identity of\nthe chief personage at their meeting, is given in Barbara Napier's evidence\nas to the reason for the attempted murder of the King, 'that another might\nhave ruled in his Majesty's place, and the government might have gone to\nthe Devil'. By changing the title 'the Devil' by which he was known to the\nwitches, to the title 'Earl of Bothwell' by which he was known outside the\ncommunity, the man and the motive are manifest. This hypothesis is borne\nout by the contemporary accounts.\n\nThe trial of the witches created a great stir, and Bothwell's name was\nfreely coupled with the witches'. He denied all complicity; this was only\nnatural, as confession would have meant an acknowledgement of high treason.\nBut his followers might have betrayed him. The two leaders, Agnes Sampson\nand John Fian, were tortured. Sampson admitted that the wax image was made\nat the instance of Francis, Earl of Bothwell; an admission sufficiently\ndamning, but beyond that she would say nothing. The real danger to Bothwell\nlay in Fian. Under torture he made admissions and signed a confession in\nthe presence of the King. He was then\n\n 'by the maister of the prison committed to ward, and appointed to a\n chamber by himselfe; where, foresaking his wicked wayes, acknowledging\n his most ungodly lyfe, shewing that he had too much folowed the\n allurements and enticements of Sathan, and fondly practised his\n conclusions, by conjuring, witchcraft, inchantment, sorcerie, and such\n like, hee renounced the Devill and all his wicked workes, vowed to\n lead the lyfe of a Christian, and seemed newly converted to God. The\n morrow after, upon conference had with him, he granted that the Devill\n had appeared unto him in the night before, appareled all in blacke,\n with a white wande in his hande; and that the Devill demaunded of him,\n \"If hee woulde continue his faithfull service, according to his first\n oath and promise made to that effect\": Whome (as hee then saide) he\n utterly renounced to his face, and said unto him in this manner,\n \"Avoide! Sathan, avoide! for I have listned too much unto thee, and by\n the same thou hast undone me; in respect whereof I utterly forsake\n thee\". To whome the Devill answered, that \"once ere thou die thou\n shalt bee mine\". And with that (as he sayd) the Devill brake the white\n wand, and immediately vanished foorth of his sight. Thus, all the\n daie, this Doctor Fian continued verie solitarie, and seemed to have a\n care of his owne soule, and would call uppon God, showing himselfe\n penitent for his wicked life; neverthelesse, the same night, hee found\n such meanes that he stole the key of the prison doore and chamber in\n which he was, which in the night hee opened and fled awaie to the\n Saltpans, where hee was alwayes resident, and first apprehended. Of\n whose sodaine departure, when the Kings Majestie had intelligence, hee\n presently commanded diligent inquirie to bee made for his\n apprehension; and for the better effecting thereof hee sent publike\n proclamations into all partes of his lande to the same effect. By\n means of whose hot and harde pursuite he was agayn taken, and brought\n to prison; and then, being called before the Kings Highnes, hee was\n reexamined, as well touching his departure, as also touching all that\n had before happened. But this Doctor, notwithstanding that his owne\n confession appeareth, remaining in recorde under his owne hande\n writting, and the same thereunto fixed in the presence of the Kings\n Majestie and sundrie of his Councell, yet did hee utterly denie the\n same. Whereupon the Kings Majestie, perceiving his stubborne\n wilfulnesse, conceived and imagined, that in the time of his absence,\n hee had entered into newe conference and league with the Devill his\n maister'. [Fian was then subjected to the most horrible tortures that\n could be devised.] 'And notwithstanding all these grievous paines and\n cruel torments, hee would not confess anie thinges; so deeply had the\n Devill entered into his heart, that hee utterly denied all that which\n he before avouched; and would saie nothing thereunto, but this, that\n what hee had done and sayde before, was onely done and sayde, for fear\n of paynes which he had endured'.[151]\n\nHe continued steadfast and was executed at the Castle Hill.\n\nThe character of Fian is perfectly consistent. Under torture he signed a\nconfession, which confession might have implicated Bothwell. That night\nBothwell himself, or one of his emissaries, obtained access to the prisoner\nand arranged for his escape. The wretched Fian was faced with death either\nway; if he retracted his confession, he would die as a criminal by the\nhands of the law; if he held to it, he would die as a traitor by the hands\nof his comrades. There was no alternative. All that day he 'continued verie\nsolitarie', calling upon God, but by night he had made his choice and fled.\nHe apparently escaped without difficulty. The story of his stealing the\nkeys of his own cell and of the prison door is absurd; the escape was\nobviously effected by connivance just as later on Bothwell's own escape was\neffected. Fian went back to his own home, where, according to James's\nsurmise, he had an interview with the Devil (i.e. Bothwell), and there he\ntamely waited till the officers of the law came and recaptured him. This\ntameness is not in keeping with the rest of his character. A man with\nsufficient courage and resource to get out of a strongly guarded prison\nwould have made good his escape; an easy enough matter in those turbulent\ntimes. Fian then must have been retaken because he wished to be retaken.\nFor fear of torture and in hope of pardon he signed the first confession,\nimplicating Bothwell,[152] yet later he endured agonies of torture with the\ncertainty of death rather than acknowledge one word which might lead to the\ndiscovery that James was bent upon. James's surmise was perhaps more than a\nmere guess; it was prompted by his knowledge of the facts. Fian had had an\ninterview with his Master, whom he believed to be God Incarnate, and like\nmany a Christian martyr he atoned for the first betrayal by steadfast\ncourage through cruel torment even to death.\n\nReading the accounts in the light of this supposition, it is seen that\nevery one, including James, suspected Bothwell. Even if they did not\nacknowledge his divinity, they feared the magical powers which, as Chief of\nthe Witches, he was supposed to wield. It is impossible to study the\ndetails of this period without realizing the extraordinary fear which James\nhad of his cousin; it was fear with an underlying horror, totally different\nfrom his feeling towards his other turbulent subjects. When Bothwell,\nseeking pardon, was introduced into Holyrood Palace by Lady Athol in the\nearly morning of July 24, 1593, he entered the King's chamber. James,\nalways undignified, was caught in the middle of his morning toilet; he\ntried to run into the Queen's room, but the way was barred by Bothwell's\nfriends and the door was locked. 'The king, seeing no other refuge, asked\nwhat they meant. Came they to seek his life? let them take it--they would\nnot get his soul.'[153] This remark, made in the urgency and excitement of\nthe moment, is highly significant. Had Bothwell been, like many of James's\nother enemies, merely an assassin, James would not have spoken of his soul.\nBut Bothwell as the Devil of the witches had the right to demand the\nyielding of the soul, and James was aware of the fact.\n\nThe birth of James's children removed Bothwell's hopes of succession; the\npower of the witch organization, of which he was the Chief, was broken by\nthe death of its leaders. He had made a strong bid for power, he failed,\nfled the country, and finally died in poverty at Naples. There George\nSandys the traveller heard of him: 'Here a certaine _Calabrian_ hearing\nthat I was an _English_ man, came to me, and would needs perswade me that I\nhad insight in magicke: for that Earle _Bothel_ was my countryman, who\nliues at _Naples_, and is in those parts famous for suspected\nnegromancie.'[154]\n\nThe Devil being actually a human being, the letter of introduction to him,\ngiven by a man-witch to a would-be proselyte, becomes quite credible. It is\nworth quoting verbatim:\n\n 'Monseigneur, d'autant qu'il me faut retirer de la Religion des\n Chrestiens, afin que ie multiplie vostre party, duquel estant, il est\n raisonnable que ie vous glorifie et assemble tant de gens que ie\n pourray, ie vous enuoye ce porteur pour estre du nombre: c'est\n pourquoy ie vous prie de l'aider en ses amours.'\n\nSatan's reply to the novice shows a distinctly human trace of temper:\n\n 'Vous autres Chrestiens vous estes perfides et obstinez: Quand vous\n auez quelque violent desir, vous vous departez de vostre maistre, et\n auez recours \u00e0 moy: mais quand vostre desir est accompli, vous me\n tournez le dos comme \u00e0 vn ennemi, et vous en retournez \u00e0 vostre Dieu,\n lequel estant benin et clement, vous pardonne et re\u00e7oit volontiers.\n Mais fay moy vne promesse escrite et signee de ta main, par laquelle\n tu renonces volontairement ton Christ et ton Baptesme, et me promets\n que tu adhereras et seras auec moy iusqu'au iour du iugement; et apres\n iceluy tu te delecteras encore auec moy de souffrir les peines\n eternelles, et i'accompliray ton desir.'[155]\n\n\n4. _As an Animal_\n\n[Illustration]\n\nIn many religions the disguising of the principal personage--whether god or\npriest--as an animal is well known. The custom is very ancient--such\ndisguised human beings are found even among the palaeolithic drawings in\nFrance; and on a slate palette belonging to the late pre-dynastic period of\nEgypt there is a representation of a man disguised as a jackal and playing\non a pipe.[156] The ritual disguise as an animal is condemned, with great\nparticularity, as devilish, in the _Liber Poenitentialis_ of Theodore of\nthe seventh century (see _supra_, p. 21), showing that it continued in\nforce after the conversion of England to an outward appearance of\nChristianity. From the analogy of other religions in which the custom\noccurs, it would appear that it is a ritual for the promotion of fertility;\nthe animal represented being either the sacred animal of the tribe or the\ncreature most used for food.\n\nThe suggestion that the Devil was a man, wearing either an animal's skin or\na mask in the form of an animal's head as a ritual disguise, accounts as\nnothing else can for the witches' evidence as to his appearance and his\nchanges of form. A confusion, however, exists from the fact that the\nwitches, and therefore the recorders, usually spoke of the familiars as the\nDevil; but in almost every case the disguised man can, on examination of\nthe evidence, be distinguished from the animal familiar.\n\nThe animal forms in which the Devil most commonly appeared were bull, cat,\ndog, goat, horse, and sheep. A few curious facts come to light on\ntabulating these forms; i.e. the Devil appears as a goat or a sheep in\nFrance only; he is never found in any country as a hare, though this was\nthe traditional form for a witch to assume; nor is he found as a toad,\nthough this was a common form for the familiar; the fox and the ass also\nare unknown forms; and in Western Europe the pig is an animal almost\nentirely absent from all the rites and ceremonies as well as from the\ndisguises of the Devil.\n\nThe witches never admitted in so many words that the Devil was a man\ndisguised, but their evidence points strongly to the fact. In some cases\nthe whole body was disguised, in others a mask was worn, usually over the\nface. The wearing of the mask is indicated partly by descriptions of its\nappearance, and partly by the description of the Devil's voice. The\nLorraine witches in 1589 said that the Devils 'k\u00f6nnen nimmermehr die\nMenschliche Stimme so aussdr\u00fccklich nachreden, dass man nicht leicht daran\nmercke, dass es eine gemachte falsche Stimme sey. Nicolaea Ganatia, und\nfast alle andere sagen, dass sie eine Stimme von sich geben, gleich denen,\nso den Kopff in ein Fass oder zerbrochenen Hafen stecken und daraus reden.\nAuch geben sie etwann eine kleine leise Stimme von sich.'[157] The North\nBerwick Devil in 1590 was purposely disguised out of all recognition: 'The\nDevil start up in the pulpit, like a mickle black man, with a black beard\nsticking out like a goat's beard; and a high ribbed nose, falling down\nsharp like the beak of a hawk; with a long rumpill' [tail].[158] This was\nBarbara Napier's account; Agnes Sampson describes the same personage, 'The\ndeuell caused all the company to com and kiss his ers, quhilk they said was\ncauld like yce; his body was hard lyk yrn, as they thocht that handled him;\nhis faice was terrible, his noise lyk the bek of an egle, gret bournyng\neyn: his handis and legis wer herry, with clawis vpon his handis and feit\nlyk the griffon, and spak with a how voice.'[159] Boguet states that 'on\ndemanda \u00e0 George Gandillon, si lors qu'il fut sollicit\u00e9 par Sat\u00e3 de se\nbailler \u00e0 luy, Satan parloit distinctement. Il respondit que non, & qu'\u00e0\npeine pouuoit il comprendre ce qu'il disoit.'[160] The evidence of the\nwitches in the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es makes it clear that a disguise was worn, and\nthat a mask was placed on the back either of the head or of the person;\nthis also explains part of Agnes Sampson's evidence given above. The effect\nof the mask at the back of the head was to make the man appear two-faced,\n'comme le dieu Janus'. In the other case 'le diable estoit en forme de\nbouc, ayant vne queue, & au-dessoubs vn visage d'homme noir ... & n'a\nparole par ce visage de derriere.--Vne grande que\u00fce au derriere, & vne\nforme de visage au dessoubs: duquel visage il ne profere aucune parole,\nains luy sert pour donner \u00e0 baiser \u00e0 ceux qui bon luy semble.--Marie\nd'Aspilecute dit qu'elle le baisa \u00e0 ce visage de derriere au dessoubs d'vne\ngrande queu\u00eb; qu'elle l'y a bais\u00e9 par trois fois, & qu'il auoit ce visage\nfaict comme le museau d'vn bouc.--Bertrand de Handuch, aagee de dix ans,\nconfessa que le cul du gr\u00e3d maistre auoit vn visage derriere, & c'estoit le\nvisage de derriere qu'on baisoit, & non le cul.'[161] The Devil of the\nBasses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es evidently wore a mask over the face, for he had 'la voix\neffroyable & sans ton, quand il parle on diroit que cest vn mullet qui se\nmet \u00e0 braire, il a la voix casse, la parole malarticulee, & peu\nintelligible, parcequ'il a tousiours la voix triste & enro\u00fcee'. On\noccasions also 'il quitoit la forme de Bouc, & prenoit celle d'homme'.[162]\nIn 1614 at Orleans Silvain Nevillon said 'qu'il vit \u00e0 la chemin\u00e9e vn homme\nnoir duquel on ne voyoit pas la teste. Vit aussi vn grand homme noir \u00e0\nl'opposite de celuy de la chemin\u00e9e, & que ledit ho[~m]e noir parloit comme\nsi la voix fut sortie d'vn poinson. Dit: Que le Diable dit le Serm\u00f5 au\nSabbat, mais qu'on n'entend ce qu'il dit, parce qu'il parle co[~m]e en\ngr\u00f5dant.'[163] The devil who appeared to Joan Wallis, the Huntingdonshire\nwitch, in 1649, was in the shape of a man dressed in black, but he 'was not\nas her husband, which speaks to her like a man, but he as he had been some\ndistance from her when he was with her'.[164] Thomazine Ratcliffe, a\nSuffolk witch, said that the Devil 'spoke with a hollow, shrill\nvoyce'.[165] According to Mary Green (1665) the Somerset Devil, who was a\nlittle man, 'put his hand to his Hat, saying, How do ye? speaking low but\nbig'.[166] In the same year Abre Grinset, another Suffolk witch, confessed\nthat she met the Devil, who was in the form of 'a Pretty handsom Young Man,\nand spake to her with a hollow Solemn Voice'.[167] John Stuart at Paisley\n(1678) said the Devil came to him as a black man, 'and that the black man's\nApparel was black; and that the black man's Voice was hough and\ngoustie'.[168]\n\nThe coldness of the devil's entire person, which is vouched for by several\nwitches, suggests that the ritual disguise was not merely a mask over the\nface, but included a covering, possibly of leather or some other hard and\ncold substance, over the whole body and even the hands. Such a disguise was\napparently not always worn, for in the great majority of cases there is no\nrecord of the Devil's temperature except in the sexual rites, and even then\nthe witch could not always say whether the touch of the Devil was warm or\nnot. In 1565 the Belgian witch, Digna Robert, said the devil '\u00e9tait froid\ndans tous ses membres'.[169] In 1590, at North Berwick, 'he caused all the\ncompany to com and kiss his ers, quhilk they said was cauld lyk yce; his\nbody was hard lyk yrn, as they thocht that handled him'.[170] In 1598\nPierre Burgot, whose statement is quoted by several authors, 'a confess\u00e9,\nque le Diable luy donna \u00e0 baiser sa main senestre, qui estoit noire, comme\nmorte, & toute froide'.[171] In 1609, in the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es, Isaac de\nQueyran, aged 25, said that he and others 'le baiserent \u00e0 vne fesse qui\nestoit blanche & rouge, & auoit la forme d'vne grande cuisse d'vn homme, &\nestoit velue'.[172] This shows the ritual disguise of the person and\nsuggests the use of an animal's hide with the hair still attached. In 1645\nthe Essex witch Rebecca West said 'he kissed her, but was as cold as\nclay'.[173] At Salisbury in 1653, when the witch Anne Bodenham persuaded\nAnne Styles to join the community, 'then appeared two Spirits in the\nlikenesse of great Boyes, with long shagged black hair, and stood by her\nlooking over her shoulder, and the Witch took the Maids forefinger of her\nright hand, and pricked it with a pin, and squeezed out the blood and put\nit into a Pen, and put the Pen in the Maids hand, and held her hand to\nwrite in a great book, and one of the Spirits laid his hand or Claw upon\nthe Witches whilest the Maid wrote; and the Spirits hand did feel cold to\nthe Maid as it touched her hand, when the witches hand and hers were\ntogether writing'.[174] At Forfar in 1661 three of the witches agreed as to\nthe coldness of the Devil; 'Elspet Alexander confesses that the divill\nkissed hir selfe that night and that it was ane cold kisse; Katheren Porter\nconfesseth that the divill tooke hir by the hand, that his hand was cold;\nIsobell Smith confessed that he kissed hir and his mouth and breath were\ncold.'[175] In 1662 the Crook of Devon witches were also in accord. Isabel\nRutherford 'confesst that ye was at ane meeting at Turfhills, where Sathan\ntook you by the hand and said \"welcome, Isabel\", and said that his hand was\ncold.--Margaret Litster confessed that Sathan took you be the hand and\nstayed the space of half an hour, Sathan having grey clothes and his hand\ncold.--Janet Paton confessed that Sathan asked you gif ye would be his\nservant, whilk ye did, and Sathan took you be the hand, and ye said that\nhis hand was cold.' On the other hand Agnes Murie 'knew not whether his\nbody was hot or cold'.[176] According to Isobel Gowdie at Auldearne in\n1662, 'he was a meikle blak roch man, werie cold';[177] at Torryburn,\nLilias Adie found his skin was cold;[178] and the Crighton witches in 1678\nsaid, 'he was cold, and his breath was like a damp air'.[179] In 1697\nlittle Thomas Lindsay declared that 'Jean Fulton his Grand-mother awaked\nhim one Night out of his Bed, and caused him take a Black Grimm Gentleman\n(as she called him) by the Hand; which he felt to be cold'.[180]\n\nThe evidence as to the forms assumed by the Devil is tabulated here under\neach animal, each section being arranged in chronological order.\n\n1. _Bull._--In 1593 at Angers 'Michel des Rousseaux, ag\u00e9 de 50 ans, dict\nque ledict homme noir appell\u00e9 Iupin se transforma aussitost en Bouc ... et\napres leur auoir baill\u00e9 des bo\u00fcetes de poudre, il se tr\u00e3sforma en\nBouuard'.[181] At Aberdeen in 1597 Marion Grant confessed that 'the Devill\napperit to the, sumtyme in the scheap of a beist, and sumtyme in the scheap\nof a man'. Jonet Lucas of the same Coven said that the Devil was with them,\n'beand in likenes of ane beist'. Agnes Wobster, also of the same Coven,\nacknowledged that 'thaireftir Satan apperit to the in the likenes of a\ncalff, and spak to the in manner forsaid, and baid the be a gude servand to\nhim'.[182] In 1608 Gabriel Pell\u00e9 confessed that he went with a friend to\nthe Sabbath, where 'le Diable estoit en vache noire, & que cette vache\nnoire luy fit renoncer Dieu'.[183] De Lancre says that at Tournelle the\nDevil appeared 'parfois comme vn grand B[oe]uf d'airain couch\u00e9 \u00e0 terre,\ncomme vn B[oe]uf naturel qui se repose'.[184] At Lille in 1661 the witches\n'adored a beast with which they committed infamous things'.[185] According\nto Isobel Gowdie in 1662, the Devil of Auldearne changed his form, or\ndisguise, continually, 'somtym he vold be lyk a stirk, a bull, a deir, a\nrae, or a dowg'.[186] [In the above, I have taken the word 'beast' in its\nusual meaning as an animal of the cattle tribe, but it is quite possible\nthat the Lille beast, _beste_ in the original, may have been a goat and not\na bull. This seems likely from the fact that the sacrifice was by fire as\nin the other places where the Devil used the goat-disguise.]\n\n2. _Cat._--The earliest example of the cat-disguise is in the trial of the\nGuernsey witches in 1563, when Martin Tulouff confessed:\n\n '[*q] il y a viron ung quartier d'an passez [*q] il soy trouva\n auvec[*q]s la Vieillesse aultrem[~e]t dit Collenette Gascoing, en la\n rue de la fosse au Coully, l\u00e0 ou l y avoet chinq ou vi chatz, d'ou il\n y en avoet ung qui estoet noir, qui menoit la dance, et danssoient et\n luy dyst lad^te Collenette, [*q] il besait led^t Chat et d^t [*q] il\n estoet sur ses pieds plat, et que ladite Collenette le besa [*p] de\n derriere, et luy [*p] la crysse, et [*q] fr\u00e3coize Lenouff sa m\u00e8re y\n estoet et Collette Salmon fae de Collas du port, laqlle alloet dev\u00e3t\n et s'agenouillerent to^s dev\u00e3t le Chat et l'adorer[~e]t en luy baill\u00e3t\n le^r foy, et luy dist ladite Vieillesse [*q] ledit Chat estoet le\n diable.'[187]\n\nFran\u00e7oise Secretain, in 1598, saw the Devil 'tantost en forme de chat'.\nRolande de Vernois said, 'Le Diable se presenta pour lors au Sabbat en\nforme d'vn groz chat noir.'[188] In 1652 another French witch confessed\nthat 'il entra dans sa chambre en forme d'ung chat et se changea en la\nposture d'un home vestu de rouge', who took her to the Sabbath.[189] Both\nthe Devonshire witches, Mary Trembles and Susanna Edwards, in 1682, stated\nthat they saw him as a lion, by which they possibly meant a large cat.[190]\nIn this connexion it is worth noting that in Lapland as late as 1767 the\ndevil appeared 'in the likeness of a cat, handling them from their feet to\ntheir mouth, and counting their teeth'.[191]\n\n3. _Dog._--At Chelmsford in 1556 Joan Waterhouse 'dydde as she had seene\nher mother doe, callynge Sathan, whiche came to her (as she sayd) in the\nlykenes of a great dogge'.[192] In 1616 Barth\u00e9lemy Minguet of Br\u00e9cy was\ntried for witchcraft. 'Enquis, comme il a aduis quand le Sabbat se doit\ntenir. Respond, que c'est le Diable qui luy vient dire estant en forme de\nchien noir, faict comme vn barbet, parle \u00e0 luy en ceste forme. Enquis, en\nquelle forme se met le Diable estant au Sabbat. Respond, qu'il ne l'a\niamais veu autrement qu'en forme de barbet noir. Enquis, quelles ceremonies\nils obseruent estant au Sabbat. Respond, que le Diable estant en forme de\nbarbet noir (comme dessus est dit) se met tout droit sur les pattes de\nderriere, les preche'.[193] etc. In Guernsey in 1617 Isabel Becquet went to\nRocquaine Castle, 'the usual place where the Devil kept his Sabbath; no\nsooner had she arrived there than the Devil came to her in the form of a\ndog, with two great horns sticking up: and with one of his paws (which\nseemed to her like hands) took her by the hand: and calling her by her name\ntold her that she was welcome: then immediately the Devil made her kneel\ndown: while he himself stood up on his hind legs; he then made her express\ndetestation of the Eternal in these words: _I renounce God the Father, God\nthe Son, and God the Holy Ghost_; and then caused her to worship and invoke\nhimself.'[194] Barton's wife, about 1655, stated that 'one Night going to a\ndancing upon Pentland-hills, he went before us in the likeness of a rough\ntanny-Dog, playing on a pair of Pipes, and his tail played ey wig wag wig\nwag'.[195] In 1658 an Alloa witch named Jonet Blak declared that he\nappeared to her first as 'a dog with a sowis head'.[196] In 1661 Jonet\nWatson of Dalkeith said that 'the Deivill apeired vnto her, in the liknes\nof ane prettie boy, in grein clothes, and went away from her in the liknes\nof ane blak doug'.[197] According to Marie Lamont of Innerkip in 1662, 'the\ndevill in the likeness of a brown dog' helped to raise a storm.[198]\nMargaret Hamilton, widow of James Pullwart of Borrowstowness in 1679, was\naccused that she met 'the devil in the likeness of a man, but he removed\nfrom you in the likeness of an black dog'.[199] The Highland witches in\nthe eighteenth century saw the devil as a dog; he was 'a large black ugly\ntyke', to whom the witches made obeisance; the dog acknowledged the homage\n'by bowing, grinning, and clapping his paws'.[200] In the case of the\ndog-disguise, there is again a similarity with Lapp beliefs and customs,\nthe appearance of the Devil as a dog being not uncommon in Lapland.[201]\n\n4. _Goat._--An interesting point as regards this form of disguise is that\nit does not occur in Great Britain, nor have I found it so far in Belgium.\nIt prevailed chiefly in France, from which all my examples are taken. At\nPoictiers in 1574 'trois Sorciers & vne Sorciere declarent qu'ils estoyent\ntrois fois l'an, \u00e0 l'assembl\u00e9e generale, o\u00f9 plusieurs Sorciers se\ntrouuoyent pr\u00e9s d'vne croix d'vn carrefour, qui seruoit d'enseigne. Et l\u00e0\nse trouuoit vn grand bouc noir, qui parloit comme vne personne aux\nassistans, & dansoyent \u00e0 l'entour du bouc.'[202] At Avignon in 1581 'when\nhee comes to be adored, he appeareth not in a humane forme, but as the\nWitches themselues haue deposed, as soone as they are agreed of the time\nthat he is to mount vpon the altar (which is some rock or great stone in\nthe fields) there to bee worshipped by them, hee instantly turneth himselfe\ninto the forme of a great black Goate, although in all other occasions hee\nvseth to appeare in the shape of a man.[203] In Lorraine in 1589 the Devil\n'sich in einen zottelichten Bock verwandelt hat, und viel st\u00e4rker reucht\nund \u00fcbeler stinckt als immer ein Bock im Anfang des Fr\u00fchlings thun\nmag'.[204] In Puy de D\u00f4me in 1594 Jane Bosdeau's lover took her to a\nmeeting, and 'there appeared a great Black Goat with a Candle between his\nHorns'.[205] In 1598 'Satan apres auoir prins la figure d'vn Bouc, se\nconsume en feu'.[206] In the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es in 1609:\n\n 'le Diable estoit en forme de bouc, ayant vne queue, & au-dessoubs vn\n visage d'homme noir, & n'a parole par ce visage de derriere.--Marie\n d'Aguerre dit qu'il y a vne grande cruche au milieu du Sabbat, d'o\u00f9\n sort le Diable en forme de bouc.--D'autres disent qu'il est comme vn\n grand bouc, ayant deux cornes devant & deux en derriere; que celles de\n devant se rebrassent en haut comme la perruque d'vne femme. Mais le\n commun est qu'il a seulement trois cornes, & qu'il a quelque espece de\n lumiere en celle du milieu. On luy voit aussi quelque espece de bonet\n ou chapeau au dessus de ces cornes. On a obseru\u00e9 de tout temps que\n lorsqu'il veut receuoir quelcun \u00e0 faire pacte auec luy, il se presente\n tousiours en homme, pour ne l'effaroucher ou effraier: car faire pacte\n auec vn Bouc ouuertement, tiendroit plus de la beste que de la\n creature raisonnable. Mais le pacte faict, lors qu'il veut receuoir\n quelqu'vn \u00e0 l'adoration, communem[~e]t il se represente en Bouc.'[207]\n\nSilvain Nevillon confessed at Orleans in 1614 'qu'il a veu le Diable en\nplusieurs fa\u00e7ons, tantost comme vn bouc, ayant vn visage deuant & vn autre\nderriere'.[208]\n\n5. _Horse._--I give here only the references to the Devil when actually\ndisguised as a horse, but there are a very great number of cases where he\nappeared riding on a horse. These cases are so numerous as to suggest that\nthe horse was part of the ritual, especially as the riding Devil usually\noccurs in places where an animal disguise was not used, e.g. in 1598, in\nAberdeen, where Andro Man 'confessis that Crystsunday rydis all the tyme\nthat he is in thair cumpanie'.[209] The actual disguise as a horse is not\ncommon. Elizabeth Stile of Windsor in 1579 'confesseth, her self often\ntymes to haue gon to Father Rosimond house where she found hym sittyng in a\nWood, not farre from thence, vnder the bodie of a Tree, sometymes in the\nshape of an Ape, and otherwhiles like an Horse'.[210] Helen Guthrie in 1661\nstated that when the Forfar witches were trying to sink a ship, 'the divell\nwes there present with them all, in the shape of ane great horse. They\nreturned all in the same liknes as of befor, except that the divell wes in\nthe shape of a man.'[211] Mary Lacey of Salem in 1692 said that he\nappeared in the shape of a horse. 'I was in bed and the devil came to me\nand bid me obey him.'[212]\n\n6. _Sheep._--The sheep-disguise, which is perhaps a form of the goat, is\nusually found in France only. In 1453 'Guillaume Edeline, docteur en\nth\u00e9ologie, prieur de S. Germain en Laye, et auparavant Augustin, et\nreligieux de certaines aultres ordres ... confessa, de sa bonne et franche\nvoulont\u00e9, avoir fait hommage audit ennemy en l'esp\u00e8ce et semblance d'ung\nmouton'.[213] Iaquema Paget and Antoine Gandillon in 1598 said that 'il\nprenoit la figure d'vn mouton noir, portant des cornes'.[214] In 1614 at\nOrleans Silvain Nevillon was induced to reveal all he knew; 'dit qu'il a\nveu le Diable en plusieurs fa\u00e7ons, tantost comme vn bouc, ores comme vn\ngros mouton'.[215]\n\nThe rarer animal disguises are the deer and the bear. Of these the deer is\nfound at Aberdeen in 1597, Andro Man 'confessis and affermis, thow saw\nChristsonday cum owt of the snaw in liknes of a staig';[216] at Auldearne\nin 1662, 'somtym he vold be lyk a stirk, a bull, a deir, a rae, or a\ndowg';[217] at Hartford, Connecticut, 1662, Rebecca Greensmith said that\n'the devil first appeared to her in the form of a deer or fawn'.[218] The\nbear is still rarer, as I have found it only twice--once in Lorraine, and\nonce in Lancashire. In 1589 'es haben die Geister auch etwann Lust sich in\nGestalt eines B\u00e4ren zu erzeigen'.[219] In 1613 Anne Chattox declared that\nthe Devil 'came vpon this Examinate in the night time: and at diuerse and\nsundry times in the likenesse of a Beare, gaping as though he would haue\nwearied [worried] this Examinate. And the last time of all shee, this\nExaminate, saw him, was vpon Thursday last yeare but one, next before\nMidsummer day, in the euening, like a Beare, and this Examinate would not\nthen speake vnto him, for the which the said Deuill pulled this Examinate\ndowne.'[220]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[Footnote 27: Danaeus, E 1, ch. iv.]\n\n[Footnote 28: Gaule, p. 62.]\n\n[Footnote 29: Cannaert, p. 45.]\n\n[Footnote 30: _Spalding Club Miscellany_, i, pp. 171, 172.]\n\n[Footnote 31: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 398, 399.]\n\n[Footnote 32: Id., _L'Incredulit\u00e9_, p. 801.]\n\n[Footnote 33: Baines, i, p. 607 note. For the name Mamillion see Layamon's\n_Brut_, p. 155, Everyman Library.]\n\n[Footnote 34: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 222.--Hale, p. 37.]\n\n[Footnote 35: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 605, 607, 613.]\n\n[Footnote 36: Hale, p. 58.]\n\n[Footnote 37: _Surtees Soc._, xl, pp. 191, 193.]\n\n[Footnote 38: Fountainhall, i. 15.]\n\n[Footnote 39: Howell, vi, 660.--J. Hutchinson, ii, p. 31.]\n\n[Footnote 40: _Alse Gooderidge_, pp. 9, 10.]\n\n[Footnote 41: Boguet, p. 54.]\n\n[Footnote 42: _Wonderfull Discouerie of Elizabeth Sawyer_, C 4, rev.]\n\n[Footnote 43: _County Folklore_, iii, Orkney, pp. 103, 107-8.]\n\n[Footnote 44: Stearne, pp. 28, 38]\n\n[Footnote 45: _Highland Papers_, iii, pp. 16, 17.]\n\n[Footnote 46: It is possible that the shoe was cleft like the modern\n'hygienic' shoe. Such a shoe is described in the ballad of the _Cobler of\nCanterbury_, date 1608, as part of a woman's costume:\n\n 'Her sleev\u00ebs blue, her traine behind,\n With silver hookes was tucked, I find;\n Her sho\u00ebs broad, and forked before.'\n]\n\n[Footnote 47: Danaeus, ch. iv.]\n\n[Footnote 48: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 69.]\n\n[Footnote 49: Cooper, _Pleasant Treatise_, p. 2.]\n\n[Footnote 50: Burns Begg, p. 217.]\n\n[Footnote 51: _Examination of John Walsh._]\n\n[Footnote 52: Potts, D 3, B 2.]\n\n[Footnote 53: Baines, i, p. 607 note.]\n\n[Footnote 54: Hale, p. 46.]\n\n[Footnote 55: Howell, iv, 833, 836, 840, 854-5.]\n\n[Footnote 56: Stearne, p. 13.--Davenport, p. 13.]\n\n[Footnote 57: Stearne, pp. 22, 29, 30.]\n\n[Footnote 58: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 136, 137, 147, 149, 156, 161-5.]\n\n[Footnote 59: Hale, p. 58.]\n\n[Footnote 60: Petto, p. 18.]\n\n[Footnote 61: Denham Tracts, ii, p. 301.]\n\n[Footnote 62: Howell, viii, 1035.]\n\n[Footnote 63: _Elinor Shaw and Mary Phillips_, p. 6.]\n\n[Footnote 64: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 51-6.]\n\n[Footnote 65: Id., i, pt. ii, p. 162.]\n\n[Footnote 66: Id., i, pt. ii, pp. 245-6, 239. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 67: Melville, pp. 395-6.]\n\n[Footnote 68: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 210.]\n\n[Footnote 69: _Spalding Club Miscellany_, i, pp. 124, 127, 164, 172.]\n\n[Footnote 70: Pitcairn, ii, p. 537.]\n\n[Footnote 71: _County Folklore_, iii, p. 103. Orkney.]\n\n[Footnote 72: From the record of the trial in the Justiciary Court,\nEdinburgh.]\n\n[Footnote 73: _Spottiswode Miscellany_, ii, p. 65.]\n\n[Footnote 74: Pitcairn, iii, p. 599.]\n\n[Footnote 75: Sinclair, p. 122.]\n\n[Footnote 76: Id., p. 47.]\n\n[Footnote 77: Arnot, p. 358.]\n\n[Footnote 78: _Scottish Antiquary_, ix, pp. 50, 51.]\n\n[Footnote 79: Kinloch, pp. 114, 128, 132.]\n\n[Footnote 80: Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.]\n\n[Footnote 81: From the records in the Justiciary Court, Edinburgh.]\n\n[Footnote 82: Pitcairn, iii, p. 603.]\n\n[Footnote 83: Burns Begg, pp. 221-39.]\n\n[Footnote 84: Sharpe, pp. 131, 134.]\n\n[Footnote 85: _Hogers_, a coarse stocking without the foot.]\n\n[Footnote 86: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 291-5, 297.]\n\n[Footnote 87: _Scots Magazine_, 1814, p. 200.]\n\n[Footnote 88: _Narrative of the Sufferings of a Young Girle_, pp.\nxxxix-xli--_Sadd. Debell._, pp. 38-40.]\n\n[Footnote 89: _A true and full Relation of the Witches of Pittenweem_, p.\n10.--Sinclair, p. lxxxix.]\n\n[Footnote 90: Sharpe, p. 191.]\n\n[Footnote 91: _Camden Society_, Lady Alice Kyteler, p. 3.]\n\n[Footnote 92: _Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_, p. 687.]\n\n[Footnote 93: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]\n\n[Footnote 94: Bodin, p. 226.]\n\n[Footnote 95: Boguet, pp. 8, 96.]\n\n[Footnote 96: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 130.]\n\n[Footnote 97: Id., _L'Incredulit\u00e9_, pp. 799, 800. The second Devil is\ncalled Tramesabot on p. 802.]\n\n[Footnote 98: Van Elven, _La Tradition_, v (1891), p. 215. Neither the\nwitches' names nor the place are given.]\n\n[Footnote 99: Cannaert, pp. 44, 53-4, 60.]\n\n[Footnote 100: Fountainhall, i, p. 14.]\n\n[Footnote 101: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 316.]\n\n[Footnote 102: Taylor, pp. 81, 118.]\n\n[Footnote 103: Green, pp. 9, 14.]\n\n[Footnote 104: Howell, vi, 660, 664; J. Hutchinson, ii, pp. 31, 37.]\n\n[Footnote 105: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 51.]\n\n[Footnote 106: Melville, p. 395.]\n\n[Footnote 107: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 246. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 108: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 127.]\n\n[Footnote 109: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 68.]\n\n[Footnote 110: _Scottish Antiquary_, ix, pp. 50, 51.]\n\n[Footnote 111: Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.]\n\n[Footnote 112: Burns Begg, pp. 221, 223, 234, 235, 239.]\n\n[Footnote 113: Taylor, p. 81.]\n\n[Footnote 114: Cannaert, p. 60.]\n\n[Footnote 115: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 164.]\n\n[Footnote 116: Chambers, iii, p. 298.]\n\n[Footnote 117: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 316.]\n\n[Footnote 118: Sinclair, p. lxxxix.]\n\n[Footnote 119: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 56.]\n\n[Footnote 120: Id., i, pt. ii, p. 163.]\n\n[Footnote 121: _Spalding Club Misc._, pp. 119-21.]\n\n[Footnote 122: Id., i, p. 171.]\n\n[Footnote 123: Pitcairn, ii, p. 478.]\n\n[Footnote 124: De Lancre, _L'Incredulit\u00e9_, p. 36.]\n\n[Footnote 125: Id., _Tableau_, p. 401.]\n\n[Footnote 126: Potts, B 4.]\n\n[Footnote 127: _Wonderful Discovery of Margaret and Phillip Flower_, p.\n117.]\n\n[Footnote 128: Sinclair, p. 160.]\n\n[Footnote 129: Kinloch, p. 144.]\n\n[Footnote 130: Law, p. 27 note.]\n\n[Footnote 131: Cotton Mather, p. 159.]\n\n[Footnote 132: _Rehearsall both straung and true_, par. 24.]\n\n[Footnote 133: _Calendar of State Papers._ Domestic, 1584, p. 220.]\n\n[Footnote 134: Stearne, p. 45.]\n\n[Footnote 135: Gerish, _The Divel's Delusions_, p. 11.]\n\n[Footnote 136: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 161-4.]\n\n[Footnote 137: Id., ii, pp. 26-7.]\n\n[Footnote 138: Hibbert, p. 578.]\n\n[Footnote 139: Sinclair, p. 48.]\n\n[Footnote 140: From the record in the Justiciary Office, Edinburgh.]\n\n[Footnote 141: Chambers, iii, p. 299.]\n\n[Footnote 142: Ravaisson, 1679, pp. 334-6.]\n\n[Footnote 143: Mather, pp. 120, 125; J. Hutchinson, _History_, ii, pp. 37\nseq.]\n\n[Footnote 144: Boguet, p. 125.]\n\n[Footnote 145: _Lawes against Witches and Conivration_, p. 7.]\n\n[Footnote 146: Wilson, ii, p. 158.]\n\n[Footnote 147: The trials are published by Pitcairn, i, pt. ii.]\n\n[Footnote 148: There were present on this occasion thirty-nine persons, or\nthree Covens. See chap. vii on the Organization.]\n\n[Footnote 149: _Bannatyne Club_, Melville, _Memoirs_, p. 395. The\nsycophantic Melville adds; 'And certanly he is a man of God, and dois na\nwrang wittingly, bot is inclynit to all godlynes, justice and virtu;\ntherfore God hes preserued him in the midis of many dangers.']\n\n[Footnote 150: _Reg. Mag. Sig. Scot._, No. 565, Feb. 7, 1550/1.]\n\n[Footnote 151: _Newes from Scotland._ Quoted in Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp.\n213-23.]\n\n[Footnote 152: It is perhaps significant that the confession of John Fian,\nand the trials of both Barbara Napier and of Bothwell himself for\nwitchcraft, have disappeared from the Justiciary Records.]\n\n[Footnote 153: Burton, v, p. 283.]\n\n[Footnote 154: Sandys, p. 250.]\n\n[Footnote 155: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 176, 177.]\n\n[Footnote 156: Quibell, pl. xxviii. The palette itself is now in the\nAshmolean Museum, Oxford.]\n\n[Footnote 157: Remigius, pt. i, p. 38.]\n\n[Footnote 158: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 246. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 159: Melville, p. 395.]\n\n[Footnote 160: Boguet, p. 56.]\n\n[Footnote 161: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 68, 73, 126.]\n\n[Footnote 162: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 225, 398.]\n\n[Footnote 163: Id., _L'Incredulit\u00e9_, pp. 799-801.]\n\n[Footnote 164: Stearne, p. 13.]\n\n[Footnote 165: Id., p. 22.]\n\n[Footnote 166: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 164.]\n\n[Footnote 167: Petto, p. 18.]\n\n[Footnote 168: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 294-5.]\n\n[Footnote 169: Cannaert, p. 54.]\n\n[Footnote 170: Melville, _Memoirs_, p. 395.]\n\n[Footnote 171: Boguet, pp. 53-4.]\n\n[Footnote 172: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 148.]\n\n[Footnote 173: Howell, iv, 842.]\n\n[Footnote 174: More, pp. 196-7.]\n\n[Footnote 175: Kinloch, pp. 115, 129, 132.]\n\n[Footnote 176: Burns Begg, pp. 219, 221, 228, 230.]\n\n[Footnote 177: Pitcairn, iii, p. 603.]\n\n[Footnote 178: Chambers, iii, 298.]\n\n[Footnote 179: Fountainhall, i, p. 14.]\n\n[Footnote 180: _Narrative of the Sufferings of a Young Girle_, p. xli;\n_Sadd. Debell._, p. 40.]\n\n[Footnote 181: De Lancre, _L'Incredulit\u00e9_, p. 769.]\n\n[Footnote 182: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 129.]\n\n[Footnote 183: De Lancre, _L'Incredulit\u00e9_, p. 794.]\n\n[Footnote 184: Id., _Tableau_, p. 68.]\n\n[Footnote 185: Bourignon, _Parole_, p. 87; Hale, p. 26.]\n\n[Footnote 186: Pitcairn, iii, p. 613.]\n\n[Footnote 187: From a trial in the Guernsey Greffe.]\n\n[Footnote 188: Boguet, pp. 8, 70, 411.]\n\n[Footnote 189: _La Tradition_, v (1891), p. 215.]\n\n[Footnote 190: Howell, viii, 1034, 1036.]\n\n[Footnote 191: Pinkerton, i, p. 473.]\n\n[Footnote 192: _Witches of Chelmsford_, p. 34; Philobiblon Soc., viii.]\n\n[Footnote 193: De Lancre, _L'Incredulit\u00e9_, p. 805.]\n\n[Footnote 194: Goldsmid, p. 12.]\n\n[Footnote 195: Sinclair, p. 163.]\n\n[Footnote 196: _Scottish Antiquary_, ix, 51.]\n\n[Footnote 197: Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.]\n\n[Footnote 198: Sharpe, p. 132.]\n\n[Footnote 199: _Scots Magazine_, 1814, p. 201. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 200: Stewart, p. 175. The whole account is marred by the would-be\ncomic style adopted by the author.]\n\n[Footnote 201: Pinkerton, i, p. 473.]\n\n[Footnote 202: Bodin, p. 187.]\n\n[Footnote 203: Michaelis, _Discourse_, p. 148.]\n\n[Footnote 204: Remigius, pt. i, p. 90.]\n\n[Footnote 205: F. Hutchinson, _Historical Essay_, p. 42.]\n\n[Footnote 206: Boguet, p. 141.]\n\n[Footnote 207: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 67, 68, 69, 126.]\n\n[Footnote 208: Id., _L'Incredulit\u00e9_, p. 800.]\n\n[Footnote 209: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 125. Cp. Elworthy on the\nHobby-horse as the Devil, _Horns of Honour_, p. 140.]\n\n[Footnote 210: _Rehearsall both Straung and True_, par. 24.]\n\n[Footnote 211: Kinloch, pp. 122-3.]\n\n[Footnote 212: Howell, vi, 663-4; J. Hutchinson, ii, pp. 36-7.]\n\n[Footnote 213: Chartier, iii, 44-5.]\n\n[Footnote 214: Boguet, p. 70.]\n\n[Footnote 215: De Lancre, _L'Incredulit\u00e9_, p. 800.]\n\n[Footnote 216: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 121.]\n\n[Footnote 217: Pitcairn, iii, p. 613.]\n\n[Footnote 218: Taylor, p. 98.]\n\n[Footnote 219: Remigius, p. 98.]\n\n[Footnote 220: Potts, E 3.]\n\n\n\n\nIII. ADMISSION CEREMONIES\n\n\n1. _General_\n\nIn the ceremonies for admission, as in all the other ceremonies of the\ncult, the essentials are the same in every community and country, though\nthe details differ. The two points which are the essence of the ceremony\nare invariable: the first, that the candidates must join of their own free\nwill and without compulsion; the second, that they devote themselves, body\nand soul, to the Master and his service.\n\nThe ceremonies of admission differed also according to whether the\ncandidate were a child or an adult. The most complete record of the\nadmission of children comes from the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es in 1609:\n\n 'Les Sorcieres luy offr[~e]t des petits enfans le geno\u00fcil en terre,\n lui disant auec vne soubmission, _Grand seigneur, lequel i'adore, ie\n vous ameine ce nouueau seruiteur, lequel veut estre perpetuellement\n vostre esclaue_: Et le Diable en signe de remerciement & gratification\n leur respond, _Approchez vous de moy_: \u00e0 quoy obeissant, elles en se\n trainant \u00e0 genouil, le luy presentent, & luy receuant l'enfant entre\n ses bras, le rend \u00e0 la Sorciere, la remercie, & puis luy recommande\n d'en auoir soing, leur disant par ce moyen sa troupe s'augmentera. Que\n si les enfans ayans attainct l'aage de neuf ans, par malheur se vo\u00fcent\n au Diable sans estre forcez ny violentez d'aucun Sorcier, ils se\n prosternent par terre deuant Satan: lequel iettant du feu par les\n yeux, leur dit, Que demandez vous, voulez vous estre \u00e0 moy? ils\n respondent qu'ouy, il leur dict, Venez vous de vostre bonne volont\u00e9?\n ils respondent qu'ouy, Faictes donc ce que ie veux, & ce que ie fay.\n Et alors la grande maistresse & Royne du Sabbat qui leur sert de\n pedagogue, dict \u00e0 ce nouueau qui se presente, qu'il die \u00e0 haute voix,\n _Ie renie Dieu premierement, puis Iesus Christ son Fils, le S. Esprit,\n la vierge, les Saincts, la Saincte Croix, le Chresme, le Baptesme, &\n la Foy que ie tiens, mes Parrain & Marraine, & me remets de tout\n poinct en ton pouuoir & entre tes mains, ne recognois autre Dieu: si\n bien que tu es mon Dieu & ie suis ton esclaue_. Apr\u00e9s on luy baille vn\n crapaud habill\u00e9 auec son capot ou manteau, puis il commande qu'on\n l'adore; si bien qu'obeyssans & estants mis \u00e0 genouil, ils baisent le\n Diable aupr\u00e9s de l'[oe]il gauche, \u00e0 la poitrine, \u00e0 la fesse, \u00e0 la\n cuisse, & aux parties honteuses, puis leuant la queue ils luy baisent\n le derriere.'[221]\n\nThe novice was then marked by a scratch from a sharp instrument, but was\nnot admitted to the 'high mysteries' till about the age of twenty.[222] As\nno further ceremonies are mentioned, it may be concluded that the\ninitiation into these mysteries was performed by degrees and without any\nspecial rites.\n\nAt Lille, about the middle of the seventeenth century, Madame Bourignon\nfounded a home for girls of the lowest classes, 'pauvres et mal-origin\u00e9es,\nla plus part si ignorantes au fait de leur salut qu'elles vivoient comme\ndes b\u00eates'.[223] After a few years, in 1661, she discovered that thirty-two\nof these girls were worshippers of the Devil, and in the habit of going to\nthe Witches' Sabbaths. They 'had all contracted this Mischief before they\ncame into the House'.[224] One of these girls named Bellot, aged fifteen,\nsaid 'that her Mother had taken her with her when she was very Young, and\nhad even carried her in her Arms to the Witches Sabbaths'.[225] Another\ngirl of twelve had been in the habit of going to the Sabbath since she also\nwas 'very Young'. As the girls seem to have been genuinely fond of Madame\nBourignon, she obtained a considerable amount of information from them.\nThey told her that all worshippers of the Devil 'are constrained to offer\nhim their Children. When a child thus offered to the Devil by its Parents,\ncomes to the use of Reason, the Devil then demands its Soul, and makes it\ndeny God and renounce Baptism, and all relating to the Faith, promising\nHomage and Fealty to the Devil in manner of a Marriage, and instead of a\nRing, the Devil gives them a Mark with an iron awl [aleine de fer] in some\npart of the Body.'[226]\n\nIt is also clear that Marguerite Montvoisin[227] in Paris had been\ninstructed in witchcraft from an early age; but as the trial in which she\nfigures was for the attempted poisoning of the king and not for witchcraft,\nno ceremonies of initiation or admission are recorded.\n\nIn Great Britain the ceremonies for the reception of children are not given\nin any detail, though it was generally acknowledged that the witches\ndedicated their children to the Devil as soon as born; and from the\nevidence it appears that in many cases the witches had belonged to that\nreligion all their lives. It was sometimes sufficient evidence against a\nwoman that her mother had been a witch,[228] as it presupposed that she had\nbeen brought up as a worshipper of the Devil.\n\nThe Anderson children in Renfrewshire were all admitted to the society at\nan early age.[229] Elizabeth Anderson was only seven when she was first\nasked to swear fealty to the 'black grim Man.' James Lindsay was under\nfourteen, and his little brother Thomas was still 'below pupillarity' at\nthe time of the trial, where he declared that he had been bribed, by the\npromise of a red coat, to serve 'the Gentleman, whom he knew thereafter to\nbe the Devil'.[230] At Forfar in 1661, Jonet Howat was so young that when\nIsabel Syrie 'presented hir to the divell, the divell said, What shall I do\nwith such a little bairn as she?' He accepted her, however, and she was\nevidently the pet of the community, the Devil calling her 'his bonny\nbird'.[231] At Paisley, Annabil Stuart was fourteen when, at her mother's\npersuasion, she took the vows of fidelity to the Devil.[232]\n\nElizabeth Frances at Chelmsford (tried in 1556) was about twelve years old\nwhen her grandmother first taught her the art of witchcraft.[233] Elizabeth\nDemdike, the famous Lancashire witch, 'brought vp her owne Children,\ninstructed her Graund-children, and tooke great care and paines to bring\nthem to be Witches'.[234] One of her granddaughters, Jennet Device, was\naged nine at the time of the trial.\n\nIn Sweden the children were taken regularly to the assemblies,[235] and in\nAmerica[236] also a child-witch is recorded in the person of Sarah Carrier,\naged eight, who had made her vows two years before at her mother's\ninstigation.\n\nThe ceremony for the admission of adults who were converts to the witch\nreligion from Christianity follow certain main lines. These are (1) the\nfree consent of the candidate, (2) the explicit denial and rejection of a\nprevious religion, (3) the absolute and entire dedication of body and soul\nto the service and commands of the new Master and God.\n\nThe ceremonies being more startling and dramatic for adults than for\nchildren, they are recorded in Great Britain with the same careful detail\nas in France, and it is possible to trace the local variations; although in\nEngland, as is usual, the ceremonies had lost their significance to a far\ngreater extent than in Scotland, and are described more shortly, probably\nbecause they were more curtailed.\n\nThe legal aspect of the admission ceremonies is well expressed by Sir\nGeorge Mackenzie, writing in 1699 on the Scotch laws relating to witchcraft\nin the seventeenth century:\n\n 'As to the relevancy of this Crime, the first Article useth to be\n _paction_ to serve the Devil, which is certainly relevant, _per se_,\n without any addition.... Paction with the Devil is divided by Lawyers,\n in _expressum_, _& tacitum_, an express and tacit Paction. Express\n Paction is performed either by a formal Promise given to the Devil\n then present, or by presenting a Supplication to him, or by giving the\n promise to a Proxie or Commissioner impowered by the Devil for that\n effect, which is used by some who dare not see himself. The _Formula_\n set down by _Delrio_, is, _I deny God Creator of Heaven and Earth, and\n I adhere to thee, and believe in thee_. But by the Journal Books it\n appears, that the ordinary Form of express Paction confest by our\n Witness, is a simple Promise to serve him. Tacit Paction is either\n when a person who hath made no express Paction, useth the Words or\n Signs which Sorcerers use, knowing them to be such.... Renouncing of\n Baptism is by _Delrio_ made an effect of Paction, yet with us it is\n relevant, _per se_ ... and the Solemnity confest by our Witches, is\n the putting one hand to the crown of the Head, and another to the\n sole of the Foot, renouncing their Baptism in that posture. _Delrio_\n tells us, that the Devil useth to Baptize them of new, and to wipe off\n their Brow the old Baptism: And our Witches confess always the giving\n them new Names.... The Devil's Mark useth to be a great Article with\n us, but it is not _per se_ found relevant, except it be confest by\n them, that they got that Mark with their own consent; _quo casu_, it\n is equivalent to a Paction. This Mark is given them, as is alledg'd,\n by a Nip in any part of the body, and it is blew.'[237]\n\nReginald Scot,[238] writing considerably earlier, gives a somewhat similar\naccount of the English witches, though couched in less legal phraseology:\n\n 'The order of their bargaine or profession is double; the one solemne\n and publike; the other secret and priuate. That which is called\n solemne or publike, is where witches come togither at certeine\n assemblies, at the times prefixed, and doo not onelie see the diuell\n in visible forme; but confer and talke familiarlie with him. In which\n conference the diuell exhorteth them to obserue their fidelitie vnto\n him, promising them long life and prosperitie. Then the witches\n assembled, commend a new disciple (whom they call a nouice) vnto him:\n and if the diuell find that yoong witch apt and forward in\n renunciation of christian faith, in despising anie of the seuen\n sacraments, in treading upon crosses, in spetting at the time of\n eleuation, in breaking their fast on fasting daies, and fasting on\n sundaies; then the diuell giueth foorth his hand, and the nouice\n joining hand in hand with him, promiseth to obserue and keepe all the\n diuell's commandements. This done, the diuell beginneth to be more\n bold with hir, telling hir plainlie that all this will not serue his\n turne; and therefore requireth homage at hir hands: yea, he also\n telleth hir, that she must grant him both hir bodie and soule to be\n tormented in euerlasting fire: which she yeeldeth vnto. Then he\n chargeth hir, to procure as manie men, women, and children also, as\n she can, to enter into this societie.... Sometimes their homage with\n their oth and bargaine is receiued for a certeine terme of yeares;\n sometimes for euer. Sometimes it consisteth in the deniall of the\n whole faith, sometimes in part. The first is, when the soule is\n absolutelie yeelded to the diuell and hell-fier: the other is, when\n they haue but bargained not to obserue certeine ceremonies and\n statutes of the church; as to conceale faults at shrift, to fast on\n sundaies, etc. And this is doone either by oth, protestation of words,\n or by obligation in writing, sometimes sealed with wax, sometimes\n signed with bloud.'\n\nForbes says that\n\n 'an express Covenant is entred into betwixt a Witch, and the Devil\n appearing in some visible Shape. Whereby the former renounceth God and\n his Baptism, engages to serve the Devil, and do all the Mischief he\n can as Occasion offers, and leaves Soul and Body to his Disposal after\n Death. The Devil on his part articles with such Proselytes, concerning\n the Shape he is to appear to them in, the Services they are to expect\n from him, upon the Performance of certain Charms or ceremonious Rites.\n This League is made verbally, if the Party cannot write. And such as\n can write, sign a written Covenant with their Blood.'[239]\n\nThe general order of the ceremony of admission can be gathered from the\nevidence given at the trials, though no one trial gives the order in its\nentirety. The ceremony might take place privately, at a local meeting, or\nin full Sabbath; it was the same for either sex, except that the men were\nnot usually introduced, the women were sometimes introduced, sometimes not.\nIf there were any sort of introduction, it was by some one who was\nacquainted with the candidate; usually the person who had induced her to\njoin. She was brought before the Devil, who asked her if she would be his\nfaithful servant, and if she would renounce her previous religion, and\ndedicate herself to his service, taking him as her God. After the\nrenunciation and vows, the Devil baptized her in his own great name, and\namong the Scotch witches gave her a new name by which she was known\nafterwards at the Sabbaths and other meetings. The ceremony concluded by\ngiving the witch a mark or 'flesh-brand' on some part of the body.\n\n\n2. _The Introduction_\n\nIt is not clear whether the introduction of a candidate by a member of the\nsociety was an early or a late detail. It is quite possible that it was\nearly, the introducer standing in the same relation to the candidate as the\nChristian sponsors stand to a candidate for baptism. On the other hand, it\nis quite comprehensible that, when the witch religion became an object of\npersecution, no new member could be admitted unless vouched for by some\ntrustworthy person. In the cases where the first meetings with the Devil\nare recorded, both systems are apparently in vogue. Occasionally, however,\nthe accounts show a confusion on the part of the recorder. Thus Anne\nChattox said that Mother Demdike introduced her to the Devil in Mother\nDemdike's own house, and that she there yielded her soul to him; and in\nanother place she is reported as saying that 'a thing like a Christian man,\nfor foure yeares togeather, did sundry times come to this Examinate, and\nrequested this Examinate to giue him her Soule: And in the end, this\nExaminate was contented to giue him her sayd Soule, shee being then in her\nowne house, in the Forrest of Pendle.'[240] The two statements are not\ninconsistent if we conclude that in her own house she consented to join the\nsociety, and in Mother Demdike's presence she took the vows. As a rule the\nmen seem to have joined at the direct invitation of the Devil himself,\nespecially when they came of witch families.\n\n\n3. _The Renunciation and Vows_\n\nThe renunciation of previous errors of faith and the vows of fidelity to\nthe new belief are part of the ceremony of admission of any convert to a\nnew religion. The renunciation by the witches was explicit, but the records\nare apt to pass it over in a few words, e.g. 'I denied my baptism,' 'I\nforsook God and Christ,' 'Ils renient Dieu, la Vierge, et le reste,' 'Vne\nrenonciation expresse \u00e0 Iesu-Christ & \u00e0 la foy'; but occasionally the words\nare given in full. Mackenzie, quoting from Del Rio, gives the formula thus:\n'I deny God Creator of Heaven and Earth, and I adhere to thee, and believe\nin thee.'[241] The actual formula is still extant in the case of the priest\nLouis Gaufredy, tried before the Parliament of Aix in 1611:\n\n 'Ie Louys Gaufredy renonce \u00e0 tous les biens tant spirituels que\n corporels qui me pourroyent estre conferez de la part de Dieu, de la\n vierge Marie & de tous les Saincts de Paradis, pareillement de mon\n patron S. Iean Baptiste, S. Pierre, S. Paul, & S. Fran\u00e7ois, & de me\n donner de corps & d'ame \u00e0 Lucifer icy present auec tous les biens que\n ie feray \u00e0 iamais: except\u00e9 la valeur du Sacrement pour le regard de\n ceux qui le recevront: Et ainsi le signe et atteste.'[242]\n\nJeannette d'Abadie, aged sixteen, said that she was made to 'renoncer &\nrenier son Createur, la saincte Vierge, les Saincts, le Baptesme, pere,\nmere, parens, le ciel, la terre & tout ce qui est au monde'.[243] The\nirrevocability of this renunciation was impressed upon the Swedish witches\nin a very dramatic manner: 'The Devil gave them a Purse, wherein there were\nshavings of Clocks with a Stone tied to it, which they threw into the\nwater, and then were forced to speak these words: _As these Shavings of the\nClock do never return to the Clock from which they are taken, so may my\nSoul never return to Heaven._'[244]\n\nThe vows to the new God were as explicit as the renunciation of the old.\nDanaeus says, 'He commaundeth them to forswere God theyr creator and all\nhis power, promising perpetually to obey and worship him, who there\nstandeth in their presence.'[245] The English witches merely took the vow\nof fealty and obedience, devoting themselves body and soul to him;\nsometimes only the soul, however, is mentioned: but the Scotch witches of\nboth sexes laid one hand on the crown of the head, the other on the sole of\nthe foot, and dedicated all that was between the two hands to the service\nof the Master.[246] There is a slight variation of this ceremony at\nDalkeith in 1661, where the Devil laid his hand upon Jonet Watson's head,\n'and bad her \"give all ower to him that was vnder his hand\", and shoe did\nso'.[247]\n\nIn Southern France the candidates, after renouncing their old faith,\n'prennent Satan pour leur pere et protecteur, & la Diablesse pour leur\nmere'.[248] At Lille the children called the ceremony the Dedication,[249]\nshowing that the same rite obtained there.\n\n\n4. _The Covenant_\n\nThe signing of a covenant does not occur in every case and was probably a\nlate introduction. Forbes, as quoted above, gives the contract between the\nDevil and his follower, with the part which each engages to perform. In\nSomerset the witches signed whether they could write or not, those who\ncould not write putting a cross or circle as their mark.[250]\n\nThe free consent of the candidate is a point always insisted on, and by the\nconfessions of the witches themselves the consent was often not merely\nfreely but actually willingly given. Isobel Crawford of the Irvine Coven in\n1618 was accused that the devil 'come to hir awin dur in similitud of ane\nblak man, and prommeist, gif sche wold be his servand, sche sould have geir\naneuch, and sould not want. Quhairunto sche was ever reddy to accord.'[251]\nLittle Jonet Howat said that the Devil 'bade her renounce her God, and she\nanswered, Marry, shall I'.[252] In the dittay against Christian Grieve, it\nis stated that 'Sathan desired you to be his servant whilk ye willingly\ngranted to be.... And sicklike the minister posing you upon the foresaid\nparticulars especially anent the renunciation of your Baptism, ye answered\nthat Sathan speired at you if ye would do it and ye answered \"I warrand did\nI.\"'[253] Bessie Henderson and Janet Brugh, of the same Coven, acknowledged\nthe same. To the former 'the Devil appeared and asked you gif you would be\nhis servant whilk ye freely and instantly accepted and granted\nthereto'.[254] Janet Brugh was rather more emphatic: 'Sathan desired you to\nbe his servant whilk ye willingly promised to be and likeways desired you\nto renounce your baptism whilk ye willingly did.'[255]\n\nThe written contract appealed very strongly to the legal minds of the\njudges and magistrates, and it is therefore often mentioned, but in Great\nBritain there is no record of the actual wording of any individual\ncovenant; the Devil seems to have kept the parchment, paper, or book in his\nown custody. In France, however, such contracts occasionally fell into the\nhands of the authorities; the earliest case being in 1453, when Guillaume\nEdeline, Prior of St. Germain-en-Laye, signed a compact with the Devil,\nwhich compact was afterwards found upon his person.[256] The witch\nStevenote de Audebert, who was burnt in January 1619, showed de Lancre 'le\npacte & conuention qu'elle auoit faict auec le Diable, escrite en sang de\nmenstru\u00ebs, & si horrible qu'on auoit horreur de la regarder'.[257]\n\nThe contract was said to be signed always in the blood of the witch, and\nhere we come to a confusion between the mark made _on_ the person and the\nmark made _by_ the person. It seems clear that part of the ceremony of\ninitiation was the cutting of the skin of the candidate to the effusion of\nblood. This is the early rite, and it seems probable that when the written\ncontract came into vogue the blood was found to be a convenient\nwriting-fluid, or was offered to the Devil in the form of a signature. This\nsigning of a book plays a great part in the New England trials.\n\nThe contract was usually for the term of the witch's life, but sometimes it\nwas for a term of years, the number of which varies considerably. As Scot\nsays, 'Sometimes their homage with their oth and bargaine is receiued for a\ncerteine terme of yeares; sometimes for ever.'[258] Popular belief assigns\nseven years as the length of time, at the end of which period the Devil was\nsupposed to kill his votary. The tradition seems to be founded on fact, but\nthere is also a certain amount of evidence that the witch was at liberty to\ndiscontinue or renew the contract at the end of the allotted term. Such a\nrenewal seems also to have been made on the appointment of a new Chief. In\nFrance, England, and New England the term of years is mentioned; in\nScotland it is mentioned by the legal authorities, but from the fact that\nit occurs seldom, if ever, in the trials it would seem that the contract of\nthe Scotch witches was for life.\n\nMagdalene de la Croix, Abbess of a religious house in Cordova in 1545, made\na contract 'for the space of thirty years', she being then a girl of\ntwelve.[259] In Paris in 1571 'il y eut vn aduocat lequel confessa qu'il\nauoit pass\u00e9 l'obligation au Diable renonceant \u00e0 Dieu, & icelle signee de\nson propre sang. Encores s'est il verifi\u00e9 par plusieurs procez, que\nl'obligation reciproque entre le diable, & le sorcier, contient\nquelquesfois le terme d'vn an, deux ans, ou autre temps.'[260] At Faversham\nin 1645 Joan Williford said 'that the Devil promised to be her servant\nabout twenty yeeres, and that the time is now almost expired'.[261] In\nHuntingdonshire in 1646 Elizabeth Weed of Great Catworth confessed that\n'the Devill then offer'd her, that hee would doe what mischiefe she should\nrequire him; and said she must covenant with him that he must have her\nsoule at the end of one and twenty years, which she granted'.[262] In 1652\nGiles Fenderlin of Leaven Heath was tried for that when he was a soldier at\nBell in Flanders he made a five-years' covenant with a Jesuit; 'after the\nsaid five years was expired, in 1643 he renew'd the said Covenant with the\nJesuit for 14 years longer: whereupon he drew a Covenant for him with the\nDevil, pricking the two fore-fingers of his right hand with an needle, and\ndrew bloud, wherewith he writ his name with his own bloud, and then\ncovenanted with the Devil, That if he should be safely protected during the\nspace of 14 years aforesaid, while such time as it expired, that then he\nwas to take away both body and soul as his own right and interest.'[263] At\nLille in 1661 Madame Bourignon's girls indicate the renewal of the\ncontract: 'The Devil gives them a Mark, which Marks they renew as often as\nthose Persons have any desire to quit him. The Devil reproves them then\nmore severely and obligeth them to new Promises, making them also new Marks\nfor assurance or pledge, that those Persons should continue faithful to\nhim.'[264] In Somerset in 1664 Elizabeth Style said that the Devil\n'promised her Mony, and that she should live gallantly, and have the\npleasure of the World for Twelve years, if she would with her Blood sign\nhis Paper, which was to give her Soul to him'.[265] At Groton in New\nEngland in 1671, according to Elizabeth Knap, 'the terme of time agreed\nupon with him was for 7 yeers; one yeere shee was to be faithfull in his\nservice, and then ye other six hee would serve her, and make her a\nwitch'.[266] At Newcastle-on-Tyne in 1673 Ann Armstrong 'deposeth that Ann\nDrydon had a lease for fifty yeares of the divill, whereof ten ar expired.\nAnn Forster had a lease of her life for 47 yeares, whereof seaven are yet\nto come. Lucy Thompson had a lease of two and forty, whereof two are yet to\ncome, and, her lease being near out, they would have perswaded this\ninformer to have taken a lease of three score yeares or upwards.'[267] In\nNew England some of the 'afflicted' said of Goodwife C. that 'she had\nCovenanted with the _Devil_ for ten Years, six of them were gone, and four\nmore to come'.[268] In modern France the belief in the contract for a term\nof years is recorded, but nothing is said of the renewal of the contract or\nof the fate of the witch who refuses such a contract. In the department of\nEntre-Sambre-et-Meuse the full method of entering on such a contract is\nknown: 'Si vous voulez venir au bois avec moi, vous verrez un homme venir \u00e0\nvous. C'est le chef. Il vous demandera si vous voulez vous engager dans la\nsoci\u00e9t\u00e9. Si vous acceptez, le terme d'engagement est de _sept_ ans et vous\ngagnerez une _plaquette_ par jour.'[269] Among the Walloons the neophyte\ntakes with him a black hen, which the Devil buys, and then ratifies the\ncontract, 'le pacte est fait pour une dur\u00e9e de sept ans.'[270]\n\n\n5. _The Baptism_\n\nRecords of the baptism of candidates are rare, the rite being possibly\ncopied from the Christian ceremony and therefore of later date. It does not\nseem to occur in England and hardly at all in Scotland. The earliest\nmention is in the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es (1609), where Jeannette d'Abadie stated\n'qu'elle a veu souuent baptiser des enfans au sabbat, qu'elle nous expliqua\nestre des enfans des sorcieres & non autres, lesquelles ont accoutume faire\nplustost baptiser leurs enfans au sabbat qu'en l'Eglise'.[271] The rite,\nhowever, was practised in Bute in 1662: Margret NcLevine confessed--\n\n 'that being in a litle chamber in Balichtarach the devill came to her\n in the lyknes of a man and deseired hir to goe with him, and that she\n refusing he said I will not [blank] and she gave him [blank] she never\n saw afterward and that she knew it was the devill and after he went\n that he came bak and asked hir to give him hir hand quhich she\n refusing to doe he took hir by the midle finger of the rycht hand\n quhich he had almost cutt off hir and therwith left hir. Her finger\n was so sorely pained for the space of a moneth ther after that ther\n was no pain comparable to it, as also took her by the right leg quhich\n was sorly pained likewayes as also be the devill. Item he came to her\n againe as she was shaking straw in the barne of Ardroscidell in a very\n ugly shape and that there he desired hir to goe with him and she\n refusing he said to her I will either have thy self or then thy heart.\n Item that he healed her sore foot and finger quhich finger is yet be\n nummed. Item that before he haled her that she made a covenant with\n him and promised to doe him any service that he wold imploy hir in.\n Item that he asked quhat was her name. She answered him Margret the\n name that God gave me, and he said to her I baptise the Jonet.'[272]\n\nIsobell NcNicoll 'confessed that as she was in her owne house her alone\ndrawing acquavittie the devill came to her in the lyknes of a young man and\ndesyred her to goe with him and confesses that she made a covenant with him\nquhairin he promised that she should not want meanes enough and she\npromised to be his servand. Item that he baptised her and gave her a new\nname and called her Caterine. Item that about a moneth therafter in the\nnight as she went out of her own back dore she met with the devill and spok\nwith him.'[273]--Jonet McNicoll 'confesses with remorse that about\nhallowday as she was in Mary Moore's house that there appeared to her two\nmen the on a gross copperfaced man and the other a wele favored young man\nand that the copperfaced man quhom she knew to be ane evil spirit bade her\ngoe with him. Item confesses that she made a covenant with him, and he\npromised that she wold not want meines eneugh and she promised to serve him\nand that he gave her a new name saying I baptise the Mary.'[274]--Jonet\nMorisoune 'traysted with the divill at the Knockanrioch, being the second\ntyme of her meeting with him, that shee made covenant with the devill ...\nquairin she promised to be his servant etc. that shee asked quhat was his\nname his answer was my name is Klareanough and he asked quhat was her name\nand she answered Jonet Morisoun, the name that God gave me, and he said\nbelive not in Christ bot belive in me. I baptise the Margarat.'[275] The\nSwedish witches (1669) were also baptized; 'they added, that he caused them\nto be baptized too by such Priests as he had there, and made them confirm\ntheir Baptism with dreadful Oaths and Imprecations.'[276] Curiously enough\nthe most detailed account comes from New England (1692). Mary Osgood, wife\nof Captain Osgood, went 'to five mile pond, where she was baptized by the\ndevil, who dipped her face in the water, and made her renounce her former\nbaptism, and told her she must be his, soul and body for ever, and that she\nmust serve him, which she promised to do. She says, the renouncing her\nfirst baptism was after her dipping.'[277] The account of Goody Lacey's\nexperience is given in the form of question and answer:\n\n '_Q._ Goody Lacey! how many years since they were baptized? _A._ Three\n or four years ago, I suppose. _Q._ Who baptized them? _A._ The old\n serpent. _Q._ How did he do it? _A._ He dipped their heads in the\n water, saying, that they were his and that he had power over them.\n _Q._ Where was this? _A._ At Fall's River. _Q._ How many were baptized\n that day? _A._ Some of the chief; I think they were six baptized. _Q._\n Name them. _A._ I think they were of the higher powers.'[278]\n\nA near approach to the ceremony of baptism is the blood-rite at Auldearne,\ndescribed by Isobel Gowdie and Janet Breadheid. The Devil marked Isobel on\nthe shoulder, 'and suked owt my blood at that mark, and spowted it in his\nhand, and, sprinkling it on my head, said, \"I baptise the, Janet, in my\nawin name.\"' The Devil marked Janet Breadheid in the same way on the\nshoulder, 'and suked out my blood with his mowth, at that place; he\nspowted it in his hand, and sprinkled it on my head. He baptised me\nthairvith in his awin nam, \"Christian.\"'[279]\n\nThough baptism is rare, the giving of a new name on admission is peculiar\nto Scotland. The names seem to have been usually nicknames derived from\nvarious sources; personal peculiarities such as 'Weill dancing Janet', or\n'Able and stout'; contractions of the proper name, as 'Naip' for Barbara\nNapier; or a title such as 'Rob the Rowar', for Robert Grierson, who kept\nthe rows or rolls. Most of the other names appear to have been ordinary\nChristian names arbitrarily bestowed. There is nothing to throw any light\non the reason for the change. In 1590 at North Berwick the witch-name was\nconsidered of the highest importance.\n\n 'Robert Griersoune being namit, thay ran all hirdie-girdie and wer\n angrie; for it wes promesit, that he sould be callit \"Ro^t the\n Comptroller alias Rob the Rowar\" for expreming of his name.--Effie\n McCalzane, Robert Griersoune, and the said Barbara, hapnit to be\n nameit thair; quhilk offendit all the cumpany: And that they sould\n nocht haif bene nameit with thair awin names; Robert Griersoun, to\n haif bene callit _Rob the rowar_; Effie to be callit _Cane_; and the\n said Barbara, to be callit _Naip_.'[280]\n\nLater, the change of name was of so little value that at Crook of Devon\nseveral of the witches could not remember what they had been called; Bessie\nHenderson appears to have recollected the name after a time, for it is\ninserted towards the end of the confession; Robert Wilson could remember\nthe Devil's name but not his own: Agnes Brugh and Christian Grieve could\nremember neither the Devil's nor their own.[281]\n\nThe so-called 'christening', i.e. naming, of animals, comes rather under\nthe head of 'sacrifice' than of baptism, for the ceremony appears to have\nbeen purificatory.\n\n\n6. _The Mark_\n\nThe Witches' Mark, or Devil's Mark, as it is indifferently called, is one\nof the most important points in the identification of a witch, as the\ninfliction of it was often the final rite in the admission ceremonies. The\nfact that any person bore such a mark was taken as incontrovertible proof\nthat the bearer was a witch.\n\nThere were two kinds of marks, which should be carefully differentiated,\none of which was clearly natural, the other probably artificial. Both were\nsaid to be insensible to pain and not to bleed when pricked or pierced.\nLocal anaesthesia is vouched for in much of the evidence, which suggests\nthat there is a substratum of truth in the statements, but I can at present\noffer no solution of this problem.\n\nThe writers on witchcraft, particularly the legal authorities, recognize\nthe value of the Mark as proof of witchcraft, and some differentiate\nbetween the two forms; the witches themselves made a distinction between\nthe two, the natural being considered inferior to the artificial.\n\nReginald Scot in 1584 summarizes the evidence in a few words: 'The Diuell\ngiveth to euerie nouice a marke, either with his teeth or with his\nclawes.'[282] The _Lawes against Witches and Conivration_, published 'by\nauthority' in 1645, state that 'their said Familiar hath some big or little\nTeat upon their body, wher he sucketh them: and besides their sucking, the\nDevil leaveth other markes upon their bodies, sometimes like a Blew-spot,\nor Red-spot like a flea-biting'. Sir George Mackenzie, the famous Scotch\nlawyer, describing in 1699 what did and did not legally constitute a witch,\nsays:\n\n 'The Devils Mark useth to be a great Article with us, but it is not\n _per se_ found relevant, except it be confest by them, that they got\n that Mark with their own consent; _quo casu_, it is equivalent to a\n Paction. This Mark is given to them, as is alledg'd, by a Nip in any\n part of the Body, and it is blew. Delrio calls it _Stigma_, or\n Character, and alledges that it is sometimes like the impression of a\n Hare's foot, or the Foot of a Rat or Spider.'[283]\n\nForbes, writing in 1730, says:\n\n 'On the meaner Proselytes the Devil fixes in some secret Part of their\n Bodies a Mark, as his Seal to know his own by; which is like a Flea\n Bite or blew Spot, or sometimes resembles a little Teat, and the Part\n so stamped doth ever after remain insensible, and doth not bleed, tho'\n never so much nipped or pricked by thrusting a Pin, Awl or Bodkin into\n it; but if the Covenanter be of better Rank, the Devil only draws\n Blood of the Party, or touches him or her in some Part of the Body\n without any visible Mark remaining.'[284]\n\nThe Mark proper appears to have been the coloured spot or design which\nfollowed the infliction of a prick or nip by the claws or teeth of the\nDevil on the person of the neophyte. The red mark is described as being\nlike a flea-bite, i.e. small and circular; the blue mark seems to have been\nlarger and more elaborate, apparently in some kind of design. From the\nevidence five facts are clear: (1) that the mark was coloured, (2) that it\nwas permanent, (3) that it was caused by the pricking or tearing of the\nskin, (4) that the operator passed his hand or fingers over the place, (5)\nthat the pain could be severe and might last a considerable time. Put\ntogether in this way, the facts suggest tattooing.\n\nAmong the Aberdeen witches in 1597 Andro Man was accused that 'Christsunday\n[the Devil] bit a mark in the third finger of thy right hand, whilk thou\nhas yet to show'; and Christen Mitchell also was accused that 'the Devil\ngave thee a nip on the back of thy right hand, for a mark that thou was one\nof his number'.[285] According to Boguet, writing in 1598, the witches of\nEastern France were usually marked on the left shoulder, and the mark was\nin the shape of the foot or footprint of a hare, but he also gives some\nexceptional cases:\n\n 'L'epaule gauche est l'endroit, o\u00f9 plus ordinairement il marque les\n Sorciers. La marque des Sorciers est tantost come vne piste ou pied de\n lieure, & tantost d'autre fa\u00e7on. On en a veu vne, qui auoit vne figure\n rapportant en grandeur \u00e0 vn petit denier, du centre de laquelle\n s'estendoient plusieurs filamens vers la circonference. La marque de\n la Belcuenotte, qui a est\u00e9 brul\u00e9e \u00e0 Besan\u00e7on, estoit au dessus de sa\n nature, vn peu plus bas que le nombril. Celle, dont Guillauma Proby\n d'Anchay se trouua marqu\u00e9e au col du cost\u00e9 droit, estoit de mesme de\n la grandeur d'vn petit denier, tirant sur le brun. Iean de Vaux auoit\n la sie\u00f1e au doz, & ressembloit \u00e0 vn petit chien noir.'[286]\n\nDe Lancre in 1609 says that in the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es 'comme le Diable faict\nsa marque, on sent vn peu de chaleur, qui penetre plus ou moins\nprofondement la chair, que plus ou moins il pince le lieu qu'il touche'. As\nregards the position of the mark he says:\n\n 'Il les egratigne tous auec le bras gauche, & les ongles de la main\n senestre. Et tout aussi tost prenant vne espingle d'or faux, il les\n marque le plus souuent dans le bl\u00e3c de l'[oe]il gauche, & leur imprime\n vne marque qui semble vn petit crapaud' [elsewhere he says 'vne patte\n de crapaud']; 'par fois dans l'epaule & cost\u00e9 gauche, ou dans la\n cuisse, leur rompant & dechirant la peau & la chair iusques \u00e0 effusi\u00f5\n de sang; si bien que pendant trois mois ils ont de tres grandes\n douleurs.'[287]\n\nIsobel Crawford of Irvine in 1618 had 'the devill's mark, quhilk was lyk\nane braid dyn spott, in the inner syd of hir left thie, about ane handbraid\nunder her lisk'.[288] The Lancashire witch, Margaret Johnson, in 1633,\n'saith, that such Witches as have sharpe bones given them by the devill to\npricke them, have no papps nor duggs, but their devil receiveth blood from\nthe place, pricked with the bone, which witches are more grand witches than\nany that have marks'.[289] The Yarmouth witch, tried in 1644, saw a tall\nblack man standing in the moonlight at her door: 'he told her, he must\nfirst see her Hand; and then taking out something like a Pen-knife, he gave\nit _a little Scratch_, so that Blood followed, and the _Mark_ remained to\nthat time.'[290] Rebecca Jones, an Essex witch tried in 1645, confessed\nthat 'there came one morning one to the doore and knocked, and that this\nexaminant going to the dore, shee saw there a very handsome young man, as\nshee then thought but now shee thinkes it was the devill; who asked this\nexaminant how shee did, and desired to see her left wrist, which shee\nshewed unto him: and he then tooke a pin from this examinant's owne sleeve,\nand pricked her wrist twice, and there came out a drop of bloud, which he\ntook off with the top of his finger, and so departed'.[291] The\nchild-witch, Jonet Howat of Forfar, tried in 1661, said that 'the devil\nkist hir and niped hir vpon one of hir shoulders, so as shoe hade great\npaine for some tyme therafter'; later he came to her, and 'calling hir his\nbony bird did kisse hir, and straiked her shoulder (quhich was niped) with\nhis hand, and that presently after that shoe was eased of hir former\npaine'. Elspet Alexander, of the same Coven, was also marked on the\nshoulder; four weeks later 'the divill straiked hir shoulder with his\nfingers, and after that shoe hade ease in the place formerly niped by the\ndevill'.[292] The witch girls at Lille in 1661 stated that 'le Diable leur\nfait quelque marque comme avec une aleine de fer en quelque partie du\ncorps'.[293] Marie Lamont of Innerkip in 1662 confessed voluntarily that\n'the devill nipit her upon the right syd, qlk was very painful for a tym,\nbut yairefter he straikit it with his hand, and healed it; this she\nconfesses to be his mark'.[294] In Bute in 1662 'Margaret NcWilliam was\ntryed for the merk there was 3 merks fund, one up her left leg, next hard\nbe the shine bone, another betwixt her shoulders a 3\u00ba ane uthyr up her\nhensh, blew.... Kat Moore was tried, and it was found undernethe her richt\nshoulder a little whyt unsensible spott'.[295] The Somerset witches, in\n1664, were marked on the fingers; it was stated of Elizabeth Style that the\nDevil 'prickt the fourth Finger of hir right hand, between the middle and\nupper joynt (where the sign at the Examination remained)'; of Alice Duke,\nthat 'the Devil prickt the fourth finger of her right hand between the\nmiddle and upper joynt (where the mark is yet to be seen)'; and of\nChristian Green, that 'the Man in black prickt the fourth finger of her\nRight-hand between the middle and upper joints, where the sign yet\nremains'.[296] At Paisley in 1678 Annabil Stuart confessed 'that the Devil\ntook her by the Hand and nipped her Arm, which continued to be sore for\nhalf an hour'.[297] At Borrowstowness the Devil took Margaret Pringle 'by\nthe right hand, whereby it was for eight days grievowslie pained; bot\nhaving it twitched of new againe, it imediatelie becam haill'.[298] Of the\nRenfrewshire Coven in 1696 little Thomas Lindsay received 'a Nip on the\nNeck which continued sore for Ten days'; and John Reid had 'a Bite or Nipp\nin his Loyn, which he found painfull for a Fortnight'.[299] At Pittenweem\nin 1704 the 'young lass', Isobel Adams, confessed that the Devil 'put his\nmark in her flesh which was very painful'.[300]\n\nThe other form of the Devil's Mark was the 'little Teat'. It occurred on\nvarious parts of the body; was said to secrete milk and to give suck to the\nfamiliars, both human and animal; and was sometimes cut off by the witch\nbefore being searched. The descriptions of the 'teat' point to its being\nthat natural phenomenon, the supernumerary nipple. Cases of polymastia or\nsupernumerary breasts, and of polythelia or supernumerary nipples, are\nconstantly recorded by modern medical observers. 'These accessory\nstructures are usually situated on the chest wall, the upper part of the\nabdominal wall, or in the axillae, but they have been met with on the\nshoulder, the buttock, the thigh, and other extraordinary positions. As a\nrule they are functionless.'[301] Polythelia occurs in both sexes;\naccording to Bruce, 'of 315 individuals taken indiscriminately and in\nsuccession, 7.619 per cent. presented supernumerary nipple; 9.11 per cent.\nof 207 men examined in succession presented supernumerary nipple; and 4.807\nper cent. of 104 women.' He concludes that, 'according to present\nobservations at least, supernumerary nipples occur much more frequently in\nthe male than in the female.'[302] Cameron tabulates the positions of the\nsupernumerary nipple in 105 cases: '96 were situated in thorax, 5 in\naxilla, 2 in back, 1 on shoulder, 1 outside of thigh.'[303] All writers on\nthe subject agree that the phenomenon is of more common occurrence than is\nusually supposed, but that many cases pass unnoticed unless well marked\nwhen in men or causing discomfort by functioning when in women. This view\nis supported by the fact that, during the recent unparalleled opportunity\nfor the physical examination of large numbers of men, many cases have been\npublished in the _British Medical Journal_ for 1917 as occurring among\nrecruits for the army. The supernumerary nipple is usually very much\nsmaller than the normal; like the normal, it is a modification of cutaneous\ntissue and is not attached to muscular tissue; its removal is a simple\noperation, in fact it would be quite possible for an unskilled operator to\ncut it off with a sharp knife. In women the supernumerary nipple is\nobserved to increase at the time of the periods; in some cases during\nlactation so much milk is secreted as to make it a matter of indifference\nwhether the child is suckled at the normal nipples or at the supernumerary\none. In cases of polymastia the nipple is not always formed; the milk, when\nsecreted, issuing from a small opening. Though the nipple is congenital,\nthe supernumerary breast may develop, or at any rate become noticeable,\nlater; the theory being that the ducts carrying the secretion from the\nsupernumerary to the normal breast become blocked in some way, and that the\nmilk is thus exuded through the pore in the supernumerary breast. The\nchange in the case quoted by Cameron, as well as in the case of the witch\nRose Cullender, seems to have been caused by a strain.\n\nMaking allowance for the unscientific language of the recorders of the\nwitch trials, it will be seen that the descriptions of the 'witch-pap' or\n'little Teat' exactly coincide with these anatomical facts. I give the\nevidence below, the trials being in chronological order. It will be\nobserved that the cases are from England and New England only; if the\nphenomena of polymastia and polythelia occurred in France and Scotland,\nthere are no records of the fact in the witch-trials of those countries.\n\nAlice Gooderidge and her mother, Elizabeth Wright, of Stapenhill near\nBurton-on-Trent, were tried in 1597:\n\n 'The old woman they stript, and found behind her right sholder a thing\n much like the vdder of an ewe that giueth sucke with two teates, like\n vnto two great wartes, the one behinde vnder her armehole, the other\n a hand off towardes the top of her shoulder. Being demanded how long\n she had those teates, she aunswered she was borne so. Then did they\n search Alice Gooderige, and found vpon her belly, a hole of the\n bignesse of two pence, fresh and bloudy, as though some great wart had\n beene cut off the place.'[304]\n\nThe witch of Edmonton, tried in 1621:\n\n 'The Bench commanded three women to search the body of Elizabeth\n Sawyer. They all three said, that they a little aboue the Fundiment of\n Elizabeth Sawyer found a thing like a Teate the bignesse of the little\n finger, and the length of half a finger, which was branched at the top\n like a teate, and seemed as though one had suckt it, and that the\n bottome thereof was blew, and the top of it was redde.'[305]\n\nThe greatest number of cases recorded in one place is in Essex during the\ntrials before Sir Matthew Hale in 1645:\n\n Anne Leech said 'that her imps did usually suck those teats which were\n found about the privie parts of her body. [Two women searched Mary\n Greenleife], and found that the said Mary had bigges or teates in her\n secret parts, not like emerods, nor in those places where women use to\n be troubled with them. The examinant, being asked how she came by\n those teats which were discovered in her secret parts, she saith she\n knows not unlesse she was born with them: but she never knew she had\n any such untill this time. [A woman searched Margaret Moone], she\n found three long teates or bigges in her secret parts, which seemed to\n have been lately sucked; and that they were not like pyles, for this\n informant knows well what they are, having been troubled with them\n herself. Upon the searching of her daughters, this informant found\n that two of them had biggs in their privy parts as the said Margaret\n their mother had. [Several women] were required to search Sarah\n Hating, the wife of William Hating; Elizabeth Harvy widow, and Marian\n Hocket widow, and upon her said search (being a midwife) found such\n marks or bigges, that she never saw in other women: for Sarah Hating\n had foure teats or bigges in those parts, almost an inch long, and as\n bigge as this informant's little finger: That the said Elizabeth Harvy\n had three such biggs, and about the same scantling: And that the said\n Marian Hocket had no such bigges; but was found in the same parts not\n like other honest women. Sarah Barton, the sister of the said Marian\n Hocket (also suspected of being a witch) said the said Marian had cut\n off her bigs, whereby she might have been suspected to have been a\n witch, and laid plaisters to those places.'[306] 'Another Evidence\n deposed that she once heard the said Margaret [Landish] say, that her\n Imps did usually suck two Teats near the privy parts.'[307]\n\nIn Huntingdonshire in 1646 John Clarke junior, a labourer, was tried for\nwitchcraft; John Browne, a tailor, deposed that he met Clarke on the road,\nClarke 'said he was in haste; for his Father and Mother were accused for\nWitches, and that hee himselfe had beene searched: and this Informant\nanswered, and so have I. Then Clarke asked this Informant, whether any\nthing were found about him, or not? he (this Informant) answered, that they\nsaid there were marks: Clarke said againe, had you no more wit but to have\nyour marks found? I cut off mine three dayes before I was searched.'[308]\nJohn Palmer of St. Albans (1649) confessed that 'upon his compact with the\nDivel, hee received a flesh brand, or mark, upon his side, which gave suck\nto two familiars'.[309] There were several cases in Yorkshire: In 1649\n'they searched the body of the saide Mary Sikes, and founde upon the side\nof her seate a redd lumpe about the biggnes of a nutt, being wett, and\nthat, when they wrung it with theire fingers, moisture came out of it like\nlee. And they founde upon her left side neare her arme a litle lumpe like a\nwart, and being puld out it stretcht about halfe an inch. And they further\nsay that they never sawe the like upon anie other weomen.'[310] In 1650\nFrances Ward 'saith that she was one of the fower that searched Margaret\nMorton, and found upon her two black spotts between her thigh and her body;\nthey were like a wart, but it was none. And the other was black on both\nsides, an inch bread, and blew in the middest.'[311] At Scarborough in 1651\n\n 'Margery Ffish, widdow, beinge commanded to searche the bodye of Anne\n Hunnam otherwise Marchant, who was accused for witchcraft; she, this\n informante, and Elizabeth Jackson, and Eliz. Dale, did accordingly\n searche the body of the saide Anne Hunnam, otherwise Marchant, and did\n finde a little blue spott upon her left side, into which spott this\n informant did thrust a pinne att which the sd. Ann Hunnam never moved\n or seemed to feel it, which spott grows, out of her ffleshe or skin at\n her waste of a great bignesse. Elizabeth Dale informeth upon oath,\n that she did, together with Margery Ffish, searche Ann Hunnam,\n otherwise Marchant, her bodye and saith that their was found on her\n left buttock a blue spott growing out of her fleshe or skin like a\n greate warte.[312]\n\nThe Kentish witch, Mary Read of Lenham, in 1652, 'had a visible Teat, under\nher tongue, and did show it to many, and it was likewise seen by this\nObservator.'[313] In the case of the Salisbury witch, Anne Bodenham, in\n1652, 'Women searched the Witch in the Gaol, and they delivered on their\noaths at the Assises, that they found on her shoulder a certain mark or\nTeat, about the length and bignesse of the Niple of a Womans breast, and\nhollow and soft as a Niple, with a hole on the top of it: And searching\nfurther, they likewise found in her secret place another Teat, soft, and\nlike the former on her shoulder.'[314] In Yorkshire again, in 1654,\nKatherine Earle was accused, 'and the said Katherine hathe beene searched,\nand a marke founde upon her in the likenesse of a papp'.[315] At St.\nAlbans, about 1660, there was a man-witch, who 'had like a Breast on his\nside'.[316] In the same year at Kidderminster a widow, her two daughters,\nand a man were brought to trial; 'the man had five teats, the mother three,\nand the eldest daughter one. When they went to search the woman, none were\nvisible; one advised to lay them on their backs, and keep open their\nmouths, and they would appear; and so they presently appeared in\nsight.'[317] Alice Huson, of Burton Agnes, Yorks, in 1664, stated that 'I\nhave, I confess, a Witch-pap, which is sucked by the Unclean Spirit'.[318]\nAbre Grinset, of Dunwich, Suffolk, in 1665, said, 'The Devil did appear in\nthe form of a Pretty handsom Young Man first, and since Appeareth to her in\nthe form of a blackish Gray Cat or Kitling, that it sucketh of a Tett\n(which Searchers since saw in the place She mentioned).'[319] In the same\nyear, also in Suffolk, Rose Cullender was tried for witchcraft:\n\n 'The searchers [six women] began at her head, and so stript her naked,\n and in the lower part of her belly they found a thing like a teat of\n an inch long, they questioned her about it, and she said, that she had\n got a strain by carrying of water which caused that excrescence. But\n upon narrower search, they found in her privy parts three more\n excrescencies or teats, but smaller than the former: this deponent\n farther saith, that in the long teat at the end thereof there was a\n little hole, and it appeared unto them as if it had been lately\n sucked, and upon the straining of it there issued out white milky\n matter.'[320]\n\nTemperance Lloyd, a Devon witch, was tried in 1682: 'Upon search of her\nbody this informant did find in her secret parts, two teats hanging nigh\ntogether like unto a piece of flesh that a child had suckt. And each of the\nsaid teats was about an inch in length.'[321] Bridget Bishop, one of the\nNew England witches, was tried in 1692: 'A Jury of Women found a\npreternatural Teat upon her Body; But upon a second search, within 3 or 4\nhours, there was no such thing to be seen.'[322] Elizabeth Horner, another\nDevon witch, tried in 1696, 'had something like a Nipple on her Shoulder,\nwhich the Children [who gave evidence] said was sucked by a Toad'.[323]\nWidow Coman, an Essex witch, died a natural death in 1699: 'Upon her death\nI requested Becke the midwife to search her body in the presence of some\nsober women, which she did and assured me she never saw the like in her\nlife that her fundament was open like a mouse-hole and that in it were two\nlong bigges out of which being pressed issued blood that they were neither\npiles nor emrods for she knew both but excrescencies like to biggs with\nnipples which seemed as if they had been frequently sucked.'[324] Elinor\nShaw and Mary Phillips were executed in Northampton in 1704 for witchcraft:\n'The Infernal Imps did Nightly Suck each of them a large Teat, or pieces of\nred Flesh in their Privy Parts.'[325]\n\nThe positions of the marks are worth noting. Of the coloured mark it will\nbe seen from the evidence given above that there were certain well-defined\npositions, which is in itself a strong suggestion of the artificial\ncharacter of this mark. In France the usual position was the left shoulder;\nin the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es the left eye, the left side, and the thigh were also\ncommonly marked; the variations given by Boguet are the abdomen, the back,\nand the right side of the neck. In England it seems that only the hand and\nwrist were marked; in Somerset the exact position was between the upper and\nmiddle joints of the fourth finger of the right hand, probably the\n'ring-finger', but whether on the outer or inner surface is not recorded.\nIn Scotland the position is very varied, the right hand, the right side,\nthe shoulder, the back, the neck, and the loin; at Aberdeen the position on\nthe right hand is still further defined as being on the back and on the\nthird finger, i.e. the 'ring-finger'.\n\nReginald Scot does not distinguish between the two kinds of marks, when he\nsays that if the witch 'have anie privie marke under hir arme pokes, under\nhir haire, under hir lip, or in her buttocke, or in her privities; it is a\npresumption sufficient for the judge to proceed to give sentence of death\nupon her'.[326] But from the positions in which supernumerary nipples are\nknown to occur, it would seem that he is speaking of the 'little Teat' and\nnot of the coloured mark. In six out of the thirty-two cases of\nsupernumerary nipple cited above, the number of nipples is not given;\nthough from the context it would appear that more than one was often found\non each of the accused. If, therefore, we allow two apiece for those cases\nnot definitely specified, there were sixty-three such nipples, an average\nroughly of two to each person; the number varying, however, from one to\nfive (this last being a man). The position of the nipple on the body is\ngiven in forty-five out of the sixty-three cases: abdomen 2, axilla 1,\nbuttock 1, fundament 3, groin 2, pudenda 30, shoulder 3, side 3, under\ntongue 1. In writing of supernumerary nipples and _mammae erraticae_\nWilliams quotes cases recorded by modern observers, in which the accessory\norgan occurred on the abdomen, axilla, inguinal region, outer side of\nthigh, shoulder, and face.[327]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[Footnote 221: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 398.]\n\n[Footnote 222: Id. ib., p. 145.]\n\n[Footnote 223: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 201.]\n\n[Footnote 224: Id., _Parole_, p. 85; Hale, p. 26.]\n\n[Footnote 225: Id., _Vie_, p. 211; Hale, p. 29.]\n\n[Footnote 226: Id. ib., p. 223; Hale, p. 37.]\n\n[Footnote 227: Ravaisson (the years 1679-81).]\n\n[Footnote 228: Reg. Scot., Bk. II, p. 36 (quoting from _C. Agrippa_).]\n\n[Footnote 229: _Narrative of the Sufferings of a Young Girle_, p. xxxix.]\n\n[Footnote 230: Ib., pp. xl, xli.]\n\n[Footnote 231: Kinloch, pp. 124, 125.]\n\n[Footnote 232: Glanvil, ii, p. 291.]\n\n[Footnote 233: Philobiblon Society, viii, p. 24.]\n\n[Footnote 234: Potts, B 2.]\n\n[Footnote 235: Horneck, pt. ii., pp. 317-20.]\n\n[Footnote 236: Howell, vi, 669; J. Hutchinson, _Hist. of Massachusetts_,\nii, p. 44.]\n\n[Footnote 237: Mackenzie, Title x, pp. 47, 48.]\n\n[Footnote 238: Reginald Scot, Bk. III, pp. 40-2.]\n\n[Footnote 239: W. Forbes, ii, 33, ed. 1730.]\n\n[Footnote 240: Potts, B 4, D 3.]\n\n[Footnote 241: Mackenzie, p. 47, ed. 1699.]\n\n[Footnote 242: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 182.]\n\n[Footnote 243: Id. ib., p. 131.]\n\n[Footnote 244: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 322.]\n\n[Footnote 245: Danaeus, ch. ii, E 1.]\n\n[Footnote 246: Lord Fountainhall mentions a case where a pregnant woman\nexcepted the unborn child, at which the devil was very angry. _Decisions_,\ni, p. 14.]\n\n[Footnote 247: Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.]\n\n[Footnote 248: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]\n\n[Footnote 249: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 214; Hale, p. 31.]\n\n[Footnote 250: Glanvil, ii, pp. 136, 148.]\n\n[Footnote 251: _Isobel Inch_, p. 16.]\n\n[Footnote 252: Kinloch, p. 125. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 253: Burns Begg, p. 239.]\n\n[Footnote 254: Id., pp. 223-4.]\n\n[Footnote 255: Id., p. 237.]\n\n[Footnote 256: Lea, iii, p. 536.]\n\n[Footnote 257: De Lancre, _L'Incredulit\u00e9_, p. 38.]\n\n[Footnote 258: Reg. Scot, Bk. III, p. 41.]\n\n[Footnote 259: _Pleasant Treatise_, p. 88.]\n\n[Footnote 260: Bodin, _Fl\u00e9au_, p. 172.]\n\n[Footnote 261: _Examination of Joan Williford_, p. 4.]\n\n[Footnote 262: Davenport, p. 1.]\n\n[Footnote 263: _Mrs. Joan Peterson_, p. 4.]\n\n[Footnote 264: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 223; Hale, p. 37.]\n\n[Footnote 265: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 136.]\n\n[Footnote 266: Green, p. 14.]\n\n[Footnote 267: _Surtees Soc._, xl, p. 196.]\n\n[Footnote 268: Increase Mather, p. 205.]\n\n[Footnote 269: Lemoine, _La Tradition_, vi (1892), p. 106.]\n\n[Footnote 270: Monseur, p. 84.]\n\n[Footnote 271: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 131.]\n\n[Footnote 272: _Highland Papers_, vol. iii, p. 6.]\n\n[Footnote 273: Ib., vol. iii, p. 12.]\n\n[Footnote 274: Ib., vol. iii, p. 13.]\n\n[Footnote 275: _Highland Papers_, vol. iii, p. 22.]\n\n[Footnote 276: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 321.]\n\n[Footnote 277: Howell, vi, 660; J. Hutchinson, ii, p. 31.]\n\n[Footnote 278: J. Hutchinson, ii, p. 36.]\n\n[Footnote 279: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 603, 617.]\n\n[Footnote 280: Id., i, pt. ii, pp. 239, 246.]\n\n[Footnote 281: Burns Begg, x, pp. 224, 227, 232, 239.]\n\n[Footnote 282: Scot, Bk. III, p. 43; see also Danaeus, ch. iii.]\n\n[Footnote 283: Mackenzie, title x, p. 48.]\n\n[Footnote 284: Forbes, ii, p. 33.]\n\n[Footnote 285: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 120, 165. Spelling\nmodernized.]\n\n[Footnote 286: Boguet, pp. 315, 316, 317.]\n\n[Footnote 287: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 195, 399.]\n\n[Footnote 288: _Isobel Inch_, p. 16.]\n\n[Footnote 289: Whitaker, p. 216.]\n\n[Footnote 290: Hale, p. 46.]\n\n[Footnote 291: Howell, iv, 854-5.]\n\n[Footnote 292: Kinloch, pp. 124-6.]\n\n[Footnote 293: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 223.]\n\n[Footnote 294: Sharpe, p. 132.]\n\n[Footnote 295: _Highland Papers_, iii, p. 17.]\n\n[Footnote 296: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 136, 148, 156.]\n\n[Footnote 297: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 291.]\n\n[Footnote 298: _Scots Magazine_, 1814, p. 200.]\n\n[Footnote 299: _Narrative of the Sufferings_, pp. xli, xliv.]\n\n[Footnote 300: Sinclair, p. 259.]\n\n[Footnote 301: Thompson and Miles, ii, p. 341.]\n\n[Footnote 302: _Journal of Anatomy_, xiii, pp. 438, 447.]\n\n[Footnote 303: Id., xiii, p. 153.]\n\n[Footnote 304: _Alse Gooderidge_, pp. 8, 9.]\n\n[Footnote 305: _Elisabeth Sawyer_, B 3, obv. and rev.]\n\n[Footnote 306: Howell, iv, 838, 843, 848, 849, 850, 851.]\n\n[Footnote 307: _Four Notorious Witches at Worcester_, p. 4. The place is\nwrongly given: it should be Essex, not Worcester.]\n\n[Footnote 308: Davenport, p. 15.]\n\n[Footnote 309: Gerish, _The Divel's Delusions_, p. 12.]\n\n[Footnote 310: _Surtees Soc._, xl, p. 30.]\n\n[Footnote 311: Id., xl, p. 38.]\n\n[Footnote 312: _County Folklore_, ii, p. 139.]\n\n[Footnote 313: _Prod. and Trag. Hist._, p. 6.]\n\n[Footnote 314: Bower, p. 28.]\n\n[Footnote 315: _Surtees Soc._, xl, p. 69.]\n\n[Footnote 316: Gerish, _Relation of Mary Hall_, p. 24.]\n\n[Footnote 317: Howell, iv, 827 note.]\n\n[Footnote 318: Hale, p. 58.]\n\n[Footnote 319: Petto, p. 18.]\n\n[Footnote 320: Howell, vi, 696.]\n\n[Footnote 321: Id., viii, 1022.]\n\n[Footnote 322: Mather, p. 137.]\n\n[Footnote 323: F. Hutchinson, _Historical Essay_, p. 62.]\n\n[Footnote 324: Gilbert, p. 6.]\n\n[Footnote 325: _Witches of Northamptonshire_, p. 6.]\n\n[Footnote 326: R. Scot, Bk. II, ch. 5.]\n\n[Footnote 327: _Journal of Anatomy_, xxv, 225 seq.]\n\n\n\n\nIV. THE ASSEMBLIES\n\n\nThere were two kinds of assemblies; the one, known as the Sabbath, was the\nGeneral Meeting of all the members of the religion; the other, to which I\ngive--on the authority of Esteb\u00e8ne de Cambrue--the name of Esbat, was only\nfor the special and limited number who carried out the rites and practices\nof the cult, and was not for the general public.\n\nThe derivation of the word Sabbath in this connexion is quite unknown. It\nhas clearly nothing to do with the number seven, and equally clearly it is\nnot connected with the Jewish ceremonial. It is possibly a derivative of\n_s'esbattre_, 'to frolic'; a very suitable description of the joyous gaiety\nof the meetings.\n\n\n1. _Sabbath_\n\n_Locomotion._--The method of going to the meetings varied according to the\ndistance to be traversed. In an immense majority of cases the means of\nlocomotion are not even mentioned, presumably therefore the witches went on\nfoot, as would naturally be the case in going to the local meeting or\nEsbat, which was attended only by those who lived near. There are, however,\na few instances where it was thought worth while to mention that the\nworshippers walked to the meeting. Boguet (1598), who yields to none in his\naccounts of magical means of going to the Sabbath, says, 'les Sorciers\nne\u00e3tmoins vont quelquefois de pied au Sabbat, ce qui leur aduient\nprincipalement, lors que le lieu, o\u00f9 ils font leur assembl\u00e9e, n'est pas\nguieres eslongn\u00e9 de leur habitation', and cites in confirmation the\nevidence of George and Antoinette Gandillon and their father Pierre, Clauda\nIanprost, Clauda Ianguillaume, Iaquema Paget, Gros Iaques, the two brothers\nClaude and Claude Charloz, Pierre Willermoz, l'Aranthon, Pernette Molard,\nIanne Platet, and Clauda Paget.[328] Iaquema Paget's account of how she and\nAntoine Tornier went to a meeting on their way home from the harvest field\n(see p. 121), proves that they were on foot. The Lang-Niddry witches (1608)\nclearly walked, they 'convenit thame selffis at Deane-fute of Lang-Niddry\n... thaireftir thay past altogidder to the said Beigis hous in Lang-Nydry\n[where they drank]; and thaireftir come with all thair speid to\nSeaton-thorne be-north the zet; quhair the Devill callit for the said\nChristiane Tod, and past to Robert Smartis house, and brocht hir out....\nAnd thay thaireftir past altogidder, with the Devill, to the irne zet of\nSeatoun.... And thaireftir come all bak agane to the Deane-fute, quhair\nfirst thai convenit.'[329] The distance from Lang Niddry to Seaton Castle\nis under a mile. Isaac de Queyran (1609), a young fellow of twenty-five,\ntold de Lancre that those living at a distance flew home through the air,\nthe near ones returned on foot.[330] Barth\u00e9lemy Minguet of Br\u00e9cy was tried\nin 1616: 'Enquis, de quelle fa\u00e7on sa femme fut au Sabbat la premiere fois.\nRespond, qu'elle y fut transport\u00e9e par le Diable, lequel la rapporta apres\nle Sabbat, & que la seconde fois qu'elle y a est\u00e9, elle y fut de son pied\navec luy, & s'en retourna de son pied, & qu'elle n'y a iamais est\u00e9 que ces\ndeux fois.'[331] Helen Guthrie of Forfar (1661) said that 'herselfe,\nIsobell Shyrie, and Elspet Alexander, did meit togither at ane aile house\nnear to Barrie, a litle befor sunsett, efter they hade stayed in the said\nhouse about the spaice of ane houre drinking of thrie pintis of ale\ntogidder, they went foorth to the sandis, and ther thrie other women met\nthem, and the divell wes there present with them all ... and they parted so\nlate that night that she could get no lodging, but wes forced to lye at ane\ndyk syde all night.'[332] Christian Grieve, of Crook of Devon (1662),\nacknowledged 'that ye came to the foresaid meeting immediately after your\ngoodman and the rest went to bed, and that ye locked the door and put the\nkey under the same, and that ye and the said Margaret Young your neighbor\ncame foot for foot to the foresaid meeting and that ye stayed at the\nforesaid meeting about the space of two hours and came back again on your\nfoot, and the foresaid Margaret Young with you, and found the key of the\ndoor in that same place where you left it, and declared that neither your\nhusband nor any other in the house was waking at your return'.[333] At\nLille (1661) the girl Bellot, then aged fifteen, said that 'her Mother had\ntaken her with her when she was very Young, and had even carried her in her\nArms to the Witches Sabbaths or Assemblies'.[334] At Strathdown (eighteenth\ncentury) the witches went along the side of the river Avon to\nCraic-pol-nain, fording the river on foot.[335]\n\nIn the cases cited above there is nothing in the least bizarre or\nextraordinary, but there are other methods recorded of reaching the distant\nmeetings. Sometimes the obvious means was by riding on a horse; sometimes\nthe witches were accused, or claimed the power, of flying through the air,\nof riding in the air on a stick, of riding on animals or human beings,\nwhich latter were sometimes in their own natural form and sometimes\nenchanted into the form of animals.\n\nThe following instances are of those who rode to or from the meetings on\nhorseback. Agnes Sampson of North Berwick (1590) said that 'the Devil in\nmans likeness met her going out in the fields from her own house at\n_Keith_, betwixt five and six at even, being her alone and commanded her to\nbe at _North-Berwick_ Kirk the next night: And she passed there on\nhorse-back, conveyed by her Good-son, called Iohn Couper'.[336] Boguet\n(1608) mentions, in passing, the fact that the witches sometimes rode on\nhorses.[337] The Lancashire witches (1613), after the meeting at Malking\nTower, 'went out of the said House in their owne shapes and likenesses. And\nthey all, by that they were forth of the dores, gotten on Horseback, like\nvnto foals, some of one colour, some of another.'[338] This was the usual\nmode of locomotion among the Lancashire witches, for Margaret Johnson\n(1633) said that at the meeting at Hoarstones 'there was, at y^t tyme,\nbetween 30 and 40 witches, who did all ride to the said meetinge'.[339]\nIsobell Gowdie (1662) said, 'I haid a little horse, and wold say, \"Horse\nand Hattock, in the Divellis name!\"'[340] The most detailed account is from\nSweden (1669):\n\n 'Another Boy confessed too, that one day he was carried away by his\n Mistriss, and to perform the Journey he took his own Father's Horse\n out of the Meadow where it was, and upon his return she let the Horse\n go in her own ground. The next morning the Boys Father sought for his\n Horse, and not finding it, gave it over for lost; but the Boy told him\n the whole story, and so his Father fetcht the Horse back again.'[341]\n\nWe now come to the marvellous and magical means of locomotion. The belief\nin the power of witches to ride in the air is very ancient and universal in\nEurope. They flew either unsupported, being carried by the Devil, or were\nsupported on a stick; sometimes, however, an animal which they rode passed\nthrough the air. The flying was usually preceded by an anointing of the\nwhole or part of the body with a magical ointment.\n\nThe earliest example of unsupported flying is from Paul Grilland (1537),\nwho gives an account of an Italian witch in 1526, who flew in the air with\nthe help of a magic ointment.[342]\n\nReginald Scot (1584) says that the ointment 'whereby they ride in the aire'\nwas made of the flesh of unbaptized children, and gives two recipes:\n\n [1] 'The fat of yoong children, and seeth it with water in a brasen\n vessell, reseruing the thickest of that which remaineth boiled in the\n bottome, which they laie up and keepe, untill occasion serueth to use\n it. They put hereunto Eleoselinum, Aconitum, Frondes populeas, and\n Soote.' [2] 'Sium, acarum vulgare, pentaphyllon, the blood of a\n flitter mouse, solanum somniferum, and oleum. They stampe all these\n togither, and then they rubbe all parts of their bodys exceedinglie,\n till they looke red, and be verie hot, so as the pores may be opened,\n and their flesh soluble and loose. They ioine herewithall either fat,\n or oil in steed thereof, that the force of the ointment maie the\n rather pearse inwardly, and so be more effectuall. By this means in a\n moonlight night they seeme to be carried in the aire.'[343]\n\nSo far this is only hearsay evidence, but there is also a certain amount of\nfirst-hand testimony, the witches declaring that they actually passed\nthrough the air above ground, or had seen others do so.\n\n In 1598 'Thieuenne Paget racontoit, que le Diable s'apparut \u00e0 elle la\n premiere fois en plein midy, en forme d'vn grand homme noir, & que\n comme elle se fut baill\u00e9e \u00e0 luy, il l'embrassa & l'esleva en l'air, &\n la transporta en la maison du prel de Longchamois ... & puis la\n rapporta au lieu mesme, o\u00f9 il l'auoit prise. Antide Colas disoit, que\n le soir, que Satan s'apparut \u00e0 elle en forme d'vn homme de grande\n stature, ayant sa barbe & ses habillemens noirs, il la transporta au\n Sabbat, & qu'aux autres fois, il la venoit prendre dans son lict, &\n l'emportoit comme si c'eust est\u00e9 vn vent froid, l'empoignant par la\n teste.'[344]\n\nIsaac de Queyran (1609), whose evidence has already been quoted, said that\nthe witches living at a distance flew home through the air.[345] In France\n(1652) 'lors qu'elle vouloit aller aux danses, elle se oindoit d'ung onguen\nqui lui estoit donn\u00e9 par vn sorcier envoy\u00e9 par le diable. Que lors elle\ns'en alloit comme ung vent aux dictes danses avecque les aultres.'[346] At\nCrook of Devon (1661) Bessie Henderson confessed 'that ye was taken out of\nyour bed to that meeting in an flight'.[347] The most detail comes from an\nEnglish source: the Somerset witches (1664) claimed that they habitually\nflew through the air by means of a magical oil and magical words. Elizabeth\nStyle said:\n\n 'Before they are carried to their meetings, they anoint their\n Foreheads, and Hand-wrists with an Oyl the Spirit brings them (which\n smells raw) and then they are carried in a very short time, using\n these words as they pass, _Thout, tout a tout, tout, throughout and\n about_. And when they go off from their Meetings, they say, _Rentum,\n Tormentum_ ... all are carried to their several homes in a short\n space.' Alice Duke gave the same testimony, noting besides that the\n oil was greenish in colour. Anne Bishop, the Officer of the Somerset\n covens, confessed that 'her Forehead being first anointed with a\n Feather dipt in Oyl, she hath been suddenly carried to the place of\n their meeting.... After all was ended, the Man in black vanished. The\n rest were on a sudden conveighed to their homes.'[348]\n\nThe belief that the witches actually rode in the air seated on some\nconcrete object, such as an animal, a human being, or a stick, is both\nancient and universal, and is reflected in the ecclesiastical and civil\nlaws, of which the earliest is the decree of the ninth century, attributed\nto the Council of Ancyra. 'Certeine wicked women following sathans\nprouocations, being seduced by the illusion of diuels, beleeve and\nprofesse, that in the night times they ride abroad with _Diana_, the\ngoddesse of the _Pagans_, or else with _Herodias_, with an innumerable\nmultitude, vpon certeine beasts ... and doo whatsoeuer those fairies or\nladies command.'[349] The laws of Lorraine (1329-46) decree that 'celui qui\nfera magie, sortil\u00e8ge, billets de sort, pronostic d'oiseau ou se vanteroit\nd'avoir chevauch\u00e9 la nuit avec Diane ou telle autre vielle qui se dit\nmagicienne, sera banni et payera dix livres tournois'.[350]\n\nThe witches themselves confirmed the statements about riding on animals to\nthe Sabbath. Rolande du Vernier (1598) confessed 'que lors qu'elle y fut,\nelle y alla sur vn gros mouton noir, qui la portoit si viste en l'air,\nqu'elle ne se pouuoit recognoistre'.[351] De Lancre says that the witches\n'se font porter iusqu'audit lieu, sur vne beste, qui semble parfois vn\ncheual, & parfoys vn homme'.[352] Margaret Johnson (1633) 'saith, if they\ndesyre to be in any place upon a sodaine, theire devill or spirit will,\nupon a rodde, dogge, or any thinge els, presently convey them\nthither'.[353] One of Madame Bourignon's girls, then aged twelve (1661),\ndeclared that 'her said Lover came upon a little Horse, and took her by the\nHand, asking her if she would be his Mistress, and she saying Ay, she was\ncatched up into the Air with him and the other Girls, and they flew all\ntogether to a great Castle'.[354] The Swedish witches (1669) said:\n\n 'He set us on a Beast which he had there ready, and carried us over\n Churches and high walls ... he gives us a horn with a Salve in it,\n wherewith we do anoint our selves; and then he gives us a Saddle, with\n a Hammer and a wooden nail, thereby to fix the Saddle; whereupon we\n call upon the Devil, and away we go.... For their journey they said\n they made use of all sorts of Instruments, of Beasts, of Men, of Spits\n and Posts. What the manner of their Journey is, God alone knows....\n Blockula is scituated in a delicate large Meadow whereof you can see\n no end. They went into a little Meadow distinct from the other, where\n the Beasts went that they used to ride on: But the Men whom they made\n use of in their Journey, stood in the House by the Gate in a\n slumbering posture, sleeping against the wall.'[355]\n\nHuman beings were also said to be ridden upon in other places besides\nSweden. Agnes Spark of Forfar (1661) said she 'hard people ther present did\nspeake of Isabell Shirie, and say that shoe was the devill's horse, and\nthat the divill did allwayes ryde upon hir, and that shoe was shoad lyke\nane mare, or ane horse'.[356] Ann Armstrong, of a Northumbrian Coven\n(1673)--\n\n 'saith, that since she gave information against severall persons who\n ridd her to severall places where they had conversation with the\n divell, she hath beene severall times lately ridden by Anne Driden and\n Anne Forster, and was last night ridden by them to the rideing house\n in the close on the common.... Whilst she was lying in that condition\n [i.e. \"a fitt\"], which happened one night a little before Christmas,\n about the change of the moone, the informant see the said Anne Forster\n come with a bridle, and bridled her and ridd upon her crosse-leggd,\n till they come to (the) rest of her companions at Rideing millne\n bridg-end, where they usually mett. And when she light of her back,\n pulld the bridle of this informer's head, now in the likenesse of a\n horse; but, when the bridle was taken of, she stood up in her own\n shape.... And when they had done, bridled this informer, and the rest\n of the horses, and rid home.... Upon Collupp Munday last, being the\n tenth of February, the said persons met at Allensford, where this\n informant was ridden upon by an inchanted bridle by Michael Aynsley\n and Margaret his wife. Which inchanted bridle, when they tooke it from\n her head, she stood upp in her owne proper person.... On Monday last\n at night, she, being in her father's house, see one Jane Baites, of\n Corbridge, come in the forme of a gray catt with a bridle hanging on\n her foote, and breath'd upon her and struck her dead, and bridled her,\n and rid upon her in the name of the devill southward, but the name of\n the place she does not now remember. And the said Jane allighted and\n pulld the bridle of her head.'[357]\n\nThe method of locomotion which has most impressed the popular imagination\nand has become proverbial was riding on a stick, generally said to be a\nbroomstick. It must, however, be remembered that one of the earliest cases\non record of stick-riding does not definitely state that the witch flew\nthrough the air. This was the case of the Lady Alice Kyteler in 1324, when\n'in rifleing the closet of the ladie, they found a Pipe of oyntment,\nwherewith she greased a staffe, upon the which she ambled and galloped\nthrough thick and thin, when and in what maner she listed'.[358] Though\nHolinshed is not always a reliable authority, it is worth while to compare\nthis account with the stick-riding of the Arab witches and the tree-riding\nof the Aberdeen Covens (see pp. 110, 134).\n\nThe number of cases vouched for by the persons who actually performed or\nsaw the feat of riding on a stick through the air are disappointingly few.\nGuillaume Edeline, prior of St. Germain-en-Laye (1453), 'se mit en telle\nservitude de l'ennemy, qu'il luy convenoit estre en certain lieu toutes\nfois qu'il estoit par ledit ennemy \u00e9vocqu\u00e9: ouquel lieu ilz avoient\naccoustum\u00e9 faire leur consistoire, et ne luy falloit que monter sur ung\nbalay, qu'aussi-tost il estoit prestement transport\u00e9 l\u00e0 o\u00f9 ledit\nconsistoire se faisoit'.[359] The Guernsey witch, Martin Tulouff (1563),\nconfessed '[*q] il soy est trouv\u00e9 avecq la dite viellesse ou elle\nchevaucha ung genest et luy ung aultre, et [*q] lad^te viellesse monta a\nmont la chemynee et [*q] il en perdyt la veue et [*q] elle disoet dev\u00e3t\n[*q] monter \"Va au nom du diable et luciffer dess[~q=] roches et espy\u00f1es\"\net [*q] po^r luy il ne pouvoet ainsy faire, et d^t [*q] sa mere a\nchevauche le genest [*p] IV ou V foys et [*q] il l'a veue monter a mont la\ncheminee'.[360] Danaeus (1575) sums up the evidence of the witches\nthemselves: 'He promiseth that himself will conuay them thither, that are\nso weak that they cannot trauaile of themselues: which many tymes he doth\nby meanes of a staffe or rod, which he deliuereth vnto th[~e], or promiseth\nto doo it by force of a certen oyntment, which he will geue them: and\nsometimes he offreth them an horse to ride vpon.'[361] Boguet's experience\n(1598) is more dramatic than that of Danaeus: 'Les autres y vont, tantost\nsur vn Bouc, tantost sur vn cheual, & tantost sur vn ballet, ou ramasse,\nsortans ces derniers de leurs maisons le plus souuent par la cheminee....\nLes vns encor se frottent auparauant de certaine graisse, & oignement: les\nautres ne se frottent en aucune fa\u00e7on.'[362] He also records the actual\nevidence of individual witches: Fran\u00e7oise Secretain said 'qu'elle avoit\nest\u00e9 vne infinit\u00e9 de fois au Sabbat & assemblee des Sorciers ... & qu'elle\ny alloit sur vn baston blanc, qu'elle mettoit entre ses\niambes.[363]--Claudine Boban, ieune fille confessa, qu'elle, & sa mere\nmontoient sur vne ramasse,[364] & que sortans le contremont de la chemin\u00e9e\nelles alloient par l'air en ceste fa\u00e7on au Sabbat.'[365] In Belgium Claire\nGoessen (1603) confessed 'qu'elle s'est trouv\u00e9e \u00e0 diverses assembl\u00e9es\nnocturnes tenues par lui, dans lesquelles elle s'est laiss\u00e9e transporter au\nmoyen d'un b\u00e2ton enduit d'onguent'.[366] Isobell Gowdie (1662) was fully\nreported as regards the methods of locomotion used by the witches, though\nin other places her evidence is unfortunately cut short:\n\n 'I haid a little horse, and wold say, \"Horse and Hattock, in the\n Divellis name!\" And than ve void flie away, quhair ve vold, be ewin as\n strawes wold flie wpon an hie-way. We will flie lyk strawes quhan we\n pleas; wild-strawes and corne-strawes wilbe horses to ws, an ve put\n thaim betwixt our foot, and say, \"Horse and Hattok, in the Divellis\n name!\" ... Quhan we wold ryd, we tak windle-strawes, or been-stakes\n [bean-stalks], and put them betwixt owr foot, and say thryse,\n\n Horse and Hattok, horse and goe,\n Horse and pellattis, ho! ho!\n\n and immediatlie we flie away whair euir we wold.... All the Coeven did\n fflie lyk cattis, bot Barbara Ronald, in Brightmanney, and I, still\n [always] read on an horse, quhich ve vold mak of a straw or\n beein-stalk.'[367]\n\nJulian Cox (1664) said that 'one evening she walkt out about a Mile from\nher own House, and there came riding towards her three persons upon three\nBroom-staves, born up about a yard and an half from the ground. Two of them\nshe formerly knew, which was a Witch and a Wizzard.... The third person she\nknew not. He came in the shape of a black Man.'[368] Two of the New England\nwitches (1692) confessed to riding on a pole; Mary Osgood, wife of Capt.\nOsgood of Andover, 'was carried through the air to five-mile pond ... she\nwas transported back again through the air, in company with the forenamed\npersons, in the same manner as she went, and believes they were carried\nupon a pole'.[369] Goody Foster's evidence was reported by two authors:\n'One Foster confessed that the Devil carry'd them on a pole, to a\nWitch-meeting; but the pole broke, and she hanging about [Martha] Carrier's\nneck, they both fell down, and she then received an hurt by the Fall,\nwhereof she was not at this very time recovered.'[370] The second account\nis substantially the same: 'In particular Goody F. said (_Inter alia_) that\nshe with two others (one of whom acknowledged the same) Rode from Andover\nto the same Village Witch meeting upon a stick above ground, and that in\nthe way the stick brake, and gave the said F. a fall: whereupon, said she,\nI got a fall and hurt of which I am still sore.'[371]\n\n_Site._--The Sabbath seems to have been originally held on a fixed site. So\nmuch so was this the case that de Lancre is able to say, 'communement ils\nl'appellent Aquelarre, qui signifie Lane de Bouc, comme qui diroit la lane\nou l\u00e3de, o\u00f9 le Bouc conuoque ses assemblees. Et de faict les Sorciers qui\nconfessent, nomm[~e]t le lieu pour la chose, & la chose ou Assemblee pour\nle lieu: tellement qu'encore que proprement Lane de Bouc, soit le Sabbat\nqui se tient \u00e9s landes, si est-ce qu'ils appellent aussi bien Lane de Bouc,\nle Sabbat qui se tient \u00e9s Eglises, & \u00e9s places des villages, paroisses,\nmaisons, & autres lieux.'[372] The confusion of the original _Lane de\nBouc_, i.e. the Sabbath or Great Assembly, with local meetings is thus\nshown to be due to the inaccuracy of the witches themselves; and therefore\nit is not surprising that de Lancre and other authors should also fail to\ndistinguish between the two. Still, in many of the records there are\ncertain indications by which it is possible to recognize the localities\nwhere the real Sabbath, the true _Lane de Bouc_, was held.\n\nDe Lancre himself notes that the Sabbath must be held near a lake, stream,\nor water of some kind.[373] Bodin, however, gives a better clue, 'Les lieux\ndes assemblees des Sorciers sont notables, & signalez de quelques arbres,\nou croix.'[374] The _croix_ is clearly the Christian form of the standing\nstone which is a marked feature in many descriptions of the Sabbath; and\nBodin's statement recalls one of the laws of Cnut in the eleventh century,\n'We earnestly forbid every heathenism: heathenism is, that men worship\nidols; that is that they worship heathen gods, or stones, or forest trees\nof any kind.'\n\nEsteb\u00e8ne de Cambrue (1567) said, 'Le lieu de ceste grande conuocation\ns'appelle generalement par tout le pays la Lanne de Bouc. O\u00f9 ils se mettent\n\u00e0 dancer \u00e0 l'entour d'vne pierre, qui est plant\u00e9e audit lieu, sur laquelle\nest assis vn grand homme noir.'[375] At Poictiers in 1574 four witches, one\nwoman and three men, said that they went 'trois fois l'an, \u00e0 l'assemblee\ngenerale, o\u00f9 plusieurs Sorciers se trouuoy[~e]t pr\u00e9s d'vne croix d'vn\ncarrefour, qui seruoit d'enseigne'.[376] At Aberdeen in 1596 the witches\nacknowledged that they danced round the market cross and the 'fische croce'\non All-Hallow-eve; and also round 'ane gray stane' at the foot of the hill\nat Craigleauch.[377] Margaret Johnson (1633) said 'shee was not at the\ngreate meetinge at Hoarestones at the Forest of Pendle upon All Saints\nday'.[378] Though no stone is actually mentioned the name suggests that\nthere had been, or still were, one or more stones standing in that place.\nThe Swedish witches (1669) seem to have used the same site for both kinds\nof meetings; _Blockula_ seems to have been a building of some kind, set in\na meadow which was entered by a painted gate; within the building were\nrooms and some kind of chapel for the religious service.[379] The New\nEngland recorders (1692) did not enter into much detail, but even among\nthem the fact is mentioned that there was 'a General Meeting of the\nWitches, in a Field at _Salem_-Village'.[380]\n\nIn modern times the identification of stones or of certain places with the\nDevil or with witch meetings is very noticeable. Out of innumerable\ninstances I will mention only a few. In Guernsey the Catioroc is always\nidentified as the site of the Sabbath. In Belgium '\u00e0 Godarville (Hainaut)\nse trouve un _tunnel_ hant\u00e9 par les sorci\u00e8res; elles y tiennent leur\nsabbat'.[381]\n\n 'Un bloc de pierre isol\u00e9 et d'aspect extraordinaire est g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement\n appel\u00e9 _pierre du diable_. Exemples: A) le dolmen d\u00e9truit pr\u00e8s de\n Namur; B) la grande pierre en forme de table \u00e0 demi encastr\u00e9e dans la\n route qui conduit du village de S\u00e9ny \u00e0 celui d'Ellemelle (Candroz); C)\n _le fais du diable_, bloc de gr\u00e8s d'environ 800 m\u00e8tres cubes, isol\u00e9\n dans la bruy\u00e8re entre Wanne et Grand-Halleux pr\u00e8s de Stavelot; D) les\n _murs du diable_ \u00e0 Pepinster, &c.--Dans plusieurs cantons, il y a un\n terrain que l'on app\u00e8le _tchan d\u00e8 makral_, \"champ des sorciers\". C'est\n le cas pr\u00e8s de Remouchamps, pr\u00e8s de Tongres, pr\u00e8s de la Gileppe et\n pr\u00e8s de Grand-Halleux.'[382]\n\nIt is also noticeable how many of our own stone circles, such as the Nine\nMaidens, the Dancing Maidens, and so on, are connected by tradition with\nwomen who danced there on the Sabbath.\n\n_Date._--It appears from the evidence that certain changes took place in\ncourse of time in the religion; and, as might be expected, this is shown\nvery markedly in the festivals. The ancient festivals remained all through,\nand to them were added the festivals of the succeeding religions. The\noriginal celebrations belonged to the May-November year, a division of time\nwhich follows neither the solstices nor the agricultural seasons; I have\nshown below (pp. 130, 178) that there is reason to believe these festivals\nwere connected with the breeding seasons of the flocks and herds. The chief\nfestivals were: in the spring, May Eve (April 30), called Roodmas or Rood\nDay in Britain and Walpurgis-Nacht in Germany; in the autumn, November Eve\n(October 31), called in Britain Allhallow Eve. Between these two came: in\nthe winter, Candlemas (February 2); and in the summer, the Gule of August\n(August 1), called Lammas in Britain. To these were added the festivals of\nthe solstitial invaders, Beltane at midsummer and Yule at midwinter; the\nmovable festival of Easter was also added, but the equinoxes were never\nobserved in Britain. On the advent of Christianity the names of the\nfestivals were changed, and the date of one--Roodmas--was slightly altered\nso as to fall on May 3; otherwise the dates were observed as before, but\nwith ceremonies of the new religion. Therefore Boguet is justified in\nsaying that the witches kept all the Christian festivals. But the Great\nAssemblies were always held on the four original days, and it is this fact\nwhich makes it possible to distinguish with certainty between the Sabbath\nand the Esbat whenever dates are mentioned.\n\nDe Lancre, generalizing from the evidence before him, says, 'Quelquefois il\ny a des Sabbats & assemblees generales qui se font ordinairement les quatre\nfestes annuelles';[383] and he also gives the words of a witch, tried in\n1567: 'Esteb\u00e8ne de Cambrue dit que les Sorcieres n'alloient en la grande\nassemblee & au grand Sabbat que quatre fois l'ann\u00e9e.'[384] The four actual\ndays are given in only one trial, that of Issobell Smyth at Forfar in 1661,\n'By these meitings shee mett with him every quarter at Candlemas, Rud-day,\nLambemas, and Hallomas',[385] but it is very clear that these were the\nregular days, from the mention of them individually in both England and\nScotland. At North Berwick 'Barbara Napier was accused of being present at\nthe convention on Lammas Eve at the New haven' [three Covens, i.e.\nthirty-nine persons, were assembled]. 'And the said Barbara was accused\nthat she gave her bodily presence upon All Hallow even last was, 1590\nyears, to the frequent convention holden at the Kirk of North-Berwick,\nwhere she danced endlong the Kirk-yard, and Gelie Duncan played on a trump,\nJohn Fian, missellit, led the ring; Agnes Sampson and her daughters and all\nthe rest following the said Barbara, to the number of seven score\npersons.'[386] The dittays against the witches of Aberdeen in 1596 show\nthat 'wpoun Hallowewin last bypast, att tuelff houris at ewin or thairby,\nthow the said Thomas Leyis ... withe ane gryit number of vtheris witchis,\ncome to the mercatt and fische croce of Aberdene, wnder the conduct and\ngyding of the Dewill present withe you, all in company, playing befoir yow\non his kynd of instrumentis. Ye all dansit about baythe the saidis croces,\nand the meill mercatt, ane lang space of tyme.'[387] Christen Michell and\nBessie Thom had been not only at the Allhallow Eve meeting with Thomas\nLeyis but also at another before that. 'Thow confessis that, thrie yeris\nsensyn, vpon the Ruidday, airlie in the morning,' [Bessie Thom: 'befoir\nsone rysing'] 'thow, accumpaniet with ... certan vtheris witchis, thy\ndevilische adherentis, convenit vpon Sainct Katherines Hill ... and thair,\nvnder the conduct of Sathan, present with yow, playing befoir yow, efter\nhis forme, ye all dansit a devilische danse, rydand on treis, be a lang\nspace.'[388] In 1597 Issobell Richie, Margrat Og, Helene Rogie, Jonet\nLucas, Jonet Dauidsone, Issobell Oige, and Beatrice Robbie were accused of\na meeting at Craigleauche, near Aberdeen: 'Thow art indyttit for the being\nat the twa devylische dances betuixt Lumfannand and Cragleauche, with\nvmquhile Margerat Bane, vpon Alhalowewin last, quhair thow conferrit with\nthe Dewill.'[389] In Ayrshire in 1604 Patrik Lowrie and his\ncompanion-witches were accused that they 'att Hallowevin in the yeir of God\nfoirsaid, assemblit thame selffis vpon Lowdon-hill, quhair thair appeirit\nto thame ane devillische Spreit'.[390] Margaret Johnson, of the second\ngeneration of Lancashire witches, in 1633 said 'shee was not at the greate\nmeetinge at Hartford in the Forrest of Pendle on All Saintes day'.[391]\nIsobel Gowdie (Auldearne, 1662) does not enter into her usual detail, but\nmerely states that 'a Grand Meitting vold be about the end of ilk\nQuarter'.[392]\n\nOf the festivals belonging to later religions several mentions are made. De\nLancre, when giving a general account of the ceremonies, says that the\nwitches of the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es went to their assemblies at Easter and other\nsolemn festivals, and that their chief night was that of St. John the\nBaptist.[393] Jane Bosdeau, from the Puy-de-D\u00f4me district (1594), bears\nthis out, for she went to a meeting with the Devil 'at Midnight on the Eve\nof St. John'.[394] Antide Colas (1598) 'auoit est\u00e9 au Sabbat \u00e0 vn chacun\nbon iour de l'an, comme \u00e0 Noel, \u00e0 Pasques, \u00e0 la feste de Dieu'.[395] Both\ngenerations of Lancashire witches (1613 and 1633) kept Good Friday.[396]\nJonet Watson of Dalkeith (1661) was at a meeting 'about the tyme of the\nlast Baille-ffyre night'.[397] The Crook of Devon witches (1662) met on St.\nAndrew's Day, at Yule.[398] In Connecticut (1662) the 'high frolic' was to\nbe held at Christmas.[399]\n\n_Hour._--The actual hour at which the Sabbath was held is specified in very\nfew cases; it appears to have been a nocturnal assembly, beginning about\nmidnight and lasting till early dawn or cockcrow. 'Le coq s'oyt par fois \u00e9s\nsabbats sonn\u00e3t la retraicte aux Sorciers.'[400]\n\nIn the Vosges in 1408 the meeting was held 'en la minuit et la deuxieme\nheure'.[401] In Lorraine in 1589 'Johannes a Villa und Agathina des\nSchneiders Francisci Weib, sagt, eine oder zwey Stunde vor Mitternacht were\ndie bequemste Zeit darzu'.[402] At North Berwick, in 1590, Agnes Sampson\narrived at the appointed place 'about eleven hours at even'.[403] The\nAberdeen witches in 1597 held their dance 'wpon Hallowewin last bypast, at\ntuelff houris at ewin or thairby' (or more particularly) 'betuixt tuell &\nane houris at nycht'.[404] In 1598 the Lyons witch Fran\u00e7oise Secretain\n'adioustoit qu'elle alloit tousiours au Sabbat enuiron la minuit, &\nbeaucoup d'autres sorciers, que i'ay eu en main, ont dit le mesme'. Antide\nColas, another Lyonnaise, went to the meeting on Christmas Eve between the\nmidnight mass and the mass at dawn.[405]\n\nThe only daylight meeting which can be identified as a Sabbath occurred at\nAberdeen, and may have been peculiar either to the locality or to the\nMay-Day festival; or it may have been simply the continuation of the\nfestival till the sun rose. Christen Michell and Bessie Thom were each\naccused that 'vpon the Ruidday, thrie yeris sensyn bygane, airlie in the\nmorning, befoir sone rysing, thow convenit vpon Sanct Katherines Hill,\naccumpaniet with a numer of thy devilische factioun and band, the Devill\nyour maister in cumpanie with yow'.[406]\n\n\n2. _The Esbat_\n\n_Business._--The Esbat differed from the Sabbath by being primarily for\nbusiness, whereas the Sabbath was purely religious. In both, feasting and\ndancing brought the proceedings to a close. The business carried on at the\nEsbat was usually the practice of magic for the benefit of a client or for\nthe harming of an enemy. Sometimes the Devil appears to have ordered his\nfollowers to perform some action by which to impress the imagination of\nthose who believed in his power though they did not worship him. Very often\nalso the Esbat was for sheer enjoyment only, without any ulterior object,\nas the following quotations show:\n\nEsteb\u00e8ne de Cambrue (1567), who is the authority for the name Esbat as\napplied to local meetings, says that 'les petites assembl\u00e9es qui se font\npres des villes ou parroisses, o\u00f9 il n'y va que ceux du lieu, ils les\nappellent les esbats: & se font ores en vn lieu de ladicte paroisse, ores\nen vn autre, o\u00f9 on ne faict que sauter & folastrer, le Diable n'y estant\nauec tout son grand arroy comme aux grandes assemblees'.[407] Alesoun\nPeirsoun (1588) was taken by a party of men and women, under the leadership\nof a man in green, 'fordir nor scho could tell; and saw with thame pypeing\nand mirrynes and gude scheir, and wes careit to Lowtheane, and saw wyne\npunchounis with tassis with them'.[408] Jonet Barker (1643) said that 'scho\nand ye said Margaret Lauder being w^{t}hin ye said Jonet Cranstones house\ntua pyntis of beir war drukkin be thame thre togidder in ye said house at\nquhilk ye devill appeirit to thame in ye liknes of ane tryme gentill man\nand drank w^t thame all thre and that he Imbracet the said margaret lauder\nin his armes at ye drinking of ye beir and put his arme about hir\nwaist'.[409] Isobel Bairdie (1649) was accused of meeting the Devil and\ndrinking with him, 'the devil drank to her, and she pledging him, drank\nback again to him, and he pledged her, saying, _Grammercie, you are very\nwelcome_.'[410] Janet Brown (1649) 'was charged with having held a meeting\nwith the Devil appearing as a man, at the back of Broomhills, who was _at a\nwanton play_ with Isobel Gairdner the elder, and Janet Thomson'.[411] In\nForfar Helen Guthrie (1661) confessed that she went to several meetings; at\none in the churchyard 'they daunced togither, and the ground under them wes\nall fyre flauchter, and Andrew Watson hade his vsuale staff in his hand,\naltho he be a blind man yet he daunced alse nimblie as any of the companye,\nand made also great miriement by singing his old ballads, and that Isobell\nShyrrie did sing her song called Tinkletum Tankletum; and that the divill\nkist every one of the women'. At another meeting 'they all daunced togither\na whyle, and then went to Mary Rynd's house and sat doune together at the\ntable ... and made them selfes mirrie; and the divell made much of them\nall, but especiallie of Mary Rynd, and he kist them all'.[412] Elspet Bruce\nof the same Coven, 'by turning the sive and sheires, reased the divell, who\nbeing werry hard to be laid againe, ther wes a meiting of witches for\nlaying of him ... and at this meiting they had pipe-music and\ndauncing'.[413] Isobell Gowdie (1662) gives an account of one of these\njoyous assemblies: 'We killed an ox, in Burgie, abowt the dawing of the\nday, and we browght the ox with ws hom to Aulderne, and did eat all amongst\nws, in an hows in Aulderne, and feasted on it.'[414] Marie Lamont (1662)\nalso enjoyed her meetings; the first at which she was present was held in\nKettie Scott's house, where the devil 'sung to them, and they dancit; he\ngave them wyn to drink, and wheat bread to eat, and they warr all very\nmirrie. She confesses, at that meiting the said Kettie Scott made her first\nacquaintance with the devill, and caused her to drink to him, and shak\nhands with him.--Shee was with Katie Scot and others at a meitting at\nKempoch, wher they danced, and the devil kissed them when they went\naway.'[415] Annaple Thomson and the other witches of Borrowstowness\n(1679)--\n\n 'wis at several mettings with the devill in the linkes of\n Borrowstonenes, and in the howsse of you Bessie Vickar, and ye did\n eatt and drink with the devill, and with on another, and with witches\n in hir howss in the night tyme; and the devill and the said Wm Craw\n browght the ale which ye drank, extending to about sevin gallons, from\n the howss of Elizabeth Hamilton; and yow the said Annaple had ane\n other metting abowt fyve wekes ago, when yow wis goeing to the\n coalhill of Grange, and he inveitted you to go alongst, and drink with\n him.... And yow the said Margret Hamilton has bein the devill's\n servant these eight or nyne yeeres bygane; and he appered and\n conversed with yow at the town-well at Borrowstownes, and several\n tymes in yowr awin howss, and drank severall choppens of ale with\n you.'[416]\n\nThe magical ceremonies performed by the witches with the help of the Devil\nwere usually for the destruction of, or for doing harm to, an enemy.\nSometimes, however, the spells were originally for the promotion of\nfertility, but were misunderstood by the recorders and probably by the\nwitches themselves. Alexia Violaea (1589) said that 'nachdem sie were mit\nihren Gespielen umb und umb gelauffen eine ziemliche gut Weile, habe sie\npflegen in die H\u00f6he \u00fcber sich zu werffen ein reines subtiles Pulverlein,\nwelches ihr der Teuffel darzu gegeben habe, darvon Raupen, K\u00e4ffern,\nHeuschrecken, und dergleichen andere Besch\u00e4digung mehr, so Hauffenweise\nw\u00fcchsen, dass die Acker darmit in einem Augenblick \u00fcberall beschmeist\nw\u00fcrden'.[417] Isobel Gowdie's magical charm (1662) seems to come under this\ncategory:\n\n 'We went be-east Kinlosse, and ther we yoaked an plewghe of paddokis.\n The Devill held the plewgh, and Johne Yownge in Mebestowne, our\n Officer, did drywe the plewghe. Paddokis did draw the plewgh, as oxen;\n qwickens wer sowmes, a riglen's horne wes a cowter, and an piece of an\n riglen's horne wes an sok. We went two seuerall tymes abowt; and all\n we of the Coven went still wp and downe with the plewghe, prayeing to\n the Divell for the fruit of that land.'[418]\n\nThe greater number of meetings were occupied with business of a magical\ncharacter with the intention of harming certain specified persons; though\nany other kind of business was also transacted. The North Berwick witches\nopened the graves which the Devil indicated in order to obtain the means of\nmaking charms with dead men's bones; on another occasion they attempted to\nwreck a ship by magic.[419] The Lang Niddry witches (1608) went to the\nhouse of Beigis Tod, where they drank, and there christened a cat.[420] The\nLancashire witches (1613) met at Malking Tower for two purposes; the first\nwas to give a name to the familiar of Alison Device, which could not be\ndone as she was not present, being then in prison; the second was to\narrange a scheme or plot for the release of Mother Demdike, the principal\nwitch of the community, then a prisoner in Lancaster Castle; the plot\ninvolved the killing of the gaoler and governor, and the blowing up of the\ncastle.[421] In 1630 Alexander Hamilton was tried in Edinburgh,\n\n 'the said Alexr Hamiltoun haifing concaivet ane deidlie haitrent\n agains umqle Elizabeth Lausone Lady Ormestoun younger becaus the said\n Alexr being at her zet asking for almous she choisit him therfra\n saying to him \"away custroun carle ye will get nothing heir\". The said\n Alexr therupon in revenge therof accompaneit wt tua wemen mentionet in\n his depostiones come to Saltoun woid quhair he raisit the devill and\n quha appeirit to him and his associattis in the likenes of ane man\n cled in gray and the said Alexr and his associattis haifing schawin to\n him the caus of thair coming desyring him to schaw to thame be quhat\n meanes thay micht be revendget upon the said Lady.'[422]\n\nMargaret Johnson (1633) deposed that she was not at the great witch-meeting\non All Saints' Day, but was at a smaller meeting the Sunday after, 'where\nthere was, at yt tyme, between 30 and 40 witches, who did all ride to the\nsaid meetinge, and the end of theire said meeting was to consult for the\nkillinge and hurtinge of men and beasts.'[423] The Forfar witches (1661)\nclaimed to have wrecked a ship.[424] Isobel Gowdie (1662) is as usual very\ndramatic in her account; on one occasion the witches met to make a charm\nagainst the minister of Auldearne, Mr. Harie Forbes: 'Satan wes with ws and\nlearned ws the wordis to say thryse ower. Quhan we haid learned all thes\nwordis from the Divell, we fell all down wpon owr kneis, with owr hear down\nower owr showlderis and eyes, and owr handis lifted wp, and owr eyes\nstedfastlie fixed wpon the Divell; and said the forsaidis wordis thryse\nower to the Divell, striktlie, against Maister Harie Forbes his recowering\nfrom the said seiknes.' When making an image only a few of the witches were\npresent with the Devil.[425] Marie Lamont (1662) claimed that her Coven\nraised storms on two occasions; and on a third, they in the likeness of\n'kats', and the Devil as a man with cloven feet, made a charm with 'wyt\nsand' against Blackhall younger and Mr. John Hamilton.[426] Amongst the\nmost detailed accounts of the wax or clay images, and of the ritual for\nkilling the person whom the image represented, are those of the Somerset\nwitches[427] (1664). The baptism of the figure is an interesting point. The\nPaisley witches (1678) had a meeting to make a clay figure in order to kill\nan enemy of the witch in whose house the meeting was held.[428] At\nBorrowstowness part of the accusation was that 'ye and ilk ane of yow was\nat ane metting with the devill and other witches at the croce of Murestane,\nupon the threttein of October last, where you all danced and the devill\nacted the pyiper, and where yow indewored to have destroyed Andrew\nMitchell.'[429] In New England the witches accused George Burroughs 'that\nhe brought Poppets to them, and Thorns to stick into those Poppets'.[430]\n\nAt the Esbats it is also evident that the Devil wished to maintain an\nappearance of miraculous power not only before the world at large, but in\nthe eyes of the witches as well. This will account for the meetings on the\nsea-shore in raging storms when vessels were liable to be wrecked, and\nthere are also many indications that the destruction of an enemy was\neffected by means more certain than the making and pricking of a wax or\nclay figure, means which were used after the figure had been made. Some of\nthe methods of maintaining this prestige are of the simplest, others are\nnoted without any explanation: 'Satan faict en ce lieu [le Sabbat] tant de\nchoses estr\u00e3ges & nouuelles que leur simplicit\u00e9 & abus prend cela pour\nquelques miracles.'[431] At Forfar (1661) the means of obtaining the result\nare apparent; during a great storm the Devil and the witches destroyed the\nbridge of Cortaquhie, and the destruction was so arranged as to appear to\nhave been effected by magical power; but Helen Guthrie confessed that 'they\nwent to the bridge of Cortaquhie with intentione to pull it doune, and that\nfor this end shee her selfe, Jonnet Stout, and others of them, did thrust\nther shoulderis againest the bridge, and that the divell wes bussie among\nthem acting his pairt'. Issobell Smyth, who also assisted on the occasion,\nsaid, 'Wee all rewed that meitting, for wee hurt our selves lifting.'[432]\nStill more simple was the method of destroying the harvest of a field at\nCrook of Devon, where Bessie Henderson 'confessed and declared that Janet\nPaton was with you at ane meeting when they trampit down Thos. White's rie\nin the beginning of harvest, 1661, and that she had broad soales and\ntrampit down more nor any of the rest'.[433] The Devil of Mohra in Sweden\ncared only to impress his followers; when the wall which they were building\nfell down 'some of the Witches are commonly hurt, which makes him laugh,\nbut presently he cures them again'.[434]\n\n_Site._--In some places the Esbat was held at a fixed site, in others the\nsite varied from week to week. In both cases, the locality was always in\nthe near neighbourhood of the village whose inhabitants attended the\nmeeting.\n\n 'Pour le lieu ordinaire c'est \u00e9s carrefours, co[~m]e disoit Isaac de\n Queyran, qui deposoit y auoir est\u00e9 au carrefour du Palays Galienne,\n pr\u00e8s la ville de Bourdeaux; ou aux places des paroisses au deuant des\n Eglises, & le plus souuent au droict de la grand' porte, si l'Eglise\n est plant\u00e9e au milieu de la place comme elle est souuent, afin que le\n Diable plante sa chaire tout vis \u00e0 vis du grand autel o\u00f9 on met le\n Sainct sacrement: comme il est en la place d'Ascain, o\u00f9 tous les\n tesmoins du lieu, nous ont dict que le Sabbat se faisoit. Il a aussi\n accoustum\u00e9 les tenir en quelque lieu desert, & sauuage, comme au\n milieu d'vne lande; & encore en lieu du tout hors de passage, de\n voisinage, d'habitation, & de rencontre: Et communement ils\n s'appellent Aquelarre[435] qui signifie Lane de Bouc, comme qui diroit\n la lane ou l\u00e3de, o\u00f9 le Bouc conuoque ses assembl\u00e9es.'[436]\n\nDanaeus emphasizes the variation of both site and date: 'They meete\ntogither in certen apointed places, not al of them togither, nor at once,\nbut certen of them whom he pleaseth to call, so that he apointeth where\nthey shall meete, and at what houre of the day, or of the nighte.'[437] The\nWindsor witches, however, 'did accustome to meete within the backeside of\nMaister Dodges in the Pittes there'.[438] Boguet's evidence also points to\nthere being a settled site for the Esbat in each village:\n\n 'Les Sorciers du cost\u00e9 de Longchamois s'assembloient en vn pr\u00e9, qui\n est sur le grand chemin tirant \u00e0 S. Claude, o\u00f9 l'on voit les ruines\n d'vne maison. Ceux du cost\u00e9 de Coirieres tenoient leur Sabbat, sous le\n village de Coirieres proche l'eau, en vn lieu appell\u00e9 \u00e9s Combes, qui\n est du tout sans chemin. [Autres] se retrouuoient en vn lieu dict \u00e9s\n Fontenelles, sous le village de Nezan, qui est vn lieu assez\n descouuert ... le Sabbat des Sorciers de la Mo\u00fcille se tenoit en la\n Cour du Prior\u00e9 du mesme lieu.'[439]\n\nJane Bosdeau (1594) went twice a week regularly to 'a Rendezvous of above\nSixty Witches at Puy de dome'.[440] And the Swedish witches went so\nuniformly to one place that there was a special building for their rites:\n\n 'They unanimously confessed that _Blockula_ is scituated in a delicate\n large Meadow whereof you can see no end. The place or house they met\n at, had before it a Gate painted with divers colours; through this\n Gate they went into a little Meadow distinct from the other.... In a\n huge large Room of this House, they said, there stood a very long\n Table, at which the Witches did sit down: And that hard by this Room\n was another Chamber where there were very lovely and delicate\n Beds.'[441]\n\nOn the whole, the weight of evidence in England and Scotland is in favour\nof Danaeus's statement that there was no fixed site, though this should be\ntaken as referring to the local meetings only, not to the Great Assemblies.\nThe Forfar witch-trials give much information: Helen Guthrie\n\n 'wes at a meitting in the church yeard of Forfar in the Holfe\n therof.... Betwixt the oatseid and the bearseid [barleysowing], she\n wes at ane other meitting at the Pavilione hollis.... This same year,\n betwixt the oatseid and bearseid, she was at a thrid meiting in the\n church yeard of Forfar in the holfe thereof, about the same tyme of\n the night as at the [former] meitings, viz. at midnight.--About the\n beginning of the last oat seid tyme, Isabell Syrie did cary hir\n [Jonet Howat] to the Insch within the loch of Forfar, shoe saw at this\n tyme, about threteen witches with the divill, and they daunced\n togither.... About four wiekes after the forsaid meiting in the Insch,\n the said Isabell Syrie caried hir to ane other meiting at\n Muryknowes.--About three and a halfe yeares since, she [Elspet\n Alexander] was at a meiting with the divill at Peterden, midway\n betwixt Forfar and Dondie.... About four wiekes after this mieting at\n Petterden, shoe was at ane second mieting at the Muryknowes ... shoe\n was present at ane thrid mieting near Kerymure.'[442]\n\nIsobel Gowdie's evidence is detailed as usual: 'The last tyme that owr\nCoven met, we, and an vther Coven, wer dauncing at the Hill of Earlseat;\nand befor that, betwixt Moynes and Bowgholl; and befor that we ves beyond\nthe Meikleburne; and the vther Coven being at the Downie-hillis we went\nfrom beyond the Meikle-burne, and went besyd them, to the howssis at the\nWood-end of Inshoch.... Befor Candlemas, we went be-east Kinlosse.'[443]\nThe same facts were elicited from the Kinross-shire witches; Robert Wilson\n'confessed ye had ane meeting with the Devill at the Stanriegate, bewest\nthe Cruick of Devon ... the Devil appointed them to meet at the Bents of\nBalruddrie'.--Margaret Huggon confessed 'that ye was at another meeting\nwith Sathan at the Stanriegate, bewest the Cruik of Devon ... lykeways ye\nconfessed ye was at another meeting with Satan at the Heathrie Knowe\nbe-east the Cruik of Devon, where the Gallows stands ... a meeting at the\nback of Knocktinnie at the Gaitside ... and another at the bents of\nNewbiggin'.--Janet Brugh 'confessed that ye was at ane meeting at\nStanriegate ... ye confessed that about Yule last bypast ye was at ane\nmeeting with Sathan at Turfhills ... lykeways ye confessed that ye was at\nthe Bents of Balruddrie and Gibson's Craig, where Sathan was present at\nthem both'.--Christian Grieve 'freely confessed that ye was at ane meeting\nwith Sathan at the back of Andrew Dowie his house'.[444] The Somerset\nwitches (1664) varied in this respect. Those of Wincanton met in different\nplaces: Elizabeth Style 'hath been at several general meetings in the night\nat High Common, and a Common near _Motcombe_, at a place near _Marnhull_,\nand at other places'.--Alice Duke 'hath been at several meetings in Lie\nCommon, and other places in the night'. But the Brewham Coven appear to\nhave met commonly at Hussey's Knap in Brewham Forest.[445]\n\nOccasionally a reason is given for the change of site. 'Parfois vn Sabbat\nfiny \u00e0 vn coin de paroisse, on s'en va le tenir \u00e0 vne autre, o\u00f9 le Diable\nmene les mesmes personnes: mais l\u00e0, on y en rencontre d'autres'.[446]\nSometimes also a sidelight is thrown upon these gatherings, which explains\nthe fact that in many cases the witches said that they did not know all the\npeople present at a given meeting:\n\n 'Antoine Tornier, Et Iaquema Paget ont confess\u00e9, que comme elles\n retournoient \u00e0 certain iour par ensemble de glanner, passans au long\n du [=p]r\u00e9 de Longchamois, elles apper\u00e7eurent que l'on y tenoit le\n Sabbat; Surquoy elles poserent bas leurs fardeaux, & allerent au lieu\n predict, o\u00f9 elles firent comme les autres, & puis se retirerent\n chacune en leurs maisons, apres auoir reprins leurs fardeaux.'[447]\n\nThe Salem Witches (1692) met 'upon a plain grassy place, by which was a\nCart path and sandy ground in the path, in which were the tracks of Horses\nfeet'.[448]\n\n_Date and Hour._--There was no fixed day or hour for the Esbat, and in this\nit differed from the Sabbath, which was always at night. The Devil let his\nfollowers know the time, either by going to them himself or by sending a\nmessage by the officer. The message might be by word of mouth, or by some\nsignal understood by the initiated.\n\nThough there was no fixed day for the Esbat, it seems probable that one day\nin the week was observed in each locality.\n\nDanaeus, in his general survey of the cult in 1575, says: 'He apointeth\nwhere they shall meete, and at what houre of the day, or of the night:\nwherein they haue no surenes, nor certentie. For these meetinges are not\nweekely, nor monthly, nor yeerely, but when and how often it shall seeme\ngood to this their maister. And many times himself warneth them to meete,\nsometimes hee apoynteth others to warne them in his staede. But when he\ndoth it himself, he appeareth vnto them in likenesse of a man.'[449] De\nLancre says that in the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es 'le lieu o\u00f9 on le trouue\nordinairement s'appelle Lanne de bouc, & en Basque _Aquelarre de verros,\nprado del Cabron_, & l\u00e0 les Sorciers le vont adorer trois nuicts durant,\ncelle du Lundy, du Mercredy, & du Vendredy.--Les iours ordinaires de la\nconuocation du Sabbat, ou pour mieux dire les nuicts, sont celles du\nMercredy venant au Ieudy, & du Vendredy venant au Samedy.--Catherine de\nNaguille de la paroisse d'Vstarits, aagee de onze ans, & sa compagne, nous\nout asseur\u00e9 qu'elles auoi[~e]t est\u00e9 au Sabbat en plein midy.'[450] Jane\nBosdeau (1594) 'every Wednesday and Friday met a Rendezvous of aboue Sixty\nWitches at Puy de dome'.[451] Boguet says that the day of the Sabbath was\nvariable, usually Thursday night;[452] while, according to Bodin, the most\nfrequent was 'entre la nuict du Lundi & Mardi'.[453] Boguet also goes on to\nsay, 'Le Sabbat ne se tient pas tousiours de nuict, ains que les Sorciers y\nvont aussi quelquefois de iour, selon que firent Antoine Tornier, & Iaquema\nPaget, & plusieurs autres de leur secte le confessent.'[454] The Lorraine\nwitches also had the same custom:\n\n 'Alle zugleich, so viel ihrer bisher in Lotharingen peinlich sind\n verh\u00f6ret worden, bekandten, dass solche Versammlung in keiner andern\n Nacht, als welche zu nechst vor dem Donnerstag oder Sambstag hergehet,\n gehalten werden.--Johannes a Villa und Agathina des Schneiders\n Francisci weib, sagt, eine oder zwey Stunde vor Mitternacht, were die\n bequemste Zeit darzu, und zwar nicht allein zu diesen Gespensten,\n sondern auch sonsten zu allerhand Gespensten, Bollergeisten,\n Irrgeisten, &c. Aber die Stunde nach Mitternacht diene nicht\n darzu.'[455]\n\nThe English and Scotch evidence is to the same effect. The witches 'are\nlikewise reported to have each of them a Spirit or Imp attending on, or\nassigned to them.... These give the Witches notice to be ready on all\nSolemn appointments, and meetings, which are ordinarily on Tuesday or\nWednesday night'.[456] Janet Breadheid of the Auldearne Coven emphasizes\nthe irregularity of the dates: 'Efter that, we vold still meit euerie ten,\ntwelve, or twantie dayes continwally.'[457] Marie Lamont merely notes that\nthe meetings were at night: 'The devil came to Kattrein Scott's house in\nthe midst of the night.... When she had been at a mietting sine Zowle last,\nwith other witches, in the night, the devill convoyed her home in the\ndawing.'[458] The Somerset witches had no special night: 'At every meeting\nbefore the Spirit vanisheth away, he appoints the next meeting place and\ntime,'[459] and Mary Green went to a meeting 'on Thursday Night before\nWhitsunday last.'[460] At Paisley the meeting was on Thursday, the 4th of\nJanuary, 1678, in the night, in John Stuart's house.[461] The Swedish\nwitches were much harder worked: 'whereas formerly one journey a week would\nserve his turn, from their own Town to the place aforesaid, now they were\nforced to run to other Towns and places for Children, and that some of them\ndid bring with them some fifteen, some sixteen Children every night.'[462]\n\nThe more modern examples suggest that the date became more fixed: 'On croit\nque c'est toujours un vendredi soir que les sorciers et sorci\u00e8res se\nr\u00e9unissent.'[463] 'Sorciers et sorci\u00e8res vont au _sabbat_ le vendredi, \u00e0\ntravers les airs.'[464]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[Footnote 328: Boguet, pp. 106-7.]\n\n[Footnote 329: Pitcairn, ii, pp. 542-3.]\n\n[Footnote 330: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 148.]\n\n[Footnote 331: Id., _L'Incredulit\u00e9_, p. 808.]\n\n[Footnote 332: Kinloch, pp. 122-3.]\n\n[Footnote 333: Burns Begg, p. 239.]\n\n[Footnote 334: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 211; Hale, p. 29.]\n\n[Footnote 335: Stewart, p. 174.]\n\n[Footnote 336: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 239. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 337: Boguet, p. 104.]\n\n[Footnote 338: Potts, G 4.]\n\n[Footnote 339: Whitaker, p. 216.]\n\n[Footnote 340: Pitcairn, iii, p. 604.]\n\n[Footnote 341: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 320.]\n\n[Footnote 342: Bodin, _Fl\u00e9au_, p. 178.]\n\n[Footnote 343: Scot, pp. 41, 184. Scot is as usual, extraordinarily\ninaccurate in his statements. The correct formulae, as given by Wierus,\nwill be found in Appendix V, with notes on the ingredients by Prof. A. J.\nClark.]\n\n[Footnote 344: Boguet, p. 96.]\n\n[Footnote 345: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 148.]\n\n[Footnote 346: H. G. van Elven, _La Tradition_, 1891, p. 215. Unfortunately\nneither name nor place are given in the transcription.]\n\n[Footnote 347: Burns Begg, p. 223.]\n\n[Footnote 348: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 139, 141, 148-9, 151.]\n\n[Footnote 349: Scot, Bk. iii, p. 66; Lea, iii, p. 493. I give Scot's\ntranslation as being more racily expressed.]\n\n[Footnote 350: J. Bournon, p. 19.]\n\n[Footnote 351: Boguet, p. 96.]\n\n[Footnote 352: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]\n\n[Footnote 353: Whitaker, p. 216.]\n\n[Footnote 354: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 214; Hale, p. 31.]\n\n[Footnote 355: Horneck, pt. ii, pp. 316, 317, 318, 319, 321.]\n\n[Footnote 356: Kinloch, p. 129.]\n\n[Footnote 357: Surtees Society, xl, pp. 191-2, 194, 197; Denham Tracts, ii,\npp. 299-301, 304, 307.]\n\n[Footnote 358: Holinshed, _Ireland_, p. 58.]\n\n[Footnote 359: Chartier, iii, p. 45; Lea, iii, p. 536.]\n\n[Footnote 360: From a trial in the Greffe, Guernsey.]\n\n[Footnote 361: Danaeus, ch. iv.]\n\n[Footnote 362: Boguet, p. 104.]\n\n[Footnote 363: Id., pp. 9, 104.]\n\n[Footnote 364: A marginal note against the word _ramasse_ gives 'autrement\nbalait, & en Lyonnois coiue'.]\n\n[Footnote 365: Boguet, pp. 9, 97, 104.]\n\n[Footnote 366: Cannaert, p. 49.]\n\n[Footnote 367: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 604, 608, 613.]\n\n[Footnote 368: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 194.]\n\n[Footnote 369: Howell, vi, 660; J. Hutchinson, _Hist. of Massachusetts\nBay_, p. 31.]\n\n[Footnote 370: Cotton Mather, p. 158; Burr, p. 244. _See also_ J.\nHutchinson, ii, pp. 35-6.]\n\n[Footnote 371: Burr, p. 418.]\n\n[Footnote 372: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 65.]\n\n[Footnote 373: Id. ib., p. 72.]\n\n[Footnote 374: Bodin, _Fl\u00e9au_, p. 181.]\n\n[Footnote 375: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]\n\n[Footnote 376: Bodin, p. 187.]\n\n[Footnote 377: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 97-8, 114, 149, 153, 165,\n167.]\n\n[Footnote 378: Whitaker, p. 216; Baines, i, p. 607 note, where the name is\ngiven as _Hartford_. The importance of the stone in the Sabbath ceremonies\nis very marked in the account of a meeting in Northumberland (1673). Ann\nArmstrong declared that 'she and the rest had drawne their compasse nigh to\na bridg end, and the devil placed a stone in the middle of the compasse,\nthey sett themselves downe, and bending towards the stone, repeated the\nLord's prayer backwards'. Denham Tracts, ii, p. 307; Surtees Soc., xl, p.\n197.]\n\n[Footnote 379: Horneck, pt. ii, pp. 321, 324.]\n\n[Footnote 380: Mather, p. 131.]\n\n[Footnote 381: Harou, _La Tradition_, vi (1892), p. 367.]\n\n[Footnote 382: Monseur, pp. 2, 88.]\n\n[Footnote 383: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 64.]\n\n[Footnote 384: Id. ib., p. 123.]\n\n[Footnote 385: Kinloch, p. 133.]\n\n[Footnote 386: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 245. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 387: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 97-8.]\n\n[Footnote 388: Ib., i, Christen Michell, p. 165; Bessie Thom, p. 167.]\n\n[Footnote 389: Ib., i, Issobell Richie, p. 142; Margrat Og, p. 144; Helene\nRogie, p. 147; Jonet Lucas, p. 149; Jonet Dauidsone, p. 150; Issobell Oige,\np. 152; Beatrice Robbie, p. 153.]\n\n[Footnote 390: Pitcairn, ii, p. 478.]\n\n[Footnote 391: Baines, i, p. 607 note.]\n\n[Footnote 392: Pitcairn, iii, p. 606.]\n\n[Footnote 393: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 398.]\n\n[Footnote 394: F. Hutchinson, _Historical Essay_, p. 42.]\n\n[Footnote 395: Boguet, p. 125.]\n\n[Footnote 396: Chetham Society, vi, p. lxxiii; Whitaker, p. 216.]\n\n[Footnote 397: Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.]\n\n[Footnote 398: Burns Begg, pp. 219, 226, 237.]\n\n[Footnote 399: J. Hutchinson, _History of Massachusetts Bay_, ii, p. 17;\nTaylor, p. 98.]\n\n[Footnote 400: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 154.]\n\n[Footnote 401: Bournon, p. 23.]\n\n[Footnote 402: Remigius, pt. i, p. 72.]\n\n[Footnote 403: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 239.]\n\n[Footnote 404: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 97, 114, 165, 167.]\n\n[Footnote 405: Boguet, pp. 119, 125.]\n\n[Footnote 406: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 165, 167.]\n\n[Footnote 407: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]\n\n[Footnote 408: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 163.]\n\n[Footnote 409: From the record in the Justiciary Court of Edinburgh.]\n\n[Footnote 410: Arnot, p. 358.]\n\n[Footnote 411: Id., p. 358.]\n\n[Footnote 412: Kinloch, pp. 120, 121.]\n\n[Footnote 413: Id., p. 122.]\n\n[Footnote 414: Pitcairn, iii, p. 613.]\n\n[Footnote 415: Sharpe, pp. 131, 134.]\n\n[Footnote 416: _Scots Magazine_, 1814, p. 200.]\n\n[Footnote 417: Remigius, pt. i, p. 91.]\n\n[Footnote 418: Pitcairn, iii, p. 603; see below, p. 171.]\n\n[Footnote 419: Id., i, pt. ii, pp. 210-11, 217, 239.]\n\n[Footnote 420: Id., ii, pp. 542-3.]\n\n[Footnote 421: Potts, C 3, G 3, I 2, I 3.]\n\n[Footnote 422: From the trial of 'Alexr Hamiltoun, warlok', in the\nJusticiary Court, Edinburgh.]\n\n[Footnote 423: Whitaker, p. 216.]\n\n[Footnote 424: Kinloch, p. 122.]\n\n[Footnote 425: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 609, 613.]\n\n[Footnote 426: Sharpe, pp. 132-4.]\n\n[Footnote 427: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 137-8, 164.]\n\n[Footnote 428: Id., pt. ii, p. 294.]\n\n[Footnote 429: _Scots Magazine_, 1814, p. 201.]\n\n[Footnote 430: Mather, p. 125.]\n\n[Footnote 431: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 135.]\n\n[Footnote 432: Kinloch, pp. 122, 133.]\n\n[Footnote 433: Burns Begg, p. 224.]\n\n[Footnote 434: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 323.]\n\n[Footnote 435: The full name is Aquelarre de verros, prado del Cabron.]\n\n[Footnote 436: De Lancre, Tableau, pp. 64-5.]\n\n[Footnote 437: Danaeus, ch. iv.]\n\n[Footnote 438: _Rehearsall_, p. 7.]\n\n[Footnote 439: _Boguet_, pp. 126-7.]\n\n[Footnote 440: F. Hutchinson, _Historical Essay_, p. 43.]\n\n[Footnote 441: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 321.]\n\n[Footnote 442: Kinloch, pp. 120 seq.]\n\n[Footnote 443: Pitcairn, iii, p. 603.]\n\n[Footnote 444: Burns Begg, pp. 226 seq.]\n\n[Footnote 445: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 140, 148, 156, 161.]\n\n[Footnote 446: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 64.]\n\n[Footnote 447: Boguet, p. 102.]\n\n[Footnote 448: Burr, p. 418.]\n\n[Footnote 449: Danaeus, ch. iv.]\n\n[Footnote 450: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 62, 398.]\n\n[Footnote 451: F. Hutchinson, p. 43.]\n\n[Footnote 452: Boguet, p. 124.]\n\n[Footnote 453: Bodin, _Fl\u00e9au_, p. 182.]\n\n[Footnote 454: Boguet, p. 123.]\n\n[Footnote 455: Remigius, pp. 71, 72.]\n\n[Footnote 456: _Pleasant Treatise_, p. 4.]\n\n[Footnote 457: Pitcairn, iii, p. 617.]\n\n[Footnote 458: Sharpe, pp. 131, 133.]\n\n[Footnote 459: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 139.]\n\n[Footnote 460: Id., pt. ii, p. 164.]\n\n[Footnote 461: Id., pt. ii, pp. 293, 297.]\n\n[Footnote 462: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 318.]\n\n[Footnote 463: Monseur, p. 87.]\n\n[Footnote 464: Lemoine, _La Tradition_, 1892, vi, p. 106.]\n\n\n\n\nV. THE RITES\n\n\n1. _General_\n\nThe exact order of the ceremonies is never given and probably varied in\ndifferent localities, but the general rule of the ritual at the Sabbath\nseems to have been that proceedings began by the worshippers paying homage\nto the Devil, who sat or stood in a convenient place. The homage consisted\nin renewing the vows of fidelity and obedience, in kissing the Devil on any\npart of his person that he chose to indicate, and sometimes in turning a\ncertain number of times widdershins. Then followed the reports of all magic\nworked since the previous Sabbath, either by individuals or at the Esbats,\nand at the same time the witches consulted the Master as to their cases and\nreceived instructions from him how to proceed; after which came admissions\nto the society or marriages of the members. This ended the business part of\nthe meeting. Immediately after all the business was transacted, the\nreligious service was celebrated, the ceremonial of which varied according\nto the season of the year; and it was followed by the 'obscene' fertility\nrites. The whole ceremony ended with feasting and dancing, and the assembly\nbroke up at dawn.\n\nThis was apparently the usual course of the ritual of the Sabbath; the\nEsbat had less ceremonial, and the religious service was not performed. The\nDevil himself often went round and collected the congregation; and, not\nbeing in his 'grand arroy', he appeared as a man in ordinary dress. Instead\nof the religious service with the adoration of the god, the witches worked\nthe spells and charms with which they bewitched or unbewitched their\nenemies and friends, or they exercised new methods which they learnt from\ntheir Master, or received instructions how to practise the arts of healing\nand secret poisoning, of causing and blasting fertility.\n\nThere are a few general accounts of the usual course of the Sabbath ritual.\nDanaeus (1575) does not distinguish clearly between the two classes of\nmeetings, but at the same time he seems to have realized that a certain\norder was followed:\n\n 'Satan calleth them togither into a Diuelish Sinagoge, and that he may\n also vnderstand of them howe well and diligently they haue fulfilled\n their office of intoxicating committed vnto them, and wh\u00f5 they haue\n slaine: wherefore they meete togither in certen apointed places....\n Wh[~e] they meete together he appeareth visibly vnto them in sundrie\n fourmes, as the head and chiefe of that congregation.... Then doe they\n all repeate the othe which they haue geuen vnto him, in acknowledging\n him to be their God, th[~e] fal they to dauncing.... Whiche beeing all\n finished, then he demaundeth agayne of them what they woulde require\n of him.... Vnto some he geueth poysons ready made, and others he\n teacheth howe to make and mingle new.... Finally, if in any thing they\n neede his presence and helpe, by couenant he promiseth to be present\n with them.'[465]\n\nBoguet (1589) is more exact, as he obtained his knowledge at first hand:\n\n 'Les Sorciers estans assemblez en leur Synagogue adorent premierement\n Satan ... ils luy offrent des chandelles, & le baisent aux parties\n honteuses de derriere. Quelquefois encor il tient vne image noire,\n qu'il faut baiser aux Sorciers.... Les Sorciers en second lieu\n dansent.... Les danses finies, les Sorciers viennent \u00e0 s'accoupler....\n Les Sorciers, apres s'estre veautrez parmy les plaisirs immondes de la\n chair, banquettent & se festoient.... Les Sorciers rendent conte \u00e0\n Satan de ce qu'ils ont fait d\u00e9s la derniere assembl\u00e9e.... Il fait\n renoncer de nouueau \u00e0 ces miserables, Dieu, Chresme, & Baptesme. Il\n leur fait rafraischir le serment solennel qu'ils ont fait.'[466]\n\nThe English account is put together from foreign sources to a great extent:\n\n 'They are carryed out of the house, either by the Window, Door, or\n Chimney, mounted on their Imps.... Thus brought to the designed place,\n they find a great number of others arrived there by the same means:\n who, before Lucifer takes his place in his throne as King, do make\n their accustomed homage, Adoring, and Proclaiming him their Lord, and\n rendring him all Honour. This Solemnity being finished, they sit to\n Table where no delicate meats are wanting.... At the sound of many\n pleasant Instruments the table is taken away, and the pleasant consort\n invites them to a Ball.... At the last, the lights are put out. The\n Incubus's in the shapes of proper men satisfy the desires of the\n Witches, and the Succubus's serve for whores to the Wizards. At last\n before Aurora brings back the day, each one mounts on his spirit, and\n so returns to his respective dwelling place.... Sometimes at their\n solemn assemblies, the Devil commands, that each tell what wickedness\n he hath committed.... When the assembly is ready to break up, and the\n Devil to dispatch them, he publisheth this law with a loud voice,\n _Revenge your selves or else you shall dye_, then each one kissing the\n Posteriors of the Devil returns upon their aiery Vehicles to their\n habitations.'[467]\n\n\n2. _Homage_\n\nIn some places the witches saluted their Chief by falling on their knees,\nand also by certain manual gestures; in other places by curtsies and\nobeisances. In Scotland, France, and Belgium, another rite was also in\nvogue, that of kissing the Devil on any part of his person that he might\ndirect. At Como and Brescia the witches, 'when they paid reverence to the\npresiding demon, bent themselves backwards, lifting a foot in the air\nforwards.'[468]\n\nRemigius, writing of the Lorraine witches in 1589, says:\n\n 'Es erzehlte die Beatrix Bayona dass einer unter ihnen allen der\n Oberster wer, welcher in einer Zell auff einem hohen Stuhl s\u00e4sse, sehr\n ernsthafftig und pr\u00e4chtig heraus, zu demselbigen trete je einer nach\n dem andern, mit Furcht und Zittern, falle ihm zum Zeichen seiner\n Ehrerbietung f\u00fcr die F\u00fcsse, und umbfange ihn mit aller Demuth und\n Reverentz.--Erstlich fallen sie nieder auff ihre Knie; darnach legen\n sie die H\u00e4nde ausswendig zusammen, als diejenigen pflegen zu thun,\n welche obtestiren, jedoch auff dem R\u00fccken und verkehrter Weise, sie\n haben den R\u00fccken zu ihm gewandt, bleiben so lang kniend, biss er\n selbsten zu ihnen sagt, dass es genugsam sey.'[469]\n\nIn Somerset (1664) the witches always mention the salutation:\n\n 'At their first meeting the Man in black bids them welcome, and they\n all make low obeysance to him.--[Elizabeth Style, Alice Duke, Anne\n Bishop, Mary Penny] met about nine of the Clock in the Night, in the\n Common near _Trister_ Gate, where they met a Man in black Clothes\n with a little Band, to whom they did Courtesie and due\n observance.--Mary Green [went with others to] Hussey's Knap in the\n Forrest in the Night time, where met them the Fiend in the shape of a\n little Man in black Clothes with a little band, to him all made\n obeysances.... On Thursday Night before Whitsunday last [she met\n several others] and being met they called out _Robin_. Upon which\n instantly appeared a little Man in black Clothes to whom all made\n obeysance, and the little Man put his hand to his Hat, saying, How do\n ye? speaking _low_ but _big_. Then all made low obeysances to him\n again.'[470]\n\nAs late as the eighteenth century there is a similar account.[471]\n\nDanaeus (1575) and Cooper (1617) are the only writers who mention the kiss\nin their general accounts of the ceremonies. The former says: 'Then biddeth\nhe th[~e] that they fall down & worship him, after what maner and gesture\nof body he pleaseth, and best liketh of. Thus some of them falle downe at\nhis knees, some offre vnto him black burning c\u00e3dles, other kisse him in\nsome part of his body where he appeareth visibly.'[472] Cooper mentions it\nas part of the admission ceremony: 'Secondly, when this acknowledgement is\nmade, in testimoniall of this subiection, Satan offers his back-parts to be\nkissed of his vassall.'[473]\n\nThe ceremony is one of the earliest of which there is any record. In 1303 a\nBishop of Coventry was accused at Rome of a number of crimes, amongst\nothers 'quod diabolo homagium fecerat, et eum fuerit osculatus in\ntergo'.[474] Guillaume Edeline was tried in 1453; he was 'docteur en\nth\u00e9ologie, prieur de S. Germain en Laye, et auparavant Augustin, et\nreligieux de certaines aultres ordres. Confessa ledit sire Guillaume, de sa\nbonne et franche voulent\u00e9, avoir fait hommage audit ennemy en l'esp\u00e8ce et\nsemblance d'ung mouton, en le baisant par le fondement en signe de\nr\u00e9v\u00e9rence et d'hommage.'[475] Martin Tulouff, tried in Guernsey in 1563,\nwent to a meeting, 'ou ly avoet chinq ou vi chatz, d'ou il y en avoet ung\nqui estoit noir, qui menoit la dance, et d^t [*q] il estoit sur ses pieds\nplat, et que ladite Collennette le besa [*p] de derriere, et luy [*p] la\ncrysse. Et luy dist ladite vieillesse [*q] ledit chat estoit le\ndiable.'[476] Esteb\u00e8ne de Cambrue, in 1567, described the ceremonies at the\nSabbath: 'Ils se mettent \u00e0 dancer \u00e0 l'entour d'une pierre, sur laquelle est\nassis vn grand homme noir, qu'elles appellent M\u00f5sieur, & chacun de\nl'assemblee luy va baiser le derriere.'[477] The witches of Poictiers in\n1574 'dansoyent \u00e0 l'entour du bouc: puis vn chacun luy baisoit le\nderriere'.[478] The same ceremony took place at North Berwick in 1590: 'Now\nefter that the deuell had endit his admonitions, he cam down out of the\npulpit, and caused all the company to com and kiss his ers, quhilk they\nsaid was cauld lyk yce.'[479] Jane Bosdeau confessed that at meetings at\nPuy-de-D\u00f4me in 1594 'all the Witches had Candles which they lighted at his,\nand danced in a Circle Back to Back. They kiss'd his Backside, and pray'd\nthat he would help them.'[480] Andro Man of Aberdeen in 1597 confessed\n'that all thay quha convenis with thame kissis Christsonday and the Quene\nof Elphenis airss'.[481] Rolande de Vernois in 1598 'confessa que le Diable\nse presenta pour lors au Sabbat en forme d'vn gros chat noir. Que tous\nceux, qui estoient au Sabbat, alloient baiser ce gros chat noir au\nderriere.'[482] Corn\u00e9lie van Beverwyck, aged 75, at Ghent in 1598, was\naccused that 'vous n'avez pas craint de vous agenouiller devant lui, de lui\nrendre hommage et de baiser son derriere en signe de soumission'.[483]\nClaire Goessen in 1603 went to 'l'assembl\u00e9e nocturne de Lembeke, o\u00f9, apr\u00e8s\nla danse, elle a, comme tous les assistans, bais\u00e9 un bouc \u00e0 l'endroit de sa\nqueue'.[484] Jeannette d'Abadie in 1609 in the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es said,\nregarding the renunciation which she made on admission, 'il luy faisoit\nrenouueller toutes les fois qu'elle alloit au sabbat, puis elle l'alloit\nbaiser au derriere.'[485] At the celebrated trial of Louis Gaufredy at Aix\nin 1610, Magdalene de Demandouls gave a detailed account of the homage\nrendered by the witches:\n\n 'First the hagges and witches, who are people of a sordid and base\n condition, are the first that come to adore the Prince of the\n Synagogue, who is Lucifers lieftenant, and he that now holdeth that\n place is Lewes Gaufridy: then they adore the Princesse of the\n Synagogue who is a woman placed at his right hand. Next they goe and\n worship the Diuell who is seated in a Throne like a Prince. In the\n second place come the Sorcerers and Sorceresses, who are people of a\n middle condition, and these performe the same kind of adoration with\n the former, kneeling vpon the ground, but not prostrating themselves\n as doe the other; although they kisse the hands and feet of the Diuell\n as the first likewise doe. In the third place come the Magicians who\n are Gentlemen and people of a higher ranke.'[486]\n\nIsobel Gowdie of Auldearne in 1662 said, 'Somtym he vold be lyk a stirk, a\nbull, a deir, a rae, or a dowg, and he vold hold wp his taill wntill we\nwold kiss his arce.'[487] The explanation of this rite is given in the\nFrench authorities:\n\n 'Le Diable estoit en forme de bouc, ayant vne queue, & au dessoubs vn\n visage d'homme noir, o\u00f9 elle fut contrainte le baiser.--[Elle] depose,\n Que la premiere fois qu'elle luy fut presentee elle le baisa \u00e0 ce\n visage de derriere au dessoubs d'vne grande queu\u00eb: qu'elle l'y a bais\u00e9\n par trois fois, & qu'il auoit aussi ce visage faict comme le museau\n d'vn bouc.--Il a vne grande queu\u00eb au derriere, & vne forme de visage\n au dessoubs: duquel visage il ne profere aucune parole, ains luy sert\n pour le donner \u00e0 baiser \u00e0 ceux qui bon luy semble.--Es festes\n solemnelles on baisoit le Diable au derriere, mais les notables\n sorcieres le baisoient au visage.'[488] The two faces are thus\n distinctly vouched for, and the use of them seems to have been to\n distinguish the position of the witch in the society. The mask or\n disguise is clearly indicated in the evidence of Isaac de Queyron, who\n with others 'le baiserent \u00e1 vne fesse qui estoit blanche & rouge, &\n auoit la forme d'vne grande cuisse d'vn homme, & estoit velue'.[489]\n\nThe Devil was also kissed on other parts of his person. Marion Grant of the\nAberdeen witches (1597) confessed that he 'causit the kis him in dyvers\npairtis, and worship him on thy kneis as thy lord'.[490] Some of the Lyons\nwitches 'le baiserent aux parties honteuses de derriere: les autres le\nbaisent sur l'espaule.'[491] Jeannette d'Abadie in the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es\n(1609) confessed 'que le Diable luy faisoit baiser son visage, puis le\nnombril, puis le membre viril, puis son derriere'.[492] In connexion with\nthis last statement, it is worth comparing Doughty's account of an Arab\ncustom: 'There is a strange custom, (not only of nomad women, but in the\nArabic countries even among Christians, which may seem to remain of the old\nidolatry among them,) of mothers, their gossips, and even young maidens,\nvisiting married women to kiss with a kind of devotion the _hammam_ of the\nmale children.'[493]\n\n\n3. _The Dances_\n\nDances as an important part of fertility rites are too well known to need\ndescription. The witches' dances, taken in conjunction with the dates of\nthe four great Sabbaths of the year, point to the fact that they also were\nintended to promote fertility. There were several forms of ritual dances,\nvarying apparently according to the form of fertility required, whether of\ncrops, animals, or human beings. The jumping dance seems to have had for\nits object the growth of the crops; the higher the performers jumped the\nhigher the crops would grow. The so-called 'obscene' or 'indecent' dance\nwas for the promotion of fertility among animals and women. When the\ndancers were disguised as animals, the dance was for the increase of the\nanimals represented; when undisguised, for the fertility of human beings.\n\nAlthough the dances took place at English witch meetings, they are merely\nmentioned and not described. The Scotch trials give rather fuller accounts,\nbut the chief details are from France.\n\nThe two principal forms of the dance were the ring-dance and the\nfollow-my-leader dance, but there was also a very complicated form which\nwas not understood by the Inquisitors, who therefore dismiss it with the\nwords 'tout est en confusion'. It still survives, however, in the\nBasses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es, in some of the very villages which were inhabited by\nwitches in the sixteenth century--those witches whose proceedings de\nLancre describes so vividly.[494]\n\nThe ring dances were usually round some object; sometimes a stone,\nsometimes the Devil stood or was enthroned in the middle. Thomas Leyis,\nwith a great number of other witches, 'came to the Market and Fish Cross of\nAberdeen, under the conduct and guiding of the Devil present with you, all\nin company, playing before you on his kind of instruments: Ye all danced\nabout both the said crosses, and the meal market, a long space of time; in\nthe which Devil's dance, thou the said Thomas was foremost and led the\nring, and dang the said Kathren Mitchell, because she spoiled your dance,\nand ran not so fast about as the rest. Testified by the said Kathren\nMitchell, who was present with thee at the time forsaid dancing with the\nDevil.'[495] Margaret Og was indicted for going to Craigleauch 'on Hallow\neven last, and there, accompanied by thy own two daughters, and certain\nothers, your devilish adherents and companions, ye danced all together,\nabout a great stone, under the conduct of Satan, your master, a long\nspace'.[496] Jonet Lucas was accused of 'danceing in ane ring' on the same\noccasion.[497] Beatrice Robbie was 'indited as a notorious witch, in\ncoming, under the conduct of the Devil thy master, with certain others, thy\ndevilish adherents, to Craigleauche, and there dancing altogether about a\ngreat stone, a long space, and the Devil your master playing before\nyou'.[498] In the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es, 'Ils se mettent \u00e0 dancer \u00e0 l'entour\nd'une pierre, qui est plant\u00e9e audit lieu, sur laquelle est assis un grand\nhomme noir.'[499] Jane Bosdeau, who 'confessed freely and without Torture\nand continued constant in it in the midst of the Flames in which she was\nburnt', said that she had been to a witch-meeting, 'and danced in a circle\nback to back'.[500]\n\n 'Les Sorciers dansent, & font leurs danses en rond, doz contre doz.\n Les boiteux y vont plus dispostement que les autres [et] incitoient\n les autres \u00e0 sauter & danser.[501] ... Quelquefois, mais rarement, ils\n dansent deux \u00e0 deux, & par fois l'vn \u00e7\u00e0 & l'autre l\u00e0, & tousiours en\n confusion: estans telles danses semblables \u00e0 celles des F\u00e9es, vrais\n Diables incorporez, qui regnoient il n'y a pas l\u00f5g temps.'[502] 'On y\n dance tousiours le dos tourn\u00e9 au centre de la dance, qui faict que les\n filles sont si accoutum\u00e9es \u00e0 porter les mains en arriere en cette d\u00e3ce\n ronde, qu'elles y trainent tout le corps, & luy donnent vn ply courb\u00e9\n en arriere, ayant les bras \u00e0 demy tournez: si bien que la plupart ont\n le ventre communement grand, enfl\u00e9 & avanc\u00e9, & vn peu penchant sur le\n deuant. On y dance fort peu souuent vn \u00e0 vn, c'est \u00e0 dire vn homme\n seul auec vne femme ou fille.... On n'y dan\u00e7oit que trois sortes de\n bransles, communement se tournant les espaules l'vn \u00e0 l'autre, & le\n dos d'vn chascun visant dans le rond de la dance, & le visage en\n dehors. La premiere c'est \u00e0 la Bohemienne.... La seconde c'est \u00e0\n sauts; ces deux sont en rond.'[503] 'Ils apperceurent \u00e0 l'entr\u00e9e [d'vn\n bois], vn rond, ou cerne, dans lequel il y auoit plusieurs vestiges de\n pieds d'ho[~m]es, d'\u00e8fans, & d'Ours, ou bien d'autres bestes\n semblables,[504] lesquels estoient seulement enfoncez d'vn demy doigt\n dans la neige, quoy que pour eux ils y entrassent iusques \u00e0 la\n ceinture.'[505]\n\nThe Swedish witches danced in the same manner. 'We used to go to a gravel\npit which lay hard by a cross-way, and there we put on a garment over our\nheads, and then danced round.'[506] The round dance was so essentially a\nwitch dance that More says, 'It might be here very seasonable to enquire\ninto the nature of those large _dark Rings_ in the grass, which they call\n_Fairy Circles_, whether they be the _Rendezvouz_ of Witches, or the\ndancing places of those little Puppet Spirits which they call _Elves_ or\n_Fairies_.'[507]\n\nIt will be seen from the above quotations that there were many varieties in\nthe ring dance; this was the case also in the follow-my-leader dance. There\nseems to have been also a combination of the two dances; or perhaps it\nwould be more correct to say that sometimes the ring and follow-my-leader\nfigures were used together so as to form one complete dance, as in the\nmodern Lancers. In both forms of the dance one of the chief members of the\nsociety was the 'ring-leader', or leader of the dance. In the\nfollow-my-leader dance this was often the Devil, but in the ring dances\nthis place was usually taken by the second in command. When, however, the\nDevil was the leader, the second-in-command was in the rear to keep up\nthose who could not move so quickly as the others. As pace was apparently\nof importance, and as it seems to have been a punishable offence to lag\nbehind in the dance, this is possibly the origin of the expression 'The\nDevil take the hindmost'.\n\nAt North Berwick Barbara Napier met her comrades at the church, 'where she\ndanced endlong the Kirk yard, and Gelie Duncan played on a trump, John\nFian, missellit, led the ring; Agnes Sampson and her daughters and all the\nrest following the said Barbara, to the number of seven score of\npersons.'[508] Isobel Gowdie was unfortunately not encouraged to describe\nthe dances in which she had taken part, so that our information, instead of\nbeing full and precise, is very meagre. 'Jean Martein is Maiden to the\nCoven that I am of; and her nickname is \"Over the dyke with it\", because\nthe Devil always takes the Maiden in his hand next him, when we dance\nGillatrypes; and when he would loup from [words broken here] he and she\nwill say, \"Over the dyke with it.\"'[509] Another Scotch example is Mr.\nGideon Penman, who had been minister at Crighton. He usually 'was in the\nrear in all their dances, and beat up all those that were slow'.[510]\nBarton's wife 'one night going to a dancing upon Pentland Hills, he [the\nDevil] went before us in the likeness of a rough tanny Dog, playing on a\npair of Pipes'.[511] De Lancre concludes his description of the dances (see\nabove, p. 131) by an account of an 'endlong' dance. 'La troisieme est aussi\nle dos tourn\u00e9, mais se tenant tous en long, & sans se deprendre des mains,\nils s'approchent de si pr\u00e8s qu'ils se touchent, & se rencontrent dos \u00e0 dos,\nvn homme auec vne femme; & \u00e0 certaine cadance ils se choquent & frapent\nimpudemment cul contre cul.'[512] It was perhaps this dance which the\nDevil led: 'Le Diable voit parfois dancer simplement comme spectateur;\nparfois il mene la dance, changeant souuent de main & se mettant \u00e0 la main\nde celles qui luy plaisent le plus.'[513] In Northumberland in 1673 'their\nparticular divell tooke them that did most evill, and danced with them\nfirst.--The devill, in the forme of a little black man and black cloaths,\ncalled of one Isabell Thompson, of Slealy, widdow, by name, and required of\nher what service she had done him. She replyd she had gott power of the\nbody of one Margarett Teasdale. And after he had danced with her he\ndismissed her, and call'd of one Thomasine, wife of Edward Watson, of\nSlealy.'[514] Danaeus also notes that the Devil was the leader: 'Th[~e] fal\nthey to dauncing, wherin he leadeth the daunce, or els they hoppe and\ndaunce merely about him.'[515] This is perhaps what de Lancre means when he\nsays that 'apres la dance ils se mettent par fois \u00e0 sauter'.[516] A curious\nvariation of the follow-my-leader dance was practised at Aberdeen on Rood\nDay, a date which as I have shown elsewhere corresponds with the\nWalpurgis-Nacht of the German witches. The meeting took place upon St.\nKatherine's Hill, 'and there under the conduct of Satan, present with you,\nplaying before you, after his form, ye all danced a devilish dance, riding\non trees, by a long space.'[517]\n\nOther variations are also given. 'The dance is strange, and wonderful, as\nwell as diabolical, for turning themselves back to back, they take one\nanother by the arms and raise each other from the ground, then shake their\nheads to and fro like Anticks, and turn themselves as if they were\nmad.'[518] Reginald Scot, quoting Bodin, says: 'At these magicall\nassemblies, the witches neuer faile to danse; and in their danse they sing\nthese words, Har har, divell divell, danse here danse here, plaie here\nplaie here, Sabbath sabbath. And whiles they sing and danse, euerie one\nhath a broome in hir hand, and holdeth it vp aloft. Item he saith, that\nthese night-walking or rather night-dansing witches, brought out of\n_Italie_ into _France_, that danse which is called _La Volta_.'[519] There\nis also a description of one of the dances of the Italian witches: 'At Como\nand Brescia a number of children from eight to twelve years of age, who had\nfrequented the Sabbat, and had been re-converted by the inquisitors, gave\nexhibitions in which their skill showed that they had not been taught by\nhuman art. The woman was held behind her partner and they danced backward,\nand when they paid reverence to the presiding demon they bent themselves\nbackwards, lifting a foot in the air forwards.'[520]\n\nIn Lorraine the round dance always moved to the left. As the dancers faced\noutwards, this would mean that they moved 'widdershins', i.e. against the\nsun. 'Ferner, dass sie ihre T\u00e4ntze in einem ronden Kreiss rings umbher\nf\u00fchren, und die R\u00fccke zusammen gekehret haben, wie eine unter den dreyen\nGratiis pfleget f\u00fcrgerissen zu werden, und also zusammen tanzen. Sybilla\nMorelia sagt, dass der Reyhen allezeit auff der lincken Hand umbher\ngehe.'[521]\n\nOne form of the witches' dance seems to survive among the children in the\nWalloon districts of Belgium. It appears to be a mixture of the ordinary\nround dance and the third of de Lancre's dances; for it has no central\npersonage, and the striking of back against back is a marked feature. 'Les\nenfants font une ronde et r\u00e9p\u00e8tent un couplet. Chaque fois, un joueur\nd\u00e9sign\u00e9 fait demi-tour sur place et se remet \u00e0 tourner avec les autres en\nfaisant face \u00e0 l'ext\u00e9rieur du cercle. Quand tous les joueurs sont\nretourn\u00e9s, ils se rapprochent et se heurtent le dos en cadence.'[522]\n\n\n4. _The Music_\n\nThe music at the assemblies was of all kinds, both instrumental and vocal.\nThe English trials hardly mention music, possibly because the Sabbath had\nfallen into a decadent condition; but the Scotch and French trials prove\nthat it was an integral part of the celebration. The Devil himself was the\nusual performer, but other members of the society could also supply the\nmusic, and occasionally one person held the position of piper to the Devil.\nThe music was always as an accompaniment of the dance; the instrument in\ngeneral use was a pipe, varied in England by a cittern, in Scotland by 'the\ntrump' or Jew's harp, also an instrument played with the mouth.\n\nThe Somerset witches said that 'the Man in black sometimes playes on a Pipe\nor Cittern, and the company dance'.[523]\n\nThe North Berwick witches (1590), when at the special meeting called to\ncompass the death of the king, 'danced along the Kirk-yeard, Geilis Duncan\nplaying on a Trump.'[524] The instrument of the Aberdeen Devil (1597),\nthough not specified, was probably a pipe; it is usually called 'his forme\nof instrument' in the dittays. Isobel Cockie of Aberdeen was accused of\nbeing at a Sabbath on Allhallow Eve: 'Thou wast the ring-leader, next\nThomas Leyis; and because the Devil played not so melodiously and well as\nthou crewit, thou took his instrument out of his mouth, then took him on\nthe chaps therewith, and played thyself thereon to the whole company.'[525]\nAt another meeting, Jonet Lucas was present: 'Thou and they was under the\nconduct of thy master, the Devil, dancing in ane ring, and he playing\nmelodiously upon ane instrument, albeit invisibly to you.'[526] At Tranent\n(1659) eight women and a man named John Douglas confessed to 'having merry\nmeetings with Satan, enlivened with music and dancing. Douglas was the\npyper, and the two favourite airs of his majesty were \"Kilt thy coat,\nMaggie, and come thy way with me\", and \"Hulie the bed will fa'.\"'[527]\nAgnes Spark at Forfar (1661) 'did see about a dozen of people dancing, and\nthey had sweet music amongst them, and, as she thought, it was the music of\na pipe'.[528] Barton's wife was at a meeting in the Pentland Hills, where\nthe Devil 'went before us in the likeness of a rough tanny Dog, playing on\na pair of Pipes. The Spring he played (says she) was, The silly bit\nChiken, gar cast it a pickle and it will grow meikle.'[529] At Crook of\nDevon (1662) the two old witches, Margaret Huggon and Janet Paton,\nconfessed to being at a meeting, and 'the foresaids hail women was there\nlikeways and did all dance and ane piper play'.[530]\n\nIn France the instruments were more varied. Marie d'Aspilcouette, aged\nnineteen, 'voyoit dancer auec violons, trompettes, ou tabourins, qui\nrendoyent vne tres grande harmonie'.[531] Isaac de Queyran, aged\ntwenty-five, said that a minor devil (_diabloton_) played on a tambourine,\nwhile the witches danced.[532] But as usual de Lancre is at his best when\nmaking a general summary:\n\n 'Elles dancent au son du petit tabourin & de la fluste, & par fois\n auec ce long instrument qu'ils posent sur le col, puis s'allongeant\n iusqu'aupr\u00e9s de la ceinture; ils le battent auec vn petit baston: par\n fois auec vn violon. Mais ce ne sont les seuls instrum\u00e8s du sabbat,\n car nous au\u00f5s apprins de plusieurs, qu'on y oyt toute sorte\n d'instrumens, auec vne telle harmonie, qu'il n'y a concert au monde\n qui le puisse esgaler.'[533]\n\nVocal music was also heard at the meetings, sometimes as an accompaniment\nof the dance, sometimes as an entertainment in itself. When it was sung as\na part of the dance, the words were usually addressed to the Master, and\ntook the form of a hymn of praise. Such a hymn addressed to the god of\nfertility would be full of allusions and words to shock the sensibilities\nof the Christian priests and ministers who sat in judgement on the witches.\nDanaeus gives a general account of these scenes: 'Then fal they to\ndauncing, wherin he leadeth the daunce, or els they hoppe and daunce merely\nabout him, singing most filthy songes made in his prayse.'[534] Sinclair\nhad his account from a clergyman: 'a reverend Minister told me, that one\nwho was the Devils Piper, a wizzard confest to him, that at a Ball of\ndancing, the Foul Spirit taught him a Baudy song to sing and play, as it\nwere this night, and ere two days past all the Lads and Lasses of the town\nwere lilting it throw the street. It were abomination to rehearse\nit.'[535] At Forfar Helen Guthrie told the court that Andrew Watson 'made\ngreat merriment by singing his old ballads, and Isobell Shirrie did sing\nher song called Tinkletum Tankletum'.[536] Occasionally the Devil himself\nwas the performer, as at Innerkip, where according to Marie Lamont 'he sung\nto us and we all dancit'.[537] Boguet notes that the music was sometimes\nvocal and sometimes instrumental: 'Les haubois ne manquent pas \u00e0 ces\nesbats: car il y en a qui sont commis \u00e0 faire le devoir de menestrier;\nSatan y iou\u00eb mesme de la flutte le plus souuent; & \u00e0 d'autrefois les\nSorciers se contentent de chanter \u00e0 la voix, disant toutefois leurs\nchansons pesle-mesle, & auec vne confusion telle, qu'ils ne s'entendent pas\nles vns les autres.'[538] At Aix in 1610 'the Magicians and those that can\nreade, sing certaine Psalmes as they doe in the Church, especially _Laudate\nDominum de Coelis: Confitemini domino quoniam bonus_, and the Canticle\n_Benedicite_, transferring all to the praise of Lucifer and the Diuels: And\nthe Hagges and Sorcerers doe houle and vary their hellish cries high and\nlow counterfeiting a kinde of villanous musicke. They also daunce at the\nsound of Viols and other instruments, which are brought thither by those\nthat were skild to play vpon them.'[539] At another French trial in 1652\nthe evidence showed that 'on dansait sans musique, aux chansons'.[540]\n\n\n5. _The Feast_\n\nThe feast, like the rest of the ritual, varied in detail in different\nplaces. It took place either indoors or out according to the climate and\nthe season; in Southern France almost invariably in the open air, in\nScotland and Sweden almost always under cover; in England sometimes one,\nsometimes the other. Where it was usual to have it in the open, tables were\ncarried out and the food laid upon them; indoor feasts were always spread\non tables; but in the English accounts of the open-air meal the cloth was\nspread, picnic-fashion, on the ground. The food was supplied in different\nways; sometimes entirely by the devil, sometimes entirely by one member of\nthe community, and sometimes--picnic-fashion again--all the company brought\ntheir own provisions. Consequently the quality of the food varied\nconsiderably; on some occasions it was very good, on others very homely.\nBut no matter who provided it, the thanks of the feasters were solemnly and\nreverently given to the Master, to whose power the production of all food\nwas due.\n\nIn a certain number of cases it is said that the food eaten at the feasts\nwas of an unsatisfying nature. This statement is usually made in the\ngeneral descriptions given by contemporary writers; it is rarely found in\nthe personal confessions. When it does so occur, it is worth noting that\nthe witch is generally a young girl. If this were always the case, it would\nbe quite possible that then, as now, dancing and excitement had a great\neffect on the appetite, and that the ordinary amount of food would appear\ninsufficient.\n\nThe taboo on salt is interesting, but it does not appear to have been by\nany means universal. It does not seem to occur at all in Great Britain,\nwhere the food at the feasts was quite normal.\n\nSome authorities appear to think that the witches ate the best of\neverything. 'They sit to Table where no delicate meats are wanting to\ngratifie their Appetites, all dainties being brought in the twinckling of\nan Eye, by those spirits that attend the Assembly'.[541] Though this is\ndramatically expressed it is confirmed by the statements of the witches\nthemselves. The Lancashire witches had a great feast when they met in\nMalking Tower to consult as to the rescue of Mother Demdike.\n\n 'The persons aforesaid had to their dinners Beefe, Bacon, and roasted\n Mutton; which Mutton (as this Examinates said brother said) was of a\n Wether of Christopher Swyers of Barley: which Wether was brought in\n the night before into this Examinates mothers house by the said Iames\n Deuice, this Examinates said brother: and in this Examinates sight\n killed and eaten.... And before their said parting away, they all\n appointed to meete at the said Prestons wiues house that day\n twelue-moneths; at which time the said Prestons wife promised to make\n them a great Feast.'[542]\n\nThe feast of the Faversham witches was also indoors. 'Joan Cariden\nconfessed that Goodwife Hott told her within these two daies that there was\na great meeting at Goodwife Panterys house, and that Goodwife Dodson was\nthere, and that Goodwife Gardner should have been there, but did not come,\nand the Divell sat at the upper end of the Table.'[543] This was always the\nDevil's place at the feast, and beside him sat the chief of the women\nwitches. The Somerset trials give more detail than any of the other English\ncases. Elizabeth Style said that 'at their meeting they have usually Wine\nor good Beer, Cakes, Meat or the like. They eat and drink really when they\nmeet in their bodies, dance also and have Musick. The Man in black sits at\nthe higher end, and _Anne Bishop_ usually next him. He useth some words\nbefore meat, and none after, his voice is audible, but very low.'[544] She\nenters into a little more detail in another place: 'They had Wine, Cakes,\nand Roastmeat (all brought by the Man in black) which they did eat and\ndrink. They danced and were merry, and were bodily there, and in their\nClothes.'[545] Alice Duke gave a similar account: 'All sate down, a white\nCloth being spread on the ground, and did drink Wine, and eat Cakes and\nMeat.'[546] The Scotch trials show that it was usually the witches who\nentertained the Master and the rest of the band. Alison Peirson, whose\nadventures among the fairies are very interesting, stated that a man in\ngreen 'apperit to hir, ane lustie mane, with mony mene and wemen with him:\nAnd that scho sanit her and prayit, and past with thame fordir nor scho\ncould tell; and saw with thame pypeing and mirrynes and gude scheir, and\nwes careit to Lowtheane, and saw wyne punchounis with tassis with\nthame'.[547] On another occasion a very considerable meeting took place 'in\nan old house near Castle Semple, where a splendid feast was prepared, which\npleased the royal visitor so much, that he complimented his entertainers\nfor their hospitality, and endearingly addressed them as \"his\nbairns\"'.[548] The Forfar witches had many feasts; Helen Guthrie says of\none occasion:\n\n 'They went to Mary Rynd's house and sat doune together at the table,\n the divell being present at the head of it; and some of them went to\n Johne Benny's house, he being a brewer, and brought ale from hence ...\n and others of them went to Alexander Hieche's and brought aqua vitae\n from thence, and thus made themselfes mirrie; and the divill made much\n of them all, but especiallie of Mary Rynd, and he kist them all except\n the said Helen herselfe, whose hand onlie he kist; and shee and Jonet\n Stout satt opposite one to another at the table.'[549]\n\nOf the meeting at Muryknowes there are several accounts. The first is by\nlittle Jonet Howat, Helen Guthrie's young daughter: 'At this meiting there\nwer about twenty persones present with the divill, and they daunced\ntogither and eat togither, having bieff, bread, and ale, and shoe did eat\nand drink with them hir self, bot hir bellie was not filled, and shoe\nfilled the drink to the rest of the company.'[550] Elspet Alexander\nconfirms this statement, 'The divill and the witches did drinke together\nhaving flesh, bread, and aile';[551] and so also does the Jonet Stout who\nsat opposite to Helen Guthrie at the table, 'The divill and the said\nwitches did eat and drinke, having flesh, bread, and aile upon ane table,\nand Joanet Huit was caper and filled the drinke'.[552] On one occasion they\ntried to wreck the Bridge of Cortaquhie; 'when we had done, Elspet [Bruce]\ngaive the divell ane goose in hir own house, and he dated hir mor than them\nall, because shee was ane prettie woman.'[553] The Kinross-shire witches\nobtained their food from the Devil, and this is one of the few instances of\ncomplaints as to the quality of it. 'Sathan gave you [Robert Wilson] both\nmeat and drink sundry times, but it never did you any good';[554] and Janet\nBrugh 'confessed that ye got rough bread and sour drink from Sathan at the\nBents of Balruddrie'.[555] According to Marie Lamont, 'the devill came to\nKattrein Scott's house, in the midst of the night. He gave them wyn to\ndrink, and wheat bread to eat, and they warr all very mirrie.'[556] Isobel\nGowdie's confession gives a wealth of detail as usual:\n\n 'We would go to several houses in the night time. We were at\n Candlemas last in Grangehill, where we got meat and drink enough. The\n Devil sat at the head of the table, and all the Coven about. That\n night he desired Alexander Elder in Earlseat to say the grace before\n meat, which he did; and is this:[557] \"We eat this meat in the Devil's\n name\" [etc.]. And then we began to eat. And when we had ended eating,\n we looked steadfastly to the Devil, and bowing ourselves to him, we\n said to the Devil, We thank thee, our Lord, for this.--We killed an\n ox, in Burgie, about the dawing of the day, and we brought the ox with\n us home to Aulderne, and did eat all amongst us in an house in\n Aulderne, and feasted on it.'[558]\n\nAt Borrowstowness the witches went to different houses for their feasts,\nwhich seem to have been supplied partly by the hostess, partly by the Devil\nand the guests.\n\n 'Ye and each person of you was at several meetings with the devil in\n the links of Borrowstowness, and in the house of you Bessie Vickar,\n and ye did eat and drink with the devil, and with one another, and\n with witches in her house in the night time; and the devil and the\n said William Craw brought the ale which ye drank, extending to about\n seven gallons, from the house of Elizabeth Hamilton.'[559]\n\nIn 1692 Goodwife Foster of Salem gave a rather charming description of the\npicnic feast with the Coven from Andover:\n\n 'I enquired what she did for Victuals' [at the meeting]; 'She answered\n that she carried Bread and Cheese in her pocket, and that she and the\n Andover Company came to the Village before the Meeting began, and sat\n down together under a tree, and eat their food, and that she drank\n water out of a Brook to quench her thirst.'[560]\n\nThe Continental evidence varies very little from the British. Except in a\nfew details, the main facts are practically the same. De Lancre summarizes\nthe evidence which he himself collected, and contrasts it with what other\nauthorities said on the subject:\n\n 'Les liures disent que les sorciers mangent au Sabbat de ce que le\n Diable leur a apprest\u00e9: mais bien souu[~e]t il ne s'y trouue que des\n viandes qu'ils ont port\u00e9 eux mesmes. Parfois il y a plusieurs tables\n seruies de bons viures, & d'autres fois de tres meschans: & \u00e0 table on\n se sied selon sa qualit\u00e9, ayant chacun son Demon assis aupr\u00e9s, &\n parfois vis \u00e0 vis. Ils benissent leur table inuoquant Beelzebub, & le\n tenant pour celui qui leur faict ce bien.'[561]\n\nThe young man-witch, Isaac de Queyran, told de Lancre that the witches sat\nat a table with the Black Man at the end, and had bread and meat which was\nspread on a cloth.[562] The evidence at the trial of Louis Gaufredy at Aix\nin 1610 gives other details, though the eating of children's flesh is\nprobably an exaggeration:\n\n 'They prouide a banquet, setting three tables according to the three\n diuersities of the people above named. They that haue the charge of\n bread, doe bring in bread made of corne. The drink which they haue is\n Malmsey. The meate they ordinarily eate is the flesh of young\n children, which they cooke and make ready in the Synagogue, sometimes\n bringing them thither aliue by stealing them from those houses where\n they haue opportunity to come. They haue no vse of kniues at table for\n feare least they should be laid a crosse. They haue also no\n salt.'[563]\n\nBoguet also collected a considerable amount of information from the witches\nwho fell into his hands:\n\n 'Les Sorciers, apres s'estre veautrez parmi les plaisirs immondes de\n la chair, banquettent & se festoient: leurs banquets estans composez\n de plusieurs sortes de viandes, selon les lieux, & qualitez des\n personnes. Par de\u00e7\u00e0 la table estoit couuerte de beurre, de fromage, &\n de chair. Clauda Ianguillaume, Iaquema Paget, & quelques autres\n adioustoient qu'il y auoit vne grande chaudiere sur le feu, dans\n laquelle chacun alloit prendre de la chair. On y boit aussi du vin, &\n le plus souuent de l'eau.... Antoine Tornier a confess\u00e9 qu'elle en\n auoit beu [le vin] dans vn goubelet de bois; les autres parloient\n seulement d'eau. Mais il n'y a iamais sel en ces repas.... Les\n Sorciers auant que de prendre leur repas benissent la table, mais auec\n des parolles remplies de blasphemes, faisans Beelzebub autheur &\n conseruateur de toutes choses.... Ils accordent tous, qu'il n'y a\n point de gout aux viandes qu'ils mangent au Sabbat, & que la chair\n n'est autre chair que de cheual. Et adioustent en outre, que lors\n qu'ils sortent de table, ils sont aussi affamez que quand ils\n entrent. Antide Colas racontoit particulierement que les viandes\n estoient froides.... Toutesfois il faut croire que bien souuent l'on\n mange au Sabbat \u00e0 bon escient, & non par fantaisie &\n imagination.'[564]\n\nThe cold food occurs also in the accusation against a Belgian witch,\nElizabeth Vlamynx, in 1595: 'Vous-m\u00eame vous avez apport\u00e9 aux convives un\nhochepot [hutsepot] froid, que vous aviez pr\u00e9par\u00e9 d'avance.'[565]\n\nIn Sweden the witches collected the food and sent it to the Devil, who gave\nthem as much of it as he thought fit. The feast was always held indoors in\nthe house known as Blockula.\n\n 'In a huge large Room of this House, they said, there stood a very\n long Table, at which the Witches did sit down.... They sate down to\n Table, and those that the Devil esteemed most, were placed nearest to\n him, but the Children must stand at the door, where he himself gives\n them meat and drink. The diet they did use to have there, was, they\n said, Broth with Colworts and Bacon in it, Oatmeal, Bread spread with\n Butter, Milk and Cheese. And they added that sometimes it tasted very\n well, and sometimes very ill.'[566]\n\n\n6. _Candles_\n\nAt first sight it would seem that the candles were naturally used only to\nilluminate the midnight festivities, but the evidence points to the burning\nlights being part of the ritual. This is also suggested by the importance,\nin the cult, of the early-spring festival of Candlemas; a festival which\nhas long been recognized as of pre-Christian origin.\n\nThe light is particularly mentioned in many instances as being carried by\nthe Devil, usually on his head; the witches often lit their torches and\ncandles at this flame, though sometimes it seems that the Devil lit the\ntorch and then presented it to the witch. To call the chief of the cult\n_Lucifer_ was therefore peculiarly appropriate, especially at the Candlemas\nSabbath.\n\nIn 1574 the witches of Poictiers went to a cross-roads: 'l\u00e0 se trouuoit vn\ngrand bouc noir, qui parloit comme vne personne aux assistans, & dansoyent\na l'entour du bouc: puis vn chacun luy baisoit le derriere, auec vne\nchandelle ardente.'[567] The witches of North Berwick in 1590 mention\ncandles as part of the ritual:\n\n 'At ther meting be nycht in the kirk of Northberick, the deuell, cled\n in a blak gown with a blak hat upon his head, preachit vnto a gret\n nomber of them out of the pulpit, having lyk leicht candles rond about\n him.[568]--John Fian blew up the Kirk doors, and blew in the lights,\n which were like mickle black candles, holden in an old man's hand,\n round about the pulpit.[569]--[John Fian] was taken to North Berwick\n church where Satan commanded him to make him homage with the rest of\n his servants; where he thought he saw the light of a candle, standing\n in the midst of his servants, which appeared blue lowe [flame].'[570]\n\nIn 1594 at Puy-de-D\u00f4me Jane Bosdeau went 'at Midnight on the Eve of St John\ninto a Field, where there appeared a great Black Goat with a Candle between\nhis Horns'.[571] At Aberdeen in 1597 Marion Grant confessed that 'the\nDeuill apperit to the, within this auchteine dayis or thairby, quhome thow\ncallis thy god, about ane hour in the nicht, and apperit to the in ane\ngryte man his lickness, in silkin abuilzeament [habiliment], withe ane\nquhyt candill in his hand'.[572] In 1598 the witches whom Boguet tried said\nthat--\n\n 'les Sorciers estans assemblez en leur Synagogue adorent premierement\n Satan, qui apparoit l\u00e0, tantost en forme d'vn grand homme noir,\n tantost en forme de bouc, & pour plus grand hommage, ils luy offrent\n des chandelles, qui rendent vne flamme de couleur ble\u00fce. Quelquefois\n encor il tient vne image noire, qu'il fait baiser aux Sorciers. Antide\n Colas & ses compagnes, en baisant ceste image, offroient vne chandelle\n ou buche d'estrain ardente. Ces chandelles leur sont baill\u00e9es par le\n Diable, & se perdent & esuanouissent d\u00e9s lors qu'elles luy out est\u00e9\n offertes. Il s'en est trouu\u00e9 qui ont confess\u00e9 qu'ils alloient allumer\n le plus souuent leurs chandelles \u00e0 vne autre chandelle, que le Demon,\n estant en forme de bouc, portoit au dessus de la teste entre les deux\n cornes.'[573]\n\nSome of the witches of the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es, tried in 1609, said that the\nDevil was--\n\n 'comme vn grand bouc, ay\u00e3t deux cornes deuant & deux en derriere. Mais\n le commun est qu'il a seulement trois cornes, & qu'il a quelque espece\n de lumiere en celle du milieu, de laquelle il a accoustum\u00e9 au sabbat\n d'esclairer, & donner du feu & de la lumiere, mesmes \u00e0 ces Sorcieres\n qui tiennent quelques chandelles alumees aux ceremonies de la Messe\n qu'ils veulent contrefaire. On luy voit aussi quelque espece de bonet\n ou chapeau au dessus de ses cornes.--Toute l'assemblee le vient adorer\n le baisant sous la queu\u00eb, & allumant des chandelles noires.'[574]\n\nBarth\u00e9lemy Minguet of Br\u00e9cy, a man of twenty-five, tried in 1616, described\nthe ceremonies of the Sabbath; after the sermon the worshippers 'vont \u00e0\nl'offerte, tenant en leurs mains des chandelles de poix noire qui leur sont\ndonn\u00e9es par le Diable'.[575] In 1646 Elizabeth Weed of Great Catworth,\nHunts, confessed that the Devil came to her at night, 'and being demanded\nwhat light was there, she answered, none but the light of the Spirit.'[576]\nIn 1652 a French witch stated that at the Sabbath 'on dansait sans musique,\naux chansons. Toutes les femmes y \u00e9toient tenues par les diables par lors\nil y avoit de la lumi\u00e8re une chandelle tenue au millieu par une femme que\nne connoit.... Au milieux il y auoit une feme masqu\u00e9e tenant une\nchandelle.'[577] Barton's wife was at a witch meeting in the Pentland\nHills, 'and coming down the hill when we had done, which was the best\nsport, he [the Devil] carried the candle in his bottom under his tail,\nwhich played ey wig wag wig wag.'[578] Helen Guthrie in 1661 does not\nexpressly mention candles or torches, but her description of the flickering\nlight on the ground suggests their use. She 'was at a meiting in the\nchurchyeard of Forfar in the Holfe therof, and they daunced togither, and\nthe ground under them wes all fyre flauchter'.[579] The Somerset witches\nstated that, when they met, 'the Man in Black bids them welcome, and they\nall make low obeysance to him, and he delivers some Wax Candles like little\nTorches, which they give back again at parting.'[580] The light seems to\nhave been sometimes so arranged, probably in a lantern, as to be diffused.\nThis was the case at Torryburn, where the assembly was lit by a light\n'which came from darkness', it was sufficiently strong for the dancers to\nsee one another's faces, and to show the Devil wearing a cap or hood which\ncovered his neck and ears.[581] The latest account of a witch-meeting in\nthe eighteenth century describes how the witches of Strathdown went to\nPol-nain and there were 'steering themselves to and fro in their riddles,\nby means of their oars the brooms, hallooing and skirling worse than the\nbogles, and each holding in her left hand a torch of fir'.[582]\n\nThere is one account where the candle was for use and not for ritual. John\nStuart of Paisley, in 1678, admitted the Devil and some witches into his\nroom one night in order to make a clay image of an enemy. 'Declares, that\nthe black man did make the figure of the Head and Face and two Arms to the\nsaid Effigies. Declares, that the Devil set three Pins in the same, one in\neach side, and one in the Breast: And that the Declarant did hold the\nCandle to them all the time the Picture was making.'[583] John Stuart was\nthe principal person on this occasion, and therefore had the honour of\nholding the light. The description of the event suggests that the saying\n'To hold a candle to the Devil' took its rise in actual fact.\n\nThe material of which the candles or torches were made was pitch, according\nto de Lancre, and at North Berwick the lights were 'like lighted candles'\nburning with a blue flame. The white candle seems to have been essentially\nthe attribute of the devil, the black candles or torches being distinctive\nof the witches. That the lights burned blue is due to the material of which\nthe torches were made. The evanescent character of the light, when a wisp\nof straw was used, is noted in the evidence of Antide Colas.\n\n\n7. _The Sacrament_\n\nThe earliest example of the religious services occurs in 1324 in the trial\nof Lady Alice Kyteler: 'In rifeling the closet of the ladie, they found a\nWafer of sacramentall bread, hauing the diuels name stamped thereon in\nstead of Jesus Christ.'[584] According to Boguet (1589) the Devil did not\nalways perform the religious service himself, but mass was celebrated by a\npriest among his followers; this custom is found in all countries and seems\nto have been as common as that the Devil himself should perform the\nservice.\n\n 'Celuy, qui est commis \u00e0 faire l'office, est reuestu d'vne chappe\n noire sans croix, & apres auoir mis de l'eau dans le calice, il tourne\n le doz \u00e0 l'autel, & puis esleue vn rond de raue teinte en noir, au\n lieu de l'hostie, & lors tous les Sorciers crient \u00e0 haute voix,\n _Maistre, aide nous_. Le Diable en mesme temps pisse dans vn trou \u00e0\n terre, & fait de l'eau beniste de son vrine, de laquelle celuy, qui\n dit la messe, arrouse tous les assistans auec vn asperges noir.'[585]\n\nThe Devil of the Basses Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es (1609) performed the religious ceremony\nhimself:\n\n 'Il s'habille en Prestre pour dire Messe, laquelle il fait semblant de\n celebrer auec mille fourbes & souplesses, aupr\u00e9s d'vn arbre, ou\n parfois aupr\u00e9s d'vn rocher, dressant quelque forme d'autel sur des\n colo\u00f1es infernales, & sur iceluy sans dire le _Confiteor_, ny\n l'_Alleluya_, tournant les feuillets d'vn certain liure qu'il a en\n main, il commence \u00e0 marmoter quelques mots de la Messe, & arriuant \u00e0\n l'offertoire il s'assiet, & toute l'assemblee le vient adorer le\n baisant sous la queu\u00eb, & allumant des chandelles noires: Puis luy\n baisent la main gauche, tremblans auec mille angoisses, & luy offrent\n du pain, des [oe]ufs, & de l'argent: & la Royne du Sabbat les re\u00e7oit,\n laquelle est assise \u00e0 son cost\u00e9 gauche, & en sa main gauche elle tient\n vne paix ou platine, dans laquelle est grauee l'effigie de Lucifer,\n laquelle on ne baise qu'apr\u00e9s l'auoir premierement bais\u00e9e \u00e0 elle. Puis\n il se met \u00e0 prescher, son subiect est commun\u00e9ment de la vaine\n gloire.... Il finit son sermon, & continue ses autres ceremonies,\n leuant vne certaine Hostie laquelle est noire & ronde, auec sa figure\n imprim\u00e9e au dessus: & disant ces paroles, _Cecy est mon corps_, il\n leue l'Hostie sur ses cornes: & \u00e0 cette esleuati\u00f5 tous ceux de\n l'assemblee l'ador[~e]t en disant ces mots, _Aquerra Goity, Aquerra\n Beyty, Aquerra Goity, Aquerra Beyty_, qui veut dire, _Cabron arriba,\n Cabron abaro_, de mesme en font ils au Calice repetant ces mots,\n iusqu'\u00e0 ce qu'il a vuid\u00e9 tout ce qui est dans iceluy. Puis toute\n l'assemblee enuironnant l'autel en forme de croissant ou demy-lune,\n prosternez par terre, il leur fait vn autre sermon, puis leur baille \u00e0\n communier par ordre, donnant \u00e0 chacun vn petit morceau de l'hostie, &\n pour leur donner moyen de l'aualer ais\u00e9ment, il leur donne deux\n gorgees de quelque medicine infernale, & certain breuuage de si\n mauuais goust & odeur, que l'aualant ils suent, & neantmoins il est si\n froid, qu'il leur gele le corps, les nerfs, & les mo\u00fcelles. Puis il\n s'accouple auec elles, & leur commande d'en faire de mesme, si bien\n qu'ils commettent mille incestes & autres pechez contre nature. Puis\n il les inuite \u00e0 se mettre \u00e0 table.'[586]\n\nAt Aix in 1610 Magdalene de Demandouls 'said that that accursed Magician\nLewes [Gaufredy] did first inuent the saying of Masse at the Sabbaths, and\ndid really consecrate and present the sacrifice to Lucifer.... She also\nrelated, that the said Magician did sprinkle the consecrated wine vpon all\nthe company, at which time euery one cryeth, _Sanguis eius super nos &\nfilios nostros_.'[587]\n\nLord Fountainhall remarks, 'In 1670 we heard that the Devil appeared in the\nshape of a Minister, in the copper mines of Sweden, and attempted the same\nvillainous apery.'[588] The Scotch witches, like the Swedish, performed the\nrite after the manner of the Reformed Churches. In 1678--\n\n 'the devill had a great meeting of witches in Loudian, where, among\n others, was a warlock who formerly had been admitted to the ministrie\n in the presbyterian tymes, and when the bishops came in, conformed\n with them. But being found flagitious and wicked, was deposed by them,\n and now he turnes a preacher under the devill of hellish doctrine; for\n the devill at this tyme preaches to his witches really (if I may so\n term it) the doctrine of the infernall pitt, viz. blasphemies against\n God and his son Christ. Among other things, he told them that they\n were more happy in him than they could be in God; him they saw, but\n God they could not see; and in mockrie of Christ and his holy\n ordinance of the sacrament of his supper, he gives the sacrament to\n them, bidding them eat it and to drink it in remembrance of himself.\n This villan was assisting to Sathan in this action, and in\n preaching.'[589]\n\nFountainhall in writing of the same convention of witches says that the\nDevil 'adventured to give them the communion or holy sacrament, the bread\nwas like wafers, the drink was sometimes blood sometimes black moss-water.\nHe preached and most blasphemously mocked them, if they offered to trust in\nGod who left them miserable in the world, and neither he nor his Son Jesus\nChrist ever appeared to them when they called on them, as he had, who would\nnot cheat them.'[590]\n\nThe Abb\u00e9 Guibourg (1679), head of the Paris witches, 'a fait chez la\nVoisin, rev\u00eatu d'aube, d'\u00e9tole et de manipule, une conjuration.'[591] The\nsame Abb\u00e9 celebrated mass more than once over the body of a woman and with\nthe blood of a child, sacrificed for the occasion, in the chalice (see\nsection on Sacrifice). The woman, who served as the altar for these masses,\nwas always nude, and was the person for whose benefit the ceremony was\nperformed. Marguerite Montvoisin makes this clear:\n\n 'Il est vrai aussi qu'une sage-femme qui demeurait au coin de la rue\n des Deux-Portes, distilla aussi les entrailles d'un enfant dont la\n m\u00e8re y avait accouch\u00e9.... Avant la distillation, les entrailles de\n l'enfant et l'arri\u00e8re-faix de la m\u00e8re avaient \u00e9t\u00e9 port\u00e9s \u00e0\n Saint-Denis, \u00e0 Guibourg, par sa m\u00e8re, la sage-femme et la m\u00e8re de\n l'enfant, sur le ventre de laquelle sa m\u00e8re, \u00e0 son retour, lui dit que\n Guibourg avait dit la messe.'[592]\n\nGuibourg acknowledged that, besides the one just quoted, he celebrated\nthree masses in this way. At the first he used a conjuration. 'Il dit la\ndeuxi\u00e8me messe dans une masure sur les remparts de Saint-Denis, sur la m\u00eame\nfemme, avec les m\u00eames c\u00e9r\u00e9monies.... Dit la troisi\u00e8me \u00e0 Paris chez la\nVoisin sur la m\u00eame femme.'[593] The woman mentioned in Guibourg's\nconfession was Madame de Montespan herself. The following conjuration was\nused at the first mass:\n\n 'sur le ventre d'une femme': 'Astaroth, Asmod\u00e9e, princes d'amiti\u00e9, je\n vous conjure d'accepter le sacrifice que je vous pr\u00e9sente de cet\n enfant pour les choses que je vous demande, qui sont l'amiti\u00e9 du Roi,\n de Mgr le Dauphin me soit continu\u00e9e et \u00eatre honor\u00e9e des princes et\n princesses de la cour, que rien ne me soit d\u00e9ni\u00e9 de tout ce que je\n demanderai au Roi, tant pour mes parents que serviteurs.'[594]\n\nA very interesting case is that of the Rev. George Burroughs in New England\n(1692):\n\n 'He was Accused by Eight of the Confessing Witches, as being an Head\n Actor at some of their Hellish Randezvouses, and one who had the\n promise of being a King in Satan's kingdom, now going to be\n Erected.... One _Lacy_ testify'd that she and the prisoner [Martha\n Carrier] were once Bodily present at a _Witch-meeting_ in _Salem\n Village_; and that she knew the prisoner to be a Witch, and to have\n been at a Diabolical sacrament.... Another _Lacy_ testify'd that the\n prisoner was at the _Witch-meeting_, in _Salem Village_, where they\n had Bread and Wine Administred unto them.... Deliverance Hobbs\n affirmed that this [Bridget] _Bishop_ was at a General Meeting of the\n Witches, in a Field at _Salem_-Village, and there partook of a\n Diabolical Sacrament in Bread and Wine then administred.'[595]\n\nHutchinson had access to the same records and gives the same evidence,\nthough even more strongly: 'Richard Carrier affirmed to the jury that he\nsaw Mr. George Burroughs at the witch meeting at the village and saw him\nadminister the sacrament. Mary Lacy, sen^r. and her daughter Mary affirmed\nthat Mr. George Burroughs was at the witch meetings with witch sacrements,\nand that she knows Mr. Burroughs to be of the company of witches.'[596]\nJohn Hale has a similar record: 'This D. H. [Deliverance Hobbs] confessed\nshe was at a Witch Meeting at Salem Village.... And the said G. B. preached\nto them, and such a Woman was their Deacon, and there they had a\nSacrament.'[597] Abigail Williams said 'that the Witches had a _Sacrament_\nthat day at an house in the Village, and that they had _Red Bread_ and _Red\nDrink_'.[598] With the evidence before him Mather seems justified in saying\nthat the witches had 'their Diabolical Sacraments, imitating the _Baptism_\nand the _Supper_ of our Lord'.[599]\n\n\n8. _Sacrifices_\n\nThere are four forms of sacrifice: (1) the blood sacrifice, which was\nperformed by making an offering of the witch's own blood; (2) the sacrifice\nof an animal; (3) the sacrifice of a human being, usually a child; (4) the\nsacrifice of the god.\n\n1. The _blood-sacrifice_ took place first at the admission of the neophyte.\nOriginally a sacrifice, it was afterwards joined to the other ceremony of\nsigning the contract, the blood serving as the writing fluid; it also seems\nto be confused in the seventeenth century with the pricking for the Mark,\nbut the earlier evidence is clear. A writer who generalizes on the\nwitchcraft religion and who recognizes the sacrificial nature of the act is\nCooper; as he wrote in 1617 his evidence belongs practically to the\nsixteenth century. He says:\n\n 'In further _token_ of their subiection unto Satan in yeelding vp\n themselues wholy vnto his deuotion, behold yet _another ceremony_\n heere vsually is performed: namely, _to let themselues bloud_ in some\n apparant place of the body, yeelding the same to be _sucked by Satan_,\n as a _sacrifice_ vnto him, and testifying thereby the full\n _subiection_ of their _liues_ and _soules_ to his deuotion.'[600]\n\nThe earliest account of the ceremony is at Chelmsford in 1556. Elizabeth\nFrancis 'learned this arte of witchcraft from her grandmother. When shee\ntaughte it her, she counseiled her to geue of her bloudde to Sathan (as she\ntermed it) whyche she delyuered to her in the lykenesse of a whyte spotted\nCatte. Euery time that he [the cat] did any thynge for her, she sayde that\nhe required a drop of bloude, which she gaue him by prycking herselfe.'\nSome time after, Elizabeth Francis presented the Satan-cat to Mother\nWaterhouse, passing on to her the instructions received from Elizabeth's\ngrandmother. Mother Waterhouse 'gaue him for his labour a chicken, which he\nfyrste required of her and a drop of her blod. And thys she gaue him at all\ntimes when he dyd any thynge for her, by pricking her hand or face and\nputtinge the bloud to hys mouth whyche he sucked.'[601] In 1566 John\nWalsh, a Dorset witch, confessed that 'at the first time when he had the\nSpirite, hys sayd maister did cause him to deliuer one drop of his blud,\nwhych bloud the Spirite did take away vpon hys paw'.[602] In Belgium in\n1603 Claire Goessen, 'apr\u00e8s avoir donn\u00e9 \u00e0 boire de son sang \u00e0 Satan, et\navoir bu du sien, a fait avec lui un pacte.[603]\n\nIn the case of the Lancashire witch, Margaret Johnson, in 1633, it is\ndifficult to say whether the pricking was for the purpose of marking or for\na blood sacrifice; the slight verbal alterations in the two MS. accounts of\nher confession suggest a confusion between the two ideas; the one appears\nto refer to the mark, the other (quoted here) to the sacrifice: 'Such\nwitches as have sharp bones given them by the devill to pricke them, have\nno pappes or dugges whereon theire devil may sucke; but theire devill\nreceiveth bloud from the place, pricked with the bone; and they are more\ngrand witches than any y^t have marks.'[604] In Suffolk in 1645 'one Bush\nof Barton widdow confessed that the Deuill appeared to her in the shape of\na young black man ... and asked her for bloud, which he drew out of her\nmouth, and it dropped on a paper'.[605] At Auldearne, in 1662, the blood\nwas drawn for baptizing the witch; Isobel Gowdie said, 'The Divell marked\nme in the showlder, and suked owt my blood at that mark, and spowted it in\nhis hand, and, sprinkling it on my head, said, \"I baptise the, Janet, in my\nawin name.\"' Janet Breadheid's evidence is practically the same: 'The\nDivell marked me in the shoulder, and suked out my blood with his mowth at\nthat place; he spowted it in his hand, and sprinkled it on my head. He\nbaptised me thairvith, in his awin nam, Christian.'[606]\n\n2. The _sacrifice of animals_ was general, and the accounts give a certain\namount of detail, but the ceremony was not as a rule sufficiently dramatic\nto be considered worth recording. The actual method of killing the animal\nis hardly ever given. The rite was usually performed privately by an\nindividual; on rare occasions it was celebrated by a whole Coven, but it\ndoes not occur at the Great Assembly, for there the sacrifice was of the\nGod himself. The animals offered were generally a dog, a cat, or a fowl,\nand it is noteworthy that these were forms in which the Devil often\nappeared to his worshippers.\n\nThe chief authorities all agree as to the fact of animal sacrifices. Cotta\ncompares it with the sacrifices offered by the heathen:\n\n 'Some bring their cursed Sorcery vnto their wished end, by sacrificing\n vnto the Diuell some liuing creatures, as _Serres_ likewise\n witnesseth, from the confession of Witches in _Henry_ the fourth of\n _France_ deprehended, among whom, one confessed to haue offered vnto\n his Deuill or Spirit a Beetle. This seemeth not improbable, by the\n Diabolicall litations (_sic_) and bloudy sacrifices, not onely of\n other creatures, but euen of men, wherewith in ancient time the\n heathen pleased their gods, which were no other then Diuels.'[607]\n\nThe number of sacrifices in the year is exaggerated by the writers on the\nsubject, but the witches themselves are often quite definite in their\ninformation when it happens to be recorded. It appears from their\nstatements that the rite was performed only on certain occasions, either to\nobtain help or as a thank-offering. Danaeus, speaking of the newly admitted\nwitch, says, 'Then this vngracious and new servant of satan, euery day\nafterward offreth something of his goods to his patrone, some his dogge,\nsome his hen, and some his cat.'[608] Scot, who always improves on his\noriginal, states that the witches depart after the Sabbath, 'not forgetting\neuery daie afterwards to offer to him, dogs, cats, hens, or bloud of their\nowne.'[609]\n\nThe earliest witch-trial in the British Isles shows animal sacrifice. In\n1324 in Ireland Lady Alice Kyteler 'was charged to haue nightlie conference\nwith a spirit called Robin Artisson, to whom she sacrificed in the high\nwaie .ix. red cocks'.[610] In 1566 at Chelmsford Mother Waterhouse 'gaue\nhim [i.e. the Satan-cat] for his labour a chicken, which he fyrste required\nof her, and a drop of her blod.... Another tyme she rewarded hym as before,\nwyth a chicken and a droppe of her bloud, which chicken he eate vp cleane\nas he didde al the rest, and she cold fynde remaining neyther bones nor\nfethers.'[611] Joan Waterhouse, daughter of Mother Waterhouse, a girl of\neighteen, said that the Deuil came in the likeness of a great dog, 'then\nasked hee her what she wolde geue hym, and she saide a red kocke.'[612]\nJohn Walsh of Dorset, in 1566, confessed that 'when he would call him [the\nSpirit], hee sayth hee must geue hym some lyuing thing, as a Chicken, a\nCat, or a Dog. And further he sayth he must geue hym twoo lyuing thynges\nonce a yeare.'[613] In Lorraine in 1589 Beatrix Baonensis said, 'Etliche\ngeben junge H\u00fcner, oder wohl alte H\u00fcner, wie Desideria Pari iensis, und\nCathelonia Vincentia gethan hatten: Etliche schneiden ihre Haar ab und\nlieffern dieselbe dahin, etliche geben Sp\u00e4her, etliche V\u00f6gel oder sonst\nnicht viel besonders, als da sein m\u00f6chte gem\u00fcntzt Geld aus Rindern Ledder,\nund wenn sie dergleichen nichts haben, so verschafft es ihnen ihr Geist,\nauff dass sie staffirt seyn.'[614] In Aberdeen in 1597 Andro Man gave\nevidence that 'the Devill thy maister, whom thow termis Christsunday ... is\nrasit be the speking of the word _Benedicite_, and is laid agane be tacking\nof a dog vnder thy left oxster in thi richt hand, and casting the same in\nhis mouth, and speking the word _Maikpeblis_.'[615] At Lang Niddry in 1608\nthe whole Coven performed a rite, beginning at the 'irne zet of Seatoun',\nwhere they christened a cat by the name of Margaret, 'and thaireftir come\nall bak agane to the Deane-fute, quhair first thai convenit, and cuist the\nkat to the Devill.'[616] In 1630 Alexander Hamilton had consultations with\nthe Devil near Edinburgh, 'and afoir the devill his away passing the said\nAlexr was in use to cast to him ather ane kat or ane laif or ane dog or any\nuther sic beast he come be.'[617] In Bute in 1622 Margaret NcWilliam\n'renounced her baptisme and he baptised her and she gave him as a gift a\nhen or cock'.[618] In modern France the sacrifice of a fowl to the Devil\nstill holds good: 'Celui qui veut devenir sorcier doit aller \u00e0 un _quatre\nchemins_ avec une _poule noire_, ou bien encore au _cimeti\u00e8re_, sur une\n_tombe_ et toujours \u00e0 _minuit_. Il vient alors quelqu'un qui demande: \"Que\nvenez vous faire ici?\" \"J'ai une poule \u00e0 vendre,\" r\u00e9pond-on. Ce quelqu'un\n[est] le M\u00e9chant.'[619]\n\nIt is possible that the custom of burying a live animal to cure disease\namong farm animals, as well as the charm of casting a live cat into the sea\nto raise a storm, are forms of the animal sacrifice.\n\n3. _Child Sacrifice._--The child-victim was usually a young infant, either\na witch's child or unbaptized; in other words, it did not belong to the\nChristian community. This last is an important point, and was the reason\nwhy unbaptized children were considered to be in greater danger from\nwitches than the baptized. 'If there be anie children vnbaptised, or not\ngarded with the signe of the crosse, or orizons; then the witches may or\ndoo catch them from their mothers sides in the night, or out of their\ncradles, or otherwise kill them with their ceremonies.'[620] The same\nauthor quotes from the French authorities the crimes laid to the charge of\nwitches, among which are the following: 'They sacrifice their owne children\nto the diuell before baptisme, holding them vp in the aire vnto him, and\nthen thrust a needle into their braines'; and 'they burne their children\nwhen they haue sacrificed them'.[621] Boguet says, 'Les Matrones, & sages\nfemmes sont accoustum\u00e9 d'offrir \u00e0 Satan les petits enfans qu'elles\nre\u00e7oiuent, & puis les faire mourir auant qu'ils soient baptizez, par le\nmoy[~e] d'vne grosse espingle qu'elles leur enfoncent dans le\ncerueau.'[622] Boguet's words imply that this was done at every birth at\nwhich a witch officiated; but it is impossible that this should be the\ncase; the sacrifice was probably made for some special purpose, for which a\nnew-born child was the appropriate victim.\n\nThe most detailed account of such sacrifices is given in the trial of the\nParis witches (1679-81), whom Madame de Montespan consulted. The whole\nceremony was performed to the end that the love of Louis XIV should return\nto Madame de Montespan, at that time his discarded mistress; it seems to be\na kind of fertility rite, hence its use on this occasion. The Abb\u00e9 Guibourg\nwas the sacrificing priest, and from this and other indications he appears\nto have been the Chief or Grand-master who, before a less educated\ntribunal, would have been called the Devil. Both he and the girl Montvoisin\nwere practically agreed as to the rite; though from the girl's words it\nwould appear that the child was already dead, while Guibourg's evidence\nimplies that it was alive. Both witnesses gave their evidence soberly and\ngravely and without torture. Montvoisin, who was eighteen years old, stated\nthat she had presented '\u00e0 la messe de Madame de Montespan, par l'ordre de\nsa m\u00e8re, un enfant paraissant n\u00e9 avant terme, le mit dans un bassin,\nGuibourg l'\u00e9gorgea, versa dans le calice, et consacra le sang avec hostie'.\nGuibourg's evidence shows that the sacrifice was so far from being uncommon\nthat the assistants were well used to the work, and did all that was\nrequired with the utmost celerity:\n\n 'Il avait achet\u00e9 un \u00e9cu l'enfant qui fut sacrifi\u00e9 \u00e0 cette messe qui\n lui fut pr\u00e9sent\u00e9 par une grande fille et ayant tir\u00e9 du sang de\n l'enfant qu'il piqua \u00e0 la gorge avec un canif, il en versa dans le\n calice, apr\u00e8s quoi l'enfant fut retir\u00e9 et emport\u00e9 dans un autre lieu,\n dont ensuite on lui rapporta le c[oe]ur et les entrailles pour en\n faire une deuxieme [oblation].'[623]\n\nIn Scotland it was firmly believed that sacrifices of children took place\nin all classes of society: 'The justices of the peace were seen familiarly\nconversing with the foul fiend, to whom one in Dumfries-shire actually\noffered up his firstborn child immediately after birth, stepping out with\nit in his arms to the staircase, where the devil stood ready, as it was\nsuspected, to receive the innocent victim.'[624] In the later witch-trials\nthe sacrifice of the child seems to have been made after its burying, as in\nthe case of the Witch of Calder in 1720, who confessed that she had given\nthe Devil 'the body of a dead child of her own to make a roast of'.[625]\n\nIt is possible that the killing of children by poison was one method of\nsacrifice when the cult was decadent and victims difficult to obtain.\nReginald Scot's words, written in 1584, suggest that this was the case:\n'This must be an infallible rule, that euerie fortnight, or at the least\neuerie moneth, each witch must kill one child at the least for hir\npart.'[626] Sinistrari d'Ameno, writing about a century later, says the\nsame: 'They promise the Devil sacrifices and offerings at stated times:\nonce a fortnight or at least each month, the murder of some child, or an\nhomicidal act of sorcery.'[627] It is impossible to believe in any great\nfrequency of this sacrifice, but there is considerable foundation in fact\nfor the statement that children were killed, and it accounts as nothing\nelse can for the cold-blooded murders of children of which the witches were\nsometimes accused. The accusations seem to have been substantiated on\nseveral occasions, the method of sacrifice being by poison.[628]\n\nThe sacrifice of a child was often performed as a means of procuring\ncertain magical materials or powers, which were obtained by preparing the\nsacrificed bodies in several ways. Scot says that the flesh of the child\nwas boiled and consumed by the witches for two purposes. Of the thicker\npart of the concoction 'they make ointments, whereby they ride in the aire;\nbut the thinner potion they put into flaggons, whereof whosoeuer drinketh,\nobseruing certeine ceremonies, immediatelie becommeth a maister or rather a\nmistresse in that practise and facultie.'[629] The Paris Coven confessed\nthat they 'distilled' the entrails of the sacrificed child after Guibourg\nhad celebrated the mass for Madame de Montespan, the method being probably\nthe same as that described by Scot. A variant occurs in both France and\nScotland, and is interesting as throwing light on the reasons for some of\nthe savage rites of the witches: 'Pour ne confesser iamais le secret de\nl'escole, on faict au sabbat vne paste de millet noir, auec de la poudre du\nfoye de quelque enfant non baptis\u00e9 qu'on faict secher, puis meslant cette\npoudre avec ladicte paste, elle a cette vertu de taciturnit\u00e9: si bien que\nqui en mange ne confesse iamais.'[630] At Forfar, in 1661, Helen Guthrie\nand four others exhumed the body of an unbaptized infant, which was buried\nin the churchyard near the south-east door of the church, 'and took\nseverall peices therof, as the feet, hands, a pairt of the head, and a\npairt of the buttock, and they made a py therof, that they might eat of it,\nthat by this meanes they might never make a confession (as they thought) of\ntheir witchcraftis.'[631] Here the idea of sympathetic magic is very clear;\nby eating the flesh of a child who had never spoken articulate words, the\nwitches' own tongues would be unable to articulate.\n\n4. _Sacrifice of the God._--The sacrifice of the witch-god was a decadent\ncustom when the records were made in the sixteenth and seventeenth\ncenturies. The accounts of the actual rite come from France and Belgium,\nwhere a goat was substituted for the human victim. The sacrifice was by\nfire in both those countries, and there are indications that it was the\nsame in Great Britain. It is uncertain whether the interval of time between\nthe sacrifices was one, seven, or nine years.\n\nBodin and Boguet, each writing from his own knowledge of the subject, give\nvery similar accounts, Bodin's being the more detailed. In describing a\ntrial which took place in Poictiers in 1574, he says: 'L\u00e0 se trouuoit vn\ngrand bouc noir, qui parloit comme vne personne aux assistans, & dansoyent\n\u00e0 l'entour du bouc: puis vn chacun luy baisoit le derriere, auec vne\nchandelle ardente: & cel\u00e0 faict, le bouc se consommoit en feu, & de la\nc[~e]dre chacun en prenoit pour faire mourir le b[oe]uf [etc.]. Et en fin\nle Diable leur disoit d'vne voix terrible des mots, Vengez vous ou vous\nmourrez.'[632] Boguet says that in the Lyons district in 1598 the Devil\ncelebrated mass, and 'apres auoir prins la figure d'vn Bouc, se consume en\nfeu, & reduit en cendre, laquelle les Sorciers recueillent, & cachent pour\ns'en seruir \u00e0 l'execution de leurs desseins pernicieux & abominables'.[633]\nIn 1603, a Belgian witch, Claire Goessen, was present at such a sacrifice,\nand her account is therefore that of an eyewitness. 'Elle s'est laiss\u00e9e\ntransporter \u00e0 l'assembl\u00e9e nocturne de Lembeke, o\u00f9, apr\u00e8s la danse, elle a,\ncomme tous les assistans, bais\u00e9 un bouc \u00e0 l'endroit de sa queue, lequel\nbouc fut ensuite br\u00fbl\u00e9 et ses cendres distribu\u00e9es et emport\u00e9es par les\nconvives.'[634] Jeanne de Belloc in 1609 'a veu le Grand maistre de\nl'assemblee se ietter dans les flammes au sabbat, se faire brusler iusques\n\u00e0 ce qu'il estoit reduit en poudre, & les grandes & insignes sorcieres\nprendre les dictes poudres pour ensorceler les petits enfants & les mener\nau sabbat, & en prenoient aussi dans la bouche pour ne reueler\niamais'.[635] A French witch in 1652 declared that at the Sabbath 'le\ndiable s'y at mis en feu et en donn\u00e9 des cendres lesquelles tous faisaient\nvoller en l'air pour faire mancquer les fruits de la terre'.[636] At Lille\nin 1661 the girls in Madame Bourignon's orphanage stated that 'on y adoroit\nune b\u00eate; & qu'on faisoit avec elle des infamies; & puis sur la fin on la\nbr\u00fbloit, & chacun en prenoit des cendres, avec lesquelles on faisoit\nlanguir ou mourir des personnes, ou autres animaux'.[637]\n\nThe collection and use of the ashes by the worshippers point to the fact\nthat we have here a sacrifice of the god of fertility. Originally the\nsprinkling of the ashes on fields or animals or in running water was a\nfertility charm; but when Christianity became sufficiently powerful to\nattempt the suppression of the ancient religion, such practices were\nrepresented as evil, and were therefore said to be 'pour faire mancquer les\nfruits de la terre'.\n\nThe animal-substitute for the divine victim is usually the latest form of\nthe sacrifice; the intervening stages were first the volunteer, then the\ncriminal, both of whom were accorded the power and rank of the divine being\nwhom they personated. The period of time during which the substitute acted\nas the god varied in different places; so also did the interval between the\nsacrifices. Frazer has pointed out that the human victim, whether the god\nhimself or his human substitute, did not content himself by merely not\nattempting to escape his destiny, but in many cases actually rushed on his\nfate, and died by his own hand or by voluntary submission to the\nsacrificer.\n\nThe witch-cult being a survival of an ancient religion, many of the beliefs\nand rites of these early religions are to be found in it. Of these the\nprincipal are: the voluntary substitute, the temporary transference of\npower to the substitute, and the self-devotion to death. As times changed\nand the ceremonies could no longer be performed openly, the sacrifices took\non other forms. I have already suggested that the child-murders, of which\nthe witches were often convicted, were in many cases probably offerings\nmade to the God. In the same way, when the time came for the God or his\nsubstitute to be sacrificed, recourse was had to methods which hid the real\nmeaning of the ceremony; and the sacrifice of the incarnate deity, though\ntaking place in public, was consummated at the hands of the public\nexecutioner. This explanation accounts for the fact that the bodies of\nwitches, male or female, were always burnt and the ashes scattered; for the\nstrong prejudice which existed, as late as the eighteenth century, against\nany other mode of disposing of their bodies; and for some of the otherwise\ninexplicable occurrences in connexion with the deaths of certain of the\nvictims.\n\nRead in the light of this theory much of the mystery which surrounds the\nfate of Joan of Arc is explained. She was put to death as a witch, and the\nconduct of her associates during her military career, as well as the\nevidence at her trial, bear out the fact that she belonged to the ancient\nreligion, not to the Christian. Nine years after her death in the flames\nher commander, Gilles de Rais, was tried on the same charge and condemned\nto the same fate. The sentence was not carried out completely in his case;\nhe was executed by hanging, and the body was snatched from the fire and\nburied in Christian ground. Like Joan herself, Gilles received a\nsemi-canonization after death, and his shrine was visited by nursing\nmothers. Two centuries later Major Weir offered himself up and was executed\nas a witch in Edinburgh, refusing to the end all attempts to convert him to\nthe Christian point of view.\n\nThe belief that the witch must be burnt and the ashes scattered was so\ningrained in the popular mind that, when the severity of the laws began to\nrelax, remonstrances were made by or to the authorities. In 1649 the Scotch\nGeneral Assembly has a record: 'Concerning the matter of the buriall of\nthe Lady Pittadro, who, being vnder a great scandall of witchcraft, and\nbeing incarcerat in the Tolbuith of this burgh during her triall before the\nJustice, died in prison, The Comission of the Generall Assembly, having\nconsidered the report of the Comittee appointed for that purpose, Doe give\ntheir advyse to the Presbyterie of Dumfermling to show their dislike of\nthat fact of the buriall of the Lady Pittadro, in respect of the maner and\nplace, and that the said Presbyterie may labour to make the persons who hes\nburied her sensible of their offence in so doeing; and some of the persons\nwho buried hir, being personallie present, are desired by the Comission to\nshew themselvis to the Presbyterie sensible of their miscarriage\ntherein.'[638]\n\nAt Maidstone in 1652 'Anne Ashby, alias Cobler, Anne Martyn, Mary Browne,\nAnne Wilson, and Mildred Wright of Cranbrook, and Mary Read, of Lenham,\nbeing legally convicted, were according to the Laws of this Nation,\nadjudged to be hanged, at the common place of Execution. Some there were\nthat wished rather they might be burnt to Ashes; alledging that it was a\nreceived opinion among many, that the body of a witch being burnt, her\nbloud is prevented thereby from becomming hereditary to her Progeny in the\nsame evill.'[639] The witches themselves also held the belief that they\nought to die by fire. Anne Foster was tried for witchcraft at Northampton\nin 1674: 'after Sentence of Death was past upon her, she mightily desired\nto be Burned; but the Court would give no Ear to that, but that she should\nbe hanged at the Common place of Execution.'[640]\n\n\n9. _Magic Words_\n\nThe magic words known to the witches were used only for certain definite\npurposes, the most important use being to raise the Devil. I have omitted\nthe charms which are founded on Christian prayers and formulas, and quote\nonly those which appear to belong to the witch-cult.\n\nIn the section on _Familiars_ it will be seen how the witches divined by\nmeans of animals, which animals were allotted to them by the Chief. In\nauguries and divinations of this kind in every part of the world a form of\nwords is always used, and the augury is taken by the first animal of the\ndesired species which is seen after the charm is spoken.\n\nAgnes Sampson, the leading witch of the North Berwick Coven, 1590, summoned\nher familiar by calling 'Elva', and then divined by a dog, whom she\ndismissed by telling him to 'depart by the law he lives on'. She also used\nthe formula, 'Haill, hola!', and 'Hola!' was also the cry when a cat was\ncast into the sea to raise a storm.[641] A man-witch of Alest, 1593, gave\nthe devil's name as Abiron: 'quand il le vouloit voir il disoit: vien\nAbiron, sinon ie te quitteray.'[642] Andro Man at Aberdeen, 1597,\n'confessis that the Devill, thy maister, is rasit be the speking of the\nword _Benedicite_, and is laid agane be tacking of a dog vnder thy left\noxster in thi richt hand, and casting the same in his mouth, and speking\nthe word _Maikpeblis_.--He grantit that this word _Benedicite_ rasit the\nDewill, and _Maikpeblis_ laid him againe, strikin him on the faice with ane\ndeice with the left hand.'[643] Alexander Hamilton of East Lothian, 1630,\nwhen covenanting with the devil, had 'ane battoun of fir in his hand the\ndevill than gave the said Alexr command to tak that battoun quhan evir he\nhad ado with him and therewt to strek thruse upone the ground and to\nchairge him to ruse up foule theiff'; the divining animals in this case\nwere crows, cats, and dogs.[644] Marie Lamont of Innerkip, 1662, was\ninstructed to call the Devil _Serpent_ when she desired to speak with\nhim.[645]\n\nThe Somerset witches, 1664, cried out _Robin_ at an appointed place, and\nthe Master then appeared in his proper form as a man: Elizabeth Style and\nAlice Duke also called him _Robin_ when summoning him privately, and\nElizabeth Style added, 'O Sathan give me my purpose', before saying what\nshe wished done.[646] The Swedish witches, 1669, called their Chief with\nthe cry, 'Antecessor, come and carry us to Blockula'; this they did at an\nappointed place, and the Devil then appeared as a man.[647]\n\nThe words used before starting to a meeting are rarely recorded; only a few\nremain. The earliest example is from Guernsey in 1563, when Martin Tulouff\nheard an old witch cry as she bestrode a broomstick, 'Va au nom du diable\net luciffer [p=] dess[~q=] roches et espy\u00f1es.' He then lost sight of her,\nwith the inference that she flew through the air, though he acknowledged\nthat he himself was not so successful.[648] The witches of the\nBasses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es, 1609, anointed themselves before starting, and repeated\nthe words 'Emen hetan, emen hetan', which de Lancre translates 'Ici et l\u00e0,\nici et l\u00e0'. 'Quelquefois plus furieuses elles se batent entre elles mesmes,\nen disant, Ie suis le Diable, ie n'ay rien qui ne soit \u00e0 toy, en ton nom\nSeigneur cette tienne seruante s'oingt, & dois estre quelque iour Diable &\nmaling Esprit comme toy.' When, crossing water they cried, 'Haut la coude,\nQuillet,' upon which they could cross without getting wet; and when going a\nlong distance they said, 'Pic suber hoeilhe, en ta la lane de bouc bien\nm'arrecoueille.'[649] Isobel Gowdie, 1662, gives two variants of the magic\nwords used on these occasions: the first, 'Horse and hattock, in the\nDivellis name' is not unlike the form given by Martin Tulouff; the second\nis longer, 'Horse and hattock, horse and goe, Horse and pellattis, ho!\nho!'[650] The Somerset witches, 1664, when starting to the meeting, said,\n'Thout, tout a tout, tout, throughout and about'; and when returning,\n'Rentum tormentum'. At parting they cried, 'A Boy! merry meet, merry\npart.'[651] They also had a long form of words which were used when\napplying the flying ointment, but these are not recorded.\n\nOther magical words were used at the religious services of the witches in\nthe Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es (1609). At the elevation of the host the congregation\ncried, '\"Aquerra goity, Aquerra beyty, Aquerra goity, Aquerra beyty,\" qui\nveut dire _Cabron arriba, Cabron abaro (sic)_'; at the elevation of the\nchalice at a Christian service they said, 'Corbeau noir, corbeau noir.'\nThere were two forms of words to be used when making the sign of the cross;\nthe first was, 'In nomine Patrica, Aragueaco Petrica, Agora, Agora\nValentia, Iouanda, goure gaitz goustia,' translated as 'Au nom de Patrique,\nPetrique, d'Arragon, \u00e0 cette heure \u00e0 cette heure Valence, tout nostre mal\nest pass\u00e9'. The second roused de Lancre's horror as peculiarly blasphemous:\n'In nomine patrica, Aragueaco Petrica, Gastellaco Ianicot, Equidae ipordian\npot,' 'au nom de Patrique, petrique d'Arragon. Iannicot de Castille faictes\nmoy vn baiser au derriere.'[652] The mention of the ancient Basque god\nJanicot makes this spell unusually interesting. As the dances were also a\nreligious rite the words used then must be recorded here. Bodin gives the\nformula, 'Har, har, diable, diable, saute icy, saute l\u00e0, iou\u00eb icy, iou\u00eb l\u00e0:\nEt les autres disoyent sabath sabath.'[653] The word _diable_ is clearly\nBodin's own interpellation for the name of the God, for the Guernsey\nversion, which is currently reported to be used at the present day, runs\n'Har, har, Hou, Hou, danse ici', etc.; Hou being the name of an ancient\nBreton god.[654] Jean Weir (1670) stated that at the instigation of some\nwoman unnamed she put her foot on a cloth on the floor with her hand upon\nthe crown of her head, and repeated thrice, 'All my cross and troubles go\nto the door with thee.'[655] This seems to have been an admission ceremony,\nbut the words are of the same sentiment as the one recorded by de Lancre,\n'tout notre mal est pass\u00e9.'\n\nThere were also certain magical effects supposed to be brought about by the\nuse of certain words. Martin Tulouff (1563) claimed that he could bewitch\ncows so that they gave blood instead of milk, by saying 'Butyrum de\narmento', but he admitted that he also used powders to accomplish his\npurpose.[656] Isobel Gowdie (1662) described how the witches laid a broom\nor a stool in their beds to represent themselves during their absence at a\nmeeting. By the time that this record was made the witches evidently\nbelieved that the object took on the exact appearance of the woman, having\nforgotten its original meaning as a signal to show where she had gone. The\nwords used on these occasions show no belief in the change of appearance of\nthe object:\n\n 'I lay down this besom [or stool] in the Devil's name,\n Let it not stir till I come again.'\n\nHer statements regarding the change of witches into animals I have examined\nin the section on Familiars (p. 234). The words used to effect these\nchanges are given in full. When a witch wished to take on the form of a\nhare she said:\n\n 'I sall goe intill ane haire,\n With sorrow, and sych, and meikle caire;\n And I sall goe in the Divellis nam,\n Ay quhill I com hom againe.'\n\nTo change into a cat or a crow the last two lines were retained unaltered,\nbut the first two were respectively,\n\n 'I sall goe intill ane catt,\n With sorrow, and sych, and a blak shot'\n\nor\n\n 'I sall goe intill a craw,\n With sorrow, and sych, and a blak thraw.'\n\nTo return into human form the witch said:\n\n 'Haire, haire, God send thee caire.\n I am in an haire's liknes just now,\n Bot I sal be in a womanis liknes ewin now.'\n\nFrom a cat or a crow, the words were 'Cat, cat, God send thee a blak shott'\nor 'Craw, craw, God send thee a blak thraw', with the last two lines as\nbefore. When the witch in animal form entered the house of another witch,\nshe would say, 'I conjure thee, Goe with me'; on which the second witch\nwould turn into the same kind of animal as the first. If, however, they met\nin the open, the formula was slightly different, 'Divell speid the, Goe\nthow with me,' the result being the same.[657]\n\nThe Somerset trials record the words used for cursing anything. These were\nsimply 'A Pox take it', the curse being supposed to take effect at once. If\nthe curse were pronounced over an image of a person the words were 'A Pox\non thee, I'le spite thee'.[658]\n\nAlexander Elder's grace over meat is probably a corrupt form of some\nancient rite:\n\n 'We eat this meat in the Divellis nam,\n With sorrow, and sych, and meikle shame;\n We sall destroy hows and hald;\n Both sheip and noat in till the fald.\n Litle good sall come to the fore\n Of all the rest of the litle store.'[659]\n\nThe 'conjuring of cats' was a distinct feature, and is clearly derived from\nan early form of sacrifice. The details are recorded only in Scotland, and\nit is possible that Scotland is the only country in which it occurred,\nthough the sanctity of the cat in other places suggests that the omission\nin the records is accidental.\n\nIn the dittay against John Fian, 1590, he was 'fylit, for the chaissing of\nane catt in Tranent; in the quhilk chaise, he was careit heich aboue the\nground, with gryt swyftnes, and as lychtlie as the catt hir selff, ower ane\nheicher dyke, nor he was able to lay his hand to the heid off:--And being\ninquyrit, to quhat effect he chaissit the samin? Ansuerit, that in ane\nconversatioune haldin at Brumhoillis, Sathan commandit all that were\npresent, to tak cattis; lyke as he, for obedience to Sathan, chaissit the\nsaid catt, purpoiselie to be cassin in the sea, to raise windis for\ndistructioune of schippis and boitis.'[660] Agnes Sampson of the same Coven\nas Fian confessed 'that at the time when his Majestie was in Denmark, shee\nbeing accompanied by the parties before speciallie named, tooke a cat and\nchristened it, and afterwards bounde to each part of that cat, the cheefest\nparte of a dead man, and severall joyntis of his bodie: And that in the\nnight following, the saide cat was convayed into the middest of the sea by\nall the witches, sayling in their riddles or cives, as is aforesaid, and so\nleft the said cat right before the towne of Leith in Scotland. This doone,\nthere did arise such a tempest in the sea, as a greater hath not bene\nseene.'[661] The legal record of this event is more detailed and less\ndramatic; the sieves are never mentioned, the witches merely walking to the\nPier-head in an ordinary and commonplace manner. The Coven at Prestonpans\nsent a letter to the Leith Coven that--\n\n 'they sould mak the storm vniuersall thro the sea. And within aucht\n dayes eftir the said Bill [letter] wes delyuerit, the said Agnes\n Sampsoune, Jonett Campbell, Johnne Fean, Gelie Duncan, and Meg Dyn\n baptesit ane catt in the wobstaris hous, in maner following: Fyrst,\n twa of thame held ane fingar, in the ane syd of the chimnay cruik, and\n ane vther held ane vther fingar in the vther syd, the twa nebbis of\n the fingars meting togidder; than thay patt the catt thryis throw the\n linkis of the cruik, and passit itt thryis vnder the chimnay.\n Thaireftir, att Begie Toddis hous, thay knitt to the foure feit of the\n catt, foure jountis of men; quhilk being done, the sayd Jonet fechit\n it to Leith; and about mydnycht, sche and the twa Linkhop, and twa\n wyfeis callit Stobbeis, came to the Pier-heid, and saying thir words,\n 'See that thair be na desait amangis ws'; and thay caist the catt in\n the see, sa far as thay mycht, quhilk swam owre and cam agane; and\n thay that wer in the Panis, caist in ane vthir catt in the see att xj\n houris. Eftir quhilk, be thair sorcerie and inchantment, the boit\n perischit betuix Leith and Kinghorne; quhilk thing the Deuill did, and\n went befoir, with ane stalf in his hand.'[662]\n\nBeigis Todd was concerned in another 'conjuring of cats', this time at\nSeaton.\n\n 'Eftir thay had drukkin togidder a certane space, thay, in thair\n devillische maner, tuik ane katt, and drew the samyn nyne tymes throw\n the said Beigis cruik; and thaireftir come with all thair speed to\n Seaton-thorne, be-north the [3]et.... And thay thaireftir past\n altogidder, with the Devill, to the irne [3]et [iron gate] of Seatoun,\n quhair of new thay tuik ane cat, and drew the samyn nyne tymes throw\n the said Irne-[3]ett: And immediatlie thaireftir, came to the barne,\n foiranent George Feudaris dur, quhair thai christened the said catt,\n and callit hir _Margaret_: And thaireftir come all bak agane to the\n Deane-fute, quhair first thai convenit, and cuist the kat to the\n Devill.'[663]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[Footnote 465: Danaeus, ch. iv.]\n\n[Footnote 466: Boguet, pp. 131-9.]\n\n[Footnote 467: _Pleasant Treatise_, pp. 5-7.]\n\n[Footnote 468: Lea, iii, p. 501.]\n\n[Footnote 469: Remigius, pt. i, pp. 89, 91.]\n\n[Footnote 470: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 137, 139, 163, 164.]\n\n[Footnote 471: W. G. Stewart, p. 175.]\n\n[Footnote 472: Danaeus, ch. ii.]\n\n[Footnote 473: Cooper, p. 90.]\n\n[Footnote 474: Rymer, i, p. 956.]\n\n[Footnote 475: Chartier, iii, p. 45.]\n\n[Footnote 476: From a trial in the Guernsey Greffe.]\n\n[Footnote 477: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]\n\n[Footnote 478: Bodin, p. 187.]\n\n[Footnote 479: Melville, p. 396; _see also_ Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp.\n210-12, 239, 246.]\n\n[Footnote 480: F. Hutchinson, p. 43.]\n\n[Footnote 481: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 121, 125.]\n\n[Footnote 482: Boguet, p. 411.]\n\n[Footnote 483: Cannaert, p. 46.]\n\n[Footnote 484: Id., p. 50.]\n\n[Footnote 485: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 131.]\n\n[Footnote 486: Michaelis, _Historie_, pp. 334-5.]\n\n[Footnote 487: Pitcairn, iii, p. 613.]\n\n[Footnote 488: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 68, 126, 128.]\n\n[Footnote 489: Id. ib., p. 148.]\n\n[Footnote 490: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 171.]\n\n[Footnote 491: Boguet, p. 131.]\n\n[Footnote 492: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 72, 131.]\n\n[Footnote 493: Doughty, _Travels in Arabia Deserta_, i, 89.]\n\n[Footnote 494: Moret, _Myst\u00e8res \u00c9gyptiens_, pp. 247 seq.]\n\n[Footnote 495: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 97-8. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 496: Ib., i, p. 144. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 497: Ib., p. 149.]\n\n[Footnote 498: Ib., p. 153. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 499: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]\n\n[Footnote 500: F. Hutchinson, _Historical Essay_, p. 43.]\n\n[Footnote 501: Compare the account of the Forfar witch-dance. Kinloch, p.\n120.]\n\n[Footnote 502: Boguet, pp. 131-2.]\n\n[Footnote 503: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 210.]\n\n[Footnote 504: Compare the dittay against Bessie Thom, who danced round the\nFish Cross of Aberdeen with other witches 'in the lyknes of kattis and\nharis'. _Spalding Club Misc._, i, 167.]\n\n[Footnote 505: Boguet, p. 127.]\n\n[Footnote 506: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 316.]\n\n[Footnote 507: More, p. 232.]\n\n[Footnote 508: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 245-6. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 509: Id., iii, p. 606. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 510: Fountainhall, i, p. 14.]\n\n[Footnote 511: Sinclair, p. 163.]\n\n[Footnote 512: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 210.]\n\n[Footnote 513: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 212.]\n\n[Footnote 514: _Surtees Soc._, xl, pp. 195, 197.]\n\n[Footnote 515: Danaeus, ch. iv.]\n\n[Footnote 516: De Lancre, op. cit., p. 211.]\n\n[Footnote 517: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 165, 167. Spelling modernized.\nThe account of the Arab witches should be compared with this. 'In the time\nof Ibn Munkidh the witches rode about naked on a stick between the graves\nof the cemetery of Shaizar.' Wellhausen, p. 159.]\n\n[Footnote 518: _Pleasant Treatise of Witches_, p. 6.]\n\n[Footnote 519: Reg. Scot, Bk. iii, p. 42. La volta is said to be the origin\nof the waltz.]\n\n[Footnote 520: Lea, iii, p. 501.]\n\n[Footnote 521: Remigius, p. 82.]\n\n[Footnote 522: E. Monseur, p. 102.]\n\n[Footnote 523: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 141.]\n\n[Footnote 524: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 239, 246.]\n\n[Footnote 525: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 114-15. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 526: Id., i, p. 149. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 527: _Spottiswoode Miscellany_, ii, p. 68.]\n\n[Footnote 528: Kinloch, p. 129. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 529: Sinclair, p. 163.]\n\n[Footnote 530: Burns Begg, pp. 234, 235.]\n\n[Footnote 531: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 127.]\n\n[Footnote 532: Id. ib., p. 150.]\n\n[Footnote 533: Id. ib., p. 211.]\n\n[Footnote 534: Danaeus, ch. iv.]\n\n[Footnote 535: Sinclair, p. 219.]\n\n[Footnote 536: Kinloch, p. 120.]\n\n[Footnote 537: Sharpe, p. 131.]\n\n[Footnote 538: Boguet, p. 132.]\n\n[Footnote 539: Michaelis, _Hist._, p. 336.]\n\n[Footnote 540: Van Elven, v (1891), p. 215.]\n\n[Footnote 541: _Pleasant Treatise of Witches_, p. 5.]\n\n[Footnote 542: Potts, G 3, I 3, P 3.]\n\n[Footnote 543: _Examination of Joan Williford_, p. 6.]\n\n[Footnote 544: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 139-40.]\n\n[Footnote 545: Id., p. 138.]\n\n[Footnote 546: Id., p. 149.]\n\n[Footnote 547: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 163.]\n\n[Footnote 548: _Spottiswoode Misc._, ii, p. 67.]\n\n[Footnote 549: Kinloch, p. 121.]\n\n[Footnote 550: Id., p. 124.]\n\n[Footnote 551: Id., p. 126.]\n\n[Footnote 552: Id., p. 127.]\n\n[Footnote 553: Id., p. 133. Dated = caressed.]\n\n[Footnote 554: Burns Begg, p. 227.]\n\n[Footnote 555: Id., p. 238.]\n\n[Footnote 556: Sharpe, p. 131.]\n\n[Footnote 557: The complete grace is given on p. 167. It will be seen that\nit is a corrupt version of some ancient form of words.]\n\n[Footnote 558: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 612, 613. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 559: _Scots Magazine_, 1814, p. 200. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 560: Burr, p. 418.]\n\n[Footnote 561: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 197.]\n\n[Footnote 562: Id. ib., p. 148.]\n\n[Footnote 563: Michaelis, _Historie_, pp. 335-6.]\n\n[Footnote 564: Boguet, pp. 135-9.]\n\n[Footnote 565: Cannaert, p. 45.]\n\n[Footnote 566: Horneck, pp. 321-2, 327.]\n\n[Footnote 567: Bodin, _Fl\u00e9au_, p. 187.]\n\n[Footnote 568: Melville, p. 395.]\n\n[Footnote 569: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 246. The ploughman, Gray Meal, who\ntook a large part in the ceremonies, was an old man.]\n\n[Footnote 570: Id., i, pt. ii, p. 210.]\n\n[Footnote 571: F. Hutchinson, _Hist. Essay_, p. 42.]\n\n[Footnote 572: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 172.]\n\n[Footnote 573: Boguet, p. 131.]\n\n[Footnote 574: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 68, 401.]\n\n[Footnote 575: Id., _L'Incredulit\u00e9_, p. 805.]\n\n[Footnote 576: Davenport, p. 2.]\n\n[Footnote 577: Van Elven, _La Tradition_, v (1891), p. 215.]\n\n[Footnote 578: Sinclair, p. 163. The account given by Barton's wife of the\nposition of the candle on the Devil's person is paralleled by the\npeculiarly coarse description of the Light-bearers at the witch-sabbaths at\nM\u00fcnster. Humborg, p. 120.]\n\n[Footnote 579: Kinloch, p. 120.]\n\n[Footnote 580: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 139.]\n\n[Footnote 581: Chambers, iii, p. 298.]\n\n[Footnote 582: Stewart, p. 175.]\n\n[Footnote 583: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 294.]\n\n[Footnote 584: Holinshed, _Ireland_, p. 58.]\n\n[Footnote 585: Boguet, p. 141.]\n\n[Footnote 586: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 401-2.]\n\n[Footnote 587: Michaelis, _Hist._, p. 337. The use of this phrase suggests\nthat the sprinkling was a fertility rite.]\n\n[Footnote 588: Fountainhall, i, pp. 14, 15.]\n\n[Footnote 589: Law, p. 145.]\n\n[Footnote 590: Fountainhall, i, p. 14.]\n\n[Footnote 591: Ravaisson, 1679-81, p. 336.]\n\n[Footnote 592: Id., p. 333.]\n\n[Footnote 593: Id., p. 335.]\n\n[Footnote 594: Ravaisson, p. 335.]\n\n[Footnote 595: Cotton Mather, pp. 120, 131, 158.]\n\n[Footnote 596: J. Hutchinson, _Hist. of Massachusetts Bay_, ii, p. 55.]\n\n[Footnote 597: Burr, p. 417.]\n\n[Footnote 598: Increase Mather, p. 210.]\n\n[Footnote 599: Cotton Mather, p. 81.]\n\n[Footnote 600: Cooper, p. 91.]\n\n[Footnote 601: _Chelmsford Witches_, pp. 24, 26, 29, 30. Philobiblon\nSociety, viii.]\n\n[Footnote 602: _Examination of John Walsh._]\n\n[Footnote 603: Cannaert, p. 48.]\n\n[Footnote 604: Whitaker, p. 216.]\n\n[Footnote 605: Stearne, p. 29.]\n\n[Footnote 606: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 603, 617.]\n\n[Footnote 607: Cotta, p. 114.]\n\n[Footnote 608: Danaeus, ch. iv.]\n\n[Footnote 609: R. Scot, Bk. III, p. 44.]\n\n[Footnote 610: Holinshed, _Ireland_, p. 58.]\n\n[Footnote 611: Philobiblon Society, viii, _Chelmsford Witches_, pp. 29,\n30.]\n\n[Footnote 612: Id. ib., viii, p. 34.]\n\n[Footnote 613: _Examination of John Walsh._]\n\n[Footnote 614: Remigius, pt. i, p. 54.]\n\n[Footnote 615: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 120; Burton, i, p. 252.]\n\n[Footnote 616: Pitcairn, ii, pp. 542-3.]\n\n[Footnote 617: From an unpublished trial in the Justiciary Court at\nEdinburgh. The meaning of the word _laif_ is not clear. The Oxford\ndictionary gives _lop-eared_, the Scotch dictionary gives _loaf_. By\nanalogy with the other accounts one would expect here a word meaning a\nhen.]\n\n[Footnote 618: _Highland Papers_, iii, p. 18.]\n\n[Footnote 619: Lemoine, vi, p. 109.]\n\n[Footnote 620: Reg. Scot, Bk. III, p. 41.]\n\n[Footnote 621: Id., Bk. II, p. 32.]\n\n[Footnote 622: Boguet, p. 205.]\n\n[Footnote 623: Ravaisson, p. 334, 335.]\n\n[Footnote 624: Sharpe, p. 147.]\n\n[Footnote 625: Chambers, iii, p. 450.]\n\n[Footnote 626: Scot, Bk. III, p. 42.]\n\n[Footnote 627: Sinistrari de Ameno, p. 27.]\n\n[Footnote 628: See, amongst others, the account of Mary Johnson (Essex,\n1645), who was accused of poisoning two children; the symptoms suggest\nbelladonna. Howell, iv, 844, 846.]\n\n[Footnote 629: Scot, Bk. III, p. 41.]\n\n[Footnote 630: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 128.]\n\n[Footnote 631: Kinloch, p. 121.]\n\n[Footnote 632: Bodin, _Fl\u00e9au_, pp. 187-8.]\n\n[Footnote 633: Boguet, p. 141.]\n\n[Footnote 634: Cannaert, p. 50.]\n\n[Footnote 635: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 133.]\n\n[Footnote 636: _La Tradition_, 1891, v, p. 215. Neither name nor place are\ngiven.]\n\n[Footnote 637: Bourignon, _Parole_, p. 87.]\n\n[Footnote 638: _Scot. Hist. Soc._, xxv, p. 348. _See also_ Ross, _Aberdour\nand Inchcolme_, p. 339.]\n\n[Footnote 639: _Prod. and Trag. History_, p. 7.]\n\n[Footnote 640: _Tryall of Ann Foster_, p. 8.]\n\n[Footnote 641: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 211, 235, 238.]\n\n[Footnote 642: De Lancre, _L'Incredulit\u00e9_, p. 772.]\n\n[Footnote 643: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 120, 124.]\n\n[Footnote 644: From the record of the trial in the Justiciary Court of\nEdinburgh.]\n\n[Footnote 645: Sharpe, p. 132.]\n\n[Footnote 646: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 137, 164.]\n\n[Footnote 647: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 316.]\n\n[Footnote 648: From the record of the trial in the Guernsey Greffe.]\n\n[Footnote 649: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 123, 400.]\n\n[Footnote 650: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 604, 608.]\n\n[Footnote 651: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 139, 141. I have pointed out that the\ncry of 'A Boy' is possibly the Christian recorder's method of expressing\nthe Bacchic shout 'Evoe'. See _Jour. Man. Or. Soc._, 1916-17, p. 65.]\n\n[Footnote 652: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 401, 461, 462, 464.]\n\n[Footnote 653: Bodin, p. 190.]\n\n[Footnote 654: The names of the smaller islands are often compounded with\nthe name of this deity, e.g. Li-hou, Brecq-hou, &c.]\n\n[Footnote 655: Law, p. 27 note.]\n\n[Footnote 656: From a trial in the Guernsey Greffe.]\n\n[Footnote 657: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 607-8, 611.]\n\n[Footnote 658: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 137, 139, 148, 149.]\n\n[Footnote 659: Pitcairn, iii, p. 612. Sych = sighing, lamentation.]\n\n[Footnote 660: Id., i, pt. ii, p. 212.]\n\n[Footnote 661: _Newes from Scotland_, see Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 218.]\n\n[Footnote 662: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 237.]\n\n[Footnote 663: Id., ii, p. 542.]\n\n\n\n\nVI. THE RITES (_continued_)\n\nWITCHES' RAIN-MAKING AND FERTILITY RITES\n\n\n1. _General_\n\nIn common with many other religions of the Lower Culture, the witch-cult of\nWestern Europe observed certain rites for rain-making and for causing or\nblasting fertility. This fact was recognized in the papal Bulls formulated\nagainst the witches who were denounced, not for moral offences, but for the\ndestruction of fertility. The celebrated Decree of Innocent VIII, which in\n1488 let loose the full force of the Church against the witches, says that\n'they blight the marriage bed, destroy the births of women and the increase\nof cattle; they blast the corn on the ground, the grapes of the vineyard,\nthe fruits of the trees, the grass and herbs of the field'. Adrian VI\nfollowed this up in 1521 with a Decretal Epistle, denouncing the witches\n'as a Sect deviating from the Catholic Faith, denying their Baptism, and\nshowing Contempt of the Ecclesiastical Sacraments, treading Crosses under\ntheir Feet, and, taking the Devil for their Lord, destroyed the Fruits of\nthe Earth by their Enchantments, Sorceries, and Superstitions'.\n\nThe charms used by the witches, the dances, the burning of the god and the\nbroadcast scattering of his ashes, all point to the fact that this was a\nfertility cult; and this is the view taken also by those contemporary\nwriters who give a more or less comprehensive account of the religion and\nritual. Though most of the fertility or anti-fertility charms remaining to\nus were used by the witches either for their own benefit or to injure their\nenemies, enough remains to show that originally all these charms were to\npromote fertility in general and in particular. When the charm was for\nfertility in general, it was performed by the whole congregation together;\nbut for the fertility of any particular woman, animal, or field, the\nceremony was performed by one witch alone or by two at most.\n\nThe power which the witches claimed to possess over human fertility is\nshown in many of the trials. Jonet Clark was tried in Edinburgh in 1590\n'for giving and taking away power from sundry men's Genital-members';[664]\nand in the same year and place Bessie Roy was accused of causing women's\nmilk to dry up.[665] The number of midwives who practised witchcraft points\nalso to this fact; they claimed to be able to cause and to prevent\npregnancy, to cause and to prevent an easy delivery, to cast the\nlabour-pains, on an animal or a human being (husbands who were the victims\nare peculiarly incensed against these witches), and in every way to have\npower over the generative organs of both sexes. In short, it is possible to\nsay that, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the better the\nmidwife the better the witch.\n\nThe Red Book of Appin,[666] which was obtained from the Devil by a trick,\nis of great interest in this connexion. It was said to contain charms for\nthe curing of diseases of cattle; among them must certainly have been some\nfor promoting the fertility of the herds in general, and individual animals\nin particular. It is not unlikely that the charms as noted in the book were\nthe result of many experiments, for we know that the witches were bound to\ngive account to the Devil of all the magic they performed in the intervals\nbetween the Sabbaths, and he or his clerk recorded their doings. From this\nrecord the Devil instructed the witches. It is evident from the confessions\nand the evidence at the trials that the help of the witches was often\nrequired to promote fertility among human beings as well as among animals.\nThe number of midwives who were also witches was very great, and the fact\ncan hardly be accidental.\n\nWitches were called in to perform incantations during the various events of\na farm-yard. Margrat Og of Aberdeen, 1597, was 'indyttit as a manifest\nwitche, in that, be the space of a yeirsyn or theirby, thy kow being in\nbulling, and James Farquhar, thy awin gude son haulding the kow, thow\nstuid on the ane syd of the kow, and thy dochter, Batrix Robbie, on the\nvther syd, and quhen the bull was lowping the kow, thow tuik a knyff and\nkeist ower the kow, and thy dochter keapit the sam, and keist it over to\nthe agane, and this ye did thryiss, quhilk thou can nocht deny.'[667] At\nAuldearne the Coven, to which Isobel Gowdie belonged, performed a ceremony\nto obtain for themselves the benefit of a neighbour's crop. 'Befor\nCandlemas, we went be-east Kinlosse, and ther we yoaked an plewghe of\npaddokis. The Divell held the plewgh, and Johne Yownge in Mebestowne, our\nOfficer, did drywe the plewghe. Paddokis did draw the plewgh as oxen;\nquickens wer sowmes, a riglen's horne was a cowter, and an piece of an\nriglen's horne was an sok. We went two seueral tymes abowt; and all we of\nthe Coeven went still wp and downe with the plewghe, prayeing to the Divell\nfor the fruit of that land, and that thistles and brieris might grow\nther'.[668] Here the ploughing-ceremony was to induce fertility for the\nbenefit of the witches, while the draught animals and all the parts of the\nplough connoted barrenness for the owner of the soil.\n\nThe most detailed account of a charm for human fertility is given in the\nconfession of the Abb\u00e9 Guibourg, who appears to have been the Devil of the\nParis witches. The ceremony took place at the house of a witch-midwife\nnamed Voisin or Montvoisin, and according to the editor was for the benefit\nof Louis XIV or Charles II, two of the most notorious libertines of their\nage.\n\n 'Il a fait chez la Voisin, rev\u00eatu d'aube, d'\u00e9tole et de manipule, une\n conjuration en pr\u00e9sence de la Des Oeillets [attendant of Madame de\n Montespan], qui pr\u00e9tendait faire un charme pour le (Roi) et qui \u00e9tait\n accompagn\u00e9e d'un homme qui lui donna la conjuration, et comme il \u00e9tait\n n\u00e9cessaire d'avoir du sperme des deux sexes, Des Oeillets ayant ses\n mois n'en put donner mais versa dans le calice de ses menstrues et\n l'homme qui l'accompagnait, ayant pass\u00e9 dans la ruelle du lit avec lui\n Guibourg, versa de son sperme dans le calice. Sur le tout, la Des\n Oeillets et l'homme mirent chacun d'une poudre de sang de\n chauve-souris et de la farine pour donner un corps plus ferme \u00e0 toute\n la composition et apr\u00e8s qu'il eut r\u00e9cit\u00e9 la conjuration il tira le\n tout du calice qui fut mis dans un petit vaisseau que la Des Oeillets\n ou l'homme emporta.'[669]\n\nThe ecclesiastical robes and the use of the chalice point to this being a\nceremony of a religious character, and should be compared with the\nchild-sacrifices performed by the same priest or Devil (see pp. 150, 157).\n\nAn anti-fertility rite, which in its simplicity hardly deserves the name of\na ceremony, took place at Crook of Devon in Kinross-shire. Bessie Henderson\n'lykeways confessed and declared that Janet Paton was with you at ane\nmeeting when they trampit down Thos. White's rie in the beginning of\nharvest, 1661, and that she had broad soals and trampit down more nor any\nof the rest'.[670]\n\n\n2. _Rain-making_\n\nThe rain-making powers of the witches have hardly been noted by writers on\nthe subject, for by the time the records were made the witches were\ncredited with the blasting of fertility rather than its increase. Yet from\nwhat remains it is evident that the original meaning of much of the ritual\nwas for the production of fertilizing rain, though both judges and\nwitnesses believed that it was for storms and hail.\n\nOne of the earliest accounts of such powers is given in the story quoted by\nReginald Scot from the _Malleus Maleficarum_, written in 1487, a century\nbefore Scot's own book:\n\n 'A little girle walking abroad with hir father in his land, heard him\n complaine of drought, wishing for raine, etc. Whie father (quoth the\n child) I can make it raine or haile, when and where I list: He asked\n where she learned it. She said, of hir mother, who forbad hir to tell\n anie bodie thereof. He asked hir how hir mother taught hir? She\n answered, that hir mother committed hir to a maister, who would at\n anie time doo anie thing for hir. Whie then (said he) make it raine\n but onlie in my field. And so she went to the streame, and threw vp\n water in hir maisters name, and made it raine presentlie. And\n proceeding further with hir father, she made it haile in another\n field, at hir father's request. Herevpon he accused his wife, and\n caused hir to be burned; and then he new christened his child\n againe.'[671]\n\nScot also gives 'certaine impossible actions' of witches when he ridicules\nthe belief\n\n 'that the elements are obedient to witches, and at their commandement;\n or that they may at their pleasure send raine, haile, tempests,\n thunder, lightening; when she being but an old doting woman, casteth a\n flint stone ouer hir left shoulder, towards the west, or hurleth a\n little sea sand vp into the element, or wetteth a broome sprig in\n water, and sprinkleth the same in the aire; or diggeth a pit in the\n earth, and putting water therein, stirreth it about with hir finger;\n or boileth hogs bristles; or laieth sticks acrosse vpon a banke, where\n neuer a drop of water is; or burieth sage till it be rotten; all which\n things are confessed by witches, and affirmed by writers to be the\n meanes that witches vse to mooue extraordinarie tempests and\n raine'.[672]\n\nMore quotes Wierus to the same effect: 'Casting of Flint-Stones behind\ntheir backs towards the West, or flinging a little Sand in the Air, or\nstriking a River with a Broom, and so sprinkling the Wet of it toward\nHeaven, the stirring of Urine or Water with their finger in a Hole in the\nground, or boyling of Hogs Bristles in a Pot.'[673]\n\nThe throwing of stones as a fertility rite is found in the trial of Jonet\nWischert, one of the chief witches at Aberdeen, and is there combined with\na nudity rite. 'In hervest last bypast, Mr. William Rayes huikes [saw thee\nat] the heid of thi awin gudmannis croft, and saw the tak all thi claiss\nabout thi heid, and thow beand naikit from the middill down, tuik ane gryte\nnumber of steynis, and thi self gangand baklenis, keist ane pairt behind\nthe our thi heid, and ane wther pairt fordward.'[674]\n\n\n3. _Fertility_\n\nEvery contemporary writer who gives a general view of the religion and\nritual observes the witches' powers over human fertility. Boguet says, 'Ils\nfont encor cacher & retirer les parties viriles, et puis les font\nressortir quand il leur plait. Ils empeschent aussi tantost la copulation\ncharnelle de l'ho[~m]e & de la femme, en retirant les nerfs, & ostant la\nroideur du membre; et tantost la procreation en destournant ou bouchant les\nconduicts de la semence, pour empescher qu'elle ne descende aux vases de la\ngeneration.'[675] Scot, who quotes generally without any acknowledgement\nand often inaccurately, translates this statement, 'They also affirme that\nthe vertue of generation is impeached by witches, both inwardlie, and\noutwardlie: for intrinsecallie they represse the courage, and they stop the\npassage of the mans seed, so as it may not descend to the vessels of\ngeneration: also they hurt extrinsecallie, with images, hearbs, &c.'[676]\nBodin also remarks that witches, whether male or female, can affect only\nthe generative organs.[677] Madame Bourignon says that the girls, whom she\nbefriended,\n\n 'told me, that Persons who were thus engaged to the Devil by a precise\n Contract, will allow no other God but him, and therefore offer him\n whatsoever is dearest to them; nay, are constrained to offer him their\n Children, or else the Devil would Beat them, and contrive that they\n should never arrive to the State of Marriage, and so should have no\n Children, by reason that the Devil hath power by his Adherents, to\n hinder both the one and the other.... So soon as they come to be able\n to beget Children, the Devil makes them offer the desire which they\n have of Marrying, to his Honor: And with this all the Fruit that may\n proceed from their Marriage. This they promise voluntarily, to the end\n that they may accomplish their Designs: For otherwise the Devil\n threatens to hinder them by all manner of means, that they shall not\n Marry, nor have Children.'[678]\n\nGlanvil, writing on the Scotch trials of 1590, speaks of 'some Effects,\nKinds, or Circumstances of Witchcraft, such as the giving and taking away\npower from sundry men's Genital-members. For which Jannet Clark was\naccused.'[679] In the official record Jonet Clark was tried and condemned\nfor 'gewing of ane secreit member to Iohnne Coutis; and gewing and taking\nof power fra sindrie mennis memberis. Item, fylit of taking Iohnne Wattis\nsecreit member fra him.'[680]\n\nSexual ritual occurs in many religions of the Lower Culture and has always\nhorrified members of the higher religions both in ancient and modern times.\nIn fertility cults it is one of the chief features, not only symbolizing\nthe fertilizing power in the whole animate world, but, in the belief of the\nactors, actually assisting it and promoting its effects.\n\nSuch fertility rites are governed by certain rules, which vary in different\ncountries, particularly as to the age of girls, i.e. whether they are over\nor under puberty. Among the witches there appears to have been a definite\nrule that no girl under puberty had sexual intercourse with the Devil. This\nis even stated as a fact by so great an authority as Bodin: 'Les diables ne\nfont point de paction expresse auec les enfans, qui leurs sont vou\u00ebz, s'ils\nn'ont attaint l'aage de pubert\u00e9.'[681] The details of the trials show that\nthis statement is accurate. 'Magdalene de la Croix, Abbesse des Moniales de\nCordo\u00fce en Espaigne, confessa que Satan n'eust point copulation, ny\ncognoissance d'elle, qu'elle n'eust douze ans.'[682] Bodin and De Lancre\nboth cite the case of Jeanne Hervillier of Verbery in Compi\u00e8gne; she was a\nwoman of fifty-two at the time of her trial in 1578. She 'confessa qu'\u00e0\nl'aage de douze ans sa mere la presenta au diable, en forme d'vn grand\nhomme noir, & vestu de noir, bott\u00e9, esperonn\u00e9, auec vne esp\u00e9e au cost\u00e9, et\nvn cheual noir \u00e0 la porte, auquel la mere dit: Voicy ma fille que ie vous\nay promise: Et \u00e0 la fille, Voicy vostre amy, qui vous fera bien heureuse,\net deslors qu'elle renon\u00e7a \u00e0 Dieu, & \u00e0 la religion, & puis coucha auec elle\ncharnellement, en la mesme sorte & maniere que font les hommes auec les\nfemmes.'[683] De Lancre also emphasizes the age: 'Ieanne Haruillier depose\nqu'encore sa mere l'eust vo\u00fc\u00e9e \u00e0 Satan d\u00e9s sa naissance, neantmoins qu'il\nne la cognut charnellement qu'elle n'eust attainct l'aage de douze\nans.'[684] De Lancre's own experience points in the same direction; he\nfound that the children were not treated in the same way as adults, nor\nwere they permitted to join in all the ceremonies until after they had\npassed childhood.[685]\n\nThe same rule appears to have held good in Scotland, for when little Jonet\nHowat was presented to the Devil, he said, 'What shall I do with such a\nlittle bairn as she?'[686] It is, however, rare to find child-witches in\nGreat Britain, therefore the rules concerning them are difficult to\ndiscover.\n\nAnother rule appears to have been that there was no sexual connexion with a\npregnant woman. In the case of Isobel Elliot, the Devil 'offered to lie\nwith her, but forbore because she was with child; that after she was\n_kirked_ the Devil often met her, and had _carnal copulation_ with\nher'.[687]\n\nSince the days of Reginald Scot it has been the fashion of all those\nwriters who disbelieved in the magical powers of witches to point to the\ndetails of the sexual intercourse between the Devil and the witches as\nproof positive of hysteria and hallucination. This is not the attitude of\nmind of the recorders who heard the evidence at the trials. 'Les\nconfessions des Sorciers, que i'ay eu en main, me font croire qu'il en est\nquelque chose: dautant qu'ils out tous recogneu, qu'ils auoient est\u00e9\ncouplez auec le Diable, et que la semence qu'il iettoit estoit fort froide;\nCe qui est conforme \u00e0 ce qu'en rapporte Paul Grilland, et les Inquisiteurs\nde la foy.'[688] 'It pleaseth their new Maister oftentimes to offer\nhimselfe familiarly vnto them, to dally and lye with them, in token of\ntheir more neere coniunction, and as it were marriage vnto him.'[689]\n'_Witches_ confessing, so frequently as they do, that the Devil _lies with\nthem_, and withal complaining of his tedious and offensive _coldness_, it\nis a shrewd presumption that he doth lie with them _indeed_, and that it is\nnot a meer _Dream_.'[690]\n\nIt is this statement of the physical coldness of the Devil which modern\nwriters adduce to prove their contention that the witches suffered from\nhallucination. I have shown above (pp. 61 seq.) that the Devil was often\nmasked and his whole person covered with a disguise, which accounts for\npart of the evidence but not for all, and certainly not for the most\nimportant item. For in trial after trial, in places far removed from one\nanother and at periods more than a century apart, the same fact is vouched\nfor with just the small variation of detail which shows the actuality of\nthe event. This is that, when the woman admitted having had sexual\nintercourse with the Devil, in a large proportion of cases she added, 'The\nDevil was cold and his seed likewise.' These were women of every class and\nevery age, from just above puberty to old women of over seventy, unmarried,\nmarried, and widows. It is unscientific to disbelieve everything, as Scot\ndoes, and it is equally unscientific to label all the phenomena as the\nimagination of hysterical women. By the nature of things the whole of this\nevidence rests only on the word of the women, but I have shown above (pp.\n63-5) that there were cases in which the men found the Devil cold, and\ncases in which the women found other parts of the Devil's person to be cold\nalso. Such a mass of evidence cannot be ignored, and in any other subject\nwould obtain credence at once. But the hallucination-theory, being the\neasiest, appears to have obsessed the minds of many writers, to the\nexclusion of any attempt at explanation from an unbiassed point of view.\n\nStudents of comparative and primitive religion have explained the custom of\nsacred marriages as an attempt to influence the course of nature by magic,\nthe people who practise the rite believing that thereby all crops and herds\nas well as the women were rendered fertile, and that barrenness was\naverted. This accounts very well for the occurrence of 'obscene rites'\namong the witches, but fails when it touches the question of the Devil's\ncoldness. I offer here an explanation which I believe to be the true one,\nfor it accounts for all the facts; those facts which the women confessed\nvoluntarily and without torture or fear of punishment, like Isobel Gowdie,\nor adhered to as the truth even at the stake amid the flames, like Jane\nBosdeau.\n\nIn ancient times the Sacred Marriage took place usually once a year; but\nbesides this ceremony there were other sexual rites which were not\ncelebrated at a fixed season, but might be performed in the precincts of\nthe temple of a god or goddess at any time, the males being often the\npriests or temple officials. These are established facts, and it is not\ntoo much to suppose that the witches' ceremonies were similar. But if the\nwomen believed that sexual intercourse with the priests would increase\nfertility, how much more would they believe in the efficacy of such\nintercourse with the incarnate God of fertility himself. They would insist\nupon it as their right, and it probably became compulsory at certain\nseasons, such as the breeding periods of the herds or the sowing and\nreaping periods of the crops. Yet as the population and therefore the\nnumber of worshippers in each 'congregation' increased, it would become\nincreasingly difficult and finally impossible for one man to comply with\nthe requirements of so many women.[691] The problem then was that on the\none hand there were a number of women demanding what was in their eyes a\nthing essential for themselves and their families, and on the other a man\nphysically unable to satisfy all the calls upon him. The obvious solution\nof the problem is that the intercourse between the Chief and the women was\nby artificial means, and the evidence in the trials points clearly to this\nsolution.\n\nArtificial phalli are well known in the remains of ancient civilizations.\nIn ancient Egypt it was not uncommon to have statues of which the phallus\nwas of a different material from the figure, and so made that it could be\nremoved from its place and carried in procession. The earliest of such\nstatues are the colossal limestone figures of the fertility-god Min found\nat Koptos, dating to the first dynasty, perhaps B.C. 5500.[692] But similar\nfigures are found at every period of Egyptian history, and a legend was\ncurrent at the time of Plutarch to account for this usage as well as for\nthe festival of the Phallephoria.[693] Unless the phallus itself were the\nobject of adoration there would be no reason to carry it in procession as a\nreligious ceremony, and it is easily understandable that such a cult would\ncommend itself chiefly to women.[694]\n\nThe phallus of a divine statue was not always merely for adoration and\ncarrying in procession; the Roman bride sacrificed her virginity to the god\nPriapus as a sacred rite. This is probably the remains of a still more\nancient custom when the god was personated by a man and not by an image.\nThe same custom remained in other parts of the world as the _jus primae\nnoctis_, which was held as an inalienable right by certain kings and other\ndivine personages. As might be expected, this custom obtained also among\nthe witches.\n\n 'Le Diable faict des mariages au Sabbat entre les Sorciers &\n Sorcieres, & leur joignant les mains, il leur dict hautement\n\n Esta es buena parati\n Esta parati lo toma.\n\n Mais auant qu'ils couchent ensemble, il s'accouple auec elles, oste la\n virginit\u00e9 des filles.'--Ieannette d'Abadie, aged sixteen, 's'accusoit\n elle mesme d'auoir est\u00e9 depucellee par Satan.'[695]\n\nThe occasional descriptions of the Devil's phallus show without question\nits artificial character:\n\n In 1598 in Lorraine 'es sagte die Alexia Dragaea, ihre Bulschafft\n h\u00e4tte einen [Glied] so starcken etc. allezeit gehabt, wenn ihm\n gestanden, und so gross als ein Ofengabel-Stiel, dessgleichen sie\n zugegen zeigte, denn ohngefehr eine Gabel zugegen war, sagte auch wie\n sie kein Geleuth weder Hoden noch Beutel daran gemerckt hat'.[696]\n\n 'Iaquema Paget adioustoit, qu'elle auoit empoign\u00e9 plusieurs fois auec\n la main le membre du Demon, qui la cognoissoit, et que le membre\n estoit froid comme glace, long d'vn bon doigt, & moindre en grosseur\n que celuy d'vn homme. Tieuenne Paget et Antoine Tornier adioustoient\n aussi, que le membre de leurs Demons estoit long et gros, comme l'vn\n de leurs doigts.'[697] 'Il a au deuant son membre tir\u00e9 et pendant, &\n le monstre tousiours long d'vn coud\u00e9e.--Le membre du Demon est faict \u00e0\n escailles comme vn poisson.--Le membre du Diable s'il estoit estendu\n est long enuiron d'vne aulne, mais il le tient entortill\u00e9 et sinueux\n en forme de serpent.--Le Diable, soit qu'il ayt la forme d'homme, ou\n qu'il soit en forme de Bouc, a tousiours vn membre de mulet, ayant\n choisy en imitation celuy de cet animal comme le mieux pourueu. Il l'a\n long et gros comme le bras.--Le membre du Diable est long enuiron la\n moiti\u00e9 d'vne aulne, de mediocre grosseur, rouge, obscur, & tortu, fort\n rude & comme piquant.--Ce mauuais Demon ait son membre myparty, moiti\u00e9\n de fer, moiti\u00e9 de chair tout de son long, & de mesme les genitoires.\n Il tient tousiours son membre dehors.--Le Diable a le membre faict de\n corne, ou pour le moins il en a l'apparence: c'est pourquoy il faict\n tant crier les femmes.--Jeannette d'Abadie dit qu'elle n'a iamais\n senty, qu'il eust aucune semence, sauf quand il la depucella qu'elle\n la sentit froide, mais que celle des autres hommes qui l'ont cognue,\n est naturelle.'[698]\n\nSylvine de la Plaine, 1616, confessed 'qu'il a le membre faict comme vn\ncheual, en entrant est froid comme glace, iette la semence fort froide, &\nen sortant la brusle comme si c'estoit du feu'.[699] In 1662 Isobel Gowdie\nsaid, 'His memberis ar exceiding great and long; no man's memberis ar so\nlong & bigg as they ar.'[700]\n\nThe artificial phallus will account as nothing else can for the pain\nsuffered by many of the women; and that they suffered voluntarily, and even\ngladly, can only be understood by realizing that they endured it for\nmotives other than physical satisfaction and pleasure. 'There appeared a\ngreat _Black Goat_ with a _Candle_ between his Horns.... He had carnal\nknowledge of her which was with great pain.'[701] 'Presque toutes les\nSorcieres rapportent que cet accouplement leur est le plus souuent\ndes-agreable, tant pour la laideur & deformit\u00e9 de Satan, que pour ce\nqu'elles y ont vne extreme douleur.[702] 'Elle fuyoit l'accouplement du\nDiable, \u00e0 cause qu'ayant son membre faict en escailles il fait souffrir vne\nextresme douleur.'[703] At the Sabbath in the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es, the Devil\ntook the women behind some sort of screen, and the children 'les oyent\ncrier comme personnes qui souffrent vne grande douleur, et ils les voyent\naussi tost reuenir au Sabbat toutes sanglantes'.[704] As regards brides,\n'En cet accouplement il leur faict perdre vne infinit\u00e9 de sang, et leur\nfaict souffrir mille douleurs.'[705] Widow Bush of Barton said that the\nDevil, who came to her as a young black man, 'was colder than man, and\nheavier, and could not performe nature as man.'[706]\n\nThe physical coldness of the Devil is vouched for in all parts of\nEurope.[707]\n\n 'Toutes les Sorcieres s'accordent en cela, que la semence, qu'elles\n re\u00e7oiuent du Diable, est froide comme glace: Spranger & les\n Inquisiteurs, qui en ont veu vne infinit\u00e9, l'escriuent ainsi. Remy,\n qui a fait le procez \u00e0 plus de deux milles Sorciers, en porte vn\n tesmoignage irrefragable. Ie puis asseurer au semblable, que celles,\n qui me sont pass\u00e9es par les mains, en ont confess\u00e9 tout autant. Que si\n la semence est ainsi froide, il s'ensuit qu'elle est destitu\u00e9e de ses\n esprits vitaux, & ainsi qu'elle ne peut estre cause d'aucune\n generation.'[708]\n\nIsobel Gowdie and Janet Breadheid of Auldearne both said that the Devil was\n'a meikle, blak, roch man, werie cold; and I fand his nature als cold\nwithin me as spring-well-water'. Isobel continues, 'He is abler for ws that\nway than any man can be, onlie he ves heavie lyk a malt-sek; a hudg nature,\nverie cold, as yce.'[709]\n\nAnother point which goes to prove that the intercourse was by artificial\nmeans was that pregnancy did not follow, except by special consent of the\nwoman. Jeannette d'Abadie, aged sixteen, said, 'Elle fuyoit l'accouplement\ndu Diable, \u00e0 cause qu'ayant son membre faict en escailles il fait souffrir\nvne extresme douleur; outre que la semence est extresmement froide, si bien\nqu'elle n'engrosse iamais, ni celle des autres hommes au sabbat, bien\nqu'elle soit naturelle.'[710] Boguet remarks, 'Il me souuient,\nqu'Antoinette Tornier, & Antoinette Gandillon, estans interrogu\u00e9es, si\nelles craignoient point de deuenir enceintes des [oe]uures du Diable; l'vne\nrespondit qu'elle estoit trop vieille; l'autre que Dieu ne le vouloit pas\npermettre.'[711] According to Jeanne Hervillier, the Devil 'coucha auec\nelle charnellement, en la mesme sorte & maniere que font les hommes auec\nles femmes, horsmis que la semence estoit froide. Cele dit elle continua\ntous les huict ou quinze iours.... Et vn iour le diable luy demanda, si\nelle vouloit estre enceinte de luy, ce qu'elle ne voulut pas.'[712] But\nwhen the witch was willing to have a child, it is noticeable that there is\nthen no complaint of the Devil's coldness. At Maidstone in 1652 'Anne\nAshby, Anne Martyn, and one other of their Associates, pleaded that they\nwere with child pregnant, but confessed it was not by any man, but by the\nDivell.... Anne Ashby and Anne Martyn confessed that the Divell had known\nthem carnally, and that they had no hurt by it.'[713]\n\nThe Devil appears to have donned or doffed his disguise in the presence of\nhis worshippers, and this was often the case at the time of the sexual\nrites, whether public or private:\n\n 'Il cognoist les Sorcieres tantost en forme d'homme tout noir, &\n tantost en forme de beste, comme d'vn chien, d'vn chat, d'vn bouc,\n d'vn mouton. Il cognoissoit Thieuenne Paget, & Antoine Tornier en\n forme d'vn homme noir: Et lors qu'il accouploit auec Iaquema Paget, &\n Antoine Gandillon, il prenoit la figure d'vn mouton noir, portant des\n cornes. Fran\u00e7oise Secretain a dit que son Demon se mettoit tantost en\n chien, tantost en chat, et tantost en poule, quand il la vouloit\n cognoistre charnellement. Or tout cecy me fait de tant mieux asseurer\n l'accouplement reel du Sorcier, & de la Sorciere auec le Demon.'[714]\n\nIn the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es Marie d'Aspilcouette 'disoit le mesme, pour ce qui\nest du membre en escailles, mais elle deposoit, que lors qu'il les vouloit\ncognoistre, il quitoit la forme de Bouc, & prenoit celle d'homme.'[715] 'Il\nentra dans sa chambre en forme d'ung chat et se changea en la posture d'un\nhome vestu de rouge.'[716] At an attempt to wreck a ship in a great storm\n'the devil was there present with them all, in the shape of a great\nhorse.... They returned all in the same likeness as of before, except that\nthe devil was in the shape of a man.'[717] 'The Deivill apeired vnto her,\nin the liknes of ane prettie boy in grein clothes.... And at that tyme the\nDeivil gaive hir his markis; and went away from her in the liknes of ane\nblak doug.'[718] 'He wold haw carnall dealling with ws in the shap of a\ndeir, or in any vther shap, now and then. Somtym he vold be lyk a stirk, a\nbull, a deir, a rae, or a dowg, etc., and haw dealling with ws.'[719] 'Yow\nthe said Margaret Hamilton, relict of James Pullwart ... had carnall\ncowpulatiown with the devil in the lyknes of ane man, bot he removed from\nyow in the lyknes of ane black dowg.'[720] The most important instance is\nin Boguet's description of the religious ceremony at the Sabbath:\n'Finalement Satan apres auoir prins la figure d'vn Bouc, se consume en feu,\n& reduit en cendre.'[721]\n\nThe witches' habit of speaking of every person of the other sex with whom\nthey had sexual intercourse at the Sabbath as a 'devil' has led to much\nconfusion in the accounts. The confusion has been accentuated by the fact\nthat both male and female witches often used a disguise, or were at least\nveiled. 'Et pource que les hommes ne cedent guieres aux femmes en\nlubricit\u00e9, c'est pourquoy le Demon se met aussi en femme ou Succube.... Ce\nqu'il fait principalement au Sabbat, selon que l'ont rapport\u00e9 Pierre\nGandillon, & George Gandillon, pere & fils, & les autres, lesquels disent\ntout vnanimement, qu'en leurs assembl\u00e9es il y a plusieurs Demons, & que les\nvns exercent le mestier de l'homme pour les femmes, & les autres le mestier\ndes femmes pour les hommes.'[722] 'The Incubus's in the shapes of proper\nmen satisfy the desires of the Witches, and the Succubus's serve for Whores\nto the Wizards.'[723] Margaret Johnson said the same: 'Their spirittes\nvsuallie have knowledge of theire bodies.... Shee also saith, that men\nWitches usualie have woemen spirittes and woemen witches men\nspirittes.'[724] The girls under Madame Bourignon's charge 'declared that\nthey had daily carnal Cohabitation with the Devil; that they went to the\nSabbaths or Meetings, where they Eat, Drank, Danc'd, and committed other\nWhoredom and Sensualities. Every one had her Devil in form of a Man; and\nthe Men had their Devils in the form of a Woman.... They had not the least\ndesign of changing, to quit these abominable Pleasures, as one of them of\nTwenty-two Years old one day told me. _No_, said she, _I will not be other\nthan I am; I find too much content in my Condition; I am always\nCaressed._'[725] One girl of twelve said definitely that she knew the Devil\nvery well, 'that he was a Boy a little bigger than her self; and that he\nwas her Love, and lay with her every Night'; and another girl named Bellot,\naged fifteen, 'said her Mother had taken her with her [to the Sabbath] when\nshe was very Young, and that being a little Wench, this Man-Devil was then\na little Boy too, and grew up as she did, having been always her Love, and\nCaressed her Day and Night.'[726] Such connexions sometimes resulted in\nmarriage. Gaule mentions this fact in his general account: 'Oft times he\nmarries them ere they part, either to himselfe, or their Familiar, or to\none another; and that by the Book of Common Prayer (as a pretender to\nwitchfinding lately told me in the Audience of many).'[727] This statement\nis borne out in the trials: 'Agnes Theobalda sagte, sie sey selbst zugegen\nauff der Hochzeit gewesen, da Cathalina und Engel von Hudlingen, ihren\nBeelzebub zur Ehe genommen haben.'[728] The Devil of Isobel Ramsay's Coven\nwas clearly her husband,[729] but there is nothing to show whether the\nmarriage took place before she became a witch, as in the case of Janet\nBreadheid of Auldearne, whose husband 'enticed her into that craft'.[730] I\nhave quoted above (p. 179) the ceremony at the marriage of witches in the\nBasses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es. Rebecca Weste, daughter of a witch, married the Devil by\nwhat may be a primitive rite; he came to her 'as shee was going to bed, and\ntold her, he would marry her, and that shee could not deny him; shee said\nhe kissed her, but was as cold as clay, and married her that night, in this\nmanner; he tooke her by the hand and lead her about the chamber, and\npromised to be her loving husband till death, and to avenge her of her\nenemies; and that then shee promised him to be his obedient wife till\ndeath, and to deny God, and Christ Jesus.'[731] At Edinburgh in 1658 a\nyoung woman called Anderson was tried: 'her confessioun was, that scho did\nmarry the devill.'[732] The Swedish witches in 1670 confessed that at\nBlockula 'the Devil had Sons and Daughters which he did marry\ntogether'.[733] Giraldus Cambrensis gives an account of a 'spirit' in the\nform of a red-haired young man, called Simon, who 'was begotten upon the\nwife of a rustic in that parish, by a demon, in the shape of her husband,\nnaming the man, and his father-in-law, then dead, and his mother, still\nalive; the truth of which the woman upon examination openly avowed'.[734]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[Footnote 664: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 206; Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 301.]\n\n[Footnote 665: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 207.]\n\n[Footnote 666: J. G. Campbell, pp. 293-4. The book was in manuscript, and\nwhen last heard of was in the possession of the now-extinct Stewarts of\nInvernahyle.]\n\n[Footnote 667: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 143.]\n\n[Footnote 668: Pitcairn, iii, p. 603. 'Toads did draw the plough as oxen,\ncouch-grass was the harness and trace-chains, a gelded animal's horn was\nthe coulter, and a piece of a gelded animal's horn was the sock.']\n\n[Footnote 669: Ravaisson, 1679-81, p. 336.]\n\n[Footnote 670: Burns Begg, p. 224.]\n\n[Footnote 671: Reg. Scot, Bk. III, p. 60.]\n\n[Footnote 672: Id., Bk. III, p. 60.]\n\n[Footnote 673: More, p. 168.]\n\n[Footnote 674: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 93.]\n\n[Footnote 675: Boguet, p. 211.]\n\n[Footnote 676: R. Scot, p. 77.]\n\n[Footnote 677: Bodin, pp. 125-7.]\n\n[Footnote 678: Bourignon, _Vie_, pp. 222-3; Hale, pp. 37-8.]\n\n[Footnote 679: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 301.]\n\n[Footnote 680: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 206.]\n\n[Footnote 681: Bodin, p. 465.]\n\n[Footnote 682: Id., p. 465. The trial was in 1545, Magdalene being then\nforty-two. See also _Pleasant Treatise_, p. 6.]\n\n[Footnote 683: Id., p. 227.]\n\n[Footnote 684: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 183.]\n\n[Footnote 685: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 145, 398.]\n\n[Footnote 686: Kinloch, p. 124.]\n\n[Footnote 687: Arnot, p. 360.]\n\n[Footnote 688: Boguet, p. 68.]\n\n[Footnote 689: Cooper, p. 92.]\n\n[Footnote 690: More, p. 241.]\n\n[Footnote 691: 'The Deuill your maister, beand in liknes of ane beist, haid\ncarnall [deal] with ilk ane of you.'--_Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 149.]\n\n[Footnote 692: Petrie, pp. 7-9; Capart, p. 223.]\n\n[Footnote 693: Plutarch, _De Iside et Osiride_, xviii, 5.]\n\n[Footnote 694: On the other hand, the female generative organs were also\nadored, and presumably by men. This suggestion is borne out by the figures\nof women with the pudenda exposed and often exaggerated in size. Such\nfigures are found in Egypt, where they were called Baubo, and a legend was\ninvented to account for the attitude; and similar figures were actually\nknown in ancient Christian churches (Payne Knight, _Discourse on the\nWorship of Priapus_).]\n\n[Footnote 695: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 132, 404.]\n\n[Footnote 696: Remigius, pt. i, p. 19.]\n\n[Footnote 697: Boguet, pp. 68-9.]\n\n[Footnote 698: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 68, 224-6.]\n\n[Footnote 699: Id., _L'Incredulit\u00e9_, p. 808.]\n\n[Footnote 700: Pitcairn, iii, p. 610.]\n\n[Footnote 701: F. Hutchinson, _Historical Essays_, p. 42.]\n\n[Footnote 702: Boguet, p. 69.]\n\n[Footnote 703: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 132.]\n\n[Footnote 704: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 219.]\n\n[Footnote 705: Id. ib., p. 404.]\n\n[Footnote 706: Stearne, p. 29.]\n\n[Footnote 707: The following references are in chronological order, and are\nonly a few out of the many trials in which this coldness of the Devil is\nnoted: 1565, Cannaert, p. 54; 1567, De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 132; 1578,\nBodin, _Fl\u00e9au_, p. 227; 1590, Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 219; 1598, Boguet,\n_op. cit._, pp. 8, 412; 1645, Stearne, p. 29; 1649, Pitcairn, iii, p. 599;\n1652, Van Elven, _La Tradition_, 1891, v, p. 215; 1661, Kinloch and Baxter,\np. 132; 1662, Pitcairn, iii, pp. 603, 611, 617; 1662, Burns Begg, x, pp.\n222, 224, 231-2, 234; 1678, Fountainhall, i, p. 14; 1682, Howell, viii.\n1032; 1705, _Trials of Elinor Shaw_, p. 6.]\n\n[Footnote 708: Boguet, p. 92.]\n\n[Footnote 709: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 603, 611, 617.]\n\n[Footnote 710: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 132.]\n\n[Footnote 711: Boguet, p. 78.]\n\n[Footnote 712: Bodin, p. 227.]\n\n[Footnote 713: _A Prodigious and Tragicall Historie_, pp. 4, 5.]\n\n[Footnote 714: Boguet, p. 70.]\n\n[Footnote 715: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 225.]\n\n[Footnote 716: H. G. van Elven, _La Tradition_, 1891, v, p. 215. Place and\nnames not given.]\n\n[Footnote 717: Kinloch, pp. 122, 123.]\n\n[Footnote 718: Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.]\n\n[Footnote 719: Id., iii, pp. 611, 613.]\n\n[Footnote 720: _Scots Magazine_, 1817, p. 201.]\n\n[Footnote 721: Boguet, p. 141.]\n\n[Footnote 722: Id., p. 65.]\n\n[Footnote 723: _Pleasant Treatise of Witches_, p. 6. The remembrance of the\nnumerous male devils at the Sabbath survives in the Samalsain dance in the\nBasses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es, where the male attendants on the King and Queen of the\ndance are still called Satans. Moret, _Myst\u00e8res \u00c9gyptiens_, p. 247.]\n\n[Footnote 724: Baines, i, pp. 607-8, note.]\n\n[Footnote 725: Bourignon, _Parole_, pp. 86, 87; Hale, pp. 26, 27.]\n\n[Footnote 726: Id., _Vie_, p. 211, 214; Hale, pp. 29, 31.]\n\n[Footnote 727: Gaule, p. 63.]\n\n[Footnote 728: Remigius, p. 131.]\n\n[Footnote 729: Record of Trial in the Edinburgh Justiciary Court.]\n\n[Footnote 730: Pitcairn, iii, p. 616.]\n\n[Footnote 731: Howell, iv, 842.]\n\n[Footnote 732: Nicoll's Diary, p. 212. _Bannatyne Club._]\n\n[Footnote 733: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 323.]\n\n[Footnote 734: Davies, p. 183. Cp. also the birth of Merlin. Giraldus\nCambrensis, _Itinerary_, Bk. I, xii, 91b.]\n\n\n\n\nVII. THE ORGANIZATION\n\n\nThe cult was organized in as careful a manner as any other religious\ncommunity; each district however was independent, and therefore Mather is\njustified in saying that the witches 'form themselves after the manner of\nCongregational Churches'.[735]\n\n\n1. _The Officer_\n\nThe Chief or supreme Head of each district was known to the recorders as\nthe 'Devil'. Below him in each district, one or more officers--according to\nthe size of the district--were appointed by the chief. The officers might\nbe either men or women; their duties were to arrange for meetings, to send\nout notices, to keep the record of work done, to transact the business of\nthe community, and to present new members. Evidently these persons also\nnoted any likely convert, and either themselves entered into negotiations\nor reported to the Chief, who then took action as opportunity served. At\nthe Esbats the officer appears to have taken command in the absence of the\nGrand Master; at the Sabbaths the officers were merely heads of their own\nCovens, and were known as Devils or Spirits, though recognized as greatly\ninferior to the Chief. The principal officer acted as clerk at the Sabbath\nand entered the witches' reports in his book; if he were a priest or\nordained minister, he often performed part of the religious service; but\nthe Devil himself always celebrated the mass or sacrament. In the absence\nof all direct information on the subject, it seems likely that the man who\nacted as principal officer became Grand Master on the death of the previous\nChief. Occasionally the Devil appointed a personal attendant for himself,\nwho waited upon him on all solemn occasions, but does not appear to have\nheld any official position in the community.\n\nEstebene de Cambrue (1567) said that 'elle a veu au Sabbat vn Notaire\nqu'elle nomme, lequel a accoustum\u00e9 de leuer les defauts de celles qui ont\nmanqu\u00e9 de se trouuer au Sabbat.'[736] At the North Berwick meetings (1590),\nthere were several officers, of whom Fian was the chief.\n\n 'Robert Griersoun being namit, they all ran hirdie-girdie and wer\n angrie: for it wes promisit he sould be callit \"Ro^t the Comptroller,\n alias Rob the Rowar,\" for expreming of his name.--Johnne Fiene wes\n ewer nerrest to the Devill, att his left elbok; Gray Meill kepit the\n dur.--The accusation of the saide Geillis Duncane aforesaide, who\n confessed he [Fian] was their Regester, and that there was not one man\n suffered to come to the Divels readinges but onelie hee.--[Fian's\n confession] That at the generall meetinges of those witches, he was\n always present; that he was clarke to all those that were in\n subiection to the Divels service, bearing the name of witches; that\n alway hee did take their oathes for their true service to the Divell;\n and that he wrote for them such matters as the Divell still pleased to\n commaund him.'[737]\n\nElizabeth Southerns, otherwise known as old Mother Demdike (1613), 'was\ngenerall agent for the Deuill in all these partes'.[738] The 'eminent\nwarlok' Robert Grieve of Lauder (1649) 'was brought to a Confession of his\nbeing the _Devils Officer_ in that Countrey for warning all Satans Vassals\nto come to the Meetings, where, and whensoever the Devil required.... The\nDevil gave him that charge, to be his Officer to warn all to the meetings;\n(as was said before,) in which charge he continued for the space of\neighteen years and more.'[739] The evidence concerning Isobel Shyrie at\nForfar (1661) is too long to quote, but it is clear that she acted as the\nofficer.[740] Isobel Gowdie (1662) says definitely, 'Johne Young, in\nMebestowne, is Officer to owr Coeven', and remarks in another part of her\nconfession that 'Johne Yownge in Mebestowne, owr Officer, did drywe the\nplewghe'.[741] The only indication of a change of personnel is given by\nJanet Breadheid, of the same Coven as Isobel Gowdie.\n\n 'Johne Taylor, my husband, was then Officer, bot Johne Young in\n Mebestoune, is now Officer to my Coeven. Quhan I cam first ther, the\n Divell called tham all be thair names, on the book; and my husband,\n than called thame at the door.... Whan we haid Great Meittingis,\n Walter Ledy, in Penick, my husband, and Alexander Elder, nixt to the\n Divell, wer Ruleris; and quhan ther wold be but fewar, I my self, the\n deceassit Jean Suthirland, Bessie Hay, Bessie Wilsone, and Janet\n Burnet wold rule thaim.'[742]\n\nIn Somerset (1664) Anne Bishop appears to have been the chief personage\nunder the Devil, in other words the Officer.[743] At Paisley (1678) Bessie\nWeir 'was Officer to their several meetings.--Bessie Weir did intimate to\nhim [John Stewart], that there was a meeting to be at his house the next\nday: And that the Devil under the shape of a black man, Margaret Jackson,\nMargery Craige, and the said Bessie Weir, were to be present. And that the\nsaid Bessie Weir required the Declarant to be there, which he\npromised.'[744] In New England (1692) it appears that both Bridget Bishop\nand Martha Carrier held high rank, and were probably Officers.\n\nOne duty seems to have been delegated to a particular individual, who might\nperhaps hold no other office, or who might, on the other hand, be the chief\nofficial; this was the manager, often the leader, of the dance. As pace\nseems to have been an essential in the dance, the leader was necessarily\nactive and generally young. At North Berwick (1590) 'John Fein mussiled led\nthe ring'.[745] In Aberdeen (1596) Thomas Leyis was the chief person in the\ndance; 'thow the said Thomas was formest and led the ring, and dang the\nsaid Kathren Mitchell, becaus scho spillet your dans, and ran nocht so fast\nabout as the rest.'[746] Isobel Cockie of the same Coven was next in\nimportance; 'in the quhilk danse, thow was the ring leader nixt Thomas\nLeyis.'[747] Mr. Gideon Penman (1678), who had once been minister at\nCrighton, went to the Sabbaths, where the Devil spoke of him as 'Mr.\nGideon, my chaplain'.[748] The witches said that 'ordinarily Mr. Gideon\nwas in the rear in all their dances, and beat up those that were slow'.\nThis Mr. Gideon seems to be the same person as the 'warlock who formerly\nhad been admitted to the ministrie in the Presbyterian times, and now he\nturnes a preacher under the devill.--This villan was assisting to Satan in\nthis action' [giving the sacrament] 'and in preaching.'[749]\n\nThe personal attendant of the Devil is rare. At Aberdeen (1596) Issobell\nRichie was accused that 'at that tyme thow ressauit thy honours fra the\nDewyll, thy maister, and wer appoynted be him in all tymes thairefter, his\nspeciall domestick servand and furriour'.[750] John McWilliam Sclater\n(1656) was appointed cloak-bearer to the Devil.[751]\n\nThe Devil's piper was also an official appointment in Scotland, but does\nnot occur elsewhere. John Douglas of Tranent (1659) was the Devil's\npiper,[752] and so also was a man mentioned by Sinclair: 'A reverend\nMinister told me, that one who was the Devils Piper, a wizzard confest to\nhim, that at a Ball of dancing, the Foul Spirit taught him a Baudy song to\nsing and play.'[753]\n\nThe Queen of the Sabbath may perhaps be considered as an official during\nthe sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, though in early times she was\nprobably the chief personage in the cult, as Pearson has pointed out.[754]\nIt is not unlikely that she was originally the same as the Queen of\nElfhame; in Scotland, however, in the seventeenth century, there is a\nMaiden of the Coven, which was an important position in the Esbat but\nentirely distinct from the Queen of Faery, while in other places a woman,\nnot the Queen, is often the officer and holds the highest place after the\nGrand Master.\n\nElizabeth Stile of Windsor (1579) said that 'mother Seidre dwelling in the\nAlmeshouse, was the maistres Witche of all the reste'.[755] Marion Grant of\nAberdeen (1597) confessed that 'the Devill thy maister causit the dans\nsindrie tymes with him and with Our Ladye, quha, as thow sayes, was a fine\nwoman, cled in a quhyte walicot'.[756] In France (1609) the custom seems\nto have been universal, 'en chasque village trouuer vne Royne du Sabbat',\nwho sat at the Devil's left hand during the celebration of the mass and\nreceived the offerings of the faithful.[757] The witches called her both\nthe Grande Ma\u00eetresse and the Reine du Sabbat.[758] Isobel Gowdie's\nconfession (1662) shows that the Queen of Elthame was not the same as the\nchief woman of the Coven, for she saw the Queen only on going into the\nfairy-howe, while the Maiden of the Coven was at each meeting. 'We doe no\ngreat mater without owr Maiden.--Quhan we ar at meat, or in any vther place\nquhateuir, the Maiden of each Coven sittis abow the rest, nixt the\nDivell.'[759] In New England (1692) Deliverance Hobbs confessed that 'the\nsaid G. B. preached to them, and such a woman was their Deacon'.[760]\n\n\n2. _The Covens_\n\nThe word _coven_ is a derivative of 'convene', and is variously spelt\n_coven_, _coeven_, _covine_, _cuwing_, and even _covey_. The special\nmeaning of the word among the witches is a 'band' or 'company', who were\nset apart for the practice of the rites of the religion and for the\nperformance of magical ceremonies; in short, a kind of priesthood.\n\nThe Coven was composed of men and women, belonging to one district, though\nnot necessarily all from one village, and was ruled by an officer under the\ncommand of the Grand Master. The members of the Coven were apparently bound\nto attend the weekly Esbat; and it was they who were instructed in and\npractised magical arts, and who performed all the rites and ceremonies of\nthe cult. The rest of the villagers attended the Esbats when they could or\nwhen they felt so inclined, but did not necessarily work magic, and they\nattended the Sabbaths as a matter of course. This view of the organization\nof the religion is borne out by the common belief in modern France:\n\n 'Il est de croyance g\u00e9n\u00e9rale qu'il _faut un nombre fixe de sorciers et\n de sorci\u00e8res dans chaque canton_. Le nouvel initi\u00e9 reprend les _vieux\n papiers_ de l'ancien.--Les mauvaises gens forment une confr\u00e9rie qui\n est dirig\u00e9e par une sorci\u00e8re. Celle-ci a la _jarreti\u00e8re_ comme marque\n de sa dignit\u00e9. Elles se la transmettent successivement par rang\n d'anciennet\u00e9. Il n'existe que cette diff\u00e9rence de rang entre les\n sorciers et les sorci\u00e8res. Ceux-l\u00e0 se recrutent aussi bien parmi les\n gens _mari\u00e9s_ que chez les _c\u00e9libataires_.'[761]\n\nThe 'fixed number' among the witches of Great Britain seems to have been\nthirteen: twelve witches and their officer. The actual numbers can be\nobtained, as a rule, only when the full record of the trial is available;\nfor when several witches in one district are brought to trial at the same\ntime they will always be found to be members of a Coven, and usually the\nother members of the Coven are implicated or at least mentioned.\n\nThe earliest account of a Coven is in the trial of Bessie Dunlop (1567);\nwhen Thom Reid was trying to induce her to join the society, he took her\n'to the kill-end, quhair he forbaid her to speik or feir for onye thing\nsche hard or saw; and quhene thai had gane ane lytle pece fordwerd, sche\nsaw twelf persounes, aucht wemene and four men: The men wer cled in\ngentilmennis clething, and the wemene had all plaiddis round about thame\nand wer verrie semelie lyke to se; and Thom was with thame.'[762] Clearly\nthis was a Coven with Thom as the Officer, and he had brought Bessie to see\nand be seen. The witches tried at St. Osyth in Essex in 1582 were thirteen\nin number.[763] At the meeting of the North Berwick witches (1590) to\nconsult on the means to compass the king's death, nine witches stood 'in\nane cumpany', and the rest 'to the nowmer of threttie persons in ane vthir\ncumpany'; in other words, there were thirty-nine persons, or three Covens,\npresent.[764] At Aberdeen (1596-7) sixty-four names of witches occur in the\ntrials; of these, seven were merely mentioned as being known to the\naccused, though not as taking part in the ceremonies, and five were\nacquitted; thus leaving fifty-two persons, or four Covens. Out of these\nfifty-two, one was condemned and executed at the assize in 1596 and twelve\nin 1597, making in all thirteen persons, or one Coven, who were put to\ndeath.[765] The great trial of the Lancashire witches in 1613 gives a grand\ntotal of fifty-two witches, or four Covens, whose names occur in the\nrecord. This includes the three Salmesbury witches mentioned by Grace\nSowerbuts, whose evidence was discredited as being the outcome of a 'Popish\nplot' to destroy the three women as converts to the Reformed Church; but as\nthe record shows that the other accused witches were tried on similar\ncharges and condemned, it may be concluded that other causes occasioned the\nacquittal. Taking together, however, only those witches who are mentioned,\nin these trials, as having actually taken part in the ceremonies and\npractices of witchcraft in the neighbourhood of Pendle, it will be found\nthat there were thirty-nine persons, or three Covens.[766] In Guernsey in\n1617 Isabel Becquet confessed that--\n\n 'at the Sabbath the Devil used to summon the Wizards and Witches in\n regular order (she remembered very well having heard him call the old\n woman _Collette_ the first, in these terms: _Madame the Old Woman\n Becquette_): then the woman _Fallaise_; and afterwards the woman\n _Hardie_. Item, he also called _Marie_, wife of _Massy_, and daughter\n of the said _Collette_. Said that after them she herself was called by\n the Devil: in these terms: _The Little Becquette_: she also heard him\n call there _Collas Becquet_, son of the said old woman (who [Collas]\n held her by the hand in dancing, and some one [a woman] whom she did\n not know, held her by the other hand): there were about six others\n there she did not know.[767]\n\nAt Queensferry in 1644 thirteen women were tried and seven executed for\nwitchcraft.[768]\n\nAt Alloa (1658), though thirteen persons, or one Coven, were brought to\ntrial, the word is used to indicate a smaller number: 'Margret Duchall\nlykewayis declared that ther was sex women mair besyd hir self that was in\nthair cuwing' [then follow the names of the six].--'Jonet Blak confessed\nseverall meetings with the abowenamed cuwing.--Kathren Renny being asked\nquhat meetingis scho had with the diwell, and the rest of hir cuwing, scho\nansuered scho had severall meitingis with all tham abowenamed.'[769] Little\nJonet Howat of Forfar (1661) said, 'Ther was thair present with the divell\nbesyd hirselfe, quhom he callit the prettie dauncer, the said Issobell\nSyrie, Mairie Rynd, Hellen Alexander, Issobell Dorward, and utheris whoise\nnames shoe did not know, to the number of 13 of all.'[770] The trial of\nJonet Kerr and Issobell Ramsay at Edinburgh (1661) gives the names of\nthirteen persons, or one Coven.[771] At Crook of Devon (1662) there were\ntried twelve women and one man, i.e. one Coven.[772] Isobel Gowdie of\nAuldearne (1662) gives the most detail concerning the Covens: 'Jean Mairten\nis Maiden of owr Coeven. Johne Younge is Officer to owr Coeven.--Ther ar\nthrettein persons in ilk Coeven.' Her evidence shows that there were\nseveral Covens in the district: 'The last tyme that owr Coven met, we, and\nan vther Coven, wer dauncing at the Hill of Earlseat, and befor that we ves\nbeyond the Meikle-burne; and the vther Coven being at the Downie-hillis, we\nwent besyd them.--[She and four others] with the Divell, wer onlie at the\nmaking of it [a charm], bot all the multitude of all owr Coevens got notice\nof it, at the next meitting ... all my owin Coeven gott notice of it werie\nschortlie.' She also notes that each member of her Coven 'has an Sprit to\nwait wpon ws, quhan ve pleas to call wpon him'. Janet Breadheid, of the\nsame Coven as Isobel Gowdie, gives the names of thirty-nine persons, or\nthree Covens, who were present in the Kirk of Nairn when she was admitted\ninto the Society.[773] In Somerset (1664) the number of accused was\ntwenty-six persons, or two Covens.[774] At Newcastle-on-Tyne (1673) Ann\nArmstrong stated that at the meeting at the 'rideing house in the close on\nthe common' she saw ten men and women whom she knew and 'thre more, whose\nnames she knowes not'. At another meeting 'at Rideing Millne bridg-end she\nsee the said Anne Forster, Anne Dryden, and Luce Thompson, and tenne more\nunknowne to her.--Att the house of John Newton off the Riding, the said\nLucy wished that a boyl'd capon with silver scrues might come down to her\nand the rest, which were five coveys consisting of thirteen person in every\ncovey.' At a large meeting at Allensford, where a great many witches were\npresent, 'every thirteen of them had a divell with them in sundry shapes.'\nIt is also noticeable that Ann Armstrong mentions twenty-six persons by\nname as having been at various meetings to her knowledge.[775] At Paisley\n(1692) thirteen persons of high position brought an action for libel\nagainst six others for saying that they, the thirteen, had drunk the\nDevil's health in the house of one of them; the libellers were punished,\nbut the number of persons libelled suggests that the accusation might have\nbeen true.[776]\n\n\n3. _Duties_\n\nAn important part of the organization was the system of reporting to the\nGrand Master everything which had happened since the previous Great\nAssembly. The chief work of the Covens was the performance of magical\nrites, either publicly at the Esbats or privately in the houses of the\nwitches and their neighbours. As these rites, especially when performed\nprivately, were more or less in the nature of experiments, the results were\nreported and when successful were recorded in writing for future use. The\nbook in which the records were made remained in the hands of the Devil, who\nin this way had always a store of well-tried magical spells and recipes to\nkill or cure, from which he could instruct his followers as occasion\ndemanded.\n\nThe position of the Devil as the instructor of the witches is to be found\nin most of the trials in Great Britain. Cooper states this plainly: 'He\n_deliuers_ unto his _Proselite_, and so to the rest, _the Rules of his\nArt_, instructing them in the manner of _hurting_ and _helping_, and\nacquainting them with such _medicines_ and _poysons_ as are vsuall\nherevnto.'[777] Bessie Dunlop (1567) never attempted to cure any disease\nwithout first consulting Thom Reid, 'quhen sundrie persounes cam to hir to\nseik help for thair beist, thair kow or yow, or for ane barne that was tane\naway with ane evill blast of wind, or elf-grippit, sche gait and sperit at\nThom, Quhat mycht help thame?--Sche culd do nathing, quhill sche had first\nspokin with Thom.'[778] Alison Peirson (1588) learnt her craft from Mr.\nWilliam Simpson, her mother's brother's son, who lived among the fairy\nfolk; 'the saide Mr Williame tauld hir of ewerie seiknes and quhat herbis\nscho sould tak to haill thame, and how scho sould vse thame; and gewis hir\nhis directioune att all tymes.'[779] Agnes Sampson, the Wise Wife of Keith\n(1590), always asked the Devil's advice in serious cases; 'she had a\nfamiliar spirit, who upon her call, did appear in a visible form, and\nresolve her of any doubtful matter, especially concerning the life or death\nof persons lying sick.'[780] Grissel Gairdner of Newburgh (1610) was\nexecuted for consulting with the 'Devill, and seiking of responssis fra\nhim, at all tymes this fourtene or fyftene [3*]eir bygane, for effectuating\nof hir devillisch intentiones'.[781] Elspeth Reoch in Orkney (1616)\nconfessed that the fairy man, whom she met, told her 'he wald lerne her to\nken and sie ony thing she wald desyre'.[782] Isobel Haldane of Perth (1623)\nalso obtained all her information as to life and death from the man with\nthe 'grey beird' whom she met among the fairy folk.[783] Jonet Rendall,\nanother Orkney witch (1629), stated that 'the devill apperit to you, Quhom\nye called Walliman, claid in quhyt cloathis with ane quhyt head and ane\ngray beard, And said to you He sould learne yow to win almiss be healling\nof folk'[784] Sandie Hunter was only moderately successful in curing cattle\ntill he covenanted with the Devil, who 'came to him in the form of a\nMediciner, and said, _Sandie, you have too long followed my trade, and\nnever acknowledged me for your Master. You must now take on with me, and be\nmy servant, and I will make you more perfect in your Calling._ Whereupon\nthe man gave up himself to the Devil. After this, he grew very famous\nthrow the Countrey, for his Charming and cureing of diseases in Men and\nBeasts.'[785] Reginald Scot says that the witches were taught by the Devil\nto make magical ointments, and that he 'supplied their want of powders and\nroots to intoxicate withal'.[786] It was the Devil who pointed out which\ngraves were to be opened in order to obtain the material for working magic;\nand when the bodies had been exhumed and dismembered, he told the witches\nhow to use the fragments.[787] It was the Devil who made[788] or\nbaptized[789] the wax and clay images, and who stuck the first thorn or pin\ninto them.[790] It was the Devil who held the mock plough at Auldearne, and\ntaught the witches of that place all the charms they knew. 'We get all this\npower from the Divell', says Isobell Gowdie.[791] It was the Devil who\ninstigated and superintended the wrecking of the bridge at Cortaquhie,\nconcerning which Helen Guthrie said, 'shee her selfe, Jonnet Stout, and\nothers of them did thrust ther shoulderis againest the bridge', and Isobel\nSmyth confessed, 'Wee all rewed that meitting, for wee hurt our selves\nlifting.'[792]\n\nThe book in which the magical recipes were recorded must have been of great\nvalue to its owner, and one which he would not willingly allow to pass out\nof his hands. A volume of this kind was known to be extant till the\nbeginning of the last century; it was called the Red Book of Appin. There\nare two stories as to how it was taken from the Devil, but both stories\nagree that it was obtained by a trick. It was in manuscript and contained\ncharms for the cure of cattle, and was consulted when cows were bewitched\nand refused to give milk. It was also supposed to confer magical powers on\nthe owner, who was said to know what the inquiry would be before the\ninquirer opened his lips; and it was in itself so magical that the owner\nhad to wear a hoop of iron on his head when turning its leaves.[793]\nAnother Devil's-book was carried away, apparently as a joke, by Mr.\nWilliamson of Cardrona, who took it from the witches as they danced on\nMinchmoor, but they followed him and he returned it.[794]\n\nThe system of reporting everything to the Chief of the community makes it\ncertain that he was supplied with such current information as made his\nknowledge of public and private affairs appear miraculous to the\nuninitiated. Even those who supplied that information had firm faith in his\nsupernatural power to kill or cure, and believed with equal ardour in the\ncharms which he taught them to make and use.\n\nIn reviewing the evidence it seems clear that the witches of the Covens\nwere bound to exercise their powers in the intervals between the meetings;\nthey were bound to attend those meetings, unless absolutely prevented, in\norder to learn new methods as well as to make their reports; and they were\nbound to obey the Grand Master's orders and to treat him with the deference\nand respect due to his exalted position.\n\n\n4. _Discipline_\n\nDiscipline was maintained by a system of rewards and punishments, enforced\nor relaxed according to the personal character of the Chief. As a rule only\nthe severer punishments are recorded, but occasionally there are\nindications of minor chastisements.\n\nThe contemporary writers make the system of rewards and punishments very\nclear:\n\n 'Satan calleth them togither into a Diuelish Sinagoge, and that he may\n also vnderstand of them howe well and diligently they haue fulfilled\n their office of intoxicating committed vnto them, and wh\u00f5 they haue\n slaine.'[795] 'Such as are absent, and have no care to be assoygned,\n are amerced to this paenalty, so to be beaten on the palms of their\n feete, to be whipt with iron rods, to be pincht and suckt by their\n Familiars till their heart blood come, till they repent them of their\n sloath, and promise more attendance and diligence for the\n future.'[796] '_Taking account also of the proceedings_ of his other\n Schollers, and so approuing or condemning accordingly.'[797] Sometimes\n at their solemn assemblies, the Devil commands, that each tell what\n wickedness he hath committed, and according to the hainousness and\n detestableness of it, he is honoured and respected with a general\n applause. Those on the contrary, that have done no evil, are beaten\n and punished.'[798]\n\nThe usual punishment was beating, which was inflicted for various offences,\nchiefly disrespect or neglect of duty. At Arras in 1460 Jean Tacquet, a\nrich eschevin, 'had endeavoured to withdraw his allegiance from Satan who\nhad forced him to continue it by beating him cruelly with a bull's\npizzle.'[799] In Lorraine (1589) the Grand Master seems to have been\npeculiarly brutal:\n\n 'Jana Gerardina, Catharina Russa, und Francisca Fellaea bezeugten,\n dass sie mehr als einmal schwerlich mit harten Streichen h\u00e4tten b\u00fcssen\n m\u00fcssen, wenn sie keinen Schaden oder Ungl\u00fcck angestifft h\u00e4tten. Und\n wie Nicolaea Morelia sagt, hat er sie dermassen zerschlagen, dass ihr\n der Athem davon ausgeblieben, und sie bey nahe gestorben w\u00e4re; Uber\n welches sich dann nicht zu verwundern sey, sintemahl er eiserne H\u00e4nde\n habe, mit denen er ihnen so unbarmhertzig die K\u00f6pffe zerschlagen, dass\n sie deren nicht mehr empfinden.'[800]\n\nIn the Lyons district (1598) 'les Sorciers rendent conte \u00e0 Satan de ce\nqu'ils ont fait d\u00e9s la derniere assembl\u00e9e, estans ceux l\u00e0 les mieux venus\nqui ont commis le plus de meschancetez. Les autres sont sifflez & mocquez\nde tous; l'on les fait mettre \u00e0 l'escart, & sont encor le plus souuent\nbattus & maltraitez de leur Maistre'.[801] According to Bodin, 'chacun\nSorcier doit rendre compte du mal qu'il a faict sur peine d'estre bien\nbattu.'[802] De Lancre says, 'Les Sorciers le vont adorer trois nuicts\ndurant. Ceux qui par nonchalance, ou autre petit empeschement ne s'y\ntrouuent, sont fo\u00fcettez & battus \u00e0 l'outrance.'[803] Alexander Hamilton\n(1630) stated that 'thair was ane new tryst appointed be him to be keipit\nwt thame altogidder within xiii days thereftir upon the cauldbit mure\nQuhilk meitting was nocht keipit be the said Alexr for the quhilk caus and\nbreking of that tryst the said Alexr was maist rigorouslie strukin be the\ndevill wt ane battoun at ane meitting keipit betuix thame schortlie\nthereftir upone gairnetoune hillis'.[804] In France (1652) two sisters were\ntried for witchcraft: 'Icelle confesse n'avoir faict mourir qu'un vaulx et\nd'avoir \u00e9t\u00e9 battu par le diable, deux fois, parce qu'elle ne vouloit faire\nmourir aultres personnes et bestiault.' The other sister was 'interrog\u00e9e sy\nle diable ne luy avoit conseill\u00e9 de cracher la Sainte Hostie hors de sa\nbouche, ou bien ne la point recepvoir, dist que non, mais bien que le\ndiable l'at une fois battue fort parce qu'elle l'avoit receu'.[805] The\ngirls at Lille (1661) informed Madame Bourignon that the witches 'are\nconstrained to offer him their Children, or else the Devil would Beat\nthem'.[806] Isobel Gowdie's account is, as usual, very full:\n\n 'Som tymis, among owr felwis, we wold be calling him \"Blak Johne\", or\n the lyk, and he wold ken it, and heir ws weill aneughe; and he ewin\n then com to ws, and say, \"I ken weill aneughe what [3*]e wer sayeing\n of me!\" And then he vold beat and buffet ws werie sor. We wold be\n beattin if ve wer absent any tyme, or neglect any thing that wold be\n appointit to be done. Allexr Elder, in Earlseat, vold be werie often\n beattin. He is bot soft, and cowld never defend him self in the leist,\n bot greitt and cry, quhan he vold be scourging him. Bot Margret\n Wilson, in Auldearne, wold defend hir selfe fynelie, and cast wp hir\n handis to keip the stroakis off from hir; and Bessie Wilson would\n speak crustie with hir townge, and wold be belling again to him\n stowtlie. He wold be beatting and scurgeing ws all wp and downe with\n cardis [cords] and vther sharp scurges, like naked gwhastis; and we\n wold still be cryeing, \"Pittie! pittie! Mercie! mercie, owr Lord!\" Bot\n he wold haue neither pittie nor mercie. When he vold be angrie at ws,\n he wold girne at ws lyk a dowge, as iff he wold swallow ws wp.'[807]\n\nThe Swedish witches (1669) also had reason to complain of their\nGrand-Master's cruelty: 'heretofore it was sufficient to carry but one of\ntheir Children [to the meeting] or a strangers Child with them, but now he\ndid plague them and whip them if they did not procure him Children.'[808]\nAmong the Northumberland witches (1673):\n\n 'All of them who had donne harme gave an account thereof to their\n protector, who made most of them that did most harme, and beate those\n who had donne no harme.--At the said meeting their particular divell\n tooke them that did most evill, and danced with them first, and called\n every of them to an account, and those that did most evill he maid\n most of.--The devill, in the forme of a little black man and black\n cloaths, calld of one Isabell Thompson, of Slealy, widdow, by name,\n and required of her what service she had done him. She replyd she had\n gott power of the body of one Margarett Teasdale. And after he had\n danced with her he dismissed her and call'd of one Thomasine, wife of\n Edward Watson, of Slealy.'[809]\n\nPunishments for minor offences are rarely recorded. At North Berwick\n(1590), when the witches returned after sinking a ship, 'seeing that they\ntarried over long, hee at their comming enjoyned them all to a pennance,\nwhich was, that they should kisse his buttockes, in sign of duety to\nhim.'[810] At Aberdeen (1597) Christen Mitchell confessed that when the\nDevil asked her to join, 'thow ansuerit, I will enter in thy band, bot I\nwill nocht byd thairin; and thairefter that the Devill gawe the a wisk, and\nthow fell on thy face one the dyk of that yaird.'[811] Beigis Tod, who\nbelonged to one of the North Berwick Covens but was not tried till 1608,\nwas late in arriving at a meeting, 'quhair the Deuill appeirit to thame,\nand reprovet the said Beigis Tod verrie scherplie, for hir long tayreing;\nto quhome scho maid this ansuer, \"Sir, I could wyn na soner.\"'[812] At\nLille if any witch desired to leave the religion, 'the Devil reproves them\nthen more severely, and obligeth them to new Promises.'[813] Occasionally\nthe witches kept discipline among themselves; this seems to have been the\ncase only when the culprit prevented the proper execution of magical\nperformances. At Aberdeen Thomas Leyis 'led the ring, and dang the said\nKathren Mitchell, becaus scho spillit your dans, and ran nocht sa fast\nabout as the rest.'[814] At Auldearne Isobel Gowdie described how the\nwitches used flint arrow-heads: 'I shot at the Laird of Park, as he ves\ncrossing the Burn of Boath; bot, thankis to God now, that he preserwit him.\nBessie Hay gaw me a great cuffe, becaus I missed him.'[815] The former\nminister of Crighton, Mr. Gideon Penman, acted as the Devil's chaplain;\n'ordinarily Mr. Gideon was in the rear in all their dances, and beat up all\nthose that were slow.'[816] But a reasonable excuse for trifling\nmisdemeanours could be accepted: 'The devill asked at Kathrine Moore quhair\nhir Husband was that he came not she answered there was a young bairne at\nhome and that they could not both come.'[817]\n\nCapital punishment was reserved for traitors, actual and potential. It must\nhave been brought into use only after the cult had fallen upon evil days,\nand then only when the Chief himself was in danger. Beating to death,\nhanging, and poison were the usual means of execution.\n\nThe earliest instance occurred in 1450, when the Church had begun to use\nits power systematically against the witches. 'The Inquisitor of Como,\nBartolomeo de Homate, the podest\u00e0 Lorenzo da Carorezzo, and the notary\nGiovanni da Fossato, either out of curiosity or because they doubted the\nwitches whom they were trying, went to a place of assembly at Mendrisio and\nwitnessed the scene from a hiding-place. The presiding demon pretended not\nto know their presence, and in due course dismissed the assembly, but\nsuddenly recalled his followers and set them on the officials, who were so\nbeaten that they died within fifteen days.'[818] Alesoun Peirson (1588) was\nburnt as a witch, having gained her knowledge from the fairies, who\nthreatened that 'gif scho wald speik and tell of thame and thair doingis,\nthay sould martir hir'.[819] The Lorraine witches (1589) took an oath of\nsilence, 'welchen Eyd sie so hoch und heilig halten, dass wenn sie\nEydbr\u00fcchig werden, so darf\u00fcr halten, also ob sie ewig darumb musten\nverdampt und gestrafft seyn.'[820] Alice Gooderidge, the Derbyshire witch\n(1597), was tried for witchcraft, 'she should haue bin executed, but that\nher spirit killed her in the prison.'[821] Jeannette d'Abadie (1609) was\nmore fortunate than most in that she was not killed, 'elle a est\u00e9 battue au\nsabbat reellement & corporellem[~e]t par deux sorcieres qu'elle nomme, par\nce qu'elle auoit reuel\u00e9 les mysteres du sabbat.'[822] John Stewart, the\n'juglour' of Irvine (1618)--\n\n 'for his better preferring to the day of the assys, was put in ane\n lockfast buith, quhair no maner of persoun might haif access to him\n quhil the dounsitting of the justice court, and for avoyding of\n putting violent handis on himself, was verie strictly gairdit and\n flitherit be the airms, as us is, and upon that same day of the assys,\n about half ane hour befoir the doun sitting of the justice court, Mr.\n David Dickson, minister at Irving; and Mr. George Dunbar, minister of\n Air, having went to him to exhort him to call on his God for mercie\n for his bygane wicked and evil lyf and that God wold of his infinite\n mercie, lowis him out of the handis of the devil quhom he had servit\n thir mony years by gane He acquiescit to their prayer and godlie\n exhortation, and utterit thir wordis--I am so straitlie gairdit that\n it lyis not in my hand to tak off my bonnett, nor to gett bread to my\n mouth. And immediately after the departing of the two ministers from\n him, the Juglour being sent for at the desyr of my Lord of Eglintoune,\n to be confrontit with ane woman of the burgh of Air, callit Janet\n Bous, quha was apprehendit by the Magistrates of the burghe of Air,\n for witchcraft, to the burghe of Irvine, purposlie for that effer. He\n was fund be the burrow officers, quha went about him stranglit and\n hangit be the cruik of the dur, with ane tait of hemp (or a string\n maid of hemp, supposed to haif been his garten, or string of his\n bonnet) not above the length of twa span long, his kneyis not being\n from the grund half ane span, and was brocht out of the hous, his lyf\n not being so layt expellit: but notwithstanding of quhatsomever meines\n usit to the contrair for remeid of his lyf, he revievit not, but so\n endit his lyf miserable by the help of the devill his maister.'[823]\n\nRebecca West, a young Essex witch (1645), confessed to Matthew Hopkins that\n'if shee should discover any thing, they all told the said Rebecca, shee\nshould endure more torments on earth, then could be in hell: and the said\nRebecca told this informant that shee promised to keepe all their secrets;\nand moreover they all told her, that shee must never confesse any thing,\nalthough the rope were about her necke, and shee ready to be hanged'.[824]\nIn Fifeshire (1649) 'ane Mistres Hendersone (sister to Fordell Hendersone,\nin the presbytrey of Dumfermling), sometymes lady of Pittahro, being\ndelated by many to be a witch, was apprehended and caried to Edenbroughe,\nwher she was keiped fast; and after her remaining in prison for a tyme,\nbeing in health att night, vpon the morne was founde dead. It was thought,\nand spoken by many, that she wronged her selfe, either by strangling or by\npoyson.'[825] The Swedish children (1670) were not spared: 'if the Children\ndid at any time name the Names of those that had carried them away, they\nwere again carried by force either to Blockula, or to the Cross way, and\nthere miserably beaten, insomuch that some of them died of it.'[826]\nWhether Deliverance Hobbs (1692) was actually beaten, or whether her\nstatement was made from the knowledge of what might happen to her, cannot\nbe certain without reference to the records of the trial itself, as\nMather's bias is apt to distort the evidence: 'She now testifi'd, that this\n_Bishop_ tempted her to Sign the _Book_ again, and to deny what she had\nconfess'd. She affirm'd, that it was the Shape of this Prisoner, which\nwhipped her with Iron Rods, to compel her thereunto.'[827] Elizabeth\nAnderson in Renfrewshire (1696) went with her father to a witch-meeting,\n'severals of them being affraid that the Declarant would Confess, and tell\nof them as she done formerly on her Grand-mother, they threatened to tear\nher all in pieces if she did so.'[828] John Reid of the same Coven--\n\n 'after his Confession had called out of his prison Window, desiring\n Baily Scott to keep that old body Angus Forrester, who had been his\n fellow prisoner, closs and secure; whereupon the company asked John\n when they were leaving him on Friday night the 21th of May, whether he\n desired company or would be afraid alone, he said he had no fear of\n anything: So being left till Saturday in the Forenoon, he was found in\n this posture, viz. sitting upon a stool which was on the Hearth of the\n Chimney, with his feet on the floor and his Body straight upward, his\n shoulders touching the lintel of the Chimney, but his Neck tyed with\n his own neck-cloath (whereof the knot was behind) to a small stick\n thrust into a hole above the lintel of the Chimney, upon which the\n Company, especially John Campbel a Chyrurgeon who was called, thought\n at first in respect of his being in an ordinary posture of sitting,\n and the neck-cloath not having any drawn knot (or _run loup_) but an\n ordinary one which was not very strait, and the sticke not having the\n strength to bear the weight of his Body or the struggle, that he had\n not been quite dead; but finding it otherways, and that he was in such\n a Situation that he could not have been the Actor thereof himself,\n concluded that some extraordinary Agent had done it, especially\n considering that the Door of the Room was secured, and that there was\n a board set over the Window which was not there the night before when\n they left him.'[829]\n\nA similar fate befell the warlock Playfair in 1597. He was found strangled\nin his prison at Dalkeith with the 'point' of his breeches tied round his\nneck.[830]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[Footnote 735: Cotton Mather, p. 160.]\n\n[Footnote 736: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 123.]\n\n[Footnote 737: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 219, 220, 239, 240.]\n\n[Footnote 738: Potts, B 2.]\n\n[Footnote 739: Sinclair, pp. 46, 47.]\n\n[Footnote 740: Kinloch, pp. 124, 129.]\n\n[Footnote 741: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 603, 605.]\n\n[Footnote 742: Pitcairn, iii, p. 617.]\n\n[Footnote 743: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 139, 147, 148.]\n\n[Footnote 744: Id., pt. ii, pp. 291, 293.]\n\n[Footnote 745: Pitcairn, i, pt. iii, p. 246.]\n\n[Footnote 746: _Spalding Club Misc._, pp. 97, 98.]\n\n[Footnote 747: Ib., p. 115.]\n\n[Footnote 748: Fountainhall, i, p. 14.]\n\n[Footnote 749: Law, p. 145.]\n\n[Footnote 750: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 142.]\n\n[Footnote 751: _Spottiswoode Misc._, ii, p. 67.]\n\n[Footnote 752: Ib., ii, p. 68.]\n\n[Footnote 753: Sinclair, p. 219.]\n\n[Footnote 754: Pearson, ii, p. 26.]\n\n[Footnote 755: _Rehearsall_, par. 26.]\n\n[Footnote 756: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 171.]\n\n[Footnote 757: De Lancre, _L'Incredulit\u00e9_, p. 36.]\n\n[Footnote 758: Id., _Tableau_, p. 401.]\n\n[Footnote 759: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 610, 613.]\n\n[Footnote 760: Burr, p. 417.]\n\n[Footnote 761: Lemoine, _La Tradition_, 1892, vi, pp. 108, 109. The italics\nare in the original.]\n\n[Footnote 762: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 52.]\n\n[Footnote 763: _Witches taken at St. Oses._]\n\n[Footnote 764: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 245.]\n\n[Footnote 765: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 87 seq.]\n\n[Footnote 766: Potts.]\n\n[Footnote 767: Goldsmid, p. 13. Translated from the French record.]\n\n[Footnote 768: Fyfe, p. 87.]\n\n[Footnote 769: _Scottish Antiquary_, ix, pp. 50-2.]\n\n[Footnote 770: Kinloch, p. 114.]\n\n[Footnote 771: From the record of the trial in the Edinburgh Justiciary\nCourt.]\n\n[Footnote 772: Burns Begg, pp. 219 seq.]\n\n[Footnote 773: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 603-17.]\n\n[Footnote 774: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 140 seq.]\n\n[Footnote 775: _Surtees Soc._, xl, pp. 191, 192; _Denham Tracts_, ii, pp.\n300-2, 304.]\n\n[Footnote 776: Hector, i, pp. 51-6.]\n\n[Footnote 777: Cooper, _Mystery_, pp. 90-2.]\n\n[Footnote 778: Pitcairn, ii, pp. 53, 54.]\n\n[Footnote 779: Id., ii, p. 164.]\n\n[Footnote 780: Id., ii, p. 230.]\n\n[Footnote 781: Id., iii, p. 96.]\n\n[Footnote 782: _County Folklore_, iii, p. 112; _Mait. Cl. Misc._, ii, p.\n188.]\n\n[Footnote 783: Pitcairn, ii, p. 537.]\n\n[Footnote 784: _County Folklore_, iii, p. 103.]\n\n[Footnote 785: Sinclair, p. 122.]\n\n[Footnote 786: Scot, Bk. III, p. 43.]\n\n[Footnote 787: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 211, 239, 245-6.]\n\n[Footnote 788: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 293-5.]\n\n[Footnote 789: Id., pt. ii, pp. 137-8.]\n\n[Footnote 790: Id., pt. ii, pp. 293-5.]\n\n[Footnote 791: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 603, 605 seq.]\n\n[Footnote 792: Kinloch, pp. 122, 133.]\n\n[Footnote 793: Campbell, pp. 293-4.]\n\n[Footnote 794: _Berwickshire Naturalists Club_, xi, p. 265. Unfortunately\nthe author of the article gives neither her authority for the statement,\nnor any indication of the date of the occurrence.]\n\n[Footnote 795: Danaeus, ch. iv.]\n\n[Footnote 796: Gaule, p. 65.]\n\n[Footnote 797: Cooper, p. 91.]\n\n[Footnote 798: _Pleasant Treatise_, pp. 6-7.]\n\n[Footnote 799: Lea, iii, p. 525.]\n\n[Footnote 800: Remigius, pt. i, cap. xiii, p. 59.]\n\n[Footnote 801: Boguet, p. 139.]\n\n[Footnote 802: Bodin, p. 189.]\n\n[Footnote 803: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 398.]\n\n[Footnote 804: From the record of the trial in the Edinburgh Justiciary\nCourt.]\n\n[Footnote 805: Van Elven, _La Tradition_, v (1891), p. 215. The names of\nthe witches and the place are not given.]\n\n[Footnote 806: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 222; Hale, p. 37.]\n\n[Footnote 807: Pitcairn, iii, p. 613.]\n\n[Footnote 808: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 318.]\n\n[Footnote 809: _Surtees Soc._, xl, pp. 191, 195, 197.]\n\n[Footnote 810: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 217.]\n\n[Footnote 811: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 165.]\n\n[Footnote 812: Pitcairn, ii, p. 542.]\n\n[Footnote 813: Bourignon, _Vie_, p. 223; Hale, p. 38.]\n\n[Footnote 814: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 97.]\n\n[Footnote 815: Pitcairn, iii, p. 615.]\n\n[Footnote 816: Fountainhall, i, p. 14.]\n\n[Footnote 817: _Highland Papers_, iii, p. 26.]\n\n[Footnote 818: Lea, iii, p. 501.]\n\n[Footnote 819: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 163.]\n\n[Footnote 820: Remigius, ch. xviii, p. 83.]\n\n[Footnote 821: _Alse Gooderidge_, p. 43.]\n\n[Footnote 822: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 91.]\n\n[Footnote 823: _Trial of Isobel Inch_, p. 11.]\n\n[Footnote 824: Howell, iv, 842.]\n\n[Footnote 825: Lamont, p. 12. For further particulars of this lady, see\nRoss, _Aberdour and Inchcolme_, p. 339.]\n\n[Footnote 826: Horneck, pt. ii, p. 319.]\n\n[Footnote 827: Cotton Mather, p. 131.]\n\n[Footnote 828: _Narr. of the Sufferings of a Young Girle_, p. xl.]\n\n[Footnote 829: _Narr. of the Sufferings of a Young Girle_, p. xliv;\n_Sadducismus Debellatus_, pp. 43-4.]\n\n[Footnote 830: Sharpe, p 46.]\n\n\n\n\nVIII. FAMILIARS AND TRANSFORMATIONS\n\n\nThe question of familiars is one which has always puzzled the student of\nwitch-trials, and almost more than any other has been the cause of the\nbelief that hysteria and hallucination were the foundation of the witches'\nconfessions. Yet when the accounts are carefully examined, the\ncircumstantial detail given in the evidence shows that here, as elsewhere,\na foundation of fact underlies the statements of the accused. These\nstatements are often misunderstood and therefore misrepresented by the\nrecorders, and still more so by the modern commentator, but by comparison\nof the details a considerable amount of information can be gained.\n\nThe familiars can be divided into two types: (1) those by which the witch\ndivined, (2) those who attended on the witch to obey her commands.\n\n\n1. _The Divining Familiar_\n\nThe essence of this familiar is that it did not belong to the witch but was\nan animal which appeared accidentally after the performance of certain\nmagical ceremonies. Forbes puts this quite clearly when describing the\ncontract: 'The Devil on his Part articles with such Proselytes, concerning\nthe Shape he is to appear to them in, the Services they are to expect from\nhim, upon the Performance of certain Charms or ceremonious Rites.'[831]\nFrom this statement and from the facts revealed in the trials it would seem\nthat the Devil appointed to the witch, on her admission, some kind of\nanimal or animals by which she should divine, and which therefore\nrepresented himself for the time being, for he claimed the power, as God,\nto know and reveal the future. This explanation accounts for the fact that\nthe witches always spoke of such animals as the Devil and believed that\nthey could foretell the future by his means. The actual method of\ndivination is not preserved; all that remains of the ceremony are the\nwords and gestures which were used before the appearance of the animal, and\nthese only in few cases. The method was probably such as obtained in other\nplaces where auguries by animals and birds were practised, i.e. by the\ndirection and pace of the animal, by its actions, by its voice if it\nemitted any sound, and so on. The method of making such observations and of\ntranslating them when made was part of the instruction given to the witch\nby the Devil; and was usually employed to discover whether a person were\nbewitched, the ultimate result of an illness, and the length of life of any\ngiven person.\n\nIn 1566 John Walsh, of Netherberry in Dorset, who 'knoweth when anye man is\nbewytched, sayth vpon his oth, that his Familiar would sometyme come vnto\nhym lyke a gray blackish Culuer, and somtime like a brended Dog, and\nsomtimes lyke a man.'[832] In 1590 Agnes Sampson, the 'wise wife' of Keith,\nwas--\n\n 'fylit and convict, that the Dewill apperit to hir in liknes of ane\n dog, att quhom she socht her haill responsis that quhene sche wes send\n for to haill the auld Lady Edmestoune, quhene sche lay seik, befoir\n the said Agnes departit, sche tauld to the gentilwemene, that sche\n sould tell thame that nycht quhidder the Lady wald haill or nocht; and\n appointit thame to be in the gardin efter supper, betuix fyve and sax\n att ewin. Sche passit to the gairdene, to devyise vpoun hir prayer,\n one quhat tyme sche chargeit the Dewill, calling him \"Elva\", to cum\n and speik to hir, quha come in owir the dyke, in liknes of ane dog,\n and come sa neir to hir, that sche wes effrayit, and chargeit him \"on\n the law that he lewit on\", to cum na neirar, bot to ansuer hir; and\n sche demandit, Quhidder the lady wald leif or nocht. He said, \"Hir\n dayes war gane.\" Than he demandit, \"Gif the gentilwemen hir dochteres,\n quhair thay wer?\" And sche said, that \"the gentilwemen said, that thay\n war to be thair\". He ansuerit, \"Ane of thame sould be in perrell, and\n that he sould haif ane of thame.\" Sche ansuerit, \"It sould nocht be\n sa\", and swa departit fra hir zowling. Fra this tyme quhill eftir\n supper, he remanit in the wall [well]. Quhen the gentilwemen come in,\n the dog come out of the wall, and apperit to thame; quhairatt thay wer\n effrayit. In the mene tyme, ane of the said gentilwemen, the Lady\n Torsenze, ran to the wall, being forceit and drawin by the Devill,\n quha wald haif drownit hir, war nocht the said Agnes and the rest of\n the gentilwemen gatt ane gryp of hir, and with all hir [their?]\n forceis drew hir abak agane, quhilk maid thame all effrayd. The dog\n passit away thaireftir with ane zowle.'[833]\n\nMargerat Clarke, like Agnes Sampson a midwife of great reputation, was\ntried at Aberdeen in 1597 for witchcraft, in that, being sent for to a case\n\n 'and ane Androw Mar cuming for the, the Devill thy maister, quhome\n thow seruis, and quha techis the all this vytchcraft and sorcerie,\n apperit to the, in the licknes of ane horss, in ane how and den, and\n spak and conferrit with the a lang speace.--[Being sent for to another\n case] and the said guidman of Kincragie sendand his awin best horss,\n with ane boy of his awin, to bring the to his wyiff; and the said boy\n on horse cuming to the, and thow beand on the horss behind the boy,\n att thy awin dure, thy maister Satane, the Dewill, apperit in the\n licknes of ane gray staig, and convoyit the and the boy fra thy awin\n houss to Kincragie, and keipit cumpanie all the way with you, with\n quhome thow haid thy secreitt conference.--Vpone Nwris [New-year's]\n day, thow was att the loche syid besyid Boigloche, and thair thow\n pudlit be ane lang speace, thy selff alane, in ane deip holl amongis\n the watter, castand watter, erd and stone oure thi schowlderis, and\n thair was besyid the thy maister the Deuill, quhome thow seruis, in\n the licknes of ane hen flichtering, with quhome thow was thane\n consultand, and quhais directiounis than thow was taikand.'[834]\n\nIn Derbyshire in 1597, 'Whereas Alice Gooderige said her familiar was like\none William Gregories dog of Stapenhill, there arose a rumor, his dog was\nher familiar: Wherefore hee with his neighbour maister Coxe went the next\nday to examin her concerning this report; and she saide, my diuel (I say)\nwas like your dog. Now out vpon thee (saide Gregorie) and departed: she\nbeing further examined, saide she had her familiar of her mother.'[835]\nAlexander Hamilton, tried at Edinburgh in 1630, confessed that--\n\n 'haifing ane battoun of fir in his hand the devill than gave the said\n Alexr command to tak that battoun quhan evir he had ado with him and\n thairwt to strek thruse upone the ground and to nhairge him to ruse up\n foule theiff Conforme to the whilk directioun and be streking of the\n said battone thryse upone the ground the devill was in use sumtymes to\n appeir to the said Alexr in the liknes of ane corbie at uther tymes in\n the schape of ane katt and at uther tymes in the schape of ane dog and\n thereby the said Alexr did ressave reponsis frome him.--The said Alexr\n Hamiltoun coming to the said Thomas Homes house and seing him visseit\n with the said seiknes declairit to him that he was bewitchet and\n promeist to cure him thereof Lykas for this effect the said Alexr\n schortlie thereftir past to clarkingtoun burne besyde the rottoneraw\n haifing ane katt under his okister and thair wt his said battoun\n raisit Sathan his maister quha than appeirit to him in the liknes of\n ane corbie and thair instructit him be quhat meanis he sould cure the\n said Thomas of his said seiknes and he haifing ressauit that respons\n fra the devill the said Alexr thereftir cuist to him the kat quha\n therewt vanischet away'.[836]\n\nTwo of the Somerset witches in 1664 had familiars; to Elizabeth Style the\nfamiliar came as a black dog, 'and when she hath a desire to do harm, she\ncalls the Spirit by the name of _Robin_, to whom when he appeareth, she\nuseth these words, _O Sathan give me my purpose_. She then tells him what\nshe would have done. And that he should so appear to her was part of her\nContract with him.--Alice Duke saith, that when the Devil doth any thing\nfor her, she calls for him by the name of _Robin_, upon which he appears,\nand when in the shape of a Man, she can hear him speak'.[837] This shows\nthat the familiar, or Devil as she called him, was not always in the form\nof a man. The trial of Margaret Nin-Gilbert at Thurso was as late as 1719:\n'Being interrogat, If ever the devil appeared afterwards to her? Confessed,\nThat sometimes he appeared in the likeness of a great black horse, and\nother times riding on a black horse, and that he appeared sometimes in the\nlikeness of a black cloud, and sometimes like a black henn'.[838]\n\n\n2. _The Domestic Familiar_\n\nForbes, the great Scotch lawyer, says that 'to some he [the Devil] gives\ncertain Spirits or Imps to correspond with, and serve them as their\nFamiliars, known to them by some odd Names, to which they answer when\ncalled. These Imps are said to be kept in Pots or other Vessels.'[839]\nThough the domestic familiar is thus mentioned in the law of Scotland, it\nnever occurs in the trials. It is confined so strictly to England that\nHutchinson is able to say 'I meet with little mention of _Imps_ in any\nCountry but ours, where the Law makes the feeding, suckling, or rewarding\nof them to be Felony'.[840] It is not found north of Lancashire, and the\nchief records are in Essex, Suffolk, and the other Eastern counties.\n\nThe domestic familiar was always a small animal, was fed in a special\nmanner on bread and milk and blood, and was kept, as Forbes points out, in\na box or earthen pot on a bed of wool. It was used for working magic on the\npersons and property of other people, never for divining. Giffard records\nthe general belief: 'The witches have their spirits, some hath one, some\nhath more, as two, three, foure, or five, some in one likenesse, and some\nin another, as like cats, weasils, toades, or mise, whom they nourish with\nmilke or with a chicken, or by letting them suck now and then a drop of\nbloud.'[841]\n\nIn the earlier trials the witches confessed to pricking the hands or face\nand giving the resulting drop or drops of blood to the familiar. In the\nlater trials this has developed into the sucking of the witch's blood by\nthe familiar; and the supernumerary nipple, which was so marked a feature\nof the English witches, was popularly supposed to be caused by such\nsucking. It is more probable, however, that the witch who was possessed of\na supernumerary nipple would regard it as something supernatural, and would\nuse it to nourish a supernatural animal.\n\nElizabeth Francis, tried at Chelmsford in 1556,\n\n 'learned this arte of witchcraft of hyr grandmother whose nam mother\n Eue. Item when shee taughte it her, she counseiled her to renounce God\n and his worde and to geue of her bloudde to Sathan (as she termed it)\n whyche she delyuered her in the lykenesse of a whyte spotted Catte,\n and taughte her to feede the sayde Catte with breade and mylke, and\n she dyd so, also she taughte her to cal it by the name of Sathan and\n to kepe it in a basket. Item that euery tyme that he did any thynge\n for her, she sayde that he required a drop of bloude, which she gaue\n him by prycking herselfe, sometime in one place and then in an other.\n When shee had kept this Cat by the space of XV or XVI yeare, and as\n some saye (though vntruly) beinge wery of it, she came to one mother\n Waterhouse her neyghbour, she brought her this cat in her apron and\n taught her as she was instructed by her grandmother Eue, telling her\n that she must cal him Sathan and geue him of her bloude and breade and\n milke as before.--Mother Waterhouse receyued this cat of this Frances\n wife in the order as is before sayde. She (to trye him what he coulde\n do) wyld him to kyll a hog of her owne, which he dyd, and she gaue him\n for his labour a chicken, which he fyrste required of her and a drop\n of her blod. And thys she gaue him at all times when he dyd anythynge\n for her, by pricking her hand or face and puttinge the bloud to hys\n mouth whyche he sucked, and forthwith wold lye downe in hys pot\n againe, wherein she kepte him. Another tym she rewarded hym as before,\n wyth a chicken and a droppe of her bloud, which chicken he eate vp\n cleane as he didde al the rest, and she cold fynde remaining neyther\n bones nor fethers. Also she said that when she wolde wyl him to do any\n thinge for her, she wolde say her Pater noster in laten. Item, this\n mother Waterhouse confessed that shee fyrst turned this Cat into a\n tode by this meanes, she kept the cat a great while in woll in a pot,\n and at length being moued by pouertie to occupie the woll, she praied\n in the name of the father and of the sonne, and of the holy ghost that\n it wold turne into a tode, and forthwith it was turned into a tode,\n and so kept it in the pot without woll.'[842]\n\nIn 1579 at Windsor--\n\n 'one Mother Dutton dwellyng in Cleworthe Parishe keepeth a Spirite or\n Feende in the likenesse of a Toade, and fedeth the same Feende liyng\n in a border of greene Hearbes, within her Garden, with blood whiche\n she causeth to issue from her owne flancke. Mother Deuell, dwellyng\n nigh the Ponde in Windesore, hath a Spirite in the shape of a Blacke\n Catte, and calleth it Gille, whereby she is aided in her Witchcrafte,\n and she daiely feedeth it with Milke, mingled with her owne bloud.\n Mother Margaret, dwellying in the Almeshouse at Windesore, dooeth\n feede a Kitlyng or Feende by her named Ginnie, with crummes of bread\n and her owne blood. The saied Elizabeth Stile, of her self confesseth\n that she the same Elizabeth kept a Ratte, beeyng in very deede a\n wicked Spirite, namyng it Philip, and that she fedde the same Ratte\n with bloode, issuing from her right handwrest, the markes whereof\n euidently remaine.'[843]\n\nAt St. Osyth in Essex in 1582 Thomas Rabbet, aged eight, said that his\nmother Ursley Kemp 'hath foure seuerall spirites, the one called Tyffin,\nthe other Tittey, the third Pigine, and the fourth Iacke: and being asked\nof what colours they were, saith, that Tyttey is like a little grey\nCat,[844] Tyffin is like a white lambe, Pygine is black like a Toad, and\nIacke is blacke like a Cat. And hee saith, hee hath seen his mother at\ntimes to giue th[~e] beere to drinke, and of a white Lofe or Cake to eate,\nand saith that in the night time the said spirites will come to his mother,\nand sucke blood of her vpon her armes and other places of her body.' Febey\nHunt, stepdaughter of Ales Hunt, one of the accused witches, stated that\n'shee hath seen her mother to haue two little thinges like horses,[845] the\none white, the other blacke, the which shee kept in a little lowe earthen\npot with woll, colour white and blacke, and that they stoode in her chamber\nby her bed side, and saith, that shee hath seene her mother to feede them\nwith milke'. Ales Hunt herself said that 'shee had within VI. dayes before\nthis examination two spirits, like unto little Coltes, the one blacke, and\nthe other white: And saith she called them by the names of _Iacke_ and\n_Robbin_. This Examinate saith that her sister (named Margerie Sammon) hath\nalso two spirites like Toades, the one called _Tom_, and the other\n_Robbyn_.' Ursley Kemp confessed that 'about a quarter of a yere past, she\nwent vnto mother Bennets house for a messe of milke, the which shee had\npromised her: But at her comming this examinate saith shee knocked at her\ndore, and no bodie made her any answere, whereupon shee went to her chamber\nwindowe and looked in therat, saying, ho, ho, mother Bennet are you at\nhome: And casting her eyes aside, shee saw a spirit lift up a clothe,\nlying ouer a pot, looking much lik a Ferret. And it being asked of this\nexaminate why the spirite did looke vpon her, shee said it was hungrie'.\nElizabeth Bennet acknowledged that she had two 'spirits, one called\n_Suckin_, being blacke like a Dogge, the other called _Lierd_, beeing red\nlike a Lion. Suckin this examinat saith is a hee, and the other a shee.\nMany tymes they drinke of her milke bowle. And when, and as often as they\ndid drinke of the mylke: This Examynate saith they went into the sayd\nearthen pot, and lay in the wooll.' Ursley Kemp also gave evidence\nconcerning Ales Hunt's familiars: 'About the foureteene or fifteene day of\nJanuarie last, shee went to the house of William Hunt to see howe his wife\ndid, and shee being from home, shee called at her chamber window and looked\nin, and then espied a spirite to looke out of a potcharde from vnder a\nclothe, the nose thereof beeing browne like vnto a Ferret.'[846] In 1588 in\nEssex an old woman, whose name is not given,\n\n 'confessed all: Which was this in effect: that she had three spirits:\n one like a cat, which she called Lightfoot, another like a toad, which\n she called Lunch, the third like a Weasill, which she called\n Makeshift. This Lightfoot, she said, one mother Barlie of W. solde her\n aboue sixteene yeares agoe, for an ouen cake, and told her the Cat\n would doe her good seruice, if she woulde, she might send her of her\n errand: this Cat was with her but a while, but the Weasill and the\n Toad came and offered their seruice: The Cat would kill kine, the\n Weasil would kill horses, the Toad would plague men in their\n bodies.--There was one olde mother W. of great T. which had a spirite\n like a Weasill: she was offended highlie with one H. M. home she went,\n and called forth her spirite, which lay in a pot of woll vnder her\n bed, she willed him to goe plague the man; he required what she would\n give him. She said she would give him a cocke, which she did.' Another\n Mother W. 'sayd she had a spirit in the likenesse of a yellow dun\n cat'.[847]\n\nIn Lancashire in 1613 old mother Demdike confessed that 'vpon a Sabbath day\nin the morning, this Examinate hauing a litle Child vpon her knee, and she\nbeing in a slumber, the sayd Spirit appeared vnto her in the likenes of a\nbrowne Dogg, forcing himselfe to her knee, to get blood vnder her left\nArme: and she being without any apparrell sauing her Smocke, the said\nDeuill did get blood vnder her left arme'.[848] Of the witches who plagued\nthe Fairfax family at Fewstone in 1621, five had domestic familiars:\nMargaret Waite's was 'a deformed thing with many feet, black of colour,\nrough with hair, the bigness of a cat'; her daughter, Margaret Waite, had\nas 'her spirit, a white cat spotted with black, and named Inges'; Jennet\nDibble had 'her spirit in the shape of a great black cat called Gibbe,\nwhich hath attended her now above 40 years'; Dibble's daughter, Margaret\nThorpe, had a 'familiar in the shape of a bird, yellow of colour, about the\nbigness of a crow--the name of it is Tewhit'; Elizabeth Dickenson's spirit\nwas 'in the likeness of a white cat, which she calleth Fillie, she hath\nkept it twenty years'.[849] The witch of Edmonton, Elizabeth Sawyer, in\n1621, said: 'It is eight yeares since our first acquaintance, and three\ntimes in the weeke, the Diuell would come and see mee; he would come\nsometimes in the morning, and sometimes in the evening. Alwayes in the\nshape of a dogge, and of two collars, sometimes of blacke and sometimes of\nwhite. I gaue him leaue to sucke of my bloud, the which hee asked of me.\nWhen he came barking to mee he then had done the mischiefe that I did bid\nhim to doe for me. I did call the Diuell by the name of Tom. I did stroake\nhim on the backe, and then he would becke vnto me, and wagge his tayle as\nbeing therewith contented.'[850] Margaret Johnson, another Lancashire witch\nin 1633, 'alsoe saith, yt when her devill did come to sucke her pappe, hee\nusually came to her in ye liknes of a cat, sometymes of one colour, and\nsometymes on (_sic_) an other. And yt since this trouble befell her, her\nspirit hath left her, and shee never sawe him since.'[851]\n\nFrom 1645 to 1647 are the chief records of the witch trials of Essex and\nthe eastern counties, celebrated as the scene of Matthew Hopkins's work.\nThe Essex trials took place in 1645: John Sterne, Hopkins's assistant,\ndeposed that when watching Elizabeth Clarke,\n\n 'the said Elizabeth desired this informant, and the rest that were in\n the roome with her, to sit downe, and said, shee would shew this\n informant and the rest some of her impes: and within halfe an houre\n there appeared a white thing in the likeness of a cat, but not\n altogether so big: and being asked, if she would not be afraid of her\n impes, the said Elizabeth answered, \"What, do yee think I am afraid of\n my children?\" And that shee called the name of that white impe, Hoult.\n And this informant further saith, That presently after there appeared\n another white impe, with red spots, as big as a small dog, which shee\n then called Jarmara: and that immediately after, there appeared at the\n threshold of the doore another impe about the bignesse of the first,\n but did presently vanish away. And then the said Elizabeth being\n asked, if any more impes would come? she answered, \"That Vinegar Tom\n would come by and by\". And forthwith there appeared another in the\n likenesse of a dumb dogge, somewhat bigger than any of the former. And\n the said Elizabeth also told this informant, that shee had three impes\n from her mother, which were of a browne colour, and two from the old\n beldam Weste; and that there had five [? four] impes appeared, but\n shee had one more, called Sack and Sugar. And the said Elizabeth\n further confessed to this informant, that shee had one impe for which\n she would fight up to the knees in bloud, before shee would lose it;\n and that her impes did commonly suck on the old beldam Weste, and that\n the said beldam's impes did suck on her the said Elizabeth\n likewise.--Anne Leech saith, That she had a grey impe sent to her, and\n that this examinant, together with the said Elizabeth Clark, and\n Elizabeth the wife of Edward Gooding, did about a yeer since, send\n their imps to kill a black cowe and a white cowe of Mr. Edwards, which\n was done accordingly. And this examinant saith, that she sent her grey\n impe, Elizabeth Clark a black imp, and Elizabeth Gooding a white imp.\n And this examinant confesseth, that she and the said Elizabeth\n Gooding, sent either of them an imp to destroy the childe of the said\n Mr. Edwards; this examinant's imp being then a white one, and\n Elizabeth Gooding's a black imp; and that about thirty yeers since,\n this examinant had the said white imp and two others, a grey and a\n black imp of one Anne, the wife of Robert Pearce of Stoak in Suffolk,\n being her brother; and that these imps went commonly from one to\n another, and did mischief where ever they went; and that when this\n examinant did not send and imploy them abroad to do mischief, she had\n not her health, but when they were imployed, she was healthfull and\n well, and that these imps did usually suck those teats which were\n found about the privie parts of her body.--Hellen Clark confesseth,\n that about six weeks since, the Devill appeared to her in her house,\n in the likenesse of a white dog, and that she calleth that familiar\n Elimanzer; and that this examinant hath often fed him with milk\n pottage.--Rebecca West saith, that about a moneth since, the aforesaid\n Anne Leech, Elizabeth Gooding, Hellen Clark, Anne West, and this\n examinant, met all together at the house of the aforesaid Elizabeth\n Clark in Mannyntree, where they spent some time in praying unto their\n familiars, and every one in order went to prayers; afterwards some of\n them read in a book, the book being Elizabeth Clarks; and this\n examinant saith, that forthwith their familiars appeared, and every\n one of them made their severall propositions to those familiars, what\n every one of them desired to have effected.--The Information of\n Matthew Hopkins, Gent. taken upon oath before the said Justices. This\n informant saith, That being lately at Colchester, he went to the\n castle, where the said Rebecca Weste, with the other five, are secured\n until the next gaole delivery: and this informant going to Rebecca\n Weste, and asking her how shee came first to be a witch, the said\n Rebecca told this informant, that about a yeare since, or thereabouts,\n halfe an houre before sun-set, the said Anne Weste (her mother)\n carried the said Rebecca Weste towards Mannintree (which is about a\n small mile from the place where the said Anne dwelt) and the said\n Rebecca told this informant, that as her mother and shee walked\n together, the said Anne told the said Rebecca, shee must keepe secret\n whatsoever shee saw, whither they were then going; and the said\n Rebecca promised so to doe; and the said Rebecca told this informant,\n that her mother and shee went to the house of the aforesaid Elizabeth\n Clarke, where at their comming in they found the aforesaid Anne Leech,\n widow, Elizabeth Gooding, Hellen Clarke, and the house-keeper\n Elizabeth Clarke, and that forthwith the Devill appeared to them in\n the shape of a dogge; afterwards in the shape of two kitlyns; then in\n the shape of two dogges; and that the said familiars did doe homage in\n the first place to the said Elizabeth Clarke, and skipped up into her\n lap and kissed her; and then went and kissed all that were in the\n roome, except the said Rebecca: and the said Rebecca told this\n informant, that immediately one of the company asked the said Anne her\n mother, if shee had acquainted her daughter (the said Rebecca) with\n the businesse. [Rebecca then took an oath of secrecy]; after she had\n consented to all these things, the Devill came into her lap, and\n kissed her, and promised to doe for her what she could desire.--The\n Information of Elizabeth Otley of Wyvenhoe, taken upon oath before the\n said justices. This informant saith, that Alice Dixon, who now stands\n committed for a suspected witch, did in the presence of Mary Johnson\n of the same town, charge and accuse the said Mary Johnson to be the\n death of this informant's child, saying, that the said Mary Johnson\n did carry an impe in her pocket to this informant's house, and put the\n said impe into the house, at an hole in the doore, bidding it go rock\n the cradle, and do the businesse she sent it about.--The Information\n of Joseph Long, Minister of Clacton in the County of Essex, taken\n before the said Justices. This informant saith, that Anne the wife of\n John Cooper of Clacton aforesaid, being accused for a witch: Confessed\n unto this informant, that she the said Anne hath had three black impes\n suckled on the lower parts of her body; called by the names of Wynowe,\n Jeso, and Panu. And the said Anne further confessed unto this\n informant, that she the said Anne offered to give unto her daughter\n Sarah Cooper an impe in the likenes of a gray kite [kit], to suck on\n the said Sarah; which impes name the said Anne called Tom boy; and\n told the said Sarah, there was a cat for her.--This informant Henry\n Cornwall saith, that the said Margaret [Moone] did confesse to him\n that she had twelve impes, and called them by their names; of which he\n remembers onely these following: Jesus, Jockey, Sandy, Mrit.\n Elizabeth, and Collyn.--The information of Francis Milles, taken upon\n oath before the said Justices. This informant saith, that she asking\n the said Margaret [Moone] for her impes, which sucked those teats; she\n said, if she might have some bread and beere, she would call her said\n impes; which being given unto her, she put the bread into the beere,\n and set it against an hole in the wall, and made a circle round the\n pot, and then cried, Come Christ, come Christ, come Mounsier, come\n Mounsier: And no impe appearing, she cried out and said, she had\n devilish daughters, which had carried her impes away in a white bagge,\n and wished they might be searched.--The information of Francis Stock,\n and John Felgate, taken upon oath before the said Justices. The said\n Francis and John say, that the said Sarah Barton, told them, that the\n said Marian [Hocket] had given and delivered unto her the said Sarah\n three imps, and that the said Marian called them by the names of\n Littleman, Pretty-man, and Dainty.--This examinant, Elizabeth Harvie\n saith, that about halfe a yeer since, the said Marian Hocket brought\n three things to her house, two of them being smaller than mouses, and\n the other somewhat bigger and longer; and that the said Marian told\n this examinant they were pretty things, and would do her and this\n examinant good, if shee this examinant would keep them.--Rose\n Hallybread saith, that about fifteen or sixteen yeers since, there was\n an imp brought to her house by one Goodwife Hagtree, which imp this\n examinant entertained, fed it with oatmeale, and suckled it on her\n body, for the space of a yeer and a halfe, or thereabouts, and then\n lost it: And this examinant further saith, that about half a yeer\n since, one Joyce Boanes (who is now also accused for Witchcraft),\n brought to this examinants house another imp, in the likenesse of a\n small grey bird, which this examinant received. And this examinant\n further saith, that about eight dayes since, Susan Cock, Margaret\n Landish, and Joyce Boanes, (all which stand now suspected for\n Witchcraft) brought to this examinants house each of them an imp, (in\n all three) to which this examinant added one of her own imps; and then\n the said Joyce Boanes carryed the said four imps to the house of one\n Robert Turner, to torment his servant.--Joyce Boanes saith, that about\n thirteen yeers since, shee had two imps which came into the bed to her\n in the likenesse of mouses, and that they sucked on this examinants\n body. And this examinant also saith, that she carried one of her said\n imps, called Rug, to the house of the said Rose Hallybread; and that\n her said imp Rug, with the three imps of the said Rose Hallybread,\n Susan Cock, and Margaret Landish, each of them sending one, were\n carried by this examinant from the house of the said Rose Hallybread,\n to the house of the said Robert Turner to kill the servant of the said\n Robert.--Susan Cock saith, that about three or four yeeres since, one\n Margery Stoakes, this examinants mother, lying upon her death-bed, and\n this examinant comming to visit her, shee the said Margery desired\n this examinant privately to give entertainment to two of her imps, and\n withall told this examinant, they would do this examinant good: And\n this examinant saith, that the same night her said mother dyed, the\n said two imps came to her accordingly, and sucked on her body: And\n this examinant saith, that one of the said imps was like a mouse, and\n the name of that was Susan; that the other was of a yellow colour,\n about the bigness of a cat; and that the name of that imp was\n Besse.--Rebecca Jones saith, that as shee was going to St. Osyth\n (where this examinant doth now dwell) to sell her said masters butter,\n a man met with her, being in a ragged sute, and having such great\n eyes, that this examinant was much afraid of him; who came to this\n examinant, and gave her three things like to moules, having foure feet\n a piece, but without tayles, and of a black colour, and bid this\n examinant nurse the said three things, untill he did desire them\n againe; And this examinant asked the said man, what she should give\n them to eate, and he told this examinant milke, and that they would\n not hurt her, and wished her not to be afraid of them. And the said\n man told this examinant, that those three things which he gave her,\n would avenge her on her enemies, and bid her murther some, but not too\n many, and he would forgive her; and then went away from this\n examinant. And this examinant saith, that the names of her three imps\n were Margaret, Amie, and Susan. And that a while after, this examinant\n and one Joyce Boanes, now in prison, did send each of them an impe to\n kill one Thomas Bumstead of St. Osyth: And that the impe which the\n said Joyce Boanes sent was a dund one like unto a mouse.--Johan Cooper\n saith, That she hath been a witch about twenty yeers, and hath three\n familiars, two like mouses, and the third like a frog; the names of\n the two like mouses are Jack, and the other Prickeare, and the name of\n the third, like a frog, is Frog.--Anne Cate saith, That she hath four\n familiars, which shee had from her mother, about two and twenty yeeres\n since, and that the names of the said imps are James, Prickeare,\n Robyn, and Sparrow: and that three of these imps are like mouses, and\n the fourth like a sparrow, which she called Sparrow.'[852]\n\nIn 1646 the Huntingdonshire witches were tried. Elizabeth Weed of Great\nCatworth confessed that--\n\n 'about one and twenty yeares since she being saying her Prayers in the\n evening about bedtime, there did appeare unto her three Spirits, one\n in the likeness of a young man or boy, and the other two of two\n Puppies, the one white and the other black. Being demanded the name of\n the lesser Spirits, shee saith the name of the white one was Lilly,\n and the blacke one Priscill; and that the office of Lilly was to hurt\n man, woman, or childe; and the office of Priscill was to hurt Cattell\n when she desired.--Francis Moore saith, that about eight yeares since\n she received a little blacke puppy from one Margaret Simson of great\n Catworth, which dog the said Margaret had in her bed with her, and\n took it thence when she gave it to the Examinate: The Examinate\n further saith, that the said Margaret told her, that she must keep\n that dogge all her life time; and if she cursed any Cattell, and set\n the same dog upon them, they should presently dye, and the said\n Margaret told her that she had named it already, his name was Pretty.\n And the said Examinate further saith, that about the same time one\n goodwife Weed gave her a white Cat, telling her, that if she would\n deny God, and affirme the same by her bloud, then whomsoever she\n cursed and sent that Cat unto, they should dye shortly after.\n Whereupon the said Examinate saith that shee did deny God, and in\n affirmation thereof shee pricked her finger with a thorne, whence\n issued bloud, which the Cat presently licked, and the said gooodwife\n (_sic_) Weed named the Cat _Tissy_. And she further saith, that she\n killed the said Dog and Cat about a yeare since.--Joan Wallis of\n Keiston said [that the Devil came to her] and shee asked what his name\n was, and he said his name was Blackeman, and asked her if she were\n poore, and she said I; then he told her he would send one Grissell and\n Greedigut to her, that shall do any thing for her. And after Blackman\n was departed from her, within three or four dayes, Grissell and\n Greedigut came to her, in the shapes of dogges with great brisles of\n hogges haire upon their backs.' The accounts given by John Winnick,\n Ellen Shepheard, and Anne Desborough suggest that they are confused\n amplifications of the ritual to be observed in taking a familiar, the\n ritual being clearly given in the confession of Francis Moore when she\n was presented with the cat Tissy. John Winnick said, 'On a Friday\n being in the barne [where he lost his purse] there appeared unto him a\n Spirit, blacke and shaggy, and having pawes like a Beare, but in bulk\n not fully so big as a Coney. The Spirit asked him what he ailed to be\n so sorrowfull, this Examinate answered that he had lost a purse and\n money, and knew not how to come by it againe. The Spirit replied, if\n you will forsake God and Christ, and fall down and worship me for your\n God, I will help you to your purse and mony againe: This Examinate\n said he would, and thereupon fell down upon his knees and held up his\n hands. Then the Spirit said, tomorrow about this time of the day, you\n shall find your purse. Whereupon at the time prefixed, this Examinate\n went unto the place, and found his purse upon the floore and tooke it\n up, and looking afterwards into it, he found there all the money that\n was formerly lost: but before he had looked into it, the same Spirit\n appears unto him, and said, there is your purse and your money in it:\n and then this Examinate fell downe upon his knees and said, my Lord\n and God I thanke you. The said Spirit at that time brought with him\n two other Spirits, for shape, bignesse, and colour, the one like a\n white Cat, the other like a grey Coney: and while this Examinate was\n upon his knees, the Beare Spirit spake to him, saying, you must\n worship these two Spirits as you worship me, and take them for your\n Gods also: then this Examinate directed his bodie towards them, and\n call'd them his Lords and Gods. Then the Beare Spirit told him that\n when he dyed he must have his soule, whereunto this Examinate yielded.\n Hee told him then also that they must suck of his body, to which this\n Examinate also yielded.--Ellen Shepheard saith that about five years\n since, when she was in her homsted at Molesworth, there appeared unto\n her a Spirit, somewhat like a Rat, but not fully so big, of an\n iron-grey colour, and said you must goe with me, and she said, I will\n not, avoid Satan, and thereupon he went away. Shee saith, that within\n a short time after, going into the field, cursing, and fretting, and\n blaspheming, there appeared three Spirits more with the former in the\n fashion of Rats, of an iron-grey, and said, you must forsake God and\n Christ, and goe with me, and take those Spirits for your Gods, and you\n shall have all happinesse, whereunto she consented: And moreover they\n said unto her, that when she dyed, they must have her body and soule,\n and said they must have blood from her, which she granted, and\n thereupon they sucked her upon and about her hippes.--Anne Desborough\n confesseth, that about thirty yeares since, the first weeke of Cleane\n Lent, there appeared unto her a thing some-what bigger than a Mouse,\n of a brown colour, and of the likenesse of a mouse. This was while\n shee lived at Tichmarsh in the County of Northampton: she being there\n in bed, and in a dreame, the said likenesse then gave her a nip, and\n thereby awakened her out of her dreame, and then told her (when she\n was awakened) that it must have part of her soule; whereupon she was\n in a great feare, and gave him no answer, but prayed to God, and\n thereupon it vanished away from her. About five dayes after, the same\n Mouse appeared to her againe, bringing with it another Mouse, about\n the bignesse of an ordinary Mouse, or very little bigger, browne like\n the former, save only that the latter had some white about the belly,\n whereas the former was all browne. Then the Mouse that first appeared,\n said, we must sucke of your body. She yielded to them, and said, they\n should; upon her yielding, they went to her and sucked of her bodie,\n where the markes are found. The bigger mouse she called Tib, and the\n lesser Jone. Tib told her that she must forsake God and Christ, and\n take them for her Gods, telling her that when she dyed, they must have\n her soule, to all which she yielded.'[853]\n\nIn Cambridgeshire in 1647 Dorothy Ellis 'saith that about thirtie yeares\nsince shee being much troubled in her minde there appeared unto hir the\nDevell in the liknes of a great catt and speak unto this ex^t and demanded\nof hir hir blood w^ch she gave hime after which the spirit in the liknes of\na catt suck upon the body of this ex^t and the first thing this ex^t\ncommanded her spirit to doe was to goe and be witch four of the cattell of\nTho. Hitch all which cattell presently died '.[854] John Palmer of St.\nAlbans in 1649, 'upon his compact with the Divel, received a flesh brand,\nor mark, upon his side, which gave suck to two familiars, the one in the\nform of a dog, which he called George, and the other in the likeness of a\nwoman, called Jezebell.'[855] Of the Somerset witches in 1664, Alice Duke\n'confesseth that her Familiar doth commonly suck her right Breast about\nseven at night, in the shape of a little Cat of a dunnish colour, which is\nas smooth as a Want, and when she is suckt, she is in a kind of a\nTrance.--Christian Green saith, The Devil doth usually suck her left Brest\nabout five of the Clock in the Morning in the likeness of an Hedghog,\nbending, and did so on Wednesday Morning last. She saith that it is painful\nto her, and that she is usually in a trance when she is suckt.'[856] In\n1665 Abre Grinset of Dunwich in Suffolk 'did confess that the Devil did\nappear in the form of a Pretty handsom Young Man first; and since Appeareth\nto her in the form of a blackish Gray Cat or Kitling, that it sucketh of a\nTett and hath drawn blood.'[857]\n\nThe only published account of the animal familiar in France shows a\ncombination of the two classes, for the creature was a toad kept in the\nhouse, fed in a particular way, and used for divination.\n\nSilvain Nevillon and Gentien le Clerc were tried at Orleans in 1614.\nSilvain confessed--\n\n 'qu'il y a des Sorciers qui nourrissent des Marionettes, qui sont de\n petits Diableteaux en forme de Crapaux, & leur font manger de la\n bouillie compos\u00e9e de laict & de farine, & leur donnent le premier\n mourceau, & n'oseroient s'absenter de leur maison sans leur demander\n cong\u00e9, & luy faut dire combien de temps ils seront absens, comme trois\n ou quatre iours, & si elles disent que c'est trop, ceux qui les\n gardent, n'osent faire leur voyage ny outre-passer leur volont\u00e9. Et\n quand ils veulent aller en marchandise ou io\u00fcer, & s\u00e7auoir s'il y fera\n bon, ils regardent si les-dites Marionettes sont ioyeuses, en ce cas\n ils vont en marchandise, ou io\u00fcer: mais si elles sont maussades &\n tristes, ils ne bougent de la maison.--Gentil ou Genti[~e] le Clerc\n dit qu'il y auoit plus d'acquest en sa Marionette qu'en Dieu. Et auoit\n veu souuent la Marionette dudit Neuillon, qui est comme vn gros\n crapaut tout noir, comme d'vne fourrure noire, & estoit dans vne\n bo\u00ebtte cach\u00e9 soubs vn carreau, qui sautoit & leuoit quand on vouloit\n donner \u00e0 manger audit crapaut. Qu'il l'a veu encore puis six sepmaines\n en la ruelle du lict dudict Neuillon, & qu'il a veu qu'il l'apportoit\n vne autre fois dans son manteau, qu'il luy a dit vne douzaine de fois,\n que s'il vouloit il luy en feroit auoir vne. Qu'il y auoit plus profit\n en icelle qu'en Dieu, & qu'il gagneroit rien \u00e0 regarder Dieu: mais que\n sa Marionette luy apportoit tousiours quelque chose.'[858] With this\n may be compared the account of a Lapp familiar in 1653: 'Dans chaque\n maison il y a un gros chat noir, duquel ils font grand estime, parlant\n \u00e0 luy comme s'il avoit de la raison, ne font rien qu'il ne luy\n communique, croyans qu'il leur aide en leurs entreprises, ne manquans\n tous les soirs de sortir de leurs cabannes pour le consulter, & les\n suit par tout o\u00f9 ils vont, tant \u00e0 la pesche qu'\u00e0 la chasse. Quoy que\n cet animal ait la figure d'un chat par son regard, qui est\n \u00e9pouvantable, j'ay creu & croy encore que c'est un Diable familier.'\n\n\n3. _Methods of obtaining Familiars_\n\nThere seem to have been four methods of obtaining familiars: 1, by gift\nfrom the Devil; 2, by gift from a fellow-witch; 3, by inheritance; 4, by\nmagical ceremonies. Of these, Nos. 2 and 3 appear to be confined to the\ndomestic familiar, consequently they are found chiefly in the eastern\ncounties of England.\n\n1. The gift of the Devil was sometimes a divining familiar, sometimes a\ndomestic familiar, commonly presented at the admission ceremony. As the\ndivining familiar it represented the Devil himself, and the 'responses'\nreceived to questions were believed to come from him. As the essential\npoint of this class of familiar was that it should be a species of animals\nand not one special animal, the devil merely appointed to the witch what\nspecies she should observe in divining. The domestic familiar, being a\nsmall animal, could be actually given into the hands of the witch, with\ninstructions for its feeding and for the method of using it. It was\nsometimes, but not always, identified with the devil, and was usually[859]\ncalled an 'imp',[860] perhaps with the idea of a small or\nminiature Devil, like the Marionette of Silvain Nevillon. It acted as the\nDevil's substitute when he himself was not present, and was endowed with\nsome, though not all, of his power; for this reason the witch often had\nmore than one familiar, each to serve a single purpose. In 1645 at Ipswich\nMother Lakeland confessed that after she had signed the covenant with the\nDevil, 'he furnished her with three Imps, two little Dogs and a Mole.'[861]\nIn the same year, Rebecca Jones, an Essex witch,\n\n 'saith, that as shee was going to St Osyth to sell her masters butter,\n a man met with her, being in a ragged sute, and having such great\n eyes, that this examinant was much afraid of him; who came to this\n examinant and gave her three things like to moules, having foure feet\n a piece, but without tayles, and of a black colour, and bid this\n examinant nurse the said three things, untill he did desire them\n againe; And the said man told this examinant, that those three things\n which he gave her, would avenge her on her enemies, and bid her\n murther some, but not too many, and he would forgive her; and then\n went away from this examinant.'[862]\n\nIn 1646 the Huntingdonshire witch, Joane Wallis, said that Blackman 'told\nher he would send one Grissell and Greedigut to her, that shall do any\nthing for her. And after Blackman was departed from her, within three or\nfour dayes, Grissell and Greedigut came to her, in the shapes of\ndogges.'[863] Another witch of the same Coven, Elizabeth Weed, confessed\nthat 'there did appeare unto her three Spirits, one in the likenesse of a\nyoung man or boy, and the other two of two Puppies, the one white and the\nother black.'[864]\n\n2. The gift from a fellow-witch was always a domestic familiar, as to the\nDevil alone belonged the power of appointing a divining familiar; therefore\nthis method of obtaining a familiar is found only in the eastern counties\nand other places where the domestic or sucking familiar is recorded. In\n1556 Elizabeth Francis, whose evidence was corroborated by Mother\nWaterhouse, said that 'she came to one mother Waterhouse her neighbour, she\nbrought her this cat in her apron and taught her as she was instructed by\nher grandmother Eue, telling her that she must cal him Sathan and geue him\nof her bloude and bread and milke as before.--Mother Waterhouse said, she\nreceyued this cat of this Frances wife in the order as is before\nsayde.'[865] In 1566 John Walsh, the Dorset witch, 'being demaunded whether\nhe had euer any Familiar or no: he sayth that he had one of his sayde\nmayster. He being demaunded howe long he had the vse of the Familiar: He\nsayd one yeare by his sayd maister's life, and iiii yeres after his\ndeath.'[866] An Essex witch in 1588 had three familiars, 'one like a cat,\nwhich she called Lightfoot. This Lightfoote, she said, one mother Barlie,\nof W., solde her aboue sixteene yeares ago, for an ouen cake, and told her\nthe Cat would do her good seruice, if she woulde, she might send her of her\nerrand.'[867] At Orleans in 1614 Gentil le Clerc said that he had seen\nNevillon's familiar, and that Nevillon 'luy a dit vne douzaine de fois, que\ns'il vouloit il luy en feroit auoir vne'.[868] Elizabeth Clarke in Essex in\n1645 said she 'had three impes from her mother, which were of a broune\ncolour, and two from old beldam Weste. The said Anne Weste seemed much to\npitie this examinant for her lamenesse (having but one leg) and her\npoverty; And said to this examinant, That there was wayes and meanes for\nher to live much better then now shee did: And said, that shee would send\nto this examinant a thing like a little kitlyn, which would fetch home some\nvictualls for this examinant; and that it should doe her no hurt.'[869] The\nHuntingdonshire witch, Francis Moore, in 1646, 'saith that about eight\nyeares since she received a little blacke puppy from one Margaret Simson of\ngreat Catworth. The Examinate further saith, that the said Margaret told\nher, that she must keep that dogge all her life time; and if she cursed any\nCattell, and set the same dog upon them, they should presently dye. And the\nsaid Examinate further saith, that about the same time one goodwife Weed\ngave her a white Cat, telling her, that if she would deny God, and affirme\nthe same by her bloud, then whomsoever she cursed and sent that Cat unto,\nthey should dye shortly after.'[870]\n\n3. The profession of the witch-religion being hereditary, it is not\nuncommon to find that the familiar descended from mother to daughter. This,\nlike the familiar given by one witch to another, was the domestic familiar.\nIt was sometimes presented during the mother's lifetime or was left as a\nlegacy at her death. Elizabeth Francis in 1556 stated that 'she learned\nthis arte of witchcraft at the age of xii yeres of hyr grandmother whose\nnam mother Eue of Hatfyelde Peuerell, disseased. Item when shee taughte it\nher, she counseiled her to renounce GOD and his worde and to geue of her\nbloudde to Sathan (as she termed it) whyche she delyuered her in the\nlykenesse of a whyte spotted Catte.'[871] In 1582 Ales Hunt of St. Osyth\nconfessed to having two spirits, and 'saith, that her sister (named\nMargerie Sammon) hath also two spirites like Toades, the one called Tom,\nand the other Robbyn: And saith further, her sayde Syster and shee had the\nsayd spyrites of their Mother, Mother Barnes.'[872] In 1597 the Derbyshire\nwitch, Alse Gooderidge, stated that 'the Diuell appeared to me in lykenesse\nof a little partie-colored dog red and white, and I called him Minny. She\nsaide she had her familiar of her mother.'[873] The Essex witches, tried in\n1645, also inherited familiars from their mothers. Anne Cooper confessed\n'that she the said Anne offered to give unto her daughter Sarah Cooper an\nimpe in the likenes of a gray kite (i.e. kit, or cat), to suck on the said\nSarah.--Susan Cock saith, that about three or four yeeres since, one\nMargery Stoakes, this examinants mother, lying upon her death-bed, and this\nexaminant comming to visit her, shee the said Margery desired this\nexaminant privately to give entertainment to two of her imps, and withall\ntold this examinant, they would do this examinant good; And this examinant\nsaith, that the same night her said mother dyed, the said two imps came to\nher accordingly, and sucked on her body.--Anne Cate saith, That she hath\nfour familiars, which shee had from her mother, about two and twenty yeeres\nsince.'[874] In 1667 at Liverpool, 'Margaret Loy, being arraigned for a\nwitch, confessed she was one; and when she was asked how long she had so\nbeen, replied, Since the death of her mother, who died thirty years ago;\nand at her decease she had nothing to leave her, and this widow Bridge,\nthat were sisters, but her two spirits; and named them, the eldest spirit\nto this widow, and the other spirit to her the said Margaret Loy.'[875]\nThis inheritance of a familiar may be compared with the Lapp custom: 'The\nLaplanders bequeath their Demons as part of their inheritance, which is the\nreason that one family excels another in this magical art.'[876]\n\n4. The method of obtaining a familiar by means of magical words or actions\nis clearly described in two modern examples:\n\n 'Sometime in the beginning of the last century, two old dames attended\n the morning service at Llanddewi Brefi Church, and partook of the Holy\n Communion; but instead of eating the sacred bread like other\n communicants, they kept it in their mouths and went out. Then they\n walked round the Church outside nine times, and at the ninth time the\n Evil One came out from the Church wall in the form of a frog, to whom\n they gave the bread from their mouths, and by doing this wicked thing\n they were supposed to be selling themselves to Satan and become\n witches.--There was an old man in North Pembrokeshire, who used to say\n that he obtained the power of bewitching in the following manner: The\n bread of his first Communion he pocketed. He made pretence at eating\n it first of all, and then put it in his pocket. When he went out from\n the service there was a dog meeting him by the gate, to which he gave\n the bread, thus selling his soul to the Devil. Ever after, he\n possessed the power to bewitch.'[877]\n\nOn the analogy of these two examples, I suggest that in the accounts of\nfamiliars offering themselves to the witch, there was, previous to such\nappearance, some formula of words or some magical action which are not\nrecorded. The animal, which first appeared after such words or actions,\nwould be considered as the Devil, as in the two cases quoted above. Such an\nexplanation accounts for the statements of some of the witches that on the\nappearance of the animal they at once renounced the Christian religion and\nvowed obedience to the new God. It is noticeable that in many cases the\naccused acknowledged that, before the appearance of the animal, they had\nbeen 'banning and cursing', in other words, calling on the Devil; the\nappearance of the animal, after such summons, produced neither surprise nor\nalarm, and in fact seems to have been regarded as the effect of their\nwords.\n\nIn 1556 Joan Waterhouse, the eighteen-year-old daughter of the witch Mother\nWaterhouse, of Hatfield Peveril, being angry with another girl, 'shee\ngoinge home dydde as she had seene her mother doe, callynge Sathan, whiche\ncame to her (as she sayd) in the lykenes of a great dogge'.[878] At\nAberdeen in 1597 Agnes Wobster said that the Devil appeared 'in the liknes\nof a lamb, quhom thow callis thy God, and bletit on the, and thaireftir\nspak to the'.[879] James Device, one of the chief of the Lancashire witches\nin 1613, confessed 'that vpon Sheare Thursday was two yeares, his\nGrand-Mother Elizabeth Sothernes, alias Dembdike, did bid him this\nExaminate goe to the Church to receiue the Communion (the next day after\nbeing Good Friday) and then not to eate the Bread the Minister gaue him,\nbut to bring it and deliuer it to such a thing as should meet him in his\nway homewards: Notwithstanding her perswasions, this Examinate did eate the\nBread; and so in his comming homeward some fortie roodes off the said\nChurch, there met him a thing in the shape of a Hare, who spoke vnto this\nExaminate, and asked him whether hee had brought the Bread.'[880] In 1621\nElizabeth Sawyer, the witch of Edmonton, said that 'the first time that the\nDiuell came vnto me was, when I was cursing, swearing, and\nblaspheming'.[881] The evidence of the Huntingdonshire witches, John\nWinnick and Ellen Shepheard, in 1646 (see above, p. 219), and of Dorothy\nEllis of Cambridgeshire in 1647, also show that the animal which appeared\nto the witch after an access of emotion was at once acknowledged as God and\naccepted as the familiar. Mary Osgood of Andover in 1692 'confesses that\nabout 11 years ago, when she was in a melancholy state and condition, she\nused to walk abroad in her orchard; and upon a certain time, she saw the\nappearance of a cat, at the end of the house, which yet she thought was a\nreal cat. However, at that time, it diverted her from praying to God, and\ninstead thereof she prayed to the devil.[882]\n\nThe familiars in human form were human beings usually of the sex opposite\nto that of the witch. As these familiars were generally called 'Devils' it\nis sometimes difficult to distinguish them from the Grand-master;[883] but\nthe evidence, taken as a whole, suggests that at certain parts of the\nritual every individual of the company was known as a Devil. This\nsuggestion is borne out in the modern survival of an ancient dance in the\nBasses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es, where the dancers to this day are called Satans.[884]\n\nLady Alice Kyteler, in 1324, was accused that the Devil came to her\n'quandoque in specie cujusdam aethiopis cum duobus sociis'.[885] In 1598\nthe Lyons witches, Thievenne Paget and Antoine Tornier, speak of 'leurs\nDemons' as distinct from the great Devil, and the evidence of all the other\nwitches shows that 'il y a encor des Demons, qui assistent \u00e0 ces\ndanses'.[886] De Lancre says that there was more than one Devil: the great\none, who was called Ma\u00eetre Leonard, and a little one called Ma\u00eetre Jean\nMullin. It was this smaller Devil who held the meetings in the absence of\nthe Chief:\n\n 'en la place du Gr\u00e3d maistre, il n'y auoit qu'vn petit Diable ou Demon\n qui n'auoit point de cornes, lequel ne contentoit pas la compagnie\n comme son maistre. Qu'elles n'auoient tant de confiance en toute la\n trouppe des mauuais Anges qu'en celuy seul qu'ils auoient accoustum\u00e9\n d'adorer & seruir.--\u00c0 table on se sied selon sa qualit\u00e9, ayant chacun\n son Demon assis aupr\u00e9s, & parfois vis \u00e0 vis. Et quand ils ont mang\u00e9,\n chaque Demon pr\u00e8d sa disciple par la main, & danse auec elle.'[887]\n\nIn 1618 Joan Willimott of Leicester confessed 'that shee hath a Spirit\nwhich shee calleth Pretty, which was giuen vnto her by William Berry, whom\nshe serued three yeares; the Spirit stood vpon the ground in the shape and\nforme of a Woman, which Spirit did aske of her her Soule, which shee then\npromised vnto it, being willed thereunto by her Master'.[888] In 1633,\nMargaret Johnson, the Lancashire witch, stated that 'besides theire\nparticular familiars or spirits, there was one greate or grand devill, or\nspirit, more eminent than the rest. Shee allsoe saith, yt if a witch have\nbut one marke, shee hath but one spirit; if two, then two spirits; if\nthree, yet but two spirits. Shee alsoe saith, that men witches usually have\nwomen spirits, and women witches men spirits.'[889] In 1649 at St. Albans a\nman witch had 'two familiars, the one in the form of a dog, which he called\nGeorge, and the other in the likeness of a woman, called Jezebell'.[890] In\n1662 at Auldearne Issobell Gowdie confessed\n\n 'ther is threttein persones in ilk Coeven; and ilk on of vs has an\n Sprit to wait wpon ws, quhan ve pleas to call wpon him. I remember not\n all the Spritis names; bot thair is on called Swein, quhilk waitis\n wpon the said Margret Wilson in Aulderne; he is still [always] clothed\n in grass-grein. The nixt Sprit is called Rorie, who waitis wpon Bessie\n Wilsone, in Aulderne; he is still clothed in yallow. The third Sprit\n is called The Roring Lyon, who waitis wpon Issobell Nicoll, in\n Lochlow, and he is still clothed in sea-grein. The fowrth Spirit is\n called Mak Hector, qwho waitis wpon Jean Martein, dawghter to the said\n Margret Wilson; he is a yowng-lyk Devill, clothed still in\n grass-grein.... The nam of the fyft Sprit is Robert the Rule, and he\n still clothed in sadd-dun, and seimis to be a Comander of the rest of\n the Spritis; and he waittis wpon Margret Brodie, in Aulderne. The name\n of the saxt Sprit is called Thieff of Hell, Wait wpon Hir Selfe; and\n he waitis also on the said Bessie Wilson. The name of the sevinth\n Sprit is called The Read Reiver; and he is my owin Spirit, that\n waittis on my selfe, and is still clothed in blak. The aucht Spirit is\n called Robert the Jackis, still clothed in dune, and seimes to be\n aiged. He is ane glaiked gowked Spirit. The nynth Spirit is called\n Laing. The tenth Spirit is named Thomas a Fearie, &c.[891] Ther wilbe\n many vther Divellis, waiting wpon our Maister Divell; bot he is bigger\n and mor awfull than the rest of the Divellis, and they all reverence\n him. I will ken them all, on by on, from vtheris, quhan they appeir\n lyk a man.'\n\nIn a later confession Issobell gave the names more fully. 'The names of owr\nDivellis that waited wpon ws, ar thes. First, Robert, the Jakis; Sanderis,\nthe Read Reaver; Thomas, the Fearie; Swein, the roaring Lion; Thieffe of\nHell, wait wpon hir self; Makhectour; Robert, the Rule; Hendrie Laing; and\nRorie.'[892] In Connecticut in 1662 'Robert Sterne testifieth as followeth:\nI saw this woman goodwife Seager in ye woods wth three more women and with\nthem I saw two black creatures like two Indians but taller. I saw the women\ndance round these black creatures and whiles I looked upon them one of the\nwomen G. Greensmith said looke who is yonder and then they ran away up the\nhill. I stood still and ye black things came towards mee and then I turned\nto come away.'[893]\n\n\n4. _Transformations into Animals_\n\nThe belief that human beings can change themselves, or be changed, into\nanimals carries with it the corollary that wounds received by a person when\nin the semblance of an animal will remain on the body after the return to\nhuman shape. This belief seems to be connected with the worship of\nanimal-gods or sacred animals, the worshipper being changed into an animal\nby being invested with the skin of the creature, by the utterance of\nmagical words, by the making of magical gestures, the wearing of a magical\nobject, or the performance of magical ceremonies. The witches of the\nsixteenth and seventeenth centuries appear to have carried on the tradition\nof the pre-Christian cults; and the stories of their transformations, when\nviewed in the light of the ancient examples, are capable of the same\nexplanation. Much confusion, however, has been caused by the religious and\nso-called scientific explanations of the contemporary commentators, as\nwell as by the unfortunate belief of modern writers in the capacity of\nwomen for hysteria. At both periods pseudo-science has prevented the\nunbiassed examination of the material.\n\nThere are no records extant of the animals held sacred by the early\ninhabitants of Great Britain, but it is remarkable that the range of the\nwitches' transformations was very limited; cats and hares were the usual\nanimals, occasionally but rarely dogs, mice, crows, rooks, and bees. In\nFrance, where the solemn sacrifice of a goat at the Sabbath points to that\nanimal being sacred, it is not surprising to find both men and women\nwitches appearing as goats and sheep. Unless there were some definite\nmeaning underlying the change of shape, there would be no reason to prevent\nthe witches from transforming themselves into animals of any species. It\nwould seem then that the witches, like the adorers of animal gods in\nearlier times, attempted to become one with their god or sacred animal by\ntaking on his form; the change being induced by the same means and being as\nreal to the witch as to Sigmund the Volsung[894] or the worshipper of\nLycaean Zeus.[895]\n\nIn the earlier cults the worshipper, on becoming an animal, changed his\noutward shape to the eye of faith alone, though his actions and probably\nhis voice proclaimed the transformation. The nearest approach to an outward\nchange was by covering the body with the skin of the animal, or by wearing\na part of the skin or a mask. The witches themselves admitted that they\nwere masked and veiled, and the evidence of other witnesses goes to prove\nthe same. Boguet suggests that the disguise was used to hide their\nidentity, which was possibly the case at times, but it seems more probable,\njudging by the evidence, that the masking and veiling were for ritual\npurposes.\n\nIn Lorraine in 1589 a male witness stated that 'indem wird er eine H\u00f6le,\nwelche sie nennen die Morelianische Klippe, gewahr, darinnen sechs Weiber\nmit Larven umb ein Tisch voll guldernen und silbernen Geschieren herumb\ntanzten'.--Bernhardt's Nicolaea said that she had seen in an open field\n'mitten am hellen Tage, einen Tantz von M\u00e4nnern und Weibern, und weil\ndieselben auff eine besondere Weise und hinterr\u00fccks tantzten, kam es ihr\nfrembd f\u00fcr, stunde derhalben still, und sahe mit allem Fleiss zu da ward\nsie gewahr, das etliche in dem Reyhen waren so Geiss und Kuhfuss\nhatten'.[896] At North Berwick in 1590 seven score witches 'danced endlong\nthe Kirk yard. John Fian, missellit [muffled, masked] led the ring.'[897]\nThe witches whom Boguet examined in 1598 confessed to using masks: 'Les\nSorciers dansent doz c\u00f5tre doz, pour ne pas estre recogneus; pour la mesme\nraison ils se masquent encor' auiourd'huy pour la plus part.--Ils se\nmasquent pour le iour d'huy, selon que Clauda Paget l'a confess\u00e9, & auec\nelle plusieurs autres.--Estienne Poicheux rapportoit que partie des femmes,\nqu'elle auoit veu\u00ebs au Sabbat, estaient voil\u00e9es. Et pour cela aussi les\nLombards par leurs loix les appellent _Mascas_.'[898] In 1609 de Lancre\npoints out that in the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es there were two grades of witches:\n'Il y en a de deux sortes. Auc[~u]s sont voilez pour do\u00f1er opinion aux\npauures que ce sont des Princes & gr\u00e3ds seigneurs. Les autres sont\ndecouuerts & tout ouuertem\u00eat d\u00e3cent, & ceux cy ne sont si pr\u00e9s du maistre,\nsi fauoris ne si employez.'[899] In 1613 Barbe, the wife of Jean-Remy Colin\nde Moyemont, said that 'elle a veu dancer les assistans en nombre de sept \u00e0\nhuict personnes, partie desquelles elle ne cognoissoit ad cause des masques\nhideux qu'elles auoient de noire.'[900]\n\nJosine Deblicq in Hainault (1616) was asked, 'Que savez vous de la\ntroisi\u00e8me danse? R. Elle eut lieu au Rond-Ch\u00eaneau, sur le chemin de\nNivelles, pr\u00e8s d'une fontaine. Il y avait bien 21 ou 22 femmes, toutes\nmasqu\u00e9es, chacune avec son amoureux accoutr\u00e9 d'un d\u00e9guisement bleu, jaune\nou noir.'[901] In 1652 a French witch 'dist qu'elles dansoient les dots\nl'une \u00e0 l'autre et qu'au milieux il y auoit vne feme masqu\u00e9e tenant vne\nchandelle'.[902]\n\nIt will be seen from the above that the witches were often disguised at the\ndance, a fact strongly suggesting that the masking was entirely ritual. As\nthe witch trials in Great Britain seldom mention, much less describe, the\ndance, it follows that the greater number of the cases of masks are found\nin France, though a few occur in Scotland, still fewer in England.\n\nThe transformation by means of an animal's skin or head is mentioned in the\n_Liber Poenitentialis_ of Theodore in 668 (see p. 21). It continued among\nthe witches, and in 1598 in the Lyons district 'il y a encor des Demons,\nqui assistent \u00e0 ces danses en forme de boucs, ou de moutons. Antoine\nTornier dit, que lors qu'elle dansoit, vn mouton noir la tenoit par la main\nauec ses pieds bien haireux, c'est \u00e0 dire rudes & reuesches'.[903]\n\nIn many cases it is very certain that the transformation was ritual and not\nactual; that is to say the witches did not attempt to change their actual\nforms but called themselves cats, hares, or other animals. In the Aberdeen\ntrials of 1596-7 the accused are stated to have 'come to the Fish Cross of\nthis burgh, under the conduct of Sathan, ye all danced about the Fish Cross\nand about the Meal market a long space'. Here there is no suggestion of any\nchange of form, yet in the accusation against Bessie Thom, who was tried\nfor the same offence, the dittay states that 'there, accompanied with thy\ndevilish companions and faction, transformed in other likeness, some in\nhares, some in cats, and some in other similitudes, ye all danced about the\nFish Cross'.[904] In 1617 in Guernsey Marie Becquet said that 'every time\nthat she went to the Sabbath, the Devil came to her, and it seemed as\nthough he transformed her into a female dog'.[905] Again at Alloa in 1658,\nMargret Duchall, describing the murder of Cowdan's bairns, said 'after they\nwar turned all in the liknes of cattis, they went in ouer Jean Lindsayis\nzaird Dyk and went to Coudans hous, whair scho declared, that the Dewill\nbeing with tham went up the stair first with margret tailzeor Besse Paton\nand elspit blak'. On the other hand, Jonet Blak and Kathren Renny, who were\nalso present and described the same scene, said nothing about the cat-form,\nthough they particularize the clothes of the other witches. Jonet Blak\nsaid, 'the diwell, margret tailzeor with ane long rok, and kathren renny\nwith the short rok and the bony las with the blak pok all went up the stair\ntogidder'; while Kathren Renny said that 'ther was ane bony las with ane\nblak pok, who went befor ower Jean Lindsayis zaird dyk and Margret tailzeor\nwith hir'.[906] The evidence of Marie Lamont (1662) suggests the same idea\nof a ritual, though not an actual, change; 'shee confessed, that shee,\nKettie Scot, and Margrat Holm, cam to Allan Orr's house in the likenesse of\nkats, and followed his wif into the chalmer'; and on another occasion 'the\ndevil turned them in likeness of kats, by shaking his hands above their\nheads'.[907] In Northumberland (1673) the same fact appears to underlie the\nevidence. Ann Armstrong declared that at a witch meeting Ann Baites 'hath\nbeen severall times in the shape of a catt and a hare, and in the shape of\na greyhound and a bee, letting the divell see how many shapes she could\nturn herself into.--They [the witches] stood all upon a bare spott of\nground, and bid this informer sing whilst they danced in severall shapes,\nfirst of a haire, then in their owne, and then in a catt, sometimes in a\nmouse, and in severall other shapes.--She see all the said persons\nbeforemencioned danceing, some in the likenesse of haires, some in the\nlikenesse of catts, others in the likenesse of bees, and some in their owne\nlikenesse.'[908]\n\nThe method of making the ritual change by means of magical words is\nrecorded in the Auldearne trials, where Isobel Gowdie, whose evidence was\npurely voluntary, gives the actual words both for the change into an animal\nand for the reversion into human form. To become a hare:\n\n 'I sall goe intill ane haire,\n With sorrow, and sych, and meikle caire,\n And I sall goe in the Divellis nam,\n Ay whill I com hom againe.'\n\nTo become a cat or a crow the same verse was used with an alteration of the\nsecond line so as to force a rhyme; instead of 'meikle caire', the words\nwere 'a blak shot' for a cat, and 'a blak thraw' for a crow or craw. To\nrevert again to the human form the words were:\n\n 'Hare, hare, God send thee care.\n I am in an hare's likeness just now,\n But I shall be in a woman's likeness even now',\n\nwith the same variation of 'a black shot' or 'a black thraw' for a cat or a\ncrow. The Auldearne witches were also able to turn one another into\nanimals:\n\n 'If we, in the shape of an cat, an crow, an hare, or any other\n likeness, &c., go to any of our neighbours houses, being Witches, we\n will say, I (or we) conjure thee Go with us (or me). And presently\n they become as we are, either cats, hares, crows, &c., and go with us\n whither we would. When one of us or more are in the shape of cats, and\n meet with any others our neighbours, we will say, Devil speed thee, Go\n thou with me. And immediately they will turn in the shape of a cat,\n and go with us.'[909]\n\nThe very simplicity of the method shows that the transformation was ritual;\nthe witch announced to her fellow that she herself was an animal, a fact\nwhich the second witch would not have known otherwise; the second witch at\nonce became a similar animal and went with the first to perform the ritual\nacts which were to follow. The witches were in their own estimation and in\nthe belief of all their comrades, to whom they communicated the fact,\nactually animals, though to the uninitiated eye their natural forms\nremained unchanged. This is probably the explanation of Marie\nd'Aspilcouette's evidence, which de Lancre records in 1609:\n\n 'Elle a veu aussi les sorcieres insignes se changer en plusieurs\n sortes de bestes, pour faire peur \u00e0 ceux qu'elles rencontroient: Mais\n celles qui se transformoyent ainsi, disoyent qu'elles n'estoyent\n veritablement transformees, mais seulement qu'elles sembloyent l'estre\n & neantmoins pendant qu'elles sont ainsi en apparences bestes, elles\n ne parlent du tout point'.[910]\n\nThe best example of transformation by means of a magical object placed on\nthe person is from Northumberland (1673), where Ann Armstrong stated that\n'Anne Forster come with a bridle, and bridled her and ridd upon her\ncrosse-leggd, till they come to [the] rest of her companions. And when she\nlight of her back, pulld the bridle of this informer's head, now in the\nlikenesse of a horse; but, when the bridle was taken of, she stood up in\nher owne shape.... This informant was ridden upon by an inchanted bridle by\nMichael Aynsly and Margaret his wife, Which inchanted bridle, when they\ntooke it of from her head, she stood upp in her owne proper person.... Jane\nBaites of Corbridge come in the forme of a gray catt with a bridle hanging\non her foote, and bridled her, and rid upon her in the name of the\ndevill.'[911] This is again a clear account of the witch herself and her\ncompanions believing in the change of form caused by the magical object in\nexactly the same way that the shamans believe in their own transformation\nby similar means.\n\nThe Devil had naturally the same power as the witches, but in a greater\ndegree. The evidence of Marie Lamont quoted above shows that he transformed\nthem into animals by a gesture only. It seems possible that this was also\nthe case with Isobel Shyrie at Forfar (1661), who was called 'Horse' and\n'the Devil's horse'. The name seems to have given rise to the idea that\n'she was shod like a mare or a horse'; she was in fact the officer or\nmessenger who brought her companions to the meetings. She was never seen in\nthe form of a horse, her transformation being probably effected by the\nDevil, in order that she might 'carry' the witches to and from the\nmeetings; Agnes Spark said that Isobel 'carried her away to Littlemiln,\n[and] carried her back again to her own house'.[912]\n\nThere is also another method of transformation, which is the simplest. The\nwitches themselves, like their contemporaries, often believed that the\nactual animals, which they saw, were human beings in animal form. Jeannette\nde Belloc, aged twenty-four, in the Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es (1609), described the\nSabbath as 'vne foire celebre de toutes sortes de choses, en laquelle\naucuns se promen[~e]t en leur propre forme, & d'autres sont transformez ne\nscayt pourquoy, en animaux. Elle n'a iamais veu aucune d'elles se\ntr\u00e3sformer en beste en sa presence, mais seulement certaines bestes courir\npar le sabbat.'[913] Helen Guthrie of Forfar (1661) states the case with\neven greater simplicity: 'The last summer except one, shee did sie John\nTailzeour somtymes in the shape of a todde, and somtymes in the shape of a\nswyn, and that the said Johne Tailzeour in these shapes went wp and doune\namong William Millne, miller at Hetherstakes, his cornes for the\ndestructioune of the same, because the said William hade taken the mylne\nouer his head; and that the diuell cam to her and pointed out Johne\nTailzeour in the forsaid shapes unto her, and told her that that wes Johne\nTailzeour.'[914]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[Footnote 831: Forbes, ii, p. 33.]\n\n[Footnote 832: _Examination of John Walsh._]\n\n[Footnote 833: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, p. 236.]\n\n[Footnote 834: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 157-60.]\n\n[Footnote 835: _Alse Gooderidge_, p. 27.]\n\n[Footnote 836: From an unpublished trial in the Justiciary Court at\nEdinburgh.]\n\n[Footnote 837: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 136, 137, 152.]\n\n[Footnote 838: Sharpe, p. 191.]\n\n[Footnote 839: Forbes, ii, pp. 33.]\n\n[Footnote 840: F. Hutchinson, _Hist. Essay_, p. 77.]\n\n[Footnote 841: Giffard, p. 18.]\n\n[Footnote 842: _Witches at Chelmsford_, pp. 24-32; Philobiblon Soc., viii.]\n\n[Footnote 843: _Rehearsall_, par. 2-5.]\n\n[Footnote 844: Also called Tissey. Compare the name of the magic cat given\nto Frances More by Goodwife Weed, p. 219.]\n\n[Footnote 845: In Ales Hunt's own confession (q. v.) the animals in\nquestion are called _colts_. I would suggest that this is _cotes_, the\nwell-known provincialism for _cats_; but the recorder understood the word\nas _colts_ and further improved it into _horses_.]\n\n[Footnote 846: _Witches taken at St. Oses_, A 3, A 5, C 3 and 4, B 2, B 5\nand C 1, B 3.]\n\n[Footnote 847: Giffard, pp. 19, 27, 39.]\n\n[Footnote 848: Potts, B 3.]\n\n[Footnote 849: Fairfax, pp. 32, 33, 34, 79, 82.]\n\n[Footnote 850: _Wonderfull Discouerie of Elisabeth Sawyer._]\n\n[Footnote 851: Whitaker, p. 216.]\n\n[Footnote 852: Howell, iv, 834 et seq.]\n\n[Footnote 853: Davenport, pp. 1-12.]\n\n[Footnote 854: Gibbons, p. 113.]\n\n[Footnote 855: Gerish, _The Divel's Delusions_, p. 12.]\n\n[Footnote 856: Glanvil, pt. ii, pp. 151, 157.]\n\n[Footnote 857: Petto, p. 18.]\n\n[Footnote 858: De Lancre, _L'Incredulit\u00e9_, pp. 801, 803.]\n\n[Footnote 859: La Martini\u00e8re, pp. 42-3 (ed. 1671).]\n\n[Footnote 860: Imp = A slip, sapling, scion; hence applied to persons with\nthe meaning child, lad, boy.]\n\n[Footnote 861: _Lawes against Witches_, p 7.]\n\n[Footnote 862: Howell, iv, 855.]\n\n[Footnote 863: Davenport, p. 12.]\n\n[Footnote 864: Id., p. 1.]\n\n[Footnote 865: _Witches at Chelmsford_, pp. 20, 29.]\n\n[Footnote 866: _Examination of John Walsh._ His master was Sir Robert\nDraiton.]\n\n[Footnote 867: Giffard, p. C., see _Percy Soc._, viii.]\n\n[Footnote 868: De Lancre, _L'Incredulit\u00e9_, p. 803.]\n\n[Footnote 869: Howell, iv, 834, 836.]\n\n[Footnote 870: Davenport, p. 5.]\n\n[Footnote 871: _Witches at Chelmsford_, p. 24. Philobiblon Soc., viii.]\n\n[Footnote 872: _Witches taken at St. Oses_, p. C 4.]\n\n[Footnote 873: _Alse Gooderidge_, pp. 26, 27.]\n\n[Footnote 874: Howell, iv, 845, 853, 856.]\n\n[Footnote 875: _Moore Rental_, Chetham Society, xii, p. 59.]\n\n[Footnote 876: Scheffer, quoting Tornaeus.]\n\n[Footnote 877: Davies, p. 231. For a similar practice in modern England,\nsee _Transactions of the Devonshire Association_, vi (1874), p. 201.]\n\n[Footnote 878: _Witches at Chelmsford_, p. 34. Philobiblon Soc., viii.]\n\n[Footnote 879: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 129.]\n\n[Footnote 880: Potts, H 3.]\n\n[Footnote 881: Goodcole, _Wonderfull Discoverie_, p. C.]\n\n[Footnote 882: J. Hutchinson, ii, p. 31; Howell, vi, 659.]\n\n[Footnote 883: 'Nos sorciers tiennent la plus-part de ces Demons pour leurs\nDieux,' De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 23.]\n\n[Footnote 884: Moret, pp. 247 seq.]\n\n[Footnote 885: Camden Soc., _Dame Alice Kyteler_, p. 3]\n\n[Footnote 886: Boguet, pp. 69, 132.]\n\n[Footnote 887: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 67, 197.]\n\n[Footnote 888: _Wonderfull Discoverie of Margaret and Phillip Flower_, E\n3.]\n\n[Footnote 889: Whitaker, p. 216.]\n\n[Footnote 890: Gerish, _The Divel's Delusions_, p. 12.]\n\n[Footnote 891: Pitcairn notes: 'Issobell, as usual, appears to have been\nstopped short here by her interrogators, when she touched on such matters',\ni.e. the fairies.]\n\n[Footnote 892: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 606, 614.]\n\n[Footnote 893: Taylor, p. 81.]\n\n[Footnote 894: _Volsunga Saga_, Bks. I, II; Wm. Morris, _Collected Works_,\nxii, pp. 32. 77.]\n\n[Footnote 895: Pausanias, viii, 2, 3, 6, ed. Frazer. Cp. also the animal\nnames applied to priests and priestesses, e.g. the King-bees of Ephesus;\nthe Bee-priestesses of Demeter, of Delphi, of Proserpine, and of the Great\nMother; the Doves of Dodona; the Bears in the sacred dance of Artemis; the\nBulls at the feast of Poseidon at Ephesus; the Wolves at the Lupercalia,\n&c.]\n\n[Footnote 896: Remigius, pt. i, pp. 65, 67.]\n\n[Footnote 897: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 245-6.]\n\n[Footnote 898: Boguet, pp. 120, 132-3.]\n\n[Footnote 899: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 129.]\n\n[Footnote 900: Fournier, p. 16.]\n\n[Footnote 901: Monoyer, p. 30.]\n\n[Footnote 902: Van Elven, v, p. 215.]\n\n[Footnote 903: Boguet, p. 132.]\n\n[Footnote 904: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp. 97, 114-15, 165; Bessie Thom,\np. 167. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 905: Goldsmid, p. 10.]\n\n[Footnote 906: _Scottish Antiquary_, ix, pp. 50-2.]\n\n[Footnote 907: Sharpe, pp. 132, 134.]\n\n[Footnote 908: _Surtees Soc._, xl, pp. 191, 193, 194.]\n\n[Footnote 909: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 607, 608, 611. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 910: De Lancre, _Tableau_, p. 128.]\n\n[Footnote 911: _Surtees Soc._, xl, pp. 192, 194, 197.]\n\n[Footnote 912: Kinloch, p. 129. Spelling modernized.]\n\n[Footnote 913: De Lancre, _Tableau_, pp. 129, 130.]\n\n[Footnote 914: Kinloch, p. 123.]\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX I\n\nFAIRIES AND WITCHES\n\n\nThe dwarf race which at one time inhabited Europe has left few concrete\nremains, but it has survived in innumerable stories of fairies and elves.\nNothing, however, is known of the religious beliefs and cults of these\nearly peoples, except the fact that every seven years they made a human\nsacrifice to their god--'And aye at every seven years they pay the teind to\nhell'--and that like the Khonds they stole children from the neighbouring\nraces and brought them up to be the victims.\n\nThat there was a strong connexion between witches and fairies has been\nknown to all students of fairy lore. I suggest that the cult of the fairy\nor primitive race survived until less than three hundred years ago, and\nthat the people who practised it were known as witches. I have already\npointed out that many of the witch-beliefs and practices coincide with\nthose of an existing dwarf race, viz. the Lapps. The Devil and the witches\nentered freely into the fairy mounds, the Devil is often spoken of as a\nfairy man, and he consorts with the Queen of Elfhame; fairy gold which\nturns to rubbish is commonly given by the Devil to the witches; and the\nname Robin is almost a generic name for the Devil, either as a man or as\nhis substitute the familiar. The other name for the fairy Robin Goodfellow\nis Puck, which derives through the Gaelic Bouca from the Slavic Bog, which\nmeans God.\n\nThe evidence given below shows the close connexion between the fairies and\nthe witches, and shows also the witches' belief in the superiority of the\nfairies to themselves in the matter of magic and healing powers.\n\n\n1431. Joan of Arc. Not far from Domremy there is a certain tree that is\ncalled the Ladies' Tree [Arbor Dominarum], others call it the Fairies' Tree\n[Arbor Fatalium, gallice _des Fa\u00e9es_], beside which is a spring [which\ncured fevers]. It is a great tree, a beech [fagus], from which comes the\nmay [unde venit mayum, gallice _le beau may_]. It belongs to Seigneur\nPierre de Bourlemont. Old people, not of her lineage, said that\nfairy-ladies haunted there [conversabantur]. Had heard her godmother\nJeanne, wife of the Mayor, say she had seen fairy-women there. She herself\nhad never seen fairies at the tree that she knew of. She made garlands at\nthe tree, with other girls, for the image of the Blessed Mary of Domremy.\nSometimes with the other children she hung garlands on the tree, sometimes\nthey left them, sometimes they took them away. She had danced there with\nthe other children, but not since she was grown up. She had sung there more\nthan she had danced. She had heard that it was said 'Jeanne received her\nmission at the tree of the fairy-ladies'.[915] The saints [Katharine and\nMargaret] came and spoke to her at the spring beside the Fairies' tree, but\nshe would not say if they came to the tree itself.[916]\n\nDenied having a mandrake, but knew there was one near the Fairies'\ntree.[917]\n\nMy godmother, who saw the fairy-ladies, was held as a good woman, not a\ndiviner or a witch.[918]\n\nRefused to say if she believed fairies to be evil spirits.[919]\n\nShe did not put chaplets on the Fairies' tree in honour of SS. Katharine\nand Margaret.[920]\n\nHad never done anything with, or knew anything of, those who came in the\nair with the fairies [gallice _en l'erre avec les fa\u00e9es_]. Had heard they\ncame on Thursdays, but considered it witchcraft.[921]\n\n4th Article of Accusation. Jeanne was not instructed in her youth in the\nbelief and primitive faith, but was imbued by certain old women in the use\nof witchcraft, divination, and other superstitious works or magic arts;\nmany inhabitants of those villages have been noted from antiquity for the\naforesaid misdeeds. Jeanne herself has said that she had heard from her\ngodmother, and from many people, of visions and apparitions of Fairies, or\nFairy spirits [gallice _fa\u00e9es_]; by others also she has been taught and\nimbued with wicked and pernicious errors of such spirits, insomuch that in\nthe trial before you she confessed that up to this time she did not know\nthat Fairies were evil spirits. Answer: As to the Fairy-ladies, she did not\nknow what it was. As to instruction she learnt to believe and was well and\nduly taught to do what a good child should. As to her godmother she\nreferred to what she had said before.[922]\n\n5th Article. Near the village of Domremy is a certain great, big, and\nancient tree called vulgarly The Charmed Fairy-tree of Bourlemont[923]\n[l'arbre charmine fa\u00e9e de Bourlemont]; beside the tree is a spring; round\nthese gather, it is said, evil spirits called fairies, with whom those who\nuse witchcraft are accustomed to dance at night, going round the tree and\nspring. Answer: as to the tree and spring, referred to her previous\nanswers; denied the rest.[924]\n\n6th Article. Jeanne frequented the said tree and spring alone, chiefly at\nnight, sometimes in the day most often at the hour that divine service was\ncelebrated in church, in order to be alone; and dancing went round the\nspring and tree; afterwards hung many garlands of various herbs and flowers\non the branches of the tree, made with her own hands, saying and singing\nbefore and after, certain incantations and songs with certain invocations,\nwitchcrafts and other misdeeds; which [garlands] the following morning,\nwere not found. Answer: Referred for part to previous answers, denied the\nrest.[925]\n\n23rd Article. Her letters showed that she had consulted evil spirits.\nDenied ever having done anything by inspiration of evil spirits.[926]\n\n1566. John Walsh, of Netherberry, Dorset. He being demaunded how he knoweth\nwhen anye man is bewytched: He sayth that he knew it partlye by the Feries,\nand saith that ther be .iii. kindes of Feries, white, greene, and black.\nWhich when he is disposed to vse, hee speaketh with them vpon hyls, where\nas there is great heapes of earth, as namely in Dorsetshire. And betwene\nthe houres of .xii. and one at noone, or at midnight he vseth them. Whereof\n(he sayth) the blacke Feries be the woorst.[927]\n\n1576. Bessie Dunlop of Lyne, Ayrshire. Thom Reid apperit in hir awin hous\nto hir, about the xij hour of the day, quhair thair was sittand thre\ntailzeouris, and hir awin gudeman; and he tuke hir apperoun and led hir to\nthe dure with him, and sche followit, and zeid [went] vp with him to the\nkill end, quhair he forbaid hir to speik or feir for onye thing sche hard\nor saw; and quhene thai had gane ane lytle pece fordwerd, sche saw twelf\npersounes, aucht wemene and four men: The men wer cled in gentilmennis\nclething, and the wemene had all plaiddis round about thame, and wer verrie\nsemelie lyke to se; and Thome was with thame: And demandit, Gif sche knew\nony of thame? Ansuerit, Nane, except Thom. Demandit, What thai said to hir?\nAnsuerit, Thai baid hir sit down, and said, 'Welcum, Bessie, will thow go\nwith ws?' Bot sche ansuerit nocht; becaus Thom had forbidden hir. And\nforder declarit, That sche knew nocht quhat purpois thai had amangis\nthaime, onlie sche saw thair lippis move; and within a schort space thai\npairtit all away; and ane hiddeous vglie sowche of wind followit thame: and\nsche lay seik quhill Thom came agane bak fra thame. [In the margin,\n'Confessit and fylit.'] Item, Sche being demandit, Gif sche sperit at Thom\nquhat persounes thai war? Ansuerit, That thai war the gude wychtis that\nwynnit in the Court of Elfame; quha come thair to desyre hir to go with\nthame: And forder, Thom desyrit hir to do the sam; quha ansuerit, 'Sche saw\nna proffeit to gang thai kynd of gaittis, vnles sche kend quhairfor'. Thom\nsaid, 'Seis thow nocht me, baith meit-worth, claith-worth, and gude aneuch\nlyke in persoun, and [he] suld make hir far better nor euer sche was?' Sche\nansuerit, 'That sche duelt with hir awin husband and bairnis, and culd\nnocht leif thame.' And swa Thom began to be verrie crabit [angry] with hir,\nand said, 'Gif swa sche thocht, sche wald get lytill gude of him.' ...\nInterrogat, Gif sche neuir askit the questioun at him, Quhairfoir he com to\nhir mair [than] ane vthir bodye? Ansuerit, Remembring hir, quhen sche was\nlyand in chyld-bed-lair, with ane of hir laiddis, that ane stout woman com\nin to hir, and sat doun on the forme besyde hir, and askit ane drink at\nhir, and sche gaif hir; quha alsua tauld hir, that that barne wald de, and\nthat hir husband suld mend of his seiknes. The said Bessie ansuerit, that\nsche remembrit wele thairof; and Thom said, That was the Quene of Elfame\nhis maistres, quha had commandit him to wait vpoun hir, and to do hir gude.\nConfessit and fylit.[928]\n\n1588. Alesoun Peirsoun of Byrehill, Fifeshire. Was conuict for hanting and\nrepairing with the gude nichtbouris and Quene of Elfame, thir diuers\n[3]eiris bypast, as scho had confesst be hir depositiounis, declaring that\nscho could nocht say reddelie how lang scho wes with thame; and that scho\nhad friendis in that court quhilk wes of hir awin blude, quha had gude\nacquentance of the Quene of Elphane.... And that scho saw nocht the Quene\nthir sewin [3]eir: And that scho had mony guid friendis in that court, bot\nwer all away now: And that scho wes sewin [3]eir ewill handlit in the Court\nof Elfane and had kynd freindis thair, bot had na will to visseit thame\neftir the end.... In Grange-mure thair come ane man to hir, cled in grene\nclothis, quha said to hir, Gif scho wald be faithfull, he wald do hir guid.\nHe gaid away thane, and apperit to hir att ane vthir tyme, ane lustie mane,\nwith mony mene and wemen with him: And that scho sanit hir and prayit, and\npast with thame forder nor scho could tell; and saw with thame pypeing and\nmirrynes and good scheir.[929]\n\n1589. Beatrix Baonensis, in Lorraine. Etliche geben Sp\u00e4her, etliche V\u00f6gel\noder sonst nicht viel besonders, als da sein m\u00f6chte gem\u00fcntzt Geld aus\nRindern Ledder, und wenn sie dergleichen nichts haben, so verschafft es\nihnen ihr Geist, auf dass sie staffirt seyn.[930]\n\n1593. Another of my neighbours had his wife much troubled, and he went to\nher [the white witch], and she told him his wife was haunted with a\nfairie.[931]\n\n1593. She had three or foure impes, some call them puckrels, one like a\ngrey cat, another like a weasel, another like a mouse.[932]\n\n1597. Christian Livingston of Leith. Scho affermit that hir dochter was\ntane away with the Farie-folk, and declarit to Gothrayis wyff, than being\nwith barne, that it was a man chyld scho was with; as it provit in deid:\nAnd that all the knawlege scho had was be hir dochter, wha met with the\nFairie.[933]\n\n1597. Isobell Strathaquhin and her daughter, of Aberdeen. Theye depone that\nhir self confessis that quhat skill so ever scho hes, scho hed it of hir\nmother; and hir mother learnit at ane elf man quha lay with hir.[934]\n\n1597. Andro Man of Aberdeen. Thriescoir yeris sensyne or thairby, the\nDevill, thy maister, com to thy motheris hous, in the liknes and scheap of\na woman, quhom thow callis the Quene of Elphen, and was delyverit of a\nbarne, as apperit to the their.... Thow confessis that be the space of\nthrettie twa yeris sensyn or thairby, thow begud to have carnall deall with\nthat devilische spreit, the Quene of Elphen, on quhom thow begat dyveris\nbairnis, quhom thow hes sene sensyn.... Vpon the Ruidday in harvest, in\nthis present yeir, quhilk fell on ane Wedinsday, thow confessis and\naffermis, thow saw Christsonday cum owt of the snaw in liknes of a staig,\nand that the Quene of Elphen was their, and vtheris with hir, rydand vpon\nquhyt haiknayes, and that thay com to the Binhill, and Binlocht, quhair\nthay vse commonlie to convene, and that thay quha convenis with thame\nkissis Christsonday and the Quene of Elphenis airss, as thow did thy selff.\nItem, thow affermis that the elphis hes schapes and claythis lyk men, and\nthat thay will have fair coverit taiblis, and that thay ar bot schaddowis,\nbot ar starker nor men, and that thay have playing and dansing quhen thay\npleas; and als that the quene is verray plesand, and wilbe auld and young\nquhen scho pleissis; scho mackis any kyng quhom scho pleisis, and lyis with\nany scho lykis.... The said Andro confessis that Chrystsonday rydis all the\ntyme that he is in thair cumpanie, and hes carnall deall with thame; also,\nthat the men that cumis with thame, hes do with the Quene of Elfane.[935]\n... Thou confesses that the devil thy master, whom thou terms Christsunday,\nand supposes to be an angel and God's godson--albeit he has a thraw by God,\nand sways to the Quene of Elphin--is raised by the speaking of the word\n_Benedicite_. Suchlike thou affirms that the Queen of Elphin has a grip of\nall the craft, but Christsunday is the goodman, and has all power under\nGod.[936]\n\n1608. Lyons district. Ils dansent deux \u00e0 deux, & par fois l'vn \u00e7\u00e0 & l'autre\nl\u00e0; estans telles danses semblables \u00e0 celles des F\u00e9es, vrais Diables\nincorporez, qui regnoient il n'y a pas long temps.[937]\n\n1615. Jonet Drever of Orkney. To be convict and giltie of the fostering of\nane bairne in the hill of Westray to the fary folk callit of hir our guid\nnichtbouris. And in haveing carnall deall with hir. And haveing\nconversation with the fary xxvj [3]eiris bygane. In respect of her awne\nconfessioun.[938]\n\n1616. Katherine Caray of Orkney. At the doun going of the sun are great\nnumber of fairie men mett her together with a maister man.[939]\n\n1616. Elspeth Reoch of Orkney. Sho confest that quhen shoe wes ane young\nlas of twelf yeiris of age or therby and haid wandereit out of Caithnes\nquher sho wes borne to Lochquhaber ye cam to Allane McKeldowies wyfe quha\nwes your ant That she upon ane day being out of the loch in the contrey and\nreturning and being at the Loch syd awaiting quhen the boit sould fetch hir\nin. That thair cam tua men to her ane cled in blak and the uther with ane\ngrein tartane plaid about him And that the man with the plaid said to her\nshe was ane prettie And he wald lerne her to ken and sie ony thing she\nwald desyre.... And thairefter within tua yeir she bure her first bairne\nAnd being delyverit in hir sisteris hous the blak man cam to her that first\ncame to hir in Lochquhaber And callit him selff ane farie man.... On yule\nday she confest the devell quhilk she callis the farie man lay with her At\nquhilk tyme he bade hir leave Orkney.[940]\n\n1618. Joan Willimot of Leicester. This Examinate saith, That shee hath a\nspirit which shee calleth Pretty, which was giuen vnto her by William Berry\nof Langholme in Rutlandshire, whom she serued three yeares; and that her\nMaster when hee gaue it vnto her, willed her to open her mouth, and hee\nwould blow into her a Fairy which should doe her good; and that shee opened\nher mouth, and he did blow into her mouth; and that presently after his\nblowing, there came out of her mouth a Spirit, which stood vpon the ground\nin the shape and forme of a Woman, which Spirit did aske of her her Soule,\nwhich shee then promised vnto it.[941]\n\n1633. Isobel Sinclair of Orkney. Sex times at the reathes of the year, shoe\nhath bein controlled with the Phairie.[942]\n\n1653. 'Yorkshire. There was (he saith) as I have heard the story credibly\nreported in this Country a Man apprehended for suspicion of Witchcraft, he\nwas of that sort we call white Witches, which are such as do cures beyond\nthe ordinary reasons and deductions of our usual practitioners, and are\nsupposed (and most part of them truly) to do the same by ministration of\nspirits (from whence under their noble favours, most Sciences at first\ngrow) and therefore are by good reason provided against by our Civil Laws,\nas being ways full of danger and deceit, and scarce ever otherwise obtained\nthan by a devillish compact of the exchange of ones Soul to that assistant\nspirit, for the honour of its Mountebankery. What this man did was with a\nwhite powder which, he said, he received from the Fairies, and that going\nto a Hill he knocked three times, and the Hill opened, and he had access\nto, and conversed with a visible people; and offered, that if any Gentleman\npresent would either go himself in person, or send his servant, he would\nconduct them thither, or shew them the place and persons from whom he had\nhis skill.' [Hotham's account ends here; Webster continues first in his own\nwords and then in inverted commas as if quoting, but gives no authority.]\nTo this I shall only add thus much, that the man was accused for invoking\nand calling upon evil spirits, and was a very simple and illiterate person\nto any mans judgment, and had been formerly very poor, but had gotten some\npretty little meanes to maintain himself, his Wife and diverse small\nchildren, by his cures done with this white powder, of which there were\nsufficient proofs, and the Judge asking him how he came by the powder, he\ntold a story to this effect. 'That one night before day was gone, as he was\ngoing home from his labour, being very sad and full of heavy thoughts, not\nknowing how to get meat and drink for his Wife and Children, he met a fair\nWoman in fine cloaths, who asked him why he was so sad, and he told her it\nwas by reason of his poverty, to which she said, that if he would follow\nher counsel she would help him to that which would serve to get him a good\nliving: to which he said he would consent with all his heart, so it were\nnot by unlawful ways: she told him it should not be by any such ways, but\nby doing of good and curing of sick people; and so warning him strictly to\nmeet her there the next night at the same time, she departed from him, and\nhe went home. And the next night at the time appointed he duly waited, and\nshe (according to promise) came and told him that it was well he came so\nduly, otherwise he had missed of that benefit, that she intended to do unto\nhim, and so bade him follow her and not be afraid. Thereupon she led him to\na little Hill and she knocked three times, and the Hill opened, and they\nwent in, and came to a fair hall, wherein was a Queen sitting in great\nstate, and many people about her, and the Gentlewoman that brought him,\npresented him to the Queen, and she said he was welcom, and bid the\nGentlewoman give him some of the white powder, and teach him how to use it,\nwhich she did, and gave him a little wood box full of the white powder, and\nbad him give 2 or 3 grains of it to any that were sick, and it would heal\nthem, and so she brought him forth of the Hill, and so they parted. And\nbeing asked by the Judge whether the place within the Hill, which he called\na Hall, were light or dark, he said indifferent, as it is with us in the\ntwilight; and being asked how he got more powder, he said when he wanted he\nwent to that Hill, and knocked three times, and said every time I am\ncoming, I am coming, whereupon it opened, and he going in was conducted by\nthe aforesaid Woman to the Queen, and so had more powder given him. This\nwas the plain and simple story (however it may be judged of) that he told\nbefore the Judge, the whole Court, and the Jury, and there being no proof,\nbut what cures he had done to very many, the Jury did acquit him.[943]\n\n1655. It might be here very seasonable to enquire into the nature of those\nlarge _dark Rings_ in the grass, which they call _Fairy Circles_, whether\nthey be the _Rendezvouz_ of Witches, or the dancing place of those little\nPuppet Spirits which they call _Elves_ or _Fairies_.[944]\n\n1661. Jonet Watson Of Dalkeith. She confessed that three months before the\nDevill apeired vnto her, in the liknes of ane prettie boy, in grein\nclothes. As also about the tyme of the last Baille-fyre night, shoe was at\na Meitting in Newtoun-dein with the Deavill, who had grein cloathes vpone\nhim, and ane blak hatt vpone his head; wher schoe denyd Christ, and took\nher self to be the servant of the Deivill.[945]\n\n1662. Isobel Gowdie of Auldearne. I was in the Downie-hillis, and got meat\nther from the Qwein of Fearrie, mor than I could eat. The Qwein of Fearrie\nis brawlie clothed in whyt linens, and in whyt and browne cloathes, &c.;\nand the King of Fearrie is a braw man, weill favoured, and broad faced, &c.\nTher wes elf-bullis rowtting and skoylling wp and downe thair and\naffrighted me.... As for Elf-arrow-heidis, the Devill shapes them with his\nawin hand, and syne deliueris thame to Elf-boyes, who whyttis and dightis\nthem with a sharp thing lyk a paking needle.... We went in to the Downie\nhillis; the hill opened, and we cam to an fair and large braw rowme in the\nday tym. Thair ar great bullis rowtting and skoylling ther, at the entrie,\nquhilk feared me.... The Devill wold giw ws the brawest lyk money that ewer\nwes coyned; within fowr and twantie houris it vold be horse-muke.[946]\n\n1662. Janet Breadheid of Auldearne. He gaw me ane piece of money, lyk a\ntestain ... and gaw me an vthir piece of money, lyk the first, bot they\nboth turned read, and I got nothing for thaim.[947]\n\n1662. Bute. [The devil] 'gave her ane elf errow stone to shott him [a child\nof seven] which she did ten dayes therafter that the child dyed imediately\ntherafter. Jonet Morisoune declares the devill told her it was the fayries\nthat took John Glas child's lyfe. Mcfersone in Keretoule his dochter lay\nsick of a very unnaturall disease. The disease quhilk ailed her was\nblasting with the faryes and that she healed her with herbes. Item being\nquestioned about her heileing of Alester Bannatyne who was sick of the lyk\ndisease answred that he was blasted with the fairyes also and that she\nheiled him thereof with herbs and being questioned anent hir heileing of\nPatrick Glas dochter Barbara Glas answred that she was blasted with the\nfaryes also. Being inquired quhat difference was betwix shooting and\nblasting sayes that quhen they are shott ther is no recoverie for it and if\nthe shott be in the heart they died presently bot if it be not at the heart\nthey will die in a while with it yet will at last die with it and that\nblasting is a whirlwinde that the fayries raises about that persone quhich\nthey intend to wrong quhich may be healed two wayes ether by herbs or by\ncharming.'[948]\n\n1664. Alice Duke of Wincanton, Somerset. When the Devil doth anything for\nher, she calls for him by the name of _Robin_, upon which he appears.[949]\n\n1664. Elizabeth Style of Wincanton, Somerset. When she hath a desire to do\nharm, she calls the Spirit by the name of _Robin_.[950]\n\n1670. Jean Weir of Edinburgh. When she keeped a school at Dalkeith, and\nteached childering, ane tall woman came to the declarant's hous when the\nchildering were there; she had, as appeared to her, ane chyld upon her\nback, and on or two at her foot; and the said woman desyred that the\ndeclarant should imploy her to spick for her to the Queen of Farie, and\nstrik and battle in her behalf with the said Queen (which was her own\nwords).[951]\n\n1677. Inveraray. Donald McIlmichall was tried 'for that horrid cryme of\ncorresponding with the devill'; the whole evidence being that he entered a\nfairy hill where he met many men and women 'and he playd on trumps to them\nquhen they danced'.[952]\n\n1697. Margaret Fulton in Renfrewshire. She was reputed a Witch, has the\nMark of it, and acknowledged that her Husband had brought her back from the\n_Faries_.[953]\n\n1697. James Lindsay, alias Curat, in Renfrewshire. He was called the Gleid,\nor Squint-Ey'd Elff.[954]\n\nNineteenth century. It was the common rumour that Elphin Irving came not\ninto the world like the other sinful creatures of the earth, but was one of\nthe Kane-bairns of the fairies, whilk they had to pay to the enemy of man's\nsalvation every seventh year. The poor lady-fairy,--a mother's aye a\nmother, be she Elve's flesh or Eve's flesh,--hid her Elf son beside the\nchristened flesh in Marion Irving's cradle, and the auld enemy lost his\nprey for a time.... And touching this lad, ye all ken his mother was a hawk\nof an uncannie nest, a second cousin of Kate Kimmer, of Barfloshan, as rank\na witch as ever rode on ragwort.[955]\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[Footnote 915: Quicherat, i, p. 67; Murray, pp. 25 6.]\n\n[Footnote 916: Id., i, p. 87; M., p. 42.]\n\n[Footnote 917: Id., i, pp. 88-9; M., p. 43.]\n\n[Footnote 918: Id., i, p. 177; M., p. 80.]\n\n[Footnote 919: Id., i, p. 178; M., 80.]\n\n[Footnote 920: Id., i, p. 186; M., p. 84.]\n\n[Footnote 921: Id., i, p. 187; M., p. 84.]\n\n[Footnote 922: Id., i, p. 209; M., p. 91.]\n\n[Footnote 923: Bour-le-mont, cp. Bour-jo, 'a word of unknown derivation'.\nSee Walter Scott, _Witchcraft and Demonology_.]\n\n[Footnote 924: Q., i, p. 210; M., p. 91.]\n\n[Footnote 925: Q., i, pp. 211-12; M., pp. 91-2.]\n\n[Footnote 926: Id., i, p. 242; M., pp. 96-7.]\n\n[Footnote 927: _Examination of John Walsh._]\n\n[Footnote 928: Pitcairn, i, pt. ii, pp. 52-3, 56-7.]\n\n[Footnote 929: Id., i, pt. ii, pp. 162-3.]\n\n[Footnote 930: Remigius, pt. i, p. 55.]\n\n[Footnote 931: Giffard, p. 10; _Percy Soc._ viii.]\n\n[Footnote 932: Id. ib., p. 9.]\n\n[Footnote 933: Pitcairn, ii, p. 25.]\n\n[Footnote 934: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, p. 177.]\n\n[Footnote 935: _Spalding Club Misc._, i, pp, 119, 121, 125.]\n\n[Footnote 936: Burton, i, p. 253.]\n\n[Footnote 937: Boguet, p. 132.]\n\n[Footnote 938: _Maitland Club Misc._, ii, p. 167.]\n\n[Footnote 939: Dalyell, p. 536.]\n\n[Footnote 940: _County Folklore_, iii, Orkney, pp. 112-14; _Maitland Club\nMisc._, ii, pp. 188-9.]\n\n[Footnote 941: _Wonderfull Discoverie of Margaret and Phillip Flower_, E\n3.]\n\n[Footnote 942: Dalyell, p. 470.]\n\n[Footnote 943: Webster, pp. 300-2.]\n\n[Footnote 944: More, p. 232.]\n\n[Footnote 945: Pitcairn, iii, p. 601.]\n\n[Footnote 946: Pitcairn, iii, pp. 604, 607, 611, 613.]\n\n[Footnote 947: Id., iii, p. 617.]\n\n[Footnote 948: _Highland Papers_, iii, pp. 19, 23, 27.]\n\n[Footnote 949: Glanvil, pt. ii, p. 152.]\n\n[Footnote 950: Id., ii, p. 137.]\n\n[Footnote 951: Law, p. 27 note.]\n\n[Footnote 952: _Highland Papers_, iii, pp. 36-8.]\n\n[Footnote 953: _Sadducismus Debellatus_, p. 50.]\n\n[Footnote 954: Id., p. 25.]\n\n[Footnote 955: Cunningham, pp. 246, 251]\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX II\n\nTRIAL OF SILVAIN NEVILLON AND GENTIEN LE CLERC AT ORLEANS, 1614-15\n\n\n[This trial is included here as a specimen of purely ritual witchcraft,\nwithout spell-casting.]\n\n_Arrest & procedure faicte par le Lieutenant Criminel d Orleans, contre\nSiluain Neuillon, Gentien le Clerc dit Niuelle, & Mathurin Ferrand du\nvillage de Nouan en Sologne, conuaincus de sortilege le_ 20 _Juin_ 1614.\n\nLe Vendredy 20 Iuin 1614 ledit Lieutenant procedant \u00e0 l'audition dudit\nNeuillon couureur & Masson, aag\u00e9 de 77 ans.\n\nLedit Lieutenant Criminel luy ayant dit qu'il luy vouloit faire raire ou\nrazer le poil & changer d'habits: afin qu'il dict verit\u00e9. L'accus\u00e9 s'escria\nen ces mots, Comment me veut-on faire mourir, Messieurs, si ie vous\nconfesse la verit\u00e9, vous ne me ferez pas razer.\n\nA confess\u00e9 auoir est\u00e9 au Sabbat prez Nouan, en vn lieu nomm\u00e9 Oliuet.\n\nDit que le Sabbat se tenoit dans vne maison, o\u00f9 il vit \u00e0 la chemin\u00e9e\nco[~m]e ledit Sabbat se faisoit, vn homme noir duquel on ne voyoit point la\nteste, & deux cheures ou boucs en la mesme maison ayant grand poil noir. Il\ny auoit 200. personnes tous masquez, except\u00e9 vn nomm\u00e9 Ferrand. Qu'allant \u00e0\nl'offrande aucuns baillent de l'argent comme \u00e0 l'Eglise.\n\nVit aussi vn grand homme noir \u00e0 l'opposite de celuy de la chemin\u00e9e, qui\nregardoit dans vn liure, dont les feuillets estoient noirs & bleuds, &\nmarmotoit entre ses dents sans entendre ce qu'il disoit, leuoit vne hostie\nnoire, puis vn calice de meschant estain tout crasseux. Vit que tous les\nassistans dan\u00e7oient en bransles dos \u00e0 dos, & deux boucs ou cheures auec\neux. Il y auoit des viandes si fades qu'il n'en peut aualler, & croit que\nc'estoit de la chair de cheual, & que ledit ho[~m]e noir parloit comme si\nla voix fut sortie d'vn poinson: Et vit enuiron douze enfans portez par des\nfemmes, & que le Diable batit vne femme auec vn baston, de ce qu'elle\nn'auoit pas apport\u00e9 son enfant comme elle auoit promis, bailloit ledit\nhomme noir des gasteaux auxdits petits enfans.\n\nDit que ceux qui ne vont au Sabbat, payent huict sols, qu'il y a des\nprocessions o\u00f9 il a veu par fois six cens personnes, que les deux Diables\nqui estoient au Sabbat, l'vn s'appelloit l'Orthon, & l'autre Traisnesac, &\nqu'ils se baissoient enuers ceux qui leur emmenoient leurs enfans comme\npour les remercier, & baisoient leursdits enfans au cul.\n\nDit qu'il a veu le Diable en plusieurs fa\u00e7ons, tantost comme vn bouc, ayant\nvn visage deuant & vn autre derriere, ores comme vn gros mouton.\n\nQu'on baptise des enfans au Sabbat auec du Cresme, que des femmes\napportent, & frottent la verge de quelque homme, & en font sortir de la\nsemence qu'elles amassent, & la meslent auec le Cresme, puis mettent cela\nsur la teste de l'enfant en pronon\u00e7ant quelques paroles en Latin.\n\nDit aussi auoir veu des Sorciers & Sorcieres qui apportoient des Hosties au\nSabbat, lesquelles elles auoient gard\u00e9 lors qu'on leur auoit baill\u00e9 \u00e0\ncommunier \u00e0 l'Eglise, & que le Diable faisoit des gestes comme en depitant\nsur icelles Hosties, desquelles on faisoit de la poudre, & quelque fois on\nles mettoit dans l'eau, & que le Diable estoit fort ayse quand on luy\napportoit lesdites Hosties.\n\nDit auoir ouy dire \u00e0 Guilleaume le Clerc dit Nitelle, que pour auoir faict\nmourir vn homme le Diable donnoit de recompence huict sols, & pour vne\nfemme cinq sols.\n\nDit que le Diable les bat au Sabbat, quand ils ne s\u00e7auent rendre compte\nd'auoir fait quelque mal, & qu'il leur dit en se separant vengez vous,\nautrement vous mourrez.\n\nDit que le iour qu'on a est\u00e9 \u00e0 la Messe, on ne peut estre ensorcell\u00e9, ou\nqu'on a vn _Agnus Dei_ sur soy, que bien souuent ils appellent l'Hostie\nIean le blanc, que les femmes chantent des ch\u00e2sons en l'honneur du Diable,\n& qu'\u00e0 l'entree & sortie de table au Sabbat, on dit au Diable nous vous\nrecognoissons pour nostre maistre, nostre Dieu, nostre Createur.\n\nQue le Diable dit le Serm[~o] au Sabbat, mais qu'on n'entend ce qu'il dit,\nparce qu'il parle co[~m]e en gr[~o]dant, & qu'il iette de la poudre par\ntoute l'assembl\u00e9e, co[~m]e on fait de l'eau beniste.\n\nVit qu'on frappoit dans l'eau d'vne baguette, & aussi tost vit comme il luy\nsembloit que c'estoit de la gresle.\n\nDit estre all\u00e9 souuent au Sabbat de son pied tout esueill\u00e9, & ne se\ngrassoit point, d'autant que c'estoit folie de se graisser quand on ne va\npas loing.\n\nDit que le Diable monstre une forme de membre viril au Sabbat, ong comme\nvne chandelle, & qu'il vit vne femme qui le baisa par l\u00e0.\n\nDit que les Sorciers ne peuuent faire mal le Vendredy, \u00e0 cause que Dieu y\nauoit souffert la mort, & estoit venu au monde ledit iour.\n\nDit qu'il y a des Sorciers qui nourrissent des Marionettes, qui sont de\npetits Diableteaux en forme de Crapaux, & leur font manger de la bouillie\ncompos\u00e9e de laict & de farine, & leur donnent le premier mourceau, &\nn'oseroient s'absenter de leur maison sans leur demander cong\u00e9, & luy faut\ndire combien de temps ils seront absens, comme trois ou quatre iours, & si\nelles disent que c'est trop, ceux qui les gardent, n'osent faire leur\nvoyage ny outre-passer leur volont\u00e9.\n\nEt quand ils veulent aller en marchandise ou io\u00fcer, & s\u00e7auoir s'il y fera\nbon, ils regardent si lesdites Marionettes sont ioyeuses, en ce cas ils\nvont en marchandise, ou io\u00fcer: mais si elles sont maussades & tristes, ils\nne bougent de la maison, & le plus souuent lesdites Marionettes vsent\nenuers eux de grandes menaces.\n\nInterrog\u00e9 ledit Neuillon par ledit Lieutenant Criminel, si \u00e0 son aduis vn\nIuge pourroit faire prendre lesdites Marionettes, veu que ce sont Demons\nfamilliers.\n\nRespond qu'vn bon Iuge pourroit bien faire emporter lesdites Marionettes,\nd'autant qu'elles craignent fort les bons Iuges: mais qu'vn Iuge qui ne\nferoit pas bien la Iustice, ny gagneroit rien, & que les Sorciers peuuent\nensorceller vn meschant Iuge, parce que Dieu l'a abandonn\u00e9.\n\nDit qu'il a veu bailler au Sabbat du pain benist, & de l'encens, mais il ne\nsentoit bon comme celuy de l'Eglise, & que c'estoit vn des Diables nomm\u00e9\nOrthon qui le donnoit, lorsque Tramesabot disoit la Messe, & qu'auant la\ncommencer il iettoit de l'eau beniste qui estoit faicte de pissat, &\nfaisoit la reverence de l'espaule, & disoit, _Asperges Diaboli_.\n\nLedit Neuillon estoit conuaincu par le procez, d'auoir empoisonn\u00e9 & faict\nmourir plusieurs personnes & bestiaux, & d'auoir faict d'autres maux.\n\n * * * * *\n\nGentil ou Genti[~e] le Clerc dit, que sa m\u00e8re le presenta (dit-on) en\nl'aage de trois ans au Sabbat, \u00e0 vn bouc, qu'on appelloit l'Aspic. Dit\nqu'il fut baptis\u00e9 au Sabbat, au Carroir d'Oliuet, auec quatorze ou quinze\nautres, & que Ieanne Geraut porta du Chresme qui estoit jaune dans vn pot,\n& que ledit Neuillon ietta de la semence dans ledit pot, & vn nomm\u00e9\nSemelle, & bro\u00fcilloient cela auec vne petite cuilliere de bois, & puis leur\nen mirent \u00e0 tous sur la teste.\n\nIl vit marquer plusieurs personnes, mais les femmes principalement entre\nles tetins.\n\nQu'on baille \u00e0 baiser la paix comme \u00e0 l'Eglise, & que cela semble vne\ntuille, & qu'on y baille vn denier ou vn double allant \u00e0 l'offrande, l'eau\nbeniste est iaune comme du pissat d'asne, & qu'apres qu'on la iett\u00e9e on dit\nla Messe, & que c'est le Diable qui la dit, qu'il a vne Chasuble qui a vne\ncroix: mais qu'elle n'a que trois barres: & tourne le dos \u00e0 l'Autel quand\nil veut leuer l'Hostie & le Calice, qui sont noirs, & marmote dans vn\nliure, duquel la couuerture est toute velu\u00eb comme d'vne peau de loup, auec\ndes feuillets blancs & rouges, d'autres noirs.\n\nEt quand ledit homme noir a iett\u00e9, ou iette de l'eau beniste, chacun des\nassistans, se iette en terre comme on faict \u00e0 l'Eglise sur la fosse des\ntrespassez, auec vn morceau de hou qui a trois feuilles au bout. Apr\u00e8s la\nMesse on dance, puis on couche ensemble, hommes auec hommes, & auec des\nfemmes. Puis on se met \u00e0 table, o\u00f9 il n'a iamais veu de sel. Et n'y a autre\nviande que grenouille & anguilles, & point de vin ains de l'eau.\n\nDit qu'il a cognu des hommes & s'est accoupl\u00e9 auec eux; qu'il auoit vne\ncouppe ou gondolle par le moyen de laquelle toutes les femmes le suiuoient\npour y boire.\n\nQu'au Sabbat on y blasphemoit souuent, disant chardieu, c'est vne belle\nchose qu'ils font blanchir pour qu'on la voye de plus loing, & puis la\nmangent, & quand ils l'ont mang\u00e9 il n'y en a plus, que les Prestres font\ncela pour amuser le monde, & que c'est vn beau Ianicot, qu'il y auoit plus\nd'acquest en sa Marionette qu'en Dieu. Et auoit veu souuent la Marionette\ndudit Neuillon, qui est comme vn gros crapaut tout noir, comme d'vne\nfourrure noire, & estoit dans vne bo\u00ebtte cach\u00e9 soubs vn carreau, qui\nsautoit & leuoit quand on vouloit donner \u00e0 manger audit crapaut. Qu'il l'a\nveu encore puis six sepmaines en la ruelle du lict dudict Neuillon, & qu'il\na veu qu'il l'apportoit vne autre fois dans son manteau, qu'il luy a dit\nvne douzaine de fois, que s'il vouloit il luy en feroit auoir vne. Qu'il y\nauoit plus profit en icelle qu'en Dieu, & qu'il ne gagnoit rien \u00e0 regarder\nDieu: mais que sa Marionette luy apportoit tousiours quelque chose.\n\nConfesse auoir faict mourir plusieurs personnes, & qu'il s\u00e7ait faire dancer\nles b[oe]ufs dans vn cercle qu'il fait, & qu'vne vieille luy apprins.\n\nIls furent condamnez, par sentence \u00e0 estre pendus & bruslez. Appel en la\nCour, ou au rapport de Monsieur Berulle, Conseiller en la seconde Chambre\ndes Enquestes, deux Sorciers moururent. Cependant Gentien le Clerc seul,\nfut condamn\u00e9 par Arrest du 4 Feurier 1615.\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX III\n\nA. NAMES OF WITCHES IN COVENS\n\n\n1\n\n1440. Machecoul\n\n[Three were executed; of four equally guilty two fled, and two had died\npreviously.]\n\n1. Antonio Prelati\n2. Bertrand Poulein\n3. Etienne Corrillaut [executed]\n4. Etiennette Blanchu\n5. Eustache Blanchet\n6. Gilles de Rais [executed]\n7. Gilles de Sill\u00e9 [fled]\n8. Henri Griart [executed]\n9. Jean Rossignol [dead]\n10. Lenano Ceva\n11. Perrine Martin\n12. Robin Romulart [dead]\n13. Roger de Bricqueville [fled]\n\n\n2\n\n1582. Essex. St. Osyth\n\n1. Ales Hunt\n2. Ales Manfield\n3. Ales Newman\n4. Annis Glascocke\n5. Annys Heade\n6. Cysley Celles\n7. Elizabeth Bennet\n8. Elizabeth Ewstace\n9. Joan Pechey\n10. Joan Robinson\n11. Margaret Grevell\n12. Margery Sammon\n13. Ursley Kemp\n\n\n3\n\n1590. North Berwick\n\n[Those marked with a star are the nine who took part in the great attempt\non James VI's life. Of these four were tried and executed. Of the rest of\nthe Covens, Christian Tod, Donald Robson, and Robert Grierson were executed\nas witches in 1594, and Beigis Tod in 1608. The others appear to have\nescaped altogether.]\n\n*1, 2. Agnes Sampson and her daughter\n3. Agnes Stratton\n4. Alexander Quhytelaw\n5. Annie Richardson\n*6. Barbara Napier\n7. Beigis Tod\n8. Bessie Broune\n9. Bessie Gwlene [Cowan]\n10. Bessie Robson\n11. Bessie Thomson\n12. Bessie Wright\n13. Catherine Campbell\n14. Catherine Duncan\n15. Catherene McGill\n16. Christian Carrington\n17. Christian Tod\n*18. Donald Robson\n19. Duncan Buchanan\n*20. Euphemia McCalyan\n21. Geillis Duncan\n22. Gilbert McGill\n23. Helen Lauder\n24. Helen Quhyte\n25. Issobell Gylour [Gylloun]\n26. Issobell Lauder\n27. Jannet Blandilands\n28. Jonnet Campbell\n29. Jonet Gaw [Gall]\n30. Jonet Logan\n31. Jonet Nicholson\n*32. Jonet Stratton\n33. John Couper\n*34. John Fian [officer]\n35. John Gordon [Gray-meill]\n36. John McGill\n37. Kaet Gray\n38. Kait Wallace\n39. Malie Geddie\n40. Margrett Aitchison\n41. Meg Begton\n42. Meg Dunn\n43. Meg Stillcart\n*44. Margret Thomsoun\n45. Marion Bailzie\n46. Marion Congilton\n47, 48. Marion Linkup and her sister\n49. Marion Nicholson\n50. Marion Paterson\n51. Marion Scheill [Shaw]\n52. Marion ... [Irish Marion]\n53. Masie Aitchison\n54. Michael Clark\n55. Richard Graham\n*56. Robert Grierson\n57, 58. Thomas Burnhill and his wife\n59, 60. ... Stobbeis [2 women]\n61. Archie Henillis' wife\n*62. George Mott's wife\n63. John Ramsay's wife\n64. Nicoll Murray's wife\n\n\n4\n\n1597. Aberdeen\n\n1\n\n[The following were executed.]\n\n1. Andro Man\n2. Christen Reid\n3. Issobell Oige\n4. Issobell Richie\n5. Helen Rogie\n6. Jonet Grant\n7. Jonet Spaldarg\n8. Jonet Wishert\n9. Katherine Gerard\n10. Margrat Bean\n11. Margrat Og\n12. Marion Grant\n13. Thomas Leyis [officer]\n\n\n2\n\n[The following took a leading part in the ceremonies and were tried; seven\nwere banished; no record as to the fate of the rest.]\n\n1. Agnes Wobster\n2. Beatrice Robbie [banished]\n3. Bessie Thom\n4. Christen Mitchell\n5. Ellen Gray\n6. Elspet Leyis [banished]\n7. Issobell Coky\n8. Helen Fraser\n9. John Leyis [banished]\n10. Jonet Davidson [banished]\n11. Jonet Leyis [banished]\n12. Jonet Lucas [banished]\n13. Violet Leyis [banished]\n\n\n5\n\n1613. Lancashire\n\n[Ten were executed; Elizabeth Demdike died in prison; Jennet Preston was\nacquitted, but was executed later. I suggest Jennet Hargreaves as the\nthirteenth, for she was the only one who was first at Malking Tower and\nafterwards in prison.]\n\n1. Alice Nutter\n2. Alizon Device\n3. Anne Redferne\n4. Anne Whittle\n5. Elizabeth Demdike [officer]\n6. Elizabeth Device\n7. Isobel Robey\n8. James Device\n9. Jane Bulcock\n10. Jennet Hargreaves\n11. Jennet Preston\n12. John Bulcock\n13. Katherine Hewit\n\n\n6\n\n1617. Guernsey\n\n1. Collas Becquet\n2. Collette du Mont [officer]\n3. Isabel Becquet\n4. Marie Becquet\n5. The woman Fallaise\n6. The woman Hardie\n7. A woman she did not know\n8-13. Six others there she did not know\n\n\n7\n\n1644. Queensferry\n\n[Seven were executed.]\n\n1. Catherine Logie\n2. Catherine Thomson\n3. Elspet Cant\n4. Helen Hill\n5. Helen Thomson\n6. Isobel Young\n7. Janet Lowrie\n8. Janet Mowbray\n9. Margaret Brown\n10. Margaret Dauline\n11. Marion Dauline\n12. Marion Little\n13. Marion Stein\n\n\n8\n\n1649. Herts. St. Albans\n\n1. Anne Smith\n2. John Lamen S^r.\n3. John Lamen J^r.\n4. John [? Joan] Lamen\n5. John Palmer\n6. John Salmon, S^r\n7. Joseph Salmon\n8. Judeth Salmon\n9. Mary Bychance\n10. Mary Lamen, S^r\n11. Mary Lamen, J^r\n12. Sarah Smith\n13. Widow Palmer\n\n\n9\n\n1658. Alloa\n\n1. Barbara Erskin\n2. Bessie Paton\n3. Elspet Black\n4. James Hudston\n5. James Kirk\n6. Jonet Millar\n7. Jonet Paterson\n8. Jonet Reid\n9. Kathren Black\n10. Kathren Renny\n11. Margret Demperstoun\n12. Margret Duchall\n13. Margret Tailzeour\n\n\n10\n\n1661. Forfar\n\n[The two Covens were led, one by Helen Guthrie, the other by Helen\nCothills. I have put in the first Coven the names which occur most\nfrequently together.]\n\n1. Agnes Sparke\n2. Andrew Watson\n3. Elspet Alexander\n4. Elspet Bruce\n5. Helen Alexander\n6. Helen Guthrie [officer]\n7. Isobel Dorward\n8. Isobel Shyrie\n9. John Tailzeour\n10. Jonet Howit\n11. Jonet Stout\n12. Katherene Portour\n13. Mary Rynd\n\n\n2\n\n1. Bessie Croket\n2. Christen Whyte\n3. George Ellies\n4. Helen Cothills [officer]\n5. Isobel Smith\n6. Jonet Barrie\n7. Katharene Wallace\n8. Margaret Nicholl\n9. Marjorie Ritchie\n10. ... Finlason\n11. ... Hebrone\n12, 13. Two unnamed women mentioned by Katharene Portour.\n\n\n11\n\n1662. Auldearne\n\n1. Barbara Ronald\n2. Bessie Hay\n3. Bessie Wilson\n4. Elspet Nishie\n5. Issobell Gowdie\n6. Issobell Nicoll\n7. Janet Breadheid\n8. Janet Burnet\n9. John Taylor\n10. John Young [officer]\n11. Jean Marten [the Maiden]\n12. Margret Brodie\n13. Margret Wilson\n\n\n12\n\n1662. Kinross-shire. Crook of Devon\n\n1. Agnes Brugh\n2. Agnes Murie\n3. Agnes Pittendreich\n4. Bessie Henderson\n5. Bessie Neil\n6. Christian Grieve\n7. Isabel Rutherford\n8. Janet Brugh\n9. Janet Paton (of Crook)\n10. Janet Paton (of Kilduff)\n11. Margaret Huggon\n12. Margaret Litster\n13. Robert Wilson\n\n\n13\n\n1662. Hartford, Conn.\n\n[Though the published records are incomplete, the number of names surviving\nsuggests that a Coven existed here.]\n\n1. Andrew Sanford\n2. Elizabeth Seager\n3. James Walkley\n4. Judith Varlet\n5. Mary Sanford\n6. Nathaniel Greensmith\n7. Rebecca Greensmith\n8. William Ayres\n9. Goodwife Ayres\n10. Goodwife Grant\n11. Goodwife Palmer\n12. Goodwife Sanford\n\n\n14\n\n1662. Bute\n\n1. Agnes ... in Gortenis\n2. Annie Heyman [the Maiden]\n3. Cirstine Ballantyne [the Maiden]\n4. Donald McCartour\n5. Elspet Galie\n6. Elspeth Gray\n7. Elspet NcWilliam\n8. Elspeth Spence\n9. Issobell More McKaw\n10. Issobell NcNeill\n11. Issobell NcNicoll\n12. Jonet McConachie\n13. Jonet McNeill\n14. Jonet McNickell\n15. Jonet Isack\n16. Jonet Morison\n17. Jonet Nicoll\n18. John Galy\n19. Kathrine Cristell\n20. Kathrine Frissell\n21. Kathrine McWilliam\n22. Kathrine Moore\n23. Kathrine Stewart\n24. Margaret McNeill\n25. Margaret McNickell\n26. Margaret Ncilduy\n27. Margaret NcLevin\n28. Margaret NcWilliam\n29. Margaret Smith\n30. Marie McKaw\n31. Marie More NcCuill\n32. Marie Stewart\n33. Patrick McKaw\n\n[Besides eleven other incomplete names, of which five can be identified as\nbeing already mentioned above, leaving six to add to that number, i.e.\nthirty-nine in all.]\n\n\n15\n\n1664. Somerset\n\n[In the first Coven I have put the names which occur most frequently\ntogether in the evidence.]\n\n\n1\n\n1. Alice Duke\n2. Alice Green\n3. Anne Bishop [officer]\n4. Catharine Green\n5. Christian Green\n6. Dinah Warberton\n7. Dorothy Warberton\n8. Elizabeth Stile\n9. Henry Walter\n10. Jone Syms\n11. Mary Green\n12. Mary Penny\n13. Mary Warberton\n\n\n2\n\n1. Christopher Ellen\n2. James Bush\n3. John Combes\n4. John Vining\n5. Julian Cox\n6. Margaret Agar [officer?]\n7. Margaret Clarke\n8. Rachel King\n9. Richard Dickes\n10. Richard Lannen\n11. Thomas Bolster\n12. Thomas Dunning\n13. ... Durnford\n\n\n16\n\n1673. Northumberland\n\n1. Anne Driden\n2. Anne Foster\n3. Anne Usher\n4. Elizabeth Pickering\n5. John Crauforth\n6. Lucy Thompson\n7. Margaret Aynsley\n8. Margarett (whose surname she knowes not)\n9. Michael Aynsley\n10. William Wright\n11-13. And three more, whose names she knowes not\n\n\n17\n\n1657. Renfrewshire. Bargarran\n\n1. Agnes Naismith\n2. Alexander Anderson\n3. James Lindsay\n4. Janet Rodgers\n5. Janet Wagh\n6. Jean Fulton [officer]\n7. John Lindsay\n8. John Reid\n9. Katherine Campbel\n10. Margaret Fulton\n11. Margaret Laing\n12. Margaret Rodgers\n13. Martha Semple\n\n\nB. NAMES OF WITCHES\n\n[Guernsey being a law unto itself in the matter of names, the following\nremarks refer only to England and Scotland.]\n\nThe lists of witch-names bring to light several facts as regards the women.\nOne of these is the entire absence of Saxon names, such as Gertrude, Edith,\nHilda; Old Testament names are so few in number as to be negligible;\nScandinavian names are not found; the essentially Puritan names, such as\nTemperance, hardly occur; but the great mass of the names fall under eight\nheads with their dialectical differences: 1, Ann (Annis, Agnes, Annabel);\n2, Alice (Alison); 3, Christian (Christen, Cirstine); 4, Elizabeth (Elspet,\nIsobel, Bessie); 5, Ellen (Elinor, Helen); 6, Joan (Jane, Janet, Jonet); 7,\nMargaret (Marget, Meg, Marjorie); 8, Marion (Mary).\n\nAt first sight the list suggests New Testament and Greek influence; and\nthough I am not prepared to dispute this, I would point out (1) that there\nwas a British goddess called Anna, which may account not only for all the\nforms of Ann but also for the terminations in Alison and Marion; (2) that\nthe name _Christian_ clearly indicates the presence of another religion;\n(3) that there is at present nothing to prove that Isobel is a variant of\nElizabeth--it is quite possible that Isobel was the original name and that\nthe missionaries 'Christianized' it as Elizabeth; (4) that Helen was a\npre-Christian name in Great Britain; (5) that Margaret may have been\noriginally Marget, the spelling and pronunciation being influenced by the\nGreek form; and as g and y are dialectically interchangeable, Marget would\nbe the same as, or closely allied to, the Finnish Marjatta.\n\nIf Christianity had obtained the hold on the people which the\necclesiastical writers would have us believe, the name Mary should surely\nhave been the most common, but it hardly occurs in Great Britain before\n1645, while Marion is hardly used after that date. This looks as though\nMarion were the earlier form, and Mary may therefore be merely the\ncontraction of the longer name.\n\nAs regards the name Joan I can offer no explanations or suggestions. I can\nonly call attention to its overwhelming preponderance in comparison with\nthe others.\n\nIn the lists the names are arranged without regard to local differences of\nspelling. The surnames are in alphabetical order.\n\nAbre Grinset Dunwich 1663\nAgnes Allene Crook of Devon 1662\nAgnes Beveridge Crook of Devon 1662\nAgnes Brodie Auldearne 1662\nAgnes Browne Northampton 1612\nAgnes Brugh Crook of Devon 1662\nAgnes Finnie Edinburgh 1644\nAgnes Forbes Aberdeen 1597\nAgnes Frame Aberdeen 1597\nAgnes Grant Auldearne 1662\nAgnes Murie Crook of Devon 1662\nAgnes Naismith Bargarran 1697\nAgnes Pittendreich Crook of Devon 1662\nAgnes Rawsterne Lancs 1613\nAgnes Sampson North Berwick 1590\nAgnes Sharp Crook of Devon 1662\nAgnes Sparke Forfar 1661\nAgnes Stratton North Berwick 1590\nAgnes Torrie Auldearne 1662\nAgnes Williamson Samuelston 1662\nAgnes Wobster Aberdeen 1597\nAgnes ... in Gortenis Bute 1662\n\nAlester McNiven Bute 1642\nAlexander Bell Auldearne 1662\nAlexander Elder Auldearne 1662\nAlexander Hamilton Edinburgh 1630\nAlexander Hunter East Lothian 1649\nAlexander Ledy Auldearne 1662\nAlexander Quhytelaw N. Berwick 1590\nAlexander Shepheard Auldearne 1662\nAlexander Sussums Suffolk 1646\n\nAlice Dixon Essex 1645\nAlice Dixon Northumberland 1673\nAlice Duke Somerset 1664\nAlice Gooderidge Burton-on-Trent 1597\nAlice Gray Lancs 1613\nAlice Green Somerset 1664\nAles Hunt St. Osyth 1582\nAlice Huson Burton Agnes 1664\nAlice Kyteler Ireland 1324\nAles Mansfield St. Osyth 1582\nAles Newman St. Osyth 1582\nAlice Nutter Lancs 1613\nAlice Priestley Lancs 1613\nAlse Young Connecticut 1647\nAlizon Device Lancs 1613\nAlison Dick Kirkcaldy 1636\nAlesoun Peirsoun Fifeshire 1588\n\nAllan McKeldowie Orkney 1616\n\nAmy Duny Essex 1645\nAmie Hyndman, Snr. Bute 1662\nAmie Hyndman, Jnr. Bute 1662\n\nAndro Man Aberdeen 1597\nAndrew Sanford Conn. 1662\nAndrew Watson Forfar 1661\n\nAnne Ashby Maidstone 1652\nAnn Baites Northumberland 1673\nAnne Baker Leicester 1619\nAnne Bishop Somerset 1664\nAnne Blampied Guernsey 1629\nAnne Bodenham Salisbury 1633\nAnne Cate Much Holland, Essex 1645\nAnne Cooper Clacton, Essex 1645\nAnnas Craigie Crook of Devon 1662\nAnne Crunkshey Lancs 1613\nAnne Desborough Hunts 1646\nAnne Driden Northumberland 1673\nAnne Foster Northumberland 1673\nAnn Foster Northampton 1674\nAnnis Glascocke St. Osyth 1582\nAnne Grut Guernsey 1614\nAnnis Heade St. Osyth 1582\nAnnie Heyman Bute 1662\nAnne Hunnam Scarborough 1651\nAnne Leach Misley, Essex 1645\nAnne Martyn Maidstone 1652\nAnne Massq Guernsey 1617\nAnne Parker Suffolk 1645\nAnne Parteis Northumberland 1673\nAnne Pearce Suffolk 1645\nAnne Redferne Lancs 1613\nAnnie Richardson N. Berwick 1590\nAnne Smith St. Albans 1649\nAnnabil Stuart Paisley 1678\nAnie Tailzeour Orkney 1633\nAnnaple Thomson Borrowstowness 1679\nAnne Usher Northumberland 1673\nAnne West Lawford, Essex 1645\nAnne Whitfield Northumberland 1673\nAnne Whittle Lancs 1613\n\nAnthony Hunter Northumberland 1673\n\nArchibald Man Auldearne 1662\n\nArthur Bill Northampton 1612\n\n\nBarbara Erskeine Alloa 1658\nBarbara Friece Auldearne 1662\nBarbara Napier N. Berwick 1590\nBarbara Ronald Auldearne 1662\n\nBeak Taiss Aberdeen 1597\nBeigis Tod N. Berwick 1598\n\nBeatrice Laing Pittenweem 1704\nBeatrice Robbie Aberdeen 1597\n\n\nCirstine Ballantyne Bute 1662\nChristian Carington N. Berwick 1597\nChristian Carrington N. Berwick 1590\nChristian Graham Glasgow 1622\nChristian Green Somerset 1664\nChristian Grieve Crook of Devon 1662\nChristine Harnon Guernsey 1617\nChristiane Lewingstone Leith 1597\nChristen Miller Aberdeen 1597\nChristen Mitchell Aberdeen 1597\nChristen Reid Aberdeen 1597\nChristian Saidler Edinburgh 1597\nChristian Tod N. Berwick 1590\nChristen Whyte Forfar 1661\nChristiane Wilson Dalkeith 1661\nChristian Young Crook of Devon 1662\n\nChristopher Dixon Northumberland 1673\nChristopher Ellen Somerset 1664\nChristopher Hargreaves Lancs 1613\nChristopher Howgate Lancs 1613\n\nCysley Celles St. Osyth 1582\nCecile Vaultier Guernsey 1610\n\nCollas Becquet Guernsey 1617\nCollette Becquet Guernsey 1617\nCollette de l'Estal Guernsey 1622\nCollette Dumont Guernsey 1617\nCollette Gascoing Guernsey 1563\nCollette la Gel\u00e9e Guernsey 1624\nCollette Robin Guernsey 1622\nCollette Salmon Guernsey 1563\nCollette Sauvage Guernsey 1639\nCollette Tourtel Guernsey 1576\n\n\nDeliverance Hobbs Salem 1692\n\nDinah Warberton Somerset 1664\n\nDonald McCartour Bute 1662\nDonald Robesoune N. Berwick 1590\nDoll Bilby Burton Agnes 1664\n\nDorothy Green Northumberland 1673\nDorothy Warberton Somerset 1664\n\nDuncan Buchquhannane N. Berwick 1590\n\n\nBessie Aiken Edinburgh 1597\nElspet Alexander Forfar 1661\nElizabeth Astley Lancs 1613\nElizabeth Atchinson Northumberland 1673\nBessie Bathgate Eymouth 1634\nElizabeth Bennet St. Osyth 1582\nElspet Blak Alloa 1658\nBessie Browne N. Berwick 1590\nElspet Bruce Forfar 1661\nElspet Cant Queensferry 1644\nElizabeth Chandler Hunts 1646\nElspet Chisholme Auldearne 1662\nElizabeth Clark Manningtree 1645\nElizabeth Clawson Conn. 1692\nBessie Croket Forfar 1661\nElizabeth Demdike Lancs 1613\nElizabeth Dempster Crook of Devon 1662\nElizabeth Device Lancs 1613\nElizabeth Dickenson Knaresborough 1621\nBessie Dunlop Ayrshire 1576\nElizabeth Duquenin Guernsey 1610\nElizabeth Ewstace St. Osyth 1582\nElspet Falconer Auldearne 1662\nElspet Findlay Aberdeen 1597\nElizabeth Fletcher Knaresborough 1621\nElspett Forbes Aberdeen 1597\nElizabeth Francis Chelmsford 1556\nBessie Friece Auldearne 1662\nElspet Galie Bute 1662\nElizabeth Garlick Conn. 1657\nElizabeth Gauvein Guernsey 1639\nElspet Gilbert Auldearne 1662\nElizabeth Godman Conn. 1653\nElizabeth Gooding Manningtree 1645\nBessie Graham Kilwinning 1649\nElspet Graham Dalkeith 1661\nElspet Gray Bute 1662\nBessie Gulene N. Berwick 1590\nElizabeth Hare Essex 1645\nElizabeth Hargraves Lancs 1613\nElizabeth Harvy Ramsey, Essex 1645\nBessie Hay Auldearne 1662\nBessie Henderson Crook of Devon 1662\nElizabeth Howgate Lancs 1613\nBessie Hucheons Auldearne 1662\nElizabeth Knap Groton 1671\nElspet Laird Auldearne 1662\nElizabeth le Hardy Guernsey 1631\nElspet Leyis Aberdeen 1597\nElspet Macbeith Auldearne 1662\nElspet Makhomie Auldearne 1662\nBessie Moffat Dalkeith 1661\nElspet Moinness Aberdeen 1597\nElspet NcWilliam Bute 1662\nBessie Neil Crook of Devon 1662\nElspet Nishie Auldearne 1662\nBessie Paton Alloa 1658\nBessie Paul Aberdeen 1597\nBessie Peterkin Auldearne 1662\nElizabeth Pickering Northumberland 1673\nElspeth Reoch Orkney 1616\nBessie Robson N. Berwick 1590\nElizabeth Sawyer Edmonton 1621\nElizabeth Seager Conn. 1662\nElspet Smyth Aberdeen 1597\nElspeth Spence Bute 1662\nElizabeth Stile Somerset 1664\nElizabeth Stile Windsor 1579\nElspet Strathaquhin Aberdeen 1597\nBessie Thom Aberdeen 1597\nBessie Thomson N. Berwick 1590\nBessie Vickar Borrowstowness 1679\nElizabeth Weed Hunts 1646\nBessie Weir Paisley 1678\nBessie Wilson Auldearne 1662\nBessie Wright N. Berwick 1590\nElizabeth Wright Burton-on-Trent 1597\nBessie Young Auldearne 1662\n\nEllen Bierley Lancs 1613\nEllen Gray Aberdeen 1597\nEllen Green Leicester 1619\nElinor Shaw Northampton 1705\nEuphemia McCalyan N. Berwick 1590\n\n\nFrances Dicconson Lancs 1613\nFrances Moore Hunts 1646\n\n\nGeorge Ellies Forfar 1661\n\nGideon Penman Crighton 1678\n\nGilbert Fidlar Aberdeen 1597\nGilbert McGill N. Berwick 1590\n\nGiles Fenderlin Leaven Heath 1652\nGeillis Duncan N. Berwick 1590\nGilles Hutton Crook of Devon 1662\n\nGirette le Parmentier Guernsey 1620\n\nGracyenne Gousset Guernsey 1563\nGrace Hay Lancs 1613\n\nGrissell Gairdner Newburgh 1610\nGrissall Sinklar Auldearne 1662\n\nGuillemine la Bousse Guernsey 1622\nGuillemine Vaultier Guernsey 1610\n\n\nHellen Alexander Forfar 1661\nHellen Clark Manningtree 1645\nHelen Cothills Forfar 1661\nHelen Fraser Aberdeen 1597\nHelen Guthrie Forfar 1661\nHelen Hill Queensferry 1644\nHelen Inglis Auldearne 1661\nHellen Jenkinson Northampton 1612\nHelen Lauder N. Berwick 1590\nHel\u00e8ne le Brun Guernsey 1609\nHelen Makkie Aberdeen 1597\nHellen Pennie Aberdeen 1597\nHelen Rogie Aberdeen 1597\nHelen Thomson Queensferry 1644\nHelen White N. Berwick 1590\n\nHenry Graver Knaresborough 1621\nHenry Walter Somerset 1665\n\nHugh Crosia Conn. 1693\n\n\nIsobel Adams Pittenweem 1704\nIssabel Andrews Northumberland 1673\nIsobel Bairdie Edinburgh 1649\nIssobell Barroun Aberdeen 1597\nIsabel Becquet Guernsey 1617\nIsobel Black Crook of Devon 1662\nIssobell Burnett Aberdeen 1597\nIssobell Coky Aberdeen 1597\nIsabel Condie Crook of Devon 1662\nIsobell Crawford Irvine 1618\nIsobel Dorward Forfar 1661\nIssobell Forbes Aberdeen 1597\nIsobel Friece Auldearne 1662\nIsobel Gairdner Edinburgh 1649\nIsabel Gibson Crook of Devon 1662\nIssobell Gowdie Auldearne 1662\nIssobell Griersoune Edinburgh 1607\nIsobell Gylour N. Berwick 1590\nIsobel Haldane Perth 1607\nIsobel Inch Irvine 1618\nIssabell Johnson Northumberland 1673\nIsobell Lauder N. Berwick 1590\nIssobell Menteithe Aberdeen 1597\nIsobel More NcKaw Bute 1662\nIsobel More Auldearne 1662\nIssobell NcNeill Bute 1662\nIssobell NcNicoll Bute 1662\nIssobell Nicoll Auldearne 1662\nIssobell Oige Aberdeen 1597\nIsobel Ramsay Edinburgh 1661\nIssobell Richie Aberdeen 1597\nIssobell Robbie Aberdeen 1597\nIsobel Robey Lancs 1613\nIsabel Rutherford Crook of Devon 1662\nIssobell Shyrie Forfar 1661\nIsabel Sidegraves Lancs 1613\nIssobell Smith Forfar 1661\nIssobell Strathaquhin Aberdeen 1597\nIssabell Thompson Northumberland 1673\nIsobel Young Queensferry 1644\n\n\nJames Bush Somerset 1664\nJames Device Lancs 1613\nJames Hudston Alloa 1658\nJames Kirk Alloa 1658\nJames Og Aberdeen 1597\nJames Walkley Conn. 1662\n\nJonet Anderson Edinburgh 1657\nJane Baites Northumberland 1673\nJonet Barrie Forfar 1661\nJeanne Bichot Guernsey 1619\nJennet Bierley Lancs 1613\nJannet Blandilands Edinburgh 1590\nJanet Breadheid Auldearne 1662\nJanet Brown Edinburgh 1649\nJanet Brugh Crook of Devon 1662\nJane Bulcock Lancs 1613\nJanet Burnet Auldearne 1662\nJonet Campbell Edinburgh 1590\nJonet Campbell N. Berwick 1590\nJoan Cariden Faversham 1645\nJoan Carrington Conn. 1651\nJonett Clark Edinburgh 1590\nJonet Cleracht Aberdeen 1597\nJennot Cooke Dalkeith 1661\nJohan Cooper Much Holland, Essex 1645\nJonet Corset Pittenweem 1704\nJennet Cronkshaw Lancs 1613\nJanet Cunningham Edinburgh 1590\nJonet Davidson Aberdeen 1597\nJeanne de Bertran Guernsey 1626\nJenette de Garis Guernsey 1631\nJonet Degeddes Aberdeen 1597\nJennet Device Lancs 1613\nJennit Dibble Knaresborough 1621\nJonet Drever Orkney 1615\nJeannette Dumaresq Guernsey 1570\nJanet Finlay Auldearne 1662\nJean Fulton Bargarran 1697\nJonet Gaw (Gall) N. Berwick 1590\nJonet Grant Aberdeen 1597\nJonett Grant Edinburgh 1590\nJeanne Guignon Guernsey 1570\nJonet Guissett Aberdeen 1597\nJennet Hargraves Lancs 1613\nJonet Hird Crook of Devon 1662\nJonet Hood Crook of Devon 1662\nJane Hopper Northumberland 1673\nJane Hott Faversham 1645\nJonet Howit Forfar 1661\nJonet Hunter Ayrshire 1605\nJonet Isack Bute 1662\nJonat Kaw Perth 1607\nJean King Innerkip 1662\nJeanne le Cornu Guernsey 1620\nJeannette le Gall\u00e9es Guernsey 1570\nJonet Leisk Aberdeen 1597\nJonet Leyis Aberdeen 1597\nJonet Logan N. Berwick 1590\nJanet Lowry Queensferry 1644\nJonet Lucas Aberdeen 1597\nJoane Lucus Northampton 1612\nJane Makepiece Northumberland 1673\nJanet Man Auldearne 1662\nJanet Mathie Paisley 1678\nJonet McConachie Bute 1662\nJonet Mcilmertine Bute 1642\nJonet McNeill Bute 1662\nJonet McNickell Bute 1662\nJonet Mctyre Bute 1642\nJenot Meiklejohn Dalkeith 1661\nJonet Millar Alloa 1658\nJonet Morison Bute 1662\nJanet Mowbray Queensferry 1644\nJonet Nctyre Bute 1642\nJonet Nicholson N. Berwick 1590\nJonet Nicoll Bute 1662\nJonet Paiston Dalkeith 1661\nJonet Paterson Alloa 1658\nJanet Paton Crook of Devon 1662\nJanet Paton Kilduff 1662\nJoan Pechey St. Osyth 1582\nJoan Peterson Wapping 1652\nJennet Preston Lancs 1613\nJonet Reid Alloa 1658\nJonet Reid Orkney 1633\nJonet Rendall Orkney 1629\nJoan Robinson St. Osyth 1582\nJanet Rodgers Bargarran 1697\nJanet Scot Innerkip 1662\nJanet Smith Auldearne 1662\nJonet Smyth Aberdeen 1597\nJane Southworth Lancs 1613\nJonet Spaldarg Aberdeen 1597\nJonet Stewart Edinburgh 1597\nJonet Stout Forfar 1661\nJonet Stratton N. Berwick 1590\nJean Sutherland Auldearne 1662\nJone Syms Somerset 1664\nJanet Thomson Edinburgh 1649\nJeanne Tourgis Guernsey 1622\nJoane Vaughan Northampton 1612\nJanet Wagh Bargarran 1697\nJoan Walliford Faversham 1645\nJoane Wallis Hunts 1646\nJoan Waterhouse Chelmsford 1556\nJonet Watson Dalkeith 1661\nJean Weir Edinburgh 1670\nJennet Wilkinson Lancs 1613\nJoane Willimot Leicester 1619\nJonet Wishert Aberdeen 1597\n\nJohn Brugh Edinburgh 1643\nJohn Bulcock Lancs 1613\nJohn Carington Conn. 1651\nJohn Clarke Hunts 1646\nJohn Combes Somerset 1664\nJohn Couper N. Berwick 1590\nJohn Crauforth Northumberland 1673\nJohnne Damiet Edinburgh 1597\nJohn Douglas Tranent 1659\nJohn Fian N. Berwick 1590\nJohn Galie Bute 1662\nJohn Gordon (Gray-meill) N. Berwick 1590\nJohn Lamen, Snr. St. Albans 1649\nJohn Lamen, Jnr. St. Albans 1649\nJohn Leyis Aberdeen 1597\nJohn Lindsay Bargarran 1697\nJohn McGill N. Berwick 1590\nJohn Palmer St. Albans 1649\nJohn Ramsden Lancs 1613\nJohn Reid Bargarran 1697\nJohn Robertson Auldearne 1662\nJohn Salmon St. Albans 1649\nJohn McWilliam Sclater Edinburgh 1656\nJohn Stewart Irving 1618\nJohn Stuart Paisley 1678\nJohn Tailzeour Forfar 1661\nJohn Taylor Auldearne 1662\nJohn Vining Somerset 1664\nJohn Whitfield Northumberland 1673\nJohn Winnick Hunts 1646\nJohn Young Auldearne 1662\n\nJoseph Salmon St. Albans 1649\n\nJosine Deblicq Hainault 1616\n\nJoyce Boanes St. Osyth 1645\n\nJudith Moone Thorp, Essex 1645\nJudeth Salmon St. Albans 1649\nJudith Varlet Conn. 1662\n\nJulian Cox Somerset 1665\n\n\nKatherine Blair Glasgow 1622\nKathren Blak Alloa 1658\nKatherine Campbell N. Berwick 1590\nKatherine Campbell Bargarran 1697\nKatherine Carruthers N. Berwick 1590\nKatherine Craige Orkney 1633\nKatherine Cristell Bute 1662\nKatherine Duncan N. Berwick 1590\nKatherine Earle Yorks 1654\nCatherine Ellot Northumberland 1673\nKatherine Eustache Guernsey 1581\nKatherine Fernsche Aberdeen 1597\nKatherine Ferris Aberdeen 1597\nKatherine Frissell Bute 1662\nKatherine Gerard Aberdeen 1597\nKait Gray N. Berwick 1590\nCatherine Green Somerset 1665\nCatherine Halloudis Guernsey 1622\nKatherine Harrison Conn. 1662\nKatherine Heirst Lancs 1613\nCatherine Logie Queensferry 1644\nKatherine McGill N. Berwick 1590\nKatherine McTeir Ayrshire 1605\nKatherine McWilliam Bute 1662\nKatherine Miller Orkney 1633\nKathren Mitchell Aberdeen 1597\nKathrin Moore Bute 1662\nKatherine Oswald Edinburgh 1629\nKatharene Portour Forfar 1661\nCatherine Prays Guernsey 1563\nKathren Renny Alloa 1658\nCatherine Robert Guernsey 1639\nKatherine Scott Innerkip 1662\nKathren Sowter Auldearne 1662\nKatherine Stewart Bute 1662\nCatherine Thomson Queensferry 1644\nKait Wallace N. Berwick 1590\nKatharene Wallace Forfar 1661\n\n\nLawrence Hay Lancs 1613\nLaurenche Jehan Guernsey 1570\nLaurence l'Eustache Guernsey 1617\n\nLilias Adie Torryburn 1704\n\nLillie Wallace Pittenweem 1704\n\nLucy Thompson Northumberland 1673\n\nLydia Gilbert Conn. 1654\n\n\nMalie Geddie N. Berwick 1590\n\nManie Haliburton Dirlton 1649\n\nMarable Cooper Orkney 1633\n\nMargaret Agar Somerset 1664\nMargaret Aitchison N. Berwick 1590\nMargaret Aynsley Northumberland 1673\nMargaret Barclay Irvine 1618\nMargret Bean Aberdeen 1597\nMeg Begtoun N. Berwick 1590\nMarget Beveridge Crook of Devon 1662\nMargret Brodie Auldearne 1662\nMargaret Brown Queensferry 1644\nMargaret Clarke Somerset 1664\nMargrat Cleraucht Aberdeen 1597\nMargaret Craige Paisley 1678\nMargaret Dauline Queensferry 1644\nMargret Demperstoun Alloa 1658\nMargret Duchall Alloa 1658\nMargaret Duncane Ayrshire 1605\nMargaret Duncane Crook of Devon 1662\nMargaret Dwn N. Berwick 1590\nMargaret Fulton Bargarran 1697\nMargaret Grevell St. Osyth 1582\nMargaret Hamilton (Mitchell) Borrowstowness 1679\nMargaret Hamilton (Pullwart) Borrowstowness 1679\nMargrat Holm Innerkip 1662\nMargret Hucheons Auldearne 1662\nMargaret Huggon Crook of Devon 1662\nMarget Hutton Crook of Devon 1662\nMargrat Innes Aberdeen 1597\nMargaret Jackson Paisley 1678\nMargaret Jennings Conn. 1661\nMargaret Johnson Lancs 1633\nMargaret Keltie Crook of Devon 1662\nMargaret Kyllie Auldearne 1662\nMargaret Laing Bargarran 1697\nMargaret Landish St. Osyth 1645\nMargaret Litster Crook of Devon 1662\nMargaret Loy Liverpool 1667\nMargaret McGuffok Ayrshire 1605\nMargret McKenzie Innerkip 1662\nMargaret McNeill Bute 1662\nMargaret McNickell Bute 1662\nMargaret McNish Crook of Devon 1662\nMargaret McWilliam Bute 1662\nMargaret Moone Thorp, Essex 1645\nMargaret Morton Yorks 1650\nMargaret Ncilduy Bute 1662\nMargaret NcLevin Bute 1662\nMargaret Nicoll Forfar 1661\nMargaret Nin-Gilbert Thurso 1719\nMargret Og Aberdeen 1597\nMargaret Pearson Lancs 1613\nMarguerite Picot Guernsey 1629\nMargaret Pringle Borrowstowness 1679\nMargrat Reauch Aberdeen 1597\nMargaret Rodgers Bargarran 1697\nMargrat Scherar Aberdeen 1597\nMargaret Simson Hunts 1646\nMargaret Smith Bute 1662\nMargrat Smyth Aberdeen 1597\nMeg Stillcart N. Berwick 1590\nMargret Tailzeour Alloa 1658\nMarguerite Tardif Guernsey 1624\nMargaret Thomson N. Berwick 1590\nMargaret Waite, Snr. Knaresborough 1621\nMargaret Waite, Jnr. Knaresborough 1621\nMargaret Wallace Glasgow 1622\nMargret Wilson Auldearne 1662\nMargaret Young Crook of Devon 1662\nMargarett (surname unknown) Northumberland 1673\n\nMarion Bailzie N. Berwick 1590\nMarion Congilton N. Berwick 1590\nMarion Dauline Queensferry 1644\nMarion Frissell Bute 1642\nMarrion Fyfe Crook of Devon 1662\nMarion Grant Aberdeen 1597\nMarion Hocket Ramsey, Essex 1645\nMarion Linkup Leith 1590\nMarion Little Queensferry 1644\nMarion Nicholson N. Berwick 1590\nMarion Paterson N. Berwick 1590\nMarion Richart Orkney 1633\nMarion Scheill (Shaw) N. Berwick 1590\nMarion Stein Queensferry 1644\nMarrion Thomson Crook of Devon 1662\nMarion Wod Aberdeen 1597\nMarion (Irish Marion) N. Berwick 1590\n\nMarjorie Dunbar Auldearne 1662\nMarjorie Man Auldearne 1662\nMarjorie Mutch Aberdeen 1597\nMarjorie Ritchie Forfar 1661\nMargery Sammon St. Osyth 1582\nMargery Stoakes St. Osyth 1645\nMarjorie Taylor Auldearne 1662\n\nMartha Semple Bargarran 1697\n\nMartin Tulouff Guernsey 1563\n\nMary Barber Northampton 1612\nMary Barnes Conn. 1662\nMarie Becquet Guernsey 1617\nMary Bychance St. Albans 1649\nMarie Clouet Guernsey 1631\nMarie de Calais Guernsey 1617\nMarie de Calais Guernsey 1631\nMarie du Mont Guernsey 1617\nMarie Gauvein Guernsey 1570\nMary Green Somerset 1664\nMary Greenleife Alresford, Essex 1645\nMarie Guilbert Guernsey 1639\nMarie Guillemotte Guernsey 1634\nMary Hunter Northumberland 1673\nMary Johnson Wyvenhoe, Essex 1645\nMary Johnson Conn. 1647\nMary Lamen, Snr. St. Albans 1649\nMary Lamen, Jnr. St. Albans 1649\nMarie Lamont Innerkip 1662\nMarie Mabille Guernsey 1631\nMarie Martin Guernsey 1588\nMarie McKaw Bute 1662\nMary McNiven Bute 1662\nMarie Mortimer Guernsey 1631\nMarie More NcCuill Bute 1662\nMarie Paterson N. Berwick 1590\nMary Penny Somerset 1664\nMary Phillips Northampton 1705\nMary Read Lenham 1652\nMarie Roland Guernsey 1601\nMarie Roland Guernsey 1634\nMary Rynd Forfar 1661\nMary Sanford Conn. 1662\nMarie Shuttleworth Lancs 1613\nMary Sikes Yorks 1649\nMarie Sohier Guernsey 1626\nMarie Spencer Lancs 1613\nMarie Stewart Bute 1662\nMary Trembles Bideford 1682\nMary Warberton Somerset 1665\n\nMasie Aitchison N. Berwick 1590\n\nMercy Disborough Conn. 1692\n\nMeslie Hirdall Auldearne 1662\n\nMichael Aynsley Northumberland 1673\nMichael Clark N. Berwick 1590\n\nMildred Wright Maidstone 1652\n\n\nNathaniel Greensmith Conn. 1662\n\nNicholas Jennings Conn. 1661\n\n\nPatrick Lowrie Ayrshire 1605\nPatrick McKaw Bute 1662\nPatrik Watson Dirlton 1649\n\nPerine Marest Guernsey 1622\n\nPhilipine le Parmentier Guernsey 1617\n\n\nRachel King Somerset 1665\n\nRebecca Greensmith Conn. 1662\nRebecca Jones St. Osyth 1645\nRebecca Weste Lawford, Essex 1645\n\nRichard Dickes Somerset 1665\nRichard Graham Edinburgh 1590\nRichard Lannen Somerset 1665\n\nRobert Griersoun N. Berwick 1590\nRobert Grieve Lauder 1649\nRobert Wilkinson Lancs 1613\nRobert Wilson Crook of Devon 1662\n\nRose Cullender Bury 1664\nRose Hallybread St. Osyth 1645\n\n\nSarah Barton Harwich 1645\nSarah Cooper Essex 1645\nSarah Hating Ramsey, Essex 1645\nSarah Smith St. Albans 1649\n\nSusan Cock St. Osyth 1645\nSusanna Edwards Bideford 1682\nSusanne Prudhomme Guernsey 1629\nSusanne Rouanne Guernsey 1631\n\n\nTemperance Lloyd Bideford 1682\n\nThomas Bolster Somerset 1665\nThomas Burnhill N. Berwick 1590\nThomas Durning Somerset 1665\nThomas Leyis Aberdeen 1597\nThomas Weir Edinburgh 1670\n\nThomasse de Calais Guernsey 1617\nThomazine Ratcliffe Suffolk 1645\nThomasse Salmon Guernsey 1570\nThomasine Watson Northumberland 1673\n\n\nUrsley Kemp St. Osyth 1582\n\n\nVyolett Leyis Aberdeen 1597\n\n\nWalter Ledy Auldearne 1662\n\nWilliam Ayres Conn. 1662\nWilliam Barton Queensferry 1655\nWilliam Berry Rutland 1619\nWilliam Coke Kirkcaldy 1636\nWilliam Craw Borrowstowness 1679\nWilliam Wright Northumberland 1673\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX IV\n\nJOAN OF ARC AND GILLES DE RAIS\n\n\nThese two personages--so closely connected in life and dying similar\ndeaths, yet as the poles asunder in character--have been minutely studied\nfrom the historical and medical points of view, and in the case of Joan\nfrom the religious standpoint also. But hitherto the anthropological aspect\nhas been disregarded. This is largely due to the fact that these intensive\nstudies have been made of each person separately, whereas to obtain the\ntrue perspective the two should be taken together. This individual\ntreatment is probably owing to the wide divergence of the two characters;\nthe simplicity and purity of the one is in marked contrast with the\nrepulsive attributes of the other. Yet anthropologically speaking the tie\nbetween the two is as strongly marked as the contrast of character.\n\nThe case of Joan is easily studied, as the documents are accessible.[956]\nAnatole France has realized that behind Joan there lay some unseen power,\nwhich Charles VII feared and from which he unwillingly accepted help. M.\nFrance sees in this power a party in the Church, and in his eyes the Church\nwas a house divided against itself. Though agreeing with the view that Joan\nwas the rallying-point of a great and powerful organization, I see in that\norganization the underlying religion which permeated the lower orders of\nthe people in France as in England; that religion which I have set forth in\nthe foregoing chapters. The men-at-arms, drawn from the lower orders,\nfollowed without hesitation one whom they believed to have been sent by\ntheir God, while the whole army was commanded by Marshal Gilles de Rais,\nwho apparently tried to belong to both religions at once.\n\n\n1. _Joan of Arc_\n\nThe questions asked by the judges at Joan's trial show that they were well\naware of an underlying organization of which they stood in some dread. The\njudges were ecclesiastics, and the accusation against the prisoner was on\npoints of Christian faith and doctrine and ecclesiastical observance. It\nwas the first great trial of strength between the old and the new\nreligions, and the political conditions gave the victory to the new, which\nwas triumphant accordingly. 'We have caught her now', said the Bishop of\nBeauvais, and she was burned without even the formality of handing her over\nto the secular authorities. After the execution, the judges and counsellors\nwho had sat in judgement on Joan received letters of indemnity from the\nGreat Council; the Chancellor of England sent letters to the Emperor, to\nthe kings and princes of Christendom, to all the nobles and towns of\nFrance, explaining that King Henry and his Counsellors had put Joan to\ndeath through zeal for the Christian Faith; and the University of Paris\nsent similar letters to the Pope, the Emperor, and the College of\nCardinals. Such action can hardly be explained had Joan been an ordinary\nheretic or an ordinary political prisoner. But if she were in the eyes of\nthe great mass of the population not merely a religious leader but actually\nthe incarnate God, then it was only natural for the authorities, who had\ncompassed her death, to shelter themselves behind the bulwark of their zeal\nfor the Christian religion, and to explain to the heads of that religion\ntheir reasons for the execution. On the other hand, the belief that Joan\nwas God Incarnate will account, as nothing else can, for the extraordinary\nsupineness of the French, who never lifted a finger to ransom or rescue\nJoan from the hands of either the Burgundians or the English. As God\nhimself or his voluntary substitute she was doomed to suffer as the\nsacrifice for the people, and no one of those people could attempt to save\nher.\n\nIn comparing the facts elicited at the trial with the Dianic Cult as set\nout in the previous chapters, the coincidences are too numerous to be\nmerely accidental. I do not propose to enter into a detailed discussion of\nthe trial, I only wish to draw attention to a few points in this connexion.\n\nThe questions put to Joan on the subject of fairies appear to the modern\nreader to be entirely irrelevant, though much importance was evidently\nattached to her answers by the Court. She could not disprove, though she\ndenied, the popular rumour that 'Joan received her mission at the tree of\nthe Fairy-ladies' (Iohanna ceperat factum suum apud arborem Dominarum\nFatalium), and she was finally forced to admit that she had first met the\n'Voices' near that spot. Connexion with the fairies was as damning in the\neyes of the Bishop of Beauvais and his colleagues as it was later in the\neyes of the judges who tried John Walsh and Aleson Peirson.\n\nThe names of Christian saints, given to the persons whom Joan called her\n'Voices', have misled modern writers; but the questions showered upon her\nshow that the judges had shrewd suspicions as to the identity of these\npersons. That the 'Voices' were human beings is very clear from Joan's own\ntestimony: 'Those of my party know well that the Voice had been sent to me\nfrom God, they have seen and known this Voice. My king and many others have\nalso heard and seen the Voices which came to me ... I saw him [St. Michael]\nwith my bodily eyes as well as I see you.' She refused to describe 'St.\nMichael'; and bearing in mind some of the descriptions of the Devil in\nlater trials, it is interesting to find that when the judges put the direct\nquestion to her as to whether 'St. Michael' came to her naked, she did not\ngive a direct answer. Later the following dialogue took place: 'If the\ndevil were to put himself in the form or likeness of an angel, how would\nyou know if it were a good or an evil angel?' asked the judges. Again\nJoan's reply was not direct: 'I should know quite well if it were St.\nMichael or a counterfeit.' She then stated that she had seen him many times\nbefore she knew him to be St. Michael; when a child she had seen him and\nhad been afraid at first. Pressed for a description, she said he came 'in\nthe form of a true honest man' [tres vray preudomme, forma unius verissimi\nprobi hominis].[957] The accounts of the trial prove that Joan continually\nreceived advice from the 'saints'. The person whom she called 'St.\nKatherine' was obviously in the castle and able to communicate with the\nprisoner: this was not difficult, for the evidence shows that there was a\nconcealed opening between Joan's room and the next. It was in the adjoining\nroom, close to the opening, that the notaries sat to take down Joan's words\nwhen the spy Loyseleur engaged her in conversation; and it was evidently\nthrough this opening that 'St. Katherine' spoke when she awoke Joan\n'without touching her', and again when Joan could not hear distinctly what\nshe said 'on account of the noise in the castle'. A remark of Joan's that\n'she often saw them [the Voices] among the Christians, they themselves\nunseen', is noteworthy for the use of the word _Christian_, suggesting that\nthe 'Voices' were of a different religion. The remark should also be\ncompared with the account given by Bessie Dunlop as to her recognizing Thom\nReid when those about him did not know him; and with the statement by\nDanaeus that 'among a great company of men, the Sorcerer only knoweth\nSatan, that is present, when other doo not know him, although they see\nanother man, but who or what he is they know not'.\n\nThe points of mortal sin, of which Joan finally stood accused, were the\nfollowing: 1, The attack on Paris on a feast day; 2, taking the horse of\nthe Bishop of Senlis; 3, leaping from the tower of Beaurevoir; 4, wearing\nmale costume; 5, consenting to the death of Franquet d'Arras at Lagny.\n\nOf these the most surprising to modern ideas is the one referring to\ncostume, yet it was on this that the judges laid most stress. Even the\nseverest of sumptuary laws has never made the wearing of male dress by a\nwoman a capital crime; yet, though Joan had recanted and been received into\nthe Church, the moment that she put on male attire she was doomed on that\naccount only. Whether she donned it by accident, by treachery, by force,\nor out of bravado, the extraordinary fact remains that the mere resuming of\nmale garments was the signal for her death without further trial. On the\nSunday she wore the dress, on the Monday she was condemned, on the Tuesday\nthe sentence was communicated to her, on the Wednesday she was burned, as\nan 'idolator, apostate, heretic, relapsed'. If, as I suppose, she were a\nmember of the Dianic Cult, the wearing of male attire must have been, for\nher, an outward sign of that faith, and the resuming of it indicated the\nrelapse; the inscription on the high cap, which she wore at her execution,\nshows that the judges at least held this opinion. Throughout the trial\nquestions were poured upon her as to her reasons for wearing the dress, and\nshe acknowledged that she wore it, not by the advice of a human man [per\nconsilium hominis mundi] ... 'Totum quod feci est per praeceptum Domini, et\nsi aliam praeciperet assumere ego assumerem, postquam hoc esset per\npraeceptum Dei.' Asked if she thought she would have been committing mortal\nsin by wearing women's clothes, she answered that she did better in obeying\nand serving her supreme Lord, who is God. She refused to wear women's dress\nexcept by command of God: 'I would rather die than revoke what God has made\nme do.'\n\nOn her letters were placed sometimes the words Jhesus Maria or a cross.\n'Sometimes I put a cross as a sign for those of my party to whom I wrote so\nthat they should not do as the letters said.' Though the mark was merely a\ncode-signal to the recipient of the letter, it seems hardly probable that a\nChristian of that date would have used the symbol of the Faith for such a\npurpose. She also consistently refused to take an oath on the Gospels, and\nwas with difficulty persuaded to do so on the Missal. When she was asked\nwhether she had ever blasphemed [blasphemaverit] God, she replied that she\nhad never cursed the Saints [maledixit Sanctum vel Sanctam]. When pressed\nwhether she had not denied [denegaverit] God, she again refused a direct\nanswer, saying that she had not denied the Saints [denegaverit Sanctum nec\nSanctam].\n\nThe general feeling towards her among the Christian priesthood is shown by\nthe action of Brother Richard. When he first entered her presence 'he made\nthe sign of the cross and sprinkled holy water, and I said to him, Approach\nboldly, I shall not fly away.'\n\nAnother point to be noted is her answer that she learned the Paternoster,\nAve Maria, and Credo from her mother, thus proving that she was not of a\nwitch-family. According to Reginald Scot it was sufficient evidence to\ncondemn a woman to death as a witch if her mother had been a witch before\nher. At the same time, however, Joan refused to say the Paternoster except\nin confession, when the priest's lips would have been sealed if she had\nproved herself not to be a Christian. She was very urgent to confess to the\nBishop of Beauvais, but he was too wary to be caught.\n\nShe first heard the 'Voices' at the age of thirteen, the usual time for the\nDevil and the witch to make 'paction'. One of her followers, Pierronne, was\nburnt as a witch, avowing to the last that she had spoken with God as\nfriend with friend, and describing the costume of her Deity with a detail\nwhich shows the reality of the occurrence. If also there is any weight to\nbe attached to certain names--as seems likely after studying the lists\ngiven above--then we have in this history four of the chief witch-names;\nJoan, the daughter of Isabel, and the two saints Katherine and Margaret.\nThese coincidences may be small, but there are too many of them to be\nignored.\n\nThere is evidence from Joan's own words that she felt herself divine and\nalso that she knew her time was limited, but she never realized till the\nlast that the end meant death; this, however, the 'Voices' knew and it was\nfor this that they were preparing her. At the beginning of the trial, 'she\nsaid she had come from God, and had nothing to do here, asking to be sent\nback to God from whom she came [dixit quod venit ex parte Dei, et non habet\nquid negotiari quidquam, petens ut remitteretur ad Deum a quo venerat].\n'Many times she said to him [the King], I shall live a year, barely longer.\nDuring that year let as much as possible be done.' The 'Voices' told her\nshe would be taken before the feast of St. John, and that thus it must be,\nand that she must not be troubled but accept willingly and God would help\nher. They also said it was necessary for her to be captured: 'Receive all\nwillingly, care not for thy martyrdom, thou shalt come at last to the\nkingdom of paradise.' On the fatal Tuesday when she learned her doom, flesh\nand spirit quailed at the prospect of the agony to come, and she cried out\nthat her 'Voices' had deceived her, for she had thought that in her\nimprisonment she had already suffered the promised martyrdom. Yet within\ntwenty-four hours she went to the stake with courage unquenched,\nacknowledging that her 'Voices' were from God. Like John Fian nearly two\ncenturies later, her spirit had sunk at first, and again like Fian she\nendured to the end, dying a martyr to the God who had exploited her\nconfidence and simplicity and whom she had served so well. To her de\nLancre's words might well apply, 'The witches are so devoted to his service\nthat neither torture nor death can affright them, and they go to martyrdom\nand to death for love of him as gaily as to a festival of pleasure and\npublic rejoicing.'\n\nThe ashes were collected and thrown into running water; a common rite, in\nreligions of the Lower Culture, after the sacrifice of the Incarnate God.\nIt is also worth noting that Rouen was one of the French cities in which\nthere was still a living tradition of human sacrifice.\n\n\n2. _Gilles de Rais_\n\nLike Joan of Arc, Gilles de Rais was tried and executed as a witch; and in\nthe same way, much that is mysterious in this trial can also be explained\nby the Dianic Cult.\n\nOn the mother's side he descended from Tiphaine de Champtoc\u00e9, and on the\nfather's from Tiphaine de Husson; this latter was the niece of Bertrand du\nGuesclin, and called after du Guesclin's wife, who was a fairy woman.[958]\nThe name Tiphaine appears to come from the same root as Fein, Finn, and\nFian, all of which meant 'fairy' in Great Britain, and probably in Brittany\nas well. There is therefore a strong suggestion of a strain of fairy blood,\nand with that blood there may also have descended to Gilles many of the\nbeliefs and customs of the dwarf race.\n\nThe bond between Gilles and Joan was a very close one. She obtained\npermission from the King to choose whom she would for her escort; her\nchoice at once fell on Gilles, for she would naturally prefer those of her\nown faith. He held already a high command in the relieving force, and added\nthe protection of Joan as a special part of his duties. Later on, even\nafter he had reached the high position of Marshal of France, he still\ncontinued those duties, remaining with her all day when she was wounded at\nthe assault on Paris. It is an interesting point also that Charles VII\ngranted permission to both these great leaders to bear the royal arms on\ntheir escutcheons. It seems incredible that a soldier of Gilles's character\nand standing should have made no move to rescue Joan by ransom or by force,\nwhen she was captured. She was not only a comrade, she was especially\nunder his protection, and it is natural for us to think that his honour was\ninvolved. But if he regarded her as the destined victim, chosen and set\napart for death, as required by the religion to which both he and she\nbelonged, he could do nothing but remain inactive and let her fate be\nconsummated. If this is so, then the 'Mystery of Orleans', of which he was\nthe author, would be a religious play of the same class as the\nmystery-plays of the Christians.\n\nThe extraordinary prodigality and extravagance of Gilles may have been due,\nas is usually suggested, to profligacy or to madness, but it may equally\nwell have been that he took seriously the belief that as the Incarnate\nGod--or at any rate as a candidate for that honour--he must give to all who\nasked. He rode a black horse, as also did Joan and the 'Devils' of later\ncenturies; and on two separate occasions he attempted to enter into a\ncompact with the 'Devil'. He could not decide to which religion he would\nbelong, the old or the new, and his life was one long struggle. The old\nreligion demanded human sacrifices and he gave them, the new religion\nregarded murder as mortal sin and he tried to offer expiation; openly he\nhad Christian masses and prayers celebrated with the utmost pomp, secretly\nhe followed the ancient cult; when he was about to remove the bodies of the\nhuman victims from the castle of Champtoc\u00e9, he swore his accomplices to\nsecrecy by the binding oaths of both religions; on the other hand members\nof the old faith, whom he consulted when in trouble, warned him that as\nlong as he professed Christianity and practised its rites they could do\nnothing for him.\n\nAn infringement of the rights of the Church brought him under the\necclesiastical law, and the Church was not slow to take advantage of the\nposition. Had he chosen to resist, his exalted position would have\nprotected him, but he preferred to yield, and like Joan he stood his trial\non the charge of heresy. The trial did not take long; he was arrested on\nSeptember 14, and executed on October 26. With him were arrested eight\nothers, of whom two were executed with him. Seeing that thirteen was always\nthe number of witches in a Coven, it is surely more than an accidental\ncoincidence that nine men and women, including Gilles, were arrested, two\nsaved themselves by flight, and two more who had played a large part in the\ncelebration of the rites of the old religion were already dead. Thus even\nas early as the middle of the fifteenth century the Coven of thirteen was\nin existence.\n\nGilles was charged with heresy before a Court composed of ecclesiastics\nonly, and like Joan he was willing to be tried for his faith. He announced\nthat he had always been a Christian, which may be taken to mean that there\nwas some doubt as to whether he was not a heathen. He suddenly gave way to\na curious outburst against the authority of the Court, saying that he would\nrather be hanged by the neck with a lace than submit to them as judges.\nThis can only be understood by comparing his reference to 'hanging with a\nlace' with the method by which Playfair in 1597 (p. 204), John Stewart in\n1618 (p. 202), and John Reid in 1697 (p. 203), met their deaths.\n\nThe sudden change of front in this haughty noble may be accounted for by\nthe excommunication which was decreed against him, but this explains\nneither his passionate haste to confess all, and more than all, of which he\nwas accused, nor his earnest and eager desire to die. How much of his\nconfession was true cannot be determined now, but it is very evident that\nhe was resolved to make his own death certain. His action in this may be\ncompared with that of Major Weir in 1670, who also was executed on his own\nvoluntary confession of witchcraft and crime. Gilles's last words, though\ncouched in Christian phraseology, show that he had not realized the\nenormity of the crimes which he confessed: 'We have sinned, all three of\nus', he said to his two companions, 'but as soon as our souls have left our\nbodies we shall all see God in His glory in Paradise.' He was hanged on a\ngibbet above a pyre, but when the fire burned through the rope the body was\nsnatched from the flames by several ladies of his family, who prepared it\nfor burial with their own hands, and it was then interred in the Carmelite\nchurch close by. His two associates were also hanged, their bodies being\nburned and the ashes scattered.\n\nOn the spot where Gilles was executed his daughter erected a monument, to\nwhich came all nursing mothers to pray for an abundance of milk. Here again\nis a strong suggestion that he was regarded as the Incarnate God of\nfertility. Another suggestive fact is the length of time--nine years--which\nelapsed between the death of Joan and the death of Gilles. This is a usual\ninterval when the Incarnate God is given a time-limit.\n\nIt required twenty-five years before an action of rehabilitation could be\ntaken for Joan. In the case of Gilles, two years after the execution the\nKing granted letters of rehabilitation for that 'the said Gilles, unduly\nand without cause, was condemned and put to death'.\n\nAn intensive study of this period might reveal the witch organization at\nthe royal Court and possibly even the Grand-master to whom Joan owed\nallegiance, the 'God' who sent her. Giac, the King's favourite, was\nexecuted as a witch, and Joan's _beau duc_, the Duke d'Alen\u00e7on, was also of\nthe fraternity.\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[Footnote 956: It is advisable to read the trial in the original Latin and\nFrench, as the translations have often a Christian bias, e.g. 'the King of\nHeaven' being rendered as 'our Lord', and 'my Lord' as 'our Saviour'. This\nis not merely inaccurate but actually misleading.]\n\n[Footnote 957: Compare Bessie Dunlop's more homely description of Thom\nReid: 'An honest wele elderlie man.']\n\n[Footnote 958:\n\n _____________\n | |\nTiphaine de = Maurice Chevalier = Cl\u00e9mence Bertrand = Tiphaine\n Champtoc\u00e9 |de Craon de Husson | du Guesclin (the fairy)\n | |\n | |\n | Guy de = Tiphaine\n | Laval I |\n | |\n Marie de Craon = Guy de Laval II\n |\n Gilles de Rais\n]\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX V\n\nFLYING OINTMENTS\n\n\nThe three formulae for the 'flying' ointment used by witches are as\nfollows:\n\n1. Du persil, de l'eau de l'Aconite, des feuilles de Peuple, et de la suye.\n\n2. De la Berle, de l'Acorum vulgaire, de la Quintefeuille, du sang de\nchauuesouris, de la Morelle endormante, et de l'huyle.\n\n3. De graisse d'enfant, de suc d'Ache, d'Aconite, de Quintefeuille, de\nMorelle, et de suye.\n\nThese formulae may be translated as follows:\n\n1. Parsley, water of aconite, poplar leaves, and soot.\n\n2. Water parsnip, sweet flag, cinquefoil, bat's blood, deadly nightshade,\nand oil.\n\n3. Baby's fat, juice of water parsnip, aconite, cinquefoil, deadly\nnightshade, and soot.\n\nThese prescriptions show that the society of witches had a very creditable\nknowledge of the art of poisoning: aconite and deadly nightshade or\nbelladonna are two of the three most poisonous plants growing freely in\nEurope, the third is hemlock, and in all probability 'persil' refers to\nhemlock and not to the harmless parsley, which it resembles closely.\n\nThe other ingredients have no marked toxic action, unless 'berle' and\n'ache' refer not to the harmless water parsnip but to the poisonous water\nhemlock or cowbane. The baby's fat and bat's blood would of course have no\naction.\n\nAconite was one of the best-known poisons in ancient times; indeed it was\nso extensively used by professional poisoners in Rome during the Empire\nthat a law was passed making its cultivation a capital offence. Aconite\nroot contains about 0.4 per cent. of alkaloid and one-fifteenth of a grain\nof the alkaloid is a lethal dose. The drug has little effect upon the\nconsciousness, but produces slowing, irregularity, and finally arrest of\nthe heart.\n\nThe use of belladonna as a poison was also known in classical times;\nfourteen of the berries have been known to produce death; a moderate dose\nwill produce wild excitement and delirium.\n\nHemlock is also a well-known and ancient poison; the fruit may contain as\nmuch as 0.9 per cent. of alkaloid, and 1/4 grain of the alkaloid may\nproduce death. The action of hemlock usually is to produce a gradual motor\nparalysis, consciousness being unimpaired, and death being caused by\nparalysis of respiration, but sometimes hemlock may produce delirium and\nexcitement.\n\nThere is no doubt, therefore, about the efficacy of these prescriptions and\ntheir ability to produce physiological effects. They were administered by\nbeing rubbed into the skin, which is not an efficient way of introducing\nmost drugs into the body, indeed some have denied that alkaloids can be\nabsorbed from the unbroken skin; but there is no doubt that alkaloids can\nbe absorbed when rubbed into scratches or into the quick of the nails, and\nit must be remembered that an unbroken skin is only possessed by those who\nare free from vermin and who wash regularly, and neither of these\nconditions would be likely to apply to a mediaeval witch. Cases of\npoisoning associated with delirium have actually been recorded following\nthe application of belladonna plasters to the skin.\n\nOf the three prescriptions the first is a watery solution and would not be\nvery efficacious when rubbed into the skin, but the second and third are\nointments, and if they were rubbed into the skin in sufficient quantities\ndefinite physiological results would be produced.\n\nThe first preparation, which contains hemlock and aconite, would produce\nmental confusion, impaired movement, irregular action of the heart,\ndizziness and shortness of breath.\n\nThe belladonna in the second ointment would produce excitement which might\npass into delirium.\n\nThe third ointment, containing both aconite and belladonna, would produce\nexcitement and irregular action of the heart.\n\nI cannot say whether any of these drugs would produce the impression of\nflying, but I consider the use of aconite interesting in this respect.\nIrregular action of the heart in a person falling asleep produces the\nwell-known sensation of suddenly falling through space, and it seems quite\npossible that the combination of a delirifacient like belladonna with a\ndrug producing irregular action of the heart like aconite might produce the\nsensation of flying.\n\nA. 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Paris, 1892.\nHector, William. _Judicial Records of Renfrewshire._ Paisley, 1876.\nHibbert, Samuel. _Description of the Shetland Isles._ Edinburgh, 1822.\nHighland Papers, vol. iii. _Witchcraft in Bute._ Edinburgh, 1920.\nHolinshed, Raphael. _Chronicles._ London, 1587.\nHopkins, Matthew. _The Discovery of Witches._ London, 1647.\nHorneck, Anthony. Appendix to Glanvil's _Sadducismus\n Triumphatus_. London, 1681.\nHowell, Thomas Bayly. _State Trials._ London, 1816.\nHumborg, Ludwig. _Die Hexenprozesse in der Stadt M\u00fcnster._ [M\u00fcnster?] 1882.\nHunt, William. _History of the English Church._ London, 1901.\nHutchinson, Bishop Francis. _Historical Essay._ London, 1718.\nHutchinson, John. _History of the Province of Massachuset's Bay._ 1828.\n\n_Inch, Trial of Isabel._ Ardrossan (1855?).\n\nJames I. _Demonologie._ Edinburgh, 1597.\n_James the Sext, Historie and Life of._ Bannatyne Club. Edinburgh, 1825.\n_Journal of Anatomy_, vols. xiii and xxv. London, 1879, 1891.\n_Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris_. Panth\u00e9on Litt\u00e9raire. Paris, 1838.\n_Justiciary Court, Edinburgh, Records of the Proceedings\n of._ Edinburgh, 1905.\n\nKinloch, George Ritchie. _Reliquiae Antiquae Scoticae._ Edinburgh, 1848.\n\nLamont, John. _Diary._ Maitland Club. Edinburgh, 1830.\nLaw, Robert. _Memorialls_ (ed. Sharpe). Edinburgh, 1818.\n_Lawes against Witches and Conivration._ Published by\n Authority. London, 1645.\nLea, Henry Charles. _History of the Inquisition._ London, 1888.\nLemoine, Jules. _La Tradition_, vol. vi. Paris, 1892.\n\nMackenzie, Sir George. _Laws and Customs of Scotland._ Edinburgh. 1699.\nMaitland Club. _Chronicon de Lanercost._ Glasgow, 1839.\n---- _Lamont's Diary._ Glasgow, 1830.\n_Maitland Club Miscellany_, vol. ii. Glasgow, 1840.\n_Manchester Oriental Society's Journal._ Manchester, 1916-17.\nMather, Cotton. _Wonders of the Invisible World._ London, 1862.\n---- Increase. _Remarkable Providences._ London, 1890.\nMelville, Sir James. _Memoirs._ Bannatyne Club. Edinburgh.\nMichaelis, Sebastian. _Admirable Historie of the Possession\n and Conversion of a Penitent Woman._ London, 1613.\n---- _A Discourse of Spirits._ London, 1613.\nMonoyer, Jules. _La Sorcellerie en Hainault._ Essais\n d'histoire et d'arch\u00e9ologie. Mons, 1886.\nMonseur, Eug\u00e8ne. _Le Folklore Wallon._ Bruxelles (1892).\n_Moore Rental._ Chetham Society, vol. xii. Manchester, 1847.\nMore, Henry. _Antidote against Atheism._ London, 1655.\nMoret, A. _Myst\u00e8res \u00c9gyptiens._ Paris, 1913.\nMurray, T. Douglas. _Jeanne d'Arc._ London, 1902.\n\n_Narrative of the Sufferings of a young Girle._ Edinburgh, 1698.\nNicoll, John. _Diary._ Bannatyne Club. Edinburgh, 1836.\nNotestein, Wallace. _History of Witchcraft in England._ Washington, 1911.\n\nPearson, Karl. _Chances of Death._ London, 1897.\nPercy Society. _Giffard's Dialogue of Witches._ London, 1843.\nPerkins, William. _Discourse of the damned Art of\n Witchcraft._ Cambridge, 1608.\n_Peterson, Tryall of Mrs. Joan._ Thomason Tracts. London, 1652.\nPetto, Samuel. _A faithful Narrative._ London, 1693.\nPhilobiblon Society. _Examination of certain Witches._ London, 1863-4.\nPinkerton, John. _Voyages._ London, 1808-14.\nPitcairn, Robert. _Criminal Trials._ Edinburgh, 1833.\n_Pittenweem, A true and full Relation of the Witches of._ Edinburgh, 1704.\n_Pleasant Treatise of Witches._ London, 1673.\nPotts, Thomas. _Discoverie of Witches._ Chetham Society. Manchester, 1845.\n_Prodigious and Tragicall History._ See _Collection of rare\n and curious Tracts_. London, 1652.\n\nQuibell, James Edward. _Hierakonpolis_, ii. London, 1902.\nQuicherat, Jules \u00c9tienne Joseph. _Proc\u00e8s de condemnation et\n de r\u00e9habilitation de Jeanne d'Arc._ Paris, 1841.\n\nRavaisson, Fran\u00e7ois. _Archives de la Bastille._ Paris, 1873.\n_Records of the Justiciary Court of Edinburgh._ Edinburgh, 1905.\n_Registrum Magni Sigilli Regum Scotorum._ Edinburgh, 1886.\n_Rehearsall both straung and true._ London, 1579.\nRemigius, Nicholas. _Daemonolatria._ Hamburg, 1693.\nRoberts, Alexander. _Treatise of Witchcraft._ London, 1616.\nRoss, William. _Aberdour and Inchcolme._ Edinburgh, 1885.\nRymer, Thomas. _Foedera._ London, 1704.\n\n_Sadducismus Debellatus._ London, 1698.\n_St. Osees, A true and iust Recorde of all the Witches taken\n at._ London, 1582.\nSandys, George. _Relation of a Journey._ London, 1632.\n_Sawyer, Wonderfull Discouerie of Elisabeth._ 1621.\nScot, Reginald. _Discoverie of Witchcraft._ London, 1584.\n_Scots Magazine._ Edinburgh, 1772 and 1814.\nScott, Sir Walter. _Demonology and Witchcraft._ Morley's\n Universal Library. London, 1883.\n_Scottish Antiquary_, vol. ix. Edinburgh, 1891.\n_Scottish History Society_, vol. xxv. Edinburgh, 1896.\nSharpe, Charles Kirkpatrick. _Historical Account of\n Witchcraft in Scotland._ London, 1884.\n_Shaw, Elinor, and Mary Phillips._ Northampton, 1866.\nSinclair, George. _The Hydrostaticks._ Edinburgh, 1672.\n---- _Satan's Invisible World Discovered._ Edinburgh, 1871.\nSinclair, John. _Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol.\n xviii. Edinburgh, 1796.\nSinistrari de Ameno, Ludovico Maria. _Demoniality._ Paris, 1879.\n_Society of Antiquaries of Scotland._ New Series, x. Edinburgh.\n_Spalding Club Miscellany._ Aberdeen, 1841.\nSpottiswode, John. _History of the Church of Scotland._ Edinburgh, 1847-50.\n_Spottiswoode Miscellany._ Edinburgh, 1844-5.\nStearne, John. _Confirmation and Discovery of Witchcraft._ London, 1648.\nStevenson, J. _Chronicon de Lanercost._ Maitland Club. Glasgow, 1839.\nStewart, William Grant. _Popular Superstitions of the\n Highlanders._ Edinburgh, 1823.\n_Surtees Society_, vol. xl. Durham, 1861.\n\nTaylor, John. _Tracts relating to Northamptonshire._ Northampton, 1866.\nTaylor, John. _The Witchcraft Delusion in Colonial\n Connecticut._ New York, n. d.\nThomson, H. A., and Miles, A. _Manual of Surgery._ Oxford, 1913.\nThorpe, Benjamin. _Monumenta Ecclesiastica._ [London] 1840.\n_Tradition, La_, vol. v. van Elven's _Les Proc\u00e8s de\n Sorcellerie au Moyen Age_. Paris, 1891.\n---- vol. vi. Harou's _Sorciers et Sorci\u00e8res_. Paris, 1892.\n---- vol. vi. Lemoine's _Sorcellerie contemporaine_. Paris, 1892.\n_True and exact Relation of the severall Informations,\n Examinations and Confessions of the late Witches executed in\n the County of Essex._ London, 1645.\n_True and iust Recorde of all the Witches taken at St.\n Oses._ By W. W. London, 1582.\n_Tryalls of Four Notorious Witches at Worcester._ London, n. d.\n\nWagstaffe, John. _Question of Witchcraft._ London, 1671.\n_Walsh, Examination of John._ London, 1566.\nWebster, John. _Displaying of Supposed Witchcraft._ London, 1677.\nWellhausen, Julius. _Reste arabischen Heidenthums._ Berlin, 1897.\nWhitaker, T. D. _History of Whalley._ London, 1818.\nWilson, Daniel. _Memorials of Edinburgh in the Olden Time._\n Edinburgh, 1891.\n_Witch of Wapping, The._ Thomason Tracts. London, 1652.\n_Witchcraft, Collection of rare and curious tracts on._ Edinburgh, 1820.\n_Witches of Northamptonshire._ London, 1612.\n_Wonderfull Discouerie of Elizabeth Sawyer._ London, 1621.\n_Wonderful Discoverie of Margaret and Philip Flower._ London, 1619.\n\n\n\n\nADDENDUM\n\n1324 Kilkenny, Ireland.\n\n\n[This is the earliest record to give the names of all those who took part\nin the ceremonies. Two of the poorer women were burned; Dame Alice Kyteler\nreturned to England; William Outlaw, her son, was imprisoned for a time.\nNothing is known of the fate of the rest.]\n\n1. Alice Kyteler\n2. Alice, wife of Henry the Smith\n3. Annota Lange\n4. Eva de Brounstoun\n5. Helena Galrussyn\n6. John Galrussyn\n7. Petronilla de Meath\n8. Robert de Bristol\n9. Robin, son of Artis (the Devil)\n10. Sarah, daughter of Petronilla\n11. Sysok Galrussyn\n12. William Payn of Boly\n13. William Outlaw.\n\n\n\n\nINDEX\n\n\nAberdeen:--\n Allhallow Eve, 107, 110-12, 131, 136.\n Candles, 36, 145.\n Children by the Queen of Elphen, 44, 45, 242.\n Christsonday, 36, 44, 45, 69, 70, 87, 128, 155, 242.\n Description of elves, 242.\n Devil as a calf, 65.\n \" God, 28, 145, 227.\n \" a hen, 207.\n \" a horse, 207.\n \" a lamb, 227.\n \" a man, 36, 43, 65, 145.\n \" a stag, 45, 70, 207, 242.\n \" a woman, 44, 242.\n Divination by animals, 207.\n Dog sacrifice, 155, 163.\n Fertility charm, 170, 173.\n Fish Cross, 107, 110, 131, 233.\n Headgear, 36, 43.\n Hour of meeting, 112.\n King making, 45, 242.\n Kiss, 45, 128, 129, 242.\n Kneeling to the Devil, 28, 129.\n Magical rite, 207.\n \" words, 45, 155, 163, 242.\n Mark, 87.\n Market Cross, 107, 110, 131.\n Midwife, 207.\n Musical instrument, 110, 131, 136.\n Names of members of Covens, 251.\n Nudity rite, 173.\n Number in Covens, 191-2.\n Our Lady, 45, 189.\n Personal attendant, 189.\n Punishment, 131, 188, 200.\n Queen of Elphen, 44, 45, 128, 242.\n Raising the Devil, 45, 155, 163, 242.\n Riding Devil, 69, 242.\n Right hand, 87.\n Ring dance, 107, 131, 136.\n \" leader, 131, 136, 188, 200.\n Rood-day, 45, 110, 112, 134, 242.\n Sexual rites, 242.\n Silken habiliments, 36, 145.\n Standing stone, 108, 131.\n Transformation, 233.\n Tree-riding, 110, 134.\n Two chiefs, 35.\n White garments, 36, 43, 45.\n \" hackneys, 45, 242.\n\nAbiron, 163.\n\nAdmission ceremonies, 71-96.\n\nAge of admission, 71-4.\n\nAix in Provence:--\n Blood-sprinkling, Form of, 149.\n Cannibalism, 143.\n Christian priest, 128.\n Feast, 143.\n Kiss, 129.\n Kneeling, 129.\n Knives not used, 143.\n Lucifer, 129, 149.\n Musical instruments, 138.\n Queen of the Sabbath, 129.\n Rank among the witches, 129.\n Religious service, 138.\n Renunciation, 77.\n Singing, 138.\n Taboo on salt, 143.\n Violins, 138.\n Wine representing blood, 149.\n\nAle, 39, 114, 141, 142.\n\nAlest:--\n Abiron, 163.\n Raising the Devil, 163.\n\nAlice Kyteler, Dame (see Kyteler).\n\nAllhallow Eve, 45, 54, 107, 109-12, 131, 136.\n\nAlloa:--\n Brown garments, 36, 43.\n Devil as a dog, 67.\n \" a man, 36, 37, 43.\n Grey garments, 37, 43.\n Headgear, 36, 37, 43.\n Names of members of Coven, 252\n Number in Coven, 192.\n Transformation, 233-4.\n\nAll Saints' Day, 108, 111, 116.\n\nAlost:--\n Adoration, 28.\n Belzebuth, 28, 41.\n White garments, 41.\n\nAltars to Christ and the Devil, 21.\n\nAncyra, Decree of Council of, 22, 102.\n\nAngers:--\n Change of shape, 65.\n Devil as a bull, 65.\n \" a goat, 65.\n Iupin, 65.\n\nAnimals for divination, 163, 204.\n\nAntecessor, 164.\n\nAppin, Red Book of, 170, 196.\n\nAqua vitae, 83, 141.\n\nAquelarre, 107, 118, 122.\n\nArab custom, 130.\n \" witches, 104, 134 note.\n\nArras, 198.\n\nArrows, Fairy, 201, 245.\n\nArtificial phallus, 178-82.\n\nAshes of the sacrifice, 159-62, 183, 276.\n\nAspic, 248.\n\nAuldearne:--\n Black garments, 229.\n Black John, 199.\n Blood sprinkling, 84-5, 153.\n Boots and shoes, 37.\n Candlemas, 120, 142.\n Cloven feet, 37.\n Coldness of the Devil, 65, 181.\n Dances, 120, 133.\n Devil as an animal, 66, 70, 129, 183.\n \" God, 29.\n \" a man, 37.\n Dun-coloured garments, 229.\n Elf arrows, 201, 245.\n \" boys, 245.\n \" bulls, 244, 245.\n Fairy money, 245.\n Feast, 114, 141-2.\n Gillatrypes, 133.\n Grace before meat, 142, 167.\n Green garments, 229.\n Image, 116.\n Instruction from the Devil, 196.\n Irregular date of meetings, 122-3.\n King of Faery, 244.\n Kiss, 129.\n Magical ceremony, 115, 116, 171.\n \" words, 105-6, 164, 166, 234-5.\n Maiden of the Coven, 133, 190, 193.\n Names of familiars, 229-30.\n \" of members of Coven, 253.\n Nickname, 133.\n Number in Coven, 193.\n Officer, 171, 187-8, 193.\n Phallus, 180.\n Place of Devil at table, 142.\n \" meeting, 120.\n Ploughing ceremony, 115, 171.\n Power from the Devil, 29.\n Punishment, 199, 201.\n Quarterly meeting, 111.\n Queen of Faery, 244.\n Riding, 99, 105.\n Salutation, 29.\n Sexual rites, 183.\n Transformation, 166, 234-5.\n Yellow garments, 229.\n\nAvignon:--\n Devil as a goat, 68.\n \" a man, 68.\n Standing stone, 68.\n\nAvoidances, 17.\n\n\nBacchic cry, 164 note.\n\nBack-to-back dance, 128, 131, 132, 133-5, 232, 247.\n\nBale fire, 111.\n\nBaptism, 82-5, 117, 156, 247, 248.\n\nBarton (see Suffolk).\n\nBasses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es:--\n Admission Ceremonies, 71, 78.\n Aquelarre, 107, 118, 122.\n Ashes, 160.\n Back-to-back dance, 132, 133.\n Baptism, 82.\n Beelzebub, 143.\n Book, 148.\n Candles, 146, 148.\n Cannibalism, 158.\n Change of shape, 63, 182.\n Child witches, 62, 71, 175-6.\n Christian festivals, 111.\n Coldness of Devil, 180, 181.\n Cross-roads, 118.\n Day of meeting, 122.\n Devil as an animal, 43, 62, 63, 65, 68-9, 129, 146, 182.\n \" God, 29.\n \" a man, 32, 40-1, 63, 128, 132.\n Diabloton, 137.\n Disguise, 64.\n Easter, 111.\n Esbat, 113.\n Feast, 142.\n Fire, 146.\n Flute, 137.\n Flying, 98, 101, 164.\n \" ointment, 164.\n Follow-my-leader dance, 134.\n Food at feast, 142.\n Grace before meat, 143.\n Headgear, 43, 69, 146.\n Horns, 41, 43, 69, 146.\n Janicot, 165.\n Janus, 62.\n Jumping dance, 132.\n Jus primae noctis, 179.\n Kiss, 45, 62, 72, 128-30, 146, 148.\n Kneeling to the Devil, 29, 71, 72.\n Lane de Bouc, 107, 118, 122.\n Left hand, 45, 148.\n \" side, 45, 88, 148.\n Lucifer, 148.\n Magical words, 148, 164, 165.\n Mark, 72, 88.\n Marriage, 179.\n Mask, 62, 64, 68, 129, 232.\n Midday, 122.\n Minor devils, 137, 228.\n Modern dance, 130.\n Monsieur, 128.\n Musical instruments, 137.\n Officer, 187.\n Opinions of witches, 25.\n Phallus, 179-80.\n Place of Devil at table, 143.\n \" meeting, 118.\n Punishment, 198, 202.\n Quarterly festival, 109.\n Queen of the Sabbath, 45, 71, 148, 190.\n Quillet, 164.\n Religious service, 148, 164.\n Renewal of vows, 128.\n Renunciation, 71, 78.\n Riding, 102.\n Ring dances, 40, 107, 128, 131, 132.\n Sacrifice of the God, 160.\n Sermon, 148, 149.\n Sexual rites, 149, 180-2.\n Standing stones, 40, 107, 128, 131.\n Tambourine, 137.\n Toad, 71.\n Transformation, 235, 237.\n Trumpet, 137.\n Two-faced God, 62, 129.\n Violin, 137.\n Voice, 62.\n Voluntary convert, 71.\n Vows to new God, 78.\n Walking to meeting, 98.\n Written contract, 80.\n\nBear, Devil as a, 70.\n \" familiar, 219.\n\nBeelzebub, 28, 143, 184.\n\nBelgium:--\n Alost, 28, 41.\n Ashes, 160.\n Barrebon, 41.\n Belzebuth, 28, 41.\n Black garments, 41, 43, 232.\n Blood-drinking, 153.\n Blue garments, 232.\n Burning the God, 160.\n Cold food, 144.\n Coldness of the Devil, 63.\n Crebas, 41.\n Devil as a goat, 128, 160.\n \" a man, 41, 43.\n Flying ointment, 105.\n Headgear, 43.\n Kiss, 128, 160.\n Kneeling to the Devil, 29, 128.\n Mask, 232.\n Places dedicated to the Devil, 108.\n Standing stones, 108.\n Stick-riding, 105.\n White garments, 41.\n Yellow garments, 232.\n\nBelievers in witchcraft, 9, 10.\n\nBeltane, 109.\n\nBelzebuth, 28, 41.\n\nBernardo di Bosco, 24.\n\nBideford (see Devonshire).\n\nBird familiars, 206, 213, 217, 218.\n \" sacrifice, 155, 241.\n\nBishop of Coventry, 23, 127.\n\nBlack candles, 146.\n \" garments, 33-5, 37, 38, 40-3, 54, 57, 63, 127, 134, 140,\n 145, 147, 175, 200, 229, 232, 242.\n\nBlack John, 199.\n\nBlackman, 33, 219, 223.\n\nBlack plaid, 37.\n\nBlasting with the fairy, 245.\n\nBlockula (see Sweden).\n\nBlood baptism, 84.\n \" covenant signed in, 80, 81.\n \" drinking, 153.\n \" Familiars fed with, 209-11, 213-17, 219-21, 225.\n \" in chalice, 157.\n \" sacrifice, 89, 152-4, 210, 213, 220, 225.\n \" sprinkling, 84, 153.\n \" Wine representing, 149.\n\nBlue garments, 232.\n \" mark, 75, 87.\n\nBook, Devil's, 79, 148, 170, 196, 246, 248.\n\nBoots and shoes, 37.\n\nBorrowstowness:--\n Ale, 39, 114, 142.\n Change of shape, 67, 183.\n Cross, 117.\n Devil as a dog, 68, 183.\n \" a man, 39, 67, 183.\n Drinking, 39, 114, 142.\n Feast, 142.\n Mark, 90.\n Piper, 117.\n Right hand, 90.\n\nBothwell, Earl of, 54-9.\n\nBrampton (see Suffolk).\n\nBreast, Supernumerary, 90-1, 94.\n\nBr\u00e9cy:--\n Black candles, 146.\n Devil as a black dog, 67.\n Sermon, 67.\n Walking to Sabbath, 98.\n\nBrescia, 24, 135.\n\nBrewham (see Somerset).\n\nBridle, Enchanted, 103, 104.\n\nBroomstick, 10, 104, 105, 106, 164.\n\nBrown garments, 33, 36, 43.\n\nBull, Devil as a, 65-6, 70, 129, 183.\n\nBulls, Elf, 244, 245.\n \" Papal, 19, 24, 169.\n\nBurning the God, 159-62.\n\nBurroughs, Rev. George, 49, 151.\n\nBurton Agnes (see Yorkshire).\n\nBute:--\n Aqua vitae, 83.\n Baptism, 83, 156.\n Blasting with the fairy, 245.\n Cock sacrifice, 156.\n Devil as a man, 83.\n Elf arrow, 245.\n Hen sacrifice, 156.\n Klareanough, 84.\n Left leg, 89.\n Local anaesthesia, 89.\n Mark, 83, 89.\n Names of members of Coven, 253.\n Renunciation, 156.\n Result of elf-shots, 245.\n Right foot and leg, 83.\n \" hand, 83.\n \" shoulder, 89.\n Shooting and blasting, 245.\n Two chiefs, 83.\n Use of words _God_ and _Devil_, 31.\n\nByrehill:--\n Devil as instructor, 195.\n Fairies, 44, 140, 195, 201.\n Green garments, 113, 140, 241.\n Identification of the Devil, 35, 48.\n Piping, 113, 140, 241.\n Queen of Elfhame, 44, 241.\n Threats against a traitor, 201.\n William Simpson, Mr., 35, 48, 195.\n Wine puncheons, 113, 140, 241.\n\n\nCalder, 157.\n\nCalf, Devil as a, 65.\n\nCambridgeshire:--\n Blood sacrifice, 220.\n Cat familiar, 220.\n Use of familiar, 220.\n\nCandlemas, 13, 109, 110, 120, 142, 144.\n\nCandles, 36, 54, 68, 125, 127, 128, 144-7, 148, 159, 180.\n\nCannibalism, 143, 158, 159.\n\nCanons, Ecclesiastical, of King Edgar, 22.\n\nCapital punishment, 201-4.\n\nCat, Devil as a, 66, 127, 128, 182, 208, 220, 228.\n \" familiar, 209-14, 216-21, 224, 225, 241.\n \" sacrifice, 154, 155, 168, 208.\n\nCats, conjuring of, 52, 54, 115, 167, 168, 208.\n\nChange of familiar, 210.\n \" of name, 46, 83-5.\n \" of shape, 41, 47, 65, 66, 67, 69, 182, 183, 236, 237.\n\nChaplain to the Devil, 188, 201.\n\nChelmsford (see Essex).\n\nChicken sacrifice, 154, 155, 210.\n\nChild sacrifice, 49, 150, 156-9.\n \" witches, 39, 40, 62, 65, 71-4, 80, 99, 123, 175, 176, 184, 242, 248.\n\nChildren by the Devil, 182.\n \" by the Queen of Elphen, 44, 242.\n\nChristening of animals, 85, 115, 155, 167, 168.\n\nChristian clergy, 129, 133, 137, 149, 150, 151, 188-9, 201.\n \" festivals, 111.\n\nChristians and the Witch-cult, 18, 49.\n\nChristmas, 49, 111.\n \" Eve, 112.\n\nChristsonday (see Aberdeen).\n\nChurchyard dance, 54, 113, 136, 146.\n\nCittern, 136.\n\nClassical authors, 21.\n\nClay images, 147.\n\nCloven feet, 29, 33, 34, 37, 38, 116.\n\nCnut, Invasion of, 20.\n \" Laws of, 23, 107.\n\nCock, sacrifice, 154-6, 212.\n \" Signal given by, 112.\n\nCold food, 144.\n\nColdness of the Devil, 62, 63-5, 128, 179, 180, 181, 182, 185.\n\nCollupp Munday, 103.\n\nComo, 135.\n\nCompi\u00e8gne:--\n Artificial intercourse, 182.\n Black garments, 40, 175.\n Child witch, 40, 175.\n Coldness of the Devil, 182.\n Devil as a man, 40, 175.\n Devil's horse, 40, 175.\n Renunciation, 175.\n Sexual rites, 175.\n\nConey familiar, 219.\n\nConfessionale of Ecgberht, 22.\n\nCongregational Churches, 13.\n\nConjuration, 150, 171.\n\nConjuring of cats, 52, 54, 115, 156, 163, 167, 168.\n\nConnecticut:--\n Christmas, 111.\n Devil as a boy, 42.\n \" a deer, 70.\n \" a man, 42, 43.\n Headgear, 43.\n Human familiars, 230.\n Names of members of Coven, 253.\n\nControl of the Phairie, 243.\n\nConversion of England, 20.\n\nCordova:--\n Child witch, 80, 175.\n Contract for term of years, 80.\n\nCouncil of Ancyra, Decree of, 22, 102.\n\nCourt of Elphen, 44, 240.\n\nCovenant, 79-82.\n\nCovens, 190-4, 249-54.\n\nCoventry, Bishop of, 23, 127.\n\nCrebas, 41.\n\nCrighton:--\n Chaplain to the devil, 188, 201.\n Coldness of the devil, 65.\n Minister, Christian, 133, 188-9, 201.\n Pace of dance, 133, 189, 201.\n Punishment, 133, 189, 201.\n Sermon, 30, 189.\n\nCrook of Devon:--\n Black garments, 38, 43.\n Change of name, 85.\n Coldness of the Devil, 64.\n Date of meetings, 111.\n Devil as a boy, 38, 43.\n \" a man, 38, 43.\n Dun-coloured garments, 38.\n Feast, 141.\n Flying, 101.\n Fulyairt garments, 38.\n Grey garments, 38, 43.\n Headgear, 38, 43.\n Methods of destruction, 118, 172.\n Music, 137.\n Names of members of Coven, 253.\n Number in Coven, 193.\n Piper, 137.\n Place of meeting, 120.\n Riding Devil, 38.\n St. Andrew's Day, 111.\n Two chiefs, 38.\n Voluntary converts, 79.\n Walking to the Sabbath, 98.\n Yule, 120.\n\nCross, 68, 107, 110, 117, 131, 233.\n\nCross-roads, 68, 107, 118, 132, 144, 203.\n\nCrow familiar, 208.\n\nCursing, 218, 220, 224-5, 227.\n\n\nDalkeith:--\n Admission ceremony, 78.\n Bale fire night, 111.\n Capital punishment, 204.\n Change of shape, 67, 183.\n Devil as a boy, 37, 67, 183.\n \" a dog, 67.\n Green garments, 37, 43, 67, 183.\n Hanging with a lace, 204.\n Headgear, 37, 43.\n Magical words, 165.\n Mark, 183.\n Officer, 47.\n Queen of Farie, 47, 245.\n Renunciation, 244.\n\nDance as reward, 200.\n \" Back to back, 128, 131, 133, 134, 135, 232, 247.\n \" called Gillatrypes, 133.\n \" Children's, 135.\n \" Churchyard, 54, 113, 133, 136, 146.\n \" Complicated, 130, 132.\n \" Fairy, 132, 242, 244.\n \" Fertility, 23, 130.\n \" Follow-my-leader, 55, 130, 133, 134, 136.\n \" Jumping, 130, 132, 134, 137.\n \" La volta, 135.\n \" led by Devil, 127, 133, 134, 136.\n \" \" priest, 23.\n \" Modern, 130, 133, 135, 183 note.\n \" Pace of, 130, 133, 189, 200, 201.\n \" Ring, 130-3.\n \" round stones, 40, 107, 108, 128, 131.\n \" round the devil, 40, 107, 128, 145.\n \" round trees, 239, 240.\n \" to instrumental music, 133, 136, 138.\n \" Torchlight, 146.\n \" to vocal music, 134, 137, 138, 146.\n \" Tree-riding, 134.\n \" under trees, 41.\n \" Widdershins, 135.\n\nDaniel the Prophet, 34.\n\nDates of chief festivals, 12, 13.\n \" conversion of England, 20.\n \" meetings, 109-11, 119, 121-3.\n\nDead men's bones, 115, 168, 169.\n\nDeath by fire, 162.\n\nDecadence of the cult in England, 5, 135.\n\nDecree of Council of Ancyra, 22.\n\nDedication, 78.\n\nDeer, Devil as a, 70, 129, 183.\n\nDefinition of a witch, 18, 51.\n\nDescription of Blockula, 103, 108, 119.\n \" elves, 242.\n\nDestructive acts, 118, 172.\n\nDevil, Children by, 182, 185, 242.\n \" Coldness of, 62-5, 128, 181.\n \" Identification of, 35, 38, 48, 49, 55-9.\n \" Instruction from, 124, 125, 195, 196.\n \" Marriage with, 184-5.\n \" Money from, 37, 49.\n \" Places dedicated to, 108.\n \" Sacrifice of, 159-62.\n \" Substitute for, 160-2, 270-9.\n \" the same as fairy, 243.\n\nDevil as ape, 47, 69.\n \" bear, 70.\n \" boy, 33, 37, 38, 42, 43, 64, 67, 183.\n \" bull, 65-6, 70, 129, 183.\n \" calf, 65.\n \" cat, 66, 127, 152, 154, 182, 228.\n \" cow, 65.\n \" deer, 70, 129, 183.\n \" dog, 66-8, 70, 129, 133, 136, 155, 182, 183, 208, 227.\n \" fowl, 182.\n \" frog, 226.\n \" goat, 63, 65, 68-9, 70, 144-6, 159, 160, 180, 182, 183,\n 233, 247, 248.\n \" God, 28-31, 145, 227, 247.\n \" hen, 182, 207.\n \" horse, 47, 69, 70, 183, 207, 208.\n \" lamb, 227.\n\nDevil as lion, 66.\n \" man, 31-43, 52, 53, 55, 63, 65, 68, 69, 73, 77, 79, 83,\n 88, 106, 116, 126-7, 134, 136, 140, 145, 153, 163, 164, 175,\n 182, 183, 188, 195, 206, 208, 217, 218, 221, 223, 228, 246.\n \" mediciner, 36, 195.\n \" minister, 41, 149, 151.\n \" physician, 36.\n \" priest, 150, 157.\n \" sheep, 70, 127, 182, 233, 247.\n \" stag, 45, 70, 207, 242.\n \" woman, 44-7, 242.\n\nDevil's change of shape, 47, 63, 65, 182.\n \" chaplain, 188, 201.\n \" disguise, 35, 62.\n \" duties, 196.\n \" garments, 33-8, 40-3.\n \" head-gear, 42-3.\n \" horse, 29, 40, 45, 69, 103, 175, 208, 236.\n \" phallus, 179-81.\n \" place at feast, 29, 140, 142.\n \" powers, 236.\n \" voice, 61-3.\n\nDevonshire:--\n Black garments, 34.\n Devil as a lion, 66.\n \" a man, 34.\n Supernumerary nipple, 95.\n Toad familiar, 95.\n\nDiabloton, 137.\n\nDiana, 12, 22, 102.\n\nDianic cult, 11, 12, 15, 272, 274.\n\nDirlton, 36.\n\nDisbelievers in witchcraft, 10-11.\n\nDisguise, 35, 47, 60-5, 129.\n \" Removal of, 182.\n\nDistribution of ashes, 159, 160, 161, 276.\n\nDivination, 163, 205-8, 221, 248.\n\nDivining familiar, 163, 205-8.\n\nDog, Devil as a, 66-8, 70, 129, 133, 136, 182, 183, 208, 226.\n \" familiar, 163, 206, 207, 208, 212-15, 218, 219, 221, 223-5, 227, 229.\n \" sacrifice, 154, 155, 163.\n\nDorset:--\n Bird familiar, 206.\n Blood sacrifice, 153.\n Cat sacrifice, 155.\n Chicken sacrifice, 155.\n Cloven feet, 33.\n Devil as a man, 33, 206.\n Dog familiar, 206.\n \" sacrifice, 155.\n Fairies, 240.\n Gift of familiar, 224.\n Human familiar, 33, 206.\n Periodical sacrifices, 155.\n\nDreams, 15.\n\nDrinking, 39, 98, 113, 114, 115, 140-3.\n \" the Devil's health, 194.\n\nDucking of witches, 17.\n\nDumfries-shire, 157.\n\nDun-coloured garments, 38, 229.\n\nDunfermline:--\n Capital punishment, 203.\n Burial of Lady Pittadro, 162.\n Fate of a traitor, 203.\n Rebuke to Presbytery, 162.\n\nDunstable, 48.\n\nDunwich (see Suffolk).\n\nDuties of the Devil, 196.\n\n\nEaster, 23, 111.\n\nEcclesiastical canons of King Edgar, 22.\n\nEcgberht, Archbishop of York, 22.\n\nEdinburgh:--\n Black garments, 37.\n Cat sacrifice, 155.\n Devil as a dog, 67.\n \" a man, 36, 37, 39, 116.\n \" a woman, 46.\n Dog sacrifice, 155.\n Drinking, 39, 113.\n Fertility powers, 170, 174.\n Gift of money, 37, 49.\n Green garments, 37.\n Grey garments, 116.\n Identification, 37, 38, 48, 50.\n Magical powers, 170, 174.\n Mark, 46.\n Marriage with the Devil, 185.\n Number in Coven, 193.\n Renunciation, 39, 46.\n Standing stones, 37.\n Weir, Major, 50, 161.\n\nEdmonton:--\n Cursing, 227.\n Dog familiar, 213.\n Name of familiar, 213.\n Prayer, 30.\n Supernumerary nipple, 92.\n\nEdward and Guthrum, Laws of, 22.\n\nElf arrows, 245.\n \" boys, 245.\n \" bulls, 244, 245.\n\nElfin, Court of, 240.\n \" Queen or Fairy Queen, 14, 44, 45, 47, 128, 189, 190,\n 241, 242, 244, 245.\n\nElva, 163, 206.\n\nElves, Description of, 242.\n\nEnchanted bridle, 103, 104, 236.\n\nEngland (see Cambridgeshire, Chelmsford, Coventry,\nDevonshire, Dorset, Dunstable, Edmonton, Essex, Faversham,\nFenny Drayton, Fewstone, Huntingdonshire, Ipswich,\nKidderminster, Lancashire, Leaven Heath, Leicester, Lenham,\nMaidstone, Northampton, Northumberland, St. Albans, St.\nOsyth, Salisbury, Somerset, Stapenhill, Suffolk, Windsor,\nYarmouth, Yorkshire).\n\nEsbat, 97, 113-23.\n\nEssex:--\n Bird familiar, 217, 218.\n Blood sacrifice, 89, 152, 154, 210, 225.\n Cat familiar, 209-12, 214, 216, 217, 224, 225.\n Change of familiar, 210.\n Chicken sacrifice, 154, 210.\n Child witch, 73.\n Cock sacrifice, 155, 212.\n Coldness of the Devil, 64, 185.\n Devil as a cat, 152, 154.\n \" a dog, 67, 155, 227.\n \" a man, 33, 88, 217, 223.\n Dog familiar, 212, 214, 215, 223, 227.\n Feeding of familiar, 209, 210, 211, 212, 215-17, 224.\n Ferret familiar, 212.\n Frog familiar, 218.\n Gift of familiar, 209, 210, 214, 216, 217, 223, 224.\n Inherited familiar, 214, 217, 224-6.\n Kiss, 64, 185, 215.\n Kitten familiar, 215, 224, 225.\n Lamb familiar, 211.\n Left hand, 89.\n Marriage, 185.\n Mole familiar, 217, 223.\n Mouse familiar, 216-18.\n Names of familiars, 209, 211, 212, 214-18, 224, 225.\n Paternoster as a charm, 210.\n Prayers, 31, 215.\n Promise of secrecy, 215.\n Renunciation of Christianity, 185, 209, 225.\n Robin, 211, 218, 225.\n St. Osyth Coven, 250.\n Sathan, 152, 210, 224, 225, 226.\n Supernumerary nipple, 92-3, 95, 214-17.\n Thirteen in Coven, 191.\n Threats against a traitor, 202.\n Toad familiar, 210-12, 225.\n Use of familiars, 214-18, 223, 224.\n Weasel familiar, 212.\n\nEthelred, Laws of, 23.\n\nEve of St. John, 111.\n\nEvidence, Sources of, 11.\n\nExecution, Methods of, 17, 162, 201.\n\nEymouth, 36.\n\n\nFairies:--\n Arrows, 201, 245.\n Boy in green, 37, 244.\n Boys, 245.\n Children by Queen of Elphen, 44, 242.\n Colour of clothes, 37, 140, 240-2, 244.\n Connexion between witches and fairies, 14.\n Controlled with the Phairie, 243.\n Court of Elfin, 240, 241.\n Dances, 132, 239, 242, 244.\n Description of elves, 242.\n Dress of Queen, 244.\n Elf bulls, 244-5.\n Fairies and witches, 238-46.\n Familiar, 46, 229, 243.\n Folk, 241, 242.\n Foster child, 242.\n Hill, 36, 243, 245.\n Hours for consultation, 240.\n Human sacrifice, 238, 246.\n Instruction by, 195, 239, 241, 243-4.\n Kane-bairn, 246.\n King, 244.\n King-making, 242.\n Man in green, 140, 241.\n Men, 195, 240-3, 245.\n Money, 155, 241, 245.\n Plaids, 240, 242.\n Puck, 238.\n Puckrels, 241.\n Queen, 14, 44, 45, 47, 128, 189, 190, 240-2, 244, 245.\n Rings, 132, 244.\n Robin, 127, 154, 163, 208, 211, 218, 225, 238, 245.\n Sickness cast by, 241, 245.\n Squint-Ey'd Elf, 246.\n Thomas a Fearie, 230.\n Threats against traitor, 201.\n Tree, 238-9.\n White hackneys, 242.\n Women, 238-40, 241, 243, 244, 245, 246.\n\nFamiliars, 93-5, 184, 205-37.\n \" as gods, 219, 220.\n \" Feeding of, 209, 212, 216, 217, 224.\n\nFate of traitors, 201-4.\n\nFaversham:--\n Devil's place at table, 140.\n Feast indoors, 140.\n Term of years, 81.\n\nFeast, 46, 114, 138-44.\n\nFeeding of familiars, 209, 210, 211, 212, 215-17, 221, 224, 248.\n\nFeet, Cloven, 29, 33, 34, 37, 116.\n \" of griffon, 35.\n\nFemale familiars, 46, 229, 243.\n\nFenny Drayton, 48.\n\nFerret familiar, 212.\n\nFertility charms, 149 note, 160, 170, 171, 173.\n \" dances, 23, 130-5.\n \" powers, 28, 170, 174.\n\nFewstone:--\n Bird familiar, 213.\n Cat familiar, 213.\n Names of familiars, 213.\n\nFines, 247.\n\nFir, Baton of, 163, 207.\n \" torches, 147.\n\nFire, 146.\n\nFish Cross, 107, 110, 131, 233.\n\nFixed number of witches, 190.\n\nFlint arrows, 201, 245.\n\nFlute, 137, 138.\n\nFlying, 98, 100-6, 164.\n \" ointment, 100, 101, 104, 105, 164, 279-80.\n\nFollow-my-leader dance, 130, 132-4.\n\nFood at feasts, 139-44.\n\nForfar:--\n Ale, 141.\n All Hallow Eve, 110.\n Aqua vitae, 141.\n Black plaid, 37.\n Candlemas, 110.\n Cannibalism, 159.\n Change of shape, 183, 236, 237.\n Child witch, 73, 176.\n Churchyard dance, 113, 146.\n Coldness of the Devil, 64.\n Dance in churchyard, 113, 146.\n Dates of meetings, 119.\n Devil as a horse, 69, 183.\n \" a man, 37, 69, 183.\n \" a woman, 46.\n Devil's horse, 103, 236.\n Drinking, 98.\n Feast, 140-1.\n Grey clothes, 64.\n Kiss, 89, 114, 141.\n Lammas, 110.\n Mark, 89.\n Names of members of Coven, 252.\n Number in Coven, 120, 136, 193.\n Officer, 187.\n Pipes, 114, 136.\n Place of meeting, 119, 120.\n \" Devil at table, 141.\n Puberty, Girl under, 176.\n Quarterly Festival, 110.\n Renunciation, 47, 79.\n Roodmass, 110.\n Sieve and shears, 114.\n Singing, 114, 138.\n Sinking ships, 69, 116, 183.\n Torchlight, 113, 146.\n Transformation, 237.\n Voluntary convert, 79.\n Walking to Sabbath, 98.\n Wrecking a bridge, 117-18, 196.\n\nForked shoes, 32 note.\n\nFormula of renunciation, 67, 74, 76, 78.\n\nFoul thief, 163, 207.\n\nFrance (see also Aix, Alost, Angers, Arras, Basses-Pyr\u00e9n\u00e9es,\nBr\u00e9cy, Compi\u00e8gne, Gilles de Rais, Joan of Arc, Lille,\nLorraine, Lyons, Machecoul, Orleans, Paris, Poitiers,\nPuy-de-D\u00f4me, St. Germain-en-Laye).\n Ashes, Distribution of, 159, 160, 161, 276.\n Back-to-back dance, 232.\n Candles, 146.\n Change of shape, 41, 66, 182.\n Coldness of the Devil, 180.\n Date of Sabbath, 123.\n Devil as a cat, 41, 66, 182.\n \" a cow, 65.\n \" a man, 41, 66, 156, 182.\n Fixed number of witches, 190.\n Flying ointment, 101.\n Garter as sign of rank, 191.\n God in human form, 40.\n Hen sacrifice, 156.\n Mask, 146, 233.\n Modern admission ceremony, 82.\n \" organization, 190.\n Phallus, 180.\n Punishment, 199.\n Red garments, 41, 66, 183.\n Reine du Sabbat, 190.\n Renunciation, 65.\n Sacrifice of the God, 160.\n \" a fowl, 156.\n Singing, 138, 146.\n Term of years, 82.\n Voluntary converts, 70.\n Written contract, 80.\n\nFrog, Devil as a, 226.\n \" familiar, 218.\n\nFulyairt garments, 38.\n\n\nGarter as sign of rank, 191.\n\nGeographical range of domestic familiar, 17, 209.\n\nGift of familiars, 209, 210, 214, 216, 217, 218, 222, 223, 224, 249.\n \" of money, 37, 49.\n\nGillatrypes, 133.\n\nGilles de Rais, 161, 276-9.\n\nGirls under puberty, 175-6.\n\nGoat, Devil as a, 68-9, 129, 144-6, 159, 160, 180, 183.\n\nGod incarnate, 12, 28, 55, 161, 276, 278.\n \" in human form, 40.\n\nGood Friday, 111.\n\nGrace before meat, 139, 140, 142, 143, 167, 247.\n\nGreen garments, 36, 37, 43, 67, 113, 140, 183, 229, 241, 242, 244.\n\nGrey-bearded man, 32, 35, 36, 42, 195.\n\nGrey garments, 35, 37, 38, 41-3, 64, 116.\n\nGroton:--\n Devil as an old man, 42.\n Term of years, 81.\n\nGuernsey:--\n Broomstick, 104, 164.\n Devil as a cat, 66, 127.\n \" a dog, 67.\n Flying, 104, 164.\n Horns, 67.\n Hou, 165.\n Kiss, 66, 127.\n Kneeling to Devil, 66.\n Lucifer, 164.\n Magic words, 104, 164, 165.\n Name of early God, 165.\n Names of members of Coven, 251.\n Number in Coven, 192.\n Renunciation, 67.\n Site of Sabbath, 108.\n Transformation, 233.\n\nGuthrum, invasion of, 20.\n\nGuthrum, Laws of Edward and, 22.\n\n\nHair sacrifice, 155.\n\nHanged with a lace, 202-4, 278.\n\nHare familiar, 227.\n\nHartford (see Connecticut).\n\nHautboy, 138.\n\nHeadgear, 35-7, 38, 42-3, 69, 127, 145, 146, 147.\n\nHeathen invasions, 20.\n\nHedgehog familiar, 221.\n\nHelen Mcbrune, 45.\n\nHell, Queen of, 47.\n\nHen, Devil as a, 182.\n \" familiar, 207, 208.\n \" sacrifice, 154, 156.\n\nHeresy, Witchcraft as, 23.\n\nHerodias, 102.\n\nHillswick (see Orkney).\n\nHomage, 23, 62, 68, 126, 127, 128, 129, 145.\n\nHorns, 41, 43, 67, 69, 146.\n\nHorse, Devil as a, 47, 69, 183, 207, 208.\n \" Devil's, 29, 40, 45, 69, 103, 208.\n\nHorse-flesh, 143, 247.\n\nHou, 165.\n\nHour of Sabbath, 112.\n\nHuman familiars, 33, 40, 46, 183, 193, 206, 221, 228-30, 243.\n\nHuntingdonshire:--\n Bear familiar, 219.\n Black garments, 33, 34, 63.\n Blood sacrifice, 219.\n Cat familiar, 218, 219, 225.\n Cloven feet, 33.\n Coney familiar, 219.\n Cursing, 218, 220, 224-5, 227.\n Devil as a man, 33, 63, 218, 223.\n Dog familiar, 218, 219, 223, 224.\n Familiars as gods, 219, 220.\n Gift of familiar, 218, 224-5.\n Light, 146.\n Mouse familiar, 220.\n Names of familiars, 218-20, 223.\n Rat familiar, 220.\n Renunciation, 218-19, 225.\n Supernumerary nipple, 93, 219-20.\n Term of years, 81.\n Use of familiars, 218-20.\n Voice of Devil, 63.\n Yielding the soul, 220.\n\nHymns, 137.\n\nHysteria, supposed, 9, 177, 231.\n\n\nIdentification, 35, 37, 38, 47-50, 55-9.\n\nImage, Clay and wax, 116, 117, 147.\n \" Sacred, 125, 145.\n\nImitative magic, 177.\n\nImpenitent witches, 26.\n\nImps called puckrels, 241.\n\nIncarnate God, 12, 28, 55, 161, 276, 278.\n\nIncubus, 183.\n\nInherited familiars, 214, 217, 224-6.\n\nInnerkip:--\n Cloven feet, 38, 116.\n Devil as a dog, 67.\n \" a man, 38, 116.\n Drinking, 114, 141.\n Kiss, 114.\n Magical ceremony, 116-17.\n Mark, 89.\n Name of Devil, 163.\n Night assemblies, 123.\n Raising the Devil, 163.\n Right side, 89.\n Serpent, 163.\n Singing, 38, 114, 138.\n Storm raising, 67, 116.\n Transformation, 116, 234.\n Yule, 123.\n\nInnocent VIII, Bull of, 24, 169.\n\nInstruction by the Devil, 124, 125, 195, 196, 208.\n \" by fairies, 241, 244.\n\nIntroduction, Letter of, 60.\n \" of new members, 39, 76, 77.\n\nInverary:--\n Corresponding with the Devil, 245.\n Fairies, 245.\n Trumps, 245.\n\nInverkeithing, Priest of, 23.\n\nIpswich, 49.\n\nIreland (see Kyteler, Dame Alice).\n\nIron rods, Beating with, 197, 203.\n\nIrregular dates of esbats, 122.\n\nIrrevocability of vows, 78.\n\nIrvine:--\n Capital punishment, 202.\n Devil as a man, 79.\n Hanged with a lace, 202.\n Left leg, 88.\n Mark, 88.\n Voluntary convert, 79.\n\nItaly, 24, 100, 135.\n\nIupin, 65.\n\n\nJanicot, 165, 249.\n\nJanus, 12, 62.\n\nJean le Blanc, 247.\n\nJew's harp, 136.\n\nJoan of Arc, 24, 40, 161, 238-40, 270-6, 279.\n\nJumping dance, 130, 132, 137.\n\nJus primae noctis, 179, 181.\n\n\nKane-bairn, 246.\n\nKent (see Faversham, Lenham, Maidstone).\n\nKidderminster, 94.\n\nKing-making, 45, 242.\n\nKing of Faery, 244.\n\nKinross-shire (see Crook of Devon).\n\nKiss:--\n Devil kisses witches, 89, 114, 141, 165, 185, 247.\n Familiars kiss witches, 215.\n Witches kiss the Devil, 45, 62, 63, 64, 66, 72, 126-30, 145,\n 146, 148, 159, 160, 200, 242, 247.\n Witches kiss an image, 125, 145.\n \" Queen of Elphen, 128, 242.\n\nKitten familiar, 94, 210, 215, 216, 221, 224, 225.\n\nKlareanough, 84.\n\nKneeling to the Devil, 28, 29, 66, 71, 72, 126, 128-9.\n\nKnives not used, 143.\n\nKyteler, Dame Alice:--\n Cock sacrifice, 154.\n Devil as a man, 40, 228.\n Flying ointment, 104.\n Human familiar, 40, 228.\n Name of Devil, 154.\n Robin, son of Artis, 40, 154.\n Sacramental bread, 148.\n Stick-riding, 104.\n Trial, 23.\n\n\nLamb familiar, 211, 227.\n\nLammas, 13, 52, 54, 109, 110.\n\nLancashire:--\n All Saints' Day, 108, 111, 116.\n Black garments, 33.\n Blood sacrifice, 153, 213.\n Cat familiar, 213.\n Child witch, 73.\n Day of Sabbath, 111.\n Devil as a bear, 70.\n \" a boy, 33.\n \" God, 29.\n \" a man, 33, 77.\n Dog familiar, 213.\n Familiars, male and female, 46, 184, 229.\n Method of obtaining, 227.\n Number of, 229.\n Feast, 46, 139.\n Female familiar, 46, 229.\n Flying, 102.\n Good Friday, 111.\n Introduction of new member, 77.\n Light, 46.\n Mamillion, 29.\n Method of marking, 88, 153.\n Name of God, 29.\n \" of familiars, 46.\n Names of members of Coven, 251.\n Naming a familiar, 115.\n Number in Coven, 192.\n Officer, 187.\n Pricking, 88, 153.\n Purpose of meeting, 115, 116.\n Riding, 99, 116.\n Sacramental bread, 227.\n Sexual rites, 184.\n Standing stone, 108.\n Supernumerary nipple, 213.\n Yielding the soul, 33, 77.\n\nLane de Bouc, 107, 118, 122.\n\nLang Niddry:--\n Cat sacrifice, 155.\n Christening a cat, 115, 155, 168.\n Drinking, 115.\n Walking to the meeting, 98.\n\nLapland, 66, 68, 222, 226.\n\nLauder:--\n Devil as a man, 36.\n Identification, 48.\n Officer, 187.\n\nLaws of Athelstan, 17, 22.\n \" Cnut, 23, 107.\n \" Edward and Guthrum, 22.\n \" Ethelred, 23.\n \" Lorraine, 102.\n \" Northumbrian priests, 22.\n \" Wihtraed, 22.\n\nLeather money, 155, 241.\n\nLeaven Heath, 81.\n\nLeft eye, 96.\n \" hand, 45, 88, 89, 148, 190.\n \" leg, 88, 89.\n \" shoulder, 87, 88, 96.\n \" side, 45, 88, 93, 94, 96, 148.\n\nLegal aspect of covenant, 74.\n \" \" familiars, 208.\n \" \" mark, 86-7.\n\nLeicester:--\n Fairy, 46, 243.\n Human familiar, 46, 229, 243.\n Method of obtaining familiars, 46, 243.\n Name of familiar, 46, 229, 243.\n Yielding the soul, 46, 229.\n\nLenham, 94.\n\nLetter of introduction, 60.\n\nLiber Poenitentialis, 21, 60.\n\nLight, 46, 146, 147.\n\nLille:--\n Ashes, 160.\n Child witches, 72, 99, 184.\n Dedication, 78.\n Devil as an animal, 65, 160.\n \" God, 29.\n Mark, 72, 81, 89.\n Opinions of witches, 26, 184.\n Power over fertility, 174.\n Punishment, 174, 199, 200.\n Renewal of vows, 81.\n Renunciation, 72.\n Riding, 102.\n Sacrifice of the God, 160.\n Sexual rites, 184.\n Yielding the soul, 72.\n\nLimited range of transformation, 231.\n\nLion, Devil as a, 66.\n\nList of suspected persons, 47.\n\nLlanddewi Brefi, 226.\n\nLocal anaesthesia, 86, 87, 89, 94.\n\nLogan, Rev. Allan, 49.\n\nLorraine:--\n Back-to-back dance, 135.\n Bird sacrifice, 155, 241.\n Devil as a bear, 70.\n \" a goat, 68.\n Hair sacrifice, 155.\n Homage, 126.\n Kneeling to the devil, 126.\n Laws, 102.\n Leather money, 155, 241.\n Magical charm, 115.\n Marriage, 184.\n Masks, 232.\n Night assemblies, 112, 122.\n Oath of secrecy, 201.\n Offerings, 155.\n Opinions of witches, 25.\n Phallus, 179.\n Punishment, 198.\n Ring dance, 135.\n Voice, 61.\n Widdershins, 135.\n\nLothian:--\n Baton of fir, 163, 207.\n Cat sacrifice, 155, 208.\n Devil as a man, 36, 116.\n Divining familiars, 163, 207, 208.\n Dog sacrifice, 155.\n Foul thief, 163, 207.\n Instruction by the Devil, 195, 208.\n Magical words, 163, 207.\n Mediciner, 36, 195.\n Minister, 149.\n Punishment, 198.\n Sacrament, 149-50.\n Sermon, 149-50.\n\nLowdon Hill:--\n Devil as a woman, 45.\n Hallow-even, 45, 111.\n Helen Mcbrune, 45.\n Name of Devil, 45.\n\nLucifer, 28, 45, 125, 129, 138, 144, 148, 149, 164.\n\nLyne:--\n Court of Elphen, 240.\n Devil as a man, 35, 42.\n Grey beard, 35, 42.\n \" garments, 35, 42.\n Headgear, 35, 42.\n Instruction by the Devil, 195.\n Number in Coven, 191, 240.\n Queen of Elphen, 44, 241.\n Thorn Reid, 35, 42, 44, 191, 195.\n White wand, 35.\n\nLyons:--\n Ashes, 159, 183.\n Back-to-back dance, 131, 232.\n Beelzebub, 143.\n Black garments, 40, 101.\n Broomstick, 105.\n Candles, 125, 145.\n Christmas, 49, 111, 112.\n Cold food, 144.\n Coldness of Devil, 179, 181.\n Day of meeting, 122.\n Devil as a cat, 66, 128, 182.\n \" a dog, 182.\n \" a fowl, 182.\n \" a goat, 68, 145, 159, 182, 233.\n \" a man, 40, 101, 145, 182.\n \" a sheep, 70, 182, 233.\n Drinking, 143.\n Easter, 111.\n Fairy dances, 132, 242.\n Feasts, 143.\n Flute, 138.\n Flying, 101, 102.\n \" ointment, 105.\n Grace before meat, 143.\n Hautboys, 138.\n Hour of meeting, 112.\n Human familiars, 183, 228.\n Image, Sacred, 125, 145.\n Jumping Dance, 132.\n Kiss, 125, 128, 129-30, 145.\n Mark, 87-8.\n Mask, 232.\n Method of going to Sabbath, 97, 99.\n Midday, 40.\n Musical instruments, 138.\n Night assemblies, 112.\n Phallus, 179.\n Place of meeting, 119, 121.\n Power over fertility, 174.\n Prayer, 30.\n Punishment, 198.\n Religious service, 148.\n Renewal of vows, 125.\n Renunciation, 125.\n Reports, 125, 198.\n Riding to meetings, 99.\n Right side, 88.\n Ring dance, 131.\n Rye, Wafer of, 148.\n Sacrifice of the God, 159, 183.\n Sexual rites, 125, 179-82.\n Singing, 138.\n Stick riding, 105.\n Straw, Burning, 145.\n Taboo on salt, 143.\n Urine, 148.\n Voice, 62.\n Walking to meeting, 97-8.\n\n\nMachecoul Coven, 249.\n\nMagical ceremonies, 30, 115, 116, 171, 207.\n \" ointment, 100, 101, 104, 105, 279-80.\n \" powers, 170, 174.\n \" words, 45, 101, 104, 105, 128, 149, 162-8, 206-8, 234-5, 242, 244.\n\nMaiden of Coven, 133, 189, 190, 193.\n\nMaidstone:--\n Child by the Devil, 182.\n Reason for burning a witch, 162.\n Sexual rites, 182.\n\nMa\u00eetre Jean Mullin, 238.\n \" Leonard, 238.\n\nMalleus Maleficarum, 172.\n\nMamillion, 29.\n\nManningtree (see Essex).\n\nMark, 46, 72, 75, 76, 81, 83, 86-96, 146, 183, 246, 248.\n\nMarket Cross, 107, 110, 131.\n\nMarriage, 179, 184, 185.\n\nMasks, 55, 62, 64, 68, 110, 129, 133, 146, 188, 231-3, 246.\n\nMay Day, 112.\n \" Eve, 12, 109.\n\nMay-November year, 12, 109.\n\nMediciner, Devil as, 36, 195.\n\nMethods of destruction, 117, 118.\n \" execution, 17, 162, 201.\n \" going to meetings, 97-106.\n \" marking, 87, 88, 153.\n \" obtaining familiars, 46, 226, 227, 243.\n \" transformation, 230-1.\n\nMidday, 40, 101, 122.\n\nMidwives, 50, 170, 171, 206, 207.\n\nMinister, Christian, 133, 137, 151, 188.\n \" Devil as a, 41, 149.\n\nMinor devils, 137, 228.\n\nModern dance, 130, 132, 135 note, 183 note.\n \" magical ceremonies, 82, 226.\n \" organization, 190.\n\nMole familiar, 217, 223.\n\nMonsieur, 40, 128.\n\nMound dwellings, 10.\n\nMouse familiar, 216-18, 220, 241.\n\nMuffling (see Mask).\n\nMusic, 137.\n\nMusical instruments, 55, 110, 131, 133, 136-8.\n\n\nName given on admission, 85.\n \" of early God, 165.\n\nNames of the Devil:--\n Abiron, 163.\n Antecessor, 164.\n Aspic, 248.\n Barrebon, 41.\n Black John, 199.\n Blackman, 33, 219, 223.\n Christsunday, 36, 44, 45, 69, 70, 87, 128, 155, 242.\n Crebas, 41.\n Daniel the Prophet, 34.\n Foul thief, 163, 207.\n Helen Mcbrune, 45.\n Hou, 165.\n Iupin, 65.\n Janicot, 165, 249.\n Klareanough, 84.\n Ma\u00eetre Jean Mullin, 228.\n \" Leonard, 228.\n Mamillion, 29.\n Monsieur, 40, 128.\n Orthon, 41, 247, 248.\n Quillet, 164.\n Robin, 163, 208, 245.\n \" son of Artis, 40, 154.\n Sathan, 152, 210.\n Serpent, 163.\n Simon, 185.\n Thom Reid, 35, 42, 44, 191, 195, 240.\n Traisnesac, 41, 247.\n Tramesabot, 41 note, 248.\n Walliman, 30-1, 195.\n William Simpson, 35, 48, 195.\n\nNames of familiars:--\n Amie, 218.\n Besse, 217.\n Christ, 216.\n Collyn, 216.\n Dainty, 216.\n Elimanzer, 215.\n Elva, 163, 206.\n Fancie, 46.\n Fillie, 213.\n Frog, 218.\n George, 221, 229.\n Gibbe, 213.\n Gille, 210.\n Ginnie, 210.\n Greedigut, 219, 223.\n Grissell, 219, 223.\n Hendrie Laing, 230.\n Hoult, 214.\n Inges, 213.\n Jacke, 211, 218.\n James, 218.\n Jarmara, 214.\n Jeso, 216.\n Jesus, 216.\n Jezebell, 221, 229.\n Jockey, 216.\n Jone, 220.\n Laing, 229.\n Lierd, 212.\n Lightfoot, 212, 224.\n Lilly, 218.\n Littleman, 216.\n Lunch, 212.\n Makeshift, 212.\n Mak Hector, 229, 230.\n Margaret, 168, 218.\n Minny, 225.\n Mounsier, 216.\n Mrit. Elizabeth, 216.\n Panu, 216.\n Philip, 211.\n Pigine, 211.\n Pretty, 46, 218, 229, 243.\n Pretty-man, 216.\n Prickeare, 218.\n Priscill, 218.\n Red Reiver, 229, 230.\n Roaring Lion, 229, 230.\n Robert the Jackis, 229, 230.\n Robert the Rule, 229, 230.\n Robin, 208, 211, 218, 225.\n Rorie, 229.\n Rug, 217.\n Sack and Sugar, 214.\n Sanders, 230.\n Sandy, 216.\n Sathan, 209, 210, 224, 225.\n Sparrow, 218.\n Suckin, 212.\n Susan, 217, 218.\n Swein, 229, 230.\n Tewhit, 213.\n Thief of Hell, wait upon herself, 229, 230.\n Thomas a Fearie, 230.\n Tib, 220.\n Tibbe, 46.\n Tissy, 219.\n Tom, 211, 213, 225.\n Tomboy, 216.\n Tyffin, 211.\n Tyttey, 211.\n Vinegar Tom, 214.\n Wynowe, 216.\n\nNames of members of Covens, 193-4, 249-54.\n \" of tunes, 136, 137.\n\nNaming of animals, 85, 155, 168.\n \" a familiar, 115.\n\nNetherbury (see Dorset).\n\nNewburgh, 195.\n\nNew England (see Connecticut, Groton, Salem).\n\nNicknames, 85, 133, 187.\n\nNider's Formicarius, 23.\n\nNight assemblies, 112, 122, 123.\n\nNipple, Supernumerary, 90-6, 209, 221.\n\nNorthampton:--\n Death by fire, 162.\n Devil as a man, 34.\n Opinions, 26-7.\n Supernumerary nipple, 95.\n\nNorth Berwick:--\n Allhallow Eve, 54, 110.\n Black garments, 35, 42, 54, 57, 145.\n Bothwell, Earl of, 54-9.\n Candles, 54, 145.\n Cat sacrifice, 168.\n Christening a cat, 168.\n Churchyard dance, 54, 110, 133, 136.\n Coldness of the Devil, 62, 64, 128.\n Conjuring of cats, 52, 54, 163, 167, 168.\n Dates of meetings, 110.\n Dead men's bones, 115, 168, 169.\n Devil as a man, 35, 42, 52, 53, 55.\n Devil's disguise, 35, 62.\n Divining by animals, 206-7.\n Dog familiar, 163, 206.\n Elva, 163, 206.\n Headgear, 35, 42, 145.\n Homage, 62, 138, 145.\n Hour of meeting, 112.\n Identification, 55-9.\n Instruction by Devil, 195.\n Kiss, 62, 63, 128, 200.\n Lammas, 52, 54, 110.\n Magical words, 163, 168, 206.\n Mask, 55, 110, 133, 188, 232.\n Midwife, 50, 206.\n Muffling (see Mask).\n Name of familiar, 163, 206.\n Names of members of Coven, 250.\n Nicknames, 85, 187.\n Number in Covens, 53, 191.\n Officers, 187.\n Punishment, 54, 200.\n Raising the Devil, 163, 206.\n Riding to the Sabbath, 99.\n Ringleader, 55, 110, 133, 188, 232.\n Sermon, 42, 54, 145.\n Sieves, 167.\n Sinking ships, 51, 52, 115, 167, 168.\n Storm raising, 51, 52, 54, 163, 167, 168.\n Toad poison, 53.\n Trial, 50-9.\n Trump, 55, 110, 133, 136.\n Voice, 62.\n Wax image, 51, 53-5.\n White garments, 35.\n \" wand, 57.\n Yielding the soul, 59.\n\nNorthumberland:--\n Black garments, 134, 200.\n Collupp Monday, 103.\n Dance as reward, 200.\n Devil as God, 29.\n \" a man, 34, 134.\n Enchanted bridle, 103-4, 236.\n Names of members of Coven, 193-4.\n Number in Coven, 193-4.\n Punishment, 200.\n Rewards, 134, 200.\n Riding, 103, 236.\n \" devil, 34.\n Sacred stone, 108 note.\n Term of years, 82.\n Threats to traitor, 29.\n Transformation, 234, 236.\n\nNovember Eve, 12.\n\nNudity rites, 134 note, 150, 173.\n\nNumbers in Covens, 53, 120, 136, 191-4, 240.\n\n\nOath of secrecy, 201.\n\nObjections to the evidence, 15, 16.\n\nOfferings, 155.\n\nOfficer, 47, 101, 151, 171, 186-90, 193.\n\nOintment, Flying, 100, 101, 104, 105, 279-80.\n\nOperative witchcraft, 11.\n\nOpinions of witches, 15, 25-7, 28, 161, 184.\n\nOrdeal by water, 17.\n\nOrganization, 13, 186-204.\n\nOrkney:--\n Black garments, 242.\n Child witch, 242.\n Controlled with the Phairie, 243.\n Devil as a man, 36.\n \" the same as fairy, 243.\n Fairy folk, 242.\n \" men, 195, 242, 243.\n Gray beard, 36, 195.\n Green tartan plaid, 242.\n Identification, 48.\n Instruction from the Devil, 195.\n Name of Devil, 30, 31.\n Prayer, 31.\n Walliman, 30, 31, 195.\n White garments, 36, 195.\n\nOrleans:--\n Back-to-back dance, 247.\n Baptism, 247, 248.\n Book, 246, 248.\n Child witch, 248.\n Devil as a goat, 69, 70, 247, 248.\n \" God, 29, 247.\n \" man, 41, 63, 246.\n \" sheep, 70, 247.\n Disguise, 63.\n Divination, 221, 248.\n Feeding of familiars, 221, 248.\n Fines, 247.\n Gift of familiar, 222, 224, 249.\n Janicot, 249.\n Jean le Blanc, 247.\n Kiss, 247.\n Mark, 248.\n Mask, 246.\n Names of Devil, 41, 247, 248.\n Orthon, 41, 247, 248.\n Phallus, 247.\n Place of meeting, 246.\n Punishment, 247.\n Religious service, 246, 248.\n Rewards, 247.\n Salt taboo, 249.\n Sermon, 63, 247.\n Sexual rites, 249.\n Shaving, 246.\n Singing, 247.\n Toad familiar, 221, 222, 248, 249.\n Traisnesac, 41.\n Tramesabot, 41 note.\n Trial of Gentien le Clerc, 248-9.\n \" Silvain Nevillon, 246-8.\n Two chiefs, 63.\n Two-faced god, 69, 247.\n Urine, 248.\n Voice, 63, 247.\n Walking to the Sabbath, 247.\n\nOrthon, 41, 247, 248.\n\nOuld Birtles, 47.\n\nOur Lady, 45, 189.\n\n\nPace of dance, 131, 133, 189, 200, 201.\n\nPaction with the Devil, 74.\n\nPaisley:--\n Black garments, 38, 63.\n Candles, 147.\n Child witch, 73.\n Clay image, 117, 147.\n Cloven feet, 38.\n Date of meeting, 123.\n Devil as a man, 38, 188.\n Drinking the Devil's health, 194.\n Mark, 89.\n Officer, 188.\n Thirteen, 194.\n Voice, 63.\n\nPapal bulls, 19, 24, 169.\n\nParis:--\n Child sacrifice, 49, 150, 156, 157.\n \" witch, 72.\n Conjuration, 150, 171.\n Devil as a priest, 150, 157, 171.\n Fertility charm, 171.\n Identification, 49.\n Midwife, 171.\n Nudity rite, 150.\n Term of years, 81.\n Witch mass, 150.\n Written contract, 81.\n\nPaternoster used as charm, 210.\n\nPembrokeshire, 326.\n\nPentland Hills:--\n Candle, 146.\n Devil as a dog, 67, 133, 136.\n Name of tune, 137.\n Pipes, 67, 133, 136.\n\nPeriodical sacrifices, 154, 155, 158, 159.\n\nPersonal attendant, Devil's, 186, 189.\n\nPerth:--\n Devil as a man, 36, 195.\n Fairy hill, 36.\n Greybeard, 36, 195.\n Instruction from the Devil, 195.\n\nPhallus, 179-80, 247.\n\nPhysician, 36.\n\nPierronne, follower of Joan of Arc, 40.\n\nPiper, 136, 137, 189.\n\nPipes, 67, 113, 114, 117, 133, 136, 140, 241.\n\nPitch, Candles of, 146, 147.\n\nPittadro, Lady, 162, 203.\n\nPittenweem:--\n Black garments, 43.\n Devil as a man, 39, 43.\n Headgear, 43.\n Mark, 90.\n\nPlace of Devil at table, 140, 141-3, 144.\n \" meeting, 108, 119-21, 246.\n\nPlaces dedicated to the Devil, 108.\n\nPloughing ceremony, 115, 171.\n\nPoison, 158, 279-80.\n\nPoisoning by toads, 53.\n\nPoitiers:--\n Ashes of the sacrifice, 159.\n Candle, 145, 159.\n Cross, 68, 107.\n Cross-roads, 68, 107, 144.\n Devil as a goat, 68, 128, 144, 159.\n Kiss, 128, 145, 159.\n Ring dance, 68, 128, 145, 159.\n Sacrifice of the God, 159.\n\nPolymastia, 90.\n\nPolythelia, 90-6.\n\nPosition of Devil's marks, 96.\n\nPower from the Devil, 29.\n\nPrayers, 30, 31, 215, 218, 228.\n\nPre-agricultural religion, 12-13, 109.\n\nPricking, 88, 153.\n\nPriests, Christian, 84, 128, 137, 150, 171.\n\nPromise of secrecy, 215.\n\nPuberty, Girls under, 175, 176.\n\nPuck, Derivation of, 230.\n\nPuckrels, 241.\n\nPunishments and rewards, 54, 131, 133, 174, 188-9, 197-204, 247.\n\nPurpose of meeting, 115, 116.\n\nPuy-de-D\u00f4me:--\n Back-to-back dance, 128, 131.\n Candles, 68, 128, 145, 180.\n Christian festival, 111.\n Dates of meeting, 119, 123.\n Devil as a goat, 68, 145, 180.\n Kiss, 128.\n Place of meeting, 119.\n Prayer, 128.\n Ring dance, 128, 131.\n Sexual rites, 180.\n St. John's Eve, 145.\n\n\nQuarterly festivals, 12-13, 109-11.\n\nQueen of Elfin and Faery, 14, 44, 45, 47, 128, 189, 190,\n 241, 242, 244, 245.\n\nQueen of Hell, 47.\n\nQueen of Sabbath, 45, 71, 129, 148, 189, 190.\n\nQueensferry:--\n Names of members of Coven, 252.\n Number in Coven, 192.\n\nQuillet, 164.\n\n\nRagwort, Riding on, 246.\n\nRain-making, 172-3.\n\nRaising storms, 52, 54.\n \" the Devil, 45, 155, 163, 206, 242.\n\nRank among witches, 129, 191.\n\nRat familiar, 211, 220.\n\nReason for burning witches, 162.\n\nRebuke to Presbytery, 162.\n\nRed Book of Appin, 170, 196.\n \" garments, 41, 66, 183.\n\nRedwald, King of East Saxons, 21.\n\nReine du Sabbat, 45, 71, 129, 148, 189, 190.\n\nReligious service, 14, 138, 148, 164, 246, 248.\n\nRenewal of vows, 80, 81, 125, 128.\n\nRenfrewshire:--\n Capital punishment, 203.\n Child witches, 39, 65, 73.\n Coldness of Devil, 65.\n Devil as a man, 39, 65, 73.\n Fairies, 246.\n Hanging with a lace, 203-4.\n Mark, 90, 246.\n Names of members of Coven, 254.\n Squint-Ey'd Elf, 246.\n Threats to traitor, 203.\n\nRenunciation of previous religion, 39, 46, 47, 65, 67, 72,\n 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 84, 124, 125, 128, 156, 175, 185,\n 209, 218-19, 225, 244.\n\nReport of work done, 125, 194, 198.\n\nResult of elf shots, 245.\n\nRewards and punishments, 134, 197-204, 247.\n\nRiding Devil, 34, 38, 69, 208, 242.\n \" on sticks, 104, 105, 106, 134.\n \" to meetings, 99-106, 116, 236.\n\nRight hand, 83, 87, 89, 90, 96.\n \" leg, 83.\n \" shoulder, 89, 91.\n \" side, 88, 89, 96.\n\nRing dance, 40, 68, 107, 128, 131-2, 135, 145, 159.\n \" leader, 55, 110, 133, 136, 188, 200, 232.\n\nRitual transformation, 233.\n \" witchcraft, 11-12.\n\nRobin, 127, 154, 163, 208, 211, 218, 225, 238, 245.\n\nRobin, son of Artis, 40, 154.\n\nRoodmas, 45, 109, 110, 112, 134, 242.\n\nRound dance, 135.\n\nRowing, 147.\n\nRules for sexual rites, 175-6.\n\nRye, Wafer made of, 148.\n\n\nSabbath, 97-112.\n \" Derivation of, 97.\n \" Opinions regarding, 25.\n\nSacrament, 148-51.\n\nSacramental bread, 148, 199, 226, 227, 247.\n\nSacred image, 125, 145.\n \" marriage, 177.\n \" stone, 108 note.\n\nSacrifice, Animal, 153-6.\n \" Blood, 152-3.\n \" Child, 156-9, 246.\n \" God, 159-62, 183.\n \" Periodical, 155, 158, 159.\n\nSt. Albans:--\n Dog familiar, 221, 229.\n Human familiar, 221, 229.\n Names of familiars, 221, 229.\n \" of members of Coven, 252.\n Supernumerary breast, 94.\n \" nipple, 93, 221.\n\nSt. Andrew's Day, 111.\n\nSt. Germain-en-Laye:--\n Broomstick, 104.\n Devil as a sheep, 70, 127.\n Homage, 127.\n Kiss, 127.\n Written contract, 80.\n\nSt. John's Eve, 11, 145.\n\nSt. Osyth Cove, 250.\n\nSalem:--\n Baptism, 84.\n Burroughs, Rev. George, 49, 117, 151.\n Child witch, 74.\n Devil as a cat, 228.\n \" God, 30.\n \" a horse, 70.\n \" a man, 42.\n \" a minister, 151.\n Feast, 142.\n Headgear, 42.\n Identification, 49.\n Images, 117.\n Iron rods, 203.\n Officer, 151, 188, 190.\n Place of meeting, 108, 121.\n Prayer, 228.\n Punishment, 203.\n Queen of Hell, 47.\n Renunciation, 84.\n Riding on a pole, 106.\n Sacrament, 151.\n Sermon, 151, 190.\n Supernumerary nipple, 95.\n Term of years, 82.\n Yielding the soul, 84.\n\nSalisbury:--\n Blood ceremony, 64.\n Coldness of Devil, 64.\n Devil as a boy, 64.\n Supernumerary nipple, 94.\n Two chiefs, 64.\n Written contract, 64.\n\nSalt, 139, 143, 249.\n\nSalutation, 29, 126, 127.\n\nScarlet cap, 40.\n\nSceptics, 9, 10, 11, 15, 177.\n\nScotland (see Aberdeen, Alloa, Auldearne, Borrowstowness, Bute, Byrehill,\n Crighton, Crook of Devon, Dalkeith, Dirlton, Dumfries-shire, Dumfermline,\n Edinburgh, Eymouth, Forfar, Innerkip, Inverary, Inverkeithing,\n Irvine, Lang Niddry, Lander, Lothian, Lowdon Hill, Lyne, Newburgh,\n North Berwick, Orkney, Paisley, Pentland Hills, Perth, Pittenweem,\n Queensferry, Renfrewshire, Seaton, Strathdown, Thurso, Torryburn,\n Tranent).\n\nSeaton, 98, 168.\n\nSecond in command, 32.\n\nSecrecy, Promise of, 215.\n\nSermon, 30, 42, 54, 63, 67, 145, 148-51, 189, 190, 247.\n\nSerpent, 163.\n\nSexual rites, 14, 125, 126, 149, 173-85, 242, 249.\n\nShaving, 246.\n\nSheep, Devil as a, 70, 127, 182, 247.\n\nShellie (see Suffolk).\n\nSieve, 147, 167.\n\nSieve and shears, 114.\n\nSilken habiliment, 36, 145.\n\nSilvain Nevillon, Trial of, 246-9.\n\nSimon, 185.\n\nSinging, 38, 114, 138, 146, 247.\n\nSinking ships, 51, 52, 55, 69, 115-17, 167, 168, 183.\n\nSite of meetings, 106-9, 118-21.\n\nSomerset (Wincanton, Brewham):--\n Baptism, 117.\n Black garments, 34, 127.\n Broomsticks, 106.\n Candles, 147.\n Cat familiar, 221.\n Cittern, 136.\n Covenant, 79.\n Date of meetings, 123.\n Devil as a man, 34, 43, 63, 106, 126-7, 136, 140, 163, 208.\n Dog familiar, 208.\n Feast, 140.\n Flying, 101.\n \" ointment, 101.\n Grace before meat, 140.\n Headgear, 43, 127.\n Hedgehog familiar, 221.\n Images, wax and clay, 117.\n Magical words, 101, 163, 164, 167, 208.\n Mark, 89.\n Names of members of Coven, 254.\n Number in Coven, 193.\n Officer, 101, 188.\n Pipes, 136.\n Place of Devil at feast, 140.\n \" meeting, 120, 121.\n Right hand, 89.\n Robin, 127, 163, 208, 245.\n Salutation, 126, 127.\n Term of years, 81.\n Voice of Devil, 43, 63, 127.\n Written contract, 81.\n\nSoul, Yielding of, 33, 46, 59, 72, 75-8, 81, 84, 219, 220, 226, 229, 243.\n\nSpirits, 193, 229.\n\nSquint-Ey'd Elf, 246.\n\nStag, Devil as a, 45, 70, 207, 242.\n\nStanding stones, 37, 40, 68, 107, 108, 128, 131.\n\nStapenhill:--\n Capital punishment, 201.\n Devil as God, 30.\n Dog familiar, 207, 225.\n Gift of familiar, 225.\n Magical ceremony, 30.\n Name of familiar, 225.\n Prayer, 30.\n Supernumerary nipple, 91-2.\n\nStick-riding, 104-6.\n\nStorm-raising, 51, 52, 54, 67, 116, 163, 167, 168.\n\nStrathdown:--\n Devil as a dog, 68.\n Homage, 68.\n Rowing, 147.\n Sieves, 147.\n Torches, 147.\n Walking to the Sabbath, 99.\n\nStraw, Burning, 145.\n\nSubstitute for the God, 160-1.\n\nSuccubus, 183.\n\nSuffolk:--\n Blood ceremony, 153.\n Coldness of Devil, 181.\n Daniel the Prophet, 34.\n Devil as a man, 34, 63, 94, 153, 221.\n Dog familiar, 223.\n Gift of familiar, 223.\n Kitten familiar, 94, 221.\n Mole familiar, 223.\n Prayer, 31.\n Sexual rites, 181.\n Supernumerary nipple, 94, 95, 221.\n Voice of the Devil, 63.\n\nSupernumerary breast, 90, 94.\n \" nipple, 90, 91, 92-6, 209, 213-17, 219-21.\n\nSweden:--\n Antecessor, 164.\n Baptism, 84.\n Capital punishment, 203.\n Child witches, 74, 123.\n Christian priests, 84.\n Cross-roads, 132, 203.\n Dates of meeting, 123.\n Description of Blockula, 103, 108, 119.\n Devil as a man, 41, 43, 164.\n \" a minister, 41, 149.\n Feast, 144.\n Grey garments, 41, 43.\n Headgear, 43.\n Magical words, 164.\n Marriage, 185.\n Method of going to meetings, 103.\n Places at meals, 144.\n \" of meeting, 119.\n Powers of the Devil, 118.\n Punishment, 199, 203.\n Riding to the Sabbath, 100, 103.\n Ring dance, 132.\n Sacrament, 149.\n Vow, 78.\n Yielding of the soul, 78.\n\nSympathetic magic, 158, 159.\n\n\nTaboo on salt, 139, 143, 249.\n\nTambourine, 137.\n\nTattooing, 87.\n\nTerm of years, Contract for, 75, 80-2.\n\nTheodore, Archbishop of Canterbury, 21.\n\nThirteen in Coven, 191-4.\n\nThorn Reid, 35, 42, 44, 191, 195, 240.\n\nThreats against traitor, 29, 201-3.\n\nThurso:--\n Devil as a man, 40, 208.\n Divination by a cloud, 208.\n \" a hen, 208.\n \" a horse, 208.\n Riding Devil, 208.\n\nToad familiar, 71, 210-12, 221, 222, 225, 248, 249.\n\nToads, Poisoning by, 53.\n\nTorches, 113, 146, 147.\n\nTorryburn:--\n Coldness of Devil, 65.\n Headgear, 43, 147.\n Light, 147.\n\nTranent:--\n Names of tunes, 136.\n Piper, 136, 189.\n\nTransference of labour pains, 170.\n\nTransformation, 10, 116, 166, 230-7.\n\nTree-riding, 134.\n\nTrial of Alice Kyteler, 23.\n \" North Berwick witches, 50-9.\n \" Silvain Nevillon, 246-9.\n\nTrump, 55, 110, 133, 136, 245.\n\nTrumpets, 137.\n\nTwo chiefs, 32, 35, 38, 63, 64, 83, 228.\n\nTwo-faced God, 10, 62, 69, 129, 247.\n\n\nUnbaptized children, 156.\n\nUrine, 148, 248.\n\nUse of domestic familiars, 214-20, 223, 224.\n \" of words _God_ and _Devil_, 31.\n\n\nViolins, 137, 138.\n\nVoice of the Devil, 43, 61-3, 127, 247.\n\nVoluntary converts, 70, 71, 79.\n\nVosges, 112.\n\nVows, 78, 125.\n\n\nWafer of rye, 148.\n \" of sacramental bread, 148.\n\nWalking to the Sabbath, 97-9, 247.\n\nWalliman, 30, 195.\n\nWalloons, 82, 135.\n\nWalpurgis Nacht, 109, 134.\n\nWater, Ordeal by, 17.\n\nWax image, 51, 53-5, 116, 117.\n\nWeasel familiar, 212, 241.\n\nWeir, Major, 50, 161.\n\nWhite garments, 35, 36, 40, 41, 43, 45, 195.\n \" hackneys, 45, 242.\n \" wand, 35, 57.\n\nWiddershins, 124, 135.\n\nWilliam Simpson, 35, 48, 195.\n\nWincanton (see Somerset).\n\nWindsor:--\n Cat familiar, 210.\n Change of shape, 47, 69.\n Devil as an ape, 47, 69.\n \" a horse, 47, 69.\n Feeding of familiars, 210, 211.\n Gille, 210.\n Ginnie, 210.\n Kitten familiar, 210.\n Officer, 189.\n Philip, 211.\n Place of meeting, 119.\n Rat familiar, 211.\n Toad familiar, 210.\n\nWine puncheons, 113, 140, 241.\n \" representing blood, 149.\n\nWitch of Endor, 9.\n \" mass, 150.\n\nWitches professing Christianity, 49.\n\nWooden goblets, 143.\n\nWooler (see Northumberland).\n\nWord of God, 9.\n\nWorship, 29, 68.\n\nWrecking a bridge, 117, 196.\n\nWritten contracts, 64, 79-81.\n \" reports, 186.\n\n\nYarmouth:--\n Devil as a man, 33, 88.\n Mark, 88.\n\nYellow bird, 213.\n \" clothes, 229, 232.\n\nYielding the soul, 33, 46, 59, 72, 75-8, 81, 219, 220, 226, 229, 243.\n\nYorkshire:--\n Bird familiar, 213.\n Cloven feet, 29, 34.\n Coloured wart, 94.\n Devil as a man, 29, 34.\n Devil's horse, 29.\n Fairy hill, 243.\n \" Queen, 244.\n Instruction by fairies, 244.\n Kneeling to the Devil, 29.\n Local anaesthesia, 94.\n Magical words, 244.\n Supernumerary nipple, 93-4.\n Worship, 29.\n\nYule, 109, 111, 120, 123.\n\n\n\n\nPRINTED IN ENGLAND\n\nAT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS\n\n\n\n\nTRANSCRIBER'S NOTES\n\n\nDue to many different languages and the age of the texts\nthat appear in the book, the original varied spelling has\nbeen retained. Only obvious typographic errors were\ncorrected and the changes have been noted in the list below.\nThe original image lacks the anchors for footnotes 657 and\n859. Since it was impossible to determine to which word or a\nsentence the footnotes in question belong, a false anchor\nhas been placed at the end of their respective pages.\n\n\nTHE LEGEND FOR NON-LATIN-1 CHARACTERS\n\n[*q] q with a macron and a straight line bisecting the descender\n[~q=] q with a tilde and a straight line bisecting the descender\n[~q] q with a tilde\n[*p] p with a macron and a straight line bisecting the descender\n[=p] p with a macron\n[p=] p with a straight line bisecting the descender\n[3] yogh\n[3*] a capital yogh\n[=o] o with a macron\n[~o] o with a tilde\n[~e] e with a tilde\n[~m] m with a tilde\n[~u] u with a tilde\n\nFIXED ISSUES\n\np. 008--spelling normalized: changed 'L'Incr\u00e9dulit\u00e9' to 'L'Incredulit\u00e9'\np. 008--typo fixed: changed 'TRANSFORMATION' to 'TRANSFORMATIONS'\np. 012--typo fixed: changed 'aces' to 'faces'\np. 022--possibly v[~e]r\np. 023--possibly 'frith-splots'\np. 054--possibly 'Allhallow-ewin'\np. 070--spelling normalized: changed 'The Divell's\n Delusions' to 'The Divel's Delusions'\np. 082--possibly McLevine\np. 084--possibly bloodrite\np. 086--typo fixed: changed 'indentification' to 'identification'\np. 097--spelling normalized: changed 'Ian-guillaume' to 'Ianguillaume'\np. 098--spelling normalized: changed 'Berth\u00e9lemy' to 'Barth\u00e9lemy'\np. 099--typo fixed: changed 'North-berwick' to 'North-Berwick'\np. 112--typo fixed: changed 'Mitchell' to 'Michell'\np. 121--inserted a missing single quote after d'autres\np. 131--typo fixed: changed 'Kathrein' to 'Kathren'\np. 133--spelling normalized: changed 'follow my-leader' to\n 'follow-my-leader'\np. 136--spelling normalized: changed 'All-hallow' to 'Allhallow'\np. 145--spelling normalized: changed 'Puy-de-d\u00f2me' to 'Puy-de-D\u00f4me'\np. 150--inserted a missing : after 'the first mass'\np. 156--typo fixed: changed 'followin' to 'following'\np. 160--inserted a missing single quote after 'autrex animaux'\np. 166--no anchor for footnote 657\np. 168--typo fixed, changed 'DeLancre' to 'De Lancre' in footnote 488\np. 179--inserted a missing period after 'etc'\np. 180--removed an extra period after they ar.'\np. 186--reversed the order of page numbers in footnote 726\np. 199--possibly gairne-toune\np. 222--no anchor for footnote 2--footnote 859\np. 246--typo fixed: changed a comma into a period after 'Oliuet'\np. 274--inserted a missing period after 'or a cross'\np. 281--typo fixed: changed a comma to period after 'Arnot, Hugo'\np. 282--possibly \u00c9pid\u00e9mie\np. 291--spelling normalized: changed 'headgear' to 'head-gear'\np. 292--spelling normalized: changed 'Squint-ey'd' to 'Squint-Ey'd'\np. 293--spelling normalized: changed 'Brecy' to 'Br\u00e9cy'\np. 298--spelling normalized: changed 'Prettyman' to 'Pretty-man'\np. 300--spelling normalized: changed 'Rainmaking' to 'Rain-making'\np. 300--spelling normalized: changed 'Squint-eyed' to 'Squint-Ey'd'\np. 301--inserted a missing comma after 'Salem: Officer'\np. 302--spelling normalized: changed 'Squint-eyed' to 'Squint-Ey'd'","title":"The Witch-cult in Western Europe: A Study in Anthropology","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":118176}