{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_20775/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_20775","id":"gutenberg_20775","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/20775","summary":null,"tags":["Cakchikel Indians","Cakchikel literature","Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: History - Other","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Guatemala -- History -- To 1821"],"text":"Produced by David Starner, Julia Miller, and the Online\nDistributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. This\nfile is gratefully uploaded to the PG collection in honor\nof Distributed Proofreaders having posted over 10,000\nebooks.\n\n\n\n\n\nTranscriber's Note:\n\nA number of typographical errors and inconsistencies have been maintained\nin this version of this book. Typographical errors have been marked with\na [TN-#], which refers to a description in the complete list found at the\nend of the text. A list of words that have been inconsistently spelled or\nhyphenated is found at the end of the present text.\n\nThe following codes are used for characters that are not present in the\ncharacter set used for this version of the book.\n\n [)a] a with breve\n [=a] a with macron\n [c] quatrillo, resembles a 4 with a tail\n [c,] quatrillo with comma\n [t] tresillo, resembles a reversed 3\n [tz] resembles a tz drawn together\n\n\n\n\n LIBRARY\n OF\n ABORIGINAL AMERICAN\n LITERATURE.\n\n\n No. VI.\n\n\n EDITED BY\n D. G. BRINTON\n\n\n\n\n BRINTON'S LIBRARY OF\n ABORIGINAL AMERICAN LITERATURE.\n NUMBER VI.\n\n\n THE ANNALS\n OF THE\n CAKCHIQUELS.\n\n THE ORIGINAL TEXT, WITH A TRANSLATION, NOTES AND\n INTRODUCTION.\n\n BY\n\n DANIEL G. BRINTON\n\n\n 1885, Philadelphia\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE.\n\n\nBoth for its historical and linguistic merits, the document which is\npresented in this volume is one of the most important in aboriginal\nAmerican Literature. Written by a native who had grown to adult years\nbefore the whites penetrated to his ancestral home, himself a member of\nthe ruling family of one of the most civilized nations of the continent\nand intimately acquainted with its traditions, his work displays the\nlanguage in its pure original form, and also preserves the tribal\nhistory and a part of the mythology, as they were current before they\nwere in the least affected by European influences.\n\nThe translation I offer is directly from the original text, and I am\nresponsible for its errors; but I wish to acknowledge my constant\nobligations to the manuscript version of the late Abbe Brasseur (de\nBourbourg), the distinguished Americanist. Without the assistance\nobtained from it, I should not have attempted the task; and though I\ndiffer frequently from his renderings, this is no more than he himself\nwould have done, as in his later years he spoke of his version as in\nmany passages faulty.\n\nFor the grammar of the language, I have depended on the anonymous grammar\nwhich I edited for the American Philosophical Society in 1884, copies of\nwhich, reprinted separately, can be obtained by any one who wishes to\nstudy the tongue thoroughly. For the significance of the words, my usual\nauthorities are the lexicon of Varea, an anonymous dictionary of the 17th\ncentury, and the large and excellent Spanish-Cakchiquel work of Coto, all\nof which are in the library of the American Philosophical Society. They\nare all in MS., but the vocabulary I add may be supplemented with that of\nXimenes, printed by the Abbe Brasseur, at Paris, in 1862, and between\nthem most of the radicals will be found.\n\nAs my object in all the volumes of this series is to furnish materials\nfor study, rather than to offer finished studies themselves, I have\nsteadily resisted the strong temptation to expand the notes and\nintroductory matter. They have been limited to what seemed essentially\nnecessary to defining the nature of the work, discussing its date and\nauthorship, and introducing the people to whom it refers.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n\n PAGE\n PREFACE, v\n\n INTRODUCTION, 9\n ETHNOLOGIC POSITION OF THE CAKCHIQUELS, 9\n CULTURE OF THE CAKCHIQUELS, 13\n THE CAPITAL CITY OF THE CAKCHIQUELS, 21\n COMPUTATION OF TIME, 28\n PERSONAL AND FAMILY NAMES, 32\n TRIBAL SUBDIVISIONS, 33\n TERMS OF AFFINITY AND SALUTATION, 34\n TITLES AND SOCIAL CASTES, 35\n RELIGIOUS NOTIONS, 39\n THE CAKCHIQUEL LANGUAGE, 48\n THE ANNALS OF XAHILA, 53\n SYNOPSIS OF THE ANNALS, 60\n REMARKS ON THE PRINTED TEXT, 62\n\n THE ANNALS OF THE CAKCHIQUELS, by a Member of the Xahila\n Family, 66-194\n\n NOTES, 195-200\n VOCABULARY, 209\n INDEX OF PROPER NAMES, 229\n\n\n\n\n THE ANNALS\n OF\n THE CAKCHIQUELS.\n\nINTRODUCTION.\n\n\n_Ethnologic Position of the Cakchiquels._\n\nThe Cakchiquels, whose traditions and early history are given in the\npresent work from the pen of one of their own authors, were a nation of\nsomewhat advanced culture, who occupied a portion of the area of the\npresent State of Guatemala. Their territory is a table land about six\nthousand feet above the sea, seamed with numerous deep ravines, and\nsupporting lofty mountains and active volcanoes. Though but fifteen\ndegrees from the equator, its elevation assures it a temperate climate,\nwhile its soil is usually fertile and well watered.\n\nThey were one of a group of four closely related nations, adjacent in\nterritory and speaking dialects so nearly alike as to be mutually\nintelligible. The remaining three were the Quiches, the Tzutuhils and\nthe Akahals, who dwelt respectively to the west, the south and the east\nof the Cakchiquels.\n\nThese dialects are well marked members of the Maya linguistic stock, and\ndiffer from that language, as it is spoken in its purity in Yucatan,\nmore in phonetic modifications than in grammatical structure or lexical\nroots. Such, however, is the fixedness of this linguistic family in its\npeculiarities, that a most competent student of the Cakchiquel has named\nthe period of two thousand years as the shortest required to explain the\ndifference between this tongue and the Maya.[10-1]\n\nAbout the same length of time was that assigned since the arrival of\nthis nation in Guatemala, by the local historian, Francisco Antonio de\nFuentes y Guzman, who wrote in the seventeenth century, from an\nexamination of their most ancient traditions, written and verbal.[10-2]\nIndeed, none of these affined tribes claimed to be autochthonous. All\npointed to some distant land as the home of their ancestors, and\nreligiously preserved the legends, more or less mythical, of their early\nwanderings until they had reached their present seats. How strong the\nmythical element in them is, becomes evident when we find in them the\nstory of the first four brothers as their four primitive rulers and\nleaders, a myth which I have elsewhere shown prevailed extensively over\nthe American continent, and is distinctly traceable to the adoration of\nthe four cardinal points, and the winds from them.[10-3]\n\nThese four brothers were noble youths, born of one mother, who sallied\nforth from Tulan, the golden city of the sun, and divided between them\nall the land from the Isthmus of Tehuantepec to the confines of\nNicaragua, in other words, all the known world.[11-1]\n\nThe occurrence of the Aztec name of the City of Light, Tulan (properly,\nTonatlan), in these accounts, as they were rehearsed by the early\nconverted natives, naturally misled historians to adopt the notion that\nthese divine culture heroes were \"Toltecs,\" and even in the modern\nwritings of the Abbe Brasseur (de Bourbourg), of M. Desire Charnay, and\nothers, this unreal people continue to be set forth as the civilizers of\nCentral America.\n\nNo supposition could have less support. The whole alleged story of the\nToltecs is merely an euhemerized myth, and they are as pure creations of\nthe fancy as the giants and fairies of mediaeval romance. They have no\nbusiness in the pages of sober history.\n\nThe same blending of their most ancient legends with those borrowed from\nthe Aztecs, recurs in the records of the pure Mayas of Yucatan. I have\nshown this, and explained it at considerable length in the first volume\nof this series, to which I will refer the reader who would examine the\nquestion in detail.[11-2]\n\nThere is a slight admixture of Aztec words in Cakchiquel. The names of\none or two of their months, of certain objects of barter, and of a few\nsocial institutions, are evidently loan-words from that tongue. There\nare also some proper names, both personal and geographical, which are\nclearly of Nahuatl derivation. But, putting all these together, they\nform but a very small fraction of the language, not more than we can\nreadily understand they would necessarily have borrowed from a nation\nwith whom, as was the case with the Aztecs, they were in constant\ncommercial communication for centuries.[12-1] The Pipils, their\nimmediate neighbors to the South, cultivating the hot and fertile slope\nwhich descends from the central plateau to the Pacific Ocean, were an\nAztec race of pure blood, speaking a dialect of Nahuatl, very little\ndifferent from that heard in the schools of classic Tezcuco.[12-2] But\nthe grammatical structure and stem-words of the Cakchiquel remained\nabsolutely uninfluenced by this association.\n\nLater, when the Spanish occupation had brought with it thousands of\nNahuatl speaking followers, who supplied the interpreters for the\nconquerers, Nahuatl names became much more abundant, and were adopted by\nthe natives in addressing the Spaniards. Thus the four nations, whom I\nhave mentioned as the original possessors of the land, are, in the\ndocuments of the time, generally spoken of by such foreign titles. The\nCakchiquels were referred to as _Tecpan Quauhtemallan_, the Quiches as\n_Tecpan Utlatlan_, the Tzutuhils as _Tecpan Atitlan_, and the Akahals as\n_Tecpan Tezolotlan_. In these names, all of them pure Nahuatl, the word\n_Tecpan_ means the royal residence or capital; _Quauhtemallan_\n(Guatemala), \"the place of the wood-pile;\" _Utlatlan_, \"the place of the\ngiant cane;\" _Atitlan_, \"the place by the water;\" _Tezolotlan_, \"the\nplace of the narrow stone,\" or \"narrowed by stones.\"[13-1]\n\nThese fanciful names, derived from some trivial local characteristic,\nwere not at all translations of the native tribal names. For in their\nown dialects, Quiche, [c]iche, means \"many trees;\" Tuztuhil, [c,]utuhil,\n\"the flowery spot;\" Akahal, \"the honey-comb;\" and Cakchiquel, a species\nof tree.\n\n\n_Culture of the Cakchiquels._\n\nThese four nations were on the same plane of culture, and this by no\nmeans a low one. They were agriculturists, cultivating for food beans,\npeppers, and especially maize. To the latter, indeed, they are charged\nwith being fanatically devoted. \"If one looks closely at these\nIndians,\" complains an old author, \"he will find that everything they do\nand say has something to do with maize. A little more, and they would\nmake a god of it. There is so much conjuring and fussing about their\ncorn fields, that for them they will forget wives and children and any\nother pleasure, as if the only end and aim of life was to secure a crop\nof corn.\"[14-1]\n\nIn their days of heathenism, all the labors of the field were directed\nby the observance of superstitious rites. For instance, the men, who\nalways did a large share of the field work, refrained from approaching\ntheir wives for some days before planting the seed. Before weeding the\npatch, incense was burned at each of the four corners of the field, to\nthe four gods of the winds and rains; and the first fruits were\nconsecrated to holy uses.[14-2] Their fields were large and extremely\nproductive.[14-3] In this connection it is worth noting, in passing,\nthat precisely Guatemala is the habitat of the _Euchlaena luxurians_,\nthe wild grass from which, in the opinion of botanists, the Zea Mais is\na variety developed by cultivation.\n\nCotton was largely cultivated, and the early writers speak with\nadmiration of the skill with which the native women spun and wove it\ninto graceful garments.[15-1] As in Yucatan, bees were domesticated for\ntheir wax and honey, and a large variety of dye-stuffs, resins for\nincense, and wild fruits, were collected from the native forests.\n\nLike the Mayas and Aztecs, they were a race of builders, skillful masons\nand stone-cutters, erecting large edifices, pyramids, temples, and\ndefensive works, with solid walls of stone laid in a firm mortar.[15-2]\nThe sites of these cities were generally the summits of almost\ninaccessible crags, or on some narrow plain, protected on all sides by\nthe steep and deep ravines--_barrancas_, as the Spaniards call\nthem--which intersect the plateau in all directions, often plunging down\nto a depth of thousands of feet. So located and so constructed, it is no\nwonder that Captain Alvarado speaks of them as \"thoroughly built and\nmarvelously strong.\"[15-3]\n\nIn the construction of their buildings and the measurements of their\nland, these nations had developed quite an accurate series of lineal\nmeasures, taking as their unit certain average lengths of the human\nbody, especially the upper extremity. In a study of this subject,\npublished during the present year, I have set forth their various terms\nemployed in this branch of knowledge, and compared their system with\nthat in use among the Mayas and the Aztecs.[16-1] It would appear that\nthe Cakchiquels did not borrow from their neighbors, but developed\nindependently the system of mensuration in vogue among them. This bears\nout what is asserted in the _Annals_ of Xahila, that their\n\"day-breaking,\" or culture, was of spontaneous growth.\n\nThe art of picture writing was familiar to all these peoples. It was\nemployed to preserve their national history, to arrange their calendar,\nand, doubtless, in the ordinary affairs of life.[16-2] But I am not\naware that any example or description of it has been preserved, which\nwould enable us to decide the highly important question, whether their\nsystem was derived from that of the Mexicans or that of the Mayas,\nbetween which, as the antiquary need not be informed, there existed an\nalmost radical difference.\n\nThe word for \"to write,\" is _[c,]ibah_, which means, in its primary\nsense, \"to paint;\" _ah[c,]ib_, is \"the scribe,\" and was employed to\ndesignate the class of literati in the ancient dominion. Painted or\nwritten records were called _[c,]ibanic_.\n\nThey had a literature beyond their history and calendars. It consisted\nof chants or poems, called _bix_, set orations and dramas.[17-1] They\nwere said or sung in connection with their ceremonial dances. These\nperformances were of the utmost importance in their tribal life. They\nwere associated with the solemn mysteries of their religion, and were in\nmemory of some of the critical events in their real or mythical history.\nThis will be obvious from the references to them in the pages of their\n_Annals_.\n\nThese chants and dances were accompanied by the monotonous beating of\nthe native drum, _tun_, by the shrill sound of reed flutes, _xul_, by\nthe tinkling of small metal bells, _[c]alakan_, which they attached to\ntheir feet, and by rattles of small gourds or jars containing pebbles,\nknown as _zoch_. Other musical instruments mentioned, are the _chanal_,\nthe whistle (_pito_, _Dicc. Anon._), and _tzuy_, the marimba, or\nsomething like it.\n\nThese nations were warlike, and were well provided with offensive and\ndefensive weapons. The Spanish writers speak of them as skilled archers,\nrude antagonists, but not poisoning their weapons.[17-2] Besides the bow\nand arrow, _[c]ha_, they used a lance, _achcayupil_,[18-1] and\nespecially the blow-pipe, _pub_, a potent weapon in the hands of an\nexpert, the knowledge of which was widely extended over tropical\nAmerica. Their arrow points were of stone, especially obsidian, bone and\nmetal. Other weapons were the wooden war club, _[c]haibalche_; the\nsling, _ica[t]_; the hand-axe, _i[t]ah_, etc.\n\nFor defense, they carried a species of buckler, _pocob_, and a round\nshield called _cetecic chee_, \"the circular wood.\" Over the body they\nwore a heavy, quilted cotton doublet, the _xakpota_, which was an\nefficient protection.\n\nThey may all be said to have been in the \"stone age,\" as the weapons and\nutensils were mostly of stone. The obsidian, which was easily obtained\nin that country, offered an admirable resource for the manufacture of\nknives, arrow heads, awls, and the like. It was called _chay abah_, and,\nas we shall see on a later page, was surrounded with sacred\nassociations.\n\nThe most esteemed precious stones were the _[c]ual_, translated\n\"diamond,\" and the _xit_, which was the impure jade or green stone, so\nmuch the favorite with the nations of Mexico and Central America. It is\nfrequently mentioned in the _Annals_ of Xahila, among the articles of\ngreatest value.\n\nEngraving both on stone and wood, was a prized art. The word to express\nit was _[c]otoh_, and engraved articles are referred to as _[c]otonic_.\n\nAlthough stone and wood were the principal materials on which they\ndepended for their manufactures, they were well acquainted with several\nmetals. Gold and silver were classed under the general name _puvak_, and\ndistinguished as white and yellow; iron and copper were both known as\n_[c]hi[c]h_, and distinguished also by their color. The metals formed an\nimportant element of their riches, and are constantly referred to as\npart of the tribute paid to the rulers. They were worked into ornaments,\nand employed in a variety of decorative manners.\n\nThe form of government of the four nations of whom I am speaking\napproached that of a limited monarchy. There was a head chief, who may\nas well be called a king, deriving his position and power through his\nbirth, whose authority was checked by a council of the most influential\nof his subjects. The details of this general scheme were not the same at\nall periods, nor in all the states; but its outlines differed little.\n\nAmong the Cakchiquels, who interest us at present, the regal power was\nequally divided between two families, the Zotzils and the Xahils; not\nthat there were two kings at the same time, as some have supposed, but\nthat the throne was occupied by a member of these families alternately,\nthe head of the other being meanwhile heir-apparent.[19-1] These chiefs\nwere called the Ahpo-Zotzil and the Ahpo-Xahil; and their eldest sons\nwere entitled Ahpop-[c]amahay and Galel Xahil, respectively, terms which\nwill shortly be explained.\n\nThe ceremonial distinction established between the ruler and those\nnearest him in rank, was indicated by the number of canopies under which\nthey sat. The ruler himself was shaded by three, of graded sizes, the\nuppermost being the largest. The heir-apparent was privileged to support\ntwo, and the third from the king but one. These canopies were\nelaborately worked in the beautiful feathers of the _quetzal_, and other\nbrilliant birds, and bore the name of _muh_, literally \"shade\" or\n\"shadow,\" but which metaphorically came to mean royal dignity or state,\nand also protection, guardianship.[20-1]\n\nThe seat or throne on which he sat was called _tem_, _[c]hacat_, and\n_[t]alibal_, and these words are frequently employed to designate the\nSupreme Power.\n\nThe ceremonies connected with the installation of a king or head chief,\nare described in an interesting passage of the _Annals_, Sec. 41: \"He\nwas bathed by the attendants in a large painted vessel; he was clad in\nflowing robes; a sacred girdle or fillet was tied upon him; he was\npainted with the holy colors, was anointed, and jewels were placed upon\nhis person.\" Such considerable solemnities point to the fact that these\npeople were on a much higher plane of social life than one where the\npossession of the leadership was merely an act of grasping by the\nstrongest arm.\n\nOf the four nations, the Quiches were the most numerous and powerful. At\ntimes they exercised a sovereignty over the others, and levied tribute\nfrom them. But at the period of Alvarado's conquest, all four were\nindependent States, engaged in constant hostilities against each other.\n\nThere is no means of forming an accurate estimate of their number. All\nearly accounts agree that their territory was thickly populated, with\nnumerous towns and cities.[21-1] The contingent sent to Alvarado by the\nCakchiquel king, to aid in the destruction of Quiche, was four thousand\nwarriors in one body, according to Alvarado's own statement, though\nXahila puts it at four hundred. There are various reasons for believing\nthat the native population was denser at the Conquest than at present;\nand now the total aboriginal population of the State of Guatemala, of\npure or nearly pure blood, is about half a million souls.\n\n\n_The Capital City of the Cakchiquels._\n\nThe capital city of the Cakchiquels is referred to by Xahila as \"Iximche\non the Ratzamut.\" It was situated on the lofty plateau, almost on a\nline connecting Gumarcaah, the capital of the Quiches, with the modern\ncity of Guatemala, about twelve leagues from the latter and eight from\nthe former. Its name, _Iximche_, is that of a kind of tree (_che_=tree)\ncalled by the Spanish inhabitants _ramon_, apparently a species of\n_Brosimium_. _Ratzamut_, literally \"the beak of the wild pigeon,\" was\nthe name given to the small and almost inaccessible plain, surrounded on\nall sides by deep ravines, on which Iximche was situated. Doubtless, it\nwas derived from some fancied resemblance of the outline of the plain to\nthe beak of this bird.\n\nThe capital was also called simply _tinamit_, the city (not _Patinamit_,\nas writers usually give it, as _pa_ is not an article but a preposition,\nin or at); and by the Aztec allies of the conqueror Alvarado,\n_Quauhtemallan_, \"place of the wood-pile,\" for some reason unknown to\nus.[22-1] The latter designation was afterwards extended to the\nprovince, and under the corrupt form _Guatemala_ is now the accepted\nname of the State and its modern capital.\n\nThe famous captain, Pedro de Alvarado was the first European to visit\nIximche. He entered it on April 13th, 1524 (old style). In his letter\ndescribing the occurrence, however, he says little or nothing about the\nsize or appearance of the buildings.[22-2]\n\nScarcely more satisfactory are the few words devoted to it by Captain\nBernal Diaz del Castillo, who spent a night there the same year. He\nobserves that \"its buildings and residences were fine and rich, as might\nbe expected of chiefs who ruled all the neighboring provinces.\"[23-1]\n\nWhen the revolt of the Cakchiquels took place, soon afterwards, Iximche\nwas deserted, and was never again fully inhabited. The Spaniards ordered\nthe natives to settle in other localities, the fortifications of their\ncapital were demolished, and many of the stones carried away, to\nconstruct churches and houses in other localities.\n\nThe next account we have of it dates from the year 1695, when the\nhistorian and antiquary, Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman, wrote a\ndetailed description of its ruins from personal inspection. The account\nof this enthusiastic author is the only one which supplies any\napproximate notion of what the city must have been in its flourishing\nperiod, and I therefore translate it, almost entire, from the recently\npublished edition of his voluminous work, the _Recordacion\nFlorida_.[23-2] His chapter will throw light on several otherwise\nobscure passages in Xahila's narrative.\n\n\"_Tecpan goathemala_ was a city of the ancient inhabitants, populous,\nwonderful and impregnable, from the character of its position, situated\nin this valley (of Chimaltenango), on an elevated and cool site. It lies\neight leagues in a straight line from New Guatemala. Around this\nancient and dismantled town, now falling into utmost decay, extends a\ndeep ravine, like a moat, plunging straight down to a depth of more than\na hundred fathoms. This ravine, or moat, is three squares in width from\none battlement or bank to the other, and they say that a good part of it\nwas a work of hands, for the security and defense of the city. There is\nno other entrance than a very narrow causeway, which cuts the ravine at\na point a little north of west. The whole area of the space where are\nthese ancient ruins measures three miles from north to south and two\nfrom east to west, and its complete circumference is nine miles. In the\nheart and centre of this area was prominently erected that great city of\n_Tecpan goathemala_.\n\n\"The whole surface of the soil in this ancient city seems to have been\nartificially prepared, by means of a cement or mortar, laid by hand, to\na depth of three-fourths of a yard. Close to the brink of the ravine\nthere are the sumptuous ruins of a magnificent and stately edifice, in\nlength a hundred measured paces, and in width the same, thus forming a\nperfect square, all of stone and mortar, the stone accurately cut with\ngreat skill, polished and nicely adjusted. In front of this building is\na great square plaza, of much dignity and beauty; and on its northern\nside one can still recognize and admire the ruins of a palace which,\neven in its broken vestiges, reveals a real magnificence. This royal\nedifice also has in front of it some squares as large and spacious in\ntheir splendor as that which has already been mentioned. Surrounding\nthis remarkable structure, are a vast number of foundations, which,\naccording to tradition, and by what is obvious by examination, were the\nhouses and dwellings of nobles and of the great number of _ahaguaes_,\nbesides those who gave their constant attention to the king. In this\nquarter or ward of the nobility, there are several wide and capacious\nstreets, which, as the foundations indicate, ran from east to west.\n\n\"Through the middle of the site of the city, from north to south, runs a\ntrench a fathom and a half in depth, and its battlements of stones laid\nin mortar rise more than half a fathom in height. This trench divided\nthe city into two parts, leaving the residences of the chiefs and nobles\non the eastern side; those of the common people to the west. The\nprincipal street runs from the entrance of the city to the chief square\nof the Temple, which is near the Palace; and from this main street\nothers run east and west, north and south, branching off from the main\nstreet, having many dwellings upon them well arranged and located, and\ndisplaying the high cultivation of the ancient rulers.\n\n\"Another broad street runs close to the main street, from the trench\nmentioned, toward the east, for about a quarter of a league, ending at a\nsmall hill which overlooks the town, on whose summit is a circular wall,\nnot unlike the curb of a well, about a full fathom in height. The floor\nwithin is paved with cement, as the city streets. In the centre is\nplaced a socle or pedestal of a glittering substance, like glass, but of\nwhat composition is not known.\n\n\"This circular structure was the tribunal or consistory of the\nCakchiquel Indians, where not only was public hearing given to causes,\nbut also the sentences were carried out. Seated around this wall, the\njudges heard the pleas and pronounced sentences, in both civil and\ncriminal causes. After this public decision, however, there remained an\nappeal for its revocation or confirmation. Three messengers were chosen\nas deputies of the judges, and these went forth from the tribunal to a\ndeep ravine, north of the Palace, to a small but neatly fitted up chapel\nor temple, where was located the oracle of the demon. This was a black\nand semi-transparent stone, of a finer grade than that called _chay_\n(obsidian). In its transparency, the demon revealed to them what should\nbe their final decision. If it was that the sentence should be\nconfirmed, the accused was immediately executed on the central pedestal\nmentioned, which also served as a place of torture. If, on the other\nhand, nothing could be seen in the transparency of the stone, the\naccused was forthwith discharged. This oracle was also consulted in all\ntheir military undertakings; and war was declared or not, as it seemed\nto dictate, as is stated both by Spaniards and the oldest natives. But\nin the early days of our occupation, when these facts came to the\nknowledge of the Reverend Bishop Don Francisco Marroquin, of glorious\nmemory, he gave orders that this stone should be artistically squared,\nand he consecrated it and used it as an altar stone, and at this day it\nis so employed on the grand altar of the convent of _San Francisco de\nTecpan goathemala_, and it is considered a jewel of unusual beauty and\nvalue. The size of the stone is a full half yard in each direction.\n\n\"The principal gate of this stronghold or citadel was upon the causeway\nmentioned; and they say it was closed with two doors set in the solid\nwall, the external one opening outward, the internal one inward, and\nboth were of the stone called _chay_. Thus, one of these doors backed up\nagainst the other, as we sometimes see double doors in our prisons.\nThey were always guarded with double guards, one within, the other\nwithout, and these guards were changed every seven days. In the open\ncountry, on the other side of the ravine, there were a number of mounds,\nabout a quarter of a league apart, extending for a considerable\ndistance. On these, lookouts were constantly stationed, to give notice\nof the invasions of the Quiches or of the Sotojil king.\"\n\nThe site of Iximche was visited in 1840 by the eminent American\ntraveler, John L. Stephens. He states that its position, the steep and\nprofound barranca, and the plain, \"warrant the description given of it\nby Fuentes.\" A century and a half had, however, almost erased the\nvestiges of human life. \"The ground was covered with mounds of ruins. In\none place we saw the foundations of two houses, one of them about one\nhundred and fifty feet long by fifty feet broad.\"\n\nMr. Stephens was also fortunate enough to see and examine the mysterious\ndivining stone, preserved in the church of Tecpan Guatemala. But a great\ndisappointment awaited him. \"This oracular slab is a piece of common\nslate, fourteen inches by ten, and about as thick as those used by boys\nat school, without characters of any kind upon it.\"[27-1]\n\nA few years after Mr. Stephens' visit, the government of Guatemala\nappointed a commission to survey and examine these ruins. They completed\ntheir labors successfully, but I have been unable to learn that the\nresults were published, although they were written out and placed in the\ngovernmental archives.[28-1]\n\n\n_Computation of Time._\n\nI propose, in a future work, to discuss the methods of reckoning time in\nuse in Central America; but a brief explanation of that adopted by the\nCakchiquels is essential to a comprehension of their _Annals_.\n\nThe Cakchiquels were probably acquainted with the length of the year as\n365 days; there is even some evidence that they allowed an intercalary\nday every four years, by beginning the reckoning of the year one day\nearlier.\n\nThe beginning of their year is stated, by most authorities, to have been\non the day corresponding to our January 31st or February 1st, old style\n(February 11th or 12th, new style).\n\nThe year was not divided into lunar months, as was the case with the\nhunting tribes, but in a manner similar to the highly artificial and\ncomplicated system that prevailed among the Mayas and Mexicans. This\nallotted to the solar year twenty months of eighteen days each, leaving\na remainder of five days, which the Mexicans called _nemontemi_,\ninsufficient; the Mayas _n yail kin_, days of pain or of peril, and the\nCakchiquels _[tz]api [t]ih_, days of evil or days at fault; and which\nwere not included in the count of the months.[28-2]\n\nDates, however, were not assigned by a simple reference to days of the\nmonth, but by days of the week; these weeks being of thirteen days each,\nand including every day of the year. The week days were not named, but\nnumbered only.\n\nAs will be noted in the _Annals_, more importance was attached to the\nday on which an occurrence took place than to the year. This is common\nwith untrained minds. Every citizen of the United States knows that\nGeorge Washington was born on the 22d of February; but it would puzzle a\nlarge portion of them to be asked the year of his birth.\n\n _Names of the Cakchiquel Months._\n\n _Name._ _Signification._\n 1. Tacaxepual, Corn planting\n 2. Nabey tumuzuz, First of winged ants.\n 3. Rucan tumuzuz, Second of winged ants.\n 4. Cibix, Smoky, or clouds.\n 5. Uchum, Re-planting\n 6. Nabey mam, First grandson.\n 7. Rucab mam, Second grandson.\n 8. Li[t]in[t]a, Soft to the hand.\n 9. Nabey to[t], First cacao harvest.\n 10. Rucab to[t], Second cacao harvest[TN-1]\n 11. Nabey pach, First incubation.\n 12. Rucab pach, Second incubation.\n 13. Tziquin [t]ih, Bird days.\n 14. Cakan, Red clouds.\n 15. Ibota, Mat rolling.\n 16. Katic, Drying up.\n 17. Itzcal [t]ih, Bad road days.\n 18. Pariche, In the woods.\n\nTo appreciate the bearing of these names, one must remember that this is\na rural calendar, in which the months were designated with reference to\nfarming and household incidents. Thus, the \"winged ants\" referred to,\nare a species that appear in March and April, shortly before the first\nof the rainy season; the fourth month is cloudy or misty, from the\nfrequent rains; the first and second grandsons refer probably to the\n\"suckers,\" which must be plucked from the growing corn; in the eighth\nmonth the earth is moist, and must be kept, by tillage, \"soft to the\nhand;\" the others have obvious rural allusions, down to the last, when\nthe natives went \"in the woods\" to gather fuel. The names appear to be\nall in the Cakchiquel dialect, except the first, _Tacaxepual_, the\nresemblance of which to the name of the second Mexican month,\n_Tlacaxipehualiztli_, is too striking to be a coincidence, and perhaps\nthe seventeenth, _Itzcal_, which is very like the eighteenth of the\nMexican calendar, _Izcalli_; but if borrowed from the latter, two\nCakchiquel words, of similar sound but different meaning, have been\nsubstituted for the original by the familiar linguistic principle of\n_otosis_ or paronomasia.\n\n _Names of the Cakchiquel Days._\n\n _Name._ _Name._\n 1. Imox, 11. Batz,\n 2. I[t], 12. Ee,\n 3. A[t]bal, 13. Ah,\n 4. Kat, 14. Yiz,\n 5. Can, 15. Tziquin,\n 6. Camey, 16. Ahmac,\n 7. Queh, 17. Noh,\n 8. Kanel, 18. Tihax,\n 9. Toh, 19. Caok,\n 10. Tzii, 20. Hunahpu,[TN-2]\n\nThe calendars in use were of two different kinds, the one called _[c]hol\n[t]ih_, literally \"the valuer or appraiser of days,\" which was employed\nexclusively for astrological and divining purposes, to decide on which\nwere lucky and unlucky days; and _may [t]ih_, \"the revolution or\nrecurrence of days,\" which was for chronological purposes.[31-1]\n\nIt will be noticed that in Xahila's _Annals_, every year ends on a day\n_Ah_, and that each such closing day is numerically three less than the\nday _Ah_ terminating the preceding year. There are also obvious\ninconsistencies in his identification of native dates with the Christian\ncalendar; but these, and the numerous difficult questions they suggest,\nwould take me too far afield to enter upon in the present introductory\nparagraphs. The object of this volume is rather to furnish material for\nstudy than to undertake the study itself.\n\nThe brief description of their reckoning of time, given by Sanchez y\nLeon, may be quoted: \"They divided the year into 18 months, and each\nmonth into 20 days; but they counted only by nights, which they\nmentioned as dawns (alboradas); the movements of the sun in the ecliptic\ngoverned their calendar; they began their year forty days before ours;\nthey celebrated annually three great feasts, like Easters, at which\nperiods both sexes assembled together at night, and indulged in\ndrunkenness and wantonness.\"[31-2]\n\nI think in this extract the author should have said that they began\ntheir year 40 days later than ours, as this would bring his statement\nmore into conformity with other writers.\n\n\n_Personal and Family Names._\n\nAmong the Cakchiquels, each person bore two names; the first his\nindividual name, the second that of his family or _chinamitl_. This word\nis pure Nahuatl, and means a place enclosed by a fence,[32-1] and\ncorresponds, therefore, to the Latin _herctum_, and the Saxon _ton_. As\nadopted by the Cakchiquels, it meant a household or family of one\nlineage and bearing one name, all of whom were really or theoretically\ndescended from one ancestral household. To all such was applied the term\n_aca_, related or affined;[32-2] and marriage within the chinamitl was\nnot permitted. When a man of one chinamitl married into another, every\nmale in the latter became his brother-in-law, _baluc_, or son-in-law,\n_hi_.[32-3]\n\nEach _chinamitl_ was presided over by a recognized leader, the \"head of\nthe house,\" whose title was _ah[c,]alam_, \"the keeper of the\ntablets,\"[32-4] probably the painted records on which the genealogy of\nthe family and the duties of its members were inscribed.\n\nThe division of the early tribes into these numerous families was not\nancient, dating, according to tradition, from about a century and a half\nbefore the Conquest.[32-5]\n\nThe family name was sometimes derived from a locality, sometimes from a\npeculiarity, and at others from astrological motives.[33-1]\n\nThe personal name was always that of the day of birth, this being\nadopted for astrological reasons. There was a fixed opinion that the\ntemperament and fortunes of the individual were controlled by the\nsupposed character of his birthday, and its name and number were\ntherefore prefixed to his family name. This explains the frequent\noccurrence in the Cakchiquel _Annals_ of such strange appellatives as\n_Belehe Queh_, nine deer; _Cay Batz_, two monkey, etc.; these being, in\nfact, the days of the year on which the bearers were born. They should\nbe read, \"the 9th Queh,\" \"the 2d Batz,\" etc.\n\n\n_Tribal Subdivisions._\n\nThe _chinamitl_ appears to have been the sub-gens. Besides it, there are\nother words frequently recurring in the _Annals_ referring to divisions\nof the community, _hay_, home or household; _[c]hob_, sept or division;\nand _ama[t]_ tribe or city.\n\nThe first of these, _hay_, appears to be a general term applied to a\ncommunity, without necessarily implying relationship. An Indian, asked\nwhere he is from, will answer _in ah-hay vae_, \"I am of this place,\"\nreferring to his village. Yet it is evident that in early times, all of\none village were considered to be related. The word _hay_,\nmoroever,[TN-3] does not signify a house as an edifice. In that sense\nthe proper term is _ochoch_.\n\nThe frequent references by Xahila to the seven tribes, or rather the\nseven cities, _vuk ama[t]_, and the thirteen divisions or provinces,\n_oxlahuh [c]hob_, are not explained in the course of the narrative.\nThese numbers retained sacred associations, as they were adopted later\nto assign the days of worship of their divinity (see Sec. 44). Brasseur\nis of opinion that the thirteen divisions refer to the Pokomams,[34-1]\nbut that such a subdivision obtained among the Cakchiquels as well, is\nevident from many parts of their _Annals_. The same division also\nprevailed, from remote times, among the Quiches,[34-2] and hence was\nprobably in use among all these tribes. It may have had some\nsuperstitious connection with the thirteen days of their week. The\n_[c]hob_ may be regarded as the original gens of the tribe, and the\nsimilarity of this word to the radical syllable of the Nahuatl\n_calp-ulli_, may not be accidental. I have elsewhere spoken of the\nsingular frequency with which we hear of seven ancestors, cities, caves,\netc., in the most ancient legends of the American race.[34-3]\n\n\n_Terms of Affinity and Salutation._\n\nIn the Cakchiquel grammar which I edited, I have given a tolerably full\nlist of the terms of consanguinity and affinity in the tongue (pp. 28,\n29). But it is essential to the correct understanding of the text in\nthis volume, to recognize the fact that many such terms in Cakchiquel\nare, in the majority of cases, terms of salutation only, and do not\nexpress actual relationship.\n\nExamples of this are the words _tata_, father, used by women to all\nadult males; and _tee_, mother, employed by both sexes in addressing\nadult women. In Xahila's writings, we constantly find the words _nimal_,\nelder brother, and _cha[t]_, younger brother, inserted merely as\nfriendly epithets. The term _mama_, grandfather, almost always means\nsimply \"ancestor,\" or, indeed, any member of an anterior generation\nbeyond the first degree. This word must not be confounded with _mam_ (an\nerror occurring repeatedly in Brasseur's writings), as the latter means\n\"grandchild;\" and according to Father Coto, it may be applied by a\ngrandparent of either sex to a grandchild of either sex.\n\n\n_Titles and Social Castes._\n\nThere are a number of terms of frequent recurrence in Xahila's text,\nexpressing the different offices in the government, rank in social life\nand castes of the population, which offer peculiar difficulty to the\ntranslator, because we have no corresponding expressions in European\ntongues; while to retain them in the version, renders it less\nintelligible, and even somewhat repulsive to the reader. I have thought\nit best, generally, to give these terms an approximate English rendering\nin my translation, while in the present section I submit them to a\ncritical examination.\n\nThe ordinary term for chief or ruler, in both the Cakchiquel and Maya\ndialects, is _ahau_. Probably this is a compound of _ah_, a common\nprefix in these tongues, originally signifying _person_, and hence, when\nattached to a verb, conveying the notion of one accustomed to exercise\nthe action indicated; to a noun of place, a resident there; and to a\ncommon noun, a worker in or owner of the article; and _u_, a collar,\nespecially an ornamental collar, here intended as a badge of authority.\n_Ahau_ is, therefore, \"the wearer of the collar;\" and by this\ndistinction equivalent to chief, ruler, captain, lord, king, or emperor,\nby all which words it is rendered in the lexicons. It is not a special\ntitle, but a general term.\n\nScarcely less frequent is the term _ahpop_. This is a compound of the\nsame prefix _ah_, with the word _pop_, which means a mat. To sit upon\nsuch a mat was a privilege of nobility, and of such dignitaries as were\nentitled to be present at the national council; _ahpop_, therefore, may\nbe considered as equivalent to the German title _Rath_, counsellor, and\nappears to have been used much in the same conventional manner. In the\nCakchiquel lexicons, _popoh_ is \"to hold a council;\" _popol_, a council;\n_popoltzih_, \"to speak in council,\" etc. All these are derived from the\nword _pop_, mat; from the mats on which the councillors sat during their\ndeliberations.\n\nPersonages of the highest rank, of the \"blood royal,\" combined these\ntitles. They were _ahau ahpop_, \"lords of the council.\" Uniting the\nlatter title to the family names of the ruling house, the chief ruler\nwas known as _Ahpo' Zotzil_, and the second in rank and heir-apparent,\nas _Ahpo' Xahil_. The oldest son of the former bore the title\n_Ahpop-[c]amahay_, which is translated by the best authorities\n\"messenger of the council,\" and ordinarily was applied to an official\nwho communicated the decisions of the councils of one village to that\nof another.[37-1] Another title, mentioned by Xahila, is _ahpop-achi_,\nthe last word means man, _vir_.\n\nA third article, which distinguished the higher classes, was the seat or\nstool on which they sat during solemn ceremonies. This was called\n_[t]aalibal_, an instrumental noun from the verb _[t]al_, to be visible\nor prominent, persons so seated being elevated above, and thus\ndistinguished from others, from this the verbal form, _[t]alel_, was\nderived, meaning \"he who is prominent,\" etc., or, more freely,\n\"illustrious,\" \"distinguished.\"[37-2] The title _ahpop [t]alel_ meant,\ntherefore, originally \"he who is entitled to a mat and a stool,\" that\nis, in the council chamber of his town.\n\nAnother official connected with the council was the orator appointed to\nbring before it the business of the day. His title was _ah uchan_, from\n_ucheex_, to speak, and it is translated by Spanish writers, the\n\"rhetorician, orator.\"[37-3] A similar personage, the _ah tzih vinak_,\n\"the man of words,\"[37-4] was in attendance on the king, and,\napparently, was the official mouth-piece of the royal will. Still a\nthird, known as the _lol-may_, which apparently means \"silence-breaker,\"\nwas, according to the dictionaries, \"an envoy dispatched by the rulers\nto transact business or to collect tributes.\"[38-1]\n\nVery nearly or quite the same organization prevailed in the courts of\nQuiche and Atitlan. The chiefs of the latter province forwarded, in\n1571, a petition to Philip II, in which they gave some interesting\nparticulars of their former government. They say: \"The supreme ruler was\ncalled _Atziquinihai_, and the chiefs who shared the authority with him,\n_Amac Tzutuhil_. These latter were sovereigns, and acknowledged no\nsuperiors.... The sovereign, or king, did not recognize any authority\nabove himself. The persons or officers who attended at his court were\ncalled _Lolmay_, _Atzivinac_, _Galel_, _Ah-uchan_. They were factors,\nauditors and treasurers. Our titles correspond to yours.\"[38-2]\n\nThe name here applied to the ruler of the Tzutuhils, _Atziquinahay_,\nrecurs in Xahila's _Annals_. It was his family name, and in its proper\nform, _Ah [c,]iquin-i-hay_, means \"he who is a member of the bird\nfamily;\"[38-3] the bird being the totemic symbol of the ruling house.\n\nWhile the nobles were distinguished by titles such as these, the mass of\nthe people were divided into well defined classes or castes. The\nwarriors were called _ah-labal_, from _labal_, war; and they were\ndistinguished from the general male population, who were known as\n_achi_, men, _viri_. These were independent freemen, engaged in peaceful\navocations, but, of course, ready to take up arms on occasion. They were\nbroadly distinguished from the tributaries, called _ah-patan_; the\nlatter word meaning tax or tribute; and still more sharply from the\nslaves, known as _vinakitz_, \"mean men,\" or by the still more\nsignificant word _mun_, hungry (Guzman, _Compendio_). The less\ncultivated tribes speaking other tongues, adjoining the Cakchiquels,\nwere promiscuously stigmatized with the name _chicop_, brutes or beasts.\n\nA well developed system of tribute seems to have prevailed, and it is\noften referred to by Xahila. The articles delivered to the collectors\nwere gold, silver, plain and worked, feathers, cacao, engraved stones,\nand what appear as singular, garlands (_[c]ubul_) and songs, painted\napparently on skins or paper.\n\n\n_Religious Notions._\n\nThe deities worshiped by these nations, the meaning and origin of their\ntitles, and the myths connected with them, have been the subject of an\nexamination by me in an earlier work.[39-1] Here, therefore, it will be\nneedless to repeat what I have there said, further than to add a few\nremarks explanatory of the Cakchiquel religion in particular.\n\nAccording to the _Popol Vuh_, \"the chief god of the Cakchiquels was\n_Chamalcan_, and his image was a bat.\"[40-1] Brasseur endeavored to\ntrace this to a Nahuatl etymology,[40-2] but there is little doubt it\nrefers, as do so many of the Cakchiquel proper names, to their calendar.\n_Can_ is the fifth day of their week, and its sign was a serpent;[40-3]\n_chamal_ is a slightly abbreviated form of _chaomal_, which the lexicons\ntranslate \"beauty\" and \"fruitfulness,\" connected with _chaomar_, to\nyield abundantly. He was the serpent god of fruitfulness, and by this\ntype suggests relations to the lightning and the showers. The bat,\n_Zotz_, was the totem of the Zotzils, the ruling family of the\nCakchiquels; and from the extract quoted, they seem to have set it up as\nthe image of Chamalcan.\n\nThe generic term for their divinities, employed by Xahila, and also\nfrequently in the _Popol Vuh_, is _[c]abuyl_, which I have elsewhere\nderived from the Maya _chab_, to create, to form. It is closely allied\nto the epithets applied in both works to the Deity, _[c,]akol_, the\nmaker, especially he who makes something from earth or clay; _bitol_,\nthe former, or fashioner; _[c]aholom_, the begetter of sons; _alom_, the\nbearer of children; these latter words intimating the bi-sexual nature\nof the principal divinity, as we also find in the Aztec mythology and\nelsewhere. The name _[c]axto[c]_, the liar, from the verb\n_[c]axto[c]oh_, to lie, also frequently used by Xahila with reference to\nthe chief god of his nation in its heathendom, may possibly have arisen\nafter their conversion to Christianity; but from the coincidence that\nthe Algonkin tribes constantly applied such seemingly opprobrious terms\nto their principal deity, it may have arisen from a similar cycle of\nmyths as did theirs.[41-1]\n\nThere are references in Xahila's _Annals_ to the Quiche deities,\nExbalanquen, Cabrakan, Hunahpu, and Tohil, but they do not seem to have\noccupied any prominent place in Cakchiquel mythology. Several minor gods\nare named, as _Belehe Toh_, nine Toh, and _Hun Tihax_, one Tihax; these\nappellations are taken from the calendar.\n\nFather Pantaleon de Guzman furnishes the names of various inferior\ndeities, which serve to throw light on the Cakchiquel religion. Four of\nthese appear to be gods of diseases, _Ahal puh_, _Ahal te[t]ob_, _Ahal\nxic_, and _Ahal [t]anya_; at least three of these second words are also\nthe designations of maladies, and _ahal_ is probably a mistake of the\ncopyist for _ahau_, lord. As the gods of the abode of the dead, he names\n_Tatan bak_ and _Tatan holom_, Father Bones and Father Skull.\n\nAnother series of appellations which Guzman gives as of Cakchiquel gods,\nshow distinctly the influence of Nahuatl doctrines. There are _Mictan\nahauh_, lord of Mictlan, this being the name of the abode of darkness,\nin Aztec mythology; _Caueztan ahauh_, probably _Coatlan_, lord of the\nabode of serpents; _Tzitzimil_, the _tzitzimime_ of the Aztecs; and\n_Colele_, probably _colotl_, the scorpion, or _tecolotl_, the owl,\nwhich latter, under the name _tucur_, is also mentioned by Xahila.[42-1]\n\nFather Coto refers to some of their deities of the woods and streams.\nOne of these, the Man of the Woods, is famous throughout Yucatan and\nmost of Central America. The Spaniards call him _Salonge_, the Mayas\n_Che Vinic_, and the Cakchiquels _ru vinakil chee_; both these latter\nmeaning \"the woods man.\" What gives this phantom especial interest in\nthis connection is, that Father Coto identifies the woodsman with the\n_Zaki[c]oxol_, the white fire maker, encountered by the Cakchiquels in\nXahila's narrative (Sec. 21).[42-2] I have narrated the curious\nfolk-lore about the woodsman in another publication, and need not repeat\nit here.[42-3] His second name, the White Fire Maker, perhaps refers to\nthe \"light wood\" or phosphorescence about damp and decaying trees.\n\nTo the water-sprites, the Undines of their native streams, they gave the\nname _xulu_, water-flies, or _ru vinakil ya_, the water people.\n\nAs their household gods, they formed little idols of the ashes from the\nfuneral pyres of their great men, kneading them with clay. To these they\ngave the name _vinak_, men or beings (Coto).\n\nRepresentations of these divinities were carved in wood and stone, and\nthe words _chee abah_, \"wood and stone,\" usually mean, when they appear\ntogether in Xahila's narrative, \"idols or images in wood and stone.\"\n\nThe Stone God, indeed, is a prominent figure in their mythology, as it\nwas in their daily life. This was the sacred _Chay Abah_, the Obsidian\nStone, which was the oracle of their nation, and which revealed the will\nof the gods on all important civil and military questions. To this day,\ntheir relatives, the Mayas of Yucatan, attach implicit faith to the\nrevelations of the _zaztun_, the divining stone kept by their sorcerers,\nand if it decrees the death of any one, they will despatch him with\ntheir machetes, without the slightest hesitation.[43-1] The belief was\ncherished by the rulers and priests, as they alone possessed the power\nto gaze on the polished surface of the sacred block of obsidian, and\nread thereupon the invisible decrees of divinity. (See above, p. 25).\n\nAs the stone came from the earth, it was said to have been derived from\nthe under world, from _Xibalbay_, literally the unseen or invisible\nplace, the populous realm in Quiche myth, visited and conquered by their\nculture hero, Xbalanque. Hence in Cakchiquel tale, the Chay Abah\nrepresented the principle of life, as well as the source of\nknowledge.[43-2]\n\nThe Cakchiquel _Annals_ do not pretend to deal with mythology, but from\nvarious references and fragments inserted as history, it is plain that\nthey shared the same sacred legends as the Quiches, which were, in all\nprobability, under slightly different forms, the common property of the\nMaya race. They all indicate loans from the Aztec mythology. In the\nCakchiquel _Annals_, as in the _Popol Vuh_ and the _Maya Chronicles_, we\nhear of the city of the sun god, _Tulan_ or _Tonatlan_, as the place of\ntheir origin, of the land _Zuiva_ and of the _Nonoalcos_, names\nbelonging to the oldest cycles of myths in the religion of the Aztecs.\nIn the first volume of this series I have discussed their appearance in\nthe legends of Central America,[44-1] and need not refer to them here\nmore than to say that those who have founded on these names theories of\nthe derivation of the Maya tribes or their ruling families from the\nToltecs, a purely imaginary people, have perpetrated the common error of\nmistaking myth for history. It is this error that renders valueless much\nthat the Abbe Brasseur, M. Charnay and others of the French school, have\nwritten on this subject.\n\nXahila gives an interesting description of some of their ancient rites\n(Sec. 44). Their sacred days were the 7th and 13th of each week. White\nresin was burned as incense, and green branches with the bark of\nevergreen trees were brought to the temple, and burned before the idol,\ntogether with a small animal, which he calls a cat, \"as the image of\nnight;\" but our domestic cat was unknown to them, and what animal was\noriginally meant by the word _mez_, I do not know.\n\nHe mentions that the priests and nobles drew blood with the spines of\nthe gourd tree and maguey, and elsewhere (Sec. 37) refers to the\nsacrifice of infants at a certain festival. The word for the sacrificial\nletting of blood was _[c,]ohb_, which, by some of the missionaries, was\nclaimed as the root of the word _[c]abuil_, deity.\n\nHuman sacrifice was undoubtedly frequent, although the reverse has been\nasserted by various historians.[45-1] Father Varea gives some curious\nparticulars. The victim was immolated by fire, the proper word being\n_[c]atoh_, to burn, and then cut in pieces and eaten. When it was, as\nusual, a male captive, the genital organs were given to one of the old\nwomen who were prophetesses, to be eaten by her, as a reward for her\nsupplications for their future success in battle.[45-2] The cutting in\npieces of Tol[c]om, in the narrative of Xahila, has reference to such a\nfestival.\n\nSanchez y Leon states that the most usual sacrifice was a child. The\nheart was taken out, and the blood was sprinkled toward the four\ncardinal points as an act of adoration to the four winds, copal being\nburned at the same time, as an incense.[45-3]\n\nA leading feature in their ceremonial worship was the sacred dance, or,\nas the Spanish writers call it, _el baile_. The native name for it is\n_xahoh_, and it is repeatedly referred to in the _Annals_. The legendary\norigin of some of these dances, indeed, constitute a marked feature in\nits narratives. They are mentioned by the missionaries as the favorite\npastime of the Indians; and as it was impossible to do away with them\naltogether, they contented themselves with suppressing their most\nobjectionable features, drunkenness and debauchery, and changed them, at\nleast in name, from ceremonies in honor of some heathen god, to some\nsaint in the Roman calendar. In some of these, vast numbers of\nassistants took part, as is mentioned by Xahila (Sec. 32).\n\nMagic and divination held a very important place in Cakchiquel\nsuperstition, as the numerous words bearing upon them testify. The form\nof belief common to them and their neighbors, has received the name\n_Nagualism_, from the Maya root _na_, meaning to use the senses. I have\ntraced its derivation and extension elsewhere,[46-1] and in this\nconnection will only observe that the narrative of Xahila, in repeated\npassages, proves how deeply it was rooted in the Cakchiquel mind. The\nexpression _ru puz ru naval_, should generally be rendered \"his magic\npower, his sorcery,\" though it has a number of allied significations.\n_Naval_ as a noun means magician, _naval chee_, _naval abah_, the spirit\nof the tree, of the stone, or the divinity embodied in the idols of\nthese substances.\n\nAnother root from which a series of such words were derived, was _hal_,\nto change. The power of changing or metamorphosing themselves into\ntigers, serpents, birds, globes of fire, etc., was claimed by the\nsorcerers, and is several times mentioned in the following texts. Hence\nthe sorcerer was called _haleb_, the power he possessed to effect such\ntransformations _halibal_, the change effected _halibeh_, etc.\n\nTheir remarkable subjection to these superstitions is illustrated by the\nword _lab_, which means both to divine the future and to make war,\nbecause, says Ximenez, \"they practiced divination in order to decide\nwhether they should make war or not.\"[47-1]\n\nThese auguries were derived frequently from the flight and call of birds\n(as in the _Annals_, Secs. 13, 14, etc.), but also from other sources.\nThe diviner who foretold by grains of maize, bore the title _malol\nixim_, the anointer or consecrator of maize (_Dicc. Anon_[TN-4]).\n\nThe priesthood was represented by two high priests, elected for life by\nthe ruler and council. The one who had especial custody of religious\naffairs wore a flowing robe, a circlet or diadem on his head ornamented\nwith feathers, and carried in his hand a rod, or wand. On solemn\noccasions he publicly sacrificed blood from his ears, tongue, and\ngenital organ.\n\nHis associate was the custodian and interpreter of the sacred books,\ntheir calendars and myths, and decided on lucky and unlucky days, omens\nand prognostics.\n\nIn addition to these, there were certain old men, of austere life, who\ndwelt in the temples, and wore their hair in plaited strands around\ntheir heads (_trenzado en circulo_), who were consulted on ordinary\noccasions as diviners.[47-2]\n\nThe funeral rites of the Cakchiquels have been related at considerable\nlength by Fuentes, from original documents in the Pokoman[TN-5]\ndialect.[48-1] The body was laid in state for two days, after which it\nwas placed in a large jar and interred, a mound being erected over the\nremains. On the mound a statue of the deceased was placed, and the spot\nwas regarded as sacred. Father Coto gives somewhat the same account,\nadding that these mounds were constructed either of stone or of the\nadjacent soil, and were called _cakhay_ or _cubucak_.[48-2] He\npositively asserts that human sacrifices accompanied the interments of\nchiefs, which is denied by Fuentes, except among the Quiches. These\ncompanions for the deceased chief on his journey to the land of souls,\nwere burned on his funeral pyre. A large store of charcoal was buried\nwith the corpse, as that was supposed to be an article of which he would\nhave special use on his way. Sanchez y Leon mentions that the high\npriest was buried in his house, clothed and seated upon his chair. The\nfuneral ceremonies, in his case, lasted fifteen days.[48-3]\n\n\n_The Cakchiquel Language._\n\nThe Cakchiquel tongue was reduced to writing by the Spanish\nmissionaries, and therefore, in this work, as in all the MSS, the\nfollowing letters are used with their Spanish values,--a, b, c, ch, c,\ne, i, l, m, n, o, p, q, r, t, y.\n\nThe following are not employed:--\n\nd, f, g, j, s, n, z.\n\nThe following are introduced, but with sounds differing from the\nSpanish:--\n\n_h._ This is always a decided rough breathing or forcible expiration,\nlike the Spanish j, or the strong English h; except when it follows c or\n[c], when it is pronounced as in the Spanish, _cha_, _che_, etc.\n\n_k._ This has never the sound of c, but is a rough palatal, the mouth\nbeing opened, and the tongue placed midway, between the upper and lower\nwalls of the oral cavity, while the sound is forcibly expelled.\n\n_v._ This letter, whether as a consonant (_v_) or a vowel (_u_), is\npronounced separately, except when it is doubled, as in _vuh_ (_uuh_),\nbook or paper, when the double vowel is very closely akin to the English\n_w_.\n\n_x._ In Cakchiquel and its associated dialects, this letter represents\nthe sound of _sh_ in the English words _she_, _shove_, etc.\n\nBesides the above, there are five sounds occurring in the Cakchiquel,\nQuiche and Tzutuhil, for which five special characters were invented, or\nrather adopted, by the early missionary Francisco de la Parra, who died\nin Guatemala, in 1560. They are the following:--\n\n [c,] [c,]h [c] [t] [tz]\n\nThe origin and phonetic value of these, as given by the grammarian\nTorresano, are as follows:[49-1]--\n\n[t] This is called the _tresillo_, from its shape, it being an old form\nof the figure three, reversed, thus, [Illustration: Reversed 3]. It is\nthe only true guttural in the language, being pronounced forcibly from\nthe throat, with a trilling sound (_castaneteando_).\n\n[c] From its shape this is called the _cuatrillo_, Parra having adopted\nfor it an old form of the figure 4. It is a trilled palatal, between a\nhard _c_ and _k_.\n\n[c,] The name applied to this is, the _cuatrillo con coma_, or the 4\nwith a comma. It is pronounced somewhat like the _c_ with the cedilla,\nc, only more quickly and with greater force--_ds_ or _dz_.\n\n[tz] This resembles the \"4 with a comma,\" but is described as softer,\nthe tongue being brought into contact with the teeth, exactly as _tz_ in\nGerman.\n\n[c,]h A compound sound produced by combining the cuatrillo with a\nforcible aspirate, is represented by this sign.\n\nNaturally, no description in words can convey a correct notion of these\nsounds. To learn them, one must hear them spoken by those to the\nmanner-born.\n\nDr. Otto Stoll, who recently made a careful study of the Cakchiquel when\nin Guatemala, says of Parra's characters:--\n\n\"The four new signs added to the European alphabet, by some of the old\nwriters on Cakchiquel (Parra, Flores), viz: [t], [c], [c,], [c]h, are\nbut phonetic modifications of four corresponding signs of the common\nalphabet. So we get four pairs of sounds, namely:--\n\n c and [c];\n k and [t]\n ch and [c]h\n tz and [c,]\n\nforming two series of consonants, the former of which represents the\ncommon letters, and the latter their respective \"cut letters,\" which may\nbe described as being pronounced with a shorter and more explosive sound\nthan the corresponding common letter, and separated by a short pause\nfrom the preceding or following vowel.\"[51-1]\n\nThe late Dr. Berendt illustrated the phonetic value of such \"cut\"\nletters, by the example of two English words where the same letter\nterminates one word and begins the next, and each is clearly but rapidly\npronounced, thus, the [t] is pronounced like two gutteral[TN-6] _ks_ in\n\"brea_k_ _k_ettle;\" the [c] like the two _cs_ in \"magic candle,\"[TN-7]\netc.\n\nThere would appear to have been other \"cut\" letters in the old dialects\nof Cakchiquel, as in Guzman we find the _pp_ and _thth_, as in the Maya,\nbut later writers dropped them.\n\nI may dispense with a discussion of the literature of the Cakchiquel\nlanguage, having treated that subject so lately as last year, in the\nintroduction to the _Grammar of the Cakchiquel_, which I then translated\nand edited for the American Philosophical Society. As will be seen by\nreference to that work, it is quite extensive, and much of it has been\npreserved. I have examined seven dictionaries of the tongue, all quite\ncomprehensive; manuscript copies of all are in the United States. None\nof these, however, has been published; and we must look forward to the\ndictionary now preparing by Dr. Stoll, of Zurich, as probably the first\nto see the light.\n\nThe Maya race, in nearly all its branches, showed its intellectual\nsuperiority by the eagerness with which it turned to literary pursuits,\nas soon as some of its members had learned the alphabet. I have brought\nforward some striking testimony to this in Yucatan,[52-1] and there is\neven more in Central America. The old historians frequently refer to the\nhistories of their own nations, written out by members of the Quiche,\nCakchiquel, Pokomam and Tzendal tribes. Vasquez, Fuentes and Juarros\nquote them frequently, and with respect. They were composed in the\naboriginal tongues, for the benefit of their fellow townsmen, and as\nthey were never printed, most of them became lost, much to the regret of\nantiquaries.\n\nOf those preserved, the _Popol Vuh_ or National Book of the Quiches, and\nthe _Annals_ of the Cakchiquels, the latter published for the first time\nin this volume, are the most important known.\n\nThe former, the \"Sacred Book\" of the Quiches, a document of the highest\nmerits, and which will certainly increase in importance as it is\nstudied, was printed at Paris in 1861, with a translation into French by\nthe Abbe Brasseur (de Bourbourg). He made use only of the types of the\nLatin alphabet; and both in this respect and in the fidelity of his\ntranslation, he has left much to be desired in the presentation of the\nwork.\n\nThe recent publication of the _Grammar_ also relieves me from the\nnecessity of saying much about the structure of the Cakchiquel language.\nThose who wish to acquaint themselves with it, and follow the\ntranslation given in this volume by comparing the original text, will\nneed to procure all the information contained in the _Grammar_. It will\nbe sufficient to say here that the tongue is one built up with admirable\nregularity on radicals of one or two syllables. The perfection and\nlogical sequence of its verbal forms have excited the wonder and\napplause of some of the most eminent linguists, and are considered by\nthem to testify to remarkable native powers of mind.[53-1]\n\n\n_The Annals of Xahila._\n\nThe MS. from which I print the _Annals of the Cakchiquels_, is a folio\nof 48 leaves, closely written on both sides in a very clear and regular\nhand, with indigo ink. It is incomplete, the last page closing in the\nmiddle of a sentence.\n\nWhat is known of the history of this manuscript, is told us by Don Juan\nGavarrete, who, for many years, was almost the only native of Guatemala\ninterested in the early history of his country. He tells us in his\nintroduction to his translation of it, soon to be mentioned, that in\n1844 he was commissioned to arrange the archives of the Convent of San\nFrancisco of Guatemala, by order of the Archbishop Don Francisco Garcia\nPelaez. Among the MSS. of the archives he found these sheets, written\nentirely in Cakchiquel, except a few marginal glosses in Spanish, in a\nlater hand, and in ordinary ink. The document was submitted to several\npersons acquainted with the Cakchiquel language, who gave a general\nstatement of its contents, but not a literal and complete\ntranslation.[54-1]\n\nWhen, in 1855, the Abbe Brasseur (de Bourbourg) visited Guatemala, Senor\nGavarrete showed him this MS., and the Abbe borrowed it for the purpose\nof making a full version, doubtless availing himself of the partial\ntranslations previously furnished. His version completed, he left a copy\nof it with Senor Gavarrete, and brought the original with him to\nEurope.[54-2] It remained in his possession until his death at Nice,\nwhen, along with the rest of the Abbe's library, it passed into the\nhands of M. Alphonse Pinart. This eminent ethnologist learning my desire\nto include it in the present series of publications, was obliging enough\nto offer me the opportunity of studying it.\n\nPrevious to its discovery in Guatemala, in 1844, we have no record of it\nwhatsoever, and must turn to the document itself for information.\n\nThe title given it by Brasseur, and adopted by Gavarrete, _Memorial de\nTecpan Atitlan_, was purely factitious, and, moreover, is misleading. It\nwas, indeed, written at the town of Tzolola or Atitlan, on the lake of\nthat name, the chief city of the Tzutuhils; but its authors were\nCakchiquels; its chief theme is the history of their tribe, and it is\nonly by the accident of their removal to Atitlan, years after the\nConquest, that its composition occurred there. I have, therefore,\nadopted for it, or at least that portion of it which I print, the much\nmore appropriate name, _The Annals of the Cakchiquels_.\n\nI say \"for that portion of it,\" because I print but 48 out of the 96\npages of the original. These contain, however, all that is of general\ninterest; all that pertains to the ancient history of the nation. The\nremainder is made up of an uninteresting record of village and family\nincidents, and of a catalogue of births, baptisms and marriages. The\nbeginning of the text as printed in this volume, starts abruptly in the\nMS. after seventeen pages of such trivialities, and has no separate\ntitle or heading.\n\nThe caption of the first page of the MS. explains the purpose of this\nmiscellaneous collection of family documents. That caption is\n\n [Illustration: Cross]\n\n VAE MEMORIA CHIRE [C]HAOH.\n\n THIS IS THE RECORD FOR THE PROCESS.\n\nThe word _memoria_ is the Spanish for a record, memoir or brief, and the\nCakchiquel _[c]haoh_, originally contention, revolt, was, after the\nConquest, the technical term for a legal process or lawsuit. These\npapers, therefore, form part of the record in one of those interminable\nlegal cases in which the Spanish law delighted. The plaintiffs in the\ncase seem to have been the Xahila family, who brought the action to\nrecover some of their ancient possessions or privileges, as one of the\ntwo ruling families of the Cakchiquel nation; and in order to establish\nthis point, they filed in their plea the full history of their tribe and\ngenealogy of their family, so far as was known to them by tradition or\nwritten record. It belongs to the class of legal instruments, called in\nSpanish law _Titulos_, family titles. A number of such, setting forth\nthe descent and rights of the native princes in Central America, are in\nexistence, as the _Titulo de Totonicapan_, etc.\n\nThe date of the present rescript is not accurately fixed. As it includes\nthe years 1619-20, it must have been later than those dates. From the\ncharacter of the paper and writing, I should place it somewhere between\n1620 and 1650.\n\nIn his _Advertencia_ to his translation of it, Senor Gavarrete asserts\nthat the document is in the handwriting of one of the native authors.\nThis is not my opinion. It is in the small, regular, perfectly legible\nhand of a professional scribe, a notarial clerk, no doubt, thoroughly at\nhome in the Cakchiquel language, and trained in the phonetic characters,\nintroduced with such success by Father Parra, as I have already\nmentioned. The centre lines and catch-words are in large, clear letters,\nso as to attract the eye of the barrister, as\n\n VAE MEMORIA CHIRE VINAK CHIJ.\n\n THIS IS THE STATEMENT OF THE TORTS.\n\nor,\n\n VAE MEMORIA [T]ANAVINAKIL.\n\n THIS IS A RECORD OF THE WITNESSES.\n\nThe document is made up of the depositions and statements of a number of\nmembers of the Xahila family, but that around which the chief interest\ncentres, and that which alone is printed in this volume, is the history\nof his nation as written out by one of them who had already reached\nadult years, at the epoch of the first arrival of the Spaniards, in\n1524. Unfortunately, his simple-hearted modesty led him to make few\npersonal allusions, and we can glean little information about his own\nhistory. The writer first names himself, in the year 1582, where he\nspeaks of \"me, Francisco Ernantez Arana.\"[57-1] The greater part of the\nmanuscript, however, was composed many years before this. Its author\nsays that his grandfather, the king Hun Yg, and his father, Balam, both\ndied in 1521, and his own marriage took place in 1522. As it was the\ncustom of his nation to marry young, he was probably, at the time, not\nover 15 years of age.[57-2]\n\nThat Francisco Ernantez was not the author of the first part of the\ndocument seems evident. Under the year 1560 occurs the following\nentry:--\n\n\"Twenty days before the Feast of the Nativity my mother died; soon\nafter, my late father was carried off (xchaptah) while they were burying\nmy mother; my father took medicine but once before we buried him. The\npest continued to rage for seven days after Easter; my mother, my\nfather, my brother and my sister died this year.\"\n\nIt could not, of course, be the son of Balam, who died in 1521, who\nwrote this.\n\nUnder 1563 the writer mentions:--\n\n\"At this time my second son Raphael was born, at the close of the fourth\nyear of the fourth cycle after the revolt.\"\n\nThe last entry which contains the characteristic words _ixnu[c]ahol_,\n\"you my children,\" occurs in the year 1559, and is the last given in my\ntranslation. My belief is that the document I give was written by the\nfather of Francisco Ernantez Xahila. The latter continued it from 1560\nto 1583, when it was taken up by Francisco Diaz, and later by other\nmembers of the Xahila family.\n\nThe Abbe Brasseur was of the opinion that these _Annals_ carry the\nrecord of the nation back to the beginning of the eleventh century, at\nleast. A close examination of the account shows that this is not the\ncase. Gagavitz, the earliest ruler of the nation, can easily be traced\nas the ancestor in the eighth remove, of the author. The genealogy is as\nfollows:--\n\n1. Gagavitz, \"he who came from Tulan.\"\n\n2. His son, Cay Noh, who succeeded him.\n\n3. Citan Qatu, son of Cay Noh, who also ruled.\n\n4. His son, Citan Tihax Cablah, who does not seem to have enjoyed the\nleadership. It was regained by\n\n5. His son, Vukubatz, by the aid of the Quiche king, Quikab.[TN-8]\n\n6. Oxlahuh Tzii, eldest son of Vukubatz, died A. D., 1509.\n\n7. Succeeded by his eldest son, Hun Yg, who died, together with his\neldest son Balam, the father of the author, in the year 1521.\n\nAllowing to these seven who outlived their parents an average survival\nof twenty years, we are carried back to about the year 1380, as that on\nwhich the migration, headed by Gagavitz, began its wanderings, little\nmore, therefore, than the length of two lives as protracted as that of\nthe author himself. This result is that generally obtained by a careful\nscrutiny of American traditions. They very rarely are so far-reaching as\nhas usually been supposed. Anything spoken of as more than three or four\ngenerations distant, may safely be assumed as belonging to myth, and not\nto history.\n\nIt was the expressed intention of the Abbe Brasseur to edit the original\ntext with his translation, but this he did not live to accomplish. He\nincorporated numerous extracts from it in his _Histoire des Nations\nCivilisees du Mexique et de l'Amerique Centrale_, and added a few\nparagraphs in the original at the end of the first volume of that work;\nbut these did not give much idea of the document as a whole.\n\nWhen, with the aid of the previous partial translations and the\nassistance of some intelligent natives, he had completed a version into\nFrench, of that portion composed by the first two writers he gave a copy\nof it to Don Juan Gavarrete. This antiquary translated it into Spanish,\nand published it serially, in the _Boletin de la Sociedad Economica de\nGuatemala_, beginning with No. 29, September, 1873, and continuing to\nNo. 43. Copies of this publication are, however, so scarce that I have\nbeen unable to learn of a complete file, even in Guatemala. The\ndissolution of the Sociedad Economica by order of the late President\nBarrios, scattered the copies in its own archives.\n\n\n_Synopsis of the Annals of Xahila._\n\nThe work opens with a statement that the writer intends to record the\nancient traditions of his tribe, as handed down from their early heroes,\nGagavitz and Zactecauh. He begins with a brief genealogical table of the\nfour sub-tribes of the Cakchiquels (Secs. 1-3), and then relates their\nnotions of the creation of man at one of the mythical cities of Tulan,\nin the distant west (4, 5). Having been subjected to onerous burdens in\nTulan, they determine to leave it, and are advised to go by their\noracles (6-14).\n\nThey cross the sea, proceeding toward the east, and arrive at a land\ninhabited by the Nonoualcats, an Aztec people (15-17). Their first\naction is formally to choose Gagavitz and Zactecauh as their joint\nrulers (18-19), and under their leadership they proceed to attack the\nNonoualcats. After a severe conflict the Cakchiquels are defeated, and\nare obliged to seek safety in further wanderings. At length they reach\nlocalities in Guatemala (20). At this point an episode is introduced of\ntheir encounter with the spirit of the forests, Zakiqoxol (21, 22).\n\nThey meet with various nations, some speaking a totally different\nlanguage; others, as the Mams and Pokomams, dialects of their own. With\nthe last mentioned they have serious conflicts (23-29). During one of\ntheir journeys, Zactecauh is killed by falling down a ravine (30). An\nepisode here relates the traditional origin of one of their festivals,\nthat in honor of Gagxanul, \"the uncoverer of the fire\" (31, 32).\n\nTheir first arrival at Lake Atitlan is noted (33), and the war that they\nwaged with the Ikomags (34). Here an episode describes the traditional\norigin of the festival of Tolgom (35-37). A peaceful division of the\nlake with the Tzutuhils is effected, and marriages take place between\nthe tribes (38).\n\nThe Cakchiquels, Quiches and Akahals now settle permanently in their\ntowns, and develop their civilization (39, 40). They meet with numerous\nhardships, as well as internal dissensions, the chief Baqahol at one\ntime obtaining the leadership. They succeed in establishing, however,\nfamily life and a fixed religious worship, though in almost constant war\nwith their neighbors (41-46).\n\nGagavitz, \"he who came from Tulan,\" dies, and is followed by Cay Noh and\nCay Batz (47). These acknowledge the supremacy of Tepeuh, the king of\nthe Quiches, and are sent out by him to collect tribute from the various\ntribes. They are seduced and robbed by the Tzutuhils, and conceal\nthemselves in a cave, out of fear of Tepeuh. He forgives them, however,\nand they continue in power until their death (49-59).\n\nAfter this, a period of strife follows, and the names of four successive\nrulers are mentioned, but none of the occurrences of their reigns\n(60-66).\n\nThe narrative is resumed when Qikab, king of the Quiches, orders the\nCakchiquels to settle at the town of Chiavar. He appoints, as their\nrulers, the warriors Huntoh and Vukubatz. A revolt agains[TN-9] Qikab,\nheaded by his two sons, results in his defeat and death (67-81). During\nthis revolt, a contest between the Cakchiquels takes place, the close of\nwhich finds the latter established in their final stronghold, the famous\nfortress of \"Iximche on the Ratzamut\" (82-85).\n\nAt the death of Huntoh and Vukubatz, they are succeeded by Lahuh Ah and\nOxlahuh Tzii, who carry on various wars, and especially defeat the\nQuiches in a general engagement, which is vividly described (86-93).\nThey also conquer the Akahals, killing their king Ichal, and the\nTzutuhils, with their king Caoke (94-98).\n\nDuring their reign, a sanguinary insurrection occurred in Iximche, of\nsuch importance that the author adopts its date as the era from which to\nreckon all subsequent events (99-104). This date corresponded to the\nyear 1496, A. D.(?)\n\nThe following years are marked by a series of unimportant wars, the\noutbreak of a destructive pestilence, and finally, in 1524, twenty-eight\nyears after the Insurrection, by the arrival of the Spanish forces under\nAlvarado (105-144).\n\nThe later pages are taken up with an account of the struggles between\nthe natives and the whites, until the latter had finally established\ntheir supremacy.\n\n\n_Remarks on the Printed Text._\n\nIn printing the MS. of Xahila, I have encountered certain difficulties\nwhich have been only partially surmounted. As the Cakchiquel, though a\nwritten, is not a printed tongue, there has no rule been established as\nto the separation of verbs and their pronominal subjects, of nouns and\ntheir possessive pronouns, of the elements of compound particles, of\ntense and mode signs, etc. In the MSS. the utmost laxity prevails in\nthese respects, and they seem not to have been settled points in the\northography of the tongue. The frequent elisions and euphonic\nalterations observable in these compounds, prove that to the native mind\nthey bore the value of a single word, as we are aware they did from a\nstudy of the structure of this class of languages. I have, therefore,\nfelt myself free to exercise in the printed page nearly the same freedom\nwhich I find in the MS. At first, this will prove somewhat puzzling to\nthe student of the original, but in a little while he will come to\nrecognize the radical from its augment without difficulty.\n\nAnother trouble has been the punctuation. In the original this consists\nprincipally of dashes and commas, often quite capriciously distributed.\nHere also, I have been lax in reducing the text to the requirements of\nmodern standards, and have left much latitude to the reader to arrange\nit for himself.\n\nCapital letters are not often used in the original to distinguish proper\nnames, and as the text has been set up from a close copy of the first\ntext, some irregularities in this respect also must be anticipated.\n\nThe paragraphs numbered in the text are distinctly marked in the\noriginal, but are not numbered there. The numerals have been added for\nconvenience of reference.\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[10-1] Dr. Otto Stoll, _Zur Ethnographie der Republik Guatemala_, p. 157\n(Zurich, 1884), on the phonetic laws which have controlled the\ndivergence of the two tongues, Cakchiquel and Maya. See the same writer\nin his \"Supplementary Remarks on a Grammar of the Cakchiquel Language,\"\ntranslated by Dr. D. G. Brinton, in _Proceedings of the American\nPhilosophical Society_, for 1885.\n\n[10-2] _Recordacion Florida, Discurso Historial, Natural, Material,\nMilitar y Politico del Reino de Goathemala._ Lib. II, Chap. I.\n\n[10-3] _Myths of the New World_, p. 181; _American Hero-Myths_, pp. 44,\n73, 80, 162, etc.\n\n[11-1] \"Cuatro generosos mancebos, nobles hermanos,\" says Fuentes y\nGuzman, _Recordacion Florida_, Lib. I, Cap. II. The story of the four\nbrothers who settled Guatemala is repeated by Torquemada, _Monarchia\nIndiana_, Lib. XI, Cap. XVII, and other writers.\n\n[11-2] _The Maya Chronicles_, 109-122 (Library of Aboriginal American\nLiterature, Vol. I). For the evidence of the wholly mythical character\nof the Toltecs, and of their \"King,\" Quetzalcoatl, see my _American\nHero-Myths_, Chapter III. (Philadelphia, 1882).\n\nSanchez y Leon, quoting apparently some ancient Cakchiquel refrain,\ngives as the former name of their royal race, _ru tzutuh Tulan_, the\nFlower of Tulan, which wondrous city he would place in Western Asia.\n_Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, p. 2.\n\n[12-1] Herrera observes of the natives of Guatemala, that the Nahuatl\ntongue was understood among them, though not in use between themselves.\n\"Corre entre ellos la lengua Mexicana, aunque la tienen particular.\"\n_Historia de las Indias Occidentales_, Dec. IV, Lib. VIII, Cap. VIII.\n\n[12-2] I have in my possession the only grammar of this dialect probably\never written: _Arte de la Lengua Vulgar Mexicana de Guatemala_, MS., in\na handwriting of the eighteenth century, without name of author.\n\n[13-1] The four names are given in this form in the _Requete de\nPlusieurs Chefs Indiens d' Atitlan a Philippe II_, 1571, in\nTernaux-Compans, _Recueil des Pieces relatives a la Conquete du\nMexique_, p. 419. The spelling of the last is there _Tecocitlan_. For\ntheir analysis, see Prof. Baschmann,[TN-10] _Ueber die Aztekischen\nOrtsnamen_, p. 719.\n\n[14-1] \"Si bien se advierte, todo cuanto hacian y decian, era en orden\nal maiz, que poco falto para tenerlo por Dios, y era, y es, tanto el\nencanto y embelezo que tienen con las milpas que por ellas olvidan hijos\ny muger y otro cualquiera deleite, como si fuera la milpa su ultimo fin\ny bienaventuranza.\" _Chronica de la S. Provincia del Santissimo Nombre\nde Jesus de Guattemala_, Cap. VII. MS. of the seventeenth century,\ngenerally known as the _Cronica Franciscana_.\n\n[14-2] See Francisco Ximenez, _Las Historias del Origen de los Indios de\nesta Provincia de Guatemala_, p. 191. (Ed. Scherzer, London and Vienna,\n1857).\n\n[14-3] Their first conqueror, the truculent Captain Pedro de Alvarado,\nspeaks of the _muy grandes tierras de panes_, the immense corn fields he\nsaw on all sides. _Relacion hecha per Pedro de Alvarado a Hernando\nCortez_, in the _Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles_, Tom. XXII, p. 459.\n\n[15-1] \"Hay mucho algodon, e son las mugeres buenas hilanderas e hacen\ngentiles telas dello.\" Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes, _Historia\nGeneral y Natural de las Indias_, Par. III, Lib. III, Cap. IV. \"De la\nfertilidad de la tierra e gobernacion de Guatimala.\"\n\n[15-2] \"Son muy dados a edificar, y en lo que hoy vemos erigido de los\nantiguos, reconocemos ser maquinas soberbias.\" Fuentes y Guzman,\n_Recordacion Florida_, Lib. II, Cap. I.\n\n[15-3] \"Esta ciudad es bien obrada y fuerte a maravilla.\" _Relacion de\nPedro de Alvarado_, in _Bib. de Autores Espanoles_, Tom. XXII, p. 459.\nSo Herrera wrote from his authorities: \"En Utlatan (_i. e._, the city of\nGumarcaah, capital of the Quiches), havia muchos, i mui grandes templos\nde sus dioses, de maravillosos edificios.\" _Historia de las Indias\nOccidentales_, Dec. III, Lib. IV, Cap. XIX.\n\n[16-1] _The Lineal Measures of the Semi-Civilized Nations of Mexico and\nCentral America_, by D. G. Brinton, in _Proceedings of the American\nPhilosophical Society_, and separately.\n\n[16-2] \"En la Provincia de Utlatan, junto a Guatemala, se averiguo _por\nlas Pinturas, que los Naturales tenian de sus antiguedades, demas de\nochocientos anos_, etc.\" Herrera, _Historia de las Indias Occidentales_,\nDec. III, Lib. IV, Cap. XVIII.\n\n[17-1] \"Son amigos de hacer colloquios y decir coplas en sus bailes.\"\nThomas Coto, _Vocabulario de la Lengua Cakchiquel_. MS. sub voce,\n_Poesia_.\n\n[17-2] \"Son flecheros y no tienen hierba.\" Oviedo, _Historia General de\nIndias_, Par. III, Lib. III, Cap. IV.\n\n[18-1] This word is doubtful, as I do not find it in the dictionaries,\nand judge of its meaning from its derivation and context. See the\nVocabulary. Sanchez y Leon speaks of the \"very long lances pointed with\nflint,\" used by these people. _Apuntamientos de la Historia de\nGuatemala_, p. 27.\n\n[19-1] The statement of Gavarrete, in his notes to Sanchez y Leon,\n_Historia de Guatemala_, p. 3, that the Xahils and Zotzils were two\nbranches of the ruling family, the one residing at Iximche, the other at\nSolola, rests on a misapprehension, as will be seen from the _Annals_\npublished in this volume.\n\n[20-1] It is interesting in this connection to observe how widespread\nwas the symbolic significance of the canopy, or sun shade, as a mark of\ndignity. The student of Shakspeare will recall the lines in his 125th\nsonnet--\n\n \"Were it aught to me I bore the canopy,\n With my extern the outward honouring;\"\n\nwhile the ethnologist may consult Richard Andree's suggestive essay,\n_Der Schirm als Wuerdezeichen_, in his _Ethnographische Parallelen und\nVergleiche_, p. 250 (Stuttgart, 1878).\n\n[21-1] Alvarado writes \"La tierra es muy poblada de pueblos muy recios.\"\n_Relacion_, etc., ubi supra, p. 459. The following extract is quoted\nfrom Las Casas, _Historia Apologetica_, MS., by Mr. Squier, in his notes\nto Palacio:--\n\n\"En el Reyno de Guatemala, en la parte que va por la Sierra, estaban\nciudades de caba muy grandes, con maravillosos edificios de cal y canto,\nde los cuales yo vi muchos; y otros pueblos sin numero de aquellas\nsierras.\"\n\nSanchez y Leon states that there were, in all, thirty independent native\nstates in the former confines of Guatemala. _Historia de Guatemala_, p.\n1.\n\n[22-1] On the derivation of Guatemala, see Buschmann, _Ueber die\nAztekischen Ortsnamen_, p. 719. That this is probably a translation of\nthe Cakchiquel _Molomic chee_, which has the same meaning, and is a\nplace-name mentioned in the _Annals_, I shall show on a later page.\n\n[22-2] See the _Otra Relacion hecha por Pedro de Albarado a Hernando\nCortes_, printed in the _Bibliotheca de Autores Espanoles_, Tom. XXII,\np. 460.\n\n[23-1] Bernal Diaz, _Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva\nEspana_, Cap. CXCIII.\n\n[23-2] _Historia de Guatemala, o Recordacion Florida_, Lib. XV, Cap. V.\nThe _Recordacion_ was first printed at Madrid, 1882-83, edited by Don\nJusto Zaragoza, as one of the numbers of the _Biblioteca de los\nAmericanistas_.\n\n[27-1] _Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan_,\nVol. II, Chap. IX. I am inclined to believe that the original stone,\nevidently supposed to be of great value, had been stolen, and this piece\nof slate substituted. It was sewed up in a bag, which makes the\nsupposition probable, as it offered facility to conceal the theft.\n\n[28-1] They are referred to by the Archbishop Garcia Pelaez, in these\nwords: \"Los planos y vistas tomadas por el comisionado y el informe que\nlas acompana, muestran vestijios de adoratorios, fortificaciones y\ntrazas de edificios, calles y plazas ajustadas a dimensiones y con\nelecion de materias en su estructura.\"--_Memorias para la Historia del\nAntiguo Reyno de Guatemala_. Por Don Francisco de Paula Garcia Pelaez,\nTom. I, p. 15, (Guatemala, 1851).\n\n[28-2] The names applied to these intercalary days are analyzed\ndifferently by various authorities. For the etymology given of\n_nemontemi_, I have followed M. Remi Simeon, in his notes to Dr.\nJourdanet's translation of Sahagun's _Historia de Nueva Espana_; the\nCakchiquel _[tz]api_ is undoubtedly from _[tz]ap_, fault, evil, crime.\n\n[31-1] _May_ is allied to the verb _meho_, to go somewhere and return\nagain. Hence _may_ came to mean a cycle of years, months or days.\n\n[31-2] _Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, p. 28.\n\n[32-1] \"_Chinamitl_, seto o cerca de canas,\" from _chinantia_, to build\na fence, to enclose.--Molina, _Vocabulario de la Lengua Mexicana_.\n\n[32-2] Torresano, in his _Arte de la Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS., gives this\nword as _ca_, which indicates its probable derivation from the verb\n_cae_, to join together, to unite, \"those united by a common tie.\"\n\n[32-3] Coto, _Vocabulario de la Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS., sub voce,\n_Cunado_.\n\n[32-4] Coto, u. s., s. v. _Alguacil_. The word _[c,]alam_ is now applied\nto the canvas or tablets on which are painted the saints in the\nchurches. It also means a box or chest.--_Dicc. Cakchiquel Anon._\n\n[32-5] See Brasseur, _Hist. du Mexique et l' Am. Cent._, Tom. II, pp.\n489-90.\n\n[33-1] \"Tienen tambien renombres de sus chinamitales o parcialidades que\ntambien son de signos vel nombres senalados, como Xahila, etc.\"--Coto,\n_Vocabulario_, MS., s. v. _Renombre_.\n\n[34-1] _Hist. du Mexique_, Tom. II, p. 84.\n\n[34-2] Their names are given in the _Titulos de la Casa de Ixcuin\nNehaib_, p. 3. They are called \"pueblos principales, cabezas de\ncalpules.\" The Nahuatl word, _calpulli_, here used, meant the kinsfolk\nactual and adopted, settled together. They were the gentes of the tribe.\nSee Ad. F. Bandelier, _On the Social Organization and Mode of Government\nof the Ancient Mexicans_, for a full explanation of their nature and\npowers.\n\n[34-3] _The Lenape and their Legends_, p. 139.\n\n[37-1] Father Coto, in his MS., _Vocabulario Cakchiquel_, gives the\nrendering \"mandadero,\" and states that one was elected each year by the\nprincipals of each _chinamitl_, to convey messages. He adds: \"Usan mucho\nde este nombre en el Pueblo Atitlan.\"\n\n[37-2] Compare my edition of the _Cakchiquel Grammar_, p. 58. Brasseur\ntranslates this title erroneously, \"decorated with a bracelet.\"--_Hist.\ndes Nations Civilisees_, etc., Tome. II, p. 515.\n\n[37-3] \"El retorico, platico.\" Pantaleon de Guzman gives the fuller\nform, _naol ah uchan_, which means \"he who knows, the master of\nspeech.\"--_Compendio de Nombres en Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS.\n\n[37-4] Usually written by ellipsis, _atzih vinak_. Brasseur translates\nit \"distributor of presents,\" but it appears to be from _tzih_, word,\nspeech. The vocabularies are, as usual, very unsatisfactory. \"_Atzijh\nvinak_, Principal deste nombre.\"--_Dicc. Cakchiquel Anon._\n\n[38-1] _Dicc. Cakchiquel Anon_,[TN-11] MS., sub voce.\n\n[38-2] _Requete de Plusieurs Chefs Indiens d'Atitlan a Philippe II_, in\nTernaux-Compans, _Recueil de Pieces relatives a la Conquete du Mexique_,\np. 418.\n\n[38-3] Not \"of the bird's nest,\" \"ceux du nid de l'oiseau,\" as Brasseur\ntranslates it (_Hist. du Mexique_, Tome. II, p. 89), nor \"casa de la\naguila,\" house of the eagle, as it is rendered by Fuentes y Guzman,\n_Recordacion Florida_, Tom. I, p. 21. _[c,]iquin_ is the generic term\nfor bird.\n\n[39-1] _The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths of Central America_, in\nthe _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_, 1881.\n\n[40-1] \"Chamalcan u bi qui gabauil Cakchequeleb, xa Zotz u\nvachibal.\"--_Popol Vuh_, p. 224.\n\n[40-2] _Hist. des Nations Civ. du Mexique_, Tom. II, p. 173.\n\n[40-3] \"El quinto _Cam_, esto es; amarillo, pero su significado es\nculebra.\"--Ximenez, _Las Historias del Origen de los Indios de\nGuatemala_, p. 215. There are two errors in this extract. The name is\nnot _Cam_, but _Can_, and it does not mean yellow, which is _[t]an_.\n\n[41-1] I have suggested an explanation of this strange term to apply to\nthe highest and most beneficent of their divinities, in a short article\nin the _American Antiquarian_, 1885, \"The Chief God of the Algonkins in\nhis Character as a Cheat and a Liar.\"\n\n[42-1] Pantaleon de Guzman, _Compendio de Nombres en Lengua Cakchiquel_,\nMS. On the role of the Tzitzimime in Aztec mythology see my _American\nHero-Myths_, p. 78.\n\n[42-2] \"Al duende que anda en los montes llaman _ru vinakil chee_ vel\n_caki[c]oxol_.\"--Coto, _Vocabulario_, MS., s. v. Monte. _Zak_, white;\n_[c]ox_, to make fire. Brasseur's translation, \"Le blanc abime de feu,\"\nis indefensible.\n\n[42-3] See a paper entitled \"The Folk Lore of Yucatan,\" contributed by\nme to the _Folk-Lore Journal_, Vol. I, 1883.\n\n[43-1] For an interesting note on the _zaztun_, see Apolinar Garcia y\nGarcia, _Historia de la Guerra de Castas en Yucatan_, p. XXIV (folio,\nMerida, 1865).\n\n[43-2] For the derivation of Xibalbay, and for the myths referred to in\nthe text, see my article, before referred to, _The Names of the Gods in\nthe Kiche Myths_, pp. 27, 28.\n\n[44-1] _The Maya Chronicles_, pp. 110, 111. Vol. I of the _Library of\nAboriginal American Literature_.\n\n[45-1] Brasseur, Juarros, Fuentes y Guzman, etc.\n\n[45-2] Thomas Coto, _Vocabulario de la Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS., 1651.\nSub voce, _Sacrificar hombres_, quoting Varea.\n\n[45-3] \"Sacandole el corazon y asperjando, con la sangre de la victima a\nlos cuatro vientos cardinales.\"--_Apuntamientos de la Historia de\nGuatemala_, p. 26.\n\n[46-1] _The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths_, pp. 21, 22.\n\n[47-1] \"_Labah_, agorar y guerrear, porque agoraban si la hacian o\nno.\"--Ximenez, _Vocabulario de las Tres Lenguas_, sub voce.\n\n[47-2] These particulars are from the work of Jose Sanchez y Leon,\n_Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, pp. 26, 27.\n\n[48-1] _Recordacion Florida_, Lib. IX, Cap. VII.\n\n[48-2] _Vocabulario de la Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS. (1651).\n\n[48-3] _Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, p. 27.\n\n[49-1] Fr. Estevan Torresano, _Arte de la Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS., in my\npossession.\n\n[51-1] _Supplementary Remarks to the Grammar of the Cakchiquel Language,\nedited by D. G. Brinton.--Proceedings of the American Philosophical\nSociety_, 1885.\n\n[52-1] See _The Maya Chronicles_, p. 67, and note.\n\n[53-1] \"Die bewundernswuerdige Feinheit und consequente Logik in der\nAusbildung des Maya Zeitwortes setzt eine Kultur voraus, die sicherlich\nweit ueber die Zeitraeume hinaus zurueckreicht, welche man bis jetzt\ngeneight war, der Amerikanischen Civilization zuzuschreiben.\"--Otto\nStoll, _Zur Ethnographie der Republik Guatemala_, s. 148 (Zurich, 1884).\nCompare the remarks of Wilhelm von Humboldt on the Maya conjugation, in\nhis essay on the American verb, as published in my _Philosophic Grammar\nof the American Languages, as set forth by Wilhelm von Humboldt_, pp.\n35-39 (Philada., 1885).\n\n[54-1] Gavarrete's words are, \"Paso por manos de muchos personas\nversadas en los idiomas indigenos sin que pudiese obtenerse una\ntraduccion integra y exacta de su testo, habiendo sido bastante, sin\nembargo, lo que de su sentido pudo percibirse, para venir en\nconocimiento de su grande importancia historica.\"--_Boletin de la\nSociedad Economica_.\n\n[54-2] The Abbe says that Gavarrete gave him the original (_Bibliotheque\nMexico-Guatemalienne_, p. 14). But that gentleman does not take to\nhimself credit for such liberality. He writes \"El testo original quedo\nsin embargo en su poder,\" etc. Ubi supra.\n\n[57-1] As the slight aspirate, the Spanish _h_, does not exist in the\nCakchiquel alphabet, nor yet the letter _d_,the[TN-12] baptismal name\n\"Hernandez,\" takes the form \"Ernantez.\"\n\n[57-2] \"Se casan muy ninos,\" says Sanchez y Leon, speaking of the\nnatives.--_Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, p. 24.\n\n\n\n\nTHE ANNALS\n\nOF\n\nTHE CAKCHIQUELS.\n\nBY\n\nA MEMBER OF THE XAHILA FAMILY.\n\n\n\n\n[Cross]\n\n1. VAE XTINU[c,]IBAH HALAL QUITZIH HE NABEY\n\nKa tata ka mama, heri xeboco vinak oher mahaniok ti la[t]abex vae huyu\nta[t]ah; [c]a ruyon ok umul [c,]iquin [c]oh, que cha, ha ok ki\nxquila[t]abeh huyu ta[t]ah he [c]a ka tata ka mama, yx nu[c]ahol, pa\nTulan.\n\n [Cross]\n\n 1. Here I am going to write a few of the sayings of our earliest\n fathers and ancestors, those who begot men of old, before the hills\n and plains here were inhabited; then only rabbits and birds were\n here, they say, when they took possession of the hills and plains,\n they, our fathers and ancestors from Tulan, oh my children.\n\n2. Xtinu[c,]ibah [c]a quitzih ri ki he nabey ka tata ka mama\n[t]a[t]avitz rubi, Cactecauh ru bi hunchic, he [c]oh quitzih que cha\n[c]a [c]haka palouh xoh pevi, pa Tulan ru bi huyu, xoh alax xoh\n[c]aholax vi pe ruma ka tee, ka tata, yxka[c]ahol, quecha ri oher tata\nmama, [t]a[t]avitz, Cactecauh qui bi, ri ki xepe pa Tulan he cay chi\nachij heri xoh boco, oh Xahila.\n\n 2. And I shall write the sayings of our earliest fathers and\n ancestors, Gagavitz the name of one, Zactecauh the name of the\n other; and these are the sayings they spake as we came from the\n other side of the sea, from the land of Tulan, where we were\n brought forth and begotten by our mothers and our fathers, oh my\n children, as said of old the fathers, the ancestors, Gagavitz and\n Zactecauh by name, the two heroes who came from Tulan and begot us,\n the Xahila.\n\n3. Va[c]a quibi ru hay ru chinamitee [t]eka[c]uch, Ba[c]ahola,\nCibakihay. 1. [c]atun [c]hutiah qui bi xeboco Ba[c]ahola. 1. Tzanat\n[t]u[t]uchom quibi xeboco [t]eka[c]uchij; Daqui ahauh [c]hahom ahauh\nxeboco Cibakihayi, xaoh cahi chi chinamit ok xohpe pa Tulan, ri oh\nCakchiquel vinak, yxka[c]ahol, quecha.--[c]a x[c]amar [c]a vave ri\nCaveki Totomay Xurcah qui bi xeboco.--Xavi [c]a x[c]amar vave ri\nAhquehayi, Loch, Xet, quibi, xeboco;--xavi [c]a x[c]am ri ahPak, Telom,\n[c]oxahil, [c]obakil quibi xeboco; quere navipe ri Ikoma[t]i, xavi [c]a\nx[c]amar; he[c]a cah [c]hob ri [c]a xe[c]amar vave he ama[t].\n\n 3. These are the names of the houses and clans of Gekaquch,\n Bagahola and Cibakihay. 1. Qatun and Qhutiah by name, begat\n Bagahola. 2. Tzanat and Guguchom by name, begat those of Gekaquch.\n 3. The chief Daqui and the chief Ghahom begat those of Cibakihay.\n Thus we were four clans when we came from Tulan, we, the Cakchiquel\n people, as we are told, oh my children. Those of Cavek, Totomay and\n Xurcah by name, also married and begat; also those of Quehay, Loch\n and Xet by name, married and begat; those of Pak, Telom, Qoxahil\n and Qobakil by name, also married and begat; and also those of\n Ykomag married; and these four divisions which thus married are the\n tribes so-called.\n\n4. He [c]a [c]oh quitzih ri [t]a[t]avitz, Cactecauh xe re [c]aki ru xe\nquitzih vae quecha [c]ari [t]a[t]avitz Cactecauh: Cahi xpe vi vinak pa\nTulan; chi relebal [t]ih, hun Tullan: hun chi [c]a chi Xibalbay, hun\n[c]a chu kahibal [t]ih chi ri [c]a xoh pevi chukahibal [t]ih, hun chi vi\n[c]a chi [c]abovil. Quere[c]a cahi vi Tullan ri yxka[c]ahol, quecha; chu\nkahibal [c]a [t]ih xoh pa vi Tullan, [c]ha[c]a palouh; [c]a[c]o viri\nTullan chiri[c]a xohalax vi ul xoh [c]aholax vipe ruma ruma ka tee ka\ntata quecha.\n\n 4. These are the sayings of Gagavitz and Zactecauh, and these are\n the very words which Gagavitz and Zactecauh spoke: \"Four men came\n from Tulan; at the sunrise is one Tullan, and one is at Xibalbay,\n and one is at the sunset; and we came from this one at the sunset;\n and one is where is God. Therefore there are four Tulans, they say,\n oh our sons; from the sunsetting we came, from Tullan, from beyond\n the sea; and it was at Tullan that arriving we were brought forth,\n coming we were produced, by our mothers and our fathers, as they\n say.\n\n5. Tan [c]a talax ri chay abah, ruma raxa Xibalbay [t]ana Xibalbay,\ntan[c]ati [c,]ak vinak ruma [c,]akol bitol; tzukul richin ri chay abah\nok x[c,]ak ri vinak pan pokon [c]a xutzin vinak, xtiho chee, xtiho [c]a\nxaki ruyon uleuh xrah oc; mani [c]a x[c]hao, mani xbiyin, mani [c]a ru\nquiquel ru tiohil xux, quecha e nabey ka tata ka mama, yxnu[c]ahol; mani\n[c]a xcanay rixoc, [c]arunah [c]a xcanay rixoc: xae chay chi chicop\netamayon [c]o vi ri echa pam Paxil ru bi huyu [c]ovi hari chicop Utiuh,\nKoch qui bi. Xa[c]a pa rachak xcanay vi, tok xcamicax [c]a ri chicop\nutiuh xpo[c]hel chupam ri yxim tan [c]a tibe canox yo[t]bal richin ruma\nchicop tiuh tiuh rubi, [c]a chupam palouh xpe vi ruma tiuh tiuh ru\nquiquel tixli cumatz xoc xyo[t]bex richin ri yxim: x[c,]akbex richin ru\ntiohil vinak ruma [c,]akol bitol [c]a ha ki etamayom ri [c,]akol bitol\nalom [c]aholom he xe [c,]ako vinak [c,]ak que cha xutzin [c]a vinak\n[c,]ak, oxlahuh achij, cahlahuh [c]a ixok xux; x[c]ohe ruvi, [c]ate [c]a\nok xe[c]hao xebiyin, x[c]ohe qui quiquel qui tiohil. Xe[c]ulu[c]u xin\n[c]a he [c]a cay ri xhayil hun xux. Quere[c]a xla[t]o vi vinak ri quecha\noher vinak, yxka[c]ahol; xemealan xe[c]aholan [c]a ri he nabey vinak.\nQuere[c]a ru banic vinak rij, quere navipe rubanic chay abah ri [c,]apal\n[c]a ruchi ri Tullan, xoh pe vi xahun chi co[c,] [c,]apibal ru chij ri\nTullan xoh alax vi ul xoh [c]aholax vipe, xya vipe ri kikan chi [t]ekum\nchi a[t]a, yx ka[c]ahol; xecha can ri [t]a[t]avitz, Cactecauh,\nyxnu[c]ahol, xa[c]a mani xquimeztah ru tzihoxic. He [c]iyaley chi e ka\nmama; [c]oh quitzih oher takchibal [c]a quichin vae.\n\n 5. \"And now is brought forth the Obsidian Stone by the precious\n Xibalbay, the glorious Xibalbay, and man is made by the Maker, the\n Creator; the Obsidian Stone was his sustainer, when man was made in\n misery, and when man was formed; he was fed with wood, he was fed\n with leaves; he wished only the earth; he could not speak, he could\n not walk; he had no blood, he had no flesh; so say our fathers, our\n ancestors, oh you my sons. Nothing was found to feed him; at length\n something was found to feed him. Two brutes knew that there was\n food in the place called Paxil, where these brutes were, the Coyote\n and the Crow by name. Even in the refuse of maize it was found,\n when the brute Coyote was killed as he was separating his maize,\n and was searching for bread to knead, (killed) by the brute Tiuh\n Tiuh by name; and the blood of the serpent and the tapir was\n brought from within the sea by means of Tiuh Tiuh, with which the\n maize was to be kneaded; the flesh of man was formed of it by the\n Maker, the Creator; and well did they, the Maker and the Creator,\n know him who was born, him who was begotten; they made man as he\n was made, they formed man as they made him, so they tell. There\n were thirteen men, fourteen women; they talked, they walked, they\n had blood, they had flesh. They married, and one had two wives.\n Therefore the race copulated, this race of old, as they tell, oh\n our sons. They brought forth daughters, they brought forth sons,\n those first men. Thus men were made, and thus the Obsidian Stone\n was made, for the enclosure of Tullan; thus we came to where the\n Zotzils were at the gates of Tullan; arriving we were born, coming\n we were produced, coming we gave the tribute, in the darkness, in\n the night, oh our sons.\" Thus spoke Gagavitz and Zactecauh, oh my\n sons, and what they said has not been forgotten. They are our great\n ancestors; these are the words with which they encouraged us of\n old.\n\n6. Tok xoh pixabax [c]a pe ruma ka tee ka tata oxlahu [c]hob [c]a\nvukama[t] oxlahu [c]hob [c]a ahlabal ok xohpe pa Tullan chi [t]ekum chi\na[t]a ok xya pe ri kikan, tok xu[c]am rikan vuk ama[t] ahlabal, xoh\nchole na chu xocou [c]a Tullan x[c]ohe viri vuk ama[t]: chiriki[t]a [c]a\nTullan x[c]ohe viri xcholevi ahlabal. Nabey na xu[c]am rikan vuk ama[t],\n[c]ate [c]a xu[c]am chic rikan ahlabal. Xa[c]a ruyon xit puak\n[t]u[t]uraxon [c]ubul chactit ru[c]in [c]a [c,]ibanic [c]otonic, qui\nyanic xul, bix, [c]hol [t]ih, may [t]ih, pek cacouh, xa ruyon [t]inomal\nxrikah pe pa Tullan a[c]a ri ahlabal xa ruyon [c]ha pocob xa cetecic\nchee xa [t]iom ah rikan ok xpe pa Tulla.\n\n 6. Then we were ordered to come by our mothers and fathers, we the\n thirteen divisions and the seven tribes, the thirteen divisions of\n warriors; and we came to Tulan in the darkness and the night, and\n coming gave our tribute; they took tribute from the warriors of the\n seven tribes; they were drawn up in order on the left of Tulan\n where were the people of the seven tribes; on the right-hand of\n Tulan were arranged the warriors. First the tribute was taken from\n the seven tribes, next the tribute was taken from the warriors. But\n it was only jade and silver, and green feathers worked and sewed\n together, together with articles painted and articles sculptured,\n and for gifts, flutes, songs, astrological calendars and reckoning\n calendars, fine and common cacao; only such riches were paid in\n Tulan, and the only riches the warriors bore from Tulan were their\n bows, their bucklers and their rounded shields.\n\n7. Tok xpixa [c]a ka tee ka tata xcha: [c]a ohix [c]a, yxnu[c]ahol,\nyxnumeal, ree yvikan ree [c]a y tzukuh y[t]ohee; xucheex [c]ari chay\nabah: ohix [c]a ti vi la y huyubal y ta[t]ahal [c]a chila [c]a [c]haka\npalouh [c]oh vi y huyubal y ta[t]ahal, yxnu[c]ahol, [c]a chila [c]a tica\nvi ruvach. Ree yvikan mixuyael, y [t]inomal y vahauarem, xeucheex [c]a\nri oxlahu [c]hob vukama[t], oxlahu [c]hob ahlabal, ok xyape ri mi[c]hbal\nquichin ri chee abah, xqui kahpe pa Tullan Xibalbay [c]a xyaope ri chee\nabah, chikichin que cha ri he nabey ka tata ka mama, ri [t]a[t]avitz\nCactecauh: he ki xe ykan pe, he navipe ki [c]o quitzih.\n\n 7. Then to our mothers and fathers it was commanded and said: \"You,\n my sons, you, my daughters, these are your burdens which you shall\n sustain and maintain.\" So spoke the Obsidian Stone. \"There are your\n hills and plains; there, beyond the ocean, are your hills and\n plains, oh you my sons, there it is that you shall lift up your\n faces. These are the burdens which I shall give you, your riches,\n your majesty;\" thus it was said to the thirteen divisions, the\n seven tribes, to the thirteen divisions of warriors, and then was\n given them the wood and stone which deceive; as they descended from\n Tulan and Xibalbay, were given to them the wood and stone (idols),\n as related those our first fathers and ancestors Gagavitz and\n Zactecauh. These, in truth, were their burdens, and these were\n their very words.\n\n8. Vuk ama[t] [c]a nabey xpeul pa Tullan, que cha, [c]a xambey xohpe oh\nahlabal ru [c]amom chi [c]a rikan ronohel vuk ama[t] ahlabal tok xhak\n[c]a ru chi Tullan.\n\n 8. They say that the seven tribes arrived first at Tulan, and we\n the warriors followed, having taken up the tributes of all the\n seven tribes when the gate of Tulan was opened.\n\n9. Ha [c]a [c,]utuhile ri nabey vuk ama[t] ok xpe pa Tulan xe[c]iz nape\nri vuk ama[t] [c]ate[c]a ok xoh pe oh ahlabal, que cha.--Xcha [c]a pe ri\nka tee ka tata, ok xoh pixabax pe: ohix [c]a, yx numeal, yx nu[c]ahol,\nxtinyael y [t]inomal yvahauarem, xtinyael y [t]a[t]al, y tepeval, yxmuh,\nyx[c]a[t]alibal; harumari xti vikah ree, cetecic chee, [t]iomah [c]haa,\npocob, [c]u[c]um, cahcab. Vueta [c]a mixivikah xit, puak, [t]u[t] raxom,\nvueta [c]a xtivikah [c,]ibanic, [c]otonic, [c]hol [t]ih, may [t]ih, xul,\nbix, bix ye[t]etah rumal, xavi[c]a yvichin ree mixrikah vuk ama[t] chila\nti [c]am vi; yx quixi chi nan, yx quix cao ruvach; mani cahauarem mix\nnuyael, ha[c]ari xtivikah; kitzih nim ru[t]ih; mani quix ye[t]etah vi;\nha[c]a quix nimar vi, ree cetecic chee [t]iomah, mani quix var, quix\n[c]hacatah vi, yx numeal, yx nu[c]ahol, xtinyael yvahauarem, yx oxlahuh\nchi ahpopo tihunamah; [c]a y[c]ha, ypocob, yvahauarem, y [t]a[t]al,\nytepeval, y muh, y [t]alibal, ree [c]a y nabey ale; xucheex ri Qeche\nvinak ok xpeul oxlahu [c]hob chi ahlabal pa Tullan. Ha [c]a nabey xpe\nQeche vinak; xa[c]a [c]holloh tacaxepeval rikan [c]eche vinak: ok xpeul\nrachbilam hetak [c]a ru hay ru chinamit ru [t]arama[t] ri hutak [c]hob\nchi ahlabal tok xpeul pa Tullan ok x[c]iz [c]a pe ronohel.\n\n 9. The Tzutuhils were the first of the seven tribes who finished\n coming to Tulan, and then we the warriors came, as they say. Then\n it was said to our fathers and mothers, then we were commanded:\n \"Oh, you, you my daughters, you my sons, I shall give you your\n riches, your majesty, I shall give you your distinction, your\n sovereignty, your canopy, your royal throne; because you have\n carried the rounded shield as your riches, the bow, the buckler,\n the feathers, the war paint. If you have paid as tribute jade,\n silver, feather stuffs, if you have paid articles painted, articles\n sculptured, astrological calendars, reckoning calendars, flute\n songs, songs hated of you because the seven tribes paid this\n tribute, yet you shall in turn take it, you shall receive more than\n others, you shall lift up your face. I shall not give you their\n sovereignty, of which you have borne the burden; truly their\n fortune is great; do not hate them; also do you be great, with\n wealth of rounded shields. Sleep not, sit not, my daughters, my\n sons, I will give you the power, to you the seven rulers, in equal\n shares, and your bows, your bucklers, your majesty, your power,\n your sovereignty, your canopy, your royal seat; these are your\n first treasures.\" Thus it was spoken to the Quiche men, when the\n thirteen divisions of warriors arrived at Tulan. And first came the\n Quiche men; they acquitted themselves of their tribute in the first\n month; then arrived their companions one after another, by their\n families, their clans, their tribes, their divisions, in sequence,\n and the warriors, until the whole of them had finished arriving in\n Tulan.\n\n10. Xpe Rabinale, xpe Co[c,]il vinak--xpe Tukuchee--xpe\nTuhalahay--Vuchabahay--Ah[c]humilahay--xpe chic Lama[t]i--Cumatz--xpe\nchic Akahal vinak.--Ah Tucuru xquiz, yape ronohel ri. Tok xpe chi [c]ari\noxlahuh chi ahlabal ri oh Bacah Pokoh, Bacah Xahil: hun xnabeyah,\nhun[c]a x xambeyah chikichin ri oh ru nabey Bacah, Bacah Pok [c]a nabey\nxpe, oh [c]a xambey xoh pe ri oh Bacah Xahil, que cha ri e ka tata, ka\nmama, yxka[c]ahol. Xmier ok [c]a ti pe vuk ama[t] xmier ok [c]a ti\ntiquer rupetic ahlabal.--Tok xohpe [c]a oh Cakchequel vinak, kitzih vi\nchi xambey chic xoh peul pa Tullan, mani hunchic [c]o can ok xoh pe, que\ncha ri [t]a[t]avitz, Cactecauh, xoh pixabax chi pe: He ree ahay a\nchinamit he, que ucheex [c]ari [t]eka[c]uch, Ba[c]ahol, Cibakihay. Ree\n[c]a yvahpop he, hun ahpop, hun [c]a ahpo[c]amahay, chiquichin ree\nxeucheex [c]a ri [t]eka[c]uch, Ba[c]ahol, Cibakihay. Yx [c]a quixalan,\nquix[c]aholan, quichin yxquix[c]ulu, yvahpop, xeucheex. Quere[c]a he\ntee, he nam vi ri. Ha[c]a nabey, ha[c]a nabey xpe ri Cibakihay ok xpe\n[c]ari Ba[c]ahol, xpe chi [c]a [t]eka[c]uch nabey xepe chinamit.\n\n 10. Those of Rabinal came, the Zotzil men came, the Tukuchee came,\n the Tuhalahay, the Vuchabahay, the Ahqhumilahay, the Lamagi came,\n the Cumatz, the men of Akahal came, the Tucuru ended it; and thus\n all are given. After that came thirteen warriors, we the Bacah\n Pokoh, and the Bacah Xahil; one of us went first, and one followed\n after; the first Bacah was Bacah Pok, who went first, and we\n followed after, we the Bacah Xahil, as was said by our first\n fathers, our ancestors, oh you our sons. Already the seven\n villages had come, and some time after began the coming of the\n warriors.--Then we came, we the Cakchiquel men. Truly, we were the\n last, as we arrived at Tulan, and there was not another remaining\n when we came, as said Gagavitz and Zactecauh; we were ordered to\n come thus: \"These are your houses, these your clans;\" they said to\n Gekaquch, Baqahol, and Cibakihay: \"These are your head chiefs,\n even one head chief, and one official messenger;\" thus they said\n to Gekaquch, Baqahol, and Cibakihay. \"Bring forth daughters, bring\n forth sons, marry one another, ye rulers,\" said they. Therefore\n those were mothers and ancestors. But the first, the first came\n the Cibakihay, then came the Baqahol, and then came the Gekaquch,\n the first clans.\n\n11. [c]ate[c]a ok xoh pe oh ahpop tok xoh pixabax chi[c]a pe ruma katee\nka tata: ohix [c]a, yxnumeal, yxnu[c]ahol, mixebe a hay a chinamit.\nMaqui xaquere xcat xambeyah, at[c]hipil al; kitzih nim a [t]ih tux re\n[c]a a tzuku hee xucheex pe ri chee abah Belehe Toh ru bi; ri abah\nHuntihax chi [c]a ru bi hunchic, huhunti vikah xoh ucheex pe, quecha.\n\n 11. Thus, therefore, came we, the rulers, and then we were ordered\n by our mothers and fathers: \"Go, my daughters, go, my sons, your\n houses, your clans, have departed. Not thus shalt thou always\n follow, thou, the youngest son; truly, great shall be thy fortune,\n and thou shalt be maintained, as is said by the idols called, the\n one, Belehe Toh, the other Hun Tihax, to whom we say each pays\n tribute,\" as is related.\n\n12. Re [c]a ti voquecah e [c]ha, pocob, achcayupil, [c]u[c]um, cahcab\nrach yaic [c]aperi [t]avonon, [t]acital, xo[t]ol, [t]ekal, hab, cu[c],\nmoyeuh, ok xoh pixabax pe ree: kitzih nim xtivikah; mani quix var vi,\nquix [c]hacatah vi, mani quix ye[t]etah vi, yxnu[c]ahol, ha quix\n[t]a[t]ar quix tepevar vi, hati [c]ohe vi y vux la ree cetecic chee\n[t]iomah, [c]ha, pocob. Vuetah mixi vikah ree xit, puak, [t]u[t]uraxom,\nbix ye[t]etah, ruma xavi [c]a y vichin tux, yxquix i chi nan, quix cao\nru vach: ri xit, puak, [t]u[t]uraxom, [c,]ibanic, [c]otonic, ronohel ri\nmix rikah vuk ama[t], [c]a chila [c]a xticavi ru vach chi huyubal, ti\nvulaah ronohel, ti ca [c]a ru vach ri y [c]ha, y pocob, hun nabeyal\nhun[c]a [c]hipilal chivichin, yx oxlahuh chi ahlabal, yx[c]a oxlahuh chi\nahaua, chi yx ahpop ti hunamah y [c]ha y pocob mixnuyael. Cani ca tibe y\nca ru vach ree y vikan y [c]ha y pocob; [c]ohun labal chila chi relebal\n[t]ih, Cuyva rubi; chi ri [c]a tibe y tihavi y [c]ha y pocob ree\nmixnuyael, vhix [c]a, yxnu[c]ahol; xohucheex [c]ape okxoh pe pa Tullan,\nxmier ok [c]a tipe vuk ama[t] ahlabal; ok xohpe ul pa Tullan, kitzih\n[c]a ti xibin ok xoh pe kachpetic [c]a ri [t]avonon [t]acital, cu[c],\nmoyeuh, xo[t]ol, [t]ekal, hab; ok xohpe ul pa Tullan.\n\n 12. Then they put on their bows, their shields, their lances, their\n feathers, and their paint, given (as a defence) against the bugs,\n the dirt, the boding owls, the blackness, the rain, the fogs, the\n clouds; then we were commanded: \"Great shall be your burden; sleep\n not, sit not, be not cast down, you, my sons; you shall be rich,\n you shall be powerful; let your rounded shields be your riches,\n your bows, your bucklers. If you have given as tribute jade,\n silver, feather work, hated songs, on that account they shall be\n given you; you shall receive more than others; you shall lift up\n your face; for jade, silver, painted articles, engraved articles,\n all the seven nations have paid as tribute; but there, in those\n hills you shall lift up your faces, there is a refuge for all of\n you, there you shall lift up your faces, your bows, your bucklers.\n One shall be your first chief, and one his junior, of you the\n thirteen warriors, you the thirteen princes, you the thirteen equal\n chiefs, to whom I shall give the bows and bucklers. Soon you shall\n lift up your face and have your burden, your bows and bucklers;\n there is war there toward the east, at the place called Zuyva;\n there you shall go, there is the place for your bucklers which I\n shall give you, you indeed, you my sons.\" So it was spoken to us\n when we came to Tullan, before the warriors of the seven villages;\n and when we arrived at Tullan, truly our coming was terrifying,\n with our accompaniments against the bugs, the dirt, the clouds, the\n fogs, the mud, the darkness, the rain, when we entered Tulan.\n\n13. Cani[c]a chiri xtiquer vipe ri labalinic; xo[t] pe hun chicop\nchahalcivan ru bi chu chi Tullan, ok xohelpe pa Tullan; quix cam, quix\ncach, yn ylab, xcha ri chicop chi kichin; mani [c]a xkoquecah? Xax\navo[t]ebal vi ri tux, xoh cha can chire ri chicop, quecha.\n\n 13. And soon the divination began with them. A bird called \"the\n guard of the ravine,\" began to complain within the gate of Tulan,\n as we were going forth from Tulan. \"You shall die, you shall be\n lost, I am your portent,\" said this brute to us. \"Do you not\n believe me? Truly your state shall be a sad one.\" Thus spake to us\n this brute, as is related.\n\n14. Ok xo[t] chi [c]a hun chicop Tucur ru bi chacal pe chuvi caka chee,\nx[c]hao pe chi ri: Yn ylab; xcha: Mani at kalab, xa[c]oh tavaho, xucheex\ncan tucur. Xavi [c]a e [c]oh qui camahel ri xeyaope ri chee abah\nchikichin, quecha ka tata, ka mama oher. Ok xo[t] chi [c]a pe hun chicop\nchicah [c]anixt ru bi, xavi cha chic: Yn ylab, quixcam; xoh cha chire ri\nchicop, mani tabijh xaat retal ca[t]ih tux. Nabey cat o[t] oktel\nca[t]ih, haok titan a hab, cato[t]; xoh cha can chire.\n\n 14. Then another bird called \"the owl,\" seated on a red tree,\n complained and said thus: \"I am your portent,\" he said. \"You are\n not our portent, although you would like to be,\" we answered this\n owl. Such were the messengers who gave them their idols, said our\n fathers, our ancestors of old. Then another bird called the\n parroquet complained in the sky, and said: \"I am your portent; ye\n shall die.\" But we said to the brute, \"Do not speak thus; you are\n but the sign of spring. You wail first when it is spring; when the\n rain ceases, you wail.\" Thus we spoke to him.\n\n15. Ok xoh ul [c]a chu chi palouh. Xa[c]a e[c]oh chi ri xa[c]a e mulan\nconohel ama[t] ahlabal chi palouh; ok xekil xatak [c]icinak qui[c]ux.\nMani tan ti qui [c]ovibeh pe, mani tucheex y[c]ovem pe chuvi palouh,\nxecha [c]a ri conohel ahlabal vuk ama[t] chikichin; chinak koh u cheen,\nchinak tiki[c]ovibeh, at kacha[t], xa at chic at koyobem, xecha conohel.\nXoh cha [c]a chique: Yx quixbe, chijl, yx kanabeyal; chinak tik\ni[c]ovibeh, oh an vae, konohel xoh cha, [c]ate[c]a xe cha chic conohel:\nta hoyevah kavach, atkacha[t], xa vipe kote[t]e vave chu chiya palouh,\nmahatikil ka huyubal ka ta[t]ahal. Xape cani xkovar, xko [c]hacatah oh\ncay chial, oh ru vi oh ru holom oh runabey ahlabal vuk ama[t], at nu\ncha[t], vueta xko y[c]o cani tika[c,]et ru vach kikan mix yape rumal ka\ntee ka tata, at nucha[t]. Xcha [c]ari. Xeboco [c]echevinak, chikichin\nquecha ri [c,]a mama [t]a[t]avitz, Cactecauh; xoh cha [c]a chique:\nkatiha na, yx ka nimal; maxa vi pe xko[c]ohe xkote[t]e vave chuchij\npalouh, maqui pe mahatikil ka huyubal [c]oh [c]a tucheex xti[c,]et,\nyxahlabal, yx vuk ama[t], xkahi[c]o vacami, xoh cha. Cani [c]a xe quicot\nconohel.\n\n 15. Then we arrived at the sea coast. There were gathered together\n the warriors of all the seven villages at the sea. A great number\n perished, devoured by sorrow. \"There is no means of passing, nor is\n it told of any one who has passed the sea,\" said all the warriors\n of the seven villages. \"Who can, who will find means to pass the\n sea? In thee alone, my brother, in thee alone have we hope,\" said\n they all. We said to them, \"You may go on; you may be first. Who\n will find the means of crossing, while we are here?\" All of us\n spoke thus, and then all of them said: \"Have pity on us, our\n brother, since we are all stretched on the shore of the ocean\n without seeing our hills and plains. As soon as we were asleep, we\n were conquered, we the two oldest sons, we the chiefs and guides of\n the warriors of the seven villages, oh my brother. Would that we\n had passed, and could see the burdens given us by our mothers and\n fathers, oh my brother!\" So they spoke. At that time the Quiche\n nation had increased. Our ancestors, Gagavitz and Zactecauh, said:\n \"We said to them, 'we suffer also, our brother, we do not live\n stretched out on the shore of the ocean, where we cannot see our\n mountains where they are, as you say, oh you warriors, you people\n of the seven villages. We shall pass over at once. Thus we spoke;\n and soon all of them rejoiced.'\"\n\n16. Xa[c]a hun chi caka chee ka [c]hamey ok xoh pe xi[c]o ka[c]amape chu\nchi Tullan, quere[c]a ka binaam vi Cakchiquel vinak ri, yxka[c]ahol,\nquecha can ri [t]a[t]avitz, Cactecauh. Xa[c]a ru xe ka [c]hamey\nxuto[t]beh oc canayi chupam palouh; cani[c]a x[c]ok pi tah palouh ruma\ncanayi, haxi [c]atzin viri cakachee xka[c]ampe chu chii Tullan. Xa chuvi\ncholo chic canayi xoh i[c]o vipe; haok x[t]ahar can ru xe palouh ru vi\npalouh. Cani [c]a xequicot conohel, ok x[c]i[c,]et canayi chupam palouh,\ncani [c]a xepixaban quij, [c]a chi la ko oyobem vi ki, chuvi nabey huyu,\nchiri komolo viki, xe cha, xavi[c]a xere ka cholanem ok xohpe pa Tullan.\n\n 16. Now there was a red tree, our staff, which we had taken in\n passing from the gate of Tulan, and therefore we are called the\n Cakchiquel people, oh our sons, said Gagavitz and Zactecauh. The\n root of this, our staff, was pushed into the sand of the sea, and\n soon the sea was separated from the sand, and for this the red tree\n served which we brought from Tulan. Soon the sand was as a line,\n and we passed out; it became wide above the sea and below the sea.\n Then all rejoiced, when they saw sand in the sea, and many\n counseled together. \"There indeed is our hope, we must gather\n together on these first lands,\" they said; \"here only can we\n arrange ourselves since leaving Tulan.\"\n\n17. Xebokotah [c]a pe xey [c]ope chuvi canayi xavi[c]a que re xambey\nxohpe chic chi palouh, xohel [c]ape chuchij ya. Xe [c]a cani xu xibih ri\nvuk ama[t] ronohel; quere xubijh ahlabal ronohel, ok xe cha [c]a ri vuk\nama[t]: Xere an kikan ree mixi[c,]et; mi[c]a xka caruvach yvukin,\nyxahaua, yx ahlabal, maqui xkobe yvu[c]in relebal [t]ih, xati ka canoh\ncan ka huyubal ka ta[t]ahal, xere kikan ree mixi[c,]et [t]u[t], raxom,\n[c]ubul, xe cha ri vuk ama[t] xe pixa: Utzan, xeucheex, [c]a vuk ama[t]\nxutzin [c]a qui poponic. Ok xepe [c]a chuvi huyu Deocacvancu; xpe [c]a\nronohel xeul chi[c]a chuvi hunchic huyu, Meahauh rubi. Chiri xemolo\nchivri quij, xeel chi [c]a chiri chuvi Meahauh, xeapon chic chuvi huyu\nValval Xucxuc ru bi xeuxlan chivi; xemolo chi na quij xeel chi ri xe\napon chica chuvi huyu Tapcu Oloman ru bi.\n\n 17. They rushed forth and passed across the sand, and following one\n another we came to the shore of the sea, and we arrived at the edge\n of the water. Then all the seven villages began to fear, and all\n the warriors spoke, and then the seven tribes spoke: \"Do you not\n see our burdens? Yet it is not long since we lifted up our faces\n with you, ye rulers, ye warriors; did we not come from the sun\n rising with you, that we might seek our hills and valleys? Have you\n not seen the burden, the green feathers, the garlands?\" So spake\n the seven tribes, and commanded and said, \"It is well,\" and the\n seven tribes took counsel what to do. Afterwards they went on to\n the place Deocacvancu; and then they all went on to another place\n called Meahauh. There many gathered together; having thus arrived\n at Meahauh, they thence departed for the place called Valval\n Xucxuc, and there they rested. There many gathered together, and\n departing they arrived at the place called Tapcu Oloman.\n\n18. Xemolo chi[c]a qui conohel chi ri xoh popon chi vi [c]a chi ri, que\ncha [c]a ri ka tata ka mama [t]a[t]avitz, Cactecauh, [c]a chiri [c]a xoh\nvi ko viel ki, chi ri navipe xkaquir vi kikan. Xcha [c]a ri ahlabal\nronohel: Chinak ti kaban xere kavach vae oh ah chay, oh ah [c]am, oh\ncaol ru vach kikan, at kacha[t] kanimal, xecha [c]a chikichin. Xoh\ncha[c]a chique: Mian xnakahar kalabal xaka vika kij, xaka cauh kij, ko\n[c]u[c]umah, kaquira kikan. [c]oh na vipe kikan, xpage ruma ka tee, ka\ntata, ko [c]u[c]umah, yn yn etamayom. Xoh cha chique, ok xkaquir [c]a\nkikan, ohoh [c]o kikan, ri [c]u[c]um, cahcab, [c]ha, pocob, achcayupil.\n\n 18. Then all gathered together there, and we took counsel there,\n said our fathers and ancestors, Gagavitz and Zactecauh; and it was\n after we had arrived there that we first unloosed our burdens. All\n the warriors said: \"Whom shall we make to be our head, we the\n masters of arms, the masters of booty, the assignors of tribute, oh\n thou, our younger brother, and thou, our older brother?\" So said\n they to us. Then we said to them: \"It is but a little while that we\n looked to make war, and already we are prepared, our standards are\n ready, our burdens are loosed; they are the burdens which were\n given us by our mothers and fathers; here are our standards; I, I\n am the Sage.\" Thus we spoke when we unloosed our burden, our loads\n of maize, our standards, our paints, bows, shields, and\n double-headed lances.\n\n19. Xka[c]ut [c]a vi koh ri chiquivach conohel, oh nabey xoh vikokij,\nchi [c]ha, chi pocob, chi achcayupil, chi [c]u[c]um, chi cahcab, xvikan\n[c]a ronohel, xoh cha [c]a chiquichin: Coan chivichin, yx kacha[t],\nyxkanimal, kitzih vi chitan [t]al ahlabal xtikoquibeh, xtikatih vi ka\n[c]haa, ka pocob. Xahala chic xatakobe, ti [c]ama kabey, xoh cha chique.\nMaqui xcaho [c]amoh bey, xecha, ta [c]ama ka bey, at kacha[t], at\netamayom, xecha chike. Oh [c]a xoh [c]amo bey xoh cha chi[c]a chique.\nXavi vave komolo chivikij, xoh be [c]a ok xka[c]ul vachih [c]a hu [c]hob\nlabal, Ah Nonovalcat, Ah Xulpiti qui bi. He [c]oh chuchi palouh, pa hucu\ne [c]oh vi.\n\n 19. Thus we showed ourselves before the face of all; first we\n adorned ourselves with our bows, our shields, our two-headed\n lances, our feathers, our paints; we put them all on, and we said\n to them, \"On with you, you our younger brothers, you our elder\n brothers, truly this war is certain, we must enter upon it, we\n must test our bows, our shields. It makes little difference which\n way we go; choose ye the road,\" said we to them. \"It is not for us\n to choose the road,\" said they. \"Choose thou the road, thou our\n younger brother, thou our teacher,\" said they to us. Then we chose\n the road, and we told it to them. All of us then gathered together,\n and soon we met face to face a party of warriors, called those of\n Nonovalcat and those of Xulpit. They were on the border of the\n ocean; they were there in their boats.\n\n20. Kitzih ti xibin que [c]habin, quetzalo, hucumah [c]a xepax kumari,\nxetzalo chipe [c]hakap pahucu; ok xe paxin Ah Nonovalcat, Ah Xulpiti,\nxecha chi[c]a conohel ahlabal: Chinak ti ki[c]ovibeh chuvi palouh, at\nkacha[t], xecha. Xoh cha chi[c]a: chique hucu tiki[c]ovibeh mahatikil\nkalabal. Xavi[c]a pa qui hucu Ah Nonovalcat xohoc vi, ok xohbe relebal\n[t]ih, ha[c]aok xohoc apon. Kitzih tixibin chi tinamit, chi hay [c]ovi\nAh Cuyva, chila relebal [c]ih, xoh ocnaek [c]a apon tzamhay, quere bila\nxbe kato[t]o, ok xohoc apon, kitzih ti xibin ok xpeul chucohol hay,\nkitzih tibirbot, xpalah poklah ok xpeul, xtzalo cochoch, xtzalo [c]a\nqui[c,]ij, ca[c], xtzalo conohel cavah, xahuye[t], xacayek xkaban ohxoh\npaxin ki [c]oh xbe chicah, [c]oh xkapan uleuh, [c]oh x xule xhote,\nchikichin konohel, haok xu[c]ut ru naval ru halebal. Ronohel ahlabal,\nhuhunal, chi[c]a xeul chuvi huyu Tapcu Oloman, pam pokon chic xoh\nmolokij, chiri xoh [c]u[c]umah viel, xoh vikon viel, yx ka[c]ahol, que\ncha ri [t]a[t]avitz, Cactecauh. Tok xka [c]utubeh [c]a ki, ba xa colovi\navi, xoh cha chi re Qeche vinak: Xaqui tohoh quihilil xibe chicah, xa\nchicah xbe nucolo vivi, xcha, quere[c]a xubinaah vi Tohohil ri: xcha\nchi[c]a Co[c,]il vinak, xaxi [c]ohe can chiri, xaxi colovi pa ru chij\ncakix, xcha; quere[c]a xubijnaah vi Cakix can ri. Xoh cha chi[c]a oh\nCakchiquel vinak: xa ni[c]ah ta[t]ah xnucol vivi, xaxi kapon uleuh;\nquere[c]a xubinaah vi Chita[t]ah ri, [t]ucumatz tucheex hunchic, xa paya\nxucol viri. Xcha chi[c]a Tukuchee vinak, xaxi colovi ahcic chupam hun\nama[t], xcha: quere[c]a xubinaah vi Ahcic ama[t]ri. Xcha chic Akahal\nvinak: xaxincol vi chumpam akah, xcha; quere[c]a xubinaah vi Akalahayri.\nQuere[c]a xebinaah vi conohel vi [c]iy chi; maqui xtivoquecah xecolo vi\nquij; maqui naek xaka meztam, chirelebal [t]ih xbe oc vipe quibi\nconohel, [c]axto[c] [c]a xoh paxin vi ul ki, que cha ri [t]a[t]avitz,\nCactecauh. Xoh cha[c]a oh ankatucu rupam ka huyubal, ka ta[t]abal: Mixbe\nka tiha ka [c]ha ka pocob, vue bala [c]o chivi kalabal, oh [c]a kacanoh\nka huyubal ka ta[t]ahal, xoh cha [c]a. Ok xoh paxin kij chuvi huyu, ok\nxoh pe [c]a konohel hutak [c]hob, chu bey xux, xa chi vi ha qui bey. Ok\nxetzolih chipe chuvi huyu Valval Xucxuc, xe y[c]o[c]ape chuvi huyu\nMemehuyu, Tacna huyu ru bi, xeul chic chuvi Cakiteuh, Caki[c]uva, ru bi.\nXeel chipe chuvi Meahauh Cutam chah, [c]a chila[c]a xebe tzolih chivipe\nchuvi huyu Cakihuyu Tepacuman ru bi; Tok xi[c]o qui [c,]eta qui huyubal,\nqui ta[t]ahal; okxe y[c]ope chuvi huyu To[t]ohil xcaker vi Qeche vinak.\nXe i[c]o chipe Pantzic, Paraxon xoh caker vi, yxka[c]ahol, que cha[c]a\nri henabey katata kamama [t]a[t]avitz Cactecauh. Ha[c]ari huyu ta[t]ah\nxey[c]o vi xemeho vi, maqui xti[c]iz ka[t]aharticah xananoh xkabijh,\nmaquina xakameztam, kitzih vichi [c]iya huyu xoh i[c]o vi, quecha ri\noher katata kamama.\n\n 20. Truly it was fearful, the arrow-shooting and the fighting; but\n soon they were routed by us, and half the fighting was in the\n boats. When those of Nonovalcat and Xulpit had been routed, all the\n warriors spoke: \"How shall we cross over the sea, our younger\n brother?\" they asked. And we said to them: \"We shall cross in the\n boats, while our battle is not yet known.\" Then we entered into the\n boats of those of Nonovalcat; when we came from the east then we\n entered them. Truly, it was fearful in the town and houses of those\n of Zuyva, there in the east; for when we entered at the furthest\n house, they could not understand how we had entered. Truly, it was\n fearful there among the houses; truly, the noise was great, the\n dust was oppressive; fighting was going on in the houses, fighting\n with the dogs, the wasps, fighting with all. One attack, two\n attacks we made, and we ourselves were routed, as truly they were\n in the air, they were in the earth, they ascended and they\n descended, everywhere against us, and thus they showed their magic\n and their sorcery. All the warriors, each one by himself, returned\n to the place, Tapcu Oloman; we gathered together in sadness, there\n where we had put on our feathers, where we had adorned ourselves,\n oh you our children, as was related by Gagavitz and Zactecauh. When\n we asked each other where our salvation was, it was said to us by\n the Quiche men: \"As it thundered and resounded in the sky, truly in\n the sky must our salvation be;\" so they said, and therefore the\n name Tohohil was given to them. The Zotzil nation said that really\n there was salvation in the mouth of an ara, and so the name Cakix\n was given to them. We, the Cakchiquels, we said: \"Truly, in the\n middle of the valley lies our salvation, entering there into the\n earth.\" Therefore the name was given, Chitagah. Another, who said\n salvation was in the water, was called Gucumatz. The Tukuche said\n salvation was in a town on high, so they were called Ahcicamag. The\n Akahals said, \"We may be saved in a honeycomb,\" therefore they were\n called Akalahay. Thus all received their names. Do not believe,\n however, that many were saved. Do not forget that all these names\n came from the east. But the Evil One scattered us abroad, said\n Gagavitz and Zactecauh. Thus we spoke when we turned about in our\n hills and valleys: \"We lately took up our bows and shields, if\n anywhere there was war; let us now seek our hills and valleys.\"\n Thus we spoke. Then we were scattered about in many places; then we\n all went forth, each division its own way, each family its own way.\n Then a return was made to the place Valval Xucxuc, and they passed\n on to the places called Meme and Tacna, and they arrived at the\n places called Zakiteuh and Zakiquva. They went on to Meahauh and\n Cutamchah, and there they turned about and came to the places\n called Zakihuyu and Tepacuman. Then it was they could see their own\n hills and vales; and they came to the place called Togohil, where\n the Quiche men made a beginning. As they returned to Pantzic and\n Paraxon, we made a beginning, oh you our children, as said our\n first fathers and ancestors, Gagavitz and Zactecauh. Such were the\n hills and vales through which we passed and turned about. \"Let not\n the praise due us for these our words cease, nor let it be\n forgotten that truly to you we gave the places we passed over.\"\n Thus spoke of old our fathers and our ancestors.\n\n21. Ree chi[c]a huyue xey [c]ovi chuvi Popo abah, xeka chuvi Qhopiytzel,\npa nima [c]oxom, xe nima chah, xeka chila mukulic ya molomic chee. Ok\nxilitah [c]a ri [c]oxahil, [c]obakil, rubij, Chiyol Chiabak ru bi huyu\nxilitah vi, xavi Bacah, xahun chi lol, ru halebal. Ok xilitah x[c]utux\n[c]a: chinak catux, xucheex. Xcha [c]a ri [c]oxahil, [c]obakil: At\nahauh, maqui quina camicah, xa yn acha[t] animal, xa yn cachinak can\nruma Bacah Pok, Bacah Xahil, xaquin ikan a tem a [c]hacat, at ahauh,\nxecha. Xecha chi[c]a ri [t]a[t]avitz Cactecauh: Maquian at nu hay nu\nchinamit catux. Kitzih vi chi at nucha[t], nunimal, xucheex [c]a; xa[c]a\ncha ri e chinamital, xeucheex, he[c]ari Telom Cahibak quibi. Ok xel\nchi[c]a chiri Chiyol Chiabak, xecolochic rucamul cakan xei[c]o chucohol\nhuyu boleh chi[t]a[t] chi Hunahpu, chiri[c]a xqui[c]ul vachih vi ru[c]ux\nhuyu, chi[t]a[t] Caki[c]oxol rubi; kitzih [c]iy ru camicam vi\nCaki[c]oxol, kitzih tixibin tivachin, xa ele[t]on, quecha.\n\n 21. These are the places over which they passed to Popoabah, whence\n they descended to Qhopiytzel, among the broken rocks, among the\n great trees; then they descended to Mukulicya (the hidden waters)\n and Molomic Chee (the stacked-up wood). There they met the Qoxahil\n and the Qobakil, as they were named, at the places called Chiyol\n and Chiabak, there they met them, the only survivors of the Bacah,\n by their magic power. When they met them, they asked and said, \"Who\n art thou?\" Qoxahil and Qobakil answered: \"O thou our lord, do not\n kill us; I am thy brother, thy elder brother. We two alone remain\n from the Bacah Pok and the Bacah Xahil. I am the servant of your\n throne, your sovereignty, O thou our lord.\" So spoke they. Then\n spoke Gagavitz and Zactecauh: \"Thou art not of our house; thou art\n not of our tribe.\" But later it was said by the tribes: \"Truly thou\n art our brother, our elder.\" They are those called Telom and\n Cakibak. When they went forth from Chiyol and Chiabak, twice they\n turned their steps and passed between the mountain ranges to the\n fire, to Hunahpu; and they met face to face in the spirit of the\n forest, the fire called Zakiqoxol. Truly, this Zakiqoxol kills many\n men. Truly, he is fearful, a robber, they say.\n\n22. Chiri [c]a chucohol huyu, chi [t]a[t] ruchahim vi quibey, ok xeel\napon, tok xuban [c]a ri Caki[c]oxol: Chinak ri mak alabon oh [c,]et,\nxecha [c]a. Ok xtak [c]ari [c]oxahil [c]obakil, xbe ru [c,]etalol ru\nhalebal, xcha [c]a ok xul kitzih ti xibin ti vachin, xa naek hun maqui e\n[c]iy xcha, ka[c,]eta na, chinak tux bay xibih yviho, xecha [t]a[t]avitz\nCactecauh. Xucheex [c]a ok x[c,]et: chinak catux xcat ka camicah, nak\nrumal tachahih bey, xucheex, xucheex [c]a. Xcha [c]a: Maqui quina\ncamicah, xavi vave yn[c]ovi, xa yn ru [c]ux huyu. Xcha ok x[c]utux\n[c]ari roquecam; xataya chuvichin ri avoquecam. Ok xuyape ri roquecam,\nhalizm xahpota qui[c], xahabi qui[c], ru camicabal Caki[c]oxol. Xere\nxucolbeh pe ri, xel [c]a chiri xekah apon xehuyu. Tok xemi[c]h chi[c]a\nruma chee ruma [c,]iquin, quere ti[c]hao chee xca[c]axah, xxuban chi[c]a\npe [c,]iquin. Xecha [c]a, ok xca[c]axah: Chinak ri ti ka[c]axah na,\nchinak tux, xecha. Xa[c]a hari chee rutunum ri, hari ti ki [c,]i[c,], pa\n[c]echelah, ha[c]a ri balam [c,]iquin xxuban, quere[c]a xo vi can ru bi\nhuyu ri [c]hitabal.\n\n 22. Going on, they arrived in the middle of the woods at a fire\n built by one guarding the road, and it was made by Zakiqoxol. \"Who\n are these boys whom we see?\" said he. Then were sent forward the\n Qoxahil and the Qobakil, with their mysterious vision and magical\n power; they spoke when they arrived. One of them spoke, not many\n [at once], as it was truly terrible to look upon, and he said: \"Let\n us see what kind of a hideous mole are you?\" So said Gagavitz and\n Zactecauh. Thus they spoke when they saw him, and they said: \"Who\n art thou? We shall kill thee. Why is it that thou guardest the road\n here?\" So they said and spoke thus. Then he said: \"Do not kill me;\n I, who am here, I am the heart of the forest.\" Thus he spoke, and\n then asked that he might clothe himself. \"They shall give to thee\n wherewith to clothe thyself\" [said they]. Then they gave him\n wherewith to clothe himself, a change of garment, his blood-red\n cuirass, his blood-red shoes, the dying raiment of Zakiqoxol. By\n this means he saved himself, descending into the forest. Then there\n was a disturbance among the trees, among the birds; one might hear\n the trees speak and the birds call. They said, when one listened:\n \"What is this that we hear? Who is this?\" said they. And the\n branches of the trees in the forest murmured, and the tigers and\n birds called one to another. Therefore that spot is called\n _[c]hitibal_, \"The Place of Disquiet.\"\n\n23. Xeel chi[c]a chiri, xahun xtika yukuba vi ru bixic huyu vae, Beleh\nchi [t]a[t], Beleh chi Hunahpu, Xecuh, Xetocoy Xeuh, Xeamatal chij,\n[c,]unun choy Xecucu huyu [c,]unun huyu, Xiliviztan, Cumpancu, Tecpalan,\nTepuztan, xekah [c]a apon [c]hol ama[t], Cuquitan, kitzih [c]a yeuh que\n[c]hao, xa chicop etamayom qui [c]habal; xachire chicop heri Loxpin,\nQhupichin, qui bi, xkayot vi, xoh cha [c]a chique xoh apon: _vaya vaya\nela opa_. Cani xe macamo ok xka [c]habeh ri qui[c]h bal chique\nah[c]holama[t], xacani xqui xibih quij, xa utz quitzil xoh apon.\n\n 23. They departed thence. Once for all we shall mention the names\n of these various places: Belehchigag, Belehchi Hunahpu, Xecuh,\n Xetocoy, Xeuh, Xeamatal Chii, Tzunun Choy, Mount Xecucu, Mount\n Tzunun, Xiliviztan, Zunpancu, Tecpalan, Tepuztan. They then\n descended to Cholamag and Zuchitan. Truly, the language there was\n difficult, and the barbarians alone knew to speak their language.\n We inquired only of the barbarians, Loxpin and Chupichin, and we\n said to them when we arrived: \"_Vaya, vaya, ela, opa._\" They were\n surprised when we spoke their language to those of Cholamag, and\n many of them were frightened, but we received only good words.\n\n24. Xeapon chi[c]a chuvi huyu Memehuyu Tacnahuyu, rucamul cakan; maqui\n[t]alah que[c]hao, quere xae mem. Kitzih naek e utzilah vinak. Xaka\n[c]hal xoh mi[c]ho, xoh yaloh chiri xketamah qui[c]habal. Quecha [c]a\nchikichin: At auh, mixatul, ku[c]in, xaoh acha[t] animal, xata vave cat\n[c]ohe vi ku[c]in, quecha, xrah hameztah ri ka[c]habal, xax kabah chic\nka[c]ux, ok xpeul cu[c]in.\n\n 24. They went to the places, Meme and Tacna, for the second time.\n They could not speak well, hence the name _Mem_. Truly, they were\n good people. They spoke to mock us, and we remained to learn their\n language. They said to us: \"Thou our lord, remain with us; we are\n thy elder and younger brother; abide with us,\" said they. They\n wished us to forget our speech, but our heart was as a stone when\n we arrived with them.\n\n25. Ree chi[c]a [c]hakap rubi huyue, xel chivi Cakiteuh Cakiqua, ni[c]ah\nCubinal, ni[c]ah Chacachil, [c,]ulahauh, xba cah, ni[c]ah Nimxor,\nni[c]ah Moinal, ni[c]ah Carchah; xe i[c]o [c]a pe ru[c]in valil [c]ahol\n[c,]unun [c]ahol: xeel chic ru[c]in Mevac, Nacxit, kitzih chinima ahauh,\nha ki [c]a rikan ri que chapbex ahaua ahpop, ahpop[c]amahay.[TN-13] ha\nroquecam ri Orbal tzam ri tiquiyo ru bi ha [c]a ti Cinpual Taxuch.\nKitzih lo[t] chique [c]iz y[c]ovinak pe ronohel ahlabal chiri xe ucheex\nconohel ruma ahauh Nacxit: Xati hotoba can ree vapal abah toc chuvi\nvochoch, tin ya [c]a chivichin ree vahauarem, tiquiyo Cinpuval Taxuch,\nxe ucheex conohel ahlabal, xax mani vi [c]a xquiho abah chique, xavi\n[c]a xe ucheex chic, [c]ate[c]a xehotobaan can ri vapal abah, quere[c]a\nx[c]iz ruya vipe rahauarem vach Nacxit vi xepoo chi[c]a chiri.\n\n 25. These were also a part of the names of the places: they went to\n Zakiteuh and Zakiqua, the midst of Tubinal, the midst of Chacachil,\n Tzulahauh which reaches to the sky, the midst of Nuuexor, the midst\n of Moinal, the midst of Carchah. They passed over with the sons of\n Valil and the sons of Tzunun. They went forth from Merac and\n Nacxit. Truly this one (Nacxit) was a great lord, and the vassals\n who aided him to seize the sovereignty were themselves rulers and\n chieftains. He invested Orbaltzam, and said that his name should be\n Cinpual Taxuch. Truly he finished by making himself the most dear\n of all men to all the warriors by the words spoken to all by this\n lord Nacxit: \"You have come to be the stone framework, the support\n of my house; I will give to you sovereignty, and give you Cinpuval\n Taxuch.\" So said he to all the warriors. \"I have not placed the\n stones of the others,\" so said he to them. And thus they came to\n erect the stone framework. Therefore, Nacxit completed the\n appointment of a companion in the sovereignty, and they cried out\n aloud with joy.\n\n26. Ok xilitah chi[c]ari Ah Mimpokom Ah Rax[c]hi[c]h pa Caktzuy rubi\nhuyu, tantu cavi ruvach rikan ronohel Pokoma; tantiban xahoh, xman queh,\nxman [c,]iquin, raal [c]akol queh, xu[c]: tzara xaxere rikan Ah\nRax[c]hi[c]h, Ah Minpokom ri, xa vuk ama[t] chinaht x[c,]et vi. Ok xtak\n[c]a el ri chicop Cakbim, xbe [c,]eto quichin, xetak chi navipe ri\n[c]oxahil [c]obakil lol, ru halebal. Ok xpe ru [c,]eta, xe ucheex [c]a\nxebe: Oh y[c,]eto naktux ri quixapon nakah, vue kalabal, xeucheex el. Xe\nul [c]a he Ah Mukchee, mani xqui [c]ut quij, maqui xquina xebe [c,]et.\nXpe [c]a retal ruma Cakbin ru [c]aan Huntzuy tzara xul. Yn cheel xbe\ny[c,]eta, xeucheex, kitzih nima [t]a[t]al, nima xahoh tantiban, [c]iy\n[c]a chu [c]ohlem, que cha xeul. Xe cha [c]ari [t]a[t]avitz Cactecauh,\nchiquichin rachbiyil; quix vikon, vue kalabal, quecha. Xevi ko [c]a\nquij, chi [c]ha, chi pocob, he cautal xe be xe[c,]et [c]a ruma Pokoma.\nXa cani ru xibih ri Pokoma, xeel cani[c]a x[c]am cokotaxic.\n\n 26. Then they met those of Mimpokom and Raxchich, at the place\n called Tzaktzuy. They met all the subjects of the Pokomams. They\n dance their ballet, but it is without deers, without birds, without\n pheasants, without the trappers and their nets. The subjects of\n Raxchich and Mimpokon gather together; but the seven nations look\n on at a distance. They sent out the brute Zakbim as a spy; and on\n our side were summoned the Qoxahil and the Qobakil, magicians,\n enchanters. On their departure, they were told: \"Let us see who are\n approaching, and if we are to fight.\" So it was said. Those of\n Mukchee arrived, but they were in no great number, nor had they\n come to spy out. The signal was given by Zakbin, while Huntzuy came\n into line. \"Now I see them,\" they said. \"This is really a wonderful\n thing, a wonderful dance they are making; there are many under the\n trees.\" So spoke they on arriving. Thus said Gagavitz and Zactecauh\n to their companions: \"Let us take up our arms if we are to fight.\"\n Immediately all took up their bows and shields, and thus arrayed\n showed themselves to the Pokomams. At once terror struck the\n Pokomams, and ours rushed forth to seize them in their disorder.\n\n27. Ok xeilitah [c]a ri e cay Loch rubi hun, Xet rubi rucam, [c]a chila\nxeilitah vi xe Cucuhuyu [c,]ununhuyu, que cha [c]a ok xeilitah: Maqui\nkoh acamicah, at ahauh, xa kohikan a tem a [c]hacat; xecha, halal oc\nquikan, xahuhun chi [c]habitun cu[c]aam; xe tzolih chipe, xquitzak chi\ncan hun ru tzuyil, qui tzara chiri xepax vi, quere[c]a xubinah vi huyu\nTzaktzuy, ri retal x[c]amvi Ahquehay, heri nabey qui tata qui mama\nxeboco Ahquehayi. Yncheel ru[c]amic vue, quixcha, [c]ohe rubi huyu.\nXe[c]am vi ri [c]hakap chinamit, yxka[c]ahol, quere can kitzih he nabey\nka tata ka mama xoh boz vi xoh vinakir vi, oh Cakchiquel vinak.\n\n 27. Then they encountered the two, Loch and Xet by name; they\n encountered them there at the foot of the mountains Cucu and\n Tzunun. These said when they were encountered, \"Do not kill us, O\n thou our lord; we will be the servants of your throne, of your\n power.\" So they said, and entered at once as vassals, each one\n carrying the bows and drums. Going on, a return was made, and they\n were hindered by some calabash vines, and were ensnared and\n scattered. Therefore, that place was called Tzaktzuy, and the\n Ahquehay took it as their sign, that is, those first fathers and\n ancestors who brought forth the Ahquehay. This is why they took it,\n it is said, and such is the name of the place. They chose a portion\n of the tribe, oh you my children, and truly thus it was that our\n first fathers and ancestors brought us forth and gave us\n existence--us, the Cakchiquel people.\n\n28. Ok xe[c]ulu chi [c]a qui chuvi huyu Oronic Cakhay, xul chic ronohel\nvuk ama[t] ahlabal. Xcha [c]ari [t]a[t]avitz, Cactecauh chirichin Qeche\nvinak: koh i[c]o pa huyu konohel, ka [c]haca ru [t]ih ronohel vuk ama[t]\nTecpan, ka [c,]umah chiqui [c]ux; at catahilan can quivach, cat pa e can\nchuvi Cakay, yn [c]a quinoc chupam huyu Cakay, yn qui[c]haco quichin, ti\n[c,]umah chi qui [c]ux, chupam huyu ba [c]o vi ti [c]hacatah, ba[c]ovi\nmaqui ti [c]hacatah; xe cha [c]a, ok xcam quitzih, x[c]oh pa Cakhay, ok\nxtiquer ri[c]ovic ronohel, chiri [c]a chupam huyu x[c,]umax vi chi qui\n[c]ux. Ok xuna [c]a ri [c]ul ya, [c]ul chahom, maqui xi[c]o chupam huyu.\nXcha: At ahau, xa tin ya queh cab chi vichin, yn ahqueh, yn ahcab\nquinux, maqui quin i[c]o, xcha ri yuquite chahom. Quere[c]a xrelahih vi\nqueh cab, yuquite chahom ri. Xeel chi [c]a chiri xey[c]o chipe chuvi,\nTunaco[c,]ih [t]ahinak abah. Chiri[c]a xquitih vi qui [c]habi tun Loch\nXet, xaco[c,]iham qui tun, quere[c]a xubinaah vican huyu Tunaco[c,]ih\nri.\n\n 28. Then they went forth to meet those at the place Oronic Cakhay,\n and all the warriors of the seven villages arrived. Then spoke\n Gagavitz and Zactecauh to the Quiche men: \"Let us all go to the\n place. Let us conquer the glory of all the seven villages of\n Tecpan, let us weaken their hearts; do thou count their faces, do\n thou stand here at the place Cakhay; I shall enter the place\n Cakhay; I shall conquer them; their heart shall be weakened; there,\n in the place, they shall be conquered, where they never before were\n conquered.\" Thus they spake when they ordered the slaughter, when\n they were in Cakhay; then it began with all of them in the place,\n and their hearts were weakened. But on account of the defence with\n water, and the defence with cinders, they could not enter the\n place, and their hearts were weakened. Then it was said: \"O thou\n lord, I will give thee the venison and the honey. I am the lord of\n the venison, the lord of the honey; but I have not passed because\n of the cinders,\" it was said. Thus the venison and the honey were\n protected by means of the cinders. They went from there to\n Tunacotzih, \"the sounding stone.\" There Loch and Xet made trial of\n the bows and drums, and they beat their drums; therefore the name\n of that spot is Tunacotzih, \"the Drum-beating.\"\n\n29. Ok xilitah chi [c]a ri Cavek chiri xenima chah, Ximbal xu[c] rubi\nhuyu. Ok xa[c]axax [c]a ro[t]ebal cak corovach xe nima chah, ru halebal\nri cavek. Que cha [c]a ri [t]a[t]avitz Cactecauh: chinak tux ri, chinak\nchi kucheeh, quecha. Ok xcha [c]a ri Loch, Xet: [c]o vikan, at ahval, ha\nti koquecah, xecha. Ox xquiz [c]a quikan; xa [c]a xu[c], cakquiy,\nxabanbal xahab quikan, mani quikan xae ru ka xbachican quehay,\n[c,]umhay; quere quibinaam vi Ahquehayi ri. Ok xrip [c]ari xu[c] chuvi\nchee, x[c]ambex richin cakcorovach xe nima chah, ok xuya [c]arij chupam\nxu[c] ri cak corovach, xcha [c]a ok xuya ri: At ahauh, maqui quin a\ncamicah. Chinak na [c]a catux, xucheex. Xcha[c]a: Xa xoh cachcan ruma\nahauh Qechee, xa oh acha[t] animal, oh Cavek, xakoti[c]en atitil,\na[t]ana abah, xecha [c]a ri ok xquiya quij, qui tata qui mama Caveki. He\ncay chi achi Totunay ru bi hun, Xurcah ru bi hun chic, [c]oh quikan\nCavek Paoh ru bi, xeucheex [c]a ruma [t]a[t]avitz, at rucah nu chinamit\ncatux, [t]eka[c]uch, Ba[c]ahol, Cavek Cibakihay, qui xucheex, kitzih vi\nchi at nu cha[t] nu nimal. Xavi [c]a xu cheex chic Ahquehay, chirih nu\nchinamit cat ahilax vi, at rikan ka[c,]ak kibah catux, huruma ri mani\nrikan, xere vi ri xu[c], x[c]ambex Cavek, que [c]a x[c,]akat vi chinamit\nri, que cha oher ka tata ka mama, yxka[c]ahol, xa maqui hemezta ytzih ha\ne ahaua vi.\n\n 29. At this time they met the Cavek under the great pines, at the\n place called Ximbalxug. They heard the plaint of the doves beneath\n the great pines; the enchantment of the Cavek. Gagavitz and\n Zactecauh said: \"Who art thou? What is that we hear?\" Then said\n Loch and Xet: \"They are our vassals, oh our lord, they obey us.\"\n They began to show their burdens; bird nets, maguey, tools for\n making shoes, were their burdens--no other burdens, for their\n houses were of deer skins and hides; hence they were called\n Ahquehay. Then they carried the nets to the woods; they caught\n doves in them beneath the great pines, and they brought many of\n these doves caught in the nets, and said: \"Oh our lord, do not slay\n us.\" \"Who art thou?\" was asked. They answered: \"We have been ruined\n by the Quiche men, we your brother, your kinsman, we the Cavek;\n they have diminished their regal dignity.\" So spoke they, and gave\n many gifts, they the fathers and ancestors of the Cavek. There were\n two heroes, Totunay the name of one, Xurcah of the other, the\n vassals of Cavek Paoh; they were addressed by Gagavitz: \"Thou art\n the fourth of our tribes, Gekaquch, Baqahol, Cavek, and Cibakihay.\"\n Thus he addressed them: \"Truly thou art my brother, my kinsman.\"\n Thus he spoke to those of Ahquehay: \"Thou art counted in my tribe,\n thy vassalage shows that thou art of our ancient home, no longer\n art thou a vassal nor carriest the net. The Caveks are received,\n and form part of our tribe.\" So spoke of yore our fathers and\n ancestors, oh my children, and we must not forget the words of\n these rulers.\n\n\n_Qui [c]hacbal [c]a ka mama, ok xcam._\n\n _The Victory of Our Forefathers, After One Had Died._\n\n30. Xeapon chi[c]a chuvi huyu [c]hopi ytzel, xcha [t]a[t]avitz chire\nCactecauh: ko[t]ax chuvi civan.--Utzan, xcha. Ha [c]a nabey x[t]ax ri\n[t]a[t]avitz, ok xrah [c]a x[t]ax chic ri Cactecauh; maqui [c]a x[t]ax,\nxtzak ka pa civan: equre[c]a xcam vi can hun ka mama rij, xhachatah qui\nvach, xahun chic xohboco, oh Xahila, ri [t]a[t]avitz.\n\n 30. Having arrived at the place, Qhopiytzel, Gagavitz said to\n Zactecauh: \"Let us cross this ravine.\" \"Good,\" said he. Gagavitz\n first crossed, and then Zactecauh wished to cross. But he did not\n cross, but fell into the ravine. Thus died one of our ancestors,\n and their possessions were divided; but the other, that is,\n Gagavitz, brought us forth--us, the Xahila.\n\n31. Xeapon chi[c]a chuvi huyu, Cakihuyu, Teyocuman, ru camul cakan;\nchiri [c]a x[c]i [c,]et vi el ru [t]a[t]al huyu, [t]a[t] xanul ru bi,\nkitzih ti xibin ru [t]a[t]al tipe chupam huyu; to[t]ol ru[t]a[t]al\nchinaht. Xmani vi tucheex roquebexic, xa[c]a huna huyu [t]a[t]xanul\n[c]oh ru [t]a[t]al; xmani vi tipe vi [t]a[t], xaporinak chi[c]a ronohel\nahlabal vuk ama[t] xe huyu, mani tanti cucheex, kitzih tan [c]ok qui\n[c]ux, mani tan tucheex ru [c]amic ru [t]a[t]al, xa xeho chic ho oyobem,\nquecha ri ka mama ri [t]a[t]avitz, xeapon [c]a xe huyu, xecha [c]a\nconohel ahlabal: At kacha[t], mixatul xa at chic at koyoben, chinak tu\ncheex ru [c]amic ka[t]a[t], mix katih tatiha ka [t]ihil at kacha[t],\nxecha conohel, xoh cha[c]a chique: Nak tahoon tin canah nutihana, hari\nachih ru [c]ux, maqui tu xibih rij, yn quinabeyah, xcha [t]a[t]avitz\nchiquichin, mani xahoon xa canih xquixibih qui. Kitzih ti xibin ru\n[t]a[t]al huyu; ok xraho [c]a ri hun Caki[c,]unun rubi. Yn quibe\navu[c]in, xcha ri Caki[c,]unun, xcha chire [t]a[t]avitz.--Tok xvikon\n[c]a xquicauh, xqui cha [c]a qui quicabichal: Maquina chi [c]ha, chi\npocob. Xa xet tule xa [c,]imah vi, xa bolol, raxah ru bi, hari ca[t]ul\ntel chi ya; xquivikbeh quij, xoc pa qui vi, xoc chi qui kul, chi qui\n[c]huc, chi qui [t]a, chi cakan camicabal richin [t]a[t], quecha. Ha\n[c]a xka chupam [t]a[t] ri [t]a[t]avitz, ha [c]a Caki[c,]unun, xyaan can\nru vi [t]a[t], xa rax yxim xpu[t] ka pa ya xyabex ruvi [t]a[t]: kitzih\n[c]a tixibin ok xkah chupam huyu, ok xpax ru [t]a[t]al huyu, xto[t]e\nrucibel chinaht, xoc [t]ekum a[t]a. Xepax conohel ri e [c]oh xe huyu,\nxqui xibih qui. Xbe yaloh pa huyu ri [t]a[t]avitz, xqui tzakah ru [t]ih,\nxcam chi qui [c]ux. [c]oh x[c]amo [t]a[t], [c]oh mani x[c]amo\nchiquichin; halatak oc ru bix [t]a[t] xkaul xe huyu; [c]oh xilon, [c]oh\nmaqui xilon chique, ok xel [c]a pe chupam huyu. Kitzih ti xibin chic ru\nvach, ok xel pe pa huyu [t]a[t]xanul, xecha [c]a ronohel ahlabal vuk\nama[t]: Kitzih tixibin ru puz ru naval, ru [t]a[t]al ru tepeval, xcam\nxkana, quecha.\n\n 31. They then arrived at the white hills called Teyocuman, coming\n there for the second time. There they saw the fire of the mountain\n called Gagxanul. Truly it was frightful to see the fire coming from\n the mountain, the fire shooting forth afar off. No one could say\n how it could be passed by, as the mountain Gagxanul was on fire for\n a whole year, after which fire did not come forth. When all the\n warriors of the seven villages had arrived at the foot of the\n mountain, no one spoke; truly, they grieved at heart, nor could one\n say how the fire could be captured. They could but go on hoping.\n When he arrived at the mountain they spoke to our ancestor,\n Gagavitz, and all the warriors said to him: \"Thou our brother, thou\n hast arrived, thou in whom is our hope. Who will go down to the\n capture of this fire? Who will descend for us, who are seeking our\n fortune, oh thou our brother?\" So said all; and we replied: \"Who of\n you wishes that I shall try my fortune? He has a heart of a hero,\n that fears not. I will go first.\" Thus spoke Gagavitz to them: \"You\n must not fear so soon.\" Truly, the fire of the mountain was\n terrible. Then there was one named Zakitzunun, who wished to go\n with him. \"I will go with you,\" said Zakitzunun, speaking to\n Gagavitz. Then they were armed and their ornaments put upon them.\n But the two said together: \"There is no use of bows or shields.\"\n They laid them aside; they took pointed instruments and dug a\n trench, and they placed by the water those banana trees called\n _raxah_. When these things were in order, they entered first with\n their heads, then with their necks, then with their arms, with\n their hands, with their feet, so as to destroy the fire, as they\n said. Then Gagavitz descended into the fire, while Zakitzunun\n conducted the water to the fire, and the green grass and maize\n mixed with the water flowed upon the fire. Truly, it was fearful\n when it descended into the mountain, when it scattered the fire of\n the mountain, when the smoke burst forth afar and darkness and\n night entered on the scene. All who were at the foot of the\n mountain fled, as they were greatly frightened. Gagavitz remained\n in the mountain. The day drew to a close, and their courage died in\n their hearts. The fire was captured, but it was not captured for\n them. A few sparks of the fire descended from the mountain. It\n reached some, but it did not reach them. Then he came from within\n the mountain. Truly, his face was terrible when he came from within\n the mountain Gagxanul. All the warriors of the seven villages said:\n \"Truly his power, his knowledge, his glory and his majesty are\n terrible. He died, and yet he has come down.\" So said they.\n\n32. [c]ate[c]aok x[c]hocobax chuvi [c]hacat, ok xkaul, kitzih xquininah,\nxe cha [c]a conohel: At kacha[t], mix akacah ru [t]a[t]al huyu, mi xaya\nka [t]a[t]; yx cay chi al, hun nabey al, hun xambey al chivichin, yx ka\nvi, yxka holom, xecha conohel ahlabal vuk ama[t], chirichin ri\n[t]a[t]avitz. Ok xcha [c]a chiquichin: Xpeul ru [c]ux huyu nu teleche nu\ncana, yx nucha[t], nunimal. Ok xquir [c]a ri ru [c]ux huyu,\nxa[c]olo[c]ic [t]a[t] chi abah, hari abah cakcho[t] rubi, maqui raxa\nabah, oxlahuh [c]a [c]oh [c]o ru [c]in ri abah, ha[c]a rix[c,]ul ru\n[c]ux huyu [t]a[t]xanul; xa [c]a cha ri couh ru xahic rix[c,]ul, [c]i ya\n[c]hob, tuban maqui ahilam re[c,]anibal.\n\n 32. Therefore, when he had arrived they seated him on the throne,\n and truly made much of him, and all said: \"Oh our brother, you have\n conquered the fire of the mountain; you have reduced for us the\n fire. Ye are two heroes; one is the first hero, and one follows\n him. Ye are our heads, our chiefs.\" So said all the warriors of the\n seven villages to Gagavitz. Then he said to them: \"The heart of the\n mountain has come as my slave, my captive, oh you my brethren, my\n kinsmen.\" When the heart of the mountain is opened, the fire\n separates from the stone, even the stone called Gak Chog. It is not\n a green stone, and there are thirteen others with it, and hence\n comes the dance called \"the heart of the mountain Gagxanul.\" They\n say this dance is executed violently, with many troops (of\n dancers), nor can one count those who join the noise.\n\n33. Xepe chi[c]a chiri xei[c]o chipe Cecic Ynup rubi, xaceel chuvi choy;\nri ynup maqui na tiquil, mani ruxe ri ynup, xatibilan chuvi ya.\nQuere[c]a ru binaam vi Cecic Ynup ri xey [c]o chipe chuvi huyu,\n[c]alalapacay ru bi; xax [c]al he ru xak pacay xqui[c]hacatih. Quere[c]a\nxubinaah vi [c]alalapacay ri, quecha ka mama.\n\n 33. They went from there and passed over to Cecic Ynup, as it is\n called, and they rowed on the lake. There was no ceiba tree rooted\n in the soil, nor did they go under a ceiba tree, but they went upon\n the water. Therefore, they called that place Cecic Ynup, \"the\n buried Ceiba.\" And they passed on to the place called Qalalapacay.\n There they twined the leaves of the anonas for the royal seat.\n Therefore, they called that place Qalalapacay, \"anona garlands.\" So\n say our ancestors.\n\n\n_[c]ambal richin Ykoma[t] vae._\n\n _The Conquest of the Ikomagi._\n\n34. Ok xet chi[c]a chinaht ri Cakixahay [c]ubulahay ru bi, rikam\nYkoma[t]i, cani x[c]amar rokotaxic cuma, runah [c]a xilitah Chi[t]alibal\nrubi huyu; xuya vi ri hoye vi quivach, ok xilitah, xaxu [t]aba chic rij.\nQuere[c]a xubinaah vi huyu, Chi[t]alibal ri. Xcha [c]a ok xu ya ri: Xa\nyn acha[t] animal, xa mixi[c]hacatah, xaquin ikan a tem, a [c]hacat, yn\nhuvi chi vinak [c]o vikan. Xcha ri Ykoma[t]i, he [c]a rikan ri\nCakixahay, [c]ubulahay; quere[c]a ru[c]amic Ykoma[t] ri, xere [c]a\nxcolotah. Chic ri xeboco chic Co[c,]il vinak, qui tata qui mama ri\nAhpoco[c,]il Qulavi cochoh, [c]ula vi [c]anti quibi; xaqui vinakil xeel\nchic mani chic quikan.\n\n 34. Then they saw at a distance those called the Cakixahay and the\n Qubulahay, subjects of the Ikomagi. They were captured after they\n had been routed by a surprise, when they were not far from a place\n called Chigalibal. They were pardoned when they arrived, and our\n warriors extended their hands to them. Hence that place was called\n Chigalibal. They said, in yielding: \"I am your brother, your elder.\n You are the conquerors. We are the subjects of your throne and your\n power. I swear it before these who are my subjects.\" Thus spoke the\n Ikomagi, and thus their subjects, the Cakixahay and the Qubulahay.\n Thus did Ikomag submit and save his life. With them the Zotzils\n brought forth those fathers and elders, the Ahpozotzils named\n Qulavi Zochoh and Qulavi Qanti. But only their families, not their\n vassals, proceeded therefrom.\n\n35. Ok xeapon chi[c]a chuvi huyu [c]akba[c,]ulu, ok xilitah chi[c]a ri\nTol[c]om rubi. Kitzih tixibin [c]o vi, tinicnot huyu [c]o vi ri\n[c]akba[c,]ulu. Nabey [c]a xe [c]iz apon ronohel ahlabal, tanti qui\nxibih quij, maqui tan quetiquer chu camicaxic. Tok xeapon, xecha [c]a ri\nahlabal conohel: Mian xatul at kacha[t], bila tux ree, kitzih ti xibin\n[c]o vi, quecha. Xecha [c]a vi he ka mama [t]a[t]avitz; chinak na pe\ntux, yx ahlabal? xti[c]a [c,]et an ru vach. Maquian ka labal, maqui\n[c]ha, pocob, tikoquecah, yx [c]oh yx ka nimal, xecha, xetak conohel chu\nchapic Tol[c]om. Ok xe cha [c]a: Nak na[c]a tucheex, at kacha[t],\nmixkatih kitzih tixibin [c]o vi, at cabe chiil, xecha conohel. Tok xpe\n[c]a ru[c,]eta ri Tol[c]om, xapon kitzih ti xibin [c]o vi tinicnot huyu\n[c]o vi. Xcha [c]a chire Tol[c]om: Chinak catux? maat nucha[t] nu nimal.\nChinak catux? vacami xcat nucamicah. Cani [c]a xa xibih rij, xcha [c]a:\nYn ral [c]habak nicnic, xa vi vochoch vae yn [c]o vi, at ahauh, xcha.\nCatoho, bat tiquic, xucheex [c]a ri Tol[c]om. Ok xu ya rii, xchapatah,\nxpe [c]a ru chapon chic xul cu[c]in, xeucheex [c]a ri ahlabal vuk\nama[t], ok xuya ri Tol[c]om: xtika[t]aharticah can vae huyu, yx quixcao\nru vach nu telechee nu cana; xtikaquiyah, xtika [c]atohih ru vi nu\ntelechee, xtike[c,]abeh xtika[c]ak, xtika[t]aharticah can rubi vae huyu\n[c]akba[c,]ulu tucheex ruma vinak [c,]ak, yx ahaua, xeucheex [c]a\nconohel ahlabal.\n\n 35. After this they arrived at the place Qakbatzulu, where they met\n the one named Tolgom. Truly, terror was there, and the place\n Qakbatzulu trembled. At first all the warriors began to arrive; but\n fear was upon them lest they should there meet death. When he\n (Gagavitz) reached there, all the warriors said: \"Thou arrivest,\n our brother. What is this? Truly it is fearful.\" So said they; and\n to them said our ancestor, Gagavitz: \"Who are ye, oh warriors? Let\n us look at his face. Can we not fight? Have we not bows and shields\n to effect an entrance, oh you who are my brethren?\" So he spoke,\n and he sent all the warriors to seize Tolgom. Then they said: \"What\n speech is this, oh brother? Is it not said that a great terror is\n there? Go thou and see.\" So said they all. Then he went forth to\n see Tolgom, and truly he arrived at the place of the terror and\n where the hill trembled. At once he cried to Tolgom: \"Who art thou?\n Thou art neither my brother nor my elder. Who art thou? This very\n day I shall slay thee.\" Instantly was Tolgom filled with fear, and\n he replied: \"I am the son of the Mud that Quivers. This is my\n house where I dwell, oh my lord.\" So he said. \"Go forth from here\n and live elsewhere,\" was it answered to Tolgom. Then he submitted\n and was made prisoner, and his body was taken with him. Gagavitz\n said to the warriors and the seven towns when Tolgom gave himself\n up: \"We have made this spot glorious. Show forth the face of my\n prisoner, my captive. We will adorn and sacrifice my captive. We\n will be friends with him and stand in front of him, and thus\n celebrate the name of this spot, Qakbatzulu, as it is called by a\n joking people, oh chieftains.\" Such were the words addressed to all\n the warriors.\n\n36. Quere[c]a xquibijh vae: At kacha[t], hun nabey al, hun [c]a [c]hipil\nal chikichin, xtiketah [t]ih cak chi popol vach oh oxlahuh chi ahlabal,\nxti ka ya a muh a [t]alibal, a tem, a [c]hacat, avahavarem. He ree cay\nchi al Co[c,]il Tukuche que ucheex, xcat kachi quicohol Ahpoco[c,]il\nAhpoxahil, qui xucheex xa chiri taban vi, at naek huvi chi ahlabal, la\nnaek acha[t] animale, Bacah Pok, Bacah Xahil; qui xucheex naek xa hunam\n[t]a[t]al tepeval, at kacha[t], xucheex [c]a; tok xelahibex ru vach, ok\nru yaic ri Ahpoco[c,]il Ahpoxahil, maqui naek oh Co[c,]il Tukuche la\nnaek, kacha[t] ka nimal lae Bacah Pok, oh [c]a Bacah Xahil, yxka[c]ahol.\nQuecha ri e oher katata kamama: Oh huvi chi ahlabal xa ruma ri nim qui\npuz qui naval, he navipe hei kayom, ri [c]ha pocob. Quere[c]a xelahibex\nvi quivach, a nabey ka mama ri, ruma ri [c]iy xukacah ru [t]ih ralaxic.\n\n 36. Therefore, they spoke thus: \"Our brother, one child is the\n first and another the second among us. Hereafter we shall make this\n appear before the council, we the thirteen warriors. We will give\n to thee thy canopy, thy royal seat, thy carpet, thy throne, with\n power. These shall be called the two children of the Zotzil\n Tukuches, but thou shalt be the first man among the Ahpozotzils and\n the Ahpoxahils. They shall call thee forth to act; thou shalt be\n first among the warriors, thy brothers and thy elders, the Bacah\n Pok and the Bacah Xahils. They shall name thee equal to any in\n power and majesty, oh my brother.\" Thus they said, and his head was\n lifted above the others, and he was given the power by the\n Ahpozotzils and the Ahpoxahils, but not by us, the Zotzil Tukuches,\n nor by our brother and elder, the Bacah Pok and the Bacah Xahil, my\n children. Our fathers and ancestors said of old: \"We have been\n chosen by the warriors in their great skill and wisdom; their bows\n and shields have created us.\" It was thus that our ancestors were\n first exalted by overcoming the greatness and the birth of many.\n\n37. Ok xtiquer [c]a ru camicaxic ri Tol[c]om, xvikitah na, xoc na ru\ncauh, [c]ate [c]aok xrip ru[t]a chuvach chee lama x[c]ak vi. Ok xtiquer\n[c]a xahoh ruma ronohel ahlabal, xavi Tol[c]om rubi bix. Xquixah ok\nxtiquer [c]a ru[c]akic; maqui [c]a hari [c]haa tel pa [c]am, xahari\nnahtik cimah chee x[c]akbex chuvi huyu [c]akba[c,]ulu x[c]akvi xbe na\nqui [c]haa conohel. [c]ate ok xbe ru [c]ha ri kamama [t]a[t]avitz, cani\nxi[c]o chupam huyu hari Chee [c,]ulu rubi, xu[c]akbeh Tol[c]om: [c]aha\nxcamican he [c]ari conohel ahlabal, halatak oc qui [c]ha, xoc chinaht\nxqui [c]ak vi. Quere ri vinak ok xcam [c]iy ru qui[c]el xel chirih che\nlama: ok xpeh [c]a x[c]iz cipax chuvach ronohel vuk ama[t] ahlabal,\nxquiyax, x[c]atohix rucamic haok x[t]ahar ri uchum, ti[c]o huhun huna,\nxati ban vaim u[c]aam, xa que [c]habin a[c]uala xa tunay chic ru\n[c]exevach tiqui [c]ak, bila [c]a tux ri Tol[c]om, quecha ka mama oher,\nyxka[c]ahol. Quere[c]a xka[c]am viki ri ru[c]in Co[c,]il Tukuche ruma\n[c]a ru puz ru naval, ru [t]a[t]al, ru tepeval; xelahibex vi ru vach ka\ntata ka mama oh Cakchiquel vinak, mani [c]hacat ahinak vi ru [t]ih\nralaxic e oher ka mama.\n\n 37. Then began the execution of Tolgom. He arrayed himself and\n entered suddenly. His arms were extended in front of a tree, to be\n shot with arrows. A dance was begun by all the warriors, while\n Tolgom began his song. They still danced, when they commenced to\n shoot their arrows. But not one of the arrows reached the cord;\n for it was far to the tree where he was shot at, on the hill\n Qakbatzulu, where they shot at him and where all the arrows fell.\n At length the arrow of our ancestor Gagavitz was discharged. It\n passed rapidly over the place named Cheetzulu, and pierced Tolgom.\n All the warriors then slew him, some arrows piercing, him from near\n and others from afar. The man being thus killed, a great stream of\n blood came forth behind the tree. His body was cut in pieces and\n divided among all the seven towns. This gift and this sacrifice of\n his death were what founded the festival of (the month) Uchum. At\n that festival all were equal; there was eating and drinking; little\n children were killed by being shot with arrows, their heads being\n adorned with elder flowers, as his substitute, as if they were\n Tolgom, as say our fathers of yore, oh my children. In this manner\n we obtained power with the Zotzil Tukuches, by knowledge and occult\n science, by power and majesty; thus did our fathers and ancestors,\n we the Cakchiquels, lift our heads above others, nor our ancestors\n lower their glory and their birth.\n\n38. Ok xepe chi[c]a chiri chu vi huyu [c]akba[c,]ulu, xutzak ka [c]hakap\nTol[c]om chupam choy: ok x[t]ahar can ri tzam tzakbal Tol[c]om. Ok xe\ncha [c]a koy[c]o chupam ree choy, xa[c]a ahilam xi[c]o xquixibih qui\nconohel ok xquituc rupam ree choy. Chiri xetzako vi quij pan pati payan\nchocol ru bi, quetabal quinaual; chila xe el vi beleh tulul, ha ri pa\nChitulul. Ok xtiquer [c]a ri [c]ovic pa choy ronohel ahlabal, xavi\nxambey chic xbe ri [t]a[t]avitz, hun [c]a rana Chetehauh ru bi. X[c]ohe\ncan chiri xetzako vi qui ha ri tzam [c]abouil Abah ru bi. Vacami tok xbe\n[c]ari [t]a[t]avitz, kitzih tixibin ok xebe pa ya Cu[c,]u cumatz\nxuhalibeh: cani[c]a x[t]ekumar ru vi ya, canix pa e ca[t]ik, cakcut cum\nchuvi ya, x[c]iz [c]a ru tuc ru pam choy. [c]oh xraho, xukacah tah ru\n[t]ih [c,]utuhile xraho: xu [c,]et [c]a ronohel vuk ama[t] tok xel [c]a\napon chi ya, e[c]o vi xcha [c]a chire xeboco Ah[c,]iquinahayi: Mian\nxkatuc rupam ka choy ka palouh, at ka nimal, hu[c]am a choy, hu[c]aam\n[c]a a [t]uz[t]um, avokok, a tap, a car, tux, xucheex; xu[c]uluba [c]a:\nUtzan, at nucha[t], [c]hakap a choy, [c]hakap [c]a a [t]uz[t]um, a\nvokok, a tap, a car, [c]hakap [c]a a [c]hupup, a raxah tux, xa xere\nmixa[t]aba vinak [c]oh ti camican chupam chachux, xcha Ah[c,]iquinahay\nchire. Xepe chic, xepaxin chic qui, xavi tzolih chipe, xrah y[c]o ru\n[c]ama rana; mani chi[c]a x[c]amom ruma ni[c]ah coon, mani chic rana\nxelpe, mani chic tuna. Xcha: ba xcha vi vana, nak mix [c]amo? Kitzih ti\nbe nu canoh ti vil na xchax be labal chic ru[c]ux. Xe vikon, kitzih\ntixibin ok xebe canoy rana: cani[c]a xuxibih ri ama[t] [c,]utuhile, xcha\n[c]a xapon: Nak mix[c]amo pe vana xachi [c]ulu labal chic nu [c]ux? Xcha\nchire ama[t] [c,]utuhile cooni [c,]ununaa. Cani[c]a ha x[c]hao ri\nAh[c,]iquinahay chirichin: At ahauh, at nucha[t], nu nimal, xa vave\ntuban vi a vana, mixkahach ka choy, hu[c]aam a choy, hu[c]aam [c]a nu\nchoy tux, xcha, he pokon xe runa ri ahlabal, xa cha xelah ri\nAh[c,]iquinahay. Xcha chi [c]a ri ka mama [t]a[t]avitz: Nak ruma tiqui\n[c]am pe vana utz [c]a xti[c]ohe can ru[c]in ni[c]ah coon; xax ti\nva[c]axah atzih, at nucha[t], qui ru [c]hac pe ri ni[c]ah coon, [c]oh ta\nxtinuban chire. Xcha chi xa e Ah[c,]iquinahayi. Quere[c]a ruhachic choy\nri quecha ka mama, quere navipe kacha[t] kanimal vi ki ri ru[c]in\n[c,]utuhile; [c]oh chi[c]a maqui xtikoquecah. Xey[c]o vi, xemeho vi e\nnabey ka tata ka mama ri [t]a[t]avitz, Cactecauh [c]a chi [t]ekum [c]a\nchi a[t]a ok: ok xquiban ree, mehaok ticaker, quecha, xa[c]a halachic\nmaticaker chiri. Xeapon chi[c]a chuvi huyu Pul[c]hi[c]h, chiri [c]a\nxetak viel.\n\n 38. When they were on the hill Qakbatzulu, they threw a part of the\n body of Tolgom into the lake. Thus began the festival of \"throwing\n the nose of Tolgom.\" Then, it is said, there was heard a noise in\n the waters, and at its passage all were terrified when there were\n these movements in the waters of the lake. Many on these occasions\n assembled at the spot called \"the common baths\" (Payanchocol). They\n practiced many magic arts. Nine zapotes were found at the spot\n called Chitulul. At that time the warriors began their passage over\n the lake. Gagavitz followed them with his sister, named Chetehauh.\n They established themselves, and settled on the point called after\n the god Abah. A little while after the arrival of Gagavitz, truly a\n fearful thing took place when he entered the water, having changed\n himself into Zutzucumatz. It suddenly darkened on the water, a wind\n rose, and a white cloud rested on the surface, making a circuit of\n the water in the lake. They desired to remain there; but it was\n first necessary to reduce the power of the Tzutuhils. All the\n seven nations looked about and then descended to the water. Those\n who were there then said to the children of the Ahtziquinahay: \"We\n have scarcely made the circuit of this lake of ours, this sea, oh\n my brother. But let one-half of the lake be yours, and one-half of\n the fruits, of the wild geese, of the crabs, of the fish.\" Thus he\n spoke, and the others took counsel: \"It is well my brother, that\n the half of the lake be ours, and a half of thy fruits, of thy wild\n geese, of thy crabs, of thy fish, a half of thy acorns, and a half\n of thy bananas be ours, and of all living things you kill in or\n below the waters.\" Thus did the Ahtziquinahay reply to them. Then\n they separated and went away, but soon returned, desiring to obtain\n wives, for none of them were married, owing to the absence of\n women; neither their mothers nor sisters having accompanied them.\n They said: \"Where speaks my girl? Whom shall I take as wife? Truly,\n let us go forth and seek where there is said to be a war for\n hearts.\" They put on their armor, and were really terrible when\n they went forth in search of women. The Tzutuhils were frightened,\n and to them the Cakchiquels said: \"Whom shall I take for my woman?\n Who has declared war against my heart?\" So they spoke to the\n Tzutuhil people, to the women of Tzununa. Thereupon the\n Ahtziquinahay spoke to them: \"My lord, my brother, my elder, here\n indeed is thy maiden. You have divided with us the waters; half of\n the lake is thine, half is ours.\" Thus he spoke, and his warriors\n were afflicted at his words, when the Ahtziquinahay spoke thus in\n conclusion. Then Gagavitz, our ancestor, said: \"Who of you comes to\n take wives? It were well that you remain with the organs of women.\n But I hear thy words, oh my brother; their victory is by the organs\n of their women. Remaining, I shall do this.\" Thus he spoke to the\n Ahtziquinahays. In this manner, say our elders, the lake was\n divided, and in this manner our brother and elder remained with the\n Tzutuhils. None other of ours remained. Our first fathers and\n ancestors, Gagavitz and Zactecauh, passed on, and went back to the\n darkness and the night. At that time their dawn had not yet come;\n but not long after they did this it began to shine. They went upon\n the mountain Pulchich, and thence they set out.\n\n\n_Qui cakeribal vae._\n\n _This Is Their Day-Breaking._\n\n39. Nabey, [c]a xepe [t]ekaquch, Ba[c]akol, Cibakihay, Cavek xetak pe.\nQuixnabeyah, yxnuhay nu chinamit, tibana apon, ka[c,]ak kibah, xa hala\nchic ma ticaker, vhix, xeucheex, xepe [c]a xeul chiri pa cakeribal,\nPantzic, Paraxone, Cinahihay, Pacibakul, Pacavek Quehil rubi huyu;\nxecaker vi, xtiquer [c]a rubanic [c,]ak cuma, [c]ulbal richin cahpop\nNimahay rubi. Nabey qui[c,]ak he [c]a nabey xeul ri [t]ekaqueh,\nCibakihay, Cavek, xambey chic xul ri Ba[c]ahol, xtiquerinak [c,]ak xul:\nxcha [c]a ok xul ri Ba[c]ahol chire [t]ekaquch: Yn yn ahpop, quin a\n[c]ulu, xcha chi re [t]ekaquch. Ok xul xrah ru hi[t]uh, ah popol,\nxucheex [c]a cuma: Maqui atat kah pop, ma hatul kah pop, xecha chire.\nTok xrelahih [c]a abah [c]uval, xcha: Tin ya chivichin ree [c]uval cah\n[t]a rakan, tuvic rakan, yn yvahpop, xcha. Maqui xahox chire. Tok\nxtiquer [c]a chubanic ru [c,]ak, xutzin yantah ru[c,]ak xraho ahpopol\ntantu hi[t]uh chire. Ok xtak [c]ape chuluc balam yohol ru[c,]ak ruma\n[t]a[t]avitz, ytzel chic ru[c]ux [t]a[t]avitz Ba[c]ahol tan tiraho\nahpopol. Quere[c]a xul yoh vi ru [c,]ak ri ruma chicop chuluc balam, tok\nxpe [c]a [t]a[t]avitz chuvi huyu Puhuhil, Paraxone xahun chi raxon ru\nhalebal; tok xpeul, ok xul Pantzic Paraxone, cakerinak chic.\n\n 39. The first who went forth were Gekaquch, Baqahol, Cibakihay and\n Cavek, who came together. You were the first, oh my house, oh my\n tribe, to bring about our day-breaking, our ancient nation, some\n time before the dawn. \"Go forth,\" was said to them. Then they came\n to the place where their dawn was to be, to the mountains named\n Pantzic, Paraxone, Cinahihay, Pacibakul, and Pa Cavek and Quehil.\n There their dawn appeared, there they built houses, there took\n place the marriage of their chief named Nimahay. The first who\n built houses were those who came first, the Gekaquch, the Cibakihay\n and the Cavek. The last who arrived was Baqahol, and they had\n already commenced to build when he arrived. After he had come,\n Baqahol said to Gekaquch: \"I, I am king, I received you.\" So said\n he to Gekaquch. At his arrival he had ardently desired the\n leadership. The others answered him: \"Thou! no, thou art not our\n king; we do not wish you to be our king.\" So said they to him. Then\n he showed them a precious stone and said: \"I will give you this\n precious stone carved with four feet, and hands and toes, if I am\n your chief.\" So he said. But that suited them not. Then he began to\n build himself a stronghold, and in a little while the labor was\n completed, for he ardently desired power and coveted it. For this\n reason his constructions were destroyed by the Chuluc Balam sent by\n Gagavitz, because Gagavitz liked it not that Baqahol desired the\n leadership. Therefore the constructions were destroyed by the\n animals Chuluc Balam when Gagavitz came to the places called\n Puhuhil and Paraxone, each of which was clothed with changing\n green. After that he arrived on Pantzic and Paraxone, and on his\n arrival the day-breaking took place.\n\n40. Elenak chi pe [t]ih, quecha e oher tata mama, xul [c]a chiri pa\ncakeribal, he [c]a banoninak chic rutee runam ri [t]ekaquch, Cibakihay,\nCavek, Ahquehay; maqui utz tuna chiri Ba[c]ahol, xu[c]hih chi oc ri chi\ntee, chi nam ok xqui[c]ul cahpop; x[t]il [c]a el xucheex: maqui quina\n[c]ul, at Ba[c]ahol, hari mixacha, yn ahpop cacha, mixavelahih a[c]uval\nchiqui vach he tee e nam, ahpop Ba[c]ahol[TN-14] ma xa tucheex tava,\nmaqui at nutee at nunam, xucheex, [c]a xax cha chic xu[c]uluba: Mani\nchic xubijh, Yn atee yn anam. At vah pop, xa xcha chic, xa xu [c]hih\nchic rij.\n\n 40. The sun had already risen, said our fathers and ancestors of\n old; the dawn had appeared, when were formed the families of\n Gekaquch, Cibakihay, Cavek and Ahquehay. Baqahol had not been well\n received, as he had forced the families to accept him as their\n ruler. When he forced them to this, they said: \"I shall not go\n forth to meet you, Baqahol. Do you not come to say: 'I am the\n chief, I say it?' And do you not come to show your precious stone\n to the eyes of the families? Have you not called youself[TN-15] the\n Counselor Baqahol? And have you not called yourself the head of our\n house?\" Thus they spoke; but those who were with him answered: \"No\n one has said, 'I am the head of your house.'\" \"Be thou our ruler,\"\n they cried, and thus he succeeded.\n\n41. Cani [c]ax quetah cahpop chi ahauarem, xcukubax chuvi ru tem ru\n[c]hacat, cani xatinicax chupam atinibal cel, cucu; cani xya pa [c]ul\npan paz, pa cucul, pa ta[c]h vi, xoc [c]a ru titil, ru [t]aha abah, ru\nxak, ru caka uleuh, x[c]iz oc rahauarem vach, cuma ruhay ru chinamit,\nquecha y mama yxnu[c]ahol. Quere[c]a tee nam vi chinamit ri huma ohoh\nahpop; Xavi [c]a quere tantuban ronohel ahlabal chupam he ru cakeribal,\nxavi tantetax rahauarem ruma ru hay ru chinamit. Xamulumuxinak chic\nchupam rucakeribal; ox[c]hob [c]a chi ama[t] xcaker chiri, Co[c,]il\nvinak, Cakchiquel vinak, Tukuchee vinak; Ahkahal xahalatak ru cohol\nhuyu, xe caker viri ox[c]hob chi ama[t]. Chuvi [c]a huyu Tohohil xcaker\nvi [c]eche vinak, chuvi [c]a huyu Camaneb xcaker vi Rabinale; ahiri [c]a\nxrah caker vi [c,]utuhile pa [c,]ala; xa maha tutzin ru [c]ak tok xcaker\ncuma ruchinamit. Maqui [c]a xmecho chic chiri pa [c,]ala, xaxi[c]o chic\nchicah, chiri chuvi huyu chi [c]eletat, caktihaxic, xtzakovi el ri, cani\nxapon chila Xepoyom. Cani xe rucanah rahlabal ruchinamit, maqui xbanatah\nxuban, cani tah [c]ula xula[t]abeh ru chi choy xraho; cani xemacamo\nruchinamit ok xi[c]o chi cah [t]u[t]ucot, ru halebal, xati vi nin chic\nro[t]ebal xi[c]o chi cah xe a[c]axah ru chinamit. Quere[c]a x[c]ohe\nvican cooni [c,]ununaa, Tzololaa, Ahacheli, Vayca; rixcote can chi ya ru\nchinamit [c]hakap [c]a xbe ru[c]in.\n\n 41. Immediately they gave him, as their chief, the signs of\n royalty. They seated him on the seat and royal throne. They washed\n him in the bath, the painted vessel. They clothed him with the\n robe, the girdle and green ornaments. He received the colors, the\n yellow stone, the paint, the red earth, and thus he obtained the\n signs of royalty from the other families and tribes, as said our\n ancestors, oh my children. Thus was constituted the family by us\n the ahpop; all the warriors did likewise in the place of their\n dawn; thus was established the royalty by the families and tribes.\n They became more numerous in the place where their dawn had\n appeared. Three tribes of our nation had seen the dawn appear, the\n Zotzils, the Cakchiquels and the Tukuches. As to the Akahals they\n were but a little distance from the place when the dawn appeared to\n the three nations. At the spot called Tohohil the Quiches saw their\n dawn, and those of Rabinal saw it shine at the spot Zamaneb, and\n the Tzutuhils sought to see their dawn at Tzala. But their labors\n had not been completed by this tribe when the sun arose. They had\n not as yet finished drawing their lines in Tzala when it rose in\n the sky, precisely above the place Geletat. It continued to spread\n its light along its course, and at last set at the place called\n Xepoyom. Immediately the warriors quit those places without\n finishing their labors, and they all agreed to go and dwell on the\n borders of the lake. At that time the tribes were filled with\n terror when the eagle with green plumage passed through the sky,\n Gucucot, the enchanter, and sadness covered the tribes like a\n shadow when they heard him pass in the sky. Thus he appeared to the\n women of Tzununa, of Tzolola, of Ahachel and of Vayza. He soared\n above the shore and half the people went with him.\n\n\n_Va [c]a ru pokonal quitzihe ok xe[c]ohe chiri._\n\n _The Sufferings That They Endured During Their Sojourn Here._\n\n42. Kitzih vi chi pokon ok ix ka la[t]abeh xohul chi ka huyubal, quecha\ne oher ka mama, yx nu[c]ahol; xmani vi tipe vi techaax ti [c]ux ti vayx\ntu[c]aax, mani navipe tipe vi ti [t]uux ti chinax. Ronohel mani, xa ru\nhometal chee xoh [c]acevi, xa [c]a ti ka cek ru xe ka [c]hamey ti cuker\nvi ka [c]ux ruma. Ha [c]a ri ok xtiquer avanuhic, xahari [t]ukutahinak\nvi chee [c]atinak xya vika yhatz, x[c]ohe vi halatak echa, ha navipe ri\nka [t]u, xa rihlay, xa cakquiy xka [c]hay xka[t]uuh. Ha[c]a ri ok\nx[c]ohe halal echa, ti[c]o na ri chicop queh chicah titzak nape\n[c]hicuy, [c]ate tikatih halal vay, quecha oher vinak, mani navipe\nquixhayil ok xeul chiri.\n\n 42. Truly it was a time of suffering when we came to establish\n ourselves in our places, said our ancestors of old, oh my children.\n There was nothing to eat and there was no relish for what had been\n brought along, nor was there material for clothing. All was\n lacking; we lived on the bark of trees and we rested our hearts\n under the shadow of our lances. At that time the people began to\n prepare the soil for the planting of corn; the woods were cleared\n and the brush burned, to prepare for the planting. Thus we came to\n have a little to eat, and we worked in the bark of trees and the\n maguey. When there was still some food the vultures passed in the\n air. At first they took a bird; then they ate some of our food, say\n the people; but none of them remained when they came.\n\n\n_Qui [c]ambal yxok vae._\n\n _They Took Wives._\n\n43. Tukuchee xpe vi ri xhayil ri ka mama [t]a[t]avitz, [c]omakaa rubi\nnabey ka tit ri xoh boco, oh Xahila; [c]i xe[c]ule [c]a kitzih: [c]a chi\nnim qui xahan chire [c]ulubic; chi xatini [c]ahar qui ni [c]ahal toc, ba\n[c]at ru xe ki hatz; xahan ri ti[c]iz oc [c]i quecha, xahan navipe camul\ntiban, tixhaylax ha [c]hac virih ruvach talqualax, quecha oher vinak.\n\n 43. The Tukuches having arrived and settled, our ancestor Gagavitz\n married Gomakaa, our first ancestress, who brought us forth--us,\n the Xahila. Many others also married; for there had been a\n stringent prohibition with regard to marriage; so that when they\n went in to bathe, their organs gave way and they spilled their\n seed. Many were thus prohibited, it is said, and the prohibition\n was made a second time, because they had carnal relations both\n naturally and unnaturally, as the old traditions say.\n\n44. Ha[c]a ri tok xtiquer rutzukic [c]axto[c], xahu vuk chi [t]ih,\nxa[c]a oxlahuh chi [t]ih ti tzukbex ri, xa navipe rax [t]ol rax ru\nvachah, rax hox, rax homet, xa [c]a ral chicop mez retal a[t]a ti[c]at\nchuvach, xa [c]a hari chee holom ocox tiqui [c,]izbeh qui xiquin; maqui\nna nim ru vach ti tzukbex richin ri chay abah oher, quecha xa[c]a xnimar\nruvach tzukbal re [c]axto[c], xa xnimar na ruvach cak ama[t]. [c]ate ok\nxoc ri nimak ru vach, quecha oher tata mama, ri [t]a[t]avitz, [c]a nakah\nok [c]a que ul chiri Pantzic, Paraxone, Cimahihay, Paciba[t]ul, Pacavek\nquehil.\n\n 44. Then also they began to adore the Demon. On each seventh and\n thirteenth day an offering was made to him of fresh resin, and\n freshly gathered green branches and new bark; and also of a cat,\n the image of night, which were burned before him. To these were\n added thorns of the gourd tree with which they drew blood from\n their ears. They had not yet began the worship of the great idol of\n the ancient Chay Abah. It is said that the worship of the Demon\n increased with the face of our prosperity. Afterwards the principal\n idols were set up, as said of yore our father and ancestor\n Gagavitz, at the time they approached Pantzic, Paraxone, Cinahihay,\n Pacibaqul, Pacavek and Quehil.\n\n45. Tok x[c]utun [c]ahun quilabal Ahcupilcat, Ah Canalakam quibi, bala\nxpevi, ok xquiyal [c]a ruvach huyu, xoc vi balbaxin chee, x[c]haybex\nquichin Ah Cupilcat, xeoc na apon chiri labal quitakom [c]iy chubinem,\ntox xpe [c]a ri balbaxin chee chuvach huyu, xeyaar [c]a chi camic ri Ah\nCupilcat, Ah Canalakam, ruma ka mama. Chiri [c]a xquiban vi pa ru\ncakeribal Ba[c]ahol; tok x[t]ahar can ru bi huyu, Yalabey, Cimahihay,\nMotzoray tucheex; xa [c]a e cay xe[c]ace, quecha; hun [c]a xbe [c]eche\nri Ahcupilcat, ha ki xtihbex [c]holoh chiri.\n\n 45. At that time some of the natives of the places called Cupilcat\n and Canalakam, offered combat when they (the Cak.) had arrived\n before their city. Withdrawing from before the city (our men)\n entered a very dense woods where those of Cupilcat were destroyed.\n Others arrived at the spot to continue the battle, and some calling\n to others, they entered the dense woods, before their city, and\n then these men of Cupilcat and Canalakam were destroyed by our\n ancestor. There the family of Baqahol began its fame, and the name\n of the place became celebrated. Cimahihay and Motzoray, the only\n two said to have survived, abandoned the place; and another from\n Cupilcat came to Quiche and there met his death.\n\n46. Xepe [c]a chiri Pantzic, Paraxone, xqui toloba can ri, xeul chic Pan\nche Chi[t]ohom ru bi, [c]a chiri [c]a xquitih vi halal qui pokob, ka\nchunah rupam ree chee [c]i quecha chirichin chee, xa orocom rupam chee\nxqui chunah, xa[c]a rachak chicop cot balam, xqui chunabeh rupam chee.\nOk xla[t]abex [c]a, xya chupam ri [c]axto[c], Chay Abah, xa[c]a chicop\n[c]el, cuyu[c]h xulabalibeh rochoch ri [c]axto[c] cuma: quere[c]a\nxubinaah vi pan che Chi[t]ohom ri xe yaloh [c]a chiri, xa[c]a e cay\nxeru[c]aholah ri [t]a[t]avitz, Caynoh rubi hun, Cayba[c,] rubi hunchic,\ne cay chi achi.\n\n 46. Having abandoned Pantzic and Paraxone they arrived at the\n forest called Chiqohom, and there suffered some deprivations. But\n they made dwellings in the trees, each choosing a tree and\n whitewashing its interior with lime obtained from the excrements of\n eagles and tigers. When they were settled there, they set up the\n idols of the Demon and Chay Abah; and in the house of the Demon\n were placed parroquets and parrots. Therefore they called that\n place Chiqohom. After having lived there awhile, Gagavitz begat two\n infants, the first named Caynoh, the second Caybatz, both boys.\n\n47. Xcam [c]a ri ahauh [t]a[t]avitz, ri ki xpe pa Tulan, ki [c]a e\n[c]hutik [c]ahola ri ka mama Caynoh, Cayba[c,], ok xcam qui tata, xavi\nchiri xemuke vi can, chupam qui cakeribal Paraxone.\n\n 47. At that time the king Gagavitz died, the same who came from\n Tulan; his children, our ancestors, Caynoh and Caybatz, were still\n very young when their father died. They buried him in the same\n place where their dawn appeared, in Paraxone.\n\n48. Bala [c]a xeye vi e cay chiachi, xeul chiri quecha [c]a ok xeul\nchiqui chin [t]ekaquch, Ba[c]ahol, Cibakihay: Mixoh ul, yxkatee,\nyxkanam, oh vae oh [t]alel Xahil, ahuchan Xahil kohucheex, oh y [t]alel,\noh yvahpop. [c]i quecha ok xeul, mani [c]a natal xepe vi vue pe he ret\nri Cactecauh, ri xcam can chupam civan [c]hopiytzel; [c]i xe cha chic e\nka tata e ka mama, yxnu[c]ahol.\n\n 48. Thus were the two boys left. Then Gekaquch, Baqahol and\n Cibakihay arriving, said to them: \"We have come; we are your\n mothers and sisters; we are here, we the Galel Xahil and the\n Ahuchan Xahil, as we are called; we are your Galel; we are your\n Ahpop.\" Thus many of them came and spoke, not remembering the sign\n of Zactecauh, who had died in the ravine of Qhopiytzel. Thus spoke\n many of our fathers and ancestors, oh my children.\n\n49. [c]i nabey [c]a x[t]a[t]ar Tepeuh, rahaual Cauke. Cuztum [c]hixnal\nru bi huyu; xban vi ti xibin ru naual ri Tepeuh, tibirbot huyu [c]o vi,\nxpatanih [c]a ronohel ama[t] chuvach Tepeuh.\n\n 49. The first who ruled with glory was Tepeuh, the king of Cauke.\n Cuztum and Chixnal were the names of his strongholds. The magic\n power of Tepeuh inspired terror, he caused the mountain to tremble\n where he lived, and all the tribes paid tribute to Tepeuh.\n\n50. He [c]a ri [t]alel Xahil ahucham Xahil xtakex quitzih ruma\n[t]ekaquch Ba[c]ahol: [c]i xecha ri [t]alel Xahil ahuchan Xahil; Que be\ntah ru nabey ka patan ri Caynoh, Cayba[c,], oh [c]oh oh yvahpop, [c]i\nxecha chique chinamit, [c]i xtakex [c]a quitzih ruma chinamit.\n\n 50. Now these Galel Xahil and Ahuchan Xahil caused these words to\n be carried by Gekaquch and Baquhol: \"The Galel Xahil and Ahuchan\n Xahil say thus, 'Let Caynoh and Caybatz go forth first as our\n tribute, for as for us, we are the rulers.'\" So said they to the\n clans. And the boys were sent with the message for the clans.\n\n\n_Qui benebal vae ru[c]in Tepeuh._\n\n _Their Interview With Tepeuh._\n\n51. Xebe [c]a ri ka mama Caynoh, Cayba[c,] ru[c]in Tepeuh, he hu[c]icic\nxebe, xax quiyonih chicam ri [t]alel Xahil, Ahuchan Xahil; xeapon [c]a\nru[c]in Tepeuh. Chinak qui xux, xeucheex ruma Tepeuh oh ru [c]ahol\n[t]a[t]avitz, [c]i xecha [c]ari Caynoh, Cayba[c,]; [c]i xmacamo [c]a\nTepeuh, ok xra[c]axah quitzih, quere[c]a xe[c]ace vi ri ruma Tepeuh he\nta camel ok xebe ru[c]in.\n\n 51. Our ancestors Caynoh and Caybatz came to Tepeuh. They entered\n alone while the Galel Xahil and Ahucham Xahil remained alone\n without,[TN-16] When they reached the presence of Tepeuh: \"Who are\n you?\" was said to them by Tepeuh. \"We are the sons of Gagavitz,\"\n replied Caynoh and Caybatz.\"[TN-17] Tepeuh marveled greatly when he\n heard their words: therefore they were strengthened by Tepeuh as\n theywere humble before him.\n\n52. Tok xetak [c]a chi [c]amoh patan rumal Tepeuh, xe be [c]amo ru patan\nama[t]. Mani [c]a xe cam vi chuvi tak ama[t] chi [c]amoh patan; kitzih\nchi ronohel tixibin qui puz qui naval ri Caynoh Cayba[c,]; tihulhut que\n[c]ohe vi cha[t]a quere ri [t]a[t], tibirbot [c]a quere ri Cabrakan; qui\nquere[c]a tu xibih vi ri ama[t] ri, ok que apon chuvi tak ama[t],\nronohel [c]a xya chique rumal ama[t], qui [c]ambal patan. Chila [c]a\nrelebal [t]ih, xpuvakix vi pe qui xet, puvak, ba[c,]bal qui xet xux,\nrumal ama[t] qui [c]ambal patan; xnimax quitzih, quere xae ru [c]ahol\nTepeuh xux ruma ri xbanatah xqiban, kitzih elo[t] xeux ruma.\n\n 52. They were then sent by Tepeuh to collect the tribute, and they\n went forth to take the tribute from the tribes. No one of the many\n people died while they were taking the tribute. Truly all feared\n the magic power and wisdom of Caynoh and Caybatz. Where they were\n at night it shone like fire, and there was trembling as of an\n earthquake. Therefore all the people were in fear when they came\n among them, and they were given all things by the people when they\n came to take tribute. Quite to the far East they were paid what\n they demanded, precious metals and spun stuff as they demanded, by\n the tribes from whom they took tribute. Mighty were their words.\n Therefore by these actions they became the sons of Tepeuh, and by\n them truly they became illustrious.\n\n\n_Ri yabal quixhayl vae._\n\n _They Are Given Women._\n\n53. Xebe chi[c]a e [c]amol patan chi Ah[c,]iquinahay, [c]i xerihix [c]a\nchi [c]aholal kamama. Chila [c]a chi Ah[c,]iquinahay xbeya vipe\nquixhail, xa[c]a quixet xrayix, puak ba[c,]bem quixet. Ok xe apon [c]i\nxcha[c]a Ah[c,]iquinahay: quekahiah ree ru camahal Tepeuh, kitzih\ntixibin qui naval; kaya quixhayil, ka [c]ama can qui xet; xecha, maqui\n[c]a xel qui chi ahaua chique Caynoh, Cayba[c,]; xquixibih qui [c]oh\ncuxla xquina xa[c]a xbe ele[t]axel quixet cha[t]a, cuma quimeal ahaua;\nxa ele[t]al xbe celel quixet tan quevar; ha [c]a quimeal ahaua hun\nCun[c]un[t]anel Mayahauh, Puci ahauh xequi[c]am ri Caynoh, Cayba[c,] qui\nbi quixhail vae Buba[c,]o ru bi hun, Ycxiuh rubi hunchic. Mani chi [c]a\nquixet xquina ri ka mama xe macamo, [c]i xe cha [c]a: Mixoh y [t]alaba,\nat Ah[c,]iquinahay, xtoyevar Tepeuh ckikih; Xecha:--Ba y xibih yvij,\nxtika ya yvix hayil, xquixkahiah, maquina ytzel xtikaban, quixbe bijx\nchire Tepeuh, xmaqui chivi xeucheex. Tok xya [c]a chiquichin ri\nquixhail, xebe [c]a bijx chire Tepeuh. Xax maqui chi vi xebe, xquixibih\nqui chuvach Tepeuh, cani xquevah qui chupam pec, xeyaloh chupam pec, chi\ne van ri xubinaah Pecparu pec, Caynoh tucheex.\n\n 53. At length they arrived to collect the tribute from the\n Ahtziquinahay, who are also descended from our ancestor. They came\n to where the Ahtziquinahay were with their women, and designating\n what they desired, they designated metals and spun stuff. When they\n came, the Ahtziquinahay said (among themselves): \"Let us make these\n messengers of Tepeuh our sons-in-law. Truly their magic power is\n terrible. But we will give them women, and we will take back what\n they have designated.\" So they said, and none of the chiefs went\n forth to Caybatz and Caynoh. These were frightened, lest some\n should come during the night and the treasures they had collected\n be stolen by the daughters of the chiefs. And indeed, these did\n come secretly and stole the jar of treasures while (the brothers)\n slept. They were the daughters of the chiefs Zuncunqun, Ganel,\n Mayahauh and Puciahauh. Caynoh and Caybatz took them as wives;\n Bubatzo was the name of one, Icxiuh of the other. Our ancestors not\n seeing their treasure were filled with fear. They cried out: \"You\n have indeed, ruined us, oh ye Ahtziquinahay! Tepeuh will be angered\n against us.\" They answered: \"Be not frightened. We shall give you\n wives; you shall be our sons-in-law; we will do you no evil; you\n will go speak to Tepeuh and nothing will be said to you.\" Then\n wives were given to them, and they went to speak with Tepeuh. But\n they did not reach there, they feared to come before Tepeuh; so\n they hid themselves in a cavern, and they retired into the cavern.\n The place where they hid was called by Caynoh Pecparupec (a cave\n within a cave).\n\n\n_Canobal quichin vae._\n\n _The Search For Them._\n\n54. Tok xe canox [c]a ruma chinamit: Oh e ka canoh kah pop, ba tan e\n[c]o vi, xka[t]alabaki, xka[c]axah quitzih ree xa maqui paal qui tee qui\ntata, [c]i xechari [t]ekaquch, Ba[c]ahol, Cavek, Cibakihay chique\nCaynoh, Cayba[c,]. Tok xe canay [c]a pa pec, que cha ri canoy quichin xe\napon: Oh canoy yvichin, yxkahpop, kitzih vi tan hoye ka vach, xecha.\nCani[c]a xecha ri Caynoh, Cayba[c,]; Mani ko be maqui pe [c]oh yvahaual\n[t]alel ahuchan, chinak la [c]a tiraho chike? maqui pe oh camel xoh be\nru[c]in Tepeuh, mani [c]a kobe quecam; na ri xitakeh quitzih, kobe na\n[c]a hiquibax chi ree Tepeuh; [c]ate kobe; xecha, xa[c]a cani xutakeh\nchinamit; cani xbe camahel hiquibaay quichin chire Tepeuh; cani xquicot\nTepeuh tok xra[c]axah qui tzihol, xquicot navipe Cakchequele, Co[c,]il\nTukuchee, xquicot [c]a Ah[c,]iquinahay; tok xe canay ka mama.\n\n 54. Then they were sought for by the tribe. \"We seek our rulers.\n Where are they? We are truly afflicted; for we have heard their\n voices. Neither their mothers nor their fathers wish to leave\n them!\" so spoke Gekaquch, Baqahol, Cavek and Cibakihay concerning\n Caynoh and Caybatz. At length they searched in the cavern, and\n those who had spoken met them coming: \"We seek you, oh our rulers,\n and truly we are unhappy,\" said they. Caynoh and Caybatz answered:\n \"We shall not come if your rulers, the Galel and Ahucham, are not\n there. Who would be with us? Are we not humbled if we return before\n Tepeuh? We shall not come that they may kill us. Let them take\n these words, that we may go forth and be reconciled with Tepeuh.\n Then we will come.\" So said they, and immediately it was carried to\n the people. A messenger was sent to report to Tepeuh. When Tepeuh\n heard the report he rejoiced, and the Cakchiquels rejoiced, and the\n Zotzil Tukuches and the Ahtziquinahay rejoiced. Then they went\n forth to seek our ancestors.\n\n\n_Caponibal chic vae panche Chi[t]ohom._\n\n _The Arrival Again at the Woods Chigohom._\n\n55. Xe apon [c]a chiri cachbilam chic quixhayil, quere bila x[c,]et qui\nvach xquicot ronohel ama[t], tok xeapon chic. Cani [c]a xehi[c,]ax xecam\nri [t]alel Xahil Ah ucham Xahil, ronohel tzih tok xecam.\n\n 55. Returning, they arrived together, where were their wives.\n Therefore all the tribes rejoiced on seeing their faces, when they\n returned. Immediately they caused to be hanged and executed the\n Galel Xahil and Ahucham Xahil, and all their fame perished with\n them.\n\n56. Xeoc [c]a chi ahauarem, Ahpop Xahil xux ri Caynoh, Ahpop [c]amahay\nxux ri Cayba[c,], e cay chi ahaua xeux humah tzih ok xeoc chi ahauarem.\n\n 56. Then they entered in possession of the royal power. Caynoh was\n made Ahpop Xahil, and Caybatz was made Ahpop Qamahay. Both were\n kings, and their words were as one, when they assumed the royal\n power.\n\n57. Xe [c]aholan xe mealan [c]a, ri Caynoh, Cayba[c,], e cahi xe ru\n[c]aholah hun, e voo xe ru[c]aholah hunchic, e belehe chi achi xe qui\n[c]aholah ri Caynoh, Cayba[c,], xe re [c]a quitzih tixibin qui puz qui\nnaval ri [t]a[t]avitz, Cactecauh, Caynoh, Cayba[c,].\n\n 57. Caynoh and Caybatz begat sons and daughters. The first had four\n sons and the second five sons, making nine sons begotten by Caynoh\n and Caybatz. Terrifying was the fame of the magic power and wisdom\n of Gagavitz, Zactecauh, Caynoh and Caybatz.\n\n58. Ok xecha [c]a ri Caynoh, Cayba[c,]: ti [c,]akattah ri kahauarem oh\nru pixabam vi ka tata; que oc tah cay ka [c]ahol chi ahauarem, xecha.\nTok xoc [c]a hun ru [c]ahol ahauh Caynoh ahuchan Xahil rahauarem xux,\nxoc chic hun ru[c]ahol ahauh Cayba[c,], [t]alel Xahil, rahauarem xux,\nquere[c]a cahi vi kahaual ri oh Xahila, x[c,]akat cahauarem ka mama\nchiqui vach.\n\n 58. Then Caynoh and Caybatz spoke thus: \"Strong is now our royal\n power; we hold the rulership from our fathers; let our two sons\n partake of our power.\" So said they. Then a son of Caynoh was\n placed in possession of power and was made Ahuchan Xahil, and a son\n of Caybatz was placed on the throne and was made Galel Xahil. Thus\n we had four rulers, we the Xahila, and our royal power was\n established in the presence of our ancestors.\n\n\n_Xecam [c]a ri Caynoh Cayba[c,]._\n\n _Death of Caynoh and Caybatz._\n\n59. Xe [c]a oquenak can [t]alel Xahil, ahuchan Xahil, tok xecam ahaua.\nCani [c]a xoc chic qui[c]exel; he caca qui [c]ahol xeoc chi ahauarem,\nahpop Xahil, ahuchan Xahil xquikaleh ri e cay ru [c]ahol ru[c]ahol ahauh\nCayba[c,], Caynoh: xeoc chi[c]a cay ru [c]ahol ahauh Ahpop [c]amahay,\nXahil [t]alel Xahil xquikaleh: x[c,]akat [c]a cahauarem chiqui vach he\nru [c]ahol Caynoh, Cayba[c,], he nabey ka mama xebano can ri ahauarem,\nyx nu[c]ahol, xahun ka tee tata xahun xohboco oh Xahila.\n\n 59. After the Galel Xahil and the Ahuchan Xahil had taken\n possession, the kings died. Immediately their posterity succeeded.\n Two by two they entered into power, and the two sons of the sons of\n Caynoh received homage as Ahpop Xahil and Ahuchan Xahil; the two\n sons of the chief Caybatz took possession and received the homage\n of their subjects as Ahpop Qamahay and Galel Xahil. Thus was the\n monarchy established during the time of the children of Caynoh and\n Caybatz. They were our first ancestors who established the royalty,\n O my children; but one mother only and one father only brought us\n forth, us, the Xahila.\n\n60. He [c]a ki xecutulakin, xeyamalakin ree; kitzih chi[c]iy qui tinamit\nqui huyubal xux, tok xe[c]iyar [c]a qui meal qui [c]ahol, ri e belehe\nchi achi, ri xe qui [c]aholah ahauh Caynoh, Cayba[c,]: xa [c]a ki xcam\nahauh Citan [c]atu, tok xbiyin ahauarem chiqui vach he ka tata he ka\nmama; kitzih chie [c]iy ahaua xux, xax colo cahauarem.\n\n 60. They received homage, they received presents; for the towns and\n places were beyond number which were theirs. Then multiplied the\n daughters and sons of the nine sons begotten by the kings Caynoh\n and Caybatz. When, however, the king Citan Qatu died, the royal\n power was split up among our fathers and ancestors; there were then\n many chiefs and the power was divided.\n\n61. He [c]a ri qui [c]ahol [c]oxahil [c]obakil, quere navipe ri qui\n[c]ahol ri [t]alel Xahil, Ahuchan Xahil, quere[c]a ri ru [c]ahol Ah\nCupilcat, rihun x[c]ace. Xe qui hach ka mama chiqui vach ke chinamital,\nxeux chirih ru [c]ahol ahauh ahauh Caynoh, xeoc vi rie qui [c]ahol\n[c]oxahil [c]obakil, xavi[c]a chiri xeoc vi ru [c]ahol ri Ahuchan Xahil\nri xehi[c,]ax chirih ahpop, Ahuchan xeoc vi.\n\n 61. There were the sons of Qoxahil and Qobakil, and the children of\n the Galel Xahil and the Ahuchan Xahil, and the sons of Ahcupilcat,\n of whom our ancestors had spared life and granted a dwelling place.\n These made an opposition to the sons of the king Caynoh. The\n children of Qoxahil and Qobakil having begun to rule, the sons of\n the Ahuchan Xahil, who had been hanged, opposed the king, and began\n to rule as Ahuchan.\n\n62. Xeoc chi [c]a chirih Ahpop [c]amahay Xahil, [t]alel Xahil, ri ru\n[c]ahol Ah Cupilcat, xavi [c]a chiri xeoc vi e ru [c]ahol ri [t]alel\nXahil ri bala xepe vi, ri xeyaoel Caynoh Cayba[c,], xe be ru[c]in\nTepeuh, xa[c]a xe[c]ohe chi popol ri ykoma[t]i e huvi chi vinak re [c]a\nru bi qui tinamite, ri nabey qui tinamit.\n\n 62. Against the Ahpop Qamahay Xahil was the Galel Xahil, son of\n Ahcupilcat; also the sons of the Galel Xahil who was with Caynoh\n and Caybatz and accompanied them to Tepeuh. They had lived in the\n sovereignty of the Ikomagi, a nation whose name is from their city,\n their principal city.\n\n63. Xqui toloba [c]a ri ki xecaker vi conohel xepe chiri Pantzic,\nParaxone; yalabey Cimahihay, Panchee, Chi[t]ohom, Chiavar, [c,]upi\nta[t]ahi, ni[c]a ya [c]otox ul; re chi[c]a ru bi ki xecutulakin chivie,\nCahcab tinamit, Pe[c,]e, Utzupa [t]inona, [t]alaah, Puzbal, Cali[c]ahol,\nNimcakahpec, Yut [t]um Calla, chuvi Xilom, Molinxot, Pa chalic bak,\n[c]huti tinamit, [c]itan [c]a ti[c]il Akahal vinak chuvi tinamit\nO[c]hal, [c]abouil civan, tan ti [t]a[t]ar ahauh Y[c]halcan Chicumcuvat,\nrahaual Akahal vinak.\n\n 63. At that time they abandoned the place where their dawn had\n appeared and they all returned to Pantzic and Paraxone; they left\n Cimahihay, Panche, Chiqohom, Chiavar, and Tzupitagahi, following\n the valleys of the river. The names of the places that they\n received homage from in this journey are the towns Zahcah, Petze,\n Utzupa, Ginona, Galaah, Puzbal, Zaliqahol, Nimzakahpec, Yutcum,\n Calla, Chuvi Xilom, Molinxot, Pachalicbak, Chuti tinamit, where the\n Akahal nation had greatly increased, and where, in the towns of\n Ochal or Qabouil Civan, the king Ychalcan Chicumcuvat, chief of the\n Akahals, reigned with majesty.\n\n64. Tok xe apon chi[c]a e ka mama chiri chuvi tinamit O[c]hal, xelo[t]ox\n[c]a chiri ruma Akahal vinak, [c]a chiri xu[c]am viri cahi chi ama[t];\nmahaok ti pax Akahal vinak: [c]a ruqaam ok ri ronohel, xa [c]a ki\nrupaxic Akahal vinak. Ok xtole can ri tinamit O[c]hal, xa me[t]enalah\nhuyu, xrokah ta[t]ah, ok xapon ral ru[c]ahol ahauh Y[c]halcan Xepakay;\nchuvi vi te xe ynup, xa maloh yc, xa chom, xa car xu raih. Xa naak [c]a\nruyon vinak xapon chiri ta[t]ah, xa[c]axrah qui hi[c,]ah qui [c]ahol\nahauh, xa ruma cachihilal, xax rah y[c]o qui [t]a[t]al chiqui vi qui\ntata, quere [c]a xerah cam vi cuma ahaua ri. Xa [c]a hun a[t]a xeel qui\n[c]ahol, xcokotah vinak chila Panah Chiholom, Xepakay xe ynup: cani [c]a\nxquicot Akahal vinak, tok xeka apon ri qui [c]ahol ahaua ta[t]ah.\nQuere[c]a tok xhacho ri Akahal vinak ri, tok xtole [c]a can ri tinamit\nO[c]hal, rachpetic [c]a Akahal vinak ri ka mama, ok xla[t]abex chic ri\nCaki[c]ahol, Nim cakah pec.\n\n 64. Our ancestors then arrived at the town Ochal. They made\n themselves liked by the Akahals, and founded there four towns. The\n Akahal nation had not previously been divided; but at that time\n they all made a choice and chose to effect a division of the\n nation. It was at this time that they abandoned the town of Ochal,\n which was in the warm district, and sought the highland plain, when\n the sons of Ychalcan came to Xepakay Seated on the roots, under the\n shade of a ceiba tree, they ate chile, and had shellfish and fish,\n as they liked. Then the people of the place, coming above the\n plain, sought to hang the sons of the king for their temerity; for\n they aimed to surpass the greatness of their father, and for that\n reason the chiefs wished their death. But these princes, making a\n night attack, routed the people at Panah, at Chiholom and at\n Xepakay, under the ceiba tree. The Akahals rejoiced at the arrival\n of the princes on the plain. In consequence of this event, the\n Akahals separated, and they left the town of Ochal, and accompanied\n our ancestors, and established themselves at Zakiqahol and\n Nimcakahpec.\n\n\n_Vae xtinu[c,]ibah_\n\n _Here I shall write_\n\n65. Quibi ri e ka mama xe ahauar oher, ri ki xe cutulakin xe yamalakin,\nri [c]iy qui tinamit xux, xaki ru camic ahauh Citan [c]atu, tok xbiyin\ncahauarem ka mama chi qui vach.\n\n 65. The names of our ancestors who received the homage and presents\n of a great number of towns after the death of the king Citan Qatu\n when our ancestors publicly took the government.\n\n66. Xahauar ahauh Citan [c]atu, ru [c]ahol ahauh Caynoh, xa vi [c]oh ru\npuz ru naval ri. Ok xahauar chi[c]a ahauh [c]otbalcan. Xahauar [c]a\nahauh Alinam xahauar chi[c]a ahauh, Xttamer Caquentol. Ok xoc chi[c]a\nahauh [c]hiyoc Queh ah[t]u[t]. Haok xmolobax el ahauh [t]alel Xahil Xulu\n[c]atu chire [c]echevinak, xax rah ru yac labal ahauh chiree xban vi pa\n[t]inona; xban tzaloh chuvach tinamit [t]inona; quere[c]a xya vi el\nahauh Xulu [c]atu ri cuma ahaua [c]hiyoc Queh, Ttah ttah Akbal, he tan\nque ahauar, xax mani chi vi qui covil ahaua kitzih hoye qui vack xux\nhoye navipe ru vach vinak xux cuma.\n\n 66. The chief Citan Qatu ruled, the son of the chief Caynoh, to\n whom were mystic power and wisdom. Then ruled the chief Qotbalcan.\n The chief Alinam ruled. Next ruled the chief Xttamer Zaquentol.\n Then followed in power Qhiyoc Queh Ahgug. In his reign the chief\n and Galel Xahil Xulu Qatu gathered together the Quiche nation,\n desiring that war should be declared against those who were\n attacking Ginona, and were engaged against the town Ginona. For\n this reason the chief Xuluqatu was sent by the chiefs Chiyocqueh\n and Ttah ttah Akbal, who then reigned, to say that no mercy should\n be shown to the chiefs who commanded the forces of the enemy, but\n that the people should be spared.\n\n67. Ok xcha [c]a ahauh [c]ikab chique ahaua: Tila[t]abeh chic y huyubal\nChiavar, xeucheex ruma ahauh [c]ikab.\n\n 67. Then the king Qikab said to the chiefs: \"Go back again to your\n town at Chiavar.\" Thus spoke the king Qikab.\n\n\n_Caponibal chic Chiavar vae._\n\n _Their return to Chiavar._\n\n68. Ru tzih ahauh [c]ikab, tok xepon chic ka mama chuvi tinamit Chiavar\n[c,]upita[t]ah, xavi [c]a xla[t]abex can ronohel huyu ruma vinak, quere\nnavipe xbe cu[c]in ahaua ok xquila[t]abeh tinamit Chiavar, ru chi\n[c]ikab.\n\n 68. It was by command of the king Qikab that our ancestors returned\n to the city of Chiavar and Tzupitagah. All the towns were occupied\n by the nation, therefore they came with the chiefs when these\n removed to Chiavar by order of Qikab.\n\n69. Xahauar chi[c]a ahauh Xitayul Hax. Xla[t]aben ok tinamit Chiavar ok\nxahauar Xitayul Hax.\n\n 69. The chief Xitayul Hax was then reigning. The town of Chiavar\n was peopled during the reign of Xitayul Hax.\n\n70. Ok xoc chi[c]a ahauh Xiquitzal chi ahauarem, tan e [c]oh chiri chuvi\ntinamit Chiavar [c]upita[t]ah; tan [c]a ti [t]a[t]ar ahauh [c]ikab chi\nahauarem, chila chuvi tinamit [t]umarcaah chi Yzmachij, tan ti patanih\nronohel ama[t] chu vach.\n\n 70. At that time also the chief Xiquitzal had power. They dwelt in\n the towns of Chiavar and Tzupitagah. The king Qikab ruled with\n majesty over all the kingdom at the towns Gumarcaah and Izmachi,\n and all the people paid him tribute.\n\n71. Ruma ri tan tu cuch ri oxlahu [c]hob chi ahlabal chiri [t]umarcaah,\n[c]a tahin ok tiqui hunamah ruvach qui [c]ha, qui pocob, xqui kacax\n[c]huti ama[t] nima ama[t], ronohel civan tinamit, maquina xaruyon\n[c]echevinak; xuban oxlahu [c]hob chi ahlabal xkacan ama[t], quere\nx[t]a[t]ar vi ahauh [c]ikab ri.\n\n 71. For him the thirteen divisions of warriors assembled at\n Gumarcaah, and they prepared their bows and shields. The tribes,\n great and small, and all the dwellers in the ravines were\n conquered, nor did it cost the Quiches anything. The thirteen\n divisions of warriors conquered the towns, and thus was increased\n the glory of the king Qikab.\n\n72. Maqui [c]a xe covin ree [c]hakab ahaua he ka mama, ri mix kabijh\ncan, xax qui meztah tzih, quere ri hoye vi ruvach Co[c,]il Tukuchee, ri\nxux, mani qui covil xhoyevatah ruvach vinak cuma, xqui chup [t]a[t]al\ntepeval.\n\n 72. But half of the chiefs would not listen to the words of our\n ancestors which had been spoken to them; they forgot the order\n which had been given to spare the Zotzil Tukuches, and not to show\n mercy to the chiefs, and thus they dimmed the royal power.\n\n73. He [c]a tan que ahauar ri Rahamun, Xiquitzal; he [c]a tan que\nachihir ri ki e ka mama ri Huntoh, Vukuba[c,], quibi, tan he [t]a[t]alah\nachiha, he kitan que bano labal ru[c]in ahauh [c]ikab: [c]a [c]oh ok\n[c]a ka mama Vukuba[c,] chiri Bo[t]oiya; chiri [c]a Xequiz chee tan\n[c]oh vi Huntoh, qui mama nima abahi chiri tan que chahin vi el labal,\ntan ti tahin [t]a[t]alah labal chiri pan Ah Chiholom, tan ti [t]a[t]ar\nahauh Y[c]hal Amullac, rahaual Akahal vinak.\n\n 73. Those who were then ruling were Rahamun and Xiquitzal, and\n among the warriors were our ancestors Huntoh and Vukubatz. They\n were famous warriors and made war under the orders of the king\n Qikab. At that time our ancestor Vukubatz was at Bogoiya and Huntoh\n was at Xequizche. These men of old, mighty rocks, had gone forth to\n war, to wage glorious war with those of Chiholom, where reigned the\n chief Ychal Amullac, ruler of the Akahals.\n\n\n_Haoc xeoc chi ahauarem vae._\n\n _These Obtain The Royalty._\n\n74. [c]ate[c]a ok xeahauar ri ka mama ri Huntoh Vukuba[c,], [c]a e [c]a\nki xe [c]amo [t]a[t]al tepeual; xeoc na chi ahauarem [c]a tan ok ti\n[t]a[t]ar ahauh [c]ikab, [c]a hoye ok ruvach Co[c,]il Tukuchee.\n\n 74. After these things our ancestors Huntoh and Vukubatz reigned,\n seizing the power and majesty. When they obtained the royalty, the\n king Qikab was still reigning, and he had mercy on the Zotzil\n Tukuches.\n\n75. Ha[c]a ri ahauh Vukuba[c,] ka mama, Citan Tihax Cablah rubi ru tata;\nrix[c]aholam e ru mam ahauh Citan [c]atu, ri Tihax Cablah. Xa xbiyin\ncahauarem ka mama chiquivach, xa vi e ru mam ahauh Caynoh, ahauh Citan\n[c]atu, quere[c]a xoc vi chi ahauarem; ka mama ri cumal ahauh [c]ikab,\nru[c]in ronohel ahaua nimak vinak humah chi ok xoc chi ahauarem ri ka\nmama Vukua[c,], Huntoh quibi xae cay chi ahaua.\n\n 75. This chief, our ancestor, Vukubatz, had as father Citan Tihax\n Cablah, who was the son of the king Citan Qatu and Tihax Cablah.\n The latter let the power pass to our ancestor, and the king Caynoh\n and the king Citan Qatu thus obtained the power. Our ancestor,\n summoned by the king Qikab and by all the chiefs and leading men,\n from all parts, was placed in the royal power, and thus our\n ancestors Vukubatz and Huntoh were then the two kings.\n\n76. Xeoc na chi ahauarem ka mama [c]ate[c]a ok xqui la[t]abeh tinamit\nChiavar [c,]upita[t]ah. Kitzih [c]a tan ti [t]a[t]ar ahauh [c]ikab, ok\nxe ahauar ri ka mama Huntoh Vukuba[c,], kitzih vi tixibin que achihir,\nmaqui qui meztam tzih xavi xere qui [c]uxlaam, quitzih he nabey ka tata\nka mama ri [t]a[t]avitz, Cactecauh, Caynoh, Caba[c,], Citan [c]atu.\nKitzih vi [c]a [c]oh chic qui puz qui naval ri ahauh Huntoh Vukuba[c,],\nri ki x[c]amo [t]a[t]al tepeual; kitzih chi [c]i ya ama[t] tinamit, xqui\nhacah can ru[c]in ahauh [c]ikab, ru[c]in ronohel ahlabal; tanti xibin ru\n[t]a[t]al ahauh chuvach ronohel vuk ama[t], tanti hunamax labal rumal\nronohel ahlabal; quere [c]a x[t]a[t]ar vi ahauh [c]ikab ri. Ronohel [c]a\ntinamit ree xqui hacah can, mahaok ti tiquer [c]haoh chirih ahauh\n[c]ikab, ruma [c]eche vinak ok xban can:--\n\n 76. When our ancestors had taken possession of the royalty, they\n settled the towns of Chiavar and Tzupitagah. Truly the king Qikab\n ruled with great glory when our ancestors Huntoh and Vukubatz\n reigned. Those warriors inspired terror, nor were their histories\n forgotten, and the fame was recalled of our first fathers and\n ancestors, Gagavitz, Zactecauh, Caynoh, Caybatz, and Citan Qatu.\n Truly there were magic power and wisdom in our ancestors Huntoh and\n Vukubatz; they assumed glory and majesty. Truly many were the\n cities and peoples who submitted to them, and over whom they had\n triumphed with the king Qikab and all the warriors. For this great\n monarch inspired terror throughout the seven nations, and his\n warriors carried war in all directions; and therefore great was the\n glory of the king Qikab. These are all the towns which they had\n conquered before the insurrection broke out which the Quiches made\n against their king Qikab:--\n\n\n_Rubi tinamit vae ronohel._\n\n _The Names Of All The Towns._\n\n 77. Halic\n Vitaum\n Lahub\n Beleh Cuihay\n Xubabal\n [t]a[t]alyx\n Hultucur\n [c]ama[t]ekum\n Chi[c]otuk\n Chicakyu[t]\n Coha\n Ah[c,]uruya\n Cutum\n [c]hixnal\n Molobak\n Tox[c]omine\n Tuhallahay\n Vchabahay\n Ah[c]humilahay\n Lama[t]i\n Cumatz\n Rapak\n Chichah\n Vxa\n Ahalquil\n Molomic Abah\n Nimpokom\n Nacuxcux\n Bulbuxiya\n Panah\n Chiholom\n [t]ekacivan\n [t]u[t]uhuyu\n [c]ax[c]an\n Vukucivan\n Xerahapit.\n\n 77. Halic\n Vitaum\n Lahub\n Beleh Cuihay\n Xubabal\n [t]a[t]alyx\n Hultucur\n [c]ama[t]ekum\n Chi[c]otuk\n Chicakyu[t]\n Coha\n Ah[c,]uruya\n Cutum\n [c]hixnal\n Molobak\n Tox[c]omine\n Tuhallahay\n Vchabahay\n Ah[c]humilahay\n Lama[t]i\n Cumatz\n Rapak\n Chichah\n Vxa.[TN-18]\n Ahalquil\n Molomic Abah\n Nimpokom\n Nacuxcux\n Bulbuxiya\n Panah\n Chiholom\n [t]ekacivan\n [t]u[t]uhuya\n [c]ax[c]an\n Vukucivan\n Xerahapit.\n\n78. Ronohel [c]a tinamit ri xquikacah can Huntoh, Vukuba[c]; ru[c]in\nahauh [c]ikab, [c]a la[t]abem ok tinamit Chiavar ok xquiban can ka mama.\n\n 78. All these towns were conquered by Huntoh and Vukubatz, and by\n the king Qikab, when our ancestors settled at Chiavar and made that\n town.\n\n\n_Ru tiqueric [c]a [c]haoh chirih [c]ikab vae._\n\n _Beginning Of The Revolt Against Qikab._\n\n79. Tok xtiquer [c]a [c]haoh chirih ahauh [c]ikab, ruma [c]eche vinak;\nxavi ru chinamital ahauh xyaco [c]haoh, xa xqiz ru chinamital ahauh\nchucohol nimak achij: tzukul richin maqui chi tah xhito ri al[c]ahol\nxraho [c]eche vinak; xa xrah rambey akan ruma [c]eche vinak, xax maqui\nvi [c]a xraho ahauh. He pokon re runa ahauh ri nimak achij, maqui xe\nruya ri hitol quij. Quere[c]a xbe vi chiuh ahauh ri ruma [c]eche vinak,\nxax qui chup qui [t]a[t]al.\n\n 79. Then began a revolt against the king Qikab by the Quiche men;\n the family of the king was the cause of the contest. The family of\n the king perished with many of the people. The Quiches would not\n promise the homage as vassals which he asked of them. They wished\n that the roads should be free to the Quiche people, which the king\n would not grant. Therefore many of the people disliked the king and\n they would not pay him their dues. For this reason the Quiches\n turned against the king and his glory diminished.\n\n80. He [c]a cay ru [c]ahol ahauh tan que [t]a[t]ar. Tatayac rubi hun, Ah\nYtza rubi hunchic; Chituy, Quehnay qui bi cay chic, xavi e qui [c]ahol\nahaua: he [c]a xe rach qui chiih [c]eche vinak ri, xtiho naek [c]a\nchirichin ahauh cuma ru [c]ahol xax maqui chi vi [c]a xeruya ri hitol\nqui; e pokon xeruna ri tzukul richin; quere[c]a xbe vi chirih ahauh ri\ncuma ru [c]ahol. Xax ru[c]in vi [c]a ticako vi quivach chire qui tata,\nri Tatayac Ah ytza, quibi, xax quihi[t]uh rahauarem ahauh, xquirayih\n[c]a ru xit, ru puvak, ralabil ru vinak qui tata; tok xu popoh [c]a ru\ntzih [c]eche vinak chiquih nimak achij tzukul richin ahauh; xe[c]iz cam\nconohel ru nabey tzukul richin ahauh.\n\n 80. The two sons of the king were already distinguished. Tatayac\n was the name of the one, Ah Itza the name of the other. Chituy and\n Quehnay were the two sons of these princes. These took the part of\n the Quiches, and the king was thus opposed to his own sons, who\n incited the people not to pay their dues, already irritated on\n account of their subjection; and thus it came that the king was\n against his own sons. Thus Tatayac and Ahitza were opposed to their\n father, for they coveted the royal power, and desired the precious\n stones, the metals, the slaves and people of their father. At this\n time there was a council of the Quiches against the warriors\n maintained by the king, and they began to put to death all those of\n the first rank in the royal service.\n\n81. Va[c]a quibi cahaual nimak achije: Herech, Ta[t]unun, Xhu[c,]uy,\nEventec, Acacot, Camachal qui bi. Kitzih [c]i yatak cal qui [c]ahol, ri\nhutok [c]hob, chi ahpopo. Mani chi[c]a x[c]uluben ahauh cuma ok xecam,\ntok xoquebex [c]a cochoch ahpopo ruma achiha, xe[c]iz cam ahpopo cuma\nachiha.[TN-19] maqui ruchi ahauh; tan [c]a [c]oh ahauh chuvi tinamit\nPanpetak; cani [c]a rachcamic ahauh xrah ux cuma achiha: ru[c]in navipe\nqui chij ru[c]ahol ahauh xcoquebeh rochoch ahauh Panpetak; cani [c]a\nxelahpe ahauh [c]ikab chique achiha. Quere[c]a xtzolih vi achiha ri\nXahil ah popo, xeyaar chi camic; [c]ate[c]a ok xelah ahauh chique\nachiha, xutzihobeh ru xit ru puvak; xu ya[c]a cahauarem cah popol\nachiha, xuyacan [t]a[t]al tepeval chique achiha: ruyo[t] ru [c]ux ahauh\n[c]ikab chique ru[c]ahol ytzel xquiban ri Tatayac, Ah ytza quibi.\nQuere[c]a x[c]am vi ahauarem [t]a[t]al, cuma achiha ri humah chi ama[t],\ntok xya ri oxlahuh chi ahpop chi varabal, chu chij ama[t], xa nimak\nachij ki ru xe [c]haoh, ok xchup [t]a[t]al [c]iche ki vi ru chi can\nahauh [c]ikab. Tok x[c]am [t]a[t]al chi ama[t] oher, yx ka [c]ahol; cani\n[c]a x[t]il vinak al[c]ahol, chu nimaxic ahauh ruma achiha, kitzih hoye\nru vach ahauh xux, [c]a hunam chivi naek [c]a ru vach oxlahu [c]hob chi\nahlabal chiri, ok xvar [c]haoh chirih ahauh ruma [c]eche vinak, [c]a\nnakah ok [c]a tutzin [c]haoh, ok xtiquer chic chiquih ka mama.\n\n 81. These are the names of those of the royal service: Herech,\n Tagunun, Xhutzuy, Eventec, Azacot, Camachal. Then all the populace\n and the heads of the tribes assembled together. His people did not\n assemble around the king that they might not be killed, and the\n houses of the rulers were entered by the people and the rulers\n were slain by the people; not by order of the king; for the king\n was then in the village of Panpetak. The populace there wished also\n to kill the king. But the orders of his sons prevailed in the royal\n house at Panpetak. The king Qikab humbled himself before the\n people. Therefore the people began again to kill those of the house\n of Xahil. Again the king humbled himself before the people, trying\n to appease them with his precious stones and metals. He gave up the\n power of the rulers to the people and divided with them his royal\n rights. The heart of the king Qikab was bruised by his sons Tatayac\n and Ah Itza, by that which they had done. Therefore the royal glory\n perished at the hands of the people of all the classes, and the\n thirteen divisions and the powers they held were given up, and the\n glory of the Quiches was extinguished in the revolt against the\n orders of the king Qikab. Then perished the ancient glory of the\n nation, O you my children; for since then the people acted, and the\n king is made such by the people. Truly they had then pity for the\n king, for the thirteen tribes having obtained the power, the\n contest of the Quiches was ended; but when it was near its end, it\n suddenly broke out anew among our fathers.\n\n\n_Ru xe chi[c]a [c]haoh vae._\n\n _Another Revolt Follows._\n\n82. Ok xtiquer chic [c]haoh chiquih ahaua Huntoh, Vukuba[c,], Chuluc,\nXitamal Queh, cahi chi ahaua vae. Xa[c]a yxok xyaco chic [c]haoh chivih\nCo[c,]il Tukuche, Nimapam Xcacauh rubi yxok, ki ru xe chic [c]haoh. Xa\nah [c]ay vay yxok xbe pa tinamit [t]umarcaah, xa[c]a xrah kup ru vay\nyxok ruma hun achij qui [c]a[c]al ahaua [c]iche: xa maqui xuya vay yxok\nchire [c]a[c]al, xax he[c] ka achij chi chee rumal yxok. Canih xrah\nhi[c,]atah achi xrah cam rumal yxok Nimapan Xcacauh. Quere[c]a xyacatah\nvi [c]haoh ri rumal [c]eche vinak; xata[c]a xcam ri yxok xraho [c]eche\nvinak; xa[c]a maqui xya ri yxok chire [c]eche vinak, chire [c]a achiha\ncuma ka mama Huntoh Vukuba[c,]. Xe elahtah ahaua xraho [c]eche vinak.\nQuere ta ri xuban ahauh [c]ikab xcaho achih: he [t]a[t] chic cani [c]a\nxupopoh rutzih [c]eche vinak xcha: Xape xtan tu [c]am [t]a[t]al tepeval\nchi Ahpoco[c,]il, chi Ahpoxahil, xa kamicah, xax tanti [t]a[t]ar chi\nHuntoh chi Vukuba[c,]; xeucheex [c]a ri ka mama ruma achiha: [c]i xrah\n[c]a rutih chic ahauh [c]ikab ru [t]ilic ru camic Co[c,]il Tukuche. Mani\nxa[c]axan chic rutzih ahauh ruma [c]eche vinak: Kitzih chi[c]oh ru [c]ux\nahauh chire Huntoh Vukuba[c,]. Haruma ri kitzih chi nim ru naobal\n[c]ikab [c]i naval ahauh. Maquina xaquere x[t]a[t]ar ahauh, kitzih\ntixibin retamabal, ha ru [c]uxlaam ri xepe vi pa Tullan. He [c]a ri\nachiha, xa mani quetamabal, xae chu [t]abom. Quere bila xquil [t]a[t]al\nmaqui xtakex chic rutzih ahauh cuma, quere[c]a qui yon tanti quiban\nlabal tiquina.\n\n 82. Then another revolt began against the four leaders--Huntoh,\n Vukubatz, Chuluc and Xitamal Queh. It was a woman who was the\n occasion of this revolt with the Zotzils Tukuches, a woman named\n Nimapam Xcacauh, and she caused the revolt. This woman had come to\n sell bread in the town of Gumarcah, and one of the guards of the\n Quiche prince had tried to take the bread from her by force; the\n woman had refused to give up the bread to the guard, and the man\n was driven away with a stick by the woman. Then they wished to take\n and kill the man on account of this woman, Nimapan Xcacauh.\n Therefore the contest was started by the Quiches; the Quiches\n wished that the woman should be killed. But the woman was not\n surrendered to the Quiches by our ancestors Huntoh and\n Vucubatz.[TN-20] The Quiches, therefore, wished to humble these\n princes, and they wished to make the king Qikab do this. In anger\n the Quiches called a council and said: \"Only the Ahpozotzils and\n the Ahpoxahils have obtained the glory and the power; let us kill\n them, for only Huntoh and Vukubatz have glory.\" Thus did the people\n speak to our ancestors. They wished to tempt the king Qikab to\n harass and slay the Zotzil Tukuches. But the king would not listen\n to the words of the Quiches. Truly the heart of the ruler was with\n Huntoh and Vukubatz. For truly great was the knowledge of Qikab and\n marvelous the power of this ruler. Not only was he a king in\n majesty, but also he overawed by his learning and the depth of his\n spirit, derived from Tullan. Therefore when the people saw his\n wisdom, they sought not to instruct him; they troubled not his\n majesty nor accepted the words of the king, but pursued alone the\n war which they had wished.\n\n\n_Qui pixababal [c]a qui ahaua vae._\n\n _The Orders which were Given to the Rulers._\n\n83. Cani [c]a xel pe ru camahel ahauh takol ahaua, tok xhique rucamic\nCo[c,]il Tukuche, ruma [c]eche vinak. Tok xepixabam quij ahaua cha[t]a,\nxcha [c]a ri ahauh [c]ikab chique ahauh Huntoh Vukuba[c,]: Mani ru xe\nmani ru vi kalabal yvuquin, yxnu[c]ahol; mi[c]a xi[c,]et mixban\nchuvichin: mixrayx valabil nu vinak nu xit nu pavak, quere chi [c]a\nxtiban chivichin. Co [c]a chivichin, yxnu[c]ahol, yxnucha[t] nu nimal.\nXere vi pixaban ri vae: Mixutzin malo. Machuvak chipe tiban [t]a[t]al\ntepeval vave, xere viri mixkaban yvuquin, chi toloba can tinamit\nchiquivach he [c]haol cunum cachak; maqui e a[c]axa ytzih, yxnu[c]ahol.\n[c]o huyu tila[t]abeh pan Yximchee chuvi Ra[c,]amut. Hay, tinamit tux,\nxa chiri ti ban vi bay vi [c]ovicah chi pe ronohel ama[t]. Ti toloba can\nri Chiavar. Yx naek, achih, vuetah xti [c]ulubacan, maqui utz nu tzih ti\ntakeh, xcha ahauh [c]ikab chique ka mama. Tok xe pixaban quij ahaua,\nquere[c]a xtakeh vi rutzih ahauh ri cuma ka mama. Mani x[c]ulelaan can\n[c]eche vinak.\n\n 83. Then the king sent his messenger to announce to the rulers that\n the Quiches had resolved on the death of the Zotzil Tukuches. At\n the same time he sent to the rulers that they should come during\n the night, and the king Qikab spoke in these terms to the rulers\n Huntoh and Vukubatz: \"It is neither the beginning nor the end of\n this war made against us, O my children. It has been seen what they\n have done to me. They have robbed me of my slaves, my family, my\n treasures, my precious metals. They wish to do the same with you.\n Go forth, therefore, my children, my younger brothers, my elder\n brothers.\" Then he gave his orders: \"The lot is cast. Cease at once\n from the exercise of a power which you should share with me.\n Abandon this city to the revolted populace. Let your words no more\n be heard, my children. Go to where you can establish yourselves, to\n Iximche, on the Ratzamut. Build there houses and a city, and\n construct a road on which all the people may pass and rest. Abandon\n Chiavar. As for you, people, if you succeed, may my words come to\n you as a curse.\" Thus spoke the king Qikab to our ancestors. Then\n the commands were given to the rulers, and the words of the king\n were sent to our ancestors. Nor did the Quiches oppose them.\n\n\n_Ha [c]a ok xe pe Chiavar vae._\n\n _This is When they Went Forth from Chiavar._\n\n84. Ha chi oxlahuh y[t], xtole can tinamit Chiavar, ok xebokotah pe\nkamama Chiavar, [c]upita[t]ah. Ha[c]a chi oxlahuh y[t], xul xe[c]at baya\nquij, hun Akbal [c]a xuxlan, vinak xe[c]at baya quij, ha [c]a chi cay\n[c]at; xla[t]abex tinamit chi Yximchee, chuvi Ra[c,]amut. [c]a pa\n[c]elah ok [c]a ri pa tinamit chi Yximchee, ok xquila[t]abeh ka mama\nHuntoh, Vukuba[c,], Chuluc, Xitamal Queh, he cahi chi ahaua, re rahaual\nCakchiquel vinak. Cani[c]a x[c,]apitah xchapo ri labal ru[c]in [c]eche\nvinak, cani navipe xban [c,]alam [c]oxtun cuma kamaa; cani [c]a xquicot\nama[t] ronohel, tok xla[t]abex tinamit, ha rumal ri kitzih e [t]a[t]alah\nachih, ahauh Huntoh Vukuba[c,]. Xae ki xebano labal ru[c]in ahauh\n[c]ikab; quere xquicot vi ahlabal vuk ama[t] rij. Mani chi[c]a xrucheeh\n[c]eche vinak, cani xu[c]am rucovel ronohel ama[t], cani [c]a xul ru\ncamahel vuk ama[t] ru[c]in Ahpoco[c,]il Ahpoxahil, xcha ronohel ahlabal:\nVtz mixpe, nucha[t], nunimal Chiavar, co chirichin Ahpoco[c,]il,\nAhpoxahil, kitzih utz mixul chiri chi Yximchee; xa ruyon achih chu [c]ux\nchi Cavek chi [c]eche vinak, xa ruyon [t]a[t]al chu [c]ux, ma xtuban chi\nnavi[c]a labal ruyon chi [c]echevinak, xcha ru tzih ronohel vuk ama[t],\nok xul cu[c]in ahaua. Canix ximo ri ru tzih ronohel ahlabal vuk ama[t],\ntok la[t]abex tinamit chi Yximchee, xa xuyonih chi can [c]eche vinak,\nmani chic xrach[c]ulchijh. Quere[c]a tok xquila[t]abeh tinamit chi\nYximchee ka mama ri, yxnu[c]ahol, mani chi [c]a xutih labal [c]eche\nvinak chirih Cakchiquel vinak, xa xuya chi pe ru vach; he ka mama nabey\nxoc qui[t]a. Ok xtiho labal chirih [c]eche vinak cuma ka mama Huntoh\nVukuba[c,], [c]a la[t]abem ok ronohel ree [c]iz[c]ab tinamit pa Chakihya\npa Xivanul ka vinakil [c]a xpe chiri Xechibohoy Xechituh, xavi [c]a cani\nxula[t]abeh can [c]echevinak ri, cani [c]a ca[c]hob xoquebex vi\n[c]echevinak cuma ka mama; ok xcam ri [c]iz[c]ab Xechituh cuma ahaua, ok\nxutoloba can [c]echevinak ri pa Chakihya pa Xivanul: cani xuxibih\n[c]echevinak ok xtiquer labal ok ixcam ri [c]iz[c]ab Xechituh cuma ahaua\ncani xeapon [c]eche vinak chi la yail Ah Xivanul ah Chakihya ri, ah San\nGregorio ah Santo Thomas rubi vacami.\n\n 84. It was on the 13th day of the month Yg that they abandoned the\n town of Chiavar, when our ancestors were forced to leave Chiavar\n and Tzupitagah. On the 13th Yg they descended, burning many roads.\n On the 1st Akbal they halted, still burning the roads, which made\n twice that they burned them, after which they established the town\n of Iximche, on the Ratzamut; they founded the town of Iximche; then\n settled there our ancestors Huntoh, Vukubatz, Chuluc and Xitamal\n Queh, these four rulers, the sovereigns of the Cakchiquel people.\n As soon as they were settled, they placed themselves in readiness\n for war with the Quiches, and our ancestors built a stronghold. All\n the people rejoiced at the establishment of the city by these\n illustrious heroes, the rulers Huntoh and Vukubatz; for they had\n fought on the side of the king Qikab. Therefore all the warriors of\n the seven nations rejoiced. The Quiches could do nothing more, and\n soon all the cities recovered their power. Messengers of the seven\n nations came to the Ahpozotzils and the Ahpoxahils, and all the\n warriors said: \"You have done well to leave Chiavar, my brother, my\n elder; well done, Ahpozotzil and Ahpoxahil; you have done well to\n come here to Iximche. There was but one brave man with Cavek and\n the Quiches, there was but one royal heart with them; but hereafter\n he will not go to war with the Quiches.\" Such was the speech of all\n the seven nations when they came to visit the rulers. All the\n warriors of the seven nations gave their words, when the city of\n Iximche was founded, that they would separate from the Quiches and\n would not form an alliance with them. Therefore, my children, when\n our ancestors founded the city of Iximche, the war of the Quiches\n against the Cakchiquels had not begun. They had but gazed at each\n other. Our ancestors first took the sword in hand. When war was\n declared against the Quiches by our ancestors Huntoh and Vukubatz,\n the people of Qizqab had inhabited for a long time the towns of\n Chakihya and Xivanul, and our people were settled at Xechibohoy and\n at Xechituh. Soon after the Quiches were established, two of their\n strongholds were seized by our ancestors; Qizqab having been killed\n by our ancestors at Xechituh, the Quiches abandoned Chakihya and\n Xivanul. The Quiches were frightened at seeing the war begin with\n the death of Qizqab at Xechituh by the orders of the rulers. The\n Quiches then went down to the streams of those of Xivanul and of\n Chakihya, which are called at present San Gregorio and Santo\n Thomas.\n\n85. Tok xqui hach [c]a ahaua Huntoh Vukuba[c,] ri vuk ama[t] nimak achi\nxtzuku quichin heri Ah Popoya, Ah Panca[t], Ah Holom, Mixcu, Tamyac,\nronohel Pokoma: Quere[c]a ta[t]ah, Ah Y[c,]iyule, Ah Xeabah, Ah\nCak[c]uchabah, xa e cay chi ahaua xe[c]amo ronohel xa Huntoh,\nVukuba[c,]: xepatanih vi vuk ama[t] nimak achij. He naek cahi ahaua mani\nqui covil ri e cay ahaua Chuluc Xitamal Queh quibi. Cani navipe xtakex\nqui [t]a[t]al ka mama ruma ronohel vuk ama[t], ok xla[t]abex tinamit chi\nYximchee; quere[c]a ru chupic [t]a[t]al [c]eche ri, quecha can ka tata\nka mama, yxnu[c]ahol.\n\n 85. Then the rulers Huntoh and Vukubatz assigned to the chiefs of\n the seven nations all their tributaries, that is to say, the people\n of Popoya, Pancag, Holom, Mixco and Tamyac, all of whom were\n Pokomams; as for those on the plains, the subjects of Itziyule,\n Xeabah and Zakquchabah, the two rulers, Huntoh and Vukubatz,\n reserved these for themselves. The seven nations and the chiefs\n were subjected to a tribute. There were four rulers, but the two\n named Chuluc and Xitamal Queh were not important. Soon afterwards\n our ancestors were called _majesties_ by all those of the seven\n nations, at the time that the city of Iximche was founded. Thus\n disappeared the glory of the Quiches, said our fathers and\n ancestors, O my children.\n\n\n_Qui camibal ahaua vae._\n\n _How the Rulers Died._\n\n86. Ha [c]a nabey ahauh Huntoh xcam, ok xcam chic ahauh Vukuba[c,]. Ka\nmama ti[c]il chican tinamit ok xecam ahaua.\n\n 86. The first who died was the ruler Huntoh; then the ruler\n Vukubatz died. Our ancestors had enlarged the city when they died.\n\n87. Tok xahauar chi[c]a ahauh Lahuh Ah rubi, nabey ru[c]ahol ahauh\nHuntoh.\n\n 87. Then began to reign the ruler Lahuh Ah, first of the sons of\n the ruler Huntoh.\n\n88. Tok xahauar chi[c]a ri ahauh Oxlahuh [c,]ij rubi, nabey ru [c]ahol\nahauh Vukuba[c,], he [c]a belehe chi achij xe ru [c]aholah ri ahauh ka\nmama Cibakihay; Ximox ru bi rixhayil ahauh Vukuba[c,]. Oxlahuh [c]ij\n[c]a rubi ri nabey ru [c]ahol, ahauh Cablahuh Ba[c,] ru bi rucam;\nChopena Tohin ru bi, rox Chopena [c,]iquin u[c]a ru bi rucah, xetzak\n[c]a pa labal ri e cay ka mama; Chopena Tohin xbe tzak Tucuru Cakixala\nrubi huyu xtzakvi; Panatacat, [c]a xtzak vi Chopena [c,]iquin u[c]a;\nChopena Queh rubi roo; Nima Ahin ru vakuk; Xavi Ahin rubi chic ruvak,\nCaok, [c]atu quibi he cay chic, e [c]a [t]a[t]alah achiha ree ronohel ka\nmama.\n\n 88. At the same time reigned the ruler Oxlahuh Tzii, oldest son of\n the king Vukubatz. These are the nine rulers begotten by our\n ancestor, the chief Cibakihay:--Ximox was the name of the wife of\n Vukubatz; Oxlahuh Tzii was her eldest son; the chief Cablahuh Batz\n was the second; Chopena Tohin was the third; Chopena Tziquin Uqa\n was the fourth. These last two ancestors perished in battle.\n Chopena Tohin was slain at the place called Tukuru Cakixala, and\n Panatacat was the spot where fell Chopena Tziquin Uqa. Chopena Queh\n was the fifth; Nima Ahin was the sixth; Xavi Ahin was the name of\n the seventh, and Caok and Qatu were the two others. All these\n ancestors of ours were equally illustrious.\n\n89. Ha [c]a ri ahauh ka mama Oxlahuh [c,]ij, quere navipe ri Lahuhah,\nkitzih tixibin que achihir, tixibin [c]a quetamabal xa maqui meztah\nrutzih qui tata qui mama. Xavi xcuker chican ru[c]ux al[c]ahol ok xeoc\nchi ahauarem; xaui xere chican [t]a[t]al tepeval xquiban chic ahaua;\n[c]iy chi navipe nimak labal xquiban xcam chi[c]a ahauh Lahuhah. Ok xoc\nchic ahauh Cablahuh Tihax rubi, nabey ru [c]ahol ahauh Lahuhah, xavi ha\nahauh Oxlahuh [c,]ij tan tahauar ok xahauar chic Cablahuh Tihax: xavi\nxere qui [t]a[t]al ahaua xux chican, xa[c]a ki ru camic [c]ikab, ri\nnaual ahauh chila [c]echee, ok xutih chic labal [c]eche vinak chirih\nCakchequel vinak. Ha [c]atan que ahauar [c]iche ri Tepepul, Yztayul\nquibi, tok xtzain chic ru [c]ux [c]eche vinak chiri tinamit chi\nYximchee. Ki [c]a tan nima vayhal tok xban xax ka nima teuh xcamican\navan pan Uchum, xyaar avan ruma teuh, quere[c]a xcach vi echa ri, que\ncha ri y mama, yxnu[c]ahol. Ok xu [c]am ka [c]eche vinak, xa[c]a hun\nachi, anom xel Cakxiquel xapon [c]eche ha, xaponican ru tzihol vayhal\n[c]ichee, [c]i xcha achij: kitzih tan nima vayh, mani tu[c]hih chic\nvinak ruma vaihal, [c]i xcha tok xapon [c]ichee. [c]i quere[c]a xhique\nvi ru camicaxic Cakchiquel ri ruma [c]eche vinak camel chu [c]ux.\n\n 89. These kings, our ancestors, Oxlahuh tzii, and Lahuh ah, truly\n they frightened by their bravery, they frightened by their\n knowledge, for they had not forgotten the words of their fathers\n and ancestors. The hearts of their subjects were calm when these\n princes assumed the power, and they exerted authority and control.\n They had made many and great wars when the king Lahuh ah died. Then\n came the king named Cablahuh Tihax, oldest son of the king Lahuh\n ah; but Oxlahuh tzii continued to reign, Cablahuh Tihax ruling\n jointly with him. In truth, the glory of these rulers was not fully\n established until after the death of Qikab, when the magician-ruler\n of Quiche and the Quiches recommenced the war with the Cakchiquels.\n At that time there ruled at Quiche Tepepul and Iztayul, and the\n Quiches regarded with jealousy the city of Iximche. At that time\n there occurred a great famine, brought about by great cold, which\n had destroyed the harvests in the month Uchum, and the harvests\n were lost through this cold. For this reason, say our ancestors,\n the food was all consumed. A fugitive Cakchiquel informed the\n Quiches of this, bringing to the Quiches the news of this famine:\n and this man said: \"Truly, it is a great famine, and the people\n cannot suffer the pains of this hunger.\" So he said on arriving\n among the Quiches. Therefore the death of the Cakchiquels was\n decided on by the Quiches, and destruction was in their hearts.\n\n\n_Ru petebal vae._\n\n _What Took Place._\n\n90. Tok xpe [c]a xubok pe ri pa tinamit [t]umarcaah, x[c]iz pe ronohel\nahaua; xpe [c]a qui [c]abouil ri Tohohil; humah [c]a ronohel achiha\nxpeul; maqui ahilam chi vinak, maqui xa hu chuvy, ca chuvy xpe, xul [c]a\nchi ama[t], chiri [c]u[c]um ah vi ul xpopon vi ul chiri, ok xvikon [c]a\nchi [c]ha, chi pocob, chi tooh, chi tunatiuh, [t]u[t], chi tunatiuh\n[c]ubul, chi [c]alvach puak abah, ca utal ok xpeul chiri.\n\n 90. Then took place the defeat at the town of Gumarcaah and the\n humiliation of all the princes. They brought out their god Tohohil\n and the people came in crowds; the multitude was innumerable; it\n was not merely in battalions of eight thousand and sixteen thousand\n men, but they came by villages and districts. They came in battle\n array, with their bows, their armor and their weapons, their\n brilliant plumes, their shining circlets, their head decorated with\n crowns of gold and precious stones; this was the manner of their\n coming.\n\n91. Ha [c]a chi lahuh [c,]ij, rucam ka [c]eche vinak chi Yximchee, [c]i\nmani [c]a ru tzihol cu[c]in ka mama Oxlahuh [c,]ij, ha Cablahuh Tihax,\nok xpeul [c]echevinak, camicay richin Co[c,]il Tukuchee. Xa[c]a anom\nachij xkacan pe, rutzihol camic ru[c]in ahaua; cabih tibin camic,\nmix[c]izpe ronohel [c]eche vinak, camicay richin vinak tinamit,\nxtoquebex, kitzih tixibin mixpeul, maqui xa hu chuvy ca chuvy achiha,\nxcha ri achi anom ok xul Cakchiquel. Cani [c]a xepopon ahaua xecha: xaha\nrutaon, utz mixpe xti katih ki ru[c]in [c]iche vinak, xecha ahaua. Cani\n[c]a xel camol bey, xel [c]a hu [c]hob achiha ramonel chirih [c]eche\nvinak, xramatah vi xa[c]a ruyon ah tinamit x[c]ulelaan, ri xkape pa nima\nbey chuvi huyu [c]at beya qui, xu[c]ulelaah [c]a ru [c]ulel Ah\nTiba[c]oy, Ah Raxakan, xavi [c]a xu [c,]apihel ru bey Ah [t]aleah, Ah\nPacaki uleuh, Ah [t]inoma.\n\n 91. It was on the day 10th Tzy that occurred the destruction of the\n Quiches at Iximche; but the news of it had not yet reached our\n ancestors, Oxlahu[TN-21] tzii and Cablahuh Tihax, when the Quiches\n came to destroy the Zotzil Tukuches. A fugitive came bearing to the\n chiefs the news that they were to be slain: \"Day after to-morrow\n they will slay you. All the Quiche nation will come to slay and\n destroy the people of the city, which they will enter by force;\n truly their entry will be terrible, for they are many more than\n eight thousand or sixteen thousand men.\" Thus spoke this fugitive\n when he arrived among the Cakchiquels. The chiefs immediately\n assembled in council and said: \"Listen! It is a good thing that we\n are to measure ourselves against the Quiches.\" Thus spoke the\n chiefs. Immediately they sent forth messengers. One division of the\n people formed and went forth to meet the Quiches, and the\n inhabitants alone went forth to battle. They went by the main road\n to the summit of the mountain, burning everything on the way. They\n met in conflict the battalions from Tibaqoy and Raxakan, and closed\n the road to those of Galeah, of Pazaki uleuh and Ginoma.\n\n92. Tok xucavuh [c]a ri achiha chi [c]haa, chi pocob, chi tooh\nxa[c,]elavachim chic ok xkaul.\n\n 92. Then all the men took up their bows, their shields and various\n weapons, awaiting the arrival of the enemies.\n\n\n_Ru camibal [c]a [c]iche vinak._\n\n _The Destruction of the Quiches._\n\n93. Ki [c]a pacac ru xe cah xkah pe chuvi huyu, cani [c]a xboz ci[c]\nyuyub, cani navipe xpae ru lakam, x[t]ahan [c]a cubak, [c]habi tun,\nxivac. Kitzih ti xibin ok xka pe [c]eche vinak.[TN-22] hucumah xka pe chi\n[c]otoh, xmukutah yan ri [c]otoh, xka chipe xe huyu, ki na [c]a xul chu\nchi ya, celahay ya, xavi [c]a tzekel pe ahauh Tepepul Yztayul, xavi\nrachbilam pe ru [c]abouil. Tok xpe [c]a ul ri ramonel chirih, kitzih\ntixibin ok xpe ul, cani x[t]ahan ci[c] yuyuh, cubak, [c]habitun, xivac,\nxu[c]ut ru puz, ru naval achiha: cani [c]a xu cahmah [c]echevinak, mani\nchic x[c]ulelaan, cani xpaxin rij xyaar chi camic [c]echevinak, maqui\nahilam xcam. Quere[c]a x[c]ace xtelecheex xquiya quij, ahaua Tepepul\nYztayul xuya ri qui [c]abouil. Quere[c]a ru [t]alel achij, rahpop achi\nru mam ru [c]ahol ahauh ahxit ahpuvak, ah[c,]ib, ah[c]ot, ronohel\nachiha, kitzih xyaar chicamic, mahilam maqui xahu chuvy, ca chuvy chi\n[c]eche vinak xu cam ka Cakchiquel, oher, quecha ka tata ka mama,\nyxnu[c]ahol; ha[c]a ahauh Oxlahuh [c,]ij, Cablahuh Tihax he navipe\nVooymox, Rokelba[c,]in xebano maquina xaquere x[t]a[t]ar huyu chi\nYximchee.\n\n 93. When the dawn appeared, they (the Quiches) descended from the\n hills, the cries and shouts of war broke forth, the banners were\n displayed; then were heard the drums, the trumpets and the conches\n of the combatants. Truly this descent of the Quiches was terrible.\n They advanced rapidly in rank, and one might see afar off their\n bands following one another, descending the mountain. They soon\n reached the banks of the river, the houses by the water. They were\n followed by the chiefs Tepepul and Iztayul, accompanying the god.\n Then it was that the battalions met. Truly the encounter was\n terrible. The cries and the shouts, the noise of the drums, the\n trumpets and the conches resounded, mingled with the enchantments\n of the heroes. The Quiches were routed in all directions, not one\n fought, they were put to flight and delivered over to death, and no\n one could count their slain. A great number of them were taken\n prisoners, together with the kings Tepepul and Iztayul, who\n delivered up their god. Thus the Galel-achi, the Ahpop-achi, the\n grandson and son of the chief jeweler, the treasurer, the secretary\n and the chief engraver and all the people were put to the sword.\n The Quiches who were then killed by the Cakchiquels were not\n counted by eight thousand or sixteen thousand; so said our fathers\n and ancestors, O my children. Such were the deeds of the kings\n Oxlahuh Tzy and Cablahuh Tihax, as also of Vooymox and Rokelbatzin.\n Thus, and not otherwise, did they make glorious the city of\n Iximche.\n\n\n_Ru camibal chic ahauh Y[c]hal vae_ (_Amolac, Lahuh Noh, Chicumcuat_).\n\n _The Death of the Chief Ychal_ (_Amolac, Lahuh Noh, and\n Chicumcuat_).\n\n94. [c]atan ru la[t]abem ok Akahal vinak ri chuvi tinamit chi Holom\n[t]u[t]u huyu [c]ax[c]an ha[c]a tan tahauar ri Y[c]hal Amolac, xa[c]axbe\nboy chij xka ruma qui camahel ahaua Oxlahuh [c,]ij, Cablahuh Tihax,\nxucheex: Ti pe tah rachihilal ahauh vican nu mama, ka hunamah chic ka\n[c]ha, ka pocob ru[c]in, ha ri [c]eche vinak mixrah nu tih chic labal\nchirih nu civan nu tinamit, mi [c]a xnuban richin chi [c]eche vinak; ka\ntiha chi [c]a labal ru[c]in, ti [c]iz pe ul rachihilal ahauh, xucheex\ntok xboy chiix Y[c]hal. Cani [c]a xhique ru [c]ux ahauh: Utzan chirichin\nAhpoco[c,]il, Ahpoxahil, ti[c]il vachihilal ti[c]iz be ronohel\nvachihilal, yn [c]a nun quibe, tibe vetamahel huyu Cakchiquel, tibe\nkabanael labal cu[c]in vica[t] nu mam, cani xcha ahauh Y[c]hal chique\ncamahal.\n\n 94. Meanwhile the Akahals occupied the towns Holom, Guguhuyu and\n Qaxqan, having for king Ychal Amollac. Messengers were sent to him\n by the kings Oxlahuh tzii and Cablahuh Tikax, with the order that\n he should come down, and they said: \"Let the bravery of the king be\n made manifest to our ancients, let us measure with him our bows and\n our shields. The Quiches wished to try their arms against our\n ravine and our city, and we have dealt with the Quiches. Let us now\n try this one in war; let the king come and show his valor.\" Thus\n did they say and sent this word to Ychal. The heart of the king was\n soon resolved. \"Let it be according to the desire of the\n Ahpozotzils and Ahpoxahils. I will increase my strength and I will\n go and show them all my valor. I will go alone; I will see what is\n the place of the Cakchiquels; I will go down to make war with the\n descendants of my grandfather.\" Thus spoke the king Ychal to the\n messengers.\n\n95. Cani [c]a xequicot ahaua tok xel pe ru tzihol ahauh Y[c]hal, cani\nxquipopoh quitzih ahaua chirih Y[c]hal: Utz mixpe cani ti ka chup ru\nvach maqui ti kelecah chic kivi [c]axto[c] chi Y[c]hal, xecha ahaua cani\nxhique ru camic cuma ka mama--Hunahpu [c,]ian, Nimacahay, Ahci[c]ahuh,\n[c]hooc Tacatic, [c,]imahi Piaculcan, Xumak Cham, xcak vachitah ruma\nulamach puvaka, raponic xehuna cauh.\n\n 95. The chiefs rejoiced when the words of Ychal reached them, and\n the chiefs took counsel in words against Ychal: \"It is well that he\n be hidden from the light, that we disobey not the Demon on account\n of Ychal.\" Thus spoke the princes. Then his death was resolved upon\n by our ancestors--Hunahpu Tzian, Nimazahay, Ahciqahuh, Qhooc\n Tacatic, Tzimahi Piaculcan and Xumak Cham, who were envious of his\n person on account of the riches that he had, and the height to\n which he had raised his courage.\n\n96. Tok xpe [c]a ul ahauh Y[c]hal, tzatz rachihilal xpe naual ahauh [c]a\nri Y[c]hal, xcha can ru pixa chi rochoch: Vue quinul vue maqui chic\nquinul, vue yn camel; vae xquibe xcha can ahauh. Ok xpe ul cani xuna\nahauh, ki [c]a tel pe cakli[c]ahol ri ahauh; tok xuna, xcha: Ti[c,]eta\nna [c,]ak, chun cakcab quixbanon quix vikon baka ki xbicah ki chuvach\nCo[c,]il Tukuchee, xcha chique rachihilal. Quere[c]a ok xtzolih [c]hakap\nru hay ru chinamit, tok relic chic ahauh lahuh Noh.\n\n 96. Then the king Ychal went forth, and a great number of\n distinguished warriors went with the king. He was profound in\n knowledge, and he left these words to his house: \"Whether I return,\n or whether I do not return, my death is at hand.\" The king\n departed, saying these words. When it was known that the king was\n on the road, the people came to carry him on their shoulders. When\n he heard them he said: \"Look to your walls; look to your lime and\n your war paint; be prepared and your arms at hand, that you appear\n not cast down before the Zotzil Tukuches.\" Thus he spoke to his\n warriors, and they returned in midway to their houses and villages.\n The chief came on the day 10th Noh.\n\n97. Xa [c]a [c]elavachiym chic ok xul pa tinamit chi Yximchee,\nhiquilibem chic ru camic, banoninak chic achiha tok xul; pan pop [c]a\nxtakevi ok xul; xaki xrulibeh tok xcam ahauh ru[c]in ronohel rachihilal:\nxchapol richin ri yacol cu[c]i ya, tok xoc apon, xe yaar chicamic Akahal\nvinak. Quere[c]a rucamic Y[c]hal Amolac ri chi Yximchee. Va[c]a quibi\nrachihilale, ri xecam ru[c]in, he nimak achiha: Coroch, Hukahic,\nTameltoh, Huvarahbix, Vail[c]ahol, queucheex, he [t]a[t]alah tak achiha,\n[c]iy [c]a chubinem achiha xcam. Quere[c]a rukahic tinamit chi Holom, ri\n[c]iy [c]a [c]ovi Akahal vinak chuvi tinamit, [c]ax[c]an, Ralabal Y[c],\n[t]u[t]uhuyu, Vukucivan. Xavi [c]ax [c]iz cam chic ri ronohel tinamit\ncuma ahaua Oxlahuh [c,]iy, Cablahuh Tihax, xrah [c]a ru la[t]abeh chic,\nXerahapit, ru kaxba chi chic Akahal vinak, [c]a chiri [c]a xto[t]e vi ru\ncamic.\n\n 97. His face was sorrowful as he entered the city of Iximche, where\n they were consulting of his death. It had been decided upon by the\n chiefs when he came. At his arrival he was called to the council,\n but no sooner was he entered than he was slain, and his brave\n companions with him. His cup bearer was seized as soon as he\n entered, and was slain, as of the Akahal nation. Thus perished\n Ychal Amolac at Iximche. These are the names of the warriors who\n perished with him, all distinguished men: Zoroch, Hukahic,\n Tameltoh, Huvurahbix, Vailgahol; thus they were called, these noble\n men, who went forth to die with him. Thus it came that the city of\n Holom was conquered, as also the towns of Qaxqan, Ralabalyq,\n Guguhuyu and Vukucivan, where dwelt many people of the Akahal\n nation. All the towns finished by yielding to the arms of the kings\n Oxlahuh tzy and Cablahuh Tihax. Desiring to repeople Xerahapit, the\n Akahal nation were transferred there, and there they bewailed their\n dead.\n\n\n_Ru camibal chic Caoke vae._\n\n _The Death of Caoke._\n\n98. Paraxtunya, Belehe[t]ih rubi ahauh. Xax rach[c]ul chijh ahauh Voo\nCaok, Ah[c,]iquinahay; xa xucolrih labal Caoke, labal ru [c]ux. Cani\nxuban ru [c]oxtun ru [c]otoh, [t]a[t]al chic xraho ahauh Belehe [t]ih:\ntok xecha [c]a ahaua Oxlahuh [c,]ij, Cablahuh Tihax, ok xa[c]a xax ru\ntzihol qui colbol labal: ki vi pe chi ytzel ru [c]ux chi Ah[c,]iquinahay\nchi Belehe [t]ih, tan qui ru col chuvih chi nu vach, mi xu[c]am\n[t]a[t]al chu [c]ux chi Caoke utz ka bana labal ru[c]in, xecha ahaua.\nCani [c]a xhique ru camic Caoke, xbe achiha camicay richin, kitzih [c]a\nachih Caoke, ru nah xcam, [c]a roxlah xka ru tinamit, xutih ru [t]ih\nCaoke oxlahuh chi[t]ih, xban tzaloh, ok xka tinamit Paraxtunya cuma ka\nmama Oxlahuh [c,]ij, Cablahuh Tihax, xcaminak ok [c]a ronohel ri\nmixkabijh can.\n\n 98. At Paraxtunya, Belehe gih by name was chief. He had made an\n alliance with the chief Voocaok, the Ahtziquinahay. Caoke was\n inclined to war, and war was in his heart. Having built a\n stronghold with ditches, Belehe gih desired the supreme power. The\n kings Oxlahuh tzy and Cablahuh Tihax learning these preparations\n for war, said: \"Truly there is an evil mind in the chiefs\n Ahtziquinahay and Belehe gih. They have turned war toward us, and\n the chief Caoke has already in his heart assumed the supreme\n power. Let us give them war.\" So said the chieftains, and from that\n time the death of Caoke was resolved upon. Warriors set out to slay\n him. But Caoke was brave, and, far from yielding, thirteen times he\n descended from his town and for thirteen days endeavored to save\n his life. Finally the town of Paraxtunya having been assaulted, it\n was captured by our ancestors Oxlahuh tzy and Cablahuh Tihax, who\n put to death all whom we have named.\n\n\n_Tok xban [c]a yuhuh chi Yximche._\n\n _Then the Revolt Took Place at Iximche._\n\n99. Vae xa vuleuh ri ru xe [c]haoh xtiquer Akahal vinak qui [c]ulel\nTukuchee; xax [c]ot cavex Akahal vinak cuma Tukuchee; cani [c]a xchapo\nri x[t]acin ri vinak tok x[c]ot avex, tzam Chi[c]ib xban vi oher ruma\nvinak.\n\n 99. A question of land was the real cause of the struggle, when the\n Akahals strove with the Tukuches, because the harvests of the\n Akahals had been destroyed by the Tukuches. Those who beat the\n persons injuring the harvests were seized at the point of Chiqib,\n the place where this took place among those men of old.\n\n100. Xa[c]a [t]ana vinakil quichin ahaua Cablahuh Tihax, Oxlahuh [c]ij\nruma Tukuchee, ruma Akahal vinak, ha[c]a tan cahaual Tukuchee ri Cay\nHunahpu ru bi, atzih vinak Cavek, he navipe ri ahaua [c]iria Yyu,\nTox[c]om Noh qui bi; xa[c]a xret vachih ru [t]a[t]al ri ahauh Cay\nHunahpu, xa [c]iy ral ru[c]ahol, xa[c]a maqui xya Akahal vinak chi camic\nchirichin ruma Ahpopco[c,]il Ahpopxahil, camel tah Akahal vinak chu\n[c]ux Cay Hunahpu; quere[c]a xebe vi chirih ahauh Cablahuh Tihax,\nOxlahuh [c,]ij ruma Cay Hunahpu, xax ru[c]in vi [c]a xcako ruvach chire\nAhpopco[c,]il Ahpopxahil, xata ruyon xahauar xraho ahauh. Tok xnimatah\n[c]a [c]haoh cuma ahaua, ha ahauh Cay Hunahpu ki xahoon ru banic yuhuh,\nha [c]ari ahauh Cay Hunahpu kitzih labal ru[c]ux, xax maqui chivi xraho\nahauh xelahibex ruvach cuma ahaua, Oxlahuh [c,]ij, Cablahuh Tihax, xa\nnima tahinak chic ahauh, tok xelahibex ruvach, he maqui yuhuh cahoom\nahaua al[c]ahol, pokon xquina; quere[c]a kitzih xibin ri quichin ahaua\nxuna Cay Hunahpu xax maqui chivi xraho x[t]il.\n\n 100. The judges in this affair were the kings Cablahuh Tihax and\n Oxlahuh tzy, for the Tukuches; and for the Akahals, the Tukuche\n chief called Cay Hunahpu, the head chief Cavek, and the chiefs\n Qiriayu and Toxqomnoh. One could see in Cay Hunahpu the demeanor of\n supreme power, and he had many vassals; but the Ahpopzotzils and\n the Ahpopxahils refused to deliver up to him the Akahals to be\n slain. For already in his heart Cay Hunahpu had resolved to destroy\n the Akahals. For this reason there was a revolt against Cablahuh\n Tihax and Oxlahuh tzy, by the instigation of Cay Hunahpu; for this\n chief disliked the Ahpopzotzil and the Ahpopxahil, and would have\n liked to rule alone. Thus the revolt spread among the chiefs. The\n chief Cay Hunahpu desired the revolt; for this chief Cay Hunahpu\n had resolved in his heart the revolt, and he could not be satisfied\n until he had forced the kings Oxlahuh tzy and Cablahuh Tihax to\n humble themselves that he might become great. Then these princes\n did humble themselves, that there should not be a conflict between\n their people, and they grieved deeply. Thus did Cay Hunahpu\n frighten these two kings; but he could not be satisfied without\n using violence.\n\n101. Tok x[c]hique [c]a [t]ih xbanvi yuhuh ruma ahauh Cay Hunahpu, ha\nchi hulahuh Ah xban yuhuh: tok xuhuruh [c]a el rij Tukuchee pa tinamit\n[c]haka ya xbe ti [c]e vi el ronohel [c]a rachihilal Tukuchee, xoquiben\ntinamit; maqui [c]a xcaho rachihilal ahauh Cablahuh Tihax Oxlahuh\n[c,]ij; xa hu [c]hob achiha xcha[t]obem quitzih ahaua ah Xechipeken,\nrahpop achi Cinahitoh ru bi achi tan tachihir chiri Xechipeken.\n\n 101. The day of the revolt was appointed by this chief, Cay\n Hunahpu, and on this day, 11th Ah, the revolt broke out. Then the\n Tukuches were drawn out of the city, to the other side of the\n river, and all the Tukuche warriors went there also, that they\n might enter the city; but the warriors of the kings Cablahuh Tihax\n and Oxlahuh tzy opposed them. One division of warriors was enough\n to drive them off, encouraged by the words of the kings, a division\n from Xechipeken; and these of Xechipeken, with their ruler the\n counselor Cinahitoh, distinguished themselves by their bravery.\n\n\n_Ru camibal Tukuchee va kitzih xyaar chi camic._\n\n _The Destruction of the Tukuches, who were, in fact, Massacred._\n\n102. Ki [c]a ti pacatah ru xecah chi hulahuh Ah xboz pe Tukuchee [c]haka\ntinamit, cani x[t]ahan ru cubak, ru [c]habi tun ahauh Cay Hunahpu,\nvikital chi tooh, chi tunatiuh [t]u[t], chi tunatiuh [c]ubul, chi\n[c]alvach puak abah. Ok xboz pe [c]haka ya, kitzih tixibin maqui ahilam\nchi Tukuchee, mani xahu chuvy, ca chuvy. Tok xtiquer [c]a tzaloh chuvach\ntinamit tzam [t]am, x[c]ulu vi ri labal ha[c]a Chucuyba[c,]in [c]amol\nyuhuh cuma Tukuchee; xa[c]a e cahi chi yxoki xevik chi achcayupil qui\n[c]ha xqui[c]exevachibeh labal, hunelic rucahichal ral; qui [c]ha xoc\nchuva ru pop Chucuyba[c,]in ruma achiha: tixibin chi nima yuhuh xquiban\nahaua oher; ha [c]amol tzaloh [c]ate xqui[c]ut chic qui tiohil yxoki\nchuvach pa Co[c,]il pa Xahil [c,]ak xeel vi yxoki; kina xeel pe chiri\ntok xboz chi[c]a hu [c]hob pa nima bey chi nima [c]otoh, ruyon [c]a\nachiha ri ah Tiba[c]oy, ah Raxakan hucumah [c]a xpaxel ri pa nima bey;\nxa cay xutzak can ri ok xpaxel, ha[c]a ri xka ul [c]haka tinamit xyaloh\ntzaloh, ha[c]a xramon ri rahpop achi Cinahitoh ah Xechipeken.\n\n 102. When the dawn appeared on the day 11th Ah, the Tukuches began\n on the opposite side from the city, and the drums and trumpets of\n the chief Cay Hunahpu were heard. Then the warriors armed, and\n displayed their brilliant feathers and shining banners, and gold\n and precious stones. Then it began on the other side of the river,\n and truly it was terrible for the number of the Tukuches, who could\n not be counted by eight thousands nor by sixteen thousands. The\n battle began before the city, at the end of the bridge where\n Chucuybatzin, placed at the head of the struggle by the Tukuches,\n had brought the fighting. There were four women who had armed\n themselves with lances and bows, and taken part in the battle,\n fully equal to four young men. The arrows launched by these\n heroines struck the very mat of Chucuybatzin. Truly it was a\n terrible revolt which the chiefs made of old. The chiefs of the\n battle afterwards set up the images of these women before the\n buildings of the Zotzils and the Xahils, whence these women had\n gone forth. As they departed, there suddenly appeared a division\n in the high road near the deep trenches. It rapidly scattered the\n warriors of Tibaqoy and Raxakan on the high road. Only two of the\n men fell in this encounter, and he who led them beyond the city to\n prolong the combat was the same who had gained the previous\n victory, the counselor Cinahitoh of Xechipeken.\n\n103. Tok xpe [c]a ramonel chirih Tukuchee, cani [c]a xucahmah mani chic\nx[c]ulelaan canih xpaxin rij, xyaar achiha, xyaar yxok aqual chi camic,\nxuyari ahauh Cay Hunahpu, xuya [c]a ri ahauh [c,]iriniyu, Tox[c]om Noh,\nronohel [c]a ru mam ahauh ru [c]ahol ahauh. Cani[c]a xbe [c]eche ri Ah\nTiba[c]oy, Ah Raxakan, xbe [c]a [c,]utuhil [c]hakap, xhito [c]a ri\nronohel chucochol al[c]ahol, xpaxin ri ronohel. Quera[c]a tok xyaar\nTukuchee ri oher, yxnu[c]ahol, he[c]a ka maa Oxlahuh[c,]ij, Cablahuh\nTihax xebano, chi hulahuh Ah, [c]a xban xpax Tukuchee.\n\n 103. Then began a general attack on the Tukuches; they were cut to\n pieces at once; no one resisted; the rout was complete; men, women\n and children were given up to slaughter. The chief Cay Hunahpu was\n slain; the chiefs Tziriniyu and Toxqom Noh all perished, as well as\n their fathers and children. Immediately those of Tibaqoy and\n Raxakan retired, partly to Quiche, partly among the Tzutuhils. They\n mingled with their subjects and were thus dispersed. Such was the\n destruction of the Tukuches, in old times, O my children. It was\n our ancestors Oxlahuh tzy and Cablahuh Tihax who, on the day 11th\n Ah, undertook and accomplished the dispersion of the Tukuches.\n\n104. Ru hulahu vinak ok [c]a tiban yuhuh, ok xrah cam chic Ah Tiba[c]oy,\nruma [c]echevinak, haok xbe tiqeel Tukuchee Chiavar, xyaar [c]eche vinak\nchi camic chiri, xtzak can Yaxon [c,]ui ru bi, chi belehe Caok.\n\n 104. Thirty-one days after the revolt, as the Quiches desired to\n destroy those of Tibaqoy, these Tukuches removed to Chiavar and put\n to death the Quiches, who yielded in a battle at a place named\n Yaxontzui, on the day 9th Caok.\n\n105. Ru vaklahu vinak, ok tiban yuhuh, xcam chic Cinahitoh, xax rah\nrumah ahauh atzih vinak Ahmoxnay, xa ruyon chi Chinahitoh xax rah y[c]o\nru [t]a[t]al chi qui vi ahaua, quere[c]a xyaar vi Cinahitoh ri [c]iy\nchubinem achiha xcam pa tinamit chi hulahuh Can xban.\n\n 105. On the 36th day after the revolt Cinahitoh perished, because\n he coveted the position of the orator Ahmoxnay. Cinahitoh wished to\n exercise the power alone, above the chieftains, therefore Cinahitoh\n was condemned by all the chiefs, and his death was carried into\n effect in the city on the day 11th Can.\n\n106. Xlauheh oktel huna yuhuh xhi[c,]ax chic ahauh atzih vinak Ahmoxnay,\nchi hulahuh Akbal, xa xuhaeh coboyel ahaua, ha xcam ri ahauh.\n\n 106. One year less ten days after the revolt was hanged the chief\n orator Ahmoxnay on the day 11th Akbal. This chief perished because\n he had stopped the messengers of the ruler.\n\nChi vahxaki Ah xel huna yuhuh.\n\n The day 8 Ah was one year after the Revolt.\n\n107. Xa[c]a halachic matel ru caba ru camic Tukuchee, ok xcam chic\n[c,]utuhile pa Cakcab, ha chi hun Ahmak; xyaar chic [c,]utuhile chi\ncamic, xqui ya qui ahaua Nahtihay, Ah[c]ibihay; xa [c]a ha chic maqui xu\nya ri ahauh Vookaok Ah[c,]iquinahay, ha chic xtzain ru [c]ux chirih\nCakchiquel.\n\n 107. It was not much less than two years after the defeat of the\n Tukuches, when the Tzutuhils were defeated at Zakcab on the day 1st\n Ahmak. The Tzutuhils were cut to pieces and their rulers Nahtihay\n and Ahqibihay were slain. Only Vookaok, the Ahtziquinahay, could\n not be conquered, and he tried his fortune against the Cakchiquels.\n\nChi voo Ah xel ru caba ru banic yuhuh.\n\n The day 5 Ah was two years after the Revolt.\n\nChi cay Ah xel oxi huna ru banic yuhuh.\n\n The day 2 Ah was three years after the Revolt.\n\n108. Ha chi oxi Queh xban chic yuhuh [c]eche, xbe ru [c]ul vachih chi el\nTukuchee yuhuh chiri [c]iche.\n\n 108. On the day 3 Queh there was a revolt in Quiche. The Tukuches\n went to take part, and joined in the revolt in Quiche.\n\nCablahuh Ah xel ru cah huna yuhuh.\n\n The day 12 Ah completed the fourth year after the Revolt.\n\n109. Chupam voo huna xcam chic Ah Mixcu tzukul richin ahauh Cablahuh\nTihax xax rah ru [t]a[t]aricah ri; chi Vuku Camey, xka ru tinamit Ah\nMixcu, xyaar chi camic ruma achiha.\n\n 109. During the fifth year those of Mixco were put to death; being\n tributaries of the king Cablahuh Tihax, they wished to make\n themselves independent. On the day 7 Camay, the town of Mixco was\n taken and its inhabitants slain by the chiefs.\n\n110. Ok xcam chi[c]a Yaqui Ah Xivicu, xax rach [c]ul chijh ahauh voo\nkaok rahaual Akahal vinak, haok xti[c]e chic chuvach huyu, Akahal vinak,\nxrah [t]a[t]ar chic chiri.\n\n 110. At the same time were put to death the Yaquis of Xivico,\n because they had taken part with the king Vookaok, Chief of the\n Akahals, this nation of the Akahals having begun to lift itself\n before the town, desiring to obtain power.\n\n111. Va[t]ih ok [c]atel Voo rubanic yuhuh ok xcam chic Akahal vinak\nchuvach huyu, xaxrah [t]a[t]ar chic ahauh chu vach huyu.\n\n 111. Six days were wanting to complete five years from the revolt\n when the Akahals were cut in pieces before the town, with their\n king, because they wished to be independent of the town.\n\nChi belehe Ah, xel voo huna rubanic yuhuh.\n\n The 9 Ah completed the fifth year after the Revolt.\n\nVakaki Ah, xel ruvakah yuhuh.\n\n The 6 Ah completed the sixth year after the Revolt.\n\nChi oxi Ah, xel ruvuk huna yuhuh.\n\n On the 3 Ah there were seven years from the Revolt.\n\n112. Chupam ruvahxak huna yuhuh xcam chic [c,]utuhile, ruma ah Xeynup,\nXepalica, xe yaar vi chicamic, xtzak can Cakbin Ahmak chi oxlahuh Ahmak.\n\n 112. In the eighth year after the revolt, the Tzutuhils were\n defeated by those of Xeynup and Xepalica; they were slaughtered,\n Zakbin and Ahmak having perished in the action on the day 13 Ahmak.\n\nChi oxlahuh Ah, xel vahxaka yuhuh.\n\n On the day 13 Ah there were eight years from the revolt.\n\nChi lahuh Ah, xel ru beleh huna.\n\n On 10 Ah there were nine years from the revolt.\n\n113. Cablauheh oktel lauha yuhuh ok xi[c]o pokob Cakchiquel ruma ahauh\nkamama Oxlahuh [c,]ij, kitzih chi nima [t]a[t]al xban xul ronohel vuk\nama[t] chi Yximchee, chi vahxaki Ymox xban.\n\n 113. Twelve days were lacking to complete the tenth year after the\n revolt when the Cakchiquels put on their shields on account of the\n king our ancestor, Oxlahuh tzy; for truly he showed great power in\n making all the seven nations come to Iximche, which he did on the\n day 8 Imox.\n\nChi vuku Ah, ru lauha rubanic yuhuh.\n\n The day 7 Ah completed the tenth year after the Revolt.\n\nChi cahi Ah, xel ru hulauha.\n\n On 4 Ah there were eleven years from the Revolt.\n\nChi Hun ah, ru cablauha.\n\n On 1 Ah there were twelve years.\n\nChi hulahuh Ah [c]axel roxlauha yuhuh (Ahpoco[c,]il).\n\n On 11 Ah there were thirteen years from the revolt (of the\n Ahpozotzils).\n\n114. Oxlahuh [c,]iquin xcam xo[t]ohauh Vooqueh ri xhaylah Lahuh Tihax ru\n[c]ahol [c]ikab. Xa[c]a hala chic matel cahlauha yuhuh ok xcam ahauh\nOxlahuh [c,]ij, ka mama; chi oxi Ahmak xcam ahauh, kitzih chi tixibin ru\n[t]a[t]al chia ahauh, manix [c]hacatah vi ru [t]ih ralaxic, [c]i ya\nlabal xuban, [c]iya tinamit xukacah tok xcam. He chi [c]a xeru [c]aholah\nahauh ree:--\n\n 114. On the day 13 Tziquin died the princess Vooqueh who had\n married Lahuh Tihax, son of Qikab. Little was lacking to complete\n the fourteenth year after the Revolt when the king our ancestor\n Oxlahuh tzy also died. He died on the day 13 Ahmak. Truly this king\n had made himself feared by his power; never was his power or his\n grandeur diminished; he undertook many wars and conquered many\n cities. These are the children he begat:--\n\n115. Huny[t], rubi nabey ru[c]ahol, ha[c]a xoc chi ahauarem ok xcam\nahauh Oxlahuh [c,]ij ru tata, ronohel tzih cahi chi ama[t] ok xahauar\nahauh Huny[t]. Vakaki Ahmak ru bi ru cam al; Noh [c]a voxal; Belehe[c]at\nru cahal; Ymox voo al; Noh ruvakakal. Maku X[t]uhay rubi xo[t]ohauh\nxixhayl ahauh Oxlahuh [c,]ij; xae oxi xeralah, ha nabey ri ahauh\nHuny[t]; he [c]a cay yxoc huhun [c]a qui te ri [c]hakap ru [c]ahol\nahauh, xa ri xnam ahauh xalan ri Belehe[c]at.\n\n 115. Hunyg was the name of his first son, and he obtained the power\n when the king Oxlahuh tzy his father died, and all four of the\n tribes gave their consent that Hunyg should be chief. Vakaki Ahmak\n was the name of the second son; Noh was the third; Beleheqat the\n fourth; Imox the fifth, Maku Xguhay was the name of the queen, wife\n of the king Oxlahuh tzy. She had three children, oldest of whom was\n the king Hunyg. He had also two other wives, each of whom was\n mother of part of the children of the king; and the mother of the\n king (Hunyg) had also Beleheqat.\n\nChi vahxaki Ah [c]axel ru cahlauha yuhuh.\n\n The day 8 Ah completed the 14th year after the Revolt.\n\n116. Ok xcam chi[c]a ahauh Cablahuh Tihax; chi cahi Ey xcam ahauh.\n\n 116. Then died the king Cablahuh Tihax; this king died on the day 4\n Ey.\n\nVoo Ah, [c]a xel rolauha rubanic yuhuh.\n\n The day 5 Ah completed the 15th year after the revolt.\n\n117. Tok xahauar chi[c]a ahauh Lahuh Noh rubi, nabey ru [c]ahol ahauh\nCablahuh Tihax. He [c]a xeulaan Yaqui Ah Culuvacan, ri ahauh Huny[t],\nLahuh Noh; chi hun Toh xeul Yaqui ru camahel ahauh Modeccumatzin rahaual\nAh Mexicu.\n\n 117. Then began also to reign the king Lahuh Noh, eldest son of the\n king Cablahuh Tihax. At this time the Yaquis of Culuacan were\n received by the kings Hunyg and Lahuh Noh. The Yaquis arrived on\n the day 1 Toh, sent by the king Modeczumatzin, king of the\n Mexicans.\n\n118. [c]a ha [c]a ki xka[c,]et ri oki xeul ri Yaqui Ah Culuvacan, he\n[c]iya Yaqui xeul oher, yxnu[c]ahol, tantahauar ka mama Huny[t] Lahuh\nNoh.\n\n 118. And we ourselves saw these Yaquis of Culuacan when they\n arrived; and they came in old times in great number, these Yaquis,\n O my children, during the reign of our ancestor Hunyg and Lahuh\n Noh.\n\nChi cay Ah, xel ru vaklauha ru banic yuhuh.\n\n The day 2 Ah completed the 16th year after the Revolt.\n\n119. Chupam huna xoc chic labal chuvach [c]ichevinak, chi vahxaki\n[t]anel xoc [c]am [c]eche, tantahauar Huny[t] ka mama tan [c]a nima\nrahpop achi ymama chiri ok xoc labal [c]echee, yxnu[c]ahol, he[c]a ki\nxebano chic labal [c]iche ri y mama rahpop Achi Balam, rahpop achi\nY[t]ich, ru [t]alel achi [c]atu, [c]iya camic [c]eche vinak cuma;\nmaquina xaquere xe[t]a[t]ar ka tata ka mama.\n\n 119. During the year the war broke out afresh with the Quiches. On\n the day 8 Ganel Quiche was entered and taken when Hunyg our\n ancestor was ruling, a great counselor and ancient man, when the\n war entered Quiche. O my children. Those who began this war at\n Quiche were the old men, the counselor Balam, the counselor Ygich,\n and the noble Qatu; and many Quiches perished through them. But not\n thus did our fathers and ancestors acquire their power.\n\nChi cablahuh Ah, xel ru vuklauha ru banic yuhuh.\n\n The day 12 Ah completed the 17th year after the Revolt.\n\nChi belehe Ah, xel chic vahxaklauha yuhuh.\n\n The day 9 Ah completed the 18th year after the Revolt.\n\n120. Chupam chi[c]a huna ok xey[c]o chicop, xche chel ut, quere ri e ute\nchi oxi Caok xey[c]o oher pa tinamit chi Yximchee, kitzih tixibin chi\nchicop.\n\n 120. During this year the beasts and doves came out of the forests,\n and on the day 3 Caok the doves passed over the city of Iximche,\n and truly it was terrifying to see the beasts.\n\n121. [c]a vo vinak ok [c]a que y[c]o xche chel ut, ok xei[c]o chi[c]a\nca[c]: chi cay Y[t] xey[c]o pa tinamit kitzih, que xibin chi ca[c]\nxey[c]o oher.\n\n 121. One hundred days after the doves had been seen to come from\n the woods, the locusts came. It was on the day 2 Yg that they\n passed over the city, and really it was terrifying to see them\n pass.\n\n122. Xa ru beleh vinak chic ok x[c]at chi Yximchee, chi cahi Camey xyaar\ntinamit chi [t]a[t]. Tan mani ahauh Huny[t] ka mama, tan [c]o ka [c]haka\nya, tane mani ka tata ka mama ok x[c]at tinamit xka [c,]et ronohel ri,\nyxnu[c]ahol.\n\n 122. About that time nine persons perished in a fire at Iximche; on\n the day 4 Camey the city was injured by fire. The king Hunyg was at\n the time absent on the other side of the river; our fathers and\n ancestors were also absent. But when the city burned, we saw it\n all, we, my children.\n\nChi vahxaki Ah xel beleh lauha yuhuh.\n\n The day 8 Ah completed the 19th year after the Revolt.\n\n123. Chupam [c]a huna ok xcam [c]eche vinak pa Co[c,]il ya cuma y mama;\n[c]iy nimak achiha xuyari, ok xquiban labal chiri.\n\n 123. During the year the Quiche men were destroyed near the river\n of the Tzotzils, by our ancestors; a great number of other\n principal men were conquered when this war occurred.\n\n124. Humul chi[c]a xe yaar [c]eche vinak xiquin chi pokoh, pa Mukche\nxeoc vi [c]eche vinak cuma, [c]iy nimak rahpop achij, ru [t]alel achi\nxuyari chiri, [c]iy [c]a ri [c]hutik camic xquiban tzatz teleche xoc pe\ncuma y mama.\n\n 124. The Quiches were again beaten and suffered loss at Mukche,\n because they entered there. A great number of their principal\n counselors and nobles were lost; many were put to death slowly, and\n many were taken prisoners by our ancestors.\n\nChi oxi Ah [c]a xel humay ru camic Tukuchee ru banic yuhuh.\n\n The day 3 Ah completed one cycle after the death of the revolted\n Tukuches.\n\nHa[c]a chi oxlahuh Ah xel chic huna.\n\n With the day 13 Ah, another year was completed.\n\n125. Chupam huna xi[c]o chic pokob chuvi Cakhay ruma ahauh Lahuh Noh,\nchi vahxaki [t]anel xla[t]abex [c,]ak, kitzih chi nima [t]a[t]al xquiban\nchic ahaua chiri, xul ronohel vuk ama[t], Huny[t], Lahuh Noh xebano he\n[c]atan quebano labal ri y mama, rahpop achi Balam rahpop achi Y[t]ich,\nru [t]alel achi [c]atu.\n\n 125. During this year they took up their shields on the Cakhay on\n account of the king Lahuh Noh. On the day 8 Ganel the fortress was\n occupied and truly the chiefs made their great power felt. All\n those of the seven nations came with Hunyg and Lahuh Noh, to make\n war, and it was also made by the ancients, the Counselor Balam and\n the Galel-achi Qatu.\n\nXel [c]a ru caba chi lahuh Ah yuhuh.\n\n A second year was completed on the day 10 Ah, after the Revolt.\n\n126. Chupam chi [c]a huna xecam chic [c]eche vinak cuma ka tata ka mama,\nchiree xquiban vi chi [c]otoh, chi [t]ocibal Cokolahay, xu[c]ul vachih\nca[c]hob chi chay ru[c]in [c]eche vinak, haok xuyari ya Yaxontik ru\n[c]ahol ahauh Ahpoptuh, [c]iy [c]a nimak achiha xuyari, quere[c]a\nxe[t]a[t]ar vi y mama ri yxnu[c]ahol, [c]iy navipe teleche xoc pe\nchucohol ri nimak labal mixkabijh can.\n\n 126. During this year the Quiches were again defeated by our\n fathers and ancestors. The battle was gained by the arms and the\n bravery of those of Cokolahay, whose divisions met face to face the\n leader of the Quiches and his warriors. There was slain Yaxonkik\n son of the Prince Ahpoptuh. Many warriors were slain; therefore\n great was the majesty of our ancestors, O my children; and they\n also made many prisoners in this great war of which we speak.\n\nChi vuku Ah xel roxa ru camay yuhuh.\n\n On the day 7 Ah, was completed the third year of the second cycle\n after the Revolt.\n\nChi cahi Ah xel chic ru caha yuhuh.\n\n On the day 4 Ah was completed the fourth year after the Revolt.\n\n127. Chupam [c]a voo huna, vae ok ixtiquer yauabil, yxnu[c]ahol, nabey\nxyabix ohb, ratzam xyavabix chi[c]a qui[c], [t]ana chuluh, kitzih\ntixibin chi camic xi[c]o oher. Haok xcam ahauh Vakaki Ahmak, xe [c]a\nhala chic ma tipe nima [t]ekum, nima a[t]a pa qui vi ka tata ka mama pa\nka vi [c]a, yxnu[c]ahol, ok xyabix [c]hac.\n\n 127. In the course of the fifth year the pestilence began, O my\n children. First there was a cough, then the blood was corrupted,\n and the urine became yellow. The number of deaths at this time was\n truly terrible. The Chief Vakaki Ahmak died, and we ourselves were\n plunged in great darkness and great grief, our fathers and\n ancestors having contracted the plague, O my children.\n\nChi hun Ah xel humay voo yuhuh, ok xyabix [c]hac.\n\n On the day 1 Ah there were one cycle and 5 years from the Revolt,\n and the pestilence spread.\n\n128. Vae chupam huna xyauabix vi [c]hac, ha ok xe[c]iz chi camic ka tata\nka mama Diego Juan; chi voo Ah [c]axoc chi vi labal Panatacat, cuma ka\nmama, ha[c]a ok xtiquer yavabil [c]hac. Kitzih tixibin chi camic xpe pa\nru vi vinak, mani yabim viri quere ri x[c]hol vinak.\n\n 128. In this year the pestilence spread, and then died our ancestor\n Diego Juan. On the day 5 Ah war was carried to Panatacat by our\n ancestor, and then began the spread of the pestilence. Truly the\n number of deaths among the people was terrible, nor did the people\n escape from the pestilence.\n\n129. Xcavinak ok xtiquer yauabil, tok xecam ka tata ka mama, chi\ncablahuh Camey xcam ahauh Huny[t] yxiquin mama.\n\n 129. Forty were seized with the sickness; then died our father and\n ancestor; on the day 14 Camey died the king Hunyg, your\n grandfather.\n\n130. Xa[c]a ru cabih xcam chic ka tata rahpop Achi Balam ri y mama,\nyxnu[c]ahol; xa [c]a hunam xecam y mama ru[c]in ru tata ki tan ti\nchuvin, ti [c]ayin vinak chi camic. Tok xecam ka tata ka mama, xax be\ntzak chi el [c]hakap vinak chi civan, xa [c,]ij, xa [c]uch, xtiochic\nvinak; tixibin chi camic xecamican ymama, herach camic ru [c]ahol ahauh\nru[c]in ru cha[t] ru nimal: quere[c]a xoh canah vi can chi mebail ri\nyxnu[c]ahol, [c]aoh ok [c]hutik [c]ahola, ok xoh canah can konohel.\nRupoyibal alaxic.\n\n 130. But two days afterward died our father, the Counselor Balam,\n one of the ancients, O my children. The ancients and the fathers\n died alike, and the stench was such that men died of it alone. Then\n perished our fathers and ancestors. Half the people threw\n themselves into the ravines, and the dogs and foxes lived on the\n bodies of the men. The fear of death destroyed the old people, and\n the oldest son of the king died at the same time as his young\n brother. Thus did we become poor, O my children, and thus did we\n survive, being but a little child--and we were all that remained.\n Hence the putting aside of our claims.\n\n\n_Quibi y mama vae xeru[c]aholah ahauh._\n\n _Names of (our) Ancestors, Sons of the King._\n\n131. Rahpop achi Balam, rubi, nabey ru[c]ahol ahauh Huny[t], ha ki tanti\n[t]a[t]ar chi quivach ahaua, ok xpe nima camic [c]hac.\n\n 131. The counselor Balam, the oldest son of the king Hunyg, was\n already distinguished before the face of the chieftains when he\n died by the great plague.\n\n132. Ahmak rubi rucam al, ha ru[c]ahol can ri Don Pedro Solis. Tohin\n[c]a rox al, mani retal ri he [c]a xecam ru[c]in ahauh ri e oxi ka tata.\n\n 132. Ahmak was the name of the second son. His son is Don Pedro\n Solis. Tohin was the third. There is no record of him, as he died\n with the king and our three fathers.\n\n133. Ha [c]a ka tata Francisco rahpop achi [c,]ian rucah al.\n\n 133. Our father Francisco, the counselor Tzian, was the fourth son.\n\n134. Balam voo al, mani [c]a retal ri.\n\n 134. Balam was the fifth son; there is no record of him.\n\n135. Ah[c,]alam Hunahpu ru vakak al, he [c]a xecolotah chic ri he oxi ka\ntata ruma [c]hac; [c]aoh ok, ok [c]a [c]hutik konohel cu[c]in ok xoh\ncanah, xka [c,]et [c]a ronohel ri yavabil, ix nu[c]ahol; ha [c]a ri rubi\nka tit; nabey rixhayil ahauh Huny[t], Chuvy[c,]ut ru bi xo[t]ohauh, he\noxi xerelah, ha ri ka tata, he[c]a ri ru tata Don Pedro Solis, mani [c]a\nru [c]ahol rij Tohin: xcam [c]ari xo[t]ohauh Chuvy [c,]ut, xoc chipe\nxo[t]ohauh X[t]eka[c]uch A[c,]iquinahay, ha quite rahpop achi [c,]ian\nBalam, xa e cay ral.\n\n 135. Ahtzalam Hunahpu was the sixth son. He was saved from the\n plague with our three other ancestors. As for us, we were then\n little children, and we all escaped, and we saw all the pestilence,\n O my children. These are the names of our female ancestors: the\n first wife of king Hunyg was the queen Chuvytzut; she had three\n sons, our father, the father of Don Pedro Solis, and Tohin, who\n left no children. The queen Chuvytzut being dead, the queen\n Xgekaqueh, the female Ahtziquinahay, took her place. She was the\n mother of the Counselor Tzian Balam, and these were her two\n children.\n\n136. [c]a vo vinak ok [c]a quecam ahaua Huny[t] Lahuhnoh, ok xechap chic\nahaua Cahi Ymox Belehe[c]at, chi hun Can; xa[c]a hun chioc ri\nBelehe[c]at xcolotah, xa[c]a kayon chicoc a[c]uala mani hunchic ka tata\nxcolotah, [c]a e ok [c]hutik ri [c,]ian Balam, ri ki ok retal ahauh\nHuny[t]. Quere[c]a xahauar vi Belehe[c]at rij, xa huna [t]alel\n[c]amahay; chioc x[c]hao rahauarem maqui [c]a xrah raho ahauh atzih\nvinak Ba[c]ahol: vo quic chi ahauarem ri Belehe[c]at; hatah xoc chi\nahauarem ri ka tata rahpop achi [c,]ian xraho ahauh atzih vinak\nBa[c]ahol, quere[c]a roquic chi ahauarem ri.\n\n 136. A hundred days after the death of the kings Hunyg and Lahuh\n Noh, there were elected as kings Cahi Ymox and Belehe Qat, on the\n day 1 Can. For Belehe Qat alone remained. As for us we were little\n boys and our elders did not choose any of us. Tzian and Balam, the\n only other descendants of Hunyg, were also young. Belehe Qat was\n therefore chosen to rule but only as heir apparent, the orator\n Baqahol declaring that it was not proper that he should take the\n supreme rule. The honor of the royalty was decreed to Belehe Qat;\n but the orator Baqahol desired that the real chief should be our\n ancestor Tzian; therefore he entered into power.\n\n\n_Xavi [c]a chupam ru vaka vae._\n\n _What Took Place in the Sixth Year._\n\n137. [c]a huvinak ok [c]a que chap ahaua, ok xban yuhuh chi\nAh[c,]iquinahay; chi lahuh Queh xban xeul coloel qui ahaua\nAh[c,]iquinahay [c]icihay chi Yximchee ruma yuhuh, xul qui yaca el\nachiha.\n\n 137. Twenty days after the chiefs began to rule there was an\n insurrection against the Ahtziquinahay. It occurred on the day 10\n Queh, and the chiefs Ahtziquinahay and Qicihay went to Iximche on\n account of the revolt, coming to raise soldiers.\n\n138. Xa[c]a ru cablah xcam chic ama[t] [c,]utuhile, ruma Co[c,]il\nTukuchee chi hulahuh Ymox, xyaar [c,]utuhile chi camic, xeyaar\nAh[c,]iquinahay, conohel tzatz chi teleche chicana, quere[c]a xit puak\ntixibin chi camic xuban [c,]utuhile, xka tinamit xepoyom. Cani [c]a\nxetzolih ka ahaua Tepepul Ah[c,]iquinahay [c,]icihay chi cochoch.\n\n 138. Twelve of the Tzutuhil villages were destroyed by the Tzotzil\n Tukuches on the day 11 Ymox and the Tzutuhils were slain. Very many\n were taken prisoners. Therefore the Tzutuhils in fear of death were\n made to give up their treasures and the town of Xepoyom was taken.\n Then returned the chiefs Tepepul Ahtziquinahay and Tzizihay to\n their homes.\n\n139. Tok xebokotah chi [c]ape Ah Xecaka abah ronohel, xul colo chi el\nrij Cakchiquel, tzatz chi[c,]utuhile xel pe oher pa tinamit, he chi\n[c]arah xquiban labal chirih Ah [c,]iquinahay, Ah Pavacal, xrah\ncach[c]ul chijh chic cuma, xa[c]a xboy chijx achiha ruma Ah Pavacal.\n\n 139. At that time the people of Xecaka abah, all of whom had been\n driven forth, were aided by the Cakchiquels. Many Tzutuhils also\n came to the villages to make war against the Ahtziquinahay, and\n those of Pacaval, and wished to join forces, their warriors having\n been provoked by the people of Pacaval.\n\n140. Chi belehe Ba[c,], [c]a xban camic chuvi Lakanabah, pa Chitulul,\nmani [c]a nimak achiha xcanah. Xaki ruyon vinak Belehe[c]at, Cahi Ymox\nxebano.\n\n 140. On the day 9 Batz there was slaughter at the rock of Lakam at\n Chitulul. Not many warriors took part. Only the men of Belehe qat\n and Cahi Ymox were engaged.\n\nChi hulahuh Ah, xel humay vaka yuhuh.\n\n On the day 11 Ah there were 26 years from the Revolt.\n\n141. Mixka [c]iz can vae huna xeyaar vi katata ka mama ruma camic\n[c]hac.\n\n 141. Then was completed one year since our fathers and ancestors\n died of the plague.\n\n142. Chupam huna ok xoh [c]ule ru[c]in xtee, yxnu[c]ahol, xhunabir ok\nquecam y mama; chi cablahuh Toh xoh [c]amo yxok.\n\n 142. In this year we married your mother, O my children, one year\n after the death of your grandfather. We took her to wife on the day\n 12 Toh.\n\nChi vahxaki Ah xel ru vuka vuhuh.\n\n On the day 8 Ah was completed the 7th year from the Revolt.\n\n143. Chupam huna xorotah vi labal [c]echee, [c]a ru hulauha xorotah\nlabal [c]echee.\n\n 143. During this year the Quiche war ceased; the Quiche war ceased\n on the 11th.\n\nChi voo Ah xel humay vahxaka.\n\n On the day 5 Ah was the eighth year of the first cycle.\n\n\n_Culibal Castilan vinak Xetulul vae._\n\n _The Arrival of the Castilians at Xetulul._\n\n144. Va[c]a te chupam huna ok ki xeul Castilan vinak; xcavinak ok\nrubeleha, ok xeul Castilan vinak Xepit Xetulul; chi hun [t]anel xcam\n[c]echevinak chiri ruma Castilan vinak, Tunatiuh Avilantaro rubi,\ncahaual ri ki xkacan ronohel ama[t]; mahaok tetamax vi quivach [c]a\ntahinok ti [t]ihalox chee, abah.\n\n 144. It was during this year that the Castilians arrived.\n Forty-nine years have passed since the Castilians came to Xepit and\n Xetulul. On the day 1 Ganel the Quiches were destroyed by the\n Castilians. Tunatiuh Avilantaro, as he was called, conquered all\n the towns. Their countenances were previously unknown and the\n people rendered homage to sticks and stones.\n\n145. Xul chi[c]a Xelahub, xeyaar chic [c]eche vinak chi camic chiri, tok\nxbokotah chi[c]a el [c]eche vinak, ronohel [c]ulelaay richin Castilan\nvinak, okix yaar chic [c]eche vinak chuvach pe Xelahub.\n\n 145. On their arrival at Xelahub, the Quiche nation was routed and\n destroyed. All of them had hastened there to oppose the Castilians;\n and there the Quiche nation was destroyed, in front of Xelahub.\n\n146. Tok xul [c]a ha tinamit [t]umarcaah, cani [c]a x[c]ul cuma ahaua\nahpop ahpop [c]amahay, cani xya patan ruma [c]eche vinak; xa[c]a cani\nxeoc ahaua pa [c]hi[c]h ruma Tunatiuh.\n\n 146. He then went to the city Gumarcaah, and there came before him\n the chiefs, the king and the next in rank, and tribute was paid by\n the Quiches; and the chiefs suffered many torments from Tunatiuh.\n\n147. Chi cahi [c]at [c]a xepe rox ahaua ahpop, ahpop [c]amahay ruma\nTunatiuh, maqui y[c]o vinak ru [c]ux Tunatiuh chi labal. Cani [c]a xpe\nru camahel Tunatiuh cu[c]in ahaua, takol richin achiha: tipe ul\nrachihilal Ahpoco[c,]il Ahpoxahil, tu camican [c]eche vinak, xcha ru\ncamahel Tunatiuh chique ahaua. Cani [c]a xtakex ru tzih Tunatiuh, ok xbe\n[c]a vomu[c]h achiha camicay richin [c]echevinak, xa[c]a ruyon ahtinamit\nxbe maqui xcaho achiha conohel chique ahaua, xa[c]a oxmul xbe achiha,\nxoc patan ruma [c]eche vinak, oh [c]a xoh be [c]amo richin Tunatiuh,\nyxnu[c]ahol.\n\n 147. On the day 4 Qat three chiefs, the king and the next in rank\n were burned alive by Tunatiuh, nor was the heart of Tunatiuh\n satisfied with war. Soon a messenger from Tunatiuh came to the\n chiefs that they should send him warriors: \"Let the warriors of the\n Ahpozotzils and Ahpoxahils come to the slaughter of the Quiches!\"\n So spoke the messenger of Tunatiuh to the chiefs. Immediately the\n words of Tunatiuh were published, and 400 men went forth to the\n slaughter of the Quiches; but they were only those of the city, the\n other warriors refusing to obey the chiefs. Only three times did\n the warriors go forth to enforce the tribute on the Quiches; then\n we also were taken by Tunatiuh, O my children.\n\n\n_Haok ki xul chi Yximche vae._\n\n _How They Now Came to Iximche._\n\n148. Ha [c]a chi hun Hunahpu, toki xul Castilan vinak pa tinamit chi\nYximchee, Tunatiuh ru bi cahaval; cani [c]a xbe [c]ulel Tunatiuh cuma\nahaua Belehe[c]at, cahi Ymox. Utz [c]a ru [c]ux Tunatiuh chique ahaua\ntoki xul pa tinamit, mani labal, xati quicot Tunatiuh ok ki xul chi\nYximchee. Quere[c]a tok xul Castilan vinak ri oher, yxnu[c]ahol, kitzih\ntixibin ok xeul, mani etaam vi quivach, he [c]abouil xe quina ahaua. Xka\nna [c]a oh ytata, oh kixoh [c,]eto culic chi Yximchee chupam Tzupam hay\nxvar vi Tunatiuh; chuca [t]ih [c]a xvachi[c] ahauh, tixibin chi achiha,\nxul ru[c]in pa ru varam xe ru tak [c]a ahaua: Nak ruma xtiban labal\nvu[c]in [c]o pe tan tin ban chive, xcha. Maquian, quere xa rumal [c]iya\nachiha caminak, vave he[c]a mixe a [c,]et vae pa hul [c]o vi qui\nni[c]ahal, xecha ahaua, quere [c]atok xoc pa rochoch ahauh [c]hicbal ri.\n\n 148. It was on the day 1 Hunahpu when the Castilians arrived at\n Iximche with their chief, Tunatiuh. The people went forth to meet\n Tunatiuh with the chiefs Belehe Qat and Cahi Ymox. Good was the\n heart of Tunatiuh when he entered the city with the chiefs. There\n was no fighting and Tunatiuh rejoiced when he entered Iximche. Thus\n did the Castilians enter of yore, O my children; but it was a\n fearful thing when they entered; their faces were strange, and the\n chiefs took them for gods. We, even we, your father, saw them when\n they first set foot in Iximche, at the palace of Tzupam, where\n Tunatiuh slept. The chief came forth, and truly he frightened the\n warriors; he came from his chamber and called the rulers: \"Why do\n you make war with me, when I also can make it?\" said he. \"Not at\n all. Why should so many warriors find their death? Do you see any\n pitfalls among them?\" So replied the chiefs, and he went to the\n house of the chief Chicbal.\n\n149. Cani[c]a labal xu[c]utuh Tunatiuh chique ahaua, xecha [c]a ahaua:\ncay [c]ovi nu labal [c,]utuhil, Panatacat, at [c]abouil, xucheex [c]a\ncuma ahaua. Xa[c]a hunobix xi[c]o rubana Tunatiuh pa tinamit; tok xcam\n[c,]utuhile ruma Castilan vinak, ha chi vuku Camey xcamicax [c,]utuhile\nruma Tunatiuh.\n\n 149. Then Tunatiuh agreed to join the chiefs in their wars, and the\n chiefs said to him:--\"O thou God, we have two wars, one with the\n Tzutuhils, one at Panatacat.\" Thus spake the chiefs. Only five days\n after, Tunatiuh went forth from the capital. Then the Tzutuhils\n were conquered by the Castilians. It was the day 7 Camey that the\n Tzutuhils were destroyed by the Castilians.\n\n150. Xe[c]a huvinak voo chi [t]ih xi[c]o rubana pa tinamit, ok xbe\nTunatiuh Cuzcatan xi[c]o cam apon Atacat; ha chi cay Queh xcam Atacat\nruma Castilan vinak ronohel [c]a achiha; xebe ru[c]in Tunatiuh camicay\nrichin Yaqui.\n\n 150. Twenty-five days afterwards Tunatiuh went forth from the\n capital to Cuzcatan going there to destroy Atacat. On the day 2\n Queh, Atacat was slain by the Castilians, with all his warriors.\n There went with Tunatiuh all his Mexicans to this battle.\n\n151. Ha [c]a chi lahuh Hunahpu, xul chic ok xpe Cuzcatan, xa ru cavinak\nxbe ru bana Cuzcatan, ok xul chic pa tinamit. Tok xu[c]utuh [c]a\nTunatiuh hun quimeal ahaua, xya [c]a chirichin Tunatiuh ri cumal ahaua.\n\n 151. On the day 10 Hunahpu he returned from Cuzcatan. He had been\n absent only 40 days to make the conquest at Cuzcatan when he\n returned to the capital. Then Tunatiuh asked for a daughter of one\n of the chiefs, and she was given to Tunatiuh by the chiefs.\n\n\n_Qutubal [c]a puak vae._\n\n _A Demand for Money is made._\n\n152. Tok x[c]utux [c]a qui puvak ahaua ruma Tunatiuh; xrah naek [c]a\nyari xaki molom puvak xa tzimay, xa [c]al vach: maqui [c]a xu[c]am\nxacani xcakar Tunatiuh chique ahaua, xcha: Nak rumal maqui ti ya puvak\nchuvichin, maquipe vave ulinak vi ru puak ronohel ama[t] avu[c]in,\ntauaho pe cat nu poroh, cat nu hi[c,]ah, xeucheex ahaua.\n\n 152. Then Tunatiuh began to ask the chiefs for money. He wished\n that they should give him jars full of precious metals, and even\n their drinking cups and crowns. Not receiving anything, Tunatiuh\n became angry and said to the chiefs: \"Why have you not given me the\n metal? If you do not bring me the precious metal in all your towns,\n choose then, for I shall burn you alive and hang you.\" Thus did he\n speak to the chiefs.\n\n153. Tok xu[t]at [c]a Tunatiuh oxo[t]opeto chi [t]ana puvak, xquitih\nchi[c]a ahaua ru [t]ipuxic, xeo[t] ahaua chuvach; xax maqui vi xraho\nchic Tunatiuh, xa xcha: Ti vechaah pe ri puak obix tiya. Vue [c]a maqui\nti ya chiri, ti vetamah [c]a nu [c]ux, xeucheex ahaua. Cani x[c,]ak can\nxca retal, tok xquimol [c]a ahaua qui puak ronohel [c]a ru mam ahauh ru\n[c]ahel ahauh, xu ya ru puak, xutih ru [t]ih vinak ruma ahaua.\n\n 153. Then Tunatiuh cut from three of them the gold ornaments they\n wore in their ears. The chiefs suffered keenly from this violence,\n and wept before him. But Tunatiuh was not troubled, and said: \"I\n tell you that I want the gold here within five days. Wo to you if\n you do not give it. I know my heart.\" So said he to the chiefs. The\n word was then given. The chiefs gathered together all their metals,\n those of the parents and children of the king, and all that the\n chiefs could get from the people.\n\n154. Ki [c]a tini[c]ahar ru yaic puak chire Tunatiuh, tok x[c]utun hun\nachi [c]axto[c]: Yn cakolahay, tincamicah Castilan vinak, xcha chique\nahaua; xa pa [t]a[t] queyaar vi, tin [t]ocih tinamit que el [c]a el ahau\n[c]haka ya, ha [c]a chi vuku ahmak tinban, xcha achi ri [c]axto[c]\nchique ahaua. Kitzih [c]a xqui na ahaua, xoquecax ru tzih achij cuma, ki\n[c]a ti ni[c]ahar can ru yaic puvak ok xoh pax.\n\n 154. While they were gathering the gold for Tunatiuh, a priest of\n the Demon showed himself: \"I am the lightning; I will destroy the\n Castilians.\" So said he to the chiefs. \"I will destroy them by\n fire. When I beat the drum let the chiefs come forth and go to the\n other bank of the river. This I shall do on the day 7 Ahmak.\" Thus\n did this priest of the Demon speak to the chiefs. Truly the chiefs\n thought that they should trust in the words of this man. It was\n when they were gathering the gold that we went forth.\n\n\n_Haok ki xoh pax pa tinamit vae._\n\n _How We went forth from the City._\n\n155. Chi vuku Ahmak [c]a xban paxic. Haoki xtole can tinamit chi\nYximchee, xa[c]a ruma ri achi [c]axto[c], ok xeel ahaua; vue kitzih\nxticam Tunatiuh, quecha; tan mani labal chu [c]ux Tunatiuh, tan ti qui\ncot ruma puvak tan ti ya. Xa rumal achi ri [c]axto[c], tok xtole can ka\ntinamit, chi vuku ahmak, yx nu[c]ahol.\n\n 155. The day 7 Ahmak was that of the going forth. They deserted the\n city of Iximche on account of the priest of the Demon, and the\n chiefs left it. \"Yes, truly, Tunatiuh shall die,\" said they. \"There\n is no more war in the heart of Tunatiuh, as he now rejoices in the\n gold given him.\" Thus it was that our city was abandoned on the day\n 7 Ahmak on account of a priest of the Demon, O my children.\n\n156. Xe na chi vi naek [c]a ahaua ruma Tunatiuh; xlauheher ok kopax pa\ntinamit, oki xtiquer labal ruma Tunatiuh; chi cahi Camey xtiquer ka\ncamic ruma Castilah vinak, haok xtiquer pokonal chikih; xoh pax xe chee,\nxe[c]am, yxnu[c]ahol, ronohel [c]a ama[t], xoh camican ru[c]in Tunatiuh;\nhaok xti[c]e xeapon ri Castilan vinak, xel [c]a pa tinamit xu tolobacan.\nTok xe[c]ulelax [c]a Castilan vinak cuma Cakchiquel vinak, xban he\n[c]otoh, xban [c]a hulqueh, cimah xecamicabex, xa ki labal chic xban\nruma vinak. He [c]a [c]iy Castilan vinak xecam, quere[c]a queh xcam pa\nhul queh, xyaar [c]a ri [c]echevinak, [c,]utuhile, quere[c]a ronohel\nama[t] xyaar ruma Cakchiquel vinak. Quere[c]a x[c]ohe vi ruxla ri ruma\nCastilan vinak, x[c]ohe navipe ruxla ruma ama[t] ronohel; xbeleh vinak\nok [c]a ko pax pa tinamit chi Iximchee, ok xel ru beleha.\n\n 156. But what the chiefs did was soon known to Tunatiuh. Ten days\n after we had left the city, war was begun by Tunatiuh. On the day 4\n Camey began our destruction. Then began our misery. We scattered in\n the forests; all our towns were taken, O my children; we were\n slaughtered by Tunatiuh. The Castilians entered the city and they\n arrived as to a deserted spot. From that time the Castilians were\n hated by the Cakchiquels. They made trenches, they dug pitfalls,\n that the horses might be killed, and war was waged by their men.\n Many men of the Castilians were slain, and many horses killed in\n the pitfalls. The Quiches and Tzutuhils were destroyed and all\n their villages ruined by the Cakchiquels. Only thus did the\n Castilians let them live, and only thus were they let live by all\n the villagers. One hundred and eighty days after the desertion of\n the city of Iximche was completed the ninth year (of the second\n cycle).\n\nChi cay Ah, xel humay beleha ru banic yuhuh.\n\n On the day 2 Ah was completed the 29th year after the Revolt.\n\n157. Chupam ru lauha vae ki tan tiban labal ru[c]in Castilan vinak,\ntanti [c]ilibem Xepau ruma Castilan vinak chiri chupam ru lauha, kitan\nti yao ri labal xu[c]am ru covil vinak.\n\n 157. During the tenth year the war continued with the Castilians.\n But the Castilians having received aid in this tenth year at Xepau,\n carried on the war with such vigor that they destroyed the forces\n of the nation.\n\n158. Ok xbokotah [c]a el Tunatiuh Xepau, xax coco ok xel mani xelah\nvinak chuvach; xvakvinak ok ru caba kopax pe pa tinamit ok xtolecan\nxbenam [c]a richin ok xi[c]o ru [c]ata can tinamit Tunatiuh, chi cahi\nCamey xuporoh can tinamit, vak vinak ru caba chi labal xbanok xtzolih.\n\n 158. Tunatiuh then went forth from Xepau, and so harassed us that\n the people would not come before him. There were lacking one\n hundred and twenty days to complete two years since we had\n abandoned the capital, now deserted, when Tunatiuh came there on\n his march in order to set fire to the city. On the day 4 Camey, two\n years less six months after the beginning of the war, he set fire\n to the capital and returned.\n\nChi cablahuh Ah xel humay lauha yuhuh.\n\n On the day 12 Ah was completed the 30th year after the Revolt.\n\n159. Chupam huna vae xuxlan vican halal ka [c]ux xavi e [c]oh ahaua\nconohel Cahi Ymox Belehe[c]at, mani xtzak chuvach Castilan vinak, tan\n[c]a oh [c]oh chila Holom Balam, yxnu[c]ahol.\n\n 159. In the course of this year we breathed for a little, as did\n also the kings Cahi Ymox and Belehe Qat. They had not lost all hope\n before the Castilians, and they maintained themselves at\n Holombalam, O my children.\n\n160. Xhunabir ok [c]a ru[c]in huvinak, titole can ruma Tunatiuh ok xul\nchic Castilan vinak Chij xot; chi hun Caok, xtiquer chic ka camic ruma\nCastilan vinak, x[c]ulelaax chic ruma vinak, xyaloh chic labal xban.\nXavi x[c]hub chic chi camic, mani xyao patan ronohel huyu, xa hala chic\nmatel humay hulauha yuhuh ok xul chic Chij xot.\n\n 160. One year and twenty days had passed since the places had been\n made desolate by Tunatiuh, when the Castilians arrived at Chiixot.\n On the day 1 Caok our slaughter by the Castilians began. They\n fought with the nation and persisted in war. Death ravaged us\n again, but the whole country continued to refuse tribute. There was\n not much lacking of the 31st year after the revolt when they came\n to Chiixot.\n\nChi belehe Ah, [c]a xel humay hulauha yuhuh.\n\n On the day 9 Ah was completed the 31st year after the Revolt.\n\n161. Chupam huna chic vae, xavi tanti tahin labal ruma Castilan vinak\nxutuloba chi can Chij xot, haok ki xla[t]abex Bulbuxya ruma Castilan\nvinak, vave chupam huna ki xyaloh vi labal xmani vi xyao patan ruma\nronohel huyu.\n\n 161. In the course of the following year, while the Castilians were\n engaged in war, Chiixot was abandoned. Then Bulbuxya was occupied\n by the Castilians. During this year the war was continued, but the\n whole country refused the tribute.\n\n\n_Roquebal [c]a patan vae._\n\n _The Beginning of the Tribute._\n\n162. Xvolahuvinak ok ti [c]utun Chij xot, ok xoc patan chuvach capitan\ncuma [c]hinta Queh, vove chuvi Tzolola chi vakaki [c,]i [c]a xoc patan,\nhaok xalax nu [c]ahol Diego Pabo Cotanoh [c]ovi, ok xatalax chi vakaki\n[c,]ij, at nu[c]ahol, haok xtiquer chic patanihic; huley chivi chi pokon\nxka[c]am chic, xkacolah can ri labal. Camul ki chi nimak chi camic\nxkaban.\n\n 162. Three hundred days after Chiixot was taken, began the payment\n of tribute to the Captain by Chinta Queh. It was here at Tzolola,\n on the day 6 Tzi, that the tribute began. At that time was born my\n son. Diego Pabo Cotanoh. Thou wert born, O my son, on that day, 6\n Tzi, on which the tribute began. Deep, indeed, were the sufferings\n we underwent to escape from the wars, and twice we were on the\n point of losing our life.\n\nChi vakaki Ah, xel humay cablauha yuhuh.\n\n On the day 6 Ah was completed the 32d year after the Revolt.\n\n163. Xvahxak vinak ok ru caba, toc patan ok xcam ahauh Ahtun Cuc Tihax,\nchi vakaki Akbal xcam. Xavi [c]a maha que [c]utun ahaua Ahpopco[c,]il,\nAhpopxahil chiri.\n\n 163. It was two years less one hundred and twenty days after the\n beginning of the tribute when died the chief Ahtun cuc Tihax. He\n died on the day 6 Akbal. The chiefs Ahpopzotzil and Ahpopxahil had\n not yet submitted.\n\nChi oxi Ah, xel humay oxlauha.\n\n On the day 3 Ah was completed the 33d year.\n\n164. Chupam huna ok xe[c]utun chic ahaua, ahpop Co[c,]il ahpop Xahil,\nchuvach Tunatiuh, cahvinak ruvaka xquiban ahaua xe chee xe[c]am, maqui\n[c]a xax cutzih ahaua xeba, [c]hi[c]h tal qui[c]amic ruma Tunatiuh, xax\n[c]atun qui tzihol ahaua chuvach Tunatiuh. Ha [c]a chi vuku Ahmak\nxebokotah el ahaua, xeapon Paruyaal Chay, tzatz chi ahaua xcuchu ri\nronohel [c]a ru mam ahauh, ru [c]ahol ahauh, xbe tzatz chi vinak\ncachbiyil ahaua. Chi vahxaki Noh [c]a xeapon Panchoy, xa[c]a tiquicot\nTunatiuh chique ahaua, tok x[c,]et chic quivach ruma Tunatiuh.\n\n 164. In the course of this year the chiefs Ahpopzotzil and\n Ahpopxahil came before Tunatiuh. For eighty-six days these chiefs\n had hid in the woods. Not only did they wish to come forth, but\n their labors and sufferings were known to Tunatiuh, and the memory\n of these chiefs came to Tunatiuh. On the day 7 Ahmak the chiefs\n decided to come forth. When they arrived at Paruyaal chay, many\n chiefs, all the fathers of the chiefs and their sons, and a\n multitude of people accompanied the chiefs. On the day 8 Noh they\n reached Panchoy. Then Tunatiuh rejoiced with the chiefs, when their\n faces were seen again before Tunatiuh.\n\nChi oxlahuh Ah xel humay cahlauha yuhuh.\n\n On the day 13 Ah was completed the 36th year after the revolt.\n\n[_I append the translation of the remainder of what I believe to be the\noriginal work (see Introduction, page 58); but as its contents are of\nlittle general interest, I omit the text._]\n\n165. During this year frightful imposts were levied; they paid gold and\nsilver before the face of Tunatiuh, and there were demanded as tribute\nfive hundred men and five hundred women to go to the gold washings; all\nthe people were busy seeking gold. Five hundred men and five hundred\nwomen were also demanded by Tunatiuh to aid in building Pangan for his\nprincely residence. All that, yes, all that, we ourselves witnessed, O\nmy children.\n\nOn the 10th Ah was completed the 35th year after the Revolt.\n\n166. Forty days were lacking to complete three years from the date of\nthe submission of the kings when Belehe Qat died. He died on the 7th\nQueh, when employed in washing for gold and silver. As soon as he was\ndead Tunatiuh set to work to appoint his successor. The prince Don Jorge\nwas appointed by the sole command of Tunatiuh. There was no council held\nnor assembly to confirm him. Tunatiuh gave his orders to the princes and\nthey obeyed him; for, truly, he made himself feared.\n\nOn the 7th Ah was completed the 36th year after the revolt.\n\n167. Three hundred and forty days after the death of Belehe Qat the\nprinces were forced to place Don Jorge in possession of the throne. His\nfather was Don Juan Xuares.\n\nOh[TN-23] the 4th Ah was completed the 37th year after the revolt.\n\n168. In the course of this year the king Cahi Ymox Ahpozotzil withdrew\nand went to inhabit the capital. He intended to separate from the\nothers, because the tribute had been imposed on all the chiefs, even on\nthe king himself.\n\nOn the 1st Ah was completed the 38th year after the revolt.\n\n169. During this year Tunatiuh departed for Castile, making new\nconquests on his road. Thus he destroyed those of Tzutzumpan and of\nCholoma; and many other towns were destroyed by Tunatiuh. There occurred\nan unheard of event at Tzutzumpan. I saw Hunahpu tremble a litle[TN-24]\nwhile before the prince Mantunalo arrived here. Tunatiuh went to\nCastile, leaving Tzutzumpan.\n\nOn the 11th Ah was completed the 39th year after the revolt.\n\n170. In the course of the year, on the 11th Noh, Prince Mantunalo\narrived. The prince Mantunalo arrived to relieve the nation from its\nsufferings; the washing for gold and silver promptly ceased, and the\ntribute of young men and women ceased; the burnings alive and the\nhangings ceased, and, indeed, all the various acts of violence of the\nCastilians and the imposts which they had forcibly laid upon us. The\nroads were once more frequented by travelers when the Prince Mantunalo\narrived, as they had been eight years before, when the imposts were\nfirst laid upon us, O my children.\n\nOn the 8th Ah was completed the 40th year after the revolt.\n\nOn the 5th Ah was completed the first year of the third cycle.\n\n171. Before the close of the second year of the third cycle, the prince\nTunatiuh arrived, landing at Porto Cavayo. When Tunatiuh came back from\nCastile with the position of commander, each of us went before him to\nreceive him, O my children. It was then that he killed with his sword\nthe Ah-tzib Caok on account of his lineage; it was on the day 11 Ahmak\nthat he killed the Ah-tzib.\n\nOn the day 2 Ah was completed the second year of the third cycle.\n\n172. One hundred and twenty days after the death of Ahtzib and of the\nreturn of Tunatiuh to Panchoy, the prince Mantunalo departed, leaving\nTunatiuh in command. Two hundred and sixty days after his return,\nTunatiuh hanged the king Ahpozotzil Cahi Ymox, on the day 13 Ganel.\nThey hanged with him Quixavit Caok, by order of Tunatiuh.\n\nOn the day 12 Ah was completed the third year of the third cycle.\n\n173. Two hundred and eighty days after the execution of the king\nAhpozotzil he hanged Chuvy Tziquinu, prince of the city, who had angered\nhim. They hanged him on the day 4 Can at Paxaya. They seized him on the\nroad and executed him secretly. Seventeen other chiefs were hanged at\nthe same time. On the day 4 Ig[TN-25] the chief Chicbal, who had caused\nthe death of Chuvy Tziquinu, was hanged in his turn, and with him\nNimabah and Quehchun. Meanwhile, Tunatiuh had left for Xuchipillan,\nappointing as his lieutenant and to see to the hangings, Don Francisco,\nwho attended to them. One hundred days after the prince Chicbal had been\nhanged, came the news that Tunatiuh had met his death at Xuchipillan.\n\nOn the day 9 Ah was completed the fourth year of the third cycle after\nthe revolt.\n\n174. In the course of this year there was a great disaster which\ndestroyed the Castilians at Panchoy. On the day 2 Tihax the waters burst\nfrom the mountain Hunahpu, rushing out from the interior of the\nmountain, and enveloped the Castilians in destruction. The wife of\nTunatiuh was then drowned.\n\n\n_When Our Instruction Began._\n\nOne hundred and sixty days after this disaster there arrived at our\nhouse our fathers of St. Dominic, Brother Pedro Anculo and Brother Juan\nde Torres. They arrived from Mexico on the day 12 Batz, and we began to\nreceive instruction from our fathers of St. Dominic. Then also appeared\nthe Doctrina in our language. Our fathers, Brother Pedro and Brother\nJuan were the first who taught us the word of God. Until that time the\nword and the commandments of God were unknown to us; we had lived in\ndarkness, for no one had spoken to us of the doctrine of God. There\nwere also the fathers of St. Francis, Father Alamicer and Father\nClerico, with those of St. Dominic, who spoke to us. They translated the\nDoctrina into our language, and we were soon instructed by them.\n\nOn the day 6 Ah was completed the fifth year of the third cycle.\n\nOn the day 3 Ah was completed the sixth year of the third cycle after\nthe revolt.\n\nOn the day 13 Ah was completed the seventh year.\n\n175. In the course of the year our fathers of St. Dominic separated from\nthose of St. Francis, on account of ashes; the latter went away. Ashes\nwere not given by our Fathers of St. Dominic; therefore, those of St.\nFrancis went away.\n\nOn the day 10 Ah was completed the 8th year of the third cycle.\n\nOn the day 7 Ah was completed the 9th year of the third cycle after the\nrevolt.\n\n176. In the course of the year the licentiate Don Juan Roxer arrived.\n\n\n_They Begin to Group the Houses._\n\nOne hundred and six days after they had really begun to teach us the\nword of God, then they commenced to gather together the houses in\ngroups, by order of the ruler, Juan Roser, and the people came forth\nfrom their caves and ravines. On the day 7 Caok the capital was\nrepeopled, and we were there with all the tribes.\n\nOn the day 4 Ah was completed the 10th year of the third cycle after the\nrevolt.\n\nOn the day 1 Ah was completed the 11th year of the third cycle after the\nrevolt.\n\n177. In the course of the year the President Cerrado arrived, while the\nlicentiate Pedro Ramirez was still here. When he arrived he condemned\nthe Castilians; he set free the slaves and prisoners of the Castilians,\ndiminished by one-half the imposts, put an end to forced labor, and\nobliged the Castilians to pay all for their work, little or great. This\nPrince Cerrado truly solaced the afflictions of our nation; for I,\nmyself, O my children, was a witness of the many miseries which we\nendured.\n\nOn the day 11 Ah was completed the 12th year of the third cycle.\n\nOn the day 8 Ah was completed the 13th year of the third cycle.\n\n178. In the course of the year died the Ahtzib Juan Perez; he died on\nthe day 12 Tihax. Eighty days after the death of the Ahtzib, there was\nan eruption of the mountain Chigag; it was on the day 9 Ah that the fire\nappeared in the mountain.\n\nOn the day 5 Ah was completed the 14th year of the third cycle.\n\n179. During this year arrived the iron bell; it came from the emperor of\nCastile; it reached us on the day 3 Hunahpu, which was on a Friday.\nTwenty days after the arrival of the iron bell, the licentiate Ramirez\ntried to kill the prince bishop at Pangan, the governor Cerrado being\npresent. The door of the church was forced by Ramirez. This took place\non a day 2 Can, on a Thursday. One hundred and sixty days after these\nleaders had come to blows at Pangan, all our fathers of St. Francis and\nSt. Dominic came to blows in their turn at Xelahub, the former having\ntried to wrest Xelahub from the Dominicans.\n\nOn the day 2 Ah was completed the 15th year of the third cycle.\n\n180. In the course of this year the locusts (grasshoppers) reappeared.\nIt was on the day 12 Tziquin, the day after the Visitation, that the\ngrasshoppers came. They passed over all parts of the country, and we saw\nthem with you, my children.\n\nOn the day 12 Ah was completed the 16th year of the third cycle.\n\n181. During the course of this year arrived the President Doctor\nQuexata; it was on a day 2 Hunahpu that that ruler arrived here, coming\nfrom Mexico. They were celebrating the feast of the circumcision. The\ngovernor Cerrado was here when he arrived. When the Doctor Quexata had\nalmost arrived, the President Cerrado died. There was but little between\nthem. Then the Doctor Quexata died. He did not condemn any one, because\nhe had no time. But the ruler Cerrado condemned (the Castilians), for he\ndid what was right. About the same time died the chief Don Francisco\nAhpozotzil; it was on the day 1 Can, a Monday, the 14th day of the month\nOctober, that he died. It was in this year that he died that the\nnativity of our Saviour Jesus Christ came on the day 1 Batz.\n\nOn the day 9 Ah was completed the 17th year of the third cycle.\n\n182. Forty days after the death of the chief Don Francisco, died our\nFather Fray Domingo de Vico in Acalan. Truly, with great tortures was he\nput to death by the tribe. Twenty days after the death of our father in\nAcalan, Father Fray Francisco de la Para was exiled by the bishop and\nthe ruler Ramirez. This took place on Easter day.\n\nOn the day 6 Ah was completed the 18th year of the third cycle.\n\n183. At this time died Alonzo de Pazon, the day 12 Ganel.\n\nIn the 13th month of the year, the day of Sanctiago at Pangan occurred\non the day 1 Tziquin. On that day the Castilians at Pangan had great\nrejoicings, because on that day was inaugurated as supreme monarch over\nin Castile the Emperor Don Peliphe. There were then three rulers, the\nPrince Ramirez, the Doctor Mercia and Louaisa. They held court at\nPanchoy. In the 14th month of the year, after this day of Sanctiago,\nthere came an order from Ramirez. He imposed a tribute on members of the\nnobility among the people. He also made provision for the surplusage of\nthe tribute. There had never been a surplus under the chiefs; it was\nknown to be stolen, but no one knew by whom. The maize tax was reduced\nand that of roast fowls, and none of the chiefs could steal anything\nfrom the surplus. This order of Ramirez was promulgated on the day of\nSt. Francis, a Monday, the day 7 Camey. Twenty days after the\npromulgation of the order of Ramirez, the Book of the Doctrina was\npublished, on the day of Saints, a Monday; but many would not accept the\nDoctrina, but refused it.\n\nOn the day 3 Ah was completed the 19th year of the third cycle after the\nrevolt.\n\n184. The Alcaldes in the year 1557 were Don Juan Juarez and Don\nFrancisco Fez.\n\nIn the course of the year an incursion was made to destroy the\nLacantuns. It was on the day 5 Ey that the ruler Ramirez sallied forth\nas general, and Don Martin went also as general, twenty days before the\nclose of the third cycle.\n\nDon Juan Juarez and Francisco Pez Martin were chosen as Alcaldes, to\nissue orders. (_Note by a later writer:_ These were the first Alcaldes,\nand with them began the elections.)\n\nOn the day 13 Ah was completed the third cycle since the Revolt was\nmade. The third cycle was completed in the year 1558.\n\n185. When we were in the eleventh month of the year, a President Royal\narrived, on the day 3 Qat. When he arrived at Pangan on 1 Akbal, Don\nDiego Pez was inaugurated as chief by the ruler Ramirez.\n\nSix months after the arrival of the President at Pangan, began here\nagain the pestilence which had formerly raged among the people. It came\nfrom a distance. It was truly terrible when this death was sent among us\nby the great God. Many families bowed their heads before it. The people\nwere seized with a chill and then a fever; blood issued from the nose;\nthere was a cough, and the throat and nose were swollen, both in the\nlesser and the greater pestilence. All here were soon attacked. These\nmaladies began, O my children, on the day of the Circumcision, a Monday,\nand as I was writing, we also were attacked with the disease.\n\nDiego Ernandez Xahil and Francisco Ernandez Galel Bagahol were Alcaldes\nin the year 1559.\n\nThe first year of the fourth cycle since the revolt was completed on the\nday 10 Ah.\n\n\n\n\nNOTES.\n\n\n1. The author begins by stating his purpose in a few lines.\n\n_xtinu[c,]ibah_, future of _[c,]ibah_, to write, originally to paint.\n\n_xeboco_, past tense, third person, plural, of the absolute form of\n_boc_, here, as often, used actively. Compare _Gram._, p. 49.\n\n_la[t]abex_, passive of _la[t]abeh_, to inhabit, to settle.\n\n_huyu ta[t]ah_, hills and plains, or, the interior and the coast; an\nexpression meaning the whole country.\n\n_que cha_, they say, used as the French _on dit_, indicating that the\nwriter is reporting the words of another.\n\n_ki_, an intensive or affirmative particle, thrown in to add strength to\nthe expression.\n\n_ka tata_, our fathers, _ka mama_, our grandfathers and ancestors more\nremote than fathers. These terms are to be understood in a general\nsense.\n\n_yx nu qahol_, you my sons, or _yx ka qahol_, you our sons, intimates\nthat this account was prepared for the family of the writer.\n\n_pa Tulan._ The prep. _pa_ (before a vowel _pan_) means in, at, to, and\nfrom. Torresano (_MS. Gram._) renders it by the Latin _ad_, _pro_,\n_absque_, _ab_, _de_, _e_, _ex_. Brasseur translates these words \"being\nstill in Tulan,\" which does not make sense.\n\n2. _[t]a[t]avitz_, _Zactecauh_. Both these names of the ancestral heroes\nof the Cakchiquels appear to be partly Nahuatl. _[t]a[t]_ is \"fire,\" and\n_Zak_ is \"white,\" both Cakchiquel words, but _vitzli_, thorn, and\n_techatl_, the stone of sacrifice, are Nahuatl.\n\n_[c]haka palouh_, the other side of the sea. The word _palouh_ appears\nto be derived from the verb _paloh_, to lift onesself up, to rise,\nreferring to the waves.\n\n_pe vi_, and _vi pe_; on the use of the particle _vi_, see _Grammar_, p.\n63.\n\n_pa Tulan ru bi huyu_, from the country or place called Tulan. The word\n_huyu_ usually means hill or mountain; but it is frequently used in the\nvague sense of \"place,\" \"locality.\"\n\n_achij_, men, _viri_, not _homines_, which latter is _vinak_.\n\n_Xahila_, a plural form. The name maybe derived from _xahoh_, to dance\nin the sacred or ceremonial dances; or from _ahila_, to reckon or\nnumber.\n\n3. _chinamit_, the sub-gens. On this see the Introduction. The our[TN-26]\nreferred to include the Xahila, mentioned in the previous paragraph.\nThese four, the Xahila, the Gekaquch, the Baqahol, and the Cibaki,\nformed the tribe; the remaining four, the Caveki, the Ah Queh, the Ah\nPak, and the Ykomagi, were of the same lineage, but not in the\nconfederacy.\n\n_Daqui_; the letter _d_ does not occur either in Cakchiquel or Nahuatl.\nThe foreign aspect of some of these names seems to point to an ancient\ninfluence of some allophyllic tongue.\n\n4. _He [c]a [c]oh_, etc. The writer here states that he gives the exact\nwords of the ancient tradition. He probably wrote the text from some\nantique chant, which had been handed down from his ancestors. The\nquotation begins at the words _Cahi xpe_, and continues to near the\nclose of the next paragraph, where the words _xecha can ri\n[t]a[t]avitz_, the above spoke Gagavitz, etc., mark its termination.\nThis is one of the most obscure passages in the book. The original text\nis given by Brasseur among his _pieces justificatives_, in the appendix\nto the first volume of his _Hist. du Mexique_. A comparison with his\ntranslation will show that in several important constructions I differ\nfrom him.\n\nThe mythological references to Tulan, [c]abouil, the Chay Abah,\nXibilbay, etc., have been discussed in the Introduction. The passage\ncorresponds to the first chapter of the third book of the Popol Vuh.\n\n_Tulan_, _Tullan_; these variations are in the original.\n\n5. The particle _tan_, with which the paragraph opens, throws the\nnarrative into the \"historical present,\" for the sake of greater\nvividness. The verb _[c,]ak_, as at present used, means to make bricks,\netc., out of earth.\n\n_xtiho_; translated by Brasseur, \"the trial was made;\" but it is the\nimperfect passive of _tih_, which means \"to give to another something to\neat or drink.\"\n\n_xaki_, plural of _xak_, generic word for leaf.\n\n_utiuh_, _koch_; besides these, two other animals are named in the Popol\nVuh.\n\n_achak_ is the general word for excrement, either of men or brutes;\nalso, refuse, waste products in general.\n\n_tiuh tiuh_ is the name of a small variety of hawk. \"_El gavilan\npequeno_.\" Guzman, _Compendio de Nombres en Lengua Cakchiquel_. MS.\n\n_mani [c]a x[c]hao_, \"and he talked not.\" The connective _[c]a_, like\n_navipe_, and _pe_, all three of which may usually be translated by\n\"and,\" is not placed at the beginning of the clause. _[c]ha_ is to speak\nin the general sense; hence, _[c]habal_, a language. Synonyms of this\nare _tin cha_, I say; _tin tzihoh_, I speak words, I harangue; _tin\nbiih_, I name, I express myself; and _quin ucheex_, I tell or say,\nespecially used in repeating what others have said (Coto,\n_Vocabulario_). These words are of frequent use in the text.\n\n_Rubanic chay abah ri [c,]apal_, etc.; this obscure passage was, I\nthink, entirely misunderstood by Brasseur. The word _[c,]apal_ is\nderived from the neuter form _[c,]ape_ of the active _tin [c,]apih_, I\nshut up or enclose, and means \"that which is shut up,\" _lo cerrado_, and\n_[c,]apibal_, the active form in the next line, means \"that which shuts\nup,\" _i. e._, gates or doors. It will be remembered (see ante, p. 26)\nthat the gates of Iximche were constructed partly of, or ornamented\nwith, obsidian, and the same is supposed here of the gates of the\nmythical city or place of Tulan.\n\n_ki-kan_; our burden, our tribute. The passage seems to indicate that\nthey left their former country to escape subjection.\n\n_[c]oh qui tzih_; the passage may be translated \"theirs were the words\nwhich incited us,\" _i. e._, to revolt and to depart.\n\n6. The articles mentioned as paid in the tribute, have been described in\nthe Introduction (see p. 39).\n\n7. \"So spoke the Obsidian Stone,\" _i. e._, the sacred oracle, referred\nto as the final arbiter. See ante, p. 26.\n\n\"The wood and stone which deceive,\" that is, the idols of wood and stone\nwhich they worshiped.\n\n8. This paragraph is obscure, and the numerous erasures in Brasseur's\ntranslation indicate the difficulty he found in discovering its meaning.\n\n9. _[c]holloh tacaxepeval rikan [c]eche_; Brasseur translates this:\n\"_Malheureux etaient[TN-27] les fils et les vassaux des Quiches._\" I take\nthe word _tacaxepeval_ to be the name of the first month in the\nCakchiquel calendar (see ante, p. 29); and _[c]olloh_ means \"to divest\nourselves of, to get rid of.\"\n\n13. This and the following section describes the efforts of certain\ninimical powers, under the guise of birds, to obstruct and deceive the\nCakchiquels. The _chahalcivan_ is a small bird which builds in the rocky\nsides of the ravines, and is called by the Spaniards by a literal\ntranslation, \"_El guarda barranca_,\" the gully-guard. The _tucur_ is the\nowl; this name being apparently an abbreviation of the Nahuatl\n_tecolotl_. The bird called _[c]anixt_ is the Spanish _cotorra_, a\nsmall species of parrot. (Guzman, _Compendio de Nombres_, MS.)\n\nOn the word _labalinic_, see Introduction, p. 47.\n\n14. The owl sat on the red tree, the _caka chee_, whence, as we learn\nlater, the tribe derived its name, Cakchiquel--a doubtful derivation.\n\n_Chee abah_, wood and stone; understood to refer to the idols of these\nsubstances.\n\n_Ca[t]ih_, for _Cak[t]ih_, the spring. Father Coto has the following\nunder the words: \"_Estio vel verano, Cak[t]ih; pa cak [t]ih_, en el\nestio vel verano. Y nota que los que nosotros decimos en saliendo el\nverano, o que quando para, estos lo entrinden al contrario; porque\ndecin, _mixel cak [t]ih, mani chic ru [t]ih hab_, ya salio el verano, no\nay mas aguero.\"\n\n16. The _cak chee_, red tree, is translated by Father Guzman, \"arbol de\ncarreta.\" The legendary derivation of the name Cakchiquel from this is\ndoubtful. _[c]hamey_ may mean something more than staff; it is applied\nto the staff of office, the _baton de commandement_ carried by the\nalguacils, etc.\n\nThe whole paragraph is obscure, but seems to describe their leaving the\nsandy shore of the sea, passing out of sight of land, then coming in\nsight of it again, and going ashore.\n\n17. The word _ikan_, burden, here as elsewhere, is usually translated by\nBrasseur, \"tribute.\"\n\n18. _Ah chay_, literally, \"master of obsidian.\" As this stone was\nlargely used for arrow heads and other weapons, the expression in this\nconnection seems to mean \"master of arms.\" _Ah [c]am_, from _[c]am_, to\ntake, seize. Brasseur construes these words as in apposition to _vach_:\n\"Whom shall we make our master of arms,\" etc.\n\n_Etamayom_, from the root _et_, mark, sign; _etamah_, to know, to be\nskilled in an art; _etamayom_, he who knows (see _Grammar_, pp. 27, 56).\nBrasseur's rendering, \"_le Voyant_,\" is less accurate. See his\ntranslation of this passage in the _Hist. du Mexique_, Tome II, p. 92.\n\n_[c]okikan_; Brasseur gives to this the extraordinary rendering,\n\"parfumes d'ambre.\" But Coto states that it was the term applied to the\nloads of roasted maize, which were the principal sustenance of the\nnatives on their journeys.\n\n19. The narration continues in the words of the ancestral heroes, who\nspeak in the first person, plural.\n\n_Nonovalcat_, _Xulpit_; the first of these names is decidedly Nahuatl,\nand recurs in the _Maya Chronicles_. See Introduction, p. 44. The second\nis clearly of Maya origin. These localities are located by Brasseur on\nthe Laguna de Terminos, near the mouth of the Usumacinta.\n\n20. Having defeated their enemies in the field, the Cakchiquels seized\ntheir boats and ventured an attack on the town, in which they were\nrepulsed.\n\n_Zuyva_; this famous name in Aztec mythology, was also familiar to the\nMaya tribes. (See _The Maya Chronicles_, p. 110.) The term _ah zuyva_\nseems here employed as a general term for the Nahuatl-speaking nations.\n(See above, p. 44.)\n\n_Ca[c]_; I do not find this word in any dictionary; perhaps it is for\n_ca[c,]_, a variety of wasp.\n\n\"When we asked each other,\" etc. Here follow some fragments of legends,\nexplaining the origin of the names of the tribes. They are quite\nimaginary.\n\n_Tohohil_, from _tohoh_, to resound in the water and the sky (sonar el\nrio y el ayre, _Dicc. Cak. Anon._); not _clangor armorum_, as Brasseur\ntranslates it, but sounds of nature. _Tohil_ was the name of the\nprincipal Quiche divinity, and was supposed by Brasseur and Ximenez to\nbe an abbreviated form of Tohohil. But I have given reasons for\nsupposing it to mean \"justice,\" \"equity,\" and this legend was devised to\nexplain it, when its true etymology had become lost. (See my _Names of\nthe Gods in the Kiche Myths_, p. 23.)\n\n_Cakix_; the bird so called, the _Ara macao_, of ornithologists, was one\nof the totemic signs of the Zotzil families of the Cakchiquels. The\nauthor here intimates that the name Cakchiquel is from _cakix_ and\n_chi_, month, forgetting that he has already derived it from _cak chee_\n(Sec. 16).\n\n_Chita[t]ah_; \"in the valley.\"\n\n_[t]u[t]cumatz_; see notes on Sec. 38.\n\n_Ahcic ama[t]_; \"the town on high,\" built on some lofty eminence.\n\n_Akahal_; the derivation suggested is from _akah_, a honey-comb or\nwasp's nest.\n\n_Caker_. This is an important word in Xahila's narrative. It is derived\nfrom _cak_, white; hence, _caker_, to become white; also, to dawn, to\nbecome light; metaphorically, of persons to become enlightened or\ncivilized. The active form, _cakericah_, means to inform, to acquaint\nwith, to instruct.\n\n21. _Nima [c]oxom, nima chah_, Brasseur translates, \"great ravines,\nenormous oaks;\" _ch[)a]h_ is oak, _ch[=a]h_, ashes; _[c]ox_, to strike\nfire, to clash stones together. _[c]hopiytzel_, \"the bad place where the\nflesh is torn from the body,\" referring probably to sharp stones and\nthorns. _Popo abah_, the Council Stone.\n\n_Molomu chee_, \"wood gathered together or piled up.\" It is noteworthy\nthat this, which seems to be the name of a place, means in Cakchiquel\nthe same as _Quauhtemallan_, Guatemala, in Nahuatl. Perhaps the Aztec\nallies of Alvarado merely translated the Cakchiquel name of the country.\n(See Introduction, p. 22, note.)\n\n_Xahun chi lol_; a difficult phrase, translated by Brasseur, \"le dernier\nrejeton;\" _lol_ is applied to a condition of desertion and silence, as\nthat of an abandoned mill or village. On _halebal_, see Introduction, p.\n46.\n\nOn Zaki[c]oxol, and the conflict with him, see the Introduction, p. 42.\n\n22. _Ru chahim_; Brasseur translates this phrase, \"between the fire and\nthe ashes,\" taking _chahim_ from _ch[=a]h_, ashes. But I take it to be\nfrom the verb _chahih_, to guard, as later in the paragraph the question\nis asked: \"_Nak rumal tachahih bey?_\" \"Why guardest thou the road?\"\n\n_xcha [c]a ok xul_; \"apres qu'il eut parle, il joua sur la flute.\"\nBrasseur. The Abbe here mistook the preterit of _ul_ to arrive, for the\nnoun _xul_, a flute.\n\n_ru [c]ux huyu_. The ambiguity of the word _huyu_, here, as often,\noffers difficulty in ascertaining the precise sense of the original. It\nmeans mountain or hill, woods or forest, or simply place or locality.\nWhile _[c]ux_, means literally \"heart,\" it also has the sense, \"soul,\nspirit.\" (Coto, _Vocabulario_, MS. s. v. _Corazon_.) Hence, the phrase\nmay be translated \"the Spirit of the Forest,\" or \"of the Mountain.\"\nBrasseur prefers the latter, while I lean to the former.\n\n_roquecam_, from the root _oc_, to enter; applied to garments \"that\nwhich is entered,\" or put on. Compare our slang expression, \"to get into\none's clothes.\"\n\n_xahpota_, see Introduction, p. 18.\n\n23. _Yukuba_, to string out; hence, to name _seriatim_. The last four\nnames given are clearly Nahuatl, as is also Zuchitan. This indicates\nthat the Cakchiquels, in their wanderings, had now entered the territory\nof the Pipils, of the Pacific slope.\n\n_Cholama[t]_; \"the tribe of the Chols,\" or \"of the corn fields.\" The\nChols were a Maya tribe, who lived around Palenque (see Stoll,\n_Ethnographie der Rep. Guatemala_, pp. 89-93), but the reference in the\ntext is not to them, nor yet to the Mams, as Brasseur thought, but to a\nnation speaking a non-Maya tongue.\n\n_Vaya vaya ela opa_. I have given several reasons for the opinion that\nthese words are in the Xinca language. See my essay _On the Xinca\nIndians of Guatemala_, in the _Proceedings of the American Philosophical\nSociety_, 1885.\n\n24. _Mem_, dumb, silent, incapable of speech. _Tin memuh vi_, I am dumb,\nI keep silence; given in the text as the origin of the _nomen gentile_,\nMam. The Mams speak a dialect of the Maya, probably scarcely\nintelligible to the Cakchiquels. They at present dwell in the\nnorthwestern districts of the Republic of Guatemala. See Stoll,\n_Ethnographie der Rep. Guatemala_, pp. 164-5.\n\n25. _Nacxit_. On this passage Brasseur builds his theory of the\nformation of a great Toltec empire in Central America, about the close\nof the eleventh century (_Hist. des Nations Civilisees[TN-28] du\nMexique_, Tom. II, pp. 101-5). He explains _Nacxit_ as the last two\nsyllables of _Topiltzin Acxitl_, a title of Quetzalcoatl. _Cinpual\nTaxuch_ is undoubtedly from the same tongue. _Orbal tzam_, Bored Nose,\nthe pendent from the nose being apparently a sign of dignity, as the\npierced ears of the Incas.\n\n_vapal abah_, \"the lintel stone,\" here used in the metaphorical sense of\n\"the corner stone.\"\n\n26. The description of the dance of the Pokomams, leads us to suppose\nthat the author means it was a war dance. The Pokomams dwell at present\nin the southeastern part of the Republic of Guatemala.\n\n_chicop Cakbim_; the savage or barbarian Zakbim. See Introduction, p.\n39.\n\n27. _Tzaktzuy_. Brasseur translates \"Chateau des Citrouilles,\" mistaking\n_tzak_ for _[c,]ak_, as he does throughout the passage; _tzuy_ means\nalso cup or gourd, and the name may be rendered either \"the ensnaring\ncup,\" or \"vine.\" Possibly it refers to a scene of drunkenness.\n\n_ri retal_; the sign or mark. Brasseur translates it \"limit\" or\n\"landmark\" of the Ahquehays. These were one of the noble families of the\nQuiche stock.\n\n28. _Oronic Cakhay_, \"the Red House of the Nobles,\" said by Brasseur to\nbe a hill, one league west of the modern village of Rabinal.\n\n_Tecpan_, \"the royal house.\" See Introduction, p. 13.\n\n_[c,]umah chi qui [c]ux_; Brasseur translates these words, \"cuirasses\nsur la poitrine,\" and says this was the name of the Pokomams (_Hist.\nMex._, II, p. 126). _[c,]uum_ is leather or skin, and _[c]ux_ is heart;\nbut _[c,]umah_, and later, _x[c,]umax_, is a verb, signifying to lower,\nto depress.\n\n\"The venison and honey.\" This sentence is apparently a gibe or jeer,\naddressed by the defenders of Cakhay to Gagavitz after his attack on\ntheir city had been repulsed.\n\n29. _Ah queh hay_, \"those of the deer (skin) houses.\"\n\n_xakoti[c]en a titil a [t]ana abah._ Brasseur translates, \"il ne nous\nest reste que les vieilles femmes et les pierres deja hautes.\" This\nillustrates how far he is from the correct meaning at times. For these\nwords, see notes to Sec. 41.\n\n30. _Xhachatah qui vach._ Brasseur gives this literally, \"leurs faces\nensuite se diviserent;\" but _vach_ means also \"fruit, results,\npossessions,\" and so I render it.\n\n31. _[t]a[t] xanul_, \"the uncoverer of fire.\" This is supposed by\nBrasseur to be the name of a volcano, and the whole episode to refer to\na pretended miracle. See his _Hist. Mexique_, Vol. II, pp. 166-7. He\ncalls the passage \"fort difficile,\" which it certainly is.\n\n32. _Cakcho[t]._ \"Brule a blanc,\" is Brasseur's translation, but I\ncannot verify it. No such stone is mentioned in Guzman's list of\nCakchiquel names of stones. It would seem that there were fourteen chief\nperformers in the dance of [t]a[t] xanul,[TN-29] and that they took the\nname of certain stones.\n\n34. _Chi [t]alibal_, \"at the seat;\" but the author chooses to derive it\nfrom _[t]a_, hand, which is a doubtful etymology.\n\n35. The episode of Tolgom, his capture and death, is explained by\nBrasseur, _suo more_, as the destruction of the ruler of an independent\ntribe on the shores of Lake Atitlan.\n\n_[c]habak Nicnic_, the quivering mud, perhaps the quicksand. This\nstrange name adds to the obscurity of the legend.\n\n_[c]akbatzulu._ The punning explanation of this name refers to its\nsimilarity to _[c]ak_, to place in front of another; also to shoot with\narrows, or to stone. Its real derivation seems to be _[c]akba_, from\n_[c]akaba_, to reveal, disclose, and _tzulu_, to embrace, sleep\ntogether. (Compare _chee tzulu_, later on.)\n\n37. His song, _i. e._, his death song.\n\n_Chee tzulu_, \"the interlaced trees.\"\n\n_Uchum_, the fifth month of the Cakchiquel calendar. See Introduction,\np. 29.\n\n38. _Ri tzam tzakbal Tol[c]om_, \"throwing the extremities of Tolgom.\"\nThe reference to this festival is too slight to enable us to understand\nit.\n\n_Chi tulul_, \"at the zapote trees.\"\n\n_Qabouil Abah_, \"the Stone God,\" possibly the Chay Abah before referred\nto.\n\n_Cu[c,]u cumatz_; the latter is the generic term for snake, but the\nmeaning of the prefix is uncertain. Perhaps it should read _cuxcu_, to\nmove in spiral lines, as is described in the text. This miraculous form\nwas one of Gagavitz's metamorphoses.\n\n_Nak ruma tiqui [c]am_, etc. These words of the hero Gagavitz are not\neasy to translate. They seem to chide the Cakchiquels for their weakness\nin seeking women, and to announce his intention to remain among the\nTzutuhils.\n\n_ru [c]hac pe ri ne[c][=a]h coon_; perhaps this should be translated,\n\"the organs of the women have conquered.\"\n\n39. _Cakeribal_, civilization, their becoming civilized. On the meaning\nof this word see note to Sec. 20.\n\n_abah [c]uval_; the precious stone offered by Ba[c]ahol as the price of\nroyalty, indicates that such carved gems were in high esteem. _[c]uval_\nis translated by Guzman and others, \"diamond;\" but it was probably\nnative jade.\n\n_Chuluc balam_, literally \"tiger piss,\" the name of a common medicinal\nplant, used in Guatemala as a diuretic (Guzman). In this connection it\neither means the totem of a gens, or refers to a magic rite. The former\nseems to be indicated by the term _chicop_ (see Introd. p. 39).\n\n_xahun chi raxon ru halebal_, a punning allusion to the name of the hill\nParaxone. Brasseur translates it \"qui possedent l'un et l'autre ces\noiseaux bleus enchanteurs.\"\n\n40. _The sun had risen_, etc. All these expressions are to be understood\nmetaphorically, with reference to the growing civilization of the\ntribes.\n\n41. The description of the installation of Ba[c]ahol as head chief, is\nan interesting passage. Unfortunately, several of the terms used are not\nfound in the dictionaries, at least with any appropriate meaning. Thus,\n_paz_ is now applied to the swathing bands of infants; _cucul_ is the\ncradle or bundle in which infants are fastened; while _ta[c]h_ I have\nnot found at all. Guzman gives the expression, _titil [t]ana abah, caka\nuleuh xak_, with the explanation, \"Colores con que ungian los senores,\"\nand _Ah titil_, etc., \"Senores ungidos de estos colores quando eran\npuestos en senorios.\" (_Compendio de Nombres en Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS.,\n170-4.)\n\n_[t]u[t]u cot_; _cot_, eagle; _[t]u[t]_, the general term for various\nspecies of quetzals, birds with brilliant green plumage. The reference\nseems to be to one of the magical metamorphoses of [t]a[t]avitz.[TN-30]\n\n42. The difficulties experienced in their first endeavors to adopt a\nsedentary and agricultural life are described.\n\n_chicop [c]uch_, the \"zopilote,\" or carrion vulture. Possibly this\nrefers to a gens so designated.\n\n43. In this paragraph the writer expresses himself with great\ndirectness.\n\n_[c]a chimin_, etc. As my translation differs considerably from\nBrasseur's, I add his: \"En se mariant ils firent l'euvre de la chair\nvraiment trop grande. Etant entres pour se baigner, ils y rompirent leur\nnature et gaspillerent leur semence. Beaucoup y entrerent dit-on, pour\ncompleter l'euvre charnelle, on la commit une seconde fois, le jeu s'y\netablit absolument, et l'on forniqua par devant et par derriere.\"\n\n44. This section offers an important description of the ancient methods\nof worship.\n\n_[c]axto[c]._ See the Introduction, p. 40.\n\n_mez_, the house cat, but as this animal was not known to the natives\nbefore the Conquest, some other animal must be intended.\n\n_holom ocox_, \"head fungus.\" I follow Brasseur in translating this the\nmaguey thorns, without being able to justify it.\n\n_Chay Abah._ See Introduction, p. 43.\n\n46. Whitewashing the interior of hollow trees with lime from the\nexcrements of birds and tigers, sounds so extraordinary that we may\nsuspect a mythical sense in the paragraph.\n\n_chi [c]ohom_, from _[c]oh_, to dance the sacred dances in their\nreligious rites, \"the place of the sacred ceremonies.\"\n\nCay Noh, Two Noh, Cay Batz, Two Batz, named after the days of their\nbirth. See Introduction, p. 33.\n\n47. _The same who came from Tulan._ Therefore, from the beginning of the\nnarrative to the present passage, merely the adult life of one man has\nelapsed.\n\n48. On the positions of the _[t]alel_ and _ahuchan_, see Introduction,\np. 37.\n\n_ret ri Cactecauh_, \"the sign of Zactecauh.\" The precise meaning of this\nexpression escapes me.\n\n_[c]hopiytzel._ See Sec. 30 for the occurrence alluded to.\n\n49. _Tepeuh_ is identified by Brasseur with the king _Itztayul_, of the\nQuiches (_Hist. Mexique_, II, p. 485). He considers it a Nahuatl word,\nbut I have elsewhere maintained that it is from the Maya-Cakchiquel root\n_tep_, filled up, abundantly supplied. See _The Names of the Gods in the\nKiche Myths_, pp. 11, 12. It is a term often applied to their Supreme\nBeing.\n\n52. _Cakbrakan_, the god of the earthquake. The myths concerning him are\ngiven in the _Popol Vuh_.\n\n_Quite to the far East_, literally, \"and even to the sunrise.\"\n\n_ba[c,]bal_, anything drawn out in threads, gold thread, cotton thread,\netc. If the word is to be construed adjectively, _puak ba[c,]pal_ would\nmean \"worked metal.\"\n\n56. _Ahpop Xahil_, etc.; on the meaning of these titles, see the\nIntroduction, p. 36-7.\n\n63. _Ya [c]otox ul_; _[c]ot_, to chisel, engrave, originally to cut\ninto; hence, applied to the deep valleys or canons which the rivers cut\ninto the soil.\n\n_Ochal_ or _Qabouil Civan_; the latter name means \"the god of the\nravine.\" The location of this city is unknown, except that it was near\nthe Pacific. The general position of the Akahals was to the east of the\nCakchiquels. See Brasseur, _Hist. Mexique_, Tom. II, pp. 502, 530.\n\n64. _Me[t]enalah huyu_, a town in the warm district, the _tierra\ncaliente_, near the southern or Pacific coast.\n\n_chuvi vi te_, etc. The translation is doubtful. I follow Brasseur.\n\n66. The names of the four rulers here inserted seem to be of those who\nheld the power after Citan Qatu. Why the author does not relate any\nincidents of their lives is uncertain. Perhaps they did not belong to\nhis family, and as he was writing rather a family than a national\nhistory, he omitted them for this reason. Compare Sec. 75.\n\n67. The Quiche king, Qikab, is frequently mentioned in the _Popol Vuh_.\nHis full name was _[t]a[t]-[c]i-[t]ab_, The Many Hands of Fire.\n\n79. _They wished that the roads should be free_; _rambey akan_, \"la\nfranchise des chemins.\" I do not find the expression in the\ndictionaries.\n\n83. _Mixutzin malo_, \"the augury is finished.\" The _malol ixim_ was the\naugur who divined the future by throwing up grains of corn, and\nforecasting from the relative positions they assumed on falling. See\nIntrod., p. 47.\n\n_cunum cachak_, a term of contempt; literally \"their genitals, their\ndung.\"\n\nThe _Ratzamut_. See Introd., p. 21.\n\n84. _Burning many roads_; destroying the houses and crops behind them.\n\n90. _hu chuvy, ca chuvy_; in the numeral system of the Cakchiquels a\n_chuvy_ is 8000, but the expression is frequently, as here, to be taken\nfiguratively, like our \"myriads.\"\n\n93. _ah-xit_, etc. On these titles see the Introduction, pp. 18, 19.\n\n94. _Vica[t] nu mam_, \"the leaves or branches of my ancestor,\" referring\nto the fact that the Cakchiquels were of the same blood as the Akahals.\n\n96. _Cakli[c]ahol_, etc. This rendering, which is Brasseur's, I am\nunable to verify.\n\n_tok relic chic ahauh lahuh noh_; perhaps this should read, \"then came\nthe chief Lahuh Noh.\" So Brasseur translates it.\n\n102. _There were four women_, etc. This curious passage is so\ndifferently translated by Brasseur, that I add his rendering:--\n\n\"Quatre femmes alors s'etant revetues de cottes de mailles,\nensanglanterent leurs arcs et prirent part a la bataille; elles\ns'etaient accompagnes de quatres jeunes gens et leurs fleches allerent\nfrapper au milieu du tapis de Chucuybatzin, lances qu' elles etaient par\nces heros.... Le capitaine de bataille exposa ensuite les nudites de ces\nfemmes devant les murailles des Zotziles et des Xahiles d'ou ces femmes\netaient sorties.\"\n\nThe future student will decide between these very diverse explanations\nof the text.\n\n106. _Stopped the messengers of the ruler._ The translation is doubtful.\n\n109. The people of Mixco or Mixcu were Pokomams. (See Sec. 85.)\n\n110. _The Yaquis of Xivico_; the _Yaquis_ were Aztecs. It is the Nahuatl\n_yaqui_, merchants, as it was in this capacity that they first became\nknown to the tribes of Guatemala.\n\n117. This year, 1511 of our era, appears to have been the first of\nofficial relations between the Aztecs and the tribes of Guatemala.\n\n118. The author speaks of himself for the first time. It may be presumed\nthat it was one of his earliest recollections.\n\n120. _The doves_; possibly flights of wild pigeons.\n\n124. _Hu may_; on the reckoning of time see the Introduction, p. 31.\n\n127. _[c]hac_, the pestilence. Brasseur translates this \"la maladie\nsyphilitique.\" The vowel is long, _[c]haac_. It is a word applied to any\neruptive disease, to the whole class of exanthemata. From the symptoms,\nI am inclined to believe that it was an epidemic of malignant measles, a\ndisease very fatal to the natives of Central America.\n\n128. _Diego Juan._ Why this Spanish name is given, I cannot explain.\nBrasseur gets over the difficulty by translating \"le pere de Diego\nJuan,\" but this is not the sense of the original. Of course, _tata_ and\n_mama_ are here used in their vague sense, as expressions of courtesy.\nSee Introduction, p. 35.\n\n144. Pedro de Alvarado, called the _Adelantado_, a Spanish title\nformerly given to a governor of a province, and by his Mexican allies,\n_Tonatiuh_, the Sun or Sun-God, reached the city of Gumarcaah, or\nUtlatlan in the early spring of 1524.\n\n147. _Were burned alive._ \"As I knew their evil intentions, and to keep\nthe people quiet, I burned them, and ordered their city razed to its\nfoundation,\" writes Alvarado to Cortes. _Relacion, etc._\n\n_400 men._ Alvarado writes _cuatro mil hombres_, \"four thousand men.\"\n\n148. _The palace of Tzupam._ Perhaps the palace described by Fuentes.\nSee Introduction, p. 24. Alvarado speaks of the friendly reception he\nmet with: \"I could not have been more warmly welcomed to the house of my\nfather.\" _Otra Relacion_, etc. His first visit was for eight days, April\n11-19, 1524.\n\n_Pa hul_, etc. This obscure passage is translated by Brasseur in his MS.\nas follows: \"Vous avez vu la-bas leur tombeau qui est au milieu des\nautres;\" whereas, in his _Hist. du Mexique_, Tom. IV, p. 651, he\ntranslates the whole of this reply of the Cakchiquel king by these\nwords: \"Eh quoi! aurais-je envoye mes guerriers et mes braves mourir\npour vous et chercher un tombeau a Gumarcaah, si j'avais eu des\nintentions si perfides!\"\n\nThis comparison will illustrate how differently he construed the\npassage, and also what excessive license he took with his authorities.\n\n171. The order assigning the Oidor Alonso de Maldonado to take charge of\nGuatemala, is dated Oct. 27, 1535, and he arrived there in the following\nMay.\n\nOn his return from Spain, Alvarado landed at Puerto de Caballos, April\n4, 1539, and reached the city of Guatemala Sept. 16th of the same year.\n\n\"On account of his lineage,\" _Ruma ru chinamital_; the expression is not\nclear.\n\n173.[TN-31] \"Prince of the city,\" _Ahauh pa tinamit_; see Sec. 168. Cahi\nImox and others had returned to settle in Iximche, and their actions had\nbecome suspicious.\n\n173. Francisco de Alvarado was either the uncle or cousin of Don Pedro.\n\nThe Adelantado died July 5, 1541, from an injury received while\nattacking the stronghold of Nochistlan.\n\n174. This disaster occurred on the night of Sept. 10-11th, 1541.\n\nThe mission referred to is mentioned by Torquemada, _Monarquia Indiana_,\nLib. XIX, Cap. XIV. Pedro de Angulo and his companion reached Guatemala\nin 1539.\n\n175. \"On account of ashes,\" _Ruma chah_; Brasseur translates this\nexpression, \"a cause de billevesees.\"\n\n176. Juan Rogel was one of the \"oidores.\"\n\n177. Alonso Lopez Cerrato entered upon his duties in Guatemala May 26,\n1548.\n\n179. Pedro Ramirez de Quinones. The actor in this attempt was one of the\noidores. Bancroft, who refers to the quarrel between the Governor and\nBishop Marroquin, does not satisfactorily explain it. See his _Hist. of\nCentral America_, Vol. II, pp. 326-7. On Ramirez, see Juarros, _Hist.\nGuatemala_, Tom. I, pp. 235-6.\n\n181. Antonio Rodriguez de Quezada took possession of the Presidency of\nGuatemala Jan. 14, 1554, and retained it till his death in November,\n1558; he was succeeded by Pedro Ramirez. (Comp. Juarros, I, p. 255, with\nBancroft, _Hist. Cent. Am._, II, p. 358, who says 1555.)\n\n181.[TN-32] \"There was but little between them,\" _Xa [c]a halal qui cohol\nahauh_; this expression is not clear. There appears to be considerable\nvagueness in the writer's chronology in this passage.\n\n\"He did not condemn any one, because he had no time,\" _Mani xuban ru\n[t]atbaltzih, mani xyaloh_; an ignorant statement, since he held the\nPresidency about four years.\n\nThe reading of the last sentence is doubtful.\n\n182. Vico was killed in the summer of 1555.\n\n184. The expedition against the Lacandons took place early in 1559.\n\n\n\n\nVOCABULARY.\n\n\n=A=, _n._ A year; the thigh; _pron._ thy.\n\n=Abah=, _n._ A stone; a jar; the private parts.\n\n=Aca=, _part._ Related, affined. See p. 32.\n\n=Ach.= A prefix indicating companionship.\n\n=Achak=, _n._ Excrement, offal, refuse, waste.\n\n=Achcayupil=, _n._ Quilted cotton defensive armor; or perhaps a\ntwo-pointed lance; from _ach_, united; _cay_, two; _uopih_, to wound\nwith a lance. See p. 18.\n\n=Achii=, _n._ Man (vir).\n\n=Achpe=, _v._ To accompany one.\n\n=Achpetic=, _n._ That which accompanies one.\n\n=Achya=, _v._ To receive (Brasseur); to give with.\n\n=Achyaic=, _n._ That which is given along with something else; _yaic_,\npassive verbal from _ya_, to give.\n\n=Aco[c,]ih=, _v._ (For the more usual _[t]ocih_). To strike or beat,\nespecially a drum.\n\n=Ah=, _n._ Name of a day. A prefix. _Gram._ p. 55.\n\n=Ahauh=, _n._ Ruler, chief, lord. See p. 36.\n\n=Ahauarem=, _n._ Majesty, power.\n\n=Ahcic=, _adv._ Up, above, on top.\n\n=Ahilah=, _v._ To count or reckon with grains of corn or cacao, after the\nIndian fashion.\n\n=Ahilan=, _v._ To count, to number.\n\n=Ahlabal=, _n._ Warrior, fighting man. See _Labal_.\n\n=Aho=, _v._ To wish, to like.\n\n=Ahpop=, _n._ The head chief. \"_El cacique mayor._[TN-33] See p. 36.\n\n=Ahpop[c]amahay=, _n._ An official messenger, especially an official sent\nto collect tribute. See p. 36.\n\n=Ah-tzih=, _n._ Speaker, orator. See p. 37.\n\n=Ah-[c,]ib=,[TN-34] _n._ A scribe.\n\n=Akah=, _n._ A hornet.\n\n=Akan=, _n._ Leg, foot.\n\n=Al=, _n._ Son, child.\n\n=Alabil=, _n._ Slave, servant.\n\n=Alah=, _v._ To bear, to carry; hence, to bring forth, to give birth to,\nas a woman a child.\n\n=Alan=, _v._ To ridicule, depreciate.\n\n=Ama[t]=, _n._ Village, tribe, region or district. See p. 33.\n\n=An=, _part._ An emphatic particle, truly, really.\n\n=Aneh=, _v._ To flee, escape.\n\n=Anom=, _n._ A fugitive.\n\n=At=, _pron._ Thou.\n\n=Atinicah=, _v._ To bathe.\n\n=Avan=, _n._ Crops, plantings.\n\n=A[t]a=, _n._ Night, darkness.\n\n=A[c,]axah=, _v._ To hear, to listen to.\n\n\n=Bak=, _v._ To bore. _n._ A bone.\n\n=Bala=, _adv._ Where.\n\n=Balam=, _n._ A tiger.\n\n=Balbaxin=, _adj._ Twisted, interlaced, dense.\n\n=Ban=, _v._ 1. To make, to do, or cause to do. 2. To ask. 3. To dress, or\narrange one's apparel.\n\n=Bay=, _n._ A mole, a ground animal.\n\n=Ba[c,]=, _n._ What is spun, as cotton, or drawn into fine threads as\ngold. _n._ A monkey.\n\n=Be=, _v._ To go.\n\n=Belehe=, _adv._ Nine.\n\n=Bey=, _n._ Path, road, route.\n\n=Bi=, _n._ A name; _ru bi_, his or its name.\n\n=Bijh=, _v._ To speak, to talk.\n\n=Bijn=, _v._ To walk, to go on foot.\n\n=Birbot=, _v._ To make a loud, rumbling noise. _Ti birbot, ti nicnot_, it\nroars and it rumbles, of the volcano (Varea).\n\n=Bitol=, _n._ The creator. See p. 40.\n\n=Bix=, _n._ 1. Songs, chants, poems. 2. Sparks from a fire (p. 17).\n\n=Bok=, _v._ To tear up; to pull down; to sell for another; to translate:\nto defeat.\n\n=Bol=, _v._ To make deep trenches in the soil (\"as the Indians of the\nSierra.\" Varea).\n\n=Boleh=, _v._ To go in a row, in a series, or in a procession. Applied to\nmountains, when one rises upon another (Varea).\n\n=Boz=, _vn._ To issue forth; hence, of flowers, to open, to blow; of a\nbutterfly, to come forth from the cocoon; of chicks, to come from the\negg; of grains of maize, to burst; of men, to proceed from, to be born;\n_xeboco_, the absolute form.\n\n\n=Cabih=, _n._ Day after to-morrow.\n\n=Cacouh=, _n._ Cacao.\n\n=Cah=, _n._ The sky, heaven, the atmospheric region.\n\n=Cah=, _or_ =Cahi=, _adv._ Four.\n\n=Cahlahuh=, _adv._ Fourteen.\n\n=Cahmah=, _v._ To meet a repulse, defeat.\n\n=Cak=, _adj._ Red.\n\n=Cakix=, _n._ A bird. See p. 199.\n\n=Cal=, _n._ That which is united or joined.\n\n=Camel=, _n._ A mortal. _Adj._ Humble.\n\n=Camicah=, _v._ To kill, to slay, to destroy.\n\n=Can=, _adv._ Remaining, aforesaid, already. See _Gram._, p. 65.\n\n=Cana=, _n._ A captive taken in war.\n\n=Canah=, _v._ To remain, to leave; _ti canay_, neuter, it appears, it is\nfound.\n\n=Cani=, _adv._ Soon, shortly.\n\n=Canoh=, _v._ To seek, to search for.\n\n=Car=, _n._ Fish, generic name.\n\n=Cauh=, _n._ Ornaments, adornments.\n\n=Cavach=, _n._ Likeness, resemblance.\n\n=Cavuh=, =Cauh=, _v._ To place anew, to notify, to prepare; to change, to\nput on again.\n\n=Cay=, _adv._ Two.\n\n=Ca[c]=, _n._ Cock (Br).\n\n=Cib=, _n._ Smoke, vapor.\n\n=Civan=, _n._ A ravine, barranca.\n\n=Ci[c]=, _v._ To lift up the voice, _n._ Shoutings.\n\n=Co.= A concessive particle. Good! Bravo! Courage! On!\n\n=Col=, _v._ To free, to liberate; to redeem, to save; _xoh ru col J. C.\nchuvach cruz._ Christ redeemed us on the cross.\n\n=Coon=, _n._ For _cun_, pudenda of a woman (Xim); hence, woman.\n\n=Cot=, _n._ The eagle.\n\n=Cou=, _n._ Something rough and violent.\n\n=Couiricah=, _v._ To strengthen, to invigorate.\n\n=Covil=, _adj._ Bold, courageous.\n\n=Coz=, _v._ To rest.\n\n=Cucu=, _n._ Large vase for water.\n\n=Cucul=, _n._ Cradle.\n\n=Cuke=, _v._ To seat onesself.\n\n=Cuker=, _v._ To be seated; to be content.\n\n=Cumatz=, _n._ A serpent (gen). An eel.\n\n=Cunum Cachak.= See p. 206.\n\n=Cuyu[c]h=, _n._ A species of parrot.\n\n\n=Ca=, _v._ To expose or show to the sun; to dry. _Met._; _cao ru vach_, to\nshow one's face, to recover power.\n\n=Cach=, _v._ To lose, to become lost.\n\n=Cak=, _adj._ White; bright; light. _n._ A white or clear thing. A\nclearing in the forest, cleared land (Varea).\n\n=Cahcab=, _n._ p. 12, for\n\n=Cakcab=, _n._ Literally, white honey; white varnish (Brasseur). Probably\n\"war paint.\"\n\n=Caker=, _v._ To make white, light or clear. To clear a space in the\nforest (Varea). See p. 199.\n\n=Cakcorovach=, _n._ The dove or quail.\n\n=Cakquiy=, _n._ The maguey, used in making rope, etc.\n\n=Ca[t]ih= for =Cak[t]ih=, _n._ Literally, white days, applied to the spring\nof the year. See p. 198.\n\n=Camahel=, _n._ Messengers.\n\n=Canay=, _n._ Sand.\n\n=Ca[t]ul=, _n._ A plantain; in gen. any kind of vegetable.\n\n=Ca[c]=, _n._ Locusts.\n\n=Ce=, _v._ To row.\n\n=Cel=, _n._ A large painted vase for bathing (jicara pintado, Anon).[TN-35]\n\n=Cetecic=, _adj._ Circular, rounded. See p. 18.\n\n=Cipah=, _v._ To present, to offer.\n\n=Col=, _v._ for Tzolih, q. v.\n\n=Col=, _v._ To upheave, to make a revolution.\n\n=Colo=, _v._ To turn about; to return; to go back.\n\n=Co[c]=, _n._ A bat.\n\n=Cubak=, _n._ A kind of flute.\n\n=Cutulakin=, _v._ To render homage.\n\n=Cuq=, _n._ A cloud, the clouds.\n\n\n=Cha=, _v._ To say, to tell, to speak.\n\n=Chacan=, _v._ To cover, enclose; to be within or on.\n\n=Chactit= ?, from Cha[t], something tied or sewed.\n\n=Ch[)a]h=, _n._ The pine tree, the ocote pine.\n\n=Chah=, _n._ Ashes, cinders.\n\n=Chapalcivan=, _n._ See p. 197.\n\n=Chahih=, _v._ To guard, to watch; to protect; to keep. _Chahal civan_,\nthe guard of the ravine. See _Gram._, p. 42.\n\n=Chahir=, _v._ To burn, to reduce to cinders. From _chah_.\n\n=Chaomal=, _n._ Beauty, fruitfulness.\n\n=Chaomar=, _v._ To yield abundantly.\n\n=Chap=, _v._ To seize, to take, to take possession of.\n\n=Chay=, _n._ A stone. See p. 18.\n\n=Cha[t]abeh=, _v._ To receive with pleasure, to take gladly.\n\n=Chee=, _n._ Wood, stick, tree.\n\n=Chi=, _n._ Mouth; aperture, opening; gate; mouth of a river; coast of the\nsea; edge or border.\n\n=Chi.= 1. With, by, to, for, against. 2. In order to, that, and 3. While,\nduring, being.\n\n=Chic.= 1. A verbal particle, denoting past time. 2. Already, more. Before\n_vi_, the _c_ is dropped, as _hun chi vi_, once more.\n\n=Chicah.= Above, upon, upwards.\n\n=Chicohol.= Between yourselves.\n\n=Chicop.= A brute, an animal as distinguished from man; _met._; a brutish\nman. See p. 39.\n\n=Chiih (chi ih).= Upon, on.\n\n=Chila.= There, that way.\n\n=Chin.= For, by, by means of, thus.\n\n=Chinak=, _interrog._ Who, which, what?\n\n=Chinamit=, _n._ Town, village. See p. 32.\n\n=Chique.= To, for those.\n\n=Chiquichin.= To, for those.\n\n=Chiquih.= Against those.\n\n=Chire.= To, for him, that one.\n\n=Chirih.= Behind, against that one; from, out of.\n\n=Chivach.= Before yourselves.\n\n=Chive.= To, for, against yourselves.\n\n=Cho.= To, for, in, until, towards.\n\n=Chocola=, _adj._ In common, communal.\n\n=Cholol=, _v._ To place in order, to arrange.\n\n=Chom=, _n._ A lobster.\n\n=Choy=, _n._ A lake.\n\n=Chucohol=, _prep._ Among, between.\n\n=Chuluc=, _n._ Urine.\n\n=Chun=, _n._ Lime.\n\n=Chunah=, _v._ To whitewash.\n\n=Chupam=, _prep._ Within, in.\n\n=Chuvi=, _prep._ Upon, over, on; _chuvi huyu_, on or upon the mountain.\n\n\n=Echa=, _n._ Edible fruits and vegetables. A generic word.\n\n=Elah=, _v._ To humble, to submit to.\n\n=Elebal=, _n._ The place whence something comes forth; as _relebal cib_,\nthe exit of the smoke, _i. e._, the chimney (Varea); hence, _relebal\n[t]ih_, the sunrise.\n\n=Ele[t]ah=, _v._ To steal, to rob.\n\n=Ele[t]om=, _n._ A thief, a robber.\n\n=Et=, _n._ A mark, sign. _v._ To mark, designate.\n\n=Etamah=, _v._ To know, to understand; from _et_, a mark or sign.\n\n\n=Ha=, _pron._ He, it, that one; it is so; _ha ri_, it is thus; _ha ok_, at\nthat time, then, when.\n\n=Hab=, _n._ Rain.\n\n=Hach=, _v._ To divide, to separate.\n\n=Hak=, _v._ To open (a door, the mouth, etc).\n\n=Hal=, _v._ To change, to alter. See p. 46.\n\n=Halal=, _adv._ A little, briefly.\n\n=Halebal=, _n._ That by which one changes or transforms himself, a magic\npower; an instrumental form from _hal_, to change one's garments, etc.\nSee p. 46.\n\n=Halizin=, _n._ A change, an alteration; a change of raiment; the hair of\nthe head (Br).\n\n=Hay=, _n._ House, home. See p. 33.\n\n=He=, _pron._ Those, their.\n\n=Hetah=, _adv._ See _Tak_.\n\n=He[c]=, _v._ To drive or force away.\n\n=Hilil=, _v._ To thunder, to rumble.\n\n=Hique=, _v._ For [c]hique, _q. v._\n\n=Hit=, _v._ To promise, make vows; to offer.\n\n=Hi[t]uh=, _v._ To ardently desire, to covet.\n\n=Hi[c,]=, _v._ To hang.\n\n=Hol=, } _v._ To concede, grant.\n=Holih=, }\n\n=Holom=, _n._ The head, a chief.\n\n=Homet=, _n._ Bark of trees.\n\n=Hote=, _v._ To rise, to go up, to mount.\n\n=Hox=, _n._ Branch of a tree.\n\n=Hox=, _v._ To copulate, of men or beasts.\n\n=Hoye=, _part._ Expressing compassion.\n\n=Hoyevah=, } _v._ To have compassion, to extend mercy, to\n=Hoye ru vach=, } spare.\n\n=Hucu=, _n._ A boat, canoe; a large dish.\n\n=Hucumah=, _adv._ Soon, promptly.\n\n=Hul=, _n._ A hole, a pit, a grave, etc.\n\n=Huley=, _adj._ Deep, profound.\n\n=Huluhut or Hulhut=, _n._ Something burning, on fire.\n\n=Hun=, _adv._ One; a or an.\n\n=Hunamah=, _v._ To make equal, to make ready, prepare.\n\n=Hunchic=, _adv._ The other.\n\n=Hutak=, _adv._ See _Tak_.\n\n=Hu[c]icic=, _adv._ Only, alone, solely.\n\n=Huyu=, _n._ Mountain, hill, mound; a land or country, or place of\nresidence (_nu huyubal_, mi pueblo, Varea). The interior as opposed to\nthe coast. See _Ta[t]ah_.\n\n\n=Ikan=, _n._ A load, a burden, tribute, tax.\n\n=Iki[t]a=, _n._ The right hand. _[t]a_ hand.\n\n=Il=, _v. a._ To reach, to get, to see, to obtain; _n._ to get to, to\narrive at.\n\n=Il=, _n._ Fault, blame.\n\n=In=, _pron._ I.\n\n=Ixim=, _n._ Maize.\n\n=Ixok=, _n._ A woman.\n\n=I[c]o=, _v._ To pass on or beyond; to exceed, surpass.\n\n=I[c]ovibeh=, _v._ To go on, or beyond.\n\n\n=Ka=, _pron._ Our.\n\n=Kacah=, _v._ To put down, to conquer, to destroy.\n\n=Kah=, _v._ To descend, descending. See _Gram._, p,[TN-36] 64.\n\n=Kahibal=, _n._ The place of descent; hence, _kahibal [t]ih_, the sunset.\n\n=Kel=, _v._ To disobey.\n\n=Ki=, _part._ An interrogative; also, denoting affirmation; often used\nmerely to give strength to an assertion. _Gram._, p. 71.\n\n=Koch=, _n._ The crow.\n\n=Kul=, _n._ The neck.\n\n=Kup=, _v._ To seize, take by force.\n\n=Kuruh=, _v._ To draw or drag out or on.\n\n\n=Lab=, _n._ A portent, an augury. See pp. 39, 47.\n\n=Labal=, _n._ An enemy, opponent.\n\n=Labalih=, _v._ To make war, to fight. See p. 47.\n\n=Lehah=, _v._ To fall sick; to grow weak; to be overcome or conquered.\n\n=Lakam=, _n._ The war banner, \"bandera de la guerra.\"\n\n=Lakeh=, _v._ To bring, to carry, to give.\n\n=Lam=, _n._ The hard part; trunk of a tree, etc.\n\n=Lamaba.= To detain one, to prevent him from going.\n\n=La[t]abeh=, _v._ To enter into a place, to dwell there; to occupy as a\nresidence (_entrar a morar en casa._ Varea).\n\n=La[t]eh=, _v._ To join or unite two things; especially to unite in the\nsexual act.\n\n=Lob=, _n._ Magical power.\n\n=Lol=, _n._ The silence or state of desertion left by a pestilence, etc.\nSee p. 38.\n\n=Lo[t]=, _v._ To prize, to hold dear, to esteem.\n\n\n=Macamo=, _v._ To take alarm, to be frightened, to wonder at.\n\n=Maha=, _adv._ Even not, not yet.\n\n=Mahanick, _adv._ Before that, previous to.\n\n=Malohic, _n._ A preparation of maize (?).\n\n=Mam, _n._ Grandchild.\n\n=Mama, _n._ An old man; _pl._ _mamaa_, the old men; _nu mama_, my\nancestors; also the rulers of a village; applied to animals it means the\nmale of the species.\n\n=Mani, _adv._ No, not.\n\n=May, _v._ A cycle, especially of 20 years. _May [t]ih_, a calendar for\ncalculating cycles. See p. 31.\n\n=Meal=, _n._ A daughter.\n\n=Meba=, _adj._ Poor.\n\n=Meh=, _n._ A gable in a roof; an angle; a fold in clothing, etc.\n\n=Meho=, _v._ To make an angle or fold; hence, to go to a place and return\nfrom it.\n\n=Mem=, _n._ A dumb man; to be dumb.\n\n=Mez=, _n._ A cat. See p. 44.\n\n=Meztah=, _v._ To forget.\n\n=Me[t]en=, _adj._ Warm, hot.\n\n=Mi=, _adv._ Particle, denoting recent past time, prefixed to form the\nproximate preterit tense.\n\n=Mier=, _adv._ Already, previously.\n\n=Mi[c]h=, _v._ To tear up, to tear out or down.\n\n=Mi[c]hoh=, _v._ To lie to, to deceive; to ridicule, to laugh at, to mock.\n\n=Mol=, _v._ To gather together scattered things, to fill up, to collect.\n\n=Moyeuh=, _n._ A fog, the mist.\n\n=Muh=, _n._ Shade, shadow; hence, fig. protection, guardianship. See p.\n20.\n\n=Muk=, _v._ To hide, to conceal; to bury.\n\n=Mun=, _adj._ Hungry, _n._ A slave. See p. 39.\n\n\n=Na=, _adv._ A particle denoting priority, from _nabey_, first; hence,\n_navipe_, and, also, next, until, presently. See _Gram._, p. 65.\n\n=Na=, _v._ To know, to learn.\n\n=Nabey=, _adv._ First.\n\n=Nabeyah=, _v._ To be first.\n\n=Naek=, _adv._ Although, but.\n\n=Nano=, _v._ To receive more than another.\n\n=Nanoh=, _adj._ Known, said; hence, _xa nanoh_, already known, aforesaid,\netc. From _na_, to know.\n\n=Naval=, _n._ Knowledge, wisdom; especially occult knowledge, magic,\nsorcery. See p. 46.\n\n=Nicnic=, _v._ To quiver, to tremble.\n\n=Nima=, _adj._ Great, _n._ A great thing.\n\n=Nimah=, _v._ To make great, to adore.\n\n=Nimal=, _n._ The elder brother; the head of a home.\n\n=Ni[c]ah=, _n._ The middle, the center.\n\n=Ni[c]ahal=, _n._ The middle parts of anything; the sexual parts,\netc[TN-37]\n\n=Nu=, _pron._ My, mine.\n\n\n=Oc=, _v._ To enter.\n\n=Ochoch=, _n._ House. See p. 33.\n\n=Ocox=, _n._ Fungus, of the edible variety.\n\n=Oh=, _pron._ We.\n\n=Oh=, _adv._ Sign of the imperative. _Oh a [c]ama pe lae queh_, Bring that\nhorse (Varea).\n\n=Ohb=, _n._ A cough.\n\n=Oher=, _adv._ Formerly, in ancient times.\n\n=Ok=, _adv._ When; also the imperative particle.\n\n=Okok=, _n._ Wild goose.\n\n=Oquecah=, _v._ To put something in something; hence, to put on one's\nclothes, to dress onesself. From _oc_, to enter. _Met._ to obey.\n\n=Oro=, _v._ To bore, to pierce, to hollow out.\n\n=Oxlahuh=, _adv._ Thirteen.\n\n=Oyevar=, _v._ To become angry.\n\n=Oyobeh=, _v._ To hope.\n\n=O[t]=, _v._ To weep, to cry.\n\n=O[t]eh=, _n._ A wail, a weeping. _v._ To bewail.\n\n\n=Pa=, _prep._ In, to; _tan qui be pa huyu_, I am going to the\nmountain[TN-38] _pa hay_, in the house. Before a vowel, _pan_ is used.\n\n=Pac or Pacay=. The anona, the custard apple.\n\n=Pacac=, _v._ To dawn.\n\n=Pae=, _v._ To be on foot, to stand, to be at.\n\n=Palah=, _v._ To annoy, to bother.\n\n=Palouh=, _n._ The ocean, the sea; called also _nima ya_, the great water.\nSee p. 195.\n\n=Patan=, _v._ Tribute, tax. See p. 39.\n\n=Pax=, _v._ To break; to put to flight, to scatter.\n\n=Paz=, _n._ Swathing bands; folding robes.\n\n=Pe=, _v._ To come. Often used in a peculiar gerundive sense, as a verbal\nparticle. See _Gram._, p. 64.\n\n=Pek=, _n._ The fruit tree called Pataxte (Guzman).\n\n=Pixa=, _n._ Order, command, direction.\n\n=Pixabah=, _v._ To order, to command.\n\n=Po=, _v._ 1. To cry out loudly. 2. To be angry with some one.\n\n=Pocob=, _n._ A shield. See p. 18.\n\n=Poklah=, _n._ Dust.\n\n=Pokon=, _n._ Trouble, pain.\n\n=Pop=, _n._ A mat; _popoh_, a council. See p. 36.\n\n=Poroh=, _v._ To burn, to set on fire.\n\n=Poye=, _v._ To put[TN-39] one side, to neglect.\n\n=Po[c]h=, _v._ To divide, to split.\n\n=Puak or Puvak=, _n._ Silver; money, coin. See p. 19.\n\n=Pub=, _n._ The blow-gun, p. 18.\n\n=Puz=, _n._ Power, magic. See p. 46.\n\n=Pu[t]=, _v._ To break up ground; to soak in water; to dissolve or to make\ninto dust. Hence, _n._ fire, dust.\n\n\n=Que=, _pron._ They, used with absolute, passive and neuter verbs.\n_Gram._, p. 47.\n\n=Queh=, _n._ A deer.\n\n=Quere=, _adv._ Thus, as, even so; _quere[c]a_, therefore; _querera_, as\nthis; _querelae_, as that.\n\n=Qui=, _pron._ Those, their.\n\n=Quichin=, _pron._ Of them.\n\n=Quicot=, _v._ To rejoice, to delight in.\n\n=Quir=, _v._ To unloose, untie.\n\n=Qui[c]=, _n._ Blood.\n\n\n=Rah=, _v._ To wish, _tivaho_, I wish; (absolute) _xraho_, he wished.\n\n=Ramon=, _n._ A piece, a bit.\n\n=Ramoneh=, _v._ To reduce to pieces, to overcome.\n\n=Rax=, _adj._ Green, blue; precious, noble; renowned, famous.\n\n=Raxah=, _n._ A tree, a species of plantain.\n\n=Ri=, _pron._ He, she[TN-40] it; this, that; often used in the sense of\ndefinite article, _ri huyu_, the hill.\n\n=Richin=, _pron._ Of that one, of him, his, its.\n\n=Ruma=, _prep._ By, for, with.\n\n\n=Tacaxepeval=, _n._ Name of the first month of the native calendar.\n\n=Tak=, _v._ To send, to call one, to despatch to one. _Gram._, p.\n42.[TN-41]\n\n=Tahin=, _part._ Of present time.\n\n=Tak=, _adv._ A particle conveying the idea of recurrence or repetition,\nas _hetak_, _hutak_, p. 12. See _Gram._, p. 72.\n\n=Takchibal=, _n._ That which incites, or persuades. An instrumental form\nfrom _takchiih_.\n\n=Takchiih=, _v._ To incite, move, induce.\n\n=Takeh=, _v._ To obey.\n\n=Tan=, _adv._ Now, at present; particle of present time.\n\n=Tap=, _n._ Crab.\n\n=Tata=, _n._ Father. Originally the reduplication of the particle of\ncourtesy, _ta_, which is now used by and to married people. It also\nmeans lord, ruler. Cf. _Gram._, p. 72.\n\n=Ta[t]ah=, _n._ A plain; the sea coast as opposed to the interior. See\n_Huyu_.\n\n=Ta[c]h=, _n._\n\n=Tecpan=, _n._ See p. 13.\n\n=Tee=, _n._ Mother. See p. 35.\n\n=Telep=, _v._ To carry on the shoulders.\n\n=Telechuh=, _v._ To wrestle; to take captive; to tie with cords.\n\n=Tem=, _n._ A bench or seat. See p. 20.\n\n=Tepeval=, _n._ Sovereignty, power.\n\n=Teuh=, _adj._ Cold.\n\n=Ti=, _v._ To eat, to bite.\n\n=Ti=, _pron._ He, it, she; you.\n\n=Tih=, _v._ To give to eat, to feed; to invite; to try, to test; to teach,\nto instruct.\n\n=Tih=, _n._ The doctrine, the teaching.\n\n=Tihoh=, _v._ To teach another.\n\n=Tinamit=, _n._ Town, city.\n\n=Tiohil=, _n._ The body, the bulk of an animal.\n\n=Tiquer=, _v._ To begin, to commence.\n\n=Titil=, _n._ A color. See p. 204.\n\n=Tiuh tiuh=, _n._ See p. 196.\n\n=Tixli=, _n._ The tapir.\n\n=Ti[c]uil=, _v._ To be rooted in the ground. See [c]uil.\n\n=To=, _v._ To aid, to succor.\n\n=Tohoh=, _v._ To make a loud noise, to thunder. See p. 199.\n\n=Tol=, _v._ To abandon.\n\n=Toloba=, _v._ To desert, abandon, forsake.\n\n=Tooh=, _n._ Weapons, of all kinds.\n\n=To[t]=, _v._ To shoot up, to burst forth.\n\n=To[t]=, _v._ To push in, to insert.\n\n=To[t]e=, _v._ To arrive at a place.\n\n=Tuc=, _v._ To turn, revolve, move about.\n\n=Tucur=, _n._ The owl.\n\n=Tulul=, _n._ The zapote tree.\n\n=Tun=, _n._ A native drum; a branch, a sprout, a twig.\n\n=Tunay=, _n._ The elder tree. Span. _sauco_.\n\n=Tux=, _n._ A kind of acorn.\n\n\n=Ucheex=, _v._ To relate, to tell, to say, especially in reporting what\nothers have said. As a rule it follows the words quoted (_Coto_).\n\n=Ue=, _conj._ If.\n\n=Ul=, _v._ To arrive, to come to.\n\n=Ulaah=, _v._ To arrive at, as a home; to seek as a refuge (Bras.).\n\n=Ulaam=, _v._ To have at one's house, as a guest, etc.\n\n=Uleuh=, _n._ Earth, soil, land, ground.\n\n=Umul=, _n._ The rabbit.\n\n=Unum=, _n._ The male organ; a worm, a snake.\n\n=Ut=, _n._ Dove.\n\n=Utiuh=, _n._ The coyote.\n\n=Utzin=, _v._ To finish, to complete.\n\n=Ux=, _v._ To be, to become. See _Gram._, p. 33.\n\n=Uxla=, _n._ The breath; an odor; steam.\n\n=Uxlan=, _v._ To rest, to repose, to take breath (from _uxla_).\n\n\n=Va=, _part._ Here, now.\n\n=Va=, _v._ To eat.\n\n=Vach=, _n._ Face, visage, front; surface, superficies; brightness,\nsplendor; fruit, products, profits; power, dignity.\n\n=Vachih=, _v._ To see with one's own eyes; to have before one's face.\n\n=Vae=, _part._ This, this is, here is.\n\n=Vapal=, _n._ The lintel of a door, the frame of a window, etc.\n\n=Var=, _v._ To sleep.\n\n=Vave=, _adv._ Here.\n\n=Vay=, _n._ Bread, of any kind.\n\n=Vayhal=, _n._ Hunger.\n\n=Vi=, _n._ The head.\n\n=Vi=, _part._ A correlative and instrumental particle. See _Gram._, p. 63.\n\n=Vik=, _v._ To increase or add something; to ornament, to adorn; to\narrange, to set in order by adding to.\n\n=Vinak=, _n._ Man, the human species; a people.\n\n=Vinak chij=, _n._ Injury or misfortune; a legal term applied to certain\ntorts.\n\n=Vuk=, _adj._ Seven.\n\n\n=Xa=, _part._ But, only, etc. An antithetical particle, used in many\nconnections, as _xae_, _xa [c]a_, _xa ri [c]a_, _va xe re_, _xa [c]a_,\n_xe re_, _xa ha_, all signify but, next, etc.\n\n=Xah=, _v._ To move actively and cheerfully; hence, to dance; of a dog, to\nwag his tail.\n\n=Xahab=, _n._ Sandals, shoes, moccasins.\n\n=Xahan=, _n._ Prohibition, abstention.\n\n=Xahaneh=, _v._ To abstain from, to refrain.\n\n=Xahpota [c]hi[c]h=, _n._ Body armor. (\"Malla o peto.\" Varea).\n\n=Xak=, _n._ 1. Leaf. 2. Dye, color, tint. See p. 204.\n\n=Xambey=, _n._ One who follows another.\n\n=Xambeyah=, _v._ To do something later than another, to follow, to come\nafter.\n\n=Xane=, _v._ To strip, to uncover.\n\n=Xaquere=, _adv._ But thus; see _Xa_.\n\n=Xavi[c]a.= See Xa.[TN-42]\n\n=Xax.= Particle of affirmation, an intensive.\n\n=Xhayil=, _n._ A married woman, a wife. From _hay_, with the fem.\nprefix--\"the woman of the house.\"\n\n=Xim=, _v._ To tie, to bind onesself; to assume.\n\n=Xiquin=, _n._ Ears.\n\n=Xit=, _n._ The jade, the green stone (_piedra verde como torquesa._\nVarea).\n\n=Xivae=, _n._ A conch shell used as a horn.\n\n=Xmier=, _adv._ Already, formerly; _xmierok_, before, previously.\n\n=Xocon=, _n._ The left hand; _chu xocon_, on the left.\n\n=Xoh=, _pron._ We.\n\n=Xo[t]=, =Xo[c]oh=, _v._ To complain against one.\n\n=Xo[c]h=, _n._ The owl; a malicious person.\n\n=Xul=, _n._ A flute.\n\n=Xule=, _v._ To descend, to go down.\n\n=Xu[c]=, _n._ A net used by the Indians of the Sierra to catch birds.\n\n=X[c]ul=, _n._ A kind of dance. See p. 45.\n\n\n=Ya=, _v._ To give, to present.\n\n=Yaar=, _v._ To spoil, waste, go to ruin.\n\n=Yac=, _n._ To build a house; to contract for, ask for.\n\n=Yala=, _v._ To surpass, become distinguished.\n\n=Yaloh=, _v._ To delay, to remain.\n\n=Yamalakin=, _v._ To give presents.\n\n=Yamanic=, _n._ Precious stone.\n\n=Yanabil=, _n._ Sickness, disease.\n\n=Ybah=, _n._ The ancient site of a town; the hereditary home; the cement\nof a house. From _ybil_, to ripen, to mature.\n\n=Ye[t]=, _v._ To tread under foot, to detest, to hate.\n\n=Ylon=, _v._ To overtake one (alcanzar a otro que va adelante. _Varea_).\n\n=Yncheel=, _adv._ How, in what manner.\n\n=Ynup=, _n._ The ceiba tree.\n\n=Yoh=, _v._ To destroy, tear down.\n\n=Yon=, _adv._ Only, alone; _ruyon_, he or it alone or only. See _Gram._,\np. 32.\n\n=Yo[t]=, _v._ To knead dough. _Met._ to bruise.\n\n=Yuh=, _v._ To mix, to mingle.\n\n=Yuhuh=, _n._ A quarrel, a revolt.\n\n=Yuk=, _v._ To string out, to stretch out, like a rope. Hence\n\n=Yuku=, _n._ A rope or cord. _Varea._\n\n=Yuyub=, _n._ Shouts.\n\n=Yx=, _pron._ You.\n\n=Yxim=, _n._ Maize (the grains).\n\n=Y[c]o=, _v._ To pass over; to go from one place to another.\n\n\n=[t]a=, _n._ The hand, the arm.\n\n=[t]aba=, _v._ To place supports; to strengthen; to extend the hands.\n\n=[t]ahan=, _v._ To sound, to resound; to snore, etc.\n\n=[t]ahar=, _v._ To expend, to expand.\n\n=[t]ahartizah=, _v._ To praise, to commend.\n\n=[t]alaba=, _v._ To cause misfortune, to make miserable.\n\n=[t]alah=, _adj._ _n._ Something clear, apparent, manifest.\n\n=[t]alel.= See p. 37.\n\n=[t]alibal=, _n._ Seat, see, throne. \"Asiento[TN-43] del senor principal.\"\nCoto. See p. 20.\n\n=[t]am=, _n._ Bridge, stairs.\n\n=[t]ana abah=, _n._ A color. See p. 204.[TN-44]\n\n=[t]an=, _adj._ Yellow; ripe; rich.\n\n=[t]arama[t]=, _n._ Nation, confederation.\n\n=[t]at=, _v._ To cut, in general; hence, to decide a question; to ford a\nriver; to die early, etc.\n\n=[t]avonon=, _n._ A yellow bug; from _[t]an_, yellow, and _Vonon_, bug.\n(Guzman).\n\n=[t]ax=, _v._ 1. To pass, to pass over. 2. To bring forth, to give birth\nto.\n\n=[t]a[t]=, _n._ Fire.\n\n=[t]a[t]al=, _n._ Distinction, greatness.\n\n=[t]ek=, _adj._ Black; dark.\n\n=[t]ekal=, _n._ Blackness, darkness.\n\n=[t]ekum=, _n._ The darkness of the night.\n\n=[t]ih=, _n._ The sun; a day; a time or epoch; an occasion or opportunity;\nthe sign or constellation under which one is born; hence, fate or\nfortune. _Ah[t]ih_, the diviner; _cholol [t]ih_, to cast the horoscope.\n\n=[t]ihib=, _v._ To divine, to predict, to tell fortunes.\n\n=[t]il=, _v._ To prevent, impede, harass.\n\n=[t]inom=, _adj._ Rich. _n._ riches.\n\n=[t]iomah=, _n._ This appears to be a form of _[t]inomah_, riches.\n\n=[t]ip=, _v._ To take up in the fingers; to pinch.\n\n=[t]o=, _v._ To sustain, to maintain, to give to eat.\n\n=[t]ol=, _n._ Resin from the pine.\n\n=[t]op=, _n._ Ear rings.\n\n=[t]uz[t]um=, _n._ Delicacy, something delicious to eat.\n\n=[t]u[t]=, _n._ A species of bird. See p. 204.\n\n=[t]u[t]uraxon=, _n._ Green feathers; the plumage of certain birds.\n\n\n=[c]a=, _conj._ And, also.\n\n=[c]abovil=, _n._ The deity, God, divinity.\n\n=[c]ace=, _v._ To survive, to grow strong.\n\n=[c]ahol=, _n._ A son, sons; also, generally, descendants of a common\nancestor.\n\n=[c]aholah=, _v._ To beget, engender.\n\n=[c]ak=, _v._ To shoot with arrows; to stone. 2. To place onesself in\nfront of another.\n\n=[c]akaba=, _v._ To show onesself.\n\n=[c]al=, _v._ To tie together, to arrange in order as by tying.\n\n=[c]alakan=, _n._ Small bells tied together. See p. 17.\n\n=[c]am=, _v._ To take, to bear away; especially to take a woman in\nmarriage, to marry.\n\n=[c]anixt=, _n._ A bird. See p. 197.\n\n=[c]arunah=, _adv._ The same, again.\n\n=[c]axto[c]=, _n._ The Evil Spirit.\n\n=[c]ay=, _adj._ Pungent, bitter, strong of smell or taste.\n\n=[c]ayh=, _v._ To sell.\n\n=[c]a[c]alih=, _v._ To guard.\n\n=[c]eche=, _n._ A forest, a woods.\n\n=[c]el=, _n._ A small species of parrot.\n\n=[c]exevach=, _n._ Substitute, one who stands for another (Anon).\n\n=[c]iyaley=, _adv._ That which exceeds; used in comparison. See _Gram._,\np. 67.[TN-45]\n\n=[c]iy=, _adv._ Much, many.\n\n=[c]iyar=, _v._ To multiply, to increase.\n\n=[c]iz=, _v._ To finish, to conclude, to end.\n\n=[c]oh=, _v._ To be in a place, etc. Spanish, _estar_. See _Gram._, p. 33.\n\n=[c]ok=, =[c]okoh=, _v._ To complain (quejarse a Dios. Varea, p. 414).\n\n=[c]ol=, _v._ To cut down, to send out from, to diminish, to lessen.\n\n=[c]ot=, _v._ To dig a hole. _Met._ to examine verbally, to interrogate,\nto cross-question.\n\n=[c]otoh=, _v._ 1. To engrave, to sculpture. _[c]otonic_, that which is\nsculptured. 2. To set in order, to arrange battalions, etc.\n\n=[c]okikan=, _n._ Loads of roasted maize, used as food on long journeys;\nfrom _[c,]o_, \"mais cocido,\" and _kikan_.\n\n=[c]ox=, _v._ To clash; to strike hard things together, _ta [c]oxel\n[t]a[t]_[TN-46] to strike fire with the flint (Varea).\n\n=[c]oxol=, _n._ He who dashes together hard things, as stones. See\n_[c]ox_.\n\n=[c]oxom=, _n._ That which is dashed together, as stones. See [c]ox.\n\n=[c]oxtun=, _n._ Fortress, stronghold.\n\n=[c]u=, _v._ To put well in order, to arrange.\n\n=[c]ual=, _n._ Diamond, or other precious stone.\n\n=[c]ubul=, _n._ Garlands (Br.). From _[c]u_, to arrange in order, to put\nin place.\n\n=[c]uil=, _v._ To throw down to the ground, to lie or roll upon the\nground; to annoy, harass.\n\n=[c]ul=, _n._ All kinds of clothing; vesture, etc.\n\n=[c]ul=, _v._ To receive; to meet, to go out to meet one; to visit one; to\nconverse, to reply to, to be beaten.\n\n=[c]ule=, _v._ To marry.\n\n=[c]ulvachih=, _v._ To meet face to face. From _[c]ul_, to receive, to\nmeet, and _vach_, face.\n\n=[c]ut=, _v._ To show, to make manifest.\n\n=[c]utuh=, _v._ To ask, to inquire.\n\n=[c]ux=, _n._ The heart; the mind.\n\n=[c]ha=, _n._ The bow; the arrow.\n\n=[c]ha=, } _v._ To speak to talk, to say.\n=[c]habeh=, }\n\n=[c]habak=, _n._ Mud.\n\n=[c]hac=, _n._ A pestilence.\n\n=[c]hac=, _v._ To conquer, to overpower.\n\n=[c]hac=, _n._ Flesh, meat.\n\n=[c]hacatah=, _v._ To sit down, to rest seated; to reduce in value, to\ndepreciate.\n\n=[c]hacbal=, _n._ A victory, a conquest.[TN-47]\n\n=[c]hacat=, _n._ A seat, a throne. See p. 20.\n\n=[c]haka=, _prep._ From the other side; _[c]haka palouh_, from beyond the\nsea; _he ah [c]haka ya_, those from the other side of the water, a term\napplied to the Spaniards (Varea).\n\n=[c]hakap=, _n._ and _adv._ The half, partly.\n\n=[c]hamey=, _n._ Cane, staff; a badge of office; _ah[c]hamey_, the\nalguacil or constable.\n\n=[c]haoh=, _n._ See p. 55.\n\n=[c]hay=, _v._ To injure, destroy. 2. To fasten, solder.\n\n=[c]hi=, _v._ To disquiet, to be noisy.\n\n=[c]hih=, _v._ To suffer, to bear.\n\n=[c]hipil=, _n._ The youngest son.\n\n=[c]hique=, _v._ To appoint, to resolve upon.\n\n=[c]hi[c]h=, _n._ Iron, copper. See p. 19.\n\n=[c]hob=, _n._ Division, class, order, battalion.\n\n=[c]hocoba=, _v._ To seat a person.\n\n=[c]hol=, _v._ To skin, to bark, to clean; to acquit, to rid of.\n\n=[c]holih=, _v._ To value, to put a value upon; hence, _[c]holih [t]ih_,\nto value days, to decide which are lucky and which unlucky; _[c]hol\n[t]ih_, an astrological calendar. See p. 31.\n\n=[c]hub=, _v._ To ravage, as a pestilence.\n\n=[c]huc=, _n._ The arm, or arms.\n\n=[c]hutin=, _adj._ Small, little, young.\n\n\n=[c,]ak=, _v._ To work in clay; to make bricks or tiles; to make, to\ncreate. 2. To joke; to make fun. 3. To lie, to deceive.\n\n=[c,]akol=, _n._ The maker, the creator.\n\n=[c,]alam.= See p. 32.\n\n=[c,]anin=, _v._ To sound loudly, to make a great noise, of people,\ntrumpets, dancing, etc.\n\n=[c,]apal=, _n._ An enclosure; that which is shut up or enclosed; from\n_[c,]ape_, neuter of _tin [c,]apih_, shut up or enclose.\n\n=[c,]apibal=, _n._ The place where something is enclosed or shut up. See\n_[c,]apal_, and p. 197.\n\n=[c,]i=, _n._ A dog.\n\n=[c,]ibah=, _v._ To paint; to write. See p. 16.\n\n=[c,]ima=, _n._ A sharp-pointed tool; _v._ to dig with one (Ximenes).\n\n=[c,]iquin=, _n._ A bird, the generic word.\n\n=[c,]iz=, _v._ To sew, to puncture.\n\n=[c,]i[c,]ot=, _v._ To hiss (of a snake), to squeak (of a rat), to whistle\n(of a bird), etc.\n\n=[c,]um.= 1. The breasts, the mammae. 2. A skin, a hide.\n\n=[c,]umah=, _v._ To suck, to take the breast; to reduce a swelling; to\nlessen, to diminish.\n\n=[c,]utuh=, _n._ A flower, especially of the maize.\n\n\n=Tzak=, _v._ To throw, to fall; to tangle, to trip; to hinder; to go from\nthe road; to drop a subject, a lawsuit, etc.; to pardon; to excuse\nonesself; to cease, to die.\n\n=Tzal=, _v._ To make war, to give battle.\n\n=Tzam=, _n._ 1. Nose, beak, snout, of man, bird or brute. 2. The point or\nend of anything.\n\n=Tzap=, _n._ Fault, evil, misdemeanor. See p. 28.\n\n=Tzara=, _n._ A snare to take birds, etc.\n\n=Tzayh=, _v._ To do an injury without cause.\n\n=Tzatz=, _adv._ Much, many, thickly, densely.\n\n=Tzih=, _n._ A word, a speech.\n\n=Tzihoxic=, _n._ That which has been said; a passive verbal from _tzih_.\n\n=Tzimay=, _n._ A cup, or drinking vessel.\n\n=Tzolih=, _v._ To turn; to return; to turn one's thoughts upon, etc.\n\n=Tzuy=, _n._ A large calabash or gourd.\n\n=Tzuk=, _v._ To sustain, to maintain.\n\n=Tzul=, _v._ To intertwine, to embrace, to sleep together.\n\n\n\n\nINDEX OF NATIVE PROPER NAMES.\n\n(_The numbers refer to the sections._)\n\n\n Acalan, 182.\n\n Acacot, 81.\n\n Ahachel, 41.\n\n Akahal, 10, 20, 41, 63, 64, 73, 94, 97, 99, 100, 110, 111.\n\n Ahalquil, 77.\n\n Ah cic ama[t], 20.\n\n Ahci[c]ahuh, 95.\n\n Ah Itza, 80.\n\n Ah mak, 112. _d._ 132.\n\n Ah max nay, 105, 106,[TN-48]\n\n Ah pak, 3.\n\n Ahquehay, 3, 27, 29, 40.\n\n Ah tuncic Tihax, 163.\n\n Ah tucuru, 10.\n\n Ah[c]ibihay, 107.\n\n Ah[c]humilahay, 10, 77.\n\n Ah[c,]iquinahay, 38, 53, 54, 137.\n\n Ah [c,]alam Hunahpu, 135.\n\n Ah[c,]uruya, 77.\n\n Alinam, 66.\n\n Atacat, see Panatacat\n\n\n Bacah Pokoh, 10, 21, 36.\n\n Bacah Xahil, 10, 21, 36.\n\n 1. Balam, 119, 125. _d._ 130, 131.\n\n 2. Balam, 134, 135, 136.\n\n Ba[c]ahola, 3, 10, 29, 39, 40, 45, 48, 50, 136.\n\n Beleh chi Hunahpu, 23.\n\n Beleh chi [t]a[t], 23.\n\n Beleh cuihay, 77.\n\n Belehe Toh, 11.\n\n Belehe [t]ih, 98.\n\n Belehe [c]at, 115, 136, 140, 159, 166.\n\n Bo[t]oiya, 73.\n\n Bubatzo, 53.\n\n Bulbux ya, 77, 161.\n\n\n Cablahuh Ba[c,], 88.\n\n Cablahuh Tihax, 88, 91, 116.\n\n Cahi bak, 21.\n\n Cahi Imox, 136, 140, 159, 172.\n\n Cakay, see Cakhay.\n\n Cakchiquel, 3, 10, 16, 20, 27, 41, 54, 84, 89, etc.\n\n Cakhay, 28, 125.\n\n Cakix, 20.\n\n Cakixahay, 34.\n\n Cakolahay, 126.\n\n Camachal, 81.\n\n Canalakam, 45.\n\n Caok, 88, 98, etc.\n\n Carchah, 25.\n\n Cata Noh, 162.\n\n Cauke, 49. See _Cavek_.\n\n Cavek, 3, 29, 39, 40, 84, 100.\n\n Cavek Paoh, 29.\n\n Cay batz, 40, 47, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54.\n\n Cay Hunahpu, 100, 103.\n\n Cay Noh, 46, 47, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 66.\n\n Cibakihay, 3, 10, 29, 39, 40, 48, 88.\n\n Cinahi toh, 101, 102, 105.\n\n Cinpual Taxuch, 25.\n\n Citan Tihax Cablah, 75.\n\n Citan [c]atu, 60, 65, 66, 75.\n\n Coha, 77.\n\n Cotanoh, 162.\n\n Cucu huyu, 27.\n\n Culhuacan, 117.\n\n Cumatz, 5, 10, 77.\n\n Cupilcat, 45, 61, 62.\n\n Cutam chah, 20.\n\n Cuzcatan, 150, 151.\n\n Cuztum chixnal, 49.\n\n\n Cactecauh, 2, etc. _d._ 30, 48.\n\n Cak bim, 26, 112.\n\n Cakcab, 63, 107.\n\n Caki huyu, 20.\n\n Caki teuh, 20, 25.\n\n Caki [c]oxol, 21, 22. See p. 42.\n\n Caki [c,]unun, 31.\n\n Caki [c]uva, 20, 25.\n\n Caktzuy, 26.\n\n Cak[c]uch abah, 85.\n\n Cali[c]ahol, 63.\n\n Camaneh, 41.\n\n Cecic Inup, 33.\n\n Cimahi hay, 44, 63.\n\n Cinanihay, 39.\n\n Coroch, 97.\n\n Co[c,]il, 10, 20, 34, 41.\n\n Co[c,]il Tukuche, 36, 54, 72, 74, 82, 91.\n\n Cubinal, 25.\n\n Cunpancu, 23.\n\n Cuquitan, 23.\n\n Cutum, 77.\n\n Cuyva, 12, 20. See note, p. 199.\n\n\n Chacachil, 25.\n\n Chakiya, } 84.\n Chaquihya, }\n\n Chay Abah, 5, 44, 46.\n\n Chee tzulu, 37.\n\n Chetecauh, 38.\n\n Chiabak, 21.\n\n Chiavar, 63, 67, 68, 71, 75, 83, 84, 104.\n\n Chicakyu[t], 77.\n\n Chicbal, 173.\n\n Chichah, 77.\n\n Chiholom, 64, 73, 77.\n\n Chinta Queh, 162.\n\n Chita[t]ah, 20.\n\n Chiixot, 160-1.\n\n Chitulul, 38, 140.\n\n Chituy, 80.\n\n Chiyol, 21.\n\n Chi[t]a[t], 178.\n\n Chi[t]alibal, 34.\n\n Chi[t]ohom, 46, 63.\n\n Chi[c]ib, 99.\n\n Chi[c]otuk, 77.\n\n Choloma, 169.\n\n Chopena Queh, 88.\n\n Chopena Tohin, 88.\n\n Chopena [c,]iquin u[c]a, 88.\n\n Chucuyba[c]in, 102.\n\n Chuluc, 82, 84, 85.\n\n Chuvy [c,]iquinu, 173.\n\n Chuvy [c,]ut, 135.\n\n\n Daqui, 3.\n\n Deocacvancu, 17.\n\n\n Eventec, 81.\n\n\n Halic, 77.\n\n Herech, 81.\n\n Holom, 85, 94, 97, 159.\n\n Hukahic, 97.\n\n Hultucur, 77.\n\n Hun ah pu, 21, 174.\n\n Hunahpu [c,]ian, 95.\n\n Hun cun[c]un [t]anel, 53.\n\n Hun Tihax, 11.\n\n Hun toh, 73-76, 82-86.\n\n Huny[c], 115. _d._ 129.\n\n Hun tzuy, 26.\n\n Huvarah bix, 97.\n\n\n Yaqui, 110, 117, 118.\n\n Yaxon tuh, 126.\n\n Yaxon [c]ul, 104.\n\n Icxiuh, 53.\n\n Ikoma[t], 3, 34, 62.\n\n Imox, 115.\n\n Yut [t]um Calla, 63.\n\n Iximche, 84, 85, 89, 93, 122, 137, 148.\n\n Izmachi, 70.\n\n Iztayul, 89, 93.\n\n I[t]ich, 119.\n\n Y[c]hal Amullac, 73, 94.\n\n Y[c]hal can chi cum cuvat, 63, 64.\n\n Y[c,]iyul, 85.\n\n\n Lacantun, 194.[TN-49]\n\n Lahub, 77.\n\n Lahuh Ah, 87.\n\n Lahuh Noh, 117.\n\n Lahuh Tihax, 115.\n\n Lama[t]i, 10, 77.\n\n Loch, 3, 27, 28.\n\n Loxpin, 23.\n\n Lakan Abah, 140.\n\n\n Maku X[c]uhay, 115.\n\n Mayahauh, 53.\n\n Meahauh, 17, 20.\n\n Meme, 20, 24.\n\n Mevac, 25.\n\n Mexico, 117.\n\n Mixcu, 85, 109.\n\n Modec cumatzin, 117.\n\n Moinal, 25.\n\n Molinxot, 63.\n\n Molobak, 77.\n\n Molomic abah, 77.\n\n Motzoray, 45.\n\n Mukchee, 26, 124.\n\n\n Nacuxcux, 77.\n\n Nacxit, 25.\n\n Nahtihay, 107.\n\n Nimahay, 39.\n\n Nima Ahin, 88.\n\n Nimabah, 173.\n\n Nima cahay, 95.\n\n Nimapan Xeacauh, 82.\n\n Nimcakah pec, 63, 64.\n\n Nimpokon, 26, 77.\n\n Nimxor, 25.\n\n Noh, 115.\n\n Nonovalcat, 19, 20.\n\n\n Orbal tzam, 25.\n\n Oronic, 28.\n\n Oxlahuh [c,]u, 88, 91.\n\n O[c]hal, 63, 64.\n\n\n Paanuyaal che, 164.\n\n Pa caki uleuh, 91.\n\n Pacaval, 139.\n\n Pacavek, 39, 44.\n\n Pa chalic bak, 63.\n\n Pacibakul, 39, 44.\n\n Pampetak, 81.\n\n Paneh, 64, 77.\n\n Panatacat, 88, 128, 149, 150.\n\n Pan ca[t], 85.\n\n Pan chee, 63.\n\n Pan choy, 164, 174.\n\n Pangan, 165, 183, 185.\n\n Pantzic, 20, 39, 44, 46, 63.\n\n Paraxon, 20, 39, 44, 46, 47, 63.\n\n Paraxtun ya, 98.\n\n Paruyaal chay, 164.\n\n Paxaya, 173.\n\n Paxil, 5.\n\n Payanchocol, 38.\n\n Pec pa ru pec, 53.\n\n Pe[c,]e, 63.\n\n Pokom, 26, 85.\n\n Popo abah, 21.\n\n Popoya, 85.\n\n Puciahauh, 53.\n\n Pu hu hil, 39.\n\n Pul[c]hi[c]h, 38.\n\n Puzbal, 63.\n\n\n Queh chun, 173.\n\n Quehil, 39, 44.\n\n Quehnay, 80.\n\n Quixavit Caoh, 172.\n\n\n Rabinal, 10, 41.\n\n Rahamun, 73.\n\n Ralabal Yg, 97.\n\n Rapak, 77.\n\n Ratzamut, 83, 84, etc.\n\n Raxakan, 91, 102, 103.\n\n Rax[c]hi[c]h, 26.\n\n Rokel ba[c,]in, 93.\n\n\n Tacna, 20, 24.\n\n Tameltoh, 97.\n\n Tamyac, 85.\n\n Ttah ttah Akbal, 66.\n\n Tata yac, 80.\n\n Tapcu Oloman, 17, 20.\n\n Ta [t]unun, 81.\n\n Tecpalan, 23.\n\n Tecpan, 28.\n\n Telom, 3, 21.\n\n Te pac uman, 20.\n\n Te pe pul, 89, 93, 138.\n\n Tepeuh, 49, 51, 52, 53, 62.\n\n Tepuztan, 23.\n\n Teyocuman, 31.\n\n Tiba[c]oy, 91, 102, 103.\n\n Tihax cablah, 75.\n\n Tohin, 135.\n\n Tohohil, 20, 41, 90.\n\n Tol[c]om, 35, 37.\n\n Totomay, 3.\n\n Totunay, 29.\n\n Tox[c]omine, 77.\n\n Tox[c]om Noh, 100, 103.\n\n To[t]ohil, 20.\n\n Tucuru cakixala, 88.\n\n Tuh, 126.\n\n Tuhalahay, 10, 77.\n\n Tukuchee, 10, 20, 41, 43, 99, 100, 103.\n\n Tulan, 2, 4, 10, 16, 47, 82.\n\n Tunacotzih, 28.\n\n\n Utzupa, 63.\n\n Uxa, 77.\n\n\n Vail [c]ahol, 97.\n\n Vakaki Ahmak, 115, 127.\n\n Valval Xucxuc, 17, 20.\n\n Vayca, 41.\n\n Vitaum, 77.\n\n Voo caok, 98, 107, 110.\n\n Voo queh, 114.\n\n Vooymax, 93.\n\n Vuchabahay, 10, 77.\n\n Vukubatz, 73-76, 82.\n\n Vukucivan, 77, 97.\n\n\n Xahila, 2, 43, 61, 81.\n\n Xavi Ahin, 88.\n\n Xeabah, 85.\n\n Xeamatal chii, 23.\n\n Xe Caka Abah, 139.\n\n Xecuh, 23.\n\n Xechibohoy, 84.\n\n Xechipeken, 101, 102.\n\n Xechituh, 84.\n\n Xe la hub, 145, 179.\n\n Xepakay, 64.\n\n Xepahca, 112.\n\n Xepau, 157, 158.\n\n Xe pit, 144.\n\n Xepoyom, 41, 138.\n\n Xerahapit, 77, 97.\n\n Xet, 3, 27, 28.\n\n Xetocoy, 23.\n\n Xe tulul, 144.\n\n Xeuh, 23.\n\n Xey noh, 112.\n\n Xhu[c,]uy, 81.\n\n Xibalbay, 4, 5.\n\n Xiliviztan, 23.\n\n Ximbal xu[c], 29.\n\n Ximox, 88.\n\n Xiquitzal, 70, 73.\n\n Xit amal Queh, 82, 84, 85.\n\n Xitayul Hax, 69.\n\n Xivanul, 84.\n\n Xivico, 110.\n\n Xttamer Caquentol, 66.\n\n Xubabal, 77.\n\n Xuchipillan, 173.\n\n Xulpit, 19, 20.\n\n Xulu [c]atu, 66.\n\n Xumak cham, 95.\n\n Xurcah, 3, 29.\n\n X[t]eka[c]uch, 135.\n\n\n [t]alaah, 63, 91.\n\n [t]a[t]alyx, 77.\n\n [t]a[t]avitz, 2, etc.\n\n [t]a[t]xanul, 31, 32.\n\n [t]ekacivan, 77.\n\n [t]eka[c]uch, 3, 10, 29, 39, 40, 48, 50.\n\n [t]inona, 63, 66, 91.\n\n [t]ucumatz, 20, 38.\n\n [t]umarcaah, 70, 71, 82, 90, 146.\n\n [t]u[t]ucot, 41.\n\n [t]u[t]uchom, 3.\n\n [t]u[t]u huyu, 77, 94, 97.\n\n\n [c]abouil civan, 63\n\n [c]alalapacay, 33.\n\n [c]akbatzulu, 35, 37.\n\n [c]ama[t]ekum, 77.\n\n [c]atu, 88, 119, 125.\n\n [c]atun, 3.\n\n [c]ax[c]an, 77, 94, 97.\n\n [c]eche, 9, 15, 20, 28, 29, 41, 45, 66, 76.\n\n [c]eletel, 41.\n\n [c]ian, 133, 135.\n\n [c]icihay, 137.\n\n [c]ikab, 67-72, 74-114.\n\n [c]iria Yyu, 100, 103.\n\n [c]iz[c]ab, 84, 85.\n\n [c]obakil, 3, 11, 26, 61.\n\n [c]omakaa, 43.\n\n [c]ot balcan, 66.\n\n [c]oxahil, 3, 21, 26, 61.\n\n [c]ubulahay, 34.\n\n [c]ulavi cochoh, 34.\n\n [c]ulavi [c]anti, 34.\n\n [c]hicbal, 112.\n\n [c]hitibal, 22.\n\n [c]hixnal, 49, 77.\n\n [c]hiyoc Queh Ah[t]u[t], 66.\n\n [c]holama[t], 23.\n\n [c]hooc Tacatic, 95.\n\n [c]hopiytzel, 21, 30, 48.\n\n [c]hupichin, 23.\n\n [c]huti, 63.\n\n [c]hutiah, 3.\n\n\n [c,]ala, 41.\n\n [c,]imaki Piaculcan, 95.\n\n [c,]ulahauh, 25.\n\n [c,]ununaa, 41.\n\n [c,]unun choy, 23.\n\n [c,]unun huyu, 23, 27.\n\n [c,]upi ta[t]ah, 63, 68, 70, 75, 84.\n\n [c,]utuhil, 9, 38, 103, 107, 112, 138, 149.\n\n\n Tzak tzuy, 27. For _Cak tzuy_, q. v.\n\n Tzanat, 3.\n\n Tzololaa, 41, 162.\n\n Tzupam, 148.\n\n Tzutzumpan, 169.\n\n\n\n\nTranscriber's Note\n\nThe following typographical errors and inconsistencies have been\nmaintained in this version of the book.\n\nTypographical errors:\n\n TN-1 29 Second cacao harvest should read Second cacao harvest.\n TN-2 30 20. Hunahpu, should read 20. Hunahpu.\n TN-3 33 moroever should read moreover\n TN-4 47 Dicc. Anon should read Dicc. Anon.\n TN-5 48 Pokoman should read Pokomam\n TN-6 51 gutteral should read guttural\n TN-7 51 magic candle should read magi_c_ _c_andle\n TN-8 58 Quikab should read Qikab\n TN-9 61 agains should read against\n TN-10 13, fn. 1 Baschmann should read Buschmann\n TN-11 38, fn. 1 Cakchiquel Anon should read Cakchiquel Anon.\n TN-12 57, fn. 1 _d_,the should read _d_, the\n TN-13 88 ahpop[c]amahay. ha should read either ahpop[c]amahay, ha\n or ahpop[c]amahay. Ha\n TN-14 110 Ba[c]ahol the h was printed upside down in the original.\n TN-15 111 youself should read yourself\n TN-16 119 without, should read without.\n TN-17 119 Caybatz.\" should read Caybatz.\n TN-18 133 Vxa. should read Vxa\n TN-19 136 achiha. maqui should read either achiha; maqui or\n achiha. Maqui\n TN-20 139 Vucubatz should read Vukubatz\n TN-21 147 Oxlahu tzii should read Oxlahuh tzii\n TN-22 148 vinak. hucumah should read either vinak. Hucumah or\n vinak, hucumah\n TN-23 188 Oh should read On\n TN-24 189 litle should read little\n TN-25 190 Ig should read Yg\n TN-26 196 our should read four\n TN-27 197 etaient should read etaient\n TN-28 201 Civilisees should read Civilisees\n TN-29 202 [t]a[t] xanul should read _[t]a[t] xanul_\n TN-30 204 [t]a[t]avitz should read _[t]a[t]avitz_\n TN-31 208 173. should read 172.\n TN-32 208 181. The second 181 should not appear, it refers to the\n same section as the preceding pargraph\n TN-33 209 mayor. should read mayor.\"\n TN-34 209 Ah-[c,]ib, should read Ah-[c,]ib.\n TN-35 212 Anon). should read Anon.).\n TN-36 215 p, 64 should read p. 64\n TN-37 217 etc should read etc.\n TN-38 218 mountain should read mountain.\n TN-39 218 To put one should read To put to one\n TN-40 219 she it should read she, it\n TN-41 219 Tak (first listing) is out of alphabetical order\n TN-42 222 See Xa should read See _Xa_\n TN-43 223 Asiento should read Asiento\n TN-44 223 [t]ana abah is out of alphabetical order\n TN-45 224 [c]iyaley is out of alphabetical order\n TN-46 225 [t]a[t] should read [t]a[t],\n TN-47 225 [c]hacbal is out of alphabetical order\n TN-48 229 106, should read 106.\n TN-49 231 194 should read 184\n\nInconsistent spelling:\n\n ante / ante\n halebal / halibal\n\nInconsistent hyphenation:\n\n Ahtzib / Ah-tzib\n Ahuchan / Ah-uchan\n calpulli / calp-ulli\n honeycomb / honey-comb\n kikan / ki-kan","title":"The Annals of the Cakchiquels","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":64975}