{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_20583/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_20583","id":"gutenberg_20583","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/20583","summary":null,"tags":["Caste -- India -- Madhya Pradesh","Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: History - Other","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Category: Sociology","Ethnology -- India -- Madhya Pradesh","Madhya Pradesh (India) -- Religion","Madhya Pradesh (India) -- Scheduled tribes"],"text":"Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed\nProofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n        The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India\n\n                                   By\n\n                              R.V. Russell\n   Of the Indian Civil Service Superintendent of Ethnography, Central\n                               Provinces\n                              Assisted by\n                          Rai Bahadur Hira Lal\n                      Extra Assistant Commissioner\n\n\n   Published Under the Orders of the Central Provinces Administration\n\n                            In Four Volumes\n                                Vol. I.\n\n        Macmillan and Co., Limited St. Martin's Street, London.\n\n                                  1916\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE\n\n\nThis book is the result of the arrangement made by the Government\nof India, on the suggestion of the late Sir Herbert Risley, for the\npreparation of an ethnological account dealing with the inhabitants\nof each of the principal Provinces of India. The work for the Central\nProvinces was entrusted to the author, and its preparation, undertaken\nin addition to ordinary official duties, has been spread over a number\nof years. The prescribed plan was that a separate account should\nbe written of each of the principal tribes and castes, according\nto the method adopted in Sir Herbert Risley's _Tribes and Castes of\nBengal_. This was considered to be desirable as the book is intended\nprimarily as a work of reference for the officers of Government, who\nmay desire to know something of the customs of the people among whom\ntheir work lies. It has the disadvantage of involving a large amount\nof repetition of the same or very similar statements about different\ncastes, and the result is likely therefore to be somewhat distasteful\nto the ordinary reader. On the other hand, there is no doubt that this\nmethod of treatment, if conscientiously followed out, will produce\nmore exhaustive results than a general account. Similar works for some\nother Provinces have already appeared, as Mr. W. Crooke's _Castes and\nTribes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh_, Mr. Edgar Thurston's\n_Castes and Tribes of Southern India_, and Mr. Ananta Krishna Iyer's\nvolumes on Cochin, while a Glossary for the Punjab by Mr. H.A. Rose\nhas been partly published. The articles on Religions and Sects were\nnot in the original scheme of the work, but have been subsequently\nadded as being necessary to render it a complete ethnological account\nof the population. In several instances the adherents of the religion\nor sect are found only in very small numbers in the Province, and\nthe articles have been compiled from standard works.\n\nIn the preparation of the book much use has necessarily been made of\nthe standard ethnological accounts of other parts of India, especially\nColonel Tod's _Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan_, Mr. J.D. Forbes'\n_Rasmala or Annals of Gujarat_, Colonel Dalton's _Ethnology of Bengal_,\nDr. Buchanan's _Eastern India_, Sir Denzil Ibbetson's _Punjab Census\nReport_ for 1881, Sir John Malcolm's _Memoir of Central India_, Sir\nEdward Gait's _Bengal and India Census Reports_ and article on Caste\nin Dr. Hastings' _Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_, Colonel\n(Sir William) Sleeman's _Report on the Badhaks_ and _Ramaseeana or\nVocabulary of the Thugs,_ Mr. Kennedy's _Criminal Classes of the Bombay\nPresidency_, Major Gunthorpe's _Criminal Tribes of Bombay, Berar and\nthe Central Provinces_, the books of Mr. Crooke and Sir H. Risley\nalready mentioned, and the mass of valuable ethnological material\ncontained in the _Bombay Gazetteer _ (Sir J. Campbell), especially the\nadmirable volumes on _Hindus of Gujarat_ by Mr. Bhimbhai Kirparam,\nand _Parsis and Muhammadans of Gujarat_ by Khan Bahadur Fazlullah\nLutfullah Faridi, and Mr. Kharsedji Nasarvanji Seervai, J.P., and\nKhan Bahadur Bamanji Behramji Patel. Other Indian ethnological works\nfrom which I have made quotations are Dr. Wilson's _Indian Caste_\n(_Times_ Press and Messrs. Blackwood). Bishop Westcott's _Kabir and the\nKabirpanth_ (Baptist Mission Press, Cawnpore), Mr. Rajendra Lal Mitra's\n_Indo-Aryans_ (Newman & Co., Calcutta), _The Jainas_ by Dr. J.G. Buehler\nand Mr. J. Burgess, Dr. J.N. Bhattacharya's _Hindu Castes and Sects_\n(Thacker, Spink & Co., Calcutta), Professor Oman's _Mystics, Ascetics\nand Saints of India, Cults, Customs and Superstitions of India_,\nand _Brahmans, Theists and Muslims of India_ (T. Fisher Unwin),\nMr. V.A. Smith's _Early History of India_ (Clarendon Press), the\nRev. T.P. Hughes' _Dictionary of Islam_ (W.H. Allen & Co., and Heffer &\nSons, Cambridge), Mr. L.D. Barnett's _Antiquities of India_, M. Andre\nChevrillon's _Romantic India_, Mr. V. Ball's _Jungle Life in India_,\nMr. W. Crooke's _Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India_,\nand _Things Indian_, Captain Forsyth's _Highlands of Central India_\n(Messrs. Chapman & Hall), Messrs. Yule and Burnell's _Hobson-Jobson_\n(Mr. Crooke's edition), Professor Hopkins' _Religions of India_, the\nRev. E.M. Gordon's _Indian Folk-Tales_ (Elliot & Stock), Messrs. Sewell\nand Dikshit's _Indian Calendar_, Mr. Brennand's _Hindu Astronomy_,\nand the late Rev. Father P. Dehon's monograph on the Oraons in the\n_Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_.\n\nEthnological works on the people of the Central Provinces are not\nnumerous; among those from which assistance has been obtained are Sir\nC. Grant's _Central Provinces Gazetteer_ of 1871, Rev. Stephen Hislop's\n_Notes on the Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces_, Colonel\nBloomfield's _Notes on the Baigas_, Sir Charles Elliott's _Hoshangabad\nSettlement Report_, Sir Reginald Craddock's _Nagpur Settlement Report_,\nColonel Ward's _Mandla Settlement Report_, Colonel Lucie Smith's\n_Chanda Settlement Report_, Mr. G.W. Gayer's _Lectures on Criminal\nTribes_, Mr. C.W. Montgomerie's _Chhindwara Settlement Report_,\nMr. C.E. Low's _Balaghat District Gazetteer_, Mr. E.J. Kitts' _Berar\nCensus Report_ of 1881, and the _Central Provinces Census Reports_\nof Mr. T. Drysdale, Sir Benjamin Robertson and Mr. J.T. Marten.\n\nThe author is indebted to Sir J.G. Frazer for his kind permission to\nmake quotations from _The Golden Bough_ and _Totemism and Exogamy_\n(Macmillan), in which the best examples of almost all branches of\nprimitive custom are to be found; to Dr. Edward Westermarck for\nsimilar permission in respect of _The History of Human Marriage_,\nand _The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas_ (Macmillan);\nto Messrs. A. & C. Black in respect of the late Professor Robertson\nSmith's _Religion of the Semites_; to Messrs. Heinemann for those\nfrom M. Salomon Reinach's _Orpheus_; and to Messrs. Hachette et\nCie and Messrs. Parker of Oxford for those from _La Cite Antique_\nof M. Fustel de Coulanges. Much assistance has also been obtained\nfrom Sir E. B. Tylor's _Early History of Mankind_ and _Primitive\nCulture_, Lord Avebury's _The Origin of Civilisation_, Mr. E. Sidney\nHartland's _Primitive Paternity_, and M. Salomon Reinach's _Cultes,\nMythes et Religions_. The labours of these eminent authors have made\nit possible for the student to obtain a practical knowledge of the\nethnology of the world by the perusal of a small number of books; and\nif any of the ideas put forward in these volumes should ultimately be\nso fortunate as to obtain acceptance, it is to the above books that I\nam principally indebted for having been able to formulate them. Other\nworks from which help has been obtained are M. Emile Senart's _Les\nCastes dans I'Inde_, Professor W. E. Hearn's _The Aryan Household_,\nand Dr. A.H. Keane's _The World's Peoples_. Sir George Grierson's great\nwork, _The Linguistic Survey of India_, has now given an accurate\nclassification of the non-Aryan tribes according to their languages\nand has further thrown a considerable degree of light on the vexed\nquestion of their origin. I have received from Mr. W. Crooke of the\nIndian Civil Service (retired) much kind help and advice during the\nfinal stages of the preparation of this work. As will be seen from the\narticles, resort has constantly been made to his _Tribes and Castes_\nfor filling up gaps in the local information.\n\nRai Bahadur Hira Lal was my assistant for several years in the\ntaking of the census of 1901 and the preparation of the Central\nProvinces District Gazetteers; he has always given the most loyal and\nunselfish aid, has personally collected a large part of the original\ninformation contained in the book, and spent much time in collating\nthe results. The association of his name in the authorship is no\nmore than his due, though except where this has been specifically\nmentioned, he is not responsible for the theories and deductions\nfrom the facts obtained. Mr. Pyare Lal Misra, barrister, Chhindwara,\nwas my ethnographic clerk for some years, and he and Munshi Kanhya\nLal, late of the Educational Department, and Mr. Aduram Chandhri,\nTahsildar, gave much assistance in the inquiries on different\ncastes. Among others who have helped in the work, Rai Bahadur\nPanda Baijnath, Diwan of the Patna and Bastar States, should be\nmentioned first, and Babu Kali Prasanna Mukerji, pleader, Saugor,\nMr. Gopal Datta Joshi, District Judge, Saugor, Mr. Jeorakhan Lal,\nDeputy-Inspector of Schools, and Mr. Gokul Prasad, Tahsildar, may be\nselected from the large number whose names are given in the footnotes\nto the articles. Among European officers whose assistance should be\nacknowledged are Messrs. C.E. Low, C.W. Montgomerie, A.B. Napier,\nA.E. Nelson, A.K. Smith, R.H. Crosthwaite and H.F. Hallifax, of\nthe Civil Service; Lt.-Col. W.D. Sutherland, I.M.S., Surgeon-Major\nMitchell of Bastar, and Mr. D. Chisholm.\n\nSome photographs have been kindly contributed by Mrs. Ashbrooke Crump,\nMrs. Mangabai Kelkar, Mr. G.L. Corbett, C.S., Mr. R.L. Johnston,\nA.D.S.P., Mr. J.H. Searle, C.S., Mr. Strachey, Mr. H.E. Bartlett,\nProfessor L. Scherman of Munich, and the Diwan of Raigarh State. Bishop\nWestcott kindly gave the photograph of Kabir, which appears in his\nown book.\n\nFinally I have to express my gratitude to the Chief Commissioner,\nSir Benjamin Robertson, for the liberal allotment made by the\nAdministration for the publication of the work; and to the publishers,\nMessrs. Macmillan & Co., and the printers, Messrs. R. & R. Clark, for\ntheir courtesy and assistance during its progress through the press.\n\n\nSeptember 1915.\n\n\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\nPart I--Volume I\n\n\nIntroductory Essay on Caste\nArticles on the Religions and Sects of the People of the Central Provinces\nGlossary of Minor Castes and Other Articles, Synonyms, Subcastes,\nTitles and Names of Exogamous Septs or Clans\nSubject Index\n\n\nPart II--Volumes II, III and IV\n\nDescriptive Articles on the Principal\nCastes and Tribes of the Central Provinces\n\n\n\n\nDETAILED LIST OF CONTENTS\n\nPart I\n\nArticles on Religions and Sects\n\nThe articles which are considered to be of most general interest\nare shown in capitals\n\n\n    ARYA SAMAJ RELIGION     201\n    BRAHMO SAMAJ RELIGION     208\n    Dadupanthi Sect 215\n    Dhami Sect     216\n    JAIN RELIGION     219\n    KABIRPANTHI SECT     232\n    Lingayat Sect     244\n    MUHAMMADAN RELIGION     247\n    Nanakpanthi Sect     277\n    Parmarthi Sect     281\n    PARSI OR ZOROASTRIAN RELIGION     284\n    Saiva Sect     302\n    Sakta Sect     304\n    SATNAMI SECT     307\n    Sikh Religion     317\n    Smarta Sect     325\n    Swami-Narayan Sect     326\n    VAISHNAVA SECT     330\n    Vam-Margi Sect     333\n    Wahhabi Sect     335\n\n\nArticles on Minor Castes and Miscellaneous Notices Included in the\nGlossary\n\n\n    Agamudayan.\n    Alia.\n    Arab.\n    Are.\n    Arora.\n    Bahelia.\n    Bahrupia.\n    Banka.\n    Bargah.\n    Bayar.\n    Belwar.\n    Besta.\n    Bhand.\n    Bhatia.\n    Bhima.\n    Bhona.\n    Bind.\n    Birhor.\n    Bopchi.\n    Chenchuwar.\n    Chero.\n    Dangur.\n    Daraihan.\n    Dhalgar.\n    Dhera.\n    Dohor.\n    Gandli.\n    Girgira.\n    Goyanda.\n    Hatwa.\n    Jasondhi.\n    Jokhara.\n    Kamad.\n    Kamathi.\n    Kamma.\n    Kammala.\n    Kandra.\n    Kast.\n    Khadal.\n    Khadra.\n    Kotwar.\n    Kumrawat.\n    Kundera.\n    Londhari.\n    Madgi.\n    Malyar.\n    Mangan.\n    Marori.\n    Medara.\n    Mirdha.\n    Mukeri.\n    Mutrasi.\n    Nagarchi.\n    Otari.\n    Pabia.\n    Pahalwan.\n    Panchal.\n    Pandra.\n    Parka.\n    Periki.\n    Redka.\n    Rohilla.\n    Sais.\n    Santal.\n    Satani.\n    Segidi.\n    Siddi.\n    Sidhira.\n    Sikligar.\n    Solaha.\n    Sonkar.\n    Tanti.\n    Tirmale.\n    Tiyar.\n    Vellala.\n    Wakkaliga.\n\n\nPart II--Vol. II\n\nArticles on Castes and Tribes of the Central Provinces in Alphabetical\nOrder\n\n\nAgaria (_Iron-worker_)     3\nAgharia (_Cultivator_)     8\nAghori (_Religious mendicant_)     13\nAhir (_Herdsman and milkman_)     18\nAndh (_Tribe, now cultivators_)     38\nArakh (_Hunter_)     40\nAtari (_Scent-seller_)     42\nAudhelia (_Labourer_)     45\nBadhak (_Robber_)     49\nBahna (_Cotton-cleaner_)     69\nBaiga (_Forest tribe_)     77\nBairagi (_Religious mendicants_)     93\nBalahi (_Labourer and village watchman_)     105\nBalija (_Cultivator_)     108\nBania (_Merchant and moneylender_)     111\n\nSubcastes of Bania\n\n\n    Agarwala.\n    Agrahari.\n    Ajudhiabasi.\n    Asathi.\n    Charnagri.\n    Dhusar.\n    Dosar.\n    Gahoi.\n    Golapurab.\n    Kasarwani.\n    Kasaundhan.\n    Khandelwal.\n    Lad.\n    Lingayat.\n    Maheshri.\n    Nema.\n    Oswal.\n    Parwar.\n    Srimali.\n    Umre.\n\n\nBanjara (_Pack-carrier_)     162\nBarai (_Betel-vine grower and seller_)     192\nBarhai (_Carpenter_)     199\nBari (_Maker of leaf-plates_)     202\nBasdewa (_Cattle-dealer and religious mendicant_)     204\nBasor (_Bamboo-worker_)     208\nBedar (_Soldier and public service_)     212\nBeldar (_Digger and navvy_) 215\nBeria (_Vagabond gipsy_)     220\nBhaina (_Forest tribe_)     225\nBhamta (_Criminal tribe and labourers_)     234\nBharbhunja (_Grain-parcher_)     238\nBharia (_Forest tribe_)     242\nBhat (_Bard and genealogist_)     251\nBhatra (_Forest tribe_)     271\nBhil (_Forest tribe_)     278\nBhilala (_Landowner and cultivator_)     293\nBhishti (_Water-man_)     298\nBhoyar (_Cultivator_)     301\nBhuiya (_Forest tribe_)     305\nBhulia (_Weaver_)     319\nBhunjia (_Forest tribe_)     322\nBinjhwar (_Cultivator_)     329\nBishnoi (_Cultivator_)     337\nBohra (_Trader_)     345\nBrahman (_Priest_)     351\n\nSubcastes of Brahman\n\n\n    Ahivasi.\n    Jijhotia.\n    Kanaujia, Kanyakubja.\n    Khedawal.\n    Maharashtra.\n    Maithil.\n    Malwi.\n    Nagar.\n    Naramdeo.\n    Sanadhya.\n    Sarwaria.\n    Utkal.\n\n\nChadar (_Village watchman and labourer_)     400\nChamar (_Tanner and labourer_)     403\nChasa (_Cultivator_)     424\nChauhan (_Village watchman and labourer_)     427\nChhipa (_Dyer and calico-printer_)     429\nChitari (_Painter_) 432\nChitrakathi (_Picture showman_)     438\nCutchi (_Trader and shopkeeper_)     440\nDahait (_Village watchman and labourer_)     444\nDaharia (_Cultivator_)     453\nDangi (_Landowner and cultivator_)     457\nDangri (_Vegetable-grower_) 463\nDarzi (_Tailor_)     466\nDewar (_Beggar and musician_)     472\nDhakar (_Illegitimate, cultivator_) 477\nDhangar (_Shepherd_)     480\nDhanuk (_Bowman, labourer_) 484\nDhanwar (_Forest tribe_)     488\nDhimar (_Fisherman, water-carrier, and household servant_)  502\nDhoba (_Forest tribe, cultivator_)     515\nDhobi (_Washerman_) 519\nDhuri (_Grain-parcher_)     527\nDumal (_Cultivator_)     530\nFakir (_Religious mendicant_)     537\n\n\nPart II--Vol. III\n\n\nGadaria (_Shepherd_)     3\nGadba (_Forest tribe_)     9\nGanda (_Weaver and labourer_)     14\nGandhmali (_Uriya village priests and temple servants_)     17\nGarpagari (_Averter of hailstorms_) 19\nGauria (_Snake-charmer and juggler_)     24\nGhasia (_Grass-cutter_)     27\nGhosi (_Buffalo-herdsman_)     32\nGolar (_Herdsman_)     35\nGond (_Forest tribe and cultivator_)     39\nGond-Gowari (_Herdsman_)     143\nGondhali (_Religious mendicant_)     144\nGopal (_Vagrant criminal caste_)     147\nGosain (_Religious mendicant_)     150\nGowari (_Herdsman_) 160\nGujar (_Cultivator_)     166\nGurao (_Village Priest_)     175\nHalba (_Forest tribe, labourer_)     182\nHalwai (_Confectioner_)     201\nHatkar (_Soldier, shepherd_)     204\nHijra (_Eunuch, mendicant_) 206\nHolia (_Labourer, curing hides_)     212\nInjhwar (_Boatman and fisherman_)     213\nJadam (_Cultivator_)     217\nJadua (_Criminal caste_)     219\nJangam (_Priest of the Lingayat sect_)     222\nJat (_Landowner and cultivator_)     225\nJhadi Telenga (_Illegitimate, labourer_)     238\nJogi (_Religious mendicant and pedlar_)     243\nJoshi (_Astrologer and village priest_)     255\nJulaha (_Weaver_)     279\nKachera (_Maker of glass bangles_)     281\nKachhi (_Vegetable-grower_) 285\nKadera (_Firework-maker_)     288\nKahar (_Palanquin-bearer and household servant_)     291\nKaikari (_Basket-maker and vagrant_)     296\nKalanga (_Soldier, cultivator_)     302\nKalar (_Liquor vendor_)     306\nKamar (_Forest tribe_)     323\nKanjar (_Gipsies and prostitutes_)     331\nKapewar (_Cultivator_)     342\nKaran (_Writer and clerk_)     343\nKasai (_Butcher_)     346\nKasar (_Worker in brass_)     369\nKasbi (_Prostitute_)     373\nKatia (_Cotton-spinner_)     384\nKawar (_Forest tribe and cultivator_)     389\nKayasth (_Village accountant, writer and clerk_)     404\nKewat (_Boatman and fisherman_)     422\nKhairwar (_Forest tribe; boilers of catechu_)     427\nKhandait (_Soldier, cultivator_)     436\nKhangar (_Village watchman and labourer_)     439\nKharia (_Forest tribe, labourer_)     445\nKhatik (_Mutton-butcher_)     453\nKhatri (_Merchant_) 456\nKhojah (_Trader and shopkeeper_)     461\nKhond (_Forest tribe, cultivator_)     464\nKir (_Cultivator_)     481\nKirar (_Cultivator_)     485\nKohli (_Cultivator_)     493\nKol (_Forest tribe, labourer_)     500\nKolam (_Forest tribe, cultivator_)     520\nKolhati (_Acrobat_) 527\nKoli (_Forest tribe, cultivator_)     532\nKolta (_Landowner and cultivator_)     537\nKomti (_Merchant and shopkeeper_)     542\nKori (_Weaver and labourer_)     545\nKorku (_Forest tribe, labourer_)     550\nKorwa (_Forest tribe, cultivator_)     571\nKoshti (_Weaver_)     581\n\n\nPart II--Vol. IV\n\n\nKumhar (_Potter_)     3\nKunbi (_Cultivator_)     16\nKunjra (_Greengrocer_)     50\nKuramwar (_Shepherd_)     52\nKurmi (_Cultivator_)     55\nLakhera (_Worker in lac_)     104\nLodhi (_Landowner and cultivator_)     112\nLohar (_Blacksmith_)     120\nLorha (_Growers of_ san-_hemp_)     126\nMahar (_Weaver and labourer_)     129\nMahli (_Forest tribe_)     146\nMajhwar (_Forest tribe_)     149\nMal (_Forest tribe_)     153\nMala (_Cotton-weaver and labourer_) 156\nMali (_Gardener and vegetable-grower_)     159\nMallah (_Boatman and fisherman_)     171\nMana (_Forest tribe, cultivator_)     172\nManbhao (_Religious mendicant_)     176\nMang (_Labourer and village musician_)     184\nMang-Garori (_Criminal caste_)     189\nManihar (_Pedlar_)     193\nMannewar (_Forest tribe_)     195\nMaratha (_Soldier, cultivator and service_) 198\nMehtar (_Sweeper and scavenger_)     215\nMeo (_Tribe_)     233\nMina or Deswali (_Non-Aryan tribe, cultivator_)     235\nMirasi (_Bard and genealogist_)     242\nMochi (_Shoemaker_) 244\nMowar (_Cultivator_)     250\nMurha (_Digger and navvy_)     252\nNagasia (_Forest tribe_)     257\nNahal (_Forest tribe_)     259\nNai (Barber)     262\nNaoda (_Boatman and fisherman_)     283\nNat (_Acrobat_)     286\nNunia (_Salt-refiner, digger and navvy_)     294\nOjha (_Augur and soothsayer_)     296\nOraon (_Forest tribe_)     299\nPaik (_Soldier, cultivator_)     321\nPanka (_Labourer and village watchman_)     324\nPanwar Rajput (_Landowner and cultivator_)     330\nPardhan (_Minstrel and priest_)     352\nPardhi (_Hunter and fowler_)     359\nParja (_Forest tribe_)     371\nPasi (_Toddy-drawer and labourer_)     380\nPatwa (_Maker of silk braid and thread_)     385\nPindari (_Freebooter_)     388\nPrabhu (_Writer and clerk_) 399\nRaghuvansi (_Cultivator_)     403\nRajjhar (_Agricultural labourer_)     405\nRajput (_Soldier and landowner_)     410\n\nRajput Clans\n\n\n    Baghel.\n    Bagri.\n    Bais.\n    Baksaria.\n    Banaphar.\n    Bhadauria.\n    Bisen.\n    Bundela.\n    Chandel.\n    Chauban.\n    Dhakar.\n    Gaharwar.\n    Gaur.\n    Haihaya.\n    Huna.\n    Kachhwaha.\n    Nagvansi.\n    Nikumbh.\n    Paik.\n    Parihar.\n    Rathor.\n    Sesodia.\n    Solankhi.\n    Somvansi.\n    Surajvansi.\n    Tomara.\n    Yadu.\n\n\nRajwar (_Forest tribe_)     470\nRamosi (_Village watchmen and labourers, formerly thieves_) 472\nRangrez (_Dyer_)     477\nRautia (_Forest tribe and cultivators, formerly soldiers_)     479\nSanaurhia (_Criminal thieving caste_)     483\nSansia (_Vagrant criminal tribe_)     488\nSansia (Uria) (_Mason and digger_)     496\nSavar (_Forest tribe_)     500\nSonjhara (_Gold-washer_)     509\nSudh (_Cultivator_) 514\nSunar (_Goldsmith and silversmith_) 517\nSundi (_Liquor distiller_)     534\nTamera (_Coppersmith_)     536\nTaonla (_Soldier and labourer_)     539\nTeli (_Oilman_)     542\nThug (_Criminal community of murderers by strangulation_)     558\nTuri (_Bamboo-worker_)     588\nVelama (_Cultivator_)     593\nVidur (_Village accountant, clerk and writer_)     596\nWaghya (_Religious mendicant_)     603\nYerukala (_Criminal thieving caste_)     606\n\n\n\nNote.--The Gonds are the most important of the non-Aryan or primitive\ntribes, and their social customs are described in detail. The\nBaiga, Bhil, Kawar, Khond, Kol, Korku and Korwa are other important\ntribes. The two representative cultivating castes are the Kurmis and\nKunbis, and the articles on them include detailed descriptions of Hindu\nsocial customs, and some information on villages, houses, dress, food\nand manner of life. Articles in which subjects of general interest are\ntreated are Darzi (clothes), Sunar (ornaments), Kachera and Lakhera\n(bangles), Nai (hair), Kalar (veneration of alcoholic liquor),\nBania (moneylending and interest), Kasai (worship and sacrifice of\ndomestic animals), Joshi (the Hindu calendar and personal names),\nBhat (suicide), Dahait (significance of the umbrella), and Kanjar\n(connection of Indian and European gipsies). The articles on Badhak,\nSansia and Thug are compiled from Sir William Sleeman's reports on\nthese communities of dacoits and murderers, whose suppression he\nachieved. For further information the Subject Index may be consulted.\n\n\n\n\n\nMAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS\n\n\nMaps\n\n\n    Map of India             _Frontispiece_\n    Map of the Central Provinces\n    Map of the Central Provinces, showing principal linguistic or\n    racial divisions     6\n\n\n\nIllustrations\n\nVolume I\n\n\n     1. Hindu temple of the god Siva    16\n     2. Hindu sculptures     26\n     3. Peasant's hut    40\n     4. Group of religious mendicants    56\n     5. Drawing water from the village well     72\n     6. Gayatri or sacred verse personified as a goddess     108\n     7. Image of the god Jagannath, a form of Vishnu    118\n     8. The god Rama, an incarnation of Vishnu, with attendant\n        deities 144\n     9. Hindu bathing party     158\n    10. Pilgrims carrying Ganges water     184\n    11. A meeting of the Arya Samaj for investing boys with the sacred\n        thread     202\n    12. Jain temples at Muktagiri, Betul     220\n    13. Jain ascetics with cloth before mouth and sweeping-brush\n        224\n    14. Jain gods in attitude of contemplation     228\n    15. Jain temple in Seoni     230\n    16. Kabir     232\n    17. Beggar on artificial horse at the Muharram festival 248\n    18. Carrying the horse-shoe at the Muharram festival     252\n    19. Tazia or tombs of Hussain at the Muharram festival     256\n    20. Famous Tazia at Khandwa     260\n    21. Representing a tiger at the Muharram festival     272\n    22. Temple of Siva at Bandakpur, near Damoh     302\n    23. Images of Siva and his consort Devi, or Parvati, with the\n        bull and tiger     304\n    24. Devotees, possessed, embracing each other, while supported\n        on tridents, at Siva's fair at Pachmarhi     306\n    25. Image of the prophet Swami Narayan in the Teli temple at\n        Burhanpur     326\n    26. Images of Rama, Lachman and Sita, with attendants     330\n    27. Image of Lakshmi, the Goddess of Wealth, the consort of Vishnu,\n        with attendant     332\n    28. Image of the boar incarnation of Vishnu     334\n    29. Bahrupia impersonating the goddess Kali     344\n    30. Dasari religious mendicant with discus and conch-shell of\n        Vishnu     406\n\n\nVolume II\n\n\n    31. Aghori mendicant     14\n    32. Ahirs decorated with cowries for the Stick Dance at Diwali\n        18\n    33. Image of Krishna as Murlidhar or the flute-player, with\n        attendant deities     28\n    34. Ahir dancers in Diwali costume     32\n    35. Pinjara cleaning cotton     72\n    36. Baiga village, Balaghat District     88\n    37. Hindu mendicants with sect-marks     94\n    38. Anchorite sitting on iron nails     98\n    39. Pilgrims carrying water of the river Nerbudda     100\n    40. _Coloured Plate_: Examples of Tilaks or sect-marks worn on\n        the forehead     102\n    41. Group of Marwari Bania women     112\n    42. Image of the god Ganpati carried in procession     116\n    43. The elephant-headed god Ganpati.  His conveyance is a rat,\n        which can be seen as a little blob between his feet     120\n    44. Mud images made and worshipped at the Holi festival 126\n    45. Bania's shop     128\n    46. Banjara women with the _singh_ or horn     184\n    47. Group of Banjara women     188\n    48. Basors making baskets of bamboo     210\n    49. Bhat with his _putla_ or doll     256\n    50. Group of Bhils     278\n    51. Tantia Bhil, a famous dacoit     282\n    52. Group of Bohras at Burhanpur (Nimar)     346\n    53. Brahman worshipping his household gods     380\n    54. Brahman bathing party     384\n    55. Brahman Pujaris or priests     390\n    56. Group of Maratha Brahman men     392\n    57. Group of Naramdeo Brahman women     396\n    58. Group of Naramdeo Brahman men     398\n    59. Chamars tanning and working in leather     416\n    60. Chamars cutting leather and making shoes     418\n    61. Chhipa or calico-printer at work     430\n    62. Dhimar or fisherman's hut     502\n    63. Fishermen in dug-outs or hollowed tree trunks     506\n    64. Group of Gurujwale Fakirs     538\n\n\nVolume III\n\n\n    65. Gond women grinding corn     42\n    66. Palace of the Gond kings of Garha-Mandla at Ramnagar     46\n    67. Gonds on a journey     62\n    68. Killing of Rawan, the demon king of Ceylon, from whom the\n        Gonds are supposed to be descended     114\n    69. Woman about to be swung round the post called Meghnath     116\n    70. Climbing the pole for a bag of sugar     118\n    71. Gonds with their bamboo carts at market     122\n    72. Gond women, showing tattooing on backs of legs     126\n    73. Maria Gonds in dancing costume     136\n    74. Gondhali musicians and dancers     144\n    75. Gosain mendicant     150\n    76. Alakhwale Gosains with faces covered with ashes     152\n    77. Gosain mendicants with long hair     154\n    78. Famous Gosain Mahant. Photograph taken after death     156\n    79. Gujar village proprietress and her land agent     168\n    80. Guraos with figures made at the Holi festival called Gangour\n        176\n    81. Group of Gurao musicians with their instruments     180\n    82. Ploughing with cows and buffaloes in Chhattisgarh     182\n    83. Halwai or confectioner's shop     202\n    84. Jogi mendicants of the Kanphata sect     244\n    85. Jogi musicians with _sarangi_ or fiddle     250\n    86. Kaikaris making baskets     298\n    87. Kanjars making ropes     332\n    88. A group of Kasars or brass-workers     370\n    89. Dancing girls and musicians 374\n    90. Girl in full dress and ornaments     378\n    91. Old type of sugarcane mill     494\n    92. Group of Kol women     512\n    93. Group of Kolams     520\n    94. Korkus of the Melghat hills 550\n    95. Korku women in full dress     556\n    96. Koshti men dancing a figure, holding strings and beating\n        sticks     582\n\n\nVolume IV\n\n\n    97. Potter at his wheel 4\n    98. Group of Kunbis     16\n    99. Figures of animals made for Pola festival     40\n    100. Hindu boys on stilts     42\n    101. Throwing stilts into the water at the Pola festival     46\n    102. Carrying out the dead     48\n    103. Pounding rice     60\n    104. Sowing     84\n    105. Threshing     86\n    106. Winnowing     88\n    107. Women grinding wheat and husking rice     90\n    108. Group of women in Hindustani dress 92\n    109. _Coloured Plate_: Examples of spangles worn by women on the\n         forehead    106\n    110. Weaving: sizing the warp     142\n    111. Winding thread     144\n    112. Bride and bridegroom with marriage crowns     166\n    113. Bullocks drawing water with _mot_     170\n    114. Mang musicians with drums     186\n    115. Statue of Maratha leader, Bimbaji Bhonsla, in armour     200\n    116. Image of the god Vishnu as Vithoba 248\n    117. Coolie women with babies slung at the side 256\n    118. Hindu men showing the _choti_ or scalp-lock     272\n    119. Snake-charmer with cobras     292\n    120. Transplanting rice 340\n    121. Group of Pardhans     350\n    122. Little girls playing     400\n    123. Gujarati girls doing figures with strings and sticks     402\n    124. Ornaments     524\n    125. Teli's oil-press     544\n    126. The Goddess Kali     574\n    127. Waghya mendicants     604\n\n\n\n\n\nPRONUNCIATION\n\n\n    _a_     has the sound of          _u_ in _but_ or _murmur_.\n    _a_     has the sound of _a_ in _bath_ or _tar_.\n    _e_     has the sound of _e_ in _ecarte_ or _ai_ in _maid_.\n    _i_     has the sound of _i_ in _bit_, or (as a final letter)\n            of _y_ in _sulky_\n    _i_     has the sound of _ee_ in _beet_.\n    _o_     has the sound of _o_ in _bore_ or _bowl_.\n    _u_     has the sound of _u_ in _put_ or _bull_.\n    _u_     has the sound of _oo_ in _poor_ or _boot_.\n\n\nThe plural of caste names and a few common Hindustani words is formed\nby adding _s_ in the English manner according to ordinary usage,\nthough this is not, of course, the Hindustani plural.\n\nNote.--The rupee contains 16 annas, and an anna is of the same value\nas a penny. A pice is a quarter of an anna, or a farthing. Rs. 1-8\nsignifies one rupee and eight annas. A lakh is a hundred thousand,\nand a krore ten million.\n\n\n\n\n\n\nPART I.\n\nINTRODUCTORY ESSAY ON CASTE\n\n\n\nList of Paragraphs\n\n\n     1. _The Central Provinces._\n     2. _Constitution of the population._\n     3. _The word 'Caste.'_\n     4. _The meaning of the term 'Caste.'_\n     5. _The subcaste._\n     6. _Confusion of nomenclature._\n     7. _Tests of what a caste is._\n     8. _The four traditional castes._\n     9. _Occupational theory of caste._\n    10. _Racial theory._\n    11. _Entry of the Aryans into India. The Aryas and Dasyus._\n    12. _The Sudra._\n    13. _The Vaishya._\n    14. _Mistaken modern idea of the Vaishyas._\n    15. _Mixed unions of the four classes._\n    16. _Hypergamy._\n    17. _The mixed castes. The village menials._\n    18. _Social gradation of castes._\n    19. _Castes ranking above the cultivators._\n    20. _Castes from whom a Brahman can take water. Higher\n        agriculturists._\n    21. _Status of the cultivator._\n    22. _The clan and the village._\n    23. _The ownership of land._\n    24. _The cultivating status that of the Vaishya._\n    25. _Higher professional and artisan castes._\n    26. _Castes from whom a Brahman cannot take water; the\n        village menials._\n    27. _The village watchmen._\n    28. _The village priests. The gardening castes._\n    29. _Other village traders and menials._\n    30. _Household servants._\n    31. _Status of the village menials._\n    32. _Origin of their status._\n    33. _Other castes who rank with the village menials._\n    34. _The non-Aryan tribes._\n    35. _The Kolarians and Dravidians._\n    36. _Kolarian tribes._\n    37. _Dravidian tribes._\n    38. _Origin of the Kolarian tribes._\n    39. _Of the Dravidian tribes._\n    40. _Origin of the impure castes._\n    41. _Derivation of the impure castes from the indigenous\n        tribes._\n    42. _Occupation the basis of the caste-system._\n    43. _Other agents in the formation of castes._\n    44. _Caste occupations divinely ordained._\n    45. _Subcastes, local type._\n    46. _Occupational subcastes._\n    47. _Subcastes formed from social or religious differences,\n        or from mixed descent._\n    48. _Exogamous groups._\n    49. _Totemistic clans._\n    50. _Terms of relationship._\n    51. _Clan kinship and totemism._\n    52. _Animate Creation._\n    53. _The distribution of life over the body._\n    54. _Qualities associated with animals._\n    55. _Primitive language._\n    56. _Concrete nature of primitive ideas._\n    57. _Words and names concrete._\n    58. _The soul or spirit._\n    59. _The transmission of qualities._\n    60. _The faculty of counting. Confusion of the individual\n        and the species._\n    61. _Similarity and identity._\n    62. _The recurrence of events._\n    63. _Controlling the future._\n    64. _The common life._\n    65. _The common life of the clan._\n    66. _Living and eating together._\n    67. _The origin of exogamy._\n    68. _Promiscuity and female descent._\n    69. _Exogamy with female descent._\n    70. _Marriage._\n    71. _Marriage by capture._\n    72. _Transfer of the bride to her husband's clan._\n    73. _The exogamous clan with male descent and the village._\n    74. _The large exogamous clans of the Brahmans and Rajputs. The\n        Sapindas, the_ gens _and the_ g'enoc.\n    75. _Comparison of Hindu society with that of Greece and\n        Rome. The_ gens.\n    76. _The clients._\n    77. _The plebeians._\n    78. _The binding social tie in the city-states._\n    79. _The Suovetaurilia._\n    80. _The sacrifice of the domestic animal._\n    81. _Sacrifices of the_ gens _and phratry._\n    82. _The Hindu caste-feasts._\n    83. _Taking food at initiation._\n    84. _Penalty feasts._\n    85. _Sanctity of grain-food._\n    86. _The corn-spirit._\n    87. _The king._\n    88. _Other instances of the common meal as a sacrificial rite._\n    89. _Funeral feasts._\n    90. _The Hindu deities and the sacrificial meal._\n    91. _Development of the occupational caste from the tribe._\n    92. _Veneration of the caste implements._\n    93. _The caste_ panchayat _and its code of offences._\n    94. _The status of impurity._\n    95. _Caste and Hinduism._\n    96. _The Hindu reformers._\n    97. _Decline of the caste system._\n\n\n\n\n1. The Central Provinces.\n\nThe territory controlled by the Chief Commissioner of the Central\nProvinces and Berar has an area of 131,000 square miles and a\npopulation of 16,000,000 persons. Situated in the centre of the Indian\nPeninsula, between latitudes 17 deg.47' and 24 deg.27' north, and longitudes\n76 deg. and 84 deg. east, it occupies about 7.3 per cent of the total area\nof British India. It adjoins the Central India States and the United\nProvinces to the north, Bombay to the west, Hyderabad State and the\nMadras Presidency to the south, and the Province of Bihar and Orissa\nto the east. The Province was constituted as a separate administrative\nunit in 1861 from territories taken from the Peshwa in 1818 and the\nMaratha State of Nagpur, which had lapsed from failure of heirs in\n1853. Berar, which for a considerable previous period had been held on\na lease or assignment from the Nizam of Hyderabad, was incorporated\nfor administrative purposes with the Central Provinces in 1903. In\n1905 the bulk of the District of Sambalpur, with five Feudatory States\ninhabited by an Uriya-speaking population, were transferred to Bengal\nand afterwards to the new Province of Bihar and Orissa, while five\nFeudatory States of Chota Nagpur were received from Bengal. The\nformer territory had been for some years included in the scope of\nthe Ethnographic Survey, and is shown coloured in the annexed map of\nlinguistic and racial divisions.\n\nThe main portion of the Province may be divided, from north-west\nto south-east, into three tracts of upland, alternating with two of\nplain country. In the north-west the Districts of Sangor and Damoh lie\non the Vindhyan or Malwa plateau, the southern face of which rises\nalmost sheer from the valley of the Nerbudda. The general elevation\nof this plateau varies from 1500 to 2000 feet. The highest part is\nthat immediately overhanging the Nerbudda, and the general slope is to\nthe north, the rivers of this area being tributaries of the Jumna and\nGanges. The surface of the country is undulating and broken by frequent\nlow hills covered with a growth of poor and stunted forest. The second\ndivision consists of the long and narrow valley of the Nerbudda,\nwalled in by the Vindhyan and Satpura hills to the north and south,\nand extending for a length of about 200 miles from Jubbulpore to\nHandia, with an average width of twenty miles. The valley is situated\nto the south of the river, and is formed of deep alluvial deposits of\nextreme richness, excellently suited to the growth of wheat. South\nof the valley the Satpura range or third division stretches across\nthe Province, from Amarkantak in the east (the sacred source of the\nNerbudda) to Asirgarh in the Nimar District in the west, where its\ntwo parallel ridges bound the narrow valley of the Tapti river. The\ngreater part consists of an elevated plateau, in some parts merely a\nrugged mass of hills hurled together by volcanic action, in others\na succession of bare stony ridges and narrow fertile valleys, in\nwhich the soil has been deposited by drainage. The general elevation\nof the plateau is 2000 feet, but several of the peaks rise to 3500,\nand a few to more than 4000 feet. The Satpuras form the most important\nwatershed of the Province, and in addition to the Nerbudda and Tapti,\nthe Wardha and Wainganga rivers rise in these hills. To the east a\nbelt of hill country continues from the Satpuras to the wild and rugged\nhighlands of the Chota Nagpur plateau, on which are situated the five\nStates recently annexed to the Province. Extending along the southern\nand eastern faces of the Satpura range lies the fourth geographical\ndivision, to the west the plain of Berar and Nagpur, watered by the\nPurna, Wardha and Wainganga rivers, and further east the Chhattisgarh\nplain, which forms the upper basin of the Mahanadi. The Berar and\nNagpur plain contains towards the west the shallow black soil in which\nautumn crops, like cotton and the large millet juari, which do not\nrequire excessive moisture, can be successfully cultivated. This area\nis the great cotton-growing tract of the Province, and at present the\nmost wealthy. The valleys of the Wainganga and Mahanadi further east\nreceive a heavier rainfall and are mainly cropped with rice. Many small\nirrigation tanks for rice have been built by the people themselves,\nand large tank and canal works are now being undertaken by Government\nto protect the tract from the uncertainty of the rainfall. South of\nthe plain lies another expanse of hill and plateau comprised in the\nzarmindari estates of Chanda and the Chhattisgarh Division and the\nBastar and Kanker Feudatory States. This vast area, covering about\n24,000 square miles, the greater part of which consists of dense\nforests traversed by precipitous mountains and ravines, which formerly\nrendered it impervious to Hindu invasion or immigration, producing\nonly on isolated stretches of culturable land the poorer raincrops,\nand sparsely peopled by primitive Gonds and other forest tribes,\nwas probably, until a comparatively short time ago, the wildest\nand least-known part of the whole Indian peninsula. It is now being\nrapidly opened up by railways and good roads.\n\n\n\n\n2. Constitution of the population.\n\nUp to a few centuries ago the Central Provinces remained outside the\nsphere of Hindu and Muhammadan conquest. To the people of northern\nIndia it was known as Gondwana, an unexplored country of inaccessible\nmountains and impenetrable forests, inhabited by the savage tribes\nof Gonds from whom it took its name. Hindu kingdoms were, it is true,\nestablished over a large part of its territory in the first centuries\nof our era, but these were not accompanied by the settlement and\nopening out of the country, and were subsequently subverted by the\nDravidian Gonds, who perhaps invaded the country in large numbers from\nthe south between the ninth and twelfth centuries. Hindu immigration\nand colonisation from the surrounding provinces occurred at a later\nperiod, largely under the encouragement and auspices of Gond kings. The\nconsequence is that the existing population is very diverse, and is\nmade up of elements belonging to many parts of India. The people of\nthe northern Districts came from Bundelkhand and the Gangetic plain,\nand here are found the principal castes of the United Provinces and the\nPunjab. The western end of the Nerbudda valley and Betul were colonised\nfrom Malwa and Central India. Berar and the Nagpur plain fell to the\nMarathas, and one of the most important Maratha States, the Bhonsla\nkingdom, had its capital at Nagpur. Cultivators from western India\ncame and settled on the land, and the existing population are of\nthe same castes as the Maratha country or Bombay. But prior to the\nMaratha conquest Berar and the Nimar District of the Central Provinces\nhad been included in the Mughal empire, and traces of Mughal rule\nremain in a substantial Muhammadan element in the population. To\nthe south the Chanda District runs down to the Godavari river, and\nthe southern tracts of Chanda and Bastar State are largely occupied\nby Telugu immigrants from Madras. To the east of the Nagpur plain\nthe large landlocked area of Chhattisgarh in the upper basin of the\nMahanadi was colonised at an early period by Hindus from the east of\nthe United Provinces and Oudh, probably coming through Jubbulpore. A\ndynasty of the Haihaivansi Rajput clan established itself at Ratanpur,\nand owing to the inaccessible nature of the country, protected as\nit is on all sides by a natural rampart of hill and forest, was able\nto pursue a tranquil existence untroubled by the wars and political\nvicissitudes of northern India. The population of Chhattisgarh thus\nconstitutes to some extent a distinct social organism, which retained\nuntil quite recently many remnants of primitive custom. The middle\nbasin of the Mahanadi to the east of Chhattisgarh, comprising the\nSambalpur District and adjoining States, was peopled by Uriyas from\nOrissa, and though this area has now been restored to its parent\nprovince, notices of its principal castes have been included in\nthese volumes. Finally, the population contains a large element of\nthe primitive or non-Aryan tribes, rich in variety, who have retired\nbefore the pressure of Hindu cultivators to its extensive hills and\nforests. The people of the Central Provinces may therefore not unjustly\nbe considered as a microcosm of a great part of India, and conclusions\ndrawn from a consideration of their caste rules and status may claim\nwith considerable probability of success to be applicable to those of\nthe Hindus generally. For the same reason the standard ethnological\nworks of other Provinces necessarily rank as the best authorities on\nthe castes of the Central Provinces, and this fact may explain and\nexcuse the copious resort which has been made to them in these volumes.\n\n\n\n\n3. The word 'Caste.'\n\nThe word 'Caste,' Dr. Wilson states, [1] is not of Indian origin,\nbut is derived from the Portuguese _casta_, signifying race, mould\nor quality. The Indian word for caste is _jat_ or _jati_, which has\nthe original meaning of birth or production of a child, and hence\ndenotes good birth or lineage, respectability and rank. _Jatha_\nmeans well-born. Thus _jat_ now signifies a caste, as every Hindu\nis born into a caste, and his caste determines his social position\nthrough life.\n\n\n\n\n4. The meaning of the term 'Caste.'\n\nThe two main ideas denoted by a caste are a community or persons\nfollowing a common occupation, and a community whose members marry\nonly among themselves. A third distinctive feature is that the\nmembers of a caste do not as a rule eat with outsiders with the\nexception of other Hindu castes of a much higher social position\nthan their own. None of these will, however, serve as a definition\nof a caste. In a number of castes the majority of members have\nabandoned their traditional occupation and taken to others. Less\nthan a fifth of the Brahmans of the Central Provinces are performing\nany priestly or religious functions, and the remaining four-fifths\nare landholders or engaged in Government service as magistrates,\nclerks of public offices, constables and orderlies, or in railway\nservice in different grades, or in the professions as barristers and\npleaders, doctors, engineers and so on. The Rajputs and Marathas\nwere originally soldiers, but only an infinitely small proportion\nbelong to the Indian Army, and the remainder are ruling chiefs,\nlandholders, cultivators, labourers or in the various grades of\nGovernment service and the police. Of the Telis or oil-pressers\nonly 9 per cent are engaged in their traditional occupation, and\nthe remainder are landholders, cultivators and shopkeepers. Of\nthe Ahirs or graziers only 20 per cent tend and breed cattle. Only\n12 per cent of the Chamars are supported by the tanning industry,\nand so on. The Bahnas or cotton-cleaners have entirely lost their\noccupation, as cotton is now cleaned in factories; they are cartmen\nor cultivators, but retain their caste name and organisation. Since\nthe introduction of machine-made cloth has reduced the profits of\nhand-loom weaving, large numbers of the weaving castes have been\nreduced to manual labour as a means of subsistence. The abandonment\nof the traditional occupation has become a most marked feature of\nHindu society as a result of the equal opportunity and freedom in the\nchoice of occupations afforded by the British Government, coupled with\nthe rapid progress of industry and the spread of education. So far it\nhas had no very markedly disintegrating effect on the caste system,\nand the status of a caste is still mainly fixed by its traditional\noccupation; but signs are not wanting of a coming change. Again,\nseveral castes have the same traditional occupation; about forty of\nthe castes of the Central Provinces are classified as agriculturists,\neleven as weavers, seven as fishermen, and so on. Distinctions of\noccupation therefore are not a sufficient basis for a classification\nof castes. Nor can a caste be simply defined as a body of persons who\nmarry only among themselves, or, as it is termed, an endogamous group;\nfor almost every important caste is divided into a number of subcastes\nwhich do not marry and frequently do not eat with each other. But it\nis a distinctive and peculiar feature of caste as a social institution\nthat it splits up the people into a multitude of these divisions and\nbars their intermarriage; and the real unit of the system and the basis\nof the fabric of Indian society is this endogamous group or subcaste.\n\n\n\n\n5. The subcaste.\n\nThe subcastes, however, connote no real difference of status or\noccupation. They are little known except within the caste itself, and\nthey consist of groups within the caste which marry among themselves,\nand attend the communal feasts held on the occasions of marriages,\nfunerals and meetings of the caste _panchayat_ or committee for the\njudgment of offences against the caste rules and their expiation by\na penalty feast; to these feasts all male adults of the community,\nwithin a certain area, are invited. In the Central Provinces the 250\ngroups which have been classified as castes contain perhaps 2000\nsubcastes. Except in some cases other Hindus do not know a man's\nsubcaste, though they always know his caste; among the ignorant lower\ncastes men may often be found who do not know whether their caste\ncontains any subcastes or whether they themselves belong to one. That\nis, they will eat and marry with all the members of their caste within\na circle of villages, but know nothing about the caste outside those\nvillages, or even whether it exists elsewhere. One subdivision of\na caste may look down upon another on the ground of some difference\nof occupation, of origin, or of abstaining from or partaking of some\narticle of food, but these distinctions are usually confined to their\ninternal relations and seldom recognised by outsiders. For social\npurposes the caste consisting of a number of these endogamous groups\ngenerally occupies the same position, determined roughly according\nto the respectability of its traditional occupation or extraction.\n\n\n\n\n6. Confusion of nomenclature.\n\nNo adequate definition of caste can thus be obtained from community\nof occupation or intermarriage; nor would it be accurate to say\nthat every one must know his own caste and that all the different\nnames returned at the census may be taken as distinct. In the Central\nProvinces about 900 caste-names were returned at the census of 1901,\nand these were reduced in classification to about 250 proper castes.\n\nIn some cases synonyms are commonly used. The caste of _pan_ or\nbetel-vine growers and sellers is known indifferently as Barai,\nPansari or Tamboli. The great caste of Ahirs or herdsmen has several\nsynonyms--as Gaoli in the Northern Districts, Rawat or Gahra in\nChhattisgarh, Gaur among the Uriyas, and Golkar among Telugus. Lohars\nare also called Khati and Kammari; Masons are called Larhia, Raj\nand Beldar. The more distinctly occupational castes usually have\ndifferent names in different parts of the country, as Dhobi, Warthi,\nBaretha, Chakla and Parit for washermen; Basor, Burud, Kandra and\nDhulia for bamboo-workers, and so on. Such names may show that the\nsubdivisions to which they are applied have immigrated from different\nparts of India, but the distinction is generally not now maintained,\nand many persons will return one or other of them indifferently. No\nobject is gained, therefore, by distinguishing them in classification,\nas they correspond to no differences of status or occupation, and at\nmost denote groups which do not intermarry, and which may therefore\nmore properly be considered as subcastes.\n\nTitles or names of offices are also not infrequently given as caste\nnames. Members of the lowest or impure castes employed in the office\nof Kotwar or village watchmen prefer to call themselves by this name,\nas they thus obtain a certain rise in status, or at least they think\nso. In some localities the Kotwars or village watchmen have begun\nto marry among themselves and try to form a separate caste. Chamars\n(tanners) or Mahars (weavers) employed as grooms will call themselves\nSais and consider themselves superior to the rest of their caste. The\nThethwar Rawats or Ahirs will not clean household cooking-vessels,\nand therefore look down on the rest of the caste and prefer to call\nthemselves by this designation, as 'Theth' means 'exact' or 'pure,'\nand Thethwar is one who has not degenerated from the ancestral\ncalling. Salewars are a subcaste of Koshtis (weavers), who work\nonly in silk and hence consider themselves as superior to the other\nKoshtis and a separate caste. The Rathor subcaste of Telis in Mandla\nhave abandoned the hereditary occupation of oil-pressing and become\nlanded proprietors. They now wish to drop their own caste and to be\nknown only as Rathor, the name of one of the leading Rajput clans, in\nthe hope that in time it will be forgotten that they ever were Telis,\nand they will be admitted into the community of Rajputs. It occurred\nto them that the census would be a good opportunity of advancing a\nstep towards the desired end, and accordingly they telegraphed to the\nCommissioner of Jubbulpore before the enumeration, and petitioned the\nChief Commissioner after it had been taken, to the effect that they\nmight be recorded and classified only as Rathor and not as Teli; this\nmethod of obtaining recognition of their claims being, as remarked\nby Sir Bampfylde Fuller, a great deal cheaper than being weighed\nagainst gold. On the other hand, a common occupation may sometimes\namalgamate castes originally distinct into one. The sweeper's calling\nis well-defined and under the generific term of Mehtar are included\nmembers of two or three distinct castes, as Dom, Bhangi and Chuhra;\nthe word Mehtar means a prince or headman, and it is believed that\nits application to the sweeper by the other servants is ironical. It\nhas now, however, been generally adopted as a caste name. Similarly,\nDarzi, a tailor, was held by Sir D. Ibbetson to be simply the name\nof a profession and not that of a caste; but it is certainly a true\ncaste in the Central Provinces, though probably of comparatively late\norigin. A change of occupation may transfer a whole body of persons\nfrom one caste to another. A large section of the Banjara caste of\ncarriers, who have taken to cultivation, have become included in the\nKunbi caste in Berar and are known as Wanjari Kunbi. Another subcaste\nof the Kunbis called Manwa is derived from the Mana tribe. Telis or\noilmen, who have taken to vending liquor, now form a subcaste of the\nKalar caste called Teli-Kalar; those who have become shopkeepers\nare called Teli-Bania and may in time become an inferior section\nof the Bania caste. Other similar subcastes are the Ahir-Sunars or\nherdsmen-goldsmiths, the Kayasth-Darzis or tailors, the Kori-Chamars\nor weaver-tanners, the Gondi Lohars and Barhais, being Gonds who have\nbecome carpenters and blacksmiths and been admitted to these castes;\nthe Mahar Mhalis or barbers, and so on.\n\n\n\n\n7. Tests of what a caste is.\n\nIt would appear, then, that no precise definition of a caste can\nwell be formulated to meet all difficulties. In classification, each\ndoubtful case must be taken by itself, and it must be determined, on\nthe information available, whether any body of persons, consisting\nof one or more endogamous groups, and distinguished by one or more\nseparate names, can be recognised as holding, either on account of its\ntraditional occupation or descent, such a distinctive position in the\nsocial system, that it should be classified as a caste. But not even\nthe condition of endogamy can be accepted as of universal application;\nfor Vidurs, who are considered to be descended from Brahman fathers and\nwomen of other castes, will, though marrying among themselves, still\nreceive the offspring of such mixed alliances into the community; in\nthe case of Gosains and Bairagis, who, from being religious orders,\nhave become castes, admission is obtained by initiation as well\nas by birth, and the same is the case with several other orders;\nsome of the lower castes will freely admit outsiders; and in parts\nof Chhattisgarh social ties are of the laxest description, and the\nintermarriage of Gonds, Chamars and other low castes are by no means\ninfrequent. But notwithstanding these instances, the principle of\nthe restriction of marriage to members of the caste is so nearly\nuniversal as to be capable of being adopted as a definition.\n\n\n\n\n8. The four traditional castes.\n\nThe well-known traditional theory of caste is that the Aryans were\ndivided from the beginning of time into four castes: Brahmans or\npriests, Kshatriyas or warriors, Vaishyas or merchants and cultivators,\nand Sudras or menials and labourers, all of whom had a divine origin,\nbeing born from the body of Brahma--the Brahmans from his mouth,\nthe Kshatriyas from his arms, the Vaishyas from his thighs, and the\nSudras from his feet. Intermarriage between the four castes was not\nat first entirely prohibited, and a man of any of the three higher\nones, provided that for his first wife he took a woman of his own\ncaste, could subsequently marry others of the divisions beneath his\nown. In this manner the other castes originated. Thus the Kaivarttas\nor Kewats were the offspring of a Kshatriya father and Vaishya mother,\nand so on. Mixed marriages in the opposite direction, of a woman of\na higher caste with a man of a lower one, were reprobated as strongly\nas possible, and the offspring of these were relegated to the lowest\nposition in society; thus the Chandals, or descendants of a Sudra\nfather and Brahman mother, were of all men the most base. It has been\nrecognised that this genealogy, though in substance the formation of\na number of new castes through mixed descent may have been correct,\nis, as regards the details, an attempt made by a priestly law-giver\nto account, on the lines of orthodox tradition, for a state of society\nwhich had ceased to correspond to them.\n\n\n\n\n9. Occupational theory of caste.\n\nIn the ethnographic description of the people of the Punjab, which\nforms the Caste chapter of Sir Denzil Ibbetson's _Census Report_ of\n1881, it was pointed out that occupation was the chief basis of the\ndivision of castes, and there is no doubt that this is true. Every\nseparate occupation has produced a distinct caste, and the status of\nthe caste depends now mainly or almost entirely on its occupation. The\nfact that there may be several castes practising such important\ncallings as agriculture or weaving does not invalidate this in any way,\nand instances of the manner in which such castes have been developed\nwill be given subsequently. If a caste changes its occupation it may,\nin the course of time, alter its status in a corresponding degree. The\nimportant Kayasth and Gurao castes furnish instances of this. Castes,\nin fact, tend to rise or fall in social position with the acquisition\nof land or other forms of wealth or dignity much in the same manner\nas individuals do nowadays in European countries. Hitherto in India\nit has not been the individual who has undergone the process; he\ninherits the social position of the caste in which he is born, and, as\na rule, retains it through life without the power of altering it. It\nis the caste, as a whole, or at least one of its important sections\nor subcastes, which gradually rises or falls in social position,\nand the process may extend over generations or even centuries.\n\nIn the _Brief Sketch of the Caste System of the North-Western\nProvinces and Oudh_, Mr. J.C. Nesfield puts forward the view that\nthe whole basis of the caste system is the division of occupations,\nand that the social gradation of castes corresponds precisely to\nthe different periods of civilisation during which their traditional\noccupations originated. Thus the lowest castes are those allied to\nthe primitive occupation of hunting, Pasi, Bhar, Bahelia, because\nthe pursuit of wild animals was the earliest stage in the development\nof human industry. Next above these come the fishing castes, fishing\nbeing considered somewhat superior to hunting, because water is a more\nsacred element among Hindus than land, and there is less apparent\ncruelty in the capturing of fish than the slaughtering of animals;\nthese are the Kahars, Kewats, Dhimars and others. Above these come the\npastoral castes--Ghosi, Gadaria, Gujar and Ahir; and above them the\nagricultural castes, following the order in which these occupations\nwere adopted during the progress of civilisation. At the top of the\nsystem stands the Rajput or Chhatri, the warrior, whose duty is to\nprotect all the lower castes, and the Brahman, who is their priest and\nspiritual guide. Similarly, the artisan castes are divided into two\nmain groups; the lower one consists of those whose occupations preceded\nthe age of metallurgy, as the Chamars and Mochis or tanners, Koris\nor weavers, the Telis or oil-pressers, Kalars or liquor-distillers,\nKumhars or potters, and Lunias or salt-makers. The higher group\nincludes those castes whose occupations were coeval with the age\nof metallurgy, that is, those who work in stone, wood and metals,\nand who make clothing and ornaments, as the Barhai or worker in wood,\nthe Lohar or worker in iron, the Kasera and Thathera, brass-workers,\nand the Sunar or worker in the precious metals, ranking precisely in\nthis order of precedence, the Sunar being the highest. The theory is\nstill further developed among the trading castes, who are arranged\nin a similar manner, beginning from the Banjara or forest trader,\nthe Kunjra or greengrocer, and the Bharbhunja or grain-parcher,\nup to the classes of Banias and Khatris or shopkeepers and bankers.\n\nIt can hardly be supposed that the Hindus either consciously or\nunconsciously arranged their gradation of society in a scientific\norder of precedence in the manner described. The main divisions\nof social precedence are correctly stated by Mr. Nesfield, but it\nwill be suggested in this essay that they arose naturally from the\ndivisions of the principal social organism of India, the village\ncommunity. Nevertheless Mr. Nesfield's book will always rank as a\nmost interesting and original contribution to the literature of the\nsubject, and his work did much to stimulate inquiry into the origin\nof the caste system.\n\n\n\n\n10. Racial Theory.\n\nIn his Introduction to the _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_ Sir Herbert\nRisley laid stress on the racial basis of caste, showing that\ndifference of race and difference of colour were the foundation of\nthe Indian caste system or division of the people into endogamous\nunits. There seems reason to suppose that the contact of the\nAryans with the indigenous people of India was, to a large extent,\nresponsible for the growth of the caste system, and the main racial\ndivisions may perhaps even now be recognised, though their racial\nbasis has, to a great extent, vanished. But when we come to individual\ncastes and subcastes, the scrutiny of their origin, which has been\nmade in the individual articles, appears to indicate that caste\ndistinctions cannot, as a rule, be based on supposed difference of\nrace. Nevertheless Sir H. Risley's _Castes and Tribes of Bengal_ and\n_Peoples of India_ will, no doubt, always be considered as standard\nauthorities, while as Census Commissioner for India and Director of\nEthnography he probably did more to foster this branch of research\nin India generally than any other man has ever done.\n\n\n\n\n11. Entry of the Aryans into India. The Aryas and Dasyus.\n\nM. Emile Senart, in his work _Les Castes dans l'Inde_, gives an\nadmirable sketch of the features marking the entry of the Aryans\ninto India and their acquisition of the country, from which the\nfollowing account is largely taken. The institution of caste as it\nis understood at present did not exist among the Aryans of the Vedic\nperiod, on their first entry into India. The word _varna_, literally\n'colour,' which is afterwards used in speaking of the four castes,\ndistinguishes in the Vedas two classes only: there are the Arya Varna\nand the Dasa Varna--the Aryan race and the race of enemies. In other\npassages the Dasyus are spoken of as black, and Indra is praised\nfor protecting the Aryan colour. In later literature the black race,\nKrishna Varna, are opposed to the Brahmans, and the same word is used\nof the distinction between Aryas and Sudras. The word _varna_ was\nthus used, in the first place, not of four castes, but of two hostile\nraces, one white and the other black. It is said that Indra divided\nthe fields among his white-coloured people after destroying the Dasyus,\nby whom may be understood the indigenous barbarian races. [2] The word\nDasyu, which frequently recurs in the Vedas, probably refers to the\npeople of foreign countries or provinces like the Goim or Gentiles\nof the Hebrews. The Dasyus were not altogether barbarians, for they\nhad cities and other institutions showing a partial civilisation,\nthough the Aryas, lately from more bracing climes than those which\nthey inhabited, proved too strong for them. [3] To the Aryans the word\nDasyu had the meaning of one who not only did not perform religious\nrites, but attempted to harass their performers. Another verse says,\n\"Distinguish, O Indra, between the Aryas and those who are Dasyus:\npunishing those who perform no religious rites; compel them to\nsubmit to the sacrifices; be thou the powerful, the encourager of\nthe sacrificer.\" [4]\n\nRakshasa was another designation given to the tribes with whom\nthe Aryans were in hostility. Its meaning is strong, gigantic or\npowerful, and among the modern Hindus it is a word for a devil\nor demon. In the Satapatha Brahmana of the white Yajur-Veda the\nRakshasas are represented as 'prohibiters,' that is 'prohibiters of\nthe sacrifice.' [5] Similarly, at a later period, Manu describes\nAryavarrta, or the abode of the Aryas, as the country between the\neastern and western oceans, and between the Himalayas and the Vindhyas,\nthat is Hindustan, the Deccan being not then recognised as an abode\nof the Aryans. And he thus speaks of the country: \"From a Brahman born\nin Aryavarrta let all men on earth learn their several usages.\" \"That\nland on which the black antelope naturally grazes, is held fit for\nthe performance of sacrifices; but the land of Mlechchhas (foreigners)\nis beyond it.\" \"Let the three first classes (Brahmans, Kshatriyas and\nVaishyas) invariably dwell in the above-mentioned countries; but a\nSudra distressed for subsistence may sojourn wherever he chooses.\" [6]\n\nAnother passage states: \"If some pious king belonging to the Kshatriya\nor some other caste should defeat the Mlechchhas [7] and establish\na settlement of the four castes in their territories, and accept the\nMlechchhas thus defeated as Chandalas (the most impure caste in ancient\nHindu society) as is the case in Aryavarrta, then that country also\nbecomes fit for sacrifice. For no land is impure of itself. A land\nbecomes so only by contact.\" This passage is quoted by a Hindu writer\nwith the same reference to the Code of Manu as the preceding one,\nbut it is not found there and appears to be a gloss by a later writer,\nexplaining how the country south of the Vindhyas, which is excluded by\nManu, should be rendered fit for Aryan settlement. [8] Similarly in\na reference in the Brahmanas to the migration of the Aryans eastward\nfrom the Punjab it is stated that Agni the fire-god flashed forth from\nthe mouth of a priest invoking him at a sacrifice and burnt across all\nthe five rivers, and as far as he burnt Brahmans could live. Agni, as\nthe god of fire by which the offerings were consumed, was addressed as\nfollows: \"We kindle thee at the sacrifice, O wise Agni, the sacrificer,\nthe luminous, the mighty.\" [9] The sacrifices referred to were, in the\nearly period, of domestic animals, the horse, ox or goat, the flesh of\nwhich was partaken of by the worshippers, and the sacred Soma-liquor,\nwhich was drunk by them; the prohibition or discouragement of animal\nsacrifices for the higher castes gradually came about at a later time,\nand was probably to a large extent due to the influence of Buddhism.\n\nThe early sacrifice was in the nature of a communal sacred meal at\nwhich the worshippers partook of the animal or liquor offered to the\ngod. The Dasyus or indigenous Indian races could not worship the Aryan\ngods nor join in the sacrifices offered to them, which constituted\nthe act of worship. They were a hostile race, but the hostility was\nfelt and expressed on religious rather than racial grounds, as the\nlatter term is understood at present.\n\n\n\n\n12. The Sudra.\n\nM. Senart points out that the division of the four castes appearing\nin post-Vedic literature, does not proceed on equal lines. There were\ntwo groups, one composed of the three higher castes, and the other\nof the Sudras or lowest. The higher castes constituted a fraternity\ninto which admission was obtained only by a religious ceremony of\ninitiation and investment with the sacred thread. The Sudras were\nexcluded and could take no part in sacrifices. The punishment for the\ncommission of the gravest offences by a Brahman was that he became\na Sudra, that is to say an outcast. The killing of a Sudra was an\noffence no more severe than that of killing certain animals. A Sudra\nwas prohibited by the severest penalties from approaching within a\ncertain distance of a member of any of the higher castes. In the Sutras\n[10] it is declared [11] that the Sudra has not the right (Adhikara)\nof sacrifice enjoyed by the Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaishya. He was\nnot to be invested with the sacred thread, nor permitted, like them,\nto hear, commit to memory, or recite Vedic texts. For listening to\nthese texts he ought to have his ears shut up with melted lead or\nlac by way of punishment; for pronouncing them, his tongue cut out;\nand for committing them to memory, his body cut in two. [12] The Veda\nwas never to be read in the presence of a Sudra; and no sacrifice\nwas to be performed for him. [13] The Sudras, it is stated in the\nHarivansha, are sprung from vacuity, and are destitute of ceremonies,\nand so are not entitled to the rites of initiation. Just as upon the\nfriction of wood, the cloud of smoke which issues from the fire and\nspreads around is of no service in the sacrificial rite, so too the\nSudras spread over the earth are unserviceable, owing to their birth,\nto their want of initiatory rites, and the ceremonies ordained by the\nVedas. [14] Again it is ordained that silence is to be observed by\nparties of the three sacrificial classes when a Sudra enters to remove\ntheir natural defilements, and thus the servile position of the Sudra\nis recognised. [15] Here it appears that the Sudra is identified with\nthe sweeper or scavenger, the most debased and impure of modern Hindu\ncastes. [16] In the Dharmashastras or law-books it is laid down that\na person taking a Sudra's food for a month becomes a Sudra and after\ndeath becomes a dog. Issue begotten after eating a Sudra's food is of\nthe Sudra caste. A person who dies with Sudra's food in his stomach\nbecomes a village pig, or is reborn in a Sudra's family. [17] An\nArya who had sexual intimacy with a Sudra woman was to be banished;\nbut a Sudra having intimacy with an Arya was to be killed. If a Sudra\nreproached a dutiful Arya, or put himself on equality with him on a\nroad, on a couch or on a seat, he was to be beaten with a stick. [18]\nA Brahman might without hesitation take the property of a Sudra; he,\nthe Sudra, had indeed nothing of his own; his master might, doubtless,\ntake his property. [19] According to the Mahabharata the Sudras are\nappointed servants to the Brahmans, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas. [20]\nA Brahman woman having connection with a Sudra was to be devoured by\ndogs, but one having connection with a Kshatriya or Vaishya was merely\nto have her head shaved and be carried round on an ass. [21] When a\nBrahman received a gift from another Brahman he had to acknowledge it\nin a loud voice; from a Rajanya or Kshatriya, in a gentle voice; from a\nVaishya, in a whisper; and from a Sudra, in his own mind. To a Brahman\nhe commenced his thanks with the sacred syllable Om; to a king he gave\nthanks without the sacred Om; to a Vaishya he whispered his thanks;\nto a Sudra he said nothing, but thought in his own mind, _svasti_,\nor 'This is good.' [22] It would thus seem clear that the Sudras\nwere distinct from the Aryas and were a separate and inferior race,\nconsisting of the indigenous people of India. In the Atharva-Veda\nthe Sudra is recognised as distinct from the Arya, and also the\nDasa from the Arya, as in the Rig-Veda. [23] Dr. Wilson remarks,\n\"The aboriginal inhabitants, again, who conformed to the Brahmanic\nlaw, received certain privileges, and were constituted as a fourth\ncaste under the name of Sudras, whereas all the rest who kept aloof\nwere called Dasyus, whatever their language might be.\" [24] The\nSudras, though treated by Manu and Hindu legislation in general as a\ncomponent, if enslaved, part of the Indian community, not entitled to\nthe second or sacramental birth, are not even once mentioned in the\nolder parts of the Vedas. They are first locally brought to notice in\nthe Mahabharata, along with the Abhiras, dwelling on the banks of the\nIndus. There are distinct classical notices of the Sudras in this very\nlocality and its neighbourhood. \"In historical times,\" says Lassen,\n\"their name reappears in that of the town Sudros on the lower Indus,\nand, what is especially worthy of notice, in that of the people Sudroi,\namong the Northern Arachosians.\" [25]\n\n\"Thus their existence as a distinct nation is established in the\nneighbourhood of the Indus, that is to say in the region in which, in\nthe oldest time, the Aryan Indians dwelt. The Aryans probably conquered\nthese indigenous inhabitants first; and when the others in the interior\nof the country were subsequently subdued and enslaved, the name Sudra\nwas extended to the whole servile caste. There seems to have been some\nhesitation in the Aryan community about the actual religious position\nto be given to the Sudras. In the time of the liturgical Brahmanas\nof the Vedas, they were sometimes admitted to take part in the Aryan\nsacrifices. Not long afterwards, when the conquests of the Aryans were\ngreatly extended, and they formed a settled state of society among\nthe affluents of the Jumna and Ganges, the Sudras were degraded to\nthe humiliating and painful position which they occupy in Manu. There\nis no mention of any of the Sankara or mixed castes in the Vedas.\" [26]\n\nFrom the above evidence it seems clear that the Sudras were really\nthe indigenous inhabitants of India, who were subdued by the Aryans as\nthey gradually penetrated into India. When the conquering race began\nto settle in the land, the indigenous tribes, or such of them as did\nnot retire before the invaders into the still unconquered interior,\nbecame a class of menials and labourers, as the Amalekites were to the\nchildren of Israel. The Sudras were the same people as the Dasyus of\nthe hymns, after they had begun to live in villages with the Aryans,\nand had to be admitted, though in the most humiliating fashion,\ninto the Aryan polity. But the hostility between the Aryas and the\nDasyus or Sudras, though in reality racial, was felt and expressed\non religious grounds, and probably the Aryans had no real idea of\nwhat is now understood by difference of race or deterioration of\ntype from mixture of races. The Sudras were despised and hated as\nworshippers of a hostile god. They could not join in the sacrifices\nby which the Aryans renewed and cemented their kinship with their god\nand with each other; hence they were outlaws towards whom no social\nobligations existed. It would have been quite right and proper that\nthey should be utterly destroyed, precisely as the Israelites thought\nthat Jehovah had commanded them to destroy the Canaanites. But they\nwere too numerous, and hence they were regarded as impure and made to\nlive apart, so that they should not pollute the places of sacrifice,\nwhich among the Aryans included their dwelling-houses. It does not\nseem to have been the case that the Aryans had any regard for the\npreservation of the purity of their blood or colour. From an early\nperiod men of the three higher castes might take a Sudra woman in\nmarriage, and the ultimate result has been an almost complete fusion\nbetween the two races in the bulk of the population over the greater\npart of the country. Nevertheless the status of the Sudra still\nremains attached to the large community of the impure castes formed\nfrom the indigenous tribes, who have settled in Hindu villages and\nentered the caste system. These are relegated to the most degrading\nand menial occupations, and their touch is regarded as conveying\ndefilement like that of the Sudras. [27] The status of the Sudras\nwas not always considered so low, and they were sometimes held to\nrank above the mixed castes. And in modern times in Bengal Sudra\nis quite a respectable term applied to certain artisan castes which\nthere have a fairly good position. But neither were the indigenous\ntribes always reduced to the impure status. Their fortunes varied,\nand those who resisted subjection were probably sometimes accepted as\nallies. For instance, some of the most prominent of the Rajput clans\nare held to have been derived from the aboriginal [28] tribes. On the\nAryan expedition to southern India, which is preserved in the legend of\nRama, as related in the Ramayana, it is stated that Rama was assisted\nby Hanuman with his army of apes. The reference is generally held to\nbe to the fact that the Aryans had as auxiliaries some of the forest\ntribes, and these were consequently allies, and highly thought of,\nas shown by the legend and by their identification with the mighty\ngod Hanuman. And at the present time the forest tribes who live\nseparately from the Hindus in the jungle tracts are, as a rule, not\nregarded as impure. But this does not impair the identification of the\nSudras with those tribes who were reduced to subjection and serfdom\nin the Hindu villages, as shown by the evidence here given. The view\nhas also been held that the Sudras might have been a servile class\nalready subject to the Aryans, who entered India with them. And in\nthe old Parsi or Persian community four classes existed, the Athornan\nor priest, the Rathestan or warrior, the Vasteriox or husbandman,\nand the Hutox or craftsman. [29] The second and third of these names\nclosely resemble those of the corresponding Hindu classical castes,\nthe Rajanya or Kshatriya and the Vaishya, while Athornan, the name\nfor a priest, is the same as Atharvan, the Hindu name for a Brahman\nversed in the Atharva-Veda. Possibly then Hutox may be connected with\nSudra, as _h_ frequently changes into _s_. But on the other hand the\nfacts that the Sudras are not mentioned in the Vedas, and that they\nsucceeded to the position of the Dasyus, the black hostile Indians,\nas well as the important place they fill in the later literature,\nseem to indicate clearly that they mainly consisted of the indigenous\nsubject tribes. Whether the Aryans applied a name already existing\nin a servile class among themselves to the indigenous population whom\nthey subdued, may be an uncertain point.\n\n\n\n\n13. The Vaishya.\n\nIn the Vedas, moreover, M. Senart shows that the three higher castes\nare not definitely distinguished; but there are three classes--the\npriests, the chiefs and the people, among whom the Aryans were\ncomprised. The people are spoken of in the plural as the clans who\nfollowed the chiefs to battle. The word used is Visha. One verse\nspeaks of the Vishas (clans) bowing before the chief (Rajan), who was\npreceded by a priest (Brahman). Another verse says: \"Favour the prayer\n(Brahma), favour the service; kill the Rakshasas, drive away the evil;\nfavour the power (_khatra_) and favour the manly strength; favour the\ncow (_dherm_, the representative of property) and favour the people\n(or house, _visha_).\" [30]\n\nSimilarly Wilson states that in the time of the Vedas, _visha_ (related\nto _vesha_, a house or district) signified the people in general;\nand Vaishya, its adjective, was afterwards applied to a householder,\nor that appertaining to an individual of the common people. The Latin\n_vicus_ and the Greek o>=ikoc are the correspondents of _vesha_. [31]\nThe conclusion to be drawn is that the Aryans in the Vedas, like other\nearly communities, were divided by rank or occupation into three\nclasses--priests, nobles and the body of the people. The Vishas or\nclans afterwards became the Vaishyas or third classical caste. Before\nthey entered India the Aryans were a migratory pastoral people,\ntheir domestic animals being the horse, cow, and perhaps the sheep\nand goat. The horse and cow were especially venerated, and hence were\nprobably their chief means of support. The Vaishyas must therefore\nhave been herdsmen and shepherds, and when they entered India and took\nto agriculture, the Vaishyas must have become cultivators. The word\nVaishya signifies a man who occupies the soil, an agriculturist, or\nmerchant. [32] The word Vasteriox used by the ancestors of the Parsis,\nwhich appears to correspond to Vaishya, also signifies a husbandman,\nas already seen. Dr. Max Mueller states: \"The three occupations of the\nAryas in India were fighting, cultivating the soil and worshipping\nthe gods. Those who fought the battles of the people would naturally\nacquire influence and rank, and their leaders appear in the Veda as\nRajas or kings. Those who did not share in the fighting would occupy a\nmore humble position; they were called Vish, Vaishyas or householders,\nand would no doubt have to contribute towards the maintenance of the\narmies. [33] According to Manu, God ordained the tending of cattle,\ngiving alms, sacrifice, study, trade, usury, and also agriculture\nfor a Vaishya.\" [34] The Sutras state that agriculture, the keeping\nof cattle, and engaging in merchandise, as well as learning the\nVedas, sacrificing for himself and giving alms, are the duties of a\nVaishya. [35] In the Mahabharata it is laid down that the Vaishyas\nshould devote themselves to agriculture, the keeping of cattle and\nliberality. [36] In the same work the god Vayu says to Bhishma:\n\"And it was Brahma's ordinance that the Vaishya should sustain the\nthree castes (Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaishya) with money and corn;\nand that the Sudra should serve them.\" [37]\n\nIn a list of classes or occupations given in the White Yajur-Veda,\nand apparently referring to a comparatively advanced state of Hindu\nsociety, tillage is laid down as the calling of the Vaishya, and\nhe is distinguished from the Vani or merchant, whose occupation is\ntrade or weighing. [38] Manu states that a Brahman should swear by\ntruth; a Kshatriya by his steed and his weapons; a Vaishya by his\ncows, his seed and his gold; and a Sudra by all wicked deeds. [39]\nYellow is the colour of the Vaishya, and it must apparently be taken\nfrom the yellow corn, and the yellow colour of _ghi_ or butter, the\nprincipal product of the sacred cow; yellow is also the colour of\nthe sacred metal gold, but there can scarcely have been sufficient\ngold in the hands of the body of the people in those early times to\nenable it to be especially associated with them. The Vaishyas were\nthus, as is shown by the above evidence, the main body of the people\nreferred to in the Vedic hymns. When these settled down into villages\nthe Vaishyas became the householders and cultivators, among whom the\nvillage lands were divided; the Sudras or indigenous tribes, who also\nlived in the villages or in hamlets adjoining them, were labourers\nand given all the most disagreeable tasks in the village community,\nas is the case with the impure castes at present.\n\n\n\n\n14. Mistaken modern idea of the Vaishyas.\n\nThe demonstration of the real position of the Vaishyas is important,\nbecause the Hindus themselves no longer recognise this. The name\nVaishya is now frequently restricted to the Bania caste of bankers,\nshopkeepers and moneylenders, and hence the Banias are often supposed\nto be the descendants and only modern representatives of the original\nVaishyas. Evidence has been given in the article on Bania to show that\nthe existing Bania caste is mainly derived from the Rajputs. The name\nBani, a merchant or trader, is found at an early period, but whether\nit denoted a regular Bania caste may be considered as uncertain. In\nany case it seems clear that this comparatively small caste, chiefly\ncoming from Rajputana, cannot represent the Vaishyas, who were the\nmain body or people of the invading Aryans. At that time the Vaishyas\ncannot possibly have been traders, because they alone provided\nthe means of subsistence of the community, and if they produced\nnothing, there could be no material for trade. The Vaishyas must,\ntherefore, as already seen, have been shepherds and cultivators,\nsince in early times wealth consisted almost solely of corn and\ncattle. At a later period, with the increased religious veneration\nfor all kinds of life, agriculture apparently fell into some kind of\ndisrepute as involving the sacrifice of insect life, and there was\na tendency to emphasise trade as the Vaishya's occupation in view\nof its greater respectability. It is considered very derogatory for\na Brahman or Rajput to touch the plough with his own hands, and the\nact has hitherto involved a loss of status: these castes, however,\ndid not object to hold land, but, on the contrary, ardently desired\nto do so like all other Hindus. Ploughing was probably despised as a\nform of manual labour, and hence an undignified action for a member\nof the aristocracy, just as a squire or gentleman farmer in England\nmight consider it beneath his dignity to drive the plough himself. No\ndoubt also, as the fusion of races proceeded, and bodies of the\nindigenous tribes who were cultivators adopted Hinduism, the status\nof a cultivator sank to some extent, and his Vaishyan ancestry was\nforgotten. But though the Vaishya himself has practically disappeared,\nhis status as a cultivator and member of the village community appears\nto remain in that of the modern cultivating castes, as will be shown\nsubsequently.\n\n\n\n\n15. Mixed unions of the four classes.\n\nThe settlement of the Aryans in India was in villages and not in\ntowns, and the Hindus have ever since remained a rural people. In\n1911 less than a tenth of the population of India was urban, and\nnearly three-quarters of the total were directly supported by\nagriculture. Apparently, therefore, the basis or embryo of the\ngradation of Hindu society or the caste system should be sought\nin the village. Two main divisions of the village community may be\nrecognised in the Vaishyas or cultivators and the Sudras or impure\nserfs and labourers. The exact position held by the Kshatriyas and the\nconstitution of their class are not quite clear, but there is no doubt\nthat the Brahmans and Kshatriyas formed the early aristocracy, ranking\nabove the cultivators, and a few other castes have since attained to\nthis position. From early times, as is shown by an ordinance of Manu,\nmen of the higher castes or classes were permitted, after taking\na woman of their own class for the first wife, to have second and\nsubsequent wives from any of the classes beneath them. This custom\nappears to have been largely prevalent. No definite rule prescribed\nthat the children of such unions should necessarily be illegitimate,\nand in many cases no doubt seems to exist that, if not they themselves,\ntheir descendants at any rate ultimately became full members of the\ncaste of the first ancestor. According to Manu, if the child of a\nBrahman by a Sudra woman intermarried with Brahmans and his descendants\nafter him, their progeny in the seventh generation would become full\nBrahmans; and the same was the case with the child of a Kshatriya or a\nVaishya with a Sudra woman. A commentator remarks that the descendants\nof a Brahman by a Kshatriya woman could attain Brahmanhood in the\nthird generation, and those by a Vaishya woman in the fifth. [40]\nSuch children also could inherit. According to the Mahabharata, if\na Brahman had four wives of different castes, the son by a Brahman\nwife took four shares, that by a Kshatriya wife three, by a Vaishya\nwife two, and by a Sudra wife one share. [41] Manu gives a slightly\ndifferent distribution, but also permits to the son by a Sudra wife\na share of the inheritance. [42] Thus the fact is clear that the son\nof a Brahman even by a Sudra woman had a certain status of legitimacy\nin his father's caste, as he could marry in it, and must therefore\nhave been permitted to partake of the sacrificial food at marriage;\n[43] and he could also inherit a small share of the property.\n\n\n\n\n16. Hypergamy.\n\nThe detailed rules prescribed for the status of legitimacy and\ninheritance show that recognised unions of this kind between men of a\nhigher class and women of a lower one were at one time fairly frequent,\nthough they were afterwards prohibited. And they must necessarily\nhave led to much mixture of blood in the different castes. A trace\nof them seems to survive in the practice of hypergamy, still widely\nprevalent in northern India, by which men of the higher subcastes of\na caste will take daughters in marriage from lower ones but will not\ngive their daughters in return. This custom prevails largely among the\nhigher castes of the Punjab, as the Rajputs and Khatris, and among the\nBrahmans of Bengal. [44] Only a few cases are found in the Central\nProvinces, among Brahmans, Sunars and other castes. Occasionally\nintermarriage between two castes takes place on a hypergamous basis;\nthus Rajputs are said to take daughters from the highest clans of\nthe cultivating caste of Dangis. More commonly families of the lower\nsubcastes or clans in the same caste consider the marriage of their\ndaughters into a higher group a great honour and will give large sums\nof money for a bridegroom. Until quite recently a Rajput was bound to\nmarry his daughters into a clan of equal or higher rank than his own,\nin order to maintain the position of his family. It is not easy to\nsee why so much importance should be attached to the marriage of a\ndaughter, since she passed into another clan and family, to whom her\noffspring would belong. On the other hand, a son might take a wife\nfrom a lower group without loss of status, though his children would\nbe the future representatives of the family. Another point, possibly\nconnected with hypergamy, is that a peculiar relation exists between a\nman and the family into which his daughter has married. Sometimes he\nwill accept no food or even water in his son-in-law's village. The\nword _sala_, signifying wife's brother, when addressed to a man,\nis also a common and extremely offensive term of abuse. The meaning\nis now perhaps supposed to be that one has violated the sister of\nthe person spoken to, but this can hardly have been the original\nsignificance as _sasur_ or father-in-law is also considered in a\nminor degree an opprobrious term of address.\n\n\n\n\n17. The mixed castes. The village menials.\n\nBut though among the four classical castes it was possible for the\ndescendants of mixed unions between fathers of higher and mothers of\nlower caste to be admitted into their father's caste, this would not\nhave been the general rule. Such connections were very frequent and\nthe Hindu classics account through them for the multiplication of\ncastes. Long lists are given of new castes formed by the children\nof mixed marriages. The details of these genealogies seem to be\ndestitute of any probability, and perhaps, therefore, instances of\nthem are unnecessary. Matches between a man of higher and a woman of\nlower caste were called _anuloma_, or 'with the hair' or 'grain,'\nand were regarded as suitable and becoming. Those between a man of\nlower and a woman of higher caste were, on the other hand, known as\n_pratiloma_ or 'against the hair,' and were considered as disgraceful\nand almost incestuous. The offspring of such unions are held to\nhave constituted the lowest and most impure castes of scavengers,\ndog-eaters and so on. This doctrine is to be accounted for by the\nnecessity of safeguarding the morality of women in a state of society\nwhere kinship is reckoned solely by male descent. The blood of the\ntribe and clan, and hence the right to membership and participation\nin the communal sacrifices, is then communicated to the child through\nthe father; hence if the women are unchaste, children may be born\ninto the family who have no such rights, and the whole basis of\nsociety is destroyed. For the same reason, since the tribal blood\nand life is communicated through males, the birth and standing of\nthe mother are of little importance, and children are, as has been\nseen, easily admitted to their father's rank. But already in Manu's\ntime the later and present view that both the father and mother must\nbe of full status in the clan, tribe or caste in order to produce a\nlegitimate child, has begun to prevail, and the children of all mixed\nmarriages are relegated to a lower group. The offspring of these mixed\nunions did probably give rise to a class of different status in the\nvillage community. The lower-caste mother would usually have been\ntaken into the father's house and her children would be brought up in\nit. Thus they would eat the food of the household, even if they did\nnot participate in the sacrificial feasts; and a class of this kind\nwould be very useful for the performance of menial duties in and about\nthe household, such as personal service, bringing water, and so on,\nfor which the Sudras, owing to their impurity, would be unsuitable. In\nthe above manner a new grade of village menial might have arisen and\nhave gradually been extended to the other village industries, so that\na third group would be formed in the village community ranking between\nthe cultivators and labourers. This gradation of the village community\nmay perhaps still be discerned in the main social distinctions of the\ndifferent Hindu castes at present. And an attempt will now be made\nto demonstrate this hypothesis in connection with a brief survey of\nthe castes of the Province.\n\n\n\n\n18. Social gradation of castes.\n\nAn examination of the social status of the castes of the Central\nProvinces, which, as already seen, are representative of a great part\nof India, shows that they fall into five principal groups. The highest\nconsists of those castes who now claim to be directly descended from\nthe Brahmans, Kshatriyas or Vaishyas, the three higher of the four\nclassical castes. The second comprises what are generally known\nas pure or good castes. The principal mark of their caste status\nis that a Brahman will take water to drink from them, and perform\nceremonies in their houses. They may be classified in three divisions:\nthe higher agricultural castes, higher artisan castes, and serving\ncastes from whom a Brahman will take water. The third group contains\nthose castes from whose hands a Brahman will not take water; but\ntheir touch does not convey impurity and they are permitted to enter\nHindu temples. They consist mainly of certain cultivating castes\nof low status, some of them recently derived from the indigenous\ntribes, other functional castes formed from the forest tribes, and\na number of professional and menial castes, whose occupations are\nmainly pursued in villages, so that they formerly obtained their\nsubsistence from grain-payments or annual allowances of grain from\nthe cultivators at seedtime and harvest. The group includes also some\ncastes of village priests and mendicant religious orders, who beg\nfrom the cultivators. In the fourth group are placed the non-Aryan\nor indigenous tribes. Most of these cannot properly be said to form\npart of the Hindu social system at all, but for practical purposes\nthey are admitted and are considered to rank below all castes except\nthose who cannot be touched. The lowest group consists of the impure\ncastes whose touch is considered to defile the higher castes. Within\neach group there are minor differences of status some of which will\nbe noticed, but the broad divisions may be considered as representing\napproximately the facts. The rule about Brahmans taking water from\nthe good agricultural and artisan castes obtains, for instance, only\nin northern India. Maratha Brahmans will not take water from any but\nother Brahmans, and in Chhattisgarh Brahmans and other high castes\nwill take water only from the hands of a Rawat (grazier), and from\nno other caste. But nevertheless the Kunbis, the great cultivating\ncaste of the Maratha country, though Brahmans do not take water from\nthem, are on the same level as the Kurmis, the cultivating caste of\nHindustan, and in tracts where they meet Kunbis and Kurmis are often\nconsidered to be the same caste. The evidence of the statements made\nas to the origin of different castes in the following account will\nbe found in the articles on them in the body of the work.\n\n\n\n\n19. Castes ranking above the cultivators.\n\nThe castes of the first group are noted below:\n\n                Bania.\n                Bhat.\n                Brahman.\n                Gurao.\n                Karan.\n                Kayasth and Prabhu.\n                Khatri.\n                Rajput.\n\nThe Brahmans are, as they have always been, the highest caste. The\nRajputs are the representatives of the ancient Kshatriyas or second\ncaste, though the existing Rajput clans are probably derived from\nthe Hun, Gujar and other invaders of the period before and shortly\nafter the commencement of the Christian era, and in some cases from\nthe indigenous or non-Aryan tribes. It does not seem possible to\nassert in the case of a single one of the present Rajput clans that\nany substantial evidence is forthcoming in favour of their descent\nfrom the Aryan Kshatriyas, and as regards most of the clans there are\nstrong arguments against such a hypothesis. Nevertheless the Rajputs\nhave succeeded to the status of the Kshatriyas, and an alternative\nname for them, Chhatri, is a corruption of the latter word. They are\ncommonly identified with the second of the four classical castes,\nbut a Hindu law-book gives Rajaputra as the offspring of a Kshatriya\nfather and a mother of the Karan or writer caste. [45] This genealogy\nis absurd, but may imply the opinion that the Rajputs were not the\nsame as the Aryan Kshatriyas. The Khatris are an important mercantile\ncaste of the Punjab, who in the opinion of most authorities are\nderived from the Rajputs. The name is probably a corruption of\nKshatri or Kshatriya. The Banias are the great mercantile, banking\nand shopkeeping caste among the Hindus and a large proportion of\nthe trade in grain and _ghi_ (preserved butter) is in their hands,\nwhile they are also the chief moneylenders. Most of the important\nBania subcastes belonged originally to Rajputana and Central India,\nwhich are also the homes of the Rajputs, and reasons have been given\nin the article on Bania for holding that they are derived from the\nRajputs. They, however, are now commonly called Vaishyas by the Hindus,\nas, I think, under the mistaken impression that they are descended\nfrom the original Vaishyas. The Bhats are the bards, heralds and\ngenealogists of India and include groups of very varying status. The\nBhats who act as genealogists of the cultivating and other castes and\naccept cooked food from their clients may perhaps be held to rank with\nor even below them. But the high-class Bhats are undoubtedly derived\nfrom Brahmans and Rajputs, and rank just below those castes. The bard\nor herald had a sacred character, and his person was inviolable like\nthat of the herald elsewhere, and this has given a special status to\nthe whole caste. [46] The Kayasths are the writer caste of Hindustan,\nand the Karans and Prabhus are the corresponding castes of Orissa and\nBombay. The position of the Kayasths has greatly risen during the last\ncentury on account of their own ability and industry and the advantages\nthey have obtained through their high level of education. The original\nKayasths may have been village accountants and hence have occupied a\nlower position, perhaps below the cultivators. They are an instance of\na caste whose social position has greatly improved on account of the\nwealth and importance of its members. At present the Kayasths may be\nsaid to rank next to Brahmans and Rajputs. The origin of the Prabhus\nand Karans is uncertain, but their recent social history appears to\nresemble that of the Kayasths. The Guraos are another caste whose\nposition has greatly improved. They were priests of the village\ntemples of Siva, and accepted the offerings of food which Brahmans\ncould not take. But they also supplied leaf-plates for festivals,\nand were village musicians and trumpeters in the Maratha armies,\nand hence probably ranked below the cultivators and were supported\nby contributions of grain from them. Their social position has been\nraised by their sacred character as priests of the god Siva and they\nare now sometimes called Shaiva Brahmans. But a distinct recollection\nof their former status exists.\n\nThus all the castes of the first group are derived from the\nrepresentatives of the Brahmans and Kshatriyas, the two highest\nof the four classical castes, except the Guraos, who have risen in\nstatus owing to special circumstances. The origin of the Kayasths is\ndiscussed in the article on that caste. Members of the above castes\nusually wear the sacred thread which is the mark of the Dwija or\ntwice-born, the old Brahmans, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas. The thread is\nnot worn generally by the castes of the second group, but the more\nwealthy and prominent sections of them frequently assume it.\n\n\n\n\n20. Castes from whom a Brahman can take water. Higher agriculturists.\n\nThe second group of good castes from whom a Brahman can take water\nfalls into three sections as already explained: the higher agricultural\ncastes, the higher artisans, and the serving or menial castes from\nwhom a Brahman takes water from motives of convenience. These last\ndo not properly belong to the second group but to the next lower one\nof village menials. The higher agricultural castes or those of the\nfirst section are noted below:\n\n\n                Agharia.\n                Ahir.\n                Bhilala.\n                Bishnoi.\n                Chasa.\n                Daharia.\n                Dangi.\n                Dumal.\n                Gujar.\n                Jadum.\n                Jat.\n                Khandait.\n                Kirar.\n                Kolta.\n                Kunbi.\n                Kurmi.\n                Lodhi.\n                Mali.\n                Maratha.\n                Mina or Deswali.\n                Panwar Rajput.\n                Raghuvansi.\n                Velama.\n\n\nIn this division the Kurmis and Kunbis are the typical agricultural\ncastes of Hindustan or the plains of northern India, and the Bombay\nor Maratha Deccan. Both are very numerous and appear to be purely\noccupational bodies. The name Kurmi perhaps signifies a cultivator\nor worker. Kunbi may mean a householder. In both castes, groups of\ndiverse origin seem to have been amalgamated owing to their common\ncalling. Thus the Kunbis include a subcaste derived from the Banjara\n(carriers), another from the Dhangars or shepherds, and a third\nfrom the Manas, a primitive tribe. In Bombay it is considered that\nthe majority of the Kunbi caste are sprung from the non-Aryan or\nindigenous tribes, and this may be the reason why Maratha Brahmans do\nnot take water from them. But they have now become one caste with a\nstatus equal to that of the other good cultivating castes. In many\ntracts of Berar and elsewhere practically all the cultivators of\nthe village belong to the Kunbi caste, and there is every reason to\nsuppose that this was once the general rule and that the Kunbis or\n'householders' are simply the cultivators of the Maratha country who\nlived in village communities. Similarly Sir H. Risley considered that\nsome Kurmis of Bihar were of the Aryan type, while others of Chota\nNagpur are derived from the indigenous tribes. The Chasas are the\ncultivating caste of Orissa and are a similar occupational group. The\nword Chasa has the generic meaning of a cultivator, and the caste are\nsaid by Sir H. Risley to be for the most part of non-Aryan origin,\nthe loose organisation of the caste system among the Uriyas making it\npossible on the one hand for outsiders to be admitted into the caste,\nand on the other for wealthy Chasas, who gave up ploughing with their\nown hands and assumed the respectable title of Mahanti, to raise\nthemselves to membership among the lower classes of Kayasths. The\nKoltas are another Uriya caste, probably an offshoot of the Chasas,\nwhose name may be derived from the _kulthi_ [47] pulse, a favourite\ncrop in that locality.\n\nSimilarly the Vellalas are the great cultivating caste of the Tamil\ncountry, to whom by general consent the first place in social esteem\namong the Tamil Sudra castes is awarded. In the _Madras Census Report_\nof 1901 Mr. Francis gives an interesting description of the structure\nof the caste and its numerous territorial, occupational and other\nsubdivisions. He shows also how groups from lower castes continually\nsucceed in obtaining admission into the Vellala community in the\nfollowing passage: \"Instances of members of other castes who have\nassumed the name and position of Vellalas are the Vettuva Vellalas,\nwho are only Puluvans; the Illam Vellalas, who are Panikkans;\nthe Karaiturai (lord of the shore) Vellalas, who are Karaiyans;\nthe Karukamattai (palmyra leaf-stem) Vellalas, who are Balijas; the\nGuha (Rama's boatmen) Vellalas, who are Sembadavans; and the Irkuli\nVellalas, who are Vannans. The children of dancing-girls also often\ncall themselves Mudali, and claim in time to be Vellalas, and even\nParaiyans assume the title of Pillai and trust to its eventually\nenabling them to pass themselves off as members of the caste.\"\n\nThis is an excellent instance of the good status attaching to the\nchief cultivating caste of the locality and of the manner in which\nother groups, when they obtain possession of the land, strive to get\nthemselves enrolled in it.\n\nThe Jats are the representative cultivating caste of the Punjab. They\nare probably the descendants of one of the Scythian invading hordes\nwho entered India shortly before and after the commencement of the\nChristian era. The Scythians, as they were called by Herodotus,\nappear to have belonged to the Mongolian racial family, as also did\nthe white Huns who came subsequently. The Gujar and Ahir castes, as\nwell as the Jats, and also the bulk of the existing Rajput clans, are\nbelieved to be descended from these invaders; and since their residence\nin India has been comparatively short in comparison with their Aryan\npredecessors, they have undergone much less fusion with the general\npopulation, and retain a lighter complexion and better features,\nas is quite perceptible to the ordinary observer in the case of the\nJats and Rajputs. The Jats have a somewhat higher status than other\nagricultural castes, because in the Punjab they were once dominant,\nand one or two ruling chiefs belonged to the caste. [48] The bulk of\nthe Sikhs were also Jats. But in the Central Provinces, where they are\nnot large landholders, and have no traditions of former dominance,\nthere is little distinction between them and the Kurmis. The Gujars\nfor long remained a pastoral freebooting tribe, and their community\nwas naturally recruited from all classes of vagabonds and outlaws, and\nhence the caste is now of a mixed character, and their physical type\nis not noticeably distinct from that of other Hindus. Sir G. Campbell\nderived the Gujars from the Khazars, a tribe of the same race as the\nwhite Huns and Bulgars who from an early period had been settled in\nthe neighbourhood of the Caspian. They are believed to have entered\nIndia during the fifth or sixth century. Several clans of Rajputs,\nas well as considerable sections of the Ahir and Kunbi castes were,\nin his opinion, derived from the Gujars. In the Central Provinces the\nGujars have now settled down into respectable cultivators. The Ahirs\nor cowherds and graziers probably take their name from the Abhiras,\nanother of the Scythian tribes. But they have now become a purely\noccupational caste, largely recruited from the indigenous Gonds and\nKawars, to whom the business of tending cattle in the jungles is\nhabitually entrusted. In the Central Provinces Ahirs live in small\nforest villages with Gonds, and are sometimes scarcely considered as\nHindus. On this account they have a character for bucolic stupidity,\nas the proverb has it: 'When he is asleep he is an Ahir and when he is\nawake he is a fool.' But the Ahir caste generally has a good status\non account of its connection with the sacred cow and also with the\ngod Krishna, the divine cowherd.\n\nThe Marathas are the military caste of the Maratha country, formed\ninto a caste from the cultivators, shepherds and herdsmen, who took\nservice under Sivaji and subsequent Maratha leaders. The higher clans\nmay have been constituted from the aristocracy of the Deccan states,\nwhich was probably of Rajput descent. They have now become a single\ncaste, ranking somewhat higher than the Kunbis, from whom the bulk\nof them originated, on account of their former military and dominant\nposition. Their status was much the same as that of the Jats in the\nPunjab. But the ordinary Marathas are mainly engaged in the subordinate\nGovernment and private service, and there is very little distinction\nbetween them and the Kunbis. The Khandaits or swordsmen (from _khanda_,\na sword) are an Uriya caste, which originated in military service,\nand the members of which belonged for the most part to the non-Aryan\nBhuiya tribe. They were a sort of rabble, half military and half\npolice, Sir H. Risley states, who formed the levies of the Uriya\nzamindars. They have obtained grants of land, and their status has\nimproved. \"In the social system of Orissa the Sreshta (good) Khandaits\nrank next to the Rajputs, who are comparatively few in number, and\nhave not that intimate connection with the land which has helped to\nraise the Khandaits to their present position.\" [49] The small Rautia\nlandholding caste of Chota Nagpur, mainly derived from the Kol tribe,\nwas formed from military service, and obtained a higher status with\nthe possession of the land exactly like the Khandaits.\n\nSeveral Rajput clans, as the Panwars of the Wainganga Valley,\nthe Raghuvansis, the Jadums derived from the Yadava clan, and the\nDaharias of Chhattisgarh, have formed distinct castes, marrying among\nthemselves. A proper Rajput should not marry in his own clan. These\ngroups have probably in the past taken wives from the surrounding\npopulation, and they can no longer be held to belong to the Rajput\ncaste proper, but rank as ordinary agricultural castes. Other\nagricultural castes have probably been formed through mixed descent\nfrom Rajputs and the indigenous races. The Agharias of Sambalpur say\nthey are sprung from a clan of Rajputs near Agra, who refused to bend\ntheir heads before the king of Delhi. He summoned all the Agharias to\nappear before him, and fixed a sword across the door at the height\nof a man's neck. As the Agharias would not bend their heads they\nwere as a natural consequence all decapitated as they passed through\nthe door. Only one escaped, who had bribed a Chamar to go instead\nof him. He and his village fled from Agra and came to Chhattisgarh,\nwhere they founded the Agharia caste. And, in memory of this, when an\nAgharia makes a libation to his ancestors, he first pours a little\nwater on the ground in honour of the dead Chamar. Such stories may\nbe purely imaginary, or may contain some substratum of truth, as that\nthe ancestors of the caste were Rajputs, who took wives from Chamars\nand other low castes. The Kirars are another caste with more or less\nmixed descent from Rajputs. They are also called Dhakar, and this\nmeans one of illegitimate birth. The Bhilalas are a caste formed of the\noffspring of mixed alliances between Rajputs and Bhils. In many cases\nin Nimar Rajput immigrants appear to have married the daughters of Bhil\nchieftains and landholders, and succeeded to their estates. Thus the\nBhilalas include a number of landed proprietors, and the caste ranks as\na good agricultural caste, from whom Brahmans will take water. Among\nthe other indigenous tribes, several of which have in the Central\nProvinces retained the possession of large areas of land and great\nestates in the wilder forest tracts, a subcaste has been formed of\nthe landholding members of the tribe. Such are the Raj-Gonds among\nthe Gonds, the Binjhals among Baigas, and the Tawar subtribe of the\nKawar tribe of Bilaspur, to which all the zamindars [50] belong. These\nlast now claim to be Tomara Rajputs, on the basis of the similarity\nof the name. These groups rank with the good agricultural castes,\nand Brahmans sometimes consent to take water from them. The Dangis\nof Saugor appear to be the descendants of a set of freebooters in the\nVindhyan hills, much like the Gujars in northern India. The legend of\ntheir origin is given in Sir B. Robertson's _Census Report_ of 1891:\n\"The chief of Garhpahra or old Saugor detained the palanquins of\ntwenty-two married women and kept them as his wives. The issue of the\nillicit intercourse were named Dangis, and there are thus twenty-two\nsubdivisions of these people. There are also three other subdivisions\nwho claim descent from pure Rajputs, and who will take daughters\nin marriage from the remaining twenty-two, but will not give their\ndaughters to them.\" Thus the Dangis appear to have been a mixed group,\nrecruiting their band from all classes of the population, with some\nRajputs as leaders. The name probably means hillman, from _dang_, a\nhill. _Khet men bami, gaon men Dangi_ or 'A Dangi in the village is\nlike the hole of a snake in one's field,' is a proverb showing the\nestimation in which they were formerly held. They obtained estates\nin Saugor and a Dangi dynasty formerly governed part of the District,\nand they are now highly respectable cultivators. The Minas or Deswalis\nbelonged to the predatory Mina tribe of Rajputana, but a section of\nthem have obtained possession of the land in Hoshangabad and rank as a\ngood agricultural caste. The Lodhas of the United Provinces are placed\nlowest among the agricultural castes by Mr. Nesfield, who describes\nthem as little better than a forest tribe. The name is perhaps derived\nfrom the bark of the _lodh_ tree, which was collected by the Lodhas\nof northern India and sold for use as a dyeing agent. In the Central\nProvinces the name has been changed to Lodhi, and they are said to\nhave been brought into the District by a Raja of the Gond-Rajput\ndynasty of Mandla in the seventeenth century, and given large grants\nof waste land in the interior in order that they might clear it of\nforest. They have thus become landholders, and rank with the higher\nagricultural castes. They are addressed as Thakur, a title applied\nto Rajputs, and Lodhi landowners usually wear the sacred thread.\n\n\n\n\n21. Status of the cultivator.\n\nThe above details have been given to show how the different\nagricultural castes originated. Though their origin is so diverse they\nhave, to a great extent, the same status, and it seems clear that this\nstatus is dependent on their possession of the land. In the tracts\nwhere they reside they are commonly village proprietors and superior\ntenants. Those who rank a little higher than the others, as the Jats,\nMarathas, Dangis and Lodhis, include in their body some ruling chiefs\nor large landed proprietors, and as a rule were formerly dominant\nin the territory in which they are found. In primitive agricultural\ncommunities the land is the principal, if not almost the sole,\nsource of wealth. Trade in the modern sense scarcely exists, and what\ninterchange of commodities there is affects, as a rule, only a trifling\nfraction of the population. India's foreign trade is mainly the\ngrowth of the last century, and the great bulk of the exports are of\nagricultural produce, yet in proportion to the population the trading\ncommunity is still extremely small. It thus seems quite impossible that\nthe Aryans could have been a community of priests, rulers and traders,\nbecause such a community would not have had means of subsistence. And\nif the whole production and control of the wealth and food of the\ncommunity had been in the hands of the Sudras, they could not have\nbeen kept permanently in their subject, degraded position. The flocks\nand herds and the land, which constituted the wealth of early India,\nmust thus have been in the possession of the Vaishyas; and grounds of\ngeneral probability, as well as the direct evidence already produced,\nmake it clear that they were the herdsmen and cultivators, and the\nSudras the labourers. The status of the modern cultivators seems to\ncorrespond to that of the Vaishyas, that is, of the main body of the\nAryan people, who were pure and permitted to join in sacrifices. The\nstatus, however, no longer attaches to origin, but to the possession of\nthe land; it is that of a constituent member of the village community,\ncorresponding to a citizen of the city states of Greece and Italy. The\noriginal Vaishyas have long disappeared; the Brahmans themselves say\nthat there are no Kshatriyas and no Vaishyas left, and this seems to be\nquite correct. But the modern good cultivating castes retain the status\nof the Vaishyas as the Rajputs retain that of the Kshatriyas. The case\nof the Jats and Gujars supports this view. These two castes are almost\ncertainly derived from Scythian nomad tribes, who entered India long\nafter the Vedic Aryans. And there is good reason to suppose that a\nsubstantial proportion, if not the majority, of the existing Rajput\nclans were the leaders or aristocracy of the Jats and Gujars. Thus it\nis found that in the case of these later tribes the main body were\nshepherds and cultivators, and their descendants have the status\nof good cultivating castes at present, while the leaders became the\nRajputs, who have the status of the Kshatriyas; and it therefore seems\na reasonable inference that the same had previously been the case with\nthe Aryans themselves. It has been seen that the word Visha or Vaishya\nsignified one of the people or a householder. The name Kunbi appears\nto have the same sense, its older form being _kutumbika_, which is\na householder or one who has a family, [51] a _pater familias_.\n\n\n\n\n22. The clan and the village.\n\nIt has been seen also that Visha in the plural signified clans. The\nclan was the small body which lived together, and in the patriarchal\nstage was connected by a tie of kinship held to be derived from a\ncommon ancestor. Thus it is likely that the clans settled down in\nvillages, the cultivators of one village being of the same exogamous\nclan. The existing system of exogamy affords evidence in favour of this\nview, as will be seen. All the families of the clan had cultivating\nrights in the land, and were members of the village community; and\nthere were no other members, unless possibly a Kshatriya headman or\nleader. The Sudras were their labourers and serfs, with no right to\nhold land, and a third intermediate class of village menials gradually\ngrew up.\n\nThe law of Mirasi tenures in Madras is perhaps a survival of the\nsocial system of the early village community. Under it only a few\nof the higher castes were allowed to hold land, and the monopoly was\npreserved by the rule that the right of taking up waste lands belonged\nprimarily to the cultivators of the adjacent holdings; no one else\ncould acquire land unless he first bought them out. The pariahs or\nimpure castes were not allowed to hold land at all. This rule was\npointed out by Mr. Slocock, and it is also noticed by Sir Henry Maine:\n\"There are in Central and Southern India certain villages to which a\nclass of persons is hereditarily attached, in such a manner that they\nform no part of the natural and organic aggregate to which the bulk\nof the villagers belong. These persons are looked upon as essentially\nimpure; they never enter the village, or only enter reserved portions\nof it; and their touch is avoided as contaminating. Yet they bear\nextremely plain marks of their origin. Though they are not included\nin the village, they are an appendage solidly connected with it;\nthey have definite village duties, one of which is the settlement of\nboundaries, on which their authority is allowed to be conclusive. They\nevidently represent a population of alien blood whose lands have been\noccupied by the colonists or invaders forming the community.\" [52]\nElsewhere, Sir Henry Maine points out that in many cases the outsiders\nwere probably admitted to the possession of land, but on an inferior\ntenure to the primary holders or freemen who formed the cultivating\nbody of the village; and suggests that this may have been the ground\nfor the original distinction between occupancy and non-occupancy\ntenants. The following extract from a description of the Maratha\nvillages by Grant Duff [53] may be subjoined to this passage:\n\"The inhabitants are principally cultivators, and are now either\nMirasidars or Ooprees. These names serve to distinguish the tenure\nby which they hold their lands. The Oopree is a mere tenant-at-will,\nbut the Mirasidar is a hereditary occupant whom the Government cannot\ndisplace so long as he pays the assessment on his field. With various\nprivileges and distinctions in his village of minor consequence,\nthe Mirasidar has the important power of selling or transferring his\nright of occupancy at pleasure. It is a current opinion in the Maratha\ncountry that all the lands were originally of this description.\"\n\nAs regards the internal relations of clans and village groups, Sir\nH. Maine states: \"The men who composed the primitive communities\nbelieved themselves to be kinsmen in the most literal sense of\nthe word; and, surprising as it may seem, there are a multitude of\nindications that in one stage of thought they must have regarded\nthemselves as equals. When these primitive bodies first make their\nappearance as landowners, as claiming an exclusive enjoyment in a\ndefinite area of land, not only do their shares of the soil appear to\nhave been originally equal, but a number of contrivances survive for\npreserving the equality, of which the most frequent is the periodical\nredistribution of the tribal domain.\" [54] Similarly Professor\nHearn states: \"The settlement of Europe was made by clans. Each\nclan occupied a certain territory--much, I suppose, as an Australian\nsquatter takes up new country. The land thus occupied was distributed\nby metes and bounds to each branch of the clan; the remainder, if any,\ncontinuing the property of the clan.\" [55] And again: \"In those cases\nwhere the land had been acquired by conquest there were generally\nsome remains of the conquered population who retained more or less\ninterest in the lands that had once been their own. But as between\nthe conquerors themselves it was the clansmen, and the clansmen only,\nwho were entitled to derive any advantage from the land that the clan\nhad acquired. The outsiders, the men who lived with the clan but were\nnot of the clan, were no part of the folk, and had no share in the\nfolkland. No services rendered, no participation in the common danger,\nno endurance of the burden and heat of the day, could create in an\noutsider any colour of right. Nothing short of admission to the clan,\nand of initiation in its worship, could enable him to demand as of\nright the grass of a single cow or the wood for a single fire.\" [56]\n\n\n\n\n23. The ownership of land.\n\nThus it appears that the cultivating community of each village\nconstituted an exogamous clan, the members of which believed themselves\nto be kinsmen. When some caste or tribe occupied a fresh area of land\nthey were distributed by clans in villages, over the area, all the\ncultivators of a village being of one caste or tribe, as is still\nthe case with the Kunbis in Berar. Sometimes several alien castes or\ngroups became amalgamated into a single caste, such as the Kurmis and\nKunbis; in others they either remained as a separate caste or became\none. When the non-Aryan tribes retained possession of the land, there\nis every reason to suppose that they also were admitted into Hinduism,\nand either constituted a fresh caste with the cultivating status, or\nwere absorbed into an existing one with a change of name. Individual\nownership of land was probably unknown. The _patel_ or village headman,\non whom proprietary right was conferred by the British Government,\ncertainly did not possess it previously. He was simply the spokesman\nand representative of the village community in its dealings with the\ncentral or ruling authority. But it seems scarcely likely either that\nthe village community considered itself to own the land. Cases in\nwhich the community as a corporate body has exercised any function\nof ownership other than that of occupying and cultivating the soil,\nif recorded at all, must be extremely rare, and I do not know that\nany instance is given by Sir Henry Maine. A tutelary village god\nis to be found as a rule in every Hindu village. In the Central\nProvinces the most common is Khermata, that is the goddess of the\nvillage itself or the village lands. She is a form of Devi, the\ngeneral earth-goddess. When a village is founded the first thing to\nbe done is to install the village god. Thus the soil of the village\nis venerated as a goddess, and it seems doubtful whether the village\ncommunity considered itself the owner. In the Maratha Districts,\nHanuman or Mahabir, the monkey god, is the tutelary deity of the\nvillage. His position seems to rest on the belief of the villagers\nthat the monkeys were the lords and owners of the soil before their own\narrival. For the worship of these and the other village gods there is\nusually a village priest, known as Bhumka, Bhumia, Baiga or Jhankar,\nwho is taken from the non-Aryan tribes. The reason for his appointment\nseems to be that the Hindus still look on themselves to some extent\nas strangers and interlopers in relation to the gods of the earth and\nthe village, and consider it necessary to approach these through the\nmedium of one of their predecessors. The words Bhumka and Bhumia both\nmean lord of the soil, or belonging to the soil. As already seen,\nthe authority of some menial official belonging to the indigenous\ntribes is accepted as final in cases of disputed boundaries, the idea\nbeing apparently that as his ancestors first occupied the village,\nhe has inherited from them the knowledge of its true extent and\nlimits. All these points appear to tell strongly against the view\nthat the Hindu village community considered itself to own the village\nland as we understand the phrase. They seem to have looked on the\nland as a god, and often their own tutelary deity and protector. What\nthey held themselves to possess was a right of occupancy, in virtue\nof prescriptive settlement, not subject to removal or disturbance,\nand transmitted by inheritance to persons born into the membership of\nthe village community. Under the Muhammadans the idea that the state\nultimately owned the land may have been held, but prior to them the\nexistence of such a belief is doubtful. The Hindu king did not take\nrent for land, but a share of the produce for the support of his\nestablishments. The Rajput princes did not call themselves after\nthe name of their country, but of its capital town, as if their own\nproperty consisted only in the town, as Jodhpur, Jaipur and Udaipur,\ninstead of Marwar, Dhundhar and Mewar. Just as the village has a\npriest of the non-Aryan tribes for propitiating the local gods, so\nthe Rajput chief at his accession was often inducted to the royal\ncushion by a Bhil or Mina, and received the badge of investiture as\nif he had to obtain his title from these tribes. Indeed the right\nof the village community to the land was held sometimes superior to\nthat of the state. Sir J. Malcolm relates that he was very anxious to\nget the village of Bassi in Indore State repopulated when it had lain\nwaste for thirty-six years. He had arranged with the Bhil headman of\na neighbouring village to bring it under cultivation on a favourable\nlease. The plan had other advantages, and Holkar's minister was most\nanxious to put it into execution, but said that this could not be done\nuntil every possible effort had been made to discover whether any\ndescendant of the former _patel_ or of any _watandar_ or hereditary\ncultivator of Bassi was still in existence; for if such were found,\nhe said, \"even we Marathas, bad as we are, cannot do anything which\ninterferes with their rights.\" None such being found at the time, the\nvillage was settled as proposed by Malcolm; but some time afterwards,\na boy was discovered who was descended from the old _patel's_ family,\nand he was invited to resume the office of headman of the village of\nhis forefathers, which even the Bhil, who had been nominated to it,\nwas forward to resign to the rightful inheritor. [57] Similarly the\nMaratha princes, Sindhia, Holkar and others, are recorded to have\nset more store by the headship of the insignificant Deccan villages,\nwhich were the hereditary offices of their families, than by the\ngreat principalities which they had carved out for themselves with\nthe sword. The former defined and justified their position in the\nworld as the living link and representative of the continuous family\ncomprising all their ancestors and all their descendants; the latter\nwas at first regarded merely as a transient, secular possession,\nand a source of wealth and profit. This powerful hereditary right\nprobably rested on a religious basis. The village community was\nconsidered to be bound up with its village god in one joint life,\nand hence no one but they could in theory have the right to cultivate\nthe lands of that village. The very origin and nature of this right\nprecluded any question of transfer or alienation. The only lands in\nwhich any ownership, corresponding to our conception of the term,\nwas held to exist, were perhaps those granted free of revenue for\nthe maintenance of temples, which were held to be the property of the\ngod. In Rome and other Greek and Latin cities the idea of private or\nfamily ownership of land also developed from a religious sentiment. It\nwas customary to bury the dead in the fields which they had held,\nand here the belief was that their spirits remained and protected\nthe interests of the family. Periodical sacrifices were made to them\nand they participated in all the family ceremonies. Hence the land\nin which the tombs of ancestors were situated was held to belong to\nthe family, and could not be separated from it. [58] Gradually, as\nthe veneration for the spirits of ancestors decayed, the land came\nto be regarded as the private property of the family, and when this\nidea had been realised it was made alienable, though not with the same\nfreedom as personal property. But the word _pecunia_ for money, from\n_pecus_ a flock, like the Hindi _dhan_, which means wealth and also\nflocks of goats and sheep, and feudal from the Gaelic _fiu_, cattle,\npoint to conditions of society in which land was not considered a\nform of private property or wealth. M. Fustel de Coulanges notices\nother primitive races who did not recognise property in land:\n\"The Tartars understand the term property as applying to cattle,\nbut not as applying to land. According to some authors, among the\nancient Germans there was no ownership of land; every year each member\nof the tribe received a holding to cultivate, and the holding was\nchanged in the following year. The German owned the crop; he did not\nown the soil. The same was the case among a part of the Semitic race\nand certain of the Slav peoples.\" [59] In large areas of the Nigeria\nProtectorate at present, land has no exchangeable value at all; but\nby the native system of taxation a portion of the produce is taken\nin consideration of the right of use. [60] In ancient Arabia 'Baal'\nmeant the lord of some place or district, that is, a local deity,\nand hence came to mean a god. Land naturally moist was considered as\nirrigated by a god and the special place or habitation of the god. To\nthe numerous Canaanite Baalims, or local deities, the Israelites\nascribed all the natural gifts of the land, the corn, the wine, and\nthe oil, the wool and the flax, the vines and fig trees. Pasture land\nwas common property, but a man acquired rights in the soil by building\na house, or, by 'quickening' a waste place, that is, bringing it under\ncultivation. [61] The Israelites thought that they derived their title\nto the land of Canaan from Jehovah, having received it as a gift\nfrom Him. The association of rights over the land with cultivation\nand building, pointed out by Professor Robertson Smith, may perhaps\nexplain the right over the village lands which was held to appertain\nto the village community. They had quickened the land and built houses\non it, establishing the local village deity on their village sites,\nand it was probably thought that their life was bound up with that of\nthe village god, and only they had a right to cultivate his land. This\nwould explain the great respect shown by the Marathas for hereditary\ntitle to land, as seen above; a feeling which must certainly have been\nbased on some religious belief, and not on any moral idea of equity\nor justice; no such deep moral principle was possible in the Hindu\ncommunity at the period in question. The Hindu religious conception of\nrights to land was thus poles apart from the secular English law of\nproprietary and transferable right, and if the native feeling could\nhave been, understood by the early British administrators the latter\nwould perhaps have been introduced only in a much modified form.\n\n\n\n\n24. The cultivating status that of the Vaishya.\n\nThe suggested conclusion from the above argument is that the main\nbody of the Aryan immigrants, that is the Vaishyas, settled down in\nvillages by exogamous clans or septs. The cultivators of each village\nbelieved themselves to be kinsmen descended from a common ancestor, and\nalso to be akin to the god of the village lands from which they drew\ntheir sustenance. Hence their order had an equal right to cultivate\nthe village land and their children to inherit it, though they did\nnot conceive of the idea of ownership of land in the sense in which\nwe understand this phrase.\n\nThe original status of the Vaishya, or a full member of the Aryan\ncommunity who could join in sacrifices and employ Brahmans to perform\nthem, was gradually transferred to the cultivating member of the\nvillage communities. In process of time, as land was the chief source\nof wealth, and was also regarded as sacred, the old status became\nattached to castes or groups of persons who obtained or held land\nirrespective of their origin, and these are what are now called the\ngood cultivating castes. They have now practically the same status,\nthough, as has been seen, they were originally of most diverse origin,\nincluding bands of robbers and freebooters, cattle-lifters, non-Aryan\ntribes, and sections of any castes which managed to get possession\nof an appreciable quantity of land.\n\n\n\n\n25. Higher professional and artisan castes.\n\nThe second division of the group of pure or good castes, or those from\nwhom a Brahman can take water, comprises the higher artisan castes:\n\n\n    Barhai.\n    Bharbhunja.\n    Halwai.\n    Kasar.\n    Komti.\n    Sansia.\n    Sunar.\n    Tamera.\n    Vidur.\n\n\nThe most important of these are the Sunar or goldsmith; the Kasar\nor worker in brass and bell-metal; the Tamera or coppersmith; the\nBarhai or carpenter; and the Halwai and Bharbhunja or confectioner\nand grain-parcher. The Sansia or stone-mason of the Uriya country\nmay perhaps also be included. These industries represent a higher\ndegree of civilisation than the village trades, and the workers may\nprobably have been formed into castes at a later period, when the\npractice of the handicrafts was no longer despised. The metal-working\ncastes are now usually urban, and on the average their members are\nas well-to-do as the cultivators. The Sunars especially include a\nnumber of wealthy men, and their importance is increased by their\nassociation with the sacred metal, gold; in some localities they\nnow claim to be Brahmans and refuse to take food from Brahmans. [62]\nThe more ambitious members abjure all flesh-food and liquor and wear\nthe sacred thread. But in Bombay the Sunar was in former times one\nof the village menial castes, and here, before and during the time\nof the Peshwas, Sunars were not allowed to wear the sacred thread,\nand they were forbidden to hold their marriages in public, as it was\nconsidered unlucky to see a Sunar bridegroom. Sunar bridegrooms were\nnot allowed to see the state umbrella or to ride in a palanquin, and\nhad to be married at night and in secluded places, being subject to\nrestrictions and annoyances from which even Mahars were free. Thus\nthe goldsmith's status appears to vary greatly according as his\ntrade is a village or urban industry. Copper is also a sacred metal,\nand the Tameras rank next to the Sunars among the artisan castes,\nwith the Kasars or brass-workers a little below them; both these\ncastes sometimes wearing the sacred thread. These classes of artisans\ngenerally live in towns. The Barhai or carpenter is sometimes a village\nmenial, but most carpenters live in towns, the wooden implements of\nagriculture being made either by the blacksmith or by the cultivators\nthemselves. Where the Barhai is a village menial he is practically\non an equality with the Lohar or blacksmith; but the better-class\ncarpenters, who generally live in towns, rank higher. The Sansia or\nstone-mason of the Uriya country works, as a rule, only in stone,\nand in past times therefore his principal employment must have been\nto build temples. He could not thus be a village menial, and his\nstatus would be somewhat improved by the sanctity of his calling. The\nHalwai and Bharbhunja or confectioner and grain-parcher are castes of\ncomparatively low origin, especially the latter; but they have to be\ngiven the status of ceremonial purity in order that all Hindus may be\nable to take sweets and parched grain from their hands. Their position\nresembles that of the barber and waterman, the pure village menials,\nwhich will be discussed later. In Bengal certain castes, such as the\nTanti or weaver of fine muslin, the Teli or oil-presser, and the Kumhar\nor potter, rank with the ceremonially pure castes. Their callings\nhave there become important urban industries. Thus the Tantis made the\nworld-renowned fine muslins of Dacca; and the Jagannathia Kumhars of\nOrissa provide the earthen vessels used for the distribution of rice\nto all pilgrims at the temple of Jagannath. These castes and certain\nothers have a much higher rank than that of the corresponding castes\nin northern and Central India, and the special reasons indicated seem\nto account for this. Generally the artisan castes ranking on the same\nor a higher level than the cultivators are urban and not rural. They\nwere not placed in a position of inferiority to the cultivators by\naccepting contributions of grain and gifts from them, and this perhaps\naccounts for their higher position. One special caste may be noticed\nhere, the Vidurs, who are the descendants of Brahman fathers by women\nof other castes. These, being of mixed origin, formerly had a very\nlow rank, and worked as village accountants and patwaris. Owing to\ntheir connection with Brahmans, however, they are a well-educated\ncaste, and since education has become the door to all grades of\nadvancement in the public service, the Vidurs have taken advantage\nof it, and many of them are clerks of offices or hold higher posts\nunder Government. Their social status has correspondingly improved;\nthey dress and behave like Brahmans, and in some localities it is\nsaid that even Maratha Brahmans will take water to drink from Vidurs,\nthough they will not take it from the cultivating castes. There are\nalso several menial or serving castes from whom a Brahman can take\nwater, forming the third class of this group, but their real rank is\nmuch below that of the cultivators, and they will be treated in the\nnext group.\n\n\n\n\n26. Castes from whom a Brahman cannot take water; the village menials.\n\nThe third main division consists of those castes from whom a\nBrahman cannot take water, though they are not regarded as impure\nand are permitted to enter Hindu temples. The typical castes of this\ngroup appear to be the village artisans and menials and the village\npriests. The annexed list shows the principal of these.\n\n_Village menials_.\n\n\n    Lohar--Blacksmith.\n    Barhai--Carpenter.\n    Kumhar--Potter.\n    Nai--Barber.\n    Dhimar--Waterman.\n    Kahar--Palanquin-bearer.\n    Bari--Leaf-plate maker.\n    Bargah--Household servant.\n    Dhobi--Washerman.\n    Darzi--Tailor.\n    Basor or Dhulia--Village musician.\n    Bhat and Mirasi--Bard and genealogist.\n    Halba--House-servant and farm-servant.\n\n\n_Castes of village watchmen_.\n\n\n    Khangar.\n    Chadar.\n    Chauhan.\n    Dahait.\n    Panka.\n\n\n_Village priests and mendicants_.\n\n\n    Joshi--Astrologer.\n    Garpagari--Hail-averter.\n    Gondhali--Musician.\n\n    Manbhao\n    Jangam\n    Basdewa                 Wandering priests and mendicants.\n    Satani\n    Waghya\n\n\n_Others_.\n\n\n    Mali--Gardener and maker of garlands.\n    Barai--Betel-vine grower and seller.\n\n\n_Other village traders and artisans_.\n\n\n    Kalar--Liquor-vendor.\n    Teli--Oil-presser.\n\n    Hatwa\n    Manihar                 Pedlar.\n\n\nBanjara--Carrier.\n\n\n    Bahelia\n    Pardhi                  Fowlers and hunters.\n\n    Bahna--Cotton-cleaner.\n    Chhipa--Calico-printer and dyer.\n    Chitrakathi--Painter and picture-maker.\n    Kachera--Glass bangle-maker.\n    Kadera--Fireworks-maker.\n    Nat--Acrobat.\n\n    Gadaria\n    Dhangar                 Shepherds.\n    Kuramwar\n\n    Beldar\n    Murha                   Diggers, navvies, and salt-refiners.\n    Nunia\n\n\nThe essential fact which formerly governed the status of this group\nof castes appears to be that they performed various services for the\ncultivators according to their different vocations, and were supported\nby contributions of grain made to them by the cultivators, and by\npresents given to them at seed-time and harvest. They were the clients\nof the cultivators and the latter were their patrons and supporters,\nand hence ranked above them. This condition of things survives only\nin the case of a few castes, but prior to the introduction of a metal\ncurrency must apparently have been the method of remuneration of all\nthe village industries. The Lohar or blacksmith makes and mends the\niron implements of agriculture, such as the ploughshare, axe, sickle\nand goad. For this he is paid in Saugor a yearly contribution of 20\nlbs. of grain per plough of land held by each cultivator, together with\na handful of grain at sowing-time and a sheaf at harvest from both the\nautumn and spring crops. In Wardha he gets 50 lbs. of grain per plough\nof four bullocks or 40 acres. For new implements he must either be\npaid separately or at least supplied with the iron and charcoal. In\nDistricts where the Barhai or carpenter is a village servant he is\npaid the same as the Lohar and has practically an equal status. The\nvillage barber receives in Saugor 20 lbs. of grain annually from each\nadult male in the family, or 22 1/2 lbs. per plough of land besides\nthe seasonal presents. In return for this he shaves each cultivator\nover the head and face about once a fortnight. The Dhobi or washerman\ngets half the annual contribution of the blacksmith and carpenter, with\nthe same presents, and in return for this he washes the clothes of the\nfamily two or three times a month. When he brings the clothes home he\nalso receives a meal or a wheaten cake, and well-to-do families give\nhim their old clothes as a present. The Dhimar or waterman brings water\nto the house morning and evening, and fills the earthen water-pots\nplaced on a wooden stand or earthen platform outside it. When the\ncultivators have marriages he performs the same duties for the whole\nwedding party, and receives a present of money and clothes according to\nthe means of the family, and his food every day while the wedding is\nin progress. He supplies water for drinking to the reapers, receiving\nthree sheaves a day as payment, and takes sweet potatoes and boiled\nplums to the field and sells them. The Kumhar or potter is not now paid\nregularly by dues from the cultivators like other village menials,\nas the ordinary system of sale has been found to be more convenient\nin his case. But he sometimes takes for use the soiled grass from\nthe stalls of the cattle and gives pots free to the cultivator in\nexchange. On Akti day, at the beginning of the agricultural year,\nthe village Kumhar in Saugor presents five pots with covers on them\nto each cultivator and is given 2 1/2 lbs. of grain. He presents the\nbride with seven new pots at a wedding, and these are filled with\nwater and used in the ceremony, being considered to represent the\nseven seas. At a funeral he must supply thirteen vessels which are\nknown as _ghats_, and must replace the household earthen vessels,\nwhich are rendered impure on the occurrence of a death in the house,\nand are all broken and thrown away. In the Punjab and Maratha country\nthe Kumhar was formerly an ordinary village menial.\n\n\n\n\n27. The village watchmen.\n\nThe office of village watchman is an important one, and is usually\nheld by a member of the indigenous tribes. These formerly were the\nchief criminals, and the village watchman, in return for his pay,\nwas expected to detect the crimes of his tribesmen and to make good\nany losses of property caused by them. The sections of the tribes who\nheld this office have developed into special castes, as the Khangars,\nChadars and Chauhans of Chhattisgarh. These last are probably of\nmixed descent from Rajputs and the higher castes of cultivators with\nthe indigenous tribes. The Dahaits were a caste of gatekeepers and\norderlies of native rulers who have now become village watchmen. The\nPankas are a section of the impure Ganda caste who have embraced the\ndoctrines of the Kabirpanthi sect and formed a separate caste. They\nare now usually employed as village watchmen and are not regarded as\nimpure. Similarly those members of the Mahar servile caste who are\nvillage watchmen tend to marry among themselves and form a superior\ngroup to the others. The village watchman now receives a remuneration\nfixed by Government and is practically a rural policeman, but in former\ntimes he was a village menial and was maintained by the cultivators\nin the same manner as the others.\n\n\n\n\n28. The village priests. The gardening castes.\n\nThe village priests are another class of this group. The regular\nvillage priest and astrologer, the Joshi or Parsai, is a Brahman, but\nthe occupation has developed a separate caste. The Joshi officiates\nat weddings in the village, selects auspicious names for children\naccording to the constellations under which they were born, and points\nout the auspicious moment or _mahurat_ for weddings, name-giving\nand other ceremonies, and for the commencement of such agricultural\noperations as sowing, reaping, and threshing. He is also sometimes\nin charge of the village temple. He is supported by contributions of\ngrain from the villagers and often has a plot of land rent-free from\nthe proprietor. The social position of the Joshis is not very good,\nand, though Brahmans, they are considered to rank somewhat below the\ncultivating castes. The Gurao is another village priest, whose fortune\nhas been quite different. The caste acted as priests of the temples\nof Siva and were also musicians and supplied leaf-plates. They were\nvillage menials of the Maratha villages. But owing to the sanctity\nof their calling, and the fact that they have become literate\nand taken service under Government, the Guraos now rank above the\ncultivators and are called Shaiva Brahmans. The Gondhalis are the\nvillage priests of Devi, the earth-goddess, who is also frequently\nthe tutelary goddess of the village. They play the kettle-drum and\nperform dances in her honour, and were formerly classed as one of\nthe village menials of Maratha villages, though they now work for\nhire. The Garpagari, or hail-averter, is a regular village menial, his\nduty being to avert hail-storms from the crops, like the qalazof'ulax\nin ancient Greece. The Garpagaris will accept cooked food from Kunbis\nand celebrate their weddings with those of the Kunbis. The Jogis,\nManbhaos, Satanis, and others, are wandering religious mendicants, who\nact as priests and spiritual preceptors to the lower classes of Hindus.\n\nWith the village priests may be mentioned the Mali or gardener. The\nMalis now grow vegetables with irrigation or ordinary crops, but\nthis was not apparently their original vocation. The name is derived\nfrom _mala_, a garland, and it would appear that the Mali was first\nemployed to grow flowers for the garlands with which the gods and\nalso their worshippers were adorned at religious ceremonies. Flowers\nwere held sacred and were an essential adjunct to worship in India\nas in Greece and Rome. The sacred flowers of India are the lotus,\nthe marigold and the _champak_ [63] and from their use in religious\nworship is derived the custom of adorning the guests with garlands at\nall social functions, just as in Rome and Greece they wore crowns on\ntheir heads. It seems not unlikely that this was the purpose for which\ncultivated flowers were first grown, at any rate in India. The Mali\nwas thus a kind of assistant in the religious life of the village,\nand he is still sometimes placed in charge of the village shrines and\nis employed as temple-servant in Jain temples. He would therefore\nhave been supported by contributions from the cultivators like the\nother village menials and have ranked below them, though on account\nof the purity and sanctity of his occupation Brahmans would take\nwater from him. The Mali has now become an ordinary cultivator, but\nhis status is still noticeably below that of the good cultivating\ncastes and this seems to be the explanation. With the Mali may be\nclassed the Barai, the grower and seller of the _pan_ or betel-vine\nleaf. This leaf, growing on a kind of creeper, like the vine, in\nirrigated gardens roofed with thatch for protection from the sun,\nis very highly prized by the Hindus. It is offered with areca-nut,\ncloves, cardamom and lime rolled up in a quid to the guests at all\nsocial functions. It is endowed by them with great virtues, being\nsupposed to prevent heartburn, indigestion, and other stomachic and\nintestinal disorders, and to preserve the teeth, while taken with\nmusk, saffron and almonds, the betel-leaf is held to be a strong\naphrodisiac. The juice of the leaf stains the teeth and mouth red,\nand the effect, though repulsive to Europeans, is an indispensable\nadjunct to a woman's beauty in Hindu eyes. This staining of the mouth\nred with betel-leaf is also said to distinguish a man from a dog. The\nidea that betel preserves the teeth seems to be unfounded. The teeth of\nHindus appear to be far less liable to decay than those of Europeans,\nbut this is thought to be because they generally restrict themselves\nto a vegetable diet and always rinse out their mouths with water after\ntaking food. The betel-leaf is considered sacred; a silver ornament\nis made in its shape and it is often invoked in spells and magic. The\noriginal vine is held to have grown from a finger-joint of Basuki,\nthe Queen of the Serpents, and the cobra is worshipped as the tutelary\ndeity of the _pan_-garden, which this snake is accustomed to frequent,\nattracted by the moist coolness and darkness. The position of the\nBarai is the same as that of the Mali; his is really a low caste,\nsometimes coupled with the contemned Telis or oil-pressers, but he\nis considered ceremonially pure because the betel-leaf, offered to\ngods and eaten by Brahmans and all Hindus, is taken from him. The\nBarai or Tamboli was formerly a village menial in the Maratha villages.\n\n\n\n\n29. Other village traders and menials.\n\nThe castes following other village trades mainly fall into this\ngroup, though they may not now be village menials. Such are the\nKalar or liquor-vendor and Teli or oil-presser, who sell their\ngoods for cash, and having learnt to reckon and keep accounts, have\nprospered in their dealings with the cultivators ignorant of this\naccomplishment. Formerly it is probable that the village Teli had the\nright of pressing all the oil grown in the village, and retaining a\ncertain share for his remuneration. The liquor-vendor can scarcely\nhave been a village menial, but since Manu's time his trade has\nbeen regarded as a very impure one, and has ranked with that of the\nTeli. Both these castes have now become prosperous, and include a\nnumber of landowners, and their status is gradually improving. The\nDarzi or tailor is not usually attached to the village community; sewn\nclothes have hitherto scarcely been worn among the rural population,\nand the weaver provides the cloths which they drape on the body and\nround the head. [64] The contempt with which the tailor is visited in\nEnglish proverbial lore for working at a woman's occupation attaches\nin a precisely similar manner in India to the weaver. [65] But in\nGujarat the Darzi is found living in villages and here he is also a\nvillage menial. The Kachera or maker of the glass bangles which every\nHindu married woman wears as a sign of her estate, ranks with the\nvillage artisans; his is probably an urban trade, but he has never\nbecome prosperous or important. The Banjaras or grain-carriers were\noriginally Rajputs, but owing to the mixed character of the caste\nand the fact that they obtained their support from the cultivators,\nthey have come to rank below these latter. The Wanjari cultivators\nof Berar have now discarded their Banjara ancestry and claim to be\nKunbis. The Nat or rope-dancer and acrobat may formerly have had\nfunctions in the village in connection with the crops. In Kumaon\n[66] a Nat still slides down a long rope from the summit of a cliff\nto the base as a rite for ensuring the success of the crops on the\noccasion of a festival of Siva. Formerly if the Nat or Badi fell to\nthe ground in his course, he was immediately despatched with a sword\nby the surrounding spectators, but this is now prohibited. The rope\non which he slid down the cliff is cut up and distributed among\nthe inhabitants of the village, who hang the pieces as charms on\nthe eaves of their houses. The hair of the Nat is also taken and\npreserved as possessing similar virtues. Each District in Kumaon has\nits hereditary Nat or Badi, who is supported by annual contributions\nof grain from the inhabitants. Similarly in the Central Provinces it\nis not uncommon to find a deified Nat, called Nat Baba or Father Nat,\nas a village god. A Natni, or Nat woman, is sometimes worshipped; and\nwhen two sharp peaks of hills are situated close to each other, it is\nrelated that there was once a Natni, very skilful on the tight-rope,\nwho performed before the king; and he promised her that if she would\nstretch a rope from the peak of one hill to that of the other, and\nwalk across it, he would marry her and make her wealthy. Accordingly\nthe rope was stretched, but the queen from jealousy went and cut\nit nearly through in the night, and when the Natni started to walk,\nthe rope broke, and she fell down and was killed. Having regard to\nthe Kumaon rite, it may be surmised that these legends commemorate\nthe death of a Natni or acrobat during the performance of some feat of\ndancing or sliding on a rope for the magical benefit of the crops. And\nit seems possible that acrobatic performances may have had their\norigin in this manner. The point bearing on the present argument is,\nhowever, that the Nat performed special functions for the success of\nthe village crops, and on this account was supported by contributions\nfrom the villagers, and ranked with the village menials.\n\n\n\n\n30. Household servants.\n\nSome of the castes already mentioned, and one or two others having\nthe same status, work as household servants as well as village\nmenials. The Dhimar is most commonly employed as an indoor servant\nin Hindu households, and is permitted to knead flour in water and\nmake it into a cake, which the Brahman then takes and puts on the\ngirdle with his own hands. He can boil water and pour pulse into the\ncooking-pot from above, so long as he does not touch the vessel after\nthe food has been placed in it. He will take any remains of food\nleft in the cooking-pot, as this is not considered to be polluted,\nfood only becoming polluted when the hand touches it on the dish after\nhaving touched the mouth. When this happens, all the food on the dish\nbecomes _jutha_ or leavings of food, and as a general rule no caste\nexcept the sweepers will eat these leavings of food of another caste\nor of another person of their own. Only a wife, whose meal follows\nher husband's, will eat his leavings. As a servant, the Dhimar is\nvery familiar with his master; he may enter any part of the house,\nincluding the cooking-place and the women's rooms, and he addresses\nhis mistress as 'Mother.' When he lights his master's pipe he takes\nthe first pull himself, to show that it has not been tampered with,\nand then presents it to him with his left hand placed under his\nright elbow in token of respect. Maid-servants frequently belong\nalso to the Dhimar caste, and it often happens that the master of\nthe household has illicit intercourse with them. Hence there is a\nproverb: 'The king's son draws water and the water-bearer's son sits\non the throne,'--similar intrigues on the part of high-born women\nwith their servants being not unknown. The Kahar or palanquin-bearer\nwas probably the same caste as the Dhimar. Landowners would maintain\na gang of Kahars to carry them on journeys, allotting to such men\nplots of land rent-free. Our use of the word 'bearer' in the sense\nof a body-servant has developed from the palanquin-bearer who became\na personal attendant on his master. Well-to-do families often have a\nNai or barber as a hereditary family servant, the office descending\nin the barber's family. Such a man arranges the marriages of the\nchildren and takes a considerable part in conducting them, and acts\nas escort to the women of the family when they go on a journey. Among\nhis daily duties are to rub his master's body with oil, massage his\nlimbs, prepare his bed, tell him stories to send him to sleep, and so\non. The barber's wife attends on women in childbirth after the days\nof pollution are over, and rubs oil on the bodies of her clients,\npares their nails and paints their feet with red dye at marriages\nand on other festival occasions. The Bari or maker of leaf-plates\nis another household servant. Plates made of large leaves fastened\ntogether with little wooden pins and strips of fibre are commonly used\nby the Hindus for eating food, as are little leaf-cups for drinking;\nglazed earthenware has hitherto not been commonly manufactured, and\nthat with a rougher surface becomes ceremonially impure by contact\nwith any strange person or thing. Metal vessels and plates are the\nonly alternative to those made of leaves, and there are frequently\nnot enough of them to go round for a party. The Baris also work as\npersonal servants, hand round water, and light and carry torches at\nentertainments and on journeys. Their women are maids to high-caste\nHindu ladies, and as they are always about the zenana are liable to\nlose their virtue.\n\n\n\n\n31. Status of the village menials.\n\nThe castes of village and household menials form a large group between\nthe cultivators on the one hand and the impure and servile labourers\non the other. Their status is not exactly the same. On the one hand,\nthe Nai or barber, the Kahar and Dhimar or watermen, the household\nservants, the Bari, Ahir, and others, some of the village priests and\nthe gardening castes, are considered ceremonially pure and Brahmans\nwill take water from them. But this is a matter of convenience, as,\nif they were not so held pure, they would be quite useless in the\nhousehold. Several of these castes, as the Dhimars, Baris and others,\nare derived from the primitive tribes. Sir H. Risley considered the\nBaris of Bengal as probably an offshoot from the Bhuiya or Musahar\ntribe: \"He still associates with the Bhuiyas at times, and if the\ndemand for leaf-plates and cups is greater than he can cope with\nhimself, he gets them secretly made up by his ruder kinsfolk and\npasses them off as his own production. Instances of this sort, in\nwhich a non-Aryan or mixed group is promoted on grounds of necessity\nor convenience to a higher status than their antecedents would\nentitle them to claim, are not unknown in other castes, and must\nhave occurred frequently in outlying parts of the country, where\nthe Aryan settlements were scanty and imperfectly supplied with the\nsocial apparatus demanded by the theory of ceremonial purity. Thus\nthe undoubtedly non-Aryan Bhuiyas have in parts of Chota Nagpur been\nrecognised as Jal-Acharani (able to give water to the higher castes)\nand it may be conjectured that the Kahars themselves only attained this\nprivilege in virtue of their employment as palanquin-bearers.\" [67]\nThe fact that Brahmans will take water from these castes does not in\nany way place them on a level with the cultivators; they remain menial\nservants, ranking, if anything, below such castes as Lohar, Teli and\nKalar, from whom Brahmans will not take water; but these latter are,\nas corporate bodies, more important and prosperous than the household\nmenial castes, because their occupation confers a greater dignity\nand independence.\n\nOn the other hand, one or two of the village menials, such as the\nDhobi or washerman, are considered to some extent impure. This is\ndue to specially degrading incidents attaching to their occupation,\nas in the case of the Dhobi, the washing of the clothes of women in\nchildbirth. [68] And the Sungaria subcaste of Kumhars, who keep pigs,\nare not touched, because the impurity of the animal is necessarily\ncommunicated to its owner's house and person. Still, in the village\nsociety there is little real difference between the position of these\ncastes and those of the other village menials.\n\n\n\n\n32. Origin of their status\n\nThe status of the village menial castes appears to be fixed by their\ndependent position on the cultivators. The latter are their patrons and\nsuperiors, to whom they look for a livelihood. Before the introduction\nof a currency in the rural tracts (an event of the last fifty to a\nhundred years) the village artisans and menials were supported by\ncontributions of grain from the cultivators. They still all receive\npresents, consisting of a sowing-basketful of grain at seed-time and\none or two sheaves at harvest. The former is known as _Bij phutni_, or\n'The breaking of the seed,' and the latter as _Khanvar,_ or 'That which\nis left' Sometimes, after threshing, the menials are each given as much\ngrain as will fill a winnowing-fan. When the peasant has harvested his\ngrain, all come and beg from him. The Dhimar brings some water-nut,\nthe Kachhi or market-gardener some chillies, the Barai betel-leaf,\nthe Teli oil and tobacco, the Kalar liquor (if he drinks it), the\nBania some sugar, and all receive grain in excess of the value of\ntheir gifts. The Joshi or village priest, the Nat or acrobat, the\nGosain or religious mendicant and the Fakir or Muhammadan beggar\nsolicit alms. On that day the cultivator is said to be like a little\nking in his fields, and the village menials constitute his court. In\npurely agricultural communities grain is the principal source of\nwealth, and though the average Hindu villager may appear to us to\nbe typical of poverty rather than wealth, such standards are purely\nrelative. The cultivator was thus the patron and supporter of the\nvillage artisans and menials, and his social position was naturally\nsuperior to theirs. Among the Hindus it is considered derogatory to\naccept a gift from another person, the recipient being thereby placed\nin a position of inferiority to the donor. Some exception to this\nrule is made in the case of Brahmans, though even with them it partly\napplies. Generally the acceptance of a gift of any value among Hindus\nis looked upon in the same manner as the taking of money in England,\nbeing held to indicate that the recipient is in an inferior social\nposition to the giver. And the existence of this feeling seems to\nafford strong support to the reason suggested here for the relative\nstatus of the cultivating and village menial castes.\n\nThe group of village menial and artisan castes comes between the good\ncultivating castes who hold the status of the Vaishyas or body of\nthe Aryans, and the impure castes, the subjected aborigines. The most\nreasonable theory of their status seems to be that it originated in\nmixed descent. As has already been seen, it was the common practice of\nmembers of the higher classes to take lower-caste women either as wives\nor concubines, and a large mixed class would naturally result. Such\nchildren, born and brought up in the households of their fathers,\nwould not be full members of the family, but would not be regarded as\nimpure. They would naturally be put to the performance of the menial\nhousehold duties, for which the servile castes were rendered unsuitable\nthrough their impure status. This would correspond with the tradition\nof the large number of castes originating in mixed descent, which is\ngiven in the Hindu sacred books. It has been seen that where menial\ncastes are employed in the household, classes of mixed descent do as a\nmatter of fact arise. And there are traces of a relationship between\nthe cultivators and the menial castes, which would be best explained\nby such an origin. At a betrothal in the great Kunbi cultivating\ncaste of the Marathas, the services of the barber and washerman must\nbe requisitioned. The barber washes the feet of the boy and girl and\nplaces vermilion on the foreheads of the guests; the washerman spreads\na sheet on the ground on which the boy and girl sit. At the end of\nthe ceremony the barber and washerman take the bride and bridegroom\non their shoulders and dance to music in the marriage-shed, for which\nthey receive small presents. After a death has occurred at a Kunbi's\nhouse, the impurity is not removed until the barber and washerman have\neaten in it. At a Kunbi's wedding the Gurao or village priest brings\nthe leafy branches of five trees and deposits them at Maroti's [69]\ntemple, whence they are removed by the parents of the bride. Before\na wedding, again, a Kunbi bride must go to the potter's house and be\nseated on his wheel, while it is turned round seven times for good\nluck. Similarly at a wedding among the Hindustani cultivating castes\nthe bride visits the potter's house and is seated on his wheel; and\nthe washerman's wife applies vermilion to her forehead. The barber's\nwife puts red paint on her feet, the gardener's wife presents her with\na garland of flowers and the carpenter's wife gives her a new wooden\ndoll. At the wedding feast the barber, the washerman and the Bari or\npersonal servant also eat with the guests, though sitting apart from\nthem. Sometimes members of the menial and serving castes are invited\nto the funeral feast as if they belonged to the dead man's caste. In\nMadras the barber and his wife, and the washerman and his wife, are\nknown as the son and daughter of the village. And among the families\nof ruling Rajput chiefs, when a daughter of the house is married,\nit was customary to send with her a number of handmaidens taken from\nthe menial and serving castes. These became the concubines of the\nbridegroom and it seems clear that their progeny would be employed\nin similar capacities about the household and would follow the castes\nof their mothers. The Tamera caste of coppersmiths trace their origin\nfrom the girls so sent with the bride of Dharam-Pal, the Haihaya Rajput\nRaja of Ratanpur, through the progeny of these girls by the Raja.\n\n\n\n\n33. Other castes who rank with the village menials.\n\nMany other castes belong to the group of those from whom a Brahman\ncannot take water, but who are not impure. Among these are several\nof the lower cultivating castes, some of them growers of special\nproducts, as the Kachhis and Mowars or market-gardeners, the\nDangris or melon-growers, and the Kohlis and Bhoyars who plant\nsugarcane. These subsidiary kinds of agriculture were looked down\nupon by the cultivators proper; they were probably carried out on the\nbeds and banks of streams and other areas not included in the regular\nholdings of the village, and were taken up by labourers and other\nlandless persons. The callings of these are allied to, or developed\nfrom, that of the Mali or gardener, and they rank on a level with\nhim, or perhaps a little below, as no element of sanctity attaches\nto their products. Certain castes which were formerly labourers,\nbut have now sometimes obtained possession of the land, are also in\nthis group, such as the Rajbhars, Kirs, Manas, and various Madras\ncastes of cultivators. Probably these were once not allowed to hold\nland, but were afterwards admitted to do so. The distinction between\ntheir position and that of the hereditary cultivators of the village\ncommunity was perhaps the original basis of the different kinds of\ntenant-right recognised by our revenue law, though these now, of\ncourse, depend solely on length of tenure and other incidents, and\nmake no distinction of castes. The shepherd castes who tend sheep\nand goats (the Gadarias, Dhangars and Kuramwars) also fall into\nthis group. Little sanctity attached to these animals as compared\nwith the cow, and the business of rearing them would be left to\nthe labouring castes and non-Aryan tribes. The names of all three\ncastes denote their functional origin, Gadaria being from _gadar_,\na sheep, Dhangar from _dhan_ or small-stock, the word signifying a\nflock of sheep or goats and also wealth; and Kuramwar from _kurri_,\nthe Telugu word for sheep. Others belonging to this group are the\ndigging and earth-working castes, the Beldars, Murhas, Nunias and so\non, practically all derived from the indigenous tribes, who wander\nabout seeking employment from the cultivators in the construction\nand repair of field embankments and excavation of wells and tanks;\nand various fishing and boating castes, as the Injhwars, Naodas,\nMurhas and Kewats, who rank as equal to the Dhimars, though they may\nnot be employed in household or village service. Such castes, almost\nentirely derived from the non-Aryan tribes, may have come gradually\ninto existence as the wants of society developed and new functions\nwere specialised; they would naturally be given the social status\nalready attaching to the village menial castes.\n\n\n\n\n34. The non-Aryan tribes.\n\nThe fourth group in the scheme of precedence comprises the non-Aryan\nor indigenous tribes, who are really outside the caste system when\nthis is considered as the social organisation of the Hindus, so\nlong at least as they continue to worship their own tribal deities,\nand show no respect for Brahmans nor for the cow. These tribes have,\nhowever, entered the Hindu polity in various positions. The leaders\nof some of them who were dominant in the early period were admitted\nto the Kshatriya or Rajput caste, and the origin of a few of the\nRajput clans can be traced to the old Bhar and other tribes. Again,\nthe aristocratic or landholding sections of several existing tribes\nare at present, as has been seen, permitted to rank with the good\nHindu cultivating castes. In a few cases, as the Andhs, Halbas and\nManas, the tribe as a whole has become a Hindu caste, when it retained\npossession of the land in the centre of a Hindu population. These have\nnow the same or a slightly higher position than the village menial\ncastes. On the other hand, those tribes which were subjugated and\npermitted to live with a servile status in the Hindu villages have\ndeveloped into the existing impure castes of labourers, weavers,\ntanners and others, who form the lowest social group. The tribes\nwhich still retain their distinctive existence were not enslaved\nin this manner, but lived apart in their own villages in the forest\ntracts and kept possession of the land. This seems to be the reason\nwhy they rank somewhat higher than the impure castes, even though\nthey may utterly defile themselves according to Hindu ideas by eating\ncow's flesh. Some tribes, such as the Gonds, Binjhwars and Kawars,\ncounted amongst them the owners of large estates or even kingdoms,\nand consequently had many Hindu cultivators for their subjects. And,\nas the Hindus themselves say, they could not regard the Gonds as\nimpure when they had a Gond king. Nevertheless, the Gond labourers\nin Hindu villages in the plains are more despised than the Gonds who\nlive in their own villages in the hill country. And the conversion\nof the tribes as a whole to Hinduism goes steadily forward. At each\ncensus the question arises which of them should be classed as Hindus,\nand which as Animists or worshippers of their own tribal gods, and\nthough the classification is necessarily very arbitrary, the process\ncan be clearly observed. Thus the Andhs, Kolis, Rautias and Halbas\nare now all Hindus, and the same remark applies to the Kols, Bhils\nand Korkus in several Districts. By strict abstention from beef,\nthe adoption of Hindu rites, and to some extent of child-marriage,\nthey get admission to the third group of castes from whom a Brahman\ncannot take water. It will be desirable here to digress from the\nmain argument by noticing briefly the origin and affinities of the\nprincipal forest tribes of the Central Provinces.\n\n\n\n\n35. The Kolarians and Dravidians.\n\nThese tribes are divided into two families, the Munda or Kolarian,\nnamed after the Kol tribe, and the Dravidian, of which the former are\ngenerally held to be the older and more primitive. The word Kol is\nprobably the Santali _har_, a man. \"This word is used under various\nforms, such as _har, hara, ho_ and _koro_ by most Munda tribes in\norder to denote themselves. The change of _r_ to _l_ is familiar and\npresents no difficulty.\" [70] The word is also found in the alternative\nname Ho for the Kol tribe, and in the names of the cognate Korwa and\nKorku tribes. The word Munda is a Sanskrit derivative meaning a head,\nand, as stated by Sir H. Risley, is the common term employed by the\nKols for the headman of a village, whence it has been adopted as an\nhonorific title for the tribe. In Chota Nagpur those Kols who have\npartly adopted Hinduism and become to some degree civilised are called\nMunda, while the name Ho or Larka (fighting) Kol is reserved for the\nwilder section of the tribe.\n\n\n\n\n36. Kolarian tribes.\n\nThe principal tribes of the Munda or Kolarian family in the Central\nProvinces are shown below:\n\n\n    Kol, Munda, Ho.\n    Bhumij.\n    Santal.\n    Kharia.\n    Korwa.\n    Korku.\n    Nahal\n    Savar or Saonr.\n    Mal, Male.\n    Gadba.\n    Khairwar.\n    Baiga.\n    Bhuiya.\n    Bhaina.\n    Bhunjia.\n    Binjhwar.\n    _Probable_: Bhar, Koli, Bhil, Chero.\n\n\nOne large group includes the Kol, Munda or Ho tribe itself and the\nBhumij and Santals, who appear to be local branches of the Kols\ncalled by separate names by the Hindus. The Kharias seem to be the\nearliest Kol settlers in Chota Nagpur, who were subjugated by the\nlater comers. The name Kol, as already seen, is probably a form of\nthe Santali _har_, a man. Similarly the name of the Korku tribe\nis simply a corruption of _Koraku_, young men, and that of the\nKorwa tribe is from the same root. The dialects of the Korku and\nKorwa tribes closely approximate to Mundari. Hence it would seem\nthat they were originally one tribe with the Kols, but have been\nseparated for so long a period that their direct connection can no\nlonger be proved. The disintegrating causes which have split up what\nwas originally one into a number of distinct tribes, are probably no\nmore than distance and settlement in different parts of the country,\nleading to cessation of intermarriage and social intercourse. The\ntribes have then obtained some variation in the original names or been\ngiven separate territorial or occupational designations by the Hindus,\nand their former identity has gradually been forgotten. Both the Korwas\nof the Chota Nagpur plateau and the Korkus of the Satpura hills were\nknown as Muasi, a term having the meaning of robber or raider. The\nKorwas have also a subtribe called Koraku, and Mr. Crooke thinks that\nthey were originally the same tribe. Sir G. Grierson states that the\nKorwa dialect is closely allied to Kharia. Similarly the resemblance\nof the name raises a presumption that the great Koli tribe of Gujarat\nand western India may be a branch of the Kols who penetrated to the\nwestern coast along the Satpulra and Central India hill ranges. The\nKolis and Bhils are tribes of the same country and are commonly spoken\nof together. Both have entirely lost their own language and cannot\ntherefore be classified definitely either as Kolarian or Dravidian,\nbut there is a probability that they are of the Kolarian family. The\nNahals, another tribe of the western Satpura range, are an offshoot\nof the Korkus. They are coupled with the Bhils and Kolis in old\nHindu accounts.\n\nThe Savars, Sawaras or Saonrs are also a widely distributed tribe,\nbeing found as far west as Bundelkhand and east in Orissa and\nGanjam. In the Central Provinces they have lost their own language and\nspeak Hindi or Uriya, but in Madras they still retain their original\nspeech, which is classified by Sir G. Grierson with Gadba as a Munda\nor Kolarian dialect. The name occurs in Vedic literature, and the\ntribe is probably of great antiquity. In the classical stories of\ntheir origin the first ancestor of the Savars is sometimes described\nas a Bhil. The wide extension of the Savar tribe east and west is\nfavourable to the hypothesis of the identity of the Kols and Kolis,\nwho have a somewhat similar distribution. The Gadbas of Ganjam, and\nthe Mal or Male Paharia tribe of Chota Nagpur seem to be offshoots\nof the Savars. The Khairwars or Kharwars are an important tribe of\nMirzapur and Chota Nagpur. There is some reason for supposing that\nthey are an occupational offshoot of the Kols and Cheros, who have\nbecome a distinct group through taking to the manufacture of edible\ncatechu from the wood of the _khair_ tree. [71]\n\nAnother great branch of the Kolarian family is that represented by the\nBhuiya and Baiga tribes and their offshoots, the Bhunjias, Bhainas and\nBinjhwars. The Kolarian origin of the Bhuiyas has been discussed in the\narticle on that tribe, and it has also been suggested that the Baiga\ntribe of the Central Provinces are an offshoot of the Bhuiyas. These\ntribes have all abandoned their own languages and adopted the local\nAryan vernaculars. The name Bhuiya is a Sanskrit derivative from _bhu_,\nearth, and signifies 'belonging to the soil.' Bhumij, applied to a\nbranch of the Kol tribe, has the same origin. Baiga is used in the\nsense of a village priest or a sorcerer in Chota Nagpur, and the office\nis commonly held by members of the Bhuiya tribe in that locality,\nas being the oldest residents. Thus the section of the tribe in the\nCentral Provinces appears to have adopted, or been given, the name of\nthe office. The Bharias or Bharia-Bhumias of Jubbulpore seem to belong\nto the great Bhar tribe, once dominant over large areas of the United\nProvinces. They also hold the office of village priest, which is there\nknown as Bhumia, and in some tracts are scarcely distinguished from\nthe Baigas. Again, in Sambalpur the Bhuiyas are known as Bhumia Kol,\nand are commonly regarded as a branch of the Kol tribe. Thus it would\nseem that two separate settlements of the Kolarian races may have\noccurred; the earlier one would be represented by the Bhars, Bhuiyas,\nBaigas and kindred tribes who have entirely lost their own languages\nand identity, and have names given to them by the Hindus; and a later\none of the Kols or Mundas and their related tribes, whose languages\nand tribal religion and organisation, though in a decaying state, can\nbe fully recognised and recorded. And the Dravidian immigration would\nbe subsequent to both of them. To judge from the cases in which the\nfissure or subdivision of single tribes into two or more distinct ones\ncan still be observed, it seems quite a plausible hypothesis that the\noriginal immigrants may have consisted only of a single tribe on each\noccasion, and that the formation of new ones may have occurred after\nsettlement. But the evidence does not warrant any definite assertion.\n\n\n\n\n37. Dravidian tribes.\n\nThe principal Dravidian tribes are the Gonds, Khonds and Oraons. The\nGonds were once dominant over the greater part of the Central\nProvinces, which was called Gondwana after them. The above three\nnames have in each case been given to the tribes by the Hindus. The\nfollowing tribes are found in the Province:\n\nGond, Oraon or Kurukh, Khond, Kolam, Parja, Kamar. _Tribal Castes_:\nBhatra, Halba, Dhoba. _Doubtful_: Kawar, Dhanwar.\n\nThe Gonds and Khonds call themselves Koi or Koitur, a word which\nseems to mean man or hillman. The Oraon tribe call themselves Kurukh,\nwhich has also been supposed to be connected with the Kolarian _horo_,\nman. The name Oraon, given to them by the Hindus, may mean farmservant,\nwhile Dhangar, an alternative name for the tribe, has certainly this\nsignification.\n\nThere seems good reason to suppose that the Gonds and Khonds were\noriginally one tribe divided through migration. [72] The Kolams are\na small tribe of the Wardha Valley, whose dialect resembles those of\nthe Gonds and Khonds. They may have split off from the parent tribe\nin southern India and come northwards separately. The Parjas appear to\nrepresent the earliest Gond settlers in Bastar, who were subjugated by\nlater Gond and Raj-Gond immigrants. The Halbas and Bhatras are mixed\ntribes or tribal castes, descended from the unions of Gonds and Hindus.\n\n\n\n\n38. Origin of the Kolarian tribes\n\nThe Munda languages have been shown by Sir G. Grierson to have\noriginated from the same source as those spoken in the Indo-Pacific\nislands and the Malay Peninsula. \"The Mundas, the Mon-Khmer,\nthe wild tribes of the Malay Peninsula and the Nicobarese all use\nforms of speech which can be traced back to a common source though\nthey mutually differ widely from each other.\" [73] It would appear,\ntherefore, that the Mundas, the oldest known inhabitants of India,\nperhaps came originally from the south-east, the islands of the Indian\nArchipelago and the Malay Peninsula, unless India was their original\nhome and these countries were colonised from it.\n\nSir Edward Gait states: \"Geologists tell us that the Indian Peninsula\nwas formerly cut off from the north of Asia by sea, while a land\nconnection existed on the one side with Madagascar and on the other\nwith the Malay Archipelago; and though there is nothing to show that\nIndia was then inhabited, we know that it was so in palaeolithic times,\nwhen communication was probably still easier with the countries to the\nnorth-east and south-west than with those beyond the Himalayas.\" [74]\nIn the south of India, however, no traces of Munda languages remain at\npresent, and it seems therefore necessary to conclude that the Mundas\nof the Central Provinces and Chota Nagpur have been separated from the\ntribes of Malaysia who speak cognate languages for an indefinitely\nlong period; or else that they did not come through southern India\nto these countries but by way of Assam and Bengal or by sea through\nOrissa. There is good reason to believe from the names of places and\nfrom local tradition that the Munda tribes were once spread over Bihar\nand parts of the Ganges Valley; and if the Kolis are an offshoot of the\nKols, as is supposed, they also penetrated across Central India to the\nsea in Gujarat and the hills of the western Ghats. The presumption is\nthat the advance of the Aryans or Hindus drove the Mundas from the\nopen country to the seclusion of the hills and forests. The Munda\nand Dravidian languages are shown by Sir G. Grierson to be distinct\ngroups without any real connection.\n\nThough the physical characteristics of the two sets of tribes display\nno marked points of difference, the opinion has been generally held\nby ethnologists who know them that they represent two distinct waves\nof immigration, and the absence of connection between their languages\nbears out this view. It has always been supposed that the Mundas were\nin the country of Chota Nagpur and the Central Provinces first, and\nthat the Dravidians, the Gonds, Khonds and Oraons came afterwards. The\ngrounds for this view are the more advanced culture of the Dravidians;\nthe fact that where the two sets of tribes are in contact those of the\nMunda group have been ousted from the more open and fertile country,\nof which, according to tradition, they were formerly in possession;\nand the practice of the Gonds and other Dravidian tribes of employing\nthe Baigas, Bhuiyas and other Munda tribes for their village priests,\nwhich is an acknowledgment that the latter as the earlier residents\nhave a more familiar acquaintance with the local deities, and can\nsolicit their favour and protection with more prospect of success. Such\na belief is the more easily understood when it is remembered that\nthese deities are not infrequently either the human ancestors of the\nearliest residents or the local animals and plants from which they\nsupposed themselves to be descended.\n\n\n\n\n39. Of the Dravidian tribes.\n\nThe Dravidian languages, Gondi, Kurukh and Khond, are of one family\nwith Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and Canarese, and their home is the\nsouth of India. The word Dravida comes from an older form Damila\nor Dramila, and was used in ancient Pali and Jain literature as a\nname for the people of the Tamil country. [75] Afterwards it came to\nsignify generally the people of southern India as opposed to Gaur or\nnorthern India.\n\nAs stated by Sir Edward Gait there is at present no evidence to\nshow that the Dravidians came to southern India from any other\npart of the world, and for anything that is known to the contrary\nthe languages may have originated there. The existence of the small\nBrahui tribe in Baluchistan who speak a Dravidian language but have no\nphysical resemblance to other Dravidian races cannot be satisfactorily\nexplained, but, as he points out, this is no reason for holding that\nthe whole body of speakers of Dravidian languages entered India from\nthe north-west, and, with the exception of this small group of Brahuis,\npenetrated to the south and settled there without leaving any traces\nof their passage.\n\nThe Dravidian languages occupy a large area in Madras, Mysore and\nHyderabad, and they extend north into the Central Provinces and Chota\nNagpur where they die out, practically not being found west and north\nof this tract. As the languages are more highly developed and the\nculture of their speakers is far more advanced in the south, it is\njustifiable to suppose, pending evidence to the contrary, that the\nsouth is their home and that they have spread thence as far north as\nthe Central Provinces. The Gonds and Oraons, too, have stories to the\neffect that they came from the south. The belief has hitherto been,\nat least in the Central Provinces, that both the Gonds and Baigas have\nbeen settled in this territory for an indefinite period, that is, from\nprior to any Aryan or Hindu immigration. Mr. H.A. Crump, C.S., has\nhowever pointed out that if this was the case the Munda or Kolarian\ntribes, which have lost their own languages, should have adopted\nDravidian and not Hindu forms of speech. As already seen, numerous\nKolarian tribes, as the Binjhwar, Bhaina, Bhuiya, Baiga, Bhumij,\nChero, Khairwar and the Kols themselves in the Central Provinces have\nentirely lost their own languages, as well as the Bhils and Kolis,\nif these are held to be Kolarian tribes. None of them have adopted a\nDravidian language, but all speak corrupt forms of the ancient Aryan\nvernaculars derived from Sanskrit. The fact seems to indicate that\nat the time when they abandoned their own languages these tribes were\nin contact with Hindus, and were not surrounded by Gonds, as several\nof them are at present. The history of the Central Provinces affords\nconsiderable support to the view that the Gond immigration occurred at\na comparatively late period, perhaps in the ninth or tenth century,\nor even later, after a considerable part of the Province had been\ngoverned for some centuries by Rajput dynasties. [76] The Gonds\nand Oraons still have well-defined legends about their immigration,\nwhich would scarcely be the case if it had occurred twenty centuries\nor more ago.\n\nAny further evidence or argument as to the date of the Dravidian\nimmigration would be of considerable interest.\n\n\n\n\n40. Origin of the impure castes.\n\nThe fifth or lowest group in the scheme of precedence is that of the\nimpure castes who cannot be touched. If a high-caste Hindu touches one\nof them he should bathe and have his clothes washed. These castes are\nnot usually allowed to live inside a Hindu village, but have a hamlet\nto themselves adjoining it. The village barber will not shave them,\nnor the washerman wash their clothes. They usually have a separate\nwell assigned to them from which to draw water, and if the village\nhas only one well, one side of it is allotted to them and the Hindus\ntake water from the other side. Formerly they were subjected to more\nhumiliating restrictions. In Bombay a Mahar might not spit on the\nground lest a Hindu should be polluted by touching it with his foot,\nbut had to hang an earthen pot round his neck to hold his spittle. He\nwas made to drag a thorny branch with him to brush out his footsteps,\nand when a Brahman came by had to lie at a distance on his face lest\nhis shadow might fall on the Brahman. [77] Even if the shadow of a\nMahar or Mang fell on a Brahman he was polluted and dare not taste\nfood and water until he had bathed and washed the impurity away. In\nMadras a Paraiyan or Pariah pollutes a high-caste Hindu by approaching\nwithin a distance of 64 feet of him. [78] The debased and servile\nposition of the impure castes corresponds to that which, as already\nseen, attached to the Sudras of the classical period. The castes\nusually regarded as impure are the tanners, bamboo-workers, sweepers,\nhunters and fowlers, gipsies and vagrants, village musicians and\nvillage weavers. These castes, the Chamars, Basors, Mahars, Koris,\nGandas and others are usually also employed as agricultural and\ncasual labourers. Formerly, as already seen, they were not allowed to\nhold land. There is no reason to doubt that the status of impurity,\nlike that of the Sudra, was originally the mark of a subjugated and\ninferior race, and was practically equivalent to slavery. This was the\nposition of the indigenous Indians who were subjugated by the Aryan\ninvaders and remained in the country occupied by them. Though they\nwere of different races, and the distinction was marked and brought\nhome to themselves by the contrast in the colour of their skins,\nit seems probable that the real basis for their antagonism was not\nsocial so much as religious. The Indians were hated and despised by\nthe immigrants as the worshippers of a hostile god. They could not join\nin the sacrifices by which the Aryans held communion with their gods,\nand the sacrifice itself could not even be held, in theory at least,\nexcept in those parts of India which were thoroughly subdued and\nheld to have become the dwelling-place of the Aryan gods. The proper\ncourse prescribed by religion towards the indigenous residents was\nto exterminate them, as the Israelites should have exterminated the\ninhabitants of Canaan. But as this could not be done, because their\nnumbers were too great or the conquerors not sufficiently ruthless,\nthey were reduced to the servile condition of impurity and made\nthe serfs of their masters like the Amalekites and the plebeians\nand helots.\n\nIf the whole of India had been thoroughly subjugated and settled like\nthe Punjab and Hindustan, it may be supposed that the same status\nof impurity would have been imposed upon all the indigenous races;\nbut this was very far from being the case. In central and southern\nIndia the Aryans or subsequent immigrants from Central Asia came at\nfirst at any rate only in small parties, and though they may have\nestablished territorial states, did not regularly occupy the land nor\nreduce the indigenous population to a condition of servitude. Thus\nlarge bodies of these must have retained a free position, and on\ntheir acceptance of the new religion and the development of the caste\nsystem, became enrolled in it with a caste status on the basis of\ntheir occupation. Their leaders were sometimes admitted to rank as\nKshatriyas or Rajputs, as has been stated.\n\nSubsequently, as the racial distinction disappeared, the impure\nstatus came to attach to certain despised occupations and to customs\nabhorrent to Hinduism, such as that of eating beef. But, as already\nseen, the tribes which have continued to live apart from the Hindus\nare not usually regarded as impure, though they may eat beef and even\nskin animals. The Dhimars, who keep pigs, still have a higher status\nthan the impure castes because they are employed as water-bearers and\nhousehold servants. It is at least doubtful whether at the time when\nthe stigma of impurity was first attached to the Sudras the Hindus\nthemselves did not sacrifice cows and eat beef. [79] The castes noted\nbelow are usually regarded as impure in the Central Provinces.\n\nThe Dhobi (washerman) and Kumhar (potter) are sometimes included among\nthe impure castes, but, as already noted, their status is higher than\nthat of the castes in this list.\n\nAudhelia: Labouring caste of mixed descent who keep pigs.\n\nBalahi: Weavers and village messengers and watchmen.\n\nBasor: Bamboo basket-makers and village musicians.\n\nChamar: Tanners and labourers.\n\nGanda: Weavers and village musicians.\n\nGhasia: Grass-cutters, labourers and sweepers.\n\nKaikari: Vagrant basket-makers.\n\nKanjar, Beria, Sansia: Gipsies and thieves.\n\nKatia: Cotton-spinners.\n\nKori: Weavers and labourers.\n\nMadgi: Telugu tanners and hide-curriers.\n\nMahar: Weavers and labourers.\n\nMala: Telugu weavers and labourers.\n\nMang: Broom- and mat-makers and village musicians. They also castrate\ncattle.\n\nMehtar: Sweepers and scavengers.\n\nCertain occupations, those of skinning cattle and curing hides, weaving\nthe coarse country cloth worn by the villagers, making baskets from\nthe rind of the bamboo, playing on drums and tom-toms, and scavenging\ngenerally are relegated to the lowest and impure castes. The hides of\ndomestic animals are exceedingly impure; a Hindu is defiled even by\ntouching their dead bodies and far more so by removing the skins. Drums\nand tom-toms made from the hides of animals are also impure. But in\nthe case of weaving and basket-making the calling itself entails no\ndefilement, and it would appear simply that they were despised by the\ncultivators, and as a considerable number of workers were required to\nsatisfy the demand for baskets and cloth, were adopted by the servile\nand labouring castes. Basket- and mat-making are callings naturally\nsuited to the primitive tribes who would obtain the bamboos from the\nforests, but weaving would not be associated with them unless cloth\nwas first woven of tree-cotton. The weavers of the finer cotton and\nsilk cloths, who live in towns, rank much higher than the village\nweavers, as in the case of the Koshtis and Tantis, the latter of whom\nmade the famous fine cotton cloth, known as _abrawan_, or 'running\nwater,' which was supplied to the imperial Zenana at Delhi. On one\noccasion a daughter of Aurangzeb was reproached on entering the room\nfor her immodest attire and excused herself by the plea that she had on\nseven folds of cloth over her body. [80] In Bengal Brahmans will take\nwater from Tantis, and it seems clear that their higher status is a\nconsequence of the lucrative and important nature of their occupation.\n\nThe Katias are a caste of cotton-spinners, the name being derived\nfrom _katna_, to cut or spin. But hand-spinning is now practically\nan extinct industry and the Katias have taken to weaving or ordinary\nmanual labour for a subsistence. The Kanjars and Berias are the gipsy\ncastes of India. They are accustomed to wander about carrying their\ngrass-matting huts with them. Many of them live by petty thieving and\ncheating. Their women practise palmistry and retail charms for the cure\nof sickness and for exorcising evil spirits, and love-philtres. They\ndo cupping and tattooing and also make reed mats, cane baskets,\npalm-leaf mats and fans, ropes from grass- and tree-fibre, brushes\nfor the cotton-loom, string-net purses and balls, and so on; and the\nwomen commonly dance and act as prostitutes. There is good reason for\nthinking that the Kanjars are the parents of the European gipsies,\nwhile the Thugs who formerly infested the high-roads of India,\nmurdering solitary travellers and small parties by strangulation,\nmay also have been largely derived from this caste. [81]\n\n\n\n\n41. Derivation of the impure castes from the indigenous tribes.\n\nIt can only be definitely shown in a few instances that the existing\nimpure occupational castes were directly derived from the indigenous\ntribes. The Chamar and Kori, and the Chuhra and Bhangi, or sweepers\nand scavengers of the Punjab and United Provinces, are now purely\noccupational castes and their original tribal affinities have entirely\ndisappeared. The Chamars and Mehtars or sweepers are in some places\nof a superior physical type, of comparatively good stature and light\ncomplexion; [82] this may perhaps be due to a large admixture of\nHindu blood through their women, during a social contact with the\nHindus extending over many centuries, and also to the fact that they\neat flesh when they can obtain it, including carrion. Such types are,\nhowever, exceptional among the impure castes, and there is no reason\nto doubt their general origin from the non-Aryan tribes, which in\na few instances can be directly traced. Thus it seems likely that\nthe Kanjars, Berias, Sansias and other gipsy groups, as well as the\nMirasis, the vagrant bards and genealogists of the lower classes of\nHindus, are derived from the Dom caste or tribe of Bengal, who are\nlargely employed as sweepers and scavengers as well as on ordinary\nlabour. The evidence for the origin of the above groups from the\nDoms is given in the article on Kanjar. Sir H.M. Elliot considered\nthe Doms to be one of the original tribes of India. Again, there is\nno doubt that the impure Ganda caste, who are weavers, labourers and\nvillage musicians in the Uriya country and Chhattisgarh Districts\nof the Central Provinces, are derived from the Pan tribe of Chota\nNagpur. The Pans or Pabs are a regular forest tribe, and are sometimes\ncalled Ganda, while the Gandas may be alternatively known as Pan. But\nthe section of the tribe who live among the Hindus and are regarded\nas impure have now become a distinct caste with a separate name. The\nBhuiya tribe were once the rulers of Chota Nagpur; they still install\nthe Raja of Keonjhar, and have a traditional relation to other ruling\nfamilies. But in parts of Chota Nagpur and southern Bihar the Bhuiyas\nliving in Hindu villages have become a separate impure caste with\nthe opprobrious designation of Musahar or rat-eater. The great Mahar\ncaste of the Maratha country or Bombay are weavers and labourers,\nand formerly cured hides, like the Chamars and Koris of northern\nIndia. They are regarded as impure and were the serfs or villeins\nof the Kunbis, attached to the land. An alternative name for them is\nDher, and this is supposed to be a corruption of Dharada a hillman,\na name applied in Manu to all the indigenous races of India. Though\nthe connection cannot be traced in all cases, there is thus no reason\nto doubt that the existing impure castes represent the subjected or\nenslaved section of the primitive non-Aryan tribes.\n\n\n\n\n42. Occupation the basis of the caste system.\n\nIt has been seen that the old Aryan polity comprised four classes:\nthe Brahmans and Kshatriyas or priestly and military aristocracy;\nthe Vaishyas or body of the Aryans, who were ceremonially pure\nand could join in sacrifices; and the Sudras or servile and impure\nclass of labourers. The Vaishyas became cultivators and herdsmen,\nand their status of ceremonial purity was gradually transferred to\nthe cultivating members of the village community, because land was\nthe main source of wealth. Between the last two there arose another\nclass of village menials and craftsmen, originating principally from\nthe offspring of fathers of the Aryan classes and Sudra women, to\nwhom was left the practice of the village industries, despised by the\ncultivators. In spite of the almost complete fusion of races which\nthe intercourse of centuries has effected, and the multiplication\nand rearrangement of castes produced by the diversity of occupation\nand other social factors, the divisions of the village community can\nstill be recognised in the existing social gradation.\n\nIt has been seen also that occupation is the real basis of the division\nand social precedence of castes in India, as in all communities\nwhich have made any substantial progress in civilisation and social\ndevelopment. Distinctions of race, religion and family gradually\ndisappear, and are merged in the gradation according to wealth or\nprofession. The enormous majority of castes are occupational and their\nsocial position depends on their caste calling. Thus in the case of\nan important industry like weaving, there are separate castes who\nweave the finer kinds of cloth, as the Tantis and Koshtis, while one\nsubcaste of Koshtis, the Salewars, are distinguished as silk-weavers,\nand a separate caste of Patwas embroider silk and braid on cloth;\nother castes, as the Mahars, Gandas and Koris, weave coarse cloth,\nand a distinct caste of Katias existed for the spinning of thread,\nand the Muhammadan caste of Bahnas for cleaning cotton. The workers\nin each kind of metal have formed a separate caste, as the Lohars or\nblacksmiths, the Kasars or brass-workers, the Tameras or coppersmiths,\nand the Sunars or gold- and silversmiths, while the Audhia subcaste of\nSunars [83] and the Bharewas, an inferior branch of the Kasars, work\nin bell-metal. Each of these castes makes ornaments of its own metal,\nwhile the Kachera caste [84] make glass bangles, and the Lakheras make\nbangles from lac and clay. In the case of agriculture, as has been\nseen, there is usually a functional cultivating caste for each main\ntract of country, as the Jats in the Punjab, the Kurmis in Hindustan,\nthe Kunbis in the Deccan, the Chasas in Orissa, the Kapus in the Telugu\ncountry and the Vellalas in the Tamil country. Except the Jats, who\nwere perhaps originally a racial caste, the above castes appear to\ninclude a number of heterogeneous groups which have been welded into\na single body through the acquisition of land and the status which it\nconfers. Various other cultivating castes also exist, whose origin\ncan be traced to different sources; on obtaining possession of the\nland they have acquired the cultivating status, but retained their\nseparate caste organisation and name. Other agricultural castes have\nbeen formed for the growing of special products. Thus the Malis are\ngardeners, and within the caste there exist such separate groups as\nthe Phulmalis who grow flowers, the Jire Malis cumin and the Halde\nMalis turmeric. [85] Hindus generally object to cultivate _san_-hemp,\n[86] and some special castes have been formed from those who grew\nit and thus underwent some loss of status; such are the Lorhas and\nKumrawats and Pathinas, and the Santora subcaste of Kurmis. The _al_\n[87] or Indian madder-dye is another plant to which objection is\nfelt, and the Alia subcastes of Kachhis and Banias consist of those\nwho grow and sell it. The Dangris and Kachhis are growers of melons\nand other vegetables on the sandy stretches in the beds of rivers and\nthe alluvial land on their borders which is submerged in the monsoon\nfloods. The Barais are the growers and sellers of the betel-vine.\n\nSeveral castes have been formed from military service, as the Marathas,\nKhandaits, Rautias, Taonlas and Paiks. All of these, except the\nMarathas, are mainly derived from the non-Aryan tribes; since they\nhave abandoned military service and taken as a rule to agriculture,\ntheir rank depends roughly on their position as regards the land. Thus\nthe Marathas and Khandaits became landowners, receiving grants of\nproperty as a reward for, or on condition of, military service like\nthe old feudal tenures; they rank with, but somewhat above, the\ncultivating castes. The same is the case, though to a less degree,\nwith the Rautias of Chota Nagpur, a military caste mainly formed from\nthe Kol tribe. On the other hand, the Paiks or foot-soldiers and\nTaonlas have not become landholders and rank below the cultivating\ncastes. The Hatkars are a caste formed from Dhangars or shepherds\nwho entered the Maratha armies. They are now called Bangi Dhangars\nor shepherds with the spears, and rank a little above other Dhangars.\n\n\n\n\n43. Other agents in the formation of castes.\n\nThe great majority of castes have been formed from occupation, but\nother sources of origin can be traced. Several castes are of mixed\ndescent, as the Vidurs, the descendants of Brahman fathers and mothers\nof other castes; the Bhilalas, by Rajput fathers and Bhil mothers;\nthe Chauhans, Audhelias, Khangars and Dhakars of Bastar, probably by\nHindu fathers and women of various indigenous tribes; the Kirars of\nmixed Rajput descent, and others. These also now generally take rank\naccording to their occupation and position in the world. The Vidurs\nserved as village accountants and ranked below the cultivators, but\nsince they are well educated and have done well in Government service\ntheir status is rapidly improving. The Bhilalas are landholders\nand rank as a good cultivating caste. The Chauhans and Khangars\nare village watchmen and rank as menials below the cultivators, the\nDhakars are farmservants and labourers with a similar position, while\nthe Audhelias are labourers who keep pigs and are hence regarded as\nimpure. The Halbas or 'ploughmen' are another mixed caste, probably\nthe descendants of house-servants of the Uriya Rajas, who, like the\nKhandaits, formed a sort of militia for the maintenance of the chiefs\nauthority. They are now mainly farmservants, as the name denotes,\nbut where they hold land, as in Bastar, they rank higher, almost as\na good cultivating caste.\n\nAgain, very occasionally a caste may be formed from a religious sect\nor order. The Bishnois were originally a Vaishnava sect, worshipping\nVishnu as an unseen god, and refusing to employ Brahmans. They have now\nbecome cultivators, and though they retain their sectarian beliefs, and\nhave no Brahman priests, are generally regarded as a Hindu cultivating\ncaste. The Pankas are members of the impure Ganda caste who adhered to\nthe Kabirpanthi sect. They are now a separate caste and are usually\nemployed as village watchmen, ranking with menials above the Gandas\nand other similar castes. The Lingayats are a large sect of southern\nIndia, devoted to the worship of Siva and called after the _lingam_ or\nphallic emblem which they wear. They have their own priests, denying\nthe authority of Brahmans, but the tendency now is for members of\nthose castes which have become Lingayats to marry among themselves\nand retain their relative social status, thus forming a sort of inner\nmicrocosm of Hinduism.\n\n\n\n\n44. Caste occupations divinely ordained.\n\nOccupation is the real determining factor of social status in India\nas in all other societies of at all advanced organisation. But though\nin reality the status of occupations and of castes depends roughly on\nthe degree to which they are lucrative and respectable, this is not\nostensibly the case, but their precedence, as already seen, is held to\nbe regulated by the degree of ceremonial purity or impurity attaching\nto them. The Hindus have retained, in form at any rate, the religious\nconstitution which is common or universal in primitive societies. The\nmajority of castes are provided with a legend devised by the Brahmans\nto show that their first ancestor was especially created by a god to\nfollow their caste calling, or at least that this was assigned to him\nby a god. The ancestors of the bearer-caste of Kahars were created by\nSiva or Mahadeo from the dust to carry his consort Parvati in a litter\nwhen she was tired; the first Mang was made by Mahadeo from his own\nsweat to castrate the divine bull Nandi when he was fractious, and\nhis descendants have ever since followed the same calling, the impiety\nof mutilating the sacred bull in such a manner being thus excused by\nthe divine sanction accorded to it. The first Mali or gardener gave a\ngarland to Krishna. The first Chamar or tanner made sandals for Siva\nfrom a piece of his own skin; the ancestor of the Kayasth or writer\ncaste, Chitragupta, keeps the record of men's actions by which they\nare judged in the infernal regions after death; and so on.\n\n\n\n\n45. Subcastes. local type.\n\nAll important castes are divided into a number of subordinate groups\nor subcastes, which as a rule marry and take food within their own\ncircle only. Certain differences of status frequently exist among the\nsubcastes of the occupational or social type, but these are usually\ntoo minute to be recognised by outsiders. The most common type of\nsubcaste is the local, named after the tract of country in which\nthe members reside or whence they are supposed to have come. Thus\nthe name Kanaujia from the town of Kanauj on the Ganges, famous in\nancient Indian history, is borne by subcastes of many castes which have\nimmigrated from northern India. Jaiswar, from the old town of Jais in\nthe Rai Bareli District, is almost equally common. Pardeshi or foreign,\nand Purabia or eastern, are also subcaste names for groups coming from\nnorthern India or Oudh. Mahobia is a common name derived from the town\nof Mahoba in Central India, as are Bundeli from Bundelkhand, Narwaria\nfrom Narwar and Marwari from Marwar in Rajputana. Groups belonging\nto Berar are called Berari, Warade or Baone; those from Gujarat are\ncalled Lad, the classical term for Gujarat, or Gujarati, and other\nnames are Deccani from the Deccan, Nimari of Nimar, Havelia, the name\nof the wheat-growing tracts of Jubbulpore and Damoh; Chhattisgarhia,\nKosaria, Ratanpuria (from the old town of Ratanpur in Bilaspur), and\nRaipuria (from Raipur town), all names for residents in Chhattisgarh;\nand so on. Brahmans are divided into ten main divisions, named after\ndifferent tracts in the north and south of India where they reside;\n[88] and these are further subdivided, as the Maharashtra Brahmans\nof the Maratha country of Bombay into the subcastes of Deshasth\n(belonging to the country) applied to those of the Poona country\nabove the western Ghats; Karhara or those of the Satara District,\nfrom Karhar town; and Konkonasth or those of the Concan, the Bombay\ncoast; similarly the Kanaujia division of the Panch-Gaur or northern\nBrahmans has as subdivisions the Kanaujia proper, the Jijhotia from\nJajhoti, the old name of the Lalitpur and Saugor tract, which is part\nof Bundelkhand; the Sarwaria or those dwelling round the river Sarju\nin the United Provinces; the Mathuria from Muttra; and the Prayagwals\nor those of Allahabad (Prayag), who act as guides and priests to\npilgrims who come to bathe in the Ganges at the sacred city. The\ncreation of new local subcastes seems to arise in two ways: when\ndifferent groups of a caste settle in different tracts of country\nand are prevented from attending the caste feasts and assemblies,\nthe practice of intermarriage and taking food together gradually\nceases, they form separate endogamous groups and for purposes of\ndistinction are named after the territory in which they reside; this\nis what has happened in the case of Brahmans and many other castes;\nand, secondly, when a fresh body of a caste arrives and settles in a\ntract where some of its members already reside, they do not amalgamate\nwith the latter group, but form a fresh one and are named after the\nterritory from which they have come, as in the case of such names as\nPardeshi, Purabia, Gangapari ('from the other side of the Ganges'),\nand similar ones already cited. In former times, when the difficulties\nof communication were great, these local subcastes readily multiplied;\nthus the Kanaujia Brahmans of Chhattisgarh are looked down upon by\nthose of Saugor and Damoh, as Chhattisgarh has been for centuries\na backward tract cut off from the rest of India, and they may be\nsuspected of having intermarried with the local people or otherwise\nderogated from the standard of strict Hinduism. Similarly the Kanaujia\nBrahmans of Bengal are split into several local subcastes named\nafter tracts in Bengal, who marry among themselves and neither with\nother Kanaujias of Bengal nor with those of northern India. Since the\nopening of railways people can travel long distances to marriage and\nother ceremonies, and the tendency to form new subcastes is somewhat\nchecked; a native gentleman said to me, when speaking of his people,\nthat when a few families of Khedawal Brahmans from Gujarat first\nsettled in Damoh they had the greatest difficulty in arranging their\nmarriages; they could not marry with their caste-fellows in Gujarat\nbecause their sons and daughters could not establish themselves, that\nis, could not prove their identity as Khedawal Brahmans; but since the\nrailway has been opened intermarriage takes place freely with other\nKhedawals in Gujarat and Benares. Proposals are on foot to authorise\nthe intermarriage of the three great subcastes of Maratha Brahmans:\nDeshasth, Konkonasth and Karhara. As a rule, there is no difference\nof status between the different local subcastes, and a man's subcaste\nis often not known except to his own caste-fellows. But occasionally\na certain derogatory sense may be conveyed; in several castes of the\nCentral Provinces there is a subcaste called Jharia or jungly, a term\napplied to the oldest residents, who are considered to have lapsed in\na comparatively new and barbarous country from the orthodox practices\nof Hinduism. The subcaste called Deshi, or 'belonging to the country,'\nsometimes has the same signification. The large majority of subcastes\nare of the local or territorial type.\n\n\n\n\n46. Occupational subcastes.\n\nMany subcastes are also formed from slight differences of occupation,\nwhich are not of sufficient importance to create new castes. Some\ninstances of subcastes formed from growing special plants or crops have\nbeen given. Audhia Sunars (goldsmiths) work in brass and bell-metal,\nwhich is less respectable than the sacred metal, gold. The Ekbeile\nTelis harness one bullock only to the oil-press and the Dobeile two\nbullocks. As it is thought sinful to use the sacred ox in this manner\nand to cover his eyes as the Telis do, it may be slightly more sinful\nto use two bullocks than one. The Udia Ghasias (grass-cutters) cure\nraw hides and do scavengers' work, and are hence looked down upon\nby the others; the Dingkuchia Ghasias castrate cattle and horses,\nand the Dolboha carry dhoolies and palanquins. The Mangya Chamars are\nbeggars and rank below all other subcastes, from whom they will accept\ncooked food. Frequently, however, subcastes are formed from a slight\ndistinction of occupation, which connotes no real difference in social\nstatus. The Hathgarhia Kumhars (potters) are those who used to fashion\nthe clay with their own hands, and the Chakarias those who turned it\non a wheel. And though the practice of hand pottery is now abandoned,\nthe divisions remain. The Shikari or sportsmen Pardhis (hunters)\nare those who use firearms, though far from being sportsmen in our\nsense of the term; the Phanse Pardhis hunt with traps and snares;\nthe Chitewale use a tame leopard to run down deer, and the Gayake\nstalk their prey behind a bullock. Among the subcastes of Dhimars\n(fishermen and watermen) are the Singaria, who cultivate the _singara_\nor water-nut in tanks, the Tankiwalas or sharpeners of grindstones,\nthe Jhingars or prawn-catchers, the Bansias and Saraias or anglers\n(from _bansi_ or _sarai_, a bamboo fishing-rod), the Kasdhonias\nwho wash the sands of the sacred rivers to find the coins thrown\nor dropped into them by pious pilgrims, and the Sonjharas who wash\nthe sands of auriferous streams for their particles of gold. [89]\nThe Gariwan Dangris have adopted the comparatively novel occupation\nof driving carts (_gari_) for a livelihood, and the Panibhar are\nwater-carriers, while the ordinary occupation of the Dangris is to grow\nmelons in river-beds. It is unnecessary to multiply instances; here,\nas in the case of territorial subcastes, the practice of subdivision\nappears to have been extended from motives of convenience, and the\nslight difference of occupation is adopted as a distinguishing badge.\n\n\n\n\n47. Subcastes formed from social or religious differences, or from\nmixed descent.\n\nSubcastes are also occasionally formed from differences of social\npractice which produce some slight gain or loss of status. Thus\nthe Biyahut or 'Married' Kalars prohibit the remarriage of widows,\nsaying that a woman is married once for all, and hence rank a little\nhigher than the others. The Dosar Banias, on the other hand, are said\nto take their name from _dusra_, second, because they allow a widow\nto marry a second time and are hence looked upon by the others as a\nsecond-class lot. The Khedawal Brahmans are divided into the 'outer'\nand 'inner': the inner subdivision being said to exist of those who\naccepted presents from the Raja of Kaira and remained in his town,\nwhile the outer refused the presents, quitted the town and dwelt\noutside. The latter rank a little higher than the former. The Suvarha\nDhimars keep pigs and the Gadhewale donkeys, and are considered to\npartake of the impure nature of these animals. The Gobardhua Chamars\nwash out and eat the undigested grain from the droppings of cattle\non the threshing-floors. The Chungia group of the Satnami Chamars\nare those who smoke the _chongi_ or leaf-pipe, though smoking is\nprohibited to the Satnamis. The Nagle or 'naked' Khonds have only\na negligible amount of clothing and are looked down upon by the\nothers. The Makaria Kamars eat monkeys and are similarly despised.\n\nSubcastes are also formed from mixed descent. The Dauwa Ahirs are held\nto be the offspring of Ahir women who were employed as wet-nurses in\nthe houses of Bundela Rajputs and bore children to their masters. The\nHalbas and Rautias are divided into subcastes known as Purait or\n'pure,' and Surait or of 'mixed' descent. Many castes have a subcaste\nto which the progeny of illicit unions is relegated, such as the Dogle\nKayasths, and the Lahuri Sen subcaste of Barais, Banias and other\ncastes. Illegitimate children in the Kasar (brass-worker) caste form\na subcaste known as Takle or 'thrown out,' Vidur or 'illegitimate,'\nor Laondi Bachcha, the issue of a kept wife. In Berar the Mahadeo\nKolis, called after the Mahadeo or Pachmarhi hills, are divided into\nthe Khas, or 'pure,' and the Akaramase or 'mixed'; this latter word\nmeans gold or silver composed of eleven parts pure metal and one part\nalloy. Many subcastes of Bania have subcastes known as Bisa or Dasa,\nthat is 'Twenty' or 'Ten' groups, the former being of pure descent or\ntwenty-carat, as it were, and the latter the offspring of remarried\nwidows or other illicit unions. In the course of some generations\nsuch mixed groups frequently regain full status in the caste.\n\nSubcastes are also formed from members of other castes who have taken\nto the occupation of the caste in question and become amalgamated\nwith it; thus the Korchamars are Koris (weavers) adopted into the\nChamar (tanner) caste; Khatri Chhipas are Khatris who have become\ndyers and printers; the small Dangri caste has subcastes called Teli,\nKalar and Kunbi, apparently consisting of members of those castes who\nhave become Dangris; the Baman Darzis or tailors will not take food\nfrom any one except Brahmans and may perhaps be derived from them,\nand the Kaith Darzis may be Kayasths; and so on.\n\nOccasionally subcastes may be formed from differences of religious\nbelief or sectarian practice. In northern India even such leading Hindu\ncastes as Rajputs and Jats have large Muhammadan branches, who as a\nrule do not intermarry with Hindus. The ordinary Hindu sects seldom,\nhowever, operate as a bar to marriage, Hinduism being tolerant of\nall forms of religious belief. Those Chamars of Chhattisgarh who have\nembraced the doctrines of the Satnami reforming sect form a separate\nendogamous subcaste, and sometimes the members of the Kabirpanthi\nsect within a caste marry among themselves.\n\nStatistics of the subcastes are not available, but their numbers are\nvery extensive in proportion to the population, and even in the same\nsubcaste the members living within a comparatively small local area\noften marry among themselves and attend exclusively at their own\ncaste feasts, though in the case of educated and well-to-do Hindus\nthe construction of railways has modified this rule and connections\nare kept up between distant groups of relatives. Clearly therefore\ndifferences of occupation or social status are not primarily\nresponsible for the subcastes, because in the majority of cases\nno such differences really exist. I think the real reason for their\nmultiplication was the necessity that the members of a subcaste should\nattend at the caste feasts on the occasion of marriages, deaths\nand readmission of offenders, these feasts being of the nature of\na sacrificial or religious meal. The grounds for this view will be\ngiven subsequently.\n\n\n\n\n48. Exogamous groups.\n\nThe caste or subcaste forms the outer circle within which a man must\nmarry. Inside it are a set of further subdivisions which prohibit the\nmarriage of persons related through males. These are called exogamous\ngroups or clans, and their name among the higher castes is _gotra_. The\ntheory is that all persons belonging to the same _gotra_ are descended\nfrom the same male ancestor, and so related. The relationship in the\n_gotra_ now only goes by the father's side; when a woman marries\nshe is taken into the clan of her husband and her children belong\nto it. Marriage is not allowed within the clan and in the course of\na few generations the marriage of persons related through males or\nagnates is prohibited within a very wide circle. But on the mother's\nside the _gotra_ does not serve as a bar to marriage and the union\nof first cousins would be possible, other than the children of two\nbrothers. According to Hindu law, intermarriage is prohibited within\nfour degrees between persons related through females. But generally\nthe children of first cousins are allowed to marry, when related\npartly through females. And several castes allow the intermarriage of\nfirst cousins, that of a brother's daughter to a sister's son and in a\nless degree of a brother's son to a sister's daughter being specially\nfavoured. One or two Madras castes allow a man to marry his niece,\nand the small Dhoba caste of Mandla permit the union of children of\nthe same mother but different fathers.\n\nSir Herbert Risley classed the names of exogamous divisions as\neponymous, territorial or local, titular and totemistic. In the body of\nthis work the word clan is usually applied only to the large exogamous\ngroups of the Rajputs and one or two other military castes. The small\nlocal or titular groups of ordinary Hindu castes are called 'section,'\nand the totemic groups of the primitive tribes 'sept.' But perhaps\nit is simpler to use the word 'clan' throughout according to the\npractice of Sir J.G. Frazer. The vernacular designations of the clans\nor sections are _gotra_, which originally meant a stall or cow-pen;\n_khero_, a village; _dih_, a village site; _baink_, a title; _mul_\nor _mur_, literally a root, hence an origin; and _kul_ or _kuri_, a\nfamily. The sections called eponymous are named after Rishis or saints\nmentioned in the Vedas and other scriptures and are found among the\nBrahmans and a few of the higher castes, such as Vasishta, Garga,\nBharadwaj, Vishvamitra, Kashyap and so on. A few Rajput clans are\nnamed after kings or heroes, as the Raghuvansis from king Raghu of\nAjodhia and the Tilokchandi Bais from a famous king of that name. The\ntitular class of names comprise names of offices supposed to have\nbeen held by the founder of the clan, or titles and names referring\nto a personal defect or quality, and nicknames. Instances of the\nformer are Kotwar (village watchman), Chaudhri, Meher or Mahto (caste\nheadman), Bhagat (saint), Thakuria and Rawat (lord or prince), Vaidya\n(physician); and of titular names and nicknames: Kuldip (lamp of the\nfamily), Mohjaria (one with a burnt mouth), Jachak (beggar), Garkata\n(cut-throat), Bhatpagar (one serving on a pittance of boiled rice),\nKangali (poor), Chikat (dirty), Petdukh (stomach-ache), Ghunnere\n(worm-eater) and so on. A special class of names are those of offices\nheld at the caste feasts; thus the clans of the Chitrakathi caste are\nthe Atak or Mankari, who furnish the headman of the caste _panchayat_\nor committee; the Bhojin who serve the food at marriages and other\nceremonies; the Kakra who arrange for the lighting; the Gotharya\nwho keep the provisions, and the Ghorerao (_ghora_, a horse) who\nhave the duty of looking after the horses and bullock-carts of the\ncaste-men who assemble. Similarly the five principal clans of the\nsmall Turi caste are named after the five sons of Singhbonga or the\nsun: the eldest son was called Mailuar and his descendants are the\nleaders or headmen of the caste; the descendants of the second son,\nChardhagia, purify and readmit offenders to caste intercourse; those\nof the third son, Suremar, conduct the ceremonial shaving of such\noffenders, and those of the fourth son bring water for the ceremony\nand are called Tirkuar. The youngest brother, Hasdagia, is said\nto have committed some caste offence, and the four other brothers\ntook the parts which are still played by their descendants in his\nceremony of purification. In many cases exogamous clans are named\nafter other castes or subcastes. Many low castes have adopted the\nnames of the Rajput clans, either from simple vanity as people may\ntake an aristocratic surname, or because they were in the service of\nRajputs, and have adopted the names of their masters or are partly\ndescended from them. Other names of castes found among exogamous\ngroups probably indicate that an ancestor belonging to that caste was\ntaken into the one in which the group is found. The Bhaina tribe have\nclans named after the Dhobi, Ahir, Gond, Mali and Panka castes. The\nmembers of such clans pay respect to any man belonging to the caste\nafter which they are named and avoid picking a quarrel with him;\nthey also worship the family gods of the caste.\n\nTerritorial names are very common, and are taken from that of some\ntown or village in which the ancestor of the clan or the members of the\nclan themselves resided. [90] The names are frequently distorted, and\nit seems probable that the majority of the large number of clan names\nfor which no meaning can be discovered were those of villages. These\nunknown names are probably more numerous than the total of all those\nclasses of names to which a meaning can be assigned.\n\n\n\n\n49. Totemistic clans.\n\nThe last class of exogamous divisions are those called totemistic,\nwhen the clan is named after a plant or animal or other natural\nobject. These are almost universal among the non-Aryan or primitive\ntribes, but occur also in most Hindu castes, including some of the\nhighest. The commonest totem names are those of the prominent animals,\nincluding several which are held sacred by the Hindus, as _bagh_\nor _nahar_, the tiger; _bachas_, the calf; _morkuria_, the peacock;\n_kachhwaha_ or _limuan_, the tortoise; _nagas_, the cobra; _hasti_, the\nelephant; _bandar_, the monkey; _bhainsa_, the buffalo; _richharia_,\nthe bear; _kuliha_, the jackal; _kukura_, the dog; _karsayal_,\nthe deer; _heran_, the black-buck, and so on. The utmost variety\nof names is found, and numerous trees, as well as rice, kodon and\nother crops, salt, sandalwood, cucumber, pepper, and some household\nimplements, such as the pestle and rolling-slab, serve as names of\nclans. Names which may be held to have a totemistic origin occur\neven in the highest castes. Thus among the names of eponymous Rishis\nor saints, Bharadwaj means a lark, Kaushik may be from the _kusha_\ngrass, Agastya from the _agasti_ flower, Kashyap from _kachhap_,\na tortoise; Taittiri from _titar_, a partridge, and so on. Similarly\nthe origin of other Rishis is attributed to animals, as Rishishringa\nto an antelope, Mandavya to a frog, and Kanada to an owl. [91] An\ninferior Rajput clan, Meshbansi, signifies descendants of the sheep,\nwhile the name of the Baghel clan is derived from the tiger (bagh),\nthat of the Kachhwaha clan perhaps from _kachhap_, a tortoise, of\nthe Haihaivansi from the horse, of the Nagvansi from the cobra, and\nof the Tomara clan from _tomar_, a club. The Karan or writer caste\nof Orissa, similarly, have clans derived from the cobra, tortoise\nand calf, and most of the cultivating and other middle castes have\nclans with totemistic names. The usual characteristics of totemism,\nin its later and more common form at any rate, are that members of a\nclan regard themselves as related to, or descended from, the animal\nor tree from which the clan takes its name, and abstain from killing\nor eating it. This was perhaps not the original relation of the clan\nto its clan totem in the hunting stage, but it is the one commonly\nfound in India, where the settled agricultural stage has long been\nreached. The Bhaina tribe have among their totems the cobra, tiger,\nleopard, vulture, hawk, monkey, wild dog, quail, black ant, and so\non. Members of a clan will not injure the animal after which it is\nnamed, and if they see the corpse of the animal or hear of its death\nthey throw away an earthen cooking-pot, and bathe and shave themselves\nas for one of the family. At a wedding the bride's father makes an\nimage in clay of the bird or animal of the groom's sept and places it\nbeside the marriage-post. The bridegroom worships the image, lighting\na sacrificial fire before it, and offers to it the vermilion which\nhe afterwards smears on the forehead of the bride. Women are often\ntattooed with representations of their totem animal, and men swear\nby it as their most sacred oath. A similar respect is paid to the\ninanimate objects after which certain septs are named. Thus members\nof the Gawad or cowdung clan will not burn cowdung cakes for fuel;\nand those of the Mircha clan do not use chillies. One clan is named\nafter the sun, and when an eclipse occurs they perform the same formal\nrites of mourning as others do on the death of their totem animal. The\nBaghani clan of Majhwars, named after the tiger, think that a tiger\nwill not attack any member of their clan unless he has committed an\noffence entailing temporary excommunication from caste. Until this\noffence has been expiated his relationship with the tiger as head of\nthe clan is in abeyance, and the tiger will eat him as he would any\nother stranger. If a tiger meets a member of the clan who is free from\nsin, he will run away. Members of the Khoba or peg clan will not make a\npeg nor drive one into the ground. Those of the Dumar or fig-tree clan\nsay that their first ancestor was born under this tree. They consider\nthe tree to be sacred and never eat its fruit, and worship it once a\nyear. Sometimes the members of the clan do not revere the object after\nwhich it is named but some other important animal or plant. Thus the\nMarkam clan of Gonds, named after the mango-tree, venerate the tortoise\nand do not kill it. The Kathotia clan of Kols is named after _kathota_,\na bowl, but they revere the tiger. Bagheshwar Deo, the tiger-god,\nresides on a little platform in their verandas. They may not join\nin a tiger-beat nor sit up for a tiger over a kill. In the latter\ncase they think that the tiger would not come and would be deprived\nof his food, and all the members of their family would get ill. The\nKatharia clan take their name from _kathri_, a mattress. A member of\nthis sept must never have a mattress in his house, nor wear clothes\nsewn in crosspieces as mattresses are sewn. The name of the Mudia or\nMudmudia clan is said to mean shaven head, but they apparently revere\nthe white _kumhra_ or gourd, perhaps because it has some resemblance to\na shaven head. They give a white gourd to a woman on the day after she\nhas borne a child, and her family then do not eat this vegetable for\nthree years. The Kumraya sept revere the brown _kumhra_ or gourd. They\ngrow this vegetable on the thatch of their house-roof and from the time\nof planting it till the fruits have been plucked they do not touch it,\nthough of course they afterwards eat the fruits. The Bhuwar sept\nare named after _bhu_ or _bhumi_, the earth. They must always\nsleep on the earth and not on cots. The Nun (salt) and Dhan (rice)\nclans of Oraons cannot dispense with eating their totems or titular\nancestors. But the Dhan Oraons content themselves with refusing to\nconsume the scum which thickens on the surface of the boiled rice,\nand the Nun sept will not lick a plate in which salt and water have\nbeen mixed. At the weddings of the Vulture clan of the small Bhona\ncaste one member of the clan kills a small chicken by biting off the\nhead and then eats it in imitation of a vulture. Definite instances\nof the sacrificial eating of the totem animal have not been found,\nbut it is said that the tiger and snake clans of the Bhatra tribe\nformerly ate their totems at a sacrificial meal. The Gonds also\nworship the cobra as a household god, and once a year they eat the\nflesh of the snake and think that by doing so they will be immune\nfrom snake-bite throughout the year. On the festival of Nag-Panchmi\nthe Mahars make an image of a snake with flour and sugar and eat\nit. It is reported that the Singrore Dhimars who work on rivers and\ntanks must eat the flesh of a crocodile at their weddings, while the\nSonjharas who wash the sands of rivers for gold should catch a live\ncrocodile for the occasion of the wedding and afterwards put it back\ninto the river. These latter customs may probably have fallen into\nabeyance owing to the difficulty of catching a crocodile, and in any\ncase the animals are tribal gods rather than totems.\n\n\n\n\n50. Terms of relationship.\n\nExogamy and totemism are found not only in India, but are the\ncharacteristics of primitive social groups over the greater part\nof the world. Totemism establishes a relation of kinship between\npersons belonging to one clan who are not related by blood, and\nexogamy prescribes that the persons held to be so related shall not\nintermarry. Further, when terms of relationship come into existence it\nis found that they are applied not to members of one family, but to\nall the persons of the clan who might have stood in each particular\nrelationship to the person addressing them. Thus a man will address\nas mother not only his own mother, but all the women of his clan who\nmight have stood to him in the relation of mother. Similarly he will\naddress all the old men and women as grandfather or grandmother or\naunt, and the boys and girls of his own generation as brother and\nsister, and so on. With the development of the recognition of the\nconsanguineous family, the use of terms of relationship tends to\nbe restricted to persons who have actual kinship; thus a boy will\naddress only his father's brothers as father, and his cousins as\nbrothers and sisters; but sufficient traces of the older system of\nclan kinship remain to attest its former existence. But it seems also\nclear that some, at least, of the terms of relationship were first\nused between persons really related; thus the word for mother must\nhave been taught by mothers to their own babies beginning to speak,\nas it is a paramount necessity for a small child to have a name by\nwhich to call its mother when it is wholly dependent on her; if the\nperiod of infancy is got over without the use of this term of address\nthere is no reason why it should be introduced in later life, when\nin the primitive clan the child quickly ceased to be dependent on its\nmother or to retain any strong affection for her. Similarly, as shown\nby Sir J.G. Frazer in _Totemism and Exogamy_, there is often a special\nname for the mother's brother when other uncles or aunts are addressed\nsimply as father or mother. This name must therefore have been brought\ninto existence to distinguish the mother's brother at the time when,\nunder the system of female descent, he stood in the relation of a\nprotector and parent to the child. Where the names for grandfather and\ngrandmother are a form of duplication of those for father and mother\nas in English, they would appear to imply a definite recognition of\nthe idea of family descent. The majority of the special names for\nother relatives, such as fraternal and maternal uncles and aunts,\nmust also have been devised to designate those relatives in particular,\nand hence there is a probability that the terms for father and brother\nand sister, which on _a priori_ grounds may be considered doubtful,\nwere also first applied to real or putative fathers and brothers and\nsisters. But, as already seen, under the classificatory system of\nrelationship these same terms are addressed to members of the same\nclan who might by age and sex have stood in such a relationship to\nthe person addressing them, but are not actually akin to him at\nall. And hence it seems a valid and necessary conclusion that at\nthe time when the family terms of relationship came into existence,\nthe clan sentiment of kinship was stronger than the family sentiment;\nthat is, a boy was taught or made to feel that all the women of the\nclan of about the same age as his mother were as nearly akin to him\nas his own mother, and that he should regard them all in the same\nrelation. And similarly he looked on all the men of the clan of an age\nenabling them to be his fathers in the same light as his own father,\nand all the children of or about his own age as his brothers and\nsisters. The above seems a necessary conclusion from the existence\nof the classificatory system of relationship, which is very widely\nspread among savages, and if admitted, it follows that the sentiment of\nkinship within the clan was already established when the family terms\nof relationship were devised, and therefore that the clan was prior\nto the family as a social unit. This conclusion is fortified by the\nrule of exogamy which prohibits marriage between persons of the same\nclan between whom no blood-relationship can be traced, and therefore\nshows that some kind of kinship was believed to exist between them,\nindependent of and stronger than the link of consanguinity. Further,\nMr. Hartland shows in _Primitive Paternity_ [92] that during the period\nof female descent when physical paternity has been recognised, but the\nfather and mother belong to different clans, the children, being of\nthe mother's clan, will avenge a blood-feud of their clan upon their\nown father; and this custom seems to show clearly that the sentiment\nof clan-kinship was prior to and stronger than that of family kinship.\n\n\n\n\n51. Clan kinship and totemism.\n\nThe same argument seems to demonstrate that the idea of kinship within\nthe clan was prior to the idea of descent from a common ancestor,\nwhether an animal or plant, a god, hero or nicknamed ancestor. Because\nit is obvious that a set of persons otherwise unconnected could not\nsuddenly and without reason have believed themselves to be descended\nfrom a common ancestor and hence related. If a number of persons not\ndemonstrably connected by blood believe themselves to be akin simply\non account of their descent from a common ancestor, it can only be\nbecause they are an expanded family, either actually or by fiction,\nwhich really had or might have had a common ancestor. That is, the\nclan tracing its descent from a common ancestor, if this was the\nprimary type of clan, must have been subsequent to the family as\na social institution. But as already seen the sentiment of kinship\nwithin the clan was prior to that within the family, and therefore\nthe genesis of the clan from an expanded family is an impossible\nhypothesis; and it follows that the members of the clan must first\nhave believed themselves to be bound together by some tie equivalent to\nor stronger than that of consanguineous kinship, and afterwards, when\nthe primary belief was falling into abeyance, that of descent from a\ncommon ancestor came into existence to account for the clan sentiment\nof kinship already existing. If then the first form of association\nof human beings was in small groups, which led a migratory life and\nsubsisted mainly by hunting and the consumption of fruits and roots,\nas the Australian natives still do, the sentiment of kinship must\nfirst have arisen, as stated by Mr. M'Lennan, in that small body\nwhich lived and hunted together, and was due simply to the fact that\nthey were so associated, that they obtained food for each other, and\non occasion protected and preserved each other's lives. [93] These\nsmall bodies of persons were the first social units, and according to\nour knowledge of the savage peoples who are nearest to the original\nmigratory and hunting condition of life, without settled habitations,\ndomestic animals or cultivated plants, they first called themselves\nafter some animal or plant, usually, as Sir J.G. Frazer has shown in\n_Totemism and Exogamy_, [94] after some edible animal or plant. The\nmost probable theory of totemism on _a priori_ grounds seems therefore\nto be that the original small bodies who lived and hunted together, or\ntotem-clans, called themselves after the edible animal or plant from\nwhich they principally derived their sustenance, or that which gave\nthem life. While the real tie which connected them was that of living\ntogether, they did not realise this, and supposed themselves to be akin\nbecause they commonly ate this animal or plant together. This theory\nof totemism was first promulgated by Professor Robertson Smith and,\nthough much disputed, appears to me to be the most probable. It has\nalso been advocated by Dr. A.C. Haddon, F.R.S. [95] The Gaelic names\nfor family, _teadhloch_ and _cuedichc_ or _coedichc_, mean, the first,\n'having a common residence,' the second, 'those who eat together.' [96]\nThe detailed accounts of the totems of the Australian, Red Indian and\nAfrican tribes, now brought together by Sir J.G. Frazer in _Totemism\nand Exogamy_, show a considerable amount of evidence that the early\ntotems were not only as a rule edible animals, but the animals\neaten by the totem-clans which bore their names. [97] But after the\ndomestication of animals and the culture of plants had been attained\nto, the totems ceased to be the chief means of subsistence. Hence the\noriginal tie of kinship was supplanted by another and wider one in the\ntribe, and though the totem-clans remained and continued to fulfil an\nimportant purpose, they were no longer the chief social group. And in\nmany cases, as man had also by now begun to speculate on his origin,\nthe totems came to be regarded as ancestors, and the totem-clans,\nretaining their sentiment of kinship, accounted for it by supposing\nthemselves to be descended from a common ancestor. They thus also\ncame to base the belief in clan-kinship on the tie of consanguinity\nrecognised in the family, which had by now come into existence. This\nlate and secondary form of totemism is that which obtains in India,\nwhere the migratory and hunting stage has long been passed. The Indian\nevidence is, however, of great value because we find here in the same\ncommunity, occasionally in the same caste, exogamous clans which\ntrace their descent sometimes from animals and plants, or totems,\nand sometimes from gods, heroes, or titular ancestors, while many\nof the clans are named after villages or have names to which no\nmeaning can be attached. As has been seen, there is good reason to\nsuppose that all these forms of the exogamous clan are developed from\nthe earliest form of the totem-clan; and since this later type of\nclan has developed from the totem-clan in India, it is a legitimate\ndeduction that wherever elsewhere exogamous clans are found tracing\ntheir descent from a common ancestor or with unintelligible names,\nprobably derived from places, they were probably also evolved from\nthe totem-clan. This type of clan is shown in Professor Hearn's _Aryan\nHousehold_ to have been the common unit of society over much of Europe,\nwhere no traces of the existence of totemism are established. [98]\nAnd from the Indian analogy it is therefore legitimate to presume\nthat the totem-clan may have been the original unit of society among\nseveral European races as well as in America, Africa, Australia and\nIndia. Similar exogamous clans exist in China, and many of them have\nthe names of plants and animals. [99]\n\n\n\n\n52. Animate Creation.\n\nIn order to render clear the manner in which the clan named after a\ntotem animal (or, less frequently, a plant) came to hold its members\nakin both to each other and their totem animals, an attempt may be\nmade to indicate, however briefly and imperfectly, some features\nof primitive man's conception of nature and life. Apparently when\nthey began dimly to observe and form conscious mental impressions\nof the world around them, our first ancestors made some cardinal,\nthough natural and inevitable, mistakes. In the first place they\nthought that the whole of nature was animate, and that every animal,\nplant, or natural object which they saw around them, was alive and\nself-conscious like themselves. They had, of course, no words or\nideas connoting life or consciousness, or distinguishing animals,\nvegetables or lifeless objects, and they were naturally quite incapable\nof distinguishing them. They merely thought that everything they saw\nwas like themselves, would feel hurt and resentment if injured, and\nwould know what was done to it, and by whom; whenever they saw the\nmovement of an animal, plant, or other object, they thought it was\nvolitional and self-conscious like their own movements. If they saw\na tree waving in the wind, having no idea or conception of the wind,\nthey thought the tree was moving its branches about of its own accord;\nif a stone fell, they, knowing nothing of the force of gravity, thought\nthe stone projected itself from one place to another because it wished\nto do so. This is exactly the point of view taken by children when\nthey first begin to observe. They also think that everything they see\nis alive like themselves, and that animals exercise volition and have\na self-conscious intelligence like their own. But they quickly learn\ntheir mistakes and adopt the point of view of their elders because\nthey are taught. Primitive man had no one to teach him, and as he did\nnot co-ordinate or test his observations, the traces of this first\nconception of the natural world remain clearly indicated by a vast\nassortment of primitive customs and beliefs to the present day. All\nthe most prominent natural objects, the sun and moon, the sky, the sea,\nhigh mountains, rivers and springs, the earth, the fire, became objects\nof veneration and were worshipped as gods, and this could not possibly\nhave happened unless they had been believed to have life. Stone images\nand idols are considered as living gods. In India girls are married\nto flowers, trees, arrows, swords, and so on. A bachelor is married\nto a ring or a plant before wedding a widow, and the first ceremony\nis considered as his true marriage. The Saligram, or ammonite stone,\nis held to represent the god Vishnu, perhaps because it was thought\nto be a thunderbolt and to have fallen from heaven. Its marriage is\ncelebrated with the _tulsi_ or basil-plant, which is considered the\nconsort of Vishnu. Trees are held to be animate and possessed by\nspirits, and before a man climbs a tree he begs its pardon for the\ninjury he is about to inflict on it. When a tank is dug, its marriage\nis celebrated. To the ancient Roman his hearth was a god; the walls and\ndoors and threshold of his house were gods; the boundaries of his field\nwere also gods. [100] It is precisely the same with the modern Hindu;\nhe also venerates the threshold of his house, the cooking-hearth, the\ngrinding-mill, and the boundaries of his field. The Jains still think\nthat all animals, plants and inanimate objects have souls or spirits\nlike human beings. The belief in a soul or spirit is naturally not\nprimitive, as man could not at first conceive of anything he did not\nsee or hear, but plants and inanimate objects could not subsequently\nhave been credited with the possession of souls or spirits unless they\nhad previously been thought to be alive. \"The Fijians consider that\nif an animal or a plant dies its soul immediately goes to Bolotoo;\nif a stone or any other substance is broken, immortality is equally\nits reward; nay, artificial bodies have equal good luck with men\nand hogs and yams. If an axe or a chisel is worn out or broken up,\naway flies its soul for the service of the gods. If a house is taken\ndown or any way destroyed, its immortal part will find a situation on\nthe plains of Bolotoo. The Finns believed that all inanimate objects\nhad their _haltia_ or soul.\" [101] The Malays think that animals,\nvegetables and minerals, as well as human beings, have souls. [102]\nThe Kawar tribe are reported to believe that all articles of furniture\nand property have souls or spirits, and if any such is stolen the\nspirit will punish the thief. Theft is consequently almost unknown\namong them. All the fables about animals and plants speaking and\nexercising volition; the practice of ordeals, resting on the belief\nthat the sacred living elements, fire and water, will of themselves\ndiscriminate between the innocent and guilty; the propitiatory\nofferings to the sea and to rivers, such incidents as Xerxes binding\nthe sea with fetters, Ajax defying the lightning, Aaron's rod that\nbudded, the superstitions of sailors about ships: all result from\nthe same primitive belief. Many other instances of self-conscious\nlife and volition being attributed to animals, plants and natural\nobjects are given by Lord Avebury in _Origin of Civilisation_, by\nDr. Westermarck in _The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas_,\n[103] and by Sir J.G. Frazer in _The Golden Bough_ [104]\n\nThus primitive man had no conception of inanimate matter, and it seems\nprobable that he did not either realise the idea of death. Though\nit may be doubtful whether any race exists at present which does not\nunderstand that death is the cessation of life in the body, indications\nremain that this view was not primary and may not have been acquired\nfor some time. The Gonds apparently once thought that people would not\ndie unless they were killed by magic, and similar beliefs are held by\nthe Australian and African savages. Several customs also point to the\nbelief in the survival of some degree of life in the body after death,\napart from the idea of the soul.\n\n\n\n\n53. The distribution of life over the body.\n\nPrimitive man further thought that life, instead of being concentrated\nin certain organs, was distributed equally over the whole of the\nbody. This mistake appears also to have been natural and inevitable\nwhen it is remembered that he had no name for the body, the different\nlimbs and the internal organs, and no conception of their existence and\ndistribution, nor of the functions which they severally performed. He\nperceived that sensation extended over all parts of the body, and\nthat when any part was hurt or wounded the blood flowed and life\ngradually declined in vigour and ebbed away. For this reason the blood\nwas subsequently often identified with the life. During the progress\nof culture many divergent views have been held about the source and\nlocation of life and mental and physical qualities, and the correct\none that life is centred in the heart and brain, and that the brain is\nthe seat of intelligence and mental qualities has only recently been\narrived at. We still talk about people being hard-hearted, kind-hearted\nand heartless, and about a man's heart being in the right place, as if\nwe supposed that the qualities of kindness and courage were located in\nthe heart, and determined by the physical constitution and location of\nthe heart. The reason for this is perhaps that the soul was held to be\nthe source of mental qualities, and to be somewhere in the centre of\nthe body, and hence the heart came to be identified with it. As shown\nby Sir J.G. Frazer in _The Golden Bough_ many peoples or races have\nthought that the life and qualities were centred in the whole head,\nnot merely in the brain. And this is the reason why Hindus will not\nappear abroad with the head bare, why it is a deadly insult to knock\noff a man's turban, and why turbans or other head-gear were often\nexchanged as a solemn pledge of friendship. The superstition against\nwalking under a ladder may have originally been based on some idea\nof its being derogatory or dangerous to the head, though not, of\ncourse, from the fear of being struck by a falling brick. Similarly,\nas shown in the article on Nai, the belief that the bodily strength\nand vigour were located in the hair, and to a less extent in the\nnails and teeth, has had a world-wide prevalence. But this cannot\nhave been primary, because the hair had first to be conceived of\napart from the rest of the body, and a separate name devised for it,\nbefore the belief that the hair was the source of strength could\ngradually come into existence. The evolution of these ideas may have\nextended over thousands of years. The expression 'white-livered,'\nagain, seems to indicate that the quality of courage was once held to\nbe located in the liver, and the belief that the liver was the seat\nof life was perhaps held by the Gonds. But the primary idea seems\nnecessarily to have been that the life was equally distributed all\nover the body. And since, as will be seen subsequently, the savage\nwas incapable of conceiving the abstract idea of life, he thought of\nit in a concrete form as part of the substance of the flesh and blood.\n\nAnd since primitive man had no conception of inanimate matter it\nfollowed that when any part of the body was severed from the whole,\nhe did not think of the separate fraction as merely lifeless matter,\nbut as still a part of the body to which it had originally belonged and\nretaining a share of its life. For according to his view of the world\nand of animate nature, which has been explained above, he could not\nthink of it as anything else. Thus the clippings of hair, nails, teeth,\nthe spittle and any other similar products all in his view remained\npart of the body from which they had been severed and retained part of\nits life. In the case of the elements, earth, fire and water, which\nhe considered as living beings and subsequently worshipped as gods,\nthis view was correct. Fractional portions of earth, fire and water,\nwhen severed from the remainder, retained their original nature and\nconstitution, and afforded some support to his generally erroneous\nbelief. And since he had observed that an injury done to any part\nof the body was an injury to the whole, it followed that if one got\npossession of any part of the body, such as the severed hair, teeth\nor nails, one could through them injure that body of which they still\nformed a part. It is for this reason that savages think that if an\nenemy can obtain possession of any waste product of the body, such\nas the severed hair or nails, that he can injure the owner through\nthem. Similarly the Hindus thought that the clippings of the hair or\nnails, if buried in fertile ground, would grow into a plant, through\nthe life which they retained, and as this plant waxed in size it\nwould absorb more and more of the original owner's life, which would\nconsequently wane and decline. The worship of relics, such as the\nbones or hair of saints, is based on the same belief that they retain\na part of the divine life and virtue of him to whom they once belonged.\n\n\n\n\n54. Qualities associated with animals.\n\nIt is probable that qualities were first conceived of by being observed\nin animals or natural objects. Prior to the introduction of personal\nnames, the individuality of human beings could neither be clearly\nrealised nor remembered after they were dead. But man must have\nperceived at an early period that certain animals were stronger or\nswifter than he was, or more cunning, and since the same quality was\nreproduced in every animal of the species, it could easily become\npermanently associated with the animal. But there were no names\nfor qualities, nor any independent conception of them apart from the\nanimal or animals in which they were observed. Supposing that strength\nand swiftness were mainly associated with the horse, as was often\nthe case, then they would be necessarily conceived of as a part or\nessence of the horse and his life, not in the way we think of them,\nas qualities appertaining to the horse on account of the strength\nof his muscles and the conformation of his limbs. When names were\ndevised for these qualities, they would be something equivalent to\nhorsey or horse-like. The association of qualities with animals is\nstill shown in such words as asinine, owlish, foxy, leonine, mulish,\ndogged, tigerish, and so on; but since the inferiority of animals\nto man has long been recognised, most of the animal adjectives have\na derogatory sense. [105] It was far otherwise with primitive man,\nwho first recognised the existence of the qualities most necessary\nto him, as strength, courage, swiftness, sagacity, cunning and\nendurance, as being displayed by certain animals in a greater degree\nthan he possessed them himself. Birds he admired and venerated as\nbeing able to rise and fly in the air, which he could not do; fish\nfor swimming and remaining under water when he could not; while at\nthe same time he had not as yet perceived that the intelligence of\nanimals was in any way inferior to his own, and he credited many of\nthem with the power of speech. Thus certain animals were venerated on\naccount of the qualities associated with them, and out of them in the\ncourse of time anthropomorphic gods personifying the qualities were\nevolved. The Australian aborigines of the kangaroo totem, when they\nwish to multiply the number of kangaroos, go to a certain place where\ntwo special blocks of stone project immediately one above the other\nfrom the hillside. One is supposed to represent an 'old man' kangaroo\nand the other a female. The stones are rubbed and then painted with\nalternate red and white stripes, the red stripes representing the red\nfur of the kangaroos, and the white ones its bones. After doing this\nsome of them open veins in their arms and allow the blood to spurt\nover the stones. The other men sing chants referring to the increase\nin the numbers of the kangaroos, and they suppose that this ceremony\nwill actually result in producing an increased number of kangaroos\nand hence an additional supply of food. [106] Here the inference\nseems to be that the stones represent the centre or focus of the\nlife of kangaroos, and when they are quickened by the painting, and\nthe supply of blood, they will manifest their creative activity and\nincrease the kangaroos. If we suppose that some similar stone existed\non the Acropolis and was considered by the owl clan as the centre of\nthe life of the owls which frequented the hill, then when the art of\nsculpture had made some progress, and the superiority of the human form\nand intellect began to be apprehended, if a sculptor carved the stone\ninto the semblance of a human being, the goddess Athena would be born.\n\n\n\n\n55. Primitive language.\n\nIt has been seen that primitive man considered the life and qualities\nto be distributed equally over the body in a physical sense, so that\nthey formed part of the substance and flesh. The same view extended\neven to instrumental qualities or functions, since his mental powers\nand vision were necessarily limited by his language. Language must\napparently have begun by pointing at animals or plants and making\nsome sound, probably at first an imitation of the cry or other\ncharacteristic of the animal, which came to connote it. We have to\nsuppose that language was at the commencement a help in the struggle\nfor life, because otherwise men, as yet barely emerged from the animal\nstage, would never have made the painful mental efforts necessary\nto devise and remember the words. Words which would be distinctly\nadvantageous in the struggle would be names for the animals and\nplants which they ate, and for the animals which ate them. By saying\nthe name and pointing in any direction, the presence of such animals\nor plants in the vicinity would be intimated more quickly and more\naccurately than by signs or actions. Such names were then, it may\nbe supposed, the first words. Animals or plants of which they made\nno use nor from which they apprehended any danger, would for long be\nsimply disregarded, as nothing was to be gained by inventing names for\nthem. The first words were all nouns and the names of visible objects,\nand this state of things probably continued for a long period and\nwas the cause of many erroneous primitive conceptions and ideas. Some\ntraces of the earliest form of language can still be discerned. Thus of\nSantali Sir G. Grierson states: \"Every word can perform the function\nof a verb, and every verbal form can, according to circumstances,\nbe considered as a noun, an adjective or a verb. It is often simply\na matter of convenience which word is considered as a noun and which\nas an adjective ... Strictly speaking, in Santali there is no real\nverb as distinct from the other classes of words. Every independent\nword can perform the function of a verb, and every verbal form can in\nits turn be used as a noun or adjective.\" [107] And of the Dravidian\nlanguages he says: \"The genitive of ordinary nouns is in reality an\nadjective, and the difference between nouns and adjectives is of no\ngreat importance ... Many cases are both nouns and verbs. Nouns of\nagency are very commonly used as verbs.\" [108] Thus if it be admitted\nthat nouns preceded verbs as parts of speech, which will hardly be\ndisputed, these passages show how the semi-abstract adjectives and\nverbs were gradually formed from the names of concrete nouns. Of\nthe language of the now extinct Tasmanian aborigines it is stated:\n\"Their speech was so imperfectly constituted that there was no settled\norder or arrangement of words in the sentence, the sense being eked\nout by face, manner and gesture, so that they could scarcely converse\nin the dark, and all intercourse had to cease with nightfall. Abstract\nforms scarcely existed, and while every gum-tree or wattle-tree had\nits name, there was no word for 'tree' in general, nor for qualities\nsuch as hard, soft, hot, cold, etc. Anything hard was 'like a stone,'\nanything round 'like the moon,' and so on, the speaker suiting the\naction to the word, and supplementing the meaning to be understood\nby some gesture.\" [109] Here the original concrete form of language\ncan be clearly discerned. They had a sufficiency of names for all the\nobjects which were of use to them, and apparently verbal ideas were\nlargely conveyed by gesture. Captain Forsyth states [110] that though\nthe Korkus very seldom wash themselves, there exist in their language\neight words for washing, one for washing the face, another for the\nhands and others for different parts of the body. Thus we see that\nthe verbal idea of washing was originally conceived not generally,\nbut separately with reference to each concrete object or noun, for\nwhich a name existed and to which water was applied.\n\n\n\n\n56. Concrete nature of primitive ideas.\n\nThe primitive languages consisted only of nouns or the names of\nvisible objects, possibly with the subsequent addition of a few names\nfor such conceptions as the wind and the voice, which could be heard,\nbut not seen. There were no abstract nor semi-abstract terms nor parts\nof speech. The resulting inability to realise any abstract conception\nand the tendency to make everything concrete is a principal and salient\ncharacteristic of ethnology and primitive religion. [111] All actions\nare judged by their concrete aspect or effects and not by the motives\nwhich prompted them, nor the results which they produce. For a Hindu\nto let a cow die with a rope round its neck is a grave caste offence,\napparently because an indignity is thus offered to the sacred animal,\nbut it is no offence to let a cow starve to death. A girl may be\nmarried to inanimate objects as already seen, or to an old man or a\nrelative without any intention that she shall live with him as a wife,\nbut simply so that she may be married before reaching puberty. If she\ngoes through the ceremony of marriage she is held to be married. Yet\nthe motive for infant-marriage is held to be that a girl should begin\nto bear children as soon as she is physically capable of doing so,\nand such a marriage is useless from this point of view. Some castes\nwho cannot afford to burn a corpse hold a lighted brand to it or\nkindle a little fire on the grave and consider this equivalent to\ncremation. Promises are considered as concrete; among some Hindus\npromises are tied up in knots of cloth, and when they are discharged\nthe knots are untied. Mr. S.C. Roy says of the Oraons: \"Contracts are\neven to this day generally not written but acted. Thus a lease of land\nis made by the lessor handing over a clod of earth (which symbolises\nland) to the lessee; a contract of sale of cattle is entered into by\nhanding over to the buyer a few blades of grass (which symbolise so\nmany heads of cattle); a contract of payment of bride-price is made\nby the bridegroom's father or other relative handing over a number of\n_baris_ or small cakes of pulse (which symbolise so many rupees) to the\nbride's father or other relative; and a contract of service is made by\nthe mistress of the house anointing the head of the intended servant\nwith oil, and making a present of a few pice, and entertaining him to\na feast, thus signifying that he would receive food, lodging and some\npay.\" [112] Thus an abstract agreement is not considered sufficient\nfor a contract; in each case it must be ratified by a concrete act.\n\nThe divisions of time are considered in a concrete sense. The\nfortnight or Nakshatra is presided over by its constellation, and\nthis is held to be a nymph or goddess, who controls events during its\ncourse. Similarly, as shown in _The Golden Bough_, [113] many kinds\nof new enterprises should be begun in the fortnight of the waxing\nmoon, not in that of the waning moon. Days are also thought to be\nconcrete and governed by their planets, and from this idea come all\nthe superstitions about lucky and unlucky days. If a day had been\nfrom the beginning realised as a simple division of time no such\nsuperstitions could exist. Events, so far as they are conceived of,\nare also considered in a concrete sense. The reason why omens were\nso often drawn from birds [114] is perhaps that birds fly from a\ndistance and hence are able to see coming events on their way; and the\nhare and donkey were important animals of augury, perhaps because,\non account of their long ears, they were credited with abnormally\nacute hearing, which would enable them to hear the sound of coming\nevents before ordinary people. The proverb 'Coming events cast their\nshadows before,' appears to be a survival of this mode of belief,\nas it is obvious that that which has no substance cannot cast a shadow.\n\nThe whole category of superstitions about the evil eye arises from the\nbelief that the glance of the eye is a concrete thing which strikes\nthe person or object towards which it is directed like a dart. The\ntheory that the injury is caused through the malice or envy of the\nperson casting the evil eye seems to be derivative and explanatory. If\na stranger's glance falls on the food of a Ramanuji Brahman while it\nis being cooked, the food becomes polluted and must be buried in the\nground. Here it is clear that the glance of the eye is equivalent to\nreal contact of some part of the stranger's body, which would pollute\nthe food. In asking for leave in order to nurse his brother who was\nseriously ill but could obtain no advantage from medical treatment,\na Hindu clerk explained that the sick man had been pierced by the\nevil glance of some woman.\n\n\n\n\n57. Words and names concrete.\n\nSimilarly words were considered to have a concrete force, so that\nthe mere repetition of words produced an effect analogous to their\nsense. The purely mechanical repetition of prayers was held to be a\nvirtuous act, and this idea was carried to the most absurd length in\nthe Buddhist's praying-wheel, where merit was acquired by causing\nthe wheel with prayers inscribed on its surface to revolve in a\nwaterfall. The wearing of strips of paper, containing sacred texts,\nas amulets on the body is based on this belief, and some Muhammadans\nwill wash off the ink from paper containing a verse of the Koran and\ndrink the mixture under the impression that it will do them good. Here\nthe belief in the concrete virtue and substance of the written word\nis very clear. The Hindus think that the continued repetition of the\nGayatri or sacred prayer to the sun is a means of acquiring virtue,\nand the prayer is personified as a goddess. The enunciation of the\nsacred syllable Aum or Om is supposed to have the most powerful\nresults. Homer's phrase 'winged words' perhaps recalls the period\nwhen the words were considered as physical entities which actually\ntravelled through the air from the speaker to the hearer and were\ncalled winged because they went so fast. A Korku clan has the name\n_lobo_ which means a piece of cloth. But the word _lobo_ also signifies\n'to leak.' If a person says a sentence containing the word _lobo_ in\neither signification before a member of the clan while he is eating,\nhe will throw away the food before him as if it were contaminated\nand prepare a meal afresh. Here it is clear that the Korku pays no\nregard to the sense but solely to the word or sound. This belief\nin the concrete force of words has had the most important effects\nboth in law and religion. The earliest codes of law were held to be\ncommands of the god and claimed obedience on this ground. The binding\nforce of the law rested in the words and not in the sense because the\nwords were held to be those of the god and to partake of his divine\nnature. In ancient Rome the citizen had to take care to know the\nwords of the law and to state them exactly. If he used one wrong word\nthe law gave him no assistance. \"Gaius tells a story of a man whose\nneighbour had cut his vines; the facts were clear; he stated the law\napplying to his case, but he said vines, whereas the law said trees;\nhe lost his suit.\" [115] The divine virtue attached to the sacred\nbooks of different religions rests on the same belief. Frequently the\nbooks themselves are worshipped, and it was held that they could not\nbe translated because the sanctity resided in the actual words and\nwould be lost if other words were used. The efficacy of spells and\ninvocations seems to depend mainly on this belief in the concrete\npower of words. If one knows an efficacious form of words connoting\na state of physical facts and repeats it with the proper accessory\nconditions, then that state of facts is actually caused to exist;\nand if one knows a man's name and calls on him with a form of words\nefficacious to compel attendance, he has to come and his spirit can\nsimilarly be summoned from the dead. When a Malay wishes to kill an\nenemy he makes an image of the man, transfixes or otherwise injures\nit, and buries it on the path over which the enemy will tread. As he\nburies it with the impression that he will thereby cause the enemy\nto die and likewise be buried, he says:\n\n\n    It is not I who am burying him,\n    It is Gabriel who is burying him,\n\n\nand thinks that the repetition of these words produces the state of\nfacts which they denote so that the guilt of the murder is removed from\nhis own shoulders to those of the archangel Gabriel. Similarly when he\nhas killed a deer and wishes to be free from the guilt of his action,\nor as he calls it to cast out the mischief from the deer, he says:\n\n\n    It is not I who cast out these mischiefs,\n    It is Michael who casts them out.\n    It is not I who cast out these mischiefs,\n    It is Israfel who casts them out,\n\n\nand so on, freeing himself in the same manner from responsibility\nfor the death of the deer. [116] Names also are regarded as\nconcrete. Primitive man could not regard a name as an abstract\nappellation, but thought of it as part of the person or thing to\nwhich it was applied and as containing part of his life, like his\nhair, spittle and the rest of his body. He would have used names\nfor a long period before he had any word for a name, and his first\nidea of the name as a part of the substantive body to which it is\napplied has survived a more correct appreciation. Thus if one knew\na person's name one could injure him by working evil on it and the\npart of his life contained in it, just as one could injure him through\nthe clippings of his hair, his spittle, clothes or the earth pressed\nby his foot. This is the reason for the common custom of having two\nnames, one of which, the true name, is kept secret and only used on\nceremonial occasions when it is essential, as at a wedding, while the\nother is employed for everyday life. The latter, not being the man's\ntrue name, does not contain part of his life, and hence there is no\nharm in letting an enemy know it. Similarly the Hindus think that a\nchild's name should not be repeated at night, lest an owl might hear\nit, when this bird could injure the child through its name, just as\nif it got hold of a piece of cloth worn or soiled by the child. The\npractice of euphemism rests on this belief, as it was thought that\nif a person's name was said and a part of him was thus caused to be\npresent the rest would probably follow. Hence the rule of avoiding the\nuse of the names of persons or things of which one does not desire the\npresence. Thus Sir E.B. Tylor says: \"The Dayak will not speak of the\nsmallpox by name, but will call it 'The Chief,' or 'Jungle leaves,'\nor say, 'Has He left you?' The euphemism of calling the Furies the\nEumenides, or 'Gracious Ones,' is the stock illustration of this\nfeeling, and the euphemisms for fairies and for the devil are too\nfamiliar to quote.\" [117] Similarly the name of a god was considered\nas part of him and hence partaking of his divine nature. It was thus\nso potent that it could not be mentioned on ordinary occasions or by\ncommon persons. Allah is only an epithet for the name of God among\nthe Muhammadans and his True or Great Name is secret. Those who know\nit have power over all created things. Clearly then the divine power\nis held to reside in the name itself. The concealment of the name of\nthe tutelary deity of Rome, for divulging which Valerius Soranus is\nsaid to have paid the penalty of death, is a case in point. [118]\nSir E.B. Tylor gives many other interesting examples of the above\nideas and points out the connection clearly existing in the savage mind\nbetween the name and the object to which it is applied. The Muhammadans\nthink that Solomon's name is very efficacious for casting out devils\nand evil spirits. The practice of naming children after gods or by\nthe epithets or titles applied to the divine being, or after the\nnames of saints, appears to be due to the belief that such names,\nby reason of their association with the god or saint, acquire a part\nof his divine life and virtue, which when given to children the names\nwill in turn convey to them. [119] On the other hand, when a Hindu\nmother is afraid lest her child may die, she sometimes gives it an\nopprobrious name as dirt, rubbish, sweepings, or sold for one or two\ncowries, so that the evil spirits who take the lives of children may\nbe deceived by the name and think that such a valueless child is not\nworth having. The voice was also held to be concrete. The position\nof the Roman tribune was peculiar, as he was not a magistrate chosen\nby divine authority and hence could not summon people to his court;\nbut the tribune had been dedicated to the city gods, and his person\nwas sacrosanct. He could therefore lay hands on a man, and once the\ntribune touched him, the man was held to be in the magistrate's power,\nand bound to obey him. This rule extended even to those who were within\nhearing of his voice; any one, even a patrician or consul, who heard\nthe tribune's voice was compelled to obey him. In this case it is\nclear that the voice and spoken words were held to be concrete, and\nto share in the sanctity attaching to the body. [120] When primitive\nman could not think of a name as an abstraction but had to think of\nit as an actual part of the body and life of the person or visible\nobject to which it belonged, it will be realised how impossible it\nwas for him during a long period to conceive of any abstract idea,\nwhich was only a word without visible or corporal reality.\n\n\n\n\n58. The soul or spirit.\n\nThus he could not at first have had any conception of a soul or\nspirit, which is an unseen thing. Savages generally may have evolved\nthe conception of a soul or spirit as an explanation of dreams,\naccording to the view taken by Mr. E. Clodd in _Myths and Dreams_,\n[121] Mr. Clodd shows that dreams were necessarily and invariably\nconsidered as real events, and it could not have been otherwise, as\nprimitive man would have been unable to conceive the abstract idea of a\nvision or fantasy. And since during dreams the body remained immobile\nand quiescent, it was thought that the spirit inside the body left\nit and travelled independently. Hence the reluctance often evinced\nto waking a sleeper suddenly from fear lest the absent spirit might\nnot have time to return to the body before its awakening and hence\nthe man might die. Savages, not having the conception of likeness or\nsimilarity, [122] would confuse death and sleep, because the appearance\nof the body is similar in death and in sleep. Legends of the type\nof Rip Van Winkle and the Sleeping Beauty, and of heroes like King\nArthur and Frederick Barbarossa lying asleep through the centuries\nin some remote cave or other hiding-place, from which they will one\nday issue forth to regenerate the world, perpetuate the primitive\nidentification of death and sleep. And the belief long prevailed that\nafter death the soul or spirit remained with the body in the place\nwhere it lay, leaving the body and returning to it as the spirit was\nheld to do in sleep. The spirit was also thought to be able to quit\nthe body and enter any other body, both during life and after death;\nmost of the beliefs in spirit-possession and many of those about the\npower of witches arise from this view. The soul or spirit was commonly\nconceived of in concrete form; the Egyptians, Greeks and Hindus thought\nof it as a little mannikin inside the body. After death the Hindus\noften break the skull in order to allow the soul to escape. Often an\ninsect or a stone is thought to harbour the spirit. As shown by Sir\nE. B. Tylor in _Primitive Culture_, [123] the breath, the shadow and\nthe pupil of the eye were sometimes held to be or to represent the\nsoul or spirit. Disembodied spirits are imprisoned in a tree or hole\nby driving nails into the tree or ground to confine them and prevent\ntheir exit. When a man died accidentally or a woman in childbirth and\nfear was felt that their spirits might annoy or injure the living,\na stake might be driven through the body or a cairn of stones piled\nover it in order to keep the ghost down and prevent it from rising\nand walking. The genii of the Arabian Nights were imprisoned in\nsealed bottles, and when the bottle was opened they appeared in a\ncloud of vapour.\n\nThere seems every reason to suppose, as the same author suggests,\nthat man first thought he had a spirit himself and as a consequence\nheld that animals, plants and inanimate objects also contained\nspirits. Because the belief that the human body had a spirit can\neasily be accounted for, but there seems to be no valid reason why\nman should have thought that all other visible objects also contained\nspirits, except that at the period when he conceived of the existence\nof a soul or spirit he still held them to be possessed of life and\nself-conscious volition like himself. But certain beliefs, such as\nthe universal existence of life, and of its distribution all over\nthe body and transmission by contact and eating, the common life\nof the species, and possibly totemism itself, appear to have been\npre-animistic or prior to any conception of or belief in a soul or\nspirit either in man himself or in nature.\n\n\n\n\n59. The tranmission of qualities.\n\nPrimitive man thought that the life and all qualities, mental\nand physical, were equally distributed over the body as part of\nthe substance of the flesh. He thus came to think that they could\nbe transferred from one body or substance to another in two ways:\neither by contact of the two bodies or substances, or by the eating\nor assimilation of one by the other. The transmission of qualities\nby contact could be indicated through simply saying the two names of\nthe objects in contact together, and transmission by eating through\nsaying the two names with a gesture of eating. Thus if one ate a piece\nof tiger's flesh, one assimilated an equivalent amount of strength,\nferocity, cruelty, yellowness, and any other qualities which might be\nattributed to the tiger. Warriors and youths are sometimes forbidden\nto eat deer's flesh because it will make them timid, but they are\nencouraged to eat the flesh of tigers, bears, and other ferocious\nanimals, because it will make them brave. The Gonds, if they wish\na child to be a good dancer, cause it to eat the flesh of a kind of\nhawk, which hangs gracefully poised over the water, with its wings\ncontinually flapping, on the look-out for its prey. They think that\nby eating the flesh the limbs of the child will become supple like\nthe wings of the bird. If a child is slow in learning to speak,\nthey give it to eat the leaves of the pipal tree, which rustle\ncontinually in the wind and are hence supposed to have the quality\nof making a noise. All qualities, objective and instrumental, were\nconceived of in the same manner, because in the absence of verbs or\nabstract terms their proper relation to the subject and object could\nnot be stated or understood. Thus if a woman's labour in child-birth\nis prolonged she is given to drink water in which the charred wood of\na tree struck by lightning has been dipped. Here it is clear that the\nquality of swiftness is held to have been conveyed by the lightning\nto the wood, by the wood to the water, and by the water to the woman,\nso as to give her a swift delivery. By a similar train of reasoning\nshe is given to drink the water of a swiftly-flowing stream which thus\nhas the quality of swiftness, or water poured through a gun-barrel in\nwhich the fouling of a bullet is left. Here the quality of swiftness\nappertaining to the bullet is conveyed by the soiling to the barrel and\nthence to the water and to the woman who drinks the water. In the above\ncases all the transfers except that to the woman are by contact. The\nbelief in the transfer of qualities by contact may have arisen from\nthe sensations of the body and skin, to which heat, cold and moisture\nare communicated by contact. It was applied to every kind of quality. A\nfamiliar instance is the worship of the marks on rocks or stone which\nare held to be the footprints left by a god. Here a part of the god's\ndivine virtue and power has been communicated through the sole of his\nfoot to the rock dented by the latter. Touching for the king's evil\nwas another familiar case, when it was thought that a fraction of\nthe king's divine life and virtue was communicated by contact to the\nperson touched and cured him of his ailment. The wearing of amulets\nwhere these consist of parts of the bodies of animals is based on the\nsame belief. When a man wears on his person the claws of a tiger in an\namulet, he thinks that the claws being the tiger's principal weapon\nof offence contain a concentrated part of his strength, and that the\nwearer of the claws will acquire some of this by contact. The Gonds\ncarry the shoulder-bone of a tiger, or eat the powdered bone-dust,\nin order to acquire strength. The same train of reasoning applies\nto the wearing of the hair of a bear, a common amulet in India, the\nhair being often considered as the special seat of strength. [124]\nThe whole practice of wearing ornaments of the precious metals and\nprecious stones appears to have been originally due to the same motive,\nas shown in the article on Sunar.\n\nIf the Gonds want a child to become fat, they put it in a pigsty or\na place where asses have rolled, so that it may acquire by contact\nthe quality of fatness belonging to the pigs or asses. If they wish to\nbreed quarrels in an enemy's house, they put the seeds of the _amaltas_\nor the quills of the porcupine in the thatch of the roof. The seeds\nin the dried pods of this tree rattle in the wind, while the fretful\nporcupine raises its quills when angry. Hence the seeds will impart\nthe quality of noise to the house, so that its inmates will be noisy,\nwhile the quills of the porcupine will similarly breed strife between\nthem. The effects produced by weapons and instruments are thought of\nin the same manner. We say that an arrow is shot from a bow with such\nforce as to penetrate the body and cause a wound. The savage could not\nthink or speak in this way, because he had no verbs and could not think\nof nouns in the objective case. He thought of the arrow as an animate\nthing having a cutting or piercing quality. When placed in a suitable\nposition to exercise its powers, it flew, of its own volition, through\nthe air to the target, and communicated to it by contact some of the\nabove quality. The idea is more easily realised in the case of balls,\npieces of bone or other missiles thrown by magicians. Here the person\nwhom it is intended to injure may be miles away, so that the object\ncould not possibly strike him merely through the force imparted to it\nby the thrower. But when the magician has said charms over the missile,\ncommunicating to it the power and desire to do his will, he throws it\nin the proper direction and savages believe that it will go of its\nown accord to the person against whom it is aimed and penetrate his\nbody. To pretend to suck pieces of bone out of the body, which are\nsupposed to have been propelled into the victim by an enemy, is one\nof the commonest magical methods of curing an illness. The following\ninstances of this idea are taken from the admirable collection in\n_The Golden Bough_ [125]: \"(In Suffolk) if a man cuts himself with a\nbill-hook or a scythe he always takes care to keep the weapon bright,\nand oils it to prevent the wound from festering. If he runs a thorn or,\nas he calls it, a bush into his hand, he oils or greases the extracted\nthorn. A man came to a doctor with an inflamed hand, having run a\nthorn into it while he was hedging. On being told that the hand was\nfestering, he remarked: 'That didn't ought to, for I greased the bush\nwell after I pulled it out' If a horse wounds its foot by treading on\na nail, a Suffolk groom will invariably preserve the nail, clean it\nand grease it every day to prevent the wound from festering.\" Here the\nheat and festering of the wounds are held to be qualities of the axe,\nthorn or nail, which have been communicated to the person or animal\nwounded by contact. If these qualities of the instrument are reduced\nby cleaning and oiling it, then that portion of them communicated\nto the wound, which was originally held to be a severed part of\nthe life and qualities of the instrument, will similarly be made\ncool and easy. It is not probable that the people of Suffolk really\nbelieve this at present, but they retain the method of treatment\narising from the belief without being able to explain it. Similarly\nthe Hindus must have thought that the results produced by the tools\nof artisans working on materials, and by the plough on the earth,\nwere communicated by these instruments volitionally through contact;\nand this is why they worship once or twice a year the implements of\ntheir profession as the givers of the means of subsistence. All the\nstories of magic swords, axes, impenetrable shields, sandals, lamps,\ncarpets and so on originally arose from the same belief.\n\n\n\n\n60. The faculty of counting. Confusion of the individual and the\nspecies.\n\nBut primitive man not only considered the body as a homogeneous mass\nwith the life and qualities distributed equally over it. He further,\nit may be suggested, did not distinguish between the individual\nand the species. The reason for this was that he could not count,\nand had no idea of numbers. The faculty of counting appears to have\nbeen acquired very late. Messrs. Spencer and Gillan remark of the\naborigines of Central Australia: [126] \"While in matters such as\ntracking, which are concerned with their everyday life, and upon\nefficiency in which they actually depend for their livelihood,\nthe natives show conspicuous ability, there are other directions in\nwhich they are as conspicuously deficient. This is perhaps shown most\nclearly in the matter of counting. At Alice Springs they occasionally\ncount, sometimes using their fingers in doing so, up to five, but\nfrequently anything beyond four is indicated by the word _oknira_,\nmeaning 'much' or 'great.' One is _nintha_, two _thrama_ or _thera_,\nthree _mapitcha_, four _therankathera_, five _therankathera-nintha_.\"\nThe form of these words is interesting, because it is clear that\nthe word for four is two and two, or twice two, and the word for\nfive is two and two and one. These words indicate the prolonged and\npainful efforts which must have been necessary to count as far as\nfive, and this though in other respects the Australian natives show\nsubstantial mental development, having a most complicated system of\nexogamy, and sometimes two personal names for each individual. Again,\nthe Andamanese islanders, despite the extraordinary complexity of\ntheir agglutinative language, have no names for the numerals beyond\ntwo. [127] It is said that the Majhwar tribe can only count up to\nthree, while among the Bhatras the qualification for being a village\nastrologer, who foretells the character of the rainfall and gives\nauspicious days for sowing and harvest, is the ability to count\na certain number of posts. The astrologer's title is Meda Gantia,\nor Counter of Posts. The above facts demonstrate that counting is a\nfaculty acquired with difficulty after considerable mental progress,\nand primitive man apparently did not feel the necessity for it. [128]\nBut if he could not count, it seems a proper deduction that his\neye would not distinguish a number of animals of the same species\ntogether, because the ability to do this, and to appraise distinct\nindividuals of like appearance appears to depend ultimately on the\nfaculty of counting. Major Hendley, a doctor and therefore a skilled\nobserver, states that the Bhils were unable to distinguish colours\nor to count numbers, apparently on account of their want of words\nto express themselves. [129] Now it seems clearly more easy for the\neye to discriminate between opposing colours than to distinguish\na number of individuals of the same species together. There are a\nfew things which we still cannot count, such as the blades of grass,\nthe ears of corn, drops of rain, snowflakes, and hailstones. All of\nthese things are still spoken of in the singular, though this is well\nknown to be scientifically incorrect. We say an expanse of grass,\na field of corn, and so on, as if the grass and corn were all one\nplant instead of an innumerable quantity of plants. Apparently when\nprimitive man saw a number of animals or trees of the same species\ntogether, the effect on him must have been exactly the same as that\nof a field of grass or corn on us. He could be conscious only of an\nindefinite sense of magnitude. But he did not know, as we do in the\ncases cited, that the objects he saw were really a collection of\ndistinct individuals. He would naturally consider them as all one,\njust as children would think a field of grass or corn to be one great\nplant until they were told otherwise. But there was no one to tell\nhim, nor any means by which he could find out his mistake. He had no\nplural number, and no definite or indefinite articles. Whether he\nsaw one or a hundred tigers together, he could only describe them\nby the one word tiger. It was a long time before he could even say\n'much tiger,' as the Australian natives still have to do if they see\nmore animals than five together, and the Andamanese if they see more\nthan two. The hypothesis therefore seems reasonable that at first man\nconsidered each species of animals or plants which he distinguished\nto have a separate single life, of which all the individuals were\npieces or members. The separation of different parts of one living\nbody presented no difficulties to his mind, since, as already seen, he\nbelieved the life to continue in severed fractions of the human body.\n\nA connection between individuals, apparently based on the idea that\nthey have a common life, has been noticed in other cases. Thus at the\ncommencement of the patriarchal state of society, when the child is\nbelieved to derive its life from its father, any carelessness in the\nfather's conduct may injuriously affect the child. Sir E.B. Tylor notes\nthis among the tribes of South America. After the birth of a child\namong the Indians of South America the father would eat no regular\ncooked food, not suitable for children, as he feared that if he did\nthis his child would die. [130] \"Among the Arawaks of Surinam for some\ntime after the birth of a child the father must fell no tree, fire\nno gun, hunt no large game; he may stay near home, shoot little birds\nwith a bow and arrow, and angle for little fish; but his time hanging\nheavy on his hands the only comfortable thing he can do is to lounge\nin his hammock.\" [131] On another occasion a savage who had lately\nbecome a father, refused snuff, of which he was very fond, because\nhis sneezing would endanger the life of his newly-born child. They\nbelieved that any intemperance or carelessness of the father, such as\ndrinking, eating large quantities of meat, swimming in cold weather,\nriding till he was tired and sweated, would endanger the child's life,\nand if the child died, the father was bitterly reproached with having\ncaused its death by some such indiscretion. [132] Here the idea clearly\nseems to be that the father's and child's life are one, the latter\nbeing derived from and part of the former. The custom of the Couvade\nmay therefore perhaps be assigned to the early patriarchal stage. The\nfirst belief was that the child derived its life from its mother,\nand apparently that the weakness and debility of the mother after\nchildbirth were due to the fact that she had given up a part of her\nlife to the child. When the system of female descent changed to male\ndescent, the woman was taken from another clan into her husband's;\nthe child, being born in its father's clan, obviously could not draw\nits life from its mother, who was originally of a different clan. The\ninference was that it drew its life from its father; consequently\nthe father, having parted with a part of his life to his child, had\nto imitate the conduct of the mother after childbirth, abstain from\nany violent exertion, and sometimes feign weakness and lie up in the\nhouse, so as not to place any undue strain on the severed fraction\nof his life in his child, which would be simultaneously affected with\nhis own, but was much more fragile.\n\n\n\n\n61. Similarity and identity.\n\nAgain, primitive man had no conception of likeness or similarity,\nnor did he realise an imitation as distinct from the thing\nimitated. Likeness or similarity and imitation are abstract ideas,\nfor which he had no words, and consequently did not conceive of\nthem. And clearly if one had absolutely no term signifying likeness\nor similarity, and if one wished to indicate say, that something\nresembled a goat, all one could do would be to point at the goat and\nthe object resembling it and say 'goat,' 'goat.' Since the name was\nheld to be part of the thing named, such a method would strengthen the\nidea that resemblance was equivalent to identity. This point of view\ncan also be observed in children, who have no difficulty in thinking\nthat any imitation or toy model is just as good as the object or animal\nimitated, and playing with it as such. Even to call a thing by the name\nof any object is sufficient with children to establish its identity\nwith that object for the purposes of a game or mimicry, and a large\npart of children's games are based on such pretensions. They also have\nnot yet clearly grasped the difference between likeness and identity,\nand between an imitation of an object and the object itself. A large\npart of the category of substituted ceremonies and sacrifices are\nbased on this confusion between similarity and identity. Thus when the\nHindus put four pieces of stick into a pumpkin and call it a goat,\nthey do not mean to cheat the god to whom it is offered, but fancy\nthat when they have made a likeness of a goat and called it a goat,\nit is a goat, at any rate for the purpose of sacrifice. And when the\nJains, desiring to eat after sunset against the rule of their religion,\nplace a lamp under a sieve and call it the sun, and eat by it, they are\nacting on the same principle and think they have avoided committing\na sin. A Baiga should go to his wedding on an elephant, but as he\ncannot obtain a real elephant, two wooden cots are lashed together\nand covered with blankets, with a black cloth trunk in front, and\nthis arrangement passes muster for an elephant. A small gold image\nof a cat is offered to a Brahman in expiation for killing a cat,\nsilver eyes are offered to the goddess to save the eyes of a person\nsuffering from smallpox, a wisp of straw is burnt on a man's grave as\na substitute for cremating the body, a girl is married to an image\nof a man made of _kusha_ grass, and so on. In rites where blood is\nrequired vermilion is used as a substitute for blood; on the other\nhand castes which abstain from flesh sometimes also decline to eat\nred vegetables and fruits, because the red colour is held to make\nthem resemble and be equivalent to blood. These beliefs survive in\nreligious ceremonial long after the hard logic of facts has dispelled\nthem from ordinary life. [133] Thus when an image of a god was made\nit was at once the god and contained part of his life. Primitive man\nhad no idea of an imitation or an image nor of a lifeless object, and\ntherefore could not conceive of the representation being anything else\nthan the god. Only in later times was some ceremony of conveying life\nto the image considered requisite. The prohibition of sculpture among\nthe Jews and of painting among the Muhammadans was based on this view,\n[134] because sculptures and paintings were not considered as images or\nrepresentations, but as living beings or gods, and consequently false\ngods. The world-wide custom of making an image of a man with intent\nto injure him arises from the same belief. Since primitive man could\nconceive neither of an imitation nor of an inanimate object, the image\nof a man was to his view the man; there was nothing else which it could\nbe. And thus it contained part of the man's life, just as every idol of\na god was the god himself and contained part of the god's life. Since\nthe man's life was common to himself and the image, by injuring or\ndestroying the image it was held that the man's life would similarly\nbe injured or destroyed, on the analogy already explained of injury\nto life being frequently observed to follow a hurt or wound of any\npart of the body. Afterwards the connection between the man and the\nimage was strengthened by working into the material of the latter some\nfraction of his body, such as severed hair or the earth pressed by his\nfoot. But this was not necessary to the original belief. The objection\noften raised by savages to having their photographs taken or pictures\npainted may be explained in the same manner. Here the photograph or\npicture cannot be realised as a simple imitation; it is held to be\nthe man himself, and must therefore contain part of his life. Hence\nany one in whose possession it is can do him harm by injuring or\ndestroying the photograph or picture, according to the method of\nreasoning already explained. The superstitions against looking in a\nmirror, especially after dark, or seeing one's reflection in water,\nare analogous cases. Here the reflection in the mirror or water is held\nto be the person himself, because savages do not understand the nature\nof the reflected image. It is the person himself, but has no corporeal\nsubstance; therefore the reflection must be his ghost or spirit. But\nif the spirit appears once it is an omen that it will appear again;\nand in order that it may do so the man will have to die so that the\nspirit may be set free from the body in order to appear. The special\nreason for not looking into a mirror at night would thus be because\nthe night is the usual time for the appearance of spirits. The fable\nof Narcissus, who fell in love with his own image reflected in the\nwater and was drowned, probably arose from the superstition against\nseeing one's image reflected in water. And similarly the belief was\nthat a man's clothes and other possessions contained part of his life\nby contact; this is the explanation of the custom of representing a\nperson by some implement or article of clothing, such as performing\nthe marriage ceremony with the bridegroom's sword instead of himself,\nand sending the bride's shoes home with the bridegroom to represent\nher. A barren woman will try to obtain a piece of a pregnant woman's\nbreast-cloth and will burn it and eat the ashes, thinking thereby to\ntransfer the pregnant woman's quality of fertility to herself. When\na Hindu widow is remarried her clothes and ornaments are sometimes\nburied on the boundary of her second husband's village and she puts\non new clothes, because it is thought that her first husband's spirit\nwill remain in the old clothes and give trouble.\n\n\n\n\n62. The recurrence of events.\n\nA brief digression may be made here in order to suggest an explanation\nof another important class of primitive ideas. These arise from the\nbelief that when something has happened, that same event, or some\nother resembling it, will again occur, or, more briefly, the belief\nin the recurrence of events. This view is the origin of a large class\nof omens, and appears to have been originally evolved simply from the\nrecurring phenomena of day and night and of the months and climatic\nseasons. For suppose that one was in the position of primitive man,\nknowing absolutely nothing of the nature and constitution of the earth\nand the heavenly bodies, or of the most elementary facts of astronomy;\nthen, if the question were asked why one expected the sun to rise\nto-morrow, the only possible answer, and the answer which one would\ngive, would be because it had risen to-day and every day as long as one\ncould remember. The reason so stated might have no scientific value,\nbut would at any rate establish a strong general probability. But\nprimitive man could not have given it in this form, because he had no\nmemory and could not count. Even now comparatively advanced tribes like\nthe Gonds have a hopelessly inaccurate memory for ordinary incidents;\nand, as suggested subsequently, the faculty of memory was probably\nacquired very slowly with the development of language. And since he\ncould not count, the continuous recurrence of natural phenomena had\nno cumulative force with him, so that he might distinguish them from\nother events. His argument was thus simply \"the sun will rise again\nbecause it rose before; the moon will wax and wane again because she\nwaxed and waned before\"; grass and leaves and fruit would grow again\nbecause they did so before; the animals which gave him food would come\nagain as before; and so on. But these were the only events which his\nbrain retained at all, and that only because his existence depended\nupon them and they continually recurred. The ordinary incidents of life\nwhich presented some variation passed without record in his mind, as\nthey still do very largely in those of primitive savages. And since he\nmade no distinction between the different classes of events, holding\nthem all to be the acts of volitional beings, he applied this law of\nthe recurrence of events to every incident of life, and thought that\nwhenever anything happened, reason existed for supposing that the same\nthing or something like it would happen again. It was sufficient that\nthe second event should be like the first, since, as already seen,\nhe did not distinguish between similarity and identity. Thus, to give\ninstances, the Hindus think that if a man lies full length inside a\nbed, he is lying as if on a bier and will consequently soon be dead\non a real bier; hence beds should be made so that one's feet project\nuncomfortably over the end. By a similar reasoning he must not lie with\nhis feet to the south because corpses are laid in this direction. A\nHindu married woman always wears glass bangles as a sign of her state,\nand a widow may not wear them. A married woman must therefore never\nlet her arms be without bangles or it is an omen that she will become\na widow. She must not wear wholly white clothes, because a widow wears\nthese. If a man places one of his shoes over the other in the house,\nit is an omen that he will go on a journey when the shoes will be in\na similar position as he walks along. A Kolta woman who desires to\nascertain whether she will have a son, puts a fish into a pot full of\nwater and spreads her cloth by it. If the fish jumps into her lap,\nit is thought that her lap will shortly hold another living being,\nthat is a son. At a wedding, in many Hindu castes, the bride and\nbridegroom perform the business of their caste or an imitation of\nit. Among the Kuramwar shepherds the bride and bridegroom are seated\nwith the shuttle which is used for weaving blankets between them. A\nminiature swing is put up and a doll is placed in it in imitation\nof a child and swung to and fro. The bride then takes the doll out\nand gives it to the bridegroom, saying:--\"Here, take care of it,\nI am now going to cook food\"; while, after a time, the boy returns\nthe doll to the girl saying, \"I must now weave the blanket and go\nto tend the flock.\" Thus, having performed their life's business at\ntheir wedding, it is thought that they will continue to do so happily\nas long as they live. Many castes, before sowing the real crop, make\na pretence of sowing seed before the shrine of the god, and hope thus\nto ensure that the subsequent sowing will be auspicious. The common\nstories of the appearance of a ghost, or other variety of apparition,\nbefore the deaths of members of a particular family, are based partly\non the belief in the recurrence of associated events. The well-known\nsuperstition about sitting down thirteen to dinner, on the ground that\none of the party may die shortly afterwards, is an instance of the\nsame belief, being of course based on the Last Supper. But the number\nthirteen is generally unlucky, being held to be so by the Hindus,\nMuhammadans and Persians, as well as Europeans, and the superstition\nperhaps arose from its being the number of the intercalary month in\nthe soli-lunar calendar, which is present one year and absent the\nnext year. Thirteen is one more than twelve, the auspicious number\nof the months of the year. Similarly seven was perhaps lucky or\nsacred as being the number of the planets which gave their names\nto the days of the week, and three because it represented the sun,\nmoon and earth. When a gambler stakes his money on a number such as\nthe date of his birth or marriage, he acts on the supposition that a\nnumber which has been propitious to him once will be so again, and this\nappears to be a survival of the belief in the recurrence of events.\n\n\n\n\n63. Controlling the future.\n\nBut primitive man was not actuated by any abstract love of knowledge,\nand when he had observed what appeared to him to be a law of nature, he\nproceeded to turn it to advantage in his efforts for the preservation\nof his life. Since events had the characteristic of recurrence, all he\nhad to do in order to produce the recurrence of any particular event\nwhich he desired, was to cause it to happen in the first instance; and\nsince he did not distinguish between imitation and reality, he thought\nthat if he simply enacted the event he would thus ensure its being\nbrought to pass. And so he assiduously set himself to influence the\ncourse of nature to his own advantage. When the Australian aborigines\nare performing ceremonies for the increase of witchetty grubs, a long\nnarrow structure of boughs is made which represents the chrysalis of\nthe grub. The men of the witchetty grub totem enter the structure\nand sing songs about the production and growth of the witchetty\ngrub. Then one after another they shuffle out of the chrysalis,\nand glide slowly along for a distance of some yards, imitating the\nemergence and movements of the witchetty grubs. By thus enacting the\nproduction of the grubs they think to cause and multiply the real\nproduction. [135] When the men of the emu totem wish to multiply the\nnumber of emus, they allow blood from their arms, that is emu blood,\nto fall on the ground until a certain space is covered. Then on this\nspace a picture is drawn representing the emu; two large patches of\nyellow indicate lumps of its fat, of which the natives are very fond,\nbut the greater part shows, by means of circles and circular patches,\nthe eggs in various stages of development, some before and some after\nlaying. Then the men of the totem, placing on their heads a stick with\na tuft of feathers to represent the long neck and small head of the\nbird, stand gazing about aimlessly after the manner of the emu. Here\nthe picture itself is held to be a living emu, perhaps the source or\ncentre from which all emus will originate, and the men, pretending\nto be emus, will cause numbers of actual emus to be produced. [136]\nBefore sowing the crops, a common practice is to sow small quantities\nof grain in baskets or pots in rich soil, so that it will sprout and\ngrow up quickly, the idea being to ensure that the real crop will have\na similarly successful growth. These baskets are the well-known Gardens\nof Adonis fully described in _The Golden Bough_. They are grown for\nnine days, and on the tenth day are taken in procession by the women\nand deposited in a river. The women may be seen carrying the baskets\nof wheat to the river after the nine days' fasts of Chait and Kunwar\n(March and September) in many towns of the Central Provinces, as the\nAthenian women carried the Gardens of Adonis to the sea on the day\nthat the expedition under Nicias set sail for Syracuse. [137] The\nfire kindled at the Holi festival in spring is meant, as explained\nby Sir J.G. Frazer, to increase the power of the sun for the growth\nof vegetation. By the production of fire the quantity and strength\nof the heavenly fire is increased. He remarks: [138]--\"The custom of\nthrowing blazing discs, shaped like suns, into the air, is probably\nalso a piece of imitative magic. In these, as in so many cases, the\nmagic force is supposed to take effect through mimicry or sympathy; by\nimitating the desired result you actually produce it; by counterfeiting\nthe sun's progress through the heavens you really help the luminary to\npursue his celestial journey with punctuality and despatch. The name\n'fire of heaven,' by which the midsummer fire is sometimes popularly\nknown, clearly indicates a consciousness of the connection between the\nearthly and the heavenly flame.\" The obscene songs of the Holi appear\nto be the relic of a former period of promiscuous sexual debauchery,\nwhich, through the multiplied act of reproduction, was intended to\nensure that nature should also reproduce on a generous scale. The red\npowder thrown over everybody at the Holi is said to represent the seed\nof life. The gifts of Easter eggs seem to be the vestige of a rite\nhaving the same object. At a wedding in the Lodhi caste the bride\nis seated before the family god while an old woman brings a stone\nrolling-pin wrapped up in a piece of cloth, which is supposed to be a\nbaby, and the old woman imitates a baby crying. She puts the roller\nin the bride's lap, saying, \"Take this and give it milk.\" The bride\nis abashed and throws it aside. The old woman picks it up and shows\nit to the assembled women, saying, \"The bride has just had a baby,\"\namid loud laughter. Then she gives the stone to the bridegroom, who\nalso throws it aside. This ceremony is meant to induce fertility,\nand it is supposed that by making believe that the bride has had\na baby she will quickly have one. Similar rites are performed in\nseveral other castes, and when a girl becomes adult her lap is filled\nwith fruits with the idea that this will cause it subsequently to be\nfilled with the fruit of her womb. The whole custom of giving dolls\nto girls to play with, perhaps originated in the belief that by doing\nso they would afterwards come to play with children.\n\nThe dances of the Kol tribe consist partly of symbolical enactments\nof events which they desired to be successfully accomplished. Some\nvariations of the dance, Colonel Dalton states, represent the\ndifferent seasons and the necessary acts of cultivation that each\nbrings with it. In one the dancers, bending down, make a motion with\ntheir hands, as though they were sowing the grain, keeping step with\ntheir feet all the time. Then comes the reaping of the crop and\nthe binding of the sheaves, all done in perfect time and rhythm,\nand making, with the continuous droning of the voices, a quaint\nand picturesque performance. [139] The Karma dance of the Gonds\nand Oraons is also connected with the crops, and probably was once\nan enactment of the work of cultivation. [140] The Bhils danced at\ntheir festivals and before battles. The men danced in a ring, holding\nsticks and striking them against one another. Before a battle they\nhad a war-dance in which the performers were armed and imitated a\ncombat. To be carried on the shoulders of one of the combatants was\na great honour, perhaps because it symbolised being on horseback. The\nobject was to obtain success in battle by going through an imitation\nof a successful battle beforehand. This was also the common custom\nof the Red Indians, whose war-dances are well known; they brandished\ntheir weapons and killed their foe in mimicry in order that they\nmight soon do so in reality. The Sela dance of the Gonds and Baigas,\nin which they perform the figure of the grand chain of the lancers,\nonly that they strike their sticks together instead of clasping hands\nas they pass, was probably once an imitation of a combat. It is still\nsometimes danced before their communal hunting and fishing parties. In\nthese mimetic rehearsals of events with the object of causing them\nto occur we may perhaps discern the origin of the arts both of acting\nand dancing. Another, and perhaps later form, was the reproduction of\nimportant events, or those which had influenced history. For to the\nprimitive mind, as already seen, the results were not conceived of as\ninstrumentally caused by the event, but as part of the event itself\nand of its life and personality. Hence by the re-enactment of the event\nthe beneficial results would be again obtained or at least preserved in\nundiminished potency and vigour. This was perhaps the root idea of the\ndrama and the representation of sacred or heroic episodes on the stage.\n\n\n\n\n64. The common life.\n\nThus, resuming from paragraph 61, primitive man had no difficulty\nin conceiving of a life as shared between two or more persons or\nobjects, and it does not seem impossible that he should have at\nfirst conceived it to extend through a whole species. [141] A good\ninstance of the common life is afforded by the gods of the Hindu\nand other pantheons. Each god was conceived of as performing some\ndivine function, guiding the chariot of the sun, manipulating the\nthunder and so on; but at the same time thousands of temples existed\nthroughout the country, and in each of these the god was alive and\npresent in his image or idol, able to act independently, receive\nand consume sacrifices and offerings, protect suppliants and punish\ntransgressors. No doubt at all can be entertained that each idol was\nin itself held to be a living god. In India food is offered to the\nidol, it goes through its ablutions, is fanned, and so on, exactly\nlike a human king. The ideas of sanctuary and sacrilege appear to\ndepend primarily on the belief in the actual presence of the god\nin his shrine. And in India no sanctity at all attaches to a temple\nfrom which the idol has been removed. Thus we see the life of the god\ndistributed over a multitude of personalities. Again, the same god,\nas Vishnu or the sun, is held to have had a number of incarnations,\nas the boar, the tortoise, a man-lion, a dwarf, Rama and Krishna,\nand these are venerated simultaneously as distinct deities. The\nwhole Brahman caste considered itself divine or as partaking in the\nlife of the god, the original reason for this perhaps being that\nthe Brahmans obtained the exclusive right to perform sacrifices,\nand hence the life of the sacrificial animal or food passed to\nthem, as in other societies it passed to the king who performed the\nsacrifice. A Brahman further holds that the five gods, Indra, Brahma,\nSiva, Vishnu and Ganesh, are present in different parts of his body,\n[142] and here again the life of the god is seen to be divided into\ninnumerable fragments. The priests of the Vallabhacharya sect, the\nGokulastha Gosains, were all held to be possessed by the god Krishna,\nso that it was esteemed a high privilege to perform the most menial\noffices for them, because to touch them was equivalent to touching\nthe god, and perhaps assimilating by contact a fragment of his divine\nlife and nature. [143] The belief in a common life would also explain\nthe veneration of domestic animals and the prohibition against killing\nthem, because to kill one would injure the whole life of the species,\nfrom which the tribe drew its subsistence. Similarly in a number of\ncases the first idea of seasonal fasts is that the people abstain\nfrom the grain or fruit which is growing or sown in the ground. Thus\nin India during the rains the vegetables growing at this period are\nnot eaten, and are again partaken of for the first time after the\nsacrificial offering of the new crop. This rule could not possibly be\nobserved in the case of grain, but instead certain single fast-days are\nprescribed, and on these days no cultivated grain or fruit, but only\nthose growing wild, should be eaten. These rules seem to indicate that\nthe original motive of the fast was to avoid injuring the common life\nof the grain or fruit, which injury would be caused by a consumption\nof any part of it, at a time when the whole of the common life and\nvigour was required for its reproduction and multiplication. This\nidea may have operated to enable the savage to restrain himself from\ndigging up and eating the grain sown in the ground, or slaughtering his\ndomestic animals for food, and a taboo on the consumption of grain and\nfruits during their period of ripening may have first begun in their\nwild state. The Intichiuma ceremonies of the Australian natives are\ncarried out with the object of increasing the supply of the totem for\nfood purposes. In the Ilpirla or Manna totem the members of the clan go\nto a large boulder surrounded by stones, which are held to represent\nmasses of Ilpirla or the manna of the _mulga_ tree. A Churinga stone\nis dug up, which is supposed to represent another mass of manna, and\nthis is rubbed over the boulder, and the smaller stones are also rubbed\nover it. While the leader does this, the others sing a song which is an\ninvitation to the dust produced by the rubbing of the stones to go out\nand produce a plentiful supply of Ilpirla on the _mulga_ trees. [144]\nThen the dust is swept off the surface of the stones with twigs of\nthe _mulga_ tree. Here apparently the large boulder and other stones\nare held to be the centre or focus of the common life of the manna,\nand from them the seed issues forth which will produce a crop of manna\non all the _mulga_ trees. The deduction seems clear that the trees are\nnot conceived of individually, but are held to have a common life. In\nthe case of the _hakea_ flower totem they go to a stone lying beneath\nan old tree, and one of the members lets his blood flow on to the stone\nuntil it is covered, while the others sing a song inciting the _hakea_\ntree to flower much and to the blossoms to be full of honey. [145]\nThe blood is said to represent a drink prepared from the _hakea_\nflowers, but probably it was originally meant to quicken the stone\nwith the blood of a member of the totem, that is its own blood or\nlife, in order that it might produce abundance of flowers. Here again\nthe stone seems to be the centre of the common life of the _hakea_\nflower. The songs are sung with the idea that the repetition of words\nconnoting a state of facts will have the effect of causing that state\nof facts to exist, in accordance with the belief already explained\nin the concrete virtue of words.\n\nSir E. B. Tylor states: \"In Polynesia, if a village god were accustomed\nto appear as an owl, and one of his votaries found a dead owl by\nthe roadside, he would mourn over the sacred bird and bury it with\nmuch ceremony, but the god himself would not be thought to be dead,\nfor he remains incarnate in all existing owls. According to Father\nGeronimo Boscana, the Acagchemen tribe of Upper California furnish a\ncurious parallel to this notion. They worshipped the _panes_ bird,\nwhich seems to have been an eagle or vulture, and each year, in\nthe temple of each village, one of them was solemnly killed without\nshedding blood, and the body buried. Yet the natives maintained and\nbelieved that it was the same individual bird they sacrificed each\nyear, and more than this, that the same bird was slain by each of\nthe villages.\" [146] An account of the North American Indians quoted\nby the same author states that they believe all the animals of each\nspecies to have an elder brother, who is as it were the principle and\norigin of all the individuals, and this elder brother is marvellously\ngreat and powerful. According to another view each species has its\narchetype in the land of souls; there exists, for example, a _manitu_\nor archetype of all oxen, which animates all oxen. [147]\n\nGenerally in the relations between the totem-clan and its\ntotem-animal, and in all the fables about animals, one animal is\ntaken as representing the species, and it is tacitly assumed that\nall the animals of the species have the same knowledge and qualities\nand would behave in the same manner as the typical one. Thus when\nthe Majhwar says that the tiger would run away if he met a member\nof the tiger-clan who was free from sin, but would devour any member\nwho had been put out of caste for an offence, he assumes that every\ntiger would know a member of the clan on meeting him, and also whether\nthat member was in or out of caste. He therefore apparently supposes a\ncommon knowledge and intelligence to exist in all tigers as regards the\nclan, as if they were parts of one mind or intelligence. And since the\ntigers know instinctively when a member of the clan is out of caste,\nthe mind and intelligence of the tigers must be the same as that\nof the clan. The Kols of the tiger clan think that if they were to\nsit up for a tiger over a kill the tiger would not come and would be\ndeprived of his food, and that they themselves would fall ill. Here\nthe evil effects of the want of food on one tiger are apparently held\nto extend to all tigers and also to all members of the tiger clan.\n\n\n\n\n65. The common life of the clan.\n\nThe totem-clan held itself to partake of the life of its totem, and\non the above hypothesis one common life would flow through all the\nanimals and plants of the totem and all the members of the clan. An\nAustralian calls his totem his Wingong (friend) or Tumang (flesh),\nand nowadays expresses his sorrow when he has to eat it. [148] If a\nman wishes to injure any man of a certain totem, he kills any animal\nof that man's totem. [149] This clearly shows that one common life is\nheld to bind together all the animals of the totem-species and all the\nmembers of the totem-clan, and the belief seems to be inexplicable on\nany other hypothesis. The same is the case with the sex-totems of the\nKurnai tribe. In addition to the clan-totems all the boys have the\nSuperb Warbler bird as a sex-totem, and call it their elder brother;\nand all the girls the Emu-wren, and call it their elder sister. If\nthe boys wish to annoy the girls, or vice versa, each kills or injures\nthe other's totem-bird, and such an act is always followed by a free\nfight between the boys and girls. [150] Sex-totems are a peculiar\ndevelopment which need not be discussed here, but again it would appear\nthat a common life runs through the birds of the totem and the members\nof the sex. Professor Robertson Smith describes the clan or kin as\nfollows: \"A kin was a group of persons whose lives were so bound up\ntogether, in what must be called a physical unity, that they could\nbe treated as parts of one common life. The members of one kindred\nlooked on themselves as one living whole, one single animated mass of\nblood, flesh and bones, of which no member could be touched without\nall the members suffering. This point of view is expressed in the\nSemitic tongue in many familiar forms of speech. In case of homicide\nArabian tribesmen do not say, 'The blood of M. or N. has been spilt'\n(naming the man): they say, 'Our blood has been spilt.' In Hebrew\nthe phrase by which one claims kinship is, 'I am your bone and your\nflesh.' Both in Hebrew and in Arabic flesh is synonymous with 'clan'\nor kindred group.\" [151] The custom of the blood-feud appears to have\narisen from the belief in a common life of the clan. \"The blood-feud\nis an institution not peculiar to tribes reckoning descent through\nfemales; and it is still in force. By virtue of its requirements\nevery member of a kin, one of whom had suffered at the hands of a\nmember of another kin, was bound to avenge the wrong upon the latter\nkin. Such is the solidarity between members of a kin that vengeance\nmight be taken upon any member of the offending kin, though he might\nbe personally quite innocent. In the growth of civilisation vengeance\nhas gradually come to be concentrated upon the offender only.\" [152]\nThus the blood-feud appears to have originated from the idea of primary\nretributive justice between clan and clan. When a member of a clan had\nbeen killed, one of the offending clan must be killed in return. Who\nhe might be, and whether the original homicide was justifiable or not,\nwere questions not regarded by primitive man; motives were abstract\nideas with which he had no concern; he only knew that a piece of the\ncommon life had been lopped off, and the instinct of self-preservation\nof the clan demanded that a piece of the life of the offending clan\nshould be cut off in return. And the tie which united the kin was\neating and drinking together. \"According to antique ideas those who\neat and drink together are by this very act tied to one another by\na bond of friendship and mutual obligation.\" [153] This was the bond\nwhich first united the members of the totem-clan both among themselves\nand with their totem. And the relationship with the totem could only\nhave arisen from the fact that they ate it. The belief in a common\nlife could not possibly arise in the totem-clan towards any animal or\nplant which they did not eat or otherwise use. These they would simply\ndisregard. Nor would savages, destitute at first of any moral ideas,\nand frequently on the brink of starvation, abstain from eating any\nedible animal from sentimental considerations; and, as already seen,\nthe first totems were generally edible. They could not either have\nin the first place eaten the totem ceremonially, as there would\nbe no reason for such a custom. But the ceremonial eating of the\ndomestic animal, which was the tie subsequently uniting the members\nof the tribe, [154] cannot be satisfactorily explained except on\nthe hypothesis that it was evolved from the customary eating of the\ntotem-animal. Primitive savages would only feel affection towards the\nanimals which they ate, just as the affection of animals is gained\nby feeding them. The objection might be made that savages could not\nfeel affection and kinship for an animal which they killed and ate,\nbut no doubt exists that they do.\n\n\"In British Columbia, when the fishing season commenced and the\nfish began coming up the rivers, the Indians used to meet them\nand speak to them. They paid court to them and would address them\nthus: 'You fish, you fish; you are all chiefs, you are; you are all\nchiefs.' Among the Northas when a bear is killed, it is dressed in a\nbonnet, covered with fine down, and solemnly invited to the chiefs\npresence.\" [155] And there are many other instances. [156] Savages\nhad no clear realisation of death, and they did not think that the\nlife of the animal was extinguished but that it passed to them with\nthe flesh. Moreover they only ate part of the life. In many cases\nalso the totem-animal only appeared at a certain season of the year,\nin consequence of the habit of hibernation or migration in search\nof food, while trees only bore fruit in their season. The savage,\nregarding all animals and plants as possessed of self-conscious life\nand volition, would think that they came of their own accord to give\nhim subsistence or life. Afterwards, when they had obtained the idea\nof a soul or spirit, and of the survival of the soul after death,\nand when, on the introduction of personal names, the personality\nof individuals could be realised and remembered after death, they\nfrequently thought that the spirits of ancestors went back to the\ntotem-animal, whence they derived their life. The idea of descent\nfrom the totem would thus naturally arise. As the means of subsistence\nincreased, and especially in those communities which had domesticated\nanimals or cultivated plants, the conception of the totem as the\nchief source of life would gradually die away and be replaced by the\nbelief in descent from it; and when they also thought that the spirits\nof ancestors were in the totem, they would naturally abstain from\neating it. Perhaps also the Australians consider that the members\nof the totem-clan should abstain from eating the totem for fear of\ninjuring the common life, as more advanced communities abstained from\neating the flesh of domestic animals. This may be the ground for the\nrule that they should only eat sparingly of the totem. To the later\nperiod may be ascribed the adoption of carnivorous animals as totems;\nwhen these animals came to be feared and also venerated for their\nqualities of strength, ferocity and courage, warriors would naturally\nwish to claim kinship with and descent from them.\n\n\n\n\n66. Living and eating together.\n\nWhen the members of the totem-clan who lived together recognised that\nthey owed something to each other, and that the gratification of the\ninstincts and passions of the individual must to a certain degree be\nrestrained if they endangered the lives and security of other members\nof the clan, they had taken the first step on the long path of moral\nand social progress. The tie by which they supposed themselves to be\nunited was quite different from those which have constituted a bond of\nunion between the communities who have subsequently lived together in\nthe tribe, the city-state and the country. These have been a common\nreligion, common language, race, or loyalty to a common sovereign;\nbut the real bond has throughout been the common good or the public\ninterest. And the desire for this end on the part of the majority\nof the members of the community, or the majority of those who were\nable to express their opinions, though its action was until recently\nnot overt nor direct, and was not recognised, has led to the gradual\nevolution of the whole fabric of law and moral feeling, in order to\ngovern and control the behaviour and conduct of the individual in\nhis relations with his family, neighbours and fellow-citizens for\nthe public advantage. The members of the totem-clan would have been\nquite unable to understand either the motives by which they were\nthemselves actuated or the abstract ideas which have united more\nadvanced communities; but they devised an even stronger bond than\nthese, in supposing that they were parts or fractions of one common\nbody or life. This was the more necessary as their natural impulses\nwere uncontrolled by moral feeling. They conceived the bond of union\nin the concrete form of eating together. As language improved and\npassing events were recorded in speech and in the mind, the faculty of\nmemory was perhaps concurrently developed. Then man began to realise\nthe insecurity of his life, the dangers and misfortunes to which he\nwas subject, the periodical failure or irregularity of the supply\nof food, and the imminent risks of death. Memory of the past made\nhim apprehensive for the future, and holding that every event was the\nresult of an act of volition, he began to assume an attitude either of\nveneration, gratitude, or fear towards the strongest of the beings by\nwhom he thought his destinies were controlled--the sun, moon, sky, wind\nand rain, the ocean and great rivers, high mountains and trees, and\nthe most important animals of his environment, whether they destroyed\nor assisted to preserve his life. The ideas of propitiation, atonement\nand purification were then imparted to the sacrifice, and it became an\noffering to a god. [157] But the primary idea of eating or drinking\ntogether as a bond of union was preserved, and can be recognised in\nreligious and social custom to an advanced period of civilisation.\n\n\n\n\n67. The origin of exogamy.\n\nAgain, Dr. Westermarck shows that the practice of exogamy or\nthe avoidance of intermarriage did not at first arise between\npersons recognised as blood relations, but between those who lived\ntogether. \"Facts show that the extent to which relatives are not\nallowed to intermarry is nearly connected with their close living\ntogether. Generally speaking the prohibited degrees are extended\nmuch further among savage and barbarous peoples than in civilised\nsocieties. As a rule the former, if they have not remained in the\nmost primitive social condition of man, live not in separate families\nbut in large households or communities, all the members of which\ndwell in very close contact with each other.\" [158] And later, after\nadducing the evil results of self-fertilisation in plants and close\ninterbreeding in animals, Dr. Westermarck continues: \"Taking all these\nfacts into consideration, I cannot but believe that consanguineous\nmarriages, in some way or other, are more or less detrimental to the\nspecies. And here I think we may find a quite sufficient explanation\nof the horror of incest; not because man at an early stage recognised\nthe injurious influence of close intermarriage, but because the law of\nnatural selection must inevitably have operated. Among the ancestors\nof man, as among other animals, there was no doubt a time when blood\nrelationship was no bar to sexual intercourse. But variations here,\nas elsewhere, would naturally present themselves; and those of our\nancestors who avoided in-and-in breeding would survive, while the\nothers would gradually decay and ultimately perish. Thus an instinct\nwould be developed, which would be powerful enough as a rule to\nprevent injurious unions. Of course it would display itself simply as\nan aversion on the part of individuals to union with others with whom\nthey lived; but these as a matter of fact would be blood relations,\nso that the result would be the survival of the fittest.\"\n\n\n\n\n68. Promiscuity and female descent.\n\nThe instinct of exogamy first developed in the totem-clan when it\nwas migratory and lived by hunting, at least among the Australians\nand probably the American Indians.\n\nThe first condition of the clan was one of sexual promiscuity, and in\n_Totemism and Exogamy_ Sir J.G. Frazer has adduced many instances of\nperiodical promiscuous debauchery which probably recall this state of\nthings. [159] The evil results which would accrue from in-breeding\nin the condition of promiscuity may have been modified by such\nincidents as the expulsion of the young males through the spasmodic\njealousy of the older ones, the voluntary segregation of the old\nmales, fights and quarrels leading to the rearrangement of groups,\nand the frequent partial destruction of a group, when the survivors\nmight attach themselves to a new group. Primitive peoples attached the\nutmost importance to the rule of exogamy, and the punishments for the\nbreach of it were generally more severe than those for the violation\nof the laws of affinity in civilised countries. The Australians say\nthat the good spirit or the wise men prescribed to them the rule that\nthe members of each totem-clan should not marry with each other. [160]\nSimilarly the Gonds say that their divine hero, Lingo, introduced the\nrule of exogamy and the division into clans before he went to the gods.\n\nAt first, however, the exogamous clan was not constituted by descent\nthrough males, but through females. The hypothesis that female\neverywhere preceded male descent is strongly supported by natural\nprobability. In the first instance, the parentage of children was no\nmore observed and remembered than that of animals. When first observed,\nit was necessarily through the mother, the identity of the father\nbeing wholly uncertain. The mother would also be the first parent\nto remember her children, her affection for them being based on one\nof the strongest natural instincts, whereas the father neither knew\nnor cared for his children until long afterwards. Sir J.G. Frazer\nhas further shown that even now some of the Australian aborigines\nare ignorant of the physical fact of paternity and its relation\nto sexual intercourse. That such ignorance could have survived so\nlong is the strongest evidence in favour of the universal priority\nof female to male descent. It is doubtful, however, whether even the\nmother could remember her children after they had become adult, prior\nto the introduction of personal names. Mr. M'Lennan states: \"The tie\nbetween mother and child, which exists as a matter of necessity during\ninfancy, is not infrequently found to be lost sight of among savages\non the age of independence being reached.\" [161] Personal names were\nprobably long subsequent to clan-names, and when they were first\nintroduced the name usually had some reference to the clan. The Red\nIndians and other races have totem-names which are frequently some\nvariant of the name of the totem. [162] When personal names came to\nbe generally introduced, the genesis of the individual family might\nsoon follow, but the family could scarcely have come into existence\nin the absence of personal names. As a rule, in the exogamous clan\nwith female descent no regard was paid to the chastity of women, and\nthey could select their partners as they pleased. Mr. Hartland has\nshown in _Primitive Paternity_ that in a large number of primitive\ncommunities the chastity of women was neither enforced nor desired by\nthe men, this state of things being probably a relic of the period\nof female descent. Thus exogamy first arose through the women of\nthe clan resorting to men outside it. When we consider the extreme\nrigour of life and the frequent danger of starvation to which the\nsmall clans in the hunting stage must have been exposed, it does\nnot seem impossible that the evil effects of marriage within the\nclan may have been noticed. At that time probably only a minority\neven of healthy children survived, and the slight congenital weakness\nproduced by in-breeding might apparently be fatal to a child's chance\nof life. Possibly some dim perception may have been obtained of the\ndifferent fates of the children of women who restricted their sexual\nrelations to men within the clan and those who resorted to strangers,\neven though the nature of paternity may not have been understood. The\nstrength of the feeling and custom of exogamy seems to demand some\nsuch recognition for its satisfactory explanation, though, on the\nother hand, the lateness of the recognition of the father's share in\nthe production of children militates against this view. The suggestion\nmay be made also that the belief that the new life of a child must be\nproduced by a spirit entering the woman, or other extraneous source,\ndoes not necessarily involve an ignorance of the physical fact of\npaternity; the view that the spirits of ancestors are reborn in\nchildren is still firmly held by tribes who have long been wholly\nfamiliar with the results of the commerce of the sexes. The practice\nof exogamy was no doubt, as shown by Dr. Westermarck, favoured and\nsupported by the influence of novelty in sexual attraction, since\naccording to common observation and experience sexual love or desire\nis more easily excited between strangers or slight acquaintances than\nbetween those who have long lived together in the same household or\nin familiar intercourse. In the latter case the attraction is dulled\nby custom and familiarity.\n\n\n\n\n69. Exogamy with female descent.\n\nThe exogamous clan, with female descent, was, however, an unstable\nsocial institution, in that it had no regular provision for marriage\nnor for the incorporation of married couples. The men who associated\nwith the women of the clan were not necessarily, nor as a rule,\nadmitted to it, but remained in their own clans. How this association\ntook place is not altogether clear. At a comparatively late period in\nArabia, according to Professor Robertson Smith, [163] the woman would\nhave a tent, and could entertain outside men for a shorter or longer\nperiod according to her inclination. The practice of serving for a wife\nalso perhaps dates from the period of female descent. The arrangement\nwould have been that a man went and lived with a woman's family\nand gave his services in return for her conjugal society. Whether\nthe residence with the wife's family was permanent or not is perhaps\nuncertain. When Jacob served for Leah and Rachel, society seems to have\nbeen in the early patriarchal stage, as Laban was their father and\nhe was Laban's sister's son. But it seems doubtful whether his right\nwas then recognised to take his wives away with him, for even after\nhe had served fourteen years Laban pursued him, and would have taken\nthem back if he had not been warned against doing so in a vision. The\nepisode of Rachel's theft of the images also seems to indicate that\nshe intended to take her own household gods with her and not to adopt\nthose of her husband's house. And Laban's chief anxiety was for the\nrecovery of the images. A relic of the husband's residence with his\nwife's family during the period of female descent may perhaps be found\nin the Banjara caste, who oblige a man to go and live with his wife's\nfather for a month without seeing her face. Under the patriarchal\nsystem this rule of the Banjaras is meaningless, though the general\npractice of serving for a wife survives as a method of purchase.\n\nAmong the Australian aborigines apparently the clans, or sections\nof them, wander about in search of food and game, and meet each\nother for more or less promiscuous intercourse. This may perhaps\nbe supposed to have been the general primitive condition of society\nafter the introduction of exogamy combined with female descent. And\nits memory is possibly preserved in the tradition of the Golden Age,\ngolden only in the sense that man was not troubled either by memory\nor anticipation, and lived only for the day. The entire insecurity\nof life and its frequent end by starvation or a violent death did not\ntherefore trouble him any more than is the case with animals. He took\nno thought for the morrow, nor did the ills of yesterday oppress\nhis mind. As when one of a herd of deer is shot by a hunter and\nthe others stand by it pityingly as it lies dying on the ground,\nuncertain of its mishap, though they would help it if they could;\nyet when they perceive the hunter they make quickly off and in a few\nminutes are again grazing happily a mile or two away: little or no\nmore than this can primitive man be supposed to have been affected by\nthe deaths of his fellows. But possibly, since he was carnivorous,\nthe sick and old may have been killed for food, as is still the\npractice among some tribes of savages. In the natural course,\nhowever, more or less permanent unions, though perhaps not regular\nmarriages, must have developed in the female exogamous clan, which\nwould thus usually have men of other clans living with it. And since\nidentification of individuals would be extremely difficult before\nthe introduction of personal names, there would be danger that when\ntwo clans met, men and women belonging to the same totem-clan would\nhave sexual intercourse. This offence, owing to the strength of the\nfeeling for exogamy, was frequently held to entail terrible evils\nfor the community, and was consequently sometimes punished with\ndeath as treason. Moreover, if we suppose a number of small clans,\nA, B, C, D and E, to meet each other again and again, and the men and\nwomen to unite promiscuously, it is clear that the result would be a\nmixture of relationships of a very incestuous character. The incest\nof brothers and sisters by the same father would be possible and of\nalmost all other relations, though that of brothers and sisters by the\nsame mother would not be caused. This may have been the reason for\nthe introduction of the class system among the Australians and Red\nIndians, by which all the clans of a certain area were divided into\ntwo classes, and the men of any clan of one class could only marry or\nhave intercourse with the women of a clan of the other class. By such a\ndivision the evil results of the mixture of totems in exogamous clans\nwith female descent would be avoided. The class system was sometimes\nfurther strengthened by the rule, in Australia, that different classes\nshould, when they met, encamp on opposite sides of a creek or other\nnatural division [164]; whilst among the Red Indians, the classes camp\non opposite sides of the road, or live on different sides of the same\nhouse or street. [165] In Australia, and very occasionally elsewhere,\nthe class system has been developed into four and eight sub-classes. A\nman of one sub-class can only marry a woman of one other, and their\nchildren belong to one of those different from either the father's or\nmother's. This highly elaborate and artificial system was no doubt,\nas stated by Sir J. G. Frazer, devised for the purpose of preventing\nthe intermarriage of parents and children belonging to different clans\nwhere there are four sub-classes, and of first cousins where there are\neight sub-classes. [166] The class system, however, would not appear to\nhave been the earliest form of exogamy among the Australian tribes. Its\nvery complicated character, and the fact that the two principal classes\nsometimes do not even have names, seem to preclude the idea of its\nhaving been the first form of exogamy, which is a strong natural\nfeeling, so much so that it may almost be described as an instinct,\nthough of course not a primitive animal instinct. And just as the\ntotem clan, which establishes a sentiment of kinship between people\nwho are not related by blood, was prior to the individual family, so\nexogamy, which forbids the marriage of people who are not related by\nblood, must apparently have been prior to the feeling simply against\nconnections of persons related by blood or what we call incest. If the\ntwo-class system was introduced in Australia to prohibit the marriage\nof brothers and sisters at a time when they could not recognise each\nother in adult life, then on the introduction of personal names which\nwould enable brothers and sisters to recognise and remember each other,\nthe two-class system should have been succeeded by a modern table of\nprohibited degrees, and not by clan exogamy at all. It is suggested\nthat the two-class system was a common and natural form of evolution\nof a society divided into exogamous totem clans with female descent,\nwhen a man was not taken into the clan of the woman with whom he\nlived. The further subdivision into four and eight sub-classes is\nalmost peculiar to the Australian tribes; its development may perhaps\nbe attributed to the fact that these tribes have retained the system\nof female descent and the migratory hunting method of life for an\nabnormally long period, and have evolved this special institution\nto prevent the unions of near relatives which are likely to occur\nunder such conditions. The remains of a two-class system appear to\nbe traceable among the Gonds of the Central Provinces. In one part of\nBastar all the Gond clans are divided into two classes without names,\nand a man cannot marry a woman belonging to any clan of his own class,\nbut must take one from a clan of the other class. Elsewhere the Gonds\nare divided into two groups of six-god and seven-god worshippers among\nwhom the same rule obtains. Formerly the Gonds appear in some places\nto have had seven groups, worshipping different numbers of gods from\none to seven, and each of these groups was exogamous. But after the\ncomplete substitution of male for female kinship in the clan, and the\nsettlement of clans in different villages, the classes cease to fulfil\nany useful purpose. They are now disappearing, and it is very difficult\nto obtain any reliable information about their rules. The system of\ncounting kinship through the mother, or female descent, has long been\nextinct in the Central Provinces and over most of India. Some survival\nof it, or at least the custom of polyandry, is found among the Nairs\nof southern India and in Thibet. Elsewhere scarcely a trace remains,\nand this was also the condition of things with the classical races of\nantiquity; so much so, indeed, that even great thinkers like Sir Henry\nMaine and M. Fustel de Coulanges, with the examples only of India,\nGreece and Rome before them, did not recognise the system of female\ndescent, and thought that the exogamous clan with male descent was\nan extension of the patriarchal family, this latter having been the\noriginal unit of society. The wide distribution of exogamy and the\nprobable priority of the system of female to that of male descent were\nfirst brought prominently to notice by Mr. M'Lennan. Still a distinct\ntrace of the prior form survives here in the special relationship\nsometimes found to exist between a man and his sister's children. This\nis a survival of the period when a woman's children, under the rule of\nfemale descent, belonged to her own family and her husband or partner\nin sexual relations had no proprietary right or authority over them,\nthe place and authority of a father belonging in such a condition\nof society to the mother's brother or brothers. Among the Halbas a\nmarriage is commonly arranged when practicable between a brother's\ndaughter and a sister's son. And a man always shows a special regard\nand respect for his sister's son, touching the latter's feet as to a\nsuperior, while whenever he desires to make a gift as an offering of\nthanks and atonement, or as a meritorious action, the sister's son is\nthe recipient. At his death he usually leaves a substantial legacy,\nsuch as one or two buffaloes, to his sister's son, the remainder of\nthe property going to his own family. Similarly among the Kamars the\nmarriage of a man's children with his sister's children is considered\nthe most suitable union. If a man's sister is poor, he will arrange\nfor the weddings of her children. He will never beat his sister's\nchildren however much they may deserve it, and he will not permit his\nsister's son or daughter to eat from the dish from which he eats. The\nlast rule, it is said, also applies to the maternal aunt. The Kunbis,\nand other Maratha castes, have a saying: 'At the sister's house\nthe brother's daughter is a daughter-in-law.' The Gonds call the\nwedding of a brother's daughter to a sister's son _Dudh lautana_, or\n'bringing back the milk.' The reason why a brother was formerly anxious\nto marry his daughter to his sister's son was that the latter would\nbe his heir under the matriarchal system; but now that inheritance is\nthrough males, and girls are at a premium for marriage, a brother is\nusually more anxious to get his sister's daughter for his son, and on\nthe analogy of the opposite union it is sometimes supposed, as among\nthe Gonds, that he also has a right to her. Many other instances of\nthe special relation between a brother and his sister's children are\ngiven by Sir J.G. Frazer in _Totemism and Exogamy_. In some localities\nalso the Korkus build their villages in two long lines of houses on\neach side of the road, and it may be the case that this is a relic\nof the period when two or more clans with female descent lived in the\nsame village, and those belonging to each class who could not marry or\nhave sexual relations among themselves occupied one side of the road.\n\n\n\n\n70. Marriage.\n\nThe transfer of the reckoning of kinship and descent from the\nmother's to the father's side may perhaps be associated with the full\nrecognition of the physical fact of paternity. Though they may not\nhave been contemporaneous in all or even the majority of societies,\nit would seem that the former was in most cases the logical outcome\nof the latter, regard being had also to the man's natural function\nas protector of the family and provider of its sustenance. But this\ntransition from female to male kinship was a social revolution of the\nfirst importance. Under the system of female descent there had been\ngenerally no transfer of clanship; both the woman and her partner or\nhusband retained their own clans, and the children belonged to their\nmother's clan. In the totemic stage of society the totem-clan was the\nvital organism, and the individual scarcely realised his own separate\nexistence, but regarded himself as a member of his totem-clan, being\na piece or fraction of a common life which extended through all the\nmembers of the clan and all the totem animals of the species. They\nmay have thought also that each species of animals and plants had a\ndifferent kind of life, and consequently also each clan whose life\nwas derived from, and linked to, that of its totem-species. For the\nname, and life, and qualities, and flesh and blood were not separate\nconceptions, but only one conception; and since the name and qualities\nwere part of the life, the life of one species could not be the same\nas that of another, and every species which had a separate name must\nhave been thought to have a different kind of life. Nor would man have\nbeen regarded as a distinct species in the early totem-stage, and there\nwould be no word for man; but each totem-clan would regard itself as\nhaving the same life as its totem-species. With the introduction of the\nsystem of male kinship came also the practice of transferring a woman\nfrom her own clan to that of her husband. It may be suggested that\nthis was the origin of the social institution of marriage. Primitive\nsociety had no provision for such a procedure, which was opposed\nto its one fundamental idea of its own constitution, and involved a\nchange of the life and personality of the woman transferred.\n\n\n\n\n71. Marriage by capture.\n\nThe view seems to have been long held that this transfer could only\nbe effected by violence or capture, the manner in which presumably\nit was first practised. Marriage by capture is very widely prevalent\namong savage races, as shown by Mr. M'Lennan in _Primitive Marriage_,\nand by Dr. Westermarck in _The History of Human Marriage_. Where the\ncustom has given place to more peaceable methods of procuring a wife,\nsurvivals commonly occur. In Bastar the regular capture of the girl is\nstill sometimes carried out, though the business is usually arranged\nby the couple beforehand, and the same is the case among the Kolams of\nWardha. A regular part of the marriage procedure among the Gonds and\nother tribes is that the bride should weep formally for some hours,\nor a day before the wedding, and she is sometimes taught to cry in the\nproper note. At the wedding the bride hides somewhere and has to be\nfound or carried off by the bridegroom or his brother. This ritualistic\ndisplay of grief and coyness appears to be of considerable interest. It\ncannot be explained by the girl's reluctance to marriage as involving\nthe loss of her virginity, inasmuch as she is still frequently not a\nvirgin at her wedding, and to judge from the analogy of other tribes,\ncould seldom or never have been one a few generations back. Nor is\naffection for her family or grief at the approaching separation from\nthem a satisfactory motive. This would not account for the hiding\nat all, and not properly for the weeping, since she will after all\nonly live a few miles away and will often return home; and sometimes\nshe does not only weep at her own house but at all the houses of\nthe village. The suggestion may be made that the procedure really\nindicates the girl's reluctance to be severed from her own clan and\ntransferred to another; and that the sentiment is a survival of the\nresistance to marriage by capture which was at first imposed on the\nwomen by the men from loyalty to the clan totem and its common life,\nand had nothing to do with the conjugal relationship of marriage. But\nout of this feeling the sexual modesty of women, which had been\nnon-existent in the matriarchal condition of society, was perhaps\ngradually developed. The Chamars of Bilaspur have sham fights on the\napproach of the wedding party, and in most Hindu castes the bridegroom\non his arrival performs some militant action, such as striking the\nmarriage-shed or breaking one of its festoons. After the marriage\nthe bride is nearly always sent home with the bridegroom's party for\na few days, even though she may be a child and the consummation of\nthe marriage impossible. This may be in memory of her having formerly\nbeen carried off, and some analogous significance may attach to our\nhoneymoon. When the custom of capture had died down it was succeeded\nby the milder form of elopement, or the bride was sold or exchanged\nagainst a girl from the bridegroom's family or clan, but there is\nusually a relic of a formal transfer, such as the Hindu _Kanyadan_ or\ngift of the virgin, the Roman _Traditio in manum_ or her transfer from\nher father's to her husband's power, and the giving away of the bride.\n\n\n\n\n72. Transfer of the bride to her husband's clan.\n\nThese customs seem to mark the transfer of the woman from her\nfather's to her husband's clan, which was in the first instance\neffected forcibly and afterwards by the free gift of her father or\nguardian, and the change of surname would be a relic of the change of\nclan. Among the Hindus a girl is never called by her proper name in\nher husband's house, but always by some other name or nickname. This\ncustom seems to be a relic of the period when the name denoted the\nclan, though it no longer has any reference either to the girl's\nclan or family. Another rite portraying the transfer in India is the\nmarking of the bride's forehead with vermilion, which is no doubt a\nsubstitute for blood. The ceremony would be a relic of participation\nin the clan sacrifice when the bride would in the first place drink\nthe blood of the totem animal or tribal god with the bridegroom in\nsign of her admission to his clan and afterwards be marked with the\nblood as a substitute. This smear of vermilion a married woman always\ncontinues to wear as a sign of her state, unless she wears pink powder\nor a spangle as a substitute. [167] Where this pink powder _(kunku)_\nor spangles are used they must always be given by the bridegroom to\nthe bride as part of the _Sohag_ or trousseau. At a Bhaina wedding the\nbride's father makes an image in clay of the bird or animal of the\ngroom's sept and places it beside the marriage-post. The bridegroom\nworships the image, lighting a sacrificial fire before it, or offers\nto it the vermilion which he afterwards smears upon the forehead of\nthe bride. The Khadals at their marriages worship their totem animal\nor tree, and offer to it flowers, sandalwood, vermilion, uncooked rice,\nand the new clothes and ornaments intended for the bride, which she may\nnot wear until this ceremony has been performed. Again, the sacrament\nof the Meher or marriage cakes is sometimes connected with the clan\ntotem in India. These cakes are cooked and eaten sacramentally by all\nthe members of the family and their relatives, the bride and bridegroom\ncommencing first. Among the Kols the relatives to whom these cakes are\ndistributed cannot intermarry, and this indicates that the eating of\nthem was formerly a sacrament of the exogamous clan. The association of\nthe totem with the marriage cakes is sometimes clearly shown. Thus in\nthe Dahait caste members of the clans named after certain trees, go to\nthe tree at the time of their weddings and invite it to be present at\nthe ceremony. They offer the marriage cakes to the tree. Those of the\nNagotia or cobra clan deposit the cakes at a snake's hole. Members of\nthe Singh (lion) and Bagh (tiger) clans draw images of these animals on\nthe wall at the time of their weddings and offer the cakes to them. The\nBasors of the Kulatia or somersault clan do somersaults at the time of\neating the cakes; those of the Karai Nor clan, who venerate a well,\neat the cakes at a well and not at home. Basors of the Lurhia clan,\nwho venerate a grinding-stone, worship this implement at the time\nof eating the marriage cakes. M. Fustel de Coulanges states that\nthe Roman Confarreatio, or eating of a cake together by the bride\nand bridegroom in the presence of the family gods of the latter,\nconstituted their holy union or marriage. By this act the wife was\ntransferred to the gods and religion of her husband. [168] Here the\ngods referred to are clearly held to be the family gods, and in the\nhistorical period it seems doubtful whether the Roman _gens_ was still\nexogamous. But if the patriarchal family developed within the exogamous\nclan tracing descent through males, and finally supplanted the clan as\nthe most important social unit, then it would follow that the family\ngods were only a substitute for the clan gods, and the bride came to\nbe transferred to her husband's family instead of to his clan. The\nmarriage ceremony in Greece consisted of a common meal of a precisely\nsimilar character, [169] and the English wedding cake seems to be a\nsurvival of such a rite. At their weddings the Bhils make cakes of\nthe large millet juari, calling it Juari Mata or Mother Juari. These\ncakes are eaten at the houses of the bride and bridegroom by the\nmembers of their respective clans, and the remains are buried inside\nthe house as sacred food. Dr. Howitt states of the Kurnai tribe: \"By\nand by, when the bruises and perhaps wounds received in these fights\n(between the young men and women) had healed, a young man and a young\nwoman might meet, and he, looking at her, would say, for instance,\n'Djiitgun! [170] What does the Djiitgun eat?' The reply would be\n'She eats kangaroo, opossum,' or some other game. This constituted a\nformal offer and acceptance, and would be followed by the elopement of\nthe couple as described in the chapter on Marriage.\" [171] There is\nno statement that the question about eating refers to the totem, but\nthis must apparently have been the original bearing of the question,\nwhich otherwise would be meaningless. Since this proposal of marriage\nfollowed on a fight between the boys and girls arising from the fact\nthat one party had injured the other party's sex-totem, the fight\nmay perhaps really have been a preliminary to the proposal and have\nrepresented a symbolic substitute for or survival of marriage by\ncapture. Among the Santals, Colonel Dalton says, \"the social meal\nthat the boy and girl eat together is the most important part of the\nceremony, as by the act the girl ceases to belong to her father's tribe\nand becomes a member of the husband's family.\" Since the terms tribe\nand family are obviously used loosely in the above statement, we may\nperhaps substitute clan in both cases. Many other instances of the rite\nof eating together at a wedding are given by Dr. Westermarck. [172]\nIf, therefore, it be supposed that the wedding ceremony consisted\noriginally of the formal transfer of the bride to the bridegroom's\nclan, and further that the original tie which united the totem-clan\nwas the common eating of the totem animal, then the practice of the\nbride and bridegroom eating together as a symbol of marriage can be\nfully understood. When the totem animal had ceased to be the principal\nmeans of subsistence, bread, which to a people in the agricultural\nstage had become the staff or chief support of life, was substituted\nfor it, as argued by Professor Robertson Smith in _The Religion of the\nSemites_. If the institution of marriage was thus originally based on\nthe forcible transfer of a woman from her own to her husband's clan,\ncertain Indian customs become easily explicable in the light of this\nview. We can understand why a Brahman or Rajput thought it essential to\nmarry his daughter into a clan or family of higher status than his own;\nbecause the disgrace of having his daughter taken from him by what\nhad been originally an act of force, was atoned for by the superior\nrank of the captor or abductor. And similarly the terms father-in-law\nand brother-in-law would be regarded as opprobrious because they\noriginally implied not merely that the speaker had married the sister\nor daughter of the person addressed, but had married her forcibly,\nthereby placing him in a position of inferiority. A Rajput formerly\nfelt it derogatory that any man should address him either as father-or\nbrother-in-law. And the analogous custom of a man refusing to take food\nin the house of his son-in-law's family and sometimes even refusing\nto drink water in their village would be explicable on precisely the\nsame grounds. This view of marriage would also account for the wide\nprevalence of female infanticide. Because in the primitive condition\nof exogamy with male descent, girls could not be married in their\nown clan, as this would transgress the binding law of exogamy, and\nthey could not be transferred from their own totem-clan and married\nin another except by force and rape. Hence it was thought better to\nkill girl children than to suffer the ignominy of their being forcibly\ncarried off. Both kinds of female infanticide as distinguished by Sir\nH. Risley [173] would thus originally be due to the same belief. The\nKhond killed his daughter because she could not be married otherwise\nthan by forcible abduction; not necessarily because he was unable to\nprotect her, but because he could not conceive of her being transferred\nfrom one totem-clan to another by any other means; and he was bound to\nresist the transfer because by acquiescing in it, he would have been\nguilty of disloyalty to his own totem, whose common life was injured\nby the loss of the girl. The Rajput killed his daughter because it\nwas a disgrace to him to get her married at all outside his clan,\nand she could not be married within it. Afterwards the disgrace was\nremoved by marrying her into a higher clan than his own and by lavish\nexpenditure on the wedding; and the practice of female infanticide\nwas continued to avoid the ruinous outlay which this primitive view of\nmarriage had originally entailed. The Hindu custom of the Swayamvara\nor armed contest for the hand of a Rajput princess, and the curious\nrecognition by the Hindu law-books of simple rape as a legitimate\nform of marriage would be explained on the same ground.\n\n\n\n\n73. The exogamous clan with male descent and the village.\n\nIt has been seen that the exogamous clan with female descent contained\nno married couples, and therefore it was necessary either that outside\nmen should live with it, or that the clans should continually meet each\nother, or that two or more should live in the same village. With the\nchange to male descent and the transfer of women to their husbands'\nclans, this unstable characteristic was removed. Henceforth the clan\nwas self-contained, having its married couples, both members of it,\nwhose children would also be born in and belong to it. Since the\nclan was originally a body of persons who wandered about and hunted\ntogether, its character would be maintained by living together, and\nthere is reason to suppose that the Indian exogamous clan with male\ndescent took its special character because its members usually lived\nin one or more villages. This fact would account for the large number\nand multiplication of clans in India as compared with other places. As\nalready seen one of the names of a clan is _khera_, which also means\na village, and a large number of the clan names are derived from, or\nthe same, as those of villages. Among the Khonds all the members of\none clan live in the same locality about some central village. Thus\nthe Tupa clan are collected about the village of Teplagarh in Patna\nState, the Loa clan round Sindhekala, the Borga clan round Bangomunda\nand so on. The Nunias of Mirzapur, Mr. Crooke remarks, [174] have\na system of local subdivisions called _dih_, each subdivision being\nnamed after the village which is supposed to be its home. The word\n_dih_ itself means a site or village. Those who have the same _dih_\ndo not intermarry. In the villages first settled by the Oraons, Father\nDehon states, [175] the population is divided into three _khunts_\nor branches, the founders of the three branches being held to have\nbeen sons of the first settler. Members of each branch belong to\nthe same clan or _got_. Each _khunt_ or branch has a share of the\nvillage lands. The Mochis or cobblers have forty exogamous sections\nor _gotras_, mostly named after Rajput clans, and they also have an\nequal number of _kheras_ or groups named after villages. The limits of\nthe two groups seem to be identical; and members of each group have an\nancestral village from which they are supposed to have come. Marriage\nis now regulated by the Rajput sept-names, but the probability is that\nthe _kheras_ were the original divisions, and the Rajput _gotras_\nhave been more recently adopted in support of the claims already\nnoticed. The Parjas have totemistic exogamous clans and marriage is\nprohibited in theory between members of the same clan. But as the\nnumber of clans is rather small, the rule is not adhered to, and\nmembers of the same clan are permitted to marry so long as they do\nnot come from the same village. The Minas of Rajputana are divided\ninto twelve exogamous _pals_ or clans; the original meaning of the\nword _pal_ was a defile or valley suitable for defence, where the\nmembers of the clan would live together as in a Scotch glen.\n\nThus among the cultivating castes apparently each exogamous clan\nconsisted originally of the residents of one village, though they\nafterwards spread to a number of villages. The servile labouring\ncastes may also have arranged their clans by villages as the primitive\nforest-tribes did. How the menial castes formed exogamous clans is\nnot altogether clear, as the numbers in one village would be only\nsmall. But it may be supposed that as they gradually increased,\nclans came into existence either in one large village or a number\nof adjacent ones, and sometimes traced their descent from a single\nfamily or from an ancestor with a nickname. As a rule, the artisan\ncastes do not appear to have formed villages of their own in India, as\nthey did in Russia, though this may occasionally have happened. When\namong the cultivating castes the lands were divided, separate joint\nfamilies would be constituted; the head only of each family would be\nits representative in the clan, as he would hold the share of the\nvillage land assigned to the family, which was their joint means\nof subsistence, and the family would live in one household. Thus\nperhaps the Hindu joint family came into existence as a subdivision\nof the exogamous clan with male descent, on which its constitution\nwas modelled. In Chhattisgarh families still live together in large\nenclosures with separate huts for the married couples. A human\nancestor gradually took the place of the totem as the giver of life\nto the clan. The members thought themselves bound together by the tie\nof his blood which flowed through all their veins, and frequently,\nas in Athens, Rome and Scotland, every member of the clan bore his\nname. In this capacity, as the source of the clan's life, the original\nancestor was perhaps venerated, and on the development of the family\nsystem within the clan, the ancestors of the family were held in\na similar regard, and the feeling extended to the living ancestor\nor father, who is treated with the greatest deference in the early\npatriarchal family. Even now Hindu boys, though they may be better\neducated and more intelligent than their father, will not as a rule\naddress him at meals unless he speaks to them first, on account of\ntheir traditional respect for him. The regard for the father may be\nstrengthened by his position as the stay and support of the family,\nbut could scarcely have arisen solely from this cause.\n\nDr. Westermarck's view that the origin of exogamy lay in the feeling\nagainst the marriage of persons who lived together, receives support\nfrom the fact that a feeling of kinship still subsists between Hindus\nliving in the same village, even though they may belong to different\ncastes and clans. It is commonly found that all the households of a\nvillage believe themselves in a manner related. A man will address\nall the men of the generation above his own as uncle, though they may\nbe of different castes, and the children of the generation below his\nown as niece and nephew. When a girl is married, all the old men of\nthe village call her husband 'son-in-law.' This extends even to the\nimpure castes who cannot be touched. Yet owing to the fact that they\nlive together they are considered by fiction to be related. The Gowari\ncaste do not employ Brahmans for their weddings, but the ceremony is\nperformed by the _bhanja_ or sister's son either of the girl's father\nor the boy's father. If he is not available, any one whom either the\ngirl's father or the boy's father addresses as _bhanja_ or nephew\nin the village, even though he may be no relation and may belong to\nanother caste, may perform the ceremony as a substitute. Among the\nOraons and other tribes prenuptial intercourse between boys and girls\nof the same village is regularly allowed. It is not considered right,\nhowever, that these unions should end in marriage, for which partners\nshould be sought from other villages. [176] In the Maratha country\nthe villagers have a communal feast on the occasion of the Dasahra\nfestival, the Kunbis or cultivators eating first and the members of\nthe menial and labouring castes afterwards.\n\n\n\n\n74. The large exogamous clans of the Brahmans and Rajputs. The\nSapindas, the _gens_ and the g'enoc.\n\nThe Brahmans and Rajputs, however, and one or two other military\ncastes, as the Marathas and Lodhis, do not have the small exogamous\nclans (which probably, as has been seen, represented the persons\nwho lived together in a village), but large ones. Thus the Rajputs\nwere divided into thirty-six royal races, and theoretically all these\nshould have been exogamous, marrying with each other. Each great clan\nwas afterwards, as a rule, split into a number of branches, and it is\nprobable that these became exogamous; while in cases where a community\nof Rajputs have settled on the land and become ordinary cultivators,\nthey have developed into an endogamous subcaste containing small\nclans of the ordinary type. It seems likely that the Rajput clan\noriginally consisted of those who followed the chief to battle and\nfought together, and hence considered themselves to be related. This\nwas, as a matter of fact, the case. Colonel Tod states that the great\nRathor clan, who said that they could muster a hundred thousand swords,\nspoke of themselves as the sons of one father. The members of the\nScotch clans considered themselves related in the same manner, and\nthey were probably of similar character to the Rajput clans. [177]\nI do not know, however, that there is any definite evidence as to\nthe exogamy of the Scotch clans, which would have disappeared with\ntheir conversion to Christianity. The original Rajput clan may perhaps\nhave lived round the chiefs castle or headquarters and been supported\nby the produce of his private fief or demesne. The regular Brahman\n_gotras_ are also few in number, possibly because they were limited\nby the paucity of eponymous saints of the first rank. The word _gotra_\nmeans a stall or cow-pen, and would thus originally signify those who\nlived together in one place like a herd of cattle. But the _gotras_\nare now exceedingly large, the same ones being found in most or all of\nthe Brahman subcastes, and it is believed that they do not regulate\nmarriage as a rule. Sometimes ordinary surnames have taken the place\nof clan names, and persons with the same surname consider themselves\nrelated and do not marry. But usually Brahmans prohibit marriage\nbetween Sapindas or persons related to each other within seven degrees\nfrom a common ancestor. The word Sapinda signifies those who partake\ntogether of the _pindas_ or funeral cakes offered to the dead. The\nSapindas are also a man's heirs in the absence of closer relations;\nthe group of the Sapindas is thus an exact replica within the _gotra_\nof the primitive totem clan which was exogamous and constituted by\nthe tie of living and eating together. Similarly marriage at Rome\nwas prohibited to seven degrees of relationship through males within\nthe _gens_, [178] and this exogamous group of kinsmen appear to have\nbeen the body of agnatic kinsmen within the _gens_ who are referred\nto by Sir H. Maine as a man's ultimate heirs. [179] At Athens, when\na contest arose upon a question of inheritance, the proper legal\nevidence to establish kinship was the proof that the alleged ancestor\nand the alleged heir observed a common worship and shared in the\nsame repast in honour of the dead. [180] The distant heirs were thus\na group within the Athenian g'enoc corresponding to the Sapindas and\nbound by the same tie of eating together. Professor Hearn states that\nthere is no certain evidence that the Roman _gens_ and Greek g'enoc\nwere originally exogamous, but we find that of the Roman matrons whose\nnames are known to us none married a husband with her own Gentile name;\nand further, that Plutarch, in writing of the Romans, says that in\nformer days men did not marry women of their own blood or, as in the\npreceding sentence he calls them, kinswomen suggen'idac, just as in\nhis own day they did not marry their aunts or sisters; and he adds\nthat it was long before they consented to wed with cousins. [181]\nProfessor Hearn's opinion was that the Hindu _gotra_, the Roman\n_gens_ and the Greek g'enoc were originally the same institution,\nthe exogamous clan with male descent, and all the evidence available,\nas well as the close correspondence in other respects of early Hindu\ninstitutions with those of the Greek and Latin cities would tend to\nsupport this view.\n\n\n\n\n75. Comparison of Hindu society with that of Greece and Rome. The\n_gens_.\n\nIn the admirable account of the early constitution of the city-states\nof Greece and Italy contained in the work of M. Fustel de Coulanges,\n_La Cite Antique_, a close resemblance may be traced with the main\nstrata of Hindu society given earlier in this essay. The Roman state\nwas composed of a number of _gentes_ or clans, each _gens_ tracing\nits descent from a common ancestor, whose name it usually bore. The\ntermination of the Gentile name in _ius_ signified descendant, as\nClaudius, Fabius, and so on. Similarly the names of the Athenian\ng'enh or clans ended in _ides_ or _ades_, as Butades, Phytalides,\nwhich had the same signification. [182] The Gentile or clan name\nwas the _nomen_ or principal name, just as the personal names of\nthe members of the totem-clans were at first connected with the\ntotems. The members of the _gens_ lived together on a section of\nthe city land and cultivated it under the control of the head of the\n_gens_. The original _ager Romanus_ is held to have been 115 square\nmiles or about 74,000 acres, [183] and this was divided up among the\nclans. The heads of clans originally lived on their estates and went\nin to Rome for the periodical feasts and other duties. The principal\nfamily or eldest branch of the _gens_ in the descent from a common\nancestor ranked above the others, and its head held the position of\na petty king in the territory of the _gens_. In Greece he was called\n>'anax or basile'uc. [184] Originally the Roman Senate consisted\nsolely of the heads of _gentes,_ and the consuls, flamens and augurs\nwere also chosen exclusively from them; they were known as _patres_;\nafter the expulsion of the kings, fresh senators were added from\nthe junior branches of the _gentes_, of which there were at this\nperiod 160, and these were known as _patres conscripti_ [185]. The\ndistinction between the eldest and junior branches of the _gentes_\nmay have corresponded to the distinction between the Kshatriyas and\nVaishyas, though as practically nothing is known of the constitution\nof the original Kshatriyas, this can only be hypothetical.\n\n\n\n\n76. The clients.\n\nWithin the _gens_, and living in the household or households of its\nmembers, there existed a body of slaves, and also another class of\npersons called clients. [186] The client was a servant and dependant;\nhe might be assigned a plot of land by his patron, but at first could\nnot transmit it nor hold it against his patron. It is probable that\noriginally he had no right of property of his own, but he gradually\nacquired it. First he obtained a right of occupancy in his land and\nof its devolution to his son if he had one. Finally he was given the\npower of making a will. But he was still obliged to contribute to such\nexpenses of the patron as ransom in war, fines imposed by the courts,\nor the dowry of a daughter. [187] The client was considered as a\nmember of the family and bore its name. [188] But he was not a proper\nmember of the family or _gens_, because his pedigree never ascended\nto a _pater_ or the head of a _gens_. [189] It was incumbent on the\npatron to protect the client, and guard his interests both in peace and\nwar. The client participated in the household and Gentile sacrifices\nand worshipped the gods of the _gens_. [190] At first the people\nof Rome consisted of three classes, the patricians, the clients and\nthe plebeians. In course of time, as the rights and privileges of the\nplebeians increased after the appointment of tribunes, their position,\nfrom having originally been much inferior, became superior to that of\nthe clients, and the latter preferred to throw off the tie uniting them\nto their patrons and become merged in the plebeians. In this manner the\nintermediate class of clients at length entirely disappeared. [191]\nThese clients must not be confused with the subsequent class of the\nsame name, who are found during the later period of the republic\nand the empire, and were the voluntary supporters or hangers-on of\nrich men. It would appear that these early clients corresponded very\nclosely to the household servants of the Indian cultivators, from\nwhom the village menial castes were developed. The Roman client was\nsometimes a freed slave, but this would not have made him a member\nof the family, even in a subordinate position. Apparently the class\nof clients may have to a great extent originated in mixed descent, as\nthe Indian household and village menials probably did. This view would\naccount satisfactorily for the client's position as a member of the\nfamily but not a proper one. From the fact that they were considered\none of the three principal divisions of the people it is clear that\nthe clients must at one time have been numerous and important.\n\n\n\n\n77. The plebeians.\n\nBelow the clients came the plebeians, whose position, as M. Fustel\nde Coulanges himself points out, corresponded very closely to that\nof the Sudras. The plebeians had no religion and no ancestors;\nthey did not belong to a family or a _gens_. [192] They were a\ndespised and abject class, who lived like beasts outside the proper\nboundary of the city. The touch of the plebeian was impure. [193]\n\"When tribunes were created a special law was necessary to protect\ntheir life and liberty, and it was promulgated as follows: 'It is\nforbidden to strike or kill a tribune, as if he was an ordinary\nplebeian.' It would appear then that a patrician had the right to\nstrike or kill an ordinary plebeian, or at least that he was amenable\nto no legal punishment for doing so.\" [194] Similarly in the ancient\nGreek cities the citizens were known as >agajo'i or good, and the\nplebeians as kako'i or bad. This latter class is described by the\npoet Theognis as having had aforetime neither tribunals nor laws;\nthey were not allowed even to enter the town, but lived outside like\nwild beasts. They had no part in the religious feasts and could not\nintermarry with the proper citizens. [195]\n\nThis position corresponds exactly with that of the Sudras and the\nexisting impure castes, who have to live outside the village and\ncannot enter or even approach Hindu temples.\n\nM. de Coulanges considers that the plebeians were to a large\nextent made up of conquered and subjected peoples. An asylum was\nalso established at Rome for broken men and outlaws from other\ncities, with a view to increasing the population and strength of\nthe state. Subsequently the class of clients became absorbed among\nthe plebeians.\n\n\n\n\n78. The binding social tie in the city-states.\n\nThus the gradation of society in the city-states of Greece and\nItaly, the account given above being typical of them all, is seen to\ncorrespond fairly closely with that of the Hindus, as exemplified in\nthe Hindu classics and the microcosm of Hindu society, the village\ncommunity. It is desirable, therefore, to inquire what was the tie\nwhich united the members of the _gens_, the _curia_ or _phratry_,\nand the city, and which distinguished the patricians from the\nplebeians. On this point M. Fustel de Coulanges leaves us in no\ndoubt at all. The bond of union among all these bodies was a common\nsacrifice or sacrificial meal, at which all the members had to be\npresent. \"The principal ceremony of the religion of the household was\na meal, which was called a sacrifice. To eat a meal prepared on an\naltar was, according to all appearance, the first form of religious\nworship.\" [196] \"The principal ceremony of the religion of the city\nwas also a public feast; it had to be partaken of communally by all\nthe citizens in honour of the tutelary deities. The custom of holding\nthese public feasts was universal in Greece; and it was believed\nthat the safety of the city depended on their accomplishment.\" [197]\nM. de Coulanges quotes from the _Odyssey_ an account of one of these\nsacred feasts at which nine long tables were set out for the people\nof Pylos; five hundred citizens were seated and nine bulls were\nslaughtered for each table. When Orestes arrived at Athens after the\nmurder of his mother, he found the people, assembled round their king,\nabout to hold the sacred feast. Similar feasts were held and numerous\nvictims were slaughtered in Xenophon's time. [198] At these meals the\nguests were crowned with garlands and the vessels were of a special\nform and material, such as copper or earthenware, no doubt dating\nfrom the antique past. [199] As regards the importance and necessity\nof being present at the Gentile sacrificial feast, the same author\nstates: \"The Capitol was blockaded by the Gauls; but Fabius left\nit and passed through the hostile lines, clad in religious garb,\nand carrying in his hand the sacred objects; he was going to offer\na sacrifice on the altar of his _gens_ which was situated on the\nQuirinal. In the second Punic war another Fabius, he who was called\nthe buckler of Rome, was holding Hannibal in check; it was assuredly\nof the greatest importance to the Republic that he should not leave\nhis army; he left it, however, in the hands of the imprudent Minucius;\nit was because the anniversary day of the sacrifice of his _gens_ had\ncome and it was necessary that he should hasten to Rome to perform the\nsacred rite.\" In Greece the members of the _gens_ were known by the\nfact that they performed communal sacrifices together from a remote\nperiod. [200] As already seen, a communal sacrifice meant the eating\ntogether of the sacred food, whether the flesh of a victim or grain.\n\n\n\n\n79. The Suovetaurilia.\n\nThe Roman city sacrifice of the Suovetaurilia, as described by M. de\nCoulanges, is of the greatest interest. The magistrate whose duty it\nwas to accomplish it, that is in the first place the king, after him\nthe consul, and after him the censor, had first to take the auspices\nand ascertain that the gods were favourable. Then he summoned the\npeople through a herald by a consecrated form of words. On the\nappointed day all the citizens assembled outside the walls; and\nwhile they stood silent the magistrate proceeded three times round\nthe assembly, driving before him three victims--a pig, a ram and a\nbull. The combination of these three victims constituted with the\nGreeks as well as the Romans an expiatory sacrifice. Priests and\nattendants followed the procession: when the third round had been\naccomplished, the magistrate pronounced a prayer and slaughtered\nthe victims. From this moment all sins were expiated, and neglect of\nreligious duties effaced, and the city was at peace with its gods.\n\nThere were two essential features of this ceremony: the first, that\nno stranger should be present at it; and the second, that no citizen\nshould be absent from it. In the latter case the whole city might not\nhave been freed from impurity. The Suovetaurilia was therefore preceded\nby a census, which was conducted with the greatest care both at Rome\nand Athens. The citizen who was not enrolled and was not present at\nthe sacrifice could no longer be a member of the city. He could be\nbeaten and sold as a slave, this rule being relaxed only in the last\ntwo centuries of the Republic. Only male citizens were present at\nthe sacrifice, but they gave a list of their families and belongings\nto the censor, and these were considered to be purified through the\nhead of the family. [201]\n\nThis sacrifice was called a _lustratio_ or purification, and in the\nhistorical period was considered to be expiatory. But it does not\nseem probable that this was its original significance. For there would\nnot in that case have been the paramount necessity for every citizen\nto be present. All females and children under power were purified\nthrough the list given to the censor, and there seems no reason why\nabsent citizens could not have been purified in the same manner. But\nparticipation in this sacrifice was itself the very test and essence\nof citizenship. And it has been seen that a public meal was the\nprincipal religious rite of the city. The conclusion therefore seems\nreasonable that the Suovetaurilia was originally also a sacrificial\nmeal of which each citizen partook, and that the eating of the deified\ndomestic animals in common was the essence of the rite and the act\nwhich conferred the privilege of citizenship. The driving of the\nsacrificial animals round the citizens three times might well be a\nsubstitute for the previous communal meal, if for any reason, such as\nthe large number of citizens, the practice of eating them had fallen\ninto abeyance. The original ground for the taking of a census was to\nensure that all the citizens were present at the communal sacrifice;\nand it was by the place which a man occupied on this day that his rank\nin the city was determined till the next sacrifice. If the censor\ncounted him among the senators, he remained a senator; if among the\nequites, he remained a knight; if as a simple member of a tribe,\nhe belonged henceforward to the tribe in which he was counted. If the\ncensor refused to enumerate him, he was no longer a citizen. [202] Such\nwas the vital importance of the act of participation in the sacrifice.\n\n\n\n\n80. The sacrifice of the domestic animal.\n\nThe Roman sacrifice of the Suovetaurilia was in no way peculiar,\nsimilar rites being found in other Greek and Latin cities. Some\ninstances are recorded in the article on Kasai, and in _Themis_\n[203] Miss Jane Harrison gives an account of a sacrifice at Magnesia\nin which a bull, ram and he- and she-goats were sacrificed to the\ngods and partaken of communally by the citizens. As already seen,\nthe act of participation in the sacrifice conferred the status of\ncitizenship. The domestic animals were not as a rule eaten, but their\nmilk was drunk, and they were used for transport, and clothes were\nperhaps sometimes made from their hair and skins. Hence they were the\nprincipal source of life of the tribe, as the totem had been of the\nclan, and were venerated and deified. One common life was held to run\nthrough all the members of the tribe and all the domestic animals of\nthe species which was its principal means of support. In the totem\nor hunting stage the clan had necessarily been small, because a\nlarge collection of persons could not subsist together by hunting\nand the consumption of roots and fruits. When an additional means\nof support was afforded by the domestication of an important animal,\na much larger number of persons could live together, and apparently\nseveral clans became amalgamated into a tribe. The sanctity of the\ndomestic animals was much greater than that of the totem because they\nlived with man and partook of his food, which was the strongest tie\nof kinship; and since he still endowed them with self-consciousness\nand volition, he thought they had come voluntarily to aid him in\nsustaining life. Both on this account and for fear of injuring the\ncommon life they were not usually killed. But it was necessary to\nprimitive man that the tie should take a concrete form and that he\nshould actually assimilate the life of the sacred animal by eating\nits flesh, and this was accordingly done at a ceremonial sacrifice,\nwhich was held annually, and often in the spring, the season of the\nrenewal and increase of life. Since this renewal of the communal life\nwas the concrete tie which bound the tribe together, any one who was\nabsent from it could no longer be a member of the tribe. The whole of\nthis rite and the intense importance attached to it are inexplicable\nexcept on the supposition that the tie which had originally constituted\nthe totem-clan was the eating of the totem-animal, and that this tie\nwas perpetuated in the tribe by the communal eating of the domestic\nanimal. The communal sacrifice of the domestic animal was, as already\nseen, typical of society in the tribal or pastoral stage. But one very\nimportant case, in addition to those given above and in the article\non Kasai, remains for notice. The Id-ul-Zoha or Bakr-Id festival of\nthe Muhammadans is such a rite. In pre-Islamic times this sacrifice\nwas held at Mecca and all the Arab tribes went to Mecca to celebrate\nit. The month in which the sacrifice was held was one of those of\ntruce, when the feuds between the different clans were in abeyance\nso that they could meet at Mecca. Muhammad continued the sacrifice of\nthe Id-ul-Zoha and it is this sacrifice which a good Muhammadan takes\nthe pilgrimage to Mecca to perform. He must be at Mecca on the tenth\nday of the month of Z'ul Hijjah and perform the sacrifice there, and\nunless he does this there is no special merit in making the journey\nto Mecca. It is incumbent on every Muhammadan who can afford it to\nmake the pilgrimage to Mecca or the Hajj once in his life and perform\nthe sacrifice there; and though as a matter of fact only a very small\nminority of Muhammadans now carry out the rule, the pilgrimage and\nsacrifice may yet be looked upon as the central and principal rite\nof the Muhammadan religion. All Muhammadans who cannot go to Mecca\nnevertheless celebrate the sacrifice at home at the Indian festival\nof the Id-ul-Zoha and the Turkish and Egyptian Idu-Bairam. At the\nId-ul-Zoha any one of four domestic animals, the camel, the cow,\nthe sheep or the goat, may be sacrificed; and this rule makes it a\nconnecting link between the two great Semitic sacrifices described in\nthe article on Kasai, the camel sacrifice of the Arabs in pre-Islamic\ntimes and the Passover of the Jews. At the present time one-third\nof the flesh of the sacrificial animal should be given to the poor,\none-third to relations, and the remainder to the sacrificer's own\nfamily. [204] Though it has now become a household sacrifice, the\ncommunal character thus still partly survives.\n\n\n\n\n81. Sacrifices of the _gens_ and phratry.\n\nBoth in Athens and Rome there was a division known as phratry or\n_curia_. This apparently consisted of a collection of _gentes_, g'enh,\nor clans, and would correspond roughly to a Hindu subcaste. The\nevidence does not show, however, that it was endogamous. The bond\nwhich united the phratry or _curia_ was precisely the same as that of\nthe _gens_ or clan and the city. It consisted also in a common meal,\nwhich was prepared on the altar, and was eaten with the recitation\nof prayers, a part being offered to the god, who was held to be\npresent. At Athens on feast-days the members of the phratry assembled\nround their altar. A victim was sacrificed and its flesh cooked on\nthe altar, and divided among the members of the phratry, great care\nbeing taken that no stranger should be present. A young Athenian\nwas presented to the phratry by his father, who swore that the boy\nwas his son. A victim was sacrificed and cooked on the altar in the\npresence of all the members of the phratry; if they were doubtful\nof the boy's legitimacy, and hence wished to refuse him admittance,\nas they had the right to do, they refused to remove the flesh from\nthe altar. If they did not do this, but divided and partook of the\nflesh with the candidate, he was finally and irrevocably admitted to\nthe phratry. The explanation of this custom, M. de Coulanges states,\nis that food prepared on an altar and eaten by a number of persons\ntogether, was believed to establish between them a sacred tie which\nendured through life. [205] Even a slave was to a certain degree\nadmitted into the family by the same tie of common eating of food. At\nAthens he was made to approach the hearth; he was purified by pouring\nwater on his head, and ate some cakes and fruit with the members of\nthe family. This ceremony was analogous to those of marriage and\nadoption. It signified that the new arrival, hitherto a stranger,\nwas henceforth a member of the family and participated in the family\nworship. [206]\n\n\n\n\n82. The Hindu caste-feasts.\n\nThe analogy of Greece and Rome would suggest the probability that\nthe tie uniting the members of the Indian caste or subcaste is also\nparticipation in a common sacrificial meal, and there is a considerable\namount of evidence to support this view. The Confarreatio or eating\ntogether of the bride and bridegroom finds a close parallel in the\nfamily sacrament of the _Meher_ or marriage cakes, which has already\nbeen described. This would appear formerly to have been a clan rite,\nand to have marked the admission of the bride to the bridegroom's\nclan. It is obligatory on relations of the families to attend a wedding\nand they proceed from great distances to do so, and clerks and other\nofficials are much aggrieved if the exigencies of Government business\nprevent them from obtaining leave. The obligation seems to be of\nthe same character as that which caused Fabius to leave the army in\norder to attend his Gentile sacrifice at Rome. If he did not attend\nthe Gentile sacrifice he was not a member of the _gens_, and if a\nHindu did not attend the feast of his clan in past times perhaps he\ndid not remain a member of the clan. Among the Maratha Brahmans the\ngirl-bride eats with her husband's relations on this day only to mark\nher admission into their clan, and among the Bengali Brahmans, when\nthe wedding guests are collected, the bride comes and puts a little\nsugar on each of their leaf-plates, which they eat in token of their\nrecognition of her in her new status of married woman. The members\nof the caste or subcaste also assemble and eat together on three\noccasions: at a marriage, which will have the effect of bringing\nnew life into the community; at a death, when a life is lost; and\nat the initiation of a new member or the readmission of an offender\ntemporarily put out of caste. It is a general rule of the caste feasts\nthat all members of the subcaste in the locality must be invited, and\nif any considerable number of them do not attend, the host's position\nin the community is impugned. For this reason he has to incur lavish\nexpenditure on the feast, so as to avoid criticism or dissatisfaction\namong his guests. These consider themselves at liberty to comment\nfreely on the character and quality of the provisions offered to\nthem. In most castes the feast cannot begin until all the guests\nhave assembled; the Maheshri Banias and one or two other castes are\ndistinguished by the fact that they allow the guests at the _pangat_\nor caste feast to begin eating as they arrive. Those who bear the host\na grudge purposely stay away, and he has to run to their houses and beg\nthem to come, so that his feast can begin. When the feast has begun\nit was formerly considered a great calamity if any accident should\nnecessitate the rising of the guests before its conclusion. Even if\na dog or other impure animal should enter the assembly they would not\nrise. The explanation of this rule was that it would be disrespectful\nto Um Deo, the food-god, to interrupt the feast. At the feast each man\nsits with his bare crossed knees actually touching those of the men\non each side of him, to show that they are one brotherhood and one\nbody. If a man sat even a few inches apart from his fellows, people\nwould say he was out of caste; and in recent times, since those out\nof caste have been allowed to attend the feasts, they sit a little\napart in this manner. The Gowaris fine a man who uses abusive language\nto a fellow-casteman at a caste feast, and also one who gets up and\nleaves the feast without the permission of the caste headman. The\nHatkars have as the names of two exogamous groups _Wakmar_, or one\nwho left the Pangat or caste feast while his fellows were eating; and\n_Polya_, or one who did not take off his turban at the feast. It has\nbeen seen also [207] that in one or two castes the exogamous sections\nare named after the offices which their members hold or the duties\nthey perform at the caste feast. Among the Halbas the illegitimate\nsubcaste Surait is also known as Chhoti Pangat or the inferior feast,\nwith the implication that its members cannot be admitted to the proper\nfeast of the caste, but have an inferior one of their own.\n\n\n\n\n83. Taking food at initiation.\n\nWhen an outsider is admitted to the caste the rite is usually\nconnected with food. A man who is to be admitted to the Dahait caste\nmust clean his house, break his earthen cooking-vessels and buy new\nones, and give a feast to the caste-fellows in his house. He sits\nand takes food with them, and when the meal is over he takes a grain\nof rice from the leaf-plate of each guest and eats it, and drinks a\ndrop of water from his leaf-cup. After this he cannot be readmitted\nto his own caste. A new Mehtar or sweeper gives water to and takes\nbread from each casteman. In Mandla a new convert to the Panka caste\nvacates his house and the caste _panchayat_ or committee go and live\nin it, in order to purify it. He gives them a feast inside the house,\nwhile he himself stays outside. Finally he is permitted to eat with\nthe _panchayat_ in his own house in order to mark his admission into\nthe caste. A candidate for admission in the Mahli caste has to eat\na little of the leavings of the food of each of the castemen at a\nfeast. The community of robbers known as Badhak or Baoria formerly\ndwelt in the Oudh forests. They were accustomed to take omens from\nthe cry of the jackal, and they may probably have venerated it as\nrepresenting the spirit of the forest and as a fellow-hunter. They\nwere called jackal-eaters, and it was said that when an outsider was\nadmitted to one of their bands he was given jackal's flesh to eat.\n\nAgain, the rite of initiation or investiture with the sacred thread\nappears to be the occasion of the admission of a boy to the caste\ncommunity. Before this he is not really a member of the caste and may\neat any kind of food. The initiation is called by the Brahmans the\nsecond birth, and appears to be the birth of the soul or spirit. After\nit the boy will eat the sacrificial food at the caste feasts and be\nunited with the members of the caste and their god. The bodies of\nchildren who have not been initiated are buried and not burnt. The\nreason seems to be that their spirits will not go to the god nor\nbe united with the ancestors, but will be born again. Formerly such\nchildren were often buried in the house or courtyard so that their\nspirits might be born again in the same family. The lower castes\nsometimes consider the rite of ear-piercing as the initiation and\nsometimes marriage. Among the Panwar Rajputs a child is initiated when\nabout two years old by being given cooked rice and milk to eat. The\ninitiation cannot for some reason be performed by the natural father,\nbut must be done by a _guru_ or spiritual father, who should thereafter\nbe regarded with a reverence equal to or even exceeding that paid to\nthe natural father.\n\n\n\n\n84. Penalty feasts.\n\nWhen a man is readmitted to caste after exclusion for some offence,\nthe principal feature of the rite is a feast at which he is again\npermitted to eat with his fellows. There are commonly two feasts, one\nknown as the _Maili Roti_ or impure meal, and the other as _Chokhi_\nor pure, both being at the cost of the offender. The former is eaten\nby the side of a stream or elsewhere on neutral ground, and by it\nthe offender is considered to be partly purified; the latter is in\nhis own house, and by eating there the castemen demonstrate that no\nimpurity attaches to him, and he is again a full member. Some castes,\nas the Dhobas, have three feasts: the first is eaten at the bank\nof a stream, and at this the offender's hair is shaved and thrown\ninto the stream; the second is in his yard; and the third in his\nhouse. The offender is not allowed to partake of the first two meals\nhimself, but he joins in the third, and before it begins the head\nof the _panchayat_ gives him water to drink in which gold has been\ndipped as a purificatory rite. Among the Gonds the flesh of goats is\nprovided at the first meal, but at the second only grain cooked with\nwater, which they now, in imitation of the Hindus, consider as the\nsacred sacrificial food. Frequently the view obtains that the head\nof the caste _panchayat_ takes the offender's sins upon himself by\ncommencing to eat, and in return for this a present of some rupees\nis deposited beneath his plate. Similarly among some castes, as the\nBahnas, exclusion from caste is known as the stopping of food and\nwater. The Gowaris readmit offenders by the joint drinking of opium and\nwater. One member is especially charged with the preparation of this,\nand if there should not be enough for all the castemen to partake of\nit, he is severely punished. Opium was also considered sacred by the\nRajputs, and the chief and his kinsmen were accustomed to drink it\ntogether as a pledge of amity. [208]\n\n\n\n\n85. Sanctity of grain-food.\n\nGrain cooked with water is considered as sacred food by the\nHindus. It should be eaten only on a space within the house called\n_chauka_ purified with cowdung, and sometimes marked out with white\nquartz-powder or flour. Before taking his meal a member of the higher\ncastes should bathe and worship the household gods. At the meal he\nshould wear no sewn clothes, but only a waist-cloth made of silk or\nwool, and not of cotton. The lower castes will take food cooked with\nwater outside the house in the fields, and are looked down upon for\ndoing this, so that those who aspire to raise their social position\nabandon the practice, or at least pretend to do so. Sir J.G. Frazer\nquotes a passage showing that the ancient Brahmans considered the\nsacrificial rice-cakes cooked with water to be transformed into human\nbodies. [209] The Urdu word _bali_ means a sacrifice or offering,\nand is applied to the portion of the daily meal which is offered to\nthe gods and to the hearth-fire. Thus all grain cooked with water is\napparently looked upon as sacred or sacramental food, and it is for\nthis reason that it can only be eaten after the purificatory rites\nalready described. The grain is venerated as the chief means of\nsubsistence, and the communal eating of it seems to be analogous to\nthe sacrificial eating of the domestic animals, such as the camel,\nhorse, ox and sheep, which is described above and in the article on\nKasai. Just as in the hunting stage the eating of the totem-animal,\nwhich furnished the chief means of subsistence, was the tie which\nunited the totem-clan: and in the pastoral stage the domestic animal\nwhich afforded to the tribe its principal support, not usually as\nan article of food, but through its milk and its use as a means of\ntransport, was yet eaten sacrificially owing to the persistence of the\nbelief that the essential bond which united the tribe was the communal\neating of the flesh of the animal from which the tribe obtained its\nsubsistence: so when the community reaches the agricultural stage\nthe old communal feast is retained as the bond of union, but it now\nconsists of grain, which is the principal support of life.\n\n\n\n\n86. The corn-sprit.\n\nThe totem-animal was regarded as a kinsman, and the domestic\nanimal often as a god. [210] But in both these cases the life of\nthe kinsman and god was sacrificed in order that the community\nmight be bound together by eating the body and assimilating the\nlife. Consequently, when grain came to be the sacrificial food, it\nwas often held that an animal or human being must be sacrificed in\nthe character of the corn-god or spirit, whether his own flesh was\neaten or the sacred grain was imagined to be his flesh. Numerous\ninstances of the sacrifice of the corn-spirit have been adduced by\nSir J.G. Frazer in _The Golden Bough_, and it was he who brought\nthis custom prominently to notice. One of the most important cases\nin India was the Meriah-sacrifice of the Khonds, which is described\nin the article on that tribe.\n\nTwo features of the Khond sacrifice of a human victim as a corn-spirit\nappear to indicate its derivation from the sacrifice of the domestic\nanimal and the eating of the totem-animal, the ties uniting the clan\nand tribe: first, that the flesh was cut from the living victim, and,\nsecond, that the sacrifice was communal. When the Meriah-victim was\nbound the Khonds hacked at him with their knives while life remained,\nleaving only the head and bowels untouched, so that each man might\nsecure a strip of flesh. This rite appears to recall the earliest\nperiod when the members of the primitive group or clan tore their prey\nto pieces and ate and drank the raw flesh and blood. The reason for\nits survival was apparently that it was the actual life of the divine\nvictim, existing in concrete form in the flesh and blood which they\ndesired to obtain, and they thought that this end was more certainly\nachieved by cutting the flesh off him while he was still alive. In\nthe sacrifice of the camel in Arabia the same procedure was followed;\nthe camel was bound on an altar and the tribesmen cut the flesh from\nthe body with their knives and swallowed it raw and bleeding. [211]\nM. Salomon Reinach shows how the memory of similar sacrifices in Greece\nhas been preserved in legend: [212] \"Actaeon was really a great stag\nsacrificed by women devotees, who called themselves the great hind\nand the little hinds; he became the rash hunter who surprised Artemis\nat her bath and was transformed into a stag and devoured by his own\ndogs. The dogs are a euphemism; in the early legend they were the\nhuman devotees of the sacred stag who tore him to pieces and devoured\nhim with their bare teeth. These feasts of raw flesh survived in the\nsecret religious cults of Greece long after uncooked food had ceased\nto be consumed in ordinary life. Orpheus (_ophreus,_ the haughty),\nwho appears in art with the skin of a fox on his head, was originally\na sacred fox devoured by the women of the fox totem-clan; these women\ncall themselves Bassarides in the legend, and _bassareus_ is one\nof the old names of the fox. Hippolytus in the fable is the son of\nTheseus who repels the advances of Phaedra, his stepmother, and was\nkilled by his runaway horses because Theseus, deceived by Phaedra,\ninvoked the anger of a god upon him. But Hippolytus in Greek means\n'one torn to pieces by horses.' Hippolytus is himself a horse whom the\nworshippers of the horse, calling themselves horses and disguised as\nsuch, tore to pieces and devoured.\" All such sacrifices in which the\nflesh was taken from the living victim may thus perhaps be derived\nfrom the common origin of totemism. The second point about the Khond\nsacrifice is that it was communal; every householder desired a piece\nof the flesh, and for those who could not be present at the sacrifice\nrelays of messengers were posted to carry it to them while it was\nstill fresh and might be supposed to retain the life. They did not\neat the strips of flesh, but each householder buried his piece in his\nfield, which they believed would thereby be fertilised and caused to\nproduce the grain which they would eat. The death of the victim was\nconsidered essential to the life of the tribe, which would be renewed\nand strengthened by it as in the case of the sacrifice of the domestic\nanimal. Lord Avebury gives in _The Origin of Civilisation_ [213] an\nalmost exact parallel to the Khond sacrifice in which the flesh of the\nvictim actually was eaten. This occurred among the Marimos, a tribe of\nSouth Africa much resembling the Bechuanas. The ceremony was called\n'the boiling of the corn.' A young man, stout but of small stature,\nwas usually selected and secured by violence or by intoxicating him\nwith _yaala_. \"They then lead him into the fields, and sacrifice him in\nthe fields, according to their own expression, _for seed_. His blood,\nafter having been coagulated by the rays of the sun, is burned along\nwith the frontal bone, the flesh attached to it and the brain. The\nashes are then scattered over the fields to fertilise them and the\nremainder of the body is eaten.\" In other cases quoted by the same\nauthor an image only was made of flour and eaten instead of a human\nbeing: [214] \"In Mexico at a certain period of the year the priest of\nQuetzalcoatl made an image of the Deity, of meal mixed with infants'\nblood, and then, after many impressive ceremonies, killed the image\nby shooting it with an arrow, and tore out the heart, which was eaten\nby the king, while the rest of the body was distributed among the\npeople, every one of whom was anxious to procure a piece to eat,\nhowever small.\" Here the communal sacrificial meal, the remaining\nlink necessary to connect the sacrifice of the corn-spirit with that\nof the domestic animal and clan totem, is present. Among cases of\nanimals sacrificed as the corn-spirit in India that of the buffalo\nat the Dasahra festival is the most important. The rite extends\nover most of India, and a full and interesting account of it has\nrecently been published by Mr. W. Crooke. [215] The buffalo is\nprobably considered as the corn-spirit because it was the animal\nwhich mainly damaged the crops in past times. Where the sacrifice\nstill survives the proprietor of the village usually makes the first\ncut in the buffalo and it is then killed and eaten by the inferior\ncastes, as Hindus cannot now touch the flesh. In the Deccan after\nthe buffalo is killed the Mahars rush on the carcase and each one\nsecures a piece of the flesh. This done they go in procession round\nthe walls, calling on the spirits and demons, and asking them to\naccept the pieces of meat as offerings, which are then thrown to them\nbackwards over the wall. [216] The buffalo is now looked upon in the\nlight of a scape-goat, but the procedure described above cannot be\nsatisfactorily explained on the scape-goat theory, and would appear\nclearly to have been substituted for the former eating of the flesh. In\nthe Maratha Districts the lower castes have a periodical sacrifice of\na pig to the sun; they eat the flesh of the pig together, and even\nthe Panwar Rajputs of the Waringanga Valley join in the sacrifice\nand will allow the impure caste of Mahars to enter their houses and\neat of this sacrifice with them, though at other times the entry of\na Mahar would defile a Panwar's house. [217] The pig is sacrificed\neither as the animal which now mainly injures the crops or because\nit was the principal sacrificial animal of the non-Aryan tribes,\nor from a combination of both reasons. Probably it may be regarded\nas the corn-spirit because pigs are sacrificed to Bhanisasur or the\nbuffalo demon for the protection of the crops.\n\n\n\n\n87. The king.\n\nWhen the community reached the national or agricultural stage some\ncentral executive authority became necessary for its preservation. This\nauthority usually fell into the hands of the priest who performed\nthe sacrifice, and he became a king. Since the priest killed the\nsacrificial animal in which the common life of the community was\nheld to be centred, it was thought that the life passed to him and\ncentred in his person. For the idea of the extinction of life was not\nproperly understood, and the life of a human being or animal might\npass by contact, according to primitive ideas, to the person or even\nthe weapon which killed it, just as it could pass by assimilation\nto those who ate the flesh. In most of the city-states of Greece\nand Italy the primary function of the kings was the performance of\nthe communal or national sacrifices. Through this act they obtained\npolitical power as representing the common life of the people, and\nits performance was sometimes left to them after their political\npower had been taken away. [218] After the expulsion of the kings\nfrom Rome the duty of performing the city sacrifices devolved on\nthe consuls. In India also the kings performed sacrifices. When a\nking desired to be paramount over his neighbours he sent a horse to\nmarch through their territories. If it passed through them without\nbeing captured they became subordinate to the king who owned the\nhorse. Finally the horse was sacrificed at the Ashva-medha, the\nking paramount making the sacrifice, while the other kings performed\nsubordinate parts at it. [219] Similarly the Raja of Nagpur killed\nthe sacrificial buffalo at the Dasahra festival. But the common life\nof the people was sometimes conveyed from the domestic animal to the\nking by other methods than the performance of a sacrifice. The king\nof Unyoro in Africa might never eat vegetable food but must subsist\non milk and beef. Mutton he might not touch, though he could drink\nbeer after partaking of meat. A sacred herd was kept for the king's\nuse, and nine cows, neither more nor less, were daily brought to the\nroyal enclosure to be milked for his majesty. The boy who brought\nthe cows from the pasture to the royal enclosure must be a member of\na particular clan and under the age of puberty, and was subject to\nother restrictions. The milk for the king was drawn into a sacred\npot which neither the milkman nor anybody else might touch. The\nking drank the milk, sitting on a sacred stool, three times a day,\nand any which was left over must be drunk by the boy who brought the\ncows from pasture. Numerous other rules and restrictions are detailed\nby Sir J.G. Frazer, and it may be suggested that their object was to\nensure that the life of the domestic animal and with it the life of\nthe people should be conveyed pure and undefiled to the king through\nthe milk. The kings of Unyoro had to take their own lives while their\nbodily vigour was still unimpaired. When the period for his death\narrived the king asked his wife for a cup of poison and drank it. \"The\npublic announcement of the death was made by the chief milkman. Taking\na pot of the sacred milk in his hands he mounted the house-top and\ncried, 'Who will drink the milk?' With these words he dashed the pot\non the roof; it rolled off and falling to the ground was broken in\npieces. That was the signal for war to the death between the princes\nwho aspired to the throne. They fought till only one was left alive. He\nwas the king.\" [220] After completing the above account, of which\nonly the principal points have been stated, Sir J.G. Frazer remarks:\n\"The rule which obliged the kings of Unyoro to kill themselves or be\nkilled before their strength of mind and body began to fail through\ndisease or age is only a particular example of a custom which appears\nto have prevailed widely among barbarous tribes in Africa and to some\nextent elsewhere. Apparently this curious practice rests on a belief\nthat the welfare of the people is sympathetically bound up with the\nwelfare of their king, and that to suffer him to fall into bodily or\nmental decay would be to involve the whole kingdom in ruin.\" [221]\nOther instances connecting the life of the king with the ox or other\ndomestic animal are given in _Totemism and Exogamy_ and _The Golden\nBough_ [222] Among the Hereros the body of a dead chief was wrapped\nup in the hide of an ox before being buried. [223] In the Vedic\nhorse-sacrifice in India the horse was stifled in robes. The chief\nqueen approached him; a cloak having been thrown over them both,\nshe performed a repulsively obscene act symbolising the transmission\nto her of his fructifying powers. [224] In other cases the king was\nidentified with the corn-spirit, and in this manner he also, it may\nbe suggested, represented the common life of the people.\n\nThe belief that the king was the incarnation of the common life of the\npeople led to the most absurd restrictions on his liberty and conduct,\na few instances of which from the large collection in _The Golden\nBough_ have been quoted in the article on Nai. Thus in an old account\nof the daily life of the Mikado it is stated: \"In ancient times he\nwas obliged to sit on the throne for some hours every morning, with\nthe imperial crown on his head, but to sit altogether like a statue,\nwithout stirring either hands or feet, head or eyes, nor indeed any\npart of his body, because, by this means, it was thought that he could\npreserve peace and tranquillity in his empire; for if, unfortunately,\nhe turned himself on one side or the other, or if he looked a good\nwhile towards any part of his dominions, it was apprehended that war,\nfamine, fire or some great misfortune was near at hand to desolate\nthe country.\" [225] Here it would appear that by sitting absolutely\nimmobile the king conferred the quality of tranquillity on the common\nlife of his people incarnate in his person; but by looking too long in\nany one direction he would cause a severe disturbance of the common\nlife in the part to which he looked. And when the Israelites were\nfighting with the Amalekites, so long as Moses held up his hands\nthe Israelites prevailed; but when his hands hung down they gave\nway before the enemy. Here apparently the common life was held to\nbe centred in Moses, and when he held his arms up it was vigorous,\nbut declined as he let them down. Similarly it was often thought that\nthe king should be killed as soon as his bodily strength showed signs\nof waning, so that the common life might be renewed and saved from a\nsimilar decay. Even the appearance of grey hair or the loss of a tooth\nwere sometimes considered sufficient reasons for putting the king\nto death in Africa. [226] Another view was that any one who killed\nthe king was entitled to succeed him, because the life of the king,\nand with it the common life of the people, passed to the slayer,\njust as it had previously passed from the domestic animal to the\npriest-king who sacrificed it. One or two instances of succession by\nkilling the king are given in the article on Bhil. Sometimes the view\nwas that the king should be sacrificed annually, or at other intervals,\nlike the corn-spirit or domestic animal, for the renewal of the common\nlife. And this practice, as shown by Sir J.G. Frazer, tended to result\nin the substitution of a victim, usually a criminal or slave, who was\nidentified with the king by being given royal honours for a short time\nbefore his death. Sometimes the king's son or daughter was offered as\na substitute for him, and such a sacrifice was occasionally made in\ntime of peril, apparently as a means of strengthening or preserving\nthe common life. When Chitor, the home of the Sesodia clan of Rajputs,\nwas besieged by the Muhammadans, the tradition is that the goddess\nof their house appeared and demanded the sacrifice of twelve chiefs\nas a condition of its preservation. Eleven of the chiefs sons were\nin turn crowned as king, and each ruled for three days, while on the\nfourth he sallied out and fell in battle. Lastly, the Rana offered\nhimself in order that his favourite son, Ajeysi, might be spared and\nmight perpetuate the clan. In reality the chief and his sons seem\nto have devoted themselves in the hope that the sacrifice of the\nking might bring strength and victory to the clan. The sacrifice of\nIphigenia and possibly of Jephthah's daughter appear to be parallel\ninstances. The story of Alcestis may be an instance of the substitution\nof the king's wife. The position of the king in early society and the\npeculiar practices and beliefs attaching to it were brought to notice\nand fully illustrated by Sir J.G. Frazer. The argument as to the clan\nand the veneration of the domestic animal follows that outlined by\nthe late Professor Robertson Smith in _The Religion of the Semites_.\n\n\n\n\n88. Other instances of the common meal as a sacrificial rite.\n\nSome other instances of the communal eating of grain or other\nfood as a sacramental rite and bond of union have been given in the\narticles. Thus at a Kabirpanthi Chauka or religious service the priest\nbreaks a cocoanut on a stone, and the flesh is cut up and distributed\nto the worshippers with betel-leaf and sugar. Each receives it on his\nknees, taking the greatest care that none falls on the ground. The\ncocoanut is commonly regarded by the Hindus as a substituted offering\nfor a human head. The betel-leaves which are distributed have been\nspecially consecrated by the head priest of the sect, and are held\nto represent the body of Kabir. [227]\n\nSimilarly, Guru Govind Singh instituted a _prasad_ or communion among\nthe Sikhs, in which cakes of flour, butter and sugar are made and\nconsecrated with certain ceremonies while the communicants sit round in\nprayer, and are then distributed equally to all the faithful present,\nto whatever caste they may belong. At a Guru-Mata or great council of\nthe Sikhs, which was held at any great crisis in the affairs of the\nstate, these cakes were laid before the Sikh scriptures and then eaten\nby all present, who swore on the scriptures to forget their internal\ndissensions and be united. Among the Rajputs the test of legitimacy\nof a member of the chief's family was held to depend on whether\nhe had eaten of the chief's food. The rice cooked at the temple of\nJagannath in Orissa may be eaten there by all castes together, and,\nwhen partaken of by two men together, is held to establish a bond of\nindissoluble friendship between them.\n\nMembers of several low castes of mixed origin will only take food\nwith their relatives, and not with other families of the caste with\nwhom they intermarry. [228] The Chaukhutia Bhunjias will not eat food\ncooked by other members of the same community, and will not take it\nfrom their own daughters after the latter are married. At a feast\namong the Dewars uncooked food is distributed to the guests, who\ncook it for themselves; parents will not accept cooked food either\nfrom married sons or daughters, and each family with its children\nforms a separate commensal group. Thus the taking of food together\nis a more important and sacred tie than intermarriage. In most Hindu\ncastes a man is not put out of caste for committing adultery with a\nwoman of low caste, but for taking cooked food from her hands; though\nit is assumed that if he lives with her openly he must necessarily\nhave accepted cooked food from her. Opium and alcoholic liquor or\nwine, being venerated on account of their intoxicating qualities,\nwere sometimes regarded as substitutes for the sacrificial food and\npartaken of sacramentally. [229]\n\n\n\n\n89. Funeral feasts.\n\nAn important class of communal meals remaining for discussion\nconsists in the funeral feasts. The funeral feast seems a peculiar\nand unseasonable observance, but several circumstances point to\nthe conclusion that it was originally held in the dead man's own\ninterest. He or his spirit was indeed held to participate in the\nfeast, and it seems to have been further thought that unless he did\nso and ate the sacred food, his soul would not proceed to the heaven\nor god, but would wander about as an unquiet spirit or meet with\nsome other fate. Many of the lower Hindu castes, such as the Kohlis\nand Bishnois, take food after a funeral, seated by the side of the\ngrave. This custom is now considered somewhat derogatory, perhaps in\nconsequence of a truer realisation of the fact of death. At a Baiga\nfuneral the mourners take one white and one black fowl to a stream and\nkill and eat them there, setting aside a portion for the dead man. The\nGonds also take their food and drink liquor at the grave. The Lohars\nthink that the spirit of the dead man returns to join in the funeral\nfeast. Among the Telugu Koshtis the funeral party go to the grave\non the fifth day, and after the priest has worshipped the image of\nVishnu on the grave, the whole party take their food there. After a\nPanka funeral the mourners bathe and then break a cocoanut over the\ngrave and distribute it among themselves. On the tenth day they go\nagain and break a cocoanut, and each man buries a little piece of it\nin the earth over the grave. Among the Tameras, at the feast with\nwhich mourning is concluded, a leaf-plate containing a portion for\nthe deceased is placed outside the house with a pot of water and a\nburning lamp to guide his spirit to the food. On the third day after\ndeath the Kolhatis sometimes bring back the skull of a corpse and,\nplacing it on the bed, offer to it powder, dates and betel-leaves, and\nafter a feast lasting for three days it is again buried. It is said\nthat the members of the Lingayat sect formerly set up the corpse in\ntheir midst at the funeral feast and sat round it, taking their food,\nbut the custom is not known to exist at present. Among the Bangalas,\nan African negro tribe, at a great funeral feast lasting for three\ndays in honour of the chief's son, the corpse was present at the\nfestivities tied in a chair. [230]\n\n\n\n\n90. The Hindu deities and the sacrificial meal.\n\nThus there seems reason to suppose that the caste-tie of the Hindus is\nthe same as that which united the members of the city-states of Greece\nand Italy, that is the eating of a sacramental food together. Among\nthe Vedic Aryans that country only was considered pure and fit for\nsacrifice in which the Aryan gods had taken up their residence. [231]\nHindustan was made a pure country in which Aryans could offer\nsacrifices by the fact that Agni, the sacrificial god of fire, spread\nhimself over it. But the gods have changed. The old Vedic deities\nIndra, the rain-god, Varuna, the heaven-god, the Maruts or winds,\nand Soma, the divine liquor, have fallen into neglect. These were the\nprincipal forces which controlled the existence of a nomad pastoral\npeople, dependent on rain to make the grass grow for their herds,\nand guiding their course by the sun and stars. The Soma or liquor\napparently had a warming, exhilarating effect in the cold climate\nof the Central Asian steppes, and was therefore venerated. Since in\nthe hot plains of India abstinence from alcoholic liquor has become\na principal religious tenet of high-caste Hindus, Soma is naturally\nno more heard of. Agni, the fire-god, was also one of the greatest\ndeities to the nomads of the cold uplands, as the preserver of life\nagainst cold. But in India, except as represented by the hearth,\nfor cooking, little regard is paid to him, since fires are not\nrequired for warmth. New gods have arisen in Hinduism. The sun was\nan important Vedic deity, both as Mitra and under other names. Vishnu\nas the sun, or the spirit of whom the sun is the visible embodiment,\nhas become the most important deity in his capacity of the universal\ngiver and preserver of life. He is also widely venerated in his\nanthropomorphic forms of Rama, the hero-prince of Ajodhia and leader\nof the Aryan expedition to Ceylon, and Krishna, the divine cowherd,\nperhaps some fabled hero sprung from the indigenous tribes. Siva\nis the mountain-god of the Himalayas and a moon-deity, and in his\ncharacter of god of destruction the lightning and cobra are associated\nwith him. But he is really worshipped in his beneficent form of the\nphallic emblem as the agent of life, and the bull, the fertiliser\nof the soil and provider of food. Devi, the earth, is the great\nmother goddess. Sprung from her are Hanuman, the monkey-god, and\nGanpati, the elephant-god, and in one of her forms, as the terrible\ngoddess Kali, she is perhaps the deified tiger. [232] Lachmi, the\ngoddess of wealth, and held to have been evolved from the cow, is\nthe consort of Vishnu. It was thus not the god to whom the sacrifice\nwas offered, but the sacrifice itself that was the essential thing,\nand participation in the common eating of the sacrifice constituted\nthe bond of union. In early times a sacrifice was the occasion for\nevery important gathering or festivity, as is shown both in Indian\nhistory and legend. And the caste feasts above described seem to be\nthe continuation and modern form of the ancient sacrifice.\n\n\n\n\n91. Development of the occupational caste from the tribe.\n\nThe Roman population, as already seen, consisted of a set of clans\nor _gentes_. The clans were collected in tribal groups such as the\n_curia_, but it does not appear that these latter were endogamous. The\nrite which constituted a Roman citizen was participation in the\nSuovetaurilia, the communal sacrifice of the domestic animals, the pig,\nthe ram, and the bull. Since all the Roman citizens at first lived\nin a comparatively small area, they were all able to be present at\nthe sacrifice. The other states of Greece and Italy had an analogous\nconstitution, as stated by M. Fustel de Coulanges. It may be supposed\nthat the Aryans were similarly divided into clans and tribes. The\nword _visha,_ the substantive root of Vaishya, originally meant\na clan. [233] But as pointed out by M. Senart, they did not form\ncity-states in India, but settled in villages over a large area of\ncountry. Their method of government was by small states under kings,\nand probably they had a kind of national constitution, of which the\nking was the centre and embodiment. But these states gradually lost\ntheir individuality, and were merged in large empires, where the king\ncould no longer be the centre of the state or of the common life\nof his people, nor perform a sacrifice at which they could all be\npresent, as the Roman kings did. This religious idea of nationality,\nbased on participation in a common sacrifice, was the only one which\nexisted in early times. Thus apparently the Aryans retained their\ntribal constitution instead of expanding it into a national one,\nand the members of clans within a certain local area gathered for a\ncommunal sacrifice. But there was a great class, that of the Sudras\nor indigenous inhabitants, who could not join in the sacrifices at\nall. And between the Sudras and the Vaishyas or main body of the\nAryans there gradually grew up another mixed class, which also could\nnot properly participate in them. The priests and rulers, Brahmans\nand Kshatriyas, tended to form exclusive bodies, and in this manner a\nclassification by occupation gradually grew up, the distinction being\nmarked by participation in separate sacrificial feasts. The cause\nwhich ultimately broke down the religious distinctions of the Roman\nand Greek states was the development of a feeling of nationality. In\nthe common struggle for the preservation of the city the prejudices\nof the patricians weakened, and after a long internal conflict, the\nplebeians were admitted to full rights of citizenship. The plebeians\nwere employed as infantry in the Roman armies, while the patricians\nrode, and the increased importance of infantry in war was one great\ncause of the improvement in the position of the plebeians. [234] In\nIndia, in the absence of any national feeling, and with the growth of\na large and powerful priestly order, religious barriers and prejudices\nbecame accentuated rather than weakened. The class distinctions grew\nmore rigid, and gradually, as the original racial line of cleavage was\nfused by intermarriage and the production of groups of varying status,\nthese came to arrange themselves on a basis of occupation. This is\nthe inevitable and necessary rule in all societies whose activities\nand mode of life are at all complicated. Racial distinctions cannot\nbe preserved unless in the most exceptional cases, where they are\naccentuated by the difference of colour, and such a moral and social\ngulf as that which exists between the whites and negroes in North\nAmerica. In primitive society there is no such mental cleavage to\nrender the idea of fusion abhorrent to the superior race; the bar is\nreligious, and while it places the inferior race in a despised and\nabject position, there is no prohibition of illicit unions nor any\nsuch moral feeling or principle as would tend to restrict them. The\nideas of the responsibilities and duties of parentage in connection\nwith heredity, or the science of eugenics, are entirely modern, and\nhave no place at all in ancient society. As racial and religious\ndistinctions fade away, and social progress takes place, a fresh\nset of divisions by wealth and occupation grows up. But though this\nhappened also in the Greek and Italian cities, the old religious\ndivisions were not transferred to the new occupational groups, but\nfell slowly into abeyance, and the latter assumed the simply social\ncharacter which they have in modern communities. The main reason\nfor the obliteration of religious barriers, as already stated, was\nthe growth of the idea of nationality and the public interest. But\nin India the feeling of nationality never arose. The Hindu states\nand empires had no national basis, since at the period in question\nthe only way in which the idea of nationality could be conceived,\nwas by participation of the citizens in a common sacrifice, and this\nparticipation is only possible to persons living in a small local\narea. Hence Hindu society developed on its own lines independently\nof the form of government to which it was subject, and in the new\ngrouping by occupation the old communal sacrifices were preserved\nand adapted to the fresh divisions. The result was the growth of\nthe system of occupational castes which still exists. But since\nthe basis of society was the participation of each social group in\na communal meal, the group could not be extended to take in persons\nof the same occupation over a large area, and as a result the widely\nramified system of subcastes came into existence. The subcaste or\ncommensal group was the direct evolutionary product of the pre-existing\ntribe. Its size was limited by the fact that its members had to meet\nat the periodical sacrificial feasts, by which their unity and the\ntie which bound them together was cemented and renewed. As already\nseen, when members of a subcaste migrated to a fresh local area,\nand were cut off from communication with those remaining behind,\nthey tended as a rule to form a fresh endogamous and commensal\ngroup. Since the tie between the members of the subcaste was\nparticipation in a sacrificial meal of grain cooked with water, and\nas this food was held to be sacred, the members of the subcaste came\nto refuse to eat it except with those who could join in the communal\nfeast; and as the idea gradually gained acceptance, that a legitimate\nchild must be the offspring of a father and mother both belonging\nto the commensal group, the practice of endogamy within the subcaste\nbecame a rule.\n\n\n\n\n92. Veneration of the caste implements.\n\nSince all the citizens of the Roman State participated in a\ncommon sacrifice, they might be considered as a single caste,\nor even a subcaste or commensal group. The Hindu castes have a\ncommon ceremony which presents some analogy to that of the Roman\nstate. They worship or pay homage once or twice a year to the\nimplements of their profession. The occasions for this rite are\nusually the Dasahra festival in September and the fast after the Holi\nfestival in March. Both these are festivals of the goddess Devi or\nMother Earth, when a fast is observed in her honour, first before\nsowing the spring crops and secondly before reaping them. On each\noccasion the fast lasts for nine days and the Jawaras or pots of\nwheat corresponding to the Gardens of Adonis are sown. The fasts and\nfestivals thus belong primarily to the agricultural castes, and they\nworship the earth-mother, who provides them with subsistence. But the\nprofessional and artisan castes also take the occasion to venerate the\nimplements of their profession. Thus among the Kasars or brass-workers,\nat the festival of Mando Amawas or the new moon of Chait (March),\nevery Kasar must return to the community of which he is a member\nand celebrate the feast with them. And in default of this he will\nbe expelled from the caste until the next Amawas of Chait comes\nround. They close their shops and worship the implements of their\nprofession on this day. The rule is thus the same as that of the Roman\nSuovetaurilia. He who does not join in the sacrificial feast ceases to\nbe a member of the community. And the object of veneration is the same;\nthe Romans venerated and sacrificed the domestic animals which in the\npastoral stage had been their means of subsistence. The Kasars and\nother occupational castes worship the implements of their profession\nwhich are also their means of livelihood, or that which gives them\nlife. Formerly all these implements were held to be animate, and to\nproduce their effect by their own power and volition. The Nats or\nacrobats of Bombay say that their favourite and only living gods\nare those which give them their bread: the drum, the rope and the\nbalancing-pole. The Murha or earth-digger invokes the implements of his\ntrade as follows: \"O, my lord the basket, my lord the pickaxe shaped\nlike a snake, and my lady the hod! Come and eat up those who do not\npay me for my work!\" Similarly the Dhimar venerates his fishing-net,\nand will not wear shoes of sewn leather, because he thinks that the\nsacred thread which makes his net is debased if used for shoes. The\nChamar worships his currier's knife; the Ghasia or groom his horse and\nthe peg to which the horse is secured in the stable; the Rajput his\nhorse and sword and shield; the writer his inkpot, and so on. The Pola\nfestival of the Kunbis has a feature resembling the Suovetaurilia. On\nthis occasion all the plough-bullocks of the cultivators are mustered\nand go in procession to a _toran_ or arch constructed of branches\nand foliage. The bullock of the village proprietor leads the way,\nand has flaming torches tied to his horns. The bullocks of the other\ncultivators follow according to the status of each cultivator in\nthe village, which depends upon hereditary right and antiquity of\ntenure, and not on mere wealth. A Kunbi feels bitterly insulted if\nhis bullocks are not awarded the proper place in the procession. A\nstring across the arch is broken by the leading bullock, and the\ncattle are then all driven helter-skelter through the arch and back\nto the village. The rite would appear to be a relic of the communal\nsacrifice of a bullock, the torches tied to the proprietor's bullock\nsignifying that he was formerly killed and roasted. It is now said\nthat this bullock is full of magic, and that he will die within\nthree years. The rite may be compared to the needfire as practised\nin Russia when all the horses of the village were driven between two\nfires, or through fire, and their bridles thrown into the fire and\nburnt. The burning of the bridles would appear to be a substitute\nfor the previous sacrifice of the horse. [235] The Pola ceremony of\nthe Kunbis resembles the Roman Suovetaurilia inasmuch as all the\ncultivators participate in it according to their status, just as\nthe rank of Roman citizens was determined by their position at the\nceremony. Formerly, if a bull was sacrificed and eaten sacramentally\nit would have been practically an exact parallel to the Roman rite.\n\n\n\n\n93. The caste _panchayat_ and its code of offences.\n\nThe tribunal for the punishment of caste offences is known as the\n_panchayat_, because it usually consists of five persons (_panch_,\nfive). As a rule a separate _panchayat_ exists for every subcaste over\nan area not too large for all the members of it to meet. In theory,\nhowever, the _panchayat_ is only the mouthpiece of the assembly,\nwhich should consist of all the members of the subcaste. Some castes\nfine a member who absents himself from the meeting. The _panchayat_\nmay perhaps be supposed to represent the hand acting on behalf of\nthe subcaste, which is considered the body. The _panchayat_, however,\nwas not the original judge. It was at first the god before whom the\nparties pleaded their cause, and the god who gave judgment by the\nmethod of trial by ordeal. This was probably the general character\nof primitive justice, and in some of the lower castes the ordeal is\nstill resorted to for decisions. The tribe or subcaste attended as\njurors or assessors, and carried out the proceedings, perhaps after\nhaving united themselves to the god for the purpose by a sacrificial\nmeal. The _panchayat_, having succeeded the god as the judge, is\nheld to give its decisions by divine inspiration, according to the\nsayings: 'God is on high and the _panch_ on earth,' and 'The voice\nof the _panchayat_ is the voice of God.' [236] The headship of the\n_panchayat_ and the subcaste commonly descends in one family, or did\nso till recently, and the utmost deference is shown to the person\nholding it, even though he may be only a boy for the above reason. The\noffences involving temporary or permanent excommunication from caste\nare of a somewhat peculiar kind. In the case of both a man and woman,\nto take food from a person of a caste from whom it is forbidden to\ndo so, and especially from one of an impure caste, is a very serious\noffence, as is also that of being beaten by a member of an impure\ncaste, especially with a shoe. It is also a serious offence to be\nsent to jail, because a man has to eat the impure jail food. To be\nhandcuffed is a minor offence, perhaps by analogy with the major one\nof being sent to jail, or else on account of the indignity involved\nby the touch of the police. As regards sexual offences, there is no\ndirect punishment for a man as a rule, but if he lives with a low-caste\nwoman he is temporarily expelled because it is assumed that he has\ntaken food from her hands. Sometimes a man and woman of the caste\ncommitting adultery together are both punished. A married woman who\ncommits adultery should in the higher and middle castes, in theory\nat least, be permanently expelled, but if her husband does not put\nher away she is sometimes readmitted with a severe punishment. A girl\ngoing wrong with an outsider is as a rule expelled unless the matter\ncan be hushed up, but if she becomes pregnant by a man of the caste,\nshe can often be readmitted with a penalty and married to him or to\nsome other man. There are also some religious crimes, such as killing\na cow or a cat or other sacred domestic animal; and in the case of\na woman it is a very serious offence to get the lobe of her ear torn\napart at the large perforation usually made for earrings; [237] while\nfor either a man or a woman to get vermin in a wound is an offence of\nthe first magnitude, entailing several months' exclusion and large\nexpenditure on readmission. Offences against ordinary morality are\nscarcely found in the category of those entailing punishment. Murder\nmust sometimes be expiated by a pilgrimage to the Ganges, but other\ncriminal offences against the person and property are not taken\ncognisance of by the caste committee unless the offender is sent\nto jail. Both in its negative and positive aspects the category\nof offences affords interesting deductions on the basis of the\nexplanation of the caste system already given. The reason why there\nis scarcely any punishment for offences against ordinary morality is\nthat the caste organisation has never developed any responsibility\nfor the maintenance of social order and the protection of life and\nproperty. It has never exercised the function of government, because\nin the historical Hindu period India was divided into large military\nstates, while since then it has been subject to foreign domination. The\nsocial organisation has thus maintained its pristine form, neither\ninfluenced by the government nor affording to it any co-operation or\nsupport. And the aims of the caste tribunal have been restricted to\npreserving its own corporate existence free from injury or pollution,\nwhich might arise mainly from two sources. If a member's body was\nrendered impure either by eating impure food or by contact with a\nperson of impure caste it became an unfit receptacle for the sacred\nfood eaten at the caste feast, which bound its members together in\none body. This appears to be the object of the rules about food. And\nsince the blood of the clan and of the caste is communicated by descent\nthrough the father under the patriarchal system, adultery on the part\nof a married woman would bring a stranger into the group and undermine\nits corporate existence and unity. Hence the severity of the punishment\nfor the adultery of a married woman, which is a special feature of\nthe patriarchal system. It has already been seen that under the rule\nof female descent, as shown by Mr. Hartland in _Primitive Paternity_,\nthe chastity of women was as a rule scarcely regarded at all or even\nconceived of. After the change to the patriarchal system a similar\nlaxity seems to have prevailed for some period, and it was thought\nthat any child born to a man in his house or on his bed was his own,\neven though he might not be the father. This idea obtained among the\nArabs, as pointed out by Professor Robertson Smith in _Kinship and\nMarriage in Early Arabia_, and is also found in the Hindu classics,\nand to some extent even in modern practice. It was perhaps based on\nthe virtue assigned to concrete facts; just as the Hindus think that a\ngirl is properly married by going through the ceremony with an arrow\nor a flower, and that the fact of two children being suckled by the\nsame woman, though she is not their mother, establishes a tie akin\nto consanguinity between them, so they might have thought that the\nfact of a boy being born in a man's house constituted him the man's\nson. Subsequently, however, the view came to be held that the clan\nblood was communicated directly through the father, to whom the life\nof the child was solely assigned in the early patriarchal period. And\nthe chastity of married women then became of vital importance to the\ncommunity, because the lack of it would cause strangers to be born\ninto the clan, which now based its tie of kinship on descent from\na common male ancestor. Thus the adultery of women became a crime\nwhich would undermine the foundations of society and the state,\nand as such was sometimes punished with death among communities\nin the early patriarchal stage. It is this view, and not simply\nmoral principle, which has led to the severe caste penalties for the\noffence. Some of the primitive tribes care nothing about the chastity\nof unmarried girls, but punish unfaithful wives rigorously. Among the\nMaria Gonds a man will murder his wife for infidelity, but girls are\ncommonly unchaste. Another rule sometimes found is that an unmarried\ngirl becoming with child by an outsider is put out of caste for the\ntime. When her child, which does not belong to the caste, has been\nborn, she must make it over to some outside family, and she herself\ncan then be readmitted to the community. Out of the view of adultery\nas a religious and social offence, a moral regard for chastity is\nhowever developing among the Hindus as it has in other societies.\n\n\n\n\n94. The status of impurity.\n\nIt has been seen that the Sudras as well as the plebeians were regarded\nas impure, and the reason was perhaps that they were considered to\nbelong to a hostile god. By their participation in the sacrifice\nand partaking of the sacrificial food, the Indian Aryans and other\nraces considered that they were not only in fellowship with, but\nactually a part of the god. And similarly their enemies were part\nof the substance of a hostile god, whose very existence and contact\nwere abhorrent to their own. Hence their enemies should as far as\npossible be completely exterminated, but when this was impossible\nthey must dwell apart and not pollute by contact of their persons,\nor in any other way, the sacred soil on which the gods dwelt, nor\nthe persons of those who became part of the substance of the god by\nparticipation in the sacrificial meal. For this reason the plebeians\nhad to live outside the Roman city, which was all sacred ground, and\nthe Sudras and modern impure castes have to live outside the village,\nwhich is similarly sacred as the abode of the earth-goddess in her\nform of the goddess of the land of that village. For the same reason\ntheir contact had to be avoided by those who belonged to the village\nand were united to the goddess by partaking of the crops which she\nbrought forth on her land. As already seen, the belief existed that the\nlife and qualities could be communicated by contact, and in this case\nthe worshippers would assimilate by contact the life of a god hostile\nto their own. In the same manner, as shown by M. Salomon Reinach in\n_Cults, Myths and Religions_, all the weapons, clothes and material\npossessions of the enemy were considered as impure, perhaps because\nthey also contained part of the life of a hostile god. As already seen,\n[238] a man's clothing and weapons were considered to contain part\nof his life by contact, and since the man was united to the god by\npartaking of the sacrificial feast, all the possessions of the enemy\nmight be held to participate in the life of the hostile god, and hence\nthey could not be preserved, nor taken by the victors into their own\nhouses or dwellings. This was the offence which Achan committed when\nhe hid in his tent part of the spoils of Jericho; and in consequence\nJehovah ceased to be with the children of Israel when they went up\nagainst Ai, that is ceased to be in them, and they could not stand\nbefore the enemy. Achan and his family were stoned and his property\ndestroyed by fire and the impurity was removed. For the same reason the\nancient Gauls and Germans destroyed all the spoils of war or burned\nthem, or buried them in lakes where they are still found. At a later\nstage the Romans, instead of destroying the spoils of war, dedicated\nthem to their own gods, perhaps as a visible sign of the conquest and\nsubjection of the enemy's gods; and they were hung in temples or on\noak-trees, where they could not be touched except in the very direst\nneed, as when Rome was left without arms after Cannae. Subsequently\nthe spoils were permitted to decorate the houses of the victorious\ngenerals, where they remained sacred and inviolable heirlooms. [239]\n\n\n\n\n95. Caste and Hinduism.\n\nIn _The Religions of India_ M. Barth defined a Hindu as a man\nwho has a caste: 'The man who is a member of a caste is a Hindu;\nhe who is not, is not a Hindu.' His definition remains perhaps the\nbest. There is practically no dogma which is essential to Hinduism,\nnor is the veneration of any deity or sacred object either necessary\nor heretical. As has often been pointed out, there is no assembly more\ncatholic or less exclusive than the Hindu pantheon. Another writer\nhas said that the three essentials of a Hindu are to be a member\nof a caste, to venerate Brahmans, and to hold the cow sacred. Of\nthe latter two, the veneration of Brahmans cannot be considered\nindispensable; for there are several sects, as the Lingayats, the\nBishnois, the Manbhaos, the Kabirpanthis and others, who expressly\ndisclaim any veneration for Brahmans, and, in theory at least, make\nno use of their services; and yet the members of these sects are\nby common consent acknowledged as Hindus. The sanctity of the bull\nand cow is a more nearly universal dogma, and extends practically\nto all Hindus, except the impure castes. These latter should not\ncorrectly be classed as Hindus; the very origin of their status is,\nas has been seen, the belief that they are the worshippers of gods\nhostile to Hinduism. But still they must now practically be accounted\nas Hindus. They worship the Hindu gods, standing at a distance when\nthey are not allowed to enter the temples, perform their ceremonies\nby Hindu rites, and employ Brahmans for fixing auspicious days,\nwriting the marriage invitation and other business, which the Brahman\nis willing to do for a consideration, so long as he does not have to\nenter their houses. Some of the impure castes eat beef, while others\nhave abandoned it in order to improve their social position. At the\nother end of the scale are many well-educated Hindu gentlemen who\nhave no objection to eat beef and may often have done so in England,\nthough in India they may abstain out of deference to the prejudices\nof their relatives, especially the women. And Hindus of all castes\nare beginning to sell worn-out cattle to the butchers for slaughter\nwithout scruple--an offence which fifty years ago would have entailed\npermanent expulsion from caste. The reverence for the cow is thus not\nan absolutely essential dogma of Hinduism, though it is the nearest\napproach to one. As a definition or test of Hinduism it is, however,\nobviously inadequate. Caste, on the other hand, regulates the whole of\na Hindu's life, his social position and, usually, his occupation. It\nis the only tribunal which punishes religious and social offences,\nand when a man is out of caste he has, for so long as this condition\ncontinues, no place in Hinduism. Theoretically he cannot eat with any\nother Hindu nor marry his child to any Hindu. If he dies out of caste\nthe caste-men will not bury or burn his body, which is regarded as\nimpure. The binding tie of caste is, according to the argument given\nabove, the communal meal or feast of grain cooked with water, and this,\nit would therefore seem, may correctly be termed the chief religious\nfunction of Hinduism. Caste also obtains among the Jains and Sikhs,\nbut Sikhism is really little more than a Hindu sect, while the Jains,\nwho are nearly all Banias, scarcely differ from Vaishnava Hindu Banias,\nand have accepted caste, though it is not in accordance with the real\ntenets of their religion. The lower industrial classes of Muhammadans\nhave also formed castes in imitation of the Hindus. Many of these\nare however the descendants of converted Hindus, and nearly all of\nthem have a number of Hindu practices.\n\n\n\n\n96. The Hindu reformers.\n\nThere have not been wanting reformers in Hinduism, and the ultimate\nobject of their preaching seems to have been the abolition of the\ncaste system. The totem-clans, perhaps, supposed that each species\nof animals and plants which they distinguished had a different\nkind of life, the qualities of each species being considered as\npart of its life. This belief may have been the original basis of\nthe idea of difference of blood arising from nobility of lineage\nor descent, and it may also have been that from which the theory of\ncaste distinctions was derived. Though the sacrificial food of each\ncaste is the same, yet its members may have held themselves to be\npartaking of a different sacrificial feast and absorbing a different\nlife; just as the sacrificial feasts and the gods of the different\nGreek and Latin city-states were held to be distinct and hostile,\nand a citizen of one state could not join in the sacrificial feast\nof another, though the gods and sacrificial animals might be as a\nmatter of fact the same. And the earth-goddess of each village was a\nseparate form or part of the goddess, so that her land should only be\ntilled by the descendants of the cultivators who were in communion\nwith her. The severe caste penalties attached to getting vermin in\na wound, involving a long period of complete ostracism and the most\nelaborate ceremonies of purification, may perhaps be explained by the\nidea that the man so afflicted has in his body an alien and hostile\nlife which is incompatible with his forming part of the common life\nof the caste or subcaste. The leading feature of the doctrines of\nthe Hindu reformers has been that there is only one kind of life,\nwhich extends through the whole of creation and is all equally\nprecious. Everything that lives has a spark of the divine life and\nhence should not be destroyed. The belief did not extend to vegetable\nlife, perhaps because the true nature of the latter was by then\npartly realised, while if the consumption of vegetable life had been\nprohibited the sect could not have existed. The above doctrine will\nbe recognised as a comparatively simple and natural expansion of the\nbeliefs that animals have self-conscious volitional life and that each\nspecies of animals consists of one common life distributed through its\nmembers. If the true nature of individual animals and plants had been\nrecognised from the beginning, it is difficult to see how the idea of\none universal life running through them all could have been conceived\nand have obtained so large a degree of acceptance. As the effect of\nsuch a doctrine was that all men were of the same blood and life,\nits necessary consequence was the negation of caste distinctions. The\ntransmigration of souls followed as a moral rule apportioning reward\nand punishment for the actions of men. The soul passed through a cycle\nof lives, and the location or body of its next life, whether an animal\nof varying importance or meanness, or a human being in different\nclasses of society, was determined by its good or evil actions in\nprevious lives. Finally, those souls which had been purified of all\nthe gross qualities appertaining to the body were released from the\ncycle of existence and reabsorbed into the divine centre or focus of\nlife. In the case of the Buddhists and Jains the divine centre of life\nseems to have been conceived of impersonally. The leading authorities\non Buddhism state that its founder's doctrine was pure atheism, but one\nmay suggest that the view seems somewhat improbable in the case of a\nreligion promulgated at so early a period. And on such a hypothesis it\nis difficult to understand either the stress laid on the escape from\nlife as the highest aim or the sanctity held to attach to all kinds\nof animal life. But these doctrines follow naturally on the belief\nin a divine centre or focus of life from which all life emanates\nfor a time, to be ultimately reabsorbed. The Vaishnava reformers,\nwho arose subsequently, took the sun or the spirit of the sun as the\ndivine source of all life. They also preached the sanctity of animal\nlife, the transmigration of souls, and the final absorption of the\npurified soul into the divine centre of life. The abolition of caste\nwas generally a leading feature of their doctrine and may have been\nits principal social aim. The survival of the individual soul was not\na tenet of the earlier reformers, though the later ones adopted it,\nperhaps in response to the growing perception of individuality. But\neven now it is doubtful how far the separate existence of the\nindividual soul after it has finally left the world is a religious\ndogma of the Hindus. The basis of Hindu asceticism is the necessity\nof completely freeing the soul or spirit from all the appetites and\npassions of the body before it can be reabsorbed into the god. Those\nwho have so mortified the body that the life merely subsists in it,\nalmost unwillingly as it were, and absolutely unaffected by human\ndesires or affections or worldly events, have rendered their individual\nspark of life capable of being at once absorbed into the divine life\nand equal in merit to it, while still on earth. Thus Hindu ascetics\nin the last or perfect stage say, 'I am God,' or 'I am Siva,' and are\nrevered by their disciples and the people as divine. Both the Buddhists\nand Jains lay the same stress on the value of asceticism as enabling\nthe soul to attain perfection through complete detachment from the\nappetites and passions of the body and the cares of the world; and\nthe deduction therefore seems warranted that the end of the perfect\nsoul would be a similar reabsorption in the divine soul.\n\n\n\n\n97. Decline of the caste system.\n\nThe caste system has maintained its vigour unimpaired either by\nthe political vicissitudes and foreign invasions of India or by\nMuhammadan persecution. Except where it has been affected by European\neducation and inventions, Hindu society preserved until recently\na remarkably close resemblance to that of ancient Greece and Rome\nin the classical period. But several signs point to the conclusion\nthat the decay of caste as the governing factor of Indian society is\nin sight. The freedom in selection of occupation which now obtains\nappears to strike at the root of the caste system, because the relative\nsocial status and gradation of castes is based on their traditional\noccupations. When in a large number of the principal castes the\nmajority of the members have abandoned their traditional occupation\nand taken freely to others, the relative status of castes becomes a\nfiction, which, though it has hitherto subsisted, cannot apparently be\nindefinitely maintained. The great extension of education undertaken by\nGovernment and warmly advocated by the best Indian opinion exercises\nan analogous influence. Education is free to all, and, similarly,\nin the careers which it opens to the most successful boys there is\nno account of caste. Thus members of quite low castes obtain a good\nsocial position and, as regards them personally, the prejudices and\ncontempt for their caste necessarily fall into abeyance. The process\nmust, probably, in time extend to general social toleration. The\neducated classes are also coming to regard the restrictions on food\nand drink, and on eating and drinking with others, as an irksome and\nunnecessary bar to social intercourse, and are gradually abandoning\nthem. This tendency is greatly strengthened by the example and social\ncontact of Europeans. Finally, the facilities for travelling and the\ndemocratic nature of modern travel have a very powerful effect. The\ngreat majority of Hindus of all castes are obliged by their comparative\npoverty to avail themselves of the cheap third-class fares, and have\nto rub shoulders together in packed railway carriages. Soon they\nbegin to realise that this does them no harm, and get accustomed\nto it, with the result that the prejudices about bodily contact\ntend to disappear. The opinion has been given that the decline of\nsocial exclusiveness in England was largely due to the introduction\nof railway travelling. Taking account of all these influences, and\nassuming their continuance, the inference may safely be drawn that\nthe life of the Indian caste system is limited, though no attempt\ncan be made to estimate the degree of its vitality, nor to predict\nthe form and constitution of the society which will arise on its decay.\n\n\n\n\n\n\nARTICLES ON RELIGIONS AND SECTS\n\n\n\nArya Samaj\n\n[_Bibliography_: Sir E.D. Maclagan's _Punjab Census Report of 1891_;\nMr. R. Burn's _United Provinces Census Report of 1901_; Professor\nJ. C. Oman's _Cults, Customs and Superstitions of India_.]\n\n\n\nList of Paragraphs\n\n\n    1. _The founder of the sect, Dayanand Saraswati_.\n    2. _His methods and the scientific interpretation of the Vedas_.\n    3. _Tenets of the Samaj_.\n    4. _Modernising tendencies_.\n    5. _Aims and educational institutions_.\n    6. _Prospects of the sect_.\n\n\n\n1. The founder of the sect, Dayanand Saraswati.\n\n_Arya Samaj Religion_.--This important reforming sect of Hinduism\nnumbered nearly 250,000 persons in India in 1911, as against 92,000 in\n1901. Its adherents belong principally to the Punjab and the United\nProvinces. In the Central Provinces 974 members were returned. The\nsect was founded by Pandit Dayanand Saraswati, a Gujarati Brahman,\nborn in 1824. According to his own narrative he had been carefully\ninstructed in the Vedas, which means that he had been made to commit a\ngreat portion of them to memory, and had been initiated at an early\nage into the Saiva sect to which his family belonged; but while\nstill a mere boy his mind had revolted against the practices of\nidolatry. He could not bring himself to acknowledge that the image\nof Siva seated on his bull, the helpless idol, which, as he himself\nobserved in the watches of the night, allowed the mice to run over it\nwith impunity, ought to be worshipped as the omnipotent deity. [240]\nHe also conceived an intense aversion to marriage, and fled from home\nin order to avoid the match which had been arranged for him. He was\nattracted by the practice of Yoga, or ascetic philosophy, and studied\nit with great ardour, claiming to have been initiated into the highest\nsecrets of _Yoga Vidya_. He tells in one of his books of his many\nand extensive travels, his profound researches in Sanskritic lore,\nhis constant meditations and his ceaseless inquirings. He tells how,\nby dissecting in his own rough way a corpse which he found floating\non a river, he finally discerned the egregious errors of the Hindu\nmedical treatises, and, tearing up his books in disgust, flung\nthem into the river with the mutilated corpse. By degrees he found\nreason to reject the authority of all the sacred books of the Hindus\nsubsequent to the Vedas. Once convinced of this, he braced himself\nto a wonderful course of missionary effort, in which he formulated\nhis new system and attacked the existing orthodox Hinduism. [241]\nHe maintained that the Vedas gave no countenance to idolatry, but\ninculcated monotheism, and that their contents could be reconciled\nwith all the results of modern science, which indeed he held to be\nindicated in them. The Arya Samaj was founded in Lahore in 1877,\nand during the remainder of his life Dayanand travelled over northern\nIndia continually preaching and disputing with the advocates of other\nreligions, and founding branches of his sect. In 1883 he died at Ajmer,\naccording to the story of his followers, from the effects of poison\nadministered to him at the instigation of a prostitute against whose\nprofession he had been lecturing. [242]\n\n\n\n\n2. His methods and the scientific interpretation of the Vedas.\n\nDayanand's attempt to found a sect which, while not going entirely\noutside Hinduism, should prove acceptable to educated Hindus desiring\na purer faith, appears to have been distinctly successful. The leaders\nof the Brahmo Samaj were men of higher intelligence and ability than\nhe, and after scrupulously fair and impartial inquiry were led to\ndeny the infallibility of the Vedas, while they also declined to\nrecognise caste. But by so doing they rendered it impossible for a\nman to become a Brahmo and remain a Hindu, and their movement has\nmade little headway. By retaining the tenet of the divine authority\nof the Vedas, Dayanand made it possible for educated Hindus to join\nhis sect without absolutely cutting themselves adrift from their old\nfaith. But Dayanand's contention that the Vedas should be figuratively\ninterpreted, and are so found to foreshadow the discoveries of modern\nscience, will naturally not bear examination. The following instances\nof the method are given by Professor Oman: \"At one of the anniversary\nmeetings of the society a member gravely stated that the Vedas\nmentioned _pure_ fire, and as pure fire was nothing but electricity,\nit was evident that the Indians of the Vedic period were acquainted\nwith electricity. A leading member of the sect, who had studied\nscience in the Government college, discovered in two Vedic texts,\nmade up of _only eighteen words in all_, that oxygen and hydrogen\nwith their characteristic properties were known to the writers of the\nRig Veda, who were also acquainted with the composition of water,\nthe constitution of the atmosphere, and had anticipated the modern\nkinetic theory of gases.\" [243] Mr. Burn gives the following parallel\nversions of a verse of the Rig Veda by Professor Max Mueller and the\nlate Pandit Guru Datt, M.A., of the Arya Samaj:\n\n_Professor Max Mueller_.--\"May Mitra, Varuna, Aryaman, Ayu, Indra,\nthe Lord of the Ribhus, and the Maruts not rebuke us because we shall\nproclaim at the sacrifice the virtues of the swift horse sprung from\nthe Gods.\"\n\n_Pandit Guru Datt_.--\"We shall describe the power-generating virtues of\nthe energetic horses endowed with brilliant properties (or the virtues\nof the vigorous force of heat) which learned or scientific men can\nevoke to work for purposes of appliances. Let not philanthropists,\nnoble men, judges, learned men, rulers, wise men and practical\nmechanics ever disregard these properties.\" In fact, the learned\nPandit has interpreted horse as horse-power.\n\n\n\n\n3. Tenets of the Samaj.\n\nNevertheless the Arya Samaj does furnish a haven for educated Hindus\nwho can no longer credit Hindu mythology, but do not wish entirely\nto break away from their religion; a step which, involving also the\nabandonment of caste, would in their case mean the cessation to a\nconsiderable extent of social and family intercourse. The present\ntenets and position of the Arya Samaj as given to Professor Oman\nby Lala Lajpat Rai [244] indicate that, while tending towards the\ncomplete removal of the over-swollen body of Hindu ritual and the\nobstacles to social progress involved in the narrow restrictions of\nthe caste system, the sect at present permits a compromise and does\nnot require of its proselytes a full abjuration. In theory members\nof any religion may be admitted to the Samaj, and a few Muhammadans\nhave been initiated, but unless they renounce Islam do not usually\nparticipate in social intercourse. Sikhs are freely admitted, and\nconverts from any religion who accept the purified Hinduism of the\nSamaj are welcome. Such converts go through a simple ceremony of\npurification, for which a Brahman is usually engaged, though not\nrequired by rule. Those who, as Hindus, wore the sacred thread are\nagain invested with it, and it has also been conferred on converts,\nbut this has excited opposition. A few marriages between members of\ndifferent subcastes have been carried out, and in the case of orphan\ngirls adopted into the Samaj caste, rules have been set aside and they\nhave been married to members of other castes. Lavish expenditure on\nweddings is discouraged. Vishnu and Siva are accepted as alternative\nnames of the one God; but their reputed consorts Kali, Durga, Devi,\nand so on, are not regarded as deities. Brahmans are usually employed\nfor ceremonies, but these may also, especially birth and funeral\nceremonies, be performed by non-Brahmans. In the Punjab members of\nthe Samaj of different castes will take food together, but rarely\nin the United Provinces. Dissension has arisen on the question of\nthe consumption of flesh, and the Samaj is split into two parties,\nvegetarians and meat-eaters. In the United Provinces, Mr. Burn states,\nthe vegetarian party would not object to employ men of low caste as\ncooks, excepting such impure castes as Chamars, Doms and sweepers,\nso long as they were also vegetarians. The Aryas still hold the\ndoctrine of the transmigration of souls and venerate the cow, but\nthey do not regard the cow as divine. In this respect their position\nhas been somewhat modified from that of Dayanand, who was a vigorous\nsupporter of the Gaoraksha or cow-protection movement.\n\n\n\n\n4. Modernising tendencies.\n\nAgain Dayanand enunciated a very peculiar doctrine on Niyoga or the\ncustom of childless women, either married or widows, resorting to men\nother than their husbands for obtaining an heir. This is permitted\nunder certain circumstances by the Hindu lawbooks. Dayanand laid down\nthat a Hindu widow might resort in succession to five men until she\nhad borne each of them two children, and a married woman might do\nthe same with the consent of her husband, or without his consent if\nhe had been absent from home for a certain number of years, varying\naccording to the purpose for which he was absent. [245] Dayanand held\nthat this rule would have beneficial results. Those who could restrain\ntheir impulses would still be considered as following the best way;\nbut for the majority who could not do so, the authorised method\nand degree of intimacy laid down by him would prevent such evils as\nprostitution, connubial unfaithfulness, and the secret _liaisons_\nof widows, resulting in practices like abortion. The prevalence of\nsuch a custom would, however, certainly do more to injure social\nand family life than all the evils which it was designed to prevent,\nand it is not surprising to find that the Samaj does not now consider\nNiyoga an essential doctrine; instead of this they are trying in face\nof much opposition to introduce the natural and proper custom of the\nremarriage of widows. The principal rite of the Samaj is the old Hom\nsacrifice of burning clarified butter, grain, and various fragrant\ngums and spices on the sacred fire, with the repetition of Sanskrit\ntexts. They now explain this by saying that it is a sanitary measure,\ndesigned to purify the air.\n\nThe Samaj does not believe in any literal heaven and hell, but\nconsiders these as figurative expressions of the state of the soul,\nwhether in this life or the life to come. The Aryas therefore do not\nperform the _shradhh_ ceremony nor offer oblations to the dead, and\nin abolishing these they reduce enormously the power and influence\nof the priesthood.\n\n\n\n\n5. Aims and educational institutions.\n\nThe above account indicates that the Arya Samaj is tending to become\na vaguely theistic sect. Its religious observances will probably\nfall more and more into the background, and its members will aspire\nto observe in their conduct the code of social morality obtaining in\nEurope, and to regulate their habit of life by similar considerations\nof comfort and convenience. Already the principal aims of the\nSamaj tend mainly to the social improvement of its members and their\nfellow-Indians. It sets its face against child-marriage, and encourages\nthe remarriage of widows. It busies itself with female education,\nwith orphanages and schools, dispensaries and public libraries, and\nphilanthropic institutions of all sorts. [246] Its avowed aim is to\nunite and regenerate the peoples of Aryavarrta or India.\n\nAs one of its own poets has said: [247]\n\n\n    Ah! long have ye slept, Sons of India, too long!\n    Your country degenerate, your morals all wrong.\n\n\nIts principal educational institutions are the Dayanand Anglo-Vedic\nCollege at Lahore and the Anglo-Vedic School at Meerut, a large\norphanage at Bareilly, smaller ones at Allahabad and Cawnpore, and a\nnumber of primary schools. It employs a body of travelling teachers\nor Upadeshaks to make converts, and in the famine of 1900 took charge\nof as many famine orphans as the Local Governments would entrust\nto it, in order to prevent them from being handed over to Christian\nmissionaries. All members of the Samaj are expected to contribute one\nper cent of their incomes to the society, and a large number of them\ndo this. The Arya Samaj has been accused of cherishing political aims\nand of anti-British propaganda, but the writers quoted in this article\nunite in acquitting it of such a charge as an institution, though some\nof its members have been more or less identified with the Extremist\nparty. From the beginning, however, and apparently up to the present\ntime, its religious teaching has been directed to social and not to\npolitical reform, and so long as it adheres to this course its work\nmust be considered to be useful and praiseworthy. Nevertheless some\ndanger may perhaps exist lest the boys educated in its institutions\nmay with youthful intemperance read into the instruction of their\nteachers more than it is meant to convey, and divert exhortations\nfor social improvement and progress to political ends.\n\n\n\n\n6. Prospects of the sect.\n\nThe census of 1911 showed the Arya Samaj to be in a flourishing\nand progressive condition. There seems good reason to suppose that\nits success may continue, as it meets a distinct religious and\nsocial requirement of educated Hindus. Narsinghpur is the principal\ncentre of the sect in the Central Provinces, and here an orphanage is\nmaintained with about thirty inmates; the local members have an _ata_\nfund, to which they daily contribute a handful of flour, and this\naccumulates and is periodically made over to the orphanage. There is\nalso a Vedic school at Narsinghpur, and a Sanskrit school has been\nstarted at Drug. [248]\n\n\n\n\n\n\nBrahmo Samaj\n\n[_Bibliography:_ Professor J. C. Oman's _Brahmans, Theists and Muslims\nof India_ (1907); _Cults, Customs and Superstitions of India_ (1908);\nRev. F. Lillingston's _Brahmo Samaj and Arya Samaj_ (1901). The\nfollowing brief account is simply compiled from the above works and\nmakes no pretence to be critical.]\n\n\n\nList of Paragraphs\n\n\n    1. _Ram Mohan Roy, founder of the sect_.\n    2. _Much esteemed by the English_.\n    3. _Foundation of the Brahmo Samaj_.\n    4. _Debendra Nath Tagore_.\n    5. _Keshub Chandar Sen_.\n    6. _The Civil Marriage Act_.\n    7. _Keshub Chandar's relapse into mysticism_.\n    8. _Recent history of the Samaj_.\n    9. _Character of the movement_.\n\n\n\n\n1. Ram Mohan Roy, founder of the sect.\n\n_Brahmo Samaj Religion_.--This monotheistic sect of Bengal numbered\nonly thirty-two adherents in the Central Provinces in 1911, of whom\nall or nearly all were probably Bengalis. Nevertheless its history\nis of great interest as representing an attempt at the reform and\npurification of Hinduism under the influence of Christianity. The\nfounder of the sect, Ram Mohan Roy, a Brahman, was born in 1772\nand died in England in 1833. He was sent to school at Patna, where\nunder the influence of Muhammadan teachers he learnt to despise\nthe extravagant stories of the Puranas. At the age of sixteen he\ncomposed a tract against idolatry, which stirred up such a feeling of\nanimosity against him that he had to leave his home. He betook himself\nfirst to Benares, where he received instruction in the Vedas from the\nBrahmans. From there he went to Tibet, that he might learn the tenets\nof Buddhism from its adherents rather than its opponents; his genuine\ndesire to form a fair judgment of the merits of every creed being\nfurther evidenced by his learning the language in which each of these\nfinds its expression: thus he learnt Sanskrit that he might rightly\nunderstand the Vedas, Pali that he might read the Buddhist Tripitaka,\nArabic as the key to the Koran, and Hebrew and Greek for the Old and\nNew Testaments. [249] In 1819, after a diligent study of the Bible,\nhe published a book entitled _The Precepts of Jesus, the Guide to\nPeace and Happiness._ Although this work was eminently appreciative of\nthe character and teaching of Christ, it gave rise to an attack from\nthe missionaries of Serampore. Strange to say, Ram Mohan Roy so far\nconverted his tutor Mr. Adam (himself a missionary) to his own way\nof thinking that that gentleman relinquished his spiritual office,\nbecame editor of the _Indian Gazette,_ and was generally known in\nCalcutta as 'The second fallen Adam.' [250]\n\n\n\n\n2. Much esteemed by the English.\n\nRam Mohan Roy was held in great esteem by his English contemporaries\nin India. He dispensed in charities the bulk of his private means,\nliving himself with the strictest economy in order that he might have\nthe more to give away. It was to a considerable extent due to his\nefforts, and more especially to his demonstration that the practice\nof Sati found no sanction in the Vedas, that this abominable rite was\ndeclared illegal by Lord William Bentinck in 1829. The titular emperor\nof Delhi conferred the title of Raja upon him in 1830 and induced\nhim to proceed to England on a mission to the Home Government. He\nwas the first Brahman who had crossed the sea, and his distinguished\nappearance, agreeable manners, and undoubtedly great ability, coupled\nwith his sympathy for Christianity, procured him a warm welcome in\nEngland, where he died in 1833. [251]\n\n\n\n\n3. Foundation of the Brahmo Samaj.\n\nRam Mohan Roy, with the help of a few friends and disciples, founded,\nin 1830, the Brahmo Samaj or Society of God. In the trust deed of\nthe meeting-house it was laid down that the society was founded for\n\"the worship and adoration of the eternal, unsearchable and immutable\nBeing who is the Author and Preserver of the Universe, but not by\nany other name, designation or title peculiarly used by any men or\nset of men; and that in conducting the said worship and adoration, no\nobject, animate or inanimate, that has been or is or shall hereafter\nbecome ... an object of worship by any men or set of men, shall be\nreviled or slightingly or contemptuously spoken of or alluded to\neither in preaching, or in the hymns or other mode of worship that\nmay be delivered or used in the said messuage or building.\" [252]\nThis well exemplifies the broad toleration and liberality of the\nsect. The service in the new theistic church consisted in the recital\nof the Vedas by two Telugu Brahmans, the reading of texts from the\nUpanishads, and the expounding of the same in Bengali. The Samaj, thus\nconstituted, based its teaching on the Vedas and was at this time,\nthough unorthodox, still a Hindu sect, and made no attempt at the\nabolition of caste. \"Indeed, in establishing this sect, Ram Mohan Roy\nprofessed to be leading his countrymen back to the pure, uncorrupted,\nmonotheistic religion of their Vedic ancestors; but his monotheism,\nbased, as it was, essentially upon the Vedanta philosophy, was in\nreality but a disguised Pantheism, enriched as regards its ethics by\nideas derived from Muslim and Christian literature and theology.\" [253]\n\n\n\n\n4. Debendra Nath Tagore.\n\nAfter the death of its founder the sect languished for a period of ten\nyears until it was taken in hand by Debendra Nath Tagore, whose father\nDwarka Nath had been a friend and warm admirer of Ram Mohan Roy, and\nhad practically maintained the society by paying its expenses during\nthe interval. In 1843 Debendra drew up a form of initiation which\ninvolved the renunciation of idolatry. He established branches of\nthe Brahmo Samaj in many towns and villages of Bengal, and in 1845 he\nsent four Pandits to Benares to copy out and make a special study of\nthe Vedas. On their return to Calcutta after two years Debendra Nath\ndevoted himself with their aid to a diligent and critical study of the\nsacred books, and eventually, after much controversy and even danger\nof disruption, the Samaj, under his guidance, came to the important\ndecision that the teaching of the Vedas could not be reconciled with\nthe conclusions of modern science or with the religious convictions\nof the Brahmos, a result which soon led to an open and public denial\nof the infallibility of the Vedas.\n\n\"There is nothing,\" Professor Oman remarks, \"in the Brahmic movement\nmore creditable to the parties concerned than this honest and\ncareful inquiry into the nature of the doctrines and precepts of the\nVedas.\" [254]\n\n\n\n\n5. Keshub Chandar Sen.\n\nThe tenets of the Brahmo Samaj consisted at this time of a pure theism,\nwithout special reliance on the Hindu sacred books or recognition of\nsuch Hindu doctrines as the transmigration of souls. But in their\nordinary lives its members still conformed generally to the caste\npractices and religious usages of their neighbours. But a progressive\nparty now arose under the leadership of Keshub Chandar Sen, a young man\nof the Vaidya caste, which desired to break altogether with Hinduism,\nabolish the use of sect marks and the prohibition of intermarriage\nbetween castes, and to welcome into the community converts from all\nreligions. Meanwhile Debendra Nath Tagore had spent three years in\nseclusion in the Himalayas, occupied with meditation and prayer; on\nhis return he acceded so far to the views of Keshub Chandar Sen as to\ncelebrate the marriage of his daughter according to a reformed theistic\nritual; but when his friend pressed for the complete abolition of all\ncaste restrictions, Debendra Nath refused his consent and retired once\nmore to the hills. [255] The result was a schism in the community,\nand in 1866 the progressive party seceded and set up a Samaj of\ntheir own, calling themselves the Brahmo Samaj of India, while the\nconservative group under Debendra Nath Tagore was named the Adi or\noriginal Samaj. In 1905 the latter was estimated to number only about\n300 persons. [256]\n\nKeshub Chandar Sen had been educated in the Presidency College,\nCalcutta, and being more familiar with English and the Bible than\nwith the Sanskrit language and Vedic literature, he was filled with\ndeep enthusiastic admiration of the beauty of Christ's character\nand teaching. [257] He had shown a strong passion for the stage and\nloved nothing better than the plays of Shakespeare. He was fond of\nperforming himself, and especially delighted in appearing in the\nrole of a magician or conjurer before his family and friends. The\nnew sect took up the position that all religions were true and\nworthy of veneration. At the inaugural meeting, texts from the\nsacred scriptures of the Christians, Hindus, Muhammadans, Parsis\nand Chinese were publicly read, in order to mark and to proclaim to\nthe world the catholicity of spirit in which it was formed. [258]\nKeshub by his writings and public lectures kept himself prominently\nbefore the Indian world, enlisting the sympathies of the Viceroy\n(Sir John Lawrence) by his tendencies towards Christianity.\n\n\n\n\n6. The Civil Marriage Act.\n\nBy this time several marriages had been performed according to the\nrevised ritual of the Brahmic Church, which had given great offence\nto orthodox Hindus and exposed the participators in these novel rites\nto much obloquy. The legality of marriages thus contracted had even\nbeen questioned. To avoid this difficulty Keshub induced Government\nin 1872 to pass the Native Marriage Act, introducing for the first\ntime the institution of civil marriage into Hindu society. The Act\nprescribed a form of marriage to be celebrated before the Registrar\nfor persons who did not profess either the Hindu, the Muhammadan,\nthe Parsi, the Sikh, the Jaina or the Buddhist religion, and who\nwere neither Christians nor Jews; and fixed the minimum age for a\nbridegroom at eighteen and for a bride at fourteen. Only six years\nlater, however, Keshub Chandar Sen committed the fatal mistake of\nignoring the law which he had himself been instrumental in passing:\nhe permitted the marriage of his daughter, below the age of fourteen,\nto the young Maharaja of Kuch Bihar, who was not then sixteen years\nof age. [259] This event led to a public censure of Keshub Chandar\nSen by his community and the secession of a section of the members,\nwho formed the Sadharan or Universal Brahmo Samaj. The creed of this\nbody consisted in the belief in an infinite Creator, the immortality of\nthe soul, the duty and necessity of the spiritual worship of God, and\ndisbelief in any infallible book or man as a means of salvation. [260]\n\n\n\n\n7. Keshub Chandar's relapse into mysticism.\n\nFrom about this period, or a little before, Keshub Chandar Sen appears\nto have attempted to make a wider appeal to Indians by developing the\nemotional side of his religion. And he gradually relapsed from a pure\nunitarian theism into what was practically Hindu pantheism and the\nmysticism of the Yogis. At the same time he came to consider himself\nan inspired prophet, and proclaimed himself as such. The following\ninstances of his extravagant conduct are given by Professor Oman. [261]\n\n\"In 1873 he brought forward the doctrine of Adesh or special\ninspiration, declaring emphatically that inspiration is not only\npossible, but a veritable fact in the lives of many devout souls\nin this age. The following years witnessed a marked development of\nthat essentially Asiatic and perhaps more especially Indian form of\nreligious feeling, which finds its natural satisfaction in solitary\necstatic contemplation. As a necessary consequence an order of devotees\nwas established in 1876, divided into three main classes, which in\nascending gradation were designated Shabaks, Bhaktas and Yogis. The\nlowest class, divided into two sections, is devoted to religious study\nand the practical performance of religious duties, including doing good\nto others. The aspiration of the Bhakta is ... 'Inebriation in God. He\nis most passionately fond of God and delights in loving Him and all\nthat pertains to Him.... The very utterance of the divine name causes\nhis heart to overflow and brings tears of joy to his eyes.' As for the\nhighest order of devotees, the Yogis, 'They live in the spirit-world\nand readily commune with spiritual realities. They welcome whatever is\na help to the entire subjugation of the soul, and are always employed\nin conquering selfishness, carnality and worldliness. They are happy\nin prayer and meditation and in the study of nature.'\n\n\"The new dispensation having come into the world to harmonise\nconflicting creeds and regenerate mankind, must have its outward\nsymbol, its triumphal banner floating proudly on the joyful air\nof highly-favoured India. A flag was therefore made and formally\nconsecrated as 'The Banner of the New Dispensation.' This emblem of\n'Regenerated and saving theism' the new prophet himself formed with\na yak's tail and kissed with his own inspired lips. In orthodox Hindu\nfashion his missionaries--apostles of the new Dispensation--went round\nit with lights in their hands, while his less privileged followers\nrespectfully touched the sacred pole and humbly bowed down to it. In\na word, the banner was worshipped as Hindu idols are worshipped any\nday in India. Carried away by a spirit of innovation, anxious to keep\nhimself prominently before the world, and realising no doubt that\nsince churches and sects do not flourish on intellectual pabulum only,\ncertain mystic rites and gorgeous ceremonials were necessary to the\nsuccess of the new Dispensation, Keshub introduced into his Church\nvarious observances which attracted a good deal of attention and did\nnot escape criticism. On one occasion he went with his disciples\nin procession, singing hymns, to a stagnant tank in Calcutta,\nand made believe that they were in Palestine and on the side of\nthe Jordan. Standing near the tank Keshub said, 'Beloved brethren,\nwe have come into the land of the Jews, and we are seated on the\nbank of the Jordan. Let them that have eyes see. Verily, verily,\nhere was the Lord Jesus baptised eighteen hundred years ago. Behold\nthe holy waters wherein was the Son of God immersed.' We learn also\nthat Keshub and his disciples attempted to hold communication with\nsaints and prophets of the olden time, upon whose works and teaching\nthey had been pondering in retirement and solitude. On this subject\nthe following notice appeared in the _Sunday Mirror_:\n\n\"'It is proposed to promote communion with departed saints among\nthe more advanced Brahmos. With a view to achieve this object\nsuccessfully ancient prophets and saints will be taken one after\nanother on special occasions and made the subject of close study,\nmeditation and prayer. Particular places will also be assigned to\nwhich the devotees will resort as pilgrims. There for hours together\nthey will try to draw inspiration from particular saints. We believe\na spiritual pilgrimage to Moses will be shortly undertaken. Only\nearnest devotees ought to join.'\"\n\n\n\n\n8. Recent history of the Samaj.\n\nKeshub Chandar Sen died in 1884, and the Brahmo Samaj seems\nsubsequently to have returned more or less to its first position of\npure theism coupled with Hindu social reform. His successor in the\nleadership of the sect was Babu P.C. Mazumdar, who visited America\nand created a favourable impression at the Parliament of Religions\nat Chicago. Under his guidance the Samaj seems to have gradually\ndrifted towards American Unitarianism, and to have been supported in\nno slight degree by funds from the United States of America. [262] He\ndied in 1905, and left no one of prominent character and attainments\nto succeed to the leadership. In 1911 the adherents of the different\nbranches of the Samaj numbered at the census only 5500 persons.\n\n\n\n\n9. Character of the movement.\n\nThe history of the Brahmo Samaj is of great interest, because it was\nthe first attempt at the reform and purification of Hinduism made under\nthe influence of Christianity, the long line of Vaishnavite reformers\nwho strove to abrogate Hindu polytheism and the deadening restrictions\nof caste, having probably been inspired by the contemplation of\nIslam. The Samaj is further distinguished by the admirable toleration\nand broadness of view of its religious position, and by having had for\nits leaders three men of exceptional character and attainments, two\nof whom, and especially Keshub Chandar Sen, made a profound impression\nin England among all classes of society. But the failure of the Samaj\nto attract any large number of converts from among the Hindus was\nonly what might have been expected. For it requires its followers\npractically to cut themselves adrift from family and caste ties and\noffers nothing in return but an undefined theism, not calculated\nto excite any enthusiasm or strong feeling in ordinary minds. Its\nefforts at social reform have probably, however, been of substantial\nvalue in weakening the rigidity of Hindu rules on caste and marriage.\n\n\n\n\n\nDadupanthi Sect. [263]\n\n\n_Dadupanthi Sect._--One of the sects founded by Vaishnava reformers\nof the school of Kabir; a few of its members are found in the\nwestern Districts of the Central Provinces. Dadu was a Pinjara or\ncotton-cleaner by caste. He was born at Ahmadabad in the sixteenth\ncentury, and died at Narayana in the Jaipur State shortly after\nA.D. 1600. He is said to have been the fifth successor in spiritual\ninspiration from Kabir, or the sixth from Ramanand. Dadu preached\nthe unity of God and protested against the animistic abuses which\nhad grown up in Hinduism. \"To this day,\" writes Mr. Coldstream,\n\"the Dadupanthis use the words Sat Ram, the True God, as a current\nphrase expressive of their creed. Dadu forbade the worship of idols,\nand did not build temples; now temples are built by his followers, who\nsay they worship in them the Dadubani or Sacred Book.\" This is what has\nbeen done by other sects such as the Sikhs and Dhamis, whose founders\neschewed the veneration of idols; but their uneducated followers could\nnot dispense with some visible symbol for their adoration, and hence\nthe sacred script has been enthroned in a temple. The worship of the\nDadupanthis, Professor Wilson says, is addressed to Rama, but it is\nrestricted to the Japa or repetition of his name, and the Rama intended\nis the deity negatively described in the Vedanta theology. The chief\nplace of worship of the sect is Narayana, where Dadu died. A small\nbuilding on a hill marks the place of his disappearance, and his bed\nand the sacred books are kept there as objects of veneration.\n\nLike other sects, the Dadupanthis are divided into celibate or\npriestly and lay or householder branches. But they have also a third\noffshoot, consisting in the Naga Gosains of Jaipur, nearly naked\nascetics, who constituted a valuable part of the troops of Jaipur\nand other States. It is said that the Nagas always formed the van\nof the army of Jaipur. The sect have white caps with four corners\nand a flap hanging down at the back, which each follower has to make\nfor himself. To prevent the destruction of animal life entailed by\ncremation, the tenets of the sect enjoin that corpses should be laid\nin the forests to be devoured by birds and beasts. This rule, however,\nis not observed, and their dead are burnt at early dawn.\n\n\n\n\n\nDhami, Prannathi Sect.\n\n\n_Dhami, Prannathi Sect._--A small religious sect or order, having\nits headquarters in the Panna State of Bundelkhand. A few members of\nthe sect are found in the Saugor and Damoh Districts of the Central\nProvinces. The name Dhami is simply a derivative from _dham_, a\nmonastery, and in northern India they are called Prannathi after their\nfounder. They are also known as Sathi Bhai, brothers in religion,\nor simply as Bhai or brothers. The sect takes its origin from one\nPrannath, a Rajput who lived in the latter part of Aurangzeb's reign\ntowards the end of the seventeenth century. He is said to have acquired\ngreat influence with Chatra Sal, Raja of Panna, by the discovery of a\ndiamond mine there, and on this account Panna was made the home of the\nsect. Prannath was well acquainted with the sacred books of Islam, and,\nlike other Hindu reformers, he attempted to propagate a faith which\nshould combine the two religions. To this end he composed a work in\nGujarati called the Kulzam Sarup, in which texts from the Koran and\nthe Vedas are brought together and shown not to be incompatible. His\ncreed also proclaimed the abolition of the worship of idols, and\napparently of caste restrictions and the supremacy of Brahmans. As\na test of a disciple's assent to the real identity of the Hindu and\nMuhammadan creeds, the ceremony of initiation consists in eating in\nthe society of the followers of both religions; but the amalgamation\nappears to be carried no further, and members of the sect continue\nto follow generally their own religious practices. Theoretically they\nshould worship no material objects except the Founder's Book of Faith,\nwhich lies on a table covered with gold cloth in the principal temple\nat Panna. But in fact they adore the boy Krishna as he was at Mathura,\nand in some temples there are images of Radha and Krishna, while in\nothers the decorations are so arranged as to look like an idol from\na distance. All temples, however, contain a copy of the sacred book,\nround which a lighted lamp is waved in the morning and evening. The\nDhamis now say also that their founder Prannath was an incarnation\nof Krishna, and they observe the Janam-Ashtami or Krishna's birthday\nas their principal festival. They wear the Radha Vallabhi _tilak_\nor sect-mark, consisting of two white lines drawn down the forehead\nfrom the roots of the hair, and curving to meet at the top of the nose,\nwith a small red dot between them. On the cheeks and temples they make\nrosette-like marks by bunching up the five fingers, dipping them in\na solution of sandalwood and then applying them to the face. [264]\nThey regard the Jumna as a sacred river and its water as holy, no\ndoubt because Mathura is on its banks, but pay no reverence to the\nGanges. Their priests observe celibacy, but do not practise asceticism,\nand all the Dhamis are strict vegetarians.\n\nThere is also a branch of the sect in Gujarat, where the founder\nis known as Meheraj Thakur. He appears to have been identical with\nPrannath, and instituted a local headquarters at Surat. [265] It is\nrelated by Mr. Bhimbhai Kirparam that Meheraj Thakur was himself the\ndisciple of one Deo Chand, a native of Amarkot in Sind. The latter\nwas devoted to the study of the Bhagwat Puran, and came to Jamnagar in\nKathiawar, where he founded a temple to Radha and Krishna. As there is\na temple at Panna consecrated to Deo Chand as the Guru or preceptor\nof Prannath, and as the book of the faith is written in Gujarati,\nthe above account would appear to be correct, and it follows that\nthe sect originated in the worship of Krishna, and was refined by\nPrannath into a purer form of faith. A number of Cutchis in Surat\nare adherents of the sect, and usually visit the temple at Panna on\nthe full-moon day of Kartik (October). Curiously enough the sect has\nalso found a home in Nepal, having been preached there, it is said,\nby missionary Dhamis in the time of Raja Ram Bahadur Shah of Nepal,\nabout 150 years ago. Its members there are known as Pranami or Parnami,\na corruption of Prannathi and they often come to Panna to study the\nsacred book. It is reported that there are usually about forty Nepalis\nlodging in the premises of the great temple at Panna. [266]\n\n\n\n\n\nJain Religion\n\n[_Bibliography: The Jainas_, by Dr. J.G. Buehler and J. Burgess,\nLondon, 1903; _The Religions of India_, Professor E.W. Hopkins; _The\nReligions of India_, Professor A. Barth; _Punjab Census Report_\n(1891), Sir E.D. Maclagan; article on Jainism in Dr. Hastings'\n_Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_.]\n\n\n\n\nList of Paragraphs\n\n\n     1. _Numbers and distribution_.\n     2. _The Jain religion. Its connection with Buddhism_.\n     3. _The Jain tenets. The Tirthakars_.\n     4. _The transmigration of souls_.\n     5. _Strict rules against taking life_.\n     6. _Jain sects_.\n     7. _Jain ascetics_.\n     8. _Jain subcastes of Banias_.\n     9. _Rules and customs of the laity_.\n    10. _Connection with Hinduism_.\n    11. _Temples and car festival_.\n    12. _Images of the Tirthakars_.\n    13. _Religious observances_.\n    14. _Tenderness for animal life_.\n    15. _Social condition of the Jains_.\n\n\n\n\n1. Numbers and distribution.\n\n_Jain_.--The total number of Jains in the Central Provinces in 1911\nwas 71,000 persons. They nearly all belong to the Bania caste, and\nare engaged in moneylending and trade like other Banias. They reside\nprincipally in the Vindhyan Districts, Saugor, Damoh and Jubbulpore,\nand in the principal towns of the Nagpur country and Berar.\n\n\n\n\n2. The Jain religion. Its connection with Buddhism.\n\nThe Jain tenets present marked features of resemblance to Buddhism,\nand it was for some time held that Jainism was merely a later offshoot\nfrom that religion. The more generally accepted view now, however, is\nthat the Jina or prophet of the Jains was a real historical personage,\nwho lived in the sixth century B.C., being a contemporary of Gautama,\nthe Buddha. Vardhamana, as he was commonly called, is said to have\nbeen the younger son of a small chieftain in the province of Videha or\nTirhut. Like Sakya-Muni the Buddha or enlightened, Vardhamana became\nan ascetic, and after twelve years of a wandering life he appeared\nas a prophet, proclaiming a modification of the doctrine of his own\nteacher Parsva or Parasnath. From this time he was known as Mahavira,\nthe great hero, the same name which in its familiar form of Mahabir\nis applied to the god Hanuman. The title of Jina or victorious,\nfrom which the Jains take their name, was subsequently conferred\non him, his sect at its first institution being called Nirgrantha or\nascetic. There are very close resemblances in the traditions concerning\nthe lives of Vardhamana and Gautama or Buddha. Both were of royal\nbirth; the same names recur among their relatives and disciples;\nand they lived and preached in the same part of the country, Bihar\nand Tirhut. [267] Vardhamana is said to have died during Buddha's\nlifetime, the date of the latter's death being about 480 B.C. [268]\nTheir doctrines also, with some important differences, present,\non the whole, a close resemblance. Like the Buddhists, the Jains\nclaim to have been patronised by the Maurya princes. While Asoka\nwas mainly instrumental in the propagation of Buddhism over India,\nhis grandfather Chandragupta is stated to have been a Jain, and his\ngrandson Sampadi also figures in Jain tradition. A district which is\na holy land for one is almost always a holy land for the other, and\ntheir sacred places adjoin each other in Bihar, in the peninsula of\nGujarat, on Mount Abu in Rajputana and elsewhere. [269] The earliest\nof the Jain books belongs to the sixth century A.D., the existence of\nthe Nirgrantha sect in Buddha's lifetime being proved by the Cingalese\nbooks of the Buddhists, and by references to it in the inscriptions\nof Asoka and others. [270] While then M. Barth's theory that Jainism\nwas simply a later sect of Buddhism has been discarded by subsequent\nscholars, it seems likely that several of the details of Vardhamana's\nlife now recorded in the Jain books are not really authentic, but\nwere taken from that of Buddha with necessary alterations, when the\ntrue facts about their own prophet had been irrevocably lost.\n\n\n\n\n3. The Jain tenets. The Tirthakars.\n\nLike the Buddhists, the Jains recognise no creator of the world,\nand suppose it to have existed from eternity. Similarly, they had\noriginally no real god, but the Jina or victor, like the Buddha or\nEnlightened One, was held to have been an ordinary mortal man, who\nby his own power had attained to omniscience and freedom, and out of\npity for suffering mankind preached and declared the way of salvation\nwhich he had found. [271] This doctrine, however, was too abstruse\nfor the people, and in both cases the prophet himself gradually\ncame to be deified. Further, in order perhaps to furnish objects of\nworship less distinctively human and to whom a larger share of the\nattributes of deity could be imputed, in both religions a succession\nof mythical predecessors of the prophet was gradually brought into\nexistence. The Buddhists recognise twenty-five Buddhas or divine\nprophets, who appeared at long epochs of time and taught the same\nsystem one after another; and the Jains have twenty-four Tirthakars\nor Tirthankars, who similarly taught their religion. Of these only\nVardhamana, its real founder, who was the twenty-fourth, and possibly\nParsva or Parasnath, the twenty-third and the founder's preceptor,\nare or may be historical. The other twenty-two Tirthakars are purely\nmythical. The first, Rishaba, was born more than 100 billion years ago,\nas the son of a king of Ajodhya; he lived more than 8 million years,\nand was 500 bow-lengths in height. He therefore is as superhuman\nas any god, and his date takes us back almost to eternity. The\nothers succeeded each other at shorter intervals of time, and show\na progressive decline in stature and length of life. The images of\nthe Tirthakars are worshipped in the Jain temples like those of the\nBuddhas in Buddhist temples. As with Buddhism also, the main feature\nof Jain belief is the transmigration of souls, and each successive\nincarnation depends on the sum of good and bad actions or _karman_\nin the previous life. They hold also the primitive animistic doctrine\nthat souls exist not only in animals and plants but in stones, lumps\nof earth, drops of water, fire and wind, and the human soul may pass\neven into these if its sins condemn it to such a fate. [272]\n\n\n\n\n4. The transmigration of souls.\n\nThe aim which Jainism, like Buddhism, sets before its disciples\nis the escape from the endless round of successive existences,\nknown as Samsara, through the extinction of the _karman_ or sum of\nactions. This is attained by complete subjection of the passions and\ndestruction of all desires and appetites of the body and mind, that\nis, by the most rigid asceticism, as well as by observing all the\nmoral rules prescribed by the religion. It was the Jina or prophet\nwho showed this way of escape, and hence he is called Tirthakar or\n'The Finder of the Ford,' through the ocean of existence. [273]\nBut Jainism differs from Buddhism in that it holds that the soul,\nwhen finally emancipated, reaches a heaven and there continues for\never a separate intellectual existence, and is not absorbed into\nNirvana or a state of blessed nothingness.\n\n\n\n\n5. Strict rules against taking life.\n\nThe moral precepts of the Jains are of the same type as those of\nBuddhism and Vaishnavite Hinduism, but of an excessive rigidity,\nat any rate in the case of the Yatis or Jatis, the ascetics. They\npromise not to hurt, not to speak untruths, to appropriate nothing to\nthemselves without permission, to preserve chastity and to practise\nself-sacrifice. But these simple rules are extraordinarily expanded\non the part of the Jains. Thus, concerning the oath not to hurt,\non which the Jains lay most emphasis: it prohibits not only the\nintentional killing or injuring of living beings, plants or the souls\nexisting in dead matter, but requires also the utmost carefulness in\nthe whole manner of life, and a watchfulness also over all movements\nand functions of the body by which anything living might be hurt. It\ndemands, finally, strict watch over the heart and tongue, and the\navoidance of all thoughts and words which might lead to disputes\nand quarrels, and thereby do harm. In like manner the rule of\nsacrifice requires not only that the ascetic should have no houses or\npossessions, but he must also acquire a complete unconcern towards\nagreeable or disagreeable impressions, and destroy all feelings\nof attachment to anything living or dead. [274] Similarly, death by\nvoluntary starvation is prescribed for those ascetics who have reached\nthe Kewalin or brightest stage of knowledge, as the means of entering\ntheir heaven. Owing to the late date of the Jain scriptures, any or\nall of its doctrines may have been adopted from Buddhism between\nthe commencement of the two religions and the time when they were\ncompiled. The Jains did not definitely abolish caste, and hence escaped\nthe persecution to which Buddhism was subjected during the period of\nits decline from the fifth or sixth century A.D. On account of this\ntrouble many Buddhists became Jains, and hence a further fusion of\nthe doctrines of the rival sects may have ensued. The Digambara sect\nof Jains agree with the Buddhists in holding that women cannot attain\nNirvana or heaven, while the Swetambara sect say that they can, and\nalso admit women as nuns into the ascetic order. The Jain scripture,\nthe Yogashastra, speaks of women as the lamps that burn on the road\nthat leads to the gates of hell.\n\n\n\n\n6. Jain sects.\n\nThe Jains are divided into the above two principal sects, the\nDigambara and the Swetambara. The Digambara are the more numerous\nand the stricter sect. According to their tenets death by voluntary\nstarvation is necessary for ascetics who would attain heaven, though\nof course the rule is not now observed. The name Digambara signifies\nsky-clad, and Swetambara white-clad. Formerly the Digambara ascetics\nwent naked, and were the gymnosophists of the Greek writers, but now\nthey take off their clothes, if at all, only at meals. The theory\nof the origin of the two sects is that Parasnath, the twenty-third\nTirthakar, wore clothes, while Mahavira the twenty-fourth did not,\nand the two sects follow their respective examples. The Digambaras now\nwear ochre-coloured cloth, and the Swetambaras white. The principal\ndifference at present is that the images in Digambara temples are naked\nand bare, while those of the Swetambaras are clothed, presumably in\nwhite, and also decorated with jewellery and ornaments. The Digambara\nascetics may not use vessels for cooking or holding their food, but\nmust take it in their hands from their disciples and eat it thus;\nwhile the Swetambara ascetics may use vessels. The Digambara, however,\ndo not consider the straining-cloth, brush, and gauze before the\nmouth essential to the character of an ascetic, while the Swetambara\ninsist on them. There is in the Central Provinces another small sect\ncalled Channagri or Samaiya, and known elsewhere as Dhundia. These do\nnot put images in their temples at all, but only copies of the Jain\nsacred books, and pay reverence to them. They will, however, worship\nin regular Jain temples at places where there are none of their own.\n\n\n\n\n7. Jain ascetics.\n\nThe initiation of a Yati or Jati, a Jain ascetic, is thus described:\nIt is frequent for Banias who have no children to vow that their\nfirst-born shall be a Yati. Such a boy serves a novitiate with a _guru_\nor preceptor, and performs for him domestic offices; and when he is\nold enough and has made progress in his studies he is initiated. For\nthis purpose the novice is carried out of the tower with music and\nrejoicing in procession, followed by a crowd of Sravakas or Jain\nlaymen, and taken underneath the banyan, or any other tree the juice of\nwhich is milky. His hair is pulled out at the roots with five pulls;\ncamphor, musk, sandal, saffron and sugar are applied to the scalp;\nand he is then placed before his _guru,_ stripped of his clothes and\nwith his hands joined. A text is whispered in his ear by the _guru_,\nand he is invested with the clothes peculiar to Yatis; two cloths, a\nblanket and a staff; a plate for his victuals and a cloth to tie them\nup in; a piece of gauze to tie over his mouth to prevent the entry\nof insects; a cloth through which to strain his drinking-water to\nthe same end; and a broom made of cotton threads or peacock feathers\nto sweep the ground before him as he walks, so that his foot may not\ncrush any living thing. The duty of the Yati is to read and explain\nthe sacred books to the Sravakas morning and evening, such functions\nbeing known as Sandhya. His food consists of all kinds of grain,\nvegetables and fruit produced above the earth; but no roots such as\nyams or onions. Milk and _ghi_ are permitted, but butter and honey\nare prohibited. Some strict Yatis drink no water but what has been\nfirst boiled, lest they should inadvertently destroy any insect,\nit being less criminal to boil them than to destroy them in the\ndrinker's stomach. A Yati having renounced the world and all civil\nduties can have no family, nor does he perform any office of mourning\nor rejoicing. [275] A Yati was directed to travel about begging and\npreaching for eight months in the year, and during the four rainy\nmonths to reside in some village or town and observe a fast. The\nrules of conduct to be observed by him were extremely strict, as has\nalready been seen. Those who observed them successfully were believed\nto acquire miraculous powers. He who was a Siddh or victor, and had\novercome his Karma or the sum of his human actions and affections,\ncould read the thoughts of others and foretell the future. He who had\nattained Kewalgyan, or the state of perfect knowledge which preceded\nthe emancipation of the soul and its absorption into paradise, was\na god on earth, and even the gods worshipped him. Wherever he went\nall plants burst into flower and brought forth fruit, whether it was\ntheir season or not. In his presence no animal bore enmity to another\nor tried to kill it, but all animals lived peaceably together. This\nwas the state attained to by each Tirthakar during his last sojourn\non earth. The number of Jain ascetics seems now to be less than\nformerly and they are not often met with, at least in the Central\nProvinces. They do not usually perform the function of temple priest.\n\n\n\n\n8. Jain subcastes of Banias.\n\nPractically all the Jains in the Central Provinces are of the Bania\ncaste. There is a small subcaste of Jain Kalars, but these are\nsaid to have gone back to Hinduism. [276] Of the Bania subcastes\nwho are Jains the principal are the Parwar, Golapurab, Oswal and\nSaitwal. Saraogi, the name for a Jain layman, and Charnagar, a\nsect of Jains, are also returned as subcastes of Jain Banias. Other\nimportant subcastes of Banias, as the Agarwal and Maheshri, have a\nJain section. Nearly all Banias belong to the Digambara sect, but the\nOswal are Swetambaras. They are said to have been originally Rajputs\nof Os or Osnagar in Rajputana, and while they were yet Rajputs a\nSwetambara ascetic sucked the poison from the wound of an Oswal boy\nwhom a snake had bitten, and this induced the community to join the\nSwetambara sect of the Jains. [277]\n\n\n\n\n9. Rules and customs of the laity.\n\nThe Jain laity are known as Shrawak or Saraogi, learners. There\nis comparatively little to distinguish them from their Hindu\nbrethren. Their principal tenet is to avoid the destruction of all\nanimal, including insect life, but the Hindu Banias are practically\nall Vaishnavas, and observe almost the same tenderness for animal life\nas the Jains. The Jains are distinguished by their separate temples\nand method of worship, and they do not recognise the authority of\nthe Vedas nor revere the _lingam_ of Siva. Consequently they do not\nuse the Hindu sacred texts at their weddings, but repeat some verses\nfrom their own scriptures. These weddings are said to be more in the\nnature of a civil contract than of a religious ceremony. The bride and\nbridegroom walk seven times round the sacred post and are then seated\non a platform and promise to observe certain rules of conduct towards\neach other and avoid offences. It is said that formerly a Jain bride\nwas locked up in a temple for the first night and considered to be\nthe bride of the god. But as scandals arose from this custom, she is\nnow only locked up for a minute or two and then let out again. Jain\nboys are invested with the sacred thread on the occasion of their\nweddings or at twenty-one or twenty-two if they are still unmarried\nat that age. The thread is renewed annually on the day before the\nfull moon of Bhadon (August), after a ten days' fast in honour of\nAnant Nath Tirthakar. The thread is made by the Jain priests of\ntree cotton and has three knots. At their funerals the Jains do not\nshave the moustaches off as a rule, and they never shave the _choti_\nor scalp-lock, which they wear like Hindus. They give a feast to the\ncaste-fellows and distribute money in charity, but do not perform the\nHindu _shraddh_ or offering of sacrificial cakes to the dead. The\nAgarwal and Khandelwal Jains, however, invoke the spirits of their\nancestors at weddings. Traces of an old hostility between Jains and\nHindus survive in the Hindu saying that one should not take refuge in a\nJain temple, even to escape from a mad elephant; and in the rule that\na Jain beggar will not take alms from a Hindu unless he can perform\nsome service in return, though it may not equal the value of the alms.\n\n\n\n\n10. Connection with Hinduism.\n\nIn other respects the Jains closely resemble the Hindus. Brahmans\nare often employed at their weddings, they reverence the cow,\nworship sometimes in Hindu temples, go on pilgrimages to the Hindu\nsacred places, and follow the Hindu law of inheritance. The Agarwal\nBania Jains and Hindus will take food cooked with water together and\nintermarry in Bundelkhand, although it is doubtful whether they do\nthis in the Central Provinces. In such a case each party pays a fine\nto the Jain temple fund. In respect of caste distinctions the Jains\nare now scarcely less strict than the Hindus. The different Jain\nsubcastes of Banias coming from Bundelkhand will take food together\nas a rule, and those from Marwar will do the same. The Khandelwal\nand Oswal Jain Banias will take food cooked with water together when\nit has been cooked by an old woman past the age of child-bearing,\nbut not that cooked by a young woman. The spread of education has\nawakened an increased interest among the Jains in their scriptures\nand the tenets of their religion, and it is quite likely that the\ntendency to conform to Hinduism in caste matters and ceremonies may\nreceive a check on this account. [278]\n\n\n\n\n11. Temple and car festival.\n\nThe Jains display great zeal in the construction of temples in which\nthe images of the Tirthakars are enshrined. The temples are commonly of\nthe same fashion as those of the Hindus, with a short, roughly conical\nspire tapering to a point at the apex, but they are frequently adorned\nwith rich carved stone and woodwork. There are fine collections of\ntemples at Muktagiri in Betul, Kundalpur in Damoh, and at Mount Abu,\nGirnar, the hill of Parasnath in Chota Nagpur, and other places in\nIndia. The best Jain temples are often found in very remote spots,\nand it is suggested that they were built at times when the Jains\nhad to hide in such places to avoid Hindu persecution. And wherever\na community of Jain merchants of any size has been settled for a\ngeneration or more several fine temples will probably be found. A\nJain Bania who has grown rich considers the building of one or more\ntemples to be the best method of expending his money and acquiring\nreligious merit, and some of them spend all their fortune in this\nmanner before their death. At the opening of a new temple the _rath_\nor chariot festival should be held. Wooden cars are made, sometimes\nas much as five stories high, and furnished with chambers for the\nimages of the Tirthakars. In these the idols of the hosts and all\nthe guests are placed. Each car should be drawn by two elephants, and\nthe procession of cars moves seven times round the temple or pavilion\nerected for the ceremony. For building a temple and performing this\nceremony honorary and hereditary titles are conferred. Those who do\nit once receive the designation of Singhai; for carrying it out twice\nthey become Sawai Singhai; and on a third occasion Seth. In such a\nceremony performed at Khurai in Saugor one of the participators was\nalready a Seth, and in recognition of his great liberality a new\ntitle was devised and he became Srimant Seth. It is said, however,\nthat if the car breaks and the elephants refuse to move, the title\nbecomes derisive and is either 'Lule Singhai,' the lame one, or\n'Arku Singhai,' the stumbler. If no elephants are available and the\ncar has to be dragged by men, the title given is Kadhore Singhai.\n\n\n\n\n12. Images of the Tirthakars.\n\nIn the temples are placed the images of Tirthakars, either of brass,\nmarble, silver or gold. The images may be small or life-size or larger,\nand the deities are represented in a sitting posture with their legs\ncrossed and their hands lying upturned in front, the right over the\nleft, in the final attitude of contemplation prior to escape from\nthe body and attainment of paradise. There may be several images\nin one temple, but usually there is only one, though a number of\ntemples are built adjoining each other or round a courtyard. The\nfavourite Tirthakars found in temples are Rishab Deva, the first;\nAnantnath, the fourteenth; Santnath, the sixteenth; Nemnath,\nthe twenty-second; Parasnath, the twenty-third; and Vardhamana or\nMahavira, the twenty-fourth. [279] As already stated only Mahavira\nand perhaps Parasnath, his preceptor, were real historical personages,\nand the remainder are mythical. It is noticeable that to each of the\nTirthakars is attached a symbol, usually in the shape of an animal,\nand also a tree, apparently that tree under which the Tirthakar is\nheld to have been seated at the time that he obtained release from\nthe body. And these animals and trees are in most cases those which\nare also revered and held sacred by the Hindus. Thus the sacred\nanimal of Rishab Deva is the bull, and his tree the banyan; that of\nAnantnath is the falcon or bear, and his tree the holy Asoka; [280]\nthat of Santnath is the black-buck or Indian antelope, and his tree\nthe _tun_ or cedar; [281] the symbol of Nemnath is the conch shell\n(sacred to Vishnu), but his tree, the _vetasa_, is not known; the\nanimal of Parasnath is the serpent or cobra and his tree the _dhataki_;\n[282] and the animal of Mahavira is the lion or tiger and his tree\nthe teak tree. Among the symbols of the other Tirthakars are the\nelephant, horse, rhinoceros, boar, ape, the Brahmani duck, the moon,\nthe pipal tree, the lotus and the _swastik_ figure; and among their\ntrees the mango, the _jamun_ [283] and the _champak_. [284] Most of\nthese animals and trees are sacred to the Hindus, and the elephant,\nboar, ape, cobra and tiger were formerly worshipped themselves, and\nare now attached to the principal Hindu gods. Similarly the asoka,\npipal, banyan and mango trees are sacred, and also the Brahmani duck\nand the _swastik_ sign. It cannot be supposed that the Tirthakars\nsimply represent the deified anthropomorphic emanations from these\nanimals, because the object of Vardhamana's preaching was perhaps\nlike that of Buddha to do away with the promiscuous polytheism of\nthe Hindu religion. But nevertheless the association of the sacred\nanimals and trees with the Tirthakars furnished a strong connecting\nlink between them and the Hindu gods, and considerably lessens the\nopposition between the two systems of worship. The god Indra is also\nfrequently found sculptured as an attendant guardian in the Jain\ntemples. The fourteenth Tirthakar, Anantnath, is especially revered\nby the people because he is identified with Gautama Buddha.\n\n\n\n\n13. Religious observances.\n\nThe priest of a Jain temple is not usually a Yati or ascetic, but\nan ordinary member of the community. He receives no remuneration\nand carries on his business at the same time. He must know the Jain\nscriptures, and makes recitations from them when the worshippers\nare assembled. The Jain will ordinarily visit a temple and see\nthe god every morning before taking his food, and his wife often\ngoes with him. If there is no temple in their own town or village\nthey will go to another, provided that it is within a practicable\ndistance. The offerings made at the temple consist of rice, almonds,\ncocoanuts, betel-leaves, areca, dates, cardamoms, cloves and similar\narticles. These are appropriated by the Hindu Mali or gardener, who\nis the menial servant employed to keep the temple and enclosures\nclean. The Jain will not take back or consume himself anything\nwhich has been offered to the god. Offerings of money are also\nmade, and these go into the _bhandar_ or fund for maintenance of\nthe temple. The Jains observe fasts for the last week before the\nnew moon in the months of Phagun (February), Asarh (June) and Kartik\n(October). They also fast on the second, fifth, eighth, eleventh and\nfourteenth days in each fortnight of the four months of the rains\nfrom Asarh to Kartik, this being in lieu of the more rigorous fast\nof the ascetics during the rains. On these days they eat only once,\nand do not eat any green vegetables. After the week's fast at the\nend of Kartik, at the commencement of the month of Aghan, the Jains\nbegin to eat all green vegetables.\n\n\n\n\n14. Tenderness for animal life.\n\nThe great regard for animal life is the most marked feature of the\nJain religion among the laity as well as the clergy. The former do\nnot go to such extremes as the latter, but make it a practice not\nto eat food after sunset or before sunrise, owing to the danger of\nswallowing insects. Now that their beliefs are becoming more rational,\nhowever, and the irksome nature of this rule is felt, they sometimes\nplace a lamp with a sieve over it to produce rays of light, and\nconsider that this serves as a substitute for the sun. Formerly they\nmaintained animal hospitals in which all kinds of animals and reptiles,\nincluding monkeys, poultry and other birds were kept and fed, and any\nwhich had broken a limb or sustained other injuries were admitted and\ntreated. These were known as _pinjrapol_ or places of protection. [285]\nA similar institution was named _jivuti_, and consisted of a small\ndomed building with a hole at the top large enough for a man to creep\nin, and here weevils and other insects which the Jains might find\nin their food were kept and provided with grain. [286] In Rajputana,\nwhere rich Jains probably had much influence, considerable deference\nwas paid to their objections to the death of any living thing. Thus\na Mewar edict of A.D. 1693 directed that no one might carry animals\nfor slaughter past their temples or houses. Any man or animal led\npast a Jain house for the purpose of being killed was thereby saved\nand set at liberty. Traitors, robbers or escaped prisoners who fled\nfor sanctuary to the dwelling of a Jain Yati or ascetic could not be\nseized there by the officers of the court. And during the four rainy\nmonths, when insects were most common, the potter's wheel and Teli's\noil-press might not be worked on account of the number of insects\nwhich would be destroyed by them. [287]\n\n\n\n\n15. Social condition of the Jains.\n\nAs they are nearly all of the Bania caste the Jains are usually\nprosperous, and considering its small size, the standard of wealth in\nthe community is probably very high for India, the total number of\nJains in the country being about half a million. Beggars are rare,\nand, like the Parsis and Europeans, the Jains feeling themselves a\nsmall isolated body in the midst of a large alien population, have\na special tenderness for their poorer members, and help them in more\nthan the ordinary degree. Most of the Jain Banias are grain-dealers\nand moneylenders like other Banias. Cultivation is prohibited by their\nreligion, owing to the destruction of animal life which it involves,\nbut in Saugor, and also in the north of India, many of them have\nnow taken to it, and some plough with their own hands. Mr. Marten\nnotes [288] that the Jains are beginning to put their wealth to a\nmore practical purpose than the lavish erection and adornment of\ntemples. Schools and boarding-houses for boys and girls of their\nreligion are being opened, and they subscribe liberally for the\nbuilding of medical institutions. It may be hoped that this movement\nwill continue and gather strength, both for the advantage of the\nJains themselves and the country generally.\n\n\n\n\n\nKabirpanthi\n\n[_Bibliography_: Right Reverend G. H. Westcott, _Kabir and the\nKabirpanth_, Cawnpore, 1907; _Asiatic Researches_, vol. xvi. pp. 53-75\n(Wilson's _Hindu Sects_); Mr. Crooke's _Tribes and Castes_,\narticle Kabirpanthi; _Central Provinces Census Report_ (1891), Sir\nB. Robertson.]\n\n\n\n\nList of Paragraphs\n\n\n    1. _Life of Kabir_.\n    2. _Kabir's teachings_.\n    3. _His sayings_.\n    4. _The Kabirpanthi sect in the Central Provinces_.\n    5. _The religious service_.\n    6. _Initiation_.\n    7. _Funeral rites_.\n    8. _Idol worship_.\n    9. _Statistics of the sect_.\n\n\n\n\n\n1. Life of Kabir.\n\n_Kabirpanthi Sect_.--A well-known religious sect founded by the\nreformer Kabir, who flourished in the fifteenth century, and is called\nby Dr. Hunter the Luther of India. The sect has now split into two\nbranches, the headquarters of one of these being at Benares, and of\nthe other at Kawardha, or Damakheda in Raipur. Bishop Westcott gives\nthe date of Kabir's life as A.D. 1440--1518, while Mr. Crooke states\nthat he flourished between 1488 and 1512. Numerous legends are now\ntold about him; thus, according to one of these, he was the son of a\nvirgin Brahman widow, who had been taken at her request to see the\ngreat reformer Ramanand. He, unaware of her condition, saluted her\nwith the benediction which he thought acceptable to all women, and\nwished her the conception of a son. His words could not be recalled,\nand the widow conceived, but, in order to escape the disgrace which\nwould attach to her, exposed the child, who was Kabir. He was found\nby a Julaha or Muhammadan weaver and his wife, and brought up by\nthem. The object of this story is probably to connect Kabir with\nRamanand as his successor in reformation and spiritual heir; because\nthe Ramanandis are an orthodox Vaishnava sect, while the Kabirpanthis,\nif they adhered to all Kabir's preaching, must be considered as quite\noutside the pale of Hinduism. To make out that Kabir came into the\nworld by Ramanand's act provides him at any rate with an orthodox\nspiritual lineage. For the same reason [289] the date of Kabir's birth\nis sometimes advanced as early as 1398 in order to bring it within\nthe period of Ramanand's lifetime (_circa_ 1300-1400). Another story\nis that the deity took mortal shape as a child without birth, and was\nfound by a newly-married weaver's wife lying in a lotus flower on a\ntank, like Moses in the bulrushes. Bishop Westcott thus describes the\nevent: \"A feeling of thirst overcame Nima, the newly-wedded wife of\nNiru, the weaver, as after the marriage ceremony she was making her\nway to her husband's house. She approached the tank, but was much\nafraid when she there beheld the child. She thought in her heart,\n'This is probably the living evidence of the shame of some virgin\nwidow.' Niru suggested that they might take the child to their house,\nbut Nima at first demurred, thinking that such action might give\nrise to scandal. Women would ask, 'Who is the mother of a child so\nbeautiful that its eyes are like the lotus?' However, laying aside\nall fears, they took pity on the child. On approaching the house\nthey were welcomed with the songs of women, but when the women saw\nthe child dark thoughts arose in their heads, and they began to ask,\n'How has she got this child?' Nima replied that she had got the child\nwithout giving birth to it, and the women then refrained from asking\nfurther questions.\" It is at any rate a point generally agreed on that\nKabir was brought up in the house of a Muhammadan weaver. It is said\nthat he became the _chela_ or disciple of Ramanand, but this cannot be\ntrue, as Ramanand was dead before his birth. It seems probable that\nhe was married, and had two children named Kamal and Kamali. Bishop\nWestcott states [290] that the _Kabir Kasauti_ explains the story\nof his supposed marriage by the fact that he had a girl disciple\nnamed Loi, a foundling brought up by a holy man; she followed his\nprecepts, and coming to Benares, passed her time in the service of\nthe saints. Afterwards Kabir raised two children from the dead and\ngave them to Loi to bring up, and the ignorant suppose that these were\nhis wife and children. Such a statement would appear to indicate that\nKabir was really married, but after his sect had become important,\nthis fact was felt to be a blot on his claim to be a divine prophet,\nand so was explained away in the above fashion.\n\nThe plain speaking of Kabir and his general disregard for religious\nconventions excited the enmity of both Hindus and Muhammadans, and he\nwas accused before the Emperor Sikandar Lodi, by whose orders various\nattempts were made to kill him; but he was miraculously preserved in\neach case, until at last the Emperor acknowledged his divine character,\nasked his forgiveness, and expressed his willingness to undergo\nany punishment that he might name. To this Kabir replied that a man\nshould sow flowers for those who had sown him thorns. Bishop Westcott\ncontinues:--\"All accounts agree that the earthly life of Kabir came\nto a close at Maghar, in the District of Gorakhpur. Tradition relates\nthat Kabir died in extreme old age, when his body had become infirm\nand his hands were no longer able to produce the music with which he\nhad in younger days celebrated the praises of Rama.\n\n\"A difficulty arose with regard to the disposal of his body after\ndeath. The Muhammadans desired to bury it and the Hindus to cremate\nit. As the rival parties discussed the question with growing warmth\nKabir himself appeared and bade them raise the cloth in which the\nbody lay enshrouded. They did as he commanded, and lo! beneath the\ncloth there lay but a heap of flowers. Of these flowers the Hindus\nremoved half and burnt them at Benares, while what remained were\nburied at Maghar by the Muhammadans.\"\n\n\n\n\n2. Kabir's teachings.\n\nThe religion preached by Kabir was of a lofty character. He rejected\nthe divine inspiration of the Vedas and the whole Hindu mythology. He\ntaught that there was no virtue in outward observances such as\nshaving the head, ceremonial purity and impurity, and circumcision\namong Muhammadans. He condemned the worship of idols and the use\nof sect-marks and religious amulets, but in all ordinary matters\nallowed his followers to conform to usage in order to avoid giving\noffence. He abolished distinctions of caste. He enjoined a virtuous\nlife, just conduct and kindly behaviour and much meditation on the\nvirtues of God. He also condemned the love of money and gain. In fact,\nin many respects his creed resembles Christianity, just as the life\nof Kabir contains one or two episodes parallel to that of Christ. He\nprescribed obedience to the Guru or spiritual preceptor in all matters\nof faith and morals. His religion appears to have been somewhat of a\npantheistic character and his idea of the deity rather vague. But he\nconsidered that the divine essence was present in all human beings, and\napparently that those who freed themselves from sin and the trammels\nof worldly desires would ultimately be absorbed into the godhead. It\ndoes not seem that Kabir made any exact pronouncement on the doctrine\nof the transmigration of souls and re-birth, but as he laid great\nstress on avoiding the destruction of any animal life, a precept\nwhich is to some extent the outcome of the belief in transmigration,\nhe may have concurred in this tenet. Some Kabirpanthis, however,\nhave discarded transmigration. Bishop Westcott states that they do\nbelieve in the re-birth of the soul after an intervening period of\nreward or punishment, but always apparently in a human body.\n\n\n\n\n3. His sayings\n\nHe would seem never to have promulgated any definite account of his\nown religion, nor did he write anything himself. He uttered a large\nnumber of Sakhis or apothegms which were recorded by his disciples\nin the Bijak, Sukhanidhan and other works, and are very well known\nand often quoted by Kabirpanthis and others. The influence of Kabir\nextended beyond his own sect. Nanak, the founder of the Nanakpanthis\nand Sikhs, was indebted to Kabir for most of his doctrine, and the\nAdi-Granth or first sacred book of the Sikhs is largely compiled from\nhis sayings. Other sects such as the Dadupanthis also owe much to\nhim. A small selection of his sayings from those recorded by Bishop\nWestcott may be given in illustration of their character:\n\n1. Adding cowrie to cowrie he brings together lakhs and crores.\n\nAt the time of his departure he gets nothing at all, even his\nloin-cloth is plucked away.\n\n2. Fire does not burn it, the wind does not carry it away, no thief\ncomes near it; collect the wealth of the name of Rama, that wealth\nis never lost.\n\n3. By force and love circumcision is made, I shall not agree to it,\nO brother. If God will make me a Turk by Him will I be circumcised;\nif a man becomes a Turk by being circumcised what shall be done with\na woman? She must remain a Hindu.\n\n4. The rosaries are of wood, the gods are of stone, the Ganges\nand Jumna are water. Rama and Krishna are dead. The four Vedas are\nfictitious stories.\n\n5. If by worshipping stones one can find God, I shall worship a\nmountain; better than these stones (idols) are the stones of the\nflour-mill with which men grind their corn.\n\n6. If by immersion in the water salvation be obtained, the frogs\nbathe continually. As the frogs so are these men, again and again\nthey fall into the womb.\n\n7. As long as the sun does not rise the stars sparkle; so long as\nperfect knowledge of God is not obtained, men practise rites and\nceremonies.\n\n8. Brahma is dead with Siva who lived in Kashi; the immortals are\ndead. In Mathura, Krishna, the cowherd, died. The ten incarnations\n(of Vishnu) are dead. Machhandranath, Gorakhnath, Dattatreya and Vyas\nare no longer living. Kabir cries with a loud voice, All these have\nfallen into the slip-knot of death.\n\n9. While dwelling in the womb there is no clan nor caste; from the\nseed of Brahm the whole of creation is made.\n\nWhose art thou the Brahman? Whose am I the Sudra? Whose blood am\nI? Whose milk art thou?\n\nKabir says, 'Who reflects on Brahm, he by me is made a Brahman.'\n\n10. To be truthful is best of all if the heart be truthful. A man\nmay speak as much as he likes; but there is no pleasure apart from\ntruthfulness.\n\n11. If by wandering about naked union with Hari be obtained; then\nevery deer of the forest will attain to God. If by shaving the head\nperfection is achieved, the sheep is saved, no one is lost.\n\nIf salvation is got by celibacy, a eunuch should be the first\nsaved. Kabir says, 'Hear, O Man and Brother; without the name of Rama\nno one has obtained salvation.'\n\nThe resemblance of some of the above ideas to the teaching of the\nGospels is striking, and, as has been seen, the story of Kabir's\nbirth might have been borrowed from the Bible, while the Kabirpanthi\nChauka or religious service has one or two features in common\nwith Christianity. These facts raise a probability, at any rate,\nthat Kabir or his disciples had some acquaintance with the Bible or\nwith the teaching of Christian missionaries. If such a supposition\nwere correct, it would follow that Christianity had influenced the\nreligious thought of India to a greater extent than is generally\nsupposed. Because, as has been seen, the Nanakpanthi and Sikh sects\nare mainly based on the teaching of Kabir. Another interesting though\naccidental resemblance is that the religion of Kabir was handed down\nin the form of isolated texts and sayings like the Logia of Jesus, and\nwas first reduced to writing in a connected form by his disciples. The\nfact that Kabir called the deity by the name of Rama apparently does\nnot imply that he ascribed a unique and sole divinity to the hero king\nof Ajodhia. He had to have some name which might convey a definite\nimage or conception to his uneducated followers, and may have simply\nadopted that which was best known and most revered by them.\n\n\n\n\n4. The Kabirpanthi Sect in the Central Provinces.\n\nThe two principal headquarters of the Kabirpanthi sect are at Benaires\nand at Kawardha, the capital of the State of that name, or Damakheda\nin the Raipur District. These appear to be practically independent\nof each other, the head Mahants exercising separate jurisdiction over\nmembers of the sect who acknowledge their authority. The Benares branch\nof the sect is known as Bap (father) and the Kawardha branch as Mai\n(mother). In 1901 out of 850,000 Kabirpanthis in India 500,000 belonged\nto the Central Provinces. The following account of the practices of\nthe sect in the Province is partly compiled from local information,\nand it differs in some minor, though not in essential, points from\nthat given by Bishop Westcott. The Benares church is called the\nKabirchaura Math and the Kawardha one the Dharam Das Math.\n\nOne of the converts to Kabir's teaching was Dharam Das, a Kasaundhan\nBania, who distributed the whole of his wealth, eighteen lakhs of\nrupees, in charity at his master's bidding and became a mendicant. In\nreward for this Kabir promised him that his family should endure\nfor forty-two generations. The Mahants of Kawardha claim to be the\ndirect descendants of Dharam Das. They marry among Kasaundhan Banias,\nand their sons are initiated and succeed them. The present Mahants\nDayaram and Ugranam are twelfth and thirteenth in descent from Dharam\nDas. Kabir not only promised that there should be forty-two Mahants,\nbut gave the names of each of them, so that the names of all future\nMahants are known. [291] Ugranam was born of a Marar woman, and,\nthough acclaimed as the successor of his father, was challenged by\nDhirajnam, whose parentage was legitimate. Their dispute led to a case\nin the Bombay High Court, which was decided in favour of Dhirajnam,\nand he accordingly occupied the seat at Kawardha. Dayaram is his\nsuccessor. But Dhirajnam was unpopular, and little attention was paid\nto him. Ugranam lives at Damakheda, near Simga, [292] and enjoys the\nreal homage of the followers of the sect, who say that Dhiraj was\nthe official Mahant but Ugra the people's Mahant. Of the previous\nMahants, four are buried at Kawardha, two at Kudarmal in Bilaspur,\nthe site of a Kabirpanthi fair, and two at Mandla. Under the head\nMahant are a number of subordinate Mahants or Gurus, each of whom has\njurisdiction over the members of the sect in a certain area. The Guru\npays so much a year to the head Mahant for his letter of jurisdiction\nand takes all the offerings himself. These subordinate Mahants may\nbe celibate or married, and about two-thirds of them are married. A\ndissenting branch called Nadiapanthi has now arisen in Raipur, all of\nwhom are celibate. The Mahants have a high peaked cap somewhat of the\nshape of a mitre, a long sleeveless white robe, a _chauri_ or whisk,\n_chauba_ or silver stick, and a staff called _kuari_ or _aska_. It\nis said that on one occasion there was a very high flood at Puri and\nthe sea threatened to submerge Jagannath's temple, but Kabir planted\na stick in the sand and said, 'Come thus far and no further,' and the\nflood was stayed. In memory of this the Mahants carry the crutched\nstaff, which also serves as a means of support. When officiating they\nwear a small embroidered cap. Each Mahant has a Diwan or assistant,\nand he travels about his charge during the open season, visiting the\nmembers of the sect. A Mahant should not annoy any one by begging,\nbut rather than do so should remain hungry. He must not touch any\nflesh, fish or liquor. And if any living thing is hungry he should\ngive it of his own food.\n\n\n\n\n5. The religious service.\n\nA Kabirpanthi religious service is called Chauka, the name given to the\nspace marked out for it with lines of wheat-flour, 5 or 7 1/2 yards\nsquare. [293] In the centre is made a pattern of nine lotus flowers\nto represent the sun, moon and seven planets, and over this a bunch of\nreal flowers is laid. At one corner is a small hollow pillar of dough\nserving as a candle-stick, in which a stick covered with cotton-wool\nburns as a lamp, being fed with butter. The Mahant sits at one end and\nthe worshippers sit round. _Bhajans_ or religious songs are sung to the\nmusic of cymbals by one or two, and the others repeat the name of Kabir\ncounting on their _kanthi_ or necklace of beads. The Mahant lights a\npiece of camphor and waves it backwards and forwards in a dish. This\nis called Arti, a Hindu rite. He then breaks a cocoanut on a stone,\na thing which only a Mahant may do. The flesh of the cocoanut is cut\nup and distributed to the worshippers with betel-leaf and sugar. Each\nreceives it on his knees, taking the greatest care that none fall\non the ground. If any of the cocoanut remain, it is kept by the\nMahant for another service. The Hindus think that the cocoanut is a\nsubstitute for a human head. It is supposed to have been created by\nViswamitra and the _buch_ or tuft of fibre at the end represents the\nhair. The Kabirpanthis will not eat any part of a cocoanut from other\nHindus from which this tuft has been removed, as they fear that it\nmay have been broken off in the name of some god or spirit. Once the\n_buch_ is removed the cocoanut is not an acceptable offering, as its\nlikeness to a human head is considered to be destroyed. After this\nthe Mahant gives an address and an interval occurs. Some little time\nafterwards the worshippers reassemble. Meanwhile, a servant has taken\nthe dough candle-stick and broken it up, mixing it with fragments of\nthe cocoanut, butter and more flour. It is then brought to the Mahant,\nwho makes it into little _puris_ or wafers. The Mahant has also a\nnumber of betel-leaves known as _parwana_ or message, which have been\nblessed by the head _guru_ at Kawardha or Damakheda. These are cut up\ninto small pieces for delivery to each disciple and are supposed to\nrepresent the body of Kabir. He has also brought _Charan Amrita_ or\nNectar of the Feet, consisting of water in which the feet of the head\n_guru_ have been washed. This is mixed with fine earth and made up into\npills. The worshippers reassemble, any who may feel unworthy absenting\nthemselves, and each receives from the Mahant, with one hand folded\nbeneath the other, a wafer of the dough, a piece of the _parwana_\nor betel-leaf, and a pill of the foot-nectar. After partaking of the\nsacred food they cleanse their hands, and the proceedings conclude with\na substantial meal defrayed either by subscription or by a well-to-do\nmember. Bishop Westcott states that the _parwana_ or betel-leaf is\nheld to represent Kabir's body, and the Kabirpanthis say that the\nflame of the candle is the life or spirit of Kabir, so that the dough\nof the candle-stick might also be taken to symbolise his body. The\ncocoanut eaten at the preliminary service is undoubtedly offered by\nHindus as a substitute for a human body, though the Kabirpanthis may\nnow disclaim this idea. And the foot-nectar of the _guru_ might be\nlooked upon as a substitute for the blood of Kabir.\n\n\n\n\n6. Initiation.\n\nThe initiation of a proselyte is conducted at a similar service,\nand he is given cocoanut and betel-leaf. He solemnly vows to observe\nthe rules of the sect, and the Mahant whispers a text into his ear\nand hangs a necklace of wooden beads of the wood of the _tulsi_ or\nbasil round his neck. This _kanthi_ or necklace is the mark of the\nKabirpanthi, but if lost, it can be replaced by any other necklace,\nnot necessarily of _tulsi_. One man was observed with a necklace of\npink beads bought at Allahabad. Sometimes only a single _tulsi_ bead\nis worn on a string. The convert is also warned against eating the\nfruit of the _gular_ [294] fig-tree, as these small figs are always\nfull of insects. Kabir condemned sect-marks, but many Kabirpanthis\nnow have them, the mark usually being a single broad streak of white\nsandalwood from the top of the forehead to the nose.\n\n\n\n\n7. Funeral rites.\n\nThe Kabirpanthis are usually buried. Formerly, the bodies of married\npeople both male and female were buried inside the compound of\nthe house, but this is now prohibited on sanitary grounds. A cloth\nis placed in the grave and the corpse laid on it and another cloth\nplaced over it covering the face. Over the grave a little platform is\nmade on which the Mahant and two or three other persons can sit. On\nthe twenty-first day after the death, if possible, the Mahant should\nhold a service for the dead. The form of the service is that already\ndescribed, the Mahant sitting on the grave and the _chauka_ being\nmade in front of it. He lays a cocoanut and flowers on the grave and\nlights the lamp, afterwards distributing the cocoanut. The Kabirpanthis\nthink that the soul of the dead person remains in the grave up to this\ntime, but when the lamp is burnt the soul mingles with the flame,\nwhich is the soul of Kabir, and is absorbed into the deity. When\nbreaking a cocoanut over the grave of the dead the Kabirpanthis say,\n'I am breaking the skull of Yama,' because they think that the soul of\na Kabirpanthi is absorbed into the deity and therefore is not liable\nto be taken down to hell and judged by Chitragupta and punished by\nYama. From this it would appear that some of them do not believe in\nthe transmigration of souls.\n\n\n\n\n8. Idol worship.\n\nOrdinarily the Kabirpanthis have no regular worship except on the\noccasion of a visit of the _guru_. But sometimes in the morning they\nfold their hands and say '_Sat Sahib_,' or the 'True God,' two or three\ntimes. They also clean a space with cowdung and place a lighted lamp\non it and say '_Jai Kabir Ki_,' or 'Victory to Kabir.' They conceive\nof the deity as consisting of light, and therefore it seems probable\nthat, like the other Vaishnava sects, they really take him to be the\nSun. Kabir prohibited the worship of all idols and visible symbols,\nbut as might be expected the illiterate Kabirpanthis cannot adhere\nstrictly to this. Some of them worship the Bijak, the principal sacred\nbook of their sect. At Rudri near Dhamtari on the Mahanadi one of\nthe Gurus is buried, and a religious fair is held there. Recently\na platform has been made with a footprint of Kabir marked on it,\nand this is venerated by the pilgrims. Similarly, Kudarmal is held\nto contain the grave of Churaman, the first _guru_ after Dharam Das,\nand a religious fair is held here at which the Kabirpanthis attend and\nvenerate the grave. Dharam Das himself is said to be buried at Puri,\nthe site of Jagannath's temple, but it seems doubtful whether this\nstory may not have been devised in order to give the Kabirpanthis a\nvalid reason for going on pilgrimage to Puri. Similarly, an arch and\nplatform in the court of the temple of Rama at Ramtek is considered\nto belong to the Kabirpanthis, though the Brahmans of the temple say\nthat the arch was really made by the daughter of a Surajvansi king\nof the locality in order to fasten her swing to it. Once in three\nyears the Mahar Kabirpanthis of Mandla make a sacrificial offering\nof a goat to Dulha Deo, the bridegroom god, and eat the flesh,\nburying the remains beneath the floor. On this occasion they also\ndrink liquor. Other Kabirpanthis venerate Brahma, Vishnu and Siva,\nand light a lamp and burn camphor in their names, but do not make\nidols of them. They will accept the cooked food offered to Vishnu as\nSatnarayan and a piece of the cocoanut kernel offered to Devi, but not\nthe offerings to any other deities. And a number even of illiterate\nKabirpanthis appear to abstain from any kind of idol-worship.\n\n\n\n\n9. Statistics of the sect.\n\nAbout 600,000 Kabirpanthis were returned in the Central Provinces\nin 1911, this being equivalent to an increase of 19 per cent since\nthe previous census. As this was less than the increase in the\ntotal population the sect appears to be stationary or declining in\nnumbers. The weaving castes are usually Kabirpanthis, because Kabir was\na weaver. The Brahmans call it 'The weaver's religion.' Of the Panka\ncaste 84 per cent were returned as members of the sect, and this caste\nappears to be of sectarian formation, consisting of Pans or Gandas\nwho have become Kabirpanthis. Other weaving castes such as Balahis,\nKoris, Koshtis and Mahars belong to the sect in considerable numbers,\nand it is also largely professed by other low castes as the Telis or\noilmen, of whom 16 per cent adhere to it, and by Dhobis and Chamars;\nand by some castes from whom a Brahman will take water, as the Ahirs,\nKurmis, Lodhis and Kachhis. Though there seems little doubt that one\nof the principal aims of Kabir's preaching was the abolition of the\nsocial tyranny of the caste system, which is the most real and to the\nlower classes the most hateful and burdensome feature of Hinduism,\nyet as in the case of so many other reformers his crusade has failed,\nand a man who becomes a Kabirpanthi does not cease to be a member of\nhis caste or to conform to its observances. And a few Brahmans who\nhave been converted, though renounced by their own caste, have, it\nis said, been compensated by receiving high posts in the hierarchy of\nthe sect. Formerly all members of the sect took food together at the\nconclusion of each Chauka or service conducted by a Mahant. But this\nis no longer the case, and presumably different Chaukas are now held\nfor communities of different castes. Only on the 13th day of Bhadon\n(August), which was the birthday of Kabir, as many Kabirpanthis as\ncan meet at the headquarters of the Guru take food together without\ndistinction of caste in memory of their Founder's doctrine. Otherwise\nthe Kabirpanthis of each caste make a separate group within it, but\namong the lower castes they take food and marry with members of the\ncaste who are not Kabirpanthis. These latter are commonly known as\nSaktaha, a term which in Chhattisgarh signifies an eater of meat as\nopposed to a Kabirpanthi who refrains from it. The Mahars and Pankas\npermit intermarriage between Kabirpanthi and Saktaha families,\nthe wife in each case adopting the customs and beliefs of her\nhusband. Kabirpanthis also wear the _choti_ or scalp-lock and shave\nthe head for the death of a relative, in spite of Kabir's contempt of\nthe custom. Still, the sect has in the past afforded to the uneducated\nclasses a somewhat higher ideal of spiritual life than the chaotic\nmedley of primitive superstitions and beliefs in witchcraft and devil\nworship, from which the Brahmans, caring only for the recognition of\ntheir social supremacy, made no attempt to raise them.\n\n\n\n\n\nLingayat Sect\n\n\n_Lingayat Sect_.--A sect devoted to the worship of Siva which has\ndeveloped into a caste. The Lingayat sect is supposed [295] to have\nbeen founded in the twelfth century by one Basava, a Brahman minister\nof the king of the Carnatic. He preached the equality of all men and\nof women also by birth, and the equal treatment of all. Women were to\nbe treated with the same respect as men, and any neglect or incivility\nto a woman would be an insult to the god whose image she wore and with\nwhom she was one. Caste distinctions were the invention of Brahmans\nand consequently unworthy of acceptance. The _Madras Census Report_\n[296] of 1871 further states that Basava preached the immortality of\nthe soul, and mentions a theory that some of the traditions concerning\nhim might have been borrowed from the legends of the Syrian Christians,\nwho had obtained a settlement in Madras at a period not later than the\nseventh century. The founder of the sect thus took as his fundamental\ntenet the abolition of caste, but, as is usual in the history of\nsimilar movements, the ultimate result has been that the Lingayats have\nthemselves become a caste. In Bombay they have two main divisions,\nMr. Enthoven states: [297] the Panchamsalis or descendants of the\noriginal converts from Brahmanism and the non-Panchamsalis or later\nconverts. The latter are further subdivided into a number of groups,\napparently endogamous. Converts of each caste becoming Lingayats form\na separate group of their own, as Ahir Lingayats, Bania Lingayats\nand so on, severing their connection with the parent caste. A third\ndivision consists of members of unclean castes attached to the\nLingayat community by reason of performing to it menial service. A\nmarked tendency has recently been displayed by the community in Bombay\nto revert to the original Brahmanic configuration of society, from\nwhich its founder sought to free it. On the occasion of the census a\ncomplete scheme was supplied to the authorities professing to show the\ndivision of the Lingayats into the four groups of Brahman, Kshatriya,\nVaishya and Sudra.\n\nIn the Central Provinces Lingayats were not shown as a separate caste,\nand the only return of members of the sect is from the Bania caste,\nwhose subcastes were abstracted. Lingayat was recorded as a subcaste by\n8000 Banias, and these form a separate endogamous group. But members\nof other castes as Gaolis, Malis, Patwas and the Telugu Balijas are\nalso Lingayats and marry among themselves. A child becomes a Lingayat\nby being invested with the _lingam_ or phallic sign of Siva, seven\ndays after its birth, by the Jangam priest. This is afterwards carried\nround the neck in a small casket of silver, brass or wood throughout\nlife, and is buried with the corpse at death. The corpse of a Lingayat\ncannot be burnt because it must not be separated from the _lingam_,\nas this is considered to be the incarnation of Siva and must not\nbe destroyed in the fire. If it is lost the owner must be invested\nwith a fresh one by the Jangam in the presence of the caste. It is\nworshipped three times a day, being washed in the morning with the\nashes of cowdung cakes, while in the afternoon leaves of the _bel_\ntree and food are offered to it. When a man is initiated as a Lingayat\nin after-life, the Jangam invests him with the _lingam_, pours holy\nwater on to his head and mutters in his ear the sacred text, '_Aham\nso aham_,' or 'I and you are now one and the same.' The Lingayats\nare strict vegetarians, and will not expose their drinking water to\nthe sun, as they think that by doing this insects would be bred in it\nand that by subsequently swallowing them they would be guilty of the\ndestruction of life. They are careful to leave no remains of a meal\nuneaten. Their own priests, the Jangams, officiate at their weddings,\nand after the conclusion of the ceremony the bride and bridegroom\nbreak raw cakes of pulse placed on the other's back, the bride with her\nfoot and the bridegroom with his fist. Widow-marriage is allowed. The\ndead are buried in a sitting posture with their faces turned towards\nthe east. Water sanctified by the Jangam having dipped his toe into\nit is placed in the mouth of the corpse. The Jangam presses down the\nearth over the grave and then stands on it and refuses to come off\nuntil he is paid a sum of money varying with the means of the man,\nthe minimum payment being Rs. 1-4. In some cases a platform with an\nimage of Mahadeo is made over the grave. When meeting each other the\nLingayats give the salutation _Sharnat_, or, 'I prostrate myself before\nyou.' They address the Jangam as Maharaj and touch his feet with their\nhead. The Lingayat Banias of the Central Provinces usually belong to\nMadras and speak Telugu in their houses. As they deny the authority\nof Brahmans, the latter have naturally a great antipathy for them,\nand make various statements to their discredit. One of these is that\nafter a death the Lingayats have a feast, and, setting up the corpse\nin the centre, arrange themselves round it and eat their food. But\nthis is not authenticated. Similarly the Abbe Dubois stated: [298]\n\"They do not recognise the laws relating to defilement which are\ngenerally accepted by other castes, such, for instance, as those\noccasioned by a woman's periodical ailments, and by the death and\nfuneral of relations. Their indifference to all such prescriptive\ncustoms relating to defilement and cleanliness has given rise to a\nHindu proverb which says, 'There is no river for a Lingayat,' meaning\nthat the members of the sect do not recognise, at all events on many\noccasions, the virtues and merits of ablutions.\" The same author also\nstates that they entirely reject the doctrine of migration of souls,\nand that, in consequence of their peculiar views on this point, they\nhave no _tithis_ or anniversary festivals to commemorate the dead. A\nLingayat is no sooner buried than he is forgotten. In view of these\nremarks it must be held to be doubtful whether the Lingayats have\nthe doctrine of the immortality of the soul.\n\n\n\n\n\nMuhammadan Religion\n\n\n[_Bibliography_: Rev. T.P. Hughes, _Notes on Muhammadanism_, and\n_Dictionary of Islam_, London, W.H. Allen, 1895; _Bombay Gazetteer_,\nvol. ix. Part II. _Muhammadans of Gujarat_, by Khan Bahadur Fazalullah\nLutfullah Faridi; _Qaun-i-Islam,_ G.A. Herklots, Madras, Higginbotham,\nreprint 1895; _Muhammadanism and Early Developments of Muhammadanism_,\nby Professor D.S. Margoliouth; _Life of Mahomet_, by Sir. W. Muir;\nMr. J.T. Marten's _Central Provinces Census Report_, 1911. This\narticle is mainly compiled from the excellent accounts in the _Bombay\nGazetteer_ and the _Dictionary of Islam_.]\n\n\n\n\nList of Paragraphs\n\n\n     1. _Statistics and distribution_.\n     2. _Occupations_.\n     3. _Muhammadan castes_.\n     4. _The four tribal divisions_.\n     5. _Marriage_.\n     6. _Polygamy, divorce and widow-remarriage_.\n     7. _Devices for procuring children, and beliefs about them_.\n     8. _Pregnancy rites_.\n     9. _Childbirth and naming children_.\n    10. _The Ukika sacrifice_.\n    11. _Shaving the hair and ear-piercing_\n    12. _Birthdays_.\n    13. _Circumcision, and maturity of girls_.\n    14. _Funeral rites_.\n    15. _Muhammadan sects. Shiah and Sunni_.\n    16. _Leading religious observations. Prayer._\n    17. _The fast Ramazan._\n    18. _The pilgrimage to Mecca._\n    19. _Festivals. The Muharram_.\n    20. _Id-ul-Fitr._\n    21. _Id-ul-Zoha._\n    22. _Mosques._\n    22. _Mosques_\n    23. _The Friday service._\n    24. _Priest. Mulla and Maulvi._\n    25. _The Kazi._\n    26. _General features of Islam._\n    27. _The Koran._\n    28. _The Traditions_\n    29. _The schools of law._\n    30. _Food._\n    31. _Dress._\n    32. _Social rules. Salutations._\n    33. _Customs._\n    34. _Position of women._\n    35. _Interest on money._\n    36. _Muhammadan education._\n\n\n\n\n1. Statistics and distribution.\n\n_Muhammadan Religion._--The Muhammadans numbered nearly 600,000\npersons in the Central Provinces in 1911, or about 3 per cent\nof the population. Of these about two-fifths belong to Berar,\nthe Amraoti and Akola Districts containing more than 70,000 each;\nwhile of the 350,000 returned from the Central Provinces proper,\nabout 40,000 reside in each of the Jubbulpore, Nagpur and Nimar\nDistricts. Berar was for a long period governed by the Muhammadan\nBahmani dynasty, and afterwards formed part of the Mughal empire,\npassing to the Mughal Viceroy, the Nizam of Hyderabad, when he became\nan independent ruler. Though under British administration, it is still\nlegally a part of Hyderabad territory, and a large proportion of the\nofficial classes as well as many descendants of retired soldiers are\nMuhammadans. Similarly Nimar was held by the Muhammadan Faruki dynasty\nof Khandesh for 200 years, and was then included in the Mughal empire,\nBurhanpur being the seat of a viceroy. At this period a good deal of\nforcible conversion probably took place, and a considerable section\nof the Bhils nominally became Muhammadans.\n\nWhen the Gond Raja of Deogarh embraced Islam after his visit to Delhi,\nmembers of this religion entered his service, and he also brought back\nwith him various artificers and craftsmen. The cavalry of the Bhonsla\nRaja of Nagpur was largely composed of Muhammadans, and in many cases\ntheir descendants have settled on the land. In the Chhattisgarh\nDivision and the Feudatory States the number of Muhammadans is\nextremely small, constituting less than one per cent of the population.\n\n\n\n\n2. Occupations.\n\nNo less than 37 per cent of the total number of Muhammadans live\nin towns, though the general proportion of urban population in\nthe Provinces is only 7 1/2 per cent. The number of Muhammadans\nin Government service excluding the police and army, is quite\ndisproportionate to their small numerical strength in the Provinces,\nbeing 20 per cent of all persons employed. In the garrison they\nactually outnumber Hindus, while in the police they form 37 per\ncent of the whole force. In the medical and teaching professions\nalso the number of Muhammadans is comparatively large, while of\npersons of independent means a proportion of 29 per cent are of this\nreligion. Of persons employed in domestic services nearly 14 per cent\nof the total are Muhammadans, and of beggars, vagrants and prostitutes\n23 per cent. Muhammadans are largely engaged in making and selling\nclothes, outnumbering the Hindus in this trade; they consist of two\nentirely different classes, the Muhammadan tailors who work for hire,\nand the Bohra and Khoja shopkeepers who sell all kinds of cloth; but\nboth live in towns. Of dealers in timber and furniture 36 per cent\nare Muhammadans, and they also engage in all branches of the retail\ntrade in provisions. The occupations of the lower-class Muhammadans\nare the manufacture of glass bangles and slippers and the dyeing of\ncloth. [299]\n\n\n\n\n3. Muhammadan castes.\n\nAbout 14 per cent of the Muhammadans returned caste names. The\nprincipal castes are the Bohra and Khoja merchants, who are of the\nShiah sect, and the Cutchis or Memans from Gujarat, who are also\ntraders; these classes are foreigners in the Province, and many\nof them do not bring their wives, though they have now begun to\nsettle here. The resident castes of Muhammadans are the Bahnas or\ncotton-cleaners; Julahas, weavers; Kacheras, glass bangle-makers;\nKunjras, greengrocers; Kasais, butchers; and the Rangrez caste\nof dyers who dye with safflower. As already stated, a section of\nthe Bhils are at least nominally Muhammadans, and the Fakirs or\nMuhammadan beggars are also considered a separate caste. But no caste\nof good standing such as the Rajput and Jat includes any considerable\nnumber of Muhammadans in the Central Provinces, though in northern\nIndia large numbers of them belong to this religion, while retaining\nsubstantially their caste usages. The Muhammadan castes in the Central\nProvinces probably consist to a large extent of the descendants of\nHindu converts. Their religious observances present a curious mixture\nof Hindu and Muhammadan rites, as shown in the separate articles on\nthese castes. Proper Muhammadans look down on them and decline to\ntake food or intermarry with them.\n\n\n\n\n4. The four tribal divisions.\n\nThe Muhammadans proper are usually divided into four classes, Shaikh,\nSaiyad, Mughal and Pathan. Of these the Shaikhs number nearly 300,000,\nthe Pathans nearly 150,000, the Saiyads under 50,000, and the Pathans\nabout 9000 in the Central Provinces. The term Saiyad properly\nmeans a descendant of Ali, the son-in-law, and the lady Fatimah,\nthe daughter of the Prophet. They use the title Saiyad or Mir [300]\nbefore, and sometimes Shah after, their name, while women employ\nthat of Begum. Many Saiyads act as Pirs or spiritual guides to other\nMuhammadan families. The external mark of a Saiyad is the right to\nwear a green turban, but this is of course no longer legally secured\nto them. The title Shaikh properly belongs only to three branches of\nthe Quraish tribe or that of Muhammad: the Siddikis, who claim descent\nfrom Abu Bakr Siddik, [301] the father-in-law of the Prophet and the\nsecond Caliph; the Farukis claiming it from Umar ul Faruk, the third\nCaliph, and also the father-in-law of the Prophet; and the Abbasis,\ndescended from Abbas, one of the Prophet's nine uncles. The Farukis are\ndivided into two families, the Chistis and Faridis. Both these titles,\nhowever, and especially Shaikh, are now arrogated by large numbers\nof persons who cannot have any pretence to the above descent. Sir\nD. Ibbetson quotes a proverb, 'Last year I was a butcher; this year I\nam a Shaikh; next year if prices rise I shall become a Saiyad.' And Sir\nH. M. Elliot relates that much amusement was caused in 1860 at Gujarat\nby the Sherishtadar or principal officer of the judicial department\ndescribing himself in an official return as Saiyad Hashimi Quraishi,\nthat is, of the family and lineage of the Prophet. His father, who was\nliving in obscurity in his native town, was discovered to be a Lohar\nor blacksmith. [302] The term Shaikh means properly an elder, and\nis freely taken by persons of respectable position. Shaikhs commonly\nuse either Shaikh or Muhammad as their first names. The Pathans were\noriginally the descendants of Afghan immigrants. The name is probably\nthe Indian form of the word Pushtun (plural Pushtanah), now given to\nthemselves by speakers of the Pushtu language. [303] The men add Khan\nto their names and the women Khatun or Khatu. It is not at all likely\neither that the bulk of the Muhammadans who returned themselves as\nPathans in the Central Provinces are really of Afghan descent. The\nMughals proper are of two classes, Irani or Persian, who belong to\nthe Shiah sect, and Turani, Turkish or Tartar, who are Sunnis. Mughals\nuse the title Mirza (short for Amirzada, son of a prince) before their\nnames, and add Beg after them. It is said that the Prophet addressed\na Mughal by the title of Beg after winning a victory, and since then\nit has always been used. Mughal women have the designation Khanum\nafter their names. [304] Formerly the Saiyads and Mughals constituted\nthe superior class of Muhammadan gentry, and never touched a plough\nthemselves, like the Hindu Brahmans and Rajputs. These four divisions\nare not proper subcastes as they are not endogamous. A man of one\ngroup can marry a woman of any other and she becomes a member of her\nhusband's group; but the daughters of Saiyads do not usually marry\nothers than Saiyads. Nor is there any real distinction of occupation\nbetween them, the men following any occupation indifferently. In fact,\nthe divisions are now little more than titular, a certain distinction\nattaching to the titles Saiyad and Shaikh when borne by families who\nhave a hereditary or prescriptive right to use them.\n\n\n\n\n5. Marriage.\n\nThe census returns of 1911 show that three-fourths of Muhammadan boys\nnow remain unmarried till the age of 20; while of girls 31 per cent are\nunmarried between 15 and 20, but only 13 per cent above that age. The\nage of marriage of boys may therefore be taken at 18 to 25 or later,\nand that of girls at 10 to 20. The age of marriage both of girls and\nboys is probably getting later, especially among the better classes.\n\nMarriage is prohibited to the ordinary near relatives, but not between\nfirst cousins. A man cannot marry his foster-mother or foster-sister,\nunless the foster-brother and sister were nursed by the same woman\nat intervals widely separated. A man may not marry his wife's sister\nduring his wife's lifetime unless she has been divorced. A Muhammadan\ncannot marry a polytheist, but he may marry a Jewess or a Christian. No\nspecific religious ceremony is appointed, nor are any rites essential\nfor the contraction of a valid marriage. If both persons are legally\ncompetent, and contract marriage with each other in the presence of two\nmale or one male and two female witnesses, it is sufficient. And the\nShiah law even dispenses with witnesses. As a rule the Kazi performs\nthe ceremony, and reads four chapters of the Koran with the profession\nof belief, the bridegroom repeating them after him. The parties then\nexpress their mutual consent, and the Kazi, raising his hands, says,\n\"The great God grant that mutual love may reign between this couple\nas it existed between Adam and Eve, Abraham and Sarah, Joseph and\nZuleika, Moses and Zipporah, His Highness Muhammad and Ayesha, and\nHis Highness Ali and Fatimah.\" [305] A dowry or _meher_ must be paid\nto the wife, which under the law must not be less than ten silver\n_dirhams_ or drachmas; but it is customary to fix it at Rs. 17, the\ndowry of Fatimah, the Prophet's favourite daughter, or at Rs. 750,\nthat of the Prophet's wife, Ayesha. [306] The wedding is, however,\nusually accompanied by feasts and celebrations not less elaborate\nor costly than those of the Hindus. Several Hindu ceremonies are\nalso included, such as the anointing of the bride and bridegroom\nwith oil and turmeric, and setting out earthen vessels, which are\nmeant to afford a dwelling-place for the spirits of ancestors, at\nleast among the lower classes. [307] Another essential rite is the\nrubbing of the hands and feet of the bridegroom with _mehndi_ or red\nhenna. The marriage is usually arranged and a ceremony of betrothal\nheld at least a year before it actually takes place.\n\n\n\n\n6. Polygamy, divorce and widow-remarriage.\n\nA husband can divorce his wife at pleasure by merely repeating the\nprescribed sentences. A wife can obtain divorce from her husband for\nimpotence, madness, leprosy or non-payment of the dowry. A woman who\nis divorced can claim her dowry if it has not been paid. Polygamy is\npermitted among Muhammadans to the number of four wives, but it is\nvery rare in the Central Provinces. Owing to the fact that members\nof the immigrant trading castes leave their wives at home in Gujarat,\nthe number of married women returned at the census was substantially\nless than that of married men. A feeling in favour of the legal\nprohibition of polygamy is growing up among educated Muhammadans,\nand many of them sign a contract at marriage not to take a second\nwife during the lifetime of the first. There is no prohibition on\nthe remarriage of widows in Muhammadan law, but the Hindu rule on\nthe subject has had considerable influence, and some Muhammadans of\ngood position object to the marriage of widows in their family. The\ncustom of the seclusion of women also, as Mr. Marten points out,\noperates as a bar to a widow finding a husband for herself.\n\n\n\n\n7. Devices for procuring children, and beliefs about them.\n\nWomen who desire children resort to the shrines of saints, who are\nsupposed to be able to induce fertility. \"Blochmann notes that the\ntomb of Saint Salim-i-Chishti at Fatehpur-Sikri, in whose house\nthe Emperor Jahangir was born, is up to the present day visited by\nchildless Hindu and Musalman women. A tree in the compound of the\nsaint Shaih Alam of Ahmedabad yields a peculiar acorn-like fruit,\nwhich is sought after far and wide by those desiring children; the\nwoman is believed to conceive from the moment of eating the fruit. If\nthe birth of a child follows the eating of the acorn, the man and woman\nwho took it from the tree should for a certain number of years come at\nevery anniversary of the saint and nourish the tree with a supply of\nmilk. In addition to this, jasmine and rose-bushes at the shrines of\ncertain saints are supposed to possess issue-giving properties. To\ndraw virtue from the saint's jasmine the woman who yearns for a\nchild bathes and purifies herself and goes to the shrine, and seats\nherself under or near the jasmine bush with her skirt spread out. As\nmany flowers as fall into her lap, so many children will she have. In\nsome localities if after the birth of one child no other son is born,\nor being born does not live, it is supposed that the first-born child\nis possessed by a malignant spirit who destroys the young lives of\nthe new-born brothers and sisters. So at the mother's next confinement\nsugar and sesame-seed are passed seven or nine times over the new-born\ninfant from head to foot, and the elder boy or girl is given them to\neat. The sugar represents the life of the young one given to the spirit\nwho possesses the first-born. A child born with teeth already visible\nis believed to exercise a very malignant influence over its parents,\nand to render the early death of one of them almost certain.\" [308]\n\n\n\n\n8. Pregnancy rites.\n\nIn the seventh or ninth month of pregnancy a fertility rite is\nperformed as among the Hindus. The woman is dressed in new clothes,\nand her lap is filled with fruit and vegetables by her friends. In\nsome localities a large number of pots are obtained, and a little\nwater is placed in each of them by a fertile married woman who has\nnever lost a child. Prayers are repeated over the pots in the names\nof the male and female ancestors of the family, and especially of the\nwomen who have died in childbirth. This appears to be a propitiation\nof the spirits of ancestors. [309]\n\n\n\n\n9. Childbirth and naming children.\n\nA woman goes to her parents' home after the last pregnancy rite and\nstays there till her confinement is over. The rites performed by the\nmidwife at birth resemble those of the Hindus. When the child is born\nthe _azan_ or summons to prayer is uttered aloud in his right ear,\nand the _takbir_ or Muhammadan creed in his left. The child is named\non the sixth or seventh day. Sometimes the name of an ancestor is\ngiven, or the initial letter is selected from the Koran at a venture\nand a name beginning with that letter is chosen. Some common names\nare those of the hundred titles of God combined with the prefix _abd_\nor servant. Such are Abdul Aziz, servant of the all-honoured; Ghani,\nthe everlasting; Karim, the gracious; Rahim, the pitiful; Rahman,\nthe merciful; Razzak, the bread-giver; Sattar, the concealer; and\nso on, with the prefix Abdul, or servant of, in each case. Similarly\nAbdullah, or servant of God, was the name of Muhammad's father, and\nis a very favourite one. Other names end with Baksh or 'given by,' as\nHaidar Baksh, given by the lion (Ali); these are similar to the Hindu\nnames ending in Prasad. The prefix Ghulam, or slave of, is also used,\nas Ghulam Hussain, slave of Hussain; and names of Hebrew patriarchs\nmentioned in the Koran are not uncommon, as Ayub Job, Harun Aaron,\nIshaq Isaac, Musa Moses, Yakub Jacob, Yusaf Joseph, and so on. [310]\n\n\n\n\n10. The Ukika sacrifice.\n\nAfter childbirth the mother must not pray or fast, touch the Koran\nor enter a mosque for forty days; on the expiry of this period she is\nbathed and dressed in good clothes, and her relatives bring presents\nfor the child. Some people do not let her oil or comb her hair during\nthese days. The custom would seem to be a relic of the period of\nimpurity of women after childbirth. On the fortieth day the child\nis placed in a cradle for the first time. In some localities a rite\ncalled Ukika is performed after the birth of a child. It consists of a\nsacrifice in the name of the child of two he-goats for a boy and one\nfor a girl. The goats must be above a year old, and without spot or\nblemish. The meat must be separated from the bones so that not a bone\nis broken, and the bones, skin, feet and head are afterwards buried\nin the earth. When the flesh is served the following prayer is said by\nthe father: \"O, Almighty God, I offer in the stead of my own offspring\nlife for life, blood for blood, head for head, bone for bone, hair\nfor hair, and skin for skin. In the name of God do I sacrifice this\nhe-goat.\" This is apparently a relic of the substitution of a goat for\nIshmael when Abraham was offering him as a sacrifice. The Muhammadans\nsay that it was Ishmael instead of Isaac who was thus offered, and they\nthink that Ishmael or Ismail was the ancestor of all the Arabs. [311]\n\n\n\n\n11. Shaving the hair and ear-piercing.\n\nEither on the same day as the Ukika sacrifice or soon afterwards the\nchild's hair is shaved for the first time. By the rich the hair is\nweighed against silver and this sum is distributed to beggars. It is\nthen tied up in a piece of cloth and either buried or thrown into a\nriver, or sometimes set afloat on a little toy raft in the name of a\nsaint. Occasionally tufts of hair or even the whole head may be left\nunshaven in the name of a saint, and after one or more years the child\nis taken to the saint's tomb and the hair shaved there; or if this\ncannot be done it is cut off at home in the name of the saint. [312]\n\nWhen a girl is one or two years old the lobes of her ears are bored. By\ndegrees other holes are bored along the edge of the ear and even\nin the centre, till by the time she has attained the age of two or\nthree years she has thirteen holes in the right ear and twelve in the\nleft. Little silver rings and various kinds of earrings are inserted\nand worn in the holes. But the practice of boring so many holes has\nnow been abandoned by the better-class Muhammadans.\n\n\n\n\n12. Birthdays.\n\nThe child's birthday is known as _sal-girah_ and is celebrated by a\nfeast. A knot is tied in a red thread and annually thereafter a fresh\nknot to mark his age, and prayers are offered in the child's name to\nthe patriarch Noah, who is believed to have lived to five hundred or\na thousand years, and hence to have the power of conferring longevity\non the child. When a child is four years, four months and four days\nold the ceremony of Bismillah or taking the name of God is held,\nwhich is obligatory on all Muhammadans. Friends are invited, and the\nchild is dressed in a flowered robe (_sahra_) and repeats the first\nchapters of the Koran after his or her tutor. [313]\n\n\n\n\n13. Circumcision, and maturity of girls.\n\nA boy is usually circumcised at the age of six or seven, but among\nsome classes of Shiahs and the Arabs the operation is performed a few\ndays after birth. The barber operates and the child is usually given\na little _bhang_ or other opiate. Some Muhammadans leave circumcision\ntill an age bordering on puberty, and then perform it with a pomp and\nceremony almost equalling those of a marriage. When a girl arrives\nat the age of puberty she is secluded for seven days, and for this\nperiod eats only butter, bread and sugar, all fish, flesh, salt and\nacid food being prohibited. In the evening she is bathed, warm water\nis poured on her head, and among the lower classes an entertainment\nis given to friends. [314]\n\n\n\n\n14. Funeral rites.\n\nThe same word _janazah_ is used for the corpse, the bier and the\nfuneral. When a man is at the point of death a chapter of the Koran,\ntelling of the happiness awaiting the true believer in the future life,\nis read, and some money or sherbet is dropped into his mouth. After\ndeath the body is carefully washed and wrapped in three or five cloths\nfor a male or female respectively. Some camphor or other sweet-smelling\nstuff is placed on the bier. Women do not usually attend funerals, and\nthe friends and relatives of the deceased walk behind the bier. There\nis a tradition among some Muhammadans that no one should precede the\ncorpse, as the angels go before. To carry a bier is considered a very\nmeritorious act, and four of the relations, relieving each other\nin turn, bear it on their shoulders. Muhammadans carry their dead\nquickly to the place of interment, for Muhammad is stated to have\nsaid that it is good to carry the dead quickly to the grave, so as\nto cause the righteous person to attain the sooner to bliss; and, on\nthe other hand, in the case of a bad man it is well to put wickedness\naway from one's shoulders. Funerals should always be attended on foot,\nfor it is said that Muhammad once rebuked people who were following\na bier on horseback, saying, \"Have you no shame, since God's angels\ngo on foot and you go upon the backs of quadrupeds?\" It is a highly\nmeritorious act to attend a funeral whether it be that of a Muslim,\na Jew or a Christian. The funeral service is not recited in the\ncemetery, this being too polluted a place for so sacred an office,\nbut either in a mosque or in some open space close to the dwelling of\nthe deceased person or to the graveyard. The nearest relative is the\nproper person to recite the service, but it is usually said by the\nfamily priest or the village Kazi. The grave sometimes has a recess\nat the side, in which the body is laid to prevent the earth falling\nupon it, or planks may be laid over the body slantwise or supported on\nbricks for the same purpose. Coffins are only used by the rich. When\nthe body has been placed in the grave each person takes up a clod\nof earth and pronouncing over it a verse of the Koran, 'From earth\nwe made you, to earth we return you and out of earth we shall raise\nyou on the resurrection day,' places it gently in the grave over the\ncorpse. [315] The building of stone or brick tombs and writing verses\nof the Koran on them is prohibited by the Traditions, but large masonry\ntombs are common in all Muhammadan countries and very frequently they\nbear inscriptions. On the third day a feast is given in the morning\nand after it trays of flowers with a vessel containing scented oil\nare handed round and the guests pick flowers and dip them into the\noil. They then proceed to the grave, where the oil and flowers are\nplaced. Maulvis are employed to read the whole of the Koran over the\ngrave, which they accomplish by dividing it into sections and reading\nthem at the same time. Rich people sometimes have the whole Koran\nread several times over in this manner. A sheet of white or red cloth\nis spread over the grave, green being usually reserved for Fakirs or\nsaints. On the evening of the ninth day another feast is given, to\nwhich friends and neighbours, and religious and ordinary beggars are\ninvited, and a portion is sent to the Fakir or mendicant in charge of\nthe burying-ground. Some people will not eat any food from this feast\nin their houses but take it outside. [316] On the morning of the tenth\nday they go again to the grave and repeat the offering of flowers and\nscented oil as before. Other feasts are given on the fortieth day,\nand at the expiration of four, six and nine months, and one year from\nthe date of the death, and the rich sometimes spend large sums on\nthem. None of these observances are prescribed by the Koran but have\neither been retained from pre-Islamic times or adopted in imitation of\nthe Hindus. For forty days all furniture is removed from the rooms and\nthe whole family sleep on the bare ground. Sometimes a cup of water and\na wheaten cake are placed nightly for forty days on the spot where the\ndeceased died, and a similar provision is sent to the mosque. When a\nman dies his mother and widow break their glass bangles. The mother\ncan get new ones, but the widow does not wear glass bangles or a\nnose-ring again unless she takes a second husband. For four months\nand ten days the widow is strictly secluded and does not leave the\nhouse. Prayers for ancestors are offered annually at the Shab-i-Barat\nor Bakr-Id festival. [317] The property of a deceased Muhammadan is\napplicable in the first place to the payment of his funeral expenses;\nsecondly, to the discharge of his debts; and thirdly, to the payment\nof legacies up to one-third of the residue. If the legacies exceed\nthis amount they are proportionately reduced. The remainder of the\nproperty is distributed by a complicated system of shares to those of\nthe deceased's relatives who rank as sharers and residuaries, legacies\nto any of them in excess of the amount of their shares being void. The\nconsequence of this law is that most Muhammadans die intestate. [318]\n\n\n\n\n15. Muhammadan sects. Shiah and Sunni.\n\nOf the two main sects of Islam, ninety-four per cent of the Muhammadans\nin the Central Province were returned as being Sunnis in 1911 and three\nper cent as Shiahs, while the remainder gave no sect. Only the Cutchi,\nBohra and Khoja immigrants from Gujarat are Shiahs and practically\nall other Muhammadans are Sunnis. With the exception of Persia,\nOudh and part of Gujarat, the inhabitants of which are Shiahs, the\nSunni sect is generally prevalent in the Muhammadan world. The main\ndifference between the Sunnis and Shiahs is that the latter think\nthat according to the Koran the Caliphate or spiritual headship of\nthe Muhammadans had to descend in the Prophet's family and therefore\nnecessarily devolved on the Lady Fatimah, the only one of his children\nwho survived him, and on her husband Ali the fourth Caliph. They\ntherefore reject the first three Caliphs after Muhammad, that is Abu\nBakr, Omar and Othman. After Ali they also hold that the Caliphate\ndescended in his family to his two sons Hasan and Hussain, and the\ndescendants of Hussain. Consequently they reject all the subsequent\nCaliphs of the Muhammadan world, as Hussain and his children did not\noccupy this position. They say that there are only twelve Caliphs,\nor Imams, as they now prefer to call them, and that the twelfth\nhas never really died and will return again as the Messiah of whom\nMuhammad spoke, at the end of the world. He is known as the Mahdi, and\nthe well-known pretender of the Soudan, as well as others elsewhere,\nhave claimed to be this twelfth or unrevealed Imam. Other sects of\nthe Shiahs, as the Zaidiyah and Ismailia, make a difference in the\nsuccession of the Imamate among Hussain's descendants. The central\nincident of the Shiah faith is the slaughter of Hussain, the son\nof Ali, with his family, on the plain of Karbala in Persia by the\nsons of Yazid, the second Caliph of the Umaiyad dynasty of Damascus,\non the 10th day of the month Muharram, in the 61st year of the Hijra\nor A.D. 680. The martyrdom of Hussain and his family at Karbala is\ncelebrated annually for the first ten days of the month of Muharram by\nthe Shiahs. Properly the Sunnis should take no part in this, and should\nobserve only the tenth day of Muharram as that on which Adam and Eve\nand heaven and hell were created. But in the Central Provinces the\nSunnis participate in all the Muharram celebrations, which now have\nrather the character of a festival than of a season of mourning. The\nShiahs also reject the four great schools of tradition of the Sunnis,\nand have separate traditional authorities of their own. They count the\nmonth to begin from the full moon instead of the new moon, pray three\ninstead of five times a day, and in praying hold their hands open by\ntheir sides instead of folding them below the breast. The word Shiah\nmeans a follower, and Sunni one proceeding on the _sunnah_, the path\nor way, a term applied to the traditions of the Prophet. The two words\nhave thus almost the same signification. Except when otherwise stated,\nthe information in this article relates to the Sunnis.\n\n\n\n\n16. Leading religious observances. Prayer.\n\nThe five standard observances of the Muhammadan religion are the\nKalima, or creed; Sula, or the five daily prayers; Roza, or the\nthirty-day fast of Ramazan; Zakab, the legal alms; and Hajj, the\npilgrimage to Mecca, which should be performed once in a lifetime. The\nKalima, or creed, consists simply in the sentence, 'There is but\none God and Muhammad is His prophet,' which is frequently on the\nlips of Muhammadans. The five periods for prayer are Fajr ki namaz,\nin the morning before sunrise; Zohar, or the midday prayer, after the\nsun has begun to decline; Asur, or the afternoon prayer, about four;\nMaghrib, or the evening prayer, immediately after sunset; and Aysha,\nor the evening prayer, after the night has closed in. These prayers\nare repeated in Arabic, and before saying them the face, hands and\nfeet should be washed, and, correctly speaking, the teeth should\nalso be cleaned. At the times of prayer the Azan or call to prayer is\nrepeated from the mosque by the _muezzan_ or crier in the following\nterms: \"God is great, God is great, God is great, God is great! I\nbear witness that there is no God but God! (twice). I bear witness\nthat Muhammad is the Apostle of God! (twice). Come to prayers! Come\nto prayers! Come to salvation! Come to salvation! God is great! There\nis no other God but God.\" In the early morning the following sentence\nis added, 'Prayers are better than sleep.' [319]\n\n\n\n\n17. The fast of Ramazan.\n\nThe third necessary observance is the fast in the month of Ramazan,\nthe ninth month of the Muhammadan year. The fast begins when the new\nmoon is seen, or if the sky is clouded, after thirty days from the\nbeginning of the previous month. During its continuance no food or\nwater must be taken between sunrise and sunset, and betel-leaf, tobacco\nand conjugal intercourse must be abjured for the whole period. The\nabstention from water is a very severe penance during the long days of\nthe hot weather when Ramazan falls at this season. Mr. Hughes thinks\nthat the Prophet took the thirty days' fast from the Christian Lent,\nwhich was observed very strictly in the Eastern Church during the\nnights as well as days. In ordaining the fast he said that God 'would\nmake it an ease and not a difficulty,' but he may not have reflected\nthat his own action in discarding the intercalary month adopted by the\nArabs and reverting to the simple lunar months would cause the fast\nto revolve round the whole year. During the fast people eat before\nsunrise and after sunset, and dinner-parties are held lasting far\ninto the night.\n\nIt is a divine command to give alms annually of money, cattle, grain,\nfruit and merchandise. If a man has as much as eighty rupees, or forty\nsheep and goats, or five camels, he should give alms at specified\nrates amounting roughly to two and a half per cent of his property. In\nthe case of fruit and grain the rate is one-tenth of the harvest for\nunirrigated, and a twentieth for irrigated crops. These alms should\nbe given to pilgrims who desire to go to Mecca but have not the means;\nand to religious and other beggars if they are very poor, debtors who\nhave not the means to discharge their debts, champions of the cause\nof God, travellers without food and proselytes to Islam. Religious\nmendicants consider it unlawful to accept the _zakat_ or legal alms\nunless they are very poor, and they may not be given to Saiyads or\ndescendants of the Prophet.\n\n\n\n\n18. The pilgrimage to Mecca.\n\nThe Hajj or pilgrimage to Mecca is incumbent on all men and women\nwho have sufficient means to meet the expenses of the journey and\nto maintain their families at home during their absence. Only a\nvery small proportion of Indian Muhammadans, however, now undertake\nit. Mecca is the capital of Arabia and about seventy miles from the Red\nSea. The pilgrimage must be performed during the month Zu'l Hijjah,\nso that the pilgrim may be at Mecca on the festival of Id-ul-Zoha\nor the Bakr-Id. At the last stage near Mecca the pilgrims assume a\nspecial dress, consisting of two seamless wrappers, one round the\nwaist and the other over the shoulders. Sandals of wood may also be\nworn. Formerly the pilgrim would take with him a little compass in\nwhich the needle in the shape of a dove pointed continually towards\nMecca in the west. On arrival at Mecca he performs the legal ablutions,\nproceeds to the sacred mosque, kisses the black stone, and encompasses\nthe Kaaba seven times. The Kaaba or 'Cube' is a large stone building\nand the black stone is let into one of its walls. He drinks the water\nof the sacred well Zem-Zem from which Hagar and Ishmael obtained water\nwhen they were dying of thirst in the wilderness, and goes through\nvarious other rites up to the day of Id-ul-Zoha, when he performs\nthe sacrifice or _kurban_, offering a ram or he-goat for every member\nof his family, or for every seven persons a female camel or cow. The\nflesh is distributed in the same manner as that of the ordinary Bakr-Id\nsacrifice. [320] He then gets himself shaved and his nails pared, which\nhe has not done since he assumed the pilgrim's garb, and buries the\ncuttings and parings at the place of the sacrifice. The pilgrimage is\nconcluded after another circuit of the Kaaba, but before his departure\nthe pilgrim should visit the tomb of Muhammad at Medina. One who has\nperformed the pilgrimage to Mecca thereafter has the title of Haji.\n\n\n\n\n19. Festivals. The Muharram.\n\nThe principal festivals are the Muharram and the two Ids. The month\nof Muharram is the first of the year, and the first ten days, as\nalready stated, are devoted to mourning for the death of Hussain and\nhis family. This is observed indifferently by Sunnis and Shiahs in\nthe Central Provinces, and the proceedings with the Sunnis at any\nrate have now rather the character of a festival than a time of\nsorrow. Models of the tomb of Hussain, called _tazia_, are made of\nbamboo and pasteboard and decorated with tinsel. Wealthy Shiahs have\nexpensive models, richly decorated, which are permanently kept in a\nchamber of the house called the Imambara or Imam's place, but this is\nscarcely ever done in the Central Provinces. As a rule the _tazias_\nare taken in procession and deposited in a river on the last and\ngreat day of the Muharram. Women who have made vows for the recovery\nof their children from an illness dress them in green and send them to\nbeg; and men and boys of the lower classes have themselves painted as\ntigers and go about mimicking a tiger for what they can get from the\nspectators. It seems likely that the representations of tigers may\nbe in memory of the lion which is said to have kept watch over the\nbody of Hussain after he had been buried. In Persia a man disguised\nas a tiger appears on the tomb of Hussain in the drama of his murder\nat Karbala, which is enacted at the Muharram. In Hindu mythology the\nlion and tiger appear to be interchangeable. During the tragedy at\nKarbala, Kasim, a young nephew of Hussain, was married to his little\ndaughter Sakinah, Kasim being very shortly afterwards killed. It is\nsupposed that the cast shoe of Kasim's horse was brought to India,\nand at the Muharram models of horse-shoes are made and carried fixed on\npoles. Men who feel so impelled and think that they will be possessed\nby the spirit of Kasim make these horse-shoes and carry them, and\nfrequently they believe themselves to be possessed by the spirit,\nexhibiting the usual symptoms of a kind of frenzy, and women apply\nto them for children or for having evil spirits cast out. [321]\n\n\n\n\n20. Id-ul-Fitr.\n\nThe Id-ul-Fitr, or the breaking of the fast, is held on the first\nday of the tenth month, Shawwal, on the day after the end of the\nfast of Ramazan. On this day the people assemble dressed in their\nbest clothes and proceed to the Id-Gah, a building erected outside\nthe town and consisting of a platform with a wall at the western end\nin the direction of Mecca. Here prayers are offered, concluding with\none for the King-Emperor, and a sermon is given, and the people then\nreturn escorting the Kazi or other leading member of the community and\nsometimes paying their respects in a body to European officers. They\nreturn to their homes and spend the rest of the day in feasting and\nmerriment, a kind of vermicelli being a special dish eaten on this day.\n\n\n\n\n21. Id-ul-Zoha\n\nThe Idu-l-Azha or Id-ul-Zoha, the feast of sacrifice, also called\nthe Bakr-Id or cow-festival, is held on the tenth day of the last\nmonth, Zu'l Hijjah. It is the principal day of the Muhammadan year,\nand pilgrims going to Mecca keep it there. [322] At this time also the\nArabs were accustomed to go to Mecca and offer animal sacrifices there\nto the local deities. According to tradition, when Abraham (Ibrahim)\nfounded Mecca the Lord desired him to prepare a feast and to offer his\nson Ishmael (Ismail). But when he had drawn the knife across his son's\nthroat the angel Gabriel substituted a ram and Ishmael was saved,\nand the festival commemorates this. As already stated, the Arabs\nbelieve themselves to be descended from Ishmael or Ismail. According\nto a remarkable Hadis or tradition, related by Ayesha, Muhammad said:\n\"Man hath not done anything on the Id-ul-Zoha more pleasing to God\nthan spilling blood in sacrifice; for, verily, its blood reacheth\nthe acceptance of God before it falleth upon the ground, therefore\nbe joyful in it.\" [323] On this day, as on the other Id, the people\nassemble for prayers at the Id-Gah. On returning home the head of a\nfamily takes a sheep, cow or camel to the entrance of his house and\nsacrifices it, repeating the formula, 'In the name of God, God is\ngreat,' as he cuts its throat. The flesh is divided, two-thirds being\nkept by the family and one-third given to the poor in the name of\nGod. This is the occasion on which Muhammadans offend Hindu feeling\nby their desire to sacrifice cows, as camels are unobtainable or\ntoo valuable, and the sacrifice of a cow has probably more religious\nmerit than that of a sheep or goat. But in many cases they abandon\ntheir right to kill a cow in order to avoid stirring up enmity.\n\n\n\n\n22. Mosques.\n\nThe entrance to a Muhammadan mosque consists of a stone gateway,\nbearing in verse the date of its building; this leads into a paved\ncourtyard, which in a large mosque may be 40 or 50 yards long and\nabout 20 wide. The courtyard often contains a small tank or cistern\nabout 20 feet square, its sides lined with stone seats. Beyond this\nlies the building itself, open towards the courtyard, which is on its\neastern side, and closed in on the other three sides, with a roof. The\nfloor is raised about a foot above the level of the courtyard. In\nthe back wall, which is opposite the courtyard to the west in the\ndirection of Mecca, is an arched niche, and close by a wooden or\nmasonry pulpit raised four or five feet from the ground. Against\nthe wall is a wooden staff, which the preacher holds in his hand\nor leans upon according to ancient custom. [324] The walls are bare\nof decorations, images and pictures having been strictly prohibited\nby Muhammad, and no windows are necessary; but along the walls are\nscrolls bearing in golden letters the name of the Prophet and the\nfirst four Caliphs, or a chapter of the Koran, the Arabic script\nbeing especially suitable for this kind of ornamental writing. [325]\nThe severe plainness of the interior of a mosque demonstrates the\nstrict monotheism of Islam, and is in contrast to the temples and\nshrines of most other religions. The courtyard of a mosque is often\nused as a place of resort, and travellers also stay in it.\n\n\n\n\n23. The Friday service.\n\nA service is held in the principal mosque on Fridays about midday, at\nwhich public prayers are held and a sermon or _khutbak_ is preached or\nrecited. Friday is known as Jumah, or the day of assembly. Friday was\nsaid by Muhammad to have been the day on which Adam was taken into\nparadise and turned out of it, the day on which he repented and on\nwhich he died. It will also be the day of Resurrection. The Prophet\nconsidered that the Jews and Christians had erred in transferring\ntheir Sabbath from Friday to Saturday and Sunday respectively. [326]\n\n\n\n\n24. Priests, Mulla and Maulvi.\n\nThe priest in charge of a mosque is known as Mulla. Any one can be a\nMulla who can read the Koran and say the prayers, and the post is very\npoorly paid. The Mulla proclaims the call to prayer five times a day,\nacts as Imam or leader of the public prayers, and if there is no menial\nservant keeps the mosque clean. He sometimes has a little school in the\ncourtyard in which he teaches children the Koran. He also sells charms,\nconsisting of verses of the Koran written on paper, to be tied round\nthe arm or hung on the neck. These have the effect of curing disease\nand keeping off evil spirits or the evil eye. Sometimes there is a\nmosque servant who also acts as sexton of the local cemetery. The funds\nof the mosque and any endowment attached to it are in charge of some\nrespectable resident, who is known as Mutawalli or churchwarden. The\nprincipal religious officer is the Maulvi, who corresponds to the\nHindu Guru or preceptor. These men are frequently intelligent and\nwell-educated. They are also doctors of law, as all Muhammadan law\nis based on the Koran and Traditions and the deductions drawn from\nthem by the great commentators. The Maulvi thus acts as a teacher of\nreligious doctrine and also of law. He is not permanently attached\nto a mosque, but travels about during the open season, visiting\nhis disciples in villages, teaching and preaching to them, and also\ntreating the sick. If he knows the whole of the Koran by heart he\nhas the title of Hafiz, and is much honoured, as it is thought that\na man who has earned the title of Hafiz frees twenty generations of\nhis ancestors and descendants from the fires of hell. Such a man is\nmuch in request during the month of Ramazan, when the leader of the\nlong night prayers is expected to recite nightly one of the thirty\nsections of the Koran, so as to complete them within the month. [327]\n\n\n\n\n25. The Kazi.\n\nThe Kazi was under Muhammadan rule the civil and criminal judge,\nhaving jurisdiction over a definite local area, and he also acted as\na registrar of deeds. Now he only leads the public prayers at the Id\nfestivals and keeps registers of marriages and divorces. He does not\nusually attend marriages himself unless he receives a special fee, but\npays a deputy or _naib_ to do so. [328] The Kazi is still, however,\nas a rule the leading member of the local Muhammadan community,\nthe office being sometimes elective and sometimes hereditary.\n\n\n\n\n26. General features of Islam.\n\nIn proclaiming one unseen God as the sole supernatural being, Muhammad\nadopted the religion of the Jews of Arabia, with whose sacred books\nhe was clearly familiar. He looked on the Jewish prophets as his\npredecessors, he himself being the last and greatest. The Koran says,\n\"We believe in God, and that which hath been sent down to us, and that\nwhich was sent down unto Abraham, and Ishmael and Isaac, and Jacob,\nand the tribes, and that which was delivered unto Moses, and Jesus and\nthe prophets from the Lord, and we make no distinction between any\nof them.\" Thus Muhammad accepted the bulk of the Old but not of the\nNew Testament, which the Jews also do not receive. His deity was the\nJewish Jehovah of the Old Testament, though called Allah after the name\nof a god worshipped at Mecca. The six prophets who brought new laws\nwere Adam, the chosen of God; Noah, the preacher of God; Abraham, the\nfriend of God; Moses, one who conversed with God; Jesus, the Spirit\nof God; and Muhammad, the Messenger of God. His seven heavens and\nhis prophecy of a Messiah and Day of Judgment were Jewish beliefs,\nthough it is supposed that he took the idea of the Sirat or narrow\nbridge over the midst of hell, sharper than the edge of a sword,\nover which all must pass, while the wicked fall from it into hell,\nfrom Zoroastrianism. Muhammad recognised a devil, known as Iblis,\nwhile the Jinns or Genii of pagan Arabia became bad angels. The great\ndifference between Islam and Judaism arose from Muhammad's position\nin being obliged continually to fight for his own existence and\nthe preservation of his sect This circumstance coloured the later\nparts of the Koran and gave Islam the character of a religious and\npolitical crusade, a kind of faith eminently fitted to the Arab nature\nand training. And to this character may be assigned its extraordinary\nsuccess, but, at the same time, probably the religion itself might have\nbeen of a somewhat purer and higher tenor if its birth and infancy\nhad not had place in a constant state of war. Muhammad accomplished\nmost beneficent reforms in abolishing polytheism and such abuses as\nfemale infanticide, and at least regulating polygamy. In forbidding\nboth gambling and the use of alcohol he set a very high standard to his\ndisciples, which if adhered to would remove two of the main sources of\nvice. His religion retained fewer relics of the pre-existing animism\nand spirit-worship than almost any other, though in practice uneducated\nIndian Muhammadans, at least, preserve them in a large measure. And\nowing to the fact that the Muhammadan months revolve round the year,\nits festivals have been dissociated from the old pagan observances of\nthe changes of the sun and seasons and the growth of vegetation. At the\nsame time the religious sanction given to polygamy and slavery, and the\nsensual nature of the heaven promised to true believers after death,\nmust be condemned as debasing features; and the divine authority and\ncompleteness ascribed to the Koran and the utterances of the Prophet,\nwhich were beyond criticism or question, as well as the hostility\ntowards all other forms of religion and philosophy, have necessarily\nhad a very narrowing influence on Muhammadan thought. While the formal\nand lifeless precision of the religious services and prayers, as well\nas the belief in divine interference in the concerns of everyday life,\nhave produced a strong spirit of fatalism and resignation to events.\n\n\n\n\n27. The Koran.\n\nThe word Kuran is derived from _kuraa_, to recite or proclaim. The\nMuhammadans look upon the Koran as the direct word of God sent down\nby Him to the seventh or lowest heaven, and then revealed from time to\ntime to the Prophet by the angel Gabriel. A few chapters are supposed\nto have been delivered entire, but the greater part of the book was\ngiven piecemeal during a period of twenty-three years. The Koran\nis written in Arabic prose, but its sentences generally conclude\nin a long-continued rhyme. The language is considered to be of the\nutmost elegance and purity, and it has become the standard of the\nArabic tongue. Muhammadans pay it the greatest reverence, and their\nmost solemn oath is taken with the Koran placed on the head. Formerly\nthe sacred book could only be touched by a Saiyad or a Mulla, and an\nassembly always rose when it was brought to them. The book is kept on a\nhigh shelf in the house, so as to avoid any risk of contamination, and\nnothing is placed over it. Every chapter in the Koran except one begins\nwith the invocation, '_Bismillah-nirrahman-nirrahim_,' or 'In the name\nof God, the Compassionate, the Merciful'; and nearly all Muhammadan\nprayers and religious writings also begin with this. As the Koran is\nthe direct word of God, any statement in it has the unquestioned and\ncomplete force of law. On some points, however, separate utterances\nin the work itself are contradictory, and the necessity then arises of\ndetermining which is the later and more authoritative statement. [329]\n\n\n\n\n28. The Traditions.\n\nNext to the Koran in point of authority come the Traditions of\nthe sayings and actions of the Prophet, which are known as Hadis or\nSunnah. These were eagerly collected as the jurisdiction of Islam was\nextended, and numerous cases arose for decision in which no ruling\nwas provided by the Koran. For some time it was held necessary that a\ntradition should be oral and not have been reduced to writing. When\nthe necessity of collecting and searching for the Traditions became\nparamount, indefatigable research was displayed in the work. The most\ntrustworthy collection of traditions was compiled by Abu Abdullah\nMuhammad, a native of Bokhara, who died in the Hijra year 256, or\nnearly 250 years after Muhammad. He succeeded in amassing no fewer than\n600,000 traditions, of which he selected only 7275 as trustworthy. The\nauthentic traditions of what the Prophet said and did were considered\npractically as binding as the Koran, and any case might be decided by\na tradition bearing on it. The development of Moslem jurisdiction was\nthus based not on the elucidation and exposition of broad principles\nof law and equity, but on the record of the words and actions of\none man who had lived in a substantially less civilised society than\nthat existing in the countries to which Muhammadan law now came to be\napplied. Such a state of things inevitably exercised a cramping effect\non the Moslem lawyers and acted as a bar to improvement. Thus, because\nthe Koran charged the Jews and Christians with having corrupted the\ntext of their sacred books, it was laid down that no Jew or Christian\ncould be accepted as a credible witness in a Moslem lawsuit; and since\nthe Prophet had forbidden the keeping of dogs except for certain\nnecessary purposes, it was ruled by one school that there was no\nproperty in dogs, and that if a man killed a dog its owner had no\nright to compensation. [330]\n\n\n\n\n29. The schools of law.\n\nAfter the Koran and Traditions the decisions of certain lawyers during\nthe early period of Islam were accepted as authoritative. Of them\nfour schools are recognised by the Sunnis in different countries,\nthose of the Imams Abu Hanifa, Shafei, Malik, and Hambal. In northern\nIndia the school of Abu Hanifa is followed. He was born at Kufa,\nthe capital of Irak, in the Hijra year 80, when four of the Prophet's\nCompanions were still alive. He is the great oracle of jurisprudence,\nand with his two pupils was the founder of the Hanifi code of law. In\nsouthern India the Shafei school is followed. [331] The Shiahs have\nseparate collections of traditions and schools of law, and they say\nthat a Mujtahid or doctor of the law can still give decisions of\nbinding authority, which the Sunnis deny. Except as regards marriage,\ndivorce and inheritance and other personal matters, Muhammadan law\nis of course now superseded by the general law of India.\n\n\n\n\n30. Food.\n\nAn animal only becomes lawful food for Muhammadans if it is killed by\ncutting the throat and repeating at the time the words, '_Bismillah\nAllaho Akbar_,' or 'In the name of God, God is great.' But in shooting\nwild animals, if the invocation is repeated at the time of discharging\nthe arrow or firing the gun, the carcase becomes lawful food. This\nlast rule of Sunni law is, however, not known to, or not observed by,\nmany Muhammadans in the Central Provinces, who do not eat an animal\nunless its throat is cut before death. Fish and locusts may be eaten\nwithout being killed in this manner. The animal so killed by Zabh\nis lawful food when slain by a Moslem, Jew or Christian, but not if\nslaughtered by an idolater or an apostate from Islam. Cloven-footed\nanimals, birds that pick up food with their bills, and fish with\nscales are lawful, but not birds or beasts of prey. It is doubtful\nwhether the horse is lawful. Elephants, mules, asses, alligators,\nturtles, crabs, snakes and frogs are unlawful, and swine's flesh\nis especially prohibited. Muhammadans eat freely of mutton and fish\nwhen they can afford it, but some of them abstain from chickens in\nimitation of the Hindus. Their favourite drink is sherbet, or sugar\nand water with cream or the juice of some fruit. Wine is forbidden in\nthe Koran, and the prohibition is held to include intoxicating drugs,\nbut this latter rule is by no means observed. According to his religion\na Muhammadan need have no objection to eat with a Christian if the\nfood eaten is of a lawful kind; but he should not eat with Hindus,\nas they are idolaters. In practice, however, many Muhammadans have\nadopted the Hindu rule against eating food touched by Christians,\nwhile owing to long association together they will partake of it when\ncooked by Hindus. [332]\n\n\n\n\n31. Dress.\n\nThe most distinctive feature of Muhammadan dress is that the men\nalways wear trousers or pyjamas of cotton, silk or chintz cloth,\nusually white. They may be either tight or loose below the knee, and\nare secured by a string round the waist. A Muhammadan never wears the\nHindu _dhoti_ or loin-cloth. He has a white, sleeved muslin shirt,\nmade much like an English soft-fronted shirt, but usually without a\ncollar, the ends of which hang down outside the trousers. Over these\nthe well-to-do have a waistcoat of velvet, brocade or broadcloth. On\ngoing out he puts on a long coat, tight over the chest, and with\nrather full skirts hanging below the knee, of cotton cloth or muslin,\nor sometimes broadcloth or velvet. In the house he wears a small cap,\nand on going out puts on a turban or loose headcloth. But the fashion\nof wearing the small red fez with a tassel is now increasing among\neducated Muhammadans, and this serves as a distinctive mark in their\ndress, which trousers no longer do, as the Hindus have also adopted\nthem. The removal of the shoes either on entering a house or mosque\nis not prescribed by Muhammadan law, though it has become customary in\nimitation of the Hindus. The Prophet in fact said, 'Act the reverse of\nthe Jews in your prayers, for they do not pray in boots or shoes.' But\nhe himself sometimes took his shoes off to pray and sometimes not. The\nfollowing are some of the sayings of the Prophet with regard to dress:\n'Whoever wears a silk garment in this world shall not wear it in the\nnext.' 'God will not have compassion on him who wears long trousers\n(below the ankle) from pride.' 'It is lawful for the women of my\npeople to wear silks and gold ornaments, but it is unlawful for the\nmen.' 'Wear white clothes, because they are the cleanest and the most\nagreeable, and bury your dead in white clothes.' Men are prohibited\nfrom wearing gold ornaments and also silver ones other than a signet\nring. A silver ring, of value sufficient to produce a day's food in\ncase of need, should always be worn. The rule against ornaments has\nbeen generally disregarded, and gold and silver ornaments have been\nregularly worn by men, but the fashion of wearing ornaments is now\ngoing out, both among Muhammadan and Hindu men. A rich Muhammadan woman\nhas a long shirt of muslin or net in different colours, embroidered\non the neck and shoulders with gold lace, and draping down to the\nankles. Under it she wears silk pyjamas, and over it an _angia_\nor breast-cloth of silk, brocade or cloth of gold, bordered with\ngold and silver lace. On the head she has a shawl or square kerchief\nbordered with lace. A poor woman has simply a bodice and pyjamas,\nwith a cloth round the waist to cover their ends. Women as a rule\nalways wear shoes, even though they do not go out, and they have a\nprofusion of ornaments of much the same character as Hindu women. [333]\n\n\n\n\n32. Social rules. Salutations.\n\nThere are certain social obligations known as Farz or imperative, but\nif one person in eight or ten perform them it is as if all had done\nso. These are, to return a salutation; to visit the sick and inquire\nafter their welfare; to follow a bier on foot to the grave; to accept\nan invitation; and that when a person sneezes and says immediately,\n'_Alhamd ul lillah_' or 'God be praised,' one of the party must reply,\n'_Yar hamak Allah_' or 'God have mercy on you.' The Muhammadan form\nof salutation is '_Salam u alaikum_' or 'The peace of God be with\nyou,' and the reply is '_Wo alaikum as salam_' or 'And on you also\nbe peace.' [334] From this form has come the common Anglo-Indian use\nof the word _Salaam_.\n\nWhen invitations are to be sent for any important function, such as\na wedding, some woman who does not observe _parda_ is employed to\ncarry them. She is dressed in good clothes and provided with a tray\ncontaining betel-leaf _biras_ or packets, cardamoms wrapped in red\npaper, sandalwood and sugar. She approaches any lady invited with\ngreat respect, and says: \"So-and-so sends her best compliments to\nyou and embraces you, and says that 'as to-morrow there is a little\ngaiety about to take place in my house, and I wish all my female\nfriends by their presence to grace and ornament with their feet the\nhome of this poor individual, and thereby make it a garden of roses,\nyou must also positively come, and by remaining a couple of hours\nhonour my humble dwelling with your company.'\" If the invitation is\naccepted the woman carrying it applies a little sandalwood to the neck,\nbreast and back of the guest, puts sugar and cardamoms into her mouth,\nand gives her a betel-leaf. If it is declined, only sandalwood is\napplied and a betel-leaf given. [335]\n\nNext day _dhoolies_ or litters are sent for the guests, or if the\nhostess is poor she sends women to escort them to the house before\ndaybreak. The guests are expected to bring presents. If any ceremony\nconnected with a child is to be performed they give it clothes\nor sweets, and similar articles of higher value to the bride and\nbridegroom in the case of a wedding.\n\n\n\n\n33. Customs.\n\nCertain customs known as Fitrah are supposed to have existed among the\nArabs before the time of the Prophet, and to have been confirmed by\nhim. These are: To keep the moustache clipped short so that food or\ndrink cannot touch them when entering the mouth; not to cut or shave\nthe beard; to clean the teeth with a _mismak_ or wooden toothbrush;\nthis should really be done at all prayers, but presumably once or\ntwice a day are held sufficient; to clean the nostrils and mouth with\nwater at the time of the usual ablutions; to cut the nails and clean\nthe finger-joints; and to pull out the hair from under the armpits and\nthe pubic hair. It is noticeable that though elaborate directions are\ngiven for washing the face, hands and feet before each prayer, there\nis no order to bathe the whole body daily, and this may probably not\nhave been customary in Arabia owing to the scarcity of water. [336]\nAnd while many Muhammadans have adopted the Hindu custom of daily\nbathing, yet others in quite a respectable position have not, and\nonly bathe once a week before going to the mosque. Gambling as well\nas the drinking of wine is prohibited in the Koran according to the\ntext: \"O believers! Surely wine and games of chance and statues and\nthe divining-arrows are an abomination of Satan's work.\" Statues\nas well as pictures were prohibited, because at this time they were\nprobably made only as idols to be worshipped, the prohibition being\nexactly analogous to that contained in the Second Commandment. The\nKoran enjoins a belief in the existence of magic, but forbids its\npractice. Magic is considered to be of two kinds, that accomplished\nwith the help of the Koran and the names of prophets and saints, which\nis divine or good, and evil magic practised with the aid of genii and\nevil spirits which is strongly condemned. Divining-rods apparently\nbelong to the latter class. Perfection in divine magic consists in the\nknowledge of the Ismi Aazam or Great Name, a knowledge first possessed\nby the prophet Sulaiman or Solomon, and since Solomon transmitted only\nto those who are highly favoured by Providence. This appears to be the\ntrue name of God, which is too awful and potent to be known or used by\nthe commonalty; hence Allah, really an epithet, is used instead. It\nwas in virtue of engraving the great name on his ring that Solomon\npossessed dominion over men and genii, and over the winds and birds and\nbeasts. The uttering of Solomon's own name casts out demons, cures the\nsick, and raises the dead. The names of certain prophets and holy men\nhave also a special virtue, and written charms of mysterious numerical\ncombinations and diagrams have power for good. [337] Both kinds of\nmagic are largely practised by Muhammadans. Muhammad disapproved of\nwhistling, apparently because whistling and clapping the hands were\npart of the heathen ritual at Mecca. Hence it is considered wrong\nfor good Muhammadans to whistle. [338]\n\n\n\n\n34. Position of women.\n\nThe inferior status of women in Islam is inherited from Arabian\nsociety before the time of Muhammad. Among the pagan Arabs a woman\nwas a mere chattel, and descended by inheritance. Hence the union of\nmen with their step-mothers and mothers-in-law was common. Muhammad\nforbade these incestuous marriages, and also the prevalent practice\nof female infanticide. He legalised polygamy, but limited it to four\nwives, and taught that women as well as men could enter paradise. It\nwould have been quite impossible to abolish polygamy in Arabia at the\ntime when he lived, nor could he strike at the practice of secluding\nwomen even if he had wished to do so. This last custom has shown an\nunfortunate persistence, and is in full force among Indian Muhammadans,\nfrom whom the higher castes of Hindus in northern India have perhaps\nimitated it. Nor can it be said to show much sign of weakening at\npresent. It is not universal over the Islamic world, as in Afghanistan\nwomen are not usually secluded. As a matter of fact both polygamy and\ndivorce are very rare among Indian Muhammadans. Mr. Hughes quotes an\ninteresting passage against polygamy from a Persian book on marriage\ncustoms: \"That man is to be praised who confines himself to one wife,\nfor if he takes two it is wrong and he will certainly repent of his\nfolly. Thus say the seven wise women:\n\n\n    Be that man's life immersed in gloom\n    Who weds more wives than one,\n    With one his cheeks retain their bloom,\n    His voice a cheerful tone;\n    These speak his honest heart at rest,\n    And he and she are always blest;\n    But when with two he seeks his joy,\n    Together they his soul annoy;\n    With two no sunbeam of delight\n    Can make his day of misery bright.\"\n\n\nAdultery was punished by stoning to death in accordance with the\nJewish custom.\n\n\n\n\n35. Interest on money.\n\nUsury or the taking of interest on loans was prohibited by the\nProphet. This precept was adopted from the Mosaic law and emphasised,\nand while it has to all appearance been discarded by the Jews, it is\nstill largely adhered to by Moslems. In both cases the prohibition was\naddressed to a people in the pastoral stage of culture when loans were\nprobably very rare and no profit could as a rule be made by taking\na loan, as it would not lead to any increase. Loans would only be\nmade for subsistence, and as the borrower was probably always poor,\nhe would frequently be unable to pay the principal much less the\ninterest, and would ultimately become the slave of the creditor in\nlieu of his debt. Usury would thus result in the enslavement of a\nlarge section of the free community, and would be looked upon as an\nabuse and instrument of tyranny. As soon as the agricultural stage is\nreached usury stands on a different footing. Loans of seed for sowing\nthe land and of cattle or money for ploughing it then become frequent\nand necessary, and the borrower can afford to pay interest from the\nprofit of the harvest. It is clearly right and proper also that the\nlender should receive a return for the risk involved in the loan and\nthe capacity of gain thus conferred on the borrower, and usury becomes\na properly legitimate and necessary institution, though the rate, being\nprobably based on the return yielded by the earth to the seed, has a\ntendency to be very excessive in primitive societies. The prohibition\nof interest among Muhammadans is thus now a hopeless anachronism,\nwhich has closed to those who observe it some of the most important\nprofessions. A tendency is happily visible towards the abrogation of\nthe rule, and Mr. Marten notes that the Berar Muhammadan Council has\nset an example by putting out its own money at interest. [339]\n\n\n\n\n36. Muhammadan education.\n\nThe Indian Muhammadans have generally been considered to be at a\ndisadvantage in modern India as compared with the Hindus, owing to\ntheir unwillingness to accept regular English education for their\nsons, and their adherence to the simply religious teaching of their\nown Maulvis. However this may have been in the past, it is doubtful\nwhether it is at all true of the present generation. While there is\nno doubt that Muhammadans consider it of the first importance that\ntheir sons should learn Urdu and be able to read the Koran, there\nare no signs of Muhammadan boys being kept away from the Government\nschools, at least in the Central Provinces. The rationalising spirit\nof Sir Saiyad Ahmad, the founder of the Aligarh College, and the\ngeneral educational conference for Indian Muhammadans has, through the\nexcellent training given by the College, borne continually increasing\nfruit. A new class of educated and liberal-minded Muhammadan gentlemen\nhas grown up whose influence on the aims and prejudices of the whole\nMuhammadan community is gradually becoming manifest. The statistics\nof occupation given at the commencement of this article show that the\nMuhammadans have a much larger share of all classes of administrative\nposts under Government than they would obtain if these were awarded on\na basis of population. Presumably when it is asserted that Muhammadans\nare less successful than Hindus under the British Government, what is\nmeant is that they have partly lost their former position of the sole\ngoverning class over large areas of the country. The community are\nnow fully awake to the advantages of education, and their Anjumans or\nassociations have started high schools which educate students up to\nthe entrance of the university on the same lines as the Government\nschools. Where these special schools do not exist, Muhammadan boys\nfreely enter the ordinary schools, and their standard of intelligence\nand application is in no way inferior to that of Hindu boys.\n\n\n\n\n\nNanakpanthi\n\n\n\n1. Account of the sect.\n\n_Nanakpanthi [340] Sect, Nanakshahi, Udasi, Suthra Shahi_.--The\nNanakpanthi sect was founded by the well-known Baba Nanak, a Khatri\nof the Lahore District, who lived between 1469 and 1538-39. He is the\nreal founder of Sikhism, but this development of his followers into\na military and political organisation was the work of his successors,\nHar Govind and Govind Singh. Nanak himself was a religious reformer of\nthe same type as Kabir and others, who tried to abolish the worship of\nidols and all the body of Hindu superstition, and substitute a belief\nin a single unseen deity without form or special name. As with most of\nthe other Vaishnava reformers, Nanak's creed was largely an outcome\nof his observation of Islam. \"There is nothing in his doctrine,\" Sir\nE.D. Maclagan says, \"to distinguish it in any marked way from that of\nthe other saints who taught the higher forms of Hinduism in northern\nIndia. The unity of God, the absence of any real distinction between\nHindus and Musalmans, the uselessness of ceremonial, the vanity of\nearthly wishes, even the equality of castes, are topics common to\nNanak and the Bhagats; and the Adi-Granth or sacred book compiled by\nNanak is full of quotations from elder or contemporary teachers, who\ntaught essentially the same doctrine as Nanak himself.\" It was partly,\nhe explains, because Nanak was the first reformer in the Punjab, and\nthus had the field practically to himself, and partly in consequence\nof the subsequent development of Sikhism, that his movement has been\nso successful and his adherents now outnumber those of any other\nreformer of the same period. Nanak's doctrines were also of a very\nliberal character. The burden of his teaching was that there is no\nHindu and no Muhammadan. He believed in transmigration, but held that\nthe successive stages were but purifications, and that at last the\nsoul, cleansed from sin, went to dwell with its maker. He prescribed\nno caste rules or ceremonial observances, and indeed condemned them as\nunnecessary and even harmful; but he made no violent attack on them,\nhe insisted on no alteration in existing civil and social institutions,\nand was content to leave the doctrine of the equality of all men in\nthe sight of God to work in the minds of his followers. He respected\nthe Hindu veneration of the cow and the Muhammadan abhorrence of the\nhog, but recommended as a higher rule than either total abstinence\nfrom flesh. Nothing could have been gentler or less aggressive than\nhis doctrine, nothing more unlike the teaching of his great successor\nGovind. [341] Two other causes contributed to swell the numbers of\nthe Nanakpanthis. The first of these was that during the late Mughal\nEmpire the Hindus of the frontier tracts of the Punjab were debarred\nby the fanaticism of their Muhammadan neighbours from the worship of\nidols; and they therefore found it convenient to profess the faith\nof Nanak which permitted them to declare themselves as worshippers\nof one God, while not forcing them definitely to break with caste and\nHinduism. The second was that Guru Govind Singh required the absolute\nabandonment of caste as a condition of the initiation of a Sikh;\nand hence many who would not consent to this remained Nanakpanthis\nwithout adopting Sikhism. The Nanakpanthis of the present day are\nroughly classified as Sikhs who have not adopted the term Singh,\nwhich is attached to the names of all true Sikhs; they also do not\nforbid smoking or insist on the adoption of the five _Kakkas_ or K's\nwhich are in theory the distinguishing marks of the Sikh; the _Kes_\nor uncut hair and unshaven beard; the _Kachh_ or short drawers ending\nabove the knee; the _Kara_ or iron bangle; the _Khanda_ or steel knife;\nand the _Kanga_ or comb. The Nanakpanthi retains the Hindu custom of\nshaving the whole head except the _choti_ or scalp-lock, and hence is\noften known as a Munda or shaven Sikh. [342] The sect do not prohibit\nthe consumption of meat and liquor, but some of them eat only the\nflesh of animals killed by the Sikh method of Jatka, or cutting\noff the head by a blow on the back of the neck. Their only form of\ninitiation is the ordinary Hindu practice of drinking the foot-nectar\nor sugar and water in which the toe of the _guru_ has been dipped,\nand this is not very common. It is known as the _Charan ka pahul_ or\nfoot-baptism, as opposed to the _Khande ka pahul_ or sword-baptism of\nthe Govindi Sikhs. [343] Baba Nanak himself, Sir E. Maclagan states,\nis a very favourite object of veneration among Sikhs of all kinds,\nand the picture of the _guru_ with his long white beard and benevolent\ncountenance is constantly met with in the sacred places of the Punjab.\n\n\n\n\n2. Nanakpanthis in the Central Provinces.\n\nIn 1901 about 13,000 persons returned themselves as Nanakpanthis in\nthe Central Provinces, of whom 7000 were Banjaras and the remainder\nprincipally Kunbis, Ahirs and Telis. The Banjaras generally revere\nNanak, as shown in the article on that caste. A certain number of\nMehtars or sweepers also profess the sect, being attached to it,\nas to the Sikh religion, by the abolition of caste restrictions\nand prejudices advocated by their founders; but this tolerance has\nnot been perpetuated, and the unclean classes, such as the Mazbi or\nscavenger Sikhs, are as scrupulously avoided and kept at a distance\nby the Sikh as by the Hindu, and are even excluded from communion,\nand from the rites and holy places of their religion. [344]\n\n\n\n\n3. Udasis.\n\nThe Udasis are a class of ascetics of the Nanakpanthi or Sikh faith,\nwhose order was founded by Sri Chand, the younger son of Nanak. They\nare recruited from all castes and will eat food from any Hindu. They\nare almost all celibates, and pay special reverence to the Adi-Granth\nof Nanak, but also respect the Granth of Govind Singh and attend\nthe same shrines as the Sikhs generally. Their service consists of a\nringing of bells and blare of instruments, and they chant hymns and\nwave lights before the Adi-Granth and the picture of Baba Nanak. In\nthe Central Provinces members of several orders which have branched\noff from the main Nanakpanthi community are known as Udasi. Thus some\nof them say they do not go to any temples and worship Nirankal or\nthe deity without shape or form, a name given to the supreme God by\nNanak. In the Punjab the Nirankaris constitute a separate order from\nthe Udasis. [345] These Udasis wear a long rope of sheep's wool round\nthe neck and iron chains round the wrist and waist. They carry half\na cocoanut shell as a begging-bowl and have the _chameta_ or iron\ntongs, which can also be closed and used as a poker. Their form of\nsalutation is '_Matha Tek_,' or 'I put my head at your feet.' They\nnever cut their hair and have a long string of wool attached to the\n_choti_ or scalp-lock, which is coiled up under a little cap. They\nsay that they worship Nirankal without going to temples, and when\nthey sit down to pray they make a little fire and place _ghi_ or\nsweetmeats upon it as an offering. When begging they say 'Alakh,'\nand they accept any kind of uncooked and cooked food from Brahmans.\n\n\n\n\n4. Suthra Shahis.\n\nAnother mendicant Nanakpanthi order, whose members visit the Central\nProvinces, is that of the Suthra Shahis. Here, however, they often\ndrop the special name, and call themselves simply Nanakshahi. The\norigin of the order is uncertain, and Sir E. Maclagan gives various\naccounts. Here they say that their founder was a disciple of Nanak,\nwho visited Mecca and brought back the Seli and Syahi which are their\ndistinctive badges. The Seli is a rope of black wool which they tie\nround their heads like a turban, and Syahi the ink with which they draw\na black line on their foreheads, though this is in fact usually made\nwith charcoal. They carry a wallet in which these articles are kept,\nand also the two small ebony sticks which they strike against each\nother as an accompaniment to their begging-songs. The larger stick is\ndedicated to Nanak and the smaller to the Goddess Kali. They are most\nimportunate beggars, and say that the privilege of levying a pice\n(farthing) was given to them by Aurangzeb. They were accustomed in\nformer times to burn their clothes and stand naked at the door of\nany person who refused to give them alms. They also have a _bahi_\nor account-book in which the gifts they receive, especially from\nBanias, are recorded. Mr. Crooke states that \"They indulge freely\nin intoxicants and seldom cease from smoking. Their profligacy is\nnotorious, and they are said to be composed mainly of spendthrifts\nwho have lost their wealth in gambling. They are recruited from all\ncastes and always add the title Shah to their names. A proverb says\nin allusion to their rapacity:\n\n\n    Kehu mare, Kehu jiye,\n    Suthra gur batasa piye;\n\n\nor, 'Others may live or die, but the Suthra Shahi must have his drink\nof sugar and water.' [346]\n\n\n\n\nParmarthi Sect\n\n_Parmarthi Sect_.--A Vishnuite sect of which 26,000 persons were\nreturned as members in the census of 1901. Nearly all of these\nbelonged to the Uriya State of Kalahandi, since transferred to Bihar\nand Orissa. The following account of the sect has been furnished by\nRai Bahadur Panda Baijnath, formerly Diwan of Kalahandi State.\n\nThis sect penetrated the State from the Orissa side, and seems to\nbelong to Bengal. In the beginning it consisted only in pure devotion\nto the worship of Krishna, but later it has been degraded by sexual\nindulgence and immorality, and this appears to be the main basis of\nits ritual at present. Outwardly its followers recite the Bhagavad Gita\nand pretend to be persons of very high morals. Their secret practices\nwere obtained from one of his officials who had entered the sect in\nthe lowest grade. On the day of initiation there is a great meeting\nof members at the cost of the neophyte. A text is taught to him, and\nthe initiation is completed by all the members partaking together\nof a feast without distinction of caste. The food eaten at this is\nconsidered to be Mahaprasad, or as if offered to Vishnu in his form\nof Jagannath at Puri, and to be therefore incapable of defilement. The\n_mantra_ or text taught to the disciple is as follows:\n\n\n    O Hari, O Krishna, O Hari, O Krishna,\n    O Krishna, O Krishna, O Hari, O Hari,\n    O Hari, O Ramo, O Hari, O Ramo,\n    O Ramo, O Ramo, O Hari, O Hari.\n\n\nThe disciple is enjoined to repeat this text a prescribed number\nof times, 108 or more, every day. To those pupils who show their\ndevotional ardour by continual repetition of the first text others\nare taught.\n\nThe next step is that the disciple should associate himself or herself\nwith some other Parmarthi of the opposite sex and tend and serve\nthem. This relation, which is known as _Asra-patro_, cannot exist\nbetween husband and wife, some other person having to be chosen in each\ncase, and it results of course in an immoral connection. Following\nthis is the further rite of _Almo-Samarpana_ or offering of oneself,\nin which the disciple is required to give his wife to the Guru or\npreceptor as the acme of self-sacrifice. The _guru_ calls the disciple\nby a female name of one of the milkmaids of Brindaban to indicate\nthat the disciple regards Krishna with the same devotion as they\ndid. Sometimes the _guru_ and a woman personate Krishna and Radha,\nbut reverse the names, the _guru_ calling himself Radha and the woman\nKrishna. The other disciples wait upon and serve them, and they perform\nan immoral act in public. Parmarthi women sometimes have the _mantra_\nor text, 'O Hari, O Krishna,' tattooed on their breasts.\n\nThe Parmarthis often deny the accusation of immorality, and the above\nstatements may not be true of all of them; but they are believed to be\ntrue as regards a considerable part of the sect at any rate. \"With all\nhis cleanliness, vegetarianism and teetotalism,\" one writer remarks,\n\"the Vaishnava is perhaps the most dangerous in the whole list of\nHindu sects. He has done very good service in civilising the lower\nclasses to some extent and in suppressing the horrors of the Tantric\nworship. But the moral laxity which the Vaishnava encourages by the\nstories of the illicit loves between the God and Goddess, and by\nthe strong tendency to imitate them which his teachings generate,\noutweigh the good done by him.\" This statement applies, however,\nprincipally to one or two sects devoted to Krishna, and by no means\nto all nor to the majority of the Vaishnava sects.\n\n\n\n\n\nParsi or Zoroastrian Religion\n\n[_Bibliography of works quoted_: Dr. Martin Haug's _Essays on the\nParsis_, Truebner's Oriental Series; _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. ix. part\nii., _Parsis of Gujarat_. by the late Mr. Kharsedji Nasarvanji Seervai,\nJ.P., and Khan Bahadur Bamanji Behramji Patel; M. Salomon Reinach's\n_Orpheus_; Rev. J. Murray Mitchell's _Great Religions of India_. The\nwhole account of the customs and social life of the Parsis is taken\nfrom the excellent description in the _Bombay Gazetteer_.]\n\n\n\n\nList of Paragraphs\n\n\n     1. _Introductory_.\n     2. _The Zoroastrian religion_.\n     3. _The Zend-Avesta._\n     4. _The Zend-Avesta and the Vedas_.\n     5. _Reasons for the schism between the Persian and Indian\n        Aryans_.\n     6. _The dual principle and the conflict between good and\n        evil_.\n     7. _The dual principle derived from the antagonism of light\n        and darkness_.\n     8. _The Zoroastrians in Persia_.\n     9. _Their migration to India and settlement there_.\n    10. _Their wealth and prosperity_.\n    11. _Marriage customs_.\n    12. _Religion_. _Worship of fire_.\n    13. _The Homa liquor_.\n    14. _Parsi priests_.\n    15. _The sacred shirt and cord_.\n    16. _Disposal of the dead_.\n    17. _Previous exposure of the dead, and migration of souls_.\n    18. _Clothes, food and ceremonial observances_.\n\n\n\n\n1. Introductory.\n\nThe number of Parsis in the Central Provinces in 1911 was about\n1800. They are immigrants from Bombay, and usually reside in large\ntowns, where they are engaged in different branches of trade,\nespecially in the manufacture and vend of liquor and the management\nof cotton mills and factories. [347] The word Parsi means a resident\nof the province of Fars or Pars in Persia, from which the name of\nthe country is also derived.\n\n\n\n\n2. The Zoroastrian religion.\n\nAlso known as Mazdaism, the Zoroastrian religion was that of\nthe ancient Magi or fire-worshippers of Persia, mentioned in\nScripture. It is supposed that Zoroaster or Spitama Zarathustra,\nif he was a historical personage, effected a reformation of this\nreligion and placed it on a new basis at some time about 1100 B.C. It\nis suggested by Haug [348] that Zarathustra was the designation of\nthe high priests of the cult, and Spitama the proper name of that\nhigh priest who carried out its distinctive reformation, and perhaps\nseparated the religion of the Persian from the Indian Aryans. This\nwould account for the fact that the sacred writings, which, according\nto the testimony of Greek and Roman authors, were of great extent,\ntheir compilation probably extending over several centuries, were\nsubsequently all ascribed to one man, or to Zarathustra alone. The\nZend-Avesta or sacred book of the Parsis does not mention the fire\npriests under the name of Magi, but calls them Athravan, the same\nword as the Sanskrit Atharva-Veda. The reason for this, M. Reinach\nsuggests, is that the Magi had rebelled against Cambyses, the son of\nCyrus, in the sixth century B.C., during his absence in Egypt, and\nplaced a rival creature of their own on the throne. Darius, the son\nof Hystaspes, overthrew him and re-established the Persian kingdom\nin 523 B.C., and this may have discredited the Magian priests and\ncaused those of the reformed religion to adopt a new name. [349]\nIt is certain that Cyrus conformed to the precept of the Avesta\nagainst the pollution of the sacred element water, when he diverted\nthe course of the river Gyndanes in order to recover the body of a\nhorse which had been drowned in it, and that Darius I. invokes in his\ninscriptions Ormazd or Ahura Mazda, the deity of the Avesta. [350]\nOn the subversion of the Persian empire by Alexander, and the\nsubsequent conquest of Persia by the Arsacid Parthian dynasty, the\nreligion of the fire-worshippers fell into neglect, but was revived\non the establishment of the Sassanian dynasty of Ardeshir Babegan\nor Artaxerxes in A.D. 226, and became the state religion, warmly\nsupported by its rulers, until the Arab conquest in A.D. 652. It\nwas at the beginning of this second period of prosperity that the\nZend-Avesta as it still exists was collected and reduced to writing,\nbut it is thought that the greater part of the remains of the ancient\ntexts recovered at the time were again lost during the Arab invasion,\nas the original literature is believed to have been very extensive.\n\n\n\n\n3. The Zend-Avesta.\n\nThe language of the Zend-Avesta is the ancient east Iranian or\nBactrian dialect, which probably died out finally in the third\ncentury B.C., modern Persian being descended from the west Iranian\nor Median tongue. The Bactrian language of the Zend-Avesta is, Haug\nstates, a genuine sister of Sanskrit, Greek, Latin and Gothic. \"The\nrelationship of the Avesta language to the most ancient Sanskrit,\nthe so-called Vedic dialect, is as close as that of the different\ndialects of the Greek language, Aeolic, Ionic, Doric or Attic,\nto each other. The languages of the sacred hymns of the Brahmans,\nand of those of the Parsis, are only the two dialects of two separate\ntribes of one and the same nation. As the Ionians, Dorians, Aetolians,\netc., were different tribes of the Greek nation whose general name was\nHellenes, so the ancient Brahmans and Parsis were two tribes of the\nnation which is called Aryas both in the Veda and Zend-Avesta.\" [351]\nThe sections of the Zend-Avesta which remain are about equal in\nsize to the Bible. They consist of sacrificial hymns, prayers and\naccounts of the making of the world, in the form of conversations\nbetween Ahura Mazda and Zoroaster. The whole arrangement is, however,\nvery fragmentary and chaotic, and much of the matter is of a trivial\ncharacter. It cannot be compared in merit with the Old Testament.\n\n\n\n\n4. The Zend Avesta and the Vedas.\n\nA cuneiform inscription discovered in the centre of Asia Minor\nat Ptorium proves that about 1400 B.C. certain tribes who had\nrelations with the Hittite empire had for their deities Mitra,\nIndra, Varuna and the Nasatyas. The first two names are common to\nthe Persian and Indian Aryans, while the last two are found only\nin India. It appears then that at this time the ancestors of the\nHindus and Iranians were not yet separated. [352] Certain important\ncontrasts between the ancient Zoroastrian and Vedic religions have\nled to the theory that the separation was the result of a religious\nand political schism. The words Deva and Asura have an exactly\nopposite significance in the two religions. Deva [353] is the term\ninvariably used for the gods of the Hindus in the whole Vedic and\nBrahmanical literature. In the Zend-Avesta, on the other hand, Deva\n(Pers. _div_) is the general name of an evil spirit, a fiend, demon\nor devil, who is inimical to all that is good and comes from God. The\npart of the Avesta called the Vendidad, consisting of a collection\nof spells and incantations, means _vi-daevo-data_ or given against\nthe Devas or demons. The Devas, Dr. Haug states, are the originators\nof all that is bad, of every impurity, of death; and are constantly\nthinking of causing the destruction of the fields and trees, and of\nthe houses of religious men. \"Asura, occurring as Ahura in the first\npart of Ahura-Mazda (Hormazd), is the name of God among the Parsis;\nand the Zoroastrian religion is distinctly called the Ahura religion,\nin strict opposition to the Deva religion. But among the Hindus Asura\nhas assumed a bad meaning, and is applied to the bitterest enemies\nof their Devas (gods), with whom the Asuras are constantly waging\nwar. This is the case throughout the whole Puranic literature and\nas far back as the later parts of the Vedas; but in the older parts\nof the Rig-Veda Sanhita we find the word Asura used in as good and\nelevated a sense as in the Zend-Avesta. The chief gods, such as Indra,\nVaruna, Agni, Savitri, Rudra or Siva, are honoured with the epithet\n'Asura,' which means 'living, spiritual,' and signifies the divine\nin its opposition to human nature.\n\n\"In a bad sense we find Asura only twice in the older parts of the\nRig-Veda, in which passages the defeat of the 'sons or men of the\nAsura' is ordered or spoken of; but we find the word more frequently in\nthis sense in the last book of the Rig-Veda (which is only an appendix\nto the whole made in later times), and in the Atharva-Veda, where the\nRishis are said to have frustrated the tricks of the Asuras and to have\nthe power of putting them down. In the Brahmanas or sacrificial books\nbelonging to each of the Vedas we find the Devas always fighting with\nthe Asuras. The latter are the constant enemies of the Hindu gods,\nand always make attacks upon the sacrifices offered by devotees. To\ndefeat them, all the craft and cunning of the Devas were required;\nand the means of checking them was generally found in a new sacrificial\nrite.\" [354]\n\nProfessor Haug adduces other arguments in this connection from\nresemblance of metres. Again the principal Vedic God, Indra, is\nincluded in the list of Devas or demons in the Zoroastrian scripture,\nthe Vendidad. Siva and the Nasatyas or Ashvins, the divine horsemen\nof the Vedas, are also said to be found in the list of Devas or\ndemons. Others of the Vedic gods as Mitra the sun, Aryaman, either\nanother name for the sun or his constant associate and representative,\nVayu the wind, and one or two more are found as Yazatas or angels in\nthe Zend-Avesta. [355]\n\n\n\n\n5. Reasons for the schism between the Persian and Indian Aryans.\n\nProfessor Haug's suggestion as to the cause of the schism between\nthe Iranian and Indian branches of the Aryans is very interesting. He\nthinks that the Aryan tribes after they had left their original home,\nwhich was in all likelihood a cold country, led mainly a pastoral\nlife, and cultivated only occasionally some patches of land for their\nown support. But when they arrived in the tract between the Oxus and\nJaxartes rivers, and the highlands of Bactria, which were suitable for\npermanent settlement, certain of them, who were the ancestors of the\nIranian branch, forsook the pastoral life of their ancestors and became\nagriculturists. Others, the ancestors of the Indian Aryans, retained\ntheir nomadic habits, and took to the practice of making predatory\nincursions into the territories of the settled communities. Hence\narose a bitter hostility between them; and as the success of the\nraiders was attributed to their religious spells and incantations, and\nespecially to the consumption of the Soma liquor under the auspices of\nthe God Indra, this part of their joint religion became hateful to the\nIranians and led to the founding of the reformed Zoroastrian religion,\nin which special stress is laid on the virtue obtained from bringing\nland under cultivation, making enclosures and permanent settlements\nand protecting agricultural cattle. This is forcibly expressed in\nthe saying, 'He who cultivates barley cultivates righteousness,' and\nothers. [356] Finally the nomadic tribes left the common residence\nin the Central Asian highlands and migrated into India. It is not\ncertain that scholars generally accept the above hypothesis.\n\n\n\n\n6. The dual principles and the conflict between good and evil.\n\nThe most prominent feature of the religion of Zarathustra is the\ndual principle of good and evil and the conflict between them. Ahura\nMazda is the supreme deity, the creator of the world, and Ahriman or\nAngro Mainyush is the evil one, his constant opponent. A perpetual\nstruggle proceeds between them, extending over the whole of creation,\nand will continue for a period of 12,000 years. The virtuous lives and\nprayers and sacrifices of men help the cause of Ahura Mazda, while\nevery bad action and all kinds of ceremonial impurity constitute an\nassistance rendered by them to Ahriman. Not only virtue, courage,\ncharity humility and kindness to animals, when displayed by men,\nare held to reinforce Ahura Mazda, but also such useful acts as\ncleaning a field for cultivation, digging a canal or building a\nbridge. The animals are also divided into good and bad, the latter\nbeing considered the creation of Ahriman and designated the seed of\nthe serpent. The bad animals include tigers, snakes, cats, wolves,\nfrogs, mice, ants and others, and to kill them is to perform a\nvirtuous act in the cause of Ahura Mazda. Among good animals dogs\nand agricultural cattle appear to be the chief. The division is very\nimperfect, and it would seem that the classification does not extend\nto birds and fish. Most trees are good, but their bark is evil. Hail,\nsnow and all kinds of diseases are believed to be the work of Ahriman\nand his evil spirits. [357] As all ceremonial impurity renders\nassistance to the evil one, the Parsis are very careful in such\nmatters, as will be noticed subsequently. Ahura Mazda is assisted\nin his struggle for the good by six Amesha-Spentas or good spirits,\nwho are something like archangels. They consist of the spirits of\ncattle, fire, metals, the earth, health and immortality. With the\nfirst four of these some moral quality or attribute as truth, wisdom\nand the curing of diseases is now associated. Another great spirit\nSraosha is the judge of the dead. Similarly Ahriman is assisted by six\narch-fiends and a whole host of evil spirits (Deva and Druj) of all\nkinds, against whom men have to be perpetually on their guard. One\nof the principal bad spirits is Aeshma Deva, the roaring demon, who\nappears to be the Asmodeus mentioned in the Apocrypha. At the end\nof the period of struggle Ahura Mazda will engage in a final contest\nwith Ahriman and will conquer with the help of the Archangel Sraosha,\nwho will overcome the demon Aeshma. A virgin will then conceive and\nbring forth the second Zoroaster as a Messiah, who will cause the\nresurrection of the dead. The good will be separated from the bad,\nbut the punishment of the latter will not be eternal; and after the\npurification of the world by a general conflagration all humanity will\nunite in the adoration of Ahura Mazda. [358] Meanwhile after death\nthe souls of all men are weighed and have to pass over a narrow bridge\ncalled Chinvad. The good souls, lightened by the absence of sin, find\nit a broad and easy path to heaven, while to the bad ones, weighed\ndown with their sins, it becomes narrow as a razor's edge, and they\nfall over into hell. M. Salomon Reinach points out that their beliefs\nhave several points of resemblance with those of Judaism, but it is\nnot easy to say which religion has borrowed from the other. [359] The\nword paradise, according to Dr. Haug, comes from _pairidaesa_ in the\nZend-Avesta and means a park or beautiful garden protected by a fence.\n\n\n\n\n7. The dual principle derived from the antagonism of light and\ndarkness.\n\nIt is noticeable that Ahura Mazda is considered as luminous and good,\nand Ahriman as gloomy and bad. Ahura Mazda, according to Darmesteter,\ncan be traced back to Asura, the supreme god of Indo-Iranian times,\nand is the representative of Varuna, Zeus or Jupiter, that is the sky\nor heavens. Similarly Ahura Mazda is described in the Zend-Avesta\nas righteous, brilliant, glorious, the originator of the spirit\nof nature, of the luminaries and of the self-shining brightness\nwhich is in the luminaries. Again he is the author of all that is\nbright and shining, good and useful in nature, while Ahriman called\ninto existence all that is dark and apparently noxious. Both are\ncomplementary as day and night, and though opposed to each other,\nare indispensable for the preservation of creation. The beneficent\nspirit appears in the blazing flame, the presence of the hurtful one\nis marked by the wood converted into charcoal. Ahura Mazda created the\nlight of day and Ahriman the darkness of night; the former awakens men\nto their duties and the latter lulls them to sleep. These features\nof the good and evil spirits seem to point to the conclusion that\nthe original antithesis which is portrayed in the conflict between\nthe principles of good and evil is that of night and day or darkness\nand light. The light of day and all that belongs to it is good, and\nthe darkness of night and that which belongs to it evil. As already\nseen, Ahura Mazda is considered to be equivalent to Varuna or Zeus,\nthat is the god of the sky or heavens. Originally it seems likely\nthat this deity also comprised the sun, but afterwards the sun was\nspecialised, so to speak, into a separate god, perhaps in consequence\nof a clearer recognition of his distinctive attributes and functions\nin nature. Thus in the Zoroastrian religion Mithra became the special\nsun-god, and may be compared with Vishnu and Surya in India and Apollo\nin Greece. In the Avesta the sun is addressed as the king. [360]\nAhura Mazda speaks of the sun-deity Mithra as follows to Zoroaster:\n\"I created Mithra, who rules over large fields, to be of the same\nrank and dignity as I myself am (for purposes of worship).\" The only\nvisible emblem of Ahura Mazda worshipped by the Parsis is fire, and it\nwould seem that the earthly fire, which is called Ahura Mazda's son,\nis venerated as the offspring and representative of the heavenly\nfire or the sun. Thus Ahura Mazda may have been originally an old\ngod of the heavens, and may have become the abstract spirit of light\nfrom whom the sun in turn was derived. If, as is now supposed, the\noriginal home of the Aryan race was somewhere in northern Europe,\nwhence the Iranian and Indian branches migrated to the east, the\nreligious tenets of the Parsis may perhaps have arisen from the\nmemory of this journey. Their veneration of fire would be more easily\nunderstood if it was based on the fact that they owed their lives to\nthis element during their wanderings across the steppes of eastern\nEurope. The association of cold, darkness and snow with Ahriman or\nthe evil one supports this hypothesis. Similarly among the Indian\nAryans the god of fire was one of the greatest Vedic gods, and fire\nwas essential to the preservation of life in the cold hilly regions\nbeyond the north-west of India. But in India itself fire is of far\nless importance and Agiri has fallen into the background in modern\nHinduism, except for the domestic reverence of the hearth-fire. But\nZoroastrianism has preserved the old form of its religion without\nchange. The narrow bridge which spans the gulf leading to heaven\nand from which the wicked fall into hell, may have originally been\nsuggested by the steep and narrow passes by which their ancestors\nmust have crossed the mountain ranges lying on their long journey,\nand where, no doubt, large numbers had miserably perished; while their\nparadise, as already seen, was the comparatively warm and fertile\ncountry to which they had so hardly attained, where they had learnt\nto grow corn and where they wanted to stay thenceforth and for ever.\n\n\n\n\n8. The Zoroastrians in Persia.\n\nIn Persia itself the Zoroastrian faith is now almost extinct, but\nsmall colonies still survive in the towns of Yezd and Kerman. They are\nin a miserable and oppressed condition and are subjected to various\nirritating restrictions, as being forbidden to make wind towers to\ntheir houses for coolness, to wear spectacles or to ride horses. In\n1904 their number was estimated at 9000 persons. [361]\n\n\n\n\n9. Their migration to India and settlement there.\n\nThe migration of the Parsis to India dates from the Arab conquest\nof Persia in A.D. 638-641. The refugees at first fled to the hills,\nand after passing through a period of hardship moved down to the\ncoast and settled in the city of Ormuz. Being again persecuted, a\nparty of them set sail for India and landed in Gujarat. There were\nprobably two migrations, one immediately after the Arab conquest in\n641, and the second from Ormuz as described above in A.D. 750. Their\nfirst settlement was at Sanjan in Gujarat, and from here they spread to\nvarious other cities along the coast. During their period of prosperity\nat Sanjan they would seem to have converted a large section of the\nHindu population near Thana. The first settlers in Gujarat apparently\ntook to tapping palm trees for toddy, and the Parsis have ever since\nbeen closely connected with the liquor traffic. The Portuguese writer\nGarcia d'Orta (A.D. 1535) notices a curious class of merchants and\nshopkeepers, who were called Coaris, that is Gaurs, in Bassein, and\nEsparis or Parsis in Cambay. The Portuguese called them Jews; but they\nwere no Jews, for they were uncircumcised and ate pork. Besides they\ncame from Persia and had a curious written character, strange oaths\nand many foolish superstitions, taking their dead out by a special\ndoor and exposing the bodies till they were destroyed. In 1578, at\nthe request of the Emperor Akbar, the Parsis sent learned priests\nto explain to him the Zoroastrian faith. They found Akbar a ready\nlistener and taught him their peculiar rites and ceremonies. Akbar\nissued orders that the sacred fire should be made over to the charge\nof Abul Fazl, and that after the manner of the kings of Persia, in\nwhose temples blazed perpetual fires, Abul Fazl should take care that\nthe sacred fire was never allowed to go out either by night or day,\nfor that it was one of the signs of god and one light from among the\nmany lights of his creation. Akbar, according to Portuguese accounts,\nwas invested with the sacred shirt and girdle, and in return granted\nthe Gujarat priest Meherji Rana an estate near Naosari, where his\ndescendants have ever since been chief priests. [362]\n\n\n\n\n10. Their wealth and prosperity.\n\nThe Parsis had begun to settle in Bombay under the Portuguese\n(A.D. 1530-1666). One of them, Dorabji Nanabhai, held a high position\nin the island before its transfer to the British in the latter year,\nand before the end of the seventeenth century several more families,\nof whom the Modis, Pandes, Banajis, Dadiseths and Vadias were among\nthe earliest, settled in the island. To the Gujarat Parsis more\nthan to any class of native merchants was due the development of the\ntrade of Bombay, especially with China. Though many Parsis came to\nBombay, almost all continued to consider Surat or Naosari their home;\nand after its transfer to the British in 1759 the Surat Parsis rose\ngreatly in wealth and position. They became the chief merchants of\nSurat, and their leading men were the English, Portuguese and Dutch\nbrokers. Shortly afterwards, owing to the great development of the\nopium and cotton trade with China, the Parsis made large profits in\ncommerce both at Surat and Bombay. After the great fire at Surat in\n1857 Bombay became the headquarters of the Parsis, and since then has\nhad as permanent settlers the largest section of the community. The\nbulk of the native foreign trade fell into their hands, and the very\ngreat liberality of some of the leading Parsis has made their name\nhonourable. They secured a large share of the wealth that was poured\ninto western India by the American War and the making of railways,\nand have played a leading part in starting and developing the great\nfactory industry of Bombay. Many of the largest and best managed mills\nbelong to Parsis, and numbers of them find highly paid employment as\nmechanical engineers, and weaving, carding and spinning masters. Broach\nranks next to Bombay in the prosperity of its Parsis; they deal\nextensively in cotton, timber, fuel and the manufacture of spirit\nfrom the flowers of the mahua tree. [363] From the Bombay Presidency\nthe Parsis have spread to other parts of India, following the same\navocations; they are liquor and timber contractors, own and manage\nweaving mills and ginning factories, and keep shops for retailing\nEuropean stores, and are the most prosperous and enterprising section\nof the native population. Two Parsis have become members of Parliament,\nand others have risen to distinction in Government service, business\nand the professions. The sea-face road in Bombay in the evening,\nthronged with the carriages and motor-cars of Parsi men and ladies, is\nstrong testimony to the success which the ability and industry of this\nrace have achieved under the encouragement of peace, the protection\nof property and the liberty to trade. Though they have a common Aryan\nancestry and their religion is so closely connected with Hinduism,\nthe Parsis feel themselves a race alien to the Hindus and probably\nhave no great sympathy with them. Their wealth and position have been\nmainly obtained under British rule, and the bulk of them are believed\nto be its warm adherents. The Parsis now make no proselytes, and no\nregular provision exists for admitting outsiders to their religion,\nthough it is believed that, in one or two cases, wives taken from\noutside the community have been admitted. They object strongly to\nthe adoption of any other religion, such as Christianity, by members\nof their body. The Parsis are notable for the fact that their women\nare very well educated and appear quite freely in society. This is\na comparatively recent reform and may be ascribed to the English\nexample, though the credit they deserve for having broken through\nprejudice and tradition is in no way diminished on that account. The\ntotal number of Parsis in India in 1911 was just 100,000 persons.\n\n\n\n\n11. Marriage customs.\n\nPolygamy among the Parsis has been forbidden by the Parsi Marriage\nand Divorce Act of 1865. The remarriage of widows is allowed but\nis celebrated at midnight. If a bachelor is to marry a widow, he\nfirst goes through a sham rite with the branch of a tree, as among\nthe Hindus. Similarly before the wedding the bride and bridegroom\nare rubbed with turmeric, and for the ceremony a marriage-shed\nis erected. At a feast before the wedding one of the women beats a\ncopper dish and asks the ancestral spirits to attend, calling them by\nname. Another woman comes running in, barking like a dog. The women\ndrive her away, and with fun and laughing eat all the things they can\nlay their hands on. Prior to the rite the bride and bridegroom are\npurified in the same manner as when invested with the sacred shirt\nand cord. The bridegroom wears a long white robe reaching to his\nankles and a white sash round his waist; he has a garland of flowers\nround his neck, a red mark on his forehead, and carries a bunch of\nflowers and a cocoanut in his right hand. At every street corner\non his way to the bride's home a cocoanut is waved round his head,\nbroken and thrown away. He sets his right foot in the house first,\nand as he enters rice and water are thrown under his feet and an egg\nand cocoanut are broken. At the wedding the couple throw rice on each\nother, and it is supposed that whoever is quickest in throwing the\nrice will rule the other. They are then seated side by side, and two\npriests stand before them with a witness on each side, holding brass\nplates full of rice. The two priests pronounce the marriage blessing in\nold Persian and Sanskrit, at each sentence throwing rice on the bride's\nand bridegroom's heads. At intervals in the midst of the blessing the\nbridegroom and bride are asked in Persian, 'Have you chosen her?' and\n'Have you chosen him?' They answer in Persian, or if they are too\nyoung their mothers answer for them, 'I have chosen.' [364]\n\n\n\n\n12. Religion. Worship of fire.\n\nThe religious ritual of the Parsis consists of the worship of fire. The\nfire temples are of a single storey and contain three rooms. On\nreaching the outer hall the worshipper washes his face, hands and\nfeet, and recites a prayer. Then, carrying a piece of sandalwood and\nsome money for the officiating priest, he passes to the inner hall,\nin which a carpet is spread. He takes off his shoes and rings one of\nfour brass bells hanging at the corners of the room. The priest also\nrings one of these bells at each watch when he performs worship. He\nthen proceeds to the threshold of the central fire-room, kneels there,\nand again standing begins to recite prayers. None may enter the\nfire-room except the priests. Here the fire is kept always blazing\nin a silver or copper urn on a solid stone pedestal, and is fed day\nand night with sandal and other commoner woods. A priest is always\npresent, dressed in long white robes, his hands covered with white\ncloths and his face veiled. The worshipper lays down his offering of\nsandalwood at the entrance, and the priest takes it up with a pair\nof tongs, and gives him some ashes from the urn in a silver or brass\nladle. These the worshipper rubs on his forehead and eyebrows. On\nconcluding his prayers, which are in the Avesta language, he walks\nbackward to where he left his shoes and goes home. A Parsi man never\nallows his hearth fire to go out, and if he changes his residence he\ncarries it with him to the next place of abode.\n\n\n\n\n13. The Homa liquor.\n\nLike the Hindus, the Iranian ancestors of the Parsis revered the\nsacred liquor made from the Soma or Homa plant. It was considered\na panacea for all diseases, and many stories about the miraculous\neffects obtained from drinking the juice are contained in a hymn of\nthe Zend-Avesta composed in its honour. According to Dr. Mitchell [365]\nthe offering of Homa is still made at Parsi temples, though apparently\nsome substitute must have been obtained for the original plant, which\ndoes not grow in the plains of India. At any rate the offering and\nsacrificial drinking of the liquor were probably continued so long\nas the Parsis remained in Persia. As this is a comparatively cool\ncountry, the bad effects of alcohol did not perhaps become apparent to\nthe Parsis as they did to the Hindus in the plains of India, and hence\nthe sanctity attaching to the liquor underwent no similar decline. From\nthis it perhaps results that the Parsis have no feeling at all against\nalcohol, and drink it for pleasure, like Europeans. Both the toddy of\nthe date-palm and mahua spirit are freely consumed at their feasts,\nwhile the rich members of the community drink European wines and\nspirits. As any dealing in alcohol is practically prohibited to\nhigh-caste Hindus and also to Muhammadans, and low-caste Hindus have\nhitherto scarcely ever been literate, the Parsis on account of this\npeculiarity have found a profitable opening in the wholesale liquor\ntrade, and until recently have had very little effective competition\nto face. This is perhaps a reason for their special addiction to it,\nand also for their engaging in the sale of European stores and wines.\n\n\n\n\n14. Parsi priests.\n\nThe Parsi priests form a hereditary caste, and are all supposed to be\ndescended from one Shapur Sheheriar, who with his sons and grandsons,\none of whom translated the Zend-Avesta into Sanskrit, are believed\nto have been among the first Parsi settlers of the priestly caste at\nSanjan in north Thana. The training of a priest consists of learning\nsubstantial portions of the Zend-Avesta by heart, and in going through\nelaborate ceremonies of purification, in which the drinking of _nerang_\nand _nerangdin_, or cow's and bull's urine, being bathed, chewing\npomegranate leaves and rubbing the same urine and sand on his body\nare leading features. Priests always dress in white and wear a full\nbeard. They must never shave the head or face, and never allow the head\nto be bare nor wear coloured clothes. If a priest's turban happens to\nfall off, or if he travels by rail or sea, his state of purity ends,\nand he must go through the whole ceremony of purification again and\npass nine days in retreat at a temple. [366] The principal business\nof a priest, as already seen, is the tending of the sacred fire in\nthe temples, and he also conducts marriage and other ceremonies.\n\n\n\n\n15. The sacred shirt and cord.\n\nParsi boys and girls are received into the Zoroastrian faith between\nthe ages of seven and nine. The child is purified by being bathed,\nsipping bull's urine and chewing a pomegranate leaf, and makes the\nprofession of belief in the faith. He or she is then invested with\nthe sacred shirt, _sadra_, and the sacred cord or thread called\n_kusti_. The shirt is of thin muslin, with short sleeves and falling\na little below the hip. The sacred cord is of wool, and can be made\nonly by the wives and daughters of Parsi priests. [367]\n\n\n\n\n16. Disposal of the dead.\n\nThe Parsi method of exposing the dead in Dakhmas or towers of\nsilence to be devoured by vultures has often been described. It has\nobjectionable features, and the smaller communities in the interior\nof India do not as a rule erect towers of silence, and are content\nsimply to bury the dead. It seems probable that the original custom\nwas simply to expose the dead on waste land, the towers of silence\nbeing a substitute which became necessary when the Parsis began to live\nin towns. This hypothesis would explain some points in their funeral\ncustoms recorded in the _Bombay Gazetteer_. The dead body is washed,\ndressed in an old clean cloth and laid on the floor of the house,\nthe space being marked off. If the floor is of earth the surface of\nthis enclosed space is broken up. If the floor is of cement or stone\none or two stone slabs are set on it and the body laid on them; it\nis never laid on a wooden floor, nor on stone slabs placed on such a\nfloor. The space where the body was laid is marked off, and is not used\nfor a month if the death occurs between the eighth and twelfth months\nof the year, and for ten days if the death occurs between the first\nand seventh months. The last are said to be the hottest months. [368]\nIt would appear that these rules are a reminiscence of the time when\nthe body was simply exposed. It was then naturally always laid on\nearth or rock, and never on wood, hence the prohibition of a wooden\nfloor. The fact that the spot where the body is now laid in the house\nis held impure for a shorter period during the summer months may be\nexplained on the ground that all traces of the decaying corpse, after\nit had been devoured by wild animals and vultures, would have been\ndried up by the sun more quickly at this time than during the winter\nmonths. In the latter period, as the process would take longer, the\nplace in the home is similarly held impure for a month, as against\nten days in summer, though at present neither the sun nor weather\ncan possibly affect a site inside the house. The fact that when the\nfloor is of earth the site for the corpse is broken up may indicate\nthat it was formerly laid on rough waste ground, and not on a floor\nbeaten smooth, though it might also be simply a means of avoiding\ncontamination of the floor. But if this was the object it would be\nsimpler to avoid letting the body come into contact with the floor at\nall. The corpse may still be wrapped in an old cloth because it was\noriginally exposed in the cloth worn at death. The body is carried\nto the tower on an iron bier by special bearers; if the journey is a\nlong one a bullock cart may be used, but in this case the cart must\nbe broken up and the pieces buried near the tower. Before the funeral\nstarts a number of priests attend at the house and recite the prayers\nfor the dead. During the service a dog is brought in to look on the\nface of the dead. The mourners follow in the usual manner, and on\narrival at the tower the bearers alone take the corpse inside and lay\nit naked on one of the slabs, which are built in circular terraces in\nthe interior. The mourners must be purified at the tower by pouring\na little cow's urine into their hands, and on returning home they\nwash their face and hands, and recite a prayer before entering the\nhouse. They must bathe and have their clothes washed before these\nare again used. When a married man dies his widow breaks her glass\nbangles and wears only metal bracelets, and so long as she remains\na widow she takes no part in any festal celebrations. Every morning\nfor three days after a death rice is cooked and laid in the veranda\nfor dogs to eat. No other food is cooked in the house of death,\nthe family being supplied by their friends. During these three days\nprayers are said for the dead several times a day by priests, and\nkinsmen pay short visits of condolence. On the third day a meeting\nis held in the house and prayers are said for the dead; trays of\nflowers and burning incense are placed before the spot where the body\nlay, and a list of charitable gifts made by the family in memory of\nthe dead man is read. On the fourth day a feast is held specially\nfor priests, and friends are also asked to join in it. A little of\nthe food cooked on this day is sent to all relations and friends,\nwho make a point of eating or at least of tasting it. On the tenth\nand thirtieth days after death, and on monthly anniversaries for the\nfirst year, and subsequently on annual anniversaries, ceremonies in\nhonour of the dead are performed. [369]\n\n\n\n\n17. Previous exposure of the dead, and migration of souls.\n\nSome of these customs are peculiar and interesting. It has been seen\nthat for three days the home is impure, and no food is cooked in it\nexcept what is given to dogs; and since on the third day offerings\nare made on the spot where the body lay, it seems to be supposed\nthat the dead man's spirit is still there. On the fourth day is the\nfuneral feast, in which all relations and friends join, and after\nthis the house becomes pure, it being presumably held that the dead\nman's spirit has taken its departure. For these three days food is\ncooked in the house and given to dogs, and immediately after the\nman is dead a dog is brought in to look at his face. It has been\nsuggested that the manner of laying out the body recalls the time\nwhen it was simply exposed. But when it was exposed the body would\nhave been devoured principally by dogs and vultures, and the customs\nconnected with dogs seem to arise from this. The cooked food given\nto dogs for three days is perhaps a substitute for the flesh of the\ndead man which they would have eaten, and the display of the body to\na dog is in substitution for its being devoured by these animals, who\nnow that it is exposed in a tower of silence no longer have access\nto it. It has further been seen how during the marriage rites,\nafter an invitation has been issued to the ancestors to attend,\na woman comes in barking like a dog. The other women drive her away\nand laughingly eat everything they can lay their hands on, perhaps\nin imitation of the way dogs devour their food. This custom seems to\nindicate that the Parsis formerly believed that the spirits of their\nancestors went into the dogs which devoured their bodies, a belief\nwhich would be quite natural to primitive people. Such a hypothesis\nwould explain the peculiar customs mentioned, and also the great\nsanctity which the Parsis attach to dogs. On the same analogy they\nshould apparently also have believed that the spirits of ancestors\nwent into vultures; but it is not recorded that they show any special\nveneration for these birds, though it must be almost certain that\nthey do not kill them. The explanation given for the custom of the\nexposure of the dead is that none of the holy elements, earth, fire\nor water, can be polluted by receiving dead bodies. But, as already\nstated, towers of silence cannot be a primitive institution, and the\nbodies in all probability were previously exposed on the ground. The\ncustom of exposure probably dates from a period prior to the belief\nin the extreme sanctity of the earth. It may have been retained in\norder that the spirits of ancestors might find a fresh home in the\nanimals which devoured their bodies; and some platform, from which\nthe towers of silence subsequently developed, may have been made to\navoid defilement of the earth; while in after times this necessity\nof not defiling the earth and other elements might be advanced as a\nreason justifying the custom of exposure.\n\n\n\n\n18. Clothes, food and ceremonial observances.\n\nParsi men usually wear a turban of dark cloth spotted with white,\nfolded to stand up straight from the forehead, and looking somewhat as\nif it was made of pasteboard. This is very unbecoming, and younger men\noften abandon it and simply wear the now common felt cap. They usually\nhave long coats, white or dark, and white cotton trousers. Well-to-do\nParsi women dress very prettily in silks of various colours. The men\nformerly shaved the head, either entirely, or leaving a scalp-lock\nand two ear-locks. But now many of them simply cut their hair short\nlike the English. They wear whiskers and moustaches, but with the\nexception of the priests, not usually beards. Neither men nor women\never put off the sacred shirt or the thread. They eat the flesh only\nof goats and sheep among animals, and also consume fish, fowls and\nother birds; but they do not eat a cock after it has begun to crow,\nholding the bird sacred, because they think that its crowing drives\naway evil spirits. If Ahura Mazda represented the sun and the light\nof day, the cock, the herald of the dawn, might be regarded as his\nsacred bird. Sometimes when a cock or parrot dies the body is wrapped\nin a sacred shirt or thread and carefully buried. Palm-juice toddy is\na favourite drink at almost all meals in Gujarat, and mahua spirit\nis also taken. Parsis must never smoke, as this would be derogatory\nto the sacred element fire. [370]\n\n\n\n\n\nSaiva, Shaiva, Sivite Sect\n\n\n_Saiva, Shaiva, Sivite Sect_.--The name given to Hindus who\nvenerate Siva as their special god. Siva, whose name signifies\n'The Propitious,' is held to have succeeded to the Vedic god Rudra,\napparently a storm-god. Siva is a highly composite deity, having the\ndouble attributes of destroyer and creator of new life. His heaven,\nKailas, is in the Himalayas according to popular belief. He carries\nthe moon on his forehead, and from the central one of his three eyes\nthe lightning flashes forth. He has a necklace of skulls, and snakes\nare intertwined round his waist and arms. And he has long matted hair\n(_jata_), from which the Ganges flows. It seems likely that the matted\nlocks of the god represent the snow on the Himalayas, as the snow is\nin reality the source of the Ganges; the snow falling through the air\nand covering the peaks of the mountains might well suggest the hair\nof a mountain-god; and this interpretation seems to be accepted in\nMr. Bain's _In the Great God's Hair_. Siva has thus three components\nfrom which the idea of death might be derived: First, his residence on\nthe Himalaya mountains, the barren, lifeless region of ice and snow,\nand the cause of death to many pilgrims and travellers who ventured\ninto it. Secondly, he is the god of the moon, and hence of darkness\nand night, which are always associated with death. In this light he\nmight well be opposed to Vishnu, the god of the sun and day, and the\nsource of growth and life; their association as the two supreme deities\nrepresenting the preservation and destruction of life, would thus,\nto some extent, correspond to the conflict of good and bad deities\nrepresenting light and darkness among the Zoroastrians. Thirdly,\nSiva is a snake-god, and the sudden death dealt out by the poisonous\nsnake has always excited the greatest awe among primitive people. The\ncobra is widely revered in India, and it is probably this snake which\nis associated with the god. In addition the lightning, a swift,\ndeath-dealing power, is ascribed to Siva, and this may have been\none of his earliest attributes, as it was probably associated with\nhis Vedic prototype Rudra. Whether Siva obtained his character as a\ngod of destruction from one only of the above associations, or from\na combination of them, is probably not known. Two great forces lend\nthe deity his character of a god of reproduction, the bull and the\nphallic emblem. The bull tills the soil and renders it fertile and\ncapable of bringing forth the crops which form the sustenance of\nmankind; while the phallic emblem is worshipped as the instrument\nof generation. It is believed that there is a natural tendency to\nassociate these two objects, and to ascribe to the bull the capacity\nof inducing human fertility as well as the increase of the earth. It\nis in these two attributes that Siva is worshipped in the rural tract;\nhe is represented by the emblem referred to standing on a circular\ngrooved stone, which is the _yoni_, and in front of him is a stone\nbull. And he is revered almost solely as a beneficent deity under\nthe name of Mahadeo or the Great God. Thus his dual qualities of\ndestruction and reproduction appear to be produced by the combination\nin him of different objects of worship; the Himalayas, the moon,\nthe cobra and the lightning on the one hand, and the bull and the\nemblem of regeneration on the other. Other interesting characteristics\nof Siva are that he is the first and greatest of ascetics and that\nhe is immoderately addicted to the intoxicating drugs _ganja_ and\n_bhang_, the preparations of Indian hemp. It may be supposed that\nthe god was given his character as an ascetic in order to extend\ndivine sanction and example to the practice of asceticism when it\ncame into favour. And the drugs, [371] first revered themselves\nfor their intoxicating properties, were afterwards perpetuated in\na sacred character by being associated with the god. Siva's throat\nis blue, and it is sometimes said that this is on account of his\nimmoderate consumption of _bhang_. The _nilkanth_ or blue-jay, which\nwas probably venerated for its striking plumage, and is considered to\nbe a bird of very good omen, has become Siva's bird because its blue\nthroat resembles his. His principal sacred tree is the _bel_ tree,\n[372] which has trifoliate leaves, and may have been held sacred\non this account. The practice of Sati or the self-immolation of\nwidows has also been given divine authority by the story that Sati\nwas Siva's first wife, and that she committed suicide because she\nand her husband were not invited to Daksha's sacrifice. [373] Siva's\nfamous consort is the multiform Devi, Kali or Parvati, of whom some\nnotice is given elsewhere. [374] The cult of Siva has produced the\nimportant Sakta sect, who, however, venerate more especially the\nfemale principle of energy as exemplified in his consort. [375]\nAnother great sect of southern India, the Lingayats, worship him in\nthe character of the _lingam_ or phallic emblem, and are noticeable\nas being a Sivite sect who have abolished caste. The Sivite orders\nof Gosains or Dasnamis and Jogis also constitute an important feature\nof Hinduism. All these are separately described. Apart from them the\nHindus who call themselves Saivas because they principally venerate\nSiva, do not appear to have any very special characteristics, nor\nto be markedly distinguished from the Vaishnavas. They abstain from\nthe consumption of flesh and liquor, and think it objectionable to\ntake life. Their offerings to the god consist of flowers, the leaves\nof the _bel_ tree which is sacred to him, and ripe ears of corn,\nthese last being perhaps intended especially for the divine bull. The\nsect-mark of the Saivas consists of three curved lines horizontally\ndrawn across the forehead, which are said to represent the _tirsul_\nor trident of the god. A half-moon may also be drawn. The mark is\nmade with Ganges clay, sandalwood, or cowdung cakes, these last being\nconsidered to represent the disintegrating force of the deity. [376]\n\n\n\n\n\nSakta, Shakta Sect\n\n\n_Sakta, Shakta Sect_.--The name of a Hindu sect, whose members worship\nthe female principle of energy, which is the counterpart of the god\nSiva. The metaphysical ideas of Saktism are thus described by Sir\nEdward Gait: [377]\n\n\"Saktism is based on the worship of the active producing principle,\nPrakriti, as manifested in one or other of the goddess wives of Siva\n(Durga, Kali, Parvati) the female energy or Sakti of the primordial\nmale, Purusha or Siva. In this cult the various forces of nature are\ndeified under separate personalities, which are known as the divine\nmothers or Matrigan. The ritual to be observed, the sacrifices to\nbe offered, and the _mantras_ or magic texts to be uttered, in order\nto secure the efficacy of the worship and to procure the fulfilment\nof the worshipper's desire, are laid down in a series of religious\nwritings known as Tantras. The cult is supposed to have originated\nin East Bengal or Assam about the fifth century.\"\n\nDr. Bhattacharya states [378] that the practical essence of the Sakta\ncult is the worship of the female organ of generation. According to a\ntext of the Tantras the best form of Sakti worship is to adore a naked\nwoman, and it is said that some Tantrics actually perform their daily\nworship in their private chapels by placing before them such a woman. A\ntriangular plate of brass or copper may be taken as a substitute,\nand such plates are usually kept in the houses of Tantric Brahmans. In\nthe absence of a plate of the proper shape a triangle may be painted\non a copper dish. In public the veneration of the Saktas is paid to\nthe goddess Kali. She is represented as a woman with four arms. In\none hand she has a weapon, in a second the hand of the giant she has\nslain, and with the two others she is encouraging her worshippers. For\nearrings she has two dead bodies, she wears a necklace of skulls,\nand her only clothing is a garland made of men's skulls. In the Kalika\nPuran [379] the immolation of human beings is recommended, and numerous\nanimals are catalogued as suitable for sacrifice. At the present time\npigeons, goats, and more rarely buffaloes, are the usual victims at\nthe shrine of the goddess. The ceremony commences with the adoration\nof the sacrificial axe; various _mantras_ are recited, and the animal\nis then decapitated at one stroke. As soon as the head falls to the\nground the votaries rush forward and smear their foreheads with the\nblood of the victim. It is of the utmost importance that the ceremony\nshould pass off without any hitch or misadventure, [380] and special\nservices are held to supplicate the goddess to permit of this. If in\nspite of them the executioner fails to sever the head of the animal at\none stroke, it is thought that the goddess is angry and that some great\ncalamity will befall the family in the next year. If a death should\noccur within the period, they attribute it to the miscarriage of the\nsacrifice, that is to the animal not having been killed with a single\nblow. If any such misfortune should happen, Dr. Bhattacharya states,\nthe family generally determine never to offer animal sacrifices again;\nand in this way the slaughter of animals, as part of the religious\nceremony in private houses, is becoming more and more rare. If a goat\nis sacrificed, the head is placed before the goddess and the flesh\ncooked and served to the invited guests; but in the case of a buffalo,\nas respectable Hindus do not eat the flesh of this animal, it is given\nto the low-caste musicians employed for the occasion. Wine is also\noffered to the goddess, and after being consecrated is sprinkled on\nevery kind of uncooked food brought before her. But the worshipper\nand his family often drink only a few drops. The Saktas are divided\ninto the Dakshinacharis and Bamacharis, or followers of the right-\nand left-handed paths respectively. The Dakshinacharis have largely\nabandoned animal sacrifices, and many of them substitute red flowers\nor red sandalwood as offerings, to represent blood. An account of\nthose Bamacharis who carry sexual practices to extreme lengths, has\nbeen given in the article on Vam-Margi. The sect-mark of the Saktas is\nthree horizontal lines on the forehead made with a mixture of charcoal\nand butter. Some of them have a single vertical line of charcoal or\nsandalwood. In the Central Provinces Sakta is a general term for a\nHindu who eats meat, as opposed to the Vaishnavas and Kabirpanthis,\nwho abjure it. The animals eaten are goats and chickens, and they\nare usually sacrificed to the goddess Devi prior to being consumed\nby the worshippers.\n\n\n\n\n\nSatnami\n\n\n\nList of Paragraphs\n\n\n    1. _Origin of the sect_.\n    2. _Ghasi Das, founder of the Satnami sect_.\n    3. _The message of Ghasi Das_.\n    4. _Subsequent history of the Satnamis_.\n    5. _Social profligacy_.\n    6. _Divisions of the Satnamis_.\n    7. _Customs of the Satnamis_.\n    8. _Character of the Satnami movement_.\n\n\n\n\n1. Origin of the sect.\n\n_Satnami Sect_ [381] (A worshipper of the true name of God).--A\ndissenting sect founded by a Chamar reformer in the Chhattisgarh\ncountry of the Central Provinces. It is practically confined to members\nof the Chamar caste, about half of whom belong to it. In 1901 nearly\n400,000 persons returned themselves as adherents of the Satnami sect,\nof whom all but 2000 were Chamars. The Satnami sect of the Central\nProvinces, which is here described, is practically confined to the\nChhattisgarh plain, and the handful of persons who returned themselves\nas Satnamis from the northern Districts are believed to be adherents of\nthe older persuasion of the same name in Northern India. The Satnami\nmovement in Chhattisgarh was originated by one Ghasi Das, a native of\nthe Bilaspur District, between A.D. 1820 and 1830. But it is probable\nthat Ghasi Das, as suggested by Mr. Hira Lal, got his inspiration\nfrom a follower of the older Satnami sect of northern India. This\nwas inaugurated by a Rajput, Jagjiwan Das of the Bara Banki District,\nwho died in 1761. He preached the worship of the True Name of the one\nGod, the cause and creator of all things, void of sensible qualities\nand without beginning or end. He prohibited the use of meat, lentils\n(on account of their red colour suggesting blood) of the brinjal or\neggplant, which was considered, probably on account of its shape, to\nresemble flesh, and of intoxicating liquors. The creed of Ghasi Das\nenunciated subsequently was nearly identical with that of Jagjiwan Das,\nand was no doubt derived from it, though Ghasi Das never acknowledged\nthe source of his inspiration.\n\n\n\n\n2. Ghasi Das, founder of the Satnami sect.\n\nGhasi Das was a poor farmservant in Girod, a village formerly in\nBilaspur and now in Raipur, near the Sonakan forests. On one occasion\nhe and his brother started on a pilgrimage to the temple at Puri,\nbut only got as far as Sarangarh, whence they returned ejaculating\n'_Satnam, Satnam_.' From this time Ghasi Das began to adopt the life\nof an ascetic, retiring all day to the forest to meditate. On a rocky\nhillock about a mile from Girod is a large _tendu_ tree (_Diospyros\ntomentosa_) under which it is said that he was accustomed to sit. This\nis a favourite place of pilgrimage of the Chamars, and two Satnami\ntemples have been built near it, which contain no idols. Once these\ntemples were annually visited by the successors of Ghasi Das. But at\npresent the head of the sect only proceeds to them, like the Greeks\nto Delphi, in circumstances of special difficulty. In the course\nof time Ghasi Das became venerated as a saintly character, and on\nsome miracles, such as the curing of snake-bite, being attributed to\nhim, his fame rapidly spread. The Chamars began to travel from long\ndistances to venerate him, and those who entertained desires, such\nas for the birth of a child, believed that he could fulfil them. The\npilgrims were accustomed to carry away with them the water in which he\nhad washed his feet, in hollow bamboos, and their relatives at home\ndrank this, considering it was nectar. Finally, Ghasi Das retired\nto the forests for a period, and emerged with what he called a new\nGospel for the Chamars; but this really consisted of a repetition of\nthe tenets of Jagjiwan Das, the founder of the Satnami sect of Upper\nIndia, with a few additions. Mr. Chisholm [382] gave a graphic account\nof the retirement of Ghasi Das to the Sonakan forests for a period of\nsix months, and of his reappearance and proclamation of his revelation\non a fixed date before a great multitude of Chamars, who had gathered\nfrom all parts to hear him. An inquiry conducted locally by Mr. Hira\nLal in 1903 indicates that this story is of doubtful authenticity,\nthough it must be remembered that Mr. Chisholm wrote only forty\nyears after the event, and forty more had elapsed at the time of\nMr. Hira Lal's investigation. [383] Of the Chamar Reformer himself\nMr. Chisholm writes: [384] \"Ghasi Das, like the rest of his community,\nwas unlettered. He was a man of unusually fair complexion and rather\nimposing appearance, sensitive, silent, given to seeing visions,\nand deeply resenting the harsh treatment of his brotherhood by the\nHindus. He was well known to the whole community, having travelled\nmuch among them; had the reputation of being exceptionally sagacious\nand was universally respected.\"\n\n\n\n\n3. The message of Ghasi Das.\n\nThe seven precepts of Ghasi Das included abstinence from liquor, meat\nand certain red vegetables, such as lentils chillies and tomatoes,\nbecause they have the colour of blood, the abolition of idol worship,\nthe prohibition of the employment of cows for cultivation, and of\nploughing after midday or taking food to the fields, and the worship\nof the name of one solitary and supreme God. The use of _taroi_ [385]\nis said to have been forbidden on account of its fancied resemblance to\nthe horn of the buffalo, and of the brinjal [386] from its likeness to\nthe scrotum of the same animal. The prohibition against ploughing after\nthe midday meal was probably promulgated out of compassion for animals\nand was already in force among the Gonds of Bastar. This precept is\nstill observed by many Satnamis, and in case of necessity they will\ncontinue ploughing from early morning until the late afternoon without\ntaking food, in order not to violate it. The injunction against the\nuse of the cow for ploughing was probably a sop to the Brahmans,\nthe name of Gondwana having been historically associated with this\npractice to its disgrace among Hindus. [387] The Satnamis were\nbidden to cast all idols from their homes, but they were permitted\nto reverence the sun, as representing the deity, every morning and\nevening, with the ejaculation 'Lord, protect me.' Caste was abolished\nand all men were to be socially equal except the family of Ghasi Das,\nin which the priesthood of the cult was to remain hereditary.\n\n\n\n\n4. Subsequent history of the Satnamis.\n\nThe creed enunciated by their prophet was of a creditable\nsimplicity and purity, of too elevated a nature for the Chamars\nof Chhattisgarh. The crude myths which are now associated with the\nstory of Ghasi Das and the obscenity which distinguishes the ritual\nof the sect furnish a good instance of the way in which a religion,\noriginally of a high order of morality, will be rapidly degraded to\ntheir own level when adopted by a people who are incapable of living\nup to it. It is related that one day his son brought Ghasi Das a fish\nto eat. He was about to consume it when the fish spoke and forbade\nhim to do so. Ghasi Das then refrained, but his wife and two sons\ninsisted on eating the fish and shortly afterwards they died. [388]\nOvercome with grief Ghasi Das tried to commit suicide by throwing\nhimself down from a tree in the forest, but the boughs of the tree\nbent with him and he could not fall. Finally the deity appeared,\nbringing his two sons, and commended Ghasi Das for his piety, at the\nsame time bidding him go and proclaim the Satnami doctrine to the\nworld. Ghasi Das thereupon went and dug up the body of his wife,\nwho arose saying '_Satnam._' Ghasi Das lived till he was eighty\nyears old and died in 1850, the number of his disciples being then\nmore than a quarter of a million. He was succeeded in the office of\nhigh priest by his eldest son Balak Das. This man soon outraged the\nfeelings of the Hindus by assuming the sacred thread and parading\nit ostentatiously on public occasions. So bitter was the hostility\naroused by him, that he was finally assassinated at night by a party\nof Rajputs at the rest-house of Amabandha as he was travelling to\nRaipur. The murder was committed in 1860 and its perpetrators were\nnever discovered. Balak Das had fallen in love with the daughter of\na Chitari (painter) and married her, proclaiming a revelation to the\neffect that the next Chamar Guru should be the offspring of a Chitari\ngirl. Accordingly his son by her, Sahib Das, succeeded to the office,\nbut the real power remained in the hands of Agar Das, brother of Balak\nDas, who married his Chitari widow. By her Agar Das had a son Ajab\nDas; but he also had another son Agarman Das by a legitimate wife,\nand both claimed the succession. They became joint high priests,\nand the property has been partitioned between them. The chief _guru_\nformerly obtained a large income by the contributions of the Chamars on\nhis tours, as he received a rupee from each household in the villages\nwhich he visited on tour. He had a deputy, known as Bhandar, in many\nvillages, who brought the commission of social offences to his notice,\nwhen fines were imposed. He built a house in the village of Bhandar\nof the Raipur District, having golden pinnacles, and also owned the\nvillage. But he has been extravagant and become involved in debt, and\nboth house and village have been foreclosed by his creditor, though\nit is believed that a wealthy disciple has repurchased the house for\nhim. The golden pinnacles were recently stolen. The contributions\nhave also greatly fallen off.\n\nFormerly an annual fair was held at Bhandar to which all the\nSatnamis went and drank the water in which the _guru_ had dipped\nhis big toe. Each man gave him not less than a rupee and sometimes\nas much as fifty rupees. But the fair is no longer held and now the\nSatnamis only give the _guru_ a cocoanut when he goes on tour. The\nSatnamis also have a fair in Ratanpur, a sacred place of the Hindus,\nwhere they assemble and bathe in a tank of their own, as they are\nnot allowed to bathe in the Hindu tanks.\n\n\n\n\n5. Social profligacy.\n\nFormerly, when a Satnami Chamar was married, a ceremony called Satlok\ntook place within three years of the wedding, or after the birth of\nthe first son, which Mr. Durga Prasad Pande describes as follows:\nit was considered to be the initiatory rite of a Satnami, so that\nprior to its performance he and his wife were not proper members\nof the sect. When the occasion was considered ripe, a committee of\nmen in the village would propose the holding of the ceremony to the\nbridegroom; the elderly members of his family would also exert their\ninfluence upon him, because it was believed that if they died prior to\nits performance their disembodied spirits would continue a comfortless\nexistence about the scene of their mortal habitation, but if afterwards\nthat they would go straight to heaven. When the rite was to be held\na feast was given, the villagers sitting round a lighted lamp placed\non a water-pot in the centre of the sacred _chauk_ or square made\nwith lines of wheat-flour; and from evening until midnight they would\nsing and dance. In the meantime the newly married wife would be lying\nalone in a room in the house. At midnight her husband went in to her\nand asked her whom he should revere as his _guru_ or preceptor. She\nnamed a man and the husband went out and bowed to him and he then\nwent in to the woman and lay with her. The process would be repeated,\nthe woman naming different men until she was exhausted. Sometimes,\nif the head priest of the sect was present, he would nominate the\nfavoured men, who were known as _gurus_. Next morning the married\ncouple were seated together in the courtyard, and the head priest or\nhis representative tied a _kanthi_ or necklace of wooden beads round\ntheir necks, repeating an initiatory text. [389] This silly doggerel,\nas shown in the footnote, is a good criterion of the intellectual\ncapacity of the Satnamis. It is also said that during his annual\nprogresses it was the custom for the chief priest to be allowed\naccess to any of the wives of the Satnamis whom he might select,\nand that this was considered rather an honour than otherwise by the\nhusband. But the Satnamis have now become ashamed of such practices,\nand, except in a few isolated localities, they have been abandoned.\n\n\n\n\n6. Divisions of the Satnamis.\n\nGhasi Das or his disciples seem to have felt the want of a more ancient\nand dignified origin for the sect than one dating only from living\nmemory. They therefore say that it is a branch of that founded by Rohi\nDas, a Chamar disciple of the great liberal and Vaishnavite reformer\nRamanand, who flourished at the end of the fourteenth century. The\nSatnamis commonly call themselves Rohidasi as a synonym for their name,\nbut there is no evidence that Rohi Das ever came to Chhattisgarh,\nand there is practically no doubt, as already pointed out, that Ghasi\nDas simply appropriated the doctrine of the Satnami sect of northern\nIndia. One of the precepts of Ghasi Das was the prohibition of the\nuse of tobacco, and this has led to a split in the sect, as many of\nhis disciples found the rule too hard for them. They returned to their\n_chongis_ or leaf-pipes, and are hence called Chungias; they say that\nin his later years Ghasi Das withdrew the prohibition. The Chungias\nhave also taken to idolatry, and their villages contain stones covered\nwith vermilion, the representations of the village deities, which the\ntrue Satnamis eschew. They are considered lower than the Satnamis,\nand intermarriage between the two sections is largely, though not\nentirely, prohibited. A Chungia can always become a Satnami if he\nceases to smoke by breaking a cocoanut in the presence of his _guru_\nor preceptor or giving him a present. Among the Satnamis there is\nalso a particularly select class who follow the straitest sect of\nthe creed and are called _Jaharia_ from _jahar_, an essence. These\nnever sleep on a bed but always on the ground, and are said to wear\ncoarse uncoloured clothes and to eat no food but pulse or rice.\n\n\n\n\n7. Customs of the Satnamis.\n\nThe social customs of the Satnamis resemble generally those of other\nChamars. They will admit into the community all except members of\n\"the impure castes, as Dhobis (washermen), Ghasias (grass-cutters) and\nMehtars (sweepers), whom they regard as inferior to themselves. Their\nweddings must be celebrated only during the months of Magh (January),\nPhagun (February), the light half of Chait (March) and Baisakh\n(April). No betrothal ceremony can take place during the months\nof Shrawan (August) and Pus (January). They always bury the dead,\nlaying the body with the face downwards, and spread clothes in the\ngrave above and below it, so that it may be warm and comfortable\nduring the last long sleep. They observe mourning for three days and\nhave their heads shaved on the third day with the exception of the\nupper lip, which is never touched by the razor. The Satnamis as well\nas the Kabirpanthis in Chhattisgarh abstain from spirituous liquor,\nand ordinary Hindus who do not do so are known as Saktaha or Sakta\n(a follower of Devi) in contradistinction to them. A Satnami is put\nout of caste if he is beaten by a man of another caste, however high,\nand if he is touched by a sweeper, Ghasia or Mahar. Their women wear\nnose-rings, simply to show their contempt for the Hindu social order,\nas this ornament was formerly forbidden to the lower castes. Under\nnative dynasties any violation of a rule of this kind would have been\nseverely punished by the executive Government, but in British India\nthe Chamar women can indulge their whim with impunity. It was also\na rule of the sect not to accept cooked food from the hands of any\nother caste, whether Hindu or Muhammadan, but this has fallen into\nabeyance since the famines. Another method by which the Satnamis\nshow their contempt for the Hindu religion is by throwing milk and\ncurds at each other in sport and trampling it under foot. This is\na parody of the Hindu celebration of the Janam-Ashtami or Krishna's\nbirthday, when vessels of milk and curds are broken over the heads of\nthe worshippers and caught and eaten by all castes indiscriminately\nin token of amity. They will get into railway carriages and push up\npurposely against the Hindus, saying that they have paid for their\ntickets and have an equal right to a place. Then the Hindus are\ndefiled and have to bathe in order to become clean.\n\n\n\n\n8. Character of the Satnami movement.\n\nSeveral points in the above description point to the conclusion that\nthe Satnami movement is in essence a social revolt on the part of the\ndespised Chamars or tanners. The fundamental tenet of the gospel of\nGhasi Das, as in the case of so many other dissenting sects, appears\nto have been the abolition of caste, and with it of the authority of\nthe Brahmans; and this it was which provoked the bitter hostility of\nthe priestly order. It has been seen that Ghasi Das himself had been\ndeeply impressed by the misery and debasement of the Chamar community;\nhow his successor Balak Das was murdered for the assumption of the\nsacred thread; and how in other ways the Satnamis try to show their\ncontempt for the social order which brands them as helot outcastes. A\nlarge proportion of the Satnami Chamars are owners or tenants of land,\nand this fact may be surmised to have intensified their feeling of\nrevolt against the degraded position to which they were relegated by\nthe Hindus. Though slovenly cultivators and with little energy or\nforethought, the Chamars have the utmost fondness for land and an\nardent ambition to obtain a holding, however small. The possession\nof land is a hall-mark of respectability in India, as elsewhere, and\nthe low castes were formerly incapable of holding it; and it may be\nsurmised that the Chamar feels himself to be raised by his tenant-right\nabove the hereditary condition of village drudge and menial. But for\nthe restraining influence of the British power, the Satnami movement\nmight by now have developed in Chhattisgarh into a social war. Over\nmost of India the term Hindu is contrasted with Muhammadan, but in\nChhattisgarh to call a man a Hindu conveys primarily that he is not a\nChamar, or Chamara according to the contemptuous abbreviation in common\nuse. A bitter and permanent antagonism exists between the two classes,\nand this the Chamar cultivators carry into their relations with their\nHindu landlords by refusing to pay rent. The records of the criminal\ncourts contain many cases arising from collisions between Chamars\nand Hindus, several of which have resulted in riot and murder. Faults\nno doubt exist on both sides, and Mr. Hemingway, Settlement Officer,\nquotes an instance of a Hindu proprietor who made his Chamar tenants\ncart timber and bricks to Rajim, many miles from his village, to\nbuild a house for him during the season of cultivation, their fields\nconsequently remaining untilled. But if a proprietor once arouses the\nhostility of his Chamar tenants he may as well abandon his village for\nall the profit he is likely to obtain from it. Generally the Chamars\nare to blame, as pointed out by Mr. Blenkinsop who knows them well,\nand many of them are dangerous criminals, restrained only by their\ncowardice from the worst outrages against person and property. It\nmay be noted in conclusion that the spread of Christianity among the\nChamars is in one respect a replica of the Satnami movement, because\nby becoming a Christian the Chamar hopes also to throw off the social\nbondage of Hinduism. A missionary gentleman told the writer that one\nof the converted Chamars, on being directed to perform some menial\nduty of the village, replied: 'No, I have become a Christian and am\none of the Sahibs; I shall do no more _bigar_ (forced labour).'\n\n\n\n\n\nSikh Religion\n\n\n\nList of Paragraphs\n\n\n    1. _Foundation of Sikhism--Baba Nanak._\n    2. _The earlier Gurus_.\n    3. _Guru Govind Singh_.\n    4. _Sikh initiation and rules_.\n    5. _Character of the Nanakpanthis and Sikh sects._\n    6. _The Akalis._\n    7. _The Sikh Council or Guru-Mata. Their communal meal._\n\n\n\n\n1. Foundation of Sikhism--Baba Nanak.\n\n_Sikh, Akali_.--The Sikh religion and the history of the Sikhs have\nbeen fully described by several writers, and all that is intended in\nthis article is a brief outline of the main tenets of the sect for the\nbenefit of those to whom the more important works of reference may not\nbe available. The Central Provinces contained only 2337 Sikhs in 1911,\nof whom the majority were soldiers and the remainder probably timber\nor other merchants or members of the subordinate engineering service\nin which Punjabis are largely employed. The following account is taken\nfrom Sir Denzil Ibbetson's _Census Report of the Punjab_ for 1881:\n\n\"Sikhism was founded by Baba Nanak, a Khatri of the Punjab, who lived\nin the fifteenth century. But Nanak was not more than a religious\nreformer like Kabir, Ramanand, and the other Vaishnava apostles. He\npreached the unity of God, the abolition of idols, and the disregard\nof caste distinctions. [390] His doctrine and life were eminently\ngentle and unaggressive. He was succeeded by nine _gurus_, the last\nand most famous of whom, Govind Singh, died in 1708.\n\n\"The names of the _gurus_ were as follows:\n\n\n     1. Baba Nanak          1469-1538-9\n     2. Angad               1539-1552\n     3. Amar Das            1552-1574\n     4. Ram Das             1574-1581\n     5. Arjun               1581-1606\n     6. Har Govind          1606-1645\n     7. Har Rai             1645-1661\n     8. Har Kishen          1661-1664\n     9. Teg Bahadur         1664-1675\n    10. Govind Singh        1675-1708\n\n\n\n\n2. The earlier Gurus.\n\n\"Under the second Guru Angad an intolerant and ascetic spirit began\nto spring up among the followers of the new tenets; and had it not\nbeen for the good sense and firmness displayed by his successor,\nAmar Das, who excommunicated the Udasis and recalled his followers\nto the mildness and tolerance of Nanak, Sikhism would probably have\nmerely added one more to the countless orders of ascetics or devotees\nwhich are wholly unrepresented in the life of the people. The fourth\n_guru_, Ram Das, founded Amritsar; but it was his successor, Arjun,\nthat first organised his following. He gave them a written rule of\nfaith in the Granth or Sikh scripture which he compiled, he provided\na common rallying-point in the city of Amritsar which he made their\nreligious centre, and he reduced their voluntary contributions to\na systematic levy which accustomed them to discipline and paved the\nway for further organisation. He was a great trader, he utilised the\nservices and money of his disciples in mercantile transactions which\nextended far beyond the confines of India, and he thus accumulated\nwealth for his Church.\n\n\"Unfortunately he was unable wholly to abstain from politics; and\nhaving become a political partisan of the rebel prince Khusru, he was\nsummoned to Delhi and there imprisoned, and the treatment he received\nwhile in confinement hastened, if it did not cause, his death. And\nthus began that Muhammadan persecution which was so mightily to\nchange the spirit of the new faith. This was the first turning-point\nin Sikh history; and the effects of the persecution were immediately\napparent. Arjun was a priest and a merchant; his successor, Har Govind,\nwas a warrior. He abandoned the gentle and spiritual teaching of\nNanak for the use of arms and the love of adventure. He encouraged\nhis followers to eat flesh, as giving them strength and daring; he\nsubstituted zeal in the cause for saintliness of life as the price\nof salvation; and he developed the organised discipline which Arjun\nhad initiated. He was, however, a military adventurer rather than an\nenthusiastic zealot, and fought either for or against the Muhammadan\nempire as the hope of immediate gain dictated. His policy was followed\nby his two successors; and under Teg Bahadur the Sikhs degenerated\ninto little better than a band of plundering marauders, whose internal\nfactions aided to make them disturbers of the public peace. Moreover,\nTeg Bahadur was a bigot, while the fanatical Aurangzeb had mounted\nthe throne of Delhi. Him therefore Aurangzeb captured and executed\nas an infidel, a robber and a rebel, while he cruelly persecuted his\nfollowers in common with all who did not accept Islam.\n\n\n\n\n3. Guru Govind Singh.\n\n\"Teg Bahadur was succeeded by the last and greatest _guru_, his son\nGovind Singh; and it was under him that what had sprung into existence\nas a quietist sect of a purely religious nature, and had become a\nmilitary society of by no means high character, developed into the\npolitical organisation which was to rule the whole of north-western\nIndia, and to furnish the British arms their stoutest and most worthy\nopponents. For some years after his father's execution Govind Singh\nlived in retirement, and brooded over his personal wrongs and over\nthe persecutions of the Musalman fanatic which bathed the country in\nblood. His soul was filled with the longing for revenge; but he felt\nthe necessity for a larger following and a stronger organisation, and,\nfollowing the example of his Muhammadan enemies, he used his religion\nas the basis of political power. Emerging from his retirement he\npreached the Khalsa, the pure, the elect, the liberated. He openly\nattacked all distinctions of caste, and taught the equality of all\nmen who would join him; and instituting a ceremony of initiation,\nhe proclaimed it as the _pahul_ or 'gate' by which all might enter\nthe society, while he gave to its members the _prasad_ or communion\nas a sacrament of union in which the four castes should eat of one\ndish. The higher castes murmured and many of them left him, for he\ntaught that the Brahman's thread must be broken; but the lower orders\nrejoiced and flocked in numbers to his standard. These he inspired\nwith military ardour, with the hope of social freedom and of national\nindependence, and with abhorrence of the hated Muhammadan. He gave\nthem outward signs of their faith in the unshorn hair, the short\ndrawers, and the blue dress; he marked the military nature of their\ncalling by the title of Singh or 'lion,' by the wearing of steel,\nand by the initiation by sprinkling of water with a two-edged dagger;\nand he gave them a feeling of personal superiority in their abstinence\nfrom the unclean tobacco.\n\n\"The Muhammadans promptly responded to the challenge, for the\ndanger was too serious to be neglected; the Sikh army was dispersed,\nand Govind's mother, wife and children were murdered at Sirhind by\nAurangzeb's orders. The death of the emperor brought a temporary lull,\nand a year later Govind himself was assassinated while fighting the\nMarathas as an ally of Aurangzeb's successor. He did not live to see\nhis ends accomplished, but he had roused the dormant spirit of the\npeople, and the fire which he lit was only damped for a while. His\nchosen disciple Banda succeeded him in the leadership, though never\nrecognised as _guru_. The internal commotions which followed upon the\ndeath of the emperor, Bahadur Shah, and the attacks of the Marathas\nweakened the power of Delhi, and for a time Banda carried all before\nhim; but he was eventually conquered and captured in A.D. 1716, and a\nperiod of persecution followed so sanguinary and so terrible that for\na generation nothing more was heard of the Sikhs. How the troubles of\nthe Delhi empire thickened, how the Sikhs again rose to prominence,\nhow they disputed the possession of the Punjab with the Mughals, the\nMarathas and the Durani, and were at length completely successful, how\nthey divided into societies under their several chiefs and portioned\nout the Province among them, and how the genius of Ranjit Singh\nraised him to supremacy and extended his rule beyond the limits of\nthe Punjab, are matters of political and not of religious history. No\nformal alteration has been made in the Sikh religion since Govind Singh\ngave it its military shape; and though changes have taken place, they\nhave been merely the natural result of time and external influences.\n\n\n\n\n4. Sikh initiation and rules.\n\n\"The word Sikh is said to be derived from the common Hindu term\nSewak and to mean simply a disciple; it may be applied therefore\nto the followers of Nanak who held aloof from Govind Singh, but in\npractice it is perhaps understood to mean only the latter, while\nthe Nanakpanthis are considered as Hindus. A true Sikh always takes\nthe termination Singh to his name on initiation, and hence they\nare sometimes known as Singhs in distinction to the Nanakpanthis. A\nman is also not born a Sikh, but must always be initiated, and the\n_pahul_ or rite of baptism cannot take place until he is old enough\nto understand it, the earliest age being seven, while it is often\npostponed till manhood. Five Sikhs must be present at the ceremony,\nwhen the novice repeats the articles of the faith and drinks sugar\nand water stirred up with a two-edged dagger. At the initiation of\nwomen a one-edged dagger is used, but this is seldom done. Thus most\nof the wives of Sikhs have never been initiated, nor is it necessary\nthat their children should become Sikhs when they grow up. The faith\nis unattractive to women owing to the simplicity of its ritual and the\nabsence of the feasts and ceremonies so abundant in Hinduism; formerly\nthe Sikhs were accustomed to capture their wives in forays, and hence\nperhaps it was considered of no consequence that the husband and\nwife should be of different faith. The distinguishing marks of a true\nSikh are the five _Kakkas_ or _K's_ which he is bound to carry about\nhis person: the _Kes_ or uncut hair and unshaven beard; the _Kachh_\nor short drawers ending above the knee; the _Kasa_ or iron bangle;\nthe _Khanda_ or steel knife; and the _Kanga_ or comb. The other rules\nof conduct laid down by Guru Govind Singh for his followers were to\ndress in blue clothes and especially eschew red or saffron-coloured\ngarments and caps of all sorts, to observe personal cleanliness,\nespecially in the hair, and practise ablutions, to eat the flesh of\nsuch animals only as had been killed by _jatka_ or decapitation,\nto abstain from tobacco in all its forms, never to blow out flame\nnor extinguish it with drinking-water, to eat with the head covered,\npray and recite passages of the Granth morning and evening and before\nall meals, reverence the cow, abstain from the worship of saints and\nidols and avoid mosques and temples, and worship the one God only,\nneglecting Brahmans and Mullas, and their scriptures, teaching, rites\nand religious symbols. Caste distinctions he positively condemned\nand instituted the _prasad_ or communion, in which cakes of flour,\nbutter and sugar are made and consecrated with certain ceremonies while\nthe communicants sit round in prayer, and then distributed equally\nto all the faithful present, to whatever caste they may belong. The\nabove rules, so far as they enjoin ceremonial observances, are still\nvery generally obeyed. But the daily reading and recital of the\nGranth is discontinued, for the Sikhs are the most uneducated class\nin the Punjab, and an occasional visit to the Sikh temple where the\nGranth is read aloud is all that the villager thinks necessary. Blue\nclothes have been discontinued save by the fanatical Akali sect, as\nhave been very generally the short drawers or Kachh. The prohibition\nof tobacco has had the unfortunate effect of inducing the Sikhs to\ntake to hemp and opium, both of which are far more injurious than\ntobacco. The precepts which forbid the Sikh to venerate Brahmans\nor to associate himself with Hindu worship are entirely neglected;\nand in the matter of the worship of local saints and deities, and\nof the employment of and reverence for Brahmans, there is little,\nwhile in current superstitions and superstitious practices there is\nno difference between the Sikh villager and his Hindu brother.\" [391]\n\n\n\n\n5. Character of the Nanakpanthis and Sikh sects.\n\nIt seems thus clear that if it had not been for the political and\nmilitary development of the Sikh movement, it would in time have lost\nmost of its distinctive features and have come to be considered as a\nHindu sect of the same character, if somewhat more distinctive than\nthose of the Nanakpanthis and Kabirpanthis. But this development and\nthe founding of the Sikh State of Lahore created a breach between the\nSikhs and ordinary Hindus wider than that caused by their religious\ndifferences, as was sufficiently demonstrated during the Mutiny. In\ntheir origin both the Sikh and Nanakpanthi sects appear to have\nbeen mainly a revolt against the caste system, the supremacy of\nBrahmans and the degrading mass of superstitions and reverence of\nidols and spirit-worship which the Brahmans encouraged for their own\nprofit. But while Nanak, influenced by the observation of Islamic\nmonotheism, attempted to introduce a pure religion only, the aim\nof Govind was perhaps political, and he saw in the caste system an\nobstacle to the national movement which he desired to excite against\nthe Muhammadans. So far as the abolition of caste was concerned,\nboth reformers have, as has been seen, largely failed, the two sects\nnow recognising caste, while their members revere Brahmans like\nordinary Hindus.\n\n\n\n\n6. The Akalis.\n\nThe Akalis or Nihangs are a fanatical order of Sikh ascetics. The\nfollowing extract is taken from Sir E. Maclagan's account of them:\n[392]\n\n\"The Akalis came into prominence very early by their stout resistance\nto the innovations introduced by the Bairagi Banda after the death of\nGuru Govind; but they do not appear to have had much influence during\nthe following century until the days of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. They\nconstituted at once the most unruly and the bravest portion of the\nvery unruly and brave Sikh army. Their headquarters were at Amritsar,\nwhere they constituted themselves the guardians of the faith and\nassumed the right to convoke synods. They levied offerings by force\nand were the terror of the Sikh chiefs. Their good qualities were,\nhowever, well appreciated by the Maharaja, and when there were\nspecially fierce foes to meet, such as the Pathans beyond the Indus,\nthe Akalis were always to the front.\n\n\"The Akali is distinguished very conspicuously by his dark-blue and\nchecked dress, his peaked turban, often surmounted with steel quoits,\nand by the fact of his strutting about like Ali Baba's prince with\nhis 'thorax and abdomen festooned with curious cutlery.' He is most\nparticular in retaining the five _Kakkas_, and in preserving every\noutward form prescribed by Guru Govind Singh. Some of the Akalis wear\na yellow turban underneath the blue one, leaving a yellow band across\nthe forehead. The yellow turban is worn by many Sikhs at the Basant\nPanchmi, and the Akalis are fond of wearing it at all times. There\nis a couplet by Bhai Gurdas which says:\n\n\n    Siah, Sufed, Surkh, Zardae,\n    Jo pahne, sot Gurbhai;\n\n\nor, 'Those that wear black (the Akalis), white (the Nirmalas), red (the\nUdasis) or yellow, are all members of the brotherhood of the Sikhs.'\n\n\"The Akalis do not, it is true, drink spirits or eat meat as other\nSikhs do, but they are immoderate in the consumption of _bhang_. They\nare in other respects such purists that they will avoid Hindu rites\neven in their marriage ceremonies.\n\n\"The Akali is full of memories of the glorious day of the Khalsa;\nand he is nothing if he is not a soldier, a soldier of the Guru. He\ndreams of armies, and he thinks in lakhs. If he wishes to imply that\nfive Akalis are present, he will say that 'five lakhs are before you';\nor if he would explain he is alone, he will say that he is with 'one\nand a quarter lakhs of the Khalsa.' You ask him how he is, and he\nreplies that 'The army is well'; you inquire where he has come from,\nand he says, 'The troops marched from Lahore.' The name Akali means\n'immortal.' When Sikhism was politically dominant, the Akalis were\naccustomed to extort alms by accusing the principal chiefs of crimes,\nimposing fines upon them, and in the event of their refusing to pay,\npreventing them from performing their ablutions or going through any\nof the religious ceremonies at Amritsar.\"\n\n\n\n\n7. The Sikh Council or Guru-Mata. Their communal meal.\n\nThe following account was given by Sir J. Malcolm of the Guru-Mata\nor great Council of the Sikhs and their religious meal: [393] \"When a\nGuru-Mata or great national Council is called on the occasion of any\ndanger to the country, all the Sikh chiefs assemble at Amritsar. The\nassembly is convened by the Akalis; and when the chiefs meet upon this\nsolemn occasion it is concluded that all private animosities cease,\nand that every man sacrifices his personal feelings at the shrine of\nthe general good.\n\n\"When the chiefs and principal leaders are seated, the Adi-Granth\nand Dasama Padshah Ka Granth [394] are placed before them. They all\nbend their heads before the Scriptures and exclaim, '_Wah Guruji ka\nKhalsa! wah Guruji ka Fateh!_' [395] A great quantity of cakes made of\nwheat, butter and sugar are then placed before the volumes of their\nsacred writings and covered with a cloth. These holy cakes, which\nare in commemoration of the injunction of Nanak to eat and to give to\nothers to eat next receive the salutation of the assembly, who then\nrise, while the Akalis pray aloud and the musicians play. The Akalis,\nwhen the prayers are finished, desire the Council to be seated. They\nsit down, and the cakes are uncovered and eaten by all classes of\nthe Sikhs, those distinctions of tribe and caste which are on other\noccasions kept up being now laid aside in token of their general and\ncomplete union in one cause. The Akalis proclaim the Guru-Mata, and\nprayers are again said aloud. The chiefs after this sit closer and\nsay to each other, 'The sacred Granth is between us, let us swear by\nour Scriptures to forget all internal disputes and to be united.' This\nmoment of religious fervour is taken to reconcile all animosities. They\nthen proceed to consider the danger with which they are threatened,\nto devise the best plans for averting it and to choose the generals who\nare to lead their armies against the common enemy.\" The first Guru-Mata\nwas assembled by Guru Govind, and the latest was called in 1805, when\nthe British Army pursued Holkar into the Punjab. The Sikh Army was\nknown as Dal Khalsa, or the Army of God, _khalsa_ being an Arabic word\nmeaning one's own. [396] At the height of the Sikh power the followers\nof this religion only numbered a small fraction of the population of\nthe Punjab, and its strength is now declining. In 1911 the Sikhs were\nonly three millions in the Punjab population of twenty-four millions.\n\n\n\n\n\nSmarta Sect\n\n\n_Smarta Sect_.--This is an orthodox Hindu sect, the members of which\nare largely Brahmans. The name is derived from Smriti or tradition,\na name given to the Hindu sacred writings, with the exception of the\nVedas, which last are regarded as a divine revelation. Members of\nthe sect worship the five deities, Siva, Vishnu, Suraj or the sun,\nGanpati and Sakti, the divine principle of female energy corresponding\nto Siva. They say that their sect was founded by Shankar Acharya, the\ngreat Sivite reformer and opponent of Buddhism, but this appears to\nbe incorrect. Shankar Acharya himself is said to have believed in one\nunseen God, who was the first cause and sole ruler of the universe;\nbut he countenanced for the sake of the weaker brethren the worship\nof orthodox Hindu deities and of their idols.\n\n\n\n\n\nSwami-Narayan Sect\n\n\n\n\n1. The founder.\n\n_Swami-Narayan Sect._ [397]--This, one of the most modern Vaishnava\nsects, was founded by Sahajanand Swami, a Sarwaria Brahman, born\nnear Ajodhia in the United Provinces in A.D. 1780. At an early age he\nbecame a religious mendicant, and wandered all over India, visiting\nthe principal shrines. When twenty years old he was made a Sadhu of\nthe Ramanandi order, and soon nominated as his successor by the head\nof the order. He preached with great success in Gujarat, and though\nhis tenets do not seem to have differed much from the Ramanandi creed,\nhis personal influence was such that his followers founded a new sect\nand called it after him. He proclaimed the worship of one sole deity,\nKrishna or Narayana, whom he identified with the sun, and apparently\nhis followers held, and he inclined to believe himself, that he was a\nfresh incarnation of Vishnu. It is said that he displayed miraculous\npowers before his disciples, entrancing whomsoever he cast his eyes\nupon, and causing them in this mesmeric state (Samadhi) to imagine\nthey saw Sahajanand as Krishna with yellow robes, weapons of war,\nand other characteristics of the God, and to behold him seated as\nchief in an assembly of divine beings.\n\n\n\n\n2. Tenets of the sect.\n\nHis creed prohibited the destruction of animal life; the use of animal\nfood and intoxicating liquors or drugs on any occasion; promiscuous\nintercourse with the other sex; suicide, theft and robbery, and false\naccusations. Much good was done, the Collector testified, by his\npreaching among the wild Kolis of Gujarat; [398] his morality was said\nto be far better than any which could be learned from the Shastras;\nhe condemned theft and bloodshed; and those villages and Districts\nwhich had received him, from being among the worst, were now among\nthe best and most orderly in the Province of Bombay. His success\nwas great among the lower castes, as the Kolis, Bhils and Kathis. He\nwas regarded by his disciples as the surety of sinners, his position\nin this respect resembling that of the Founder of Christianity. To\nBishop Heber he said that while he permitted members of different\ncastes to eat separately here below, in the future life there would\nbe no distinction of castes. [399] His rules for the conduct of the\nsexes towards each other were especially severe. No Sadhu of the\nSwami-Narayan sect might ever touch a woman, even the accidental\ntouching of any woman other than a mother having to be expiated by a\nwhole-day fast. Similarly, should a widow-disciple touch even a boy\nwho was not her son, she had to undergo the same penalty. There were\nseparate passages for women in their large temples, and separate\nreading and preaching halls for women, attended by wives of the\nAcharyas or heads of the sect. These could apparently be married,\nbut other members of the priestly order must remain single; while\nthe lay followers lived among their fellows, pursuing their ordinary\nlives and avocations. The strictness of the Swami on sexual matters\nwas directed against the licentious practices of the Maharaj or\nVallabhacharya order. He boldly denounced the irregularities they\nhad introduced into their forms of worship, and exposed the vices\nwhich characterised the lives of their clergy. This attitude, as\nwell as the prohibition of the worship of idols, earned for him the\nhostility of the Peshwa and the Maratha Brahmans, and he was subjected\nto a considerable degree of persecution; his followers were taught\nthe Christian doctrine of suffering injury without retaliation, and\nthe devotees of hostile sects took advantage of this to beat them\nunmercifully, some being even put to death.\n\n\n\n\n3. Meeting with Bishop Heber.\n\nIn order to protect the Swami, his followers constituted from\nthemselves an armed guard, as shown by Bishop Heber's account of\ntheir meeting: \"About eleven o'clock I had the expected visit from\nSwami-Narayan. He came in a somewhat different guise from all which\nI expected, having with him near 200 horsemen, mostly well-armed\nwith matchlocks and swords, and several of them with coats of mail\nand spears. Besides them he had a large rabble on foot with bows and\narrows, and when I considered that I had myself an escort of more than\nfifty horses and fifty muskets and bayonets, I could not help smiling,\nthough my sensations were in some degree painful and humiliating,\nat the idea of two religious teachers meeting at the head of little\narmies, and filling the city which was the scene of their interview\nwith the rattling of gunners, the clash of shields and the tramp\nof the war-horse. Had our troops been opposed to each other, mine,\nthough less numerous, would have been doubtless far more effective\nfrom the superiority of arms and discipline. But in moral grandeur\nwhat a difference was there between his troop and mine. Mine neither\nknew me nor cared for me; they escorted me faithfully and would have\ndefended me bravely, because they were ordered by their superiors to do\nso. The guards of Swami-Narayan were his own disciples and enthusiastic\nadmirers, men who had voluntarily repaired to hear his lessons, who\nnow took a pride in doing him honour, and would cheerfully fight to\nthe last drop of blood rather than suffer a fringe of his garment to\nbe handled roughly.... The holy man himself was a middle-aged, thin\nand plain-looking person, about my own age, with a mild expression of\ncountenance, but nothing about him indicative of any extraordinary\ntalent. I seated him on a chair at my right hand and offered two\nmore to the Thakur and his son, of which, however, they did not avail\nthemselves without first placing their hands under the feet of their\nspiritual guide and then pressing them reverently to their foreheads.\"\n\n\n\n\n4. Meeting with Governor of Bombay.\n\nOwing, apparently, to the high moral character of his preaching and\nhis success in reducing to order and tranquillity the turbulent Kolis\nand Bhils who accepted his doctrines, Swami-Narayan enjoyed a large\nmeasure of esteem and regard from the officers of Government. This\nwill be evidenced from the following account of his meeting with the\nGovernor of Bombay: [400] \"On the receipt of the above two letters,\nSwami-Narayan Maharaj proceeded to Rajkote to visit the Right\nHonourable the Governor, and on the 26th February 1830 was escorted\nas a mark of honourable reception by a party of troops and military\nfoot-soldiers to the Political Agent's bungalow, when His Excellency\nthe Governor, the Secretary, Mr. Thomas Williamson, six other European\ngentlemen, and the Political Agent, Mr. Blane, having come out of\nthe bungalow to meet the Swami-Narayan, His Excellency conducted the\nSwami, hand in hand, to a hall in the bungalow and made him sit on\na chair. His Excellency afterwards with pleasure enquired about the\nprinciples of his religion, which were communicated accordingly. His\nExcellency also made a present to Swami-Narayan of a pair of shawls\nand other piece-goods. Swami-Narayan was asked by the Governor whether\nhe and his disciples have had any harm under British rule; and His\nExcellency was informed in reply that there was nothing of the sort,\nbut that on the contrary every protection was given them by all the\nofficers in authority. His Excellency then asked for a code of the\nreligion of Swami-Narayan, and the book called the Shiksapatri was\npresented to him accordingly. Thus after a visit extending to an hour\nSwami-Narayan asked permission to depart, when he was sent back with\nthe same honours with which he had been received, all the European\nofficers accompanying him out of the door from the bungalow.\"\n\n\n\n\n5. Conclusion.\n\nThe author of the above account is not given, and it apparently\nemanates from a follower of the saint, but there seems little reason\nto doubt its substantial accuracy, and it certainly demonstrates the\nhigh estimation in which he was held. After his death his disciples\nerected Chauras or resthouses and monuments to his memory in all the\nvillages and beneath all the trees where he had at any time made any\nstay in Gujarat; and here he is worshipped by the sect. In 1901 the\nsect had about 300,000 adherents in Gujarat. In the Central Provinces\na number of persons belong to it in Nimar, principally of the Teli\ncaste. The Telis of Nimar are anxious to improve their social position,\nwhich is very low, and have probably joined the sect on account of\nits liberal principles on the question of caste.\n\n\n\n\n\n\nVaishnava, Vishnuite Sect\n\n\n\n\n1. Vishnu as representing the sun.\n\n_Vaishnava, Vishnuite Sect_.--The name given to Hindus whose\nspecial deity is the god Vishnu, and to a number of sects which have\nadopted various special doctrines based on the worship of Vishnu\nor of one of his two great incarnations, Rama and Krishna. Vishnu\nwas a personification of the sun, though in ancient literature\nthe sun is more often referred to under another name, as Savitri,\nSurya and Aditya. It may perhaps be the case that when the original\nsun-god develops into a supreme deity with the whole heavens as\nhis sphere, the sun itself comes to be regarded as a separate and\nminor deity. His weapon of the _chakra_ or discus, which was probably\nmeant to resemble the sun, supports the view of Vishnu as a sun-god,\nand also his _vahan_, the bird Garuda, on which he rides. This is\nthe Brahminy kite, a fine bird with chestnut plumage and white head\nand breast, which has been considered a sea-eagle. Mr. Dewar states\nthat it remains almost motionless at a great height in the air for\nlong periods; and it is easy to understand how in these circumstances\nprimitive people mistook it for the spirit of the sky, or the vehicle\nof the sun-god. It is propitious for a Hindu to see a Brahminy kite,\nespecially on Sunday, the sun's day, for it is believed that the bird\nis then returning from Vishnu, whom it has gone to see on the previous\nevening. [401] A similar belief has probably led to the veneration\nof the eagle in other countries and its association with the god of\nthe sky or heavens, as in the case of Zeus. Similarly the Gayatri,\nthe most sacred Hindu prayer, is addressed to the sun, and it could\nhardly have been considered so important unless the luminary was\nidentified with one of the greatest Hindu gods. Every Brahman prays\nto the sun daily when he bathes in the morning. Vishnu's character\nas the preserver and fosterer of life is probably derived from the\nsun's generative power, so conspicuous in India.\n\nAs the sun is seen to sink every night into the earth, so it was\nthought that he could come down to earth, and Vishnu has done this\nin many forms for the preservation of mankind.\n\n\n\n\n2. His incarnations.\n\nHe is generally considered to have had ten incarnations, of which nine\nare past and one is still to come. The incarnations were as follows:\n\n1. As a great fish he guided the ark in which Manu the primeval man\nescaped from the deluge.\n\n2. As a tortoise he supported the earth and poised it in its present\nposition; or according to another version he lay at the bottom of\nthe sea while the mountain Meru was set on its peak on his back,\nand with the serpent Vasuki as a rope round the mountain the ocean\nwas churned by the gods for making the divine Amrit or nectar which\ngives immortality.\n\n3. As a boar he dived under the sea and raised the earth on his tusks\nafter it had been submerged by a demon.\n\n4. As Narsingh, the man-lion, he delivered the world from the tyranny\nof another demon.\n\n5. As Waman or a dwarf he tricked the King Bali, who had gained\npossession over the earth and nether world and was threatening the\nheavens, by asking for as much ground as he could cover in three\nsteps. When his request was derisively granted he covered heaven and\nearth in two steps, but on Bali's intercession left him the nether\nregions and refrained from making the third step which would have\ncovered them.\n\n6. As Parasurama [402] he cleared the earth of the Kshatriyas,\nwho had oppressed the Brahman hermits and stolen the sacred cow,\nby a slaughter of them thrice seven times repeated.\n\n7. As Rama, the divine king of Ajodhia or Oudh, he led an expedition\nto Ceylon for the recovery of his wife Sita, who had been abducted\nby Rawan, the demon king of Ceylon. This story probably refers to\nan early expedition of the Aryans to southern India, in which they\nmay have obtained the assistance of the Munda tribes, represented by\nHanuman and his army of apes.\n\n8. As Krishna he supported the Pandavas in their war against the\nKauravas, and at the head of the Yadava clan founded the city of\nDwarka in Gujarat, where he was afterwards killed. The popular group\nof legends about Krishna in his capacity of a cowherd in the forests of\nMathura was perhaps at first distinct and afterwards combined with the\nstory of the Yadava prince. [403] But it is in this latter character as\nthe divine cowherd that Krishna is most generally known and worshipped.\n\n9. As Buddha he was the great founder of the religion known by his\nname; the Brahmans, by making Buddha an incarnation of Vishnu, have\nthus provided a connecting link between Buddhism and Hinduism.\n\nIn his tenth incarnation he will come again as Nishka-lanki or the\nstainless one for the final regeneration of the world, and his advent\nis expected by some Hindus, who worship him in this form.\n\n\n\n\n3. Worship of Vishnu and Vaishnava doctrines.\n\nIn the Central Provinces Vishnu is worshipped as Narayan Deo, who is\nidentified with the sun, or as Parmeshwar, the supreme beneficent\ngod. He is also much worshipped in his incarnations as Rama and\nKrishna, and their images, with those of their consorts, Sita and\nRadha, are often to be found in his temples as well as in their\nown. These images are supposed to be subject to all the conditions and\nnecessities incident to living humanity. Hence in the daily ritual\nthey are washed, dressed, adorned and even fed like human beings,\nfood being daily placed before them, and its aroma, according to\npopular belief, nourishing the god present in the image.\n\nThe principal Vishnuite sects are described in the article on Bairagi,\nand the dissenting sects which have branched off from these in special\narticles. [404] The cult of Vishnu and his two main incarnations is\nthe most prominent feature of modern Hinduism. The orthodox Vaishnava\nsects mainly differed on the point whether the human soul or spirit\nwas a part of the divine soul or separate from it, and whether it\nwould be reabsorbed into the divine soul, or have a separate existence\nafter death. But they generally regarded all human souls as of one\nquality, and hence were opposed to distinctions of caste. Animals\nalso have souls or spirits, and the Vishnuite doctrine is opposed to\nthe destruction of animal life in any form. In the Bania caste the\npractices of Vaishnava Hindus and Jains present so little difference\nthat they can take food together, and even intermarry. The creed is\nalso opposed to suicide.\n\nFaithful worshippers of Vishnu will after his death be transported\nto his heaven, Vaikuntha, or to Golaka, the heaven of Krishna. The\nsect-mark of the Vaishnavas usually consists of three lines down\nthe forehead, meeting at the root of the nose or below it. All three\nlines may be white, or the centre one black or red, and the outside\nones white. They are made with a kind of clay called Gopichandan,\nand are sometimes held to be the impress of Vishnu's foot. To put\non the sect-mark in the morning is to secure the god's favour and\nprotection during the day.\n\n\n\n\n\nVam-Margi, Bam-Margi, Vama-Chari Sect.\n\n\n_Vam-Margi, Bam-Margi, Vama-Chari Sect._ [405]--A sect who follow the\nworship of the female principle in nature and indulge in sensuality\nat their rites according to the precepts of the Tantras. The name\nsignifies 'the followers of the crooked or left-handed path.' Their\nprincipal sacred text is the Rudra-Yamal-Damru Tantra, which is said\nto have been promulgated by Rudra or Siva through his Damru or drum\nat the end of his dance in Kailas, his heaven in the Himalayas. The\nTantras, according to Professor Monier-Williams, inculcate an exclusive\nworship of Siva's wife as the source of every kind of supernatural\nfaculty and mystic craft. The principle of female energy is known\nas Sakti, and is personified in the female counterparts of all the\nGods of the Hindu triad, but is practically concentrated in Devi or\nKali. The five requisites for Tantra worship are said to be the five\nMakaras or words beginning with M: Madya, wine; Mansa, flesh; Matsya,\nfish; Mudra, parched grain and mystic gesticulation; and Maithuna,\nsexual indulgence. Among the Vam-Margis both men and women are said\nto assemble at a secret meeting-place, and their rite consists in the\nadoration of a naked woman who stands in the centre of the room with a\ndrawn sword in her hand. The worshippers then eat fish, meat and grain,\nand drink liquor, and thereafter indulge in promiscuous debauchery. The\nfollowers of the sect are mainly Brahmans, though other castes may be\nadmitted. The Vam-Margis usually keep their membership of the sect a\nsecret, but their special mark is said to be a semicircular line or\nlines of red powder or vermilion on the forehead, with a red streak\nhalf-way up the centre, and a circular spot of red at the root of\nthe nose. They use a rosary of rudraksha or of coral beads, but of no\ngreater length than can be concealed in the hand, or they keep it in\na small purse or bag of red cloth. During worship they wear a piece\nof red silk round the loins and decorate themselves with garlands of\ncrimson flowers. In their houses they worship a figure of the double\ntriangle drawn on the ground or on a metal plate and make offerings\nof liquor to it.\n\nThey practise various magical charms by which they think they can kill\ntheir enemies. Thus fire is brought from the pyre on which a corpse\nhas been burnt, and on this the operator pours water, and with the\ncharcoal so obtained he makes a figure of his enemy in a lonely place\nunder a pipal tree or on the bank of a river. He then takes an iron\nbar, twelve finger-joints long, and after repeating his charms pierces\nthe figure with it. When all the limbs have been pierced the man whose\neffigy has been so treated will die. Other methods will procure the\ndeath of an enemy in a certain number of months or cause him to lose\na limb. Sometimes they make a rosary of 108 fruits of the _dhatura_\n[406] and pierce the figure of the enemy through the neck after\nrepeating charms, and it is supposed that this will kill him at once.\n\n\n\n\n\nWahhabi Sect\n\n\n_Wahhabi Sect._ [407]--A puritan sect of Muhammadans. The sect was not\nrecorded at the census, but it is probable that it has a few adherents\nin the Central Provinces. The Wahhabi sect is named after its founder,\nMuhammad Abdul Wahhab, who was born in Arabia in A.D. 1691. He set\nhis face against all developments of Islam not warranted by the Koran\nand the traditional utterances of the Companions of the Prophet, and\nagainst the belief in omens and worship at the shrines of saints,\nand condemned as well all display of wealth and luxury and the\nuse of intoxicating drugs and tobacco. He denied any authority to\nIslamic doctrines other than the Koran itself and the utterances of\nthe Companions of the Prophet who had received instruction from his\nlips, and held that in the interpretation and application of them\nMoslems must exercise the right of private judgment. The sect met\nwith considerable military success in Arabia and Persia, and at one\ntime threatened to spread over the Islamic world. The following is an\naccount of the taking of Mecca by Saud, the grandson of the founder,\nin 1803: \"The sanctity of the place subdued the barbarous spirit\nof the conquerors, and not the slightest excesses were committed\nagainst the people. The stern principles of the reformed doctrines\nwere, however, strictly enforced. Piles of green huqqas and Persian\npipes were collected, rosaries and amulets were forcibly taken from\nthe devotees, silk and satin dresses were demanded from the wealthy\nand worldly, and the whole, piled up into a heterogeneous mass,\nwere burnt by the infuriated reformers. So strong was the feeling\nagainst the pipes and so necessary did a public example seem to be,\nthat a respectable lady, whose delinquency had well-nigh escaped\nthe vigilant eye of the Muhtasib, was seized and placed on an ass,\nwith a green pipe suspended from her neck, and paraded through the\npublic streets--a terrible warning to all of her sex who might be\ninclined to indulge in forbidden luxuries. When the usual hour of\nprayer arrived the myrmidons of the law sallied forth, and with\nleathern whips drove all slothful Moslems to their devotions. The\nmosques were filled. Never since the days of the Prophet had the\nsacred city witnessed so much piety and devotion. Not one pipe, not\na single tobacco-stopper, was to be seen in the streets or found in\nthe houses, and the whole population of Mecca prostrated themselves\nat least five times a day in solemn adoration.\"\n\nThe apprehensions of the Sultan of Turkey were aroused and an army\nwas despatched against the Wahhabis, which broke their political\npower, their leader, Saud's son, being executed in Constantinople in\n1818. But the tenets of the sect continued to be maintained in Arabia,\nand in 1822 one Saiyad Ahmad, a freebooter and bandit from Rai Bareli,\nwas converted to it on a pilgrimage to Mecca and returned to preach\nits doctrines in India. Being a Saiyad and thus a descendant of the\nProphet, he was accepted by the Muhammadans of India as the true\nKhalifa or Mahdi, awaited by the Shiahs. Unheeded by the British\nGovernment, he traversed our provinces with a numerous retinue of\ndevoted disciples and converted the populace to his reformed doctrine\nby thousands, Patna becoming a centre of the sect. In 1826 he declared\na _jihad_ or religious war against the Sikhs, but after a four years'\nstruggle was defeated and killed. The sect gave some trouble in the\nMutiny, but has not since taken any part in politics. Its reformed\ndoctrines, however, have obtained a considerable vogue, and still\nexercise a powerful influence on Muhammadan thought. The Wahhabis deny\nthe authority of Islamic tradition after the deaths of the Companions\nof the Prophet, do not illuminate or pay reverence to the shrines of\ndeparted saints, do not celebrate the birthday of Muhammad, count\nthe ninety-nine names of God on their fingers and not on a rosary,\nand do not smoke.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nPART I\n\n\nGlossary of Minor Castes and Other Articles, Synonyms, Subcastes,\nTitles and Names of Exogamous Septs or Clans\n\n_Note_.--In this Glossary the references under each heading are to\nthe detailed articles on castes, religions and sects, in Part I. and\nPart II. of the work. The synonyms, subcastes and titles have been\ntaken from the main articles and are arranged here in index form as\nan aid to identification. Section or clan names, however, will not\nusually be found in the main articles. They have been selected from\nan alphabetical list prepared separately, and are included as being\nof some interest, in addition to those contained in the articles. The\nGlossary also serves the purpose of indicating how subcaste and clan\nnames are common to several castes and tribes.\n\n\n\n\n\nGLOSSARY\n\n\n_Abhimanchkul_.--A section of Komti in Chanda. They abstain from\nusing a preparation of lead which is generally ground to powder and\napplied to wounds.\n\n_Abhira_.--An immigrant nomad tribe from which the modern Ahir caste\nis believed to have originated. A division of Maratha and Gujarati\nBrahmans, so called because they are priests of the Abhiras or the\nmodern Ahirs.\n\n_Abdhut_.--Name for a religious mendicant. Applied to Gosains, _q.v._\n\n_Acharya_, _Acharaj_.--(Superintendent of ceremonies.) Title of\nthe heads of the Swami-Narayan sect. A surname of Adi Gaur Brahmans\nin Saugor.\n\n_Adhia_.--(Half.) A subcaste of Telis considered to be illegitimate\nin Betul.\n\n_Adhaighar_, _Arhaighar_.--(2 1/2 houses.) A subdivision of Saraswat\nBrahmans.\n\n_Adhali_.--A name given to Malyars by outsiders.\n\n_Adigaur_.--A subdivision of Brahman, probably a branch of the Gaur\nBrahmans, though in Saugor they are considered to be Kanaujias.\n\n_Adkandh_, _Adikandh_.--(Superior Khonds.) A subcaste of Khonds,\nbeing the most Hinduised section of this tribe. A title of Khond.\n\n_Adnath_, _Adinath_.--A subdivision of Jogi. Adinath was the father\nof Matsyendranath and grandfather of Gorakhnath, the first great Jogi.\n\n_Agamudayan_.--A large Tamil cultivating caste, of which a few members\nreside in the Central Provinces in Jubbulpore and Raipur. They are the\nfamilies of Madras sepoys who have retired from regiments stationed\nin these places. The Agamudayans sometimes call themselves by the\ntitle of Pillai, which means 'Son of a god' and was formerly reserved\nto Brahmans.\n\n_Agarwala_, _Agarwal_.--A subcaste of Bania. See Bania-Agarwala.\n\n_Agastya_.--An eponymous section of Brahmans.\n\n_Aghorpanthi_.--Synonym for Aghori.\n\n_Agnihotri_.--A surname of Kanaujia and Jijhotia Brahmans in\nSaugor. (One who performs the sacrifice to Agni or the god of fire.)\n\n_Agnikula_.--A name given to four clans of Rajputs said to have been\nborn from the fire-pit on Mount Abu. See article Panwar Rajput.\n\n_Agrahari_.--A subcaste of Bania found chiefly in Jubbulpore District\nand Raigarh State. Their name has been connected with the cities of\nAgra and Agroha.\n\n_Agrajanma_.--(First-born.) A synonym for Brahmans.\n\n_Aharia_.--Clan of Rajput. Synonym for Sesodia.\n\n_Ahir_.--The professional caste of herdsmen. A clan of Maratha. A\nsubcaste of Rawat and Salewar Koshti in Nimar. A subcaste of Bishnoi,\nGurao, and Sunar.\n\n_Ahirwar_.--A resident of the old town of Ahar in the Bulandshahr\ndistrict. Subcaste of Kori.\n\n_Ahivasi_, _Ahiwasi_.--(From Ahiwas, 'The abode of the dragon,'\nthe hermitage of Sanbhari Rishi in Mathura.) A Brahmanical or\npseudo-Brahmanical tribe. They are said to be sprung from a Brahman\nfather and a Kshatriya mother, and were formerly pack-carriers. Found\nin Jubbulpore and the Nerbudda Valley.\n\n_Ahke_.--(Seduced.) A sept of the Uika clan of Gonds in Betul. They\nare said to be so named because their priests once seduced a Dhurwa\ngirl, and her son was given this name.\n\n_Aithana_.--A subcaste of Kayasth.\n\n_Ajodhia_.--Subcaste of Jadam.\n\n_Ajudhiabasi_.--See Audhia.\n\n_Akali_.--Order of Sikh devotees. See article Sikh.\n\n_Akhadewale_.--A class of Bairagis who do not marry. Also known\nas Nihang.\n\n_Akhroti_.--A subdivision of Pathans. (From _akhrot_, walnut.)\n\n_Akre_.--A bastard Khatik. Title of a child a Khatik gets by a woman\nof another caste.\n\n_Alia_.--A grower of the _al_ plant. A subcaste of Bania and Kachhi,\na synonym of Chasa.\n\n_Alia_, _Alkari_.--These terms are derived from the _al_ or Indian\nmulberry (_Morinda citrifolia_). The Alias are members of the\nKachhi caste who formerly grew the _al_ plant in Nimar for sale\nto the dyers. Its cultivation then yielded a large profit and the\nAlias devoted themselves solely to it, while they excommunicated\nany of their members who were guilty of selling or giving away the\nseed. The imported alizarin has now almost entirely superseded the\nindigenous dye, and _al_ as a commercial product has been driven from\nthe market. Alkari is a term applied to Banias and others in the Damoh\nDistrict who were formerly engaged in the cultivation of the _al_\nplant. The members of each caste which took to the cultivation of this\nplant were somewhat looked down upon by the others and hence became a\ndistinct group. The explanation generally given of the distaste for\nthe crop is that in the process of boiling the roots to extract the\ndye a number of insects have to be killed. A further reason is that\nthe red dye is considered to resemble or be equivalent to blood, the\nsecond idea being a necessary consequence of the first in primitive\nmodes of thought, and hence to cause a certain degree of pollution\nto those who prepare it. A similar objection is held to the purveying\nof lac-dye as shown in the article on Lakhera. Notwithstanding this,\nclothes dyed red are considered lucky, and the _al_ dye was far more\ncommonly used by Hindus than any other, prior to the introduction of\naniline dyes. Tents were also coloured red with this dye. The tents\nof the Mughal Emperors and royal princes were of red cloth dyed with\nthe roots of the _al_ plant. [408] Similarly Nadir Shah, the victor\nof Panipat, had his field headquarters and lived in one small red\ntent. In these cases the original reason for colouring the tents\nred may probably have been that it was a lucky colour for battles,\nand the same belief may have led to the adoption of red as a royal\nand imperial colour.\n\n_Alkari_.--Synonym for Alia.\n\n_Alua_.--A subcaste of Uriya Brahmans, so named because their\nforefathers grew the _alu_ or potato.\n\n_Amal_.--A section of Komti. The members of this section do not eat\nthe plantain.\n\n_Ambadar_.--(Mango-branch.) A section of Rawat (Ahir).\n\n_Ambashta_.--A subcaste of Kayasth.\n\n_Amethia_.--(From Amethi, a pargana in Lucknow District.) A sept of\nRajputs, who are Chauhans according to Sir H.M. Elliott, but others\nsay they are a branch of the Chamar Gaur.\n\n_Amisht_.--A subcaste of Kayasth.\n\n_Amnait_.--Subcaste of Bhatra.\n\n_Amrite_.--(From Amrit nectar.) A section of Kirar.\n\n_Anapa_.--(Leather-dealers.) Subcaste of Madgi.\n\n_Anavala_.--A subdivision of Gujarati or Khedawal Brahmans. They\nderive their name from the village Anaval in Baroda. They are otherwise\nknown as Bhatela, Desai or Mastan.\n\n_Andhra_, _Tailanga_.--One of the five orders of the Panch Dravid\nBrahmans inhabiting the Telugu country.\n\n_Antarvedi_.--A resident of Antarved or the Doab, the tract of land\nbetween the Ganges and the Jumna rivers. Subcaste of Chamar.\n\n_Apastambha_.--A Sutra of the Vedas. A subdivision of Brahmans\nfollowing that Sutra and forming a caste subdivision. But they marry\nwith Rig-Vedis, though the Sutra belongs to the Black Yajur-Vedi.\n\n_Atharvarvedi_, _Antharwarvedi_.--A subcaste of Brahmans who follow\nthe Atharvar-Veda and are very rarely met with.\n\n_Arab_.--This designation is sometimes returned by the descendants\nof the Arab mercenaries of the Bhonsla kings. These were at one time\nlargely employed by the different rulers of southern India and made\nthe best of soldiers. In the Maratha armies [409] their rate of\npay was Rs. 12 a month, while the ordinary infantry received only\nRs. 5. General Hislop stated their character as follows: [410]\n\n\"There are perhaps no troops in the world that will make a stouter\nor more determined stand at their posts than the Arabs. They are\nentirely unacquainted with military evolutions, and undisciplined;\nbut every Arab has a pride and heart of his own that never forsakes\nhim as long as he has legs to stand on. They are naturally brave and\npossess the greatest coolness and quickness of sight: hardy and fierce\nthrough habit, and bred to the use of the matchlock from their boyhood:\nand they attain a precision and skill in the use of it that would\nalmost exceed belief, bringing down or wounding the smallest object\nat a considerable distance, and not unfrequently birds with a single\nbullet. They are generally armed with a matchlock, a couple of swords,\nwith three or four small daggers stuck in front of their belts, and\na shield. On common occasions of attack and defence they fire but\none bullet, but when hard pressed at the breach they drop in two,\nthree, and four at a time, from their mouths, always carrying in\nthem from eight to ten bullets, which are of a small size. We may\ncalculate the whole number of Arabs in the service of the Peshwa\nand the Berar Raja at 6000 men, a loose and undisciplined body,\nbut every man of them a tough and hardy soldier. It was to the Arabs\nalone those Provinces looked, and placed their dependence on. Their\nown troops fled and abandoned them, seldom or never daring to meet\nour smallest detachment. Nothing can exceed the horror and atarm with\nwhich some of our native troops view the Arab. At Nagpur in November\n1817 the Arabs alone attacked us on the defence and reduced us to the\nlast extremity, when we were saved by Captain Fitzgerald's charge. The\nArabs attacked us at Koregaon and would have certainly destroyed us had\nnot the Peshwa withdrawn his troops on General Smith's approach. The\nArabs kept General Doveton at bay with his whole army at Nagpur for\nseveral days, repulsing our attack at the breach, and they gained\ntheir fullest terms. The Arabs worsted us for a month at Malegaon\nand saved their credit. They terrified the Surat authorities by their\nfame alone. They gained their terms of money from Sir John Malcolm at\nAsirgarh. They maintained to the last for their prince their post at\nAlamner and nobly refused to be bought over there. They attacked us\nbravely, but unfortunately at Talner. They attacked Captain Spark's\ndetachment on the defence and destroyed it. They attacked a battalion\nof the 14th Madras Infantry with 26-pounders and compelled them to\nseek shelter in a village; and they gave us a furious wind-up at\nAsirgarh. Yet the whole of these Arabs were not 6000.\"\n\nThere is no doubt that the Arabs are one of the finest fighting\nraces of the world. Their ancestors were the Saracens who gained\na great empire in Europe and Asia. Their hardihood and powers of\nendurance are brought to the highest pitch by the rigours of desert\nlife, while owing to their lack of nervous sensibility the shock\nand pain of wounds affect them less than civilised troops. And in\naddition their religion teaches that all who die in battle against the\ninfidel are transported straight to a paradise teeming with material\nand sensual delights. Arab troops are still employed in Hyderabad\nState. Mr. Stevens notices them as follows in his book _In India_:\n\"A gang of half-a-dozen, brilliantly dishevelled, a faggot of daggers\nwith an antique pistol or two in each belt, and a six-foot matchlock\non each shoulder. They serve as irregular troops there, and it must\nbe owned that if irregularity is what you want, no man on earth can\nsupply it better. The Arab irregulars are brought over to serve their\ntime and then sent back to Arabia; there is one at this moment, who\nis a subaltern in Hyderabad, but as soon as he crosses the British\nborder gets a salute of nine guns; he is a Sheikh in his own country\nnear Aden.\"\n\nThe Arabs who have been long resident here have adopted the ways\nand manners of other Musalmans. Their marriages are in the Nikah\nform and are marked by only one [411] dinner, following the example\nof the Prophet, who gave a dinner at the marriage of his daughter\nthe Lady Fatimah and Ali. In obedience to the order of the Prophet\na death is followed by no signs of mourning. Arabs marry freely\nwith other Sunni Muhammadans and have no special social or religious\norganisation. The battle-cry of the Arabs at Sitabaldi and Nagpur was\n'_Din, Din, Muhammad_.'\n\n_Arakh_.--A caste. A subcaste of Dahait, Gond and Pasi.\n\n_Aranya_.--Name of one of the ten orders of Gosains.\n\n_Are_.--A cultivating caste of the Chanda District, where they numbered\n2000 persons in 1911. The caste are also found in Madras and Bombay,\nwhere they commonly return themselves under the name of Marathi; this\nname is apparently used in the south as a generic term for immigrants\nfrom the north, just as in the Central Provinces people coming from\nnorthern India are called Pardeshi. Mr. (Sir H.) Stuart says [412]\nthat Are is a synonym for Arya, and is used as an equivalent of a\nMaratha and sometimes in a still wider sense, apparently to designate\nan immigrant Aryan into the Dravidian country of the south. The Ares of\nthe Central Provinces appear to be Kunbis who have migrated into the\nTelugu country. The names of their subcastes are those of the Kunbis,\nas Khaire, Tirelle, a form of Tirole, and Dhanoj for Dhanoje. Other\nsubdivisions are called Kayat and Kattri, and these seem to be the\ndescendants of Kayasth and Khatri ancestors. The caste admit Brahmans,\nBanias, and Komtis into the community and seem to be, as shown by\nMr. Stuart, a mixed group of immigrants from Maharashtra into the\nTelugu country. Some of them wear the sacred thread and others do\nnot. Some of their family names are taken from those of animals and\nplants, and they bury persons who die unmarried, placing their feet\ntowards the north like the forest tribes.\n\n_Arka_.--A sept of Gonds in Chanda who worship the saras crane.\n\n_Armachi_.--(The _dhaura_ tree.) A totemistic sept of Gonds.\n\n_Arora_, _Rora_.--An important trading and mercantile caste of the\nPunjab, of which a few persons were returned from the Nimar District in\n1901. Sir D. Ibbetson was of opinion that the Aroras were the Khatris\nof Aror, the ancient capital of Scinde, represented by the modern\nRori. He described the Arora as follows: [413] \"Like the Khatri and\nunlike the Bania he is no mere trader; but his social position is\nfar inferior to theirs, partly no doubt because he is looked down\nupon simply as being a Hindu in the portions of the Province which\nare his special habitat. He is commonly known as a Kirar, a word\nalmost synonymous with coward, and even more contemptuous than is\nthe name Bania in the east of the province. The Arora is active and\nenterprising, industrious and thrifty.... 'When an Arora girds up\nhis loins he makes it only two miles from Jhang to Lahore.' He will\nturn his hand to any work, he makes a most admirable cultivator,\nand a large proportion of the Aroras of the lower Chenab are purely\nagricultural in their avocations. He is found throughout Afghanistan\nand even Turkistan and is the Hindu trader of those countries; while\nin the western Punjab he will sew clothes, weave matting and baskets,\nmake vessels of brass and copper and do goldsmith's work. But he is a\nterrible coward, and is so branded in the proverbs of the countryside:\nThe thieves were four and we eighty-four; the thieves came on and we\nran away; and again: To meet a Rathi armed with a hoe makes a company\nof nine Kirars (Aroras) feel alone. Yet the peasant has a wholesome\ndread of the Kirar when in his proper place: Vex not the Jat in his\njungle, nor the Kirar at his shop, nor the boatman at his ferry;\nfor if you do they will break your head. Again: Trust not a crow,\na dog or a Kirar, even when asleep. So again: You can't make a friend\nof a Kirar any more than a _sati_ of a prostitute.\"\n\n_Asathi_.--A subcaste of Bania. They are both Jains and Hindus.\n\n_Ashram_.--Name of one of the ten orders of Gosains.\n\n_Ashthana_.--A subcaste of Kayasth.\n\n_Atharadesia_.--(A man of eighteen districts.) Subcaste of Banjara.\n\n_Athbhaiya_.--(Eight brothers.) A subdivision of Saraswat Brahman\nin Hoshangabad. An Athbhaiya cannot take a wife from the Chaubhaiya\nsubdivision, to whom the former give their daughters in marriage.\n\n_Athia_.--A subcaste of Chadar, so named because they worship their\ngoddess Devi on the 8th day (Athain) of Kunwar (September), and\ncorrespond to the Brahmanical Sakta sect, as opposed to the other\nChadar subcaste Parmasuria, who correspond to the Vaishnavas.\n\n_Audhalia_.--Synonym for Audhelia.\n\n_Audhia_, _Ajudhiabasi_.--A resident of Oudh. Subcaste of Bania and\nof Kasar and Sunar.\n\n_Audichya_.--A subcaste of Brahmans coming from Oudh.\n\n_Aughad_.--A subdivision of Jogi. They resemble the Aghoris with the\ndifference that they may not eat human flesh.\n\n_Aughar_.--A subdivision of Jogi.\n\n_Aukule_.--A subcaste of Koshtis. They are also called Vidurs, being\nof mixed descent from Koshtas and other castes.\n\n_Aulia_.--(A favourite of God.) Title of Muhammadan saints.\n\n_Baba_.--Synonym of Gosain.\n\n_Babhan_.--Synonym for Bhuinhar, being the name of a landholding\ncaste in Bengal. Used as a title by Bhuiyas.\n\n_Babuan_.--Title for the descendants of the former ruling families\nof the Chero tribe.\n\n_Bachhalya_, _Bachhap_, _Bachhilia_.--(From _bachha_, a calf.) A\nsection of Bania, Chadar and Khangar. A section of Patwa in\nRaipur. They do not castrate bullocks.\n\n_Bad_.--(High or great.) Subcaste of Agharia and Sudh.\n\n_Bad_ or _Bhand_.--A caste. Title of Khatik.\n\n_Bad_.--(Banyan tree.) A section of Joshi.\n\n_Badaria_.--(From _badar_, cloud.) A section of Kandera.\n\n_Badgainya_.--(From Badgaon (_bara gaon_), a large village.) A surname\nof Sarwaria Brahmans. A section of Basdewa, Gadaria and Kurmi.\n\n_Badgujar_.--(From _bada_, great.) One of the thirty-six royal races\nof Rajputs. A subcaste of Gujar, also of Gaur Brahman. A section\nof Mehtar.\n\n_Badhaiya_.--(Barhai, carpenter.) A subcaste of Lohar and Kol. A sept\nof Savar.\n\n_Badharia_.--A resident of Badhas in Mirzapur. Subcaste of Bahna\nand Dhuri.\n\n_Badi_.--(A rope-walker.) Synonym of Nat.\n\n_Badkur_.--Title used in the Dhobi caste.\n\n_Badwaik_.--(The great ones.) A subcaste of Mana. A title of Dhobi\nand Pan or Ganda.\n\n_Bagaria_.--(A young buffalo.) A sept of Dhanwar and Sonkar.\n\n_Bagh_, _Baghwa_.--(Tiger.) A totemistic sept of Ahir, Bhatra, Kawar,\nMunda, Oraon, Sonkar, Teli and Turi.\n\n_Baghel_, _Baghela_.--(A tiger or tiger-cub.) A clan of Rajputs\nwhich has given its name to Baghelkhand. A subcaste of Audhia Sunar\nand Chamar. A section of Bhilala, Dhanwar, Gond, Lodhi, Mali, and\nPanwar Rajput.\n\n_Baghmar_, _Baghmarya_, _Bagmar_.--(A tiger-slayer.) A section of\nOswal Bania, Basor, Chamar, Dhimar, Koilabhuti Gond, and Teli. A\nsubsept of Nika Gonds in Betul, who abstain from killing tigers.\n\n_Bagri_.--A clan of Rajputs. A subcaste of Jat. One of the 72 1/2\nsections of Maheshri Banias. People belonging to the Badhak or Bawaria,\nand Pardhi castes are sometimes known by this name.\n\n_Bahargainyan_.--(From _Bahar gaon_, outside the village.) A subcaste\nof Kurmi.\n\n_Baharketu_.--(Bush-cutter.) A subcaste of Korwa.\n\n_Bahelia_.--The caste of fowlers and hunters in northern India. In the\nCentral Provinces the Bahelias are not to be distinguished from the\nPardhis, as they have the same set of exogamous groups named after the\nRajput clans, and resemble them in all other respects. The word Bahelia\nis derived from the Sanskrit Vyadha, 'one who pierces or wounds,' hence\na hunter. Pardhi is derived from the Marathi _paradh_, hunting. The\nlatter term is more commonly used in the Central Provinces, and has\ntherefore been chosen as the title of the article on the caste.\n\n_Bahre_.--(Outside the walls.) A subdivision of Khedawal Brahmans.\n\n_Bahrup_.--Subcaste of Banjara.\n\n_Bahrupia_.--A small class of mendicant actors and quick-change\nartists. They are recruited from all classes of the population,\nand though a distinct caste of Bahrupias appears to exist, people of\nvarious castes also call themselves Bahrupia when they take to this\noccupation. In Berar the Mahar, Mang and Maratha divisions of the\nBahrupias are the most common: [414] the former two begging only from\nthe castes from which they take their name. In Gujarat they appear\nto be principally Muhammadans. Sir D. Ibbetson says of them: [415]\n\"The name is derived from the Sanskrit _bahu_, many, and _rupa_,\nform, and denotes an actor, a mimic or one who assumes many forms\nor characters. One of their favourite devices is to ask for money,\nand when it is refused to ask that it may be given if the Bahrupia\nsucceeds in deceiving the person who refused it. Some days later the\nBahrupia will again visit the house in the disguise of a pedlar,\na milkman or what not, sell his goods without being detected,\nthrow off his disguise and claim the stipulated reward.\" In Gujarat\n\"they are ventriloquists and actors with a special skill of dressing\none side of their face like a man and the other side like a woman,\nand moving their head about so sharply that they seem to be two\npersons.\" [416] Mr. Kitts states that \"the men are by profession\nstory-tellers and mimics, imitating the voices of men and the notes\nof animals; their male children are also trained to dance. In payment\nfor their entertainment they are frequently content with cast-off\nclothes, which will of course be of use to them in assuming other\ncharacters.\" [417] Occasionally also they dress up in European clothes\nand can successfully assume the character of a Eurasian.\n\n_Baid_.--(Physician.) A surname of Sanadhia and Maratha Brahmans in\nSaugor. A section of Oswal Bania, and Darzi.\n\n_Bairagi_.--A caste or religious order. Subcaste of Bhat.\n\n_Bais_.--A clan of Rajputs.\n\n_Bajania_.--(One who plays on musical instruments.) Subcaste of Panka.\n\n_Bajanya_.--(Drummer.) A subcaste of Panka in Balaghat.\n\n_Bajarha_.--(Bazar.) A section of Daraiha in Bilaspur.\n\n_Bajna_, _Bajgari_.--(Musicians at feasts and marriages.) Subcaste\nof Ganda.\n\n_Bajpai_.--(A priest officiating at the horse sacrifice.) A surname of\nKanaujia Brahmans. A section of Brahmans. Title of some old families\nwhose ancestors were sacrificial priests.\n\n_Bakar Kasai_.--(Goat-butcher.) A subcaste of Khatik.\n\n_Bakra_.--(Goat.) A totemistic sept of Bhatra and Halba.\n\n_Baksaria_.--From Buxar in Bengal. A clan of Rajputs. A section of\nDaraiha and Lodhi.\n\n_Balla_.--One of the 36 Rajkuls or royal clans of Rajputs noted in\nTod's _Rajasthan_.\n\n_Balnik_.--Subcaste of Kayasth.\n\n_Balusudia_.--(Shaven.) Title of Khond.\n\n_Balutedar_.--Name for a village menial in Berar. Title of Dhobi.\n\n_Balwanda_.--(Quarrelsome.) A section of Teli.\n\n_Bam-Margi._--Synonym for the Vam-Margi sect.\n\n_Baman_ or _Brahman_. Subcaste of Bishnoi, Darzi and Gondhali.\n\n_Bamania_.--(From Brahman.) A section of Ahir. They do not touch the\npipal tree. A section of Mahar and of Rajjhar in Hoshangabad.\n\n_Bamhan Gour_ or _Brahman Gour_.--A clan of Rajputs in Saugor and\nNarsinghpur.\n\n_Bamhania_.--A subcaste of Kasar, from Bamhan or Brahman. A section\nof Katia.\n\n_Bamnaiha_.--(Belonging to a Brahman.) A section of Basor.\n\n_Banaphar_, _Banafar_.--A clan of Rajputs. A section of Daharia.\n\n_Banbhainsa_.--(Wild buffalo.) A section of Rawat (Ahir).\n\n_Banda_.--(Tailless.) A section of Kirar.\n\n_Banda Bagh_.--(Tailless tiger.) A section of Teli.\n\n_Bandar_.--(A rocket-thrower.) Synonym of Kadera.\n\n_Bandarwale_.--(One who catches monkeys.)--Subcaste of Pardhi.\n\n_Bandesia_.--(A man of 52 districts.) Subcaste of Banjara.\n\n_Bandhaiya_.--A subcaste of Nunia who confine themselves to the\nexcavation of tanks and wells. Also a subcaste of Dhimar.\n\n_Bandhaiya_.--(From Bandhogarh.) Subcaste of Nai.\n\n_Bandhia_--(From _bandh_, an embankment.) A subcaste of Darzi and\nDhimar. A section of Chamar.\n\n_Bandrele_.--(Monkey.) A section of Basor, and Barai.\n\n_Banghore_.--(Wild horses.) A section of Dom (Mehtar).\n\n_Bania_.--A caste. Subcaste of Bishnoi. A synonym of Sunar in\nSambalpur. A subcaste of Banjara. A section of Nandvansi Gauli.\n\n_Banka_.--A small caste found principally in the Kalahandi State\nwhich now forms part of Bengal. The caste was formed from military\nservice like the Khandaits, Paiks and Marathas, and some families\nbear the names of different castes, as Brahman Banka, Kumhar Banka,\nand so on. They were formerly notorious freebooters, but have now\nsettled down to cultivation. Each man, however, still carries a sword\nor knife on his person, and in Kalahandi they are permitted to do\nthis without taking out a licence.\n\n_Banku_.--(One who frequents sequestered parts of forests.) A sept\nof Korku.\n\n_Bansberia_.--(One who performs acrobatic feats on a stick or\nbamboo.) Synonym of Kolhati.\n\n_Bansia_.--(Angler.) From _bansi_, a fishing-hook. Subcaste of Dhimar.\n\n_Bansphor_.--(A breaker of bamboos.) Synonym of Basor. Subcaste of\nMehtar and Mahli.\n\n_Banstalai_.--(A tank with bamboo trees on its bank.) A section\nof Teli.\n\n_Bant_.--Subcaste of Dhimar.\n\n_Bantia_.--(From _banat_, a red woollen blanket.) A section of\nOswal Bania.\n\n_Baone_ or _Baonia_.--From the phrase _Bawan Berar_, a term applied\nto the Province by the Mughals, because it paid fifty-two lakhs of\nrevenue, as against only eight lakhs realised from the adjoining\nJhadi or hilly country in the Central Provinces. Subcaste of Kunbi,\nMahar and Mali.\n\n_Baoria_.--Synonym of Badhak.\n\n_Bara-hazar._--(Twelve thousand.) Subcaste of Chero.\n\n_Barade, Berari_.--A resident of Berar. Subcaste of Bahna, Barhai,\nChamar, Dhangar, Dhobi, Khatik, Mang and Nai.\n\n_Baram_ or _Birm_.--Subcaste of Bhat.\n\n_Barapatre_.--(A large leaf-plate.) A section of Koshti.\n\n_Baraua_.--(A fisherman.) Synonym of Dhimar; title of Dhimar.\n\n_Bardhia_.--(From _bardh_, a term for the edge of a weapon.) Synonym\nof Sikligar.\n\n_Bardia_.--One who uses bullocks for transport. Subcaste of Kumhar.\n\n_Baretha_.--(A washerman.) Synonym for Dhobi.\n\n_Barga_.--Subcaste of Oraon.\n\n_Bargah_, [418] _Bargaha_, _Barghat_.--A small caste of cultivators\nbelonging principally to the Bilaspur District. They appear to\nbe immigrants from Rewah, where the caste is numerically strong,\nand they are also found in the adjacent Districts of the United\nProvinces and Bengal. In the United Provinces they are employed as\nhigher domestic servants and make leaf-plates, while their women act\nas midwives. [419] Here they claim kinship with the Goala Ahirs, but\nin the Central Provinces and Bengal they advance pretensions to be\nRajputs. They have a story, however, which shows their connection\nwith the Ahirs, to the effect that on one occasion Brahma stole\nKrishna's cows and cowherds. Krishna created new ones to replace them,\nexactly similar to those lost, but Brahma subsequently returned the\noriginals, and the Bargahas are the descendants of the artificial\ncowherds created by Krishna. In Sarguja, Bargaha is used as a title\nby Ahirs, while in Rewah the Bargahs are looked on as the bastard\noffspring of Baghel Rajputs. Dr. Buchanan writes of them as follows:\n[420] \"In Gorakhpur the Rajput chiefs have certain families of Ahirs,\nthe women of which act as wet-nurses to their children, while the men\nattend to their persons. These families are called Bargaha; they have\nreceived, of course, great favours and many of them are very rich,\nbut others look down upon them as having admitted their women to too\ngreat familiarity with their chiefs.\" In the United Provinces they\nalso claim to be Rajputs, as they returned themselves as a clan of\nRajputs in 1881. [421] Their position as described by Buchanan is\nprecisely the same as that of the Dauwa Ahirs, who are the household\nservants of Bundela Rajputs in Bundelkhand, and the facts set forth\nabove leave little or no doubt that the Bargahs are a mixed caste,\narising from the connection of Rajputs with the Ahir women who were\ntheir personal servants. In the Central Provinces no subdivisions of\nthe caste exist at present, but a separate and inferior subcaste is in\nprocess of formation from those who have been turned out of caste. They\nare divided for the purpose of marriage into exogamous _gotras_ or\nclans, the names of which correspond to those of Rajputs, as Kaunsil,\nChandel, Rana, Bundela, Rathor, Baghel, Chauhan and others. Marriage\nbetween members of the same clan and also between first cousins is\nprohibited. The custom of _guranwat_ or exchanging girls in marriage\nbetween families is very prevalent, and as there is a scarcity of girls\nin the caste, a man who has not got a daughter must pay Rs. 100 to\nRs. 200 to obtain a bride for his son. On the arrival of the marriage\nprocession the bridegroom touches with a dagger a grass mat hung in\nfront of the marriage-shed. During the marriage the bridegroom's father\npresents him with a grass ring, which he places on his wrist. The\nhands of the bridegroom and bride are tied one over the other with a\npiece of thread, and the bride's parents catching the hands say to the\nbridegroom, 'We have given you our daughter; protect her.' The couple\nthen walk seven times round a sacrificial fire and a pestle and slab\ncontaining seven pieces of turmeric, nuts and heaps of coloured rice,\nthe bride leading and kicking over a heap of rice from the slab at\neach turn. The other common ceremonies are also performed. The Bargahs\ndo not tolerate sexual offences and expel a girl or married woman\nwho goes wrong. The Bargahs are usually cultivators in the Central\nProvinces, but they consider it beneath their dignity to touch the\nplough with their own hands. Many of them are mlguzrs or village\nproprietors. They take food cooked without water from a Brahman,\nand water only from a Rajput. Rajputs take water from their hands,\nand their social position is fairly high.\n\n_Bargandi_,--Synonym for Kaikari.\n\n_Barghat_.--Synonym of Bargah.\n\n_Barki_.--High. Subcaste of Rautia.\n\n_Barkia_.--(A spinner of fine thread.) Subcaste of Mahar.\n\n_Barmaiyan, Barmian, Malaiya_.--Subcaste of Basor, Dhimar and Gadaria.\n\n_Baroni_.--Title of a female Dhimar.\n\n_Barora_ or _Warkara_.--(Wild cat.) A subsept of the Uika clan of\nGonds in Betul.\n\n_Barpaihi_.--(_Bar,_ banyan tree.) A sept of the Uika clan of Gonds\nin Betul, so named because their priest offered food to their gods\non the leaves of a banyan tree.\n\n_Barwa_.--Synonym for Garpagari. One who wards off hailstones from\nthe standing crops. Subcaste of Jogi.\n\n_Bashishta_.--See Vasishta. A section of Vidur.\n\n_Bastarha_.--A resident of Bastar State. Subcaste of Halba.\n\n_Bathri_.--(From _batkur_, a vegetable.) A subcaste of Dhobi and Teli.\n\n_Bathudia_.--Subcaste of Bhuiya.\n\n_Batri_.--A grower of _batar_, a kind of pea. Subcaste of Teli.\n\n_Batti_.--(A ball.) A subsept of the Uika clan of Gonds in Betul,\nso named because their priest stole balls of cooked mahua. They do\nnot kill or eat goats or sheep, and throw away anything smelt by them.\n\n_Bawan, Bawanjaye_.--_(Bawan_-52.) A subcaste of Saraswat Brahmans.\n\n_Bawaria_.--A dweller of Bhanwargarh tract in Betul district. Subcaste\nof Korku.\n\n_Bawisa_.--(Twenty-two.) A subcaste of Gujarati Brahmans in Hoshangabad\nand Makrai State.\n\n_Bayar, Biyar, Biar_.--A small caste of labourers belonging to\nthe eastern Districts of the United Provinces, of whom about 200\npersons were returned from Bilaspur in 1891. They are found in the\nKorba zamindari, and are professional diggers or navvies, like the\nMurhas. They are apparently a mixed caste derived from the primitive\ntribes with some Hindu blood. They eat fowls and pork, but will not\ntake food from any other caste. They work by contract on the _dangri_\nsystem of measurement, a _dangri_ being a piece of bamboo five cubits\nlong. For one rupee they dig a patch 8 _dangris_ long by one broad\nand a cubit in depth, or 675 cubic feet. But this rate does not allow\nfor lift or lead.\n\n_Bazigar_.--(An acrobat.) Synonym of Nat.\n\n_Behar_.--(Cat.) A totemistic sept of Kawar.\n\n_Behera_.--A subcaste of Taonla. A section of Tiyar. A title of Khadal.\n\n_Belwar, Bilwar_.--A small caste of carriers and cattle-dealers\nbelonging to Oudh, whose members occasionally visit the northern\nDistricts of the Central Provinces. They say that their ancestors were\nSanadhya Brahmans, who employed bullocks as pack-animals, and hence,\nbeing looked down on by the rest of the caste, became a separate body,\nmarrying among themselves.\n\n_Benaika, Binaika_.--A subcaste of Parwar Bania, consisting of the\noffspring of remarried widows or illegitimate unions. Probably also\nfound among other subcastes of Bania.\n\n_Benatia_.--A subcaste of Sansia in Sambalpur.\n\n_Bendiwala_.--Name of a minor Vishnuite order. See Bairagi.\n\n_Benetiya, Benatia_.--Subcaste of Chasa and Sansia.\n\n_Bengali_.--Bengali immigrants are usually Brahmans or Kayasths.\n\n_Bengani_.--(Brinjal.) One of the 1444 sections of Oswal Bania.\n\n_Benglah_.--An immigrant from Bengal. Subcaste of Bharbhunja.\n\n_Beora Basia_.--(Hawk.) A totemistic sept of Bhatra.\n\n_Beraria_, _Beradia_.--(Belonging to Berar.) A subcaste of Bahna,\nBarai, Barhai, Chamar, Dhangar, Dhimar, Kasar and Kunbi.\n\n_Beria_.--A caste of gipsies and vagrants, whose women are\nprostitutes. Hence sometimes used generally to signify a prostitute. A\nsubcaste of Nat.\n\n_Besra_.--(Hawk.) A totemistic sept of Bhatra and Rawat (Ahir).\n\n_Besta_.--A Telugu caste of fishermen. They are also called Bhoi and\nMachchnaik, and correspond to the Dhimars. They are found only in the\nChanda District, where they numbered 700 persons in 1911, and their\nproper home is Mysore. They are a low caste and rear pigs and eat\npork, crocodiles, rats and fowls. They are stout and strong and dark\nin colour. Like the Dhimars they also act as palanquin-bearers, and\nhence has arisen a saying about them, 'The Besta is a great man when\nhe carries shoes,' because the head of a gang of palanquin-bearers\ncarries the shoes of the person who sits in it. At their marriages\nthe couple place a mixture of cummin and jaggery on each other's\nheads, and then gently press their feet on those of the other seven\ntimes. Drums are beaten, and the bridegroom places rings on the toes\nof the bride and ties the _mangal-sutram_ or necklace of black beads\nround her neck. They are seated side by side on a plough-yoke, and the\nends of their cloths are tied together. They are then taken outside\nand shown the Great Bear, the stars of which are considered to be\nthe spirits of the seven principal Hindu Saints, and the pole-star,\nArundhati, who represents the wife of Vasishtha and is the pattern of\nfeminine virtue. On the following two days the couple throw flowers\nat each other for some time in the morning and evening. Before the\nmarriage the bridegroom's toe-nails are cut by the barber as an act of\npurification. This custom, Mr. Thurston [422] states, corresponds among\nthe Sudras to the shaving of the head among the Brahmans. The Bestas\nusually take as their principal deity the nearest large river and call\nit by the generic term of Ganga. On the fifth day after a death they\noffer cooked food, water and sesamum to the crows, in whose bodies\nthe souls of the dead are believed to reside. The food and water are\ngiven to satisfy the hunger and thirst of the soul, while the sesamum\nis supposed to give it coolness and quench its heat. On the tenth day\nthe ashes are thrown into a river. The beard of a boy whose father is\nalive is shaved for the first time before his marriage. Children are\ntattooed with a mark on the forehead within three months of birth,\nand this serves as a sect mark. A child is named on the eleventh day\nafter birth, and if it is subsequently found to be continually ailing\nand sickly, the name is changed under the belief that it exercises\nan evil influence on the child.\n\n_Betala_.--(Goblin.) One of the 1444 sections of Oswal Bania.\n\n_Bhadauria_.--(From Bhadawar in Gwalior State.) A clan of Rajputs. A\nclan of Dangi in Saugor from whom Rajputs take daughters in marriage,\nbut do not give daughters to them. A surname of Sanadhia Brahman.\n\n_Bhadonia_.--Subcaste of Dangi.\n\n_Bhadoria_.--(A drum-beater.) Subcaste of Chamar.\n\n_Bhadri_, _Bhaddari_.--A synonym for Joshi, having a derogatory sense,\nas of one who begs with deceit or fraud.\n\n_Bhadune_.--(From the month Bhadon.) A section of Kalar.\n\n_Bhagat_.--(Devotee.) A section of Ahir or Gaoli, Barai and Panwar\nRajput.\n\n_Bhains-Mara_.--(Killer of the buffalo.) A section of Kanjar.\n\n_Bhainsa_.--(Buffalo.) A section of Chamar, Dhanwar, Ganda, Kawar,\nKanjar, Mali, Panka and Rawat (Ahir).\n\n_Bhairon_.--(The god Bhairon.) A section of Panwar Rajput.\n\n_Bhaiya_.--(Brother.) One of the 72 1/2 sections of Maheshri Bania.\n\n_Bhala_.--(Spear.) One of the 72 1/2 sections of Maheshri Bania.\n\n_Bhaldar_.--(A spear-man.) A class of Dahaits, who have commonly been\nemployed as village watchmen.\n\n_Bhale Sultan_.--(Lords of the spear.) A clan of Rajputs.\n\n_Bhamti_, _Bhamtia_.--Synonyms of Bhamta.\n\n_Bhanare_.--Named after the town of Bhandara in the Central\nProvinces. Subcaste of Dhimar.\n\n_Bhand_, _Bhanr_. [423]--A small caste of story-tellers and\nbuffoons. The name is derived from the Sanskrit Bhanda, a jester,\nand the caste are also known as Naqqal or actor. Only a trifling\nnumber of Bhands are shown by the census as belonging to the Central\nProvinces. Mr. Crooke remarks: \"The Bhand is sometimes employed in\nthe courts of Rajas and native gentlemen of rank, where he amuses\nthe company at entertainments with buffoonery and a burlesque\nof European and native manners, much of which is of a very coarse\nnature. The Bhand is quite separate from and of a lower professional\nrank than the Bahrupia. The bulk of the caste are Muhammadans, but\nthey have exogamous sections, some of which, as Kaithela (Kayasth),\nBamhaniya (Brahman), Gujartha (Gujar), Nonela (Lunia), and so on, are\nderived from those of Hindu castes, and indicate that the caste is a\nheterogeneous community recruited from different sources. There are\ntwo recognised endogamous subcastes--the Chenr, which seems to mean\nlittle (Hindi, _Chenra_), and the Kashmiri. The former trace their\norigin to the time of Tamarlane, who, on the death of his son, gave\nhimself over to mourning for twelve years. Then one Sayyid Hasan,\na courtier of the Emperor, composed a humorous poem in Arabic,\nwhich gained him the title of Bhanr. Sayyid Hasan is regarded as\nthe founder of the caste. Though he was a Sayyid the present Bhanrs\nare either Shaikhs or Mughals; and the difference of faith, Sunni\nand Shiah, is a bar to intermarriage. The Kashmiri Bhanrs are said\nto be of quite recent origin, having been invited from Kashmir by\nNasir-ud-Din Haidar, king of Oudh.\" The Bhands perform their marriages\nby the Nikah form, in which a Kazi officiates. In virtue of being\nMuhammadans they abstain from pork and liquor. Dr. Buchanan [424]\nquaintly described them as \"Impudent fellows, who make long faces,\nsqueak like pigs, bark like dogs, and perform many other ludicrous\nfeats. They also dance and sing, mimicking and turning into ridicule\nthe dancing boys and girls, on whom they likewise pass many jokes,\nand are employed on great occasions.\" The Bhand, in fact, seems to\ncorrespond very nearly to the court jester of the Middle Ages.\n\n_Bhandari_.--(A barber, also a cook in the Uriya country.) A synonym\nfor Nai. A subcaste of Gondhali. A section of Oswal Bania and\nHalba. Title of the deputies of the chief _guru_ of the Satnami sect.\n\n_Bhangi_.--(Hemp-smoker.) Synonym of Mehtar.\n\n_Bhanr_.--Synonym of Bhand, a story-teller.\n\n_Bhanwar_.--(A bee, also honey.) A section of Gadaria and Kawar.\n\n_Bhaosar_.--Synonym of Chhipa.\n\n_Bharadwaj_.--(A skylark. Name of a great Brahman Rishi or saint.) One\nof the common eponymous sections of Brahmans. Also a section of Joshi,\nLohar, Prabhu, Sunar, and of several clans of Rajputs.\n\n_Bharewa_.--(From _bharat_, a mixture of copper and lead.) A group\nof brass or bell-metal workers classed with the Kasar caste, but of\nlower social standing than the Kasars. A subcaste of Sunar in Raipur.\n\n_Bhargava_.--(Born of Bhrigu Rishi.) A subcaste of Kanaujia Brahmans. A\nsection of Maratha Brahmans. Bhargava Dhusar is a subcaste of\nBania. See Bania-Dhusar.\n\n_Bharia_.--(From the Bhar tribe.) A tribe. A subcaste of Baiga in\nMandla, and of Kol.\n\n_Bharia-Bhumia_.--Synonym of Bharia.\n\n_Bharotia_ or _Mudia_.--(Shaven.) Subcaste of Baiga, also of Ahir.\n\n_Bharthi_.--Name of one of the ten orders of Gosains.\n\n_Bhatia_.--A commercial caste of Sind and Gujarat, a few of whom\nsettle temporarily in the Central Provinces. Sir D. Ibbetson writes\nof them: [425] \"The Bhatias are a class of Rajputs, originally\ncoming from Bhatner, Jaisalmer and the Rajputana desert, who have\ntaken to domestic pursuits. The name would seem to show that they\nwere Bhatis (called Bhatti in the Punjab); but be that as it may,\ntheir Rajput origin seems to be unquestioned. They stand distinctly\nbelow the Khatri, and perhaps below the Arora, and are for the most\npart engaged in petty shopkeeping, though the Bhatias of Dera Ismail\nKhan are described as belonging to a widely-spread and enterprising\nmercantile community. They are very strict Hindus, far more so than\nthe other trading classes of the western Punjab; and eschew meat and\nliquor. They do not practise widow-marriage.\"\n\nMr. Crooke's account [426] leaves little doubt that the Bhatias are a\nbranch of the Bhatti or Yaduvansi Rajputs of Jaisalmer who have gone\ninto trade; and Colonel Tod expresses the same view: \"The Bhattiah is\nalso one of the equestrian order converted into the commercial, and\nthe exchange has been to his advantage. His habits are like those of\nthe Arora, next to whom he ranks as to activity and wealth.\" [427] \"The\nchief occupation of the Bhatias,\" Mr. Crooke states, \"is moneylending,\nand to this they add trade of all kinds, agriculture, landholding and\nGovernment service. Many of them go on expeditions to Arabia, Kabul,\nBokhara and other distant places of business. Many in Bombay carry\non trade with Zanzibar, Java and the Malay Peninsula.\"\n\n_Bhatnagar_.--A subcaste of Kayasth.\n\n_Bhatpagar_.--(Wage of rice.) A section of Katia.\n\n_Bhikshakunti_.--(_Bhiksha_, begging; _kunti_, lame.) A subcaste of\nKapewar who are the Bhats or bards of the caste.\n\n_Bhil_.--A tribe. A subcaste of Pardhi.\n\n_Bhilaophod_.--(Those who extract oil from the _bhilawa_ nut,\n_Semecarpus anacardium_.) Subcaste of Kol.\n\n_Bhilsaiyan_, _Bhilsia_, _Bhilasia_.--(From Bhilsa, a town in Gwalior\nState.) A section and surname of Jijhotia Brahmans. A section of\nPurania Sunar and of Rathor Teli and Teli.\n\n_Bhima_.--A small caste belonging to the Mandla and Seoni\nDistricts. They are musicians of the Gond tribe and dance and beg\nat their weddings. The caste are an offshoot of the Gonds, their\nexogamous septs having Gond names, as Marabi, Markam, Dhurwa, Parteti,\nTekam and so on; but they now marry among themselves. They worship\nthe Gond god, Bura Deo, their own elders serving as priests. At\ntheir performances the men play and dance, wearing hollow anklets\nof metal with little balls of iron inside to make them tinkle. The\nwomen are dressed like Hindu women and dance without ornaments. Their\ninstrument is called Tuma or gourd. It consists of a hollow piece of\nbamboo fixed horizontally over a gourd. Over the bamboo a string is\nstretched secured to a peg at one end and passing over a bridge at the\nother. Little knobs of wax are made on the bamboo so that the string\ntouches them during its vibrations. The gourd acts as a sounding-board.\n\n_Bhogta_.--Subcaste of Khairwar.\n\n_Bhoi_.--(One who carries litters or palanquins.) Synonym of Dhimar\nand Kahar. A title or honorific name for Gonds and one by which they\nare often known. See article Kahar. A section of Binjhal.\n\n_Bhoir_.--Synonym for Bhoyar.\n\n_Bhojni_.--Subcaste of Chitrakathi. They serve the food at marriage\nand other ceremonies.\n\n_Bholia_.--(From _bhulna_, to forget.) Synonym of Bhulia.\n\n_Bhona_.--A small caste of labourers in the Mandla District. They are\npractically all employed by the local Pansaris (Barai) or _pan_-growers\nin tending their _barejas_ or betel-vine gardens. There is some\nground for supposing that the Bhonas are an offshoot of the Bharia or\nBharia-Bhumia tribe of Jubbulpore, which is itself derived from the\nBhars. One of the sections of the Bhonas is named after the vulture,\nand at their weddings a man of this section catches a young chicken\nand bites off the head in imitation of a vulture.\n\n_Bhondih_.--(From _bhond_, dung-beetle.) A section of Ahir.\n\n_Bhonsla_.--A clan of Marathas to which the Rajas of Nagpur belong.\n\n_Bhope_ or _Bhoall_.--Subcaste of Manbhao.\n\n_Bhoriya_.--Synonym of Bhulia.\n\n_Bhoyar_.--A caste. A subcaste of Koshti and Marar.\n\n_Bhudes_.--(The gods on earth.) Title of Brahmans.\n\n_Bhuinhar_.--Name of a landholding caste in Benares and Bengal who\nclaim to be Brahmans or Rajputs. They are also known as Babhan. A title\nof the Bhuiya tribe. See article Bhuiya. A title of the Bhaina tribe.\n\n_Bhumia_.--(Born from the land, or aboriginal.) A title of the Bharia\ntribe in Jubbulpore, also a title of Baiga and Korku. A synonym of\nBhuiya. A subdivision of Gond. A section of Kurmi.\n\n_Bhura_.--(Grey.) One of the sections of Oswal Bania. A proper name.\n\n_Bhusar_.--(Lord of the earth.) A title of Brahman.\n\n_Bhusarjin_.--(From _bhusa_, the chaff of wheat.) Subcaste of Banjara.\n\n_Bhuskate_.--(From _bhusa_, fodder, one who supplies fodder.) A\nfamily name.\n\n_Bhuta_.--A subtribe of Gond in Betul, the same as Koilabhuta. They\nare said to be of immoral character.\n\n_Biar_.--Synonym of Bayar.\n\n_Bichhuwa_, _Bichhi_.--(From _bichhu_, scorpion.) A section of Dhobi\nand Kawar.\n\n_Bidur_.--Synonym of the Vidur caste.\n\n_Biloria_.--(From _bilori_, marble stone.) A section of Chhipa.\n\n_Bilwar_.--Synonym of Belwar, a carrier and cattle-dealer.\n\n_Bind_.--A large non-Aryan caste of Bihar and the United Provinces, of\nwhich 380 persons were returned in 1911. Sir H. Risley says of them:\n[428] \"They are a tribe employed in agriculture, earthwork, fishing,\nhunting, making saltpetre and collecting indigenous drugs. Traditions\ncurrent among the caste profess to trace their origin to the Vindhya\nhills, and one of these legends tells how a traveller, passing\nby the foot of the hills, heard a strange flute-like sound coming\nout of a clump of bamboos. He cut a shoot and took from it a fleshy\nsubstance which afterwards grew into a man, the supposed ancestor of\nthe Binds. Another story says that the Binds and Nunias were formerly\nall Binds and that the present Nunias are the descendants of a Bind\nwho consented to dig a grave for a Muhammadan king and was outcasted\nfor doing so.\" A third legend tells how in the beginning of all things\nMahadeo made a lump of earth and endowed it with life. The creature\nthus produced asked Mahadeo what he should eat. The god pointed to\na tank and told him to eat the fish in it and the wild rice which\ngrew near the banks. Mr. Crooke [429] says that they use fish largely\nexcept in the fortnight (Pitripaksh) sacred to the dead in the month of\nKunwar, and Sir H. Risley notes that after the rice harvest the Binds\nwander about the country digging up the stores of rice accumulated\nby field rats in their burrows. From four to six pounds of grain\nare usually found, but even this quantity is sometimes exceeded. The\nBinds also feast on the rats, but they deny this, saying that to do\nso would be to their own injury, as a reduction of the next year's\nfind of grain would thus be caused.\n\n_Binjhal_.--Synonym of Binjhwar.\n\n_Binjhwar_.--A caste derived from the Baiga tribe. A subtribe of\nBaiga and Gond. A subcaste of Gowari.\n\n_Birchheya_.--(A dweller in the forest.) Subcaste of Ghosi.\n\n_Birchkia_.--(From _birchka_, a tree.) A subcaste of Ghosi.\n\n_Birhor._--A small Kolarian tribe of whom about 150 persons were\nreturned in 1911 from the Chota Nagpur States. The name means a dweller\nin the forest. Sir H. Risley states that the Birhors live in tiny\nhuts made of branches of trees and leaves, and eke out a miserable\nliving by snaring hares and monkeys, and collecting jungle products,\nespecially the bark of the _chob_ creeper, [430] from which a coarse\nkind of rope is made. They are great adepts at ensnaring monkeys and\nother small animals, and sell them alive or eat them. Colonel Dalton\ndescribed them as, [431] \"A small, dirty, miserable-looking race,\nwho have the credit of devouring their parents, and when I taxed them\nwith it they did not deny that such a custom had once obtained among\nthem. But they declared they never shortened lives to provide such\nfeasts and shrank with horror from the idea of any bodies but those of\ntheir own blood-relatives being served up to them.\" It would appear\nthat this custom may be partly ceremonial, and have some object,\nsuch as ensuring that the dead person should be born again in the\nfamily or that the survivors should not be haunted by his ghost. It\nhas been recorded of the Bhunjias that they ate a small part of the\nflesh of their dead parents. [432] Colonel Dalton considered the\nBirhors to be a branch of the Kharia tribe, and this is borne out\nby Dr. Grierson's statement that the specimen of the Birhor dialect\nreturned from the Jashpur State was really Kharia. [433] Elsewhere\nthe Birhor dialect resembles Mundari.\n\n_Birjhia, Birjia._ (One who practises _bewar_ or shifting cultivation\nin a forest.) Subcaste of Binjhwar, Baiga and Korwa.\n\n_Birkhandia._--From Birkhand (Sand of heroes), a name for Rajputana. A\nsection of Teli.\n\n_Birtiya._ Title of Nai or barber.\n\n_Bisen, Bisan._--A clan of Rajput. A section of Daharia and of Panwar\nRajput. A section of Marar.\n\n_Bobaiaya._--(From Bobbili, a town in Madras.) A section of Teli\nin Chanda.\n\n_Bogam._--A name for Madrasi prostitutes, perhaps a separate\ncaste. Their honorific title is Sani.\n\n_Bohra._--A Muhammadan caste. A section of Oswal Bania.\n\n_Bombay._--A subdivision of Valmiki Kayasth.\n\n_Bondoya_--A resident of Jitgarh and the Pachmarhi tract of the\nCentral Provinces. Subcaste of Korku.\n\n_Bopchi._--A section of Panwar Rajput.\n\n_Bopchi_--A small caste in the Wardha District numbering a few hundred\npersons. They are in reality Korkus, the name being a corruption of\nthat of the Bendoya subtribe, but they have discarded their proper\ntribal name and formed a separate caste. They retain some of the Korku\nsept names, while others are derived from the Marathi words or from\nthe names of other castes, and these facts indicate that the Bopchis\nare of mixed descent from Korkus and other low Maratha castes with\nwhich unions have taken place. As might be expected, they are very\ntolerant of sexual and social offences, and do not expel a woman who\nhas a _liaison_ with a man of another caste or takes food from him. She\nis readmitted to caste intercourse, but has to undergo the penalty\nof washing her body with cowdung and having a lock of her hair cut\noff. A man committing a similar offence has his upper lip shaved. They\nemploy Gosains for their _gurus_ and their social position is very low.\n\n_Borakar._(A mat-maker.) Synonym of Gopal.\n\n_Borjharia._--(_Bor_-plum.) A sept of Halba.\n\n_Brahmachare._--(A celibate.) Subcaste of Manbhao.\n\n_Brahman Gaur_, or _Bamhan Gaur_.--A branch of the Gaur clan of\nRajputs. A subcaste of Bhat.\n\n_Brid-dhari_.--Begging Bhats. Subcaste of Bhat.\n\n_Brihaspati, Brahaspati_.--An eponymous section of Brahmans.\n\n_Buchar_.--A corruption of the English word 'butcher.' Subcaste of\nKhatik in Agra.\n\n_Budalgir_.--(From _budla_, a leathern bag made for the transport\nand storage of oil and _ghi_ (butter).) Subcaste of Chamar.\n\n_Bukekari_.--(A seller of scented powder _(bukka)_.) Synonym of Atari.\n\n_Bundela_.--A clan of Rajputs of mixed descent. Name probably from\nthe Vindhya hills. A subcaste of Basor. A sept of Manihar and Rawat.\n\n_Bundelkhandi_.--A resident of Bundelkhand. Subcaste of Basdewa,\nBarai, Basor, Chamar, Darzi, Dhobi, Kumhar, Lohar, Nai and Sunar.\n\n_Bundhrajia_.--Subcaste of Kamar.\n\n_Bunkar_.--(A weaver.) Title of Balahi.\n\n_Burad_.--A synonym for the Basor caste of bamboo-workers. A section\nof Koshti and Oswal Bania.\n\n_Burthia_.--Subcaste of Charan Banjara.\n\n_Burud_.--(A bamboo-worker.) Synonym for Basor in the Maratha country.\n\n_Butka_.--(One who brings leaves.) Subcaste of Chasa.\n\n_Byahut_.--(Married.) Subcaste of Kalar.\n\n_Chadar_.--A caste. A subcaste of Kori.\n\n_Chakere_.--(One who uses the potter's wheel in localities where\nother Kumhars do not use it.) Subcaste of Kumhar.\n\n_Chakla_.--(A professional washerman.) Synonym for Dhobi.\n\n_Chalukya_.--A synonym for Solanki Rajputs. (Perhaps from _chhullu_\nor _challu_, hollow of the hand.) A subcaste of Panwar Rajput.\n\n_Chamar, Chamara_.--(From _chamra_, a hide.) The well-known caste of\ntanners. A subcaste of Banjara, Barhai and Darzi.\n\n_Chamar Gaur_.--(Chamar and Gaur.) A well-known clan of Rajputs. See\nRajput-Gaur.\n\n_Chambhar_.--Name of the Chamar caste in Berar.\n\n_Chamra_.--A contemptuous diminutive for the Chamar caste in\nChhattisgarh.\n\n_Chandan, Chandania_.--(Sandalwood.) A section of Chamar, Kawar,\nKhangar and Kurmi.\n\n_Chandel_.--A famous clan of Rajputs. See Rajput-Chandel.\n\n_Chandewar_.--(Belonging to Chanda.) Subcaste of Injhwar.\n\n_Chandi_.--(One who hides behind a fishing-net.) A sept of Korku.\n\n_Chandra, Chandraha_. (From _chanda_, the moon.) A section of Gujar\nand Teli.\n\n_Chandravansi_ or _Somvansi_.--(Descended from the moon.) A clan\nof Rajputs.\n\n_Chandravedi_.--Synonym of Sanaurhia, meaning 'One who observes\nthe moon.'\n\n_Chankhatia_.--A subcaste of Bhuiya and Chamar.\n\n_Channagri_.--A small Jain sect. A subcaste of Bania.\n\n_Chanti_.--Name derived from _chiti_, an ant. Subcaste of Kawar. A\nsection of Kumhar.\n\n_Chanwar_.--(Whisk.) A totemistic sept of Kawar and Pabia.\n\n_Charak_.--A subdivision of Maratha Brahman; a section of Brahman.\n\n_Charan_.--Subcaste of Banjara and Bhat. Title of Bhat in Rajputana.\n\n_Chardeve_.--A clan of Gonds worshiping four gods and paying special\nreverence to the tortoise.\n\n_Charghar_.--(Four houses.) A subdivision of Saraswat Brahmans.\n\n_Charnagri_.--A Jain sect or subcaste of Bania.\n\n_Chatrapati_.--(Lord of the umbrella.) Title of the ancient Indian\nkings.\n\n_Chatri, Chhatri_.--A common synonym for a Rajput. A subcaste of\nBhamta.\n\n_Chaturbhuji_.--(Four-armed.) An epithet of Vishnu. A title of the\nChauhan clan of Rajputs. A class of Bairagis or religious mendicants.\n\n_Chaube, Chaturvedi_.--(From Chaturvedi, or one learned in the\nfour Vedas.) A surname for Kanaujia, Jijhotia and other Hindustani\nBrahmans. Subcaste of Banjara.\n\n_Chaubhaiya_.--(Four brothers.) A subdivision of Saraswat\nBrahmans. They take wives from the Athbhaiya subdivision, but do not\ngive girls to them in marriage.\n\n_Chaudhri_, _Chaudhari_, _Choudhri_.--(A headman, the first\nperson.) Title of Kalar Panwar, Rajput and other castes; title of\nDhobi, vice-president of the caste committee. A section of Ahir,\nMaheshri Bania, Gadaria, Gujar, Halba and Marar (Mali). A subdivision\nof Kapewar.\n\n_Chauhan_.--A famous clan of Rajputs. Name of a low caste of village\nwatchmen in Chhattisgarh, perhaps the illegitimate descendants of\nPanwar Rajputs.\n\n_Chauka_.--Title of the Kabirpanthi religious service. The _chauk_\nis a sanctified place on the floor of the house or yard, plastered\nwith cowdung and marked out with lines of wheat-flour or quartz-dust\nwithin which ceremonies are performed.\n\n_Chaukhutia_.--A term which signifies a bastard in\nChhattisgarh. Subcaste of Bhunjia.\n\n_Chauske_.--Subcaste of Kalar. They are so called because they\nprohibit the marriage of persons having a common ancestor up to\nfour generations.\n\n_Chaurasia_.--Resident of a Chaurasi or estate of eighty-four\nvillages. Subcaste of Barai and Bhoyar. A section of Dhimar and\nKumhar. Many estates are called by this name, grants of eighty-four\nvillages having been commonly made under native rule.\n\n_Chawara_, _Chaura_.--One of the thirty-six royal races of Rajputs.\n\n_Chenchuwar_, _Chenchuwad_ or _Chenchu_--A forest tribe of the Telugu\ncountry of whom a few persons were returned from the Chanda District\nin 1911. In Madras the tribe is known as Chenchu, and the affix _wad_\nor _wadu_ merely signifies person or man. [434] The marriage ceremony\nof the Chenchus may be mentioned on account of its simplicity. The\ncouple sometimes simply run away together at night and return next day\nas husband and wife, or, if they perform a rite, walk round and round a\nbow and arrow stuck into the ground, while their relations bless them\nand throw rice on their heads. Each party to a marriage can terminate\nit at will without assigning any reason or observing any formality. The\nbodies of the dead are washed and then buried with their weapons.\n\n_Chenr_.--(Little.) Subcaste of Bhand.\n\n_Cheorakuta_.--(One who prepares _cheora_ or pounded rice.) Subcaste\nof Dhuri.\n\n_Chero_. [435]--A well-known tribe of the Munda or Kolarian family,\nfound in small numbers in the Chota Nagpur Feudatory States. They\nare believed to have been at one time the rulers of Bihar, where\nnumerous monuments are attributed, according to the inquiries of\nBuchanan and Dalton, to the Kols and Cheros. \"In Shahabad [436]\nalso most of the ancient monuments are ascribed to the Cheros, and it\nis traditionally asserted that the whole country belonged to them in\nsovereignty. An inscription at Budh Gaya mentions one Phudi Chandra who\nis traditionally said to have been a Chero. The Cheros were expelled\nfrom Shahabad, some say by the Sawaras (Saonrs), some say by a tribe\ncalled Hariha; and the date of their expulsion is conjectured to be\nbetween the fifth and sixth centuries of the Christian era. Both\nCheros and Sawaras were considered by the Brahmans of Shahabad as\nimpure or Mlechchas, but the Harihas are reported good Kshatriyas.\n\n\"The overthrow of the Cheros in Mithila and Magadha seems to have\nbeen complete. Once lords of the Gangetic provinces, they are now\nfound in Shahabad and other Bihar Districts only holding the meanest\noffices or concealing themselves in the woods skirting the hills\noccupied by their cousins, the Kharwars; but in Palamau they retained\ntill a recent period the position they had lost elsewhere. A Chero\nfamily maintained almost an independent rule in that pargana till\nthe accession of the British Government; they even attempted to hold\ntheir castles and strong places against that power, but were speedily\nsubjugated, forced to pay revenue and submit to the laws. They were,\nhowever, allowed to retain their estates; and though the rights\nof the last Raja of the race were purchased by Government in 1813,\nin consequence of his falling into arrears, the collateral branches\nof the family have extensive estates there still. According to their\nown traditions (they have no trustworthy annals) they have not been\nmany generations in Palamau. They invaded that country from Rohtas,\nand with the aid of Rajput chiefs, the ancestors of the Thakurais of\nRanka and Chainpur drove out and supplanted a Rajput Raja of the Raksel\nfamily, who retreated into Sarguja and established himself there.\n\n\"All the Cheros of note who assisted in the expedition obtained\nmilitary service grants of land, which they still retain. The Kharwars\nwere then the people of most consideration in Palamau, and they\nallowed the Cheros to remain in peaceful possession of the hill tracts\nbordering on Sarguja. It is popularly asserted that at the commencement\nof the Chero rule in Palamau they numbered twelve thousand families,\nand the Kharwars eighteen thousand; and if an individual of one or\nthe other is asked to what tribe he belongs, he will say, not that he\nis a Chero or a Kharwar, but that he belongs to the twelve thousand\nor to the eighteen thousand, as the case may be. The Palamau Cheros\nnow live strictly as Rajputs and wear the _paita_ or caste thread.\"\n\nIt has been suggested in the article on Khairwar that the close\nconnection between the two tribes may arise from the Kharwars or\nKhairwars having been an occupational offshoot of the Cheros and\nSantals.\n\nIn Palamau [437] the Cheros are now divided into two subcastes,\nthe Bara-hazar or twelve thousand, and the Terah-hazar or thirteen\nthousand, who are also known as Birbandhi. The former are the higher\nin rank and include most of the descendants of former ruling families,\nwho assume the title Babuan. The Terah-hazar are supposed to be the\nillegitimate offspring of the Bara-hazar.\n\n\"The distinctive physical traits of the Cheros,\" Colonel Dalton states,\n\"have been considerably softened by the alliances with pure Hindu\nfamilies, which their ancient power and large possessions enabled\nthem to secure; but they appear to me still to exhibit an unmistakable\nMongolian physiognomy. They vary in colour, but are usually of a light\nbrown. They have, as a rule, high cheek-bones, small eyes obliquely\nset, and eyebrows to correspond, low broad noses, and large mouths\nwith protuberant lips.\"\n\n_Cherwa_.--Subcaste of Kawar.\n\n_Chetti_.--Subcaste of Gandli.\n\n_Chhachan_.--(A hawk.) A section of Rawat (Ahir).\n\n_Chhadesia_.--(A man of six districts.) Subcaste of Banjara.\n\n_Chhadidar_ or _Darwan_.--Title of the Dahaits, who were door-keepers\nof the Rajas of Mahoba in former times.\n\n_Chhanava Kule_.--(The ninety-six houses.) A subcaste of Maratha.\n\n_Chhatakia_.--An illegitimate group of the Kumhar caste.\n\n_Chhattisgarhi, Chhattisgarhia_.--Resident of Chhattisgarh or the\nregion of the thirty-six forts, a name given to the eastern tract of\nthe Central Provinces. Subcaste of Bahna, Darzi and Halba.\n\n_Chhehghar (Chhenghar)_.--(Members of the six houses.) A hypergamous\ndivision of Kanaujia Brahmans. They take daughters from the other\ntwo divisions, but do not give their daughters to them.\n\n_Chhipa_.--(A dyer.) Synonym of Darzi.\n\n_Chhoha_ or _Saroria_.--A subcaste of Agharia of mixed descent.\n\n_Chholia_.--(Rubbish.) A section of Rajjhar.\n\n_Chhote_.--(Inferior.) Subcaste of Agharia and Teli.\n\n_Chhoti Pangat_.--A subcaste of Halba, Synonym Surait. Chhoti Pangat\nsignifies the inferior caste feast, and the implication is that these\nmembers cannot join in the proper feast.\n\n_Chhotki Bhir or Gorhi_.--(Low.) Subcaste of Rautia.\n\n_Chhura_,--(Razor.) A section of Panka. It was their business to\nshave other members of the caste after a death;\n\n_Chicham_.--(Hawk.)--A sept of Gonds.\n\n_Chicheria_.--(From _church_, forelock, which the children of this\nsept wear.) A sept of Dhimar.\n\n_Chika_.--Subcaste of Majhwar.\n\n_Chikwa_.--Synonym of Khatik.\n\n_Chinchkul_.--A section of Komti. They abstain from the use of ginger\nand from the juice of the _bhilawa_ or marking-nut tree.\n\n_Chita Purdhi, Chilewala_.--(Leopard-hunter.) A subcaste of Pardhi.\n\n_Chiturkar, Chitrakar_.--(A painter.) Synonym for Chitari.\n\n_Chiter_.--(A painter.) See Chitari.\n\n_Chitevari_.--(One who makes clay idols.) Synonym for Mochi.\n\n_Chitpawan_.--(The pure in heart.) A synonym for Konkanasth Brahman.\n\n_Chitragupta Vansi_.--(Descendants of Chitragupta.) A name for\nKayasths.\n\n_Chobdar_.--(A mace-bearer.) Title of Dahait.\n\n_Chorbans_.--(Family of thieves.) A section of Chamar.\n\n_Chourdhar_.--(A whisk-carrier.) A section of Sunar.\n\n_Chuhra_.--Subcaste of Mehtar. Name for the sweeper caste in the\nPunjab.\n\n_Chungia_.--(One who smokes a leaf-pipe.) Subcaste of Chamar and\nSatnami.\n\n_Chunwiha_.--(From _chunri_, a coloured sheet worn by women.) A\nsection of Tamera.\n\n_Churha_.--(Thief.) A subcaste of Sunar. A section of Chhipa.\n\n_Cutchwaha_.--Clan of Rajput. Synonym for Kachhwaha.\n\n_Daharia_.--(From Dahar, the old name of the Jubbulpore country.) A\nclan of Rajputs which has developed into a caste. A subcaste of Bhoyar,\nKalar, Mahar, Maratha and Teli. A section of Chadar, Chamar and Katia.\n\n_Dahat_.--A variant for Dahait. A subcaste of Khangar.\n\n_Dahia_.--One of the thirty-six royal races of Rajputs.\n\n_Daijanya_.--Subcaste of Chamar. They are so called because their\nwomen act as _dai_ or midwives.\n\n_Dakhne, Dakshne, Dakshni, Dakshini._--(Belonging to the\nDeccan.) Subcaste of Bahna, Chamar, Gondhali, Gurao, Kunbi, Mahar,\nMang and Nai.\n\n_Dakochia_.--A synonym for Bhadri, an astrologer.\n\n_Dal_.--(From _dal_, an army.) Subcaste of Khond.\n\n_Dalboha, Dalbuha_.--(One who carries _dhoolies_ or\npalanquins.) Subcaste of Ghasia and Katia.\n\n_Dalia_.--(From _dal_ or the pulse of Burhanpur which had a great\nreputation). Subcaste of Kunbi.\n\n_Dal Khalsa_.--(Army of God.) Title of the Sikh army.\n\n_Dandewala_.--(One who performs acrobatic feats on a stick or\nbamboo.) Synonym for Kolhati.\n\n_Dandi_.--(One who carries a stick.) Name of a class of religious\nmendicants. See article Gosain.\n\n_Dandsena_.--(One who carries a stick.) Subcaste of Kalar.\n\n_Dang-charha._--(A rope-climber.) Synonym of Nut.\n\n_Dangiwara_.--Name of part of the Saugor District, which is called\nafter the Dangi caste. Subcaste of Kadera.\n\n_Dangua_.--(A hill-dweller.) Subcaste of Taonla.\n\n_Dangur_.--A small caste of hemp weavers numbering about 100 persons,\nand residing almost entirely in the village of Masod in Betul\nDistrict. They are of the same standing as the caste of Kumrawat\nor Patbina which pursues this occupation in other Districts, but\nacknowledge no connection with them and are probably an occupational\noffshoot of the Kunbi caste, from whose members they readily accept\nany kind of cooked food. Like many other small occupational castes\nwith no definite traditions, they profess to have a Kshatriya origin,\ncalling themselves Bhagore Rajputs, while their families are known\nby such high-sounding titles as Rathor, Chauhan, Gaur, Solanki and\nother well-known Rajput names. These pretensions have no foundation\nin fact, and the Dangurs formerly did not abjure pork, while they\nstill eat fowls and drink liquor. They neither bathe nor clean their\nkitchens daily. They may eat food taken from one place to another,\nbut not if they are wearing shoes, this being only permissible in\nthe case when the bridegroom takes his food wearing his marriage shoes.\n\n_Dantele_.--(With teeth.) A section of Purania Sunars in Saugor.\n\n_Daraihan_.--A small caste of debased Rajputs found in the Bilaspur\nDistrict of Chhattisgarh and numbering some 2000 persons in 1901. They\nsay that their ancestors were Rajputs from Upper India who settled\nin Chhattisgarh some generations back in the village of Dargaon\nin Raipur District. Thence they were given the name of Dargaihan,\nwhich has been corrupted into Daraihan. Others say that the name is\nderived from _dari_, a prostitute, but this is perhaps a libel. In\nany case they do not care about the name Daraihan and prefer to\ncall themselves Kshatriyas. They have now no connection with the\nRajputs of Upper India, and have developed into an endogamous group\nwho marry among themselves. It seems likely that the caste are an\ninferior branch of the Daharia cultivating caste of Chhattisgarh,\nwhich is derived from the Daharia clan of Rajputs. [438]\n\nLike other Rajputs the Daraihans have an elaborate system of septs\nand subsepts, the former having the names of Rajput clans, while the\nlatter are taken from the eponymous _gotras_ of the Brahmans. There\nare fourteen septs, named as a rule after the principal Rajput clans,\nof whom four, the Chandel, Kachhwaha, Dhandhul and Sakrawara, rank\nhigher than the other ten, and will take daughters from these in\nmarriage, but not give their daughters in return. Besides the septs\nthey have the standard Brahmanical _gotras_, as Kausilya, Bharadwaj,\nVasishtha and so on to the number of seven, and the members of each\nsept are divided into these _gotras_. Theoretically a man should\nnot take a wife whose sept or _gotra_ is the same as his own. The\nmarriage of first cousins is forbidden, and while the grandchildren\nof two sisters may intermarry, for the descendants of a brother\nand a sister the affinity is a bar till the third generation. But\nthe small numbers of the caste must make the arrangement of matches\nvery difficult, and it is doubtful whether these rules are strictly\nobserved. They permit the practice of Gunravat or giving a bride for\na bride. In other respects the social customs of the caste resemble\nthose of their neighbours, the Daharias, and their rules as to the\nconduct of women are strict. The men are well built and have regular\nfeatures and fair complexions, from which their Rajput ancestry may\nstill be recognised. They wear the sacred thread. The Daraihans are\ngood and intelligent cultivators, many of them being proprietors or\nlarge tenants, and unlike the Daharias they do not object to driving\nthe plough with their own hands. In the poorer families even the\nwomen work in the fields. They have a strong clannish feeling and\nwill readily combine for the support or protection of any member of\nthe caste who may be in need of it.\n\n_Darbania_.--(Door-keeper.) Title of Khangur.\n\n_Darshani_.--Title of the most holy members of the Kanphata Jogis.\n\n_Darshni_.--(From _darshan_, seeing, beholding, as of a god.) A\nsub-division of Jogi.\n\n_Darwan_.--(A door-keeper.) Title of Dahait.\n\n_Darwe_ or _Dalwe_.--A subcaste of Gonds in Chanda; the Darwes are\nalso called Naik.\n\n_Darwesh_.--Persian name for a Muhammadan Fakir or religious mendicant.\n\n_Darzi_.--A caste of tailors. Subcaste of Ghasia.\n\n_Das_.--(Servant.) Used as the termination of their names by\nBairagis or religious mendicants. A term applied by Pankas and other\nKabirpanthis to themselves.\n\n_Dasa_.--(Ten.) A subdivision of Agarwala and other subcastes of Bania,\nmeaning those of pure blood.\n\n_Dasghar_.--(Ten houses.) One of the three subdivisions of Kanaujia\nBrahmans. They give their daughters to members of the Chheghar or\nsix houses and receive them from the Panchghar or five houses.\n\n_Dasnami_.--A member of the ten orders. Synonym for Gosain.\n\n_Datta_ or _Dutt_.--Surname of Bengali Kayasths.\n\n_Daune_.--A subdivision of Prabhu or Parbhu in Nagpur, so called on\naccount of their living in the island of Diu, a Portuguese possession.\n\n_Deccani_.--See Dakhne.\n\n_Dehalwi_.--(From Delhi.) A subdivision of Gaur Kayasths.\n\n_Dehri_.--(A worshipper.) Subcaste of Sudh.\n\n_Dekkala_.--(A genealogist.) Subcaste of Madgi.\n\n_Delki_.--Subcaste of Kharia.\n\n_Deo_.--(God.) A hereditary title borne by certain Feudatory Chiefs. A\nsurname of Karhara Brahmans in Saugor. A subcaste of Gandli in Chanda.\n\n_Deobansi_.--(A descendant of a god.) Subcaste of Patwa.\n\n_Deogarhia_ or _Rajkunwar_.--(From Deogarh.) A subcaste of Pardhan. A\nsubcaste of Audhelia made up of prostitutes. A sept of Dhimar.\n\n_Deokia_.--Title used in the Bedar caste.\n\n_Deoputra_.--(Son of god.) Synonym of Charan.\n\n_Desa_ or _Kota_.--Subcaste of Balija.\n\n_Desai_.--A variant for Deshmukh or a Maratha revenue officer. Title\nof the Pardhan caste.\n\n_Desawal_.--A subdivision of Brahman in Jubbulpore. They take their\nname from Disa, a town in Palanpur State in Bombay Presidency.\n\n_Desha, Desaha_.--(Belonging to the home country.) The name is usually\napplied to immigrants from Malwa or Hindustan. A subcaste of Ahir,\nBargah, Bari, Chamar, Dhuri, Gadaria, Kalar, Kol, Kurmi, Lakhera,\nLohar, Mahar, Sunar and Teli.\n\n_Deshastha_.--A subcaste of Maratha Brahmans inhabiting the country\n(Desh) above the Western Ghats. A subcaste of Gurao.\n\n_Deshkar_.--(One belonging to the country.) A subcaste of Gondhali,\nGurao, Kasar, Koshti, Kunbi, Mahar, Mali, Maratha, Nai, Sunar and Teli.\n\n_Deshmukh_.--Under Maratha rule the Deshmukh was a Pargana officer\nwho collected the revenue of the Pargana or small subdivision, and\nother taxes, receiving a certain share. The office of Deshmukh was\ngenerally held by a leading Kunbi of the neighbourhood. He also held\nrevenue-free land in virtue of his position. The Deshmukh families now\ntend to form a separate subcaste of Kunbis and marry among themselves.\n\n_Deshpande_.--The Deshpande was the Pargana accountant. He was\ngenerally a Brahman and the right-hand man of the Deshmukh, and having\nthe advantage of education he became powerful like the Deshmukh. Now\nused as a surname by Maratha Brahmans.\n\n_Deswali_.--Synonym for Mina.\n\n_Devadasi_.--(Handmaidens of the gods.) Synonym for Kasbi.\n\n_Devarukhe_.--A subdivision of Maratha Brahmans. The word is derived\nfrom Devarishi, a Shakha (branch) of the Atharva Veda, or from\nDevarukh, a town in Ratnagiri District of Bombay Presidency. Among\nBrahmans they hold rather a low position.\n\n_Dewangan_.--(From the old town of this name on the Wardha\nriver.) Subcaste of Koshti.\n\n_Dhaighar_.--(2 1/2 houses.) A subcaste of Khatri.\n\n_Dhakan_.--(A witch.) Subcaste of Bhat.\n\n_Dhakar_.--Name of a caste in Bastar. A clan of Rajputs. A subcase\nof Barai, Bania and Kirar. A sept of Halba.\n\n_Dhalgar_.--A small occupational caste who made leather shields,\nand are now almost extinct as the use of shields has gone out of\nfashion. They are Muhammadans, but Mr. Crooke [439] considers them to\nbe allied to the Dabgars, who make leather vessels for holding oil\nand _ghi_ and are also known as Kuppesaz. The Dabgars are a Hindu\ncaste whose place in the Central Provinces is taken by the Budalgir\nChamars. These receive their designation from _budla_, the name of\nthe leather bag which they make. _Budlas_ were formerly employed\nfor holding _ghi_ or melted butter, oil and the liquid extract of\nsugarcane, but vegetable oil is now generally carried in earthen\nvessels slung in baskets, and _ghi_ in empty kerosene tins. Small\nbottles of very thin leather are still used by scent-sellers for\nholding their scents, though they also have glass bottles. The song of\nthe Leather Bottel recalls the fact that vessels for holding liquids\nwere made of leather in Europe prior to the introduction of glass. The\nDhalgars also made targets for archery practice from the hides of\nbuffaloes; and the similar use of the hides of cattle in Europe\nsurvives in our phrase of the bull's eye for the centre of the target.\n\n_Dhamonia_.--(From Dhamoni, a town in Saugor.) A subcaste of Sonkar. A\nterritorial sept of Darzi and Dhobi.\n\n_Dhanak Sammani_.--(One who reverences the bow.) A section of Barai.\n\n_Dhandere_.--(Probably from Dhundhar, an old name of Jaipur or Amber\nState.) A sept of Rajputs.\n\n_Dhangar_.--(A farmservant.) Synonym of Oraon.\n\n_Dhanka_.--Perhaps a variant for Dhangar. Subcaste of Oraon.\n\n_Dhanoj_, _Dhanoje_.--(From _dhangar_, a shepherd.) Subcaste of Are\nand Kunbi.\n\n_Dhanpagar_.--(One serving for a pittance of paddy.) A section of Teli.\n\n_Dhanuhar_.--(A corrupt form of Dhanusdhar or a holder of a\nbow.) Synonym of Dhanwar.\n\n_Dhanuk_.--(A bowman.) A caste. A subcaste of Mehtar.\n\n_Dhanushban_.--(Bow and arrow.) A sept of Kawar.\n\n_Dharampuria_.--(Resident of Dharampur.) Subcaste of Dhobi.\n\n_Dhare_.--Title of Gowari.\n\n_Dhari_.--A subcaste of Banjara. They are the bards of the caste.\n\n_Dharkar_.--Subcaste of Basor.\n\n_Dharmik_.--(Religious or virtuous.) A subcaste of Mahar and Maratha.\n\n_Dhed_.--Synonym for Mahar.\n\n_Dhengar_.--A subcaste of Bharewa (Kasar) and Gadaria.\n\n_Dhera_. [440]--A small Telugu caste of weavers, the bulk of whom\nreside in the Sonpur State, transferred to Bengal in 1905. The Dheras\nwere brought from Orissa by the Raja of Sonpur to make clothes for\nthe images of the gods, which they also claim to be their privilege in\nPuri. Their exogamous groups are named after animals, plants or other\nobjects, and they practise totemism. The members of the Surya or sun\ngroup will not eat during an eclipse. Those of the Nalla (black) sept\nwill not wear black clothes. Those of the Bansethi and Bhanala septs\nwill not use the _bandi_, a kind of cart from which they consider their\nname to be derived. The Otals take their name from _utti_, a net, from\nwhich pots are hung, and they will not use this net. Those of the Gunda\nsept, who take their name from _gunda_, a bullet, will not eat any\ngame shot with a gun. Marriage within the sept is prohibited, but the\nDheras always, where practicable, arrange the marriage of a boy with\nhis maternal uncle's daughter. Even in childhood the members of such\nfamilies address each other as brother-in-law and sister-in-law. When\nthe bridegroom and bride go home after the marriage ceremony, the\nbridegroom's sister bars the door of the house and will not let them\nin until they have severally promised to give her their daughter for\nher son. A girl must be married before arriving at adolescence on pain\nof permanent exclusion from the caste. If a suitable husband has not\ntherefore been found when the period approaches, the parents marry\nthe girl to her elder sister's husband or any other married man. She\nis not bound to enter into conjugal relations with the man to whom\nshe is thus united, and with his consent she may be consequently\nmarried to any other man in the guise of a widow. If a bachelor takes\nsuch a girl to wife, he must first be married to a _sahara_ tree\n(_Streblus asper_). When a betrothal is arranged, an elderly member\nof the bridegroom's family proceeds to the bride's house and asks her\npeople three times in succession whether the betrothal is arranged,\nand at each reply in the affirmative ties a knot in his cloth. He\nthen goes home and in the bridegroom's house solemnly unties the\nknots over another cloth which is spread on the ground. This cloth\nis then considered to contain the promises and it is wrapped up and\ncarefully put away to keep them as if they were material objects.\n\n_Dherha_.--(Brother-in-law or paternal aunt's husband.) Title of\nKharia.\n\n_Dhimar_.--A caste. Subcaste of Kori.\n\n_Dhimra_.--Synonym for Dhimar.\n\n_Dhobi_.--The caste of washermen. A sept of Bharia and Bhaina.\n\n_Dhokhede_.--One of doubtful parentage. A sept of Teli.\n\n_Dholewar_.--(From _dhola_, a drum.) A subcaste of Bhoyar and Gaoli. A\nsection of Basor.\n\n_Dholi_.--(A minstrel.) Subcaste of Bhat.\n\n_Dhubela_.--Origin perhaps from the Dhobi caste. Subcaste of Basor.\n\n_Dhulbajia_.--(From _dhol_, a drum.) A subcaste of Chamar, also known\nas Daijania.\n\n_Dhulia_, _Dholin_, _Dholi_.--(A player on a _dhol_ or drum.) Synonym\nfor the Basor caste. A subcaste of Gond in Chanda and Betul. A subcaste\nof Mahar.\n\n_Dhunak Pathan_.--Synonym for Bahna.\n\n_Dhunia_.--(From _dhunna_, to card cotton.) Synonym for Bahna.\n\n_Dhunka_.--(A cotton-cleaner.) Subcaste of Kadera.\n\n_Dhur Gond_.--(From _dhur_, dust.) A subcaste of Gonds. They are also\nknown as Rawanvansi or descendants of Rawan.\n\n_Dhuri_.--A caste of grain-parchers. A subcaste of Dhimar.\n\n_Dhuria_.--Subcaste of Nagasia and Dhimar. They are so called because\nthey mark the forehead of the bride with dust (_dhur_) taken from\nthe sole of the bridegroom's foot.\n\n_Dhurwa_.--The word may be derived from _dhur_, dust. Dhur is a name\ngiven to the body of Gonds as opposed to the Raj-Gonds. One of the\ncommonest septs of Gonds. A sept of Baiga, Kolta, Kalar and Nat. A\ntitle of Parja.\n\n_Dhusar_.--Subcaste of Bania.\n\n_Dhusia_.--Subcaste of Murha.\n\n_Digambari_.--A sect of Jain Banias who do not clothe their idols and\napply saffron to their feet. Also a class of Bairagis or religious\nmendicants.\n\n_Diharia_ or _Kisan_.--(One who lives in a village or a\ncultivator.). Subcaste of Korwa.\n\n_Dikhit_, _Dikshit_, _Dixit_.--(The Initiator.) A subcaste of\nBrahman. A clan of Rajputs of the solar race formerly dominant in\nthe United Provinces.\n\n_Dila_.--(A pointed stick tied to a calf's mouth to prevent him from\nsucking.) A totemistic sept of Kawar. They do not use a stick in this\nmanner. A section of Ahir.\n\n_Dillawal_.--A subcaste of Kasar. Those belonging to or coming\nfrom Delhi.\n\n_Dingkuchia_.--(One who castrates cattle and ponies.) Subcaste\nof Ghasia.\n\n_Dipawalia_.--(One who supplies oil for the lamps at Diwali.) A sept\nof Teli.\n\n_Dipbans_.--(Son of the lamp.) Title of Teli.\n\n_Diwan_.--Title of the members of the Dahait caste committee.\n\n_Dixit_.--See Dikhit.\n\n_Dobaile_.--(One who yokes two bullocks to the oil-press.) Subcaste\nof Telis in the Nagpur country.\n\n_Dobisya_.--(Two score.) Subcaste of Halwai.\n\n_Doda_ or _Dor_.--One of the thirty-six royal races of Rajputs.\n\n_Dogle_.--Name applied to Kayasths of illegitimate descent.\n\n_Dohor_. [441]--A small caste of Berar, who are really Chamars;\nin the Central Provinces the Dohors are a well-known subcaste of\nChamars, but in Berar they appear to have obtained a separate name,\nunder which about 6000 persons were returned in 1911. They work in\nleather like the Chamars or Mochis. With the ambition of bettering\ntheir social status among the Hindus the caste strictly observe the\nsanctity of animal life. No Dohor may molest an animal or even pelt\nit with stones. A man who sells a cow or bullock to butchers is put\nout of caste, but if he repents and gets the animal back before it is\nslaughtered, a fine of Rs. 5 only is imposed. If, on the other hand,\nthe animal is killed, the culprit must give his daughter in marriage\nwithout taking any price from the bridegroom, and must feed the whole\ncaste and pay a fine of Rs. 50, which is expended on liquor. Failing\nthis he is expelled from the community. Similarly the Pardeshi Dohors\nrigidly enforce infant-marriage. If a girl is not married before\nshe is ten her family are fined and put out of caste until the fine\nis paid. And if the girl has leprosy or any other disease, which\nprevents her from getting married, a similar penalty is imposed on\nthe family. Nevertheless the Dohors are considered to be impure and\nare not allowed to enter Hindu temples; the village barber does not\nshave them nor the washerman wash their clothes. A bachelor desiring\nto marry a widow must first perform the ceremony with a _rui_ or\ncotton-tree. But such a union is considered disgraceful; the man\nhimself must pay a heavy fine to get back into caste, and his children\nare considered as partly illegitimate and must marry with the progeny\nof similar unions. Either husband or wife can obtain a divorce by\na simple application to the caste _panchayat_, and a divorced woman\ncan marry again as a widow. The caste offer sheep and goats to their\ndeities and worship the animals before killing them. At Dasahra they\nalso pay reverence to the skinning-knife, and the needle with which\nshoes are sewn. The caste burn the bodies of those who die married\nand bury the unmarried. Before setting out for a funeral they drink\nliquor and again on their return, and a little liquor is sprinkled\nover the grave. When a man has been cremated his ashes are taken\nand thrown into a river on the third day. The chief mourner, after\nbeing shaved by his brother-in-law, takes the hair with some copper\ncoins in his hand and, diving into the river, leaves them there as\nan offering to the dead man's spirit.\n\n_Dolia_.--(Palanquin-bearer.) A section of Dhimar.\n\n_Dom_.--An important caste in Bengal. See article Kanjar. Used as a\nsynonym for Ganda in the Uriya country.\n\n_Domra_.--Subcaste of Turi.\n\n_Dongaria_, _Dongarwar_.--(From _dongar_, a hill.) A sept of Bhil,\nDhobi, Mali, Mang and Sonkar. A surname of Maratha Brahmans.\n\n_Dora_.--(Sahib or Lord.) Title of the Mutrasi caste.\n\n_Dosar_.--Subcaste of Bania.\n\n_Dravida_.--(Southern.) See Panch-Dravida.\n\n_Dube_.--(A teacher and a man learned in two Vedas.) A common surname\nof Hindustani Brahmans. A subcaste of Banjara.\n\n_Dudh_.--(Milk.) Dudh-Barai, a subcaste of Barai; Dudh-Gowari,\na subcaste of Ahir or Gowari; Dudh-Kawar, a subcaste of Kawar.\n\n_Dudh Bhai_.--(Milk-brothers.) A fraternity of Gonds in Betul, who\nare apparently foster-brothers. They do not marry, though they have\ndifferent septs.\n\n_Dukar_.--A subcaste of Kolhati. From _dukar_, hog, because they\nare accustomed to hunt the wild pig with dogs and spears when these\nanimals become too numerous and damage the crops of the villagers.\n\n_Dukaria_.--Title of the officer of the Andh caste who constitutes\nthe caste committee.\n\n_Dulha_.--(Bridegroom.) A section of Chadar.\n\n_Dumar_ or _Dom_.--A low caste of sweepers in Bengal. See\nKanjar. Subcaste of Basor, Ganda, Panka and Turi. Synonym and subcaste\nof Mehtar. A section of Kawar.\n\n_Durgbansi_.--A clan of Rajputs in Ragnandgaon.\n\n_Dusre_.--(Second.) A subdivision of Shrivastab, Gaur and Saksena\nKayasths, meaning those of inferior or mixed origin as opposed to\nKhare or those of pure origin.\n\n_Dwarka_.--One of the most holy places in India, situated on or\nnear the sea in Gujarat. It is supposed to have been founded by\nKrishna. Site of one of the monasteries (Ashram) of Sankaracharya,\nthe founder of the non-dualistic or Vedanta philosophy.\n\n_Dwija_.--(Twice-born.) A title applied to the three higher classical\ncastes, Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaishya, and now especially to Brahmans.\n\n_Ekbahia_.--(One-armed.) Subcaste of Teli, so called because their\nwomen wear glass bangles only on one arm.\n\n_Ekbaile_.--One who yokes one bullock only to the oil-press. Subcaste\nof Teli.\n\n_Elama, Elma_.--Synonym for Velama. A subcaste of Kapewar or Kapu.\n\n_Erenga._--Subcaste of Kharia in Bengal.\n\n_Erna_.--(From Eran, in Saugor district.) A section of Teli.\n\n_Fakir_.--A Muhammadan mendicant. Synonym Sain. See article.\n\n_Farid_.--Sheikh Farid was a well-known Muhammadan saint. A section\nof Panwar Rajput.\n\n_Farsi_.--Persian. From the Province of Fars. The term Farsi is\nalso used by the Hindus to signify foreign or non-Aryan languages\nlike Gondi.\n\n_Fidawi._--(A disciple.) An order of devotees of the Khojah sect\nknown to the Crusaders as Assassins. Title of Khojah.\n\n_Gadaba_.--Synonym of Gadba.\n\n_Gadaria_.--A caste. Subcaste of Ahir.\n\n_Gadha_.--(An ass.) A sept of the Uika clan of Gonds in Betul, so\nnamed because their priest rode on an ass in crossing a river.\n\n_Gadhao_.--(From _gadha_, an ass.) Subcaste of Kunbi.\n\n_Gadhewal, Gadhere, Gadhwe, Gadhilla_.--(One who keeps donkeys. From\n_gadha_, an ass.) A subcaste of Dhimar, Katia, Koshti, Kumhar and\nSonkar. A sept of Gond and Pardhan.\n\n_Gadhwana_.--(From Garha, near Jubbulpore.) Subcaste of Nai.\n\n_Gadiwan_.--(A cart-driver.) Subcaste of Dangri.\n\n_Gadri_.--(From _gadar_, a sheep.) A synonym of Gadaria. A subcaste\nof Dhangar.\n\n_Gaharwar, Gaharval, Gherwal_.--One of the thirty-six royal races of\nRajputs chiefly found in Bilaspur and Khairagarh. A section of Patwas.\n\n_Gahbainya_ or _Gahboniya_.--(Those who hid in a village when called\nby a king to his presence.) A subcaste of Kurmi. A section of Kurmi.\n\n_Gahlot_ or _Sesodia_.--A famous clan of Rajputs. A section of Daraiha\nand Joshi.\n\n_Gahoi_.--Subcaste of Bania. See article Bania-Gahoi.\n\n_Gahra_.--Synonym for Ahir or herdsman in the Uriya country.\n\n_Gai-Gowari._--Subcaste of Gowari.\n\n_Gaiki_.--A cowherd. (A subcaste of Gond in Betul.) A section of\nChamar.\n\n_Gaikwar_ or _Gaika_.--(A cowherd.) A clan of Maratha. A section of\nAhir, Bhil, Kunbi and Mahar.\n\n_Gaita_.--Subcaste of Gond.\n\n_Gaiwale_.--(Cow-keeper.) A subcaste of Moghia.\n\n_Gajarha_.--_(Gajar_, a carrot.) A section of Teli in Mandla.\n\n_Gajjam_.--A sept of the Dhurwa clan of Gonds in Betul named after\nGajjami. (Bow and arrows in Gondi.)\n\n_Ganda_.--(A messenger.) A low caste of village watchmen. In the Uriya\ncountry the Gandas are known as Dom. A subcaste of Pardhan. Title\nof Kharia.\n\n_Gandhi_.--A scent-seller. (From _gandh_, a Sanskrit word for\nscent.) Synonym of Atari. A section of Maheshir Bania.\n\n_Gandli_.--The Telugu caste of oil-pressers, numbering about 3000\npersons in the Central Provinces, in the Chanda, Nagpur and Bhandara\nDistricts. They are immigrants from the Godavari District of Madras and\nhave been settled in the Central Provinces for some generations. Here\nmany of them have prospered so that they have abandoned the hereditary\ncalling and become landowners, traders and moneylenders. Like the\nwell-to-do Telis they are keenly desirous of bettering their social\nposition and now repudiate any connection with what may be known as\n'the shop,' or the profession of oil-pressing. As this ranks very\nlow, among the more despised village handicrafts, the progress of\nthe Gandlis and Telis to the social standing of Banias, to which\nthey generally aspire, is beset with difficulties; but the Gandlis,\nin virtue of having migrated to what is practically a foreign country\nso far as they are concerned, have achieved a considerable measure of\nsuccess, and may be said to enjoy a better position than any Telis. A\nfew of them wear the sacred thread, and though they eat flesh, they\nhave abjured liquor except in Chanda, where they are most numerous\nand the proportion of wealthy members is smallest. Here also they\nare said to eat pork. Others eat flesh and fowls.\n\nThe Gandlis are divided into the Reddi, Chetti and Telkala subcastes,\nand the last are generally oil-pressers. It is probable that the\nReddis are the same as the Redu-eddu or Rendu-eddu subcaste of Madras,\nwho derive their name from the custom of using two bullocks to turn\nthe oil-press, like the Do-baile Telis of the Central Provinces. But\nit has been changed to Reddi, a more respectable name, as being a\nsynonym for the Kapu cultivating caste. Chetti really means a trader,\nand is, Mr. Francis says, [442] \"One of those occupational or titular\nterms, which are largely employed as caste names. The weavers,\noil-pressers and others use it as a title, and many more tack it on\nto their names to denote that trade is their occupation.\" Marriage\nis regulated by exogamous groups, the names of which are said to be\nderived from those of villages. Girls are generally married during\nchildhood. A noticeable point is that the ceremony is celebrated\nat the bridegroom's house, to which the bride goes, accompanied by\nher party, including the women of her family. The ceremony follows\nthe Maratha form of throwing fried rice over the bridal couple,\nand Brahman priests are employed to officiate. Widow-marriage is\npermitted. The dead are both buried and burnt, and during mourning\nthe Gandlis refrain from eating _khichri_ or mixed rice and pulse, and\ndo not take their food off plantain leaves, in addition to the other\nusual observances. They have the _shantik_ ceremony or the seclusion\nof a girl on the first appearance of the signs of adolescence, which\nis in vogue among the higher Maratha castes, and is followed by a feast\nand the consummation of her marriage. They now speak Marathi fluently,\nbut still use Telugu in their houses and wear their head-cloths tied\nafter the Tulugu fashion. [443]\n\n_Gangabalu_.--(Sand of the Ganges.) A family name of Ganda.\n\n_Gangabasia_.--(Living on the banks of the Ganges.) A section of Ahir.\n\n_Gangapari_.--(One coming from the further side of the\nGanges.) Subcaste of Barai, Barhai, Chamar, Dhobi, Gondhali, Kumhar\nand Umre Bania.\n\n_Gangasagar_.--(Sea of the Ganges.) A section of Chitari and Kawar.\n\n_Gangavansi_.--(Descended from the Ganges.) A clan of Rajputs. The\nchief of Bamra State is a Gangavansi.\n\n_Gangthade_.--Dwellers on the banks of the Godavari and\nWainganga. These rivers are sometimes called Ganga or Ganges, which\nis used as a general term for a great river. A subcaste of Maratha.\n\n_Gannore_.--Name of a minor Rajput clan. Subcaste of Balahi.\n\n_Ganth-chor_.--(A bundle-thief.) Title of Bhamta.\n\n_Gaolan_.--A synonym of Ahir or Gaoli, applied to an inferior section\nof the caste.\n\n_Gaoli_, _Gauli_.--(A milkman.) Synonym for Ahir. Subcaste of Hatkar.\n\n_Gaontia_.--(A village headman.) Title of the head of the Kol caste\ncommittee. Title of Kol.\n\n_Garde_.--(Dusty.) A surname of Karhara Brahmans in Saugor.\n\n_Garg_ or _Gargya_.--The name of a famous Rishi or saint. An eponymous\nsection of Brahmans. A section of Agarwala Banias. Gargabansi is a\nclan of Rajputs.\n\n_Garhawala_, _Garhewala_, _Garhewar_.--A resident of Garha, an old\ntown near Jubbulpore which gave its name to the Garha-Mandla dynasty,\nand is a centre of weaving. A subcaste of Katia, Koshti and Mahar,\nall weaving castes. A subcaste of Binjhal.\n\n_Garkata_.--(Cut-throat.) A section of Koshti.\n\n_Garpagari_.--A body of Jogis or Naths who avert hailstorms and are\nconsidered a separate caste. See article. From _gar_, hail. A subcaste\nof Koshta and Kumhar. A section of Ghasia.\n\n_Gate_.--(A bastard.) Subcaste of Naoda.\n\n_Gaur_.--The ancient name of part of Bengal and perhaps applied also\nto the tract in the United Provinces round about the modern Gonda\nDistrict. A subcaste of Brahman and Kayasth. A clan of Rajputs. See\narticles.\n\n_Gauria_, _Gauriya_.--A caste. A subcaste of Dhimar, Khond, Kumhar\nand Uriya Sansia.\n\n_Gauriputra_.--A son of Gauri, the wife of Mahadeo. Title of Balija.\n\n_Gautam_.--A name of a famous Rishi or saint. A common eponymous\nsection of Brahmans. A clan of Rajputs. A section of Agharia, Ahir,\nMaratha, Panwar Rajput, Rangari and Jangam.\n\n_Gayake_.--Subcaste of Pardhi, meaning a man who stalks deer behind\na bullock.\n\n_Gayawal_.--(From the town of Gaya on the Ganges, a favourite place\nfor performing the obsequies of the dead.) A subcaste of Brahmans who\nact as emissaries for the owners of the shrines at Gaya and wander\nabout the country inducing villagers to undertake the pilgrimage and\npersonally conducting their constituents.\n\n_Gazulu_.--(A bangle-seller.) Subcaste of Balija.\n\n_Gedam_.--A sept of Gonds. A sept of Baigas.\n\n_Ghadyachi Tong_.--(The rim of the pitcher.) A section of Kirar.\n\n_Ghanta_.--(Bell.) A section of Kumhar.\n\n_Ghantra_.--Name of a caste of Lohars or blacksmiths in the Uriya\ncountry.\n\n_Gharbari_.--One who while leading a mendicant life is permitted\nto marry with the permission of his _guru_. A householder, synonym\nGrihastha. The married groups of the Gosain, Bairagi and Manbhao\norders as distinguished from the Nihang or celibate section.\n\n_Ghasi Mali_.--Subcaste of Mali.\n\n_Ghatole_, _Ghatode_.--Those who dwell on the _ghats_ or passes of the\nSainhyadri Hills to the south of the Berar plain. Subcaste of Bahna,\nGondhali and Kunbi.\n\n_Ghatmathe_.--(Residents of the Mahadeo plateau in Berar.) Subcaste\nof Maratha.\n\n_Gherwal_.--A clan of Rajputs. Synonym for Gaharwar.\n\n_Ghidoda_.--(Giver of _ghi_.) A section of Telis so named because\ntheir first ancestors presented _ghi_ to the king Bhoramdeo.\n\n_Ghisadi_, _Ghisari_.--A group of wandering Lohars or\nblacksmiths. Synonym for Lohar.\n\n_Ghoderao_.--(_Ghoda_, a horse.) Subcaste of Chitrakathi. They have\nthe duty of looking after the horses and bullock-carts of the castemen\nwho assemble for marriage or other ceremonies.\n\n_Ghodke_.--Those who tend horses. Subcaste of Mang.\n\n_Ghodmaria_.--(Horse-killer.) A sept of Binjhwar.\n\n_Ghopi_.--(Wild _jamun_ tree.) A sept of Gonds.\n\n_Ghosi_.--A caste. A subcaste of Ahir. A section of Chamar.\n\n_Ghudchoda_.--A subcaste of Pasi, who have become grooms. (From\n_ghora_, a horse.)\n\n_Ghughu, Ghughwa_.--(Owl.) A section of Ganda, Kawar, Kewat and\nPanka. Pankas of the Ghughu sept are said to have eaten the leavings\nof their caste-fellows.\n\n_Ghunnere_.--(Worm-eater.) A section of Teli in Betul and Rathor Teli.\n\n_Ghura_ or _Gura_.--(Dunghill.) A section of Chadar and Sunar.\n\n_Ghuttin_.--A sept of Bhils. They reverence the _gular_, or fig tree.\n\n_Gingra_.--A subcaste of Tiyar.\n\n_Girgira_.--A small caste found in Sonpur State and Sambalpur\ndistrict. They are fishermen, and also parch rice. They are perhaps\nan offshoot of the Kewat caste.\n\n_Giri_ or _Gir_.--(_Gir_, mountain.) An order of Gosains.\n\n_Girnara_.--A subcaste of Brahmans in Jubbulpore. They are said to\ntake their name from Girnar in Kathiawar, where they were settled by\nKrishna after he rose from the Damodar reservoir in the bed of the\nSonrekha river at Junagarh. They have the monopoly of the office of\npriests to pilgrims visiting Girnar. _(Bombay Gazetteer_, ix.)\n\n_Goal_ or _Gowala, Guala_.--(Sanskrit Gopal, a cowherd.) Synonym of\nAhir, also subcaste of Ahir.\n\n_Gaoli_.--(A cowherd.) Synonym for Ahir. Subcaste of Maratha.\n\n_Gobardhua_.--(From _gobar_, cowdung.) Subcaste of Chamar.\n\n_Gohia, Gohi_.--(From _goh_ or _gohi_, a large lizard.) A section of\nJain Bania or Khatik. A sept of Bhatra and Parja.\n\n_Gohil_.--A well-known clan of Rajputs in the United Provinces.\n\n_Goia_.--(From _gohi_, a mango-stone.) A section of Chadar. They\ndraw a picture of the mango-stone at the Maihar or distribution of\nsacrificial cakes.\n\n_Gola._--Synonym of Golar.\n\n_Golak_.--Synonym Govardhan or Gaomukh. An illegitimate group of\nMaratha Brahmans.\n\n_Golalare_.--A subcaste of Bania.\n\n_Golandaz_.--(An artilleryman.) Synonym of Kadera.\n\n_Golapurab_.--A subcaste of Bania, Darzi and Kalar.\n\n_Golkar_.--Synonym of Golar and Ahir.\n\n_Golia_.--One who dyes cloth with _goli ka rang_, the fugitive aniline\ndyes. Subcaste of Chhipa.\n\n_Golla_.--Synonym of Golar.\n\n_Gollam_.--Synonym of Golar.\n\n_Gondadya_.--(Gond.) Subcaste of Otari.\n\n_Gondi_.--(From the Gonds.) A subcaste of Ahir, Binjhwar and Lohar.\n\n_Gondia_.--Subcaste of Dhimar.\n\n_Gondi-Lohar._--A Gond who works as a blacksmith. Subcaste of Lohar.\n\n_Gondvansi_.--(Descendants of Gonds.) A section of Ghasia.\n\n_Gondwaina_.--Subcaste of Baiga.\n\n_Gopal_.--A caste. Synonym of Ahir in Rajputana.\n\n_Goranda_.--Synonym of Goyanda.\n\n_Gorakhnath_.--A sect of Jogis. From Guru Gorakhnath, a great Jogi.\n\n_Gorasia_.--(From _goras_, milk.) A section of Lonare Mali.\n\n_Gorigawar, Gaigowal_.--(A cowherd.) A section of Otari and Panka.\n\n_Gosain, Goswami_.--A caste. A surname of Sanadhya Brahmans in Saugor.\n\n_Gotte_.--A subcaste of Gond. They are also called Made in Chanda.\n\n_Goundia_.--A class of Bairagi. Synonym Madhavachari. A section of\nBharia-Bhumia.\n\n_Gowalvansi_.--Subcaste of Ahir.\n\n_Goyanda, Goranda_.--A name applied to a small class of persons\nin Jubbulpore, who are descendants of Thug approvers, formerly\nconfined there. The name is said to mean, 'One who speaks,' and\nto have been applied to those Thugs who escaped capital punishment\nby giving information against their confederates. Goranda is said\nto be a corruption of Goyanda. The Goyandas are both Hindus and\nMuhammadans. The latter commonly call themselves Deccani Musalmans as\na more respectable designation. They are said to be a gipsy class of\nMuhammadans resembling the Kanjars. The Hindus are of different castes,\nbut are also believed to include some Beria gipsies. The Goyandas\nare employed in making gloves, socks and strings for pyjamas, having\nprobably taken to this kind of work because the Thug approvers were\nemployed in the manufacture of tents. Their women are quarrelsome, and\nwrangle over payment when selling their wares. This calling resembles\nthat of the Kanjar women, who also make articles of net and string, and\nsell them in villages. Some of the Goyandas are employed in Government\nand railway service, and Mr. Gayer notes that the latter are given\nto opium smuggling, and carry opium on their railway engines. [444]\n\n_Grihastha, Gharbari_.--(A householder.) A name given to those\ndivisions of the religious mendicant orders who marry and have\nfamilies.\n\n_Guar_.--(From _guara_ or _gwala_, a milkman.) Subcaste of Banjara.\n\n_Gudarh_ or _Gudar_.--(From _gudra_, a rag.) A sect of the Bairagi,\nGosain and Jogi orders of mendicants.\n\n_Gudha_ or _Gurha_.--(From _gudh_, a pigsty.) Subcaste of Basor.\n\n_Gugaria_.--One who trades in _gugar_, a kind of gum. Subcaste\nof Banjara.\n\n_Gujar_.--A caste. A subcaste of Ahir, Darzi, Koshti and Pasi. A clan\nof Maratha. A section of Khatik.\n\n_Gujarati_.--(From Gujarat.) A territorial subcaste of Bahelia, Bania,\nBarhai, Chhipa, Darzi, Gopal, Nai, Sunar and Teli.\n\n_Gurasthulu_.--A synonym for the Balija caste.\n\n_Gurbhelia_.--(A ball of molasses.) A section of Gohira Ahirs in\nChanda.\n\n_Guria_.--(A preparer of _gur_ or unrefined sugar.) Synonym of Halwai\nin the Uriya country.\n\n_Gurujwale_.--A class of Fakirs or Muhammadan beggars.\n\n_Guru-Mata._--Title of the great council of the Sikhs and their\nreligious meal.\n\n_Guru_.--(A preacher or teacher or spiritual guide.) Brahmans and\nmembers of the religious orders, Bairagis and Gosains, are the Gurus\nof ordinary Hindus. Most Hindu men and also women of the higher and\nmiddle castes have a Guru, whose functions are, however, generally\nconfined to whispering a sacred verse into the ear of the disciple\non initiation, and paying him a visit about once a year; it is not\nclear what happens on these occasions, but the Guru is entertained\nby this disciple, and a little moral exhortation may be given.\n\n_Gurusthulu_.--Synonym of Balija.\n\n_Guthau_.--Title of Gadba.\n\n_Gwalbansi, Gokulbansi, Goalbansi_.--(Descended from a cowherd.) A\nsubcaste of Ahir or Gaoli, A subcaste of Khairwar.\n\n_Gwalhare_.--(Cowherd.) A subcaste of Lodhi.\n\n_Habshi_.--Synonym of Siddi. An Abyssinian.\n\n_Hadi_.--(Sweeper or scavenger.) One of the 72 1/2 gotras of Meheshri\nBania. A synonym for Mangan.\n\n_Hadia_.--(From _hadi_, bone.) A section of Raghuvansi.\n\n_Haihaya, Haihaivansi_.--(Race of the horse.) A clan of Rajputs of\nthe lunar race.\n\n_Hajjam_.--Muhammadan name for Nai or barber.\n\n_Hakkya_.--Title of Hatkar.\n\n_Halai_.--Subcaste of Cutchi.\n\n_Halbi_.--Synonym of Halba. Subcaste of Koshti.\n\n_Haldia, Hardiya, Hardiha, Halde_.--(A grower of _haldi_, or\nturmeric.) Subcaste of Kachhi, Lodhi, Mali, Rajjhar and Teli. A\nsection of Rajjhar.\n\n_Halia_.--(Ploughman.) A subcaste of Teli in Nandgaon State.\n\n_Halua_.--A subcaste of Uriya Brahmans, so called because they use\nthe plough (_hal_).\n\n_Hans, Hansi, Hansa_,--(The swan.) A section of Agharia, Ahir, Mali\nand Savar.\n\n_Hansele_.--(_Hansna_, to laugh.) A section of Ahir.\n\n_Hanuman, Hanumanta_.--(The monkey-god Hanuman.) A section of Bhatra,\nMahar and Mowar.\n\n_Hara_.--A clan of Rajputs, a branch of the Chauhans.\n\n_Harbola_.--Derived from Hari, a name of Vishnu or Krishna, and _bolna_\nto speak. Synonym of Basdewa and also subcaste of Basdewa.\n\n_Hardas_.--A religious mendicant who travels about and tells stories\nabout heroes and gods accompanied with music. Synonym of Chitrakathi.\n\n_Hari_.--(A bone-gatherer.) Synonym of Mehtar and subcaste of Mehtar.\n\n_Haria_.--(_Hal_, plough.) A subcaste of Mahar.\n\n_Harial_.--(Green pigeon.) A section of Ahir.\n\n_Harshe_.--(Glad.) Surname of Karhara Brahmans in Saugor.\n\n_Hatgar_.--Synonym of Hatkar.\n\n_Hatghar_.--Subcaste of Koshti.\n\n_Hathgarhia_.--Subcaste of Kumhar, meaning one who moulds vessels\nwith his hands only, without using the wheel as an implement.\n\n_Hathia, Hasti_.--(From _hathi_, elephant.) A section of Ahir, Chasa,\nMehra and Mowar.\n\n_Hatkar, Hatgar_.--A caste. A subcaste of Koshta and Maratha.\n\n_Hatwa_.--A small caste of pedlars and hawkers in the Uriya country,\nwho perambulate the village bazars or _hats_, from which word\ntheir name is derived. They sell tobacco, turmeric, salt, and other\ncommodities. The caste are in reality a branch of the Kewats, and\nare also called Semli Kewat, because their ancestors travelled on the\nMahanadi and other rivers in canoes made from the bark of the _semal_\ntree (_Bombax Malabaricum_). They were thus Kewats or boatmen who\nadopted the practice of carrying small articles up and down the river\nfor sale in their canoes, and then beginning to travel on land as well\nas on water, became regular pedlars, and were differentiated into a\nseparate caste. The caste originated in Orissa where river travelling\nhas until lately been much in vogue, and in Sambalpur they are also\nknown as Uriyas, because of their recent immigration into this part of\nthe country. The Hatwas consider themselves to be descended from the\nNag or cobra, and say that they all belong to the Nag _gotra_. They\nwill not kill a cobra, and will save it from death at the hands\nof others if they have the opportunity, and they sometimes pay the\nsnake-charmers to set free captive snakes. The oath on the snake is\ntheir most solemn form of affirmation. For the purposes of marriage\nthey have a number of exogamous sections or _vargas_, the names\nof which in some cases indicate a military calling, as Dalai, from\nDalpati, commander of an army, and Senapati, commander-in-chief; while\nothers are occupational, as Maharana (painter), Dwari (gatekeeper)\nand Mangual (steersman of a boat). The latter names show, as might\nbe expected, that the caste is partly of functional origin, while as\nregards the military names, the Hatwas say that they formerly fought\nagainst the Bhonslas, under one of the Uriya chiefs. They say that\nthey have the perpetual privilege of contributing sixteen poles,\ncalled Naikas, for the car of Jagannath, and that in lieu of this\nthey hold seven villages in Orissa revenue-free. Those of them who use\npack-bullocks for carrying their wares worship Banjari Devi, a deity\nwho is held to reside in the sacks used for loading the bullocks;\nto her they offer sweetmeats and grain boiled with sugar.\n\n_Havelia_.--(Resident of a Haveli or fertile wheat tract.) Subcaste\nof Ghosi and Kurmi.\n\n_Hawaidar_.--(A maker of fireworks.) Synonym of Kadera.\n\n_Hela_.--(From _hela_, a cry.) Subcaste of Mehtar.\n\n_Hichami_.--(A comb.) A sept of Maria Gonds.\n\n_Hijra_.--(A eunuch.) See article. A subcaste of Gondhali.\n\n_Hindustani_.--Subcaste of Kunbi.\n\n_Hira, Hirani_.--(Diamond.) A section of Bhulia and of Uriya Sansia.\n\n_Hirangotri_.--(_Hiran_, deer.) A section of Agarwal Bania.\n\n_Ho_.--Synonym of Kol.\n\n_Holer_.--(A hide-curer.) Subcaste of Mang.\n\n_Holia, Holer_.--A caste. A subcaste of Golar. Holer, perhaps from\nHolia, a subcaste of Mang.\n\n_Hudila_.--(Wolf.) A totemistic sept of Kawar.\n\n_Hulhulia Sahu_.--A section of Chasa so named, because as a mark of\nrespect they make the noise 'Hulhuli,' when a king passes through\nthe village.\n\n_Huna, Hoon_ or _Hun_.--One of the thirty-six royal races of\nRajputs. Probably descendants of the Hun invaders of the fifth\ncentury. See articles Rajput and Panwar Rajput.\n\n_Husaini_.--Subcaste of Brahman.\n\n_Ikbainha_.--A subcaste of Kurmi, so called because their women put\nbangles on one arm only.\n\n_Iksha Kul_ or _Ikshawap Kul_.--A section of Komti. They abstain from\nusing the sugarcane and the _sendia_ flower.\n\n_Ilakeband_.--(From _ilaqa_ or _alaqa_, meaning connection, and\n_bandhna_, to bind.) Synonym of Patwa.\n\n_Inga_.--Subcaste of Gowari.\n\n_Irpachi_.--(Mahua flowers.) A sept of Dhurwa Gonds in Betul.\n\n_Ivna Inde_.--(_Inde_, chicken.) A sept of Dhurwa Gonds in Betul. They\noffer chickens to their gods.\n\n_Ivna Jagleya_.--(_Jagna_, to be awake.) A sept of the Dhurwa clan of\nGonds in Betul. They are so named because they kept awake to worship\ntheir gods at night.\n\n_Jadam, Jaduvansi, Yadava_.--An important clan of Rajputs now become\na caste. Name derived from Yadu or Yadava. A subcaste of Gujar. A\nsubcaste and section of Ahir; a section of Rathor Rajputs in Betul.\n\n_Jadia, Jaria_.--(An enameller.) A subcaste of Sunar. They\npractise hypergamy by taking wives from the Pitariye and Sudihe\nsubdivisions, and giving daughters to the Sri Nagariye and Banjar\nMahuwe subdivisions. Also an occupational term meaning one who sets\nprecious stones in rings.\n\n_Jadubansi, Yadubansi_.--See Jadum. A subcaste of Ahir.\n\n_Jaga_.--(Awakener.) Synonym of Basdewa.\n\n_Jagat_.--(An awakener or sorcerer.) A sept of Gond in many\nlocalities. A section of Nat and Kasar.\n\n_Jaharia_.--(From _jahar_, an essence.) Subcaste of Satnami.\n\n_Jain_.--Name of a religion. See article. A subcaste of Kalar, Kumbar\nand Simpi (Darzi).\n\n_Jaina_.--(One who follows the Jain faith.) Subcaste of Komti, Gurao.\n\n_Jain Koshti_.--Subcaste of Koshti.\n\n_Jaipuria_.--(A resident of Jaipur.) Subcaste of Mali.\n\n_Jaiswar_.--(From the old town of Jais in Rai Bareli District.) A\nsubcaste of Chamars, who usually call themselves Jaiswara in preference\nto their caste name. A subcaste of Barai, Kunbi and Kalar.\n\n_Jalalia_.--A class of Fakirs or Muhammadan beggars.\n\n_Jaitwa_ or _Kamari_.--A clan of Rajputs; one of the thirty-six royal\nraces mentioned by Colonel Tod.\n\n_Jallad_.--(An executioner.) Subcaste of Kanjar.\n\n_Jamadagni_.--An eponymous section of Karhare Brahman and Agharia.\n\n_Jambu_.--(From the _jaman_ tree.) A subcaste of Brahman and Marar. A\nsept of Korku.\n\n_Jambu Dalia_.--(Born in a shed made of _jaman_ branches.) A section\nof Ghasia.\n\n_Jamnabasi_.--(Residing on the banks of the Jumna.) A subcaste\nof Dhobi.\n\n_Jangam_.--A caste of Saiva mendicants, who call themselves Vir Shaiva,\nand are priests of the Lingayat sect; a subcaste of Jogi.\n\n_Jangra_.--(Perhaps the same as Jharia or jungly.) A subcaste of\nLodhi. A section of Dhimar, Mali and Sunar.\n\n_Jani_.--A wise man; an exorciser.\n\n_Janta_.--(Flour grinding-mill.) A section of Panka, a sept of Kawar.\n\n_Janughanta_.--Mendicants who tie bells to their thighs; a kind\nof Jogis.\n\n_Jaria_.--A totemistic section of Basor, who worship the _ber_ or\nwild plum tree.\n\n_Jasondhi, Dasaundhi_.--A caste. A subcaste of Bhat.\n\n_Jasondhi, Karohla_.--A small caste of the Narsinghpur District,\nwho were employed at the Gond and Maratha courts to sing the _jas_\nor hymns in praise of the chiefs. They may be considered as a branch\nof the Bhat caste, and some of them are said to be addicted to petty\ntheft. Some Jasondhis, who are also known as Karohla, now wander about\nas religious mendicants, singing the praises of Devi. They carry an\nimage of the goddess suspended by a chain round the neck and ask\nfor gifts of _tilli_ (sesamum) or other vegetable oil, which they\npour over their heads and over the image. Their clothes and bodies\nare consequently always saturated with this oil. They also have a\nlittle cup of vermilion which they smear on the goddess and on their\nown bodies after receiving an offering. They call on Devi, saying,\n'_Maiji, Maiji Mata meri, kahe ko janam diya_' or 'Mother, mother,\nwhy did you bring me into the world?' Women who have no children\nsometimes vow to dedicate their first-born son as a Karohla, and it\nis said that such children were bound to sacrifice themselves to the\ngoddess on attaining manhood in one of three ways. Either they went\nto Benares and were cut in two by a sword, or else to Badrinarayan,\na shrine on the summit of the Himalayas, where they were frozen to\ndeath, or to Dhaolagiri, where they threw themselves down from a rock,\nand one might occasionally escape death. Their melancholy refrain may\nthus be explained by the fate in store for them. The headquaters of\nthe order is the shrine of the Bindhyachal Devi in the Vindhyan Hills.\n\n_Jat_.--A caste. One of the thirty-six royal races of Rajputs. A\nsubcaste of Barhai, Bishnoi and Kumhar.\n\n_Jatadhari_.--(With matted hair.) A sect of celibate Manbhaos.\n\n_Jati_.--Name of Jain mendicant ascetics.\n\n_Jaunpuri_.--(From Jaunpur.) A subcaste of Halwai and Lohar.\n\n_Jemadar_.--Honorific title of Khangar and Mehtar.\n\n_Jemadarin_.--Title of the female leaders of the Yerukala communities\nof thieves.\n\n_Jera_.--(A forked stick for collecting thorny wood.) A section\nof Dangi.\n\n_Jhadi, Jhade, Jharia, Jharkua_. (Jungly.)--A name often applied\nto the oldest residents of a caste in any locality of the Central\nProvinces. In Berar it is used to designate the Wainganga Valley\nand adjacent hill ranges. A subcaste of Ahir, Barai, Barhai, Chamar,\nDhangar, Dhanwar, Dhobi, Gadaria, Gurao, Kapewar, Kasar, Katia, Kewat,\nKhatik, Khond, Kirar, Kumhar, Kunbi, Kurmi, Mahar, Mali, Nai, Sunar,\nTeli and Turi.\n\n_Jhadukar_.--(From _jhadu_, a broom.) A synonym of Mehtar.\n\n_Jhal_ or _Jhala_.--One of the thirty-six royal races of Rajputs. A\nsubcaste of Raj-Gond.\n\n_Jhankar_.--Name of a village priest in the Uriya country. The Jhankar\nis usually a Binjhwar or member of another primitive tribe.\n\n_Jhara, Jhira, Jhora_.--Synonym of Sonjhara.\n\n_Jharha_.--subcaste of Lodhi. _Jharia_.--(Jungly.) See\nJhadi. _Jharola_.--(Perhaps from the town of Jhalor in Marwar.) A\nsubcaste of Brahmans in Jubbulpore.\n\n_Jhinga_.--(A prawn-catcher.) Subcaste of Dhimar.\n\n_Jijhotia_ or _Jujhotia_.--(From Jajhoti, the old name of the country\nof Lalitpur and Saugor.) A subcaste of Brahmans of the Kanaujia\ndivision. A subcaste of Ahir; a section of Joshi and Kumhar.\n\n_Jildgar_.--(A bookbinder.) A class of _Mochi._\n\n_Jingar._--(A saddlemaker.) A class of Mochi. A subcaste of Chamar\nand of Simpi (Darzi).\n\n_Jirayat_.--Synonym for Mochis in Berar who have taken up the finer\nkinds of ironwork, such as mending guns, etc.\n\n_Jire-Mali._--Formerly was the only subcaste of Mali who would grow\ncumin or _jira_.\n\n_Jiria_.--(From _jira_, or cumin.) Subcaste of Kachhi.\n\n_Jogi, Jugi_. A caste. A subcaste of Dewar. A section of Chamar,\nChhipa and Lohar.\n\n_Joharia_.--(From _johar_, a form of salutation.) Subcaste of Dahaits\nin Bilaspur.\n\n_Johri_.--A subcaste of Rajput.\n\n_Jokhara_.--A small class of Muhammadans who breed leeches and apply\nthem to patients, the name being derived from _jonk_, a leech. They\nwere not separately classified at the census, but a few families\nof them are found in Burhanpur, and they marry among themselves,\nbecause no other Muhammadans will marry with them. In other parts\nof India leeches are kept and applied by sweepers and sometimes\nby their women. [445] People suffering from boils, toothache,\nswellings of the face, piles and other diseases have leeches applied\nto them. For toothache the leeches are placed inside the mouth on\nthe gum for two days in succession. There are two kinds of leeches\nknown as Bhainsa-jonk, the large or buffalo-leech, and Rai-jonk,\nthe small leech. They are found in the mud of stagnant tanks and in\nbroken-down wells, and are kept in earthen vessels in a mixture of\nblack soil and water; and in this condition they will go without food\nfor months and also breed. Some patients object to having their blood\ntaken out of the house, and in such cases powdered turmeric is given\nto the leeches to make them disgorge, and the blood of the patient\nis buried inside the house. The same means is adopted to prevent the\nleeches from dying of repletion. In Gujarat the Jokharas are a branch\nof the Hajjam or Muhammadan barber caste, [446] and this recalls the\nfact that the barber chirurgeon or surgeon in mediaeval England was\nalso known as the leech. It would be natural to suppose that he was\nnamed after the insect which he applied, but Murray's Dictionary holds\nthat the two words were derived from separate early English roots,\nand were subsequently identified by popular etymology.\n\n_Jondhara_.--(Indian millet.) A totemistic sept of Korku and Halba.\n\n_Joshi_.--(An astrologer.) A caste. A surname of Karhara Brahmans.\n\n_Juthia_.--(One who eats the leavings of others.) Subcaste of Basor.\n\n_Jyotishi_.--A synonym for Joshi; an astrologer.\n\n_Kabiraya_.--(Followers of Kabir.) A subcaste of Kori. A section\nof Koshti.\n\n_Kabirpanthi_.--A member of the Kabirpanthi sect. A subcaste of Panka\nand Agharia. A class of Bairagis or religious mendicants.\n\n_Kabra_.--(Spotted.) One of the 72 1/2 sections of Maheshri Bania.\n\n_Kabutari_.--(Pigeon.) A synonym for Kolhati. A name given to female\ndancers of the Nat caste.\n\n_Kabutkunia_.--(Those who find place at the corner of the door.) A\nsubcaste of Sudh in Sambalpur, being the illegitimate issues of the\nBaro Sudh subcaste.\n\n_Kachara_.--Synonym of Kachera.\n\n_Kachchhi_.--(From Cutch in Gujarat.) A subdivision of Balmiki Kayasths\nand Mathur Kayasths.\n\n_Kachhap_.--(Tortoise.) A totemistic sept of Agharia, Sudh, Bhulia,\nChasa, Kamar and Khandait.\n\n_Kachhotia_.--Subcaste of Jadam.\n\n_Kachhutva_.--(The tortoise.) A totemistic sept of several groups of\nGonds, also of Darzi, Halba, Kol, Rawat, Munda, Jat, Kachhi and Lohar.\n\n_Kachhwaha_.--(The tortoise.) One of the thirty-six royal races of\nRajputs, the princes of Jaipur or Amber being of this clan. They\nderive the name from Cutch, or from Kush, an eponymous ancestor. A\nsection of Nandbansi Ahir, Gadaria, Kachhi and Nat. The Kachhwaha\nsection of Gadarias worship the tortoise.\n\n_Kada-kalle-bhallavi._--One who uses donkeys for pack-carriage\n(_bhallavi_), but stole a horse (_kalle-kada_). A sept of the Dhurwa\nclan of Satdeve Gonds in Betul.\n\n_Kagar_.--Synonym of Dhimar.\n\n_Kagwaria_.--From _kagwar_, an offering made to the ancestors in the\nmonth of Kunwar. Subcaste of Kol.\n\n_Kaibartta_.--Synonym of Kewat.\n\n_Kaikadi_.--Synonym of Kaikari.\n\n_Kainthwans_.--A subcaste of Pasi in Saugor and Betul, said to have\noriginated in a cross between a Badhak or Baori, and a Kayasth woman.\n\n_Kaith_.--Synonym for Kayasth.\n\n_Kaitha, Kaithia_.--Subcaste of Bharbhunja and Darzi.\n\n_Kakra_.--One who arranges for the lighting at the marriage and other\nceremonies. Subcaste of Chitrakathi.\n\n_Kala_.--(Black.) A subcaste of Golkar (Ahir.\n\n_Kalachuri_.--Synonym for the Haihaya clan of Rajputs.\n\n_Kalanga_.--A caste. A subcaste of Gond.\n\n_Kalanki_.--A subdivision of Maharashtra Brahmans found in Nagpur. They\nare considered degraded, as their name indicates. They are said to\nhave cut up a cow made of flour to please a Muhammadan governor,\nand to follow some other Muhammadan practices.\n\n_Kalapithia_,--(Having black backs.) A subcaste of Savars in Puri of\nOrissa. They have the right of dragging the car of Jagannath.\n\n_Kalawant_.--Title of Mirasi.\n\n_Kalbelia_.--(Catcher of snakes.) A subcaste of Nat.\n\n_Kalibelia_.--(_Bel_, an ox.) A section of Chadar. They draw a picture\nof an ox at their weddings.\n\n_Kalihari_.--(Bridle.) A section of Teli in Nandgaon, so named because\nthey presented a bridle to their king.\n\n_Kalkhor_.--(Castor-oil plant.) A totemistic sept of the Audhalia\ncaste.\n\n_Kalutia, Kalota_.--A subtribe of Gonds in Chanda and Betul.\n\n_Kalwar_.--Synonym of Kalar.\n\n_Kamad._ [447]--A small caste of jugglers, who come from Rajputana\nand travel about in the Hoshangabad and Nimar Districts. They were\nnot returned at the census, and appear to belong to Rajputana. Their\nspecial entertainment consists in playing with cymbals, and women are\nthe chief performers. The woman has eight or nine cymbals secured\nto her legs before and behind, and she strikes these rapidly in\nturn with another held in her hand, twisting her body skilfully so\nas to reach all of them, and keeping time with the music played on\nguitar-like instruments by the men who accompany her. If the woman\nis especially skilful, she will also hold a naked sword in her mouth,\nso as to increase the difficulty of the performance.\n\nThe Kamads dress after the Rajputana fashion, and wear yellow\nochre-coloured clothes. Their exogamous sections have Rajput names,\nas Chauhan, Panwar, Gudesar, Jogpal and so on, and like the Rajputs\nthey send a cocoanut-core to signify a proposal for marriage. But\nthe fact that they have a special aversion to Dhobis and will not\ntouch them makes it possible that they originated from the Dom caste,\nwho share this prejudice. [448] Reason has been found to suppose that\nthe Kanjars, Kolhatis and other migrant groups of entertainers are\nsprung from the Doms, and the Kamads may be connected with these. No\ncaste, not even the sweepers, will accept food from the Kamads. They\nemploy a Brahman, however, to officiate at their marriage and death\nceremonies. Like the Gosains the Kamads bury their dead in a sitting\nposture, a niche being hollowed out at the side of the grave in which\nthe corpse is placed. Crushed bread (_malida_) and a gourd full of\nwater are laid beside the corpse. The caste worship the footprints of\nRamdeo, a saint of Marwar, and pay special reverence to the goddess\nHinglaj, who is a deity of several castes in Rajputana.\n\n_Kamalbansi_.--(Stock of the lotus.) Subcaste of Kawar.\n\n_Kamal Kul_.--(Lotus.) A section of Komti. They do not use lotus\nroots nor yams.\n\n_Kamari, Kailwa_.--One of the thirty-six royal races of Rajputs.\n\n_Kamaria_.--(From _kambal_, blanket.) A subcaste of Ahir. A section\nof Dhimar and Sonkar.\n\n_Kamathi, Kamati_.--A term applied in the Maratha Districts to\nimmigrants from Madras. It is doubtful whether the Kamathis have\nbecome a caste, but about 150 persons returned this name as their\ncaste in the Central Provinces and Berar in 1911, and there are\nabout 7000 in India, none, however, being recorded from the Madras\nPresidency. It is stated that the word Kamathi means 'fool' in Tamil,\nand that in Bombay all Telugus are called Kamathis, to whatever caste\nthey may belong. Similarly, Maratha immigrants into Madras are known\nby the generic name of Arya, [449] and those coming from Hindustan\ninto the Nerbudda valley as Pardeshi, while in the same locality the\nBrahmans and Rajputs of Central India are designated by the Marathas as\nRangra. This term has the signification of rustic or boorish, and is\ntherefore a fairly close parallel to Kamathi, if the latter word has\nthe meaning given above. In the Thana District of Bombay [450] people\nof many classes are included under the name of Kamathi. Though they do\nnot marry or even eat together, the different classes of Kamathis have\na strong feeling of fellowship, and generally live in the same quarter\nof the town. In the Central Provinces the Kamathis are usually masons\nand house-builders or labourers. They speak Telugu in their houses\nand Marathi to outsiders. In Sholapur [451] the Kamathis dress like\nKunbis. They are bound together by a strong caste feeling, and appear\nto have become a regular caste. Their priests are Telugu Brahmans,\nand their ceremonies resemble those of Kunbis. On the third day after\na child is born the midwife lifts it up for the first time, and it is\ngiven a few light blows on the back. For three days the child sucks\none end of a rag the other end of which rests in a saucer of honey,\nand the mother is fed on rice and clarified butter. On the fourth day\nthe mother begins to suckle the child. Until the mother is pregnant\na second time, no _choti_ or scalp-lock is allowed to grow on the\nchild's head. When she becomes pregnant, she is taken with the child\nbefore the village god, and a tuft of hair is thereafter left to grow\non the crown of its head.\n\n_Kamma._--A large cultivating caste of the Madras Presidency, of\nwhich a few representatives were returned from the Chanda District in\n1911. They are derived from the same Dravidian stock as the other great\ncultivating castes of Madras, and, originally soldiers by profession,\nhave now settled down to agriculture. No description of the caste\nneed be given here, but the following interesting particulars may\nbe recorded. The word Kamma means an ear ornament, and according\nto tradition a valuable jewel of this kind belonging to a Raja of\nWarangal fell into the hands of his enemies. One section of the great\nKapu caste, boldly attacking the foe and recovering the jewel, were\nhence called Kamma, while another section, which ran away, received\nthe derogatory title of Velama (_veli_, away). Another story says that\nthe Kammas and Velamas were originally one caste, and had adopted the\nMuhammadan system of _gosha_ or _purda_. But finding that they were\nthus handicapped in competition with the other cultivating castes, it\nwas proposed that the new custom should be abandoned. Those who agreed\nto this signed a bond, which was written on a palm-leaf (_kamma_),\nand hence received their new name. In the Central Provinces the Kammas\nare divided into three subcastes, the Illuvellani or those who do not\ngo out of the house, the Tadakchatu or those who live within _tadaks_\nor mat screens, and the Polumtir or those who go into the fields. These\nnames are derived from the degrees in which the different subdivisions\nseclude their women, the Illuvellani observing strict _purda_ and the\nPolumtir none whatever, while the Tadakchatu follow a middle course. On\nthis account some social difference exists between the three subcastes,\nand when the Illuvellani dine with either of the other two they will\nnot eat from the plates of their hosts, but take their food separately\non a leaf. And the Tadakchatu practise a similar distinction with the\nPolumtir, but the two latter divisions do not decline to eat from\nplates or vessels belonging to an Illuvellani. The Kammas forbid a\nman to marry in the _gotra_ or family group to which he belongs,\nbut a wife from the same _gotra_ as his mother's is considered a\nmost desirable match, and if his maternal uncle has a daughter he\nshould always take her in marriage. A man is even permitted to marry\nhis own sister's daughter, but he may not wed his mother's sister's\ndaughter, who is regarded as his own sister. Among the Kammas of the\nTamil country Mr. (Sir H.) Stuart [452] states that a bride is often\nmuch older than her husband, and a case is cited in which a wife of\ntwenty-two years of age used to carry her boy-husband on her hip as\na mother carries her child. One other curious custom recorded of the\ncaste may be noticed. A woman dying within the lifetime of her husband\nis worshipped by her daughters, granddaughters or daughters-in-law,\nand in their absence by her husband's second wife if he has one. The\nceremony is performed on some festival such as Dasahra or Til-Sankrant,\nwhen a Brahman lady, who must not be a widow, is invited and considered\nto represent the deceased ancestor. She is anointed and washed with\nturmeric and saffron, and decorated with sandal-paste and flowers;\na new cloth and breast-cloth are then presented to her which she\nputs on; sweets, fruit and betel-leaf are offered to her, and the\nwomen of the family bow down before her and receive her benediction,\nbelieving that it comes from their dead relative.\n\n_Kammala._--A small Telugu caste in the Chanda District. The name\nKammala is really a generic term applied to the five artisan castes\nof Kamsala or goldsmith, Kanchara or brazier, Kammara or blacksmith,\nVadra or carpenter, and Silpi or stone-mason. These are in reality\ndistinct castes, but they are all known as Kammalas. The Kammalas\nassert that they are descended from Visva Karma, the architect of the\ngods, and in the Telugu country they claim equality with Brahmans,\ncalling themselves Visva Brahmans. But inscriptions show that as late\nas the year A.D. 1033 they were considered a very inferior caste and\nconfined to the village site. [453] Mr. (Sir H.) Stuart writes in the\n_Madras Census Report_ that it is not difficult to account for the\nlow position formerly held by the Kammalas, for it must be remembered\nthat in early times the military castes in India as elsewhere looked\ndown upon all engaged in labour, whether skilled or otherwise. With\nthe decline of military power, however, it was natural that a useful\ncaste like the Kammalas should gradually improve its position, and the\nreaction from this long oppression has led them to make the exaggerated\nclaims described above, which are ridiculed by every other caste, high\nor low. The five main subdivisions of the caste do not intermarry. They\nhave priests of their own and do not allow even Brahmans to officiate\nfor them, but they invite Brahmans to their ceremonies. Girls must be\nmarried before puberty. The binding ceremony of the marriage consists\nin the tying of a circular piece of gold on a thread of black beads\nround the bride's neck by the bridegroom. Widow-marriage is prohibited.\n\n_Kammari._--Telugu Lohars or blacksmiths.\n\n_Kamsala._--(A goldsmith.) Subcaste of Kammala.\n\n_Kanalsia._--(_Kanelu_, a tile.) A section of Ahir in Nimar who do\nnot live in tiled huts.\n\n_Kanare._--(A resident of Canara.) A subcaste of Dhangar.\n\n_Kanaujia, Kankubja._--A very common subcaste name, indicating persons\nwhose ancestors are supposed to have come from the town of Kanauj in\nnorthern India, into the Central Provinces. A subcaste of Ahir, Bahna,\nBharbhunja, Bhat, Brahman, Dahait, Darzi, Dhobi, Halwai, Lohar, Mali,\nNai, Patwa, Sunar and Teli.\n\n_Kanbajia_ or _Ahirwar._--Same as Kanaujia. Subcaste of Chamar.\n\n_Kanchara._--(A brassworker.) Subcaste of Kammala.\n\n_Kand._--(Roots or tubers of wild plants.) A section of Raghuvansi\nRajputs in Hoshangabad.\n\n_Kanda Potel_.--(One who grows roots.) A section of Mali.\n\n_Kande_.--Subcaste of Bedar.\n\n_Kandera_.--Synonym for Kadera. Subcaste of Bahna.\n\n_Kandh_.--Synonym of Khond. A subcaste of Taonla in Sambalpur.\n\n_Kandhana_.--Subcaste of Khond.\n\n_Kandhia_.--(A big-beaked vulture.) A sept of Dhanwar.\n\n_Kandia_.--(_Kandi_, a shell, also a snake.) A section of Teli\nin Betul.\n\n_Kandol_.--A subcaste of Brahmans, who take their name from the\nvillage Kandol, in Kathiawar.\n\n_Kandra_.--A small caste of bamboo-workers in the Uriya country,\nakin to the Basors elsewhere. Members of the caste are found in small\nnumbers in the Raipur and Balaghat Districts. The word Kandra may\nbe derived from _kand_, an arrow, just as Dhanuk, often a synonym\nfor Basor, has the meaning of an archer. It is not improbable that\namong the first articles made of bamboo were the bow and arrow of the\nforest tribes, and that the bow-maker was the parent of the modern\nBasor or basket-maker, bows being a requisite of an earlier stage of\ncivilisation than baskets. In Bhandara the Kandras are an offshoot of\nGonds. Their women do not wear their cloths over the head, and knot\ntheir hair behind without plaiting it. They talk a Gondi dialect and\nare considered an impure caste.\n\n_Kandu_.--(A grain-parcher.) A synonym and subcaste of Bharbhunja. A\nsubcaste of Halwai.\n\n_Kandua_.--(From _kand_, onion, as they eat onions.) A subcaste\nof Bharbhunja.\n\n_Kanera_.--(From the _kaner_ tree.) A totemistic section of Ganda\nand Khangar.\n\n_Kangali_.--(Poor.) A common sept of Gonds.\n\n_Kanhejin_.--Subcaste of Banjara.\n\n_Kanhpuria_.--(From Cawnpore, which was founded by their eponymous\nhero Kanh.) A clan of Rajputs.\n\n_Kanjar_.--A caste of gipsies. A subcaste of Banjara.\n\n_Kankubja_.--See Kanaujia.\n\n_Kannow_.--A sectarian division of Brahmans.\n\n_Kanphata_.--(One who has his ears bored or pierced.) A class of\nJogi mendicants.\n\n_Kansari_.--Synonym of Kasar.\n\n_Kanwar_.--Synonym of Kawar.\n\n_Kanwarbansi_.--A subtribe of Khairwar.\n\n_Kaonra_ or _Kora_.--A caste. A subcaste of Ahir.\n\n_Kaore_.--A sept of Gonds. A surname of Maratha Brahmans.\n\n_Kapalia_.--(Covered with skulls.) A section of Telis in Betul.\n\n_Kaparia_.--(From _kapra_ cloth, owing to their wearing several\ndresses, which they change rapidly like the Bahrupia.) Synonym\nof Basdewa.\n\n_Kapasia_.--(From _kapas_, cotton.) A section of Mahar.\n\n_Kapdi_.--Synonym of Basdewa.\n\n_Kapur_.--(Camphor.) A section of Khatri.\n\n_Kapuria_.--A subdivision of Arhaighar Saraswat Brahmans in\nHoshangabad, probably deriving their title from being the priests of\nthe Kapur section of Khatris.\n\n_Karai Nor_.--A section of Basor. They perform the Meher ceremony of\neating the marriage cakes near a well and not in the house.\n\n_Karait_.--(A poisonous snake.) A section of Ahir, Halba and Panka.\n\n_Karan_ (Mahanti).--A caste. A subcaste of Kayasth. An eponymous\nsection of Binjhwar and Tanti.\n\n_Karaola_.--(One who pours sesamum oil on his clothes and\nbegs.) Synonym for Jasondhi and Bhat.\n\n_Karbal_.--Subcaste of Khangar.\n\n_Karchuli_.--A clan of Rajputs, formerly a ruling race in the\nJubbulpore country. See Rajput-Haihaya. A section of Joshi and Mochi.\n\n_Kare, Karia_.--(Black.) A subcaste of Marar. A section of Binjhwar,\nAhir, Chhipa and Lodhi.\n\n_Karela_.--(Bitter gourd.) A section of Sonkar.\n\n_Karhada_.--A subcaste of Maharashtra Brahmans deriving their name\nfrom Karhad, near the junction of the Krishna and Koyana rivers,\nabout fifteen miles from Satara.\n\n_Karhaiya_.--(Frying-pan.) A section of Raghuvansi.\n\n_Karigar_.--(A workman.) An honorific title of Barhai and Lohar. A\nsubcaste and synonym of Beldar.\n\n_Karijat_.--Subcaste of Pardhi. The members of this subcaste only\nkill birds of a black colour.\n\n_Karkarkadhe_.--(Stone-diggers.) Subcaste of Mang.\n\n_Karnam_.--Synonym of Karan, a palm-leaf writer.\n\n_Karnata, Karnataka_.--One of the five orders of Panch Dravida or\nsouthern Brahmans, inhabiting the Canarese country.\n\n_Karnati_.--(From the Carnatic.) Synonym for a class of Nats or\nacrobats.\n\n_Karohla_.--A religious mendicant who wanders about singing praises\nof Devi. See Jasondhi.\n\n_Karpachor_.--(Stealer of straw.) A sept of the Uika clan of Gonds\nin Betul.\n\n_Karsayal_.--(A deer.) A sept of the Kawar tribe. Also a sept of Ahir,\nBhaina, Dhobi in Chhattisgarh, Kewat, Lohar and Turi.\n\n_Karsi_.--(From _kalas_, a pitcher.) A totemistic sept of Kawar. They\ndo not drink water from a red jar on the Akti festival.\n\n_Karwa_.--Subcaste of Kunbi.\n\n_Karwar_.--(An oar.) A section of Dangi in Damoh. A section of Kawar.\n\n_Kasai_.--A caste of butchers. Name applied to Banjaras.\n\n_Kasar_.--A caste. A subdivision of Audhia Sunar. A section of Kewat.\n\n_Kasarwani_.--A subcaste of Bania.\n\n_Kasaundhan_.--A subcaste of Bania.\n\n_Kasda_.--(One who hides himself in the bed of the river.) A sept of\nKorku; a man of this sept has the privilege of directing the ceremony\nfor the readmission of an outcaste.\n\n_Kasdhonia_.--A subcaste of Dhimar. They wash the sand in the sacred\nrivers for coins thrown there by pilgrims, and dive into water to\nfind lost ornaments or gold.\n\n_Kasera_.--Synonym of Kasar.\n\n_Kashi_.--(Benares.) A section of Agharia, Ahir, Dhuri, Kewat, Kurmi\nand Mali.\n\n_Kashyap_.--Name of a famous Rishi or saint. The name may perhaps\nbe really derived from _kachhap_, a tortoise. One of the common\neponymous sections of Brahmans. Also a section of Barai, Bari, Beldar,\nBharbhunja, Bhulia, Binjhwar, Chandnahu Kurmi, Gond, Jangam, Joshi,\nKalar, Kasar, Kasarwani Bania, Khangar, Nai, Rajput, Sunar. Some\ncastes say that they are all of the Kashyap _gotra_ or section, the\ntortoise being considered a common ancestor of mankind, because it\nsupports the world.\n\n_Kasia_.--(Kansa, or bell-metal.) A section of Chamar. They draw a\npicture of a bell-metal dish at their weddings.\n\n_Kasondhi_.--A subcaste of Bania.\n\n_Kassab, Kassia_.--(A butcher.) Synonym of Kasai.\n\n_Kast_.--A small caste found in the Maratha Districts and Bombay,\nwho appear to be a separate or inferior group of the Kayasths. In\nChanda they work as patwaris and clerks to moneylenders, while some\nare merchants and landholders. Like the Kayasths, they wash their pens\nand inkstands on the Dasahra festival and worship them. Their principal\ndeity is the god Venkatesh, a Maratha incarnation of Vishnu. In Bombay\nthe Kasts claim to be Yajur-Vedi Brahmans, dress like them and keep\nthe regular Brahman ceremonies. [454] But they are considered to be\nhalf Marathas and half Brahmans, and strict Deshasth and Kokanasth\nBrahmans hold their touch unclean. [455]\n\n_Katare_.--(_Katar_, dagger.) A surname of Sanadhya Brahmans in\nSaugor. A section of Agarwal and Oswal Bania, Chhattisgarhi Ahir or\nRawat, Chadar and Basor. The Katare sept of Basors worship a dagger.\n\n_Katharia_.--(From Kathibar, the old name of eastern Rohilkhand.) A\nsection of Gadaria and Kasar.\n\n_Kathbhaina_;--Subcaste of Baiga in Bilaspur.\n\n_Kathi_.--A Rajput clan included in the thirty-six royal races of\nRajputs. Originally an indigenous tribe of Gujarat, who gave their\nname to Kathiawar.\n\n_Kathia_.--Name of an Akhara or school of Bairagi religious\nmendicants. See Bairagi.\n\n_Kathotia_.--(_Kathotia_, a wooden bowl.) A section of Darzi.\n\n_Kati_ or _Khatti_.--Subcaste of Bhuiya.\n\n_Katia_.--A cast of spinners. A subcaste of Balahi and Mahar.\n\n_Kattri_.--Subcaste of Are.\n\n_Katwa_.--(From _Katna_, to cut.) Synonym of Katia and Chamar.\n\n_Kaur_.--Synonym of Kawar.\n\n_Kaushalya_.--(From Koshal, the name of a famous Rishi or saint.) A\nsection of Agarwal Bania, Darzi, Lodhi and Khatri Sunar.\n\n_Kaushik_.--The name of a Rishi or saint. An eponymous section of\nBrahmans. A section of Ahir, Dhobi, Rajput, Sunar and other castes.\n\n_Kaviraj_.--Title of a Bhat who has the qualification of literacy,\nand can therefore read the old Sanskrit medical works. A physician.\n\n_Kayasth Patwa_.--A subcaste of Patwa in Hoshangabad and Saugor.\n\n_Kekre_.--Subcaste of Gujar.\n\n_Kesaria_.--(From _kesar_, saffron.) A section of Ahir and Gadaria.\n\n_Kewat_.--A caste. A subcaste of Dhimar and Mallah.\n\n_Khad_.--Subcaste of Mana.\n\n_Khadal_.--A caste of palanquin-carriers.\n\n_Khadal_ [456] (honorific titles _Nayak_ and _Behera_).--A small\nDravidian caste of labourers in the Uriya country. In 1901 they\nnumbered 1200 persons and resided principally in the Patna and\nSonpur States now transferred to Bengal. The Khadals are probably an\noffshoot of the great Bauri caste of Bengal, with which the members\nof the caste in Patna admitted their identity, though elsewhere they\ndeny it. Their traditional occupations of palanquin-bearing and\nfield labour are identical with those of the Bauris, as stated by\nSir H. Risley. [457] The name Khadal is a functional one, denoting\npersons who work with a hoe. The Khadals have totemistic exogamous\ngroups, the Kilasi sept worshipping a tree, the Julsi and Kandualsi\nsept a snake-hole, and Balunasi a stone and others the sun. Each\nsept salutes the revered object or totem on seeing it, and those\nwho worship trees will not burn them or stand in their shade. When a\nmarriage takes place they worship the totem and offer to it flowers,\nsandalwood, vermilion, uncooked rice, and the new clothes and ornaments\nintended for the bride, which she may not wear until this ceremony\nhas been performed. Another curious custom adopted by the Khadals\nin imitation of the Hindus is that of marrying adult boys and girls,\nfor whom a partner has not been found, to a tree. But this does not\noccur when they arrive at puberty as among Hindu castes, but when a\nboy still unmarried becomes thirty years old and a girl twenty. In\nsuch a case he or she is married to a mango, cotton or _jamun_ tree,\nand after this no second ceremony need be performed on subsequent\nunion with a wife or husband. A widower must pay Rs. 10, or double the\nusual price, for a second wife, owing to the risk of her death being\ncaused by the machinations of the first wife's spirit. When a corpse\nhas been buried or burnt the mourners each take a twig of mango and\nbeat about in the grass to start a grasshopper. Having captured one\nthey wrap it in a piece of new cloth, and coming home place it beside\nthe family god. This they call bringing back the life of the soul,\nand consider that the ceremony procures salvation for the dead. The\nKhadals are usually considered as impure, but those of Sonpur have\nattained a somewhat higher status.\n\n_Khadia_.--(A kind of snake.) A section of Ahir and Raghuvansi. A\nsept of Nahal.\n\n_Khadra_, [458] _Khadura_ or _Kharura_.--A small Uriya caste whose\noccupation is to make brass ornaments. They are immigrants from\nCuttack and say that they are called there Sankhari, so that the\nKhadras may not improbably be an offshoot of the Sankhari caste of\nshell-cutters of Bengal. According to their traditions their original\nancestor was created by Viswakarma, the celestial architect, for the\nbusiness of making a pinnacle for the temple of Jagannath at Puri,\nin which eight metals had to be combined. He left two sons, one of\nwhom became the ancestor of the Khadras, and the other of the Kasars,\nwith whom the Khadras thus claim affinity. They have no subcastes but\nfour _gotras_ or clans called after the Nag or cobra, the Singh or\nlion, and Kasyap and Kachchap, both derived from the tortoise. They\nalso have four _bargas_ or family names, which are Patra (a term of\nrespect), Das (slave), Sao (banker) and Maharana (artificer). The\ngroups are supposed to be descended from four families who migrated\nfrom Curtack. Neither _bargas_ nor _gotras_ are now considered in the\narrangement of marriages, which are prohibited between blood relatives\nfor three generations. Marriage is infant, and a girl arriving at\npuberty while still unwed is permanently expelled from the caste. The\nKhadras still follow the old rule of writing the _lagun_ or date\nof the marriage on a palm-leaf, with which they send Rs. 10-4 as a\nbride-price to the girl's father, the acceptance of this constituting\na confirmation of the betrothal. The marriage ceremony resembles\nthat of the other Uriya castes, and the Khadras have the rite called\n_badapani_ or breaking the bachelorhood. A little water brought from\nseven houses is sprinkled over the bridegroom and his loin-cloth is\nthen snatched away, leaving him naked. In this state he runs towards\nhis own house, but some boys are posted at a little distance who give\nhim a new cloth. Widow-marriage and divorce are permitted, but the\nhand of a widow must not be sought so long as she remains in her late\nhusband's house, and does not return to her father. When a bachelor\nmarries a widow he must first perform the regular ceremony with a\nleaf-cup filled with flowers, after which he can take the widow as\nhis second wife. All important agreements are confirmed by a peculiar\ncustom called _heskani_. A deer-skin is spread on the ground before\nthe caste committee, and the person making the agreement bows before\nit a number of times. To break an agreement made by the _heskani_\nrite is believed to involve terrible calamities. The Khadras eat the\nflesh of animals and fish but not that of birds, and they do not drink\ncountry liquor. When an estate is to be partitioned the eldest son\nfirst takes a tenth of the whole in right of primogeniture and the\nremainder is then divided equally. The Khadras rank as an artisan\ncaste of somewhat low status.\n\n_Khadura_.--Synonym of Khadra.\n\n_Khaijraha_.--(A resident of Khaira, a town in Central India.) Subcaste\nof Chamar.\n\n_Khair, Khaira_.--(From _khair_, catechu or the catechu tree. A maker\nof catechu.) Synonym for Khairwar.\n\n_Khairchura_.--(Carechu preparer.) A subcaste of Khairwar.\n\n_Khaire_.--A subcaste of Are (Gondhali), Kanbi and Oraon.\n\n_Khairwar_.--A catechu-making caste. A section of Chamar.\n\n_Khaiyaware_.--(_Khai_, ditch; owing to their houses having been\noriginally built on the ditch of Hatta fort.) A section of Beldar\nSonkars in Damoh.\n\n_Khaki_.--(From _khak_, ashes.) A class of Bairagi, or religious\nmendicants.\n\n_Khalifa_.--(Lord.) An honorific title for Darzis or tailors, and\nMuhammadan barbers.\n\n_Khaltaha_.--Subcaste of Ghasia.\n\n_Khaltati_.--(Illegitimate.) Subcaste of Andh.\n\n_Khaltia_.--Subcaste of Basdewa.\n\n_Khamari_.--(Farmservant.) A section of Kolta.\n\n_Khambi_.--(One who hides behind the graveyard.) A sept of Korku.\n\n_Khanda_.--(A sword.) A section of Panka and Mahar.\n\n_Khandait_.--(A swordsman.) An Uriya caste. A subcaste of Sansia,\nTaonla and Chasa. Also a name of Koltas in Cuttack.\n\n_Khandapatra_.--(One who cleans swords.) A section of Khandwal.\n\n_Khandapi_.--(_Khanda_, a sword.) A sept of the Dhurwa clan of Sahdeve\nor six-god Gonds in Betul, named after the sword of Raja Durga Shah\nby which a victory was gained over the Muhammadans.\n\n_Khandele_.--(From _khanda_, sword.) A section of Raghuvansi Rajputs\nin Hoshangabad.\n\n_Khandelwal_.--A subcaste of Bania.\n\n_Khandeshi_.--(A resident of Khandesh.) A territorial subcaste of\nDarzi, Joshi, Mahar and Mang.\n\n_Khanne, Khanna_.--A subdivision of Chargarh Saraswat Brahmans in\nHoshangabad, probably deriving their name from being priests of the\nKhanna section of Khatris. A section of Khatri.\n\n_Khanonkha_.--(A kind of basket to catch birds with.) A totemistic\nsept of Rautia Kawars in Bilaspur.\n\n_Kharadi_.--(A turner, one who turns woodwork on a lathe.) A synonym\nof Kundera and Barhai.\n\n_Kharchi_.--Bastard Marathas forming a separate division as\ndistinguished from the Khasi or pure Marathas.\n\n_Khare_.--A subdivision of Srivastab, Gaur and Saksena Kayasths,\nmeaning those of pure descent.\n\n_Khari Bind Kewat_.--Title of the Murha caste.\n\n_Kharodia_.--(A resident of Kharod in Bilaspur.) A subcaste of Nunia.\n\n_Kharsisjha_.--(Maker of cowdung cakes.) A section of Mali.\n\n_Kharwade_.--(Refuse.) A subcaste of Simpi or Maratha Darzi (tailor)\noriginally formed of excommunicated members of the caste, but now\noccupying a position equal to other subcastes in Nagpur.\n\n_Kharwar_.--Synonym of the Khairwar tribe. Subcaste of Chero and Kol.\n\n_Khasi_.--A subdivision of Marathas, meaning those born in wedlock.\n\n_Khasua_.--(A eunuch.) Synonym of Hijra.\n\n_Khati_.--(From the Sanskrit _kskatri_, one who cuts.) A subcaste of\nBarhai and Lohar.\n\n_Khatik_.--A caste. Synonym of Chikwa. A subcaste of Pasi in Saugor,\nsaid to have originated in a cross between a Bauri and a Khatik woman.\n\n_Khatkudia_.--(Illegitimate.) A section of Teli in Betul.\n\n_Khatri_.--A caste. A subcaste of Chhipa and of Sunar in Narsinghpur.\n\n_Khatua_.--(Having a cot.) A section of the Hatwa caste.\n\n_Khatulha_ or _Khatola_.--A subtribe of Gond.\n\n_Khatulwar_.--A subtribe of Gonds in Chanda, the same as the Khatulha\nof the northern Districts.\n\n_Khawas_.--A title of Nai or barber. A subcaste of Dhuri. A section\nof Halba.\n\n_Khedawal_.--A subcaste of Gujarati Brahmans. They take their name\nfrom Kheda or Kaira, a town in Gujarat.\n\n_Khedule_.--From _kheda_, a village. Subcaste of Kunbi.\n\n_Khendro_.--Subcaste of Oraon.\n\n_Kheralawala_.--An immigrant from Kherala in Malwa. Subcaste of\nRangrez.\n\n_Kherawal_.--See Khedawal.\n\n_Kheti_.--(Cultivation.) A section of Dumal.\n\n_Khewat_.--Synonym of Kewat.\n\n_Khichi_.--A clan of Rajputs, a branch of the Sesodia clan.\n\n_Khoba_.--(Sticks for fencing the grain-store.) A sept of Kawar;\nthey abstain from using these sticks.\n\n_Khoksa_.--(A kind of fish.) A totemistic sept of Rautia Kawar in\nBilaspur.\n\n_Khuntia_.--A subcaste of Agaria. One who uses a _khunti_ or peg to fix\nthe bellows in the ground for smelting iron. A sept of Savars. (Those\nwho bury their dead on a high place.)\n\n_Khursam_.--A sept of Pardhan and Dhur Gond.\n\n_Khutha_.--(Impure.) A section of Tamera in Mandla.\n\n_Khyaurokar_.--(One who shaves, from _kshaur_, to shave.) A synonym\nof Nai or Bhandari.\n\n_Kilanaya_.--(_Kilna,_ a dog-house.) A nickname section of Ahir.\n\n_Kilkila_.--(The kingfisher.) A sept of Khairwar.\n\n_Killibusum_.--(One who eats dead animals.) A sept of Korku.\n\n_Kindra_.--(One who hides behind a tree.) A sept of Korku.\n\n_Kirachi_ or _Karachi_.--A sept of Gonds of Raipur and Betul.\n\n_Kirad_.--Synonym of Kirar.\n\n_Kirahiboijir_.--(A kind of fruit.) A section of Teli in Nandgaon.\n\n_Kirar_.--A caste. Synonym Dhakar. A subcaste of Kachhi. A section\nof Khatik.\n\n_Kirnakha_.--A sept of Gonds in Chanda.\n\n_Kirvant_ or _Kilvant_.--A subdivision of Maharashtra Brahmans in\nKhairagarh. The name is said to be derived from _kira_, an insect,\nbecause they kill insects in working their betel-vine gardens. Another\nexplanation is that the name is really Kriyavant, and that they\nare so called because they conducted _kriya_ or funeral services, an\noccupation which degraded them. A third form of the name is _Kramwant_\nor reciters of the Veda.\n\n_Kisan_.--(A cultivator.) Oraons are commonly known by this name in\nChota Nagpur and Gonds in Mandla and other Districts. A section of\nMarar, Rawat or Ahir, and Savar.\n\n_Koathia_.--A section of Bais Rajputs.\n\n_Kochia_.--Perhaps a name for Bahnas or cotton cleaners.\n\n_Kodjet_.--(A conqueror of crores of people.) A section of Bhulia.\n\n_Kohistani_.--(A dweller on mountains.) A section of Pathan.\n\n_Kohkatta_.--A sept of Gonds in Khairagarh.\n\n_Kohri_.--A synonym for the Kohli caste.\n\n_Koi_.--A class of Gonds.\n\n_Koikopal_.--A subcaste of Gond.\n\n_Koilabhut_ or _Koilabhuti_.--A subtribe of Gonds. Their women are\nprostitutes.\n\n_Koiri_.--A synonym of the Murao caste.\n\n_Koitur_.--A synonym for Gond. The name by which the Gonds call\nthemselves in many Districts.\n\n_Kokonasth_ or _Chitpavan_.--A subcaste of Maharashtra Brahmans\ninhabiting the Konkan country. Chitpavan means the pure in heart.\n\n_Koksinghia_.--_(Koka,_ the Brahmani duck.) A subsection of the\nPardhan section of Koltas.\n\n_Kol_.--A tribe. Subcaste of Dahait.\n\n_Kolabhut_.--A name for Gonds.\n\n_Kolam_.--A tribe. A subtribe of Gonds in Chanda.\n\n_Kolchar_.--A clan of Maratha.\n\n_Kolia_.--(From _kolu_, oil-press.) A section of Teli in Betul.\n\n_Koliha_.--(Jackal.) A section of Panwar Rajput, Chamar and Kawar.\n\n_Kolita_, _Kulta_.--Synonyms of Kolta.\n\n_Kolta_.--A caste. A subcaste of Chasa.\n\n_Kolya_.--(One who hides behind a jackal-hole.) A sept of Korku.\n\n_Komalwar_.--(_Komal_, soft.) A section of Kurumwar.\n\n_Komati_.--Synonym of Komti.\n\n_Kommu_.--(A story-teller.) Subcaste of Madgi.\n\n_Kondawar_.--(_Konda_, a mountain.) A section of Palewar Dhimar and\nKoshti in Chanda.\n\n_Kondwan_ or _Kundi_.--A name of a tract south of the Mahanadi which is\ncalled after the Khond tribe, and was formerly owned by them. Subcaste\nof Baiga.\n\n_Korai_.--A subcaste of Ahir or Rawat in Bilaspur.\n\n_Koraku_.--(Young men.) Subcaste of Korwa.\n\n_Koratkul_.--A section of Komti; they do not eat the _kumhra_\nor pumpkin.\n\n_Korava_.--Synonym of Yerukala.\n\n_Korchamar_.--A descendant of alliances between Chamars and Koris or\nweavers. Subcaste of Chamar.\n\n_Kori_.--A caste. A subcaste of Balahi, Jaiswara Chamar and Katia.\n\n_Korku_.--A tribe. A subtribe of Nahal.\n\n_Korre_.--(Residents of the Korai hill-tract in Seoni.) Subcaste\nof Injhwar.\n\n_Kosaria_.--A subcaste of Rawat or Ahir, Barai, Dhobi, Kalar, Mali,\nPanka and Teli; a section of Chamar and Gond.\n\n_Koshti_, _Koshta_.--A caste of weavers. See article. A subcaste of\nKatia and Bhulia.\n\n_Koskati_.--A subcaste of Koshti.\n\n_Kothari_--(A store-keeper, from _kotha_, a store-room.) A section\nof Oswal and Maheshri Banias.\n\n_Kotharya_.--(A store-keeper.) Subcaste of Chitrakathi.\n\n_Kotwal_.--(Keeper of a castle, or a village watchman.) Honorific title\nof the Khangar caste. A surname of Yajurvedi Brahmans in Saugor. A\nsection of Halba.\n\n_Kotwar_.--A person holding the office of village watchman. This post\nis usually assigned to members of the lowest or impure castes derived\nfrom the aboriginal tribes, such as the Mahars, Ramosis, Gandas,\nPankas, Minas and Khangars. Some of these were or still are much\naddicted to crime. The name _kotwar_ appears to be a corruption of\n_kotwal_, the keeper or guardian of a _kot_ or castle. Under native\nrule the kotwal was the chief of police in important towns, and the\ncentral police office in some towns is still called the kotwali after\nhim. In some villages there are still to be found both a kotwal and\na kotwar; in this case the former performs the duties of watch and\nward of the village, and the latter has the menial work of carrying\nmessages, collecting supplies and so on. Both are paid by fixed\nannual contributions of grain from the cultivators. In Hoshangabad\nthe kotwar is allowed to glean for a day in the fields of each tenant\nafter the crop has been removed. It would appear that the kotwar was\nchosen from the criminal castes as a method of insurance. The kotwar\nwas held responsible for the good behaviour of his caste-fellows,\nand was often under the obligation of making good any property stolen\nby them. And if a theft occurred in another village and the thief was\ntraced into the borders of the kotwar's village he was bound to take\nup the pursuit and show that the thief had passed beyond his village,\nor to pay for the stolen property. Thieves were sometimes tracked by\nthe kotwar, and sometimes in Gujarat and Central India by a special\nofficial called Paggal, [459] who measured their footprints with a\nstring, and in this way often followed them successfully from village\nto village. [460] The rule that the kotwar had to make good all thefts\noccurring in his village or perpetrated by criminals belonging to it,\ncan only have been enforced to a very partial extent, as unless he\ncould trace the property he would be unable to pay any substantial\nsum out of his own means. Still, it apparently had a considerable\neffect in the protection of property in the rural area, for which\nthe regular police probably did very little. It was similarly the\ncustom to employ a _chaukidar_ or night-watchman to guard private\nhouses when the owners could afford it, and this man was taken from\na criminal caste on the same principle.\n\nThe kotwar was also the guardian of the village boundaries, and his\nopinion was often taken as authoritative in all cases of disputes\nabout land. This position he perhaps occupied as a representative of\nthe pre-Aryan tribes, the oldest residents of the country, and his\nappointment may have also been partly based on the idea that it was\nproper to employ one of them as the guardian of the village lands,\njust as the priest of the village gods of the earth and fields was\nusually taken from these tribes.\n\nIn some localities those members of an impure caste such as the\nMahars, who hold the office of village watchman, obtain a certain\nrise in status on account of the office, and show a tendency to\nmarry among themselves. Similarly persons of the impure Ganda caste,\nwho joined the Kabirpanthi sect and now form a separate and somewhat\nhigher caste under the name of Panka, usually work as village watchmen\nin preference to the Gandas. Under British rule the kotwar has been\nretained as a village policeman, and his pay increased and generally\nfixed in cash. Besides patrolling the village, he has to report all\ncognisable crime at the nearest police post as well as births and\ndeaths occurring in the village, and must give general assistance\nto the regular police in the detection of crime. Kotwar is used in\nSaugor as a synonym for the Chadar caste. It is also a subcaste of\nthe Kori caste.\n\n_Kowa_.--(A crow.) A section of Tamera and of Gond in Chanda.\n\n_Koya_ A subtribe of Gond in Bastar.\n\n_Koyudu_.--A synonym of Gond in Chanda used by Telugus.\n\n_Kramikul_.--A section of Komti. They do not use the black radish.\n\n_Kshatriya_.--Name of the second Hindu classical caste or the warrior\ncaste. Synonym for Rajput.\n\n_Kshirsagar_.--(Ocean of Milk.) A section of Panwar Rajput, and a\nproper name of Maratha Brahmans.\n\n_Kuch_.--(A weaver's brush.) A section of Raghuvansi Rajputs in\nHoshangabad.\n\n_Kuchbandhia_, _Kunchbandhia_.--(A maker of weavers' brushes.) Synonym\nand subcaste of Beldar in Chhattisgarh.\n\n_Kudaiya_.--(_Kodon_, a small millet.) A section of Ahir.\n\n_Kudappa_.--A sept of Gonds in Raipur and Khairagarh.\n\n_Kudarbohna_.--A Hindu Bhana.\n\n_Kudaria_.--(_Kudali_, a pickaxe.) A section of the Bharia tribe.\n\n_Kukra_.--(A dog.) A totemistic sept of Bhatra Gonds. A section\nof Kumhar.\n\n_Kukuta_.--(Cock.) A sept of Gonds in Raipur.\n\n_Kulatia_.--A section of Basor. From _kulara_, a somersault, because\nthey perform somersaults at the time of the _maihir_ ceremony, or\neating the marriage cakes.\n\n_Kuldip_.--(The lamp of the family.) A section of Panka in Raipur.\n\n_Kuldiya_.--(Those who stop eating if the lamp goes out at supper.) A\nsection of Ghasia.\n\n_Kulin_.--(Of high caste.) A well-known class of Bengali Brahmans. A\nsubdivision of Uriya Mahantis. A section of Panka.\n\n_Kulshreshta_.--(Of good family.) A subcaste of Kayasth.\n\n_Kuman_.--Subcaste of Barai.\n\n_Kumarrha_ or _Kumarra_.--(A bird.) A sept of Sahdeve or six-god\nGonds. In Betul the members of this sept do not eat or kill a goat\nor sheep, and throw away any article smelt by one.\n\n_Kumarshishta_.--A section of Komti. They do not use _mehndi_ or\nhenna leaves.\n\n_Kumbhar_.--(Potter.) Marathi synonym for Kumhar. A section of Ganda\nand Bhulia.\n\n_Kumbhoj_.--(Born of a pitcher, a Rishi or saint.) An eponymous\nsection of Agharia.\n\n_Kumbhira_.--(Crocodile.) A totemistic sept of Bhulia.\n\n_Kumbhwar_.--(_Kumbh_, a pot.) A surname of Gandli in Chanda.\n\n_Kumharbans_.--(Descended from a potter.) A section of Ghasia.\n\n_Kumrayete_.--(_Yete_, a goat.) A sept of the Uika clan of Sahdeve\nor six-god Gonds in Betul. They do not eat goats, and are said to\nhave offered human sacrifices in ancient times.\n\n_Kunbi_.--A caste. Subcaste of Dangri, Gondhali and Maratha.\n\n_Kumrawat, [461] Patbina, Dangur_.--A small caste of _san_-hemp growers\nand weavers of sacking. They are called Kumrawat in the northern\nDistricts and Patbina (_pat patti_, sacking, and _binna_, to weave)\nin Chhattisgarh. A small colony of hemp-growers in the Betul District\nare known as Dangur, probably from the _dang_ or wooden steelyard which\nthey use for weighing hemp. Both the Kumrawats and Dangurs claim Rajput\norigin, and may be classed together. The caste of Barais or betel-vine\ngrowers have a subcaste called Kumrawat, and the Kumrawats may be an\noffshoot of the Barais, who split off from the parent body on taking\nto the cultivation of hemp. As most Hindu castes have until recently\nrefused to grow hemp, the Kumrawats are often found concentrated in\nsingle villages. Thus a number of Patbinas reside in Darri, a village\nin the Khujji zamindari of Raipur, while the Dangurs are almost\nall found in the village of Masod in Betul; in Jubbulpore Khapa is\ntheir principal centre, and in Seoni the village of Deori. The three\ndivisions of the caste known by the names given above marry, as a rule,\namong themselves. For their exogamous groups the Dangurs have usually\nthe names of different Rajput septs, the Kumrawats have territorial\nnames, and those of the Patbinas are derived from inanimate objects,\nthough they have no totemistic practices.\n\nThe number of girls in the caste is usually insufficient, and hence\nthey are married at a very early age. The boy's father, accompanied\nby a few friends, goes to the girl's father and addresses a proposal\nfor marriage to him in the following terms: \"You have planted a\ntamarind tree which has borne fruit. I don't know whether you will\ncatch the fruit before it falls to the ground if I strike it with my\nstick.\" The girl's father, if he approves of the match, says in reply,\n'Why should I not catch it?' and the proposal for the marriage is\nthen made. The ceremony follows the customary ritual in the northern\nDistricts. When the family gods are worshipped, the women sit round a\ngrinding-stone and invite the ancestors of the family by name to attend\nthe wedding, at the same time placing a little cowdung in one of the\ninterstices of the stone. When they have invited all the names they\ncan remember they plaster up the remaining holes, saying, 'We can't\nrecollect any more names.' This appears to be a precaution intended\nto imprison any spirits which may have been forgotten, and to prevent\nthem from exercising an evil influence on the marriage in revenge for\nnot having been invited. Among the Dangurs the bride and bridegroom\ngo to worship at Hanuman's shrine after the ceremony, and all along\nthe way the bride beats the bridegroom with a tamarind twig. The\ndead are both buried and burnt, and mourning is observed during a\nperiod of ten days for adults and of three days for children. But if\nanother child has been born to the mother after the one who has died,\nthe full period of mourning must be observed for the latter; because\nit is said that in this case the mother does not tear off her _sari_\nor body-cloth to make a winding-sheet for the child as she does when\nher latest baby dies. The Kumrawats both grow and weave hemp, though\nthey have no longer anything like a monopoly of its cultivation. They\nmake the _gons_ or double bags used for carrying grain on bullocks. In\nChhattisgarh the status of the Patbinas is low, and no castes except\nthe most debased will take food or water from them. The Kumrawats of\nJubbulpore occupy a somewhat more respectable position and take rank\nwith Kachhis, though below the good cultivating castes. The Dangurs\nof Betul will take food from the hands of the Kunbis.\n\n_Kumrayete_.--(_Yete_, a goat.) A sept of the Uika clan of Sahdeve\nor six-god Gonds in Betul. They do not eat goats, and are said to\nhave offered human sacrifices in ancient times.\n\n_Kunbi_.--A caste. Subcaste of Dangri, Gondhali and Maratha.\n\n_Kundera_.--A caste. A subcaste of the Larhia Beldars.\n\n_Kundera_, _Kharadi_.--A small caste of wood-turners akin to the\nBarhais or carpenters. In 1911 the caste numbered 120 persons,\nprincipally in Saugor. When asked for the name of their caste they\nnot infrequently say that they are Rajputs; but they allow widows to\nremarry, and their social customs and position are generally the same\nas those of the Barhais. Both names of the caste are functional, being\nderived from the Hindi _kund_, and the Arabic _kharat_, a lathe. Some\nof them abstain from flesh and liquor, and wear the sacred thread,\nmerely with a view to improve their social position. The Kunderas\nmake toys from the _dudhi_ (_Holarrhena antidysenterica_) and huqqa\nstems from the wood of the _khair_ or catechu tree. The toys are\ncommonly lacquered, and the surface is smoothed with a dried leaf of\nthe _kevara_ tree. [462] They also make chessmen, wooden flutes and\nother articles.\n\n_Kundgolakar_.--A subdivision of degraded Maratha Brahmans, the\noffspring of adulterous connections.\n\n_Kunjam_.--A sept of Solaha in Raipur. A section of Basor and\nBhunjia. A sept of Gond and Pardhan.\n\n_Kunnatya_--(Rope-dancer.) A name applied to Nats.\n\n_Kunti_ or _Kunte_.--(_Kunti_, lame.) A subcaste of Kapewar, synonym\nBhiksha Kunti or lame beggars.\n\n_Kunwar_.--(Prince.) A title of Rajput ruling families. A section of\nRajput and Kawar.\n\n_Kura Sasura_.--Husband's elder brother. Title of Kharia.\n\n_Kurathiya_, _Kuratia_.--(From _kur_, a fowl, which they have given\nup eating.) A subtribe of Gonds in Khairagarh.\n\n_Kurha_ or _Sethia_.--Title of the Sonkar caste headman.\n\n_Kurkere_.--One who moulds his vessels on a stone slab revolving on\na stick and not on a wheel. Subcaste of Kumhar.\n\n_Kurmeta_.--A sept of Gonds in Chanda.\n\n_Kurmgutia_.--(From _kurm_, tortoise.) A section of Mahar.\n\n_Kurmi_.--A caste. A subcaste of Agharia in the Uriya country. A\nsubcaste of Barai. A sept of Pardhan. A section of Mahar.\n\n_Kurochi_.--(_Kur_, hen.) A sept of the Uika clan of Sahdeve or\nsix-god Gonds in Betul, so named because their priest once stole a hen.\n\n_Kurpachi_.--(_Kur_, hen.) A sept of the Uika clan of Gonds in\nBetul, so named because their priest offered the contents of a hen's\nintestines to the gods.\n\n_Kurru_ or _Kura_.--Title of Yerukala.\n\n_Kusangia_.--(Of bad company.) A section of Lohar.\n\n_Kushbansi_.--A subcaste of Ahir. (Descendants of Kush, one of the\ntwo sons of Rama.)\n\n_Kush Ranjan_.--A section of Brahman, Barai, Chamar, Chandnahu Kurmi,\nRawat (Ahir), Marar and Rajbhar.\n\n_Kushta_, _Koshta_.--Subcaste of Kori.\n\n_Kuslia_.--(_Kusli_, boat.) A subcaste of Mali.\n\n_Kusram_.--_(Kusri_, pulse.) A sept of the Uika Gonds in Betul\nand Chanda.\n\n_Labhana_.--Synonym and subcaste of Banjara.\n\n_Lad_.--The old name for the territory of Gujarat. A subcaste of Bania,\nKalar, Koshti and Sunar.\n\n_Ladaimar_.--One who hunts jackals and sells and eats their\nflesh. Subcaste of Jogi.\n\n_Ladele_.--(Quarrelsome.) A section of Shribathri Teli.\n\n_Ladjin_.--Subcaste of Banjara.\n\n_Ladse_ or _Ladvi_.--Subcaste of Chamar and Dhangar.\n\n_Ladwan_, _Ladvan_.--A subcaste of Mahar. Perhaps from Lad, the old\nname of Gujarat.\n\n_Laheri_.--Synonym of Lakhera.\n\n_Laheria_.--Subcaste of Brahman.\n\n_Lahgera_ or _Lahugera_.--(_Lahanga_, weaver.) A subcaste of Kori.\n\n_Lahuri Sen_.--A subcaste of Barai in the northern Districts who are\nformed of excommunicated members of the caste.\n\n_Lahuria_.--(From Lahore.) A section of Rathor and Chauhan Banjaras.\n\n_Lajjhar_.--Synonym of Rajjhar.\n\n_Lakariha_.--A subdivision of Pardhan in Kawardha. While begging they\nplay a musical instrument, hence the name from _lakri_, a stick.\n\n_Lala_.--(A term of endearment.) Synonym for Kayasth. A subcaste\nof Chamar.\n\n_Lalbegi_.--A follower of Lalbeg, patron saint of the sweepers. Synonym\nof Mehtar.\n\n_Lal Padri_.--Red priests, because they rub _geru_ or red ochre on\ntheir bodies. Title of Jogi.\n\n_Lamechu_.--A subcaste of Bania.\n\n_Langoti_.--Subcaste of Pardhi. They wear only a narrow strip of\ncloth called _langoti_ round the loins.\n\n_Lanjia_.--A subcaste of Lohar and Nai, from Lanji in Balaghat. A\nsubtribe of Gonds in Khairagarh.\n\n_Lanjiwar_.--(One living round Lanji in Balaghat.) Subcaste of Injhwar.\n\n_Laphangia_.--(Upstart.) A section of Kolta.\n\n_Laria_, _Larhia_.--(Belonging to Chhattisgarh.) A synonym of\nBeldar. A subcaste of Bhaina, Binjhwar, Chamar, Ganda, Ghasia, Gond,\nGosain, Kalar, Kewat, Koshti, Mahar, Marar, Mowar, Panka, Savar,\nSunar and Teli.\n\n_Lasgaria_.--A class of Bairagi mendicants.\n\n_Lasukar_.--A subcaste of Gondhalis who sell books and calendars.\n\n_Lat_.--Subcaste of Chamar.\n\n_Lave_.--Subcaste of Kunbi.\n\n_Laya_.--(Bird.) A section of Binjhwar, Mahar, and Panka.\n\n_Lekha_.--Subcaste of Gujar.\n\n_Lemuan_, _Limuan_.--(Tortoise.) A totemistic sept of Audhelia,\nMunda and Oraon.\n\n_Lidha_.--(Excrement of swine.) Subcaste of Khatik in Jubbulpore.\n\n_Lilia_.--(From _lil_ or _nil_, the indigo plant.) Subcaste of Kachhi.\n\n_Lilorhia_.--Subcaste of Gujar.\n\n_Limba_.--_(Nim_ tree.) A totemistic section of Dumals.\n\n_Lingayat_.--A religious order which has become a caste. See article\nand subordinate article to Bania. A subcaste of Bania and Kumhar.\n\n_Lodha_.--Synonym of Lodhi. Subcaste of Lodhi.\n\n_Lohar_.--A caste of blacksmiths, synonym Luhura. A section of Binjhwar\nand Ganda.\n\n_Lohar Barhai_.--A subcaste of Barhai in Bundelkhand.\n\n_Loharia_.--A subcaste of Ahir.\n\n_Lonaria_.--A salt-maker. Subcaste of Mahar.\n\n_Lonchatia_.--(Salt-licker.) A sept of the Uika clan of Gonds. The\nmembers of this sept lick salt on the death of their relatives. Another\naccount from Betul says that they spread salt on a platform raised\nin honour of the dead and make cattle lick it up.\n\n_Londhari_.--A small caste of cultivators found in the Bhandara\nDistrict. They appear to be immigrants from northern India, as their\nwomen wear the Hindustani dress and they speak Hindi at home. At their\nweddings the bridal couple walk round the sacred post according to\nthe northern custom. When a widow marries again the couple worship a\nsword before the ceremony. If a man is convicted of an intrigue with\na low-caste woman, he has to submit to a symbolical purification by\nfire. A heap of juari-stalks is piled all round him and set alight,\nbut as soon as the fire begins to burn he is permitted to escape\nfrom it. This rite is known as Agnikasht. The Londharis appear to be\ndistinct from the Lonhare Kunbis of Betul, with whom I was formerly\ninclined to connect them. These latter derive their name from the\nLonar Mehkar salt lake in the Buldana District, and are probably\nso called because they once collected the salt evaporated from the\nlake. They thus belong to the Maratha country, whereas the Londharis\nprobably came from northern India. The name Lonhare is also found as\na subdivision of one or two other castes living in the neighbourhood\nof the Lonar Mehkar lake.\n\n_Londhe_, _Londe_.--(One who hides himself behind cloth.) A section\nof Kohli. A sept of Korku.\n\n_Londibacha_.--A subcaste of Kasar, including persons of illegitimate\ndescent.\n\n_Lonhare_, _Lonare_.--(From Lonar-Mehkar, the well-known salt lake\nof the Buldana District.) A subcaste of Kunbi. A section of Arakh\nand Ahir.\n\n_Ludhela_.--A section of Basor who worship the _ludhia_, a round\nstone for pounding food, at the Maihar ceremony.\n\n_Luhura_.--(One who works in iron.) Synonym of Lohar. Subcaste\nof Sidhira.\n\n_Lunia_.--Synonym of Murha, Nunia.\n\n_Machhandar_.--(One who catches fish.) Synonym of Dhimar.\n\n_Machhandra Nath_.--A subdivision of Jogi.\n\n_Machhia_.--(From _machhi_, fish.) A section of Dhimar and Lodhi.\n\n_Machhri_.--(Fish.) A sept of Oraon.\n\n_Mada Kukuria_.--(Dead dog.) A subsection of the Viswal section\nof Koltas.\n\n_Madankul_.--A section of Komti. They do not use red clothes, nor\nthe wood of the swallow-wort tree.\n\n_Madari_.--A class of Fakirs or Muhammadan beggars.\n\n_Made_.--A resident of the Mad country in Chanda and Bastar. Subcaste\nof Pardhan.\n\n_Madgi_, _Madiga_. [463]--The Telugu caste of workers in leather\ncorresponding to the Chamars, which numbers nearly 1 1/2 millions in\nMadras, Mysore and Hyderabad. In 1911 there were nearly 6000 Madgis\nin the Central Provinces and 3000 in Berar. According to tradition,\nthe Madigas derive their name from that of a sage called Matanga Muni,\nand it is said that a dynasty belonging to the caste once ruled in\nthe Canarese country. The following legend of their origin comes from\nMysore: [464] In former times the sage Jambava Rishi was habitually\nlate in attending at Siva's court. Siva asked him why this happened,\nand he replied that he was occupied in tending his children. On\nthis Siva took pity on him and gave him the sacred cow, Kamdhenu,\nfrom which all the needs of the children could be satisfied. But one\nday while Jambava was absent at Siva's court, another sage, Sankhya,\nvisited his hermitage and was hospitably entertained by his son,\nYugamuni. The cream which Sankhya was given was so good that he\ndesired to kill the cow, Kamdhenu, thinking that her flesh would\ntaste even better. In spite of Yugamuni's objections Sankhya killed\nthe cow and distributed the meat to various persons. While this was\nin progress Jambava returned, and, on hearing what had been done,\ndragged Sankhya and Yugamuni before Siva's judgment seat. The two\noffenders did not enter the court but stood outside the doorway,\nSankhya on the right side and Yugamuni on the left. Siva condemned them\nto become Chandalas or outcastes, and the descendants of Sankhya have\nbecome the right-hand Holias, while those of Yugamuni and his wife\nMatangi are the left-hand caste of Madigas. The latter were set to\nmake shoes to expiate the sin committed by their ancestor in killing\na cow. Another story given in the Central Provinces is that the Golla\ncaste of cowherds, corresponding to the Ahirs and the Madgis, are the\ndescendants of two brothers. The brothers had a large herd of cattle\nand wanted to divide them. At this time, however, cattle disease was\nprevalent, and many of the herd were affected. The younger brother did\nnot know of this, and seeing that most of the herd were lying on the\nground, he proposed to the elder brother that he himself should take\nall the cattle lying on the ground, and the elder brother all those\nwhich were standing up, as a suitable method of division. The elder\nbrother agreed, but when the younger came to take his cattle which\nwere on the ground he found that they were all dead, and hence he had\nno alternative but to take off the hides and cure and sell them. His\ndescendants continued his degraded profession and became the Madgi\ncaste. In Chanda the following six subcastes of Madgis are reported:\nThe Nulka Chandriah or caste priests; the Anapa or leather dealers;\nthe Sindhi who are supposed to have been performers of dramas; the\nMasti or dancers; the Kommu or tellers of stories; and the Dekkala\nor genealogists of the caste. It is said that Kommu really means a\nhorn and Dekka a hoof. These last two are the lowest subdivisions,\nand occupy a most degraded position. In theory they should not sleep\non cots, pluck the leaves of trees, carry loads on any animal other\nthan a donkey, or even cook food for themselves, but should obtain\ntheir subsistence by eating the leavings of other Madgis or members\nof different castes. The Nulka Chandriah or priests are the highest\nsubdivision and will not take food or water from any of the others,\nwhile the four remaining subcastes eat and drink together, but do\nnot intermarry. There are also a number of exogamous groups, most of\nwhich have territorial names; but a few are titular or totemistic,\nas--Mukkidi, noseless; Kumawar, a potter; Nagarwar, a citizen;\nDobbulwar, one who possesses a _dobbulu_ or copper coin; Ippawar, from\nthe mahua tree; Itkalwar from _itkal_ a brick, and so on. The caste\ncustoms of the Madigas need not be recorded in detail. They are an\nimpure caste and eat all kinds of food, and the leavings of others,\nthough the higher subdivisions refuse to accept these. They live\noutside the village, and their touch is considered to convey pollution.\n\n_Madhavacharya_.--A Vishnuite sect and order of religious\nmendicants. See Bairagi.\n\n_Madhyanjan, Madhyandina_.--A class of Brahmans, the same as the\nYajur-Vedis, or a section of them.\n\n_Madia_.--A class of Gonds in Bastar.\n\n_Madpotwa_.--(One who distils liquor.) Subcaste of Teli.\n\n_Madrasi_.--Subcaste of Dhobi.\n\n_Magadha_.--A subcaste of Ahir or Rawat in Chhattisgarh, who ask for\nfood from others and do not cook for themselves.\n\n_Magar, Magra_.--A sept of Khangar, Ahir or Rawat, Gond and Chadar.\n\n_Magida_.--Synonym of Madgi.\n\n_Mahabrahman_.--A degraded class of Brahmans who accept gifts for\nthe dead.\n\n_Mahadeva Thakur_.--(Lord Mahadeo.) A section of Mali.\n\n_Mahajalia_.--(Deceitful.) A section of Lohar.\n\n_Mahajan_.--A banker. Title of the Bania caste.\n\n_Mahakul_.--Synonym for Ahir.\n\n_Mahalodhi_.--(Great Lodhi.) Subcaste of Lodhi.\n\n_Mahanadiya_.--(Those who came from the Mahanadi river.) A subcaste\nof Lodhi. A section of Ganda, Ghasia and Panka.\n\n_Mahant_.--Chief of a _math_ or monastery. A superior class of\npriest. A section of Ahir, Panka, Chamar and Koshta.\n\n_Mahanti_.--A synonym for the Karan or writer caste of Orissa. A\nsection of Chasa.\n\n_Mahapatra_.--A subdivision of degraded Brahmans who take funeral\ngifts. An honorific title of Thanapati and of Uriya Brahmans. A\nsubcaste of Bhat.\n\n_Mahar_.--A caste. A subcaste of Balahi and Gondhali. A section of\nRawat in Raigarh.\n\n_Maharaj_.--(Great king.) A title of Brahmans.\n\n_Mahurana_.--Synonym of Chitari.\n\n_Maharashtra_ or _Marathe_.--One of the five orders of Panch Dravida\nBrahmans inhabiting the Maratha country. They are also called Dakshini\nBrahmans. A subcaste of Kumhar, Kasar and Lohar.\n\n_Mahedia_.--A section of Basors who worship pounded rice mixed\nwith curds.\n\n_Mahenga_.--(An elephant.) A totemistic sept of Rautia and Kawar\nin Bilaspur.\n\n_Maheshri_.--Subcaste of Baina.\n\n_Mahili_.--Synonym for Mahli.\n\n_Mahipia_.--(A drinker of curds.) A subsection of the Viswal section\nof Koltas.\n\n_Mahisur_.--(Lord of the earth.) A synonym of Brahmans.\n\n_Mahli-Munda._--Subcaste of Mahli.\n\n_Mahobia_.--(From the town of Mahoba in Central India.) A subcaste of\nBarai, Chamar, Dangi, Ghasia, Khangar and Mahar. A section of Dangi,\nKumhar and Kori.\n\n_Mahoda_.--A subdivision of Brahmans in Jubbulpore.\n\n_Mahore, Mahure_.--A subcaste of Bania, Kori, Kumhar and Kalar.\n\n_Mahratta_.--Synonym of Maratha.\n\n_Mahto, Mahton_.--A chief or village headman. Subcaste and title of\nTeli and Khairwar; title of the leader of the Bhuiya caste. A section\nof Ganda and Rawat (Ahir).\n\n_Mahur_.--(Poison.) A subcaste of Sunars in Chhindwara.\n\n_Mahure, Mahuria_.--(From Mahur, a town in Hyderabad.) Subcaste of\nBarhai and Dhangar.\n\n_Mai_.--(Mother.) A division of the Kabirpanthi sect.\n\n_Maichhor_.--A small clan of Rajputs. Perhaps from Maichuri in Jaipur.\n\n_Mailwar_.--(Dirty.) A group of Sunars in Raipur.\n\n_Maina_.--Synonym of Mina.\n\n_Mair_.--A subcaste of Sunar named after Mair, their original ancestor,\nwho melted down a golden demon.\n\n_Maithil_.--One of the five divisions of Panch Gaur Brahmans inhabiting\nthe province of Maithil or Bihar and Tirhut.\n\n_Majarewar_.--A territorial section of Binjhwar (from Majare in\nBalaghat).\n\n_Majhi_.--(A village headman.) Title of Bhatra.\n\n_Majhia_.--Synonym of Majhwar.\n\n_Majhli_.--(Middle.) Subcaste of Rautia.\n\n_Makaria_.--(From _makad_, monkey.) A subcaste of Kamar, so called\nbecause they eat monkeys.\n\n_Makhia_.--Subcaste of Mehtar.\n\n_Malaiya_.--An immigrant from Malwa. Subcaste of Chhipa.\n\n_Male_, _Maler_.--Synonyms of Mal.\n\n_Malha_.--A boatman. Synonym of Mallah.\n\n_Malhar_.--Subcaste of Koli.\n\n_Mali_.--(A caste.) A section of Kalar.\n\n_Mal-Paharia_.--Synonym of Mal.\n\n_Malvi_, _Malwi_.--(From _Malwa_.) A subdivision of Brahmans in\nHoshangabad and Betul. A subcaste of Ahir, Barhai, Darzi, Dhobi,\nGadaria, Kalar, Koshti, Kumhar, Nai and Sunar.\n\n_Malyar._ [465]--A small and curious caste of workers in gold and\nsilver in Bastar State. They are known alternatively as Marhatia\nSunar or Panchal, and outsiders call them Adhali. The name Malyar is\nsaid to be derived from _mal_, dirt, and _jar_ or _jalna_, to burn,\nthe Malyars having originally been employed by Sunars or goldsmiths\nto clean and polish their ornaments. No doubt can be entertained that\nthe Malyars are in reality Gonds, as they have a set of exogamous\nsepts all of which belong to the Gonds, and have Gondi names. So\nfar as possible, however, they try to disguise this fact and perform\ntheir marriages by walking round the sacred post like the Hindustani\ncastes. They will take food cooked without water from Brahmans,\nRajputs and Banias, but will not eat _katcha_ (or food cooked with\nwater) from anybody, and not even from members of their own caste\nunless they are relatives. This custom is common to some other castes\nof mixed descent, and indicates that illicit connections are frequent\namong the Malyars, as indeed would necessarily be the case owing to\nthe paucity of their numbers. But their memories are short, and the\noffspring of such irregular unions are recognised as belonging to\nthe caste after one or two generations. An outsider belonging to any\nhigher caste may be admitted to the community. The caste worship Mata\nDevi or the goddess of smallpox, and revere the spirit of a Malyar\nwoman who became a Sati. They have learned as servants of the Sunars\nthe rudiments of their art, and manufacture rough ornaments for the\nprimitive people of Bastar.\n\n_Mana Ojha_.--Subcaste of Ojha.\n\n_Mandal_.--(A name for a prosperous cultivator in Chhattisgarh.) A\nsection of Chamar and Panka. See article Kurmi.\n\n_Mandilwar_.--Name derived from Mandla. Subcaste of Katia.\n\n_Mandkul_.--A section of Komti who do not eat mangoes.\n\n_Mandlaha_.--(From Mandla town.) Subtribe of Gond.\n\n_Mane Kunbi_.--Subcaste of Gondhali.\n\n_Mang_ or _Mangia_.--A caste. Subcaste of Ganda, Gondhali, Bahrupia.\n\n_Mangan_.--(From _Manghunia_, beggar.) A caste.\n\n_Mangan_. [466]--A small caste found in Chhattisgarh and Sambalpur\nwho are the musicians and genealogists of the Ghasias. The term\nis considered opprobrious, as it means 'beggar,' and many Mangans\nprobably return themselves as Ghasias. They are despised by the\nGhasias, who will not take food or water from them. At the marriages\nof the former the Mangans play on a drum called _ghunghru_, which they\nconsider as the badge of the caste, their cattle being branded with a\nrepresentation of it. The only point worth notice about the caste is\nthat they are admittedly of mixed descent from the unions of members\nof other castes with Ghasia prostitutes. They have five totemistic\nexogamous sections, about each of which a song is sung relating its\norigin. The Sunani sept, which worships gold as its totem and occupies\nthe highest position, is said to be descended from a Brahman father\nand a Ghasia mother; the Sendaria sept, worshipping vermilion, from\na Kewat ancestor and a Ghasia woman; the Bhainsa sept, worshipping\na buffalo, from a Gaur or Ahir and a Ghasia; the Mahanadia sept,\nhaving the Mahanadi for their totem, from a Gond and a Ghasia woman;\nwhile the Bagh sept, who revere the tiger, say that a cow once gave\nbirth to two young, one in the form of a tiger and the other of a\nhuman being; the latter on growing up took a Ghasia woman to himself\nand became the ancestor of the sept. As might be expected from their\nancestry, the Mangan women are generally of loose character. The\nMangans sometimes act as sweepers.\n\n_Mangta._--(A beggar.) A subcaste of Pasi in Sangor, who beg from\ntheir caste-fellows.\n\n_Maniara._--(A Pedlar.) Subcaste of Jogi.\n\n_Manihar._--A caste. The Manihars are also known as Bisati. An\noccupational name of Jogis.\n\n_Manikpuria._--(A resident Manikpur.) Subcaste of Panka.\n\n_Manjhi._--(Headman.) A synonym of Santal and Kewat. A section of\nChasa, Dhanuhar and Kolta. A title of Chasa.\n\n_Manjur._--(Peacock.) A totemistic sept of Munda.\n\n_Manjmar._--Term for a boatman. Included in Kewat.\n\n_Mankar._--Name of a superior class of village watchmen in Nimar\nDistrict. See article Bhil. A subcaste of Mana and Halba.\n\n_Mannepuwar._--A subcaste of Mala. Synonym, Teluga Bhoi.\n\n_Manwa._--Subcaste of Kunbi.\n\n_Marabi._--A common sept of Gond. A section of Nat.\n\n_Marai._--(A name for the goddess of cholera, who is called Marai\nMata.) A common sept of Gond. Also a sept of Baiga, Pasor and\nBhunjia. A subcaste of Majhwar.\n\n_Maral._--Synonym of Mali.\n\n_Marapa._--A sept of Gonds in Betul, who abstain from killing or\neating a goat or sheep and throw away any article smelt by them.\n\n_Marar._--Synonym for Mali, a gardener. Also a subcaste of Kachhi.\n\n_Maratha, Marathe._--A caste. A subcaste of Barhai, Bedar, Chamar,\nDhimar, Gadaria, Kumhar, Mahar, Mali, Mang, Nai and Teli.\n\n_Marathi, Maratha, Marthe, Marathe._--(A resident of the Maratha\ncountry.) Subcaste of Bahrupia, Chamar, Dhargar, Gundhali, Gopal,\nInjhwar, Kaikari, Kasar, Koshti, Nahal, Otari.\n\n_Marathia._--Resident of Bhandara or another Maratha District. Subcaste\nof Halba.\n\n_Maria._--A well-known tribe of Gonds in Bastar and Chanda. See article\nGond. A subcaste of Gowari. A section of Ahir, Chamar and Kumhar.\n\n_Markam._--(_Marka,_ mango.) One of the principal septs of Gonds. Also\na sept of Baiga, Basor, Bhumjia, Pardhan and Solaha.\n\n_Marori._ [467]--A small caste of degraded Rajputs from Marwar found\nin the Bhandara and Chhindwara Districts and also in Berar. The\nname is a local corruption of Marwari, and is applied to them by\ntheir neighbours, though many of the caste do not accept it and call\nthemselves Rajputs. In Chhindwara they go by the name of Chhatri, and\nin the Tirora Tahsil they are known as Alkari, because they formerly\ngrew the _al_ or Indian madder for a dye, though it has now been\ndriven out of the market. They have been in the Central Provinces for\nsome generations, and though retaining certain peculiarities of dress,\nwhich show their northern origin, have abandoned in many respects the\ncaste usages of Rajputs. Their women wear the Hindustani _angia_ tied\nwith string behind in place of the Maratha _choli_ or breast-cloth, and\ndrape their _saris_ after the northern fashion. They wear ornaments\nof the Rajputans shape on their arms, and at their weddings they\nsing Marwari songs. They have Rajput sept names, as Parihar, Rathor,\nSolanki, Sesodia and others, which constitute exogamous groups and\nare called _kulis._ Some of these have split up into two or three\nsubdivisions, as, for instance, the Pathar (stone) Panwars, the Pandhre\nor white Panwars and the Dhatura or thorn-apple Panwars; and members\nof these different groups may intermarry. The reason seems to be that\nit was recognised that people belonged to the same Panwar sept who\nwere not blood kin to each other, and the prohibition of marriage\nbetween them was a serious inconvenience in a small community. They\nalso have eponymous _gotras_, as Vasishtha, Batsa and others of the\nBrahmanical type, but these do not influence exogamy. The paucity of\ntheir numbers and the influence of local usage have caused them to\nrelax the marriage rules adhered to by Rajputs. Women are very scarce,\nand a price varying from forty to a hundred rupees is commonly paid\nfor a bride, though they feel keenly the degradation attaching to the\nacceptance of a bride-price. Widow-marriage is permitted, no doubt\nfor the same reasons, and a girl going wrong with a man of another\ncaste may be readmitted to the community. Divorce is not permitted,\nand an unfaithful wife may be abandoned; she cannot then marry again\nin the caste. Formerly, on the arrival of the marriage procession, the\nbride's and bridegroom's parties let off fireworks, aiming them against\neach other, but this practice is now discontinued. When the bridegroom\napproaches the marriage-shed the bride comes out and strikes him on the\nbreast or forehead with a ball of dough, a sheet being held between\nthem; the bridegroom throws a handful of rice over her and strikes\nthe festoons of the shed with a naked sword. A bachelor espousing a\nwidow must first be married to a ring, which he thereafter carries\nin his ear, and if it is lost funeral ceremonies must be performed\nas for a real wife. Women are tattooed on the arms only. Children\nhave as many as five names, one for ordinary use, and the others for\nceremonial purposes and the arrangement of marriages. If a man kills\na cow or a cat he must have a miniature figure of the animal made of\ngold and give it to a Brahman in expiation of his sin.\n\n_Marskola_.--(From _markets_, an axe.) A common sept of Gonds and\nPardhans.\n\n_Maru_.--Subcaste of Charan Bhats.\n\n_Marwari_.--A resident of Marwar or the desert tract of Rajputana;\nMarwar is also used as a name for Jodhpur State. See subordinate\narticle Rajput-Rathor. The name Marwari is commonly applied to Banias\ncoming from Marwar. See article Bania. A subcaste of Bahna, Gurao,\nKumhar, Nai, Sunar and Teli.\n\n_Masania_.--(From _masin_, straw or grass mats, or _masina_, thatched\nroof.) A section of Lohar. A synonym for San Bhatras in Bastar.\n\n_Mashki_.--(A water-bearer.) Synonym of Bhishti.\n\n_Masram_.--A common sept of Gonds.\n\n_Masti_.--(Dancer.) Subcaste of Madgi.\n\n_Mastram_.--(Mastra, brass bangles.) A sept of Gonds in Betul. The\nwomen of this sept wear brass bangles.\n\n_Masuria_.--A subcaste of Kurmi. From _masur_, lentil. A section\nof Rajput.\n\n_Mathadhari_.--(Living in a monastery.) A celibate clan of Manbhao\nmendicants.\n\n_Mathpati_.--(Lord of the hermitage.) A subcaste of Jangam.\n\n_Mathur, Mathuria_.--(From Mathura or Muttra.) A subcaste of Kayasth. A\nsubdivision of Brahman. A subcaste of Banjara, Darzi and Nai.\n\n_Matkuda_, _Matkora_.--(Earth-digger.) A subcaste and synonym of\nBeldar. A name for Gonds and Pardhans who take to earthwork.\n\n_Mattha_.--Corruption of Maratha. A subcaste of Koshti, Mahar and Teli,\nand a title of Teli.\n\n_Matti_.--A subdivision of low-class Brahmans returned from\nKhairagarh. Also a class of Kashmiri Brahmans.\n\n_Matwala_.--(A drinker of country liquor.) Subcaste of Kadera.\n\n_Mawasi_, _Mirdhan_.--Subcaste of Dahait. Title of the headman of\nthe Dahait caste committee.\n\n_Mayaluar_.--(Chief man of the caste.) A subcaste of Turi.\n\n_Mayur_.--(Peacock.) A totemistic section of the Ahir, Hatwa, Gond,\nSonjhara and Sundi castes.\n\n_Mayurmara_.--(Killer of peacock.) A section of Bahelia.\n\n_Meda Gantia_.--(Counter of posts.) Title of Bhatra. Official who\nfixes date and hour for wedding.\n\n_Medara, Medari_.--The Telugu caste of bamboo-workers and mat-makers,\ncorresponding to the Basors. They have the same story as the Basors\nof the first bamboo having been grown from the snake worn by Siva\nround his neck, which was planted head downwards in the ground. The\ncustoms of the Medaras, Mr. Francis says, [468] differ from place\nto place. In one they will employ Brahman _purohits_ (priests), and\nprohibit widow-marriage, while in the next they will do neither,\nand will even eat rats and vermin. The better classes among them\nare taking to calling themselves Balijas or Baljis, and affixing the\ntitle of Chetti to their names.\n\n_Medari_.--Synonym of Medara.\n\n_Mehar_.--Synonym of Bhulia.\n\n_Meher_.--A section of Malwi Ahir, a synonym for Bhulia. A title\nof Chamar.\n\n_Mehra_.--Synonym for Mahar. A subcaste of Katia and Kori.\n\n_Mehta_.--A group of Brahmans. A section of Oswal Bania.\n\n_Mehtar_.--(A prince or leader.) Common name for the sweeper\ncaste. Title of the president of the Dhobi caste committee.\n\n_Meman_.--Synonym of Cutchi.\n\n_Meshbansi_.--(Descendant of a sheep.) A clan of Rajputs.\n\n_Mewada, Mewari_.--(From _Mewar_.) A division of Gujarati or Khedawal\nBrahmans. A subcaste of Chhipa, Darzi, Mali and Sunar.\n\n_Mewati_.--Synonym of Meo. See article. A class of Fakirs or Muhammadan\nbeggars.\n\n_Mhali_.--Synonym of Nai.\n\n_Mhasia, Mhashi_.--(_Mhas_, buffalo.) A sept of Halba. A section\nof Kohli.\n\n_Mihir_.--Synonym of Bhulia.\n\n_Mina_.--A caste. A section of Raghuvansis.\n\n_Mirdaha_.--A subcaste of Dahait, Khangar, and Nat. A section of\nRaghuvansi. Name used for the mate of a gang of coolies.\n\n_Mir-Dahait._--Title of the Mirdha caste.\n\n_Mirdha_.--A small caste found only in the Narsinghpur District. They\nare a branch of the Khangar or Dahait caste of Saugor and Damoh. The\nnames of their exogamous sections tally with those of the Khangars, and\nthey have the same story of their ancestors having been massacred at\na fort in Orchha State and of one pregnant woman escaping and hiding\nunder a _kusum_ tree (_Schleichera trijuga_), which consequently\nthey revere. Like Khangars they regard Muhammadan eunuchs and Fakirs\n(beggars) with special friendship, on the ground that it was a\nFakir who sheltered their ancestress when the rest of the caste were\nmassacred by Rajputs, and Fakirs do not beg at their weddings. One\nexplanation of the name is that this section of the caste were born\nfrom a Muhammadan father and a Dahait woman, and hence were called\nMir-Dahaits or Mirdaha, Mir being a Muhammadan title. Mirdha is,\nhowever, as noted by Mr. Hira Lal, the name of the head of the caste\ncommittee among the Dahaits; and in Hoshangabad he is a servant of\nthe village proprietor and acts as assistant to the Kotwar or village\nwatchman; he realises the rents from the tenants, and sometimes works\nas a night guard. In Gujarat the name is said to be a corruption\nof _mir-deh_ or 'mason of the village.' [469] Here it is said that\nthe Mirdhas are held to be of part foreign, part Rajput origin,\nand were originally official spies of the Gujarat sultans. They are\nnow employed as messengers and constables, and therefore seem to be\nanalogous to the same class of persons in the Central Provinces.\n\n_Mirshikar_.--Synonym of Pardhi.\n\n_Misra_ or _Misar_.--A surname of Kanaujia, Jijhotia, Sarwaria and\nUriya Brahmans.\n\n_Mistri_.--(Corruption of the English Mister.) A master carpenter or\nmate of a gang. Title of Barhai, Beldar and Lohar.\n\n_Mithia_.--(A preparer of sweets.) Synonym of Halwai.\n\n_Mochi_.--(A shoemaker.) A caste. Subcaste of Chamar.\n\n_Modh_.--A subdivision of Khedawal or Gujarati Brahmans who take\ntheir name from Modhera, an ancient place in Gujarat. A subcaste of\nGujarati Bania.\n\n_Modh-Ghaneli_.--Subcaste of Teli in Gujarat.\n\n_Moghia_.--Synonym of Pardhi.\n\n_Mohania_.--(Captivator.) A section of Rajjhar and Kirar.\n\n_Mohtaria_.--Title of the headman of the Andh caste committee.\n\n_Mohtera_.--One who fixes the auspicious moment, hence the headman\nof the caste. A titular section of Basor.\n\n_Monas_.--A subdivision of Brahmans.\n\n_Mongre_, _Mongri_, _Mongrekair_.--(A club or mallet.) A section of\nAhir or Rawat in Chhattisgarh, and of Chamar, Ganda, and Panka.\n\n_Mori_.--A branch of the Panwar Rajputs.\n\n_Mor Kachhi_.--One who prepares the _maur_ or marriage-crown for\nweddings. Subcaste of Kachhi.\n\n_Morkul_.--A section of Komti. They do not use asafoetida (_hing_)\nnor the fruit of the _umar_ fig-tree.\n\n_Motate_.--(From _mot_, water-bag.) A subcaste of Kapewar.\n\n_Moujikul_.--A section of Komti. They do not use pepper.\n\n_Mowar_.--Subcaste of Rajwar.\n\n_Mowasi_.--A resident of the forests of Kalibhit and Melghat known\nas the Mowas. Subcaste of Korku.\n\n_Muamin_.--Synonym of Cutchi.\n\n_Muasi_.--Title of Korku; subcaste of Korwa.\n\n_Muchi_.--Synonym of Mochi.\n\n_Mudara_.--Subcaste of Parja.\n\n_Mudgalia_.--(From _mudgal_, Indian club--an athlete.) A surname of\nAdi Gaur Brahmans in Saugor.\n\n_Mudha_.--Synonym for Munda.\n\n_Mudotia_.--(From _mudha_, a cheat.) A surname of Sanadhia Brahmans\nin Saugor.\n\n_Mughal_.--A tribal division of Muhammadans. See article Muhammadan\nReligion.\n\n_Muhammadan_.--Subcaste of Koli.\n\n_Muhjaria_.--(Burnt mouth.) A section of Lodhi.\n\n_Mukeri_.--Or Kasai, a small Muhammadan caste of traders in cattle\nand butchers. In 1891 more than 900 were returned from the Saugor\nDistrict. Their former occupation was to trade in cattle like the\nBanjaras, but they have now adopted the more profitable trade of\nslaughtering them for the export of meat; and as this occupation is\nnot considered very reputable, they have perhaps thought it desirable\nto abandon their caste name. The derivation of the term Mukeri is\nuncertain. According to one account they are a class of Banjaras, and\nderive their name from Mecca, on the ground that one of their Naiks\nor headmen was camping in the neighbourhood of this town, at the time\nwhen Abraham was building it, and assisted him in the work. When they\nemigrated from Mecca their illustrious name of Makkai was corrupted\ninto Mukeri. [470] A variant of this story is that their ancestor was\none Makka Banjara, who also assisted in the building of Mecca, and\nthat they came to India with the early Muhammadan invaders. [471]\nThe Mukeris form a caste and marry among themselves. In their\nmarriage ceremony they have adopted some Hindu observances, such\nas the anointing of the bride and bridegroom with turmeric and the\nerection of a marriage-shed. They take food from the higher Hindu\ncastes, but will not eat with a Kayasth, though there is no objection\nto this on the score of their religion. They will admit an outsider,\nif he becomes a Muhammadan, but will not give their daughters to him\nin marriage, at any rate until he has been for some years a member\nof the caste. In other matters they follow Muhammadan law.\n\n_Mullaji_.--Title of the priests of the Bohra caste.\n\n_Multani_.--Subcaste and synonym of Banjara.\n\n_Munda_.--(A village headman, from _munda_, the head.) Title and\nsynonym of Kol. A subcaste of Kharia and Oraon.\n\n_Mundela_.--(Bald-headed.) A surname of Jijhotia Brahmans in Saugor.\n\n_Mundle_.--(Shaven ones.) Subcaste of Gujar.\n\n_Munikul_.--A section of Komti. They do not use _munga_ beans.\n\n_Munjia_.--Name of an Akhara or school of Bairagi religious\nmendicants. See Bairagi.\n\n_Munurwar_.--Synonym of Kapewar.\n\n_Murai, Murao_.--(From _muli_, or radish.) Subcaste of Kachhi.\n\n_Murchulia_.--(One who puts rings on the fingers of the caste.) A\nsection of Ganda and Panka in Raipur.\n\n_Muria_.--A well-known subtribe of Gonds in Bastar and Chanda.\n\n_Murli_.--Synonym of Waghya.\n\n_Musabir_.--Synonym of Mochi.\n\n_Musahar_.--(A rat-eater.) Subcaste and title of Bhuiya.\n\n_Musare_.--(_Musar_, a pestle.) A section of Mali.\n\n_Mussali_.--Title of Mehtar.\n\n_Mutracha_.--Synonym of Mutrasi.\n\n_Mutrasa_.--Synonym of Mutrasi.\n\n_Mutrasi_, _Mutrasa_, _Muthrasi_, _Mutracha_.--(From the Dravidian\nroots _mudi_, old, and _racha_, a king, or from Mutu Raja, a sovereign\nof some part of the Telugu country.) [472] A caste which is numerous\nin Hyderabad and Madras, and of which a few persons are found in the\nChanda District of the Central Provinces. The Mutrasis are the village\nwatchmen proper of Telingana or the Telugu country. [473] They were\nemployed by the Vijayanagar kings to defend the frontier of their\ncountry, and were honoured with the title of Paligar. Their usual\nhonorific titles at present are Dora (Sahib or Lord) and Naidu. As\nservants they are considered very faithful and courageous. Some\nof them have taken to masonry in Chanda, and are considered good\nstone-carvers. They are a comparatively low caste, and eat fowls and\ndrink liquor, but they do not eat beef or pork. It is compulsory among\nthem to marry a girl before she arrives at adolescence, and if this\nis not done her parents are put out of caste, and only readmitted on\npayment of a penalty.\n\n_Nabadia_.--(Boatman or sailor.) A synonym for Kewat.\n\n_Naddaf_.--A synonym for Bahna or Pinjara.\n\n_Nadha_.--(Those who live on the banks of streams.) Subcaste of Dhimar.\n\n_Nadia_.--A clan of Dangi.\n\n_Nag, Nagesh_.--(Cobra.) A sept of the Ahir or Rawat, Binjhal,\nBhatia, Chasa, Hatwa, Halba, Khadal, Kawar, Khangar, Karan, Katia,\nKolta, Lohar, Mahar, Mali, Mowar, Parja, Redka, Sulia, Sundi and\nTaonla castes. Most of these castes belong to Chhattisgarh and the\nUriya country.\n\n_Naga_.--A clan of Gosains or mendicants. See Gosain.\n\n_Nagar_.--A subcaste of Brahmans belonging to Gujarat; a subcaste of\nBania; a section of Teli.\n\n_Nagarchi_.--(A drum-beater.) A class of Gonds. A subcaste of Ganda\nand Ghasia.\n\n_Nagarchi_.--The Nagarchis appear to be a class of Gonds, whose special\nbusiness was to beat the _nakkara_ or kettledrums at the gates of\nforts and palaces. In some Districts they now form a special community,\nmarrying among themselves, and numbered about 6000 persons in 1911. The\n_nagara_ or _nakkara_ is known in Persia as well as in India. Here\nthe drum is made of earthenware, of a tapering shape covered at both\nends with camel-hide for the _zir_ or treble, and with cowhide for the\n_bam_ or bass. It is beaten at the broader end. In Persia the drums\nwere played from the Nakkara-khana or gateway, which still exists\nas an appanage of royalty in the chief cities of Iran. They were\nbeaten to greet the rising and to usher out the setting sun. During\nthe months of mourning, Safar and Muharram, they were silent. [474]\nIn India the _nagara_ were a pair of large kettledrums bound with\niron hoops and twice as large as those used in Europe. They were\na mark of royalty and were carried on one of the state elephants,\nthe royal animal, in the prince's _sowari_ or cavalcade, immediately\npreceding him on the line of march. The right of displaying a banner\nand beating kettledrums was one of the highest marks of distinction\nwhich could be conferred on a Rajput noble. When the titular Maratha\nRaja had retired to Satara and any of the Maratha princes entered\nhis territory, all marks of royalty were laid aside by the latter\nand his _nagara_ or great drum of empire ceased to be beaten. [475]\n\nThe stick with which the kettledrum was struck was called _danka_,\nand the king's jurisdiction was metaphorically held to extend so\nfar as his kettledrums were beaten. _Angrezi raj ka danka bajta hai_\nor 'Where the English drum is beaten,' means 'So far as the English\nempire extends.' In Egypt the kettledrums were carried on camels. [476]\n\n_Nagaria_.--(A drum-player.) A section of Jasondhi Bhat and Teli.\n\n_Nagbans_.--(Descended from the cobra.) A totemistic sept of Gadba,\nGhasia, and Gond.\n\n_Nagla_.--(Naked.) Subcaste of Khond.\n\n_Nagpure_.--(From Nagpur.) A section of Lodhi and Kohli.\n\n_Nagvansi_.--A clan of Rajputs. See article Rajput-Nagvansi. A subcaste\nand section of Sunar. A section of Daharia or Daraiha and Gond.\n\n_Nahar_.--(Tiger.) A subtribe of Baiga. A section of Rajputs in Saugor.\n\n_Nahonia_.--A clan of Dangi in Damoh and Saugor. They were formerly\nKachhwaha Rajputs from Narwar, but being cut off from their own\ndomicile they married with Dangis. Rajputs accept daughters from them\nbut do not give their daughters to Nahonias.\n\n_Naidu_.--Title of the Balija, Mutrasi and Velama castes. Often used\nby Balijas as their caste name.\n\n_Naik_.--(Leader.) A subdivision of Gond, also known as Darwe. A title\nof Banjara headmen. A title of Teli and Kolta. A section of Ahir,\nChamar, Chasa, Gadaria, Halba, Kewat, Khond, Mali, Sudh.\n\n_Nakib_.--Mace-bearer or flag-bearer in a procession. Subcaste of\nJasondhi Bhat and Khangar.\n\n_Nakshbandia_.--A class of Fakirs or Muhammadan beggars.\n\n_Naksia_.--Synonym of Nagasia.\n\n_Namdeo_.--A religious sect confined to members of the Chhipa and\nDarzi castes, which has become a subcaste.\n\n_Nanakshahi_.--Synonym of Nanakpanthi.\n\n_Nandia_.--(One who leads about with him a performing bullock). From\nNandi, the bull on which Mahadeo rides. Subcaste of Jogi.\n\n_Nandvansi_.--Subcaste of Ahir.\n\n_Nanghana_.--A name given to the Kol tribe in Hoshangabad.\n\n_Napita_.--Sanskrit name for Nai or barber.\n\n_Naqqal_.--Title of Bhand.\n\n_Naraina_.--Subcaste of Patwa.\n\n_Naramdeo_.--A subcaste of Brahmans belonging to the Gaur branch. They\ntake their name from the river Nerbudda.\n\n_Narbadi_, _Narmada_.--(From the river Nerbudda.) A subdivision of\nMaharashtra Brahmans. A section of Yajur-Vedi Brahmans. A synonym\nfor Naramdeo Brahmans. A section of Agharia, Binjhal and Chamar.\n\n_Narnolia_.--(From a place called Narnol in the Punjab.) Subcaste\nof Mehtar.\n\n_Narwaria_.--A clan of Dangi. A subcaste of Ahir.\n\n_Nata_.--(A young bullock.) A section of Ahir and Oswal Bania.\n\n_Nathunia_.--(Nose-ring.) A subcaste of Pasi.\n\n_Navadesia_.--(A man of nine districts.) Subcaste of Banjara.\n\n_Nawaria_.--A subcaste of Barhai, Lohar, Kachera or Sisgar, Nai\nand Tamera.\n\n_Nazir_.--(A cashier or usher.) Subcaste of Jasondhi Bhat.\n\n_Negi_.--A vice-president of the caste committee in the Kharia caste.\n\n_Nema_ or _Nima_.--A subcaste of Bania. See article Bania, Nema.\n\n_Netam_.--(The dog in Gondi.) One of the common septs of Gond. Also\na sept of Basor, Bhatra, Bhuiya, Dewar, Kawar and Parja.\n\n_Nawari_.--(From _newar_, thick tape used for webbing of\nbeds.) Subcaste of Bahna.\n\n_Niaria_.--An occupational term applied to persons who take the refuse\nand sweepings from a Sunar's shop and wash out the particles of gold\nand silver. See article Sunar.\n\n_Nigam_, _Nigum_.--A subcaste of Kayasth.\n\n_Nihal_.--Synonym of Nahal.\n\n_Nihang_.--A class of Bairagis or religious mendicants, who remain\ncelibate.\n\n_Nikhar_.--A subcaste of Ahir, Bharewa (Kasar), Gadaria. A clan of\nRajput. A section of Koshti.\n\n_Nikumbh_.--A clan of Rajputs included in the thirty-six royal races. A\nsection of Joshi.\n\n_Nilgar_.--Synonym of Chhipa.\n\n_Nilkar_.--(From _nil_, indigo.) A subcaste of Darzi or Simpi (tailors)\nin Naagpur, so named because they took up the work of dyeing in\naddition to their own and formed a new subcaste.\n\n_Nimanandi_.--A Vishnuite sect and order of religious mendicants. See\nBairagi.\n\n_Nimari_, _Nimadi_, _Nimaria_.--(A resident of Nimar.) A subcaste of\nBalahi, Bania, Dhobi, Mahar and Nai.\n\n_Nimawal_.--A class of Bairagi.\n\n_Nirali_.--Synonym of Chhipa.\n\n_Niranjani_.--Name of an Akhara or school of Bairagis. See Bairagi.\n\n_Nirbani_.--(_Nir_, without; _bani_, speech.) A class of Bairagis\nwho refrain from speech as far as possible.\n\n_Nirmohi_.--A class of Bairagis.\n\n_Nona_ or _Lona_.--Name derived from Nona or Lona Chamarin, a\nwell-known witch. Subcaste of Chamar.\n\n_Nulkachandriah_.--Caste priests. Subcaste of Madgi.\n\n_Nun_.--(Salt.) A sept of Oraon.\n\n_Nunia_, _Nonia_, _Lunia_.--(Saltmaker.) A synonym of Beldar. A\nsection of Binjhwar and Koli.\n\n_Od_.--Synonym of Beldar.\n\n_Odde_, _Ud_.--(From Odra the old name of Orissa.) Term for a digger\nor navvy. A group of Beldars.\n\n_Odhia_.--Synonym for Audhia Bania.\n\n_Odia_ or _Uriya_.--Subcaste of Beldar in Chhattisgarh.\n\n_Oiku_.--Subtribe of Majhwar.\n\n_Ojha_.--(From _Ojh_, entrails.) A caste of Gond augurs, see article. A\ntitle of Maithil Brahmans. A subcaste of Lohar, Nat and Savar.\n\n_Okkilyan_.--Synonym of Wakkaliga.\n\n_Omre_, _Umre_.--A subcaste of Bania. See Bania Umre.--A subcaste\nof Teli.\n\n_Onkar Nath_.--A subdivision of Jogis.\n\n_Onkule_.--Subcaste of Koshti.\n\n_Orha_.--Subcaste of Chasa.\n\n_Oswal_.--A subcaste of Bania. See subordinate article to Bania.\n\n_Ota_.--(One who recites the Vedas aloud in sacrifices.) An honorific\ntitle of Uriya Brahmans.\n\n_Otari, Watkari_.--A low caste of workers in brass in the Maratha\ncountry. The name is derived from the Marathi verb _otne_, to pour\nor smelt. They number about 2600 persons in the Bhandara and Chanda\nDistricts, and in Berar. The caste have two subcastes, Gondadya and\nMaratha, or the Gond and Maratha Otaris. The latter are no doubt\nmembers of other castes who have taken to brass-working. Members\nof the two subcastes do not eat with each other. Their family names\nare of different kinds, and some of them are totemistic. They employ\nBrahmans for their ceremonies, and otherwise their customs are like\nthose of the lower artisan castes. But it is reported that they have\na survival of marriage by capture, and if a man refuses to give his\ndaughter in marriage after being asked twice or thrice, they abduct\nthe girl and afterwards pay some compensation to the father. They\nmake and sell ornaments of brass and bell-metal, such as are worn by\nthe lower castes, and travel from village to village, hawking their\ntoe-rings and anklets. There is also an Otari subcaste of Kasars.\n\n_Pabaiya_.--(From Pabai in Bundelkhand.) A clan of Rajputs in\nHoshangabad.\n\n_Pabia_.--A small caste in the zamindaris of the Bilaspur District,\nand some of the Feudatory States, who numbered about 9000 persons\nin 1911. They appear to be Pans or Gandas, who also bear the name\nof Pab, and this has been corrupted into Pabia, perhaps with a view\nto hiding their origin. They are wretchedly poor and ignorant. They\nsay that they have never been to a Government dispensary, and would\nbe afraid that medicine obtained from it would kill them. Their only\nremedies for diseases are branding the part affected or calling in a\nmagician. They never send their children to school, as they hold that\neducated children are of no value to their parents, and that the object\nof Government in opening schools is only to obtain literate persons\nto carry on its business. One curious custom may be noticed. When\nany one dies in a family, all the members, as soon as the breath\nleaves his body, go into another room of the house; and across the\ndoor they lay a net opened into the room where the corpse lies. They\nthink that the spirit of the dead man will follow them, and will be\ncaught in the net. Then the net is carried away and burnt or buried\nwith the corpse, and thus they think that the spirit is removed and\nprevented from remaining about the house and troubling the survivors.\n\n_Pabeha_.--Synonym for Dhimar.\n\n_Pabudia_ or _Madhai_.--A subcaste of Bhuiya.\n\n_Pachadhe_.--(Western.)--A subdivision of Saraswat Brahman.\n\n_Pachbhaiya_.--(Five Brothers.) A section of Ahir and Audhelia.\n\n_Pada_.--(A pig-eater.) A section of Muria Gonds and Pardhans.\n\n_Padhan_.--(An Uriya name for a chief or headman of a village.) A\nsection of Bhuiya, Chasa, Dumal, Hatwa, Kolta, Tiyar and other Uriya\ncastes. A title of Chasa and Kolta.\n\n_Padmasale_.--Subcaste of Koshti.\n\n_Padyal_.--A subtribe of Gond in Chanda. A section of Marori.\n\n_Pahalwan_.--A small community numbering about 600 persons in the\nBilaspur District and surrounding tracts of Chhattisgarh. The word\nPahalwan means a wrestler, but Sir B. Robertson states [477] that\nthey are a small caste of singing beggars and have no connection with\nwrestling. They appear, however, to belong to the Gopal caste, who have\na branch of Pahalwans in their community. And the men returned from\nBilaspur may have abandoned wrestling in favour of singing and begging\nfrom trees, which is also a calling of the Gopals. They themselves say\nthat their ancestors were Gopals and lived somewhere towards Berar, and\nthat they came to Bilaspur with the Maratha leader Chimnaji Bhonsla.\n\n_Pahar_.--Subcaste of Mahli.\n\n_Paharia_ or _Benwaria_.--Subcaste of Korwa.\n\n_Paik_.--(A foot-soldier.) See Rajput-Paik.\n\n_Paikaha_.--(One who follows the calling of curing hides.) Synonym\nfor Chamar.\n\n_Paikara_.--(From Paik, a foot-soldier.) Subcaste of Kawar.\n\n_Pailagia_.--(Pailagi or 'I fall at your feet,' is a common term of\ngreeting from an inferior to a superior.) Subcaste of Dahait.\n\n_Paiyam_.--(From _paiya_, a calf.) A sept of Gonds in Betul.\n\n_Pajania_.--(_Paijana_, tinkling anklets.) A section of Kurmi.\n\n_Pakhali_.--(From _pakhali_, a leathern water-bag.) Synonym of Bhishti.\n\n_Pakhawaji_.--(One who plays on the _pakhawaj_ or timbrel.) Title\nof Mirasi.\n\n_Pakhia_.--(They are so called because they eat the flesh of the _por_\nor buffalo.) Subcaste of Khond.\n\n_Palas._--(From the _palas_ tree, _Butea frondosa_.) A totemistic\nsept of Gonds.\n\n_Palewar_.--A _gotra_ of Binjhwar; a subcaste of Dhimar found in the\nTelugu country. They are also called Bhoi in Chanda. A name for Telugu\nDhimars or watermen. A section of Binjhwar.\n\n_Palgaria_.--(Sleeping on a _palang_ or cot.) A sept of Bhunjia.\n\n_Palliwal_.--A subcaste of Brahmans belonging to the Kanaujia\ndivision. They take their name from Pali, a trading town of Marwar. A\nsubcaste of Bania, whose name is derived from the same place.\n\n_Palsa-gacha_.--(_Palas_ tree, _Butea frondosa_.) A totemistic sept\nof Pans.\n\n_Palshe_.--A subcaste of Maratha Brahmans. They derive their name\nfrom Palsaoli village in Kalyan (Bombay Presidency).\n\n_Pampatra_.--(Those who use their hands as pots.) A section of\nKhandwal.\n\n_Pan_.--(Name of a forest tribe.) Synonym for Ganda.\n\n_Panch, Panchayat_.--(A caste committee, so called because it is\nsupposed to consist of five (_panch_) persons.) A section of Marar.\n\n_Panchal_.--An indeterminate group of artisans engaged in any of\nthe following five trades: Workers in iron, known as Manu; workers\nin copper or brass called Twashtik; workers in stone or Shilpik;\nworkers in wood or Maya; and workers in gold and silver designated\nas Daivagnya. [478] The caste appear to be of Telugu origin, and\nin Madras they are also known as Kammala. In the Central Provinces\nthey were amalgamated with the Sunars in 1901, but in 1891 a total of\n7000 were returned, belonging to the southern Districts; while 2700\nmembers of the caste are shown in Berar. The name is variously derived,\nbut the principal root is no doubt _panch_ or five. Captain Glasfurd\nwrites it Panchyanun. [479] In the Central Provinces the Panchals\nappear generally to work in gold or brass, while in Berar they are\nblacksmiths. The gold-workers are an intelligent and fairly prosperous\nclass, and devote themselves to engraving, inlaying, and making gold\nbeads. They are usually hired by Sunars and paid by the piece. [480]\nThey are intent on improving their social position and now claim\nto be Vishwa Brahmans, presumably in virtue of their descent from\nViswa Karma, the celestial architect. At the census they submitted\na petition begging to be classified as Brahmans, and to support\ntheir claim they employ members of their own caste to serve them as\npriests. But the majority of them permit the remarriage of widows,\nand do not wear the sacred thread. In other respects their customs\nresemble those of the Sunars. The Berar Panchals, on the other hand,\nappear to be a much lower group. Mr. Kitts describes [481] them as a\n\"wandering caste of smiths living in grass-mat huts and using as fuel\nthe roots of thorn bushes, which they batter out of the ground with\nthe back of a short-handled axe peculiar to themselves. The Berari\nPanchals,\" he continues, \"who differ from the Dakhani division in the\ncustom of shaving their heads and beards on the death of a parent,\nhave been in the Provinces for some generations. They live in small\n_pals_ or tents, and move from place to place with buffaloes, donkeys,\nand occasionally ponies to carry their kit. The women of the Berari\ndivision may be distinguished from those of the Dakhani Panchals by\ntheir wearing their _lugras_ or body-cloths tucked in at the back,\nin the fashion known as _kasote_.\" It is no doubt from the desire to\ndissociate themselves from the wandering blacksmiths of Berar that\nthe Panchals of the Central Provinces desire to drop their caste name.\n\n_Pancham_.--A subcaste of Bania. A subcaste of Barai, the same\nas Beraria.\n\n_Panchbhai_.--(Five brothers.) A surname of Bhanara Dhimars, a section\nof Ghasia.\n\n_Panchdeve_.--A subdivision of Gonds, worshipping five gods and paying\nspecial reverence to the _saras_ crane.\n\n_Panch Dravid_.--One of the two primary divisions of Brahmans,\ninhabiting the country south of the Vindhya hills and Nerbudda river,\nand including the following five orders: viz., Karnata (Carnatic),\nDravid (Madras), Tailanga (Telugu country), Maharashtra (Bombay)\nand Gurjara (Gujarat).\n\n_Panch Gaur_.--One of the two primary divisions of Brahmans inhabiting\nthe country north of the Vindhya hills and Nerbudda river; it includes\nthe following five orders: Saraswat (Punjab), Kanaujia (Hindustan),\nGaur (Bengal), Utkal (Orissa) and Maithil (Bihar or Tirhut).\n\n_Panchghar_.--One of the three subdivisions of Kanaujia Brahmans\nin Hoshangabad.\n\n_Panda_.--(A priest of Devi, a wise man.) A subcaste or title\nof Mali. A subcaste and surname of Uriya Brahmans. A subcaste of\nJasondhi Bhats.\n\n_Pandaram_.--A class of Brahman priests.\n\n_Pande_.--(A wise man.) A surname of Kanaujia and Gaur Brahmans. A\nsection of Agharia, Barhai, Kewat and Marar. A title of Joshi and\nKumhar.\n\n_Pandhare_.--(White.) Subcaste of Sunar.\n\n_Pandit_.--(A learned man.) A title of Brahmans.\n\n_Pandki_.--(Dove.) A totemistic sept of Bhatra, Kawar and Parja.\n\n_Pandra_.--A small caste of cultivators in the Uriya country. It is\nsaid that one of the Rajas of Patna had an illegitimate son to whom\nhe gave the village of Pandri. His descendants were the Pandras.\n\n_Pandwar_ or _Padwar_.--A section of Panka in Raipur. They are said\nto be so named because they washed the feet of others.\n\n_Pangal_.--Subcaste of Gopal. They make mats, but in addition to this\nthey are mendicants begging from trees.\n\n_Panhara_.--An occupational term meaning a seller of _pan_ or\nbetel-leaf.\n\n_Panibhar_.--(A waterman.) Subcaste of Dangri.\n\n_Panigrahi_.--(Husband.) An honorific title of Uriya Brahmans.\n\n_Panjha_.--(Paw of an animal.) A sept of Gond.\n\n_Panka_.--A weaver caste derived from the Gandas, being Gandas who\nfollow the Kabirpanthi sect. See article. In Chhattisgarh Pankas\nsometimes call themselves Das, as servants of Kabir. Panka is also\na subcaste of Ganda.\n\n_Pansari_.--(A druggist.) Synonym for Barai.\n\n_Panwar_.--A clan of Rajput. See article Panwar Rajput. A subcaste\nof Banjara and Bhoyar. A section of Ahir, Bhilala, Koshti, Maratha\nand Marori.\n\n_Parasar, Parashar_.--(Name of a Brahmanical saint.) An eponymous\nsection of Brahmans. A surname of Sanadhya and Gaur Brahmans. A\nsection of Basdeva, Rangari, Sunar and Vidur.\n\n_Parauha_.--(From _para_, a male buffalo calf.) A subcaste of Basdewa\nwho deal in buffaloes.\n\n_Parbat_.--Name of one of the ten orders of Gosain.\n\n_Parbhu_.--Synonym of Prabhu.\n\n_Pardeshi_.--(A foreigner.) The name is sometimes applied to immigrants\nfrom Malwa, and also to those coming from northern India. A subcaste\nof the Bahna, Barai, Barhai, Chamar, Dhimar, Dhobi, Garpagari, Kimbi,\nKasar, Kumhar, Lohar, Nai, Rangari, Sunar and Teli castes.\n\n_Pardhan_.--(A chief.) A caste who are priests of the Gonds. See\narticle. A section of Chhattisgarhi Ahir or Rawat, Halba and\nPabia. Title of caste headman of the Kharia tribe.\n\n_Pardhi_.--(A hunter.) A caste. See article. A subcaste of Khatik. A\nsection of Kunbi and Panwar Rajput.\n\n_Parewa_.--(A pigeon.) A section of Chhattisgarhi Ahir or Rawat,\nand Panka.\n\n_Parganiha_.--A synonym of Pardhan (Gond priests) in Kawardha.\n\n_Parihar_.--An important clan of Rajputs. See Rajput Parihar. A\nsection of Daharia and Daraiha, of Panwar Rajput and Pardhi.\n\n_Parit_.--Synonym for Dhobi in the Maratha districts.\n\n_Parka_. [482]--A small caste of labourers belonging to the Jubbulpore\nDistrict and adjoining tracts, whose strength was something over 2000\npersons in 1901. Sir B. Robertson wrote [483] in 1891 that the Parkas\nof the three northern Districts had been kept separate from the Panka\ncaste in the census tables, but that they were in all probability the\nsame. Mr. Hira Lal points out that several of the names of septs as\nPadwar, Sanwani, Gullia and Dharwa are the same in the two castes,\nand that in the Districts where Parkas are found there are no\nPankas. The Panka caste was probably formed in Chhattisgarh by the\nseparation of those Gandas or Pans who had embraced the doctrines of\nKabir from their parent caste, and the name is a variant of Pan. In\nJubbulpore the name Panka has no understood meaning, and it may\nhave been corrupted into Pandka (a dove) and thence to Parka. Like\nthe Pankas the Parkas often act as village watchmen. Many of the\nParkas are also Kabirpanthis and, as with the Pankas, those who\nare not Kabirpanthis and do not abstain from flesh and liquor are\ncalled Saktahas. Intermarriage is not prohibited between the Parka\nKabirpanthis and Saktahas. Some of the Parkas play on drums and act\nas village musicians, which is a regular occupation of the Pankas and\nGandas. It may also be noted that the Parkas will take food cooked\nwith water from a Gond and that they worship Bura Deo, the great god\nof the Gonds. Perhaps the most probable surmise as to their origin\nis that they are a small mixed group made up of Pankas and Gonds. A\nproverbial saying about the caste is '_Gond Raja, Parka Pardhan_,'\nor 'The Gond is the master and the Parka the servant,' and this also\npoints to their connection with the Gonds. Several of their section\nnames indicate their mixed origin, as Kumharia from Kumhar a potter,\nGullia From Gaolia or milkman, Bhullia from Bhulia an Uriya weaver,\nAndwan a subcaste of the Mahar caste, Tilasia a sept of the Kawars,\nand so on. If a Parka man forms a connection with any woman of higher\ncaste she will be admitted into the community, and the same privilege\nis accorded to a man of any equal or higher caste who may desire to\nmarry a Parka girl. A girl is only cast out when she is discovered\nto have been living with a man of lower caste than the Parkas. All\nthese facts indicate their mixed origin. As already seen, the caste\nare labourers, village watchmen-and musicians, and their customs\nresemble those of low-caste Hindus, but they rank above the impure\ncastes. They will eat food cooked with water from Lodhis, many of whom\nare landowners in Jubbulpore, and as such no doubt stand to the Parka\nin the relation of employer to servant. Every year on the second day\nof Bhadon (August) they worship a four-sided iron plate and a spear,\nwhich latter is perhaps the emblem of the village watchman. Fines\nimposed for caste offences are sometimes expended in the purchase of\nvessels which thereafter become common property and are lent to any\none who requires them.\n\n_Parnami_.--(A follower of Prannath of Panna.) Subcaste of Dangi.\n\n_Parsai_.--(Village priest.) Synonym for Joshi.\n\n_Parsoli_.--(_parsa_, an axe.) A section of Ahir or Rawat in\nChhattisgarh.\n\n_Parwar_.--A subcaste of Bania. See article Bania-Parwar. A subcaste\nof Kumhar.\n\n_Passi_.--Synonym of Pasi.\n\n_Patadhari_.--(One occupying the seat of instruction.) A section of\ncelibate Manbhaos.\n\n_Patane_.--A subcaste of Prabhu, so called on account of their living\nnear Patan in Gujarat.\n\n_Patbina_.--(From _patti_, sacking, and _binna_, to weave.) Synonym\nof Kumrawat. Subcaste of Jogi.\n\n_Patel_.--(Headman of a village.) A subcaste and title of Mali. A\nsurname of Gaur Brahmans in Saugor and of Parsis. A surname or section\nof Agharia, Mahar and Kachhi. A title of the Ahir and Bhoyar castes.\n\n_Pathak_.--(Teacher.) A surname of Kanaujia and other classes of\nBrahmans.\n\n_Pathan_.--One of the four tribes of Muhammadans. See article\nMuhammadan Religion.\n\n_Pathari_.--(A hillman.) Synonym of Pardhan. Subcaste of Katia.\n\n_Patharia_.--A subcaste of Katia, Kurmi and Mahar. A section of\nHalba. A subcaste of Agaria, who place a stone on the mouth of the\nbellows to fix them in the ground for smelting iron.\n\n_Pathmukh_.--A subsept of the Dhurwa Gonds in Betul. They offer a\nyoung goat to their gods and do not kill bears.\n\n_Pathrot_, _Pathrawat_.--(One who makes and sharpens millstones and\ngrindstones.) Synonym of Beldar.\n\n_Pati_.--(Lord.) An honorific title of Uriya Brahmans.\n\n_Patkar_.--(From _pat_, widow-marriage.) A subcaste of Sunar in\nWardha. A section of Rangari.\n\n_Patlia_.--(From _patel_.) Title of Panwar Rajput.\n\n_Patnaik_.--A surname of Karan or Mahanti, the Uriya writer caste.\n\n_Patra_.--(An Uriya word meaning councillor.) A subcaste of Kolta\nand Chasa, and title of several Uriya castes. Also a synonym for the\nPatwa caste.\n\n_Patti_.--(A thread-seller.) Subcaste of Kaikari.\n\n_Patwa_.--A caste. See article. In Seoni tahsil of Hoshangabad\nDistrict Patwa and Lakhera appear to be synonymous terms. A section\nof Oswal Bania.\n\n_Patwari_.--(Name of the village accountant and surveyor, who is\nnow a salaried Government official.) The Kayasth caste were formerly\npatwaris by profession. See article.\n\n_Patwi_.--(A dyer who colours the silk thread which weavers use to\nborder their cotton cloth.) Synonym of Patwa. Subcaste of Koshti. From\n_pata_, a woven cloth.\n\n_Pawanbans_.--(The children of the wind.) Synonym for Bhuiya.\n\n_Pendhari_.--Synonym of Pindari.\n\n_Peng_.--Subcaste of Parja.\n\n_Penthi_.--(Sheep.) A totemistic sept of Bhulia.\n\n_Periki_, _Perki_, _Perka_.--The Perikis are really a subcaste of\nthe great Balija or Balji caste, but they have a lower position and\nare considered as a distinct group. About 4000 Perikis were returned\nin the Central Provinces in 1911 from the Nagpur, Wardha and Chanda\nDistricts. They derive their names from the _perike_ or panniers\nin which they carried salt and grain on bullocks and donkeys. They\nwere thus formerly a nomadic group, and like the Banjaras and Bhamtas\nthey also made gunny-bags and sacking. Most of them have now taken to\ncultivation, and in Madras some Perikis have become large landholders\nand claim Rajput rank. In the Central Provinces the Balijas and Naidus\ndeny that the Perikis have any connection with the Balija caste.\n\n_Peta_.--(A trading Balija.) Subcaste of Balija.\n\n_Phal Barhai_.--(A carpenter who only works on one side of the\nwood.) Synonym for Chitari in the Uriya country.\n\n_Phanse_.--(A Pardhi who hunts with traps and snares.) Subcaste\nof Pardhi.\n\n_Phansigar_.--(A strangler.) Synonym of Thug.\n\n_Pharsi_.--(Axe.) A section of Uriya, Ahir or Gahara.\n\n_Phopatia_.--Title of the officer of the Andh caste who summons the\ncaste committee.\n\n_Phulia_, _Phulmali_.--(A flower-gardener.) Subcaste of Kachhi\nand Mali.\n\n_Phuljharia_.--(From Phuljhar zamindari in Raipur.) A territorial\nsubcaste of Ahir or Rawat, Ghasia and Panka.\n\n_Phul Kunwar_.--A section of Kawar. They use the _akre_ or swallow-wort\nflower for their marriage-crown.\n\n_Phulsunga_.--A totemistic section of Gadaria. They abstain from\nsmelling or touching a flower called _gadha_.\n\n_Phurasti_.--(A wanderer.) Subcaste of Kaikari.\n\n_Pindara_.--Synonym of Pindari.\n\n_Pindari_.--A caste. Subcaste of Mang.\n\n_Pinjara_.--(One who cards cotton.) Synonym of Bahna.\n\n_Pipar_.--(A tree.) A section of Khatik and Kalar.\n\n_Pipariya_.--(From the pipal tree, or from Piparia, a common place-name\nderived from the tree.) A clan of Rajputs in Saugor. A section of\nSunars in Saugor.\n\n_Piria_.--Subcaste of Kachhi. From _piria_, the basket in which they\ncarry earth.\n\n_Pit_.--Subcaste of Bhatra.\n\n_Pitariya_.--(From _pital_, brass.) A subdivision of Pardeshi Sunars\nin Nagpur. They practise hypergamy, taking wives from the Sadihe\nsubcaste, and giving daughters to the Srinagariye, Bangar, Mahuwe\nand Jadiye subcastes.\n\n_Pohni_.--Subcaste of Jhadi Telenga.\n\n_Poiya_,--Subcaste of Majhwar.\n\n_Polya_.--(One who did not take off his turban at the feast.) Title\nof Hatkar.\n\n_Pondro_.--(A tree.) One of the six subsepts of the Marai clan of\nPathari Gonds in Khairagarh.\n\n_Ponwar_.--Synonym of Panwar Rajput.\n\n_Portai_.--(Basket.) A subsept of the Uika clan of Gonds in Betul. They\ndo not kill the tiger or crocodile. A sept of Dhur Gonds.\n\n_Potdar_.--(A money-tester.) Synonym and title of Sunar. A surname\nof Karhara Brahmans in Saugor.\n\n_Potdukh_.--(Stomach-ache.) A section of Teli in Chanda.\n\n_Potharia_.--(One to whom a certain dirty habit is imputed.) Subcaste\nof Korku.\n\n_Potwa_.--(A worker in tasar silk.) Synonym for Darzi; a subcaste\nof Darzi.\n\n_Poyam_.--(Worshipper of eight gods.) A sept of Pardhan and of\nMaria Gonds.\n\n_Prajapati_.--Title of Kumhar.\n\n_Pramara_.--Synonym for Panwar Rajput.\n\n_Prannathi_.--A follower of Prannath of Panna. Synonym for Dhami.\n\n_Pravar_.--A term for the ancestors sharing in a sacrificial\ninvocation, particularly that of the Horn or fire-sacrifice.\n\n_Prayagwal_.--(From Prayag-Allahabad.) A subcaste of Brahmans who\npreside at the ceremonial bathing in the Ganges at Allahabad.\n\n_Puar_.--Synonym of Panwar Rajput.\n\n_Pujari_.--(A worshipper.) Name for the priest in charge of a temple. A\ntitle of Bhatra.\n\n_Purad_.--A small mixed caste in Nagpur. They say that their ancestor\nwas a Brahman, who was crossing a river and lost his sacred thread,\non being carried down in a flood (_pur_). Therefore he was put out of\ncaste because the sacred thread must be changed before swallowing the\nspittle, and he had no other thread ready. At the census the Purads\nwere amalgamated with Vidurs. They are shopkeepers by profession.\n\n_Purait_.--(One who is of pure blood.) A subdivision of Jharia Rawat\n(Ahir) in Chhattisgarh. A subcaste of Dhakar, Halba and Marar.\n\n_Purania_.--(Old.) A subcaste of Kachera or Sisgar in Saugor. The\nPuranias are the Muhammadan bangle-makers who originally practised\nthis calling. A subcaste of Barai, Basor, Nai and Sunar. A section\nof Chamar and Darzi.\n\n_Purbia_.--This term, which means eastern or coming from the east,\nis used in Hoshangabad and other Districts to designate Rajputs\nfrom Oudh and the adjoining tracts, especially retired sepoys from\nthe Bengal army. They appear to belong to different clans, but many\nof them are Bais Rajputs. Some of the Purbias say that their king,\nsomewhere in northern India, heard that cows were being killed in the\nCentral Provinces, so he sent them to stop the practice and they came\nand stopped it and settled there. In Gujarat this name appears to be\napplied to Brahmans. A subcaste of Barhai and Gadaria. A section of\nNat and Sunar.\n\n_Purkam_.--(_Purka_-pumpkin.) A sept of the Uika clan of Gonds\nin Betul.\n\n_Purohit_.--(Family priest.) A common title of Brahmans.\n\n_Purouti_ or _Pudoti_.--(Bowels.) A sept of Gonds in Khairagarh.\n\n_Pusam_.--(Worshipper of five gods.) A sept of Raj-Gond and Dhur Gond,\nand of Baiga and Pardhan.\n\n_Putka_.--A subcaste of Sudh, being the illegitimate issue of the\nDehri Sudhs.\n\n_Qawwal_.--(One who speaks fluently.) Title of Mirasi.\n\n_Rachhbandia_.--(Comb-makers.) A subcaste of Kuchhbandia (Kanjar).\n\n_Raghunathia_.--A small group of Brahmans, so called because their\nancestors are said to have received a grant of five villages from\nRaghunath Deo of Hindoli.\n\n_Raghuvansi_.--A caste formed from a Rajput clan. See article. A\nsubcaste of Ahir; a section of Mali and Gond.\n\n_Raghvi_.--Synonym of Raghuvansi.\n\n_Rahmat_.--(Compassion.) A section of Panwar Rajput. A Muhammadan\nproper name.\n\n_Rai_ or _Raj_.--Subcaste of Darzi, Kalar, Khangar.\n\n_Rai-bhaina_.--Subcaste of Baiga in Balaghat.\n\n_Raipuria_.--(From Raipur.) A subcaste of Dhimars who do not wear\ngold ornaments. A subcaste of Dewar in Bilaspur.\n\n_Raj_ or _Rai_.--From Raja, a king. This term designates\nthe landholding division of certain tribes, as the Raj-Gonds,\nthe Raj-Korkus, the Raj-Khonds and the Rajbhars. The Raj-Bhats,\nRaj-Dhuris and Rai-Darzis are similarly subcastes of good position\nin their respective castes. Raj is also used as a synonym for Beldar,\nmeaning a mason.\n\n_Raja_.--(A king.) Title of a ruling chief, and occasionally conferred\non prominent Indian gentlemen.\n\n_Rajak_.--(A washerman.) Synonym for Dhobi.\n\n_Rajbhar_.--(A landowning Bhar.) Synonym for Rajjhar.\n\n_Raj-Bhat._--Subcaste of Bhat.\n\n_Raj-Dhuri._--A subcaste of Dhuri, said to be descendants of personal\nservants in Rajput families.\n\n_Raj-Gond_.--The landholding subdivision of the Gond tribe; a section\nof Chamar and Kachhi.\n\n_Raj-Khond_.--Subcaste of Khond.\n\n_Raj-Kunwar, Raj-Pardhan_.--A subcaste of Pardhan in Balaghat.\n\n_Rajoria_.--(Kingly.) A section of Barhai, Dangi, Khatik and Sanadhya\nBrahman.\n\n_Raj-Pardhan_.--A subcaste of Pardhan. They are said to be also\nknown as Kunwar Pardhan or Gond Bhat and to be beggars and bards of\nthe Gonds.\n\n_Raj-Pasi_.--Subcaste of Pasi.\n\n_Rajput_.--(Son of a king.) A caste, representing the ancient Kshatriya\ncaste. See article. A subcaste of Banjara, Kadera, Kumhar and Patwa.\n\n_Rajwaria_.--From the Rajwar caste. Subcaste of Dahait. Subdivision\nof Kol in Mirzapur.\n\n_Rakaseya_.--(From Rakas, a devil.) A section of Katia.\n\n_Rakhotia_.--An illegitimate section of Kumhar.\n\n_Rakhwaldar_.--(Village watchman.) Title of Ramosi.\n\n_Raksa_.--(Demoniac.) A section of Kumhar and Kawar.\n\n_Ramanandi_.--A class of Bairagis or religious mendicants. See\narticle Bairagi.\n\n_Ramanuja_.--A class of Bairagis or religious mendicants. See article\nBairagi.\n\n_Ramgarhia_.--(A resident of Ramgarh in Mandla.) Subcaste of Ghasia.\n\n_Ramoshi_.--Synonym of Ramosi.\n\n_Rana_.--A title of Sesodia Rajputs. A section of Halba and Panwar.\n\n_Randgolak_.--A subdivision of degraded Maharashtra Brahmans, the\noffspring of illicit unions or remarried widows.\n\n_Rangari_.--(One who works in indigo (_nil_).) Synonym for Chhipa.\n\n_Rao_.--Synonym for Bhat. A section of Chamar and Lohar. A title of\nthe Bhilala caste.\n\n_Ratanpuria_.--(A resident of Ratanpur in Bilaspur.) Subcaste of\nNunia and Dewar.\n\n_Ratha_.--(A car for carrying a god.) Honorific title of Uriya\nBrahmans.\n\n_Rathia_.--Subcaste of Kawar.\n\n_Rathor_, _Rathaur_.--A famous Rajput clan. See article\nRajput-Rathor. A subcaste of Banjara, Bari and of Teli in Mandla,\nBetul, Nimar and other Districts. A section of Ahir, Bhilala, Mochi,\nNahal and Pardhi.\n\n_Ratna Banik_.--(Dealer in jewels.) A synonym of Sunar in Sambalpur.\n\n_Rautadi_.--Subcaste of Bhuiya.\n\n_Rautele_.--A subcaste of Kol. A section of Barai, Bhat, Gadaria and\nof Sunar in Saugor.\n\n_Rautia_.--A subcaste of Kol in several Districts. A subcaste of\nDahait. A subcaste of Kawar. A section of Chamar and Rawat (Ahir).\n\n_Rawal_.--Title borne by some Rajput chieftains in Western\nIndia. Probably a diminutive of Rao, the Marathi form of Raj or\nRaja. A section of Chasa, Mali and Garpagari.\n\n_Rawanbansi_.--Descendants of Rawan, the demon king of Ceylon. A\nname applied to the Gonds generally, and now used as a subtribal\ndesignation to distinguish them from Raj-Gonds.\n\n_Rawanvansi_.--Name of a clan of Gosain mendicants.\n\n_Rawat_.--A title borne by some minor Rajput chiefs. Probably a\ndiminutive of Rajputra, the original form of the term Rajput. An\nhonorific title of Gonds and Savars in Saugor and Damoh. The name by\nwhich the Ahir caste is generally known in Chhattisgarh. A subcaste\nand title of Khairwar. A title sometimes used by Sunars and Brahmans\nin Bundelkhand and by Lodhis. A subcaste of Mehtar and Mali. A section\nof Arakh, Banjara, Binjhwar, Dhanwar, Kawar, Khairwar, Kunbi, Nat,\nPatwa, Panwar Rajput, and Sudh.\n\n_Reddi_.--A synonym for the Kapewar or Kapu caste; a subcaste of\nKapewar and Gandli.\n\n_Redka_.--A small labouring caste of Sambalpur. They are apparently\nthe result of intermarriages between some members of the Reddi or\nKapu cultivating caste of Telingana, who came to Sambalpur during\nthe Orissa famine of 1866, with low-class Uriya women. They still\nspeak Telugu among themselves, using Uriya to outsiders. Only one\ncurious feature of the marriage ceremony of the Redkas need be noticed\nhere. This is that the officiating Brahman actually places a red-hot\ncopper seal on the arms of the bride and bridegroom as a symbol of\nsealing the marriage bond. In other respects their customs resemble\nthose of low-caste Uriyas.\n\n_Rekwar_.--Subcaste of Dhimar.\n\n_Rig-Vedi_.--Sectarian division of Brahmans.\n\n_Rikhiasan Mahatwar_.--Subcaste of Bhuiya.\n\n_Ritha Biknath_.--One who prepares and sells soap-nuts for washing\nclothes. Subcaste of Jogi.\n\n_Rohidasi_.--Honorific term for a Chamar. It signifies a follower\nof the sect of Rohidas in Northern India. The Chamars often describe\nthemselves by this name instead of their caste name.\n\n_Rohilla_.--A Pathan tribe who have settled in Rohilkhand or the\nBareilly tract of the United Provinces. They derive their name from\nRoh, the designation given to the country where the Pushto language\nis spoken by residents of Hindustan. The word Roh, like Koh, means\na mountain, and Rohilla therefore signifies a highlander. [484] The\nRohilla Pathans occupied Rohilkhand in the eighteenth century. Their\nname first attracted attention when Warren Hastings was charged with\nhiring out British troops for their suppression. The Rohillas say that\nthey are of Coptic origin, and that driven out of Egypt by one of the\nPharaohs they wandered westward till they arrived under that part of\nthe mountains of Afghanistan known as Sulaimani Koh. [485] Parties\nof Rohillas visit the Central Provinces bringing woollen cloths and\ndried fruits for sale. Here they formerly bore a bad character, being\naccustomed to press the sale of their merchandise on the villagers on\ncredit at exorbitant interest; and when the time for realisation came,\nto extort their money by threats of violence, or actual assault, or,\nif this was not practicable, by defiling the graves of their debtors'\nancestors. These practices have now, however, been largely suppressed.\n\n_Romya_ or _Haralya._--Subcaste of Chamar.\n\n_Ror_.--Subcaste of Khatri.\n\n_Rora_.--Synonym of Arora.\n\n_Ruma_.--A resident of Basim and Gangra in Amraoti District. Subcaste\nof Korku.\n\n_Ruthia_.--A name formed from the noise _rut, rut_ made by the oil-mill\nin turning. Subcaste of Teli.\n\n_Sabara_.--Synonym for the Savar tribe. A section of Kawar and Teli.\n\n_Sabat_.--(From _saot_, co-wife.) An honorific title of Uriya Brahmans.\n\n_Sadaphal_.--(A fruit.) A section of Chandnahu Kurmi and Sonkar.\n\n_Sada-Sohagal_.--A class of Fakirs or Muhammadan beggars.\n\n_Sadhu_.--(A religious mendicant.) Synonym for Bairagis or Gosains.\n\n_Sagar_.--Name of one of the ten orders of Gosains.\n\n_Sagunsale_.--A group of illegitimate descent. Subcaste of Koshti.\n\n_Sahadeve_.--A clan of Gonds worshipping six gods and paying special\nreverence to the tiger.\n\n_Sahani_.--(From _siahi_, ink.) An honorific title of Karan or\nMahanti. A subcaste of Paik.\n\n_Sahara_.--Synonym for the Savar tribe.\n\n_Sahasra Audichya_.--(A thousand men of the north.) A subdivision of\nGujarati Brahmans who are said to have accepted presents from Raja\nMulraj of Anhalwara Patan at a sacrifice, and hence to have suffered\nsome degradation in rank. Audichya probably signifies coming from Oudh.\n\n_Sahra_.--Synonym of Savar.\n\n_Sahu_.--(A trader.) An honorific title of Bania. A synonym for Sunar\nin Sambalpur. A subdivision of Uriya Brahmans. A section of Khadra,\nKolta, Sundi and Teli.\n\n_Sahukar_.--Title of Bania. See Sahu.\n\n_Sain_.--Synonym for Fakir.\n\n_Saiqalgar_.--From Arabic _saiqal_, a polisher. Synonym for Sikligar.\n\n_Sais_.--The title by which grooms or horse-keepers are usually\nknown. The word Sais, Colonel Temple states, [486] is Arabic and\nsignifies a nobleman; it is applied to grooms as an honorific title,\nin accordance with the common method of address among the lower\ncastes. Other honorific designations for grooms, as given by Colonel\nTemple, are Bhagat or 'Saint,' and Panch, 'Arbitrator,' but neither\nof these is generally used in the Central Provinces. Another name for\nSaises is Thanwar, which means a person in charge of a stable or place\nwhere a horse is kept. Grooms from Northern India are usually of the\nJaiswara division of Chamars, who take their name from the old town\nof Jais in Oudh; but they drop the Chamar and give Jaiswara as their\ncaste. These men are thin and wiry and can run behind their horses for\nlong distances. The grooms indigenous to the Central Provinces are as a\nrule promoted grass-cutters and are either of the Ghasia (grass-cutter)\nor the Kori and Mahar (weaver) castes. They cannot usually run at\nall well. It is believed that both the Jaiswaras and Mahars who work\nas grooms have taken to marrying among themselves and tend to form\nseparate endogamous groups, because they consider themselves superior\nto the remainder of the caste. A Sais will frequently refuse to tie\nup a dog with a rope or lead him with one because he uses a rope for\nleading his horses. This taboo is noticed by Sir B. Fuller as follows:\n\"Horses in India are led not by the bridle but by a thick cotton\nleading-rope which is passed over the headstall, and such a rope is\ncarried by every Indian groom. I asked my groom one day to tie up with\nhis leading rope a dog that would not follow. He absolutely refused,\nand I discovered that the rope was the fetish of his caste and was\nformerly adored and propitiated in the course of an annual caste\nfestival. To touch a dog with it would have been sacrilege.\" [487]\n\n_Saitwal_.--A subcaste of Jain Banias.\n\n_Saiyad_.--One of the four Muhammadan tribes, which is supposed to\ncomprise the descendants of the Prophet.\n\n_Sakadwipi_.--A tribe of Brahmans taking their name from Sakadwipa,\nthe country of the Sakas. The Sakas were a Central Asian tribe who\ninvaded India before the commencement of the Christian era, and\nSakadwipa is said to be the valley of the Kabul river.\n\n_Sakarwal, Sikarwar_.--A clan of Rajputs whose name is said to be\nderived from Fatehpur Sikri.\n\n_Saksena_.--A subcaste of Kayasth, also called Sukhsena. A subcaste\nof Bharbhunja and Kachhi.\n\n_Saktaha_.--A synonym for Shakta, a worshipper of Devi in\nChhattisgarh. Saktaha practically means a person who eats flesh, as\nopposed to a Kabirpanthi who abstains from it. A subcaste of Panka,\nwho are not Kabirpanthis.\n\n_Sakum_.--A sept of Korku. (One who hides behind a teak tree.)\n\n_Salam_.--(Worshipper of six gods.) A clan of Gond. A section of Dewar.\n\n_Salewar_.--A name for Telugu Koshtis. A subcaste of Koshti.\n\n_Samaiya_.--A sect of Jains.\n\n_San_.--A subcaste of Bhatra.\n\n_Sanadhya_.--A subcaste of Brahmans belonging to the Gaur division.\n\n_Sanak-kul._--A section of Komti. They do not use _jaiphal_ or nutmeg.\n\n_Sanaurhia_.--Subcaste of Brahman. Synonym for Sanadhya.\n\n_Sanbagh_.--(A little tiger.) A section of Bhulia.\n\n_Sand_.--(The bull.) A totemistic sept of Kawar. They do not\nuse bullocks for ploughing, or are supposed not to. A section of\nKhangar. They do not give a present of a bull at weddings. A section\nof Mali.\n\n_Sania_.--(A grower of _san_-hemp.) Subcaste of Kachhi.\n\n_Saniasi_.--Name for a religious mendicant. Synonym for Gosain.\n\n_Sanjogi_.--A class of Bairagis or mendicants who marry, also called\nGrihastha.\n\n_Sankrita_.--An eponymous section of Kanaujia Brahmans.\n\n_Sanp_.--(Snake.) A sept of Gond and Kawar.\n\n_Santal, Saonta, Sonthal._--An important tribe of Bengal, belonging\nto the Munda family. The transfer of five of the Chota Nagpur States\nhas brought more than 10,000 Santals into the Central Provinces. They\nbelong principally to the Sarguja State and a few are returned from\nUdaipur State and from the Bilaspur District, but in all those tracts\nthey are known as Saonta and appear to have been cut off from the main\ntribe for a considerable period. According to Mr. Skrefsrud the name\nSantal is a corruption of Saontar and was given to the tribe by the\nBengalis because they lived in the country about Saont in Midnapur. Sir\nH. Risley held that the tribe might equally well have given its name to\nthe locality, and there was no means of ascertaining which theory was\ncorrect. The forms Santal and Sonthal are only used by natives who have\ncome into contact with Europeans. Santals call themselves '_harko_,'\nmen, or '_harhapan_,' man-child. [488] At the present day when a\nSantal is asked to what caste he belongs he will almost invariably\nreply Manjhi, which means a village headman, and is the common title\nof the tribe; if further explanation is demanded, he will add Santal\nManjhi. Whether the term Santal was derived from the Saont pargana\nor not, it is therefore at any rate a name conferred by the Hindus\nand affords no evidence in favour of a separate origin of the tribe.\n\nThere seems good reason to hold that the Santals are only a branch\nof the Kols or Mundas, who have been given a distinct designation by\ntheir Hindu neighbours, while their customs and traditions have been\nmodified either by long separation from the Mundas of Chota Nagpur or\nby contact with Hindu influences. Sir G. Grierson's account of the\ntwo dialects Santali and Mundari shows that they closely resemble\neach other and differ only in minor particulars. The difference is\nmainly to be found in the vocabulary borrowed from Aryan neighbours,\nand in the grammatical modifications occasioned by the neighbouring\nAryan forms of speech. [489] Of Mundari he says: \"Aspirated letters\nare used as in Santali, the semi-consonants are apparently pronounced\nin the same way as in Santali; genders and numbers are the same,\nthe personal pronouns are the same, the inflexion of verbs is mainly\nthe same.\" [490] Some points of difference are mentioned by Sir\nG. Grierson, but they appear to be of minor importance. The Mundas,\nlike the Santals, call themselves _hara-ko_ or men. In the vocabulary\nof common words of Mundari and Santali given by Colonel Dalton [491]\na large proportion of the words are the same. Similarly in the list\nof sept-names of the tribes given by Sir H. Risley [492] several\ncoincide. Among the 15 names of main septs of the Santals, Besra,\na hawk, Murmu nilgai, or stag, and Aind, eel, are also the names of\nMunda septs. The Santal sept Hansda, a wild goose, is nearly identical\nwith the Munda sept Hansa, a swan; the Santal septs Kisku and Tudu\nare sept-names of the Hos, a branch of the Mundas; and in one or two\nother names there is a great resemblance. The principal deity of the\nSantals, Marang Buru, is a Munda god. In the inheritance of property\nboth tribes have the same rule of the exclusion of daughters. In\nhis article on Ho, Sir H. Risley indeed states that the Santals,\nHos and Mundas are local branches of the same tribe.\n\nThe Saontas of Sarguja and Bilaspur appear to have been separated from\nthe parent tribe for some generations and to have assimilated some of\nthe customs of the Gonds. They have some Gond sept-names, as Markam and\nDhurwa. Those of Pendra zamindari have no traditions of their origin\nbeyond saying that the adjoining Kenda zamindari was their original\nhome. They profess to revere only the sun, fire and water. In order to\nworship the Jal-deota or water-god they pour water round the fire and\nthen throw a little butter on the fire in his name. Mr. C.U. Wills,\nSettlement Officer, records of them the following curious custom:\nWhen a man is at the point of death or actually dead, they sometimes\nset fire to the hut in which his body is lying and run away, no doubt\nto save themselves from being haunted and troubled by his spirit,\nto the attainment of which end so large a part of funeral ritual is\neverywhere directed.\n\nThe following short account of them by Colonel Dalton may be reproduced\nfor reference: [493]\n\n\"The name Saont or Saonta directs us to the Santal branch of the Kols,\nand, as I have already noticed, there is in Sarguja a small tribe so\ncalled. They are the sole inhabitants of the magnificent tableland\nforming the southern barrier of Sarguja, called the Mainpat or more\ncorrectly perhaps the Manipat. They are a small tribe living scattered\nover the vast area of the plateau in about a dozen hamlets, and they\nare strong in the belief that they were especially created to dwell\nthere, or that they and the plateau somehow sprang into existence\ntogether, and cannot be separated. I saw a number of them when I\nwas last in Sarguja, and from their features I should be inclined\nto class them as Kols, but they have some customs and notions which\nthey must have derived from the Dravidian Gonds. They acknowledge\nDulha Deo as a household god, and follow the customs of the Gonds\nand other southerners in their marriage ceremonies.\n\n\"They worship the sun as Bhagwan, and like the Kharias offer sacrifices\nto that luminary in an open place with an ant-hill for an altar. The\nMainpat is their Marang Buru, and as it is 16 miles long, 12 miles\nbroad, and rises 3850 feet above the sea-level, it is not unworthy\nof the name, but they do not use that or any other Kol term. The\ngreat Mainpat is their fatherland and their god. They have it all to\nthemselves except during the summer months, when it becomes a vast\ngrazing field for the cattle of Mirzapur and Bihar.\n\n\"The Saonts are armed like the Korwas with bows and arrows, and the\npeculiar battle-axe of the country, but it is against the beasts of\nthe forest that these weapons are used. Formerly the Mainpat was a\nmagnificent hunting field, especially noted for its herds of antelope\nand gaur. The late Maharaja of Sarguja strictly preserved it, but on\nhis death it fell into the hands of his widow, a very money-loving\nold lady, who allowed it to become one of the great grazing tracts,\nand the pasturage alone gives her an income of L250 a year; but the\nwild animals have in consequence withdrawn from it.\n\n\"The position of the Saonts is altogether very curious, and though\nthey now speak no language but a rude Hindi, the evidence is, on\nthe whole, favourable to their being a remnant of the ancient Kol\naborigines of Sarguja, cut off from connection with those people by\nsuccessive inroads of other races or tribes. Their substitution of\na Hindi dialect for their own language seems to indicate that they\nwere first subjugated by Aryans. The Gond chiefs only count about\ntwenty-four generations in Sarguja, and they have all adopted the\nHindi language.\"\n\n_Sanyasi_.--(A religious recluse.) Synonym for Gosain.\n\n_Sao_.--(For _sahu_, a banker, a rich man.) A subcaste of Kalar and\nTeli. An honorific title of Chhipa or Rangari. A sept of Gond.\n\n_Saojin_.--(From _sao_, a banker.) Subcaste of Banjara.\n\n_Saonr_.--Synonym of Savar.\n\n_Saonta_.--Name by which the Santal tribe is known in Bilaspur. A\nsubcaste of Dhanwar.\n\n_Sapera_.--(A snake-charmer.) Name of a clan of Nats, who exhibit\nsnakes. A section of Basor and Khatik.\n\n_Saraf_.--(A money-changer and tester.) A synonym of Sunar.\n\n_Saraia_ (Angler.) From _sarai_, a bamboo fishing-rod. Subcaste\nof Dhimar.\n\n_Sarangarhia_.--(From Sarangarh.) A subtribe of Gonds in Khairagarh. A\nsubcaste of Dewar.\n\n_Saraogi_.--A name by which Jain laymen are known. Subcaste of Bania.\n\n_Saras_.--(A large crane.) A section of Chamar.\n\n_Saraswat_.--One of the five orders of Panch Gaur Brahmans inhabiting\nthe country of the river Saraswati. One of the ten orders of Gosains.\n\n_Sarati_.--A sept of Gond and Pardhan.\n\n_Sariyam_.--A subsept of the Dhurwa clan of Gonds in Betul, said to\nbe so called because the road to the place of the gods was swept by\ntheir priests.\n\n_Sarolia_ or _Sarwaria_.--(Inferior or mixed.) Subcaste of Agharia.\n\n_Saroti_.--A sept of Pardhans said to be named after _sarra_, a whip,\nbecause their priest once struck a man with a whip.\n\n_Sarsatia_.--(From the Saraswati river.) Subcaste of Bahna.\n\n_Satani_. [494]--A Telugu caste of priests and mendicants of which\n900 persons were returned, principally from the Chanda District,\nin 1911. In the Central Provinces, Ayawar, Satani and Dasari have\nbeen taken as one caste, but elsewhere they are considered as\ndistinct. Ayawar is a term of respect analogous to the Hindustani\nMaharaj, and is applied to the Satanis and other religious orders. The\nSatanis and Dasaris are distinguished in Madras; Satani is stated [495]\nto be a corruption of Sattadavan, which means 'One who does not wear'\n(_e.g._ the sacred thread and scalp-lock). It is a mixed religious\norder recruited from any caste except the Pariahs, leather-workers and\nMuhammadans. The Dasaris [496] are said to be the reputed descendants\nof a wealthy Sudra of one of the northern Districts, who, being\nchildless, vowed that if offspring should be granted to him he would\ndevote a son to the service of the god. After this he had several\nchildren, one of whom he consecrated to the deity, calling him Dasan\n(the obedient servant). Dasan and his offspring made their livelihood\nby begging. This order, like that of the Satanis, is reinforced by idle\nmembers of the lower Sudra castes, who become Dasaris by being branded\nby the Guru of Tirupatti and other shrines. In the Central Provinces\nthe Dasaris are stated to be recruited from the impure Mala caste\nof the Telugu country, and hence to rank below the Satanis. Many\nof the Madrasi servants in European households call themselves\nDasaris. Members of the agricultural castes are usually admitted into\nthe Satani order and its status is almost equal to theirs. The caste,\nin spite of its small numbers, has several subdivisions, as the Sale\nSatanis, who are weavers, the Bukkas, who are sellers of _kunku_ or\nred powder, and five other subdivisions who are all beggars. Some of\nthese eat together but do not intermarry. They have exogamous family\ngroups, usually named after sacred places in Madras or celebrated\nGurus (spiritual preceptors) or deities, as Tirupatti, Ramanujamwar,\nShaligramwar and so on. The caste marry in the ordinary way and do\nnot observe celibacy. Widow-marriage is allowed, but a widow must\nmarry a widower, and the officiating priest at the ceremony must\nalso be a widower. The Satanis principally revere Vishnu, whom they\nworship on Fridays. Their priests are taken from their own order and\nform a separate subcaste under the name of Parmastwar. A novice,\non being initiated to the order, is branded with the figures of a\nSankha (conch-shell) and Chakra (discus). They both burn and bury\nthe dead, and the spirits of female as well as of male ancestors are\npropitiated. This is done by calling a married woman by the name of\nthe dead female, putting red powder on her forehead and worshipping\nher. Among the Satanis a widow accompanies the corpse of her husband\nto the grave. They officiate at funerals, and a Satani priest applies\nthe caste-mark to the body of the corpse and also to that of the four\npersons who are to carry it. He receives presents in the name of the\ndead man, and takes the red cloth with which the corpse is covered. At\nthe funeral feast the Satani offers cooked food, including flesh\nand also liquor, to the god, and the assembled guests then partake\nof them. The Satani drinks liquor only and does not eat the food,\nand since he must stay to the end of the feast he sometimes becomes\nintoxicated. The Satanis are priests and mendicants. Though they\ndo not wear the sacred thread themselves, the manufacture of it is\none of their hereditary occupations. They collect alms in a _lota_\nor brass vessel, on which representations of the conch and discus\nare drawn. The Dasaris wander about, singing hymns to a monotonous\naccompaniment upon a leather instrument called _tappai_ (perhaps a\ntabor). They are engaged by some Sudra castes to sing their chants\nin front of the corpse at funerals. Others exhibit what is called\nthe _Panda sewai_, that is, they become possessed by the deity and\nbeat themselves over the body with a flaming torch. A few train young\nbulls to perform tricks and travel about exhibiting them. Some have\nbecome masons and goldsmiths. Men have the mark of the trident on\nthe forehead, the two outer lines being white and the middle one\nred or yellow. They shave the head and face clean, not retaining the\nscalp-lock. Women have a vertical streak on the forehead and do not\nwear glass bangles nor the necklace of black beads. Neither men nor\nwomen are tattooed. The Satanis have a fairly good social position\nand the lower castes will take food from them.\n\n_Satbhuiyan_ or _Utar_.--Subcaste of Khond.\n\n_Satdeve_.--A clan of Gonds worshipping seven gods and paying special\nreverence to the porcupine.\n\n_Satghare_.--(Seven houses.) A division of the Maratha caste,\nconsisting of seven of the highest clans who marry among themselves\nand sometimes take daughters from the other ninety-six clans.\n\n_Satnami_.--A religious sect, which now practically forms a subcaste\nof Chamar.\n\n_Satputia_.--(Having seven sons.) A section of Lonare Mali.\n\n_Satyanath_. A subcaste of Jogi or Nath.\n\n_Savar_, _Savara_.--A tribe.\n\n_Sawalakh_.--(1 1/4 lakhs.) A section of Dhobi.\n\n_Sawara_.--Synonym for Savar. Subcaste of Kol.\n\n_Segidi_, [497] _Shegadi_.--The Telugu caste of toddy-drawers\nand distillers, of which a few representatives were returned from\nthe Nagpur District in 1901. They will draw _tari_ or palm-juice\nonly from the _sindi_ palm (_Phoenix sylvestris_) and not from the\npalmyra palm (_Borassics flabelliformis_). This is the occupation\nof a separate caste, the Yatas, from whom the Segidis will not even\ntake water. At a Segidi marriage the bride is shown the polar star,\nwhich is believed to be the wife of Rishi Vasishtha, the model of\nconjugal excellence. She is then made to step on to a stone slab to\nremind her how Ahalya, the beautiful wife of Rishi Gautama, was turned\nto a stone for committing adultery. Widow-marriage is permitted, and,\nby a very curious exception to the ordinary rule, a widow may marry\nher deceased husband's elder brother but not his younger one. The\nusual prohibition on a widow marrying her husband's elder brother is\nbased on the ground that he is looked on as her father; the Segidis\nsay, on the other hand, that his younger brother is as her son. If\nan unmarried adult male dies, the ceremony of marriage is performed\nbetween the corpse and a plantain tree; and if an unmarried woman dies\nshe is married to a sword. A corpse is always buried with the head to\nthe east and the feet to the west. This peculiar practice may be a\nreminiscence of Vedic times, when the west was considered to be the\nabode of the departed, the sun being the first mortal who died and\nwent to the west as recorded in the Rig-Veda. The Segidis are also\ncultivators, traders or soldiers. They have a method of divining a\nboy's proper calling in his infancy. When his mouth is touched with\ngrain as food for the first time, they put a sword, a pen, a book,\nfood and other articles, being the symbols of different professions,\non the ground and place the child in front of them. And his vocation\nin life is held to be determined by the article which he touches first.\n\n_Senapati_.--(General.) Honorific title of Sundi.\n\n_Sendia_.--Title of caste headman of Panwar Rajput.\n\n_Sendur_.--A section of Ahir or Rawat.\n\n_Senduria_.--Subcaste of Nagasia. They mark the forehead of the bride\nwith vermilion (_sendur_).\n\n_Sengar._--A clan of Rajputs belonging to Saugor and Jubbulpore.\n\n_Sesodia_.--A famous clan of Rajputs.\n\n_Seth_.--(Banker or moneylender.) A title of Bania.\n\n_Setti_.--A corruption of the Sanskrit Shreshta, good. Title of\nKomti caste.\n\n_Sewak_.--(Servant.) The name given to an inferior class of Brahmans\nwho serve in Vaishnava temples.\n\n_Shaikh, Sheikh_.--One of the four tribes of Muhammadans. A subcaste\nof Mehtar.\n\n_Shaiva, Saiva_.--(A worshipper of Siva.) The term Shaiva Brahman is\napplied to Guraos.\n\n_Shandilya, Sandilya_.--An eponymous _gotra_ or section of Brahmans. A\nsection of Darzi, Raj-Gond, Rawat (Ahir) and Sunar.\n\n_Shegudi_.--See Segidi.\n\n_Shendia_.--A section of Teli and Otari (Kasar).\n\n_Shenvi_.--A subcaste of Maratha Brahmans in Hoshangabad.\n\n_Sheohare_ or _Sivahare_.--Subcaste of Kalar.\n\n_Shiah_.--One of the two great sects of Muhammadans.\n\n_Shikari_.--(A hunter.) A synonym for Pardhi or Bahelia.\n\n_Shimpi_.--(A tailor.) Synonym for Darzi in the Maratha country.\n\n_Shishi ke Telwale_.--Subcaste of Pardhi. They sell oil obtained from\nthe bodies of crocodiles.\n\n_Siddi, Sidi, Habshi._--The name given to Africans, whether Abyssinians\nor Negroes. Habshi means one coming from El Habish, the Arabic name for\nNorth-East Africa. Siddi is a corruption of Saiyad, the designation\nof a descendant of the Prophet, and is commonly used as a term of\nrespectful address in North Africa, like Sahib in India. The _Bombay\nGazetteer_ states [498] that about the middle of the fifteenth century,\nwhen the Bahmani dynasty became independent of Delhi and intercourse\nwith Northern India ceased, the fashion arose of bringing to Western\nIndia large numbers of Abyssinians and other East Africans. Though\nmost of the Habshis came to India as slaves, their faithfulness,\ncourage and energy often raised them to positions of high trust in\nthe Bahmani court. According to Orme, the successful Abyssinians\ngathered round them all of their countrymen whom they could procure\neither by purchase or invitation, including negroes from other parts\nof Africa, as well as Abyssinians. From their marriages, first with\nnatives of India and afterwards among their own families, there arose\na separate community, distinct from other Muhammadans in figure,\ncolour and character. As soon as they were strong enough they formed\nthemselves into an aristocratic republic and produced some of the\nmost skilful and daring soldiers and sailors of Western India. The\nrulers of Janjira and Sachin States in Bombay are Siddis by descent.\n\nThey are now employed as stokers and firemen on steamers and as\nfitters and mechanics in the dockyards of Bombay, and are described\n[499] as \"A hardy race with muscular frames, thick lips and crisp\nblack hair--the very last men whom you would wish to meet in a\nrough-and-tumble, and yet withal a jovial people, well-disposed\nand hospitable to any one whom they regard as a friend.\" In other\nparts of India the Siddis are usually beggars and are described as\n'Fond of intoxicating drinks, quarrelsome, dirty, unthrifty and\npleasure-loving, obstinacy being their leading trait.' They worship\nBaba Ghor, an Abyssinian saint. [500]\n\nIt is recorded that the medicine called Silajit, a nervine tonic for\nthe generative power, was formerly believed to be prepared from the\nflesh of Abyssinian boys. Mr. Hooper writes: \"Silajit is allied to\nanother ancient drug named Momiayi which has long been employed in\nthe East. The original drug is said to have been made from Egyptian\nmummies, and subsequently to have been prepared by boiling down and\nextracting the essence of Abyssinian boys. Since the last source of\nsupply has become scarce, several bituminous exudations are reported\nto have been substituted.\" [501] The drug is now said to be made from\nthe gum of some stone in Hardwar, and this must be the bitumen referred\nto by Mr. Hooper. The virtue ascribed to the flesh of Abyssinian boys\nwas no doubt based on their superior bodily strength and perhaps\npartly on the prolificacy of the negroes. In the case of mummies,\nas the body of the mummy was believed to have retained life or the\ncapacity of life for many ages, its material would naturally possess\nextraordinary vitality and should be capable of imparting this quality\nto others when assimilated into their bodies.\n\n_Sidhira_, _Sithira_.--A small occupational caste of Sambalpur and\nthe Uriya States. The caste is not found elsewhere in India. They\nare braziers by trade, and in spite of their small numbers say they\nhave three subcastes, one of which, the Luhura, works in iron. They\nare an impure caste, whose touch conveys pollution in Sambalpur. They\naccept alms from a Munda or Oraon on the occasion of a death in the\nlatter's family, and have totemistic septs. They eat fowls and rats\nand consume much liquor. They also admit outsiders into the caste. It\nmay be concluded, therefore, that they are an occupational caste\nformed from the tribes above mentioned or others, through adopting the\ncalling of brass-workers. The adultery of a Sidhira woman with a man\nof any higher caste is looked upon as an absolutely trifling offence,\nand this is a common feature of low castes of mixed origin. As among\nmany primitive tribes, one particular sept performs the ceremony of\nreadmitting offenders to caste intercourse by sprinkling a little\nGanges water over them. The man fulfilling this office is known as the\nBaikar, and after a wedding the bridal pair go to the Baikar's house\nand he pours two jars full of water over their heads and bodies. They\ngo inside the house, and the bridegroom then comes out and gives the\nwet clothes to the Baikar with a small present. This appears to be\na sort of purificatory ceremony at marriage.\n\n_Sidi_.--Synonym of Siddi.\n\n_Silpi_.--(A stone-mason.) Subcaste of Kammala.\n\n_Sindhi_.--(Performers of dramas.) Subcaste of Madgi.\n\n_Sindhupushkar_.--A subcaste of Brahmans in Khairagarh State, perhaps\nthe same as the Marwari Pushkama Brahmans. It is said that Sindhu\nhas the meaning of a lake.\n\n_Singade_.--(From _singh_, horn, and _gadna_, to bury.) Subcaste of\nKoli. The members of this group, when their buffaloes die, bury the\nhorns in their compound.\n\n_Singar_.--(A fish.) A totemistic sept of Kawar. A section of Agharia.\n\n_Singaria_.--Those who cultivate the _Singara_ nut. Subcaste of Dhimar.\n\n_Singh_.--(A lion.) The usual suffix to the names of Rajputs, Sikhs\nand castes which claim Rajput rank, such as Lodhis.\n\n_Singh, Singhi_.--(Horn.) A totemistic sept of Dhanwar. A section of\nKurmi, and of Oswal and Maheshri Bania.\n\n_Singhal_.--(Ceylon.) A section of Brahmans in Damoh.\n\n_Singrore_.--Subcaste of Kunbi and Lodhi.\n\n_Sikligar_, _Bardhia_, _Saiqalgar_. [502]--A small caste of armourers\nand knife-grinders. The name Saiqalgar comes from the Arabic _saiqal_,\na polisher, and Bardhia is from _bardh_, the term for the edge of a\nweapon. They number only about 450 persons in the Central Provinces\nand Berar, and reside mainly in the large towns, as Jubbulpore\nand Nagpur. The caste is partly Hindu and partly Muhammadan, but\nvery few members of it in the Central Provinces profess the latter\nreligion. In Bombay [503] the Muhammadan Sikligars are said to be\nGhisaris or tinkers who were forcibly converted by Aurangzeb. The\nwriter of the Belgaum Gazetteer [504] says that they are scarcely more\nthan Muhammadans in name, as they practically never go to the mosque,\nkeep Hindu gods in their houses, eschew beef, and observe no special\nMuhammadan rites other than circumcision. The Hindu Sikligars claim\nto be Rajputs and have Rajput sept names, and it is not unlikely\nthat in old times the armourer's calling should have been adopted\nby the lower classes of Rajputs. The headquarters of the caste is in\nGwalior, where there is probably still some scope for their ancient\ntrade. But in British territory the Sikligar has degenerated into a\nneedy knife-grinder. Mr. Crooke [505] describes him as \"A trader of\nno worth. His whole stock-in-trade is a circular whetstone worked by\na strap between two posts fixed in the ground. He sharpens knives,\nrazors, scissors and sometimes swords.\"\n\n_Sirdar_.--Title of the Kawar caste.\n\n_Siriswar_.--(From _siris_, a tree.) A section of Gadaria.\n\n_Sirnet_.--A clan of Rajputs.\n\n_Sirwa_.--(A resident of the ancient city of Sravasti in Gonda\ndistrict.) Subcaste of Teli.\n\n_Sita Padri_.--Title of Vaishnava mendicants.\n\n_Sithira_.--Synonym of _Sidhira_.\n\n_Solaha_. [506]--A very small caste numbering less than a hundred\npersons in the Raipur District. The caste only deserves mention as\naffording an instance of an attempt to rise in the social scale. The\nSolahas are certainly of Gond origin. Their name appears to be a\ncorruption of Tolaha, from _tol_, which means leather in Gondi or\nTelugu. Their exogamous sections, as Markam, Warai, Wika, Sori, Kunjam,\nare also Gond names, and like the Agarias they are an occupational\noffshoot of that great tribe, who have taken to the special profession\nof leather-curing and primitive carpentry. But they claim to belong to\nthe Barhai caste and say that their ancestors immigrated from Benares\nat the time of a great famine there. In pursuance of the claim some\nof them employ inferior Brahmans as their priests. They also say\nthat they accept food only from Brahmans and Rajputs, though they eat\nfowls, pork and even rats. Women of any other caste can be admitted\ninto the community, but not men. The fact that they are not Barhais\nis sufficiently shown by their ignorance of carpentering tools. They\ndo not even know the use of a rope for turning the drill and do it by\nhand with a pointed nail. They have no planes, and smooth wood with a\nchisel. Their business is to make musical instruments for the Gonds,\nwhich consist of hollow pieces of wood covered with skin to act as\nsingle or double drums. They use sheep and goat-skins, and after\nletting them dry scrape off the hair and rub them with a paste of\nboiled rice and powdered iron filings and glass.\n\n_Solanki, Solankhi_.--A well-known clan of Rajputs, also called\nChalukya. The name is perhaps derived from _Sulakshana_, one bearing\nan auspicious mark. A section of Pardhi and Gujar.\n\n_Sompura_.--A subdivision of Gujarati Brahmans in Jubbulpore. They\ntake their name from Somnath in Kathiawar.\n\n_Somvansi_.--(Children of the Moon.) Subcaste of Mahar. A clan\nof Rajputs.\n\n_Sonar_.--Synonym for Sunar in the Maratha country.\n\n_Sonbarha_.--(Gold pig.) A section of Teli in Khairagarh, so named\nas they presented a golden pig to their king Bharam Deo.\n\n_Sonboyir_.--(Gold plum.) A section of Teli in Nandgaon, so called\nbecause their ancestor presented a gold plum to their Raja.\n\n_Sonbukra_.--(Yellow goat.) A totemistic sept of Kawar.\n\n_Sondi_.--(_Sondi_, tiger.) A sept of Gonds in Raipur. It is said to be\nof mixed descent from all the septs, and can intermarry with any other.\n\n_Sondhi_.--Synonym for Sundi.\n\n_Songainda_.--(Gold unicorn.) A section of Teli in Khairagarh, so\nnamed because they presented a golden unicorn to their king Bharam Deo.\n\n_Sonha_; _Sonkutta_.--(Wild dog.) A sept of Dhanwar, Kawar, Saonta\nor Santal, and Chero.\n\n_Soni_.--Synonym for Sunar.\n\n_Sonjhara, Sonjharia_.--(One who washes for gold in the beds of\nstreams.) A caste. Subcaste of Binjhwar, Injhwar and Dhimar.\n\n_Sonkar_.--A small caste found in the Chhattisgarh country, and also\nin Saugor and Damoh. The name Sonkar is said to be a corruption of\nChunkar or lime-dealer, and the Sonkars of Saugor make their living\nby carrying clay and lime on donkeys for building and whitewashing\nwalls. In Saugor they are also known as Beldar (navvy) and Gadhera\n(donkey-driver), and occupy a despised position. Possibly on this\naccount a few of them in the northern Districts and the whole\ncommunity in Chhattisgarh have abandoned their traditional calling,\nand have taken to growing vegetables like the Malis and Marars. Here\ntheir status is better, and they rank as a gardening caste. Their\ncustoms resemble those of the lower castes of Chhattisgarh. They\nobtain auspicious dates for their marriages and different ceremonies\nfrom Brahmans, but otherwise these are not employed, and the caste\nheadman, known as Kurha or Sethia, officiates as priest. At their\nweddings the sacred post round which the couple walk must consist\nof a forked bough of the mahua tree divided in a V shape, and they\ntake much trouble to find and cut a suitable bough. They will not\ntake cooked food from the hands of any other caste, even from Brahmans.\n\n_Sonkarasaria_.--(Impure gold.) A section of Bhona or Bhulia.\n\n_Sonkutri_.--(Bitch of the wild dog.) A totemistic sept of Kawar.\n\n_Sonpakar_.--(A tree.) A totemistic sept of Kawar and Chero.\n\n_Sonratan_.--(Gold jewel.) A section of Chandnahu Kurmi.\n\n_Sonthaga_.--(Gold-cheat.) A subdivision of Pardhans in Kawardha. They\ncheated people by passing false gold, and hence were so named.\n\n_Sonthal_.--Synonym for Santal.\n\n_Sonwani_.--(_Sona-pani_, gold-water.) This is a common sept among the\nprimitive tribes and castes derived from them. The members of this sept\noccupy a quasi-priestly position, and readmit offenders into caste by\ngiving them water to drink in which gold has been dipped. They also\npurify those who have got vermin in a wound by sprinkling this water\nover them. A section of Ahir and of Rawat or Chhattisgarhi Ahir;\na sept of Dhoba, Dhanwar, Gond and Kawar; a section of Kalanga,\nKumhar, Panka and Teli.\n\n_Sori_.--A sept of Gond and Pardhan. Sori and Khusro are the two\nsubsepts of the Markam sept.\n\n_Soyam_.--(Worshipper of seven gods.) A division of Gond in Chanda.\n\n_Sravaka_.--A Jain layman.\n\n_Sri Gaur Mala_.--(A resident of Malwa.) Subcaste of Barhai.\n\n_Srimali_.--(From the old city of Srimal in Rajputana.) A subcaste\nof Gujarati Brahman and Bania.\n\n_Srivastab, Sriwastab_.--(From the old city of Sravasti in the north\nof Oudh.) A well-known subcaste of Kayasth. A subcaste of Bharbhunja,\nDarzi and Teli.\n\n_Sua_.--(Parrot.) A section of Chadar, Khangar and Kasar. A sept of\nBhatra and Kawar.\n\n_Suda_.--Synonym of Sudh.\n\n_Sudh_.--A caste. A subcaste of Kolta and Lohar.\n\n_Sudha_.--Synonym of Sudh.\n\n_Sudho_.--Synonym of Sudh.\n\n_Sudra_.--The lowest of the four traditional castes. See\nIntroduction. There is no Sudra caste at present in the Central\nProvinces. A subcaste of Barai.\n\n_Suibadiwa_.--(_Sui_, porcupine.) A totemistic sept of the Dhurwa\nGonds in Betul.\n\n_Suji_.--(From _sui_, a needle.) Synonym for Darzi.\n\n_Sukul, Shukul_.--(White.) A surname of Kanaujia Brahmans.\n\n_Sulankhi_.--Subcaste of Mahli.\n\n_Sunar_.--A caste of goldsmiths. Subcaste of Bishnoi.\n\n_Sundhi_.--Synonym of Sundi.\n\n_Sungaria_.--(One who keeps pigs.) Subcaste of Kumhar.\n\n_Sunni_.--One of the two principal sects of Muhammadans who follow\nthe orthodox traditions, Sunni meaning traditionist.\n\n_Sunri_.--Synonym of Sundi.\n\n_Surait_.--A name signifying persons of impure or mixed descent. A\nsubcaste of Dhakar and Halba. A subcaste of Jharia Rawat (Ahir)\nin Bastar, being the offspring of Jharia Rawat fathers by women of\nother Rawat subcastes. A subcaste of Sonkar in Kanker, consisting of\nthe offspring of illegitimate unions. A subcaste of Jhadi Telenga,\nKumhar and Marar (Mali).\n\n_Suraj, Surya_.--(The sun.) A section of Binjhwar, Gond, Khangar,\nMarar, Mowar, Rawat (Ahir) and Sansia (in Sambalpur).\n\n_Surajdhwaja_.--A subcaste of Kayasth.\n\n_Surajvansi_.--(Descendants of the Sun.) Name of one of the two\ngreat divisions of Rajputs. A clan of Rajputs. A subcaste of Barai,\nKhairwar and Kalar. A section of Chamar, Dhanwar, Gond and Koli.\n\n_Suratha_.--A subdivision of Valmiki Kayasth.\n\n_Sureyam_.--A Gond sept named after the _sui_ or porcupine, because,\nit is said, a porcupine passed by when they were worshipping their god.\n\n_Surkhi_.--(Red.) A clan of Surajvansi Rajputs.\n\n_Sutar_.--The name of a carpenter in the Maratha Districts. Synonym\nof Barhai.\n\n_Suthra Shahi_.--Synonym for Nanakpanthi.\n\n_Sutsale_.--(A thread-weaver.) Subcaste of Koshti.\n\n_Suvarha_.--Named after the _suar_ or pig. Subcaste of Dhimar.\n\n_Swami_ or _Aiya (Iyer)_.--(Master.) A title given to leaders of the\nreligious orders. A title of Sanadhya Brahmans in Saugor. A subcaste\nof Jangam.\n\n_Swetambari_.--A sect of Jains who put clothes on their images.\n\n_Tadvi_.--A name for Muhammadan Bhils.\n\n_Tak, Takshac_.--A clan of Rajputs, now extinct.\n\n_Takankar, Takari_.--(From _takna_, to tap, to roughen the face of a\nmill-stone.) A synonym or subcaste of Pardbi. A synonym for the Pathrot\nor Pathrawat stone-workers in Berar, who are classed with Beldars.\n\n_Takle_.--(Fallen.) A subcaste of Kasar, said to consist of the\ndescendants of persons excommunicated for sexual offences.\n\n_Tamashawala_.--(Showman.) A name given to Nats.\n\n_Tambatkar_.--(A coppersmith.) Synonym for Tamera.\n\n_Tamboli, Tamoli_.--(A seller of the prepared betel-leaves.) Synonym\nfor Barai.\n\n_Tandan_.--A subdivision of Saraswat Brahmans in Hoshangabad, perhaps\nso called from their being priests of the Tandan Khatris.\n\n_Tankiwala_.--(A sharpener of grindstones.) Subcaste of Dhimar.\n\n_Tanti_.--(_Tanta_, weaver's loom.) A caste. A subcaste of Bhulia\nand Mahli.\n\n_Tanti, Tatwa_ (from Sanskrit _tantu_, a fibre).--The great weaver\ncaste of Bengal and Bihar. A few Tantis were enumerated in Raipur\nDistrict in 1911. Sir H. Risley is of opinion that the Tantis are\nprobably a functional group developed under the pressure of the natural\ndemand for fine woven cloth. [507] One tradition of their origin is\nthat the first ancestor of the caste was begotten by the celestial\narchitect Viswakarma on a low Sudra woman. Viswakarma is regarded\nas the tutelary deity of the caste, and is worshipped twice a year\nwith offerings of flowers, rice and sugar. Images are sometimes made\nof him, but more commonly the weaver's loom or some of the tools\nof the craft are regarded as the dwelling-place or symbol of the\ngod. In past times the Tantis made the famous fine cotton cloth,\nknown as _abrawan_ or 'running water,' which was supplied only to\nthe imperial zenana at Delhi. Sir H. Risley relates the following\nstories illustrating its gossamer texture. On one occasion a daughter\nof Aurangzeb was reproached on entering the room for her immodest\nattire, through which her limbs could be seen, and excused herself by\nthe plea that she had on seven folds of cloth over her body. Again\nin the reign of Alivardi Khan (1742-56), a Dacca Tanti was flogged\nand banished from the city for not preventing his cow from eating up\na piece of _abrawan_ cloth which had been laid out to bleach on the\ngrass. The famous female spinners who used to wind the fine native\nthread were still to be found in 1873, but their art has now died\nout. In illustration of their delicate touch it is told that one of\nthem wound 88 yards of thread on a reel, and the whole weight of the\nthread was only one _rati_ or two grains. Nowadays the finest thread\nspun weighs 70 yards to the _rati_. The best cloths were woven by\nthe Dacca Tantis, to whom the Koshtis of Burhanpur in the Central\nProvinces stood second. The Bamanmara tank in the old village of\nDhanpur in Pendra zamindari of Bilaspur is so named from the fact\nthat about a century ago some Brahman traders were murdered on its\nbank for the sake of the fine cloths they were carrying rolled up\nin hollow bamboo sticks. In Bengal the Tantis are included among\nthe castes from whom a Brahman can take water. Sir H. Risley is\nof opinion that they have to some extent raised themselves to this\nposition by their own influence, their trade being prosperous and\nlucrative, and having long ago attained to the development of an\nurban industry. The ordinary status of the weaving castes being at\nthe bottom of the social scale, the superior position of the Bengal\nTantis is an interesting exception. It is analogous to that of the\nKoshtis in the Central Provinces, also a class of urban weavers,\nwho rank above the impure castes, though they have not attained to\nthe position of the Tantis, as Brahmans will not take water from them.\n\n_Tanwar_.--A subcaste of Kawar, to which zamindars belong.\n\n_Tanwat, Tanwatkari_.--A synonym for Panchal Sunar.\n\n_Tarane_.--Synonym of Dobaile Teli.\n\n_Tasa_.--Synonym of Chasa.\n\n_Tatwa_.--Synonym for Tanti. (From Sanskrit _tantu_, a fibre.)\n\n_Tawaif_.--(A prostitute.) Synonym for Kasbi.\n\n_Tekam_.--(The teak tree.) One of the commonest clans of Gonds. A\nsept of Baiga, Bharewa, Binjhwar and Pardhan. A subdivision of Majhwar.\n\n_Telenga Dora_.--(Telugu Lord.) A designation used by the Velama caste.\n\n_Telenge_.--A Telugu name used by Balijas and other Telugu\ncastes. Subcaste of Nai.\n\n_Telha_.--Subcaste of Nagasia. The members of this subcaste mark the\nforehead of the bride with _tel_ or oil at the marriage ceremony.\n\n_Teli_.--A caste of oil-pressers. Subcaste of Barhai, Dangri and\nGondhali.\n\n_Teli-Bania._--A group of the Teli caste who have taken to\nshopkeeping. Subcaste of Teli.\n\n_Teli-Kalar._--A mixed group of the Kalar and Teli castes. Subcaste\nof Teli.\n\n_Teli-Marar._--A subcaste of Marar.\n\n_Telkala_.--Subcaste of Gandli.\n\n_Terah-hazar_ or _Birbandhi_.--(Thirteen thousand.) Subcaste of Chero.\n\n_Thakur_.--(Lord.) The common title of Rajputs. This title is also\nused by Lodhis, Raj-Gonds and other landowning castes. A surname of\nKarhara Brahmans in Saugor. A section of Ahir, Marar (Mali), Panwar\nRajput and Sudh.\n\n_Thakuria_.--(Lordling.) A subcaste of Murao. A subcaste of Kol and\nParja. A section of Darzi and Katia.\n\n_Thanapati_.--(Master of the sacred place.) Synonym for Gandhmali.\n\n_Thapak_.--A surname of Sanadhia Brahmans in Saugor. (From Sthapak,\nthe consecrator of idols.)\n\n_Thapatkari_.--Synonym of Beldar.\n\n_Thathari_.--A caste of coppersmiths in Sambalpur.\n\n_Thatia_.--A subtribe of Gonds, also called Gaiki or Mahato in Betul.\n\n_Thethwar_.--(One who follows the straight path.) A subcaste of Rawat\n(Ahir) in Chhattisgarh.\n\n_Thotia, Thothia_.--(Maimed.) A subdivision of Gonds and Pardhans,\nwho live by begging from the Gonds.\n\n_Thuria_.--Subcaste of Banjara in Sambalpur.\n\n_Tilokchandi_.--(Bais.) A subdivision of the Bais clan of Rajputs.\n\n_Tirelle_.--(Tirole.) Subcaste of Are.\n\n_Tirgam_.--A subsept of the Uika clan of Gonds in Betul. A sept\nof Pardhan.\n\n_Tirmale, Tirmalle_.--A small caste of wandering Telugu beggars. Nearly\n400 were returned in the Central Provinces and Berar in 1911. Tirmales\ntake about performing bulls. The animal is decorated with brass\nornaments and bells, and his back is covered with a patched quilt of\ndifferent colours. The Tirmale has a red turban with a scarf round\nhis neck, and a follower carries a drum. The bull is cleverly trained\nand performs various tricks. The caste do this in the mornings, but\nin the afternoon they appear as Bairagis or ordinary beggars, and in\nthe evening as sellers of various sacred articles, such as sandalwood,\nGanges water and rudraksha beads. They take water from the Ganges in\nsmall phials and go down to the south of India selling it. On this\naccount they are known in Poona as Kashi Kawadi or those who carry\nbanghys from Kashi (Benares). In Telugu they are called Gangeddulu and\nin Tamil Endandi, both words meaning people who beg with bulls. They\nmay properly be considered as a subcaste of Dasaris. [508] The Tirmales\ntravel with their families like the Banjaras, and live in tents or\nsheds outside the village. Their marriages are generally celebrated\nin the month of Shrawan in the rains, when they return from their\nwanderings. They speak a corrupt Telugu among themselves, but Marathi\nto outsiders. They eat flesh and drink liquor. The dead are buried.\n\n_Tirmalle_.--Synonym of Tirmale.\n\n_Tirtha_.--Name of one of the ten orders of Gosains.\n\n_Titha_.--(From _titahri_, a sandpiper.) A section of Basor.\n\n_Tiwari_.--(Learned in three Vedas.) A family name of Kanaujia and\nGaur Brahmans.\n\n_Tiyar_.--A boating and fishing caste of Sambalpur and Bengal. In\nthe Central Provinces they numbered 700 in 1911. The caste is a\nnumerous one in Bengal and has been fully described by Sir H. Risley,\n[509] so that no detailed notice of it is necessary here. The name\nis derived from the Sanskrit _tivara_, a hunter, the Tiyars styling\nthemselves the hunters of the sea. They came to the Central Provinces\nfrom Angul in Orissa, and they offer to the goddess Durga in Angul\nan oblation of 60 to 100 _jian_ fish and a headload of lotus flowers\non her special festival. In honour of Durga they observe a fast\non the four Tuesdays of the months of Chait and Kunwar (March and\nSeptember). In Chait they also worship their hooks and nets. At their\nmarriages when a father has selected a bride for his son he consults\nan astrologer to compare their horoscopes. If the conjunction is\nunsatisfactory he will change the boy's name to suit the astrological\ncalculations. The wedding is celebrated in the common fashion of the\nUriya castes. If a bachelor marries a widow he first goes through the\nform of wedlock with a bunch of flowers. Among their caste penalties,\nthat imposed for the killing of a cow may be mentioned. It is called\nthe Gocharan Brit, and the offender is required to consort with cows\nfor twenty-one days. He must mix and take his meals in the cowshed,\nand must copy the behaviour of the cows, lying down when they lie down,\nstanding up when they stand up, following them when they walk about,\nand so on. At the expiration of this period he makes a pilgrimage to\na certain village, and on his return partakes of the five products\nof the sacred cow and gives a feast to the caste. The Tiyars are a\nlow caste, and eat fowls and drink liquor. They will admit a member\nof any higher caste on his giving a feast to the community. In the\nCentral Provinces they have exogamous sections within which marriage\nis prohibited; these generally have titular names, as Padhan chief,\nDas slave, Guru preceptor, and so on. They catch fish with the _ghani\nbenda_, a large bamboo basket covered with palm-tree bark, which is\nsunk under water and secured in the bed of the stream.\n\n_Todasai_.--(Worshipper of six gods.) A section of Raj-Gond.\n\n_Tomara, Tuar, Tawar_.--(_Tomar_, a club.) A well-known clan of\nRajputs. A sept of Gond.\n\n_Toriya_.--A name given to Gonds who worship twelve gods in Chanda.\n\n_Tumram_.--(_Tumria_, a pumpkin.) A clan of Gond, said to be those\nwho worship six gods.\n\n_Turi_.--A caste. A synonym for Basors or bamboo-workers. A section\nof Kalanga.\n\n_Turk_.--(Muhammadan.) A section of Panwa Rajput in Balaghat.\n\n_Turkan_.--A subcaste of Bahna, so called because their forefathers\nare said to have been soldiers in the army of the king of Delhi.\n\n_Turkia, Kurkanya_.--A Muhammadan group. Subcaste of Banjara, Chamar.\n\n_Uchla_.--(A lifter.) Title for Bharota.\n\n_Uchle_.--(Pickpocket.) Subcaste of Mang.\n\n_Uchodia_.--A subcaste of Bhand.\n\n_Ud_.--Subcaste of Chasa. See Odde.\n\n_Udainath_.--A subdivision of Jogi.\n\n_Udaiputria_.--(One belonging to Udaipur.) Subcaste of Dhobi.\n\n_Udasi_.--A class of religious mendicants. See Nanakpanthi.\n\n_Uika, Oika_.--A very common clan of Gonds, who are said to be\nworshippers of six gods.\n\n_Ukas_.--A subcaste of Barhai.\n\n_Ulluka_.--(An owl.) A totemistic sept of Sudh and Dumal.\n\n_Umre_.--A subcaste of Bania. See subordinate article to Bania. A\nsubcaste of Kalar, Nai and Teli.\n\n_Unayo, Unnaya_.--(From Unan in Oudh.) A subdivision of Nigam\nKayasth. It is also sometimes considered as a half subcaste, in\naddition to the twelve proper subcastes.\n\n_Unewal_.--A subdivision of Rhedawal Brahmans found in Jubbulpore. They\ntake their name from Una, a village in Kathiawar.\n\n_Upadhya_.--(A teacher.) A surname of Kananjia and Sanadhya Brahmans. A\ntitle of Manbhao.\n\n_Upmanyu_.--An eponymous section of Brahmans.\n\n_Uraon_.--Synonym of Oraon.\n\n_Uriya_,--(A native of Orissa.) A synonym for the Sansia caste of\nmasons in Sambalpur. A subcaste of Ganda, Ghasia, Gond, Karan, Kewat,\nKoshti, Savar, Sundi and Sunar.\n\n_Urkara, Urkare_.--(From Warkora, a wild cat in Gondi.) A section of\nSunar and Gond.\n\n_Usrete_.--A subcaste of Kurmi and Nai.\n\n_Uthaigira_.--(A picker-up of that which has fallen.) Synonym of\nSanaurhia.\n\n_Utkala_.--(A resident of Orissa.) One of the five orders of Panch\nGaur Brahmans inhabiting Orissa.\n\n_Vadar or Wadewar_.--(A stone-cutter.) Synonym of Beldar.\n\n_Vade, Wade_.--(A carpenter.) A sept of Maria Gonds.\n\n_Vadra_.--(A carpenter.) Subcaste of Kammala.\n\n_Vaghe_.--(From _vagh_, a tiger.) See Waghya.\n\n_Vaidika_.--(Reciter of the Vedas.) A title of Brahmans.\n\n_Vaishnava_.--(A worshipper of Vishnu.) A name for the mendicant\norders of Vishnuite devotees and Bairagis.\n\n_Vaishnava Sunar_.--A group of Sunars who claim to be Brahmans. See\nPanchal.\n\n_Vaishya_.--Name of the third of the four classical castes. See\nIntroduction. There is no Vaishya caste at present, but the Bania caste\nare considered, perhaps incorrectly, to be descended from the Vaishyas.\n\n_Vajantri, Wajantri_.--(Musician.) A subcaste of Gurao. A synonym\nand section of Mang.\n\n_Vallabkacharya_.--A Vishnuite sect and order of religious\nmendicants. See article Bairagi.\n\n_Valmika, Valmiki_.--A subdivision of Khedawal Brahmans who take\ntheir name from the sage Valmika. A subcaste of Kayasths.\n\n_Vamachari Sect_.--Synonym for Vam-Margi.\n\n_Vani_.--Synonym for Bania.\n\n_Varade, Warade_.--(A resident of Berar, a variant of Berari, _q.v._)\nA subcaste of Simpi or Maratha Darzi. A subcaste of Dhangar and Nai.\n\n_Varendra or Barendra_.--A subcaste of Bengali Brahmans.\n\n_Vartati_.--(Pure.) Subcaste of Andh.\n\n_Vasishta or Vashishta_.--Name of a famous saint in classical\nliterature. An eponymous section of Brahmans.\n\n_Vellala_.--The great cultivating caste of the Tamil country, to\nwhom by general consent the first place in social esteem among the\nTamil Sudra castes is awarded. They have a strength of more than 2\n1/2 millions in India; in the Central Provinces there were in 1911\nabout 700 in Chanda, Nagpur and other Districts. In the _Madras Census\nReport_ of 1901, Mr. Francis gives an interesting description of the\nstructure of the caste and its numerous territorial, occupational\nand other subdivisions. He shows also how groups from lower castes\ncontinually succeed in obtaining admission into the Vellala community\nin the following passage: \"Instances of members of other castes\nwho have assumed the name and position of Vellalas are the Vettuva\nVellalas, who are really Vettuvans; the Puluva Vellalas, who are\nonly Puluvans; the Illam Vellalas, who are Panikkans; the Karaiturai\n(lord of the shore) Vellalas, who are Karaiyans; the Karukamattai\n(palmyra leaf stem) Vellalas, who are Balijas; the Guha (Rama's\nboatman) Vellalas, who are Sembadavans; and the Irkuli Vellalas, who\nare Vannans. The children of dancing girls also often call themselves\nMudali, and claim in time to be Vellalas, and even Paraiyans assume\nthe title of Pillai, and trust to its eventually enabling them to pass\nthemselves off as members of the caste.\" The Vellalas will not touch\nthe plough with their own hands. Some of them abstain from flesh and\nliquor, and prohibit the remarriage of widows with a view to raising\ntheir social status.\n\n_Vidur_.--A caste. A subcaste of Gondhali, Kasar, Komti, Kunbi,\nand Lohar, comprising persons of illegitimate descent.\n\n_Vir_.--Subcaste of Gopal.\n\n_Virmushti_.--A class of Bairagis or religious mendicants.\n\n_Vishnu Swami_.--A class of Bairagis or religious mendicants.\n\n_Vishwamitra_.--Name of a famous saint in classical literature. An\neponymous section of Brahmans.\n\n_Vyas_.--A section of Brahmans and of Agharia.\n\n_Waddar_.--A name for Telugu Oddes or navvies in Chanda. A subcaste\nof Beldar.\n\n_Wadewar_.--Synonym of Odde or Beldar in Chanda.\n\n_Waghe_.--(_Wagh_ or _bagh_, a tiger.) A section of Koshti and Mana,\na clan of Maratha.\n\n_Waghmare_.--(Tiger-killer.) A clan of Arakh, Gopal and Mahar.\n\n_Wakkaliga, Okkiliyan_.--A Canarese caste of cultivators, of which\na few representatives were returned from Nagpur. They reside mainly\nin the Madura and Coimbatore Districts. The name is derived from the\nCanarese _okkalu_, [510] which means cultivation or agriculture.\n\n_Wakmar_.--(One who left the _pangat_ or caste feast while his fellows\nwere eating.) Title of Hatkar.\n\n_Wandhekar_.--Subcaste of Kunbi.\n\n_Wanjari_.--Synonym for Banjara. Subcaste of Kunbi.\n\n_Warade_.--(A resident of Berar.) Subcaste of Gurao.\n\n_Wartki_.--(A washerman.) Synonym for Dhobi in the Maratha country.\n\n_Wasudeo, Wasdeo_.--The name of the father of Krishna, the Hindu\ngod. Synonym of Basdewa. A subcaste of Joshi.\n\n_Watkari_. See Otari.\n\n_Wika_.--Synonym for Uika, a well-known clan of Gonds.\n\n_Yadu, Yadava_.--A well-known clan of Rajputs.\n\n_Yadubansi_.--(Of the Yadu race.) A subcaste of Ahir.\n\n_Yadu-Bhatti._--Clan of Rajputs. Synonym for Yadu.\n\n_Yajur-Vedi._--A subcaste of Brahmans who follow the Yajur-Veda. They\nare also known as Madhyandan and Apastambha.\n\n_Yarande_.--(One who presses the _erandi_ or castor-oil seed.) Subcaste\nof Teli.\n\n_Yati_.--(For Jati). A Jain ascetic.\n\n_Yelama_.--Synonym of Velama.\n\n_Yogi_.--Synonym of Jogi.\n\n_Yojna_.--Subcaste of Komti.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nSUBJECT INDEX\n\n\nThis Index contains references to general ethnological and other\nsubjects referred to in the articles, either those on main castes and\ntribes in Part II., or those on religions and sects in Part I. These\nlatter are usually distinguished by the letters R. for religion or\nS. for sect. Very occasionally a reference is made to one of the minor\narticles in the Glossary. The reference numbers are to the paragraphs\nof the articles. In the few cases where no reference number is given\nthe subject is either treated generally in the article referred to, or\nthe article itself is so short that further indication is unnecessary.\n\nAbhiras, the--Ahir, 2\n\nAboriginal tribes, position of, in Hindu society--Bhuiya, 3\n\nAcrobatic performances--Nat, 4, 5\n\nAddress, methods of--Bairagi 11, Brahman, 18, Gond, 72, Gosain, 5,\nLodhi, 10, Muhammadan R., 32\n\nAdmission of outsiders--Arya Samaj R., 3, Bhaina, 6, Bhamta, 3, Bhil,\n11, Dahait, 3, Dhanwar, 11, Gond, 70, Injhwar, 4, Jhadi Telenga, 3,\nKaikari, 4, Kanjar, 8, Khond, 9, Mahli, 2, Mehtar, 5, Panka, 5, Turi,\n6, Vellala,\n\nAdoption--Bhamta, 3\n\nAgricultural rites--Gond' 48, Kohli, 4, Kurmi, 32, Oraon, 21, 22\n\nAgricultural superstitions--Kurmi, 33\n\nAkali sect, the--Sikh R., 6\n\nAkti or Akshit tritiya festival--Chitari, 6, Chitrakathi\n\nAlcohol, prohibition of--Kalar 6\n\nAmbagarhia Deo, worship of--Koshti, 3\n\nAmulets--Bhil, 9, Sunar, 12\n\nAncestors, reincarnation of--Chamar, 7, Dhakar, 2, Gond, 37, 39,\nKhond, 5. Oraon, 10\n\nAncestors, worship of--Badhak, 9, Gond, 38, 42, Gowari, 5, Koshti,\n4, Oraon, 14, Sansia, 3, Sundi, Thug, 17, Turi, 4\n\nAngad Guru--Sikh R., 2\n\nAnimal hospitals--Jain R., 14\n\nAnimal sacrifices, in Greece--Kasai, 17 sacrifice of buffalo--Mahar, 2\n\nAnimals, kindness to--Bishnoi, 3, Dohor\n\nAnimals, veneration for--Bhil, 8, Gowari, 5, Jain R., 14, Kasai,\nOraon, 20\n\nAnimism--Kasai, 4\n\nAnniversaries of the dead--Kurmi, 28\n\nAppearance and mode of life--Baiga, 7, 8, Beria, 1, Bhil, 12, Bhishti,\nBhuiya, 14, Chamar, 1, Khatri, 1, Kirar, 4, Kohli, 5, Kol, 16, Korku,\n10, Korwa, 2, Oraon, 23, Panwar Rajput, 13, Velama, 1\n\nArjun Guru--Sikh R., 2\n\nArts, origin of the--Mochi, 3\n\nArya Samaj R., prospects of--Arya Samaj R., 6\n\nAssassination, methods of--Thug, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8\n\nAstronomical beliefs and stories--Bhatra, 4, Dhuri, 3, Dumal, 4,\nJadua Brahman, Joshi, 1-16, Mahar, 11, Turi, 4\n\nBaigas, a branch of the Bhuiyas--Bhuiya, 6\n\nBalak Das--Satnami S., 4\n\nBanda, worship of--Kharia, 8\n\nBanjari Devi, worship of--Banjara, 10\n\nBankrupt, going (or Diwala Nikalna)--Bhat, 16\n\nBarber. See article Nai\n\nBarber-surgeon--Nai, 6\n\nBathing--Gond, 64, Kurmi, 39\n\nBeard, the--Nai, 11\n\nBeggars or religious mendicants. See articles Bairagi, Fakir,\nGosain, etc.\n\nBegging, mode of--Aghori, 1, Basdewa, Gopal, Jogi, 11, Waghya\n\nBell-metal--Kasar, 4\n\nBetel-vine, account of--Barai, 5\n\nBetrothal--_Passim_. See especially Banjara, 6, Gadaria, 3, Gond,\nKawar, 4, Kolta, 3, Korku, 4, Kunbi, 7, Kurmi, 5, Prabhu, 1, Rajput,\nTuri, 3\n\nBhang--Kalar, 10\n\nBhanwar ceremony (walking round the sacred post at marriage)--Kirar,\n2, Kurmi, 9\n\nBhats and Charans--Bhat 2\n\nBirth ceremonies--_Passim_, See especially Ahir 10, Chamur 8, Gond 28,\n29, Halba 15, Jat 11, Kawar 6, Kunbi 10, 11, Kurmi 15-17, Mehtar 8-11,\nMuhammadan R. 7-9, Sonjhara 4; ceremony of second birth--Korku 10\n\nBirthdays--Muhammadan R. 12\n\nBlacksmiths--Lohar 5\n\nBlanket-weaving--Gadaria 7\n\nBlood, smeared on images of gods--Lakhera 5\n\nBlood-covenant--Kewat 2, Khairwar 5\n\nBrahmo Samaj R., veneration of, foundation of, progress of--Brahmo\nSamaj Religion 2, 3, 9\n\nBranding the body--Gond 67, Oraon 11\n\nBride, purchase of--Agaria 2, Audhelia 2, Banjara 6, Dahait 3, Dangi\n3, Kawar 4, Khadra, Kharia 5, Khond 4, Kir 2, Kohli 2, Kol 10, Panwar\nRajput 7, Pardhi 3, Rajjhar 3\n\nBridegroom, dress of a--Daharia 3, Khangar 3, Sansia (Uria) 2\n\nBuddhism compared with Jainism--Jain R. 2\n\nBuffalo, as a corn god--Kumhar 9, Mahar 2\n\nBullocks, veneration for--Kunbi 24\n\nBuradeo, worship of--Bhunjia 1, Gond 38, 45, Pardhan 4\n\nBurial--Kurmi 23\n\nCalendar, the Hindu--Joshi 1-15\n\nCamel, sacrifice of the--Kasai 15\n\nCannibalism--Aghori 2, Birhor, Gond 52\n\nCar Festival--Jain R. 11\n\nCarpentering and woodwork--Barhai 6\n\nCaste customs--Badhak 8, Balahi 3, Banjara 19, Chasa 3, Kabirpanthi\nS. 9, Panwar Rajput 13, Satnami S. 8. See also _Admission of\nOutsiders._\n\nCaste feasts--Kurmi 41, Intro. 82, 84\n\nCaste Panchayat or committee--Alur 17, Brahman 20, Dhoba 5, Gond 73,\nGowari 7, Halba 18, Kadera 3, Kawar 12, Kol 19, Oraon 27, Pardhan 6,\nIntro. 93\n\nCaste rules and penalties--_Passim_. See especially Bharia 7, Brahman\n20, Dhanwar 11, Dhimar 12, Dohor, Gond 73, 74, Gowari 7, Jat 13, Kamar\n9, Kawar 12, Kol 18, Kurmi 44, Mahar 12, Mehtar 4, Panwar Rajput 12,\nPardhi 4, Teli 11\n\nCaste structure--Mehtar 3; origin of--Intro. 3, 4\n\nCattle, castration of--Chamar 15; slaughter of--Kasai 2; worship\nof--Banjara 13, Hatkar 2\n\nCharacter. See _Moral Character_\n\nCharans--Banjara 2, Bhat 9, 12\n\nChildren, devices for procuring--Kunbi 12, Mehtar 8, Muhammadan R. 7;\nsuperstitions about--Gond 31; traffic in--Ganda 2\n\nChoti or scalp-lock--Nai 9\n\nCircumcision--Muhammadan R. 13\n\nCivil marriage act--Brahmo Samaj Religion 6\n\nClothes. See _Dress_\n\nCocoanut, legends about--Kabirpanthi S. 5\n\nConception, miraculous, of children--Dhanwar 1\n\nCoppersmiths--Tamera\n\nCounting, official counter or Medha Gantia--Bhatra 4, Parja 7,\nIntro. 60\n\nCourtesans, education of--Kasbi 4\n\nCouvade, practice of--Oraon 9, Sonjhara 4, Verukala, Intro. 60\n\nCow-killing, penalty for--Tiyar\n\nCradle songs--Chitari 5\n\nCriminal practices--Badhak 17, Banjara 21, Beldar 6, Beria 2, Bharota\n1, Chamar 16, Kanjar 5, Pardhan 6, Pasi 7. See also _Theft_\n\nCrows, beliefs about--Kunbi 15\n\nCultivating status--Jat 5, Kunbi 4, Kurmi 45, Intro. 21\n\nCultivation--Gond 79; patch cultivation 80\n\nDacoity--Badhak 2, 3, 4, Korwa 10, Mang Garori, Mina 3, Pardhi 12,\nPindari 4, 5, 6, Ramosi 2, Sansia 4, 5\n\nDaily life--Maratha 8\n\nDancing--Gond 76, Gondhali, Kashi 3, 8, Kharia 12, Kol 17, Korwa 8,\nMajhwar 7, Oraon 25, 26, Parja 4\n\nDasahra festival--Kumhar 10, Mahar 2, Sunar 4\n\nDauwa or wet-nurse--Ahir 7\n\nDayanand Saraswati--Arya Samaj R. 1, 2\n\nDays--Joshi 9, 16; omens from--Kawar 10, Parja 7\n\nDead, beliefs about the--Kurmi 29\n\nDeath ceremonies--_Passim_. See especially Bedar 3, Binjhwar 6, Bishnoi\n8, Brahman 14, Chamar 7, Dhakar 3, Gond 32-38, Gosain 10, Gujar 6,\nGurao 6, Halba 12, Kabirpanthi S. 7, Katia 4, Kawar 7, 8, Kharia 9,\nKhatri 4, Khojah, Khond 6, Kirar 3, Kol 14, Koli 6, Korku 9, Kunbi 14,\nKunjra, Kurmi 20, 21, 22, 26, Lingayat, Mahar 6, Muhammadan R. 14,\nPanwar Rajput 11, Parsi R. 16, 17, Rajput 6, Sonjhara 5, Intro. 89\n\nDehendra Nath Tagore--Brahmo Samaj Religion 4\n\nDeo Brahman, ceremony of--Bedar 2\n\nDemeter, the goddess--Kumhar 7\n\nDeshmukh and Deshpandia, offices of--Kunbi, 2\n\nDevi, the goddess--Kumhar, 11\n\nDhar and Ujjain--Panwar Rajput, 3\n\nDharam Das, legend of--Kabirpanthi S., 4\n\nDharna, sitting--Aghori, 2, Bhat, 14, Maratha, 14\n\nDhatura--Kalar, 10\n\nDigging earth for oven at wedding--Kirar, 2\n\nDiseases--Mehtar, 13 magical cure for--Koshti, 6\n\nDisguises--Badhak, 5, Bhamta, 1, Jadua Brahman, Thug, 7\n\nDivorce--Binjhwar, 5, Chamar, 6, Dewar, 3, Dhanwar, 6, Dhimar, 4,\nGadba, 2, Gond, 25, Halba, 10, Katia, 3, Kohli, 2, Koli, 4, Korku,\n10, Koshti, 3, Kunbi, 8, Mahar, 5, Mina, 4, Muhammadan R., 6, Panwar\nRajput, 8, Savar, 4, Taonla\n\nDiwali Festival, the--Ahir, 15, Bania, 15\n\nDog--Banjara, 20; associated with the god Khandoba--Maratha, 7\n\nDomestic animals, taboos about--Dhangar, 4, Mang, 7, Naoda,\nSonjhara, 6\n\nDoms, the--Kanjar, 4\n\nDonkey, the--Dhobi, 7\n\nDravidian tribes, their origin and immigration--Kol, 4, 5, Intro.,\n37, 39\n\nDress--Banjara, 18, Bharia, 7, Bohra, 7, Brahman, 22, Darzi, 4, Gadba,\n5, Gond, 61, Gosain, 4, Halba, 19, Jogi, 7, Kasbi, 8, Kawar, 11,\nKol, 16, Korku, 10, Koshti, 7, Kunbi, 22, Kurmi, 37, 38, Mahar, 12,\nMuhammadan R., 31, Oraon, 23, 24, Pardhi, 5, Parsi R., 18, Rajput 11\n\nDyeing clothes--Rangrez, Chhipa\n\nEar, tearing the--Sunar, 10\n\nEar-piercing--Gond, 62, Kachhi, 5, Muhammadan R., 11, Sunar, 10, 11\n\nEarth, beliefs about the--Bhunjia, 4\n\nEarth-eating--Chitari, 3, Kurmi, 14\n\nEarth-goddess--Kumhar, 11\n\nEating with relatives, taboos on--Gauria\n\nEclipse, legends about--Mehtar, 19, Teli, 8\n\nEmasculation. See article Hijra\n\nEunuchs. See article Hijra\n\nEvil eye--Bhatra, 8, Chitari, 4, Khangar, 3, Mahar, 11\n\nExogamous septs or clans--_Passim_. See especially Bhaina, 3,\nBrahman, 8, Chadar, 1, Dahait, 2, Dangi, 2, Gond, 12, Gowari, 3,\nHalba, 4, Jhadi Telenga, 2, Karan, Katia, 2, Kawar, 3, Kewat, 2,\nKhond, 3, Korku, 3, Kunbi, 5, Kurmi, 4 and Appendix, Lodhi, 4, Mahar,\n5, Maratha, 4, Panwar Rajput, 6, Rajput, 4, Savar, 3, Intro., 48, 69\n\nExtortionate practices of Bards--Bhat, 7\n\nFalse bride, custom of--Dhobi, 2\n\nFasting for the crops--Kunbi, 7, Oraon, 22; other fasts--Jain R.,\n13, Thug, 18\n\nFemale palanquin bearers--Kahar, 3\n\nFestivals--Gadba, 3, Gond, 53, Khond, 10, Maratha, 7, Oraon, 20, 21,\nParja, 7\n\nFighting, methods of--Gosain, 9, Khond, 7, 8\n\nFights of animals--Kasai, 21\n\nFishing--Dhimar, 8\n\nFlowers--Mali, 3, 4, 10\n\nFolktales--Korwa, 11\n\nFood--Baiga, 8, Bania, 17, Bharia, 7, Brahman, 21, Gadba, 5, Gond, 68,\nKawar, 12, Khond, 9, Kol, 18, Kolta, 4, Korku, 10, Kunbi, 21, Kurmi,\n40, Lodhi, 9, Mina (or Deswali), 4, Muhammadan R., 30, Parsi R., 18,\nRajput, 8, Tiyar, Intro., 85, 88; leavings of food--Dhimar, 10\n\nForeign religions, adoption of--Mahar, 10, Mehtar, 16\n\nForest ascetics--Jogi, 5\n\nFosterage--Ahir, 7\n\nFuneral priest--Kurmi, 26\n\nFurniture--Baiga, 7, Kunbi, 20, Kurmi, 36\n\nGames and pastimes--Kamar, Mal, Pardhi, 7, 11\n\nGanja (Indian hemp)--Kalar, 10, 11\n\nGanpati, worship of--Bania, 14, Koshti, 5; legend about--Kunbi, 16\n\nGardening--Mali, 10, Intro., 28\n\nGhasi Das (legends and teachings of)--Satnami S., 2, 3, 4\n\nGhosts, beliefs about--Bhat, 10, 11\n\nGipsies, origin of--Kanjar, 2\n\nGirls dedicated to temples--Kashi, 2, Waghya\n\nGoats and sheep--Dhangar, 5, Gadaria, 6\n\nGods, attitude towards the--Garpagari, 4; making contracts with\nthe--Mehtar, 8\n\nGoing away ceremony (or Gauna)--Halba, 9, Katia, 3, Lodhi, 6, Panwar\nRajput, 8\n\nGold, sanctity of--Sunar, 7; washing for--Sonjhara, 8\n\nGondwana--Gond, 2\n\nGovind Singh, Guru--Sikh R., 3\n\nGraveyards--Bohra, 4, Kurmi, 23\n\nGrazing cattle--Ahir, 19\n\nGreeting--See _Address, methods of_\n\nGrinding grain--Kanjar, 9\n\n_Gur_ or sugar, the sacred--Thug, 16\n\n_Guru_ or spiritual preceptor--Bairagi, 13, Daharia, 3\n\nHailstorms, averting--Garpagari, 1, 4\n\n\n\nHair--Gond, 63, Jogi 7, Manbhao 3, Nai _passim_\n\nHair-cutting--Nai 3\n\nHalal (sacrifice) rites of Muhammadan,--Atari 4, Kasai 3\n\nHanuman, the god--Garpagari 3, 4, Kunbi 12\n\nHaveli, meaning of--Kurmi, 3\n\nHeber, Bishop--Swami Narayan S. 3\n\nHindu R., aversion to--Satnami S. 7. See _Religious Beliefs_\n\nHoli Festival--Bania 16, Gond 54, Khairwar 9, Mannewar\n\nHomosexual practices--Hijra\n\nHoroscopes--Prabhu 1\n\nHorse--Maratha 7\n\nHouses--Banjara 19, Bohra 7, Gond 60, Kunbi 19, Kurmi 34, Sonjhara 7;\nsuperstitions about--Gond 36, Kurmi 35, Parja 7\n\nHuman corpse, eating of--Aghori 2\n\nHuman sacrifices--Banjara 16, Gond 51, Khond 12, Oraon 17\n\nHun immigration, the--Gujar 1, 2, Panwar Rajput 1, 2\n\nHunting, methods of--Gond 81, Kolhati 6, Mal, Pardhi 8, 9, 10;\nceremonial hunting--Bhatra 7, and Gond\n\nHypergamy--Brahman 10, Dangi 2, Daraihan, Lodhi 3, Mina 4, Murha 2,\nIntro. 16\n\nId festivals--Muhammadan R. 20, 21\n\nIllegitimacy--Khatri 3, Vidur 3, Dhakar\n\nImmorality of girls--Oraon 4\n\nImpure castes--Intro. 40, 94\n\nIncest, legend of--Lohar 1\n\nIndoor servants--Dhimar 10, Kahar, 4\n\nInfant-marriage--Dhuri 2, Khandait, Kir 2\n\nInfanticide--Rajput 4\n\nInheritance--Kamar 6, Kawar 12, Khairwar 8, Kol 15, Korku 12, Kunbi 6,\nRautia 5\n\nInitiation, rites of--Bairagi 11, Bishnoi 4, Gosain 3, Kabirpanthi\nS. 6, Manbhao 2, Parmarthi S., Satnami S. 5, Sikh R. 4, Thug 19,\nWaghya, Intro. 83\n\nInterest on money--Bania, 23, Muhammadan R. 35\n\nIron-working industry--Lohar 5; superstitions about iron--Lohar 2\n\nJain Banias--Bania, 9, and Bania, Parwar subcaste; Jain Guraos--Gurao 8\n\nJasondhis, the--Bhat 8\n\nJawaras or Gardens of Adonis--Kurmi 31\n\nJhambaji--Bishnoi 2\n\nJuari as a food--Kunbi 21\n\nJuggling--Jadua Brahman\n\nKabir, legend and teachings of--Kabirpanthi S. 1, 2, 3\n\nKali, worship of--Sakta S., Thug, 14; derived from the tiger--Thug,\n14, 16, 22\n\nKaran, legend of--Basdewa\n\nKarma festival--Baiga 8, Binjhwar 8, Gond 56, Majhwar 7, Oraon 19\n\nKayasths, aversion to--Ghasia 8\n\nKazi--Muhammadan R. 25\n\nKeshub Chandar Sen--Brahmo Samaj R. 5. 7\n\nKettle-drum--Ganda 5, Nagarchi\n\nKhandoba, worship of--Bhil 8, Maratha 7, Waghya\n\nKhatpati--Bhat 16\n\nKhonds, rebellion of the--Khond 14\n\nKidnapping children--Banjara 17\n\nKing, legend of killing--Bhil 2\n\nKinship, basis of--Kasai 9, 10, 11\n\nKolarians and Dravidians, the--Kol 4, Intro. 35-39\n\nKoli caste; derived from Kol tribes--Kohli, 1\n\nKoran--Muhammadan R. 27\n\nKrishna, the god--Ahir, 4, 12; worship of Krishna--Bairagi 7\n\nLac (bangles and toys)--Lakhera, 4, 9; industry--Lakhera 3\n\nLalbeg, worship of--Mehtar 15\n\nLand, rules for occupation of--Khond 7; rights in--Bania 24; ownership\nof--Intro. 23\n\nLanguage--Ahir 3, Baiga 10, Bhil 14, Gond 78, Halba 5, Kharia 14,\nKol 5, 22, Kolam 1, Korku 14\n\nLeather--Chamar 11, 12, 13\n\nLeather-workers--Mochi 4\n\nLegends of origin--_Passim_. See especially Agharia, Baiga, Balahi,\nBhat, Bhoyar, Bhunjia, Brahman (Kanaujia and Nagar sub-castes),\nChamar, Daharia, Dangi, Dhanwar, Dhimar, Halba, Holia, Jat, Kalar,\nKasar, Kharia, Khatri, Kol, Komti, Korku, Lohar, Mali, Mang, Panwar\nRajput, Parja, Sanaurhia, Sunar, Sundi, Teli\n\nLevirate, the--Mang 4, Mina (or Deswali) 4, Parja 6, Sunar 3, Turi 3\n\nLingo, Gond hero, legend of--Gond 5-10\n\nLiquor, drinking--Gond 69, Kalar 4, 7; and preparation of--Kalar 13;\nrice-beer--Kol 7, Oraon 26; toddy or date-palm liquor--Pasi 6\n\nLiquor, sanctity of--Kalar 8, 9\n\nLizard hunting--Badhak15\n\nLove charms--Kunbi 13\n\nLukman Hakim, worship of--Kadera 4\n\nMadak or opium smoking--Kalar 11\n\nMagic--Banjara 15, Bharia 6, Bhat 11, Bhatra 8, Dhanwar 10, Gauria,\nGond 46, 49, Jhadi Telenga 7, Kawar 6, 10, Kol 13, Korku 8, Teli 14,\nVam-Margi S.\n\nMaha-Brahman, presents to--Kurmi 26\n\nManasa Devi--Nat 6\n\nMaratha, derivation of name--Mahar 1, Maratha 2\n\nMaratha immigration into the Central Provinces--Kunbi 2, 3\n\nMaratha soldiers--Maratha 13, 15, 16\n\nMarriage, barber's duties at--Nai 5\n\nMarriage between relations, restrictions on--Balahi 2, Brahman 9,\nDangi 3, Dhoba 2, Gond 15, Injhwar 3, Kai-kari 2, Kunbi 6, Murha 2,\nPanka 4, Tamera 2\n\nMarriage by capture--Gond 22, Kolam 2, Oraon 6, Intro. 71, 72\n\nMarriage cakes, the--Kurmi 7\n\nMarriage crowns--Chitari 6\n\nMarriage customs--_Passim_. See especially Baiga 4, Bania 11, Banjara\n7, Bhatra 5, Binjhwar 3, 4, Brahman 11, Chamar 5, Daharia 3, Gadaria 3,\nGanda 3, Gond 15-23, Halba 6, 8, Jat 8, Jhadi Telenga 4, Kachera 3,\nKachhi 3, Kapewar, Kasbi 5, Kawar 4, Kayasth 8, Kharia 5, Khatri 4,\nKhond 4, Kol 10, Kolam 2, Kolta 3, Komti, Korku 5, Koshti 3, Kunbi 7,\nKunjra, Kurmi, Lodhi 5, Mahar 5, Mali 6, Muhammadan R. 5, Oraon 6,\nPanwar Rajput 7, Parja 3, 4, 5, Prabhu 1, Raghuvansi 2, Rajput 5,\nSansia 2, Teli 5, Turi 3\n\nMasan Baba, worship of--Teli 7\n\nMassage--Nai 4\n\nMecca, pilgrimage to--Muhammadan R. 18\n\nMeghnath rites--Gond 55\n\nMenstruation--Dhanwar 2, Gond 27, Halba 14, Kamar 4, Kunbi 10,\nKurmi 12, 15\n\nMigration--Bhuiya 5, Kirar, Kohli 1, Kol 5, Kunbi 2\n\nMilitary system--Arab, Maratha 11, 12, 13, 15, 16\n\nMilk--Ahir 20\n\nMiscarriage--Kurmi 12\n\nMonasteries--Bairagi 14, Gosain 8\n\nMoneychangers and testers--Sunar 14\n\nMoneylenders--Bania 18-24\n\nMonths, the Hindu--Joshi 11, 13\n\nMoon, legends about--Bharia 6, Kunbi 16, Turi 4; the moon's path\nand daily mansions--Joshi 4, 8, 10, 15\n\nMoral character, disposition, or conduct--Badhak 16, Banjara 22,\nBhil 3, 12, Bhilala 5, Brahman 25, Chamar 17, Dangi 5, Gond 58, 59,\nGujar 3, Hijra, Jat 4, Kohli 5, Kunbi 11, 23, 24, Kunjra, Manbhao 2,\nOraon 28, Panwar Rajput 13, Pardhan 5, Parja 1, Pindari 7, Rajput 9,\n10, 14, Thug 11, Turi 6\n\nMosques--Muhammadan R. 22\n\nMourning--Bania 13, Brahman 14, Chauhan, Dumal 4, Ganda 4, Gond 34,\nKawar 7, Khatri 4, Kirar 3, Kunbi 15, Kurmi 25, 27; shaving hair\nfor--Nai 15\n\nMuhammadan and Hindu rites, mixture of--Bishnoi 5, Kunbi 18, Kunjra,\nMeo, Mukeri, Sikligar, Teli 8\n\nMuhammadan castes--Muhammadan R. 3\n\nMuhammadan tribal divisions, families and names--Muhammadan R. 4, 9\n\nMuharram rites--Kunbi 18, Muhammadan R. 19\n\nMulla, the--Bohra 3, Muhammadan R. 24\n\nMusic, in connection with dancing--Kasbi 3\n\nMusical instruments--Mochi\n\nNails, superstitions about--Nai 16\n\n_Nakshatras_, the--Joshi 7, 8, 14\n\nNamdeo Sect--Darzi 5\n\nNames--Agaria 4, Baiga 5, Bhatra 10, Bhoyar 3, Chamar 8, Dhanwar 13,\nGond 30, Halba 16, Jhadi Telenga 6, Joshi 18-21, Khond 5, Kol 20,\nKolhati 5, Mahar 8, Sunar 2, Vidur 6\n\nNaming of a child--Oraon 10, Vidur 6\n\nNaming relations, taboos on--Bhatra 10, Dhanwar 13, Gond 72, Khond 9,\nLodhi 10\n\nNanak--Nanakpanthi S. 1, Sikh R. 1\n\nNanakpanthi and Sikh sects, distinction between--Sikh R. 5\n\nNarayandeo, worship of--Koshti 5, Panwar Rajput 9\n\nNudity of women--Garpagari 4\n\nNumbers, superstitions about--Joshi 12\n\nOaths--Mahar 12\n\nOil-pressing--Teli 15\n\nOmens, beliefs about--Ahir 16, Badhak 12, Baiga 6, Gond 21, 47,\nKawar 10, Koli 3, Korku 8, Mang-Garori, Mina 3, Pardhi 4, Parja 7,\nSansia 6, Thug 22, 23, 24\n\nOpium--Kalar 10, 11, Rajput 9\n\nOrdeals--Bharia 6, Kaikari 4, Kolhati 5, Pardhi 6, Sansia 7\n\nOrnaments--Ahir 18, Gond 61, Kunbi 22, Sunar 6, 8, 9\n\nOutram, Sir James--Bhil 4\n\nPaida ceremony--Jat 10\n\nPalanquin or Doli--Kahar 2\n\nParasurama, legend of--Panwar Rajput 2\n\nPassover, the--Kasai 18\n\nPavilion or the marriage-shed--Kurmi 6\n\nPearls--Sunar 9\n\nPhysical type. See _Appearance_\n\nPickaxe, the Sacred--Thug 15\n\nPigs, breeding for sacrifice and estimation of--Kumhar 6, 8\n\nPipal tree, beliefs about--Kunbi 12\n\nPledge, or covenant, between married couple--Bhatra 5; with the\ngods--Bhat 14. See also _Dharna_\n\nPola festival--Kunbi 17\n\nPolyandry, survivals of fraternal--Bhuiya 10, Khond 4, Korku 5,\nOraon 7. See also Gowari 3\n\nPolygamy--Agharia 3, Andh, Bania 12, Barai 3, Dangri, Dhuri 2,\nGond 26, Kaikari 2, Kohli 2, Korwa 4, Kunbi 8, Kurmi 11, Mali 7,\nMuhammadan R. 6\n\nPrannath--Dhami S.\n\nPregnancy, rites during--Chitari 3, Gond 28, Halba 15, Kasbi 6,\nKunbi 10, Kurmi 13, Muhammadan R. 8\n\nPriests, tribal--Koshti 5\n\nProstitution--Beria 3, Kasbi 2, 7\n\nProverbs--Arora, Bahna 5, Bharbhunja 3, Dhobi 7, Jogi 14, Julaha\n\nPuberty rites--Gurao 3, Kaikari 3, Lodhi 7\n\nRajput and Jat, relations of--Jat 3\n\nRakshabandhan festival--Patwa\n\nRamazan, fast of--Muhammadan R. 17\n\nRam Das, Guru--Sikh R. 2\n\nRam Mohan Roy--Brahmo Samaj R. 1, 2\n\nRed a lucky colour--Lakhera 5\n\nRed dye on the feet--Lakhera 7\n\nRed threads, custom of wearing--Lakhera 8\n\nRelatives, taboos between--Kanjar 8, Kharia 6. See also Marriages\nbetween Relatives, and Naming Relatives\n\nReligious beliefs--_Passim_. See especially collection of articles\non Religions and Sects, and caste articles on Bishnoi, Manbhao,\nBairagi and Gosain. Also articles Baiga 6, Banjara 10, Brahman 15,\n16, Chamar 9, Gond 40-56, Khond 11, Korku 6, Koshti 5, Kunbi 16,\nKurmi 30, Mahar 9, Oraon 15, 16, Thug 12; Hinduism, Intro. 90, 95, 96\n\nSacred thread, the--Brahman 17, Gurao 5, Kunbi 16, Lodhi 11; of the\nJains--Jain R. 9; the sacred cord of the Parsis--Parsi R. 15\n\nSacrifices, beliefs about and method of--Kasai 22, 23\n\nSacrificial meal, the--Kasai 8, Kurmi 7, Lakhera 5, 6\n\nSacrificial method of slaughter--Kasai 22\n\nSacrificial slaughter for food--Kasai 20\n\nSahajanand Swami--Swami-Narayan S. 1\n\nSal flower festival--Oraon 20\n\n_San_-hemp--Lorha\n\nSankrants--Joshi 6\n\nSati or burning of widows--Brahman 13\n\nScent--Atari 4\n\nSculpture, Hindu--Mochi 3\n\nSects. For individual sects see articles in section on Religions\nand Sects. For right-hand and left-hand sects see articles Mala and\nVam-Margi S.\n\nSelf-torture--Jogi 4\n\nSewn clothes, wearing of--Darzi 3\n\nSexual morality--Gosain 11, Khond 4, Mali 6, Oraon 4, 21\n\nShankar Acharya--Gosain 2, Smarta S.\n\nShantik ceremony--Gurao 3, Maratha 6\n\nSheep--Gadaria 6, Dhangar 5\n\nShoes--Chamar 12, 14, Mochi 7\n\nSikh Council (Guru-Mata)--Sikh R. 7\n\nSilajit--Siddi\n\nSingaji, deified Ahir--Ahir 12\n\nSingara or waternut--Dhimar 8\n\nSister's son, importance of--Bhamta 2, Dhera, Gowari 4, Gurao 5,\nHalba 7, Kamar 3, Pasi 5; marriage to maternal uncle's daughter--\nBhatra 5, Parja 3; connection with uncle--Mehtar 13\n\nSiva, the god. See article Saiva Sect\n\nSleeping-place or common dormitory--Bhuiya 9, Gond 71, Oraon 4;\ndormitory discipline--Oraon 12\n\nSnake-bite, cure for--Gauria, Kir 3, Nat 6\n\nSnake-worship and snake-charmers--Gond 43, Nat 6, Panwar Rajput 10\n\nSocial extravagance--Jat 10, Kirar 2, Kurmi 5, Maratha 8\n\nSocial life--Kunbi 19, Muhammadan R. 32\n\nSocial status and customs--Barhai 5, Basor 5, Bhat 4, Bhilala 1,\nBhunjia 5, Brahman 18, Chamar 16, Dangi 4, Dewar 4, Halwai, Jat 5,\nKahar 1, Kalar 4, Kolam 5, Koshti 8, Kumhar 3, Kunbi 5, Lodhi 2, 9,\nLohar 2, Mahar 13, 14, Mali 1, Mehtar 17, Mina (or Deswali) 1, 4,\nNat 3, Oraon 26, Pardhi 5, Sunar 5, Tanti, Teli 10, 13, Velama, Vidur 6\n\nSoldiers. See articles Arab, Bhil, Khandait, Maratha, Paik, Rajput,\nTaonla\n\nSoma, sacred liquor--Kalar 5; Homa liquor--Parsi R. 13\n\nSongs--Bhat 17, Bhunjia 1, Chitari 5, Dhanwar 4, Gond 77, Gondhali,\nKayasth 9, Murha 5, Panwar Rajput 7, Parja 4\n\nSouls of the dead recalled--Ahir 11, Gond 37, Kharia 10, Khond 6,\nKurmi 24, Lohar 4, Oraon 13, Taonla\n\nSpangles for the forehead--Lakhera 6\n\nSpells--Lohar 4\n\nSpirits, beliefs in--Badhak 10, Bhat 15, Halba 13, Kalanga 3, Mahar\n11, Panwar Rajput 10\n\nSpirits-laying--Kawar 8 (of persons killed by tiger)\n\nSubcastes--_Passim_. See especially Brahman 5, 6, 7, Chamaar 2,\n3, Dhimar 2, Gond 11, Halba 3, Kalar 2, ,3, Kanjar 1-6, Kawar 2,\nKayasth 7, Khond 2, Kol 2, 8, Korku 3, Kunbi 3, Kurmi 3, Lodhi 3,\nLohar 3, Mali 5, Mehtar 2, Sunar 2, Intro. 5, 45-47\n\nSuckling children--Kurmi 18\n\nSudra--Intro. 12\n\nSuicide--Bhat 10, 13, Jasondhi, Rajput 14; burning of widows--Brahman\n13\n\nSuthra Shahi--Nanakpanthi S. 4\n\nSweetmeats, preparation of--Halwai\n\nSwindling practices--Jadua Brahman, Jogi 13, Sunar 15, Yerukala\n\nTaboos, on food--Dhakar 3, Kharia 6; of relationship--Sansia 3;\ngeneral--Jat 13, Thug 23\n\nTank building--Kohli 3, Sansia (Uria) 4\n\nTanning--Chamaar 11\n\nTattooing--Bharia 7, Binjhwar 9, Brahman 23, Dhanwar 12, Gond 65,\n66, Gowari 8, Halba 20, Kamar 10, Mahar 12, Oraon 11; suggested origin\nof--Sunar 11\n\nTeeth, disposal of--Kaikari 3, Kunbi 10, Nai 16\n\nTheft, and detection of--Bhamta 1, Bharia 6, Mang-Garori, Ramosi 3,\nSanaurhia 3, Yerukala. See also _Criminal practices_\n\nThreads as amulets--Lakhera 8, Patwa\n\nThugs derived from Kanjars and Doms--Thug 3\n\nTiger, worship of--Koshti 1, Panwar Rajput 10\n\nTirthakars of Jains--Jain R. 3, 12\n\nTobacco--Kalar 12\n\nTomb-stones--Gond 35\n\nTotem, worship of--Kewat 1\n\nTotemism--Agharia 2, Andh, Audhelia 2, Barai 2, Basor 3, Bhaina 3,\nBharia 2, Bhil 6, Bhoyar 2, Bhulia, Chadar, Chasa 2, Chauhan, Dahait 2,\nDhanwar 2, Dumal 2, Gadba 1, Gond 13, 14, Kalanga 2, Kawar 3, Kewat 2,\nKhadal, Khadra, Khangar 2, Kharia 4, Khond 3, Kol 9, Kurmi 4, Lodhi 4,\nMajhwar 4, Oraon 3, Parja 2, Rautia 2, Savar 3, Sudh, Intro. 49, 51\n\nTraps for animals--Gond 81\n\nTrees, spirits in--Kunbi 12\n\nTurmeric--Mali 5\n\nTwins, beliefs about--Kurmi 19\n\nUdasi--Nanakpanthi S. 3\n\nUkika sacrifice, the--Muhammadan R. 10\n\nUmbrella--Dahait 6, 7\n\nVaishnava, sect--Kasbi 7\n\nVaishya--Intro. 13\n\nValmiki, legend of--Mehtar 14\n\nVermilion and spangles, meaning of, substitutes for blood--Lakhera 5, 6\n\nVillage community--Intro. 22, 23, 73\n\nVillage gods--Banjara Devi in Banjara 10, Chordewa in Oraon 16,\nKhermata in Baiga 6, Kurmi 30, Maiya Andhiyari in Dhanwar 9, Mithu\nBhukia in Banjara 11\n\nVillage menials--Chamaar 15, Dhimar 12, Gurao 1, Kahar 1, Kumhar 4,\nMang 6\n\nVillage--priests (Bhumka Jhankar)--Binjhwar 9, Korku 7, Intro. 28\n\nVillages--Gond 60, Korku 10, Kunbi 19\n\nVishnu, the god. See article Vaishnava Sect\n\nWasherman--Dhobi 8\n\nWashing clothes, method of--Dhobi 5, 6, Gond 64\n\nWatchman, village--Kotwar, Ramosi 3, Intro. 27\n\nWeapons--Khond 7\n\nWeeping, custom of--Bharia 3, Chauhan, Gond 22\n\nWidow-marriage--_Passim_. See especially Bania 12, Banjara 8, Brahman\n12, Chamaar 6, Gauria (disposal of first husband's children), Gond\n24, Gujar 5, Halba 10, Kirar 2, Kohli 2, Kori 2, Koshti 3, Kunbi 9,\nKurmi 11, Mahar 5, Mali 7, Muhammadan R. 6, Panwar Rajput 8, Teli 6;\nsale of widows--Panwar Rajput 8; Sati or burning of widows--Brahman 13\n\nWine-drinking, legend of--Kalar 7. See Liquor\n\nWitchcraft--Bhatra 8, Bhil 9, Gond 50, Kawar 10, Oraon 16\n\nWomen, sexual morality of--Gond, Gowari; seclusion of--Rajput, 13\n\nWool, sanctity of--Gadaria, 8; shearing and weaving--Gadaria, 7\n\nYadava tribe, the--Ahir, 4\n\nYawning--Chitari, 4\n\nYoga philosophy--Jogi, 1\n\nZend-Avesta--Parsi R., 3, 4\n\nZodiac, the--Joshi, 2-7\n\n\n\nEnd of Vol. I\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nNOTES\n\n\n[1] _Indian Caste_, p. 12.\n\n[2] Dr. Wilson's _Indian Caste_ (Times Press and Messrs. Blackwood),\n1875, p. 88, quoting from Rig-Veda.\n\n[3] Dr. Wilson's _Indian Caste_ (Times Press and Messrs. Blackwood),\n1875, p. 88, quoting from Rig-Veda.\n\n[4] Rig-Veda, i. 11. Wilson, _ibidem_, p. 94.\n\n[5] Wilson, _ibidem_, p. 99.\n\n[6] Manu, ii. 17, 24.\n\n[7] Barbarians or foreigners.\n\n[8] See Burnett and Hopkins, _Ordinances of Manu, s.v._\n\n[9] Wilson, _Indian Caste_, p. 170, quoting Weber, _Indische Studien_,\ni. 170.\n\n[10] A collection of rules for sacrifices and other rites, coming\nbetween the Vedas and the law-books, and dated by Max Mueller between\n600-200 B.C.\n\n[11] Wilson, _Indian Caste_, p. 182.\n\n[12] Wilson, p. 184, quoting from Shrauta-sutra of Katyayana, 1. 1. 6.\n\n[13] Manu, iv. 99; iii. 178.\n\n[14] Wilson, pp. 421, 422.\n\n[15] Wilson, p. 187, quoting from Hiranyakeshi Sutra.\n\n[16] See article Mehtar in text.\n\n[17] Wilson, p. 363, quoting from Smriti of Angira.\n\n[18] Wilson, _Indian Caste_, p. 195, from Hiranyakeshi Sutra.\n\n[19] Manu, viii. 417.\n\n[20] Wilson, p. 260, quoting Mahabharata, viii. 1367 _et seq._\n\n[21] Wilson, p. 403, quoting from _Vyavahara Mayukha_.\n\n[22] Wilson, p. 400, from Parashara Smriti.\n\n[23] Wilson, p. 140, quoting from _Atharva Veda_, iv. 32. 1.\n\n[24] Wilson, p. 211.\n\n[25] Wilson, _Indian Caste_, referring to Ptolemy, vii. 1. 61 and\nvi. 120. 3.\n\n[26] Wilson, pp. 113, 114.\n\n[27] See for the impure castes _para._ 40 _post_.\n\n[28] The word \"aboriginal\" is used here for convenience and not as\nconveying any assertion as to the origin of the pre-Aryan population.\n\n[29] _Bombay Gazetteer_, _Parsis of Gujarat_, p. 213.\n\n[30] Rig-Veda, 6. 3. 16, quoted by Wilson, _Indian Caste_, p. 110.\n\n[31] Wilson, p. 109.\n\n[32] Monier-Williams, Sanskrit Dictionary, pointed out by Mr. Crooke.\n\n[33] Quoted by Wilson, p. 209. It would seem probable, however,\nthat the Vaishyas must themselves have formed the rank and file of\nthe fighting force, at least in the early period.\n\n[34] Manu, i. 90.\n\n[35] Wilson, _Indian Caste_, p. 193, quoting from Hiranyakeshi Sutra.\n\n[36] Wilson, p. 260, quoting Mahabharata, viii. 1367 _et seq_.\n\n[37] Mahabharata, xii. 2749 _et seq_.\n\n[38] List of classes of Indian society given in the Purusha-Medha of\nthe White Yajur-Veda, Wilson, pp. 126-135.\n\n[39] Manu, viii. 113.\n\n[40] Hopkin's and Burnett's _Code of Manu,_ x. 64, 65, and footnotes.\n\n[41] Mahabharata, xiii. 2510 _et. seq_., quoted by Wilson, p. 272.\n\n[42] Manu, ix. 149, 157.\n\n[43] Manu indeed declares that such children could not be initiated\n(x. 68), but it is clear that they must, as a matter of fact, have\nbeen capable of initiation or they could not possibly have been\nmarried in the father's caste.\n\n[44] See article on Brahman for some further details.\n\n[45] Wilson, _Indian Caste_, i. 440, quoting _Brahma Vaivarrta Purana_.\n\n[46] See article Bhat for further discussion of this point.\n\n[47] _Dolichos uniflorus_.\n\n[48] See article Jat for a more detailed discussion of their status.\n\n[49] _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, art. Khandait.\n\n[50] Proprietors of large landed estates.\n\n[51] See article on Kunbi, para. 1.\n\n[52] _Village Communities_, p. 127.\n\n[53] _History of the Marathas_, vol. i. p. 25.\n\n[54] _Village Communities_, pp. 226, 227.\n\n[55] _The Aryan Household_, ed. 1891, p. 190.\n\n[56] _Ibidem_, p. 228. Professor Hearn followed Sir Henry Maine in\nthinking that the clan was an expansion of the patriarchal joint\nfamily; but the reasons against this view are given subsequently.\n\n[57] _Memoir of Central India_, vol. ii. p. 22.\n\n[58] _La Cite antique_, 21st ed. pp. 66, 68.\n\n[59] _La Cite antique_, 21 st ed. pp. 66, 68.\n\n[60] _Nigeria_, quoted in _Saturday Review_, 6th April 1912.\n\n[61] _Religion of the Semites_, p. 96.\n\n[62] See article Sunar for a discussion of the sanctity of gold and\nsilver, and the ornaments made from them.\n\n[63] _Michelia champaka_, a variety of the jack or bread-fruit tree.\n\n[64] See article Darzi for further discussion of the use of sewn\nclothes in India.\n\n[65] See articles on Bhulia, Panka, Kori and Julaha.\n\n[66] Traill's _Account of Kumaon, Asiatic Researches_, vol. xvi. (1828)\np. 213.\n\n[67] _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, art. Bari.\n\n[68] Pointed out by Mr. Crooke.\n\n[69] The Marathi name for the god Hanuman.\n\n[70] _Linguistic Survey_, vol. iv., _Munda and Dravidian Languages_,\np. 7.\n\n[71] _Acacia catechu_.\n\n[72] See article on Gond.\n\n[73] _Linguistic Survey_, p. 15.\n\n[74] Introduction to _The Mundas and their Country_, p. 9.\n\n[75] _Linguistic Survey_, p. 277.\n\n[76] See for this the article on Kol, from which the above passage\nis abridged.\n\n[77] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xii. p. 175.\n\n[78] _Cochin Census Report_, 1901, quoted in Sir H. Risley's _Peoples\nof India_, 2nd ed. p. 115.\n\n[79] This was permissible in the time of Asoka, _circa_ 250\nB.C. Mr. V.A. Smith's _Asoka_, pp. 56, 58.\n\n[80] Sir H. Risley's _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, art. Tanti.\n\n[81] See article Kanjar for a discussion of the connection of the\ngipsies and Thugs with the Kanjars.\n\n[82] See article Chamar, para. 1.\n\n[83] _Loha_, iron; _tamba_, copper; _kansa_, brass or bell-metal;\n_sona_, gold.\n\n[84] _Kanch_, glass.\n\n[85] _Phul_, flower; _haldi_,turmeric; _jira_, cumin.\n\n[86] _Crotalaria juncea_. See article Lorha for a discussion of the\nobjections to this plant.\n\n[87] _Morinda citrifolia_. The taboo against the plant is either\nbecause the red dye resembles blood, or because a number of insects\nare destroyed in boiling the roots to extract the dye.\n\n[88] See article on Brahman.\n\n[89] Sonjhara is a separate caste as well as a subcaste of Dhimar.\n\n[90] See article Kurmi, appendix, for some instances of territorial\nnames.\n\n[91] Wilson's _Indian Caste_, p. 439.\n\n[92] Vol. i. pp. 272, 276.\n\n[93] _Studies in Ancient History_, p. 123.\n\n[94] See lists of totems of Australian and Red Indian tribes. Sir\nJ.G. Frazer notes that the majority are edible animals or plants.\n\n[95] Address to the British Association, 1902. I had not had the\nadvantage of reading the address prior to the completion of this work.\n\n[96] M'Lennan, _Studies in Ancient History_, p. 123, quoting from\nGrant's _Origin and Descent of the Gael_.\n\n[97] _Totemism and Exogamy_, i. pp. 112, 120, ii. p. 536, iii. pp. 100,\n162; _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 209-10; _Native Tribes\nof South-East Australia_ p. 145; _Native Tribes of Northern Australia_\n(Professor Baldwin Spencer), pp. 21, 197; J.H. Weeks, _Among the\nPrimitive Bakongo_, p. 99.\n\n[98] See pp. II, 138, 190 (Edition 1891).\n\n[99] _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. pp. 338, 339.\n\n[100] _La Cite Antique_, p. 254.\n\n[101] _The Origin of Civilisation_, 7th ed. p. 246.\n\n[102] W.W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, pp. 52, 53.\n\n[103] I. p. 253.\n\n[104] 2nd ed. vol. i. pp. 169, 174. See also Sir E.B. Tylor's\n_Primitive Culture_, i. pp. 282, 286, 295; ii. pp. 170, 181, etc.\n\n[105] See also _Primitive Culture_, i. pp. 119, 121, 412, 413, 514.\n\n[106] Messrs. Spencer and Gillan, _Native Tribes of Central Australia_\n(London, Macmillan), p. 201.\n\n[107] _Linguistic Survey of India_, vol. iv., _Munda and Dravidian\nLanguages_, pp. 40, 41, 45.\n\n[108] _Linguistic Survey of India_, vol. iv., _Munda and Dravidian\nLanguages_, pp. 292, 294.\n\n[109] Dr. A.H. Keane, _The World's Peoples_, London, Hutchinson,\n1908, p. 50.\n\n[110] _Nimar Settlement Report_.\n\n[111] See also _Primitive Culture_, i. p. 408.\n\n[112] _The Oraons_, pp. 408, 409.\n\n[113] 2nd ed. vol. ii. p. 457 _et seq._\n\n[114] For instances of omens see article Thug and Index. Also Miss\nHarrison's _Themis_, pp. 98, 99.\n\n[115] _La Cite Antique_, p. 225.\n\n[116] W.W. Skeat, _Malay Magic_, pp. 178, 571.\n\n[117] _Early History of Mankind_, 3rd ed. p. 143.\n\n[118] _Ibidem_, p. 125.\n\n[119] See article Joshi for examples of Hindu names.\n\n[120] _La Cite Antique_, p. 357.\n\n[121] p. 182, _et seq._\n\n[122] See para. 61.\n\n[123] I. p. 430.\n\n[124] See article on Nai.\n\n[125] 2nd ed. vol. i. p. 57.\n\n[126] _Native Tribes of Central Australia,_ Introduction, p. 25.\n\n[127] Dr. A. H. Keane, _The Worlds Peoples,_ p. 62.\n\n[128] For counting, see _Primitive Culture_, 5th ed. pp. 240, 254,\n265, 266.\n\n[129] _Account of the Mewar Bhils_, J.A.S.B., vol. xxiv. (1875) p. 369.\n\n[130] _Early History of Mankind_, p. 293.\n\n[131] _Ibidem_, p. 294.\n\n[132] _Ibidem_, p. 295.\n\n[133] See also _Primitive Culture_, i. p. 493, ii. p. 431.\n\n[134] See article on Mochi for the Muhammadan reference. The Jewish\nreference is of course to the Second Commandment.\n\n[135] _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 176.\n\n[136] _Ibidem_, pp. 181, 182.\n\n[137] _The Golden Bough_, 2nd ed. ii. p. 120.\n\n[138] _The Golden Bough_, 2nd ed. iii. p. 301.\n\n[139] Section on the Kol tribe in Dalton's _Ethnology of Bengal_.\n\n[140] Mr. S.C. Roy, _The Oraons_, p. 262.\n\n[141] See also _Primitive Culture_, 5th ed. ii. pp. 243, 244, 246.\n\n[142] See article on Brahman.\n\n[143] See article Bairagi.\n\n[144] _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, pp. 185, 186.\n\n[145] _Ibidem_, pp. 154, 155.\n\n[146] _Primitive Culture_, 5th ed. ii. pp. 243, 244.\n\n[147] _Primitive Culture_, 5th ed. ii. pp. 243, 244.\n\n[148] Dr. A.W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_,\np. 146. In this case the reference seems to be to any one of several\ntotems of a sub-class.\n\n[149] Dr. A.W. Howitt, _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 145.\n\n[150] _Ibidem_, pp. 148, 149.\n\n[151] _The Religion of the Semites_, pp. 273, 274.\n\n[152] _Primitive Paternity_, vol. i. pp. 272, 273.\n\n[153] _The Religion of the Semites_, p. 265.\n\n[154] See paragraph 80 below and the article on Kasai.\n\n[155] _The Origin of Civilisation_, p. 240.\n\n[156] See _The Golden Bough_, ii. p. 396 _et seq._\n\n[157] This view of sacrifice was first enunciated by Professor\nRobertson Smith in the article on Sacrifice in the _Encyclopaedia\nBritannica_, and _The Religion of the Semites_.\n\n[158] _History of Human Marriage_, p. 324.\n\n[159] Many instances are also given by Mr. Hartland in _Primitive\nPaternity_.\n\n[160] _Native Tribes of South-East Australia_, p. 481.\n\n[161] _Primitive Marriage_, p. 135, footnote.\n\n[162] _Totemism and Exogamy_, ii. p. 473, iii. pp. 34, 76, 101,\n225, 272, 308, 360. The Australians have secret Churinga names, the\nChuringas apparently representing the spirits of ancestors which have\nreturned to the totem. (Spencer and Gillan, _ibidem_, Appendix A.)\n\n[163] _Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia_, pp. 198, 200.\n\n[164] _Native Tribes of Central Australia_, p. 70; _Natives of\nAustralia,_ Mr. N.W. Thomas, p. 75.\n\n[165] _Totemism and Exogamy_, iii. pp. 93, 120, 122, 124, 226,\nii. p. 6.\n\n[166] _Totemism and Exogamy_, vol. iv.\n\n[167] See article Lakhera for further discussion of the marking with\nvermilion and its substitutes.\n\n[168] _La Cite Antique_, Paris, Librairie Hachette, 21st ed. p. 4.\n\n[169] _La Cite Antique_, p. 45.\n\n[170] This word seems to mean elder sister, and is applied by the\ngirls to their sex-totem, the emu-wren.\n\n[171] _Native Tribes of S.-E. Australia,_ p. 149.\n\n[172] _History of Human Marriage_, pp. 418-420.\n\n[173] _The People of India_ (Thacker & Co.), pp. 171, 173.\n\n[174] _Tribes and Castes of the N.-W.P. and Oudh_, art. Nunia.\n\n[175] _Religion and Customs of the Oraons, Memoirs_, As. Socy. of\nBengal, vol. i. No. 9.\n\n[176] Mr. S.C. Roy, _The Oraons_, p. 247.\n\n[177] See article on Rajput, para. 9.\n\n[178] Professor W. E. Hearn's _Aryan Household_ (London, Longmans,\nGreen & Co.), p. 160.\n\n[179] At first the whole _gens_ were the heirs, _Ancient Law_,\np. 221. The group of agnatic kinsmen are mentioned in _Early Law and\nCustom_, pp. 238, 239, but not directly as heirs.\n\n[180] _Aryan Household_, p. 28, quoting Becker's _Charicles_, p. 394.\n\n[181] _Aryan Household_, p. 160, quoting Plutarch, _Quaestiones\nRomanae_, c. 6.\n\n[182] _La Cite Antique_, 21st ed. Paris, Hachette et Cie.\n\n[183] _Aryan Household_, p. 215.\n\n[184] _La Cite Antique_, p. 299.\n\n[185] _La Cite Antique_, p. 304.\n\n[186] _Ibidem_, pp. 128, 129.\n\n[187] _Ibidem_, p. 318.\n\n[188] _Ibidem_, p. 129.\n\n[189] _Ibidem_, p. 273.\n\n[190] _Ibidem_, p. 129.\n\n[191] _Ibidem_, p. 320.\n\n[192] _La Cite Antique_, p. 279.\n\n[193] _Ibidem_, pp. 281, 282.\n\n[194] _Ibidem_, p. 281.\n\n[195] _Ibidem_, p. 320.\n\n[196] _La Cite Antique_, p. 179.\n\n[197] _Ibidem_.\n\n[198] _Ibidem_.\n\n[199] _Ibidem_, p. 181.\n\n[200] _La Cite Antique_, p. 113.\n\n[201] _Ibidem_, pp. 186-188.\n\n[202] _La Cite Antique_, _ibidem_.\n\n[203] Pp. 151, 154.\n\n[204] The above account of the festival and pilgrimage is taken from\nthe Rev. T.P. Hughes' _Dictionary of Islam_, articles Idu-l-Azha\nand Hajj.\n\n[205] _La Cite Antique_, p. 134.\n\n[206] _Ibidem_, p. 127.\n\n[207] Para. 48 above.\n\n[208] See article on Rajput, para. 9.\n\n[209] _The Magic Art_, ii. p. 89, quoting Satapatha Brahmana.\n\n[210] See article on Kasai.\n\n[211] See account in article on Kasai.\n\n[212] _Orpheus_, pp. 123, 125.\n\n[213] 7th ed. p. 300.\n\n[214] _Origin of Civilisation_, 7th ed. p. 299.\n\n[215] _The Dasahra: an Autumn Festival of the Hindus_, Folk-lore,\nMarch 1915. Some notice of the Dasahra in the Central Provinces is\ncontained in the article on Kumhar.\n\n[216] Crooke, _loc. cit._ p. 41.\n\n[217] See also article Mahar.\n\n[218] _La Cite Antique_, pp. 202, 204.\n\n[219] _Imperial Gazetteer of India_, ii. p. 312.\n\n[220] _Totemism and Exogamy_, vol. ii. pp. 528, 530.\n\n[221] _Ibidem_.\n\n[222] _Totemism and Exogamy_, vol. ii. p. 608; _The Golden Bough_,\n2nd ed. vol. iii. p. 407.\n\n[223] Dr. A.H. Keane, _The World's Peoples,_ p. 138.\n\n[224] Mr. L.D. Barnett's _Antiquities of India_, p. 171.\n\n[225] _The Golden Bough_, 2nd ed. vol. i. pp. 234, 235.\n\n[226] _Ibidem_, vol. ii. pp. 9, 10.\n\n[227] Other features of the sacramental rite, strengthening this\nhypothesis, are given in the article Kabirpanthi Sect. The account\nis taken from Bishop Westcott's _Kabir and the Kabirpanth._\n\n[228] See articles Dewar, Bhunjia, Gauria, Sonjhara, Malyar.\n\n[229] Some instances are given in the article on Kalar and on Rajput,\npara. 9.\n\n[230] Dr. A.H. Keane, _The World's Peoples_, pp. 129, 130.\n\n[231] Para. 11.\n\n[232] For further notice of Vishnu and Siva see articles Vaishnava and\nSaiva sects; for Devi see article Kumhar, and for Kali, article Thug;\nfor Krishna, article Ahir; for Ganpati, article Bania.\n\n[233] See above, para. 13.\n\n[234] _La Cite Antique_, p. 341.\n\n[235] _Early History of Mankind_, pp. 259, 260. The needfire, as\ndescribed by Sir E.B. Tylor, had the character of a purificatory rite,\nbut it may be doubted whether this was its original form, any more\nthan in the case of the Suovetaurilia or Pola ceremonies.\n\n[236] Mr. J.T. Marten's _Central Provinces Census Report_, p. 238.\n\n[237] For further notice of this offence see article Sunar under\nEar-piercing.\n\n[238] Para. 61.\n\n[239] \"Tarpeia\" in M. Salomon Reinach's _Cults, Myths and Religions_\n(English edition, London, David Nutt, 1912).\n\n[240] _Cults, Customs_, p. 130.\n\n[241] Maclagan, _Punjab Census Report_, p. 174.\n\n[242] Burn, _United Provinces Census Report_, p. 82.\n\n[243] _Cults, Customs_, p. 144.\n\n[244] _Ibidem_, pp. 176, 177.\n\n[245] _Cults, Customs_, pp. 148, 149.\n\n[246] Maclagan, _l.c._\n\n[247] _Ibidem_.\n\n[248] J. T. Marten, _Census Report_ (1911).\n\n[249] Lillingston, p. 45, on the authority of Max Mullet. Professor\nOman states, however, that he had but little acquaintance with the\nVedas (_Brahmans, Tkeists,_ p. 103), and if this was so it would seem\nlikely that his knowledge of the other ancient languages was not very\nprofound. But he published a book in Persian and knew English well.\n\n[250] Oman, quoting from Dr. George Smith's _Life of Dr. Alexander\nDuff_, vol. i. p. 118.\n\n[251] Oman, quoting Mary Carpenter's _Last Days in England of the\nRaja Ram Mohan Roy_, p. 67.\n\n[252] Lillingston, p. 51.\n\n[253] _Brahmans, Theists_, p. 105.\n\n[254] _Brahmans, Theists_, p. 111.\n\n[255] Lillingston, p. 73.\n\n[256] _Brahmans, Theists_, p. 116.\n\n[257] _Ibidem_, p. 113.\n\n[258] _Brahmans, Theists_, p. 118.\n\n[259] Lillingston, p. 96.\n\n[260] _Brahmans, Theists_, p. 133.\n\n[261] _Brahmans, Theists_, pp. 131, 139, 140.\n\n[262] _Brahmans, Theists_, p. 148.\n\n[263] This article is compiled from the notices in Wilson's _Hindu\nSects, As. Res._ vol. xvi. pp. 79-81; Sir E. Maclagan's _Punjab\nCensus Report_, 1891; and Mr. Bhimbhai Kirparam's _Hindus of Gujarat_,\n_Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. ix.\n\n[264] Captain C.E. Luard, in _Central India Census Report_ (1901),\np. 88.\n\n[265] _Bombay Gazetteer, Hindus of Gujarat_ (Mr. Bhimbhai Kirparam),\np. 545.\n\n[266] This information was kindly furnished by the Diwan of Panna,\nthrough the Political Agent at Bundelkhand.\n\n[267] Barth, p. 148.\n\n[268] Hopkins, p. 310, and _The Jains_, p. 40.\n\n[269] Barth, p. 149.\n\n[270] _The Jainas_, pp. 38-47.\n\n[271] The writer is inclined to doubt whether either Buddhism or\nJainism were really atheistic, and to think that they were perhaps\nrather forms of pantheism; but the above is the view of the best\nauthorities.\n\n[272] _The Jainas_, p. 10.\n\n[273] _The Jainas_, p. 6.\n\n[274] _Ibidem_, p. 10.\n\n[275] Moor's _Hindu Infanticide_, pp. 175-176.\n\n[276] Marten, _C.P. Census Report_ (1911), p. 67.\n\n[277] Maclagan, _Punjab Census Report_ (1891), p. 183.\n\n[278] Mr. Marten's _Central Provinces Census Report_, 1911.\n\n[279] The particulars about the Tirthakars and the animals and trees\nassociated with them are taken from _The Jainas_.\n\n[280] _Jonesia Asoka_.\n\n[281] _Cedrela toona_.\n\n[282] _Grislea tomentosa_.\n\n[283] _Eugenia jambolana_.\n\n[284] _Michelia champaka_.\n\n[285] Crooke, _Things Indian_, art. Pinjrapol.\n\n[286] Moor, _Hindu Infanticide_, p. 184.\n\n[287] _Rajasthan_, vol. i. p. 449, and pp. 696, 697, App.\n\n[288] _Central Provinces Census Report_, 1911.\n\n[289] Westcott, _Op. cit._ p. 3.\n\n[290] _Op. cit._ p. 12.\n\n[291] _Kabir and the Kabirpanth_, pp. 115 and 116.\n\n[292] Raipur District.\n\n[293] The description of the Chauka service is mainly taken from\nBishop Westcott's full and detailed account.\n\n[294] _Ficus glomerata_.\n\n[295] Sherring, _Hindu Castes and Tribes,_ iii. pp. 96, 123.\n\n[296] By Surgeon-Major Cornish.\n\n[297] _Bombay Census Report_, 1901, pp. 181-183.\n\n[298] _Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies_, p. 117.\n\n[299] Mr. Marten's _C.P. Census Report_ (1911), Subsidiary Table,\nix., Occupation, p. 276.\n\n[300] Short for Amir or Prince.\n\n[301] Siddik means veracious or truthful, and he was given the name\non account of his straightforward character (_Bombay Gazetteer._)\n\n[302] _Supplemental Glossary_, vol. i. p. 195.\n\n[303] Mr. A. M. T. Jackson in _Bomb. Gaz. Muh. Guj_;, p. 10.\n\n[304] _Bombay Gazetteer, ibidem_.\n\n[305] Hughes' _Dictionary of Islam, s. v._ Marriage.\n\n[306] _Bomb. Gaz. Muh. Guj._ p. 166.\n\n[307] _Ibidem_, p. 66.\n\n[308] _Bomb. Gaz. Muh. Guj._ pp. 147,148, from which the whole\nparagraph is taken.\n\n[309] _Bomb. Gas. Muh. Guj._ p. 150.\n\n[310] Temple's _Proper Names of the Punjabis_, pp. 41, 43.\n\n[311] _Qanun-Islam_, p. 20.\n\n[312] _Ibidem_.\n\n[313] _Qanun-i-Islam_, pp. 26, 27.\n\n[314] _Ibidem_, pp. 30, 35.\n\n[315] Hughes, _Notes on Muhammadanism_, pp. 122, 131.\n\n[316] _Qanun-i-Islam_, p. 286.\n\n[317] _Bomb. Gaz. Muh. Guj._ pp. 168, 170.\n\n[318] _Dictionary of Islam_, art. Inheritance.\n\n[319] Hughes, _Notes on Muhammadanism_, pp. 63, 75.\n\n[320] See _post_. The account is compiled mainly from the _Dictionary\nof Islam,_ articles Idu-l-Azha and Hajj.\n\n[321] _Bomb. Gas. Muh. Guj_. p. 138.\n\n[322] Hughes, _Dictionary of Islam, s.v._ Idu-l-Azha.\n\n[323] Hughes, _ibidem_.\n\n[324] _Bomb. Gaz. Muh. Guj_. p. 131.\n\n[325] Professor Margoliouth's _Muhammadanism._\n\n[326] _Bomb. Gaz. Muh. Guj_. p. 131.\n\n[327] _Bomb. Gaz. Muh. Guj._ pp. 132, 135.\n\n[328] _Bomb. Gaz., ibidem_.\n\n[329] Professor Margoliouth's _Muhammadanism_ and the _Dictionary\nof Islam_.\n\n[330] _Early Developments of Muhammadanism_, pp. 87, 97.\n\n[331] _Notes on Muhammadanism_, p. 168.\n\n[332] _Dictionary of Islam_, _s.v._ Food.\n\n[333] _Bomb. Gaz. Muh. Guj._ pp. 100-103, and _Dictionary of Islam_,\nart. Dress and Ornaments.\n\n[334] Hughes, _Notes on Muhammadanism_.\n\n[335] _Qanun-i-Islam, _ pp. 24, 25. This account is a very old one,\nand the elaborate procedure may now have been abandoned.\n\n[336] Hughes, _Dictionary of Islam, s.v._ Fitrah.\n\n[337] _Bomb. Gaz. Muh. Guj._ pp. 143, 144.\n\n[338] Hughes, _Dictionary of Islam_, _s.v._ Whistling.\n\n[339] _C.P. Census Report_, 1911, p. 66.\n\n[340] This article is compiled from Sir Denzil Ibbetson's _Punjab\nCensus Report_ of 1881, and Sir E.D. Maclagan's _Punjab Census Report_\nof 1891.\n\n[341] Ibbetson, para. 260.\n\n[342] Maclagan, para. 88.\n\n[343] Maclagan, _loc. cit._\n\n[344] Ibbetson, para. 265.\n\n[345] Maclagan, para. 95.\n\n[346] _Tribes and Castes_, article Suthra Shahi.\n\n[347] _C.P. Census Report_ (1911), p. 69.\n\n[348] P. 276.\n\n[349] _Orpheus_, p. 94.\n\n[350] _Ibidem_.\n\n[351] Haug, _loc. cit._ pp. 69, 70.\n\n[352] _Orpheus_, pp. 91, 92.\n\n[353] Haug, pp. 267, 268.\n\n[354] Haug, p. 269.\n\n[355] Haug, pp. 272, 273.\n\n[356] _Great Religions of India_.\n\n[357] _Great Religions of India_.\n\n[358] _Orpheus_, p. 96.\n\n[359] _Ibidem_, p. 98.\n\n[360] Haug, p. 199.\n\n[361] Sykes' _Persia and its People_, p. 180; _Great Religions of\nIndia_, p. 173.\n\n[362] _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. ix. part ii., _Parsis of Gujarat_\np. 190.\n\n[363] _Bombay Gazetteer, ibidem._\n\n[364] _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. ix. part ii., _Parsis of Gujarat_,\npp. 233, 237.\n\n[365] P. 133.\n\n[366] _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. ix. part ii., _Parsis of Gujarat_,\npp. 221-226.\n\n[367] _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. ix. part ii., _Parsis of Gujarat_,\np. 231.\n\n[368] _Ibidem_, pp. 239-242.\n\n[369] _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. ix. part ii., _Parsis of Gujarat_,\npp. 241, 243.\n\n[370] _Bombay Gazetteer, Parsis of Gujarat_, pp. 205, 207, 219, 220.\n\n[371] See also article on Kalar.\n\n[372] _Aegle marmelos_.\n\n[373] Dr. Bhattacharya's _Hindu Castes and Sects_, p. 371.\n\n[374] See articles Kumhar, Thug and Sakta sect.\n\n[375] See art. Sakta Sect.\n\n[376] Mr. Marten's _C. P. Census Report_, 1911.\n\n[377] _India Census Report_ (1901), p. 360.\n\n[378] _Hindu Castes and Sects_ (Thacker, Spink & Co., Calcutta),\npp. 407-413.\n\n[379] Sir E. Gait's note, _India Census Report_.\n\n[380] _Hindu Castes and Sects_.\n\n[381] This article is based principally on a paper by Mr. Durga Prasad\nPande, Tahsildar, Raipur.\n\n[382] _Bilaspur Settlement Report_ (1888), p. 45.\n\n[383] Some of Mr. Chisholm's statements are undoubtedly inaccurate. For\ninstance, he says that Ghasi Das decided on a temporary withdrawal\ninto the wilderness, and proceeded for this purpose to a small village\ncalled Girod near the junction of the Jonk and Mahanadi rivers. But\nit is an undoubted fact, as shown by Mr. Hira Lal and others, that\nGhasi Das was born in Girod and had lived there all his life up to\nthe time of his proclamation of his gospel.\n\n[384] _Ibidem_.\n\n[385] _Luffa acutangula_.\n\n[386] _Solanum melangenum_.\n\n[387] Some of the Bundela raids in the north of the Province were\nmade on the pretext of being crusades for the protection of the\nsacred animal.\n\n[388] From Mr. Durga Prasad Pande's paper.\n\n[389] This text is recorded by Mr. Durga Prasad Pande as follows:\n\n    \"Bhaji chhurai bhanta chhurdi\n    Gondli karat chhonka\n    Lai bhaji ke chhurawate\n    Gaon la marai chauka.\n    Sahib ke Satnamia; 'Thonka.'\"\n\nOr\n\n\"We have given up eating vegetables, we eat no brinjals: we eat\nonions with more relish; we eat no more red vegetables. The _chauka_\nhas been placed in the village. The true name is of God; (to which\nthe pair replied) 'Amen.'\"\n\n[390] See article Nanakpanthi for an account of Nanak's creed.\n\n[391] Here again, Sir D. Ibbetson notes, it is often the women who\nare the original offenders: \"I have often asked Sikhs how it is that,\nbelieving as they do in only one God, they can put any faith in and\nrender any obedience to Brahmans who acknowledge a large number of\ndeities, and their answer in every case has been that they do not\nthemselves believe in them; but their women do, and to please them\nthey are obliged to pay attention to what the Brahmans say.\"\n\n[392] _Punjab Census Report_ (1891), para. 107.\n\n[393] Account of the Sikhs, _Asiatic Researches_.\n\n[394] Apparently the Scripture of Govind, the tenth _guru_.\n\n[395] 'Hurrah for the Guru's Khalsa, Victory to the Guru.'\n\n[396] Sir Lepel Griffin's _Life of Ranjit Singh_.\n\n[397] Based on the account of the sect in the volume, _Hindus of\nGujarat,_ of the _Bombay Gazetteer_, and _The Swami-Narayan Sect_\npamphlet, printed at the Education Society's Press, Bombay, 1887.\n\n[398] Bishop Heber's _Narrative of a Journey through the Upper\nProvinces,_ pp. 143, 153.\n\n[399] _The Swami-Narayan Sect_, pp. 4, 22. The above details are given,\nbecause in the _Bombay Gazetteer_ the Swami is said to have prohibited\nthe taking of food with low-caste people, and caste pollution; and\nthis appears incorrect.\n\n[400] _The Swami-Narayan Sect_, p. 25.\n\n[401] _Bombay Ducks_, p. 194.\n\n[402] For a suggested explanation of the myth of Parasurama see\narticle Panwar Rajput.\n\n[403] See also article Ahir.\n\n[404] Kabirpanthi, Nanakpanthi, Dadupanthi, Swami-Narayan, etc.\n\n[405] This article is based on Professor Wilson's _Hindu Sects_,\nM. Chevrillon's _Romantic India_, and some notes collected by Munshi\nKanhya Lal of the Gazetteer Office.\n\n[406] _Dhatura alba_, a plant sacred to Siva, whose seed is a powerful\nnarcotic, and is used to poison travellers.\n\n[407] This article consists entirely of extracts from the article on\nthe Wahhabi sect in the Rev. T. P. Hughes' _Dictionary of Islam_.\n\n[408] Irvine, _Army of the Mughals_, p. 198.\n\n[409] Irvine, _Army of the Mughals_, p. 232.\n\n[410] _Summary of the Maratha and Pindari Campaigns_, p. 264.\n\n[411] _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. ix. part ii. p. 16.\n\n[412] _Madras Census Report_ (1891), p. 221.\n\n[413] _Punjab Census Report_ (1881), para. 543.\n\n[414] _Berar Census Report_ (1881), p. 128.\n\n[415] _Punjab Census Report_ (1881), para. 529.\n\n[416] Khan Bahadur Lutfullah Faridi in _Bombay Gazetteer_, _Muh. Guj._\n\n[417] _Berar Census Report_, _ibidem_.\n\n[418] In 1911 about 3000 persons belonging to the caste were returned,\nmainly from Bilaspur District, and the Korea and Sarguja States.\n\n[419] Crooke, vol. i. p. 184.\n\n[420] _Eastern India_, ii. p. 467.\n\n[421] _North-West Provinces Gazetteer_, vol. xiv., Mirzapur, p. 365.\n\n[422] _Ethnographic Notes in Southern India_, page 72.\n\n[423] This article consists of extracts from Mr. Crooke's account of\nthe caste in his _Tribes and Castes_.\n\n[424] _Eastern India_, ii. 248.\n\n[425] _Punjab Census Report_ (1881), para. 542.\n\n[426] _Tribes and Castes_, art. Bhatia.\n\n[427] _Rajasthan_, ii. p. 292.\n\n[428] _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, art. Bind.\n\n[429] _Tribes and Castes of the N.W.P. and Oudh_, art. Bind.\n\n[430] _Bauhinia scandens._\n\n[431] _Ethnology of Bengal._ pp. 158, 221.\n\n[432] See art. Bhunjia.\n\n[433] _Linguistic Survey of India,_ vol. iv., _Munda and Dravidian\nDialects,_ p. 102.\n\n[434] Caldwell's _Dravidian Grammar_, pp. 123 and 134. Captain\nGlasfurd says: 'The termination _war_ is a Telugu affix signifying\nperson or man' (_Settlement Report of the Upper Godavari District_\n(1868), p. 26).\n\n[435] This article consists only of extracts from the accounts of\nColonel Dalton and Sir H. Risley.\n\n[436] Dalton's _Ethnology of Bengal_, pp. 126, 127.\n\n[437] _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, art. Chero.\n\n[438] See also art. Daharia for a discussion of the origin of that\ncaste.\n\n[439] _Tribes and Castes_, art. Dhalgar.\n\n[440] From a paper by Narayan Bohidar, Schoolmaster, Sonpur State.\n\n[441] This article is based on papers by Mr. D.P. Kshirsagar,\nNaib-Tahsildar, Buldana, and Mr. Khandekar, Headmaster, Nandura.\n\n[442] _Madras Census Report_ (1901), p. 149.\n\n[443] _Bhandara Settlement Report_ (Mr. A.B. Napier), p. 8.\n\n[444] _Criminal Tribes of the C.P._, p. 61.\n\n[445] Buchanan, i. p. 331.\n\n[446] _B.G. Muh. Guj_., p. 84.\n\n[447] This article is based on information collected by Mr. Hira Lai\nin Betul.\n\n[448] Art. Dom. in _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, and of the\n_North-Western Provinces and Oudh_.\n\n[449] See article Are.\n\n[450] _Thana Gazetteer_, pp. 119, 120.\n\n[451] _Sholapur Gazetteer_, p. 158.\n\n[452] _Madras Census Report_ (1891), p. 238.\n\n[453] _Ibidem_, p. 280.\n\n[454] _Satara Gazetteer_, p, 41.\n\n[455] _Nasik Gazetteer_, p. 54.\n\n[456] This account is taken from inquiries made by Mr. Hira Lal\nin Patna.\n\n[457] _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, art. Bauri.\n\n[458] From a paper by Mr. Kripasindh Tripathi, Headmaster, Saria\nMiddle School, Sarangarh State.\n\n[459] From _pag_, a foot.\n\n[460] Malcolm, _Memoir of Central India_, ii. p. 21.\n\n[461] This paper is compiled from notes taken by Mr. Hira Lal at\nRaj-Nandgaon and Betul.\n\n[462] Perhaps _Pandanus fascicularis_.\n\n[463] This article is compiled from papers by C. Ramiah, Kanungo,\nSironcha, and W.G. Padaya Naidu, clerk, District Office, Chanda.\n\n[464] _Mysore Census Report_ (1891), p. 205.\n\n[465] This article is compiled from a paper by Mr. Ghasinam Dani,\nDeputy Inspector of Schools, Bastar State.\n\n[466] The caste numbered 85 persons in 1911. The above notice is\ncompiled from a paper by Mr. Krishna Sewak, Naib-Tahsildar, Bargarh.\n\n[467] Based on inquiries made by Mr. Hira Lal, Assistant Gazetteer\nSuperintendent in Bhandara.\n\n[468] _Madras Census Report_ (1901), p. 168.\n\n[469] _Bombay Gazetteer, Guj. Mukh_. p. 18.\n\n[470] Elliott's _Memoirs_, vol. i. p. 54.\n\n[471] Crooke's _Tribes and Castes_, vol. i. p. 161.\n\n[472] _Madras Census Report_ (1891), p. 303.\n\n[473] _India Census Report_ (1891), p. 200.\n\n[474] _Man_, November 1909.\n\n[475] Tone, _Letter on the Marathas_ (1798), India Office Tracts,\np. 25.\n\n[476] Lane, _Modern Egyptians_, p. 373.\n\n[477] _Census Report_ (1891), p. 211.\n\n[478] From a paper by Mr. Rajaram Gangadhar Deshpande, Tahsildar,\nWardha.\n\n[479] _Settlement Report of the Upper Godavari District_ (1868),\nquoted in Mr. Nunn's _Monograph on the Gold and Silver Industries of\nthe Central provinces_.\n\n[480] _Monograph on the Gold and Silver Industries, loc. cit._\n\n[481] _Berar Census Report_ (1881), p. 219.\n\n[482] Based on a paper by Mr. Ali Mustafa, Naib-Tahsildar, Hatta.\n\n[483] _Census Report_ (1891), p. 179.\n\n[484] In the introduction to Firishta's History (Elliot, vi. p. 568),\nit is stated that Roh is the name of a particular mountain (country)\nwhich extends in length from Swat and Bajaur to the town of Siwi\nbelonging to Bhakar. In breadth it stretches from Hasan Abdul to\nKabul. Kandahar is situated in this country. (Crooke's _Hobson-Jobson_,\np. 766.)\n\n[485] Mr. Crooke's _Tribes and Castes_, vol. iv. pp. 165, 166.\n\n[486] _Proper Names of the Punjabis_, p. 74.\n\n[487] _Indian Life and Sentiment_, p. 99.\n\n[488] _Linguistic Survey_, vol. iv. p. 30.\n\n[489] _Linguistic Survey_, vol. iv., _Munda and Dravidian Languages_,\np. 79.\n\n[490] _Ibidem_, pp. 84, 85.\n\n[491] _Ethnology of Bengal_, p. 235 _et seq._\n\n[492] _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, App. I.\n\n[493] _Ibidem_, pp. 222, 223.\n\n[494] This article is written from papers by Mr. G.A. Khan, Assistant\nCommissioner, Venkatesh Tumaiya Ayawar, Schoolmaster, Chanda, and\nMr. G. Padaya Naidu, District Officer, Chanda.\n\n[495] _North Arcot Manual_, i. p. 200.\n\n[496] _North Arcot Manual_, i. p. 242.\n\n[497] Based on a paper by G. Pydiah Naidu of the Gazetteer Office.\n\n[498] Vol. xi. p. 433.\n\n[499] Mr. Edwardes, _Byways of Bombay_, p. 79.\n\n[500] _Bombay Gazetteer, ibidem_.\n\n[501] _J.A.S.B._, No. 3 of 1903, p. 103.\n\n[502] Partly based on a note by Mr. C.J. Irwin, Assistant Commissioner,\nJubbulpore.\n\n[503] _Bombay Gazetteer_, vol. xvii. (_Sholapur_), p. 234.\n\n[504] _Bombay Gazetteer, Belgaum_, p. 250.\n\n[505] _Tribes and Castes_, art. Sikligar.\n\n[506] Based on a paper by Mr. Gokul Prasad, Naib-Tahsildar, Dhamtari.\n\n[507] _Tribes and Castes of Bengal_, art. Tanti.\n\n[508] _Madras Census Report_ (1901), p. 153.\n\n[509] _Tribes and Castes of Bengal, s.v._\n\n[510] _Madras Census Report_ (1891), p. 243.","title":"The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India, Volume 1","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":184131}