{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_2484/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_2484","id":"gutenberg_2484","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/2484","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Children & Young Adult Reading","Category: History - Ancient","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Greece -- Biography -- Juvenile literature","Harvard Classics","Rome -- Biography -- Juvenile literature"],"text":"Produced by An Anonymous Volunteer\n\n\n\n\n\nTHE BOYS' AND GIRLS' PLUTARCH\n\nBEING PARTS OF THE \"LIVES\" OF PLUTARCH\n\nBy Plutarch\n\nEdited for Boys and Girls With Introductions By John S. White\n\nHead-Master Berkeley School\n\n\n\n\nTable of Contents\n\n\n     Life of Theseus\n     Life of Romulus\n     Comparison of Theseus and Romulus\n     Life of Lycurgus\n     Life of Solon\n     Life of Themistocles\n     Life of Camillus\n     Life of Pericles\n     Life of Demosthenes\n     Life of Cicero\n     Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero\n     Life of Alcibiades\n     Life of Coriolanus\n     Comparison of Alcibiades and Coriolanus\n     Life of Aristides\n     Life of Cimon\n     Life of Pompey\n     The Engines of Archimedes; from the Life of Marcellus\n     Description of Cleopatra; from the Life of Antony\n     Anecdotes from the Life of Agesilaus\n     The Brothers; from the Life of Timoleon\n     The Wound of Philopoemen\n     A Roman Triumph; from the Life of Paulus Aemilius\n     The Noble Character of Caius Fabricius; from the Life of Pyrrhus\n     From the Life of Quintus Fabius Maximus\n     The Cruelty of Lucius Cornelius Sylla\n     The Luxury of Lucullus\n     From the Life of Sertorius the Roman, who endeavored to establish\n     a separate Government for himself in Spain\n     The Scroll; from the Life of Lysander\n     The Character of Marcus Cato\n     The Sacred Theban Band; from the Life of Pelopidas\n     From the Life of Titus Flamininus, Conqueror of Philip\n     Life of Alexander the Great\n     The Death of Caesar\n\n\n\n\nTHESEUS\n\nAs geographers crowd into the edges of their maps parts of the world\nwhich they do not know about, adding notes in the margin to the effect\nthat beyond this lies nothing but sandy deserts full of wild beasts,\nunapproachable bogs, Seythian ice, or frozen sea, so, in this great work\nof mine, in which I have compared the lives of the greatest men with one\nanother, after passing through those periods which probable reasoning\ncan reach to and real history find a footing in, I might very well\nsay of those that are farther off, Beyond this there is nothing but\nprodigies and fictions; the only inhabitants are the poets and inventors\nof fables; there is no credit, or certainty any farther. Yet, after\npublishing an account of Lycurgus the lawgiver and Numa the king, I\nthought I might, not without reason, ascend as high as to Romulus, being\nbrought by my history so near to his time. Considering therefore with\nmyself\n\n     Whom shall I set so great a man face to face?\n     Or whom oppose? Who's equal to the place?\n\n(as Aeschylus expresses it), I found none so fit as he who peopled the\nbeautiful and far-famed city of Athens, to be set in opposition with\nthe father of the invincible and renowned city of Rome. Let us hope that\nFable may, in what shall follow, so submit to the purifying processes of\nReason as to take the character of exact history. We shall beg that we\nmay meet with candid readers, and such as will receive with indulgence\nthe stories of antiquity.\n\nTheseus seemed to me to resemble Romulus in many particulars. Both of\nthem had the repute of being sprung from the gods.\n\nBoth warriors; that by all the world's allowed.\n\nBoth of them united with strength of body an equal vigor of mind; and of\nthe two most famous cities of the world, the one built in Rome, and the\nother made Athens be inhabited. Neither of them could avoid domestic\nmisfortunes nor jealousy at home; but toward the close of their\nlives are both of them said to have incurred great odium with their\ncountrymen, if, that is, we may take the stories least like poetry as\nour guide to truth.\n\nTheseus was the son of Aegeus and Aethra. His lineage, by his father's\nside, ascends as high as to Erechtheus and the first inhabitants of\nAttica. By his mother's side, he was descended of Pelops, who was the\nmost powerful of all the kings of Peloponnesus.\n\nWhen Aegeus went from the home of Aethra in Troezen to Athens, he left\na sword and a pair of shoes, hiding them under a great stone that had a\nhollow in it exactly fitting them; and went away making her only privy\nto it, and commanding her that, if, when their son came to man's estate,\nhe should be able to lift up the stone and take away what he had left\nthere, she should send him away to him with those things with all\nsecrecy, and with injunctions to him as much as possible to conceal his\njourney from everyone; for he greatly feared the Pallantidae, who were\ncontinually mutinying against him, and despised him for his want of\nchildren, they themselves being fifty brothers, all sons of Pallas, the\nbrother of Aegeus.\n\nWhen Aethra's son was born, some say that he was immediately named\nTheseus, from the tokens which his father had put under the stone;\nothers that he received his name afterwards at Athens, when Aegeus\nacknowledged him for his son. He was brought up under his grandfather\nPittheus, and had a tutor and attendant set over him named Connidas, to\nwhom the Athenians, even to this time, the day before the feast that is\ndedicated to Theseus, sacrifice a ram, giving this honor to his memory\nupon much juster grounds than to Silanio and Parrhasius, for making\npictures and statues of Theseus. There being then a custom for the\nGrecian youth, upon their first coming to a man's estate, to go to\nDelphi and offer firstfruits of their hair to the god, Theseus also went\nthither, and a place there to this day is yet named Thesea, as it is\nsaid, from him. He clipped only the fore part of his head, as Homer says\nthe Abantes did. And this sort of tonsure was from him named Theseis.\nThe Abantes first used it, not in imitation of the Arabians, as some\nimagine, nor of the Mysians, but because they were a warlike people,\nand used to close fighting, and above all other nations, accustomed to\nengage hand to hand; as Archilochus testifies in these verses:\n\n     Slings shall not whirl, nor many arrows fly,\n     When on the plain the battle joins; but swords,\n     Man against man, the deadly conflict try,\n     As is the practice of Euboea's lords\n     Skilled with the spear.--\n\nTherefore, that they might not give their enemies a hold by their hair,\nthey cut it in this manner. They write also that this was the reason\nwhy Alexander gave command to his captains that all the beards of the\nMacedonians should be shaved, as being the readiest hold for an enemy.\n\nAethra for some time concealed the true parentage of Theseus, and a\nreport was given out by Pittheus that he was the son of Neptune; for the\nTroezenians pay Neptune the highest veneration. He is their tutelar god,\nto him they offer all their firstfruits, and in his honor stamp their\nmoney with a trident.\n\nTheseus displaying not only great strength of body, but equal bravery,\nand a quickness alike and force of understanding, his mother Aethra,\nconducting him to the stone, and informing him who was his true father,\ncommanded him to take from thence the tokens that Aegeus had left, and\nto sail to Athens. He without any difficulty set himself to the stone\nand lifted it up; but refused to take his journey by sea, though it was\nmuch the safer way, and though his mother and grandfather begged him to\ndo so. For it was at that time very dangerous to go by land on the road\nto Athens, no part of it being free from robbers and murderers. That\nage produced a sort of men, in force of hand, and swiftness of foot, and\nstrength of body, excelling the ordinary rate, and wholly incapable of\nfatigue; making use, however, of these gifts of nature to no good or\nprofitable purpose for mankind, but rejoicing and priding themselves\nin insolence, and taking the benefit of their superior strength in\nthe exercise of inhumanity and cruelty, and in seizing, forcing, and\ncommitting all manner of outrages upon everything that fell into their\nhands; all respect for others, all justice, they thought, all equity and\nhumanity, though naturally lauded by common people, either out of\nwant of courage to commit injuries or fear to receive them, yet no way\nconcerned those who were strong enough to win for themselves. Some\nof these Hercules destroyed and cut off in his passage through these\ncountries, but some, escaping his notice, while he was passing by, fled\nand hid themselves, or else were spared by him in contempt of their\nabject submission; and after that Hercules fell into misfortune, and,\nhaving slain Iphitus, retired to Lydia, and for a long time was there\nslave to Omphale, a punishment which he had imposed upon himself for\nthe murder. Then, indeed, Lydia enjoyed high peace and security, but in\nGreece and the countries about it the like villainies again revived\nand broke out, there being none to repress or chastise them. It was\ntherefore a very hazardous journey to travel by land from Athens to\nPeloponnesus; and Pittheus, giving him an exact account of each of these\nrobbers and villains, their strength, and the cruelty they used to all\nstrangers, tried to persuade Theseus to go by sea. But he, it seems, had\nlong since been secretly fired by the glory of Hercules, held him in the\nhighest estimation, and was never more satisfied than in listening to\nany that gave an account of him; especially those that had seen him,\nor had been present at any action or saying of his. So that he was\naltogether in the same state of feeling as, in after ages, Themistocles\nwas, when he said that he could not sleep for the trophy of Miltiades;\nentertaining such admiration for the virtues of Hercules that in his\ndreams were all of that hero's actions, and in the day a continual\nemulation stirred him up to perform the like. Besides, they were\nrelated, being born of own cousins. For Aethra was daughter of Pittheus,\nand Alcmena of Lysidice; and Lysidice and Pittheus were brother and\nsister, children of Hippodamia and Pelpos. He thought it therefore a\ndishonorable thing, and not to be endured, that Hercules should go out\neverywhere, and purge both land and sea from the wicked men, and he\nshould fly from the like adventures that actually came his way; not\nshowing his true father as good evidence of the greatness of his birth\nby noble and worthy actions, as by the tokens that he brought with him,\nthe shoes and the sword.\n\nWith this mind and these thoughts, he set forward with a design to do\ninjury to nobody, but to repel and avenge himself of all those that\nshould offer any. And first of all, in a set combat he slew Periphtes,\nin the neighborhood of Epidaurus, who used a club for his arms, and from\nthence had the name of Corynetes, or the club-bearer; who seized upon\nhim, and forbade him to go forward in his journey. Being pleased with\nthe club, he took it, and made it his weapon, continuing to use it as\nHercules did the lion's skin, on whose shoulders that served to prove\nhow huge a beast he had killed; and to the same end Theseus carried\nabout him this club; overcome indeed by him, but now, in his hands,\ninvincible.\n\nPassing on further towards the Isthmus of Peloponnesus, he slew Sinnis,\noften surnamed the Bender of Pines, after the same manner in which he\nhimself had destroyed many others before. And this he did without having\neither practiced or ever learnt the art of bending these trees, to show\nthat natural strength is above all art. This Sinnis had a daughter of\nremarkable beauty and stature, called Perigune, who, when her father\nwas killed, fled, and was sought after everywhere by Theseus; and coming\ninto a place overgrown with brushwood, shrubs, and asparagus-thorn,\nthere, in a childlike, innocent manner, prayed and begged them, as if\nthey understood her, to give shelter, with vows that if she escaped she\nwould never cut them down nor burn them. But Theseus calling upon her,\nand giving her his promise that he would use her with respect, and\noffer no injury, she came forth. Whence it is a family usage amongst the\npeople called Ioxids, from the name of her grandson, Ioxus, both male\nand female, never to burn either shrubs or asparagus-thorn, but to\nrespect and honor them.\n\nThe Crommyonian sow, which they called Phaea, was a savage and\nformidable wild beast, by no means an enemy to be despised. Theseus\nkilled her, going out of his way on purpose to meet and engage her, so\nthat he might not seem to perform all his great exploits out of mere\nnecessity; being also of opinion that it was the part of a brave man to\nchastise villainous and wicked men when attacked by them, but to seek\nout and overcome the more noble wild beasts. Others relate that Phaea\nwas a woman, a robber full of cruelty, that lived in Crommyon, and had\nthe name of Sow given her from the foulness of her life and manners, and\nafterwards was killed by Theseus. He slew also Sciron, upon the borders\nof Megara, casting him down from the rocks, being, as most report, a\nnotorious robber of all passengers, and, as others add, accustomed out\nof insolence and wantonness, to stretch forth his feet to strangers,\ncommanding them to wash them, and then while they did it, with a kick to\nsend them down the rock into the sea.\n\nIn Eleusis he killed Cercyon, the Arcadian, in a wrestling match. And\ngoing on a little farther, in Erineus, he slew Damastes, otherwise\ncalled Procrustes, forcing his body to the size of his own bed, as he\nhimself was used to do with all strangers; this he did in imitation\nof Hercules, who always returned upon his assailants the same sort of\nviolence that they offered to him; sacrificed Busiris, killed Antaeus\nin wrestling, and Cycnus in single combat, and Termerus by breaking his\nskull in pieces (whence, they say, comes the proverb of \"a Termerian\nmischief\"), for it seems Termerus killed passengers that he met by\nrunning with his head against them. And so also Theseus proceeded with\nthe same violence from which they had inflicted upon others, justly\nsuffering after the same manner of their own injustice.\n\nAs he went forward on his journey, and was come as far as the River\nCephisus, some of the race of the Phytalidae met him and saluted him,\nand upon his desire to use the purifications, then in custom, they\nperformed them with all the usual ceremonies, and having offered\npropitiatory sacrifices to the gods, invited him and entertained him at\ntheir house, a kindness which, in all his journey hitherto, he had not\nmet.\n\nOn the eighth day of Cronius, now called Hecatombaeon, he arrived at\nAthens, where he found the public affairs full of all confusion, and\ndivided into parties and factions. Aegeus also, and his whole private\nfamily, laboring under the same distemper; for Medea, having fled from\nCorinth, was living with him. She was first aware of Theseus, whom as\nyet Aegeus did not know, and he being in years, full of jealousies and\nsuspicions, and fearing everything by reason of the faction that was\nthen in the city, she easily persuaded him to kill him by poison at a\nbanquet, to which he was to be invited as a stranger. He, coming to\nthe entertainment, thought it not fit to discover himself at once, but,\nwilling to give his father the occasion of first finding him out, the\nmeat being on the table, he drew his sword as if he designed to cut with\nit; Aegeus, at once recognizing the token, threw down the cup of poison,\nand, questioning his son, embraced him, and, having gathered together\nall his citizens, owned him publicly before them, who, on their part,\nreceived him gladly for the fame of his greatness and bravery.\n\nThe sons of Pallas, who were quiet, upon expectation of recovering the\nkingdom after Aegeus's death, who was without issue, as soon as Theseus\nappeared and was acknowledged the successor, highly resenting that\nAegeus first, as adopted son only of Pandion, and not at all related to\nthe family of Erechtheus, should be holding the kingdom, and that after\nhim, Theseus, a visitor and stranger, should be destined to succeed\nto it, broke out into open war. And, dividing themselves into two\ncompanies, one part of them marched openly from Sphettus, with their\nfather, against the city; the other, hiding themselves in the village\nof Gargettus, lay in ambush, with a design to set upon the enemy on both\nsides. They had with them a crier of the township of Agnus, named\nLeos, who discovered to Theseus all the designs of the Pallentidae. He\nimmediately fell upon those that lay in amuscade, and cut them all off;\nupon tidings of which Pallas and his company fled and were dispersed.\n\nFrom hence they say is derived the custom among the people of the\ntownship of Pallene to have no marriages or any alliance with the people\nof Agnus, nor to suffer the criers to pronounce in their proclamations\nthe words used in all other parts of the country, Acouete Leoi (Hear ye\npeople), hating the very sound of Leo, because of the treason of Leos.\n\nTheseus, longing to be in action, and desirous also to make himself\npopular, left Athens to fight with the bull of Marathon, which did no\nsmall mischief to the inhabitants of Tetrapolis. And, having overcome\nit, he brought it alive in triumph through the city, and afterwards\nsacrificed it to the Delphian Apollo. The story of Hecale, also, of her\nreceiving and entertaining Theseus in this expedition, seems to be not\naltogether void of truth; for the townships round about, meeting upon a\ncertain day, used to offer a sacrifice, which they called Hecalesia,\nto Jupiter Hecaleius, and to pay honor to Hecale, whom, by a diminutive\nname, they called Hecalene, because she, while entertaining Theseus,\nwho was quite a youth, addressed him, as old people do, with similar\nendearing diminutives; and having made a vow to Jupiter that he was\ngoing to the fight, that, if he returned in safety, she would offer\nsacrifices in thanks of it, and dying before he came back, she had these\nhonors given her by way of return for her hospitality, by the command of\nTheseus, as Philochorus tells us.\n\nNot long afterwards came the third time from Crete the collectors of\nthe tribute which the Athenians paid them upon the following occasion.\nAndrogeus having been treacherously murdered in the confines of Attica,\nnot only Minos, his father, put the Athenians to extreme distress by a\nperpetual war, but the gods also laid waste their country; both famine\nand pestilence lay heavy upon them, and even their rivers were dried up.\nBeing told by the oracle that if they appeased and reconciled Minos,\nthe anger of the gods would cease and they should enjoy rest from\nthe miseries they labored under, they sent heralds, and with much\nsupplication were at last reconciled, entering into an agreement to\nsend to Crete every nine years a tribute of seven young men and as many\nvirgins, as most writers agree in stating; and the most poetical\nstory adds that the Minotaur destroyed them, or that, wandering in the\nLabyrinth, and finding no possible means of getting out, they miserably\nended their lives there, and that this Minotaur was (as Euripides hath\nit)\n\n     A mingled form, where two strange shapes combined,\n     And different natures, bull and man, were joined.\n\nNow when the time of the third tribute was come, and the fathers who\nhad any young men for their sons were to proceed by lot to the choice\nof those that were to be sent, there arose fresh discontents and\naccusations against Aegeus among the people, who were full of grief and\nindignation that he, who was the cause of all their miseries, was the\nonly person exempt from the punishment; adopting and setting his kingdom\nupon a foreign son, he took no thought, they said, of their destitution\nand loss of their lawful children. These things sensibly affected\nTheseus, who, thinking it but just not to disregard, but rather partake\nof, the sufferings of his fellow citizens, offered himself for one\nwithout any lot. All else were struck with admiration for the nobleness,\nand with love for the goodness, of the act; and Aegeus, after prayers\nand entreaties, finding him inflexible and not to be persuaded,\nproceeded to the choosing of the rest by lot. Hellanicus, however, tells\nus that the Athenians did not send the young men and virgins by lot,\nbut that Minos himself used to come and make his own choice, and pitched\nupon Theseus before all others; according to the conditions agreed upon\nbetween, namely, that the Athenians should furnish them with a ship, and\nthat the young men who were to sail with him should carry no weapon of\nwar; but that if the Minotaur was destroyed the tribute should cease.\n\nOn the two former occasions of the payment of the tribute, entertaining\nno hopes of safety or return, they sent out the ship with a black sail,\nas to unavoidable destruction; but now, Theseus encouraging his father\nand speaking greatly of himself, as confident that he should kill the\nMinotaur, he gave the pilot another sail, which was white, commanding\nhim, as he returned, if Theseus were safe, to make use of that; but\nif not, to sail with the black one, and to hang out that sign of his\nmisfortune. Simonides says that the sail which Aegeus delivered to the\npilot was not white, but\n\n     Scarlet, in the juicy bloom\n     Of the living oak-tree steeped.\n\nThe lot being cast, and Theseus having received out of the Prytaneum\nthose upon whom it fell, he went to the Delphinium, and made an offering\nfor them to Apollo of his suppliant's badge, which was a bough of a\nconsecrated olive tree, with white wool tied about it.\n\nHaving thus performed his devotion, he went to sea, the sixth day of\nMunychion, on which day even to this time the Athenians send their\nvirgins to the same temple to make supplication to the gods. It is\nfarther reported that he was commanded by the oracle at Delphi to make\nVenus his guide, and to invoke her as the companion and conductress of\nhis voyage, and that, as he was sacrificing a she goat to her by the\nseaside, it was suddenly changed into a he, and for this cause that\ngoddess had the name of Epitragia.\n\nWhen he arrived at Crete, as most of the ancient historians as well as\npoets tell us, having a clue of thread given him by Ariadne, who had\nfallen in love with him, and being instructed by her now to use it so as\nto conduct him through the windings of the Labyrinth, he escaped out of\nit and slew the Minotaur, and sailed back, taking along with him Ariadne\nand the young Athenian captives. Pherecydes adds that he bored holes\nin the bottom of the Cretan ships to hinder their pursuit. Demon writes\nthat Taurus, the chief captain of Minos, was slain by Theseus at the\nmouth of the port, in a naval combat, as he was sailing out for Athens.\nBut Philochorus gives us the story thus: That at the setting forth of\nthe yearly games by King Minos, Taurus was expected to carry away\nthe prize, as he had done before; and was much grudged the honor.\nHis character and manners made his power hateful, and he was accused,\nmoreover, of too near familiarity with Pasiphae, for which reason, when\nTheseus desired the combat, Minos readily complied. And as it was a\ncustom in Crete that the women also should be admitted to the sight of\nthese games, Ariadne, being present, was struck with admiration of the\nmanly beauty of Theseus, and the vigor and address which he showed in\ncombat, overcoming all that encountered with him. Minos, too, being\nextremely pleased with him, especially because he had overthrown and\ndisgraced Taurus, voluntarily gave up the young captives to Theseus, and\nremitted the tribute to the Athenians.\n\nThere are yet many traditions about these things, and as many concerning\nAriadne, all inconsistent with each other. Some relate that she hung\nherself, being deserted by Theseus. Others that she was carried away\nby his sailors to the isle of Naxos, and married to Oenarus, priest of\nBacchus; and that Theseus left her because he fell in love with another,\n\n     \"For Aegle's love was burning in his breast.\"\n\nNow Theseus, in his return from Crete, put in at Delos, and, having\nsacrificed to the god of the island, dedicated to the temple the\nimage of Venus which Ariadne had given him, and danced with the young\nAthenians a dance that, in memory of him, they say is still preserved\namong the inhabitants of Delos, consisting in certain measured\nturnings and returnings, imitative of the windings and twistings of the\nLabyrinth. And this dance, as Dicaearchus writes, is called among the\nDelians, the Crane. This he danced round the Ceratonian Altar, so called\nfrom its consisting of horns taken from the left side of the head. They\nalso say that he instituted games in Delos, where he was the first that\nbegan the of giving a palm to the victors.\n\nWhen they were come near the coast of Attica, so great was the joy for\nthe happy success of their voyage, that neither Theseus himself nor the\npilot remembered to hang out the sail which should have been the token\nof their safety to Aegeus, who, in despair at the sight, threw himself\nheadlong from a rock, and perished in the sea. But Theseus, being\narrived at the port of Phalerum, paid there the sacrifices which he had\nvowed to the gods at his setting out to sea, and sent a herald to the\ncity to carry the news of his safe return. At his entrance, the herald\nfound the people for the most part full of grief for the loss of their\nking, others, as may well be believed, as full of joy for the tidings\nthat he brought, and eager to welcome him and crown him with garlands\nfor his good news, which he indeed accepted of, but hung them upon his\nherald's staff; and thus returning to the seaside before Theseus\nhad finished his libation to the gods, he stayed apart for fear of\ndisturbing the holy rites, but, as soon as the libation was ended, went\nup and related the king's death, upon the hearing of which, with great\nlamentations and a confused tumult of grief, they ran with all haste to\nthe city. And from hence, they say, it comes that at this day, in the\nfeast of Oschoporia, the herald is not crowned, but his staff, and all\nwho are present at the libation cry out \"eleleu, iou, iou,\" the first of\nwhich confused sounds is commonly used by men in haste, or at a triumph,\nthe other is proper to people in consternation or disorder of mind.\n\nTheseus, after the funeral of his father, paid his vows to Apollo the\nseventh day of Pyanepsion; for on that day the youth that returned with\nhim safe from Crete made their entry into the city. They say, also, that\nthe custom of boiling pulse at this feast is derived from hence; because\nthe young men that escaped put all that was left of their provision\ntogether, and, boiling it in one common pot, feasted themselves with\nit, and ate it all up together. Hence, also, they carry in procession\nan olive branch bound about with wool (such as they then made use of in\ntheir supplications), which they call Eiresione, crowned with all sorts\nof fruits, to signify that scarcity and barrenness was ceased, singing\nin their procession this song:\n\n     Eiresione brings figs, and Eiresione brings loaves;\n     Bring us honey in pints, and oil to rub on our bodies,\n     And a strong flagon of wine, for all to go mellow to bed on.\n\nThe ship wherein Theseus and the youth of Athens returned had thirty\noars, and was preserved by the Athenians down even to the time of\nDemetrius Phalereus, for they took away the old planks as they decayed,\nputting in new and stronger timber in their place, insomuch that this\nship became a standing example among the philosophers, for the logical\nquestion as to things that grow; one side holding that the ship remained\nthe same, and the other contending that it was not the same.\n\nNow, after the death of his father Aegeus, forming in his mind a great\nand wonderful design, he gathered together all the inhabitants of Attica\ninto one town, and made them one people of one city, whereas before they\nlived dispersed, and were not easy to assemble upon any affair, for\nthe common interest. Nay, the differences and even wars often occurred\nbetween them, which he by his persuasions appeased, going form township\nto township, and from tribe to tribe. And those of a more private and\nmean condition readily embracing such good advice, to those of greater\npower he promised a commonwealth without monarchy, a democracy, or\npeople's government, in which he should only be continued as their\ncommander in war and the protector of their laws, all things else being\nequally distributed among them;--and by this means brought a part\nof them over to his proposal. The rest, fearing his power, which was\nalready grown very formidable, and knowing his courage and resolution,\nchose rather to be persuaded than forced into a compliance. He then\ndissolved all the distant state-houses, council halls, and magistracies,\nand built one common state-house (the Prytaneum) and council hall on the\nsite of the present upper town, and gave the name of Athens to the\nwhole state, ordaining a common feast and sacrifice, which he called\nPanathenaea, or the sacrifice of all the united Athenians. He instituted\nalso another sacrifice, called Metoecia, or Feast of Migration, which\nis yet celebrated on the sixteenth day of Hecatombaeon. Then, as he\nhad promised, he laid down his regal power and proceeded to order a\ncommonwealth, entering upon this great work not without advice from the\ngods. For having sent to consult the oracle of Delphi concerning the\nfortune of his new government and city, he received this answer:\n\n     Son of the Pitthean maid,\n     To your town the terms and fates\n     My father gives of many states.\n     Be not anxious or afraid:\n     The bladder will not fail to swim\n     On the waves that compass him.\n\nWhich oracle, they say, one of the sibyls long after did in a manner\nrepeat to the Athenians, in this verse:\n\nThe bladder may be dipt, but not be drowned.\n\nFarther yet designing to enlarge his city, he invited all strangers to\ncome and enjoy equal privileges with the natives, and it is said that\nthe common form, \"Come hither all ye people,\" was the words that Theseus\nproclaimed when he thus set up a commonwealth, in a manner, for all\nnations. Yet he did not suffer his state, by the promiscuous multitude\nthat flowed in, to be turned into confusion and be left without any\norder or degree, but was the first that divided the commonwealth into\nthree distinct ranks, the noblemen, the husbandmen, and artificers.\nTo the nobility he committed the care of religion, the choice of\nmagistrates, the teaching and dispensing of the laws, and interpretation\nand direction in all sacred matters; the whole city being, as it were,\nreduced to an exact equality, the nobles excelling the rest in honor,\nthe husbandmen in profit, and the artifices in number. And that Theseus\nwas the first, who, as Aristotle says, out of an inclination to popular\ngovernment, parted with the regal power, Homer also seems to testify,\nin his catalogue of ships, where he gives the name of \"People\" to the\nAthenians only.\n\nHe also coined money, and stamped it with the image of an ox, either\nin memory of the Marathonian bull, or of Taurus, whom he vanquished, or\nelse to put his people in mind to follow husbandry; and from this coin\ncame the expression so frequent among the Greeks, as a thing being\nworth ten or a hundred oxen. After this he joined Megara to Attica, and\nerected that famous pillar on the isthmus, which bears an inscription of\ntwo lines, showing the bounds of the two countries that meet there. On\nthe east side the inscription is,-\"Peloponnesus there, Ionia here,\" And\non the west side,-\"Peloponnesus here, Ionia there.\"\n\nHe also instituted the games, in emulation of Hercules, being ambitious\nthat as the Greeks, by that hero's appointment, celebrated the Olympian\ngames to the honor of Jupiter, so, by his institution, they should\ncelebrate the Isthmian to the honor of Neptune. At the same time he made\nan agreement with the Corinthians, that they should allow those that\ncame from Athens to the celebration of the Isthmian games as much space\nof honor before the rest to behold the spectacle in as the sail of the\nship that brought them thither, stretched to its full extent, could\ncover; so Hellenicus and Andro of Halicarnassus have established.\n\nConcerning his voyage into the Euxine Sea, Philochorus and some others\nwrite that he made it with Hercules, offering him his service in the\nwar against the Amazons, and had Antiope given him for the reward of his\nvalor; but the greater number, of whom are Pherecides, Hellanicus,\nand Herodorus, with a navy under his own command, and took the Amazon\nprisoner,--the more probable story, for we do not read that any other,\nof all those that accompanied him in this action, took any Amazon\nprisoner. Bion adds, that, to take her, he had to use deceit and fly\naway; for the Amazons, he says, being naturally lovers of men, were so\nfar from avoiding Theseus when he touched upon their coasts, that they\nsent him presents to his ship; but he, having invited Antiope, who\nbrought them, to come aboard, immediately set sail and carried her\naway. An author named Menecrates, that wrote the History of Nicaea in\nBithynia, adds, that Theseus, having Antiope aboard his vessel, cruised\nfor some time about those coasts, and that there were in the same ship\nthree young men of Athens, that accompanied him in his voyage, all\nbrothers, whose names were Euneos, Thoas, and Soloon. The last of these\nfell desperately in love with Antiope; and escaping the notice of the\nrest, revealed the secret only to one of his most intimate acquaintance,\nand employed him to disclose his passion to Antiope. She rejected his\npretences with a very positive denial, yet treated the matter with much\ngentleness and discretion, and made no complaint to Theseus of anything\nthat had happened; but Soloon, the thing being desperate, leaped into\na river near the seaside and drowned himself. As soon as Theseus was\naquainted with his death, and his unhappy love that was the cause of it,\nhe was extremely distressed, and, in the height of his grief, an oracle\nwhich he had formerly received at Delphi came into his mind; for he had\nbeen commanded by the priestess of Apollo Pythius, that, wherever in a\nstrange land he was most sorrowful and under the greatest affliction,\nhe should build a city there, and leave some of his followers to be\ngovernors of the place. For this cause he there founded a city, which\nhe called, from the name of Apollo, Pythopolis, and, in honor of the\nunfortunate youth, he named the river that runs by it Soloon, and left\nthe two surviving brothers intrusted with the care of the government and\nlaws, joining with them Hermus, one of the nobility of Athens, from whom\na place in the city is called the House of Hermus; though by an error\nin the accent it has been taken for the House of Hermes, or Mercury, and\nthe honor that was designed to the hero, transferred to the god.\n\nThis was the origin and cause of the Amazonian invasion of Attica, which\nwould seem to have been no slight or womanish enterprise. For it is\nimpossible that they should have placed their camp in the very city,\nand joined battle close by the Pnyx and the hill called Museum, unless,\nhaving first conquered the country round about, they had thus with\nimpunity advanced to the city. That they made so long a journey by land,\nand passed the Cimmerian Bosphorus when frozen, as Hellanicus writes,\nis difficult to be believed. That they encamped all but in the city is\ncertain, and may be sufficiently confirmed by the names that the places\nthereabout yet retain, and the graves and the monuments of those that\nfell the battle. Both armies being in sight, there was a long pause and\ndoubt on each side which should give the first onset; at last Theseus,\nhaving sacrificed to Fear, in obedience to the command of an oracle he\nhad received, gave them battle, in which action a great number of the\nAmazons were slain. At length, after four months, a peace was concluded\nbetween them by the mediation of Hippolyta (for so this historian calls\nthe Amazon whom Theseus married, and not Antiope), though others write\nthat she was slain with a dart by Molpadia, while fighting by Theseus's\nside, and that the pillar which stands by the temple of Olympian Earth\nwas erected to her honor. Nor is it to be wondered at, that in events\nof such antiquity, history should be in disorder. This is as much as is\nworth telling concerning the Amazons.\n\nThe celebrated friendship between Theseus and Pirithous is said to have\nbeen begun as follows: The fame of the strength and valor of Theseus\nbeing spread through Greece, Pirithous was desirous to make a trial\nand proof of it himself, and to this end seized a herd of oxen which\nbelonged to Theseus, and was driving them away from Marathon, and, when\nnews was brought that Theseus pursued him in arms, he did not fly, but\nturned back and went to meet him. But as soon as they had viewed one\nanother, each so admired the gracefulness and beauty, and was seized\nwith such a respect for the courage of the other, that they forgot all\nthoughts of fighting; and Pirithous, first stretching out his hand to\nTheseus, bade him be judge in this case himself, and promised to submit\nwillingly to any penalty he should impose. But Theseus not only forgave\nhim all, but entreated him to be his friend and brother in arms; and\nthey ratified their friendship by oaths. After this Pirithous married\nDeidamia, and invited Theseus to the wedding, entreating him to come and\nsee his country, and make acquaintance with the Lapithae; he had at the\nsame time invited the Centaurs to the feast, who, growing hot with\nwine and beginning to be insolent and wild, the Lapithae took immediate\nrevenge upon them, slaying many of them upon the place, and afterwards,\nhaving overcome them in battle, drove the whole race of them out of\ntheir country, Theseus all along taking the part of the Lapithae, and\nfighting on their side.\n\nTheseus was now fifty years old, as Hellanicus states, when he carried\noff Helen, who was yet too young to be married. Some writers, to take\naway this accusation of one of the greatest crimes laid to his charge,\nsay that he did not steal away Helen himself, but that Idas and\nLynceus brought her to him, and committed her to his charge, and that,\ntherefore, he refused to restore her at the demand of Castor and Pollux;\nor, indeed, they say her own father, Tyndarus, had sent her to be kept\nby him, for fear of Enarophorus, the son of Hippocoon, who would\nhave carried her away by force when she was yet a child. But the most\nprobable account, and that which has witnesses on its side, is this:\nTheseus and Pirithous went both together to Sparta, and, having seized\nthe young lady as she was dancing in the temple of Diana Orthia, fled\naway with her. There were presently men in arms sent to pursue, but they\nfollowed no farther than to Tegea; and Theseus and Pirithous being now\nout of danger, having passed through Peloponnesus, made an agreement\nbetween themselves, that he to whom the lot should fall should have\nHelen to his wife, but should be obliged to assist in procuring another\nfor his friend. The lot fell upon Theseus, who conveyed her to Aphidnae,\nnot being yet marriageable, and delivered her to one of his allies,\ncalled Aphidnus, and having sent his mother, Aethra, after to take care\nof her, desired him to keep them so secretly that none might know\nwhere they were; which done, to return the same service to his friend\nPirithous, he accompanied him in his journey to Epirus, in order to\nsteal away the king of the Molossians' daughter. The king, his own name\nbeing Aidoneus, or Pluto, called his wife Proserpina, and his daughter\nCora, and a great dog which he kept Cerberus, with whom he ordered all\nthat came as suitors to his daughter to fight, and promised her to him\nthat should overcome the beast. But having been informed that the design\nof Pirithous and his companion was not to court his daughter, but to\nforce her away, he caused them both to be seized, and threw Pirithous to\nbe torn to pieces by the dog, and put Theseus into prison, and kept him.\n\nAbout this time Menetheus, the son of Peteus, grandson of Orneus, and\ngreat-grandson to Erechtheus, the first man that is recorded to have\naffected popularity and ingratiated himself with the multitude, stirred\nup and exasperated the most eminent men of the city, who had long borne\na secret grudge to Theseus, conceiving that he had robbed them of their\nseveral little kingdoms and lordships, and, having pent them all up in\none city, was using them as his subjects and slaves. He put also the\nmeaner people into commotion, telling them, that, deluded with a mere\ndream of liberty, though indeed they were deprived both of that and\ntheir proper homes and religious usages, instead of many good and\ngracious kings of their own, they had given themselves up to be\nlorded over by a newcomer and a stranger. Whilst he was thus busied\nin infecting the minds of the citizens, the war that Castor and Pollux\nbrought against Athens came very opportunity to farther the sedition he\nhad been promoting, and some say that he by his persuasions was wholly\nthe cause of their invading the city. At their first approach they\ncommitted no acts of hostility, but peaceably demanded their sister\nHelen; but the Athenians returning answer that they neither had her nor\nknew where she was disposed of, they prepared to assault the city, when\nAcademus, having, by whatever means, found it out, disclosed to them\nthat she was secretly kept at Aphidnea. For which reason he was\nboth highly honored during his life by Castor and Pollux, and the\nLacedaemonians, when often in after times they made excursions into\nAttica, and destroyed all the country round about, spared the Academy\nfor the sake of Academus.\n\nHercules, passing by the Molossians, was entertained in his way by\nAidoneus the king, who, in conversation, accidentally spoke of the\njourney of Theseus and Pirithous into his country, of what they had\ndesigned to do, and what they were forced to suffer. Hercules was much\ngrieved for the inglorious death of the one and the miserable condition\nof the other. As for Pirithous, he thought it useless to complain; but\nbegged to have Theseus released for his sake, and obtained that favor\nfrom the king. Theseus, being thus set at liberty, returned to Athens,\nwhere his friends were not wholly suppressed, and dedicated to Hercules\nall the sacred places which the city had set apart for himself, changing\ntheir names from Thesea to Herculea, four only excepted, as Philochorus\nwrites. And wishing immediately to resume the first place in the\ncommonwealth, and manage the state as before, he soon found himself\ninvolved in factions and troubles; those who long had hated him had\nnow added to their hatred contempt; and the minds of the people were\nso generally corrupted, that, instead of obeying commands with silence,\nthey expected to be flattered into their duty. He had some thoughts\nto have reduced them by force, but was overpowered by demagogues and\nfactions. And at last, despairing of any good success of his affairs in\nAthens, he sent away his children privately to Euboea, commending them\nto the care of Elephenor, the son of Chalcodon; and he himself, having\nsolemnly cursed the people of Athens in the village of Gargettus, in\nwhich there yet remains the place called Araterion, or the place of\ncursing, sailed to Scyros, where he had lands left him by his father,\nand friendship, as he thought, with those of the island. Lycomedes was\nthen king of Scyros. Theseus, therefore, addressed himself to him,\nand desired to have his lands put into his possession, as designing\nto settle and dwell there, though others say that he came to beg his\nassistance against the Athenians. But Lycomedes, either jealous of the\nglory of so great a man, or to gratify Menestheus, having led him up to\nthe highest cliff of the island, on pretense of showing him from thence\nthe lands that he desired, threw him headlong down from the rock and\nkilled him. Others say he fell down of himself by a slip of his foot,\nas he was walking there, according to his custom, after supper. At that\ntime there was no notice taken, nor were any concerned for his death,\nbut Menestheus quietly possessed the kingdom of Athens. His sons were\nbrought up in a private condition, and accompanied Elephenor to the\nTrojan war, but, after the decease of Menestheus in that expedition,\nreturned to Athens, and recovered the government. But in succeeding\nages, beside several other circumstances that moved the Athenians to\nhonor Theseus as a demigod, in the battle which was fought at Marathon\nagainst the Medes, many of the soldiers believed they saw an apparition\nof Theseus in arms, rushing on at the head of them against the\nbarbarians. And after the Median war, Phaedo being archon of Athens,\nthe Athenians, consulting the oracle at Delphi, were commanded to gather\ntogether the bones of Theseus, and, laying them in some honorable place,\nkeep them as sacred in the city. But it was very difficult to recover\nthese relics, or so much as to find out the place where they lay, on\naccount of the inhospitable and savage temper of the barbarous people\nthat inhabited the island. Nevertheless, afterwards, when Cimon took the\nisland (as is related in his life), and had a great ambition to find\nthe place where Theseus was buried, he, by chance, spied an eagle upon\na rising ground pecking with her beak and tearing up the earth with her\ntalons, when on the sudden it came into his mind, as it were by some\ndivine inspiration, to dig there, and search for the bones of Theseus.\nThere were found in that place a coffin of a man of more than ordinary\nsize, and a brazen spear-head, and a sword lying by it, all which he\ntook aboard his galley and brought with him to Athens. Upon which the\nAthenians, greatly delighted, went out to meet and receive the relics\nwith splendid procession and with sacrifices, as if it were Theseus\nhimself returning alive to the city. He lies interred in the middle of\nthe city, near the present gymnasium. His tomb is a sanctuary and\nrefuge for slaves, and all those of mean condition that fly from the\npersecution of men in power, in memory that Theseus while he lived\nwas an assister and protector of the distressed, and never refused the\npetitions of the afflicted that fled to him. The chief and most solemn\nsacrifice which they celebrate to him is kept on the eighth day of\nPyanepsion, on which he returned with the Athenian young men from Crete.\nBesides which, they sacrifice to him on the eighth day of every month,\neither because he returned from Troezen the eighth day of Hecatombaeon,\nas Diodorus the geographer writes, or else thinking that number to be\nproper to him, because he was reputed to be born of Neptune, because\nthey sacrifice to Neptune on the eighth day of every month. The number\neight being the first cube of an even number, and the double of the\nfirst square, seemed to be am emblem of the steadfast and immovable\npower of this god, who from thence has the names of Asphalius and\nGaeiochus, that is, the establisher and stayer of the earth.\n\n\n\n\nROMULUS\n\nFrom whom, and for what reason, the city of Rome, a name so great in\nglory, and famous in the mouths of all men, was so first called, authors\ndo not agree.\n\nBut the story which is most believed and has the greatest number of\nvouchers in general outline runs thus: the kings of Alba reigned in\nlineal descent from Aeneas, and the succession devolved at length upon\ntwo brothers, Numitor and Amulius. Amulius proposed to divide things\ninto two equal shares, and set as equivalent to the kingdom the treasure\nand gold that were brought from Troy. Numitor chose the kingdom; but\nAmulius, having the money, and being able to do more with that than\nNumitor, took his kingdom from with great ease, and, fearing lest his\ndaughter might have children who would supplant him, made her a Vestal,\nbound in that condition forever to live a single and maiden life. This\nlady some call Ilia, others Rhea, and others Silvia; however, not long\nafter, contrary to the established laws of the Vestals, she had two\nsons of more than human size and beauty, whom Amulius, becoming yet more\nalarmed, commanded a servant to take and cast away; this man some call\nFaustulus, others say Faustulus was the man who brought them up. He put\nthe children, however, in a small trough, and went towards the river\nwith a design to cast them in; but seeing the waters much swollen\nand coming violently down, was afraid to go nearer, and, dropping the\nchildren near the bank, went away. The river overflowing, the flood at\nlast bore up the trough, and, gently wafting it, landed them on a\nsmooth piece of ground, which they now call Cermanus, formerly Germanus,\nperhaps from \"Germani,\" which signifies brothers.\n\nWhile the infants lay here, history tells us, a she-wolf nursed them,\nand a woodpecker constantly fed and watched them. These creatures\nare esteemed holy to the god Mars; the woodpecker the Latins still\nespecially worship and honor. Which things, as much as any, gave credit\nto what the mother of the children said, that their father was the god\nMars.\n\nMeantime Faustulus, Amulius's swineherd, brought up the children\nwithout any man's knowledge; or, as those say who wish to keep closer to\nprobabilities, with the knowledge and secret assistance of Numitor; for\nit is said, they went to school at Gabii, and were well instructed in\nletters, and other accomplishments befitting their birth. And they were\ncalled Romulus and Remus (from \"ruma\", the dug), because they were found\nsuckling the wolf. In their very infancy, the size and beauty of their\nbodies intimated their natural superiority; and when they grew up, they\nboth proved brave and manly, attempting all enterprises that seemed\nhazardous, and showing in them a courage altogether undaunted. But\nRomulus seemed rather to act by counsel, and to show the sagacity of\na statesman, and in all his dealings with their neighbors, whether\nrelating to feeding of flocks or to hunting, gave the idea of being born\nrather to rule than to obey. To their comrades and inferiors they were\ntherefore dear; but the king's servants, his bailiffs and overseers, as\nbeing in nothing better men than themselves, they despised and slighted,\nnor were the least concerned at their commands and menaces. They used\nhonest pastimes and liberal studies, not esteeming sloth and idleness\nhonest and liberal, but rather such exercises as hunting and running,\nrepelling robbers, taking of thieves, and delivering the wronged and\noppressed from injury. For doing such things, they became famous.\n\nA quarrel occurring betwixt Numitor's and Amulius's cowherds, the\nlatter, not enduring the driving away of their cattle by the others,\nfell upon them and put them to flight, and rescued the greatest part of\nthe prey. At which Numitor being highly incensed, they little regarded\nit, but collected and took into their company a number of needy men and\nrunaway slaves,--acts which looked like the first stages of rebellion.\nIt so happened, that when Romulus was attending a sacrifice, being fond\nof sacred rites and divination, Numitor's herdsmen, meeting with\nRemus on a journey with few companions, fell upon him, and, after some\nfighting, took him prisoner, carried him before Numitor, and there\naccused him. Numitor would not punish him himself, fearing his brother's\nanger, but went to Amulius and desired justice, as he was Amulius's\nbrother and was affronted by Amulius's servants. The men of Alba\nlikewise resenting the thing, and thinking he had been dishonorably\nused, Amulius was induced to deliver Remus up into Numitor's hands, to\nuse him as he thought fit. He therefore took and carried him home,\nand, being struck with admiration of the youth's person, in stature\nand strength of body exceeding all men, and perceiving in his very\ncountenance the courage and force of his mind, which stood unsubdued and\nunmoved by his present circumstances, and hearing further that all the\nenterprises and actions of his life were answerable to what he saw of\nhim, but chiefly, as it seemed, a divine influence aiding and directing\nthe first steps that were to lead to great results, out of the mere\nthought of his mind, and casually, as it were, he put his hand upon the\nfact, and, in gentler terms and with a kind aspect, to inspire him with\nconfidence and hope, asked him who he was, and whence he was derived.\nHe, taking heart, spoke thus: \"I will hide nothing from you, for you\nseem to be of a more princely temper than Amulius, in that you give\na hearing and examine before you punish, while he condemns before the\ncause is heard. Formerly, then, we (for we are twins) thought ourselves\nthe sons of Faustulus and Larentia, the king's servants; but since we\nhave been accused and aspersed with calumnies, and brought in peril of\nour lives here before you, we hear great things of ourselves, the truth\nof which my present danger is likely to bring to the test. Our birth is\nsaid to have been secret, our fostering and nurture in our infancy still\nmore strange; by birds and beasts, to whom we were cast out, we were\nfed--by the milk of a wolf, and the morsels of a woodpecker, as we lay\nin a little trough by the side of the river. The trough is still in\nbeing, and is preserved, with brass plates round it, and an inscription\nin letters almost effaced, which may prove hereafter unavailing tokens\nto our parents when we are dead and gone.\" Numitor, upon these words,\nand computing the dates by the young man's looks, slighted not the hope\nthat flattered him, but considered how to come at his daughter privately\n(for she was still kept under restraint), to talk with her concerning\nthese matters.\n\nFaustulus, hearing Remus was taken and delivered up, called on Romulus\nto assist in his rescue, informing him then plainly of the particulars\nof his birth--not but he had before given hints of it--and told as much\nas an attentive man might make no small conclusions from; he himself,\nfull of concern and fear of not coming in time, took the trough, and\nran instantly to Numitor; but giving a suspicion to some of the king's\nsentry at his gate, and being gazed upon by them and perplexed with\ntheir questions, he let it be seen that he was hiding the trough under\nhis cloak. By chance there was one among them who was at the exposing of\nthe children, and was one employed in the office; he, seeing the trough\nand knowing it by its make and inscription, guessed at the business,\nand, without further delay, telling the king of it, brought in the man\nto be examined. Faustulus, hard beset, did not show himself altogether\nproof against terror; nor yet was he wholly forced out of all: confessed\nindeed the children were alive, but lived, he said, as shepherds, a\ngreat way from Alba; he himself was going to carry the trough to Ilia,\nwho had often greatly desired and handle it, for a confirmation of her\nhopes of her children. As men generally do who are troubled in mind and\nact either in fear or passion, it so fell out Amulius now did; for he\nsent in haste as a messenger, a man, otherwise honest and friendly to\nNumitor, with commands to learn from Numitor whether any tidings were\ncome to him of the children's being alive. He, coming and seeing how\nlittle Remus wanted of being received into the arms and embraces of\nNumitor, both gave him surer confidence in his hope, and advised them,\nwith all expedition, to proceed to action; himself too joining and\nassisting them, and indeed, had they wished it, the time would not have\nlet them demur. For Romulus was now come very near, and many of the\ncitizens, out of fear and hatred of Amulius, were running out to join\nhim; besides, he brought great forces with him, dividing into companies,\neach of an hundred men, every captain carrying a small bundle of grass\nand shrubs tied to a pole. The Latins call such bundles \"manipuli,\" and\nfrom hence it is that in their armies still they call their captains\n\"manipulares.\" Remus rousing the citizens within to revolt, and Romulus\nmaking attacks from without, the tyrant, not knowing either what to do,\nor what expedient to think of for his security, in this perplexity and\nconfusion was taken and put to death. This narrative, for the most part\ngiven by Fabius and Diocles of Peparethos, who seem to be the earliest\nhistorians of the foundation of Rome, is suspected by some because\nof its dramatic and fictitious appearance; but it would not wholly be\ndisbelieved, if men would remember what a poet Fortune sometimes shows\nherself, and consider that the Roman power would hardly have reached so\nhigh a pitch without a divinely ordered origin, attended with great and\nextraordinary circumstances.\n\nAmulius now being dead and matters quietly disposed, the two brothers\nwould neither dwell in Alba without governing there, nor take the\ngovernment into their own hands during the life of their grandfather.\nHaving therefore delivered the dominion up into his hands, and paid\ntheir mother befitting honor, they resolved to live by themselves, and\nbuild a city in the same place where they were in their infancy brought\nup. This seems the most honorable reason for their departure; though\nperhaps it was necessary, having such a body of slaves and fugitives\ncollected about them, either to come to nothing by dispersing them, or\nif not so, then to live with them elsewhere. For that the inhabitants of\nAlba did not think fugitives worthy of being received and incorporated\nas citizens among them plainly appears from the matter of the women, an\nattempt made not wantonly, but of necessity, because they could not get\nwives by good-will. For they certainly paid unusual respect and honor to\nthose whom they thus forcibly seized.\n\nNot long after the first foundation of the city, they opened a sanctuary\nof refuge for all fugitives, which they called the temple of the god\nAsylaeus, where they received and protected all, delivering none back,\nneither the servant to his master, the debtor to his creditor, nor the\nmurderer into the hands of the magistrate, saying it was a privileged\nplace, and they could so maintain it by an order of the holy oracle;\ninsomuch that the city grew presently very populous, for, they say,\nit consisted at first of no more than a thousand houses. But of that\nhereafter.\n\nTheir minds being fully bent upon building, there arose presently a\ndifference about the place where. Romulus chose what was called Roma\nQuadrata, or the Square Rome, and would have the city there. Remus laid\nout a piece of ground on the Aventine Mount, well fortified by nature,\nwhich was from him called Remonium, but now Rignarium. Concluding at\nlast to decide the contest by a divination from a flight of birds, and\nplacing themselves apart at some distance, Remus, they say, saw six\nvultures, and Romulus double the number; others say Remus did truly see\nhis number, and that Romulus feigned his, but, when Remus came to him,\nthat then he did, indeed, see twelve. Hence it is that the Romans,\nin their divinations from birds, chiefly regard the vulture, though\nHerodorus Ponticus relates that Hercules was always very joyful when\na vulture appeared to him upon any occasion. For it is a creature\nthe least hurtful of any, pernicious neither to corn, fruit-tree, nor\ncattle; it preys only on carrion, and never kills or hurts any living\nthing; and as for birds, it touches not them, though they are dead, as\nbeing of its own species, whereas eagles, owls, and hawks mangle and\nkill their own fellow-creatures; yet, as Aeschylus says,--\n\nWhat bird is clean that preys on fellow bird?\n\nBesides, all other birds are, so to say, never out of our eyes; they\nlet themselves be seen of us continually; but a vulture is a very rare\nsight, and you can seldom meet with a man that has seen their young;\ntheir rarity and infrequency has raised a strange opinion in some, that\nthey come to us from some other world; as soothsayers ascribe a\ndivine origination to all things not produced either of nature or of\nthemselves.\n\nWhen Remus knew the cheat, he was much displeased; and as Romulus was\ncasting up a ditch, where he designed the foundation of the city wall,\nhe turned some pieces of the work to ridicule, and obstructed others:\nat last, as he was in contempt leaping over it, some say Romulus himself\nstruck him, others Celer, one of his companions; he fell, however,\nand in the scuffle Faustulus also was slain, and Plistinus, who, being\nFaustulus's brother, story tells us, helped to bring up Romulus. Celer\nupon this fled instantly into Tuscany, and from him the Romans call all\nmen that are swift of foot Celeres; and because Quintus Metellus, at\nhis father's funeral, in a few days' time gave the people a show of\ngladiators, admiring his expedition in getting it ready, they gave him\nthe name of Celer.\n\nRomulus, having buried his brother Remus, together with his two\nfoster-fathers, on the mount Remonia, set to building his city; and sent\nfor men out of Tuscany, who directed him by sacred usages and written\nrules in all the ceremonies to be observed, as in a religious rite.\nFirst, they dug a round trench about that which is now the Comitium,\nor Court of Assembly and into it solemnly threw the first-fruits of all\nthings either good by custom or necessary by nature; lastly, every man\ntaking a small piece of earth of the country from whence he came, they\nall threw them in promiscuously together. This trench they call, as they\ndo the heavens, Mundus; making which their centre, they described the\ncity in a circle round it. Then the founder fitted to a plough, a bronze\nploughshare, and, yoking together a bull and a cow, drove himself a\ndeep line or furrow round the bounds; while the business of those that\nfollowed after was to see that whatever earth was thrown up should\nbe turned all inwards towards the city, and not to let any clod lie\noutside. With this line they described the wall, and called it, by a\ncontradiction, Pomoerium, that is, \"post murum,\" after or beside the\nwall; and where they designed to make a gate, there they took out the\nshare, carried the plough over, and left a space; for which reason they\nconsider the whole wall as holy, except where the gates are; for had\nthey adjudged them also sacred, they could not, without offence to\nreligion, have given free ingress and egress for the necessaries of\nhuman life, some of which are in themselves unclean.\n\nAs for the day they began to build the city, it is universally agreed\nto have been the twenty-first of April, and that day the Romans annually\nkeep holy, calling it their country's birthday. At first, they say, they\nsacrificed no living creatures on this day, thinking it fit to preserve\nthe feast of their country's birthday pure and without stain of blood.\nYet before ever the city was built, there was a feast of herdsmen and\nshepherds kept on this day, which went by the name of Palilia. The Roman\nand Greek months have now little or no agreement; they say, however, the\nday on which Romulus began to build was quite certainly the thirtieth\nof the month, at which time there was an eclipse of the sun which they\nconceive to be that seen by Antimachus, the Teian poet, in the third\nyear of the sixth Olympiad. In the times of Varro the philosopher, a\nman deeply read in Roman history, lived one Tarrutius, his familiar\nacquaintance, a good philosopher and mathematician, and one, too, that\nout of curiosity had studied the way of drawing schemes and tables, and\nwas thought to be a proficient in the art; to him Varro propounded to\ncast Romulus's nativity, even to the first day and hour, making his\ndeductions from the several events of the man's life which he should be\ninformed of, exactly as in working back a geometrical problem; for it\nbelonged, he said, to the same science both to foretell a man's life\nby knowing the time of his birth, and also to find out his birth by the\nknowledge of his life. This task Tarrutius undertook, and first looking\ninto the actions and casualties of the man, together with the time of\nhis life and manner of his death, and then comparing all these remarks\ntogether, he very confidently and positively pronounced that Romulus was\nborn the twenty-first day of the month Thoth, about sun-rising; and\nthat the first stone of Rome was laid by him the ninth day of the month\nPharmuthi, between the second and third hour. For the fortunes of\ncities as well as of men, they think, have their certain periods of time\nprefixed, which may be collected and foreknown from the position of the\nstars at their first foundation. But these and the like relations may\nperhaps not so much take and delight the reader with their novelty and\ncuriosity as offend him by their extravagance.\n\nThe city now being built, Romulus enlisted all that were of age to bear\narms into military companies, each company consisting of three thousand\nfootmen and three hundred horse. These companies were called legions,\nbecause they were the choicest and most select of the people for\nfighting men. The rest of the multitude he called the people; an hundred\nof the most eminent he chose for counselors; these he styled patricians,\nand their assembly the senate, which signifies a council of elders.\n\nIn the fourth month after the city was built, as Fabius writes, the\nadventure of stealing the women was attempted. It would seem that,\nobserving his city to be filled by a confluence of foreigners, few\nof whom had wives, and that the multitude in general, consisting of a\nmixture of mean and obscure men, fell under contempt, and seemed to be\nof no long continuance together, and hoping farther, after the women\nwere appeased, to make this injury in some measure an occasion of\nconfederacy and mutual commerce with the Sabines, Romulus took in his\nhand this exploit after this manner. First, he gave it out that he had\nfound an altar of a certain god hid under ground, perhaps the equestrian\nNeptune, for the altar is kept covered in the Circus Maximus at all\nother times, and only at horse-races is exposed to public view. Upon\ndiscovery of this altar, Romulus, by proclamation, appointed a day for\na splendid sacrifice, and for public games and shows, to entertain all\nsorts of people; many flocked thither, and he himself sat in front,\namidst his nobles, clad in purple. Now the signal for their falling on\nwas to be whenever he rose and gathered up his robe and threw it over\nhis body; his men stood all ready armed, with their eyes intent upon\nhim, and when the sign was given, drawing their swords and falling on\nwith a great shout, they stole away the daughters of the Sabines, the\nmen themselves flying without any let or hindrance. Some say there\nwere but thirty taken, and from Curiae or Fraternities were named; but\nValerius Antias says five hundred and twenty seven, Juba, six hundred\nand eighty-three.\n\nIt continues a custom at this very day for the bride not of herself to\npass her husband's threshold, but to be lifted over, in memory that the\nSabine virgins were carried in by violence, and did not go in of their\nown free will. Some say, too, the custom of parting the bride's hair\nwith the head of a spear was in token their marriages began at first by\nwar and acts of hostility.\n\nThe Sabines were a numerous and martial people, but lived in small,\nunfortified villages, as it befitted, they thought, a colony of the\nLacedaemonians to be bold and fearless; nevertheless, seeing themselves\nbound by such hostages to their good behavior, and being solicitous\nfor their daughters, they sent ambassadors to Romulus with fair and\nequitable requests, that he would return their young women and recall\nthat act of violence, and afterwards, by persuasion and lawful means,\nseek friendly correspondence between both nations. Romulus would not\npart with the young women, yet proposed to the Sabines to enter into an\nalliance with them; upon which point some consulted and demurred long,\nbut Acron, king of the Ceninenses, a man of high spirit and a good\nwarrior, who had all along a jealousy of Romulus's bold attempts, and\nconsidering particularly from this exploit upon the women that he was\ngrowing formidable to all people, and indeed insufferable, were he not\nchastised, first rose up in arms, and with a powerful army advanced\nagainst him. Romulus likewise prepared to receive him; but when they\ncame within sight and viewed each other, they made a challenge to fight\na single duel, the armies standing by under arms, without participation.\nAnd Romulus, making a vow to Jupiter, if he should conquer, to carry\nhimself, and dedicate his adversary's armor to his honor, overcame him\nin combat, and, a battle ensuing, routed his army also, and then took\nhis city; but did those he found in it no injury, only commanded them to\ndemolish the place and attend him to Rome, there to be admitted to\nall the privileges of citizens. And indeed there was nothing did more\nadvance the greatness of Rome, than that she did always unite and\nincorporate those whom she conquered into herself. Romulus, that he\nmight perform his vow in the most acceptable manner to Jupiter, and\nwithal make the pomp of it delightful to the eye of the city, cut down a\ntall oak which he saw growing in the camp, which he trimmed to the shape\nof a trophy, and fastened on it Acron's whole suit of armor disposed\nin proper form; then he himself, girding his clothes about him, and\ncrowning his head with a laurel-garland, his hair gracefully flowing,\ncarried the trophy resting erect upon his right shoulder, and so marched\non, singing songs of triumph, and his whole army following after, the\ncitizens all receiving him with acclamations of joy and wonder. The\nprocession of this day was the origin and model of all after triumphs.\nBut the statues of Romulus in triumph are, as may be seen in Rome, all\non foot.\n\nAfter the overthrow of the Ceninensians, the other Sabines still\nprotracting the time in preparations, the people of Fidenae,\nCrustumerium, and Antemna, joined their forces against the Romans; they\nin like manner were defeated in battle, and surrendered up to Romulus\ntheir cities to be seized, their lands and territories to be divided,\nand themselves to be transplanted to Rome. All the lands which Romulus\nacquired he distributed among the citizens, except only what the parents\nof the stolen virgins had; these he suffered to possess their own. The\nrest of the Sabines, enraged thereat, choosing Tatius their captain,\nmarched straight against Rome. The city was almost inaccessible, having\nfor its fortress that which is now the Capitol, where a strong guard\nwas placed, and Tarpeius their captain. But Tarpeia, daughter to the\ncaptain, coveting the golden bracelets she saw them wear, betrayed the\nfort into the Sabines' hands, and asked, in reward of her treachery, the\nthings they wore on their left arms. Tatius conditioning thus with her,\nin the night she opened one of the gates and received the Sabines in.\nAnd truly Antigonus, it would seem, was not solitary in saying he\nloved betrayers, but hated those who had betrayed; nor Caesar, who\ntold Rhymitalces the Thracian that he loved the treason, but hated the\ntraitor; but it is the general feeling of all who have occasion for\nwicked men's services, as people have for the poison of venomous beasts;\nthey are glad of them while they are of use, and abhor their baseness\nwhen it is over. And so did Tatius behave towards Tarpeia, for he\ncommanded the Sabines, in regard to their contract, not to refuse her\nthe least part of what they wore on their left arms; and he himself\nfirst took his bracelet off his arm, and threw that, together with his\nbuckler, at her; and all the rest following, she, being borne down and\nquite buried with the multitude of gold and their shields, died under\nthe weight and pressure of them; Tarpeius also himself, being prosecuted\nby Romulus, was found guilty of treason, and that part of the Capitol\nthey still call the Tarpeian Rock, from which they used to cast down\nmalefactors.\n\nThe Sabines being possessed of the hill, Romulus, in great fury, bade\nthem battle, and Tatius was confident to accept it. There were many\nbrief conflicts, we may suppose, but the most memorable was the last, in\nwhich Romulus having received a wound on his head by a stone, and being\nalmost felled to the ground by it, and disabled, the Romans gave way,\nand, being driven out of the level ground, fled towards the Palatium.\nRomulus, by this time recovering from his wound a little, turned\nabout to renew the battle, and, facing the fliers, with a loud voice\nencouraged them to stand and fight. But being overborne with numbers,\nand nobody daring to face about, stretching out his hands to heaven, he\nprayed to Jupiter to stop the army, and not to neglect but maintain the\nRoman cause, now in extreme danger. The prayer was no sooner made\nthan shame and respect for their king checked many; the fears of the\nfugitives changed suddenly into confidence. The place they first\nstood at was where now is the temple of Jupiter Stator (which may\nbe translated the Stayer); there they rallied again into ranks, and\nrepulsed the Sabines to the place called now Regia, and to the temple\nof Vesta; where both parties, preparing to begin a second battle, were\nprevented by a spectacle, strange to behold, and defying description.\nFor the daughters of the Sabines, who had been carried off, came\nrunning, in great confusion, some on this side, some on that, with\nmiserable cries and lamentations, like creatures possessed, in the midst\nof the army, and among the dead bodies, to come at their husbands and\ntheir fathers, some with their young babes in their arms, others their\nhair loose about their ears, but all calling, now upon the Sabines, now\nupon the Romans, in the most tender and endearing words. Hereupon both\nmelted into compassion, and fell back, to make room for them betwixt\nthe armies. The sight of the women carried sorrow and commiseration upon\nboth sides into the hearts of all, but still more their words, which\nbegan with expostulation and upbraiding, and ended with entreaty and\nsupplication.\n\n\"Wherein,\" say they, \"have we injured or offended you, as to deserve\nsuch sufferings, past and present? We were ravished away unjustly and\nviolently by those whose now we are; that being done, we were so long\nneglected by our fathers, our brothers, and countrymen, that time,\nhaving now by the strictest bonds united us to those we once mortally\nhated, has made it impossible for us not to tremble at the danger and\nweep at the death of the very men who once used violence to us. You\ndid not come to vindicate our honor, while we were virgins, against our\nassailants; but do come now to force away wives from their husbands\nand mothers from their children, a succor more grievous to its wretched\nobjects than the former betrayal and neglect of them. Which shall we\ncall the worst, their love-making or your compassion? If you were making\nwar upon any other occasion, for our sakes you ought to withhold your\nhands from those to whom we have made you fathers-in-law and grandsires.\nIf it be for our own cause, then take us, and with us your sons-in-law\nand grandchildren. Restore to us our parents and kindred, but do not\nrob us of our children and husbands. Make us not, we entreat you,\ntwice captives.\" Having spoken many such words as these, and earnestly\npraying, a truce was made, and the chief officers came to a parley;\nthe women, in the meantime, brought and presented their husbands and\nchildren to their fathers and brothers; gave those that wanted, meat\nand drink, and carried the wounded home to be cured, and showed also how\nmuch they governed within doors, and how indulgent their husbands were\nto them, in demeaning themselves towards them with all kindness and\nrespect imaginable. Upon this, conditions were agreed upon, that what\nwomen pleased might stay where they were, exempt from all drudgery and\nlabor but spinning; that the Romans and Sabines should inhabit the city\ntogether; that the city should be called Rome, from Romulus; but the\nRomans, Quirites, from the country of Tatius; and that they both should\ngovern and command in common. The place of the ratification is still\ncalled Comitium, from \"coire,\" to meet.\n\nThe city thus being doubled in number, an hundred of the Sabines were\nelected senators, and the legions were increased to six thousand foot\nand six hundred horse; then they divided the people into three tribes:\nthe first, from Romulus, named Ramnenses; the second, from Tatius,\nTatienses; the third, Luceres, from the \"lucus,\" or grove, where the\nAsylum stood, whither many fled for sanctuary, and were received into\nthe city. And that they were just three, the very name of \"tribe\" and\n\"tribune\" seems to show. Then they constituted many things in honor to\nthe women, such as to give them the way wherever they met them; to\nspeak no ill word in their presence; that their children should wear\nan ornament about their necks called the \"bulla\" (because it was like a\nbubble), and the \"praetexta,\" a gown edged with purple.\n\nThe princes did not immediately join in council together, but at first\neach met with his own hundred; afterwards all assembled together. Tatius\ndwelt where now the temple of Moneta stands, and Romulus, close by the\nsteps, as they call them, of the Fair Shore, near the descent from the\nMount Palatine to the Circus Maximus. There, they say, grew the\nholy cornel tree, of which they report that Romulus once, to try his\nstrength, threw a dart from the Aventine Mount, the staff of which was\nmade of cornel, which struck so deep into the ground that no one of\nmany that tried could pluck it up; and the soil, being fertile, gave\nnourishment to the wood, which sent forth branches, and produced a\ncornel-stock of considerable bigness. This did posterity preserve and\nworship as one of the most sacred things; and therefore, walled it\nabout; and if to any one it appeared not green nor flourishing, but\ninclining to pine and wither, he immediately made outcry to all he met,\nand they, like people hearing of a house on fire, with one accord would\ncry for water, and run from all parts with bucketfuls to the place. But\nwhen Gaius Caesar they say, was repairing the steps about it, some of\nthe laborers digging too close, the roots were destroyed, and the tree\nwithered.\n\nThe Sabines adopted the Roman months, of which whatever is remarkable is\nmentioned in the Life of Numa. Romulus, on the other hand, adopted their\nlong shields, and changed his own armor and that of all the Romans, who\nbefore wore round targets of the Argive pattern. Feasts and sacrifices\nthey partook of in common, not abolishing any which either nation\nobserved before, and instituting several new ones. This, too, is\nobservable as a singular thing in Romulus, that he appointed no\npunishment for real parricide, but called all murder so, thinking the\none an accursed thing, but the other a thing impossible; and for a long\ntime, his judgement seemed to have been right; for in almost six hundred\nyears together, nobody committed the like in Rome; Lucius Hostius, after\nthe wars of Hannibal, is recorded to have been the first parricide. Let\nthus much suffice concerning these matters.\n\nIn the fifth year of the reign of Tatius, some of his friends and\nkinsmen, meeting ambassadors coming from Laurentum to Rome, attempted on\nthe road to take away their money by force, and, upon their resistance,\nkilled them. So great a villany having been committed, Romulus thought\nthe malefactors ought at once to be punished, but Tatius shuffled off\nand deferred the execution of it; and this one thing was the beginning\nof an open quarrel betwixt them; in all other respects they were very\ncareful of their conduct, and administered affairs together with\ngreat unanimity. The relations of the slain, being debarred of lawful\nsatisfaction by reason of Tatius, fell upon him as he was sacrificing\nwith Romulus at Lavinium, and slew him; but escorted Romulus home,\ncommending and extolling him for just a prince. Romulus took the body of\nTatius, and buried it very splendidly in the Aventine Mount.\n\nThe Roman cause daily gathering strength, their weaker neighbors shrunk\naway, and were thankful to be left untouched; but the stronger, out of\nfear or envy, thought they ought not to give away to Romulus, but\nto curb and put a stop to his growing greatness. The first were the\nVeientes, a people of Tuscany, who had large possessions, and dwelt in a\nspacious city; they took occasion to commence a war, by claiming Fidenae\nas belonging to them. But being scornfully retorted upon by Romulus\nin his answers, they divided themselves into two bodies; with one they\nattacked the garrison of Fidenae, the other marched against Romulus;\nthat which went against Fidenae got the victory, and slew two thousand\nRomans; the other was worsted by Romulus, with the loss of eight\nthousand men. A fresh battle was fought near Fidenae, and here all men\nacknowledge the day's success to have been chiefly the work of Romulus\nhimself, who showed the highest skill as well as courage, and seemed to\nmanifest a strength and swiftness more than human. But what some write,\nthat, of fourteen thousand that fell that day, above half were slain\nby Romulus's own hand, verges too near to fable, and is, indeed, simply\nincredible: since even the Messenians are thought to go too far in\nsaying that Aristomenes three times offered sacrifices for the death of\na hundred enemies, Lacedaemonians, slain by himself. The army being thus\nrouted, Romulus, suffering those that were left to make their escape,\nled his forces against the city; they, having suffered such great\nlosses, did not venture to oppose, but, humbly suing him, made a league\nand friendship for an hundred years; surrendering also a large district\nof land called Septempagium, that is, the seven parts, as also their\nsalt-works upon the river, and fifty noblemen for hostages. He made his\ntriumph for this on the Ides of October, leading, among the rest of his\nmany captives, the general of the Veientes, an elderly man, but who\nhad not, it seemed, acted with the prudence of age; whence even now, in\nsacrifices for victories, they led an old man through the market-place\nto the Capitol, appareled in purple, with a bulla, or child's toy, tied\nto it, and the crier cries, \"Sardians to be sold;\" for the Tuscans are\nsaid to be a colony of the Sardians, and the Veientes are a city of\nTuscany.\n\nThis was the last battle Romulus ever fought; afterwards he, as\nmost, nay all men, very few excepted, do, who are raised by great and\nmiraculous good-haps of fortune to power and greatness, so, I say, did\nhe: relying upon his own great actions and growing of a haughtier mind,\nhe forsook his popular behavior for kingly arrogance, odious to the\npeople; to whom in particular the state which he assumed was hateful.\nFor he dressed in scarlet, with the purple-bordered robe over it; he\ngave audience on a couch of slate, having always about him some young\nmen called \"Celeres,\" from their swiftness in doing commissions. He\nsuddenly disappeared on the Nones of July, as they call the month which\nwas then Quintilis, leaving nothing of certainty to be related of\nhis death; the senators suffered the people not to search, or busy\nthemselves about the matter, but commanded them to honor and worship\nRomulus as one taken up to the gods, and about to be to them, in the\nplace of a good prince, now a propitious god. The multitude, hearing\nthis, went away believing and rejoicing in hopes of good things from\nhim; but there were some, who, canvassing the matter in a hostile\ntemper, accused the patricians, as men that persuaded the people to\nbelieve ridiculous tales, when they were the murderers of the king.\n\nThings being in this disorder, one, they say, of the patricians, of\nnoble family and approved good character, and a faithful and familiar\nfriend of Romulus himself, having come with him from Alba, Julius\nProculus by name, presented himself in the forum; and taking a most\nsacred oath, protested before them all, that, as he was travelling on\nthe road, he had seen Romulus coming to meet him, looking taller and\ncomelier than ever, dressed in shining and flaming armor; and he, being\naffrighted at the apparition, said, \"Why, O king, or for what purpose,\nhave you abandoned us to unjust and wicked surmises, and the whole city\nto bereavement and endless sorrow?\" and that he made answer, \"It pleased\nthe gods, O Proculus, that we, who came from them, should remain so\nlong a time amongst men as we did; and, having built a city to be the\ngreatest in the world for empire and glory, should again return to\nheaven. But farewell; and tell the Romans, that, by the exercise of\ntemperance and fortitude, they shall attain the height of human power;\nwe will be to you the propitious god Quirinus.\" This seemed credible to\nthe Romans, upon the honesty and oath of the relator, and laying aside\nall jealousies and detractions, they prayed to Quirinus and saluted him\nas a god.\n\nThis is like some of the Greek fables of Aristeas the Proconnesian,\nand Cleomedes the Astypalaean; for they say Aristeas died in a fuller's\nworkshop, and his friends, coming to look for him, found his body\nvanished; and that some presently after, coming from abroad, said\nthey met him travelling towards Croton. And that Cleomedes, being\nan extraordinarily strong and gigantic man, but also wild and mad,\ncommitted many desperate freaks; and at last, in a schoolhouse, striking\na pillar that sustained the roof with his fist, broke it in the middle,\nso that the house fell and destroyed the children in it; and being\npursued, he fled into a great chest, and, shutting to the lid, held it\nso fast that many men, with their united strength, could not force it\nopen; afterwards, breaking the chest to pieces, they found no man in it\nalive or dead.\n\nAnd many such improbabilities do your fabulous writers relate, deifying\ncreatures naturally mortal; for though altogether to disown a divine\nnature in human virtue were impious and base, so again to mix heaven\nwith earth is ridiculous. Let us believe with Pindar, that\n\n     All human bodies yield to Death's decree:\n     The soul survives to all eternity.\n\nFor that alone is derived from the gods, thence comes, and thither\nreturns.\n\nIt was in the fifty-fourth year of his age and the thirty-eighth of his\nreign that Romulus, they tell us, left the world.\n\n\n\n\nCOMPARISON OF THESEUS AND ROMULUS\n\nBoth Theseus and Romulus were by nature meant for governors; yet neither\nlived up to the true character of a king, but fell off, and ran, the\none into popularity, the other into tyranny, falling both into the same\nfault out of different passions. For a ruler's first end is to maintain\nhis office, which is done no less by avoiding what is unfit than by\nobserving what is suitable. Whoever is either too remiss or too strict\nis no more a king or a governor, but either a demagogue or a despot,\nand so becomes either odious or contemptible to his subjects. Though\ncertainly the one seems to be the fault of easiness and good-nature, the\nother of pride and severity.\n\nBut Romulus has, first of all, one great plea, that his performances\nproceeded from very small beginnings; for both the brothers, being\nthought servants and the sons of swineherds, before becoming freemen\nthemselves gave liberty to almost all the Latins, obtaining at once all\nthe most honorable titles, as, destroyers of their country's enemies,\npreservers of their friends and kindred, princes of the people, founders\nof cities; not removers, like Theseus, who raised and compiled only one\nhouse out of many, demolishing many cities bearing the names of ancient\nkings and heroes. Romulus, indeed, did the same afterwards, forcing\nhis enemies to deface and ruin their own dwellings, and to sojourn\nwith their conquerors; but at first, not by removal, or increase of\nan existing city, but by foundation of a new one, he obtained himself\nlands, a country, a kingdom, wives, children, and relations. And, in so\ndoing, he killed or destroyed nobody, but benefited those that wanted\nhouses and homes, and were willing to be of a society and become\ncitizens. Robbers and malefactors he slew not; but he subdued nations,\nhe overthrew cities, he triumphed over kings and commanders. As to\nRemus, it is doubtful by whose hand he fell; it is generally imputed\nto others. His mother he clearly retrieved from death, and placed his\ngrandfather, who was brought under base and dishonorable vassalage,\non the ancient throne of Aeneas, to whom he did voluntarily many good\noffices, but never did him harm even inadvertently. But Theseus, in\nhis forgetfulness and neglect of the command concerning the flag, can\nscarcely, methinks, by any excuses, or before the most indulgent\njudges, avoid the imputation of parricide. And, indeed, one of the\nAttic writers, perceiving it to be very hard to make an excuse for this,\nfeigns that Aegeus, at the approach of the ship, running hastily to the\nAcropolis to see what news there was, slipped and fell down; as if he\nhad no servants, or none would attend him on his way to the shore.\n\n\n\n\nLYCURGUS\n\nThose authors who are most worthy of credit deduce the genealogy of\nLycurgus, the lawgiver of Sparta, as follows:\n\n      Aristodemus.\n      |\n      Patrocles.\n      |\n      Sous.\n      |\n      Eurypon.\n      |\n      Eunomus.\n      |\n     _________________________________________________\n     Polydectes by his first wife. Lycurgus by Dionassa his second.\n\nSous certainly was the most renowned of all his ancestors, under whose\nconduct the Spartans made slaves of the Helots, and added to their\ndominions, by conquest, a good part of Arcadia. There goes a story of\nthis king Sous, that, being besieged by the Clitorians in a dry\nand stony place so that he could come at no water, he was at last\nconstrained to agree with them upon these terms, that he would restore\nto them all his conquests, provided that himself and all his men should\ndrink of the nearest spring. After the usual oaths and ratifications,\nhe called his soldiers together, and offered to him that would forbear\ndrinking, his kingdom for a reward; and when not a man of them was able\nto forbear, in short, when they had all drunk their fill, at last comes\nking Sous himself to the spring, and, having sprinkled his face only,\nwithout swallowing one drop, marches off in the face of his enemies,\nrefusing to yield up his conquests, because himself and all his men had\nnot, according to the articles, drunk of their water.\n\nAlthough he was justly had in admiration on this account, yet his family\nwas not surnamed from him, but from his son Eurypon (of whom they were\ncalled Eurypontids); the reason of which was that Eurypon relaxed the\nrigor of the monarchy, seeking favor and popularity with the many. They,\nafter this first step, grew bolder; and the succeeding kings partly\nincurred hatred with their people by trying to use force, or, for\npopularity's sake and through weakness, gave way; and anarchy and\nconfusion long prevailed in Sparta, causing, moreover, the death of the\nfather of Lycurgus. For as he was endeavoring to quell a riot, he was\nstabbed with a butcher's knife, and left the title of king to his eldest\nson Polydectes.\n\nHe, too, dying soon after, the right of succession (as every one\nthought) rested in Lycurgus; and reign he did for a time, but declared\nthat the kingdom belonged to the child of his sister-in-law the queen,\nand that he himself should exercise the regal jurisdiction only as his\nguardian; the Spartan name for which office is prodicus. Soon after, an\noverture was made to him by the queen, that she would herself in some\nway destroy the infant, upon condition that he would marry her when he\ncame to the crown. Abhorring the woman's wickedness, he nevertheless\ndid not reject her proposal, but, making show of closing with her,\ndespatched the messenger with thanks and expressions of joy, with orders\nthat they should bring the boy baby to him, wheresoever he were, and\nwhatsoever doing. It so fell out that when he was at supper with the\nprincipal magistrates, the queen's child was presented to him, and he,\ntaking him into his arms, said to those about him, \"Men of Sparta,\nhere is a king born unto us;\" this said, he laid him down in the king's\nplace, and named him Charilaus, that is, the joy of the people; because\nthat all were transported with joy and with wonder at his noble and just\nspirit. His reign had lasted only eight months, but he was honored\non other accounts by the citizens, and there were more who obeyed him\nbecause of his eminent virtues, than because he was regent to the king\nand had the royal power in his hands. Some, however, envied and sought\nto impede his growing influence while he was still young; chiefly the\nkindred and friends of the queen-mother, who pretended to have been\ndealt with injuriously. Her brother Leonidas, in a warm debate which\nfell out betwixt him and Lycurgus, went so far as to tell him to his\nface that he was well assured that ere long he should see him king;\nsuggesting suspicions and preparing the way for an accusation of him, as\nthough he had made away with his nephew, if the child should chance\nto fail, though by a natural death. Words of the like import were\ndesignedly cast abroad by the queen-mother and her adherents.\n\nTroubled at this, and not knowing what it might come to, he thought\nit his wisest course to avoid their envy by a voluntary exile, and to\ntravel from place to place until his nephew came to marriageable\nyears, and, by having a son, had secured the succession. Setting sail,\ntherefore, with this resolution, he first arrived at Crete, where,\nhaving considered their several forms of government, and got an\nacquaintance with the principal men amongst them, some of their laws\nhe very much approved of, and resolved to make use of them in his own\ncountry; a good part he rejected as useless. Amongst the persons there\nthe most renowned for their learning and their wisdom in state matters\nwas one Thales, whom Lycurgus, by importunities and assurances of\nfriendship, persuaded to go over to Lacedaemon; where, though by his\noutward appearance and his own profession he seemed to be no other than\na lyric poet, in reality he performed the part of one of the ablest\nlawgivers in the world. The very songs which he composed were\nexhortations to obedience and concord, and the very measure and cadence\nof the verse, conveying impressions of order and tranquillity, had\nso great an influence on the minds of the listeners that they were\ninsensibly softened and civilized, insomuch that they renounced their\nprivate feuds and animosities, and were reunited in a common admiration\nof virtue. So that it may truly be said that Thales prepared the way for\nthe discipline introduced by Lycurgus.\n\nFrom Crete he sailed to Asia, with design, as is said, to examine the\ndifference betwixt the manners and rules of life of the Cretans, which\nwere very sober and temperate, and those of the Ionians, a people\nof sumptuous and delicate habits, and so to form a judgment; just as\nphysicians do by comparing healthy and diseased bodies. Here he had\nthe first sight of Homer's works, in the hands, we may suppose, of\nthe posterity of Creophylus; and, having observed that the few loose\nexpressions and actions of ill example which are to be found in his\npoems were much outweighed by serious lessons of state and rules of\nmorality, he set himself eagerly to transcribe and digest them into\norder, as thinking they would be of good use in his own country. They\nhad, indeed, already obtained some slight repute amongst the Greeks,\nand scattered portions, as chance conveyed them, were in the hands of\nindividuals; but Lycurgus first made them really known.\n\nThe Egyptians say that he took a voyage into Egypt, and that, being much\ntaken with their way of separating the soldiery from the rest of the\nnation, he transferred it from them to Sparta; a removal from contact\nwith those employed in low and mechanical occupations giving high\nrefinement and beauty to the state. Some Greek writers also record\nthis. But as for his voyages into Spain, Africa, and the Indies, and his\nconferences there with the Gymnosophists, the whole relation, as far as\nI can find, rests on the single credit of the Spartan Aristocrates, the\nson of Hipparchus.\n\nLycurgus was much missed at Sparta, and often sent for, \"For kings\nindeed we have,\" they said, \"who wear the marks and assume the titles of\nroyalty, but as for the qualities of their minds, they have nothing by\nwhich they are to be distinguished from their subjects;\" adding that in\nhim alone was the true foundation of sovereignty to be seen, a nature\nmade to rule, and a genius to gain obedience. Nor were the kings\nthemselves averse to see him back, for they looked upon his presence as\na bulwark against the insolencies of the people.\n\nThings being in this posture at his return, he applied himself, without\nloss of time, to a thorough reformation, and resolved to change the\nwhole face of the commonwealth; for what could a few particular laws and\na partial alteration avail? He must act as wise physicians do, in the\ncase of one who labors under a complication of diseases,--by force of\nmedicines reduce and exhaust him, change his whole temperament, and\nthen set him upon a totally new regimen of diet. Having thus projected\nthings, away he goes to Delphi to consult Apollo there; which having\ndone, and offered his sacrifice, he returned with that renowned oracle,\nin which he is called beloved of God, and rather God than man: that\nhis prayers were heard, that his laws should be the best, and the\ncommonwealth which observed them the most famous in the world.\nEncouraged by these things, he set himself to bring over to his side the\nleading men of Sparta, exhorting them to give him a helping hand in his\ngreat undertaking: he broke it first to his particular friends, and then\nby degrees gained others, and animated them all to put his design in\nexecution. When things were ripe for action, he gave order to thirty\nof the principal men of Sparta to be ready armed at the market-place at\nbreak of day, to the end that he might strike a terror into the opposite\nparty. Hermippus hath set down the names of twenty of the most eminent\nof them: but the name of him whom Lycurgus most confided in, and who\nwas of most use to him both in making his laws and putting them in\nexecution, was Arthmiadas. Things growing to a tumult, king Charilaus,\napprehending that it was a conspiracy against his person, took sanctuary\nin the temple of Athena of the Brazen House; but, being soon after\nundeceived, and having taken an oath of them that they had no designs\nagainst him, he quitted his refuge, and himself also entered into the\nconfederacy with them; of so gentle and flexible a disposition he\nwas, to which Archelaus, his brother-king, alluded, when, hearing him\nextolled for his goodness, he said: \"Who can say he is anything but\ngood? he is so even to the bad.\"\n\nAmongst the many changes and alterations which Lycurgus made, the first\nand of greatest importance was the establishment of the senate, which,\nhaving a power equal to the kings' in matters of great consequence, and,\nas Plato expresses it, allaying and qualifying the fiery genius of the\nroyal office, gave steadiness and safety to the commonwealth. For the\nstate, which before had no firm basis to stand upon, but leaned one\nwhile towards an absolute monarchy, when the kings had the upper hand,\nand another while towards a pure democracy, when the people had the\nbetter, found in this establishment of the senate a central weight, like\nballast in a ship, which always kept things in a just equilibrium; the\ntwenty-eight always adhering to the kings so far as to resist democracy,\nand, on the other hand, supporting the people against the establishment\nof absolute monarchy. As for the determinate number of twenty-eight,\nAristotle states that it so fell out because two of the original\nassociates, for want of courage, fell off from the enterprise; but\nSphaerus assures us that there were but twenty-eight of the confederates\nat first; perhaps there is some mystery in the number, which consists of\nseven multiplied by four, and is the first of perfect numbers after\nsix, being, as that is, equal to all its parts. For my part, I believe\nLycurgus fixed upon the number of twenty-eight, that, the two kings\nbeing reckoned amongst them, they might be thirty in all. So eagerly set\nwas he upon this establishment, that he took the trouble to obtain an\noracle about it from Delphi; and the Rhetra (or sacred ordinance) runs\nthus: \"After that you have built a temple to Jupiter Hellanius, and\nto Minerva Hellania, and after that you have phyle'd the people into\nphyles, and obe'd them into obes, you shall establish a council of\nthirty elders, the leaders included, and shall, from time to time,\nassemble the people betwixt Babyca and Cnacion, there propound and put\nto the vote. The commons have the final voice and decision.\" By phyles\nand obes are meant the divisions of the people; by the leaders, the two\nkings; Aristotle says Cnacion is a river, and Babyca a bridge. Betwixt\nthis Babyca and Cnacion, their assemblies were held, for they had no\ncouncil-house or building to meet in. Lycurgus was of opinion that\nornaments were so far from advantaging them in their councils, that they\nwere rather an hindrance, by diverting their attention from the business\nbefore them to statues and pictures, and roofs curiously fretted, the\nusual embellishments of such places amongst the other Greeks. The people\nthen being thus assembled in the open air, it was not allowed to any one\nof their order to give his advice, but only either to ratify or reject\nwhat should be propounded to them by the king or senate.\n\nAfter the creation of the thirty senators, his next task, and, indeed,\nthe most hazardous he ever undertook, was the making of a new division\nof their lands. For there was an extreme inequality amongst them, and\ntheir state was overloaded with a multitude of indigent and necessitous\npersons, while its whole wealth had centred upon a very few. To the end,\ntherefore, that he might expel from the state arrogance and envy,\nluxury and crime, and those yet more inveterate diseases of want and\nsuperfluity, he obtained of them to renounce their properties, and to\nconsent to a new division of the land, and that they should live all\ntogether on an equal footing; merit to be their only road to eminence,\nand the disgrace of evil, and credit of worthy acts, their one measure\nof difference between man and man.\n\nUpon their consent to these proposals, proceeding at once to put them\ninto execution, he divided the country of Laconia in general into thirty\nthousand equal shares, and the part attached to the city of Sparta into\nnine thousand; these he distributed among the Spartans, as he did the\nothers to the country citizens. A lot was so much as to yield, one\nyear with another, about seventy bushels of grain for the master of the\nfamily, and twelve for his wife, with a suitable proportion of oil and\nwine. And this he thought sufficient to keep their bodies in good health\nand strength; superfluities they were better without. It is reported,\nthat, as he returned from a journey shortly after the division of the\nlands, in harvest time, the ground being newly reaped, seeing the stacks\nall standing equal and alike, he smiled, and said to those about him,\n\"Methinks all Laconia looks like one family estate just divided among a\nnumber of brothers.\"\n\nNot contented with this, he resolved to make a division of their\nmovables too, that there might be no odious distinction or inequality\nleft amongst them; but finding that it would be very dangerous to go\nabout it openly, he took another course, and defeated their avarice\nby the following stratagem: he commanded that all gold and silver coin\nshould be called in, and that only a sort of money made of iron should\nbe current, a great weight and quantity of which was worth but very\nlittle; so that to lay up a hundred or two dollars there was required\na pretty large closet, and, to remove it, nothing less than a yoke of\noxen. With the diffusion of this money, at once a number of vices were\nbanished from Lacedaemon; for who would rob another of such a coin? Who\nwould unjustly detain or take by force, or accept as a bribe, a thing\nwhich it was not easy to hide, nor a credit to have, nor indeed of any\nuse to cut in pieces? For when it was just red-hot, they quenched it in\nvinegar, and by that means spoilt it, and made it almost incapable of\nbeing worked.\n\nIn the next place, he declared an outlawry of all needless and\nsuperfluous arts; but here he might almost have spared his proclamation;\nfor they of themselves would have gone with the gold and silver, the\nmoney which remained being not so proper payment for curious work; for,\nbeing of iron, it was scarcely portable, neither, if they should take\nthe pains to export it, would it pass amongst the other Greeks, who\nridiculed it so there was now no more means of purchasing foreign goods\nand small wares; merchants sent no shiploads into Laconian ports; no\nrhetoric-master, no itinerant fortune-teller, or gold or silversmith,\nengraver, or jeweler, set foot in a country which had no money; so that\nluxury, deprived little by little of that which fed and fomented\nit, wasted to nothing, and died away of itself. For the rich had no\nadvantage here over the poor, as their wealth and abundance had no road\nto come abroad by, but were shut up at home doing nothing. And in this\nway they became excellent artists in common necessary things; bedsteads,\nchairs, and tables, and such like staple utensils in a family, were\nadmirably well made there; their cup, particularly, was very much in\nfashion, and eagerly sought for by soldiers, as Critias reports; for\nits color was such as to prevent water, drunk upon necessity and\ndisagreeable to look at, from being noticed; and the shape of it was\nsuch that the mud stuck to the sides, so that only the purer part\ncame to the drinker's mouth. For this, also, they had to thank their\nlawgiver, who, by relieving the artisans of the trouble of making\nuseless things, set them to show their skill in giving beauty to those\nof daily and indispensable use.\n\nThe third and most masterly stroke of this great lawgiver, by which\nhe struck a yet more effectual blow against luxury and the desire of\nriches, was the ordinance he made that they should all eat in common,\nof the same bread and same meat, and of kinds that were specified, and\nshould not spend their lives at home, laid on costly couches at splendid\ntables, delivering themselves up into the hands of their tradesmen and\ncooks, to fatten them in corners, like greedy brutes, and to ruin not\ntheir minds only but their very bodies, which, enfeebled by indulgence\nand excess, would stand in need of long sleep, warm bathing, freedom\nfrom work, and, in a word, of as much care and attendance as if they\nwere continually sick. It was certainly an extraordinary thing to have\nbrought about such a result as this, but a greater yet to have taken\naway from wealth, as Theophrastus observes, not merely the property of\nbeing coveted, but its very nature of being wealth. For the rich, being\nobliged to go to the same table with the poor, could not make use of or\nenjoy their abundance, nor so much as please their vanity by looking at\nor displaying it. So that the common proverb, that Plutus, the god of\nriches, is blind, was nowhere in all the world literally verified but\nin Sparta. There, indeed, he was not only blind, but, like a picture,\nwithout either life or motion. Nor were they allowed to take food at\nhome first, and then attend the public tables, for everyone had an eye\nupon those who did not eat and drink like the rest, and reproached them\nwith being dainty and effeminate.\n\nThis last ordinance in particular exasperated the wealthier men.\nThey collected in a body against Lycurgus, and from ill words came\nto throwing stones, so that at length he was forced to run out of the\nmarket-place, and make to sanctuary to save his life; by good-hap\nhe outran all excepting one Alcander, a young man otherwise not ill\naccomplished, but hasty and violent, who came up so close to him, that,\nwhen he turned to see who was near him, he struck him upon the face\nwith his stick, and put out one of his eyes. Lycurgus, so far from being\ndaunted and discouraged by this accident, stopped short and showed his\ndisfigured face and eye beat out to his countrymen; they, dismayed and\nashamed at the sight, delivered Alcander into his hands to be punished,\nand escorted him home, with expressions of great concern for his ill\nusage. Lycurgus, having thanked them for their care of his person,\ndismissed them all, excepting only Alcander; and, taking him with\nhim into his house, neither did nor said anything severe to him, but\ndismissing those whose place it was, bade Alcander to wait upon him\nat table. The young man, who was of an ingenuous temper, did without\nmurmuring as he was commanded; and, being thus admitted to live with\nLycurgus, he had an opportunity to observe in him, beside his gentleness\nand calmness of temper, an extraordinary sobriety and an indefatigable\nindustry, and so, from an enemy, became one of his most zealous\nadmirers, and told his friends and relations that Lycurgus was not that\nmorose and ill-natured man they had formerly taken him for, but the\none mild and gentle character of the world. And thus did Lycurgus, for\nchastisement of his fault, make of a wild and passionate young man one\nof the discreetest citizens of Sparta.\n\nIn memory of this accident, Lycurgus built a temple to Minerva. Some\nauthors, however, say that he was wounded, indeed, but did not lose his\neye from the blow; and that he built the temple in gratitude for the\ncure. Be this as it will, certain it is, that, after this misadventure,\nthe Lacedaemonians made it a rule never to carry so much as a staff into\ntheir public assemblies.\n\nBut to return to their public repasts. They met by companies of fifteen,\nmore or less, and each of them stood bound to bring in monthly a bushel\nof meal, eight gallons of wine, five pounds of cheese, two pounds and\na half of figs, and some very small sum of money to buy flesh or fish\nwith. Besides this, when any of them made sacrifice to the gods, they\nalways sent a dole to the common hall; and, likewise, when any of them\nhad been a-hunting, he sent thither a part of the venison he had killed;\nfor these two occasions were the only excuses allowed for supping at\nhome. The custom of eating together was observed strictly for a\ngreat while afterwards; insomuch that king Agis himself, after having\nvanquished the Athenians, sending for his commons at his return home,\nbecause he desired to eat privately with his queen, was refused them\nby the polemarchs; and when he resented this refusal so much as to omit\nnext day the sacrifice due for a war happily ended, they made him pay a\nfine.\n\nThey used to send their children to these tables as to schools of\ntemperance; here they were instructed in state affairs by listening to\nexperienced statesmen; here they learnt to converse with pleasantry, to\nmake jests without scurrility, and take them without ill humor. In this\npoint of good breeding, the Lacedaemonians excelled particularly, but\nif any man were uneasy under it, upon the least hint given there was no\nmore to be said to him. It was customary also for the eldest man in\nthe company to say to each of them, as they came in, \"Through this\"\n(pointing to the door), \"no words go out.\" When any one had a desire to\nbe admitted into any of these little societies, he was to go through the\nfollowing probation: each man in the company took a little ball of soft\nbread, which they were to throw into a deep basin, that a waiter carried\nround upon his head; those that liked the person to be chosen dropped\ntheir ball into the basin without altering its figure, and those who\ndisliked him pressed it betwixt their fingers, and made it flat; and\nthis signified as much as a negative voice. And if there were but one\nof these flattened pieces in the basin, the suitor was rejected,\nso desirous were they that all the members of the company should\nbe agreeable to each other. The basin was called caddichus, and the\nrejected candidate had a name thence derived. Their most famous dish was\nthe black broth, which was so much valued that the elderly men fed only\nupon that, leaving what flesh there was to the younger.\n\nThey say that a certain king of Pontus, having heard much of this black\nbroth of theirs, sent for a Lacedaemonian cook on purpose to make him\nsome, but had no sooner tasted it than he found it extremely bad, which\nthe cook observing, told him, \"Sir, to make this broth relish, you\nshould have bathed yourself first in the river Eurotas.\"\n\nAfter drinking moderately, every man went to his home without lights,\nfor the use of them was, on all occasions, forbid, to the end that they\nmight accustom themselves to march boldly in the dark. Such was the\ncommon fashion of their meals.\n\nLycurgus would never reduce his laws into writing; nay, there is a\nRhetra expressly to forbid it. For he thought that the most material\npoints, and such as most directly tended to the public welfare, being\nimprinted on the hearts of their youth by a good discipline, would be\nsure to remain, and would find a stronger security, than any compulsion\nwould be, in the principles of action formed in them by their best\nlawgiver, education.\n\nOne, then, of the Rhetras was, that their laws should not be written;\nanother is particularly leveled against luxury and expensiveness, for\nby it it was ordained that the ceilings of their houses should only be\nwrought by the axe, and their gates and doors smoothed only the saw.\nEpaminondas's famous dictum about his own table, that \"Treason and a\ndinner like this do not keep company together,\" may be said to have been\nanticipated by Lycurgus. Luxury and a house of this kind could not well\nbe companions. For a man must have a less than ordinary share of sense\nthat would furnish such plain and common rooms with silver-footed\ncouches and purple coverlets and gold and silver plate. Doubtless he\nhad good reason to think that they would proportion their beds to their\nhouses, and their coverlets to their beds, and the rest of their goods\nand furniture to these. It is reported that King Leotychides, the first\nof that name, was so little used to the sight of any other kind of\nwork, that, being entertained at Corinth in a stately room, he was much\nsurprised to see the timber and ceilings so finely carved and paneled,\nand asked his host whether the trees grew so in his country.\n\nA third ordinance or Rhetra was that they should not make war often, or\nlong, with the same enemy, lest they should train and instruct them\nin war, by habituating them to defend themselves. And this is what\nAgesilaus was much blamed for a long time after; it being thought that,\nby his continual incursions into Boeotia, he made the Thebans a match\nfor the Lacedaemonians; and therefore Antalcidas, seeing him wounded\none day, said to him that he was very well paid for taking such pains\nto make the Thebans good soldiers, whether they would or no. These laws\nwere called the Rhetras, to intimate that they were divine sanctions and\nrevelations.\n\nIn order to the good education of their youth (which, as I said before,\nhe thought the most important and noblest work of a lawgiver), he took\nin their case all the care that was possible; he ordered the maidens\nto exercise themselves with wrestling, running, throwing the quoit, and\ncasting the dart, to the end that they might have strong and healthy\nbodies.\n\nIt was not in the power of the father to dispose of his child as he\nthought fit; he was obliged to carry it before certain \"triers\" at a\nplace called Lesche; these were some of the elders of the tribe to which\nthe child belonged; their business it was carefully to view the infant,\nand, if they found it stout and well made, they gave order for its\nrearing, and allotted to it one of the nine thousand shares of land\nabove mentioned for its maintenance; but if they found it puny and\nill-shaped, ordered it to be taken to what was called the Apothetae, a\nsort of chasm under Taygetus; as thinking it neither for the good of the\nchild itself, nor for the public interest, that it should be brought\nup, if it did not, from the very outset, appear made to be healthy and\nvigorous. Upon the same account, the women did not bathe the new-born\nchildren with water, as is the custom in all other countries, but with\nwine, to prove the temper and complexion of their bodies; from a notion\nthey had that epileptic and weakly children faint and waste away upon\ntheir being thus bathed, while, on the contrary, those of a strong and\nvigorous habit acquire firmness and get a temper by it like steel. There\nwas much care and art, too, used by the nurses; they had no swaddling\nbands; the children grew up free and unconstrained in limb and form, and\nnot dainty and fanciful about their food; nor afraid in the dark, or of\nbeing left alone; without any peevishness or ill humor or crying. Upon\nthis account, Spartan nurses were often bought up, or hired by people of\nother countries.\n\nLycurgus was of another mind; he would not have masters bought out of\nthe market for his young Spartans, nor such as should sell their pains;\nnor was it lawful, indeed, for the father himself to raise his children\nafter his own fancy; but as soon as they were seven years old they were\nto be enrolled in certain companies and classes, where they all lived\nunder the same order and discipline, doing their exercises and taking\ntheir play together. Of these he who showed the most conduct and courage\nwas made captain; they had their eyes always upon him, obeyed his\norders, and underwent patiently whatsoever punishment he inflicted; so\nthat the whole course of their education was one continued exercise of a\nready and perfect obedience. The old men, too, were spectators of their\nperformances, and often raised quarrels and disputes among them, to have\na good opportunity of finding out their different characters, and of\nseeing which would be valiant, which a coward, when they should come\nto more dangerous encounters. Reading and writing they gave them, just\nenough to serve their turn; their chief care was to make them good\nsubjects, and to teach them to endure pain and conquer in battle. To\nthis end, as they grew in years, their discipline was proportionally\nincreased; their heads were close-clipped; they were accustomed to go\nbarefoot, and for the most part to play naked.\n\nAfter they were twelve years old they were no longer allowed to wear any\nunder-garment; they had one coat to serve them a year; their bodies were\nhard and dry, with but little acquaintance of baths and unguents; these\nhuman indulgences they were allowed only on some few particular days\nin the year. They lodged together in little bands upon beds made of the\nrushes which grew by the banks of the river Eurotas, which they were\nto break off with their hands without a knife; if it were winter, they\nmingled some thistledown with their rushes, which it was thought had the\nproperty of giving warmth.\n\nBesides all this, there was always one of the best and most honest men\nin the city appointed to undertake the charge and governance of them; he\nagain arranged them into their several bands, and set over each of\nthem for their captain the most temperate and bold of those they called\nIrens, who were usually twenty years old, two years out of boyhood; and\nthe eldest of the boys, again, were Mell-Irens, as much as to say, \"who\nwould shortly be men.\" This young man, therefore, was their captain when\nthey fought, and their master at home, using them for the offices of his\nhouse; sending the oldest of them to fetch wood, and the weaker and less\nable, to gather salads and herbs, and these they must either go without\nor steal; which they did by creeping into the gardens, or conveying\nthemselves cunningly and closely into the eating-houses; if they were\ntaken in the act, they were whipped without mercy, for thieving so ill\nand awkwardly. They stole, too, all other meat they could lay their\nhands on, looking out and watching all opportunities, when people were\nasleep or more careless than usual. If they were caught, they were not\nonly punished with whipping, but hunger, too, being reduced to their\nordinary allowance, which was but very slender, and so contrived on\npurpose, that they might set about to help themselves, and be forced to\nexercise their energy and address.\n\nSo seriously did the Lacedaemonian children go about their stealing,\nthat a youth, having stolen a young fox and hid it under his coat,\nsuffered it to tear out his very bowels with its teeth and claws, and\ndied upon the place, rather than let it be seen. What is practised to\nthis very day in Lacedaemon is enough to gain credit to this story, for\nI myself have seen several of the youths endure whipping to death at the\nfoot of the altar of Diana surnamed Orthia.\n\nThe Iren, or under-master, used to stay a little with them after supper,\nand one of them he bade to sing a song, to another he put a question\nwhich required an advised and deliberate answer; for example, Who was\nthe best man in the city? What he thought of such an action of such\na man? They accustomed them thus early to pass a right judgment upon\npersons and things, and to inform themselves of the abilities or defects\nof their countrymen. If they had not an answer ready to the question,\nWho was a good or who an ill-reputed citizen? they were looked upon as\nof a dull and careless disposition, and to have little or no sense of\nvirtue and honor; besides this, they were to give a good reason for what\nthey said, and in as few words and as comprehensive as might be; he that\nfailed of this, or answered not to the purpose, had his thumb bit by his\nmaster.\n\nThey taught them, also, to speak with a natural and graceful raillery,\nand to comprehend much matter of thought in few words. For Lycurgus,\nwho ordered, as we saw, that a great piece of money should be but of\nan inconsiderable value, on the contrary would allow no discourse to be\ncurrent which did not contain in few words a great deal of useful and\ncurious sense; children in Sparta, by a habit of long silence, came to\ngive just and sententious answers; for, indeed, loose talkers seldom\noriginate many sensible words. King Agis, when some Athenian laughed at\ntheir short swords, and said that the jugglers on the stage swallowed\nthem with ease, answered him, \"We find them long enough to reach our\nenemies with;\" and as their swords were short and sharp, so, it seems to\nme, were their sayings. They reach the point and arrest the attention of\nthe hearers better than any others. Lycurgus himself seems to have been\nshort and sententious, if we may trust the anecdotes of him; as\nappears by his answer to one who by all means would set up democracy in\nLacedaemon. \"Begin, friend,\" said he, \"and set it up in your family.\"\nAnother asked him why he allowed of such mean and trivial sacrifices\nto the gods. He replied, \"That we may always have something to offer to\nthem.\" Being asked what sort of martial exercises or combats he approved\nof, he answered, \"All sorts, except that in which you stretch out your\nhands.\"\n\nOf their dislike to talkativeness, the following apophthegms are\nevidence. King Leonidas said to one who held him in discourse upon some\nuseful matter, but not in due time and place, \"Much to the purpose, sir,\nelsewhere.\" King Charilaus, the nephew of Lycurgus, being asked why his\nuncle had made so few laws, answered, \"Men of few words require but few\nlaws.\" When one blamed Hecataeus the sophist because that, being\ninvited to the public table, he had not spoken one word all supper-time,\nArchidamidas answered in his vindication, \"He who knows how to speak,\nknows also when.\"\n\nThe sharp, and yet not ungraceful, retorts which I mentioned may be\ninstanced as follows. Demaratus, being asked in a troublesome manner by\nan importunate fellow, Who was the best man in Lacedaemon? answered at\nlast, \"He, sir, that is the least like you.\" Some, in company where Agis\nwas, much extolled the Eleans for their just and honorable management of\nthe Olympic games; \"Indeed,\" said Agis, \"they are highly to be commended\nif they can do justice one day in five years.\"\n\nWe may see their character, too, in their very jests. For they did not\nthrow them out at random, but the very wit of them was grounded upon\nsomething or other worth thinking about. For instance, one, being asked\nto go hear a man who exactly counterfeited the voice of a nightingale,\nanswered, \"Sir, I have heard the nightingale itself.\" Another, having\nread the following inscription upon a tomb,--\n\n     Seeking to quench a cruel tyranny,\n     They, at Selinus, did in battle die,\n\nsaid, it served them right; for instead of trying to quench the tyranny\nthey should have let it burn out. A lad, being offered some game-cocks\nthat would die upon the spot, said he cared not for cocks that would\ndie, but for such as would live and kill others. In short, their answers\nwere so sententious and pertinent, that one said well that intellectual,\nmuch more truly than athletic, exercise was the Spartan characteristic.\n\nNor was their instruction in music and verse less carefully attended to\nthan their habits of grace and good breeding in conversation. And their\nvery songs had a life and spirit in them that inflamed and possessed\nmen's minds with an enthusiasm and ardor for action; the style of them\nwas plain and without affectation; the subject always serious and moral;\nmost usually it was in praise of such men as had died in defence of\ntheir country, or in derision of those that had been cowards; the former\nthey declared happy and glorified; the life of the latter they described\nas most miserable and abject. There were also vaunts of what they would\ndo, and boasts of what they had done, varying with the various ages, as,\nfor example, they had three choirs in their solemn festivals, the\nfirst of the old men, the second of the young men, and the last of the\nchildren; the old men began thus:\n\n     We once were young, and brave and strong;\n\nthe young men answered them, singing,\n\n     And we're so now, come on and try;\n\nthe children came last and said,\n\n     But we'll be strongest by and by.\n\nBefore they engaged in battle, the Lacedaemonians abated a little the\nseverity of their manners in favor of their young men, suffering them\nto curl and adorn their hair, and to have costly arms, and fine clothes;\nand were well pleased to see them, like proud horses, neighing and\npressing to the course. And therefore, as soon as they came to be well\ngrown, they took a great deal of care of their hair, to have it parted\nand trimmed, especially against a day of battle, pursuant to a saying\nrecorded of their lawgiver, that a large head of hair added beauty to a\ngood face, and terror to an ugly one.\n\nThe senate, as I said before, consisted of those who were Lycurgus's\nchief aiders and assistants in his plan. The vacancies he ordered to be\nsupplied out of the best and most deserving men past sixty years old.\nThe manner of their election was as follows: the people being called\ntogether, some selected persons were locked up in a room near the place\nof election, so contrived that they could neither see nor be seen, but\ncould only hear the noise of the assembly without; for they decided\nthis, as most other affairs of moment, by the shouts of the people. This\ndone, the competitors were not brought in and presented all together,\nbut one after another by lot, and passed in order through the assembly\nwithout speaking a word. Those who were locked up had writing-tables\nwith them, in which they recorded and marked each shout by its loudness,\nwithout knowing in favor of which candidate each of them was made, but\nmerely that they came first, second, third, and so forth. He who was\nfound to have the most and loudest acclamations was declared senator\nduly elected.\n\nWhen he perceived that his more important institutions had taken root in\nthe minds of his countrymen, that custom had rendered them familiar and\neasy, that his commonwealth was now grown up and able to go alone, then,\nas Plato somewhere tells us the Maker of the world, when first he saw it\nexisting and beginning its motion, felt joy, even so Lycurgus, viewing\nwith joy and satisfaction the greatness and beauty of his political\nstructure, now fairly at work and in motion, conceived the thought\nto make it immortal too, and as far as human forecast could reach, to\ndeliver it down unchangeable to posterity. He called an extraordinary\nassembly of all the people, and told them that he now thought everything\nreasonably well established, both for the happiness and the virtue of\nthe state; but that there was one thing still behind, of the greatest\nimportance, which he thought not fit to impart until he had consulted\nthe oracle; in the meantime, his desire was that they would observe the\nlaws without even the least alteration until his return, and then he\nwould do as the god should direct him. They all consented readily, and\nbade him hasten his journey; but, before he departed, he administered\nan oath to the two kings, the senate, and the whole commons, to abide by\nand maintain the established form of polity until Lycurgus should\ncome back. This done, he set out for Delphi, and, having sacrificed\nto Apollo, asked him whether the laws he had established were good and\nsufficient for a people's happiness and virtue. The oracle answered that\nthe laws were excellent, and that the people, while it observed them,\nshould live in the height of renown. Lycurgus took the oracle in\nwriting, and sent it over to Sparta, and, having sacrificed a second\ntime to Apollo, and taken leave of his friends and his son, he resolved\nthat the Spartans should not be released from the oath they had taken,\nand that he would, of his own act, close his life where he was. He was\nnow about that age in which life was still tolerable, and yet might\nbe quitted without regret. Everything, moreover, about him was in a\nsufficiently prosperous condition. He, therefore, made an end of himself\nby a total abstinence from food; thinking it a statesman's duty to make\nhis very death, if possible, an act of service to the state, and even\nin the end of his life to give some example of virtue and effect some\nuseful purpose. Nor was he deceived in his expectations, for the city of\nLacedaemon continued the chief city of all Greece for the space of five\nhundred years, in strict observance of Lycurgus's laws; in all which\ntime there was no manner of alteration made, during the reign of\nfourteen kings, down to the time of Agis, the son of Archidamus.\n\nKing Theopompus, when one said that Sparta held up so long because their\nkings could command so well, replied, \"Nay, rather because the people\nknow so well how to obey.\" For people do not obey, unless rulers know\nhow to command; obedience is a lesson taught by commanders. A true\nleader himself creates the obedience of his own followers; as it is\nthe greatest attainment in the art of riding to make a horse gentle and\ntractable, so is it of the science of government to inspire men with a\nwillingness to obey.\n\nIt is reported that when the bones were brought home to Sparta his tomb\nwas struck with lightning, an accident which befell no eminent person\nbut himself and Euripides. But Aristocrates, the son of Hipparchus, says\nthat he died in Crete, and that his Cretan friends, in accordance with\nhis own request, when they had burned his body, scattered the ashes\ninto the sea, for fear lest, if his relics should be transported to\nLacedaemon, the people might pretend to be released from their oaths,\nand make innovations in the government.\n\n\n\n\nSOLON\n\nSOLON, as Hermippus writes, when his father had ruined his estate in\ndoing benefits and kindnesses to other men, though he had friends enough\nthat were willing to contribute to his relief, yet was ashamed to\nbe beholden to others, since he was descended from a family who were\naccustomed to do kindnesses rather than receive them; and therefore\napplied himself to merchandise in his youth; though others assure us\nthat he traveled rather to get learning and experience than to make\nmoney. It is certain that he was a lover of knowledge, for when he was\nold he would say that he\n\nEach day grew older, and learnt something new.\n\nBut that he accounted himself rather poor than rich is evident from the\nlines,\n\n     Some wicked men are rich, some good are poor,\n     We will not change our virtue for their store;\n     Virtue's a thing that none can take away,\n     But money changes owners all the day.\n\nIt is stated that Anacharsis and Solon and Thales were familiarly\nacquainted, and some have quoted parts of their discourse; for, they\nsay, Anacharsis, coming to Athens, knocked at Solon's door and told\nhim that he, being a stranger, was come to be his guest, and contract a\nfriendship with him; and Solon replying; \"It is better to make friends\nat home,\" Anacharsis replied, \"Then you that are at home make friendship\nwith me.\" Solon, somewhat surprised at the readiness of the repartee,\nreceived him kindly, and kept him some time with him, being already\nengaged in public business and the compilation of his laws; which when\nAnacharsis understood, he laughed at him for imagining the dishonesty\nand covetousness of his countrymen could be restrained by written laws,\nwhich were like spiders' webs, and would catch, it is true, the weak\nand poor, but easily be broken by the mighty and rich. To this Solon\nrejoined that men keep their promises when neither side can get anything\nby the breaking of them; and he would so fit his laws to the citizens,\nthat all should understand it was more eligible to be just than to break\nthe laws. But the event rather agreed with the conjecture of Anacharsis\nthan Solon's hope. Anacharsis, being once at the assembly, expressed his\nwonder that in Greece wise men spoke and fools decided.\n\nNow, when the Athenians were tired with a tedious and difficult war that\nthey conducted against the Megarians for the island Salamis, and made\na law that is should be death for any man, by writing or speaking, to\nassert that the city ought to endeavor to recover it, Solon, vexed at\nthe disgrace, and perceiving thousands of the youth wished for\nsomebody to begin, but did not dare to stir first for fear of the law,\ncounterfeited a distraction, and by his own family it was spread about\nthe city that he was mad. He then secretly composed some elegiac verses,\nand getting them by heart, that it might seem extempore, ran out into\nthe market-place with a cap upon his head, and, the people gathering\nabout him, got upon the herald's stand, and sang that elegy which begins\nthus:--\n\n     I am a herald come from Salamis the fair,\n     My news from thence my verses shall declare.\n\nThe poem is called \"Salamis\"; it contains a hundred verses, very\nelegantly written. When it had been sung, his friends commended it, and\nespecially Pisistratus exhorted the citizens to obey his directions;\ninsomuch that they recalled the law, and renewed the war under Solon's\nconduct. The popular take is, that with Pisistratus he sailed to Colias,\nand, finding the women, according to the custom of the country there,\nsacrificing to Ceres, he sent a trusty friend to Salamis, who should\npretend himself a renegade, and advise them, if they desired to seize\nthe chief Athenian women, to come with him at once to Colias; the\nMegarians presently sent off men in the vessel with him, and Solon,\nseeing it put off from the island, commanded the women to be gone, and\nsome beardless youths, dressed in their clothes, their shoes, and caps,\nand privately armed with daggers, to dance and play near the shore till\nthe enemies had landed and the vessel was in their power. Things being\nthus ordered, the Megarians were allured with the appearance, and,\ncoming to the shore, jumped out, eager who should first seize a prize,\nso that not one of them escaped; and the Athenians set sail for the\nisland and took it.\n\nFor this Solon grew famed and powerful; but his advice in favor of\ndefending the oracle at Delphi, to give aid, and not to suffer the\nCirrhaeans to profane it, but to maintain the honor of the god, got him\nmost repute among the Greeks: for upon his persuasion the Amphictyons\nundertook the war.\n\nNow the Cylonian pollution had a long time disturbed the commonwealth,\never since the time when Megacles the archon persuaded the conspirators\nwith Cylon that took sanctuary in Athena's temple to come down and stand\nto a fair trial. And they, tying a thread to the image, and holding one\nend of it, went down to the tribunal; but when they came to the temple\nof the Furies, the thread broke of its own accord, upon which, as if the\ngoddess had refused them protection, they were seized by Megacles and\nthe other magistrates; as many as were without the temples were stoned,\nthose that fled for sanctuary were butchered at the altar, and only\nthose escaped who made supplication to the wives of the magistrates.\n\nThe Athenians, now the Cylonian sedition was over and the polluted gone\ninto banishment, fell into their old quarrels about the government,\nthere being as many different parties as there were diversities in the\ncountry. The Hill quarter favored democracy; the Plain, oligarchy; and\nthose that lived by the Sea-side stood for a mixed sort of government,\nand so hindered either of the parties from prevailing. And the disparity\nof fortune between the rich and the poor at that time also reached its\nheight; so that the city seemed to be in a truly dangerous condition,\nand no other means for freeing it from disturbances and settling it to\nbe possible but a despotic power.\n\nThen the wisest of the Athenians, perceiving Solon was of all men the\nonly one not implicated in the troubles, that he had not joined in the\nexactions of the rich, and was not involved in the necessities of\nthe poor, pressed him to succor the commonwealth and compose the\ndifferences. Solon, reluctantly at first, engaged in state affairs,\nbeing afraid of the pride of one party and the greediness of the other;\nhe was chosen archon, however, after Philombrotus, and empowered to be\nan arbitrator and lawgiver; the rich consenting because he was wealthy,\nthe poor because he was honest. There was a saying of his current before\nthe election, that when things are even there never can be war, and this\npleased both parties, the wealthy and the poor; the one conceiving him\nto mean, when all have their fair proportion; the other, when all are\nabsolutely equal. Thus, there being great hopes on both sides, the chief\nmen pressed Solon to take the government into his own hands, and, when\nhe was once settled, manage the business freely and according to his\npleasure; and many of the commons, perceiving it would be a difficult\nchange to be effected by law and reason, were willing to have one wise\nand just man set over the affairs; and some say that Solon had this\noracle from Apollo:\n\n     Take the mid-seat, and be the vessel's guide;\n     Many in Athens are upon your side.\n\nFrom which it is manifest that he was a man of great reputation before\nhe gave his laws. The several mocks that were put upon him for refusing\nthe power, he records in these words:\n\nSolon surely was a dreamer, and a man of simple mind; When the gods\nwould give him fortune, he of his own will declined; When the new was\nfull of fishes, over-heavy thinking it, He declined to haul it up,\nthrough want of heart and want of wit. Had but I that chance of riches\nand of kingship for one day, I would give my skin for flaying, and my\nhouse to die away.\n\nThus he makes the many and the low people speak of him. Yet, though he\nrefused the government, he did not show himself mean and submissive to\nthe powerful, nor make his laws to pleasure those that chose him. For\nthe first thing which he settled was, that what debts remained should\nbe forgiven, and no man, for the future, should engage the body of his\ndebtor for security. Though some, as Androtion, affirm that the debts\nwere not canceled, but the interest only lessened, which sufficiently\npleased the people; so that they named this benefit the Seisacthea,\ntogether with the enlarging of their measures, and raising the value of\ntheir money; for he made a pound, which before passed for seventy-three\ndrachmas, go for a hundred; so that, though the number of pieces in\nthe payment was equal, the value was less; which proved a considerable\nbenefit to those that were to discharge great debts, and no loss to the\ncreditors.\n\nWhile he was designing this, a most vexatious thing happened; for when\nhe had resolved to take off the debts, and was considering the proper\nform and fit beginning for it, he told some of his friends, Conon,\nClinias, and Hipponicus, in whom he had a great deal of confidence, that\nhe would not meddle with the lands, but only free the people from their\ndebts; upon which, they, using their advantage, made haste and borrowed\nsome considerable sums of money, and purchased some large farms; and\nwhen the law was enacted, they kept the possessions, and would not\nreturn the money; which brought Solon into great suspicion and\ndislike, as if he himself had not been abused, but was concerned in the\ncontrivance. But he presently stopped this suspicion, by releasing his\nown debtors of five talents (for he had lent so much), according to the\nlaw; others, as Polyzelus the Rhodian, say fifteen.\n\nSoon becoming sensible of the good that was done, the people laid by\ntheir grudges, made a public sacrifice, and chose Solon to new-model\nand make laws for the commonwealth, giving him the entire power over\neverything, their magistracies, their assemblies, courts, and councils;\nthat he should appoint the number, times of meeting, and what estate\nthey must have that could be capable of these, and dissolve or continue\nany of the present constitutions, according to his pleasure.\n\nFirst, then, he repealed all Draco's laws, except those concerning\nhomicide, because they were too severe and the punishments too great;\nfor death was appointed for almost all offences, insomuch that those\nthat were convicted of idleness were to die, and those that stole a\ncabbage or an apple to suffer even as villains that committed sacrilege\nor murder. So that Demades, in after time, was thought to have said very\nhappily, that Draco's laws were written not with ink, but blood; and\nhe himself, being once asked why he made death the punishment of most\noffences, replied: \"Small ones deserve that, and I have no higher for\nthe greater crimes.\"\n\nNext, Solon, being willing to continue the magistracies in the hands\nof the rich men, and yet receive the people into the other part of the\ngovernment, took an account of the citizens' estates, and those that\nwere worth five hundred measures of fruits, dry and liquid, he placed\nin the first rank; those that could keep a horse, or were worth three\nhundred measures, were made the second class; those that had two hundred\nmeasures, were in the third; and all the other were called Thetes, who\nwere not admitted to any office, but could come to the assembly, and\nact as jurors; which at first seemed nothing, but afterward was found an\nenormous privilege, as almost every matter of dispute came before them\nin this latter capacity. Besides, it is said that he was obscure and\nambiguous in the wording of his laws, on purpose to increase the honor\nof his courts; for since their differences could not be adjusted by the\nletter, they would have to bring all their causes to the judges, who\nthus were in a manner masters of the laws. Of this equalization he\nhimself makes mention in this manner:\n\n     Such power I gave the people as might do,\n     Abridged not what they had, now lavished new.\n     Those that were great in wealth and high in place,\n     My counsel likewise kept from all disgrace.\n     Before them both I held my shield of might,\n     And let not either touch the other's right.\n\nWhen he had constituted the Areopagus of those who had been yearly\narchons, of which he himself was a member therefore, observing that\nthe people, now free from their debts, were unsettled and imperious,\nhe formed another council of four hundred, a hundred out of each of\nthe four tribes, which was to inspect all matters before they were\npropounded to the people, and to take care that nothing but what had\nbeen first examined should be brought before the general assembly. The\nupper council, or Areopagus, he made inspectors and keepers of the\nlaws, conceiving that the commonwealth, held by these two councils like\nanchors, would be less liable to be tossed by tumults, and the people be\nmore at quiet. Such is the general statement that Solon instituted the\nAreopagus.\n\nAmongst his other laws, one is very peculiar and surprising, which\ndisfranchises all who stand neuter in a sedition; for it seems he would\nnot have any one remain insensible and regardless of the public good,\nbut at once join with the good party and those that have the right upon\ntheir side, assist and venture with them, rather than keep out of harm's\nway and watch who would get the better.\n\nAnother commendable law of Solon's is that which forbids men to speak\nevil of the dead.\n\nSince the country has but few rivers, lakes, or large springs, and many\nused wells which they had dug, there was a law made, that, where there\nwas a public well within a hippicon, that is, four furlongs, all should\ndraw at that; but then it was farther off, they should try and procure a\nwell of their own; and, if they had dug ten fathoms deep and could find\nno water, they had liberty to fetch a pitcherful of four gallons and a\nhalf in a day from their neighbors'; for he thought it prudent to make\nprovision against want, but not to supply laziness. He showed skill in\nhis orders about planting, for any one that would plant another tree was\nnot to set it within five feet of his neighbor's field; but if a fig or\nan olive, not within nine, for their roots spread farther, nor can they\nbe planted near all sorts of trees without damage, for they draw away\nthe nourishment, and in some cases are noxious by their effluvia. He\nthat would dig a pit or a ditch was to dig it at the distance of its own\ndepth from his neighbor's ground; and he that would raise stocks of bees\nwas not to place them within three hundred feet of those which another\nhad already raised.\n\nHe permitted only oil to be exported, and those that exported any other\nfruit, the archon was solemnly to curse, or else pay an hundred drachmas\n(a drachma was about twenty cents.) himself; and this law was written in\nhis first table, and, therefore, let none think it incredible, as some\naffirm, that the exportation of figs was once unlawful. He made a law\nalso, concerning hurts and injuries from beasts, in which he commands\nthe master of any dog that bit a man to deliver him up with a log about\nhis neck four and a half feet long-a happy device for men's security.\n\nAll his laws he established for an hundred years, and wrote them on\nwooden tables or rollers, named axones, which might be turned round in\noblong cases; some of their relics were in my time still to be seen in\nthe Prytaneum, or common hall, at Athens. These, as Aristotle states,\nwere called cyrbes, and there is a passage of Cratinus the comedian,\n\n     By Solon, and by Draco, if you please,\n     Whose Cyrbes make the fires that parch our peas.\n\nBut some say those are properly cyrbes, which contain laws concerning\nsacrifices and the rites of religion, and all the other axones. The\ncouncil all jointly swore to confirm the laws, and every one of the\nThesmothetae vowed for himself at the stone in the market-place, that,\nif he broke any of the statutes, he would dedicate a golden statue, as\nbig as himself, at Delphi.\n\nNow when these laws were enacted, and some came to Solon every day, to\ncommend or dispraise them, and to advise, if possible, to leave out, or\nput in something, and many criticised, and desired him to explain,\nand tell the meaning of such and such a passage, he, to escape all\ndispleasure, it being a hard thing, as he himself says,\n\n     In great affairs to satisfy all sides,\n\nAs an excuse for traveling, bought a trading vessel and, having obtained\nleave for ten years' absence, departed, hoping that by that time his\nlaws would have become familiar.\n\nHis first voyage was for Egypt, and he lived, as he himself says,\n\n     Near Nilus' mouth, by fair Canopus' shore,\n\nAnd spent some time in study with Psenophis of Heliopolis, and Sonchis\nthe Saite, the most learned of all the priests; from whom, as Plato\nsays, getting knowledge of the Atlantic story, he put it into a poem,\nand proposed to bring it to the knowledge of the Greeks. From thence he\nsailed to Cyprus, where he was made much of by Philocyprus, one of the\nkings there, who had a small city built by Demophon, Theseus's son, near\nthe river Clarius, in a strong situation, but incommodious and uneasy\nof access. Solon persuaded him, since there lay a fair plain below,\nto remove, and build there a pleasanter and more spacious city. And he\nstayed himself, and assisted in gathering inhabitants, and in fitting it\nboth for defence and convenience of living; insomuch that many flocked\nto Philocyprus, and the other kings imitated the design; and, therefore,\nto honor Solon, he called the city Soli.\n\nThat Solon should discourse with Croesus, some think not agreeable with\nchronology; but I cannot reject so famous and well-attested a narrative,\nand, what is more, so agreeable to Solon's temper, and so worthy his\nwisdom and greatness of mind, because, forsooth, it does not agree with\nsome chronological canons, which thousands have endeavored to regulate,\nand yet, to this day, could never bring their differing opinions to any\nagreement. They say, therefore, that Solon, coming to Croesus at his\nrequest, was in the same condition as an inland man when first he goes\nto see the sea; for as he fancies every river he meets with to be the\nocean, so Solon, as he passed through the court, and saw a great many\nnobles richly dressed, and proudly attended with a multitude of guards\nand footboys, thought every one to be the king, till he was brought to\nCroesus, who was decked with every possible rarity and curiosity, in\nornaments of jewels, purple, and gold, that could make a grand and\ngorgeous spectacle of him. Now when Solon came before him, and seemed\nnot at all surprised, nor gave Croesus those compliments he expected,\nbut showed himself to all discerning eyes to be a man that despised the\ngaudiness and petty ostentation of it, he commanded them to open all\nhis treasure houses, and carry him to see his sumptuous furniture and\nluxuries, though Solon did not wish it; he could judge of him well\nenough by the first sight of him; and, when he returned from viewing\nall, Croesus asked him if ever he had known a happier man than he. And\nwhen Solon answered that he had known one Tellus, a fellow-citizen of\nhis own, and told him that this Tellus had been an honest man, had had\ngood children, a competent estate, and died bravely in battle for his\ncountry, Croesus took him for an ill-bred fellow and a fool, for not\nmeasuring happiness by the abundance of gold and silver, and preferring\nthe life and death of a private and mean man before so much power and\nempire. He asked him however, again, if, besides Tellus, he knew any\nother man more happy. And Solon replying, Yes, Cleobis and Biton, who\nwere loving brothers, and extremely dutiful sons to their mother, and,\nwhen the oxen delayed her, harnessed themselves to the wagon, and drew\nher to Juno's temple, her neighbors all calling her happy, and she\nherself rejoicing; then, after sacrificing and feasting, they went\nto rest, and never rose again, but died in the midst of their honor a\npainless and tranquil death. \"What,\" said Croesus, angrily, \"and dost\nnot thou reckon us amongst the happy men at all?\" Solon, unwilling\neither to flatter or exasperate him more, replied, \"The gods, O king,\nhave given the Greeks all other gifts in moderate degree; and so our\nwisdom, too, is a cheerful and a homely, not a noble and kingly, wisdom;\nand this, observing the numerous misfortunes that attend all conditions,\nforbids us to grow insolent upon our present enjoyments, or to admire\nany man's happiness that may yet, in course of time, suffer change. For\nthe uncertain future has yet to come, with every possible variety of\nfortune; and him only to whom the divinity has continued happiness unto\nthe end, we call happy; to salute as happy one that is still in the\nmidst of life and hazard, we think as little safe, and conclusive as to\ncrown and proclaim as victorious the wrestler that is yet in the ring.\"\nAfter this, he was dismissed, having given Croesus some pain, but no\ninstruction.\n\nAesop, who wrote the fables, being then at Sardis upon Croesus's\ninvitation, and very much esteemed, was concerned that Solon was so\nill-received, and gave him this advice: \"Solon, let your converse with\nkings be either short or seasonable.\" \"Nay, rather,\" replied Solon,\n\"either short or reasonable.\" So at this time Croesus despised Solon;\nbut when he was overcome by Cyrus, had lost his city, was taken alive,\ncondemned to be burnt, and laid bound upon the pile before all the\nPersians and Cyrus himself, he cried out as loud as he possibly could\nthree times, \"O Solon!\" and Cyrus being surprised, and sending some to\ninquire what man or god this Solon was, whom alone he invoked in this\nextremity, Croesus told him the whole story, saying, \"He was one of the\nwise men of Greece, whom I sent for, not to be instructed, or to learn\nanything that I wanted, but that he should see and be a witness of my\nhappiness; the loss of which was, it seems, to be a greater evil than\nthe enjoyment was a good; for when I had them they were goods only in\nopinion, but now the loss of them has brought upon me intolerable and\nreal evils. And he, conjecturing from what then was, this that now is,\nbade me look to the end of my life, and not rely and grow proud upon\nuncertainties.\" When this was told Cyrus, who was a wiser man than\nCroesus, and saw in the present example Solon's maxim confirmed, he not\nonly freed Croesus from punishment, but honored him as long as he\nlived; and Solon had the glory, by the same saying, to save one king and\ninstruct another.\n\nWhen Solon was gone, the citizens began to quarrel; Lycurgus headed\nthe Plain; Megacles, the son of Alcmaeon, those of the Sea-side; and\nPisistratus the Hill-party, in which were the poorest people, the\nThetes, and greatest enemies to the rich; insomuch that, though the\ncity still used the new laws, yet all looked for and desired a change of\ngovernment, hoping severally that the change would be better for them,\nand put them above the contrary faction. Affairs standing thus, Solon\nreturned, and was reverenced by all, and honored; but his old age would\nnot permit him to be as active, and to speak in public, as formerly;\nyet, by privately conferring with the heads of the factions, he\nendeavored to compose the differences, Pisistratus appearing the most\ntractable; for he was extremely smooth and engaging in his language,\na great friend to the poor, and moderate in his resentments; and what\nnature had not given him, he had the skill to imitate; so that he was\ntrusted more than the others, being accounted a prudent and orderly man,\none that loved equality, and would be an enemy to any that moved against\nthe present settlement. Thus he deceived the majority of people; but\nSolon quickly discovered his character, and found out his design before\nany one else; yet did not hate him upon this, but endeavored to humble\nhim, and bring him off from his ambition, and often told him and others,\nthat if any one could banish the passion for preeminence from his mind,\nand cure him of his desire of absolute power, none would make a more\nvirtuous man or a more excellent citizen. Thespis, at this time,\nbeginning to act tragedies, and the thing, because it was new, taking\nvery much with the multitude, though it was not yet made a matter\nof competition, Solon, being by nature fond of hearing and learning\nsomething new, and now, in his old age, living idly, and enjoying\nhimself, indeed, with music and with wine, went to see Thespis himself,\nas the ancient custom was, act; and after the play was done, he\naddressed him, and asked him if he was not ashamed to tell so many lies\nbefore such a number of people; and Thespis replying that it was no harm\nto say or do so in play, Solon vehemently struck his staff against the\nground: \"Ay,\" said he, \"if we honor and commend such play as this, we\nshall find it some day in our business.\"\n\nNow when Pisistratus, having wounded himself, was brought into the\nmarket-place in a chariot, and stirred up the people, as if he had been\nthus treated by his opponents because of his political conduct, and a\ngreat many were enraged and cried out, Solon, coming close to him, said,\n\"This, O son of Hippocrates, is a bad copy of Homer's Ulysses; you do,\nto trick your countrymen, what he did to deceive his enemies.\" After\nthis, the people were eager to protect Pisistratus, and met in an\nassembly, where one Ariston made a motion that they should allow\nPisistratus fifty clubmen for a guard to his person. Now, the people,\nhaving passed the law, were not nice with Pisistratus about the number\nof his clubmen, but took no notice of it, though he enlisted and kept as\nmany as he would, until he seized the Acropolis. When that was done, and\nthe city in an uproar, Megacles, with all his family, at once fled; But\nSolon, though he was now very old, and had none to back him, yet came\ninto the market-place and made a speech to the citizens, partly blaming\ntheir inadvertency and meanness of spirit, and in part urging and\nexhorting them not thus tamely to lose their liberty; and likewise then\nspoke that memorable saying, that, before, it was an easier task to\nstop the rising tyranny, but now the greater and more glorious action\nto destroy it, when it was begun already, and had gathered strength.\nBut all being afraid to side with him, he returned home, and, taking his\narms, he brought them out and laid them in the porch before his door,\nwith these words: \"I have done my part to maintain my country and my\nlaws,\" and then be busied himself no more.\n\nBut Pisistratus, having got the command, so extremely courted Solon, so\nhonored him, obliged him, and sent to see him, that Solon gave him\nhis advice, and approved many of his actions; for he retained most of\nSolon's laws, observed them himself, and compelled his friends to obey.\nAnd he added other laws, one of which is that the maimed in the wars\nshould be maintained at the public charge, following Solon's example in\nthis, who had decreed it in the case of one Thersippus, that was maimed.\n\nSolon lived after Pisistratus seized the government a long time. But\nthe story that his ashes were scattered about the island Salamis is too\nstrange to be easily believed, or be thought anything but a mere\nfable; and yet it is given, among other good authors, by Aristotle the\nphilosopher.\n\n\n\n\nTHEMISTOCLES\n\nThe birth of Themistocles was somewhat too obscure to do him honor. His\nfather, Neocles, was not of the distinguished people of Athens, but of\nthe township of Phrearrhi; and by his mother's side, as it is reported,\nhe was low-born.\n\n     \"I am not of the noble Grecian race,\n     I'm poor Abrotonon, and born in Trace;\n     Let the Greek women scorn me, if they please,\n     I was the mother of Themistocles.\"\n\nFrom his youth he was of a vehement and impetuous nature, of a quick\napprehension, and a strong and aspiring bent for action and great\naffairs, the holidays and intervals in his studies he did not spend in\nplay or idleness, as other children, but would be always inventing or\narranging some oration or declamation to himself, the subject of which\nwas generally the excusing of accusing of his companions, so that his\nmaster would often say to him, \"You, my boy, will be nothing small,\nbut great one way or other, for good and else for bad.\" he received\nreluctantly and carelessly instructions given him to improve his manners\nand behavior, or to teach him any pleasing or graceful accomplishment,\nbut whatever was said to improve him in sagacity, or in management of\naffairs, he would give attention to beyond one of years, from confidence\nin his natural capacities for such things.\n\nIn the first essays of his youth he was not regular nor happily\nbalanced; he allowed himself to follow mere natural character, which,\nwithout the control of reason and instruction, is apt to hurry, upon\neither side, into sudden and violent courses, and very often to break\naway and determine upon the worst; as he afterwards owned himself,\nsaying that the wildest colts make the best horses, if they only get\nproperly trained and broken in.\n\nYet it is evident that his mind was early imbued with the keenest\ninterest in public affairs, and the most passionate ambition for\ndistinction. It is said that Themistocles was so transported with the\nthoughts of glory, and so inflamed with the passion for great actions,\nthat, though he was still young when the battle of Marathon was\nfought against the Persian, upon the skillful conduct of the general,\nMiltiades, being everywhere talked about, he was observed to be\nthoughtful and reserved; he passed the nights without sleep, and avoided\nall his usual places of recreation, and to those how wondered at the\nchange, and inquired the reason of it, he gave the answer that \"the\ntrophy of Miltiades would not let him sleep.\" And when others were\nof opinion that the battle of Marathon would be an end to the war,\nThemistocles thought that it was but the beginning of far greater\nconflict, and for these, to the benefit of Greece, he kept himself in\ncontinual readiness, and his city also in proper training, foreseeing\nfrom far before what would happen.\n\nAnd, first of all, the Athenians being accustomed to divide amongst\nthemselves the revenue proceeding from the silver mines at Laurium, he\nwas the only man that durst propose to the people that this distribution\nshould cease, and that with the money, ships should be built to make\nwar against the Aeginetans, who were the most flourishing people in all\nGreece, and by the number of their ships held the sovereignty of the\nsea; and Themistocles thus, little by little, turned and drew the city\ndown towards the sea, in the belief that, whereas by land they were not\na match for their next neighbors, with their ships they might be able to\nrepel the Persian and command Greece; thus, as Plato says, from steady\nsoldiers he turned them into mariners and seamen tossed about the sea,\nand gave occasion for the reproach against him, that he took away from\nthe Athenians the spear and the shield, and bound them to the bench\nand the oar. He was well liked by the common people, would salute every\nparticular citizen by his own name, and always showed himself a\njust judge in questions of business between private men; he said to\nSimonides, the poet of Ceos, who desired something of him when he was\ncommander of the army that was no reasonable, \"Simonides, you would\nbe no good poet if you wrote false measure, nor should I be a good\nmagistrate if for favor I made false law.\"\n\nGradually growing to be great, and winning the favor of the people,\nhe at last gained the day with his faction over that of Aristides, and\nprocured his banishment by ostracism. When the kind of Persia was now\nadvancing against Greece, and sent messengers into Greece, with an\ninterpreter, to demand earth and water, as an acknowledgement of\nsubjection, Themistocles, by the consent of the people, seized upon\nthe interpreter, and put him to death, for presuming to publish the\nbarbarian orders and decrees in the Greek language; and having taken\nupon himself the command of the Athenian forces, he immediately\nendeavored to persuade the citizens to leave the city, and to embark\nupon their galleys, and meet with the Persians at a great distance from\nGreece.\n\nWhen the contingents met at the straits of Artemisium, the Greeks would\nhave the Lacedaemonians to command, and Eurybiades to be their admiral;\nbut the Athenians, who surpassed all the rest together in number of\nvessels, would not submit to come after any other, till Themistocles,\nperceiving the danger of this contest, yielded his own command to\nEurybiades, and got the Athenians to submit, persuading them that if in\nthis war they behaved themselves like men, he would answer for it after\nthat, that the Greeks, of their own will, would submit to their command.\n\nThough the fights between the Greeks and Persians in the straits of\nEuboea were not so important as to make any final decision of the\nwar, yet the experience which the Greeks obtained in them was of great\nadvantage; for thus, by actual trial and in real danger, they found\nout, that neither number of ships, or riches and ornaments, nor boasting\nshouts, nor barbarous songs of victory, were any way terrible to men\nthat knew how to fight, and were resolved to come hand to hand with\ntheir enemies. This, Pindar appears to have seen, and says justly enough\nof the fight at Artemisium, that\n\n     There the sons of Athens set\n     The stone that freedom stands on yet.\n\nFor the first step towards victory undoubtedly is to gain courage.\nArtemisium is in Euboea, beyond the city of Histiaea, a sea-beach open\nto the north; there is small temple there, dedicated to Diana, surnamed\nof the Dawn, and trees about it, around which again stand pillars of\nwhite marble; and if rub them with your hand, they send forth both the\nsmell and color of saffron.\n\nBut when news came from Thermopylae to Artemisium, informing that that\nking Leonidas was slain, and that Xerxes had made himself master of\nall the passages by land, they returned back to the interior of Greece.\nXerxes had already passed through Doris and invaded the country of\nPhocis, and was burning and destroying the cities of the Phocians, yet\nthe Greeks sent them no relief; and, though the Athenians earnestly\ndesired them to meet the Persians in Boeotia, before they could come\ninto Attica, as they themselves had come forward by sea at Artemisium,\nthey gave no ear to their request, being wholly intent upon\nPeloponnesus, and resolved to gather all their forces together within\nthe Isthmus, and to build a wall from sea to sea in that narrow neck of\nland; so that the Athenians were enraged to see themselves betrayed, and\nat the same time afflicted and dejected at their own destitution. For to\nfight alone against such a numerous army was to no purpose, and the\nonly expedient now left them was to leave their city and cling to their\nships; which the people were very unwilling to submit to, imagining that\nit would signify little now to gain a victory, and not understanding how\nthere could be deliverance any longer after they had once forsaken\nthe temples of their gods and exposed the tombs and monuments of their\nancestors to the fury of their enemies.\n\nThemistocles, being at a loss, and not able to draw the people over\nto his opinion by any human reason, set his machines to work, as in a\ntheatre, and employed prodigies and oracles. The serpent of Athena, kept\nin the inner part of her temple, disappeared; the priests gave it out\nto the people and declared, by the suggestion of Themistocles, that the\ngoddess had left the city, and taken her flight before them towards the\nsea. And he often urged them with the oracle which bade them \"trust to\nwalls of wood,\" showing them that walls of wood could signify nothing\nelse but ships; and that the island of Salamis was termed in it not\nmiserable or unhappy, but had the epithet of divine, for that it should\none day be associated with a great good fortune of the Greeks. At length\nhis opinion prevailed, and he obtained a decree that the city should be\ncommitted to the protection of Athena, \"queen of Athens\"; that they\nwho were of age to bear arms should embark, and that each should see to\nsending away his children, women, and slaves where he could. This decree\nbeing confirmed, most of the Athenians removed their parents, wives, and\nchildren to Troezen, where they were received with eager good-will by\nthe Troezenians, who passed a vote that they should be maintained at the\npublic charge.\n\nAmong the great actions of Themistocles at this crisis, the recall of\nAristides was not the least, for, before the war, he had been ostracized\nby the party which Themistocles headed, and was in banishment; but now,\nperceiving that the people regretted his absence, and were fearful that\nhe might go over to the Persians to revenge himself, and thereby ruin\nthe affairs of Greece, Themistocles proposed a decree that those who\nwere banished for a time might return again, to give assistance by word\nand deed to the cause of Greece with the rest of their fellow citizens.\n\nEurybiades, by reason of the greatness of Sparta, was admiral of the\nGreek fleet, but yet was faint-hearted in time of danger, and willing\nto weigh anchor and set sail for the Isthmus of Corinth, near which the\nland army lay encamped; which Themistocles, resisted; and this was\nthe occasion of the well-known words, when Eurybiades, to check his\nimpatience, told him that at the Olympic games they that start up before\nthe rest are lashed. \"And they,\" replied Themistocles, \"that are left\nbehind are not crowned.\" Some say that while Themistocles was thus\nspeaking things upon the deck, an owl was seen flying to the right hand\nof the fleet, which came and sat upon the top of the mast; and this\nhappy omen so far disposed the Greeks to follow his advice, that they\npresently prepared to fight. Yet, when the enemy's fleet was arrived at\nthe haven of Phalerum, upon the coast of Attica, and with the number of\ntheir ships concealed all the shore, and when they saw the king himself\nin person come down with his land army to the sea-side, with all his\nforces united, then the good counsel of Themistocles was soon forgotten,\nand the Peloponnesians cast their eyes again towards the Isthmus, and\ntook it very ill if any one spoke against their returning home; and,\nresolving to depart that night, the pilots had order what course to\nsteer.\n\nThemistocles, in great distress that the Greeks should return, and lost\nthe advantage of the narrow seas and strait passage, and slip home\nvery one to his own city, considered with himself, and contrived that\nstratagem which was carried out by Sicinnus. This Sicinnus was a Persian\ncaptive, but a great lover of Themistocles, and the attendant of his\nchildren. Upon this occasion he sent him privately to Xerxes, commanding\nhim to tell the king that Themistocles, the admiral of the Athenians,\nhaving espoused his interest, wished to be the first to inform him that\nthe Greeks were ready to make their escape, and that he counseled him to\nhinder their flight, to set upon them while they were in this confusion\nand at a distance from their land army, and thereby destroy all their\nforces by sea. Xerxes was very joyful at this message, and received it\nas from one who wished him all that was good, and immediately issued\ninstructions to the commanders of his ships that they should instantly\nset out with two hundred galleys to encompass all the islands, and\nenclose all the straits and passages, that none of the Greeks might\nescape, and that they should afterward follow with the rest of their\nfleet at leisure. This being done, Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, was\nthe first man that perceived it, and went to the test of Themistocles,\nnot out of any friendship, for he had been formerly banished by his\nmeans, as has been related, but to inform him how they were encompassed\nby their enemies. Themistocles, knowing the generosity of Aristides, and\nmuch struck by his visit at that time, imparted to him all that he had\ntransacted by Sicinnus, and entreated him that, as he would be more\nreadily believed among the Greeks, he would make use of his credit to\nhelp to induce them to stay and fight their enemies in the narrow seas.\nAristides applauded Themistocles, and went to the other commanders and\ncaptains of the galleys and encouraged them to engage; yet they did not\nperfectly assent to him till a galley of Tenos, which deserted from the\nPersians, of which Panaetius was commander, came in, while they were\nstill doubting, and confirmed the news that all the straits and passages\nwere beset; and then their rage and fury, as well as their necessity,\nprovoked them all to fight.\n\nAs soon as it was day, Xerxes placed himself high up, to view his fleet,\nas Acestodorus writes, in the confines of Megara, upon those hills\nwhich are called the Horns, where he sat in a chair of gold, with many\nsecretaries about him to write down all that was done in the fight.\n\nThe number of the enemy's ships the poet Aeschylus gives in his tragedy\ncalled the Persians, as on his certain knowledge, in the following\nwords:\n\n      Xerxes, I know, did into battle lead\n      One thousand ships; of more than usual speed\n      Seven and two hundred. So is it agreed.\n\nThe Athenians had a hundred and eighty; in every ship eighteen\nmen fought upon the deck, four of whom were archers and the rest\nmen-at-arms.\n\nAs Themistocles had fixed upon the most advantageous place, so, with no\nless sagacity, he chose the best time of fighting; for he would not run\nthe prows of his galleys against the Persians, nor begin the fight till\nthe time of day was come when there regularly blows in a fresh breeze\nfrom the open sea, and brings in with it a strong swell into the\nchannel; this was no inconvenience to the Greek ships, which were\nlow-built, and little above the water, but did much hurt to the\nPersians, which had high sterns and lofty decks, and were heavy and\ncumbrous in their movements, as it presented them broadside to the\nquick charges of the Greeks, who kept their eyes upon the motions of\nThemistocles, as their best example, and more particularly because,\nopposed to his ship, Ariamenes, admiral to Xerxes, a brave man, and by\nfar the best and worthiest of the king's brothers, was seen throwing\ndarts and shooting arrows from his huge galley, as from the walls of a\ncastle. Aminias the Decelean and Sosicles the Pedian, who sailed in the\nsame vessel, upon the ships meeting stem to stem, and transfixing each\nthe other with their brazen prows, so that they were fastened together,\nwhen Ariamenes attempted to board theirs, ran at them with their pikes,\nand thrust him into the sea; his body, as it floated amongst other\nshipwrecks, was discovered by Artemisia, and carried to Xerxes.\n\nThe first man that took a ship was Lycomedes the Athenian, captain of\na galley, who cut down its ensign, and dedicated it to Apollo the\nLaurel-crowned. And as the Persians fought in a narrow sea, and could\nbring but part of their fleet to fight, and fell foul of one another,\nthe Greeks thus equaled them in strength, and fought with them till the\nevening, forced them back, and obtained, as says Simonides, that noble\nand famous victory, than which neither amongst the Greeks nor barbarians\nwas ever known more glorious exploit on the seas; by the joint valor,\nindeed, and zeal of all who fought, but most by the wisdom and sagacity\nof Themistocles.\n\nAfter this sea-fight, Xerxes, enraged at his ill-fortune, attempted,\nby casting great heaps of earth and stones into the sea, to stop up the\nchannel and to make a dam, upon which he might lead his land forces over\ninto the island of Salamis.\n\nThemistocles, being desirous to try the opinion of Aristides, told him\nthat he proposed to set sail for the Hellespont, to break the bridge\nof ships, so as to shut up, he said, Aisa a prisoner within Europe; but\nAristides, disliking the design, said: \"We have hitherto fought with an\nenemy who has regarded little else but his pleasure and luxury; but if\nwe shut him up within Greece, and drive him to necessity, he that is\nmaster of such great forces will no longer sit quietly with an umbrella\nof gold over his head, looking upon the fight for his pleasure; but he\nwill be resolute, and attempt all things. Therefore, it is noways our\ninterest, Themistocles,\" he said, \"to take away the bridge that is\nalready made, but rather to build another, if it were possible, that he\nmight make his retreat with the more expedition.\" To which Themistocles\nanswered: \"If this be requisite, we must immediately use all diligence,\nart, and industry, to rid ourselves of him as soon as may be;\" and to\nthis purpose he found out among the captives one named Arnaces, whom he\nsent to the king, to inform him that the Greeks, being now victorious\nby sea, had decreed to sail to the Hellespont, where the boasts were\nfastened together, and destroy the bridge; but that Themistocles, being\nconcerned for the king, revealed this to him, that he might hasten\ntoward the Asiatic seas, and pass over into his own dominions; and\nin the meantime would cause delays, and hinder the confederates\nfrom pursuing him. Xerxes no sooner heard this than, being very much\nterrified, he proceeded to retreat out of Greece with all speed. The\nprudence of Themistocles and Aristides in this was afterward more fully\nunderstood at the battle of Plataea, where Mardonius, with a very small\nfraction of the forces of Xerxes, put the Greeks in danger of losing\nall.\n\nHerodotus writes that, of all the cities of Greece, Aegina was held to\nhave performed the best service in the war; while all single men\nyielded to Themistocles, though, out of envy, unwillingly; and when they\nreturned to the entrance of Peloponnesus, where the several commanders\ndelivered their suffrages at the altar, to determine who was most\nworthy, every one gave the first vote for himself and the second for\nThemistocles. The Lacedaemonians carried him with them to Sparta, where,\ngiving the rewards of valor to Eurybiades, and of wisdom and conduct to\nThemistocles, they crowned him with olive, presented him with the best\nchariot in the city, and sent three hundred young men to accompany him\nto the confines of their country. And at the next Olympic games, when\nThemistocles entered the course, the spectators took no further notice\nof those who were competing for the prizes, but spent the whole day\nin looking upon him, showing him to the strangers, admiring him, and\napplauding him by clapping their hands, and other expressions of joy, so\nthat he himself, much gratified, confessed to his friends that he then\nreaped the fruit of all his labors for the Greeks.\n\nHe was, indeed, by nature, a great lover of honor, as is evident from\nthe anecdotes recorded of him. When chosen admiral by the Athenians, he\nwould not quite conclude any single matter of business, either public or\nprivate, but deferred all till the day they were to set sail, that, by\ndispatching a great quantity of business all at once, and having to met\na great variety of people, he might make an appearance of greatness\nand power. Viewing the dead bodies cast up by the sea, he perceived\nbracelets and necklaces of gold about them, yet passed on, only showing\nthem to a friend that followed him, saying, \"Take you these things, for\nyou are not Themistocles.\" He aid to Antiphates, a handsome young\nman, \"Time, young man, has taught us both a lesson.\" He said that the\nAthenians did not honor him or admire him, but made, as it were, a sort\nof plane-tree of him; sheltered themselves under him in bad weather, and\nas soon as it was fine, plucked his leaves and cut his branches. When a\nSeriphian told him that he had not obtained this honor by himself, but\nby the greatness of his city, he replied: \"You speak truth; I should\nnever have been famous if I had been of Seriphus; nor you, had you been\nof Athens.\" Laughing at his own son, who got his mother, and by his\nmother's means, his father also to indulge him, he told him that he had\nthe most power of any one is Greece: \"For the Athenians command the rest\nof Greece, I command the Athenians, your mother commands me, and you\ncommand your mother.\" Of the two who made love to his daughter, he\npreferred the man of worth to the one who was rich, saying he desired a\nman without riches, rather than riches without a man.\n\nWhen the citizens of Athens began to listen willingly to those who\ntraduced and reproached him, he was forced, with somewhat obnoxious\nfrequency, to put them in mind of the great services he had performed.\nAnd he yet more provoked the people by building a temple to Diana with\nthe epithet of Aristobule, or Diana of Best Counsel; intimating thereby\nthat he had given the best counsel, not only to the Athenians, but to\nall Greece. At length the Athenians banished him, making use of the\nostracism to humble his eminence and authority, as they ordinarily\ndid with all whom they thought too powerful, or, by their greatness,\ndisproportionate to the equality thought requisite in a popular\ngovernment. For the ostracism was instituted, not so much to punish\nthe offender as to mitigate and pacify the violence of the envious, who\ndelighted to humble eminent men, and who, by fixing this disgrace upon\nthem, might vent some part of their rancor.\n\nThemistocles being banished from Athens, while he stayed at Argos the\ndetection of Pausanias happened. And after Pausanias was put to death,\nletters and writings were found which rendered Themistocles suspected,\nand his enemies among the Athenians accused him. In answer to the\nmalicious detractions of his enemies, he merely wrote to the citizens\nurging that he who was always ambitious to govern, and not of a\ncharacter or a disposition to serve, would never sell himself and his\ncountry into slavery to a barbarous and hostile nation.\n\nNotwithstanding this, the people, being persuaded by his accuser, set\nofficers to take him and bring him away to be tried before a council\nof the Greeks; but, having timely notice of it, he passed over into the\nisland of Corcyra, where the state was under obligations to him;\nfor, being chosen as arbitrator in a difference between them and the\nCorinthians, he decided the controversy by ordering the Corinthians to\npay down twenty talents, and declaring the town and island of Leucas a\njoint colony from both cities. From thence he fled into Epirus, and, the\nAthenians and Lacedaemonians still pursuing him, he threw himself upon\nchances of safety that seemed all but desperate. For he fled fro refuge\nto Admetus, kind of the Molossians, who had formerly made some request\nto the Athenians when Themistocles was in the height of his authority,\nand had been disdainfully used and insulted by him, and had let it\nappear plain enough that could he lay hold of him he would take his\nrevenge. Yet in this misfortune, Themistocles, fearing the recent hatred\nof his neighbors and fellow-citizens more than the old displeasure of\nthe king, put himself at his mercy, and became an humble suppliant to\nAdmetus, after a peculiar manner, different from the custom of other\ncountries. For taking the king's son, who was then a child, in his arms,\nhe laid himself down at his hearth, this being the most sacred and\nonly manner of supplication, among the Molossians, which was not to be\nrefused.\n\nThucydides says, that, passing over land to the Aegean Sea, he took shop\nat Pydna in the bay of Thermae, not being known to any one in the ship,\ntill, being terrified to see the vessel driven by the winds near to\nNaxos, which was then besieged by the Athenians, he made himself\nknown to the master and pilot, and, partly entreating them, partly\nthreatening, he compelled them to bear off and stand out to sea, and\nsail forward toward the coast of Aisa.\n\nWhen he arrived at Cyme, and understood that all along the coast many\nlaid in wait for him (the king of Persia having offered by public\nproclamation two hundred talents to him that should take him), he fled\nto Aegae, a small city of the Aeolians, where no one knew him but only\nhis host Nicogenes, who was the richest man in Aeolia, and well known to\nthe great men of Inner Asia. There Themistocles, going to bed, dreamed\nthat he saw a snake coil itself up upon his belly, and so creep to his\nneck; then, as soon as it touched his face, it turned into an eagle,\nwhich spread its wings over him, and took him up and flew away with him\na great distance; then there appeared a herald's golden wand, and\nupon this at last it set him down securely, after infinite terror and\ndisturbance.\n\nHis departure was effected by Nicogenes by the following artifice: the\nbarbarous nations, and among them the Persians especially, are extremely\njealous, severe, and suspicious about their wives, whom they keep so\nstrictly that no one ever sees them abroad; they spend their lives shut\nup within doors, and, when they take a journey, are carried in close\ntenets, curtained in on all sides, and set upon a wagon. Such a\ntraveling carriage being prepared for Themistocles, they hid him in it,\nand carried him on his journey, and told those whom they met or spoke\nwith upon the road that they were conveying a young Greek woman out of\nIonia to a nobleman at court.\n\nWhen he was introduced to the king, and had paid his reverence to him,\nhe stood silent, till the king commanding the interpreter to ask him who\nhe was, he replied: \"O king, I am Themistocles the Athenian, driven\ninto banishment by the Greeks. The evils I have done to the Persians are\nnumerous; but my benefits to them yet greater, in withholding the Greeks\nfrom pursuit, so soon as the deliverance of my own country allowed me\nto show kindness also to you. I come with a mind suited to my present\ncalamities; prepared alike for favors and for anger; to welcome your\ngracious reconciliation, and to deprecate your wrath. Take my own\ncountrymen for witnesses of the services I have done for Persia, and\nmake use of this occasion to show the world your virtue, rather than to\nsatisfy your indignation. If you save me, you will save your suppliant;\nif otherwise, you will destroy an enemy of the Greeks.\"\n\nIn the morning, calling together the chief of his court, he had\nThemistocles brought before him, who expected no good of it. Yet, when\nhe came into the presence, and again fell down, the king saluted him,\nand spake to him kindly, telling him he was now indebted to him two\nhundred talents; for it was just and reasonable that he should receive\nthe reward which was proposed to whosoever should bring Themistocles;\nand promising much more, and encouraging him, he commanded him to speak\nfreely what he would concerning the affairs of Greece. Themistocles\nreplied, that a man's discourse was like to a rich Persians carpet, the\nbeautiful figures and patterns of which can only be shown by spreading\nand extending it out; when it is contracted and folded up, they are\nobscured and lost; and, therefore, he desired time. The king being\npleased with the comparison, and bidding him take what time he would,\nhe desired a year; in which time, having learnt the Persian language\nsufficiently, he spoke with the king by himself without the help of an\ninterpreter; the king invited him to partake of his own pastimes and\nrecreations both at home and abroad, carrying him with him a-hunting,\nand made him his intimate so far that he permitted him to see the\nqueen-mother, and converse frequently with her. By the king's command,\nhe also was made acquainted with the Magian learning.\n\nThey relate, also, how Themistocles, when he was in great prosperity,\nand courted by many, seeing himself splendidly served at his table,\nturned to his children and said: \"Children, we had been undone if we\nhad not been undone.\" Most writers say that he had three cities given\nhim--Magnesia, Myus and Lampsacus--to maintain him in bread, meat and\nwine; and some add two more, the city of Palaescepsis, to provide him\nwith clothes, and Percote, with bedding and furniture for his house.\n\nHe lived quietly in his own house in Magnesia, where for a long time he\npassed his days in great security, being courted by all, and enjoying\nrich presents, and honored equally with the greatest persons in the\nPersian empire; the king, at that time, not minding his concerns with\nGreece, being taken up with the affairs of Inner Aisa.\n\nBut when Egypt revolted, being assisted by the Athenians, and the Greek\ngalleys roved about as far as Cyprus and Cilicia, and Cimon had made\nhimself master of the seas, the king turned his thoughts thither, and,\nbending his mind chiefly to resist the Greeks, and to cheek the\ngrowth of their power against him, began to raise forces, and send out\ncommanders, and to dispatch messengers to Themistocles at Magnesia, to\nput him in mind of his promise, and to summon him to act against the\nGreeks. Yet this did not increase his hatred nor exasperate him against\nthe Athenians, but, being ashamed to sully the glory of his former great\nactions, and of his many victories and trophies, he determined to put a\nconclusion to his life, agreeable to its previous course. He sacrificed\nto the gods, and invited his friends; and having entertained them and\nshaken hands with them, drank bull's blood, as is the usual story; as\nothers state, a poison, producing instant death; and ended his days in\nthe city of Magnesia, having lived sixty-five years, most of which he\nhad spent in politics and in the wars, in government and command. The\nking, being informed of the cause and manner of his death, admired him\nthe more than ever, and continued to show kindness to his friends and\nrelations.\n\nThe Magnesians possess a splendid sepulchre of Themistocles, placed in\nthe middle of their market-place. And various honors and privileges were\ngranted to the kindred of Themistocles at Magnesia, which were observed\ndown to our times, and were enjoyed by another Themistocles of Athens,\nwith whom I had an intimate acquaintance and friendship in the house of\nAmmonius the philosopher.\n\n\n\n\nCAMILLUS\n\nAmong the many remarkable things that are related of Furius Camillus, it\nseems singular that he, who continually was in the highest commands,\nand obtained the greatest successes, was five times chosen dictator,\ntriumphed four times, and was styled a second founder of Rome, yet never\nwas so much as once consul. The reason of which was the state and temper\nof the commonwealth at that time; for the people, being at dissension\nwith the senate, refused to return consuls, but they instead elected\nother magistrates, called military tribunes, who acted, indeed, with\nfull consular power, but were thought to exercise a less obnoxious\namount of authority, because it was divided among a larger number.\n\nThe house of the Furii was not, at that time, of any considerable\ndistinction; he, by his own acts, first raised himself to honor, serving\nunder Postumius Tubertus, dictator, in the great battle against the\nAequians and Volscians. For, riding out from the rest of the army, and\nin the charge receiving a would in his thigh, he for all that did not\nquit the fight, but, letting the dart drag in the would, and engaging\nwith the bravest of the enemy, put them to flight; for which action,\namong other rewards bestowed on him, he was created censor, an office in\nthose days of great repute and authority. During his censorship one\nvery good act of his is recorded, that, whereas the wars had made many\nwidows, he obliged such as had no wives, some by fair persuasion, others\nby threatening to set fines on their heads, to take them in marriage;\nanother necessary one, in causing orphans to be rated, who before were\nexempted from taxes, the frequent wars requiring more than ordinary\nexpenses to maintain them. What, however, pressed them most was the\nsiege of Veii. Some call this people Veientani. This was the head city\nof Tuscany, not inferior to Rome either in number of arms or multitude\nof soldiers, insomuch that, presuming on her wealth and luxury, and\npriding herself upon her refinement and sumptuousness, she engaged in\nmany honorable contests with the Romans for glory and empire. But now\nthey had abandoned their former ambitious hopes, having been weakened by\ngreat defeats, so that, having fortified themselves with high and strong\nwalls, and furnished the city with all sorts of weapons offensive and\ndefensive, as likewise with corn and all manner of provisions, they\ncheerfully endured a siege, which, though tedious to them, was no less\ntroublesome and distressing to the besiegers. For the Romans, having\nnever been accustomed to stay away from home except in summer, and for\nno great length of time, and constantly to winter at home, were then\nfirst compelled by the tribunes to build forts in the enemy's country,\nand, raising strong works about their camp, to join winter and summer\ntogether. And now the seventh year of the war drawing to an end, the\ncommanders began to be suspected as too slow and remiss in driving on\nthe siege, insomuch that they were discharged and others chosen for the\nwar, among whom was Camillus, then second time tribune. But at present\nhe had no hand in the siege, the duties that fell by lot to him being to\nmake war upon the Faliscans and Capenates, who, taking advantage of\nthe Romans being occupied on all hands, had carried ravages into their\ncountry, and through all the Tuscan war, given them much annoyance, but\nwere now reduced by Camillus, and with great loss shut up within their\nwalls.\n\nAnd now, in the very heat of the war, a strange phenomenon in the\nAlban lake, which, in the absence of any known cause and explanation by\nnatural reasons, seemed as great a prodigy as the most incredible that\nare reported, occasioned great alarm. It was the beginning of autumn,\nand the summer now ending had, to all observation, been neither rainy\nnor much troubled with southern winds; and of the many lakes, brooks,\nand springs of all sorts with which Italy abounds, some were wholly\ndried up, others had very little water in them; all the rivers, as is\nusual in summer, ran in a very low and hollow channel. But the Alban\nlake, which is fed by no other waters but its own, and is on all sides\nencircled with fruitful mountains, without any cause, unless it were\ndivine, began visibly to rise and swell, increasing to the feet of the\nmountains, and by degrees reaching the level of the very tops of some of\nthem, and all this without any waves or agitation. At first it was the\nwonder of shepherds and herdsmen; but when the earth, which, like a\ngreat dam, held up the lake from falling into the lower grounds, through\nthe quantity and weight of water was broken down, and in a violent\nstream it ran through the ploughed fields and plantations to discharge\nitself in the sea, it not only struck terror into the Romans, but was\nthought by all the inhabitants of Italy to portend some extraordinary\nevent. But the greatest talk of it was in the camp that besieged Veii,\nso that in the town itself, also, the occurrence became known.\n\nAs in long sieges it commonly happens that both parties on both sides\nmeet often and converse with one another, so it chanced that a Roman had\ngained much confidence and familiarity with one of the besieged, a man\nversed in ancient prophecies, and of repute for more than ordinary skill\nin divination. The Roman, observing him to be overjoyed at the story of\nthe lake, and to mock at the siege, told him that this was not the only\nprodigy that of late had happened to the Romans; others more wonderful\nyet than this had befallen them, which he was willing to communicate to\nhim, that he might the better provide for his private interests in these\npublic distempers. The man greedily embraced the proposal, expecting to\nhear some wonderful secrets; but when, little by little, he had led him\non in conversation, and insensibly drawn him a good way from the gates\nof the city, he snatched him up the middle, being stronger than he, and,\nby the assistance of others who came running from the camp, seized and\ndelivered him to the commanders. The man, reduced to this necessity, and\nsensible now that destiny was not to be avoided, discovered to them the\nsecret oracle of Veii, that it was not possible the city should be\ntaken until the Alban lake, which now broke forth and had found out new\npassages, was drawn back from that course, and so diverted that it\ncould not mingle with the sea. The senate, having heard and satisfied\nthemselves about the matter, decreed to send to Delphi, to ask counsel\nof the god. The messengers returned with the answer that the Alban\nwater, if possible, they should keep from the sea, and shut it up in its\nancient bounds; but if that was not to be done, then they should carry\nit off by ditches and trenches into the lower grounds, and so dry it up;\nwhich message being delivered, the priests performed what related to the\nsacrifices, and the people went to work and turned the water.\n\nAnd now the senate, in the tenth year of the war, taking away all other\ncommands, created Camillus dictator, who chose Cornelius Scipio for his\ngeneral of horse, and, having made vows, marched into the country of the\nFaliscans, and in a great battle overthrew them and the Capenates, their\nconfederates; afterwards he turned to the siege of Veii, and finding\nthat to take it by assault would prove a difficult and hazardous\nattempt, proceeded to cut mines under ground, the earth about the city\nbeing easy to break up, and allowing such depth for the works as would\nprevent their being discovered by the enemy. This design going on in a\nhopeful way, he openly gave assaults to the enemy, to keep them to the\nwalls, until they that worked underground in the mines might, without\nbeing perceived, arrive within the citadel, close to the temple of Juno,\nwhich was the greatest and most honored in all the city. It is said that\nthe prince of the Tuscans was at that very time at sacrifice, and that\nthe priest, after he had looked into the entrails of the beast, cried\nout with a loud voice that the gods would give the victory to those that\nshould complete those offerings; and that the Romans who were in the\nmines, hearing the words, immediately pulled down the floor, and,\nascending with noise, and clashing of weapons, frightened away the\nenemy, and, snatching up the entrails, carried them to Camillus. But\nthis may look like a fable. The city, however, being taken by storm, and\nthe soldiers busied in pillaging and gathering an infinite quantity of\nriches and spoil, Camillus, from the high tower viewing what was done,\nat first wept for pity; and when the bystanders congratulated him upon\nhis success, he lifted up his hands to heaven, and broke out into this\nprayer: \"O most mighty Jupiter, and ye gods that are judges of good and\nevil actions, ye know that not without just cause, but constrained by\nnecessity, we have been forced to revenge ourselves on the city of our\nunrighteous and wicked enemies. But if, the the vicissitude of things,\nthere by any calamity due, to counter-balance this great felicity, I beg\nthat it may be diverted from the city and army of the Romans, and fall,\nwith as little hurt as may be, upon my own head.\" Having said these\nwords, and just turning about (as the custom of the Romans is to turn\nto the right after adoration or prayer), he stumbled and fell, to the\nastonishment of all that were present. But, recovering himself presently\nfrom the fall, he told them that he had received what he had prayed for,\na small mischance, in compensation for the greatest good fortune.\n\nCamillus, however, whether puffed up with the greatness of his\nachievement in conquering a city that was the rival of Rome, and held\nout a ten years' siege, or exalted with the felicitations of those that\nwere about him, assumed to himself more than became a civil and legal\nmagistrate; among other things, in the pride and haughtiness of triumph,\ndriving through Rome in a chariot drawn with four white horses, which no\ngeneral either before or since ever did; for the Romans consider such a\nmode of conveyance to be sacred and specially set apart to the king and\nfather of the gods. This alienated the hearts of his fellow-citizens,\nwho were not accustomed to such pomp and display.\n\nThe second pique they had against him was his opposing the law by which\nthe city was to be divided; for the tribunes of the people brought\nforward a motion that the people and senate should be divided into two\nparts, one of which should remain at home, the other, as the lot should\ndecide, remove to the new-taken city. By which means they should\nnot only have much more room, but, by the advantage of two great and\nmagnificent cities, be better able to maintain their territories and\ntheir fortunes in general. The people, therefore, who were numerous and\nindigent, greedily embraced it, and crowded continually to the forum,\nwith tumultuous demands to have it put to the vote. But the senate and\nthe noblest citizens, judging the proceedings of the tribunes to tend\nrather to a destruction than a division of Rome, greatly averse to it,\nwent to Camillus for assistance, who, fearing the result if it came to a\ndirect contest, contrived to occupy the people with other business, and\nso staved it off. He thus became unpopular.\n\nAnd now the tribunes of the people again resuming their motion for the\ndivision of the city, the war against the Faliscans luckily broke out,\ngiving liberty to the chief citizens to choose what magistrates they\npleased, and to appoint Camillus military tribune, with five colleagues;\naffairs then requiring a commander of authority and reputation, as well\nas experience. And when the people had ratified the election, he marched\nwith his forces into the territories of the Faliscans, and laid siege\nto Falerii, a well-fortified city, and plentifully stored with all\nnecessaries of war. And although he perceived it would be so small work\nto take it, and no little time would be required for it, yet he was\nwilling to exercise the citizens and keep them abroad, that they might\nhave no leisure, idling at home, to follow the tribunes in factions\nand seditions: a very common remedy, indeed, with the Romans, who thus\ncarried off, like good physicians, the ill humors of their commonwealth.\nThe Falerians (The Falerians, in this narrative, are the people of the\ntown; the Faliscans, the nation in general.), trusting in the strength\nof their city, which was well fortified on all sides, made so little\naccount of the siege, that all, with the exception of those that guarded\nthe walls, as in times of peace, walked about the streets in their\ncommon dress; the boys went to school, and were led by their master\nto play and exercise about the town walls; for the Falerians, like the\nGreeks, used to have a single teacher for many pupils, wishing their\nchildren to live and be brought up from the beginning in each others\ncompany.\n\nThis schoolmaster, designing to betray the Falerians by their children,\nled them out every day under the town wall, at first but a little way,\nand, when they had exercised, brought them home again. Afterwards by\ndegrees he drew them farther and farther, till by practice he had made\nthem bold and fearless, as if no danger was about them; and at last,\nhaving got them all together, he brought them to the outposts of the\nRomans, and delivered them up, demanding to be led to Camillus. Where\nbeing come, and standing in the middle, he said that he was the master\nand teacher of these children, but, preferring his favor before all\nother obligations, he had come to deliver up his charge to him, and, in\nthat, the whole city. When Camillus had heard him out, he was astounded\nat the treachery of the act, and, turning to the standers-by observed\nthat, \"War, indeed, is of necessity attended with much injustice and\nviolence! Certain laws, however, all good men observe even in war\nitself, nor is victory so great an object as to induce us to incur for\nits sake obligations for base and impious acts. A great general should\nrely on his own virtue, and not other men's vices.\" Which said, he\ncommanded the officers to tear off the man's clothes, and bind his hands\nbehind him and give the boys rods and scourges, to punish the traitor\nand drive him back to the city. By this time the Falerians had\ndiscovered the treachery of the schoolmaster, and the city, as was\nlikely, was full of lamentations and cries for their calamity, men and\nwomen of worth running in distraction about the walls and gates; when,\nbehold, the boys came whipping their master on, naked and bound, calling\nCamillus their preserver and god and father; so that it struck not only\nthe parents, but the rest of the citizens, with such admiration and love\nof Camillus's justice, that, immediately meeting in assembly, they\nsent ambassadors to him, to resign whatever they had to his disposal.\nCamillus sent them to Rome, where, being brought into the senate,\nthey spoke to this purpose: that the Romans, preferring justice before\nvictory, had taught them rather to embrace submission than liberty; they\ndid not so much confess themselves to be inferior in strength as they\nmust acknowledge them to be superior in virtue. The senate remitted the\nwhole matter to Camillus, to judge and order as he thought fit; who,\ntaking a sum of money of the Falerians, and making a peace with the\nwhole nation of Faliscans, returned home.\n\nBut the soldiers, who had expected to have the pillage of the city,\nwhen they came to Rome empty-handed railed against Camillus among their\nfellow-citizens, as a hater of the people, and one that grudged\nall advantage to the poor. The People were exasperated against him.\nGathering, therefore, together his friends and fellow-soldiers, and such\nas had borne command with him, a considerable number in all, he besought\nthem that they would not suffer him to be unjustly overborne by shameful\naccusations, and left the mock and scorn of his enemies. His friends,\nhaving advised and consulted among themselves, made answer, that, as to\nthe sentence, they did not see how they could help him, but that they\nwould contribute to whatsoever fine should be set upon him. Not able to\nendure so great an indignity, he resolved in his anger to leave the city\nand go into exile; and so, having taken leave of his wife and son, he\nwent silently to the gate of the city, and, there stopping and turning\nround, stretched out his hands to the Capitol, and prayed to the gods,\nthat if, without any fault of his own, but merely through the malice and\nviolence of the people, he was driven out into banishment, the Romans\nmight quickly repent of it; and that all mankind might witness their\nneed for the assistance, and desire for the return, of Camillus.\n\nAnd there is not a Roman but believes that immediately upon the prayers\nof Camillus a sudden judgment followed, and that he received a revenge\nfor the injustice done unto him, which was very remarkable, and noised\nover the whole world: such a punishment visited the city of Rome, an era\nof such loss and danger and disgrace so quickly succeeded; whether it\nthus fell out by fortune, or it be the office of god not to see injured\nvirtue go unavenged.\n\nThe first token that seemed to threaten some mischief to ensure was the\ndeath of the censor Julius; for the Romans have a religious reverence\nfor the office of a censor, and esteem it sacred. The second was, that,\njust before Camillus went into exile, Marcus Caedicius, a person of no\ngreat distinction, nor of the rank of senator, but esteemed a good and\nrespectable man, reported to the military tribunes a thing worthy their\nconsideration: that, going along the night before in the street called\nthe New Way, and being called by somebody in a loud voice, he turned\nabout, but could see no one, but heard a voice greater than human, which\nsaid these words, \"Go, Marcus Caedicius, and early in the morning tell\nthe military tribunes that they are shortly to expect the Gauls.\" But\nthe tribunes made a mock and sport with the story, and a little after\ncame Camillus's banishment.\n\nThe Gauls are of the Celtic race, and are reported to have been\ncompelled by their numbers to leave their country, which was\ninsufficient to sustain them all, and to have gone in search of other\nhomes. And being, many thousands of them, young men able to bear\narms, and carrying with them a still greater number of women and young\nchildren, some of them, passing the Riphaean mountains, fell upon\nthe Northern Ocean, and possessed themselves of the farthest parts of\nEurope; others, seating themselves between the Pyrenean mountains and\nthe Alps, lived there a considerable time, near to the Senones and\nCeltorii; but, afterwards tasting wine, which was then first brought\nthem out of Italy, they were all so much taken with the liquor, and\ntransported with the hitherto unknown delight, that, snatching up their\narms and taking their families along with them, they marched directly to\nthe Alps, to find out the country which yielded such fruit, pronouncing\nall others barren and useless. He that first brought wine among them and\nwas the chief instigator of their coming into Italy is said to have been\none Aruns, A Tuscan, a man of noble extraction.\n\nAt their first coming they at once possessed themselves of all that\ncountry which anciently the Tuscans inhabited, reaching from the Alps\nto both the seas, as the names themselves testify; for the North of\nAdriatic Sea is named from the Tuscan city Adria, and that to the south\nthe Tuscan Sea simply. The whole country is rich in fruit trees, has\nexcellent pasture, and is well watered with river. It had eighteen large\nand beautiful cities, well provided with all the means for industry and\nwealth, and all the enjoyments and pleasures of life. The Gauls cast out\nthe Tuscans, and seated themselves in them.\n\nThe Gauls at this time were besieging Clusium, a Tuscan city. The\nClusinians sent to the Romans for succor, desiring them to interpose\nwith the barbarians by letters and ambassadors. The Romans, perceiving\nthat Brennus, the leader of the Gauls, was not to be treated with, went\ninto Clusium and encouraged the inhabitants to make a sally with them\nupon the barbarians, which they did either to try their strength or to\nshow their own. The sally being made, and the fight growing hot about\nthe walls, one of the Fabii, Quintus Ambustus, who had come as an\nambassador, being well mounted, and setting spurs to his horse, made\nfull against a Gaul, a man of huge bulk and stature, whom he saw riding\nout at a distance from the rest. At the first he was not recognized,\nthrough the quickness of the conflict and the glittering of the armor,\nthat precluded any view of him; but when he had overthrown the Gaul, and\nwas going to gather the spoils, Brennus knew him; and invoking the gods\nto be witnesses that, contrary to the known and common law of nations,\nwhich is holily observed by all mankind, he who had come as an\nambassador had now engaged in hostility against him, he drew off his\nmen, and, bidding Clusium farewell, led his army directly against Rome.\n\nWhilst the barbarians were hastening with all speed, the military\ntribunes brought the Romans into the field to be ready to engage them,\nbeing not inferior to the Gauls in number (for they were no less than\nforty thousand foot), but most of them raw soldiers, and such as had\nnever handled a weapon before. Besides, they had wholly neglected\nall religious usages, had not obtained favorable sacrifices, nor made\ninquiries of the prophets, natural in danger and before battle. No less\ndid the multitude of commanders distract and confound their proceedings;\nfrequently before, upon less occasions, they had chosen a single leader,\nwith the title of dictator, being sensible of what great importance it\nis in critical times to have the solders united under one general with\nthe entire and absolute control placed in his hands. Add to all, the\nremembrance of Camillus's treatment, which made it now seem a dangerous\nthing for officers to command without humoring their solders. In this\ncondition they left the city, and encamped by the river Allia, about\nten miles from Rome, and not far from the place where it falls into\nthe Tiber; and here the Gauls came upon them, and, after a disgraceful\nresistance, devoid of order and discipline, they were miserably\ndefeated. The left wing was immediately driven into the river, and there\ndestroyed; the right had less damage by declining the shock, and from\nthe low ground getting to the tops of the hills, from whence most of\nthem afterwards dropped into the city; the rest, as many as escaped, the\nenemy being weary of the slaughter, stole by night to Veii, giving up\nRome and all that was in it for lost.\n\nThis battle was fought about the summer solstice, the moon being at\nfull, the very same day in which the sad disaster of the Fabii had\nhappened, when three hundred of that name were at one time cut off by\nthe Tuscans.\n\nAnd now, after the battle, had the Gauls immediately pursued those that\nfled, there had been no remedy but Rome must have wholly been ruined,\nand all those who remained in it utterly destroyed; such was the terror\nthat those who escaped the battle brought with them into the city,\nand with such distraction and confusion were they themselves in\nturn infected. But the Gauls, not imagining their victory to be so\nconsiderable, and overtaken with the present joy, fell to feasting and\ndividing the spoil, by which means they gave leisure to those who were\nfor leaving the city to make their escape, and to those that remained,\nto anticipate and prepare for their coming.\n\nOn the third day after the battle, Brennus appeared with his army at\nthe city, and, finding the gates wide open and no guards upon the walls,\nfirst began to suspect it was some design or stratagem, never dreaming\nthat the Romans were in so desperate a condition. But when he found it\nto be so indeed, he entered at the Colline gate, and took Rome, in the\nthree hundred and sixtieth year, or a little more, after it was built.\n\nBrennus having taken possession of Rome, set a strong guard about the\nCapitol, and, going himself down into the forum, was there struck with\namazement at the sight of so many men sitting in such order and silence,\nobserving that they neither rose at his coming, nor so much as changed\ncolor or countenance, but remained without fear or concern, leaning upon\ntheir staves, and sitting quietly, looking at each other. The Gauls,\nfor a great while, stood wondering at the strangeness of the sight,\nnot daring to approach or touch them, taking them for an assembly of\nsuperior beings. But when one, bolder than the rest, drew near to Marcus\nPapirius, and, putting forth his hand, gently touched his chin and\nstroked his long beard, Papirius with his staff struck him a severe blow\non the head; upon which the barbarian drew his sword and slew him.\nThis was the introduction to the slaughter; for the rest, following his\nexample, set upon them all and killed them, and dispatched all others\nthat came in their way; and so went on to the sacking and pillaging of\nthe houses, which they continued for many days ensuing.\n\nCamillus then sojourned in the city of Ardea, having, ever since his\nleaving Rome, sequestered himself from all business, and taken to a\nprivate life; but now he began to rouse up himself, and consider not\nhow to avoid or escape the enemy, but to find out an opportunity to be\nrevenged upon them. And perceiving that the Ardeatians wanted not men,\nbut rather enterprise, through the inexperience and timidity of their\nofficers, he began to speak with the young men, first to the effect that\nthey ought not to ascribe the misfortune of the Romans to the courage of\ntheir enemy, nor attribute the losses they sustained by rash counsel to\nthe conduct of men who had no title to victory: the event had been\nonly an evidence of the power of fortune. When he found the young men\nembraced the thing, he went to the magistrates and council of the city,\nand, having persuaded them also, he mustered all that could bear arms,\nand drew them up within the the walls, that they might not be perceived\nby the enemy, who was near; who, having scoured the country, and\nnow returned heavy laden with booty, lay encamped in the plains in a\ncareless and negligent posture, so that, with the night ensuing upon\ndebauch and drunkenness, silence prevailed through all the camp. When\nCamillus learned this from his scouts, he drew out the Ardeatians, and\nin the dead of the night, passing in silence over the ground that lay\nbetween, came up to their works, and, commanding his trumpets to sound\nand his men to shout and halloo, he struck terror into them from all\nquarters; while drunkenness impeded and sleep retarded their movements.\nA few whom fear had sobered, getting into some order, for awhile\nresisted; and so died with their weapons in their hands. But the\ngreatest part of them, buried in wine and sleep, were surprised without\ntheir arms, and dispatched; and as many of them as by the advantage of\nthe night got out of the camp were the next day found scattered abroad\nand wandering in the fields, and were picked up by the horse that\npursued them.\n\nThe fame of this action soon flew through the neighboring cities,\nand stirred up the young men from various quarters to come and join\nthemselves with him. But none were so much concerned as those Romans\nwho escaped in the battle of Allia, and were now at Veii, thus lamenting\nwith themselves, \"O heavens, what a commander has Providence bereaved\nRome of, to honor Ardea with his actions! And that city, which brought\nforth and nursed so great a man, is lost and gone, and we, destitute\nof a leader and shut up within strange walls, sit idle, and see Italy\nruined before our eyes. Come, let us send to the Ardeatians to have back\nour general, or else, with weapons in our hands, let us go thither to\nhim.\" To this they all agreed, and sent to Camillus to desire him to\ntake the command; but he answered that he would not until they that\nwere in the Capitol should legally appoint him. When this answer was\nreturned, they admired the modesty and tempter of Camillus; but they\ncould not tell how to find a messenger to carry the intelligence to the\nCapitol, or rather, indeed, it seemed altogether impossible for any one\nto get to the citadel whilst the enemy was in full possession of\nthe city. But among the young men there was one Pontius Cominius, of\nordinary birth, but ambitious of honor, who proffered himself to run the\nhazard, and took no letters with him to those in the Capitol, lest, if\nhe were intercepted, the enemy might learn the intentions of Camillus;\nbut, putting on a poor dress and carrying corks under, he boldly\ntraveled the greatest part of the way by day, and came to the city when\nit was dark; the bridge he could not pass, as it was guarded by the\nbarbarians; so that taking his clothes, which were neither many nor\nheavy, and binding them about his head, he laid his body upon the\ncorks, and, swimming with them, got over to the city. And avoiding those\nquarters where he perceived the enemy was awake, which he guessed at\nby the lights and noise, he went to the Carmental gate, where there was\ngreatest silence, and where the hill of the Capitol is steepest, and\nrises with craggy and broken rock. By this way he got up, though with\nmuch difficulty, by the hollow of the cliff, and presented himself to\nthe guards, saluting them, and telling them his name; he was taken in,\nand carried to the commanders. And a senate being immediately called,\nhe related to them in order the victory of Camillus, which they had not\nheard of before, and the proceedings of the soldiers, urging them\nto confirm Camillus in the command, as on him alone all their\nfellow-countrymen outside the city would rely. Having heard and\nconsulted of the matter, the senate declared Camillus dictator, and sent\nback Pontius the same way that he came, who, with the same success as\nbefore, got through the enemy without being discovered, and delivered to\nthe Romans outside the decision of the senate, who joyfully received it.\nCamillus, on his arrival, found twenty thousand of them ready in arms;\nwith which forces, and those confederates he brought along with him, he\nprepared to set upon the enemy.\n\nBut at Rome some of the barbarians passing by chance near the place at\nwhich Pontius by night had got into the Capitol, spied in several places\nmarks of feet and hands, where he had laid hold and clambered, and\nplaces where the plants that grew to the rock had been rubbed off, and\nthe earth had slipped, and went accordingly and reported it to the king,\nwho, coming in person, and viewing it, for the present said nothing, but\nin the evening, picking out such of the Gauls as were nimblest of body,\nand by living in the mountains were accustomed to climb, he said to\nthem, \"The enemy themselves have shown us a way how to come at them;\nwhere it was easy for one man to get up, it will not be hard for many,\none after another; nay, when many shall undertake it, they will be aid\nand strength to each other. Rewards and honors shall be bestowed on\nevery man as he shall acquit himself.\"\n\nWhen the king had thus spoken, the Gauls cheerfully undertook to perform\nit, and in the dead of night a good party of them together, with great\nsilence, began to climb the rock, clinging to the precipitous and\ndifficult ascent, which yet upon trial offered a way to them, and proved\nless difficult than they had expected. So that the foremost of them\nhaving gained the top of all, and put themselves into order, they\nall but surprised the outworks, and mastered the watch, who were fast\nasleep; for neither man nor dog perceived their coming. But there were\nsacred geese kept near the temple of Juno, which at other times were\nplentifully fed, but now, by reason that corn and all other provisions\nwere grown scarce for all, were in but a poor condition. The creature is\nby nature of quick sense, and apprehensive of the least noise, so that\nthese, being moreover watchful through hunger, and restless, immediately\ndiscovered the coming of the Gauls, and, running up and down with the\nnoise and cackling, they raised the whole camp; while the barbarians, on\nthe other side, perceiving themselves discovered, no longer endeavored\nto conceal their attempt, but with shouting and violence advanced to the\nassault. The Romans, every one in haste snatching up the first weapon\nthat came to hand, did what they could on the sudden occasion. Manlius,\na man of consular dignity, of strong body and great spirit, was the\nfirst that made head against them, and, engaging with two of the enemy\nat once, with his sword cut off the right arm of one just as he was\nlifting up his blade to strike, and, running his target full in the face\nof the other, tumbled him headlong down the steep rock; then mounting\nthe rampart, and there standing with others that came running to his\nassistance, drove down the rest of them, who, indeed, to begin with, had\nnot been many, and did nothing worthy of so bold an attempt. The Romans,\nhaving thus escaped this danger, early in the morning took the captain\nof the watch and flung him down the rock upon the heads of their\nenemies, and to Manlius for his victory voted a reward, intended more\nfor honor than advantage, bringing him, each man of them, as much as he\nreceived for his daily allowance, which was half a pound of bread and\none eighth of a pint of wine.\n\nHenceforward, the affairs of the Gauls were daily in a worse and worse\ncondition; they wanted provisions, being withheld from foraging through\nfear of Camillus, and sickness also was amongst them, occasioned by the\nnumber of carcasses that lay in heaps unburied. Neither, indeed,\nwere things on that account any better with the besieged, for famine\nincreased upon them, and despondency with not hearing anything of\nCamillus, it being impossible to send any one to him, the city was so\nguarded by the barbarians. Things being in this sad condition on both\nsides, a motion of treaty was made at first by some of the outposts,\nas they happened to speak with one another; which being embraced by the\nleading men, Sulpicius, tribune of the Romans, came to a parley with\nBrennus, in which it was agreed that the Romans laying down a thousand\nweight of gold, the Gauls upon the receipt of it should immediately quit\nthe city and territories. The agreement being confirmed by oath on both\nsides, and the gold brought forth, the Gauls used false dealing in\nthe weights, secretly at first, but afterwards openly pulled back and\ndisturbed the balance; at which the Romans indignantly complaining,\nBrennus in a scoffing and insulting manner pulled off his sword and\nbelt, and threw them both into the scales; and when Sulpicius asked what\nthat meant, \"What should it mean,\" says he, \"but woe to the conquered?\"\nwhich afterwards became a proverbial saying.\n\nWhilst this difference remained still unsettled, both amongst themselves\nand with the Gauls, Camillus was at the gates with his army; and, having\nlearned what was going on, commanded the main body of his forces to\nfollow slowly after him in good order, and himself with the choicest of\nhis men hastening on, went at once to the Romans; where all giving\nway to him, and receiving him as their sole magistrate, with profound\nsilence and order, he took the gold out of the scales, and delivered\nit to his officers, and commanded the Gauls to take their weights and\nscales and depart; saying that is was customary with the Romans to\ndeliver their country with iron, not with gold. And when Brennus began\nto rage, and say that he was unjustly dealt with in such a breach of\ncontract, Camillus answered that it was never legally made, and the\nagreement of no force or obligation; for that himself being declared\ndictator, and there being no other magistrate by law, the engagement had\nbeen made with men who had no power to enter into it; but now they might\nsay anything they had to urge, for he had come with full power by law\nto grant pardon to such as should ask it, or inflict punishment on the\nguilty, if they did not repent. At this, Brennus broke into violent\nanger, and an immediate quarrel ensued; both sides drew their swords and\nattacked, but in confusion, as could not otherwise be amongst houses,\nand in narrow lanes and places where it was impossible to form any\norder. But Brennus, presently recollecting himself, called off his\nmen, and, with the loss of a few only, brought them to their camp; and,\nrising in the night with all his forces, left the city, and advancing\nabout eight miles, encamped upon the way to Gabii. As soon as day\nappeared, Camillus came up with him, splendidly armed himself, and his\nsoldier full o courage and confidence; and there engaging with him in a\nsharp conflict, which lasted a long while, overthrew his army with great\nslaughter, and took their camp. Of those that fled, some were presently\ncut off by the pursuers; other, and these were the greatest number,\ndispersed hither and thither, and were despatched by the people that\ncame sallying out from the neighboring towns and villages.\n\nThus Rome was strangely taken, and more strangely recovered, having been\nseven whole months in the possession of the barbarians, who entered her\na little after the Ides of July, and were driven out about the Ides of\nFebruary following. Camillus triumphed, as he deserved, having saved\nhis country that was lost, and brought the city so to say, back again\nto itself. For those that had fled abroad, together with their wives and\nchildren, accompanied him as he rode in; and those who had been shut up\nin the capitol, and were reduced almost to the point of perishing with\nhunger, went out to meet him, embracing each other as they met, and\nweeping for joy, and, though the excess of the present pleasure,\nscarcely believing in its truth.\n\nIt was a hard task, amidst so much rubbish, to discover and re-determine\nthe consecrated places; but by the zeal of Camillus, and the incessant\nlabor of the priest, it was at last accomplished. But when it came also\nto rebuilding the city, which was wholly demolished, despondency seized\nthe multitude, and a backwardness to engage in a work for which they\nhad no materials. The senate, therefore, fearing a sedition, would not\nsuffer Camillus, though desirous, to lay down his authority within the\nyear, though no other dictator had ever held it above six months.\n\nCamillus thought good to refer the matter of rebuilding to general\ndeliberation, and himself spoke largely and earnestly in behalf of his\ncountry, as also may others. At last, calling to Lucius Lucretius, whose\nplace it was to speak first, he commanded him to give his sentence, and\nthe rest as they followed, in order. Silence being made, and Lucretius\njust about to begin, by chance a centurion, passing by outside with\nhis company of the day-guard, called out with a loud voice to the\nensign-bearer to halt and fix his standard, for this was the best place\nto stay in. This voice, coming in that moment of time, and that crisis\nof uncertainty and anxiety for the future, was taken as a direction what\nwas to be done; so that Lucretius, assuming an attitude of devotion,\ngave sentence in concurrence with the gods, as he said, as likewise did\nall that followed. Even among the common people it created a wonderful\nchange of feeling: every one now cheered and encouraged his neighbor,\nand set himself to the work, proceeding in it, however, not by any\nregular lines or divisions, but every one pitching upon that plot of\nground which came next to hand, or best pleased his fancy; by which\nhaste and hurry in building they constructed their city in narrow and\nill-designed lanes, and with houses huddled together one upon another;\nfor it is said that within the compass of the year the whole city was\nraised up anew, both in its public walls and private buildings.\n\nAnd now they had scarcely got a breathing time from their trouble when\na new war came upon them; and the Aequians, and the Tuscans besieged\nSutrium, their confederate city. Camillus, being the third time chosen\ndictator, armed not only those under, but also those over, the age\nof service; and taking a large circuit around the mountain Maecius,\nundiscovered by the enemy, lodged his army on their rear, and then by\nmany fires gave notice of his arrival. The besieged, encouraged by this,\nprepared to sally forth and join battle; but the Latins and Volscians,\nfearing this exposure to any enemy on both sides, drew themselves within\ntheir works, and fortified their camp with a strong palisade of trees\non every side, resolving to wait for more supplies from home, and\nexpecting, also, the assistance of the Tuscans, their confederate.\nCamillus, detecting their object, and fearing to be reduced to the same\nposition to which he had brought them, namely, to be besieged himself,\nresolved to lose no time; and finding their rampart was all of timber,\nand observing that a strong wind constantly at sun-rising blew off from\nthe mountains, after having prepared a quantity of combustibles, about\nbreak of day he drew forth his forces, commanding a part with their\nmissiles to assault the enemy with noise and shouting on the other\nquarter, whilst he, with those that were to fling in the fire, went to\nthat side of the enemy's camp to which the wind usually blew, and there\nwaited his opportunity. When the skirmish was begun, and the sun risen,\nand a strong wind set in from the mountains, he gave the signal of\nonset; and, heaping in an immense quantity of fiery matter, filled all\ntheir rampart with it, so that the flame being fed by the close timber\nand wooden palisades, went on and spread into all quarters. The Latins,\nhaving nothing ready to keep it off or extinguish it, when the camp was\nnow almost full of fire, were driven back within a very small compass,\nand at last forced by necessity to come into their enemy's hands, who\nstood before the works ready armed and prepared to receive them; of\nthese very few escaped, while those that stayed in the camp were all a\nprey to the fire, until the Romans, to gain the pillage, extinguished\nit.\n\nThese things performed, Camillus, leaving his son Lucius in the camp\nto guard the prisoners and secure the booty, passed into the enemy's\ncountry, where, having taken the city of the Aequians and reduced the\nVolscians to obedience, he then immediately led his army to Sutrium, not\nhaving heard what had befallen the Sutrians, but making haste to assist\nthem, as if they were still in danger and besieged by the Tuscans.\nThey, however, had already surrendered their city to their enemies,\nand destitute of all things, with nothing left but their clothes, and\nbewailing their misfortune. Camillus himself was struck with compassion,\nand perceiving the soldiers weeping, and commiserating their case,\nwhile the Sutrians hung about and clung to them, resolved not to defer\nrevenge, but that very day to lead his army to Sutrium; conjecturing\nthat the enemy, having just taken a rich and plentiful city, without\nan enemy left within it, nor any from without to be expected, would be\nfound abandoned to enjoyment, and unguarded. Neither did his opinion\nfail him: he not only passed through their country without discovery,\nbut came up to their very gates and possessed himself of the walls, not\na man being left to guard them, but their whole army scattered about\nin the houses, drinking and making merry. Nay, when at last they did\nperceive that the enemy had seized the city, they were so overloaded\nwith meat and wine that few were able so much as to endeavor to\nescape, but either waited shamefully for their death within doors,or\nsurrendered themselves to the conqueror. Thus the city of the Sutrians\nwas twice taken in one day; and they who were in possession lost it, and\nthey who had lost regained it, alike by the means of Camillus. For all\nwhich actions he received a triumph which brought him no less honor and\nreputation than the two former ones; for those citizens who before most\nregarded him with an evil eye, and ascribed his successes to a certain\nluck rather than real merit, were compelled by these last acts of his to\nallow the whole honor to his great abilities and energy.\n\nOf all he adversaries and enviers of his glory, Marcus Manlius was the\nmost distinguished, he who first drove back the Gauls when they made\ntheir night attack upon the Capitol, and who for that reason had\nbeen named Capitolinus. This man, affecting the first place in the\ncommonwealth, and not able by noble ways to outdo Camillus's reputation,\ntook that ordinary course toward usurpation of absolute power, namely,\nto gain the multitude, those of them especially that were in debt;\ndefending some by pleading their causes against their creditors,\nrescuing others by force, and not suffering the law to proceed against\nthem; insomuch that in a short time he got great numbers of indigent\npeople about him, whose tumults and uproars in the forum struck terror\ninto the principal citizens. After that Quintius Capitolinus, who was\nmade dictator to suppress these disorders, had committed Manlius to\nprison, the people immediately changed their apparel, a thing never done\nbut in great and public calamities, and the senate, fearing some tumult,\nordered him to be released. He, however, when set at liberty, changed not\nhis course, but was rather the more insolent in his proceedings,filling\nthe whole city with faction and sedition. They chose, therefore,\nCamillus again military tribune; and a day being appointed for Manlius\nto answer to his charge, the prospect from the place where his trial was\nheld proved a great impediment to his accusers; for the very spot where\nManlius by night fought with the Gauls overlooked the forum from the\nCapitol, so that, stretching forth his hands that way, and weeping, he\ncalled to their remembrance his past actions, raising compassion in all\nthat beheld him. Insomuch that the judges were at a loss what to do, and\nseveral times adjourned the trial, unwilling to acquit him of the crime,\nwhich was sufficiently proved, and yet unable to execute the law while\nhis noble action remained, as it were, before their eyes. Camillus,\nconsidering this, transferred the court outside the gates to the\nPeteline Grove, from whence there is no prospect of the Capitol Here\nhis accuser went on with his charge, and his judges were capable of\nremembering the duly resenting his guilty deeds. He was convicted,\ncarried to the Capitol, and flung headlong from the rock; so that one\nand same spot was thus the witness of his greatest glory, and monument\nof his most unfortunate end. The Romans, besides, razed his house, and\nbuilt there a temple to the goddess they call Moneta, ordaining for\nthe future that none of the patrician order should ever dwell on the\nCapitoline.\n\nAnd now Camillus, being called to his sixth tribuneship, desired to\nbe excused, as being aged, and perhaps not unfearful of the malice of\nfortune, and those reverses which seem to ensue upon great prosperity.\nBut the most apparent pretence was the weakness of his body, for he\nhappened at that time to be sick; the people, however, would admit of no\nexcuses, but, crying that they wanted not his strength for horse or\nfor foot service, but only his counsel and conduct, constrained him to\nundertake the command, and with one of his fellow-tribunes to lead the\narmy immediately against the enemy. These were the Praenestines and\nVolscians, who, with large forces, were laying waste the territory of\nthe Roman confederates. Having marched out with his army, he sat down\nand encamped near the enemy, meaning himself to protract the war, or if\nthere should come any necessity or occasion of fighting, in the meantime\nto regain his strength, but Lucius Furius, his colleague, carried away\nwith the desire of glory, was not to e held in, but, impatient to\ngive battle, inflamed the inferior officers of the army with the same\neagerness; so that Camillus, fearing he might seem out of envy to be\nwishing to rob the young man of the glory of a noble exploit, consented,\nthough unwillingly, that he should draw out the forces, whilst himself,\nby reason of weakness, stayed behind with a few in the camp. Lucius,\nengaging rashly, was discomfited, when Camillus, perceiving the Romans\nto give ground and fly, could not contain himself, but, leaping from his\nbed, with those he had about him ran to meet them at the gates of the\ncamp, making his way through the flyers to oppose the pursuers; so that\nthose who had got within the camp turned back at once and followed him,\nand those that came flying from without made head again and gathered\nabout him, exhorting one another not to forsake their general. Thus the\nenemy, for that time, was stopped in his pursuit. The next day Camillus,\ndrawing out his forces and joining battle with them, overthrew them by\nmain force, and, following close upon them, entered pell-mell with\nthem into their camp, and took it, slaying the greatest part of them.\nAfterwards, having heard that the city of Satricum was taken by the\nTuscans, and the inhabitants, all Romans, put to the sword, he sent home\nto Rome the main body of his forces and heaviest-armed, and, taking\nwith him the lightest and most vigorous soldiers, set suddenly upon\nthe Tuscans, who were in the possession of the city, and mastered them,\nslaying some and expelling the rest; and so, returning to Rome with\ngreat spoils, gave signal evidence of their superior wisdom, who, not\nmistrusting the weakness and age of a commander endowed with courage\nand conduct, had rather chosen him who was sickly and desirous to be\nexcused, than young men who were forward and ambitious to command.\n\nWhen, therefore, the revolt of the Tusculans was reported, they\ngave Camillus the charge of reducing them, choosing one of his five\ncolleagues to go with him. And when every one was eager for the place,\ncontrary to the expectation of all, he passed by the rest and chose\nLucius Furius, the very same man who lately, against the judgment of\nCamillus, had rashly hazarded and nearly lost a battle; willing, at it\nshould seem, to dissemble that miscarriage, and free him from the shame\nof it. The Tusculans, hearing of Camillus's coming against them, made\na cunning attempt at revoking their act of revolt; their fields, as\nin times of highest peace, were full of ploughmen and shepherds; their\ngates stood wide open, and their children were being taught in the\nschools; of the people, such as were tradesmen, he found in their\nworkshops, busied about their several employments, and the better sort\nof citizens walking in the public places in their ordinary dress; the\nmagistrates hurried about to provide quarters for the Romans, as if they\nstood in fear of no danger and were conscious of no fault. Which arts,\nthough they could not dispossess Camillus of the conviction he had of\ntheir treason, yet induced some compassion for their repentance; he\ncommanded them to go to the senate and deprecate their anger, and\njoined himself as an intercessor in their behalf, so that their city was\nacquitted of all guilt and admitted to Roman citizenship. These were the\nmost memorable actions of his sixth tribuneship.\n\nAfter these things, Licinius Stolo raised a great sedition in the city,\nand brought the people to dissension with the senate, contending, that\nof two consuls one should be chosen out of the commons, and not both out\nof the patricians. Tribunes of the people were chosen, but the election\nof consuls was interrupted and prevented by the people. And as this\nabsence of any supreme magistrate was leading to yet further confusion,\nCamillus was the fourth time created dictator by the senate, sorely\nagainst the people's will, and not altogether in accordance with his\nown; he had little desire for a conflict with men whose past services\nentitles them to tell him that he had achieved far greater actions in\nwar along with them than in politics with the patricians, who, indeed,\nhad only put him forward now out of envy; that, if successful, he might\ncrush the people, or, failing, be crushed himself. However, to provide\nas good a remedy as he could for the present, knowing the day on which\nthe tribunes of the people intended to prefer the law, he appointed it\nby proclamation for a general muster, and called the people from the\nforum into the Campus, threatening to set heavy fines upon such as\nshould not obey. On the other side, the tribunes of the people met\nhis threats by solemnly protesting they would fine him fifty thousand\ndrachmas of silver, if he persisted in obstructing the people from\ngiving their suffrages for the law. Whether it were, then, that he\nfeared another banishment or condemnation, which would ill become his\nage and past great actions, or found himself unable to stem the current\nof the multitude, which ran strong and violent, he betook himself,\nfor the present, to his house, and afterwards, for some days together,\nprofessing sickness, finally laid down his dictatorship. The senate\ncreated another dictator; who, choosing Stolo, leader of the sedition,\nto be his general of horse, suffered that law to be enacted and\nratified, which was most grievous to the patricians, namely that no\nperson whatsoever should possess above five hundred acres of land. Stolo\nwas much distinguished by the victory he had gained; but, not long after\nwas found himself to possess more than he had allowed to others, and\nsuffered the penalties of his own law.\n\nAnd now the contention about election of consuls coming on (which was\nthe main point and original cause of the dissension, and had throughout\nfurnished most matter of division between the senate and the people),\ncertain intelligence arrived, that the Gauls again, proceeding from the\nAdriatic Sea, were marching in vast number upon Rome. On the very heels\nof the report followed manifest acts also of hostility; the country\nthrough which they marched was all wasted, and such as by flight could\nnot make their escape to Rome were dispersing and scattering among\nthe mountains. The terror of this war quieted the sedition; nobles and\ncommons, senate and people together, unanimously chose Camillus\nthe fifth time dictator; who, though very aged, not wanting much of\nfourscore years, yet, considering the danger and necessity of his\ncountry, did not, as before, pretend sickness, or depreciate his own\ncapacity, but at once undertook the charge, and enrolled soldiers. And,\nknowing that the great force of the barbarians lay chiefly in their\nswords, with which they laid about them in a rude and inartificial\nmanner, hacking and hewing the head and shoulders, he caused head-pieces\nentire of iron to be made for most of his men, smoothing and polishing\nthe outside, that the enemy's swords, lighting upon them, might either\nslide off or be broken; and fitted also their shields with a little rim\nof brass, the wood itself not being sufficient to bear off the blows.\nBesides, he taught his soldiers to use their long javelins in close\nencounter, and, by bringing them under their enemy's swords, to receive\ntheir strokes upon them.\n\nWhen the Gauls drew near, about the river Anio, dragging a heavy camp\nafter them, and loaded with infinite spoil, Camillus drew forth his\nforces, and planted himself upon a hill of easy ascent, and which had\nmany dips in it, with the object that the greatest part of his army\nmight lie concealed, and those who appeared might be thought to have\nbetaken themselves, through fear, to those upper grounds. And the\nmore to increase this opinion in them, he suffered them, without any\ndisturbance, to spoil and pillage even to his very trenches, keeping\nhimself quiet within his works, which were well fortified; till, at\nlast, perceiving that part of the enemy were scattered about the country\nforaging, and that those that were in the camp did nothing day and night\nbut drink and revel, in the night time he drew up his lightest-armed\nmen, and sent them out before to impede the enemy while forming into\norder, and to harass them when they should first issue out of the their\ncamp; and early in the morning brought down his main body, and set them\nin battle array in the lower round, numerous and courageous army, not,\nas the barbarians had supposed, an inconsiderable and fearful division.\nThe first thing that shook the courage of the Gauls was, that their\nenemies had, contrary to their expectation, the honor of being\naggressors. In the next place, the light-armed men, falling upon them\nbefore they could get into their usual order or range themselves in\ntheir proper squadrons, so disturbed and pressed upon them, that they\nwere obliged to fight at random, without any order at all. But at last,\nwhen Camillus brought on his heavy-armed legions, the barbarians, with\ntheir swords drawn, went vigorously to engage them; the Romans, however,\nopposing their javelins, and receiving the force of their blows on those\nparts of the defences which were well guarded with steel, turned the\nedge of their weapons, beingmade of a soft and ill-tempered metal, so\nthat their swords bent and doubled up in their hands; and their shields\nwere pierced through and through, and grew heavy with the javelins\nthat stuck upon them. And thus forced to quit their own weapons, they\nendeavored to take advantage of those of their enemies, laid hold of the\njavelins with their hands, and tried to pluck them away. But the Romans,\nperceiving them now naked and defenceless, betook themselves to their\nswords, which they so well used, that in a little time great slaughter\nwas made in the foremost ranks, while the rest fled over all parts of\nthe level country; the hills and upper grounds Camillus had secured\nbeforehand, and their camp they knew it would not be difficult for\nthe enemy to take, as, through confidence of victory, they had left\nit unguarded. This fight, it is stated, was thirteen years after the\nsacking of Rome; and from henceforward the Romans took courage, and\nsurmounted the apprehensions they had hitherto entertained of the\nbarbarians, whose previous defeat they had attributed rather to\npestilence and a concurrence of mischances than to their own superior\nvalor. And, indeed, this fear had been formerly so great, that they made\na law, that priests should be excused from service in war, unless in an\ninvasion from the Gauls.\n\nThis was the last military action that Camillus ever performed; for\nthe voluntary surrender of the city of the Velitrani was but a mere\naccessory to it. But the greatest of all civil contests, and the hardest\nto be managed, was still to be fought out against the people; who,\nreturning home full of victory and success, insisted, contrary to\nestablished law, to have one of the consuls chosen out of their own\nbody. The senate strongly opposed it, and would not suffer Camillus\nto lay down his dictatorship, thinking, that, under the shelter of his\ngreat name and authority, they should be better able to contend for\nthe power of the aristocracy. But when Camillus was sitting upon the\ntribunal, dispatching public affairs, an officer, sent by the tribunes\nof the people, commanded him to rise and follow him, laying his and upon\nhim, as ready to seize and carry him away; upon which, such a noise and\ntumult as was never heard before, filled the whole forum; some that were\nabout Camillus thrusting the officer from the bench, and the multitude\nbelow calling out to him to bring Camillus down. Being at a loss what\nto do in these difficulties, he yet laid not down his authority, but,\ntaking the senators along with him, he went to the senate-house;\nbut before he entered, besought the gods that they would bring these\ntroubles to a happy conclusion, solemnly vowing, when the tumult was\nended, to build a temple to Concord. A great conflict of opposite\nopinions arose in the senate; but, at last, the most moderate and most\nacceptable to the people prevailed, and consent was given, that of two\nconsuls, one should be chosen from the commonalty. When the dictator\nproclaimed this determination of the senate to the people, at the moment\npleased and reconciled with the senate, as they could not well otherwise\nbe, they accompanied Camillus home with all expressions and acclamations\nof joy; and the next day, assembling together, they voted a temple of\nConcord to be built, according to Camillus's vow, facing the assembly\nand the forum; and to the feasts, called the Latin holidays, they added\none day more, making four in all; and ordained that, on the present\noccasion the whole people of Rome should sacrifice with garlands on\ntheir heads.\n\nIn the election of consuls held by Camillus, Marcus Aemilius was chosen\nof the patricians, and Lucius Sextius the first of the commonalty; and\nthis was the last of all Camillus's actions. In the year following, a\npestilential sickness infected Rome, which, besides an infinite number\nof the common people, swept away most of the magistrates, among whom\nwas Camillus; whose death cannot be called premature, if we consider\nhis great age, or greater actions, yet was he more lamented than all the\nrest put together that then died of that distemper.\n\n\n\n\nPERICLES\n\nWe are inspired by acts of virtue with an emulation and eagerness that\nmay lead on to imitation. In other things there does not immediately\nfollow upon the admiration and liking of the thing done, any strong\ndesire of doing the like. Nay, many times, on the very contrary, when\nwe are pleased with the work, we slight and set little by the workman\nor artist himself, as, for instance, in perfumes and purple dyes, we are\ntaken with the things themselves well enough, but do not think dyers and\nperfumers otherwise than low and sordid people. It was not said amiss\nby Antisthenes, when people told him that one Ismenias was an excellent\npiper, \"It may be so, but he is a wretched human being, otherwise he\nwould not have been an excellent piper.\" And King Philip, to the same\npurpose, told his son Alexander, who once at a merry meeting played a\npiece of music charmingly and skillfully, \"Are you not ashamed, my son,\nto play so well?\" For it is enough for a king or prince to find leisure\nsometimes to hear others sing, and he does the muses quite honor enough\nwhen he pleases to be but present, while others engage in such exercises\nand trials of skill.\n\nHe who busies himself in mean occupations produces, in the very pains he\ntakes about things of little or no use, an evidence against himself of\nhis negligence and indisposition to what is really good. Nor did any\ngenerous and ingenuous young man, at the sight of the statue of Jupiter\nat Pisa, ever desire to be a Phidias, or, on seeing that of Juno at\nArgos, long to be a Polycletus, or feel induced by his pleasure in their\npoems to wish to be an Anacreon or Pliletas or Archilochus. But virtue,\nby the bare statement of its actions, can so affect men's minds as to\ncreate at once both admiration of the things done and desire to imitate\nthe doers of them. The goods of fortune we would possess and would\nenjoy; those of virtue we long to practice and exercise; we are\ncontent to receive the former from others, the latter we wish others to\nexperience from us.\n\nAnd so we have thought fit to spend our time and pains in writing of\nthe lives of famous persons; and have composed this tenth book upon that\nsubject, containing the life of Pericles, and that of Fabius Maximus,\nwho carried on the war against Hannibal, men alike, as in their other\nvirtues and good parts, so especially in their mild and upright temper\nand demeanor, and in that capacity to bear the cross-grained humors of\ntheir fellow-citizens and colleagues in office which made them both most\nuseful and serviceable to the interests of their countries. Whether we\ntake a right aim at our intended purpose, it is left to the reader to\njudge by what he shall find here.\n\nPericles was of the tribe of Acamantis, and the township Cholargus, of\nthe noblest birth both on his father's and mother's side. Xanthippus,\nhis father, who defeated the king of Persia's generals in the battle at\nMycale, took to Wife Agariste, the grandchild of Clisthenes, who drove\nout the sons of Pisistratus, and nobly put and end to their tyrannical\nusurpation, and moreover made a body of laws, and settled a model of\ngovernment admirably tempered and suited for the harmony and safety of\nthe people.\n\nPericles in other respects was perfectly formed physically, only his\nhead was somewhat longish and out of proportion. For which reason almost\nall the images and statues that were made of him have the head covered\nwith a helmet, the workmen not apparently being willing to expose him.\nThe poets of Athens called him \"Schinocephalos,\" or squill-head, from\n\"schinos,\" a squill, or sea-onion.\n\nPericles was a hearer of Zeno, the Eliatic, who treated of natural\nphilosophy in the same manner as Parmenides did, but had also perfected\nhimself in an art of his own for refuting and silencing opponents in\nargument; as Timon of Phlius describes it,--\n\n     Also the two-edged tongue of mighty Zeno, who,\n     Say what one would, could argue it untrue.\n\nBut he saw most of Pericles, and furnished him most especially with a\nweight and grandeur of sense, superior to all arts of popularity, and\nin general gave him his elevation and sublimity of purpose and of\ncharacter, was Anaxagoras of Clazomenae; whom the men of those times\ncalled by the name of Nous, that is mind, or intelligence, whether in\nadmiration of the great and extraordinary gift he displayed for the\nscience of nature, or because he was the first of the philosophers who\ndid not refer the first ordering of the world to fortune or chance, nor\nto necessity or compulsion, but to a pure, unadulterated intelligence,\nwhich in all other existing mixed and compound things acts as a\nprinciple of discrimination, and of combination of like with like.\n\nFor this man, Pericles entertained an extraordinary esteem and\nadmiration, and, filling himself with this lofty and, as they call it,\nup-in-the-air sort of thought, derived hence not merely, as was natural,\nelevation of purpose and dignity of language, raised far above the\nbase and dishonest buffooneries of mob-eloquence, but, besides this,\na composure of countenance, and a serenity and calmness in all his\nmovements, which no occurrence whilst he was speaking could disturb,\na sustained and even tone of voice, and various other advantages of a\nsimilar kind, which produced the greatest effect on his hearers. Once,\nafter being reviled and ill-spoken of all day long in his own hearing by\nsome abandoned fellow in the open market-place where he was engaged in\nthe despatch of some urgent affair, he continued his business in perfect\nsilence, and in the evening returned home composedly, the man still\ndogging him at the heels, and pelting him all the way with abuse and\nfoul language; and stopping into his house, it being by this time dark,\nhe ordered one of hi servants to take a light and to go along with the\nman and see him safe home.\n\nNor were these the only advantages which Pericles derived from\nAnaxagoras's acquaintance; he seems also to have become, by his\ninstructions, superior to that superstition with which an ignorant\nwonder at appearances, for example, in the heavens, possesses the minds\nof people unacquainted with their causes, eager for the supernatural,\nand excitable through an inexperience which the knowledge of natural\ncauses removes, replacing wild and timid superstition by the good hope\nand assurance of an intelligent piety.\n\nThere is a story that once Pericles had brought to him from a country\nfarm of his, a ram's head with one horn, and that Lampon, the diviner,\nupon seeing the horn grow strong and solid out of the midst of the\nforehead, gave it as his judgement that, there being at that time\ntwo potent factions, parties, or interests in the city, the one of\nThucydides and the other of Pericles, the government would come about to\nthat one of them in whose ground or estate this token or indication\nof fate had shown itself. But that Anaxagoras, cleaving the skull in\nsunder, showed to the bystanders that the brain had not filled up its\nnatural place, but being oblong, like an egg, had collected from all\nparts of the vessel which contained it, in a point to that place from\nwhence the root of the horn took its rise. And that, for the time,\nAnaxagoras was much admired for his explanation by those that were\npresent; and Lampon no less a little while after, when Thucydides was\noverpowered, and the whole affairs of the state and government came into\nthe hands of Pericles.\n\nPericles, while yet but a young man, stood in considerable apprehension\nof the people, as he was thought in face and figure to be very like the\ntyrant Pisitratus, and those of great age remarked upon the sweetness of\nhis voice, and his volubility and rapidity in speaking, and were struck\nwith amazement at the resemblance. But when Aristides was now dead, and\nThemosticles driven out, and Cimon was for the most part kept abroad by\nthe expeditions he made in parts out of Greece, Pericles, seeing things\nin this posture, now advanced and took his side, not with the rich and\nfew, but with the many and poor, contrary to his natural bent, which\nwas far from democratical; but, most likely, fearing he might fall under\nsuspicion of aiming at arbitrary power, and seeing Cimon on the side of\nthe aristocracy, and much beloved by the better and more distinguished\npeople, he joined the party of the people, with a view at once both to\nsecure himself and procure means against Cimon.\n\nHe immediately entered, also, on quite a new course of life and\nmanagement of his time. For he was never seen to walk in any street but\nthat which led to the market-place and the council-hall, and he\navoided invitations of friends to supper, and all friendly visits and\nintercourse whatever; in all the time he had to do with the public,\nwhich was not a little, he was never known to have gone to any of his\nfriends to a supper, except that once when his near kinsman Euryptolemus\nmarried, he remained present till the ceremony of the drink-offering,\nand then immediately rose from the table and went his way. For these\nfriendly meetings are very quick to defeat any assumed superiority, and\nin intimate familiarity an exterior of gravity is hard to maintain. Real\nexcellence, indeed, is best recognized when most openly looked into; and\nin really good men, nothing which meets the eyes of external observers\nso truly deserves their admiration, as their daily common life does\nthat of their nearer friends. Pericles, however, to avoid any feeling of\ncommonness, or any satiety on the part of the people, presented himself\nat intervals only, not speaking on every business, nor at all times\ncoming into the assembly, but, as Critoaus says, reserving himself,\nlike the Salaminian galley, for great occasions, while matters of\nlesser importance were despatched by friends or other speakers under his\ndirection. And of this number we are told Ephialtes made one, who broke\nthe power of the council of Areopagus, giving the people, according to\nPlato's expression, so copious and so strong a draught of liberty, that,\ngrowing wild and unruly, like an unmanageable horse, it, as the comic\npoets say,--\n\n     \"--got beyond all keeping in,\n     Champing at Euboea, and among the islands leaping in.\"\n\nThe style of speaking most consonant to his form of life and the dignity\nof his views he found, so to say, in the tones of that instrument with\nwhich Anaxagoras had furnished him; of his teaching he continually\navailed himself, and deepened the colors of rhetoric with the dye of\nnatural science.\n\nA saying of Thucydides, the son of Melesias, stands on record, spoken by\nhim by way of pleasantry upon Pericles's dexterity. Thucydides was\none of the noble and distinguished citizens, and had been his greatest\nopponent; and, when Archidamus, the king of the Lacedaemonians, asked\nhim whether he or Pericles were the better wrestler, he made this\nanswer: \"When I,\" said he, \"have thrown him and given him a fair fall,\nhe by persisting that he had no fall, gets the better of me, and makes\nthe bystanders, in spite of their own eyes, believe him.\"\n\nThe rule of Pericles has been described as an aristocratical government,\nthat went by the name of a democracy, but was, indeed, the supremacy of\na single great man; while many say, that by him the common people were\nfirst encouraged and led on to such evils as appropriations of subject\nterritory, allowances for attending theatres, payments for performing\npublic duties, and by these bad habits were, under the influence of his\npublic measures, changed from a sober, thrifty people, that maintained\nthemselves by their own labors, to lovers of expense, intemperance, and\nlicense.\n\nAt the first, as has been said, when he set himself against Cimon's\ngreat authority, he did caress the people. Finding himself come short\nof his competitor in wealth and money, by which advantages the other was\nenabled to take care of the poor, inviting every day some one or other\nof the citizens that was in want to supper, and bestowing clothes on the\naged people, and breaking down the hedges and enclosures of his grounds,\nthat all that would might freely gather what fruit they pleased.\nPericles, thus outdone in popular arts, turned to the distribution of\nthe public moneys; and in a short time having bought the people over,\nwhat with moneys allowed for shows and for service on juries, and what\nwith the other forms of pay and largess, he made use of them against the\ncouncil of Areopagus, and directed the exertions of his party against\nthis council with such success, that most of those causes and matters\nwhich had been formerly tried there, were removed from its\ncognizance; Cimon, also, was banished by ostracism as a favorer of the\nLacedaemonians and a hater of the people, though in wealth and noble\nbirth he was among the first, and had won several most glorious\nvictories over the barbarians, and had filled the city with money and\nspoils of war. So vast an authority had Pericles obtained among the\npeople.\n\nThe ostracism was limited by law to ten years; but the Lacedaemonians,\nin the meantime, entering with a great army into the territory of\nTanagra, and the Athenians going out against the Cimon, coming from his\nbanishment before his time was out, put himself in arms and array with\nthose of his fellow-citizens that were of his own tribe, and desired by\nhis deeds to wipe off the suspicion of his favoring the Lacedaemonians,\nby venturing his own person along with his countrymen. But Pericles's\nfriends, gathering in a body, forced him to retire as a banished man.\nFor which cause also Pericles seems to have exerted himself more than\nin any other battle, and to have been conspicuous above all for his\nexposure of himself to danger. All Cimon's friends, also, to a man, fell\ntogether side by side, whom Pericles had accused with him of taking part\nwith the Lacedaemonians. Defeated in this battle on their own frontiers,\nand expecting a new and perilous attack with return of spring, the\nAthenians now felt regret and sorrow for the loss of Cimon, and\nrepentance for their expulsion of him. Pericles, being sensible of their\nfeelings, did not hesitate or delay to gratify it, and himself made the\nmotion for recalling him home. He, upon his return, concluded a peace\nbetwixt the two cities; for the Lacedaemonians entertained as kindly\nfeelings towards him as they did the reverse towards Pericles and the\nother popular leaders.\n\nCimon, while he was admiral, ended his days in the Isle of Cyprus. And\nthe aristocratical party, seeing that Pericles was already before\nthis grown to be the greatest and foremost man of all the city, but\nnevertheless wishing there should be somebody set up against him, to\nblunt and turn the edge of his power, that it might not altogether prove\na monarchy, put forward Thucydides of Alopece, a discreet person, and a\nnear kinsman of Cimon's, to conduct the opposition against him. And so\nPericles, at that time more than at any other, let loose the reins\nto the people, and made his policy subservient to their pleasure,\ncontriving continually to have some great public show or solemnity, some\nbanquet, or some procession or other in the town to please them, coaxing\nhis countrymen like children, with such delights and pleasures as\nwere not, however, unedifying. Besides that, every year he sent\nout threescore galleys, on board of which there went numbers of the\ncitizens, who were in pay eight months, at the same time learning and\npracticing the art of seamanship.\n\nHe sent, moreover, a thousand of them into the Chersonese as planters,\nto share the land among them by lot, and five hundred more into the\nisle of Naxos, and half that number to Andros, a thousand into Thrace to\ndwell among the Bisaltae, and others into Italy, when the city Sybaris,\nwhich now was called Thurii, was to be repeopled. And this he did\nto ease and discharge the city of an idle, and, by reason of their\nidleness, a busy, meddling crowd of people; and at the same time to meet\nthe necessities and restore the fortunes of the poor townsmen, and to\nintimidate, also, and check their allies from attempting any change, by\nposting such garrisons, as it were, in the midst of them.\n\nThat which gave most pleasure and ornament to the city of Athens, and\nthe greatest admiration and even astonishment to all strangers, and that\nwhich now is Greece's only evidence that the power she boasts of and her\nancient wealth are no romance or idle story, was his construction of the\npublic and sacred buildings.\n\nThe materials were stone, brass, ivory, gold, ebony, and cypress-wood;\nthe artisans that wrought and fashioned them were smiths and carpenters,\nmoulders, founders and braziers, stone-cutters, dyers, goldsmiths,\nivory-workers, painters, embroiderers, turners; those again that\nconveyed them to the town for use, merchants and mariners and\nship-masters by sea; and by land, cartwrights, cattle-breeders,\nwagoners, rope-makers, flax-workers, shoe-makers and leather-dressers,\nroad-makers, miners. And every trade in the same nature, as a captain\nin an army has his particular company of soldiers under him, had its own\nhired company of journeymen and laborers belonging to it banded\ntogether as in array, to be as it were the instrument and body for the\nperformance of the service of these public works distributed plenty\nthrough every age and condition.\n\nAs then grew the works up, no less stately in size than exquisite in\nform, the workmen striving to outvie the material and the design with\nthe beauty of their workmanship, yet the most wonderful thing of all was\nthe rapidity of their execution. Undertakings, any one of which singly\nmight have required, they thought, for their completion, several\nsuccessions and ages of men, were every one of them accomplished in the\nheight and prime of one man's political service. Although they say,\ntoo, that Zeuxis once, having heard Agatharchus, the painter, boast of\ndespatching his work with speed and ease, replied, \"I take a long\ntime.\" For ease and speed in doing a thing do not give the work lasting\nsolidity or exactness of beauty; the expenditure of time allowed to a\nman's pains beforehand for the production of a thing is repaid by way of\ninterest with a vital force for its preservation when once produced.\nFor which reason Pericles's works are especially admired, as having been\nmade quickly, to last long. For every particular piece of his work was\nimmediately, even at that time, for its beauty and elegance, antique;\nand yet in its vigor and freshness looks to this day as if it were just\nexecuted. There is a sort of bloom of newness upon those works of his,\npreserving them from the touch of time, as if they had some perennial\nspirit and undying vitality mingled in the composition of them.\n\nPhidias had the oversight of all the works, and was surveyor-general,\nthough upon the various portions other great masters and workmen were\nemployed. For Callicrates and Ictinus built the Parthenon; the chapel at\nEleusis, where the mysteries were celebrated, was begun by Coroebus, who\nerected the pillars that stand upon the floor or pavement, and joined\nthem to the architraves; and after his death Metagenes of Xypete added\nthe frieze and the upper line of columns; Xenocles of Cholargus roofed\nor arched the lantern on the top of the temple of Castor and Pollux; and\nthe long wall, which Socrates says he himself heard Pericles propose to\nthe people, was undertaken by Callicrates.\n\nThe Odeum, or music-room, which in its interior was full of seats and\nranges of pillars, and outside had its roof made to slope and descend\nfrom one single point at the top, was constructed, we are told, in\nimitation of the king of Persia's Pavilion; this likewise by Pericles's\norder; which Cratinus again, in his comedy called The Thracian Women,\nmade an occasion of raillery,--\n\n     So, we see here,\n     Jupiter Long-pate Pericles appear,\n     Since ostracism time he's laid aside his head,\n     And wears the new Odeum in its stead.\n\nPerils, also eager for distinction, then first obtained the decree for\na contest in musical skill to be held yearly at the Panathenaea, and he\nhimself, being chosen judge, arranged the order and method in which the\ncompetitors should sing and play on the flute and the harp. And both at\nthat time, and at other times also, they sat in this music-room to see\nand hear all such trials of skill.\n\nThe propylaea, or entrances to the Acropolis, were finished in five\nyears' time, Mnesicles being the principal architect. A strange accident\nhappened in the course of building, which showed that the goddess was\nnot averse to the work, but was aiding and co-operating to bring it to\nperfection. One of the artificers, the quickest and the handiest workmen\namong them all, with a slip of his foot, fell down from a great height,\nand lay in a miserable condition, the physician having no hopes of his\nrecovery. When Pericles was in distress about this, Athenia appeared\nto him at night in a dream, and ordered a course of treatment which he\napplied, and in a short time, and with great ease, cured the man. And\nupon this occasion it was that he set up a brass statue of Athena,\nsurnamed Health, in the citadel near the altar, which they say was there\nbefore. But it was Phidias who wrought the goddess's image in gold,\nand he has his name inscribed on the pedestal as the workman of it; and\nindeed the whole work in a manner was under his charge, and he had, as\nwe have said already, the oversight over all the artists and workmen,\nthrough Pericles's friendship for him.\n\nWhen the orators, who sided with Thucydides and his party, were at\none time crying out, as their custom was, against Pericles, as one who\nsquandered away public money and made havoc of the state revenues, he\nrose in the open assembly and put the question to the people, whether\nthey thought that he had laid out much; and saying, \"Too much, a great\ndeal,\" \"Then,\" said he, \"since it is so, let the cost not go to your\naccount, but to mine; and let the inscription upon the buildings stand\nin my name.\" When they heard him say thus, whether it were out of a\nsurprise to see the greatness of his spirit, or out of emulation of the\nglory of the works, they cried aloud, bidding him to spend on, and lay\nout what he thought fit from the public purse, and to spare no cost,\ntill all were finished.\n\nAt length, coming to a final contest with Thucydides, which of the two\nshould ostracize the other out of the country, and, having gone through\nthis peril, he threw his antagonist out, and broke up the confederacy\nthat had been organized against him. So that now all schism and division\nbeing at an end, and the city brought to evenness and unity, he got\nall Athens and all affairs that pertained to the Athenians into his own\nhands, their tributes, their armies and their galleys, the islands, the\nsea, and their wide-extended power, partly over other Greeks and partly\nover barbarians, and all that empire which they possessed, founded and\nfortified upon subject nations and royal friendships and alliances.\n\nAfter this he was no longer the same man he had been before, nor as tame\nand gentle and familiar as formerly with the populace, so as readily\nto yield to their pleasures and to comply with the desires of the\nmultitude, as a steersman shifts with the winds. Quitting that loose,\nremiss, and, in some cases, licentious court of the popular will,\nhe turned those soft and flowery modulations to the austerity of\naristocratical and regal rule; but, employing this uprightly and\nundeviatingly for the country's best interests, he was able generally\nto lead the people along, with their own will and consent, by persuading\nand showing them what was to be done.\n\nThe source of this predominance was not barely his power of language,\nbut, as Thucydides the historian assures us, the reputation of his life,\nand the confidence felt in his character; his manifest freedom from\nevery kind of corruption, and superiority to all considerations of\nmoney. Notwithstanding he had made the city of Athens, which was great\nof itself, as great and rich as can be imagined, and though he were\nhimself in power and interest more than equal to many kings and absolute\nrulers, who some of them also bequeathed by will their power to their\nchildren, he for his part, did not make the patrimony his father left\nhim greater than it was by one drachma.\n\nTeleclides says the Athenians had surrendered to him--\n\n  The tributes of the cities, and, with them, the cities, too, to do\n       with them as he pleases, and undo;\n  To build up, if he likes, stone walls around a town; and again, if\n       so he likes, to pull them down;\n  Their treaties and alliances, power, empire, peace, and war, their\n       wealth and their success forevermore.\n\nNor was all this the luck of some happy occasion; nor was it the mere\nbloom and grace of a policy that flourished for a season; but having for\nfifty-five years together maintained the first place among statesmen, in\nthe exercise of one continuous unintermitted command in the office, to\nwhich he was annually reelected, of General, he preserved his integrity\nunspotted; though otherwise he was not altogether idle or careless in\nlooking after his pecuniary advantage; his paternal estate, which of\nright belonged to him, he so ordered that it might neither through\nnegligence be wasted or lessened, nor yet, being so full of business as\nhe was, cost him any great trouble or time with taking care of it; and\nput it into such a way of management as he thought to be most easy for\nhimself, and the most exact. All his yearly products and profits he sold\ntogether in a lump, and supplied his household needs afterward by buying\neverything that he or his family wanted out of the market. Upon which\naccount, his children, when they grew to age, were not well pleased with\nhis management; since there was not there, as is usual in a great family\nand a plentiful estate, anything to spare, or over and above; but all\nthat went out or came in, all disbursements and all receipts, proceeded\nas it were by number and measure. His manager in all this was a single\nservant, Evangelus by name, a man either naturally gifted or instructed\nby Pericles so as to excel every one in this art of domestic economy.\n\nThe Lacedaemonians beginning to show themselves troubled at the growth\nof the Athenian power, Pericles, on the other hand, to elevate the\npeople's spirit yet more, and to raise them to the thought of great\nactions, proposed a decree to summon all the Greeks in what part soever,\nwhether of Europe or Asia, every city, little as well as great, to send\ntheir deputies to Athens to a general assembly or convention, there to\nconsult and advise concerning the Greek temples which the barbarians\nhad burnt down; and also concerning the navigation of the sea, that they\nmight henceforward all of them pass to and fro and trade securely, and\nbe at peace among themselves.\n\nNothing was effected, nor did the cities meet by their deputies, as\nwas desired; the Lacedaemonians, as it is said, crossing the design\nunderhand, and the attempt being disappointed and baffled first in\nPeloponnesus. I thought fit, however, to introduce the mention of it, to\nshow the spirit of the man and the greatness of his thoughts.\n\nIn his military conduct he gained a great reputation for wariness;\nhe would not by his good-will engage in any fight which had much\nuncertainty or hazard; he did not envy the glory of generals whose rash\nadventures fortune favored with brilliant success, however they were\nadmired by others; nor did he think them worthy his imitation, but\nalways used to say to his citizens that, so far as lay in his power,\nthey should continue immortal, and live forever. Seeing Tolmides,\nthe son of Tolmaeus, upon the confidence of his former successes, and\nflushed with the honor his military actions had procured him, making\npreparation to attack the Boeotians in their own country, when there was\nno likely opportunity, and that he had prevailed with the bravest and\nmost enterprising of the youth to enlist themselves as volunteers in the\nservice, who besides his other force made up a thousand, he endeavored\nto withhold him, and advised him against it in the public assembly,\ntelling him in a memorable saying of which still goes about, that, if he\nwould not take Pericles's advice, yet he would not do amiss to wait\nand be ruled by time, the wisest counselor of all. This saying, at that\ntime, was but slightly commended; but, within a few days after, when\nnews was brought that Tolmides himself had been defeated and slain in\nbattle near Coronea, and that many brave citizens had fallen with him,\nit gained him great repute as well as good-will among the people, for\nwisdom and for love of his countrymen.\n\nBut of all his expeditions, that to the Chersonese gave most\nsatisfaction and pleasure, having proved the safety of the Greeks who\ninhabited there. For not only by carrying along with him a thousand\nfresh citizens of Athens he gave new strength and vigor to the cities,\nbut also by belting the neck of land, which joins the peninsula to the\ncontinent, with bulwarks and forts from sea to sea, he put a stop to the\ninroads of the Thracians, who lay all about the Chersonese, and closed\nthe door against a continual and grievous war, with which that country\nhad been long harassed, lying exposed to the encroachments and influx\nof barbarous neighbors, and groaning under the evils of a predatory\npopulation both upon and within its borders.\n\nEntering also the Euxine Sea with a large and finely equipped fleet,\nhe obtained for the Greek cities any new arrangements they wanted, and\nentered into friendly relations with them; and to the barbarous nations,\nand kings and chiefs round about them, displayed the greatness of the\npower of the Athenians, their perfect ability and confidence to sail\nwherever they had a mind, and to bring the whole sea under his control.\nHe left the Sinopians thirteen ships of war, with soldiers under the\ncommand of Lamachus, to assist them against Timesileus the tyrant; and,\nwhen he and his accomplices had been thrown out, obtained a decree that\nsix hundred of the Athenians that were willing should sail to Sinope and\nplant themselves there with the Sinopians, sharing among them the houses\nand land which the tyrant and his party had previously held.\n\nBut in other things he did not comply with the giddy impulses of the\ncitizens, nor quit his own resolutions to follow their fancies, when,\ncarried away with the thought of their strength and great success,\nthey were eager to interfere again in Egypt, and to disturb the king of\nPersia's maritime dominions. Nay, there were a good many who were, even\nthen, possessed with that unblest and unauspicious passion for Sicily,\nwhich afterward the orators of Alciabes's party blew up into a flame.\nThere were some also who dreamt of Tuscany and of Carthage, and not\nwithout plausible reason in their present large dominion and the\nprosperous course of their affairs.\n\nBut Pericles curbed this passion for foreign conquest, and unsparingly\npruned and cut down their ever-busy fancies for a multitude of\nundertakings, and directed their power for the most part to securing\nand consolidating what they had already got, supposing it would be quite\nenough for them to do, if they could keep the Lacedaemonians in check;\nto whom he entertained all along a sense of opposition; which, as upon\nmany other occasions, he particularly showed by what he did in the time\nof the holy war. The Lacedaemonians, having gone with an army to\nDelphi, restored Apollo's temple, which the Phocians had got into\ntheir possession, to the Delphians; immediately after their departure,\nPericles, with another army, came and restored it to the Phocians. And\nthe Lacedaemonians having engraven the record of their privilege of\nconsulting the oracle before others, which the Delphians gave them, upon\nthe forehead of the brazen wolf which stands there, he, also, having\nreceived from the Phocians the like privilege for the Athenians, had it\ncut upon the same wolf of brass, on his right side.\n\nWhen Pericles, in giving up his accounts, stated a disbursement of\nten talents, as laid out upon fit occasion, the people, without any\nquestion, nor troubling themselves to investigate the mystery, freely\nallowed it. And some historians, in which number is Theophtastus the\nphilosopher, have given it as a truth that Pericles every year used\nto send privately the sum of ten talents to Sparta, with which he\ncomplimented those in office, to keep off the war; not to purchase peace\neither, but time, that he might prepare at leisure, and be the better\nable to carry on war hereafter.\n\nAfter this, having made a truce between the Athenians and Lacedaemonians\nfor thirty years, he ordered, by public decree, the expedition against\nthe Isle of Samos, on the ground, that, when they were bid to leave off\ntheir war with the Milesians, they had not complied. For the two states\nwere at war for the possession of Priene; and the Samians, getting\nthe better, refused to lay down their arms and to have the controversy\nbetwixt them decided by arbitration before the Athenians. Pericles,\ntherefore, fitting out a fleet, went and broke up the oligarchal\ngovernment at Samos, and, taking fifty of the principal men of the town\nas hostages, and as many of their children, sent them to the Isle of\nLemnos, there to be kept, though he had offers, as some relate, of a\ntalent apiece for himself from each one of the hostages, and of many\nother presents from those who were anxious not to have a democracy.\nMoreover, Pissuthnes the Persian, one of the king's lieutenants, bearing\nsome good-will to the Samians, sent him ten thousand pieces of gold to\nexcuse the city. Pericles, however, would receive none of all this; but\nafter he had taken that course with the Samians which he thought fit,\nand set up a democracy among them, sailed back to Athens.\n\nBut they, however, immediately revolted, Pissuthnes having privily got\naway their hostages for them, and provided them with means for war.\nWhereupon Pericles came out with a fleet a second time against them, and\nfound them not idle nor slinking away, but manfully resolved to try for\nthe dominion of the sea. The issue was, that, after a sharp sea-fight\nabout the island called Tragia, Pericles obtained a decisive victory,\nhaving with forty-four ships routed seventy of the enemy's, twenty of\nwhich were carrying soldiers.\n\nTogether with his victory and pursuit, having made himself master of the\nport, he laid siege to the Samians, and blocked them up, who yet, one\nway or other, still ventured to make sallies, and fight under the city\nwalls. But after another greater fleet from Athens had arrived, and the\nSamians were now shut up with a close leaguer on every side, Pericles,\ntaking with him sixty galleys, sailed out into the main sea, with the\nintention, as most authors give the account, to meet a squadron of\nPhoenician ships that were coming for the Samians' relief, and to\nfight them at as great a distance as could be from the island; but, as\nStesimbrotus says, with a design of putting over to Cyprus; which does\nnot seem to be probable. But whichever of the two was his intent, it\nseems to have been a miscalculation. For on his departure, Melissus, the\nson of Ithagenes, a philosopher, being at that time general in Samos,\ndespising either the small number of ships that were left or the\ninexperience of the commanders, prevailed with the citizens to attack\nthe Athenians. And the Samians having won the battle and taken several\nof the men prisoners, and disabled several of the ships, were masters of\nthe sea, and brought into port all necessities they wanted for the war,\nwhich they had not before. Aristotle says, too, that Pericles himself\nhad been once before this worsted by the Milissus in a sea-fight.\n\nThe Samians, that they might requite an affront which had before been\nput upon them, branded the Athenians whom they took prisoners, in their\nforeheads, with the figure of an owl. For so the Athenians had marked\nthem before with a Samaena, which is a sort of ship, low and flat in the\nprow, so as to look snub-nosed, but wide and large and well-spread in\nthe hold, by which it both carries a large cargo and sails well. And so\nit was called, because the first of that kind was seen at Samos, having\nbeen built by order of Polycrates the tyrant. These brands upon the\nSamians' foreheads, they say, are the allusion in the passage of\nAristophanes, where he says,--\n\n     For, oh, the Samians are a lettered people.\n\nPericles, as soon as news was brought to him of the disaster that had\nbefallen his army, made all the haste he could to come in to their\nrelief, and having defeated Melissus, who bore up against him, and put\nthe enemy to flight, he immediately proceeded to hem them in with a\nwall, resolving to master them and take the town, rather with some cost\nand time than with the wounds and hazards of his citizens. But as it was\na hard matter to keep back the Athenians, who were vexed at the delay,\nand were eagerly bent to fight, he divided the whole multitude into\neight parts, and arranged by lot that that part which had the white bean\nshould have leave to feast and take their ease, while the other seven\nwere fighting. And this is the reason, they say, that people, when at\nany time they have been merry, and enjoyed themselves, call it white\nday, in allusion to this white bean.\n\nEphorus, the historian, tells us besides, that Pericles made use of\nengines of battery in this siege, being much taken with the curiousness\nof the invention, with the aid and presence of Artemon himself, the\nengineer, who, being lame, used to be carried about in a litter, where\nthe works required his attendance, and for that reason was called\nPeriphoretus. But Heraclides Ponticus disproves this out of Anacreon's\npoems, where mention is made of this Artemon Periphoretus several ages\nbefore the Samian war, or any of these occurrences. And he says that\nArtemon, being a man who loved his ease, and had a great apprehension\nof danger, for the most part kept close within doors, having two of his\nservants to hold a brazen shield over his head, that nothing might fall\nupon him from above; and if he were at any time forced upon necessity to\ngo abroad, that he was carried about in a little hanging-bed, close to\nthe very ground, and that for this reason he was called Periphoretus.\n\nIn the ninth month, the Samians surrendering themselves and delivering\nup the town, Pericles pulled down their walls, and seized their\nshipping, and set a fine of a large sum upon them, part of which they\npaid down at once, and they agreed to bring in the rest by a certain\ntime, and gave hostages for security. Pericles, however, after the\nreduction of Samos, returning back to Athens, took care that those who\ndied in the war should be honorably buried, and made a funeral harangue,\nas the custom is, in their commendation at their graves, for which he\ngained great admiration. As he came down from the stage on which he\nspoke, all the women except Elpinice, the aged sister of Cimon, came\nout and complimented him, taking him by the hand, and crowning him with\ngarlands and ribbons, like a victorious athlete in the games.\n\nAfter this was over, the Peloponnesian war beginning to break out in\nfull tide, he advised the people to send help to the Corcyraeans, who\nwere attacked by the Corinthians, and to secure to themselves an island\npossessed of great naval resources, since the Peloponnesians were\nalready all but in actual hostilities against them. Archidamus, the\nking of the Lacedaemonians, endeavoring to bring the greater part of the\ncomplaints and matters in dispute to a fair determination, and to pacify\nand allay the heats of the allies, it is very likely that the war would\nnot upon any other grounds of quarrel have fallen upon the Athenians,\ncould they have been prevailed upon to be reconciled with the\ninhabitants of Megara.\n\nThe true occasion of the quarrel is not easy to find out. The worst\nmotive of all, which is confirmed by most witnesses, is to the following\neffect. Phidias the Moulder had, as has before been said, undertaken\nto make the statue of Athena. Now he, being admitted to friendship\nwith Pericles, and a great favorite of his, had many enemies upon this\naccount, who envied and maligned him; and they, to make trial in a case\nof his what kind of judges the commons would prove, should there be\noccasion to bring Pericles himself before them, having tampered with\nMenon, one who had been a workman with Phidias, stationed him in the\nmarketplace, with a petition desiring public security upon his discovery\nand impeachment of Phidias. The people admitting the man to tell his\nstory, and, the prosecution proceeding in the assembly, there was\nnothing of theft or cheat proved against him; for Phidias, from the very\nfirst beginning, by the advice of Pericles, had so wrought and wrapt the\ngold that was used in the work about the statue, that they might take it\nall off and make out the just weight of it, which Pericles at that time\nbade the accusers do. But the repudiation of his works was what brought\nenvy upon Phidias, especially that where he represents the fight of\nthe Amazons upon the goddesses' shield, he had introduced a likeness of\nhimself as a bald old man holding up a great stone with both hands,\nand had put in a very fine representation of Pericles fighting with an\nAmazon. And the position of the hand, which holds out the spear in front\nof the face, was ingeniously contrived to conceal in some degree the\nlikeness, which, meantime, showed itself on either side.\n\nPhidias then was carried away to Prison, and there died of a disease;\nbut, as some say, of poison administered by the enemies of Pericles, to\nraise a slander, or a suspicion at least, as though he had procured it.\nThe informer Menon, upon Glycon's proposal, the people made free from\npayment of taxes and customs, and ordered the generals to take care that\nnobody should do him any hurt. And Pericles, finding that in Phidias's\ncase he had miscarried with the people, being afraid of impeachment,\nkindled the war, which hitherto had lingered and smothered, and blew it\nup into a flame; hoping, by that means, to disperse and scatter these\ncomplaints and charges, and to allay their jealousy; the city usually\nthrowing herself upon him alone, and trusting to his sole conduct,\nupon the urgency of great affairs and public dangers, by reason of his\nauthority and the sway he bore.\n\nThese are given out to have been the reasons which induced Pericles\nnot to suffer the people of Athens to yield to the proposals of the\nLacedaemonians; but their truth is uncertain.\n\nThe Lacedaemonians, therefore, and their allies, with a great army,\ninvaded the Athenian territories, under the conduct of king Archidamus,\nand laying waste the country, marched on as far as Acharnae, and there\npitched their camp, presuming that the Athenians would never endure\nthat, but would come out and fight them for their country's and their\nhonor's sake. But Pericles looked upon it as dangerous to engage\nin battle, to the risk of the city itself, against sixty thousand\nmen-at-arms of Peloponnesians and Boeotians; for so many they were in\nnumber that made the inroad at first; and he endeavored to appease those\nwho were desirous to fight, and were grieved and discontented to see how\nthings went, and gave them good words, saying, that \"trees, when they\nare lopped and cut, grow up again in a short time, but men, being once\nlost, cannot easily be recovered.\" He did not convene the people into\nan assembly, for fear lest they should force him to act against his\njudgement; and many of his enemies threatened and accursed him for doing\nas he did, and many made songs and lampoons upon him, which were sung\nabout the town to his disgrace, reproaching him with the cowardly\nexercise of his office of general, and the tame abandonment of\neverything to the enemy's hands.\n\nCleon, also, already was among his assailants, making use of the feeling\nagainst him as a step to the leadership of the people, as appears in the\nanapaestic verses of Hermippus.\n\n     Satyr-king, instead of swords,\n     Will you always handle words?\n     Very brave indeed we find them,\n     But a Teles lurks behind them.\n\n(Teles was apparently some notorious coward.)\n\n     Yet to gnash your teeth you're seen,\n     When the little dagger keen,\n     Whetted every day anew,\n     Of sharp Cleon touches you.\n\nPericles, however, was not at all moved by any attacks, but took all\npatiently, and submitted in silence to the disgrace they threw upon him\nand the ill-will they bore him; and, sending out a fleet of a hundred\ngalleys to Peloponnesus, he did not go along with it in person, but\nstayed behind, that he might watch at home and keep the city under his\nown control, till the Peloponnesians broke up their camp and were gone.\nYet to soothe the common people, jaded and distressed with the war,\nhe relieved them with distributions of public moneys, and ordained\nnew divisions of subject land. For having turned out all the people of\nAegina, he parted the island among the Athenians, according to lot. Some\ncomfort, also, and ease in their miseries, they might receive from what\ntheir enemies endured. For the fleet, sailing round the Peloponnesus,\nravaged a great deal of the country, and pillaged and plundered the\ntowns and smaller cities; and by land he himself entered with an army\nthe Megarian country, and made havoc of it all. Whence it is clear that\nthe Peloponnesians, though they did the Athenians much mischief by\nland, yet suffering as much themselves from them by sea, would not have\nprotracted the war to such a length, but would quickly have given it\nover, as Pericles at first foretold they would, had not some divine\npower crossed human purposes.\n\nIn the first place, the pestilential disease, or plague, seized upon the\ncity, and ate up all the flour and prime of their youth and strength.\nUpon occasion of which the people, distempered and afflicted in their\nsouls, as well as in their bodies, were utterly enraged like madmen\nagainst Pericles, and, like patients grown delirious, sought to lay\nviolent hands on their physician, or, as it were, their father.\n\nFinding the Athenians ill affected and highly displeased with him, he\ntried and endeavored what he could to appease and re-encourage them. But\nhe could not pacify or allay their anger nor persuade or prevail with\nthem anyway, til they freely passed their votes upon him, resumed their\npower, took away his command from him, and fined him in a sum of money.\n\nAfter this, public troubles were soon to leave him unmolested; the\npeople, so to say, discharged their passion in their stroke, and lost\ntheir stings in the wound. But his domestic concerns were in an unhappy\ncondition, many of his friends and acquaintance having died in the\nplague time, and those of his family having long since been in disorder\nand in a kind of mutiny against him. For the eldest of his sons,\nXanthippus by name, being naturally prodigal, and marrying a young and\nexpensive wife, was highly offended at his father's economy in making\nhim but a scanty allowance, by little and little at a time. He sent\ntherefore, to a friend one day, and borrowed some money of him in his\nfather Pericles's name, pretending it was by his order. The man coming\nafterward to demand the debt, Pericles was so far from yielding to pay\nit, that he entered an action against him. Upon which the young man,\nXanthippus, thought himself so ill used and disobliged, that he openly\nreviled his father; telling first, by way of ridicule, stories about his\nconversations at home, and the discourses he had with the sophists and\nscholars that came to his house. As for instance, how one who was a\npracticer of the five games of skill, * having with a dart or javelin\nunawares against his will struck and killed Epitimus the Pharsalian, his\nfather spent a whole day with Protagoras in a serious dispute, whether\nthe javelin, or the man that threw it, or the masters of the games\nwho appointed these sports, were, according to the strictest and best\nreason, to be accounted the cause of this mischance. And in general,\nthis difference of the young man's with his father, in the breach\nbetwixt them, continued never to be healed or made up til his death.\nFor Xanthippus died in the plague time of the sickness. At which time\nPericles also lost his sister, and the greatest part of his relations\nand friends, and those who had been most useful and serviceable to him\nin managing the affairs of state. However, he did not shrink or give\nin on these occasions, nor betray or lower his high spirit and even the\ngreatness of his mind under all his misfortunes; he was not even so much\nas seen to weep or to mourn, or even attend the burial of his friends or\nrelations, till at last he lost his only remaining son. Subdued by this\nblow, yet striving still, as far as he could, to maintain his principle,\nand yet to preserve and keep up the greatness of his soul, when he came,\nhowever, to perform the ceremony of putting a garland of flowers on the\nhead of the corpse, he was vanquished by his passion at the sight, so\nthat he burst into exclamations, and shed copious tears, having never\ndone any such thing in all his life before.\n\nThe city having made trial of other generals for the conduct of war, and\norators for business of state, when they found there was no one who was\nof weight enough for such a charge, or of authority sufficient to be\ntrusted with so great a command, regretted the loss of him, and invited\nhim again to address and advise them, and to resume the office of\ngeneral. He, however, lay at home in dejection and mourning; but was\npersuaded by Alcibiades and others of his friends to come abroad and\nshow himself to the people; who having, upon his appearance, made their\nacknowledgements, and apologized for their untowardly treatment of him,\nhe undertook the public affairs once more.\n\nAbout this time, it seems, the plague seized Pericles, not with sharp\nand violent fits, as it did others that had it, but with a dull and\nlingering distemper, attended with various changes and alterations,\nleisurely, by little and little, wasting the strength of his body, and\nundermining the noble faculties of his soul.\n\nWhen he was now near his end, the best of citizens and those of his\nfriends who were left alive, sitting about him, were speaking of the\ngreatness of his merit, and his power, and reckoning up his famous\nactions and the number of his victories; there were no less than nine\ntrophies which, as their chief commander and conqueror of their enemies,\nhe had set up, for the honor of the city. They talked thus among\nthemselves, as though he were unable to understand or mind what they\nsaid, but had now lost his consciousness. He had listened, however, all\nthe while, and attended to all, and speaking out among them, said, that\nhe wondered they should commend and take notice of things which were\nas much owing to fortune as to anything else, and had happened to\nmany other commanders, and, at the same time, should not speak or make\nmention of that which was the most excellent and greatest thing of all.\n\"For,\" said he, \"no Athenian through my means, ever wore mourning.\"\n\nHe was indeed a character deserving our high admiration, not only for\nhis equable and mild temper, which all along, in the many affairs of\nhis life, and the great animosities which he incurred, he constantly\nmaintained; but also for the high spirit and feeling which made him\nregarded the noblest of all his honors, that, in the exercise of such\nimmense power, he never had gratified his envy or his passion, nor ever\nhad treated any enemy as irreconcilably opposed to him. And to me it\nappears that this one thing gives an otherwise childish and arrogant\ntitle a fitting and becoming significance; so dispassionate a temper,\na life so pure and unblemished, in the height of power and place, might\nwell be called \"Olympian,\" in accordance with our conceptions of divine\nbeings, to whom, as the natural of all good and of nothing evil, we\nascribe the rule and government of the world.\n\nThe course of public affairs after his death produced a quick and speedy\nsense of the loss of Pericles. Those who, while they live, resented\nhis great authority, as that which eclipsed themselves, presently\nafter quitting the stage, making trial of other orators and demagogues,\nreadily acknowledged that there never had been in nature such a\ndisposition as his was, more moderate and reasonable in the height\nof that state he took upon him, or more grave and impressive in the\nmildness which he used.\n\n\n\n\nDEMOSTHENES\n\nWhoever it was, Sosius, that wrote the poem in honor of Alcibiades,\nupon his winning the chariot-race at the Olympian Games, whether it was\nEuripedes, as is most commonly thought, or some other person he tells\nus, that to a man's being happy it is pre-eminently requisite that he\nshould be born in \"some famous city.\"\n\nBut if anybody undertakes to write a history, that has to be collected\nfrom materials gathered by observation and the reading of works not easy\nto be got in all places, nor written always in his own language, but\nmany of them foreign and dispersed in other hands, for him, undoubtedly,\nit is above all things most necessary, to reside in some city of good\nnote, devoted to liberal arts, and populous; where he may have plenty of\nall sorts of books, and upon inquiry may hear and inform himself of such\nparticulars as, having escaped the pens of writers, are more faithfully\npreserved in the memories of men.\n\nBut for me, I live in a little town, where I am willing to continue,\nlest it should grow less; and having had no leisure, while I was in Rome\nand other parts of Italy, to practice myself in the Roman language, on\naccount of public business and of those who came to be instructed by me\nin philosophy, it was very late, and in the decline of my age, before\nI applied myself to the reading of Latin authors. But to appreciate the\ngraceful and ready pronunciation of the Roman tongue, to understand the\nvarious figures and connection of words, and such other ornaments, in\nwhich the beauty of speaking consists, is, I doubt not, an admirable\nand delightful accomplishment; but it requires a degree of practice\nand study which is not easy, and will better suit those who have more\nleisure, and time enough yet before them for the occupation.\n\nAnd so in this book of my Parallel Lives, in giving an account of\nDemosthenes and Cicero, my comparison of their natural dispositions and\ntheir characters will be formed upon their actions and their lives\nas statesmen, and I shall not pretend to criticise their orations one\nagainst the other, to show which of the two was the more charming or the\nmore powerful speaker. For there, as Ion says,\n\n     We are but like a fish upon dry land.\n\nThe divine power seems originally to have designed Demosthenes and\nCicero upon the same plan, giving them many similarities in their\nnatural characters, as their passion for distinction and their love of\nliberty in civil life, and their want of courage in dangers and war,\nand at the same time also to have added many accidental resemblances. I\nthink there can hardly be found two other orators, who, from small and\nobscure beginnings, became so great and mighty; who both contested with\nkings and tyrants; both lost their daughters, were driven out of their\ncountry, and returned with honor; who, flying from thence again, were\nboth seized upon by their enemies, and at last ended their lives with\nthe liberty of their countrymen. So that if we were to suppose that\nthere had been a trial of skill between nature and fortune, as there\nis sometimes between artists, it would be hard to judge, whether that\nsucceeded best in making them alike in their dispositions and manners,\nor this, in the coincidences of their lives. We will speak of the eldest\nfirst.\n\nDemosthenes, the father of Demosthenes, was a citizen of good rank and\nquality, as Theopompus informs us, surnamed the Sword-maker, because he\nhad a large workhouse, and kept servants skilful in that art at work.\nDemosthenes, when only seven years old, was left by his father in\naffluent circumstances, the whole value of his estate being little\nshort of fifteen talents, but was wronged by his guardians, part of his\nfortune being embezzled by them, and the rest neglected; insomuch that\neven his teachers were defrauded of their salaries. This was the reason\nthat he did not obtain the liberal education that he should have had;\nbesides that on account of weakness and delicate health, his mother\nwould not let him exert himself, and his teachers forebore to urge him.\nHe was meagre and sickly from the first, and hence had the nickname\nof Batalus, given him, it is said, by the boys, in derision of his\nappearance; Batalus being a certain enervated flute-player, in ridicule\nof whom Antiphanes wrote a play.\n\nThe first occasion of his eager inclination to oratory, they say, was\nthis. Callistratus, the orator, was to plead in open court for Oropus,\nand the expectation of the issue of that cause was very great, as\nwell for the ability of the orator, who was then at the height of\nhis reputation, as also for the fame of the action itself. Therefore,\nDemosthenes, having heard the tutors and schoolmasters agreeing among\nthemselves to be present at this trial, with much importunity persuades\nhis tutor to take him along with him to the hearing; who, having some\nacquaintance with the doorkeepers, procured a place where the boy might\nsit unseen, and hear what was said. Callistratus having got the day, and\nbeing much admired, the boy began to look upon his glory with emulation,\nobserving how he was courted on all hands, and attended on his way by\nthe multitude; but his wonder was more than all excited by the power of\nhis eloquence, which seemed able to subdue and win over any thing. From\nthis time, therefore, bidding farewell to other sorts of learning\nand study, he now began to exercise himself, and to take pains in\ndeclaiming, as one that meant to be himself also an orator. He made use\nof Isaeus as his guide to the art of speaking, though Isocrates at that\ntime was giving lessons; whether, as some say, because he was an orphan,\nand was not able to pay Isocrates his appointed fee of ten minae, or\nbecause he preferred Isaeus's speaking, as being more business-like and\neffective in actual use.\n\nAs soon, therefore, as he was grown up to man's estate, he began to go\nto law with his guardians, and to write orations against them; who,\nin the meantime, had recourse to various subterfuges and pleas for new\ntrials, and Demosthenes, though he was thus, as Thucydides says, taught\nhis business in dangers, and by his own exertions was successful in his\nsuit, was yet unable for all this to recover so much as a small\nfraction of his patrimony. He only attained some degree of confidence in\nspeaking, and some competent experience in it. And having got a taste of\nthe honor and power which are acquired by pleadings, he now ventured\nto come forth, and to undertake public business. And, as it is said of\nLaomedon, the Orchomenian, that by advice of his physician, he used to\nrun long distances to keep off some disease of his spleen, and by that\nmeans having, through labor and exercise, framed the habit of his body,\nhe betook himself to the great garland games, and became one of the\nbest runners at the long race; so it happened to Demosthenes, who, first\nventuring upon oratory for the recovery of his own private property, by\nthis acquired ability in speaking, and at length, in public business,\nas it were in the great games, came to have the pre-eminence of all\ncompetitors in the assembly. But when he first addressed himself to\nthe people, he met with great discouragements, and was derided for his\nstrange and uncouth style, which was cumbered with long sentences and\ntortured with formal arguments to a most harsh and disagreeable excess.\nBesides, he had, it seems, a weakness in his voice, a perplexed and\nindistinct utterance and a shortness of breath, which, by breaking and\ndisjointing his sentences, much obscured the sense and meaning of what\nhe spoke. So that in the end, being quite disheartened, he foresook\nthe assembly; and as he was walking carelessly and sauntering about\nthe Piraeus, Eunomus, the Thriasian, then a very old man, seeing him,\nupbraided him, saying that his diction was very much like that of\nPericles, and that he was wanting to himself through cowardice and\nmeanness of spirit, neither bearing up with courage against popular\noutcry, nor fitting his body for action, but suffering it to languish\nthrough mere sloth and negligence.\n\nAnother time, when the assembly had refused to hear him, and he was\ngoing home with his head muffled up, taking it very heavily, they\nrelate that Satyrus, the actor followed him, and being his familiar\nacquaintance, entered into conversation with him. To whom Demosthenes\nbemoaned, that although he had been the most industrious of all the\npleaders, and had spent almost the whole strength and vigor of his\nbody in that employment, he could not yet find any acceptance with the\npeople, while drunken sots, mariners, and illiterate fellows were heard,\nand had the hustings for their own. \"You say true, Demosthenes,\" replied\nSatyrus, \"but I will quickly remedy the cause of all this, if you\nwill repeat to me some passage out of Euripides or Sophocles.\" When\nDemosthenes had pronounced one, Satyrus presently taking it up after\nhim, gave the same passage, in his rendering of it, such a new form, by\naccompanying it with the proper mien and gesture, that to Demosthenes it\nseemed quite another thing. By this being convinced how much grace and\nornament language acquires from action, he began to esteem it a\nsmall matter, and as good as nothing for a man to exercise himself in\ndeclaiming, if he neglected enunciation and delivery. Hereupon he built\nhimself a place under ground to study in (which was still remaining in\nour time), and hither he would come constantly every day to form\nhis action, and to exercise his voice; and here he would continue,\noftentimes without intermission, two or three months together, shaving\none half of his head, so that for shame he might not go abroad, though\nhe desired it never so much.\n\nNor was this all, but he also made his conversation with people abroad,\nhis common speech, and his business, subservient to his studies, taking\nfrom hence occasions and arguments as matter to work upon. For as soon\nas he was parted from his company, down he would go at once into his\nstudy, and run over everything in order that had passed, and the reasons\nthat might be alleged for and against it. Any speeches, also, that he\nwas present at, he would go over again with himself, and reduce into\nperiods; and whatever others spoke to him, or he to them, he would\ncorrect, transform, and vary in several ways. Hence it was, that he was\nlooked upon as a person of no great natural genius, but one who owed all\nthe power and ability he had in speaking to labor and industry. He\nwas very rarely heard to speak off-hand, but though he were by name\nfrequently called upon by the people, as he sat in the assembly, yet he\nwould not rise unless he had previously considered the subject, and come\nprepared for it. So that many of the popular pleaders used to make it\na jest against him; and Pytheas once, scoffing at him, said that his\narguments smelt of the lamp. To which Demosthenes gave the sharp answer,\n\"It is true, indeed, Pytheas, that your lamp and mine are not conscious\nof the same things.\" To others, however, he would not deny it, but\nwould admit frankly enough, that he neither entirely wrote his speeches\nbeforehand, nor yet spoke wholly extempore. And he would affirm, that\nit was the more truly popular act to use premeditation, such preparation\nbeing a kind of respect to the people.\n\nHow then, some may say, was it, that Aeschines speaks of him as a person\nmuch to be wondered at for his boldness in speaking? And, when Lamachus,\nthe Myrinaean, had written a panegyric upon king Philip and Alexander,\nin which he uttered many things in reproach of the Thebans and\nOlynthians, and at the Olympic Games recited it publicly, Demosthenes,\nthen rising up, and recounting historically and demonstratively what\nbenefits and advantages all Greece had received from the Thebans and\nChalcidians, and on the contrary, what mischiefs the flatterers of the\nMacedonians had brought upon it, so turned the minds of all that were\npresent that the sophist, in alarm at the outcry against him, secretly\nmade his way out of the assembly. But Demosthenes, it would seem,\nregarded the reserve and sustained manner of Pericles, and his\nforbearing to speak on the sudden, or upon every occasion, as being the\nthings to which he principally owed his greatness, and this he followed,\nand endeavored to imitate, neither wholly neglecting the glory which\npresent occasion offered, nor yet willing too often to expose his\nfaculty to the mercy of chance. For, in fact, the orations which were\nspoken by him had much more of boldness and confidence in them than\nthose that he wrote. Eratosthenes says that often in his speaking he\nwould be transported into a kind of ecstasy, and Demetrius, that he\nuttered the famous metrical adjuration to the people,\n\n     By the earth, the springs, the rivers, and the streams,\n\nas a man inspired, and beside himself. One of the comedians calls him\na rhopoperperethras--a loud declaimer about petty matters; from rhopos,\nsmall wares, and perperos, a loud talker; and another scoffs at him for\nthe use of antithesis:--\n\n     And what he took, took back; a phrase to please\n     The very fancy of Demosthenes.\n\nUnless, indeed, this also is meant by Antiphanes for a jest upon the\nspeech on Halonesus, which Demosthenes advised the Athenians not to take\nat Philip's hands, but to take back.\n\nAll, however, used to consider Demades, in the mere use of his natural\ngifts, an orator impossible to surpass, and that in what he spoke on the\nsudden, he excelled all the study and preparation of Demosthenes. And\nAriston, the Chian, has recorded a judgment which Theophrastus passed\nupon the orators; for being asked what kind of orator he accounted\nDemosthenes, he answered, \"Worthy of the city of Athens;\" and then, what\nhe thought of Demades, he answered, \"Above it.\" And the same philosopher\nreports, that Polyeuctus, the Sphettian, one of the Athenian politicians\nabout that time, was wont to say that Demosthenes was the greatest\norator, but Phocion the ablest, as he expressed the most sense in the\nfewest words. And, indeed, it is related, that Demosthenes himself,\nas often as Phocion stood up to plead against him, would say to his\nacquaintance, \"Here comes the knife to my speech.\" Yet it does not\nappear whether he had this feeling for his powers of speaking, or for\nhis life and character, and meant to say that one word or nod from a man\nwho was really trusted, would go further than a thousand lengthy periods\nfrom others.\n\nDemetrius, the Phalerian, tells us, that he was informed by Demosthenes\nhimself, when old, that the ways he made use of to remedy his natural\nbodily infirmities and defects were such as these: his inarticulate\nand stammering pronunciation he overcame and rendered more distinct\nby speaking with pebbles in his mouth; his voice he disciplined by\ndeclaiming and reciting speeches or verses when he was out of breath,\nwhile running or going up steep places; and that in his house he had\na large looking-glass, before which he would stand and go through his\nexercises. It is told that some one once came to request his assistance\nas a pleader, and related how he had been assaulted and beaten. \"I am\nsure,\" said Demosthenes, \"nothing of the kind can have happened to\nyou.\" Upon which the other, raising his voice, exclaimed loudly, \"What,\nDemosthenes, nothing has been done to me?\" \"Ah,\" replied Demosthenes,\n\"now I hear the voice of one that has been injured and beaten.\" Of so\ngreat consequence towards the gaining of belief did he esteem the tone\nand action of the speaker. When a thief, who had the nickname of the\nBrazen, was attempting to upbraid him for sitting up late, and writing\nby candlelight, \"I know very well,\" said he, \"that you had rather\nhave all lights out; and wonder not, O ye men of Athens, at the many\nrobberies which are committed, since we have thieves of brass and walls\nof clay.\"\n\nHis first entering into public business was about the time of\nthe Phocian war. But the object which he chose for himself in the\ncommonwealth was noble and just, the defence of the Greek against\nPhilip; and in this he behaved himself so worthily that he soon grew\nfamous, and excited attention everywhere for his eloquence and courage\nin speaking. He was admired through all Greece, the king of Persia\ncourted him, and by Philip himself he was more esteemed than all the\nother orators. His very enemies were forced to confess that they had to\ndo with a man of mark; for such a character even Aeschines and Hyperides\ngive him, where they accuse and speak against him.\n\nDemosthenes would never turn aside or prevaricate, either in word or\ndeed. Panaetius, the philosopher, said, that most of his orations were\nwritten, as if they were to prove this one conclusion: that only what is\nhonest and virtuous is to be chosen; as that of the Crown, that against\nAristocrates, that for the Immunities, and the Philippics; in all which\nhe persuades his fellow-citizens to pursue not that which seems most\npleasant, easy, or profitable; but declares over and over again,\nthat they ought in the first place to prefer that which is just and\nhonorable, before their own safety and preservation.\n\nExcepting only Phocion, he far surpassed, even in his life and manners,\nthe other orators of his time. None of them addressed the people so\nboldly; he attacked the faults, and opposed himself to the unreasonable\ndesires of the multitude, as may be seen in his orations. Theopompus\nwrites, that the Athenians having by name selected Demosthenes, and\ncalled upon him to accuse a certain person, he refused to do it; upon\nwhich the assembly being all in an uproar, he rose up and said, \"Your\ncounselor, whether you will or no, O ye men of Athens, you shall always\nhave me; but a sycophant or false accuser, I shall never be.\" And his\nconduct in the case of Antiphon was perfectly aristocratical; whom,\nafter he had been acquitted in the assembly, he took and brought before\nthe court of Areopagus, and, setting at naught the displeasure of\nthe people, convicted him there of having promised Philip to burn the\narsenal; whereupon the man was condemned by that court, and suffered for\nit. He accused, also, Theoris, the priestess, among other misdemeanors,\nof having instructed and taught the slaves to deceive and cheat their\nmasters, for which the sentence of death was passed upon her, and she\nwas executed.\n\nIt was evident, even in time of peace, what course Demosthenes would\nsteer in the commonwealth; for whatever was done by the Macedonian, he\ncriticised and found fault with, and upon all occasions was stirring up\nthe people of Athens, and inflaming them against him. Therefore, in the\ncourt of Philip, no man was so much talked of, or of so great account as\nhe; and when he came thither, as one of the ten ambassadors who was sent\ninto Macedonia, his speech was answered with most care and exactness.\nBut in other respects, Philip entertained him not so honorably as the\nrest, neither did he show him the same kindness and civility with which\nhe applied himself to the party of Aeschines and Philocrates. So that,\nwhen the others commended Philip for his able speaking, his beautiful\nperson, nay, and also for his good companionship in drinking,\nDemosthenes could not refrain from cavilling at these praises;\nthe first, he said, was a quality which might well enough become a\nrhetorician, the second a woman, and the last was only the property of a\nsponge; no one of them was the proper commendation of a prince.\n\nNot long after, he undertook an embassy through the States of Greece,\nwhich he solicited and so far incensed against Philip, that a few only\nexcepted, he brought them all into a general league. So that, besides\nthe forces composed of the citizens themselves, there was an army\nconsisting of fifteen\n\nthousand foot and two thousand horse, and the money to pay these\nstrangers was levied and brought in with great cheerfulness. On which\noccasion it was, says Theophrastus, on the allies requesting that their\ncontributions for the war might be ascertained and stated, Crobylus, the\norator, made use of the saying, \"War can't be fed at so much a day.\" Now\nwas all Greece up in arms, and in great expectation what would be the\nevent. The Euboeans, the Achaeans, the Corinthians, the Megarians, the\nLeucadians, and Corcyraeans, their people and their cities, were all\njoined together in a league. But the hardest task was yet behind, left\nfor Demosthenes, to draw the Thebans into this confederacy with the\nrest. Their country bordered next upon Attica, they had great forces for\nthe war, and at that time they were accounted the best soldiers of all\nGreece, but it was no easy matter to make them break with Philip, who\nby many good offices, had so lately obliged them in the Phocian war;\nespecially considering how the subjects of dispute and variance between\nthe two cities were continually renewed and exasperated by petty\nquarrels, arising out of the proximity of their frontiers.\n\nBut after Philip, puffed up with his good success at Amphissa, on a\nsudden surprised Elatea and possessed himself of Phocis, the Athenians\nwere in a great consternation, none durst venture to rise up to\nspeak, all were at a loss, and the whole assembly was in silence and\nperplexity. In this extremity of affairs, Demosthenes was the only man\nwho appeared, his counsel to them being alliance with the Thebans. And\nhaving in other ways encouraged the people, and, as his manner was,\nraised their spirits up with hopes, he, with some others was sent\nambassador to Thebes. To oppose him, as Marsyas says, Philip also sent\nthither his envoys. Now the Thebans, in their consultations, were well\nenough aware what suited best with their own interest, but every one\nhad before his eye the terrors of war, and their losses in the Phocian\ntroubles were still recent: but such was the force and power of the\norator, fanning up their courage, and firing their emulation, that,\ncasting away every thought of prudence, fear, or obligation, in a sort\nof divine possession, they chose the path of honor, to which his words\ninvited them. And this success, thus accomplished by an orator,\nwas thought to be so glorious and of such consequence, that Philip\nimmediately sent heralds to treat and petition for a peace: all Greece\nwas aroused, and up in arms to help. And the commanders-in-chief, not\nonly of Attica, but of Boeotia, applied themselves to Demosthenes, and\nobserved his directions. He managed all the assemblies of the Thebans,\nno less than those of the Athenians; he was beloved both by the one and\nby the other, and exercised the same supreme authority with both; and\nthat not by unfair means, or without just cause, but it was no more than\nwas due to his merit.\n\nBut there was, it should seem, some divinely-ordered fortune,\ncommissioned, in the revolution of things, to put a period at this time\nto the liberty of Greece, which opposed and thwarted all their actions,\nand by many signs foretold what should happen. Such were the sad\npredictions uttered by the Pythian priestess, and this old oracle cited\nout of the Sibyl's verses:\n\n     The battle on Thermodon that shall be\n     Safe at a distance I desire to see,\n     Far, like an eagle, watching in the air.\n     Conquered shall weep, and conqueror perish there.\n\nThis Thermodon, they say, is a little rivulet here in our country in\nChaeronea, running into the Cephisus. But we know of none that is so\ncalled at the present time; and can only conjecture that the streamlet\nwhich is now called Haemon, and runs by the Temple of Hercules,\nwhere the Greeks were encamped, might perhaps in those days be called\nThermodon.\n\nBut of Demosthenes it is said, that he had such great confidence in\nthe Greek forces, and was so excited by the sight of the courage and\nresolution of so many brave men ready to engage the enemy, that he would\nby no means endure they should give any heed to oracles, or hearken to\nprophecies, but gave out that he suspected even the prophetess herself,\nas if she had been tampered with to speak in favor of Philip. He put the\nThebans in mind of Epaminondas, the Athenians of Pericles, who always\ntook their own measures and governed their actions by reason, looking\nupon things of this kind as mere pretexts for cowardice. Thus far,\ntherefore, Demosthenes acquitted himself like a brave man. But in the\nfight he did nothing honorable, nor was his performance answerable\nto his speeches. For he fled, deserting his place disgracefully, and\nthrowing away his arms, not ashamed, as Pytheas observed, to belie\nthe inscription written on his shield, in letters of gold, \"With good\nfortune.\"\n\nIn the meantime Philip, in the first moment of victory, was so\ntransported with joy, that he grew extravagant, and going out, after he\nhad drunk largely, to visit the dead bodies, he chanted the first words\nof the decree that had been passed on the motion of Demosthenes,\n\n     The motion of Demosthenes, Demosthenes's son,\n\n     dividing it metrically into feet, and marking the beats.\n\nBut when he came to himself, and had well considered the danger he was\nlately under, he could not forbear from shuddering at the wonderful\nability and power of an orator who had made him hazard his life and\nempire on the issue of a few brief hours. The fame of it also\nreached even to the court of Persia, and the king sent letters to his\nlieutenants, commanding them to supply Demosthenes with money, and to\npay every attention to him, as the only man of all the Greeks who was\nable to give Philip occupation and find employment for his forces near\nhome, in the troubles of Greece.\n\nAt this time, however, upon the ill success which now happened to the\nGreeks, those of the contrary faction in the commonwealth turned upon\nDemosthenes, and took the opportunity to frame several informations and\nindictments against him. But the people not only acquitted him of these\naccusations, but continued towards him their former respect, and when\nthe bones of those who had been slain at Chaeronea were brought home\nto be solemnly interred, Demosthenes was the man they chose to make the\nfuneral oration. The speech, therefore, was spoken by Demosthenes. But\nthe subsequent decrees he would not allow to be passed in his own name,\nbut made use of those of his friends, one after another, looking upon\nhis own as unfortunate and inauspicious; till at length he took courage\nagain after the death of Philip, who did not long outlive his victory at\nChaeronea. And this, it seems, was that which was foretold in the last\nverse of the oracle,\n\n     Conquered shall weep, and conqueror perish there.\n\nDemosthenes had secret intelligence of the death of Philip, and laying\nhold of this opportunity to prepossess the people with courage and\nbetter hopes for the future, he came into the assembly with a cheerful\ncountenance, pretending to have had a dream that presaged some great\ngood fortune for Athens; and, not long after, arrived the messengers who\nbrought the news of Philip's death. No sooner had the people received\nit, but immediately they offered sacrifice to the gods, and decreed\nthat Pausanias should be presented with a crown. Demosthenes appeared\npublicly in a rich dress, with a chaplet on his head, though it were\nbut the seventh day since the death of his daughter, as is said by\nAeschines, who upbraids him upon this account, and rails at him as\none void of natural affection towards his children. Whereas, Aeschines\nrather betrays himself to be of a poor spirit, if he really means\nto make wailings and lamentation the only signs of a gentle and\naffectionate nature. I must commend the behavior of Demosthenes, who\nleaving tears and lamentations and domestic sorrows to the women, made\nit his business to attend to the interests of the commonwealth.\n\nBut now to return to my narrative. The cities of Greece were inspirited\nonce more by the efforts of Demosthenes to form a league together. The\nThebans, whom he had provided with arms, set upon their garrison, and\nslew many of them; the Athenians made preparations to join their forces\nwith them; Demosthenes ruled supreme in the popular assembly, and wrote\nletters to the Persian officers who commanded under the king in Asia,\ninciting them to make war upon the Macedonian, calling him child and\nsimpleton. But as soon as Alexander had settled matters in his own\ncountry, and come in person with his army into Boeotia, down fell the\ncourage of the Athenians, and Demosthenes was hushed; the Thebans,\ndeserted by them, fought by themselves, and lost their city. After\nwhich, the people of Athens, all in distress and great perplexity,\nresolved to send ambassadors to Alexander, and amongst others, made\nchoice of Demosthenes for one; but his heart failing him for fear of the\nking's anger, he returned back from Cithaeron, and left the embassy. In\nthe mean time, Alexander sent to Athens, requiring eight of the\norators to be delivered up to him,--Demosthenes, Polyeuctus, Ephialtes,\nLycurgus, Moerocles, Demon, Callisthenes, and Charidemus. It was upon\nthis occasion that Demosthenes related to them the fable in which the\nsheep are said to deliver up their dogs to the wolves; himself and\nthose who with him contended for the people's safety, being, in his\ncomparison, the dogs that defended the flock, and Alexander \"the\nMacedonian arch wolf.\" He further told them, \"As we see corn-dealers\nsell their whole stock by a few grains of wheat which they carry about\nwith them in a dish, as a sample of the rest, so you, by delivering\nup us, who are but a few, do at the same time unawares surrender up\nyourselves all together with us.\" The Athenians were deliberating, and\nat a loss what to do, when Demades, having agreed with the persons whom\nAlexander had demanded, for five talents, undertook to go ambassador,\nand to intercede with the king for them; and, whether it was that he\nrelied on his friendship and kindness, or that he hoped to find him\nsatiated, as a lion glutted with slaughter, he certainly went, and\nprevailed with him both to pardon the men, and to be reconciled to the\ncity.\n\nSo he and his friends, when Alexander went away, were great men, and\nDemosthenes was quite put aside. Yet when Agis, the Spartan, made his\ninsurrection, he also for a short time attempted a movement in his\nfavor; but he soon shrunk back again, as the Athenians would not\ntake any part in it, and, Agis being slain, the Lacedaemonians were\nvanquished. During this time it was that the indictment against\nCtesiphon, concerning the Crown, was brought to trial. The action was\ncommenced a little before the battle in Chaeronea, when Chaerondas\nwas archon, but it was not proceeded with till about ten years after,\nAristophon being then archon. Never was any public cause more celebrated\nthan this, alike for the fame of the orators, and for the generous\ncourage of the judges, who, though at that time the accusers of\nDemosthenes, were in the height of power, and supported by all the\nfavor of the Macedonians, yet would not give judgment against him, but\nacquitted him so honorably, that Aeschines did not obtain the fifth part\nof their suffrages on his side, so that, immediately after, he left\nthe city, and spent the rest of his life in teaching rhetoric about the\nisland of Rhodes, and upon the continent in Ionia.\n\nIt was not long after that Harpalus fled from Alexander, and came to\nAthens out of Asia; knowing himself guilty of many misdeeds into which\nhis love of luxury had led him, and fearing the king, who was now grown\nterrible even to his best friends. Yet this man had no sooner addressed\nhimself to the people, and delivered up his goods, his ships, and\nhimself to their disposal, but the other orators of the town had their\neyes quickly fixed upon his money, and came in to his assistance,\npersuading the Athenians to receive and protect their suppliant.\nDemosthenes at first gave advice to chase him out of the country, and\nto beware lest they involved their city in a war upon an unnecessary and\nunjust occasion. But some few days after, as they were taking an account\nof the treasure, Harpalus, perceiving how much he was pleased with a cup\nof Persian manufacture, and how curiously he surveyed the sculpture and\nfashion of it, desired him to poise it in his hand, and consider the\nweight of the gold. Demosthenes, being amazed to feel how heavy it was\nasked him what weight it came to. \"To you,\" said Harpalus, smiling, \"it\nshall come with twenty talents.\" And presently after, when night drew\non, he sent him the cup with so many talents. Harpalus, it seems, was a\nperson of singular skill to discern a man's covetousness by the air of\nhis countenance, and the look and movement of his eyes. For Demosthenes\ncould not resist the temptation, but admitting the present, like an\narmed garrison, into the citadel of his house, he surrendered himself up\nto the interest of Harpalus. The next day he came into the assembly with\nhis neck swathed about with wool and rollers, and when they called on\nhim to rise up and speak, he made signs as if he had lost his voice. But\nthe wits, turning the matter to ridicule, said that certainly the orator\nhad been seized that night with no other than a silver quinsy. And soon\nafter, the people, becoming aware of the bribery, grew angry, and would\nnot suffer him to speak, or make any apology for himself, but ran him\ndown with noise; and one man stood up and cried out, \"What, ye men of\nAthens, will you not hear the cup-bearer?\" So at length they banished\nHarpalus out of the city; and fearing lest they should be called to\naccount for the treasures which the orators had purloined, they made a\nstrict inquiry, going from house to house.\n\nDemosthenes resisted the inquisition, and proposed a decree to refer the\nbusiness to the court of Areopagus, and to punish those whom that court\nshould find guilty. But being himself one of the first whom the court\ncondemned, when he came to the bar, he was fined fifty talents, and\ncommitted to prison; where, out of shame of the crime for which he was\ncondemned, and through the weakness of his body, growing incapable of\nsupporting the confinement, he made his escape, by the carelessness of\nsome and by the connivance of others of the citizens. He did not show\nmuch fortitude in his banishment, spending his time for the most part\nin Aegina and Troezen, and, with tears in his eyes, looking towards the\ncountry of Attica. The young men that came to visit and converse with\nhim, he deterred from meddling with state affairs, telling them, that\nif at first two ways had been proposed to him, the one leading to the\nspeaker's stand and the assembly, the other going direct to destruction,\nand he could have foreseen the many evils which attend those who deal in\npublic business, such as fears, envies, calumnies, and contentions, he\nwould certainly have taken that which led straight on to his death.\n\nBut now happened the death of Alexander, while Demosthenes was in this\nbanishment which we have been speaking of. And the Greeks were once\nagain up in arms, encouraged by the brave attempts of Leosthenes, who\nwas then drawing a circumvallation about Antipater, whom he held close\nbesieged in Lamia. Pytheas, therefore, the orator, and Callimedon,\ncalled the Crab, fled from Athens, and taking sides with Antipater, went\nabout with his friends and ambassadors to keep the Greeks from revolting\nand taking part with the Athenians. But, on the other side, Demosthenes,\nassociating himself with the ambassadors that came from Athens, used\nhis utmost endeavors and gave them his best assistance in persuading the\ncities to fall unanimously upon the Macedonians, and to drive them out\nof Greece. With this conduct the people of Athens were so well pleased,\nthat they decreed the recall of Demosthenes from banishment. The decree\nwas brought in by Demon the Paeanian, cousin to Demosthenes. So they\nsent him a ship to Aegina, and he landed at the port of Piraeus, where\nhe was met and joyfully received by all the citizens, not so much as an\nArchon or a priest staying behind. And Demetrius, the Magnesian, says,\nthat he lifted up his hands towards heaven, and blessed this day of his\nhappy return, as far more honorable than that of Alcibiades; since he\nwas recalled by his countrymen, not through any force or constraint\nput upon them, but by their own good-will and free inclinations. There\nremained only his pecuniary fine, which, according to law, could not be\nremitted by the people. But they found out a way to elude the law. It\nwas a custom with them to allow a certain quantity of silver to those\nwho were to furnish and adorn the altar for the sacrifice of Jupiter\nSoter. This office, for that turn, they bestowed on Demosthenes, and for\nthe performance of it ordered him fifty talents, the very sum in which\nhe was condemned.\n\nYet it was no long time that he enjoyed his country after his return,\nthe attempts of the Greeks being soon all utterly defeated. And in the\nmonth of Pyanepsion following Demosthenes died after this manner.\n\nUpon the report that Antipater was coming to Athens, Demosthenes with\nhis party took their opportunity to escape privily out of the city; but\nsentence of death was, upon the motion of Demades, passed upon them by\nthe people. They dispersed themselves, flying some to one place, some\nto another; and Antipater sent about his soldiers into all quarters to\napprehend them. Archias, formerly an actor, was their captain, and\nwas thence called the exile-hunter. This Archias finding Hyperides the\norator, Aristonicus and Himeraeus in Aegina, took them by force out of\nthe temple of Aeacus, whither they had fled for safety, and sent them to\nAntipater, and put them all to death; and Hyperides, they say, had his\ntongue cut out.\n\nDemosthenes, he heard, had taken sanctuary at the temple of Neptune at\nCalauria, and, crossing over thither in some light vessels, as soon as\nhe had landed himself, and the Thracian spear-men that came with him, he\nendeavored to persuade Demosthenes to accompany him to Antipater, as\nif he should meet with no hard usage from him. But Demosthenes, in his\nsleep the night before, had a strange dream. It seemed to him that he\nwas acting a tragedy, and contended with Archias for the victory; and\nthough he acquitted himself well, and gave good satisfaction to the\nspectators, yet for want of better furniture and provision for the\nstage, he lost the day. And so, while Archias was discoursing to him\nwith many expressions of kindness, he sat still in the same posture,\nand looking up steadfastly upon him, said: \"O Archias, I am as little\naffected by your promises now as I used formerly to be by your acting.\"\nArchias at this beginning to grow angry and to threaten him, \"Now,\" said\nDemosthenes, \"you speak like the genuine Macedonian oracle; before you\nwere but acting a part. Therefore forebear only a little, while I write\na word or two home to my family.\" Having thus spoken, he withdrew into\nthe temple, and taking a scroll, as if he meant to write, he put the\nreed into his mouth, and biting it, as he was wont to do when he was\nthoughtful or writing, he held it there for some time. Then he bowed\ndown his head and covered it. The soldiers that stood at the door,\nsupposing all this to proceed from want of courage and fear of death,\nin derision called him effeminate, and faint-hearted, and coward. And\nArchias, drawing near, desired him to rise up, and repeating the same\nkind things he had spoken before, he once more promised him to make his\npeace with Antipater. But Demosthenes, perceiving that now the poison\nhad pierced and seized his vitals, uncovered his head, and fixing\nhis eyes upon Archias, \"Now,\" said he, \"as soon as you please you may\ncommence the part of Creon in the tragedy, and cast out this body of\nmine unburied. But, O gracious Neptune, I, for my part, while I am yet\nalive, arise up and depart out of this sacred place; though Antipater\nand the Macedonians have not left so much as thy temple unpolluted.\"\nAfter he had thus spoken and desired to be held up, because already he\nbegan to tremble and stagger, as he was going forward, and passing by\nthe altar, he fell down, and with a groan gave up the ghost.\n\nAriston says that he took the poison out of a reed, as we have shown\nbefore. And Eratosthenes also says that he kept the poison in a hollow\nring, which he wore about his arm. There are various other statements\nmade by the many authors who have related the story, but there is no\nneed to enter into their discrepancies; yet I must not omit what is said\nby Demochares, the relation of Demosthenes, who is of opinion, it was\nnot by the help of poison that he met with no sudden and so easy a\ndeath, but that by the singular favor and providence of the gods he\nwas thus rescued from the cruelty of the Macedonians. He died on\nthe sixteenth of Pyanepsion, the most sad and solemn day of the\nThesmophoria, which the women observe by fasting in the temple of the\ngoddess.\n\nSoon after his death, the people of Athens bestowed on him such honors\nas he had deserved. They erected his statue of brass; they decreed that\nthe eldest of his family should be maintained in the Prytaneum; and on\nthe base of his statue was engraven the famous inscription,--\n\n     Had you for Greece been strong, as wise you were,\n     The Macedonian had not conquered her.\n\nA little before we went to Athens, the following incident was said to\nhave happened. A soldier, being summoned to appear before his superior\nofficer, and answer to an accusation brought against him, put a little\ngold which he had into the hands of Demosthenes's statue. The fingers\nof this statue were folded one within another, and near it grew a small\nplane-tree, from which many leaves, either accidentally blown thither by\nthe wind, or placed so on purpose by the man himself, falling together,\nand lying round about the gold, concealed it for a long time. In the\nend, the soldier returned, and found his treasure entire, and the fame\nof this incident was spread abroad. And many ingenious persons of\nthe city competed with each other, on this occasion, to vindicate the\nintegrity of Demosthenes, in several epigrams which they made on the\nsubject.\n\nAs for Demades, he did not long enjoy the new honors he now came in\nfor, divine vengeance for the death of Demosthenes pursuing him into\nMacedonia, where he was justly put to death by those whom he had basely\nflattered.\n\n\n\n\nCICERO\n\nIt is generally said that Helvia, the mother of Cicero, was well born;\nbut of his father nothing is reported but in extremes. For whilst some\nwould have him the son of a fuller, and educated in that trade, others\ncarry back the origin of his family to Tullus Attius, an illustrious\nking of the Volscians, who waged war not without honor against the\nRomans. However, he who first of that house was surnamed Cicero seems\nto have been a person worthy to be remembered; since those who succeeded\nhim not only did not reject, but were fond of that name, though vulgarly\nmade a matter of reproach. For the Latins call a vetch Cicer, and a nick\nor dent at the tip of his nose, which resembled the opening in a vetch,\ngave him the surname of Cicero.\n\nCicero, whose story I am writing, is said to have replied with spirit to\nsome of his friends, who recommended him to lay aside or change the name\nwhen he first stood for office and engaged in politics, that he would\nmake it his endeavor to render the name of Cicero more glorious than\nthat of the Scauri and Catuli. And when he was quaestor in Sicily, and\nwas making an offering of silver plate to the gods, and had inscribed\nhis two names, Marcus and Tullius, instead of the third, he jestingly\ntold the artificer to engrave the figure of a vetch by them.\n\nCicero was born on the third of January, the same day on which now the\nmagistrates of Rome pray and sacrifice for the emperor. As soon as he\nwas of an age to begin to have lessons, he became so distinguished for\nhis talent, and got such a name and reputation amongst the boys, that\ntheir fathers would often visit the school, that they might see young\nCicero, and might be able to say that they themselves had witnessed the\nquickness and readiness in learning for which he was renowned. And the\nmore rude among them used to be angry with their children, to see them,\nas they walked together, receiving Cicero with respect into the middle\nplace. And being, as Plato would have the scholar-like and philosophical\ntemper, eager for every kind of learning, and indisposed to no\ndescription of knowledge or instruction, he showed, however, a more\npeculiar propensity to poetry; and there is a poem now extant, made\nby him when a boy, in tetrameter verse, called Pontius Glaucus.\nAnd afterwards, when he applied himself more curiously to these\naccomplishments, he had the name of being not only the best orator, but\nalso the best poet of Rome. And the glory of his rhetoric still remains,\nnotwithstanding the many new modes in speaking since his time; but his\nverses are forgotten and out of all repute, so many ingenious poets have\nfollowed him.\n\nLeaving his juvenile studies, he became an auditor of Philo the\nAcademic, whom the Romans, above all the other scholars of Clitomachus,\nadmired for his eloquence and loved for his character. He also sought\nthe company of the Mucii, who were eminent statesmen and leaders in the\nsenate, and acquired from them a knowledge of the laws. For some short\ntime he served in arms under Sylla, in the Marsian war. But perceiving\nthe commonwealth running into factions, and from faction all things\ntending to an absolute monarchy, he betook himself to a retired and\ncontemplative life, and conversing with the learned Greeks, devoted\nhimself to study, till Sylla had obtained the government.\n\nAt this time, Chrysogonus, Sylla's emancipated slave, having laid an\ninformation about an estate belonging to one who was said to have been\nput to death by proscription, had bought it himself for two thousand\ndrachmas. And when Roscius, the son and heir of the dead, complained,\nand demonstrated the estate to be worth two hundred and fifty talents,\nSylla took it angrily to have his actions questioned, and preferred\na process against Roscius for the murder of his father, Chrysogonus\nmanaging the evidence. None of the advocates durst assist him, but\nfearing the cruelty of Sylla, avoided the cause. The young man, being\nthus deserted, came for refuge to Cicero. Cicero's friends encouraged\nhim, saying he was not likely ever to have a fairer and more honorable\nintroduction to public life; he therefore undertook the defence, carried\nthe cause, and got much renown for it.\n\nBut fearing Sylla, he traveled into Greece, and gave it out that he did\nso for the benefit of his health. And indeed he was lean and meagre,\nand had such a weakness in his stomach that he could take nothing but\na spare and thin diet, and that not till late in the evening. His voice\nwas loud and good, but so harsh and ill-managed that in vehemence and\nheat of speaking he always raised it to so high a tone, that there\nseemed to be reason to fear for his health.\n\nAt Athens, he became a hearer of Antiochus of Ascalon, with whose\nfluency and elegance of diction he was much taken, although he did not\napprove of his innovations in doctrine. And Cicero made up his mind that\nif he should be disappointed of any employment in the commonwealth,\nto retire from pleading and politics, and pass his life quietly in the\nstudy of philosophy.\n\nBut after he had received the news of Sylla's death, and his body,\nstrengthened again by exercise, had grown vigorous, and his voice\nwas rendered sweet and full to the ear, his friends at Rome earnestly\nsolicited him by letters to return to public affairs. He, therefore,\nagain prepared for use his orator's instrument of rhetoric, and summoned\ninto action his political faculties, diligently exercising himself in\ndeclamations, and attending the most celebrated rhetoricians of the\ntime. He sailed from Athens for Asia and Rhodes. Among the Asian\nmasters, he conversed with Xenocles of Adramyttium, Dionysius of\nMagnesia, and Menippus of Caria; at Rhodes, he studied oratory\nwith Apollonius, the son of Molon, and philosophy with Posidonius.\nApollonius, we are told, not understanding Latin, requested Cicero to\ndeclaim in Greek. He complied willingly, thinking that his faults would\nthus be better pointed out to him. After he finished, all his other\nhearers were astonished, and vied with each other in praising him, but\nApollonius showed no signs of excitement while he was hearing him, and\nnow, when he had finished, sat musing for some time, without any remark.\nAnd when Cicero was discomposed at this, he said, \"You have my praise\nand admiration, Cicero, and Greece my pity and commiseration, since\nthose arts and that eloquence which are the only glories that remain to\nher, will now be transferred by you to Rome.\"\n\nAnd now when Cicero, full of expectation, was again bent upon political\naffairs, a certain oracle blunted the edge of his inclination; for\nconsulting the god of Delphi how he should attain most glory, the\nPythoness answered, \"By making your own genius and not the opinion of\nthe people the guide of your life;\" and therefore at first he passed his\ntime in Rome cautiously, and was very backward in pretending to public\noffices, so that he was at that time in little esteem, and had got the\nnames, so readily given by low and ignorant people in Rome, of Greek and\nScholar. But when his own desire of fame and the eagerness of his father\nand relations had made him take in earnest to pleading, he made no slow\nor gentle advance to the first place, but shone out in full lustre at\nonce, and far surpassed all the advocates at the bar. At first, it is\nsaid, he as well as Demosthenes, was defective in his delivery, and\non that account paid much attention to the instructions, sometimes of\nRoscius, the comedian, and sometimes of Aesop, the tragedian. They\ntell of this Aesop, that while representing in the theatre Atreus\ndeliberating the revenge of Thyestes, he was so transported beyond\nhimself in the heat of action, that he struck with his sceptre one of\nthe servants, who was running across the stage, so violently, that he\nlaid him dead upon the place. And such afterwards was Cicero's delivery,\nthat it did not a little contribute to render his eloquence persuasive.\nHe used to ridicule loud speakers, saying that they shouted because they\ncould not speak, like lame men who get on horseback because they cannot\nwalk. And his readiness and address in wit and sarcasm were thought to\nsuit a pleader well.\n\nHe was appointed quaestor in a great scarcity of corn, and had Sicily\nfor his province, where, at first, he displeased many, by compelling\nthem to send in their provisions to Rome, yet after they had had\nexperience of his care, justice, and clemency, they honored him more\nthan ever they did any of their governors before. It happened, also,\nthat some young Romans of good and noble families, charged with neglect\nof discipline and misconduct in military service, were brought before\nthe praetor in Sicily. Cicero undertook their defence, which he\nconducted admirably, and got them acquitted. So returning to Rome with\na great opinion of himself for these things, a ludicrous incident befell\nhim, as he tells us himself. Meeting an eminent citizen in Campania,\nwhom he accounted his friend, he asked him what the Romans said and\nthought of his actions, as if the whole city had been filled with the\nglory of what he had done. His friend asked him in reply, \"Where is it\nyou have been, Cicero?\" Utterly mortified and cast down, he perceived\nthat the report of his actions had sunk into the city of Rome as into an\nimmense ocean, without any visible effect or result in reputation.\n\nOn beginning to apply himself more resolutely to public business,\nhe remarked it as unreasonable that artificers, using vessels and\ninstruments inanimate, should know the name, place, and use of every\none of them, and yet the statesman, whose instruments for carrying\nout public measures are men, should be negligent and careless in the\nknowledge of persons. And so he not only acquainted himself with the\nnames, but also knew the very place where every one of the more eminent\ncitizens dwelt, what lands he possessed, his friends and his neighbors,\nand when he traveled on any road in Italy, he could readily name\nand show the estates and seats of his acquaintances. Having a small\ncompetency for his own expenses, it was much wondered at that he took\nneither fees nor gifts from his clients, and especially, that he did not\ndo so when he undertook the prosecution of Verres. This Verres, who had\nbeen praetor of Sicily, and stood charged by the Sicilians with many\nevil practices during his government there, Cicero succeeded in getting\ncondemned, not by speaking, but, as it were, by holding his tongue.\nFor the praetors, favoring Verres, had deferred the trial by several\nadjournments to the last day, in which it was evident there could not be\nsufficient time for the advocates to be heard, and the cause brought to\nan issue. Cicero, therefore, came forward, and said there was no need of\nspeeches; and after producing and examining witnesses, he required the\njudges to proceed to sentence. Many witty sayings are on record, as\nhaving been used by Cicero on the occasion. When a man named Caecilius,\none of the freed slaves, who was said to be given to Jewish practices,\nwould have put by the Sicilians, and undertaken the prosecution of\nVerres himself, Cicero asked, \"What has a Jew to do with swine?\" verres\nbeing the Roman word for a boar. And when Verres began to reproach\nCicero with effeminate living, \"You ought,\" replied he, \"to use this\nlanguage at home, to your sons;\" Verres having a son who had fallen\ninto disgraceful courses. Hortensius, the orator, not daring directly to\nundertake the defence of Verres, was yet persuaded to appear for him at\nthe laying on of the fine, and received an ivory sphinx for his reward;\nand when Cicero, in some passage of his speech, obliquely reflected\non him, and Hortensius told him he was not skilful in solving riddles,\n\"No,\" said Cicero, \"and yet you have the Sphinx in your house!\"\n\nVerres was thus convicted; though Cicero, who set the fine at\nseventy-five myriads, lay under the suspicion of being corrupted by\nbribery to lessen the sum. But the Sicilians, in testimony of their\ngratitude, came and brought him all sorts of presents from the island,\nwhen he was aedile; of which he made no private profit himself, but used\ntheir generosity only to reduce the public price of provisions.\n\nHe had a very pleasant seat at Arpi, he had also a farm near Naples, and\nanother near Pompeii, but none were of any great value. The portion of\nhis wife, Terentia, amounted to ten myriads, and he had a bequest\nvalued at nine myriads of denarii: upon these he lived in a liberal\nbut temperate style, with the learned Greeks and Romans that were his\nfamiliars. He rarely, if at any time, sat down to meat till sunset,\nand that not so much on account of business as for his health and the\nweakness of his stomach. He was otherwise in the care of his body nice\nand delicate, appointing himself, for example, a set number of walks\nand rubbings. And after this manner managing the habit of his body, he\nbrought it in time to be healthful, and capable of supporting many great\nfatigues and trials. His father's house he made over to his brother,\nliving himself near the Palatine Hill, that he might not give the\ntrouble of long journeys to those that made suit to him. And, indeed,\nthere were not fewer daily appearing at his door, to do their court to\nhim, than there were that came to Crassus for his riches, or to Pompey\nfor his power among the soldiers, these being at that time the two men\nof the greatest repute and influence in Rome. Nay, even Pompey himself\nused to pay court to Cicero, and Cicero's public actions did much to\nestablish Pompey's authority and reputation in the state.\n\nNumerous distinguished competitors stood with him for the praetor's\noffice; but he was chosen before them all, and managed the decision of\ncauses with justice and integrity. It is related that Licinius Macer,\na man himself of great power in the city, and supported also by the\nassistance of Crassus, was accused before him of extortion, and that, in\nconfidence on his own interest and the diligence of his friends, whilst\nthe judges were debating about the sentence, he went to his house,\nwhere hastily trimming his hair and putting on a clean gown, as already\nacquitted, he was setting off again to go to the Forum; but at his hall\ndoor meeting Crassus, who told him that he was condemned by all\nthe votes, he went in again, threw himself upon his bed, and died\nimmediately. This verdict was considered very creditable to Cicero, as\nshowing his careful management of the courts of justice.\n\nYet he was preferred to the consulship no less by the nobles than\nthe common people for the good of the city; and both parties jointly\nassisted his promotion, for the following reasons. The change of\ngovernment made by Sylla, which at first seemed a senseless one, by time\nand usage had now come to be considered by the people no unsatisfactory\nsettlement. But there were some that endeavored to alter and subvert the\nwhole present state of affairs, not from any good motives, but for their\nown private gain; and Pompey being at this time employed in the wars\nwith the kings of Pontus and Armenia, there was no sufficient force\nat Rome to suppress any attempts at a revolution. These people had\nfor their head a man of bold, daring, and restless character, Lucius\nCatiline, who was accused, besides other great offences, of killing his\nown brother; and fearing to be prosecuted at law, he persuaded Sylla to\nset his brother down, as though he were yet alive, amongst those\nthat were to be put to death by proscription. This man the profligate\ncitizens choosing for their captain, gave faith to one another, amongst\nother pledges, by sacrificing a man and eating of his flesh; and a great\npart of the young men of the city were corrupted by him, he providing\nfor every one pleasures and drink, and profusely supplying the expense\nof their debauches. Etruria, moreover, had all been excited to revolt,\nas well as a great part of Gaul within the Alps. But Rome itself was\nin the most dangerous inclination to change on account of the unequal\ndistribution of wealth and property, those of highest rank and greatest\nspirit having impoverished themselves by shows, entertainments, running\nfor office, and sumptuous buildings, and the riches of the city had thus\nfallen into the hands of mean and low-born persons. So that it required\nbut a slight impetus to set all in motion, it being in the power of any\ndaring man to overturn a sickly commonwealth.\n\nCatiline, however, being desirous of procuring a strong position to\ncarry out his designs, stood for the consulship, and had great hopes\nof success, thinking he should be appointed, with Caius Antonius as his\ncolleague, who was a man fit to lead neither in a good cause nor in\na bad one, but might be a valuable accession to another's power. The\ngreater part of the good and honest citizens apprehending these things,\nput Cicero upon standing for the consulship; whom the people readily\nreceiving, Catiline was put by, so that he and Caius Antonius were\nchosen, although amongst the competitors he was the only man descended\nfrom the father of the equestrian, and not of the senatorial, order.\n\nThough the designs of Catiline were not yet publicly known, yet\nconsiderable trouble immediately followed Cicero's entrance upon the\nconsulship. For, on the one side, those who were disqualified by\nthe laws of Sylla from holding any public offices, being neither\ninconsiderable in power nor in number, came forward as candidates and\nentreated the people; on the other hand, the tribunes of the people\nproposed laws to the same purpose, constituting a commission of ten\npersons, with unlimited powers, in whom as supreme governors should be\nvested the right of selling the public lands of all Italy and Syria and\nPompey's new conquests, of judging and banishing whom they pleased, of\nplanting colonies, of taking money out of the treasury, and of levying\nand paying what soldiers should be though needful. And several of the\nnobility favored this law, but especially Caius Antonius, Cicero's\ncolleague, in hopes of being one of the ten. But what gave the greatest\nfear to the nobles was, that he was thought privy to the conspiracy of\nCatiline, and not to dislike it because of his great debts.\n\nCicero, endeavoring in the first place to provide a remedy against\nthis danger, procured a decree assigning to Antonius the province of\nMacedonia, he himself declining that of Gaul, which was offered to him.\nAnd this piece of favor so completely won over Antonius, that he was\nready to second, like a hired player, whatever Cicero said for the good\nof the country. And now, having made his colleague tame and tractable,\nhe could with greater courage attack the conspirators. Therefore, in the\nsenate, making an oration against the law of the ten commissioners, he\nso confounded those who proposed it, that they had nothing to reply.\n\nFor Cicero, it may be said, was the one man, above all others, who made\nthe Romans feel how great a charm eloquence lends to what is good, and\nhow invincible justice is if it be well presented. An incident occurred\nin the theatre, during his consulship, which showed what his speaking\ncould do. Formerly the knights of Rome were mingled in the theatre\nwith the common people, and took their places amongst them just as it\nhappened; but when Marcus Otho became praetor he distinguished them from\nthe other citizens, and appointed them special seats, which they still\nenjoy as their place in the theatre. This the common people took as\nan indignity done to them, and, therefore, when Otho appeared in the\ntheatre they hissed him; the knights, on the contrary, received him\nwith loud clapping. The people repeated and increased their hissing; the\nknights continued their clapping. Upon this, turning upon one another,\nthey broke out into insulting words, so that the theatre was in great\ndisorder. Cicero, being informed of it, came himself to the theatre, and\nsummoning the people into the temple of Bellona, he so effectually chid\nand chastised them for it, that, again returning into the theatre, they\nreceived Otho with loud applause, contending with the knights as to who\nshould give him the greatest demonstrations of honor and respect.\n\nThe conspirators with Catiline, at first cowed and disheartened, began\npresently to take courage again. And assembling together, they exhorted\none another boldly to undertake the design before Pompey's return. But\nthe old soldiers of Sylla were Catiline's chief stimulus to action.\nThey had been disbanded all about Italy, but the greatest number and the\nfiercest of them lay scattered among the cities of Etruria entertaining\nthemselves with dreams of new plunder and rapine among the hoarded\nriches of Italy. These, having for their leader Manlius, who had served\nwith distinction in the wars under Sylla, joined themselves to Catiline,\nand came to Rome to assist him with their suffrages at the election. For\nhe again aspired for the consulship, having resolved to kill Cicero in a\ntumult at the elections. The divine powers seemed to give intimation\nof the coming troubles, by earthquakes, thunderbolts and strange\nappearances. Nor was human evidence wanting, certain enough in itself,\nthough not sufficient to convict the noble and powerful Catiline.\nTherefore Cicero, deferring the day of election, summoned Catiline\ninto the senate, and questioned him as to the charges made against him.\nCatiline, believing there were many in the senate desirous of change,\nand to give a specimen of himself to the conspirators present, returned\nan audacious answer. \"What harm,\" said he, \"when I see two bodies, the\none lean and consumptive with a head, the other one great and strong\nwithout one, if I put a head to that body which wants one?\" This\ncovert representation of the senate and the people excited yet greater\napprehensions in Cicero. He put on armor, and was attended from his\nhouse by the noble citizens in a body; and a number of the young men\nwent with him into the Plain. Here, designedly letting his tunic slip\npartly off from his shoulders, he showed his armor underneath, and\ndiscovered his danger to the spectators, who, being much moved at it,\ngathered around about him for his defence. At length, Catiline was by\ngeneral suffrage again put by, and Silanus and Murena chosen consuls.\n\nNot long after this, Catiline's soldiers got together in a body in\nEtruria, and began to form themselves into companies, the day appointed\nfor the design being near at hand. About midnight, some of the principal\nand most powerful citizens of Rome, Marcus, Crassus, Marcus Marcellus,\nand Scipio Metellus went to Cicero's house, where, knocking at the gate,\nand calling up the porter, they commanded him to awake Cicero, and\ntell him they were there. The business was this: Crassus's porter after\nsupper had delivered to him letters brought by an unknown person. Some\nof them were directed to others, but one to Crassus, without a name;\nthis only Crassus read, which informed him that there was a great\nslaughter intended by Catiline, and advised him to leave the city. The\nothers he did not open, but went with them immediately to Cicero, being\naffrighted at the danger, and to free himself of the suspicion he lay\nunder for his familiarity with Catiline. Cicero, considering the matter,\nsummoned the senate at break of day. The letters he brought with him,\nand delivered them to those to whom they were directed, commanding\nthem to read them publicly; they all alike contained an account of\nthe conspiracy. And when Quintus Arrius, a man of praetorian dignity,\nrecounted to them, how soldiers were collecting in companies in Etruria,\nand Manlius was stated to be in motion with a large force, hovering\nabout those cities, in expectation of intelligence from Rome, the senate\nmade a decree to place all in the hands of the consuls, who should\nundertake the conduct of everything, and do their best to save the\nstate. This was not a common thing, but only done by the senate in cases\nof imminent danger.\n\nAfter Cicero had received this power, he committed all affairs outside\nto Quintus Metellus; but the management of the city he kept in his own\nhands. Such a numerous attendance guarded him every day when he went\nabroad that the greater part of the forum was filled with his train when\nhe entered it. Catiline, impatient of further delay, resolved himself to\nbreak forth and go to Manlius; but he commanded Marcius and Cethegus to\ntake their swords and go early in the morning to Cicero's gates, as if\nonly intending to salute him, and then to fall upon him and slay him. A\nnoble lady, Fulvia, coming by night, discovered this to Cicero, bidding\nhim beware of Cethegus and Marcius. They came by break of day, and being\ndenied entrance, made an outcry and disturbance at the gates, which\nexcited all the more suspicion. But Cicero, going forth, summoned the\nsenate into the temple of Jupiter Stator, which stands at the end of the\nSacred Street, going up to the Palatine. And when Catiline with others\nof his party also came, as though intending to make his defence, none of\nthe senators would sit by him, but all of them left the bench where he\nhad placed himself. And when he began to speak, they interrupted him\nwith outcries. At length, Cicero, standing up, commanded him to leave\nthe city; for, since one governed the commonwealth with words, the other\nwith arms, it was necessary that there should be a wall betwixt them.\nCatiline, therefore, immediately left the town, with three hundred\narmed men; and assuming, like a magistrate, the rods, axes, and military\nensigns, he went to Manlius, and having got together a body of near\ntwenty thousand men, with these he marched to the several cities,\nendeavoring to persuade or force them to revolt. It being now come to\nopen war, Antonius was sent forth to fight him.\n\nThe remainder of those in the city whom he had corrupted, Cornelius\nLentulus kept together and encouraged. He had the surname Sura, and was\na man of a noble family, but a dissolute liver, who for his debauchery\nwas formerly turned out of the senate, and was now holding the office of\npraetor for the second time, as the custom is with those who desire to\nregain the dignity of senator. It is said that he got the surname Sura\nupon this occasion; being quaestor in the time of Sylla, he had lavished\naway and consumed a great quantity of the public moneys, at which Sylla,\nbeing provoked, called him to give an account in the senate. He appeared\nwith great coolness and contempt, and said he had no account to give,\nbut they might take this, holding up the calf of his leg, as boys do at\nball, when they have missed. Upon which he was surnamed Sura, sura being\nthe Roman word for the calf of the leg. Being at another time prosecuted\nat law, and having bribed some of the judges, he escaped by only two\nvotes, and complained of the needless expense he had gone to in paying\nfor a second, as one would have sufficed to acquit him. This man, such\nin his own nature, and now inflamed by Catiline, false prophets and\nfortune-tellers had also corrupted with vain hopes, quoting to him\nfictitious verses and oracles, and proving from the Sibylline prophecies\nthat there were three of the name Cornelius designed by fate to be\nmonarchs of Rome; two of whom, Cinna and Sylla, had already fulfilled\nthe decree, and that divine fortune was now advancing with the gift of\nmonarchy for the remaining third Cornelius; and that therefore he\nought by all means to accept it, and not lose opportunity by delay, as\nCatiline had done.\n\nLentulus, therefore, designed no mean or trivial matter, for he had\nresolved to kill the whole senate, and as many other citizens as he\ncould, to fire the city, and spare nobody, except Pompey's children,\nintending to seize and keep them as pledges of his reconciliation with\nPompey. For there was then a common report that Pompey was on his way\nhomeward from his great expedition. The night appointed for the design\nwas one of the Saturnalia; swords, flax, and sulphur they carried\nand hid in the house of Cethegus; and providing one hundred men, and\ndividing the city into as many parts, they had allotted to every one\nsingly his proper place, so that in a moment, many kindling the fire,\nthe city might be in a flame all together. Others were appointed to stop\nup the aqueducts, and to kill those who should endeavor to carry water\nto put it out. While these plans were preparing, it happened that there\nwere two ambassadors from the Allobroges staying in Rome; a nation at\nthat time in a distressed condition, and very uneasy under the Roman\ngovernment. These Lentulus and his party, judging useful instruments to\nmove Gaul to revolt, admitted into the conspiracy, and they gave them\nletters to their own magistrates, and letters to Catiline; in those\nthey promised liberty, in these they exhorted Catiline to set all\nslaves free, and to bring them along with him to Rome. They sent also\nto accompany them to Catiline, one Titus, a native of Croton, who was to\ncarry those letters to him.\n\nThese counsels of inconsidering men, who conversed together over their\nwine, Cicero watched with sober industry and forethought, and with most\nadmirable sagacity, having several emissaries abroad, who observed\nand traced with him all that was done, and keeping also a secret\ncorrespondence with many who pretended to join in the conspiracy. He\nthus knew all the discourse which passed between them and the strangers;\nand lying in wait for them by night, he took the Crotonian with his\nletters, the ambassadors of the Allobroges acting secretly in concert\nwith him.\n\nBy break of day, he summoned the senate into the temple of Concord,\nwhere he read the letters and examined the informers. Junius Silanus\nfurther stated that several persons had heard Cethegus say that three\nconsuls and four praetors were to be slain; Piso, also, a person of\nconsular dignity, testified other matters of like nature; and Caius\nSulpicius, one of the praetors, being sent to Cethegus's house, found\nthere a quantity of darts and of armor, and a still greater number\nof swords and daggers, all recently whetted. At length, the senate,\ndecreeing indemnity to the Crotonian upon his confession of the whole\nmatter, Lentulus was convicted, abjured his office (for he was then\npraetor), and put off his robe edged with purple in the senate, changing\nit for another garment more agreeable to his present circumstances. He,\nthereupon, with the rest of his confederates present, was committed to\nthe charge of the praetors in free custody.\n\nIt being evening, and the common people in crowds expecting without,\nCicero went forth to them, and told them what was done, and then,\nattended by them, went to the house of a friend and near neighbor; for\nhis own was taken up by the women, who were celebrating with secret\nrites the feast of the goddess whom the Romans call the Good, and the\nGreeks, the Women's goddess. For a sacrifice is annually performed to\nher in the consul's house, either by his wife or mother, in the presence\nof the vestal virgins. And having got into his friend's house privately,\na few only being present, he began to deliberate how he should treat\nthese men. The severest and the only punishment fit for such heinous\ncrimes, he was somewhat shy and fearful of inflicting, as well from the\nclemency of his nature, as also lest he should be thought to exercise\nhis authority too insolently, and to treat too harshly men of the\nnoblest birth and most powerful friendships in the city; and yet, if he\nshould use them more mildly, he had a dreadful prospect of danger from\nthem. For there was no likelihood that, if they suffered less than\ndeath, they would be reconciled, but, rather, adding new rage to their\nformer wickedness, they would rush into every kind of audacity, while\nhe himself, whose character for courage already did not stand very high\nwith the multitude, would be thought guilty of the greatest cowardice\nand want of manliness.\n\nWhile Cicero was in doubt what course to take, a portent happened to\nthe women in their sacrificing. For on the altar, where the fire seemed\nwholly extinguished, a great and bright flame issued forth from the\nashes of the burnt wood; at which others were affrighted, but the holy\nvirgins called to Terentia, Cicero's wife, and bade her hasten to her\nhusband, and command him to execute what he had resolved for the good of\nhis country, for the goddess had sent a great light to the increase of\nhis safety and glory. Terentia, therefore, as she was otherwise in her\nown nature neither tender-hearted nor timorous, but a woman eager for\ndistinction (who, as Cicero himself says, would rather thrust herself\ninto his public affairs than communicate her domestic matters to him),\ntold him these things, and excited him against the conspirators. So also\ndid Quintus his brother, and Publius Nigidius, one of his philosophical\nfriends, whom he often made use of in his most weighty affairs of state.\n\nThe next day, a debate arising in the senate about the punishment of the\nmen, Silanus, being the first who was asked his opinion, said, it was\nfit that they should be all sent to prison, and there suffer the utmost\npenalty. With him all agreed in order till it came to Caius Caesar, who\nwas afterwards dictator. He was then but a young man, and only at the\noutset of his career, but had already directed his hopes and policy\nto that course by which he afterwards changed the Roman state into a\nmonarchy.\n\nWhen it came Caesar's turn to give his opinion, he stood up and proposed\nthat the conspirators should not be put to death, but their estates\nconfiscated, and their persons confined in such cities in Italy as\nCicero should approve, there to be kept in custody till Catiline was\nconquered. To this sentence, as it was the most moderate, and he that\ndelivered it a most powerful speaker, Cicero himself gave no small\nweight, for he stood up and, turning the scale on either side, spoke\nin favor partly of the former, partly of Caesar's sentence. And all\nCicero's friends, judging Caesar's sentence most expedient for Cicero,\nbecause he would incur the less blame if the conspirators were not put\nto death, chose rather the latter; so that Silanus, also, changing his\nmind, retracted his opinion, and said he had not declared for\ncapital, but only the utmost punishment, which to a Roman senator\nis imprisonment. The first man who spoke against Caesar's motion was\nCatulus Lutatius. Cato followed, and so vehemently urged in his speech\nthe strong suspicion about Caesar himself, and so filled the senate with\nanger and resolution, that a decree was passed for the execution of the\nconspirators. But Caesar opposed the confiscation of their goods, not\nthinking it fair that those who had rejected the mildest part of his\nsentence should avail themselves of the severest. And when many insisted\nupon it, he appealed to the tribunes, but they would do nothing; till\nCicero himself yielding, remitted that part of the sentence.\n\nAfter this, Cicero went out with the senate to the conspirators; they\nwere not all together in one place, but the several praetors had them,\nsome one, some another, in custody. And first he took Lentulus from the\nPalatine, and brought him by the Sacred Street, through the middle of\nthe market-place, a circle of the most eminent citizens encompassing and\nprotecting him. The people, affrighted at what was doing, passed along\nin silence, especially the young men; as if, with fear and trembling,\nthey were undergoing a rite of initiation into some ancient, sacred\nmysteries of aristocratic power. Thus passing from the market-place, and\ncoming to the gaol, he delivered Lentulus to the officer, and commanded\nhim to execute him; and after him Cethegus, and so all the rest in\norder, he brought and delivered up to execution. And when he saw many\nof the conspirators in the market-place, still standing together\nin companies, ignorant of what was done, and waiting for the night,\nsupposing the men were still alive and in a possibility of being\nrescued, he called out in a loud voice, and said, \"They did live\"; for\nso the Romans, to avoid inauspicious language, name those that are dead.\n\nIt was now evening, when he returned from the market-place to his own\nhouse, the citizens no longer attending him with silence, nor in order,\nbut receiving him, as he passed, with acclamations and applauses, and\nsaluting him as the savior and founder of his country. A bright light\nshone through the streets from the lamps and torches set up at the\ndoors, and the women showed lights from the tops of the houses, to honor\nCicero, and to behold him returning home with a splendid train of the\nprincipal citizens; amongst whom were many who had conducted great wars,\ncelebrated triumphs, and added to the possessions of the Roman empire,\nboth by sea and land. These, as they passed along with him, acknowledged\nto one another, that though the Roman people were indebted to several\nofficers and commanders of that age for riches, spoils, and power, yet\nto Cicero alone they owed the safety and security of all these, for\ndelivering them from so great and imminent a danger. For though it\nmight seem no wonderful thing to prevent the design, and punish the\nconspirators, yet to defeat the greatest of all conspiracies with so\nlittle disturbance, trouble, and commotion, was very extraordinary. For\nthe greater part of those who had flocked in to Catiline, as soon as\nthey heard of the fate of Lentulus and Cethegus, forsook him, and he\nhimself, with his remaining forces, joining battle with Antonius, was\ndestroyed with his army.\n\nAnd yet there were some who were very ready both to speak ill of Cicero,\nand to do him hurt for these actions; and they had for their leaders\nsome of the magistrates of the ensuing year, as Caesar, who was one of\nthe praetors, and Metellus and Bestia, the tribunes. These, entering\nupon their office some few days before Cicero's consulate expired, would\nnot permit him to make any address to the people, but, throwing the\nbenches before the Rostra, hindered his speaking, telling him he might,\nif he pleased, make the oath of withdrawal from office, and then come\ndown again. Cicero, accordingly, accepting the conditions, came forward\nto make his withdrawal; and silence being made, he recited his oath, not\nin the usual, but in a new and peculiar form, namely, that he had saved\nhis country, and preserved the empire; the truth of which oath all the\npeople confirmed with theirs. Caesar and the tribunes, all the more\nexasperated by this, endeavored to create him further trouble, and for\nthis purpose proposed a law for calling Pompey home with his army, to\nput an end to Cicero's usurpation. But it was a very great advantage for\nCicero and the whole commonwealth that Cato was at that time one of the\ntribunes. For he, being of equal power with the rest, and of greater\nreputation, could oppose their designs. He easily defeated their other\nprojects, and, in an oration to the people, so highly extolled Cicero's\nconsulate, that the greatest honors were decreed him, and he was\npublicly declared the Father of his Country, which title he seems to\nhave obtained, the first man who did so, when Cato applied it to him in\nthis address to the people.\n\nAt this time, therefore, his authority was very great in the city; but\nhe created himself much envy, and offended very many, not by any evil\naction, but because he was always lauding and magnifying himself. For\nneither senate, nor assembly of the people, nor court of judicature\ncould meet, in which he was not heard to talk of Catiline and Lentulus.\nIndeed, he filled his books and writings with his own praises, to such\nan excess as to render a style, in itself most pleasant and delightful,\nnauseous and irksome to his hearers. This ungrateful humor, like a\ndisease, always clove to him. Still, though fond of his own glory,\nhe was very free from envying others, but was, on the contrary,\nmost liberally profuse in commending both the ancients and his\ncontemporaries, as any one may see in his writings. He called Aristotle\na river of flowing gold, and said of Plato's Dialogues, that if Jupiter\nwere to speak, it would be in language like theirs. He used to call\nTheophrastus his special luxury. And being asked which of Demosthenes's\norations he liked best, he answered, \"The longest.\" And as for the\neminent men of his own time, either in eloquence or philosophy, there\nwas not one of them whom he did not, by writing or speaking favorably of\nhim, render more illustrious.\n\nAn example of his love of praise is the way in which sometimes, to\nmake his orations more striking, he neglected decorum and dignity.\nWhen Munatius, who had escaped conviction by his advocacy, immediately\nprosecuted his friend Sabinus, he said in the warmth of his resentment,\n\"Do you suppose you were acquitted for your own merits, Munatius, or was\nit not that I so darkened the case, that the court could not see your\nguilt?\" When from the Rostra he had made a eulogy on Marcus Crassus,\nwith much applause, and within a few days after again as publicly\nreproached him, Crassus called to him, and said, \"Did not you yourself\ntwo days ago, in this same place, commend me?\" \"Yes,\" said Cicero, \"I\nexercised my eloquence in declaiming upon a bad subject.\" At another\ntime, Crassus had said that no one of his family had ever lived beyond\nsixty years of age, and afterwards denied it, and asked, \"What should\nput it into my head to say so?\" \"It was to gain the people's favor,\"\nanswered Cicero; \"you knew how glad they would be to hear it.\" When\nVatinius, who had swellings in his neck, was pleading a cause, he called\nhim the tumid orator; and having been told by some one that Vatinius was\ndead, on hearing soon after that he was alive, he said, \"may the rascal\nperish, for his news not being true.\"\n\nUpon Caesar's bringing forward a law for the division of the lands in\nCampania amongst the soldiers, many in the senate opposed it; amongst\nthe rest, Lucius Gellius, one of the oldest men in the house, said it\nshould never pass whilst he lived. \"Let us postpone it,\" said Cicero,\n\"Gellius does not ask us to wait long.\" There was a man of the name of\nOctavius, suspected to be of African descent. He once said, when Cicero\nwas pleading, that he could not hear him; \"yet there are holes,\" said\nCicero, \"in your ears.\" When Metellus Nepos told him that he had ruined\nmore as a witness than he had saved as an advocate, \"I admit,\" said\nCicero, \"that I have more truth than eloquence.\" To a young man who was\nsuspected of having given a poisoned cake to his father, and who talked\nlargely of the invectives he meant to deliver against Cicero, \"Better\nthese,\" replied he, \"than your cakes.\" Publius Sextius, having amongst\nothers retained Cicero as his advocate in a certain cause, was yet\ndesirous to say all for himself, and would not allow anybody to speak\nfor him; when he was about to receive his acquittal from the judges, and\nthe ballots were passing, Cicero called to him, \"make haste, Sextius,\nand use your time; to-morrow you will be nobody.\" He cited Publius Cotta\nto bear testimony in a certain cause, one who affected to be thought a\nlawyer, though ignorant and unlearned; but when Cotta had said, \"I know\nnothing at all about the matter,\" Cicero answered: \"You think, perhaps,\nwe are asking you about a point of law.\" When Marcus Appius, in the\nopening of some speech in a court of justice, said that his friend had\ndesired him to employ industry, eloquence, and fidelity in that cause,\nCicero asked, \"And how have you had the heart not to accede to any one\nof his requests?\"\n\nOne Clodius, whom Cicero had vehemently opposed in an important trial,\nhaving got himself chosen one of the tribunes, immediately attacked\nCicero, endeavoring to incite everybody against him. The common people\nhe gained over with popular laws; to each of the consuls he decreed\nlarge provinces, to Piso, Macedonia, and to Gabinius, Syria. Of the\nthree men then in greatest power, Crassus was Cicero's open enemy,\nPompey indifferently made advances to both, and Caesar was going with\nan army into Gaul. To him, though not his friend, Cicero applied,\nrequesting an appointment as one of his lieutenants in the province.\nCaesar accepted him, and Clodius, perceiving that Cicero would thus\nescape his tribunician authority, professed to be inclinable to a\nreconciliation, made always a favorable mention of him, and addressed\nhim with kind expressions, as one who felt no hatred or ill-will, but\nwho merely wished to urge his complaints in a moderate and friendly\nway. By these artifices, he so freed Cicero of all his fears, that\nhe resigned his appointment to Caesar, and betook himself again to\npolitical affairs. At which Caesar being exasperated, joined the party\nof Clodius against him, and wholly alienated Pompey from him; he also\nhimself declared in a public assembly of the people, that he did not\nthink Lentulus and Cethegus, with their accomplices, were fairly and\nlegally put to death without being brought to trial. And this, indeed,\nwas the crime charged upon Cicero, and this impeachment he was summoned\nto answer. And so, as an accused man, and in danger for the result, he\nchanged his dress, and went round with his hair untrimmed, in the attire\nof a suppliant, to beg the people's grace. But Clodius met him in every\ncorner, having a band of abusive and daring fellows about him, who\nderided Cicero for his change of dress and his humiliation, and often,\nby throwing dirt and stones at him, interrupted his supplication to the\npeople.\n\nHowever, first of all, almost the whole equestrian order changed\ntheir dress with him, and no less than twenty thousand young gentlemen\nfollowed him with their hair untrimmed, and supplicating with him to the\npeople. And then the senate met, to pass a decree that the people should\nchange their dress as in time of public sorrow. But the consuls opposing\nit, and Clodius with armed men besetting the senate-house, many of the\nsenators ran out, crying aloud and tearing their clothes. But this sight\nmoved neither shame nor pity; Cicero must either fly or determine it by\nthe sword with Clodius. He entreated Pompey to aid him, who on purpose\nhad gone out of the way, and was staying at his country-house in the\nAlban hills; and first he sent his son-in-law Piso to intercede with\nhim, and afterwards set out to go himself. But Pompey being informed,\nwould not stay to see him, being ashamed at the remembrance of the many\nconflicts in the commonwealth which Cicero had undergone in his behalf,\nand how much of his policy he had directed for his advantage. But being\nnow Caesar's son-in-law, at his instance he had set aside all former\nkindness, and, slipping out at another door, avoided the interview.\nThus being forsaken by Pompey, and left alone to himself, he fled to\nthe consuls. Gabinius was rough with him, as usual, but Piso spoke more\ncourteously, desiring him to yield for a while to the fury of Clodius,\nand to await a change of times, and to be now, as before, his country's\nsavior from the peril of these troubles and commotions which Clodius was\nexciting.\n\nCicero, receiving this answer, consulted with his friends. Lucullus\nadvised him to stay, as being sure to prevail at last; others to fly,\nbecause the people would soon desire him again, when they should have\nenough of the rage and madness of Clodius. This last Cicero approved.\nBut first he took a statue of Minerva, which had been long set up and\ngreatly honored in his house, and carrying it to the capitol, there\ndedicated it, with the inscription, \"To Minerva, Patroness of Rome.\" And\nreceiving an escort from his friends, about the middle of the night\nhe left the city, and went by land through Lucania, intending to reach\nSicily.\n\nBut as soon as it was publicly known that he was fled, Clodius proposed\nto the people a decree of exile, and by his own order interdicted him\nfire and water, prohibiting any within five hundred miles in Italy to\nreceive him into their houses. Most people, out of respect for Cicero,\npaid no regard to this edict, offering him every attention, and\nescorting him on his way. But at Hipponium, a city of Lucania, now\ncalled Vibo, one Vibius, a Sicilian by birth, who, amongst may other\ninstances of Cicero's friendship, had been made head of the state\nengineers when he was consul, would not receive him into his house,\nsending him word that he would appoint a place in the country for his\nreception. Caius Vergilius, the praetor of Sicily, who had been on\nthe most intimate terms with him, wrote to him to forbear coming\ninto Sicily. Cicero, thoroughly disheartened at these things, went to\nBrundusium, whence he put forth with a prosperous wind, but a contrary\ngale blowing from the sea carried him back to Italy the next day. He\nput again to sea, and having reached Dyrrachium, on his coming to shore\nthere, it is reported that an earthquake and a convulsion in the sea\nhappened at the same time, signs which the diviners said intimated\nthat his exile would not be long, for these were prognostics of change.\nAlthough many visited him with respect, and the cities of Greece\ncontended with each other in honoring him, he yet continued\ndisconsolate, like an unfortunate lover, often casting his looks back\nupon Italy; and, indeed, he had become more humiliated and dejected\nby his misfortunes than any one could have expected in a man who had\ndevoted so much of his life to study and learning. And yet he often\ndesired his friends not to call him orator, but philosopher, because\nhe had made philosophy his business, and had only used rhetoric as an\ninstrument for attaining his objects in public life.\n\nClodius, having thus driven away Cicero, fell to burning his\nfarm-buildings and villas, and afterwards his city house, and built on\nthe site of it a temple to Liberty. The rest of his property he exposed\nfor sale by daily proclamation, but nobody came to buy. By this course\nhe became formidable to the noble citizens, and, being followed by the\ncommonalty, whom he had filled with insolence and licentiousness,\nhe began at last to try his strength against Pompey, some of whose\narrangements in the countries he conquered, he attacked. The disgrace\nof this made Pompey begin to reproach himself for his cowardice in\ndeserting Cicero, and, changing his mind, he now wholly set himself with\nhis friends to contrive his return. And when Clodius opposed it, the\nsenate made a vote that no public measure should be ratified or passed\nby them till Cicero was recalled. But when Lentulus was consul, the\ncommotions grew so high upon this matter, that the tribunes were wounded\nin the Forum, and Quintus, Cicero's brother, was left as dead, lying\nunobserved amongst the slain. The people began to change in their\nfeelings; and Annius Milo, one of their tribunes, was the first who had\nthe courage to summon Clodius to trial for acts of violence. Many of\nthe common people in Rome and the neighboring cities formed a party with\nPompey, who headed them in person, drove Clodius out of the Forum, and\nsummoned the people to pass their vote. And, it is said, the people\nnever passed any suffrage more unanimously than this. The senate, also,\nstriving to outdo the people, sent letters of thanks to those cities\nwhich had received Cicero with respect in his exile, and decreed that\nhis house and his country-places, which Clodius had destroyed, should be\nrebuilt at the public charge.\n\nThus Cicero returned sixteen months after his exile, and the cities were\nso glad, and the people so zealous to meet him, that his boast, that\nItaly had brought him on her shoulders home to Rome, was rather less\nthan the truth. And Crassus himself, who had been his enemy before his\nexile, went voluntarily to meet him, and was reconciled, as he said, to\nplease his son Publius, who was Cicero's affectionate admirer.\n\nCicero had not been long at Rome, when, taking the opportunity of\nClodius's absence, he went, with a great company, to the capitol, and\nthere tore and defaced the tribunician tables, in which were recorded\nthe acts done in the time of Clodius. And on Clodius calling him in\nquestion for this, he answered, that he, being of the patrician order,\nhad obtained the office of tribune against the law, and, therefore,\nnothing done by him was valid. Cato was displeased at this, and opposed\nCicero, not that he commended Clodius, but rather disapproved of his\nwhole administration; yet, he contended, that it was an irregular and\nviolent course for the senate to vote the illegality of so many decrees\nand acts, including those of Cato's own government in Cyprus and at\nByzantium. This occasioned a breach between Cato and Cicero, which,\nthough it did not come to open enmity, made a more reserved friendship\nbetween them.\n\nAfter this, Milo killed Clodius, and, being arraigned for the murder,\nhe procured Cicero for his advocate. The senate, fearing lest the\nquestioning of so eminent and high-spirited a citizen as Milo might\ndisturb the peace of the city, committed the superintendence of this\nand of the other trials to Pompey, who should undertake to maintain\nthe security alike of the city and of the courts of justice. Pompey,\ntherefore, went in the night, and occupying the high grounds about it,\nsurrounded the Forum with soldiers. Milo, fearing lest Cicero, being\ndisturbed by such an unusual sight, should conduct his cause the less\nsuccessfully, persuaded him to come in a litter into the Forum, and\nthere rest till the judges had taken their seats, and the court was\nfilled. For Cicero, it seems, not only wanted courage in arms, but, in\nhis speaking also, began with timidity, and in many cases scarcely left\noff trembling and shaking when he had got thoroughly into the current\nand the substance of his speech. Once when he had to defend Licinius\nMurena against the prosecution of Cato, being eager to outdo Hortensius,\nwho had made his plea with great applause, he took so little rest the\nnight before, and was so disordered with thought and over-watching, that\nhe spoke much worse than usual. And so now, on quitting his litter to\ncommence the cause of Milo, at the sight of Pompey, encamped, as it\nwere, with his troops, and seeing arms shining round about the Forum,\nhe was so confounded that he could hardly begin his speech, for the\ntrembling of his body and hesitancy of his tongue; whereas Milo,\nmeantime, was so bold and intrepid in his demeanor, that he disdained\neither to let his hair grow, or to put on the mourning habit. And this,\nindeed, seems to have been the principal cause of his condemnation. And\nCicero was thought not so much to have shown timidity for himself, as\nanxiety about his friend.\n\nWhen the outbreak between Caesar and Pompey came, Cicero wavered\npainfully between both, for he writes in his epistles, \"To which side\nshould I turn? Pompey has the fair and honorable plea for war; and\nCaesar, on the other hand, has managed his affairs better, and is more\nable to secure himself and his friends. So that I know whom I should\nfly from, not whom I should fly to.\" But when Trebatius, one of Caesar's\nfriends, by letter signified to him that Caesar thought it was his most\ndesirable course to join his side, but if he considered himself too\nold a man for this, he would do better to retire into Greece, and stay\nquietly there, out of the way of either party, Cicero, wondering that\nCaesar had not written himself, replied angrily that he should do\nnothing unbecoming his past life.\n\nBut as soon as Caesar had marched into Spain, he immediately sailed away\nto join Pompey. And he was welcomed by all but Cato; who, taking him\nprivately aside, chid him for coming to Pompey. As for himself, he said,\nit would have been indecent to forsake that part in the commonwealth\nwhich he had chosen from the beginning; but Cicero might have been\nmore useful to his country and friends, if, remaining neutral, he had\nattended and used his influence to moderate the result, instead of\ncoming hither to make himself, without reason or necessity, an enemy to\nCaesar, and a partner in such great dangers. By this language, Cicero's\nfeelings were altered, and partly, also, because Pompey made no great\nuse of him. Although he was himself really the cause of it, by his\nnot denying that he was sorry he had come, by his deprecating Pompey's\nresources, finding fault underhand with his counsels, and continually\nindulging in jests and sarcastic remarks on his fellow-soldiers.\n\nAfter the battle of Pharsalia was over, at which he was not present for\nwant of health, and Pompey had fled, Cato, having considerable\nforces and a great fleet at Dyrrachium, would have had Cicero\ncommander-in-chief, according to law, and the precedence of his consular\ndignity. But on his refusing the command, and wholly declining to take\npart in their plans for continuing the war, he was in the greatest\ndanger of being killed, young Pompey and his friends calling him\ntraitor, and drawing their swords upon him; only that Cato interposed,\nand with difficulty rescued and brought him out of the camp.\n\nAfterwards, arriving at Brundusium, he tarried there some time in\nexpectation of Caesar, who was delayed by his affairs in Asia and Egypt.\nAnd when it was told him that he had arrived at Tarentum, and was coming\nthence by land to Brundusium, he hastened towards him, not altogether\nwithout hope, and yet in some fear of making experiment of the temper of\nan enemy and conqueror in the presence of many witnesses. But there was\nno necessity for him either to speak or do anything unworthy of himself;\nfor Caesar, as soon as he saw him coming a good way before the rest of\nthe company, went forward to meet him, saluted him, and, leading the\nway, conversed with him alone for some furlongs. And from that time on\nhe continued to treat him with honor and respect, so that, when Cicero\nwrote an oration in praise of Cato, Caesar, in writing an answer to it,\ntook occasion to commend Cicero's own life and eloquence, comparing him\nto Pericles and Teramenes. Cicero's oration was called \"Cato\"; Caesar's,\n\"Anti-Cato.\"\n\nSo also, it is related that when Quintus Ligarius was prosecuted for\nhaving been in arms against Caesar, and Cicero had undertaken his\ndefence, Caesar said to his friends, \"Ligarius, without question, is a\nwicked man and an enemy. But why might we not as well once more hear\na speech from Cicero?\" yet when Cicero began to speak, he wonderfully\nmoved him, and proceeded in his speech with such varied pathos, and\nsuch a charm of language, that the color of Caesar's countenance often\nchanged, and it was evident that all the passions of his soul were in\ncommotion. And when at length, the orator touched upon the Pharsalian\nbattle, he was so affected that his whole frame trembled and some of the\npapers he held dropped out of his hands. And thus he was overpowered,\nand acquitted Ligarius.\n\nHenceforth, the commonwealth being changed into a monarchy, Cicero\nwithdrew himself from public affairs, and employed his leisure in\ninstructing those young men that wished, in philosophy; and by the near\nintercourse he thus had with some of the noblest and highest in rank,\nhe again began to possess great influence in the city. The work which he\nset himself to do was to compose and translate philosophical dialogues\nand to render logical and physical terms into the Roman idiom. For he\nit was, as it is said, who first or principally gave Latin names to\ntechnical Greek terms, which, either by metaphors or other means of\naccommodation, he succeeded in making intelligible to the Romans. For\nhis recreation, he exercised his dexterity in poetry, and when he was\nset to it, would make five hundred verses in a night. He spent the\ngreatest part of his time at his country-house near Tusculum.\n\nHe had a design, it is said, of writing the history of his country,\ncombining with it much of that of Greece, and incorporating in it all\nthe stories and legends of the past that he had collected. But his\npurposes were interfered with by various public and various private\nunhappy occurrences and misfortunes; for most of which he was himself in\nfault. For first of all, he put away his wife, Terentia, by whom he\nhad been neglected in the time of the war, and sent away destitute\nof necessaries for his journey; neither did he find her kind when he\nreturned into Italy, for she did not join him at Brundusium, where he\nstaid a long time, and would not allow her young daughter, who undertook\nso long a journey, decent attendance, or the requisite expenses;\nbesides, she left him a naked and empty house, and yet had involved him\nin many and great debts. These were alleged as the fairest reasons\nfor the divorce. But Terentia, who denied them all, had the most\nunmistakable defence furnished her by her husband himself, who not long\nafter married a young maiden for the love of her beauty, as Terentia\nupbraided him; or as Tiro, his emancipated slave, has written, for her\nriches, to discharge his debts. For the young woman was very rich, and\nCicero had the custody of her estate, being left guardian in trust; and\nbeing in debt many myriads of money, he was persuaded by his friends and\nrelations to marry her, notwithstanding their disparity of age, and\nto use her money to satisfy his creditors. Antony, who mentions this\nmarriage in his answer to the Phillippics, reproaches him for putting\naway a wife with whom he had lived to old age; adding some happy strokes\nof sarcasm on Cicero's domestic, inactive, unsoldier-like habits. Not\nlong after this marriage, his daughter died at Lentulus's house, to whom\nshe had been married after the death of Piso, her former husband. The\nphilosophers from all parts came to comfort Cicero; for his grief was so\nexcessive, that he put away his newly-married wife, because she seemed\nto be pleased at the death of Tullia.\n\nHe had no concern in the design that was now forming to kill Caesar,\nalthough, in general, he was Brutus's confidant.\n\nBut as soon as the act was committed by Brutus and Cassius, and the\nfriends of Caesar had assembled, so that there was danger of another\ncivil war, Antony, being consul, convened the senate, and made a short\naddress recommending concord. And Cicero, following with various remarks\nsuch as the occasion called for, persuaded the senate to imitate the\nAthenians, and decree an amnesty for what had been done in Caesar's\ncase, and to bestow provinces on Brutus and Cassius. But neither of\nthese things took effect. For as soon as the common people, who were\nnaturally inclined to pity, saw the dead body of Caesar borne through\nthe market-place, and Antony showing his clothes stained with blood, and\npierced through in every part with swords, they were enraged to such a\ndegree of frenzy, that they made a search for the murderers, and with\nfirebrands in their hands ran to their houses to burn them.\n\nAntony at this was in exultation, and every one was alarmed at the\nprospect that he would make himself sole ruler, and Cicero more than any\none else. For Antony, seeing his influence reviving in the commonwealth,\nand knowing how closely he was connected with Brutus, was ill-pleased\nto have him in the city. Besides, there had been some former jealousy\nbetween them, occasioned by the difference of their manners. Cicero,\nfearing the event, was inclined to go as lieutenant with Dolabella into\nSyria. But Hirtius and Pansa, consuls-elect as successors of Antony,\ngood men and lovers of Cicero, entreated him not to leave them,\nundertaking to put down Antony if he would stay in Rome. And he, neither\ndistrusting wholly, nor trusting them, let Dolabella go without him,\npromising Hirtius that he would go and spend his summer at Athens,\nand return again when he entered upon his office. So he set out on his\njourney; but some delay occurring in his passage, new intelligence,\nas often happens, came suddenly from Rome, that Antony had made an\nastonishing change, and was managing the public affairs in harmony with\nthe will of the senate, and that there wanted nothing but his presence\nto bring things to a happy settlement. Therefore, blaming himself for\nhis cowardice, he returned to Rome, and was not deceived in his hopes\nat the beginning. For such multitudes flocked out to meet him, that the\ncompliments and civilities which were paid him at the gates, and at this\nentrance into the city, took up almost a whole day's time.\n\nOn the morrow, Antony convened the senate, and summoned Cicero thither.\nBut he kept his bed, pretending to be ill from his journey; but the\ntrue reason seemed to be the fear of some design against him, upon a\nsuspicion and intimation given him on his way to Rome. Antony, however,\nshowed great offence at the affront, and sent soldiers, commanding them\nto bring him or burn his house; but many interceding and supplicating\nfor him, he was contented to accept sureties. Ever after when they met,\nthey passed one another in silence, and continued on their guard, till\nthe younger Caesar (Augustus), coming from Apollonia, entered on the\nfirst Caesar's inheritance, and was engaged in a dispute with Antony\nabout two thousand five hundred myriads of money, which Antony detained\nfrom the estate.\n\nUpon this, Philippus, who married the mother, and Marcellus, who married\nthe sister of young Caesar, came with the young man to Cicero, and\nagreed with him that Cicero should give them the aid of his eloquence\nand political influence with the senate and people, and Caesar give\nCicero the defence of his riches and arms. For the young man had\nalready a great party of the soldiers of Caesar about him. And Cicero's\nreadiness to join him was founded, it is said, on some yet stronger\nmotives; for it seems, while Pompey and Caesar were yet alive, Cicero,\nin his sleep, had fancied himself engaged in calling some of the sons\nof the senators into the capitol, Jupiter, according to the dream, being\nabout to declare one of them the chief ruler of Rome. The citizens,\nrunning up with curiosity, stood about the temple, and the youths,\nsitting in their purple-bordered robes, kept silence. On a sudden the\ndoors opened, and the youths, arising one by one in order, passed round\nthe god, who reviewed them all, and, to their sorrow, dismissed them;\nbut when this one was passing by, the god stretched forth his right hand\nand said, \"O ye Romans, this young man, when he shall be lord of Rome,\nshall put an end to all your civil wars.\" It is said that Cicero formed\nfrom his dream a distinct image of the youth, and retained it afterwards\nperfectly, but did not know who it was. The next day, going down into\nthe Campus Martius, he met the boys returning from their gymnastic\nexercises, and the first was he, just as he had appeared to him in his\ndream. Being astonished at it, he asked him who were his parents. And\nit proved to be this young Caesar, whose father was a man of no great\neminence, Octavius, and his mother, Attia, Caesar's sister's daughter;\nfor which reason, Caesar, who had no children, made him by will the\nheir of his house and property. From that time, it is said that Cicero\nstudiously noticed the youth whenever he met him, and he as kindly\nreceived the civility; and by fortune he happened to be born when Cicero\nwas consul.\n\nThese were the reasons spoken of; but it was principally Cicero's hatred\nof Antony, and a temper unable to resist honor, which fastened him to\nCaesar, with the purpose of getting the support of Caesar's power for\nhis own public designs. For the young man went so far in his court\nto him, that he called him Father; at which Brutus was so highly\ndispleased, that, in his epistles to Atticus he reflected on Cicero\nsaying, it was manifest, by his courting Caesar for fear of Antony,\nhe did not intend liberty to his country, but an indulgent master\nto himself. Notwithstanding, Brutus took Cicero's son, then studying\nphilosophy at Athens, gave him a command, and employed him in various\nways, with a good result. Cicero's own power at this time was at the\ngreatest height in the city, and he did whatsoever he pleased; he\ncompletely overpowered and drove out Antony, and sent the two consuls,\nHirtius and Pansa, with an army, to reduce him; and, on the other\nhand, persuaded the senate to allow Caesar the lictors and ensigns of a\npraetor, as though he were his country's defender. But after Antony was\ndefeated in battle, and the two consuls slain, the armies united, and\nranged themselves with Caesar. And the senate, fearing the young man,\nand his extraordinary fortune, endeavored by honors and gifts, to call\noff the soldiers from him, and to lessen his power; professing there was\nno further need of arms, now Antony was put to flight.\n\nThis gave Caesar a fright, and he privately sent friends to entreat\nCicero to procure the consular dignity for them both together; saying\nthat he should manage the affair as he pleased, should have the supreme\npower, and govern the young man who was only desirous of name and glory.\n\nAnd now, more than at any other time, Cicero let himself be carried away\nand deceived, though an old man, by the persuasions of a boy. He joined\nhim in soliciting votes, and procured the good-will of the senate, not\nwithout blame at the time on the part of his friends; and he, too, soon\nenough after, saw that he had ruined himself, and betrayed the liberty\nof his country. For the young man, once established, and possessed of\nthe office of consul, bade Cicero farewell; and reconciling himself\nwith Antony and Lepidus, joined his power with theirs, and divided the\ngovernment, like a piece of property, with them. Thus united, they made\na schedule of above two hundred persons who were to be put to death.\nBut the greatest contention in all their debates was on the question of\nCicero's case. Antony would come to no conditions, unless he should be\nthe first man to be killed. Lepidus held with Antony, and Caesar opposed\nthem both. They met secretly and by themselves, for three days together,\nnear the town of Bononia. The spot was not far from the camp, with a\nriver surrounding it. Caesar, it is said, contended earnestly for Cicero\nthe first two days; but on the third day he yielded, and gave him up.\nThe terms of their mutual concessions were these; that Caesar should\ndesert Cicero, Lepidus his brother Paulus, and Antony, Lucius Caesar,\nhis uncle by his mother's side. Thus they let their anger and fury take\nfrom them the sense of humanity, and demonstrated that no beast is more\nsavage than man, when possessed with power proportioned to his rage.\n\nWhile these things were contriving, Cicero was with his brother at his\ncountry-house near Tusculum; whence, hearing of the proscriptions, they\ndetermined to pass to Astura, a villa of Cicero's near the sea, and to\ntake shipping from there for Macedonia to Brutus, of whose strength in\nthat province news had already been heard. They traveled together in\ntheir separate litters, overwhelmed with sorrow; and often stopping on\nthe way till their litters came together, condoled with one another.\nBut Quintus was the more disheartened, when he reflected on his want of\nmeans for his journey; for, as he said, he had brought nothing with him\nfrom home. And even Cicero himself had but a slender provision. It was\njudged therefore most expedient that Cicero should make what haste he\ncould to fly, and Quintus return home to provide necessaries, and thus\nresolved, they mutually embraced, and parted with many tears.\n\nQuintus, within a few days after, was betrayed by his servants to those\nwho came to search for him, and slain, together with his young son. But\nCicero was carried to Astura, where, finding a vessel, he immediately\nwent on board of her, and sailed as far as Circaeum with a prosperous\ngale; but when the pilots resolved immediately to set sail from there,\nwhether he feared the sea, or did not wholly lose faith in Caesar, he\nwent on shore, and passed by land a hundred furlongs, as if he was going\nto Rome. But losing resolution and changing his mind, he again returned\nto the sea, and there spent the night in fear and perplexity. Sometimes\nhe resolved to go into Caesar's house privately, and there kill himself\nupon the altar of his household gods, to bring divine vengeance upon\nhim; but the fear of torture restrained him. And after passing through a\nvariety of confused and uncertain counsels, at last he let his servants\ncarry him by sea to Capitae, where he had a house, an agreeable place to\nretire to in the heat of summer, when the Etesian winds are so pleasant.\n\nThere was at that place a chapel of Apollo, not far from the sea-side,\nfrom which a flight of crows rose with a great noise, and made towards\nCicero's vessel as it rowed to land, and lighting on both sides of the\nyard, some croaked, others pecked the ends of the ropes. This was looked\nupon by all as an evil omen; and, therefore, Cicero went again ashore,\nand entering his house, lay down upon his bed to compose himself at\nrest. Many of the crows settled about the window, making a dismal\ncawing; but one of them alighted upon the bed where Cicero lay covered\nup, and with its bill, little by little pecked off the clothes from his\nface. His servants, seeing this, blamed themselves that they should\nstay to be spectators of their master's murder, and do nothing in his\ndefence, while the brute creatures came to assist and take care of him\nin his undeserved affliction; and therefore, partly by entreaty, partly\nby force, they took him up, and carried him in his litter toward the\nsea-side.\n\nBut in the meantime the assassins had come with a band of\nsoldiers--Herennius, a centurion, and Popillius, a tribune, whom Cicero\nhad formerly defended when prosecuted for the murder of his father.\nFinding the door shut, they broke them open, and when Cicero did not\nappear and those within said they did not know where he was, it is\nstated that a youth, who had been educated by Cicero in the liberal arts\nand sciences, an emancipated slave of his brother Quintus, Philologus\nby name, informed the tribune that the litter was on its way to the sea\nthrough the close and shady walks. The tribune, taking a few with\nhim, ran to the place where he was to come out. And Cicero, perceiving\nHerennius running in the walks, commanded his servants to set down the\nlitter; and stroking his chin, as he used to do, with his left hand, he\nlooked steadfastly upon his murderers, his person covered with dust, his\nbeard and hair untrimmed, and his face worn with his troubles. So that\nthe greatest part of those that stood by covered their faces whilst\nHerennius slew him. And thus was he murdered, stretching forth his neck\nout of the litter, being now in his sixty-fourth year. Herennius cut\noff his head, and, by Antony's command, his hands also, by which his\nPhilippics were written; for so Cicero styled those orations he wrote\nagainst Antony, and so they are called to this day.\n\nWhen these members of Cicero were brought to Rome, Antony was holding\nan assembly for the choice of public officers; and when he heard it, and\nsaw them, he cried out, \"Now let there be an end of our proscriptions.\"\nHe commanded his head and hands to be fastened up over the Rostra, where\nthe orators spoke; a sight which the Roman people shuddered to behold,\nand they believed they saw there not the face of Cicero, but the image\nof Antony's own soul.\n\nA long time after, Augustus, when visiting one of his daughter's\nsons, found him with a book of Cicero's in his hand. The boy for fear\nendeavored to hide it under his gown; but Caesar took it from him, and\nturning over a great part of the book standing, gave it to him again,\nand said, \"My child, this was a learned man, and a lover of his\ncountry.\" And immediately after he had vanquished Antony, being then\nconsul, he made Cicero's son his colleague in the office; and, under\nthat consulship, the senate took down all the statues of Antony, and\nabolished all the other honors that had been given him, and decreed that\nnone of that family should thereafter bear the name of Marcus; and thus\nthe final acts of the punishment of Antony were, by the divine powers,\ndevolved upon the family of Cicero.\n\n\n\n\nCOMPARISON OF DEMOSTHENES AND CICERO\n\nThese are the most memorable circumstances recorded in history of\nDemosthenes and Cicero which have come to our knowledge. But, omitting\nan exact comparison of their respective faculties in speaking, yet this\nseems fit to be said: That Demosthenes, to make himself a master in\nrhetoric, applied all the faculties he had, natural or acquired, wholly\nthat way; that he far surpassed in force and strength of eloquence in\npolitical and judicial speaking all his contemporaries, in grandeur and\nmajesty all the panegyrical orators, and in accuracy and science all the\nlogicians and rhetoricians of his day; that Cicero was highly educated,\nand by his diligent study became a most accomplished general scholar\nin all these branches, having left behind him numerous philosophical\ntreatises of his own on Academic principles; as, indeed, even in his\nwritten speeches, both political and judicial, we see him continually\ntrying to show his learning by the way. And one may discover the\ndifferent temper of each of them in their speeches. For Demosthenes's\noratory was, without all embellishment and jesting, wholly composed\nfor real effect and seriousness; not smelling of the lamp, as Pytheas\nscoffingly said, but of the temperance, thoughtfulness, austerity, and\ngrave earnestness of his temper. Whereas, Cicero's love of mockery\noften ran him into scurrility; and in his love of laughing away serious\narguments in judicial cases by jests and facetious remarks, with a view\nto the advantage of his clients, he paid too little regard to what was\ndecent. We are told that Cicero, being consul, undertook the defence of\nMurena against Cato's prosecution; and, by way of bantering Cato, made\na long series of jokes upon the absurd paradoxes, as they are called, of\nthe Stoic sect. When loud laughter passed from the crowd to the judges,\nCato, with a quiet smile, said to those that sat next to him, \"My\nfriends, what an amusing consul we have.\"\n\nAnd, indeed, Cicero was by natural temper very much disposed to\nmirth and pleasantry, and always appeared with a smiling and serene\ncountenance. But Demosthenes had constant care and thoughtfulness in his\nlook, and a serious anxiety which he seldom, if ever, laid aside; and,\ntherefore, was accounted by his enemies, as he himself confessed, morose\nand ill-mannered.\n\nAlso, it is very evident, out of their several writings, that\nDemosthenes never touched upon his own praises but decently and without\noffence when there was need of it, and for some weightier end. But\nCicero's immeasurable boasting of himself in his orations argues him\nguilty of an uncontrollable appetite for distinction, his cry being\nevermore that \"Arms should give place to the gown, and the soldier's\nlaurel to the tongue.\" And at last we find him extolling not only\nhis deeds and actions, but his orations, as well those that were only\nspoken, as those that were published.\n\nIt is necessary for a political leader to be an able speaker; but it is\nan ignoble thing for any man to admire the glory of his own eloquence.\nAnd, in this matter, Demosthenes had a more than ordinary gravity and\nmagnificence of mind, for he considered his talent in speaking nothing\nmore than a mere accomplishment and matter of practice, the success of\nwhich must depend greatly on the good-will and candor of his hearers,\nand regarded those who pride themselves on such accounts to be men of a\nlow and petty disposition.\n\nThe power of persuading and governing the people did, indeed, equally\nbelong to both, so that those who had armies and camps at command stood\nin need of their assistance; as Chares, Diopithes, and Leosthenes did\nthat of Demosthenes, and Pompey and young Caesar of Cicero's, as the\nlatter himself admits in his Memoirs addressed to Agrippa and Maecenas.\nBut what are thought and commonly said most to demonstrate and try the\ntempers of men, namely, authority and place, by moving every passion,\nand discovering every frailty, these are things which Demosthenes never\nreceived; nor was he ever in a position to give such proof of himself,\nhaving never obtained any eminent office, nor led any of those armies\ninto the field against Philip which he raised by his eloquence. Cicero,\non the other hand, was sent quaestor into Sicily, and proconsul into\nCilicia and Cappadocia, at a time when avarice was at the height, and\nthe commanders and governors who were employed abroad, as though they\nthought it a mean thing to steal, set themselves to seize by open force;\nso that it seemed no heinous matter to take bribes, but he that did it\nmost moderately was in good esteem. And yet he, at this time, gave the\nmost abundant proofs alike of his contempt of riches and of his humanity\nand good-nature. And at Rome, when he was created consul in name, but\nindeed received sovereign and dictatorial authority against Catiline and\nhis conspirators, he attested the truth of Plato's prediction, that then\nonly would the miseries of states be at an end, when by a happy fortune\nsupreme power, wisdom, and justice should be united in one.\n\nIt is said, to the reproach of Demosthenes, that his eloquence was\nmercenary; that he privately made orations for Phormion and Apollodorus,\nthough adversaries in the same cause; that he was charged with moneys\nreceived from the king of Persia, and condemned for bribes from\nHarpalus. And should we grant that all those (and they are not few) who\nhave made these statements against him have spoken what is untrue, yet\nwe cannot assert that Demosthenes was not the character to look without\ndesire on the presents offered him out of respect and gratitude by\nroyal persons. But that Cicero refused, from the Sicilians when he was\nquaestor, from the king of Cappadocia when he was proconsul, and from\nhis friends at Rome when he was in exile, many presents, though urged to\nreceive them, has been said already.\n\nMoreover, Demosthenes's banishment was infamous, upon conviction for\nbribery; Cicero's very honorable, for ridding his country of a set of\nvillains. Therefore, when Demosthenes fled from his country, no man\nregarded it; for Cicero's sake the senate changed their habit, and put\non mourning, and would not be persuaded to make any act before Cicero's\nreturn was decreed. Cicero, however, passed his exile idly in Macedonia.\nBut the very exile of Demosthenes made up a great part of the services\nhe did for his country; for he went through the cities of Greece, and\neverywhere, as we have said, joined in the conflict on behalf of the\nGreeks, driving out the Macedonian ambassadors, and approving himself\na much better citizen than Themistocles and Alcibiades did in a similar\nfortune. And, after his return, he again devoted himself to the same\npublic service, and continued firm in his opposition to Antipater and\nthe Macedonians. Whereas Laelius reproached Cicero in the senate for\nsitting silent when Caesar, a beardless youth, asked leave to come\nforward, contrary to the law, as a candidate for the consulship; and\nBrutus, in his epistles, charges him with nursing and rearing a greater\nand more heavy tyranny than that they had removed.\n\nFinally, Cicero's death excites our pity; for an old man to be miserably\ncarried up and down by his servants, flying and hiding himself from that\ndeath which was, in the course of nature, so near at hand; and yet\nat last to be murdered. Demosthenes, though he seemed to supplicate a\nlittle at first, yet, by his preparing and keeping the poison by him,\ndemands our admiration; and still more admirable was his using it.\nWhen the temple of the god no longer afforded him a sanctuary, he took\nrefuge, as it were, at a mightier altar, freeing himself from arms and\nsoldiers, and laughing to scorn the cruelty of Antipater.\n\n\n\n\nALCIBAIDES\n\nAlcibiades, it is supposed, was descended from Ajax, by his father's\nside; and by his mother's side from Alcmaeon. Dinomache, his mother,\nwas the daughter of Megacles. His father (Clinias) having fitted out\na galley at his own expense, gained great honor in the seafight at\nArtemisium, and was afterwards slain in the battle of Coronea, fighting\nagainst the Boeotians. The friendship which Socrates felt for him has\nmuch contributed to his fame; and though we have no account from any\nwriter concerning the mother of Nicias or Demosthenes, of Lamachus or\nPhormion, of Thrasybulus or Theramenes, notwithstanding these were\nall illustrious men of the same period, yet we know even the nurse of\nAlcibiades, that her country was Lacedaemon, and her name Amycla; and\nthat Zopyrus was his teacher and attendant; the one being recorded by\nAntisthenes, and the other by Plato.\n\nIt is not, perhaps, material to say anything of the beauty of\nAlcibiades, only that it bloomed with him in all the ages of his life,\nin his infancy, in his youth, and in his manhood; and, in the peculiar\ncharacter becoming to each of these periods, gave him, in every one of\nthem a grace and a charm. What Euripides says, that \"Of all fair things\nthe autumn, too, is fair,\" is by no means universally true. But it\nhappened so with Alcibiades, amongst few others, by reason of his happy\nconstitution and natural vigor of body. It is said that his lisping,\nwhen he spoke, became him well, and gave a grace and persuasiveness to\nhis rapid speech. Aristophanes takes notice of it in the verses in which\nhe jests at Theorus: \"How like a colax he is,\" says Alcibiades, meaning\na corax*; on which it is remarked,\n\n     \"How very happily he lisped the truth,\"\n\n     (*This fashionable Attic lisp, or careless articulation,\n     turned the sound r into l. Colax, a flatterer; corax, a\n     crow.)\n\nHis conduct displayed many inconsistencies, not unnaturally, in\naccordance with the many wonderful vicissitudes of his fortunes; but,\namong the many strong passions of his real character, the most powerful\nof all was his ambition for superiority, which appears in several\nanecdotes told of him while he was a child. Once being hard pressed in\nwrestling, and fearing to be thrown, he got the hand of his antagonist\nto his mouth, and bit it with all his force; and when the other loosed\nhis hold presently, and said, \"You bite, Alcibiades, like a woman.\"\n\"No,\" replied he, \"like a lion.\" Another time, when playing at dice in\nthe street, being then only a child, a loaded cart came that way, just\nas it was his turn to throw; at first he called to the driver to stop,\nbecause he was about to throw in the way over which the cart would pass;\nbut when the man paid him no attention, and was driving on, the rest of\nthe boys divided and sprang away; but Alcibiades threw himself on his\nface before the cart, and, stretching himself out, bade the carter pass\non now if we would. The man was so startled that he put back his horses,\nwhile all that saw it were terrified, and, crying out, ran to assist\nAlcibiades. When he began to study, he obeyed all his other masters\nfairly well, but refused to learn upon the flute, as a thing unbecoming\na free citizen; saying that to play upon the lute or the harp does not\nin any way disfigure a man's body or face, but one is hardly to be known\nby his most intimate friends, when playing on the flute. Besides, one\nwho plays on the harp may speak or sing at the same time; but the use\nof the flute stops the mouth, intercepts the voice, and prevents all\narticulation. \"Therefore,\" said he, \"let the Theban youths pipe, who do\nnot know how to speak, but we Athenians, as our ancestors have told us,\nhave Athena for our patroness, and Apollo for our protector, one of whom\nthrew away the flute, and the other stripped the Flute-player of his\nskin.\" Thus, between raillery and good earnest, Alcibiades kept not only\nhimself but others from learning, as it presently became the talk of the\nyoung boys, how Alcibiades despised playing on the flute, and ridiculed\nthose who studied it. In consequence of which, it ceased to be reckoned\namongst the liberal accomplishments, and became generally neglected.\n\nIt was manifest that the many well-born persons who were continually\nseeking his company, and making court to him, were attracted and\ncaptivated by his extraordinary beauty only. But the affection which\nSocrates entertained for him is a great evidence of the natural noble\nqualities and good disposition of the boy, which Socrates, detected\nunder his personal beauty; and fearing that his wealth and station,\nand the great number both of strangers and Athenians who flattered\nand caressed him, might at last corrupt him, resolved, if possible, to\ninterpose, and preserve so hopeful a plant from perishing in the flower,\nbefore its fruit came to perfection. For never did fortune surround a\nman with so many of those things which we vulgarly call goods, or so\nprotect him from every weapon of philosophy, and fence him from every\naccess of free and searching words, as she did Alcibiades; who, from the\nbeginning, was exposed to the flatteries of those who sought merely\nhis gratification, such as might well unnerve him, and indispose him to\nlisten to any real adviser or instructor. Yet such was the happiness of\nhis genius, that he selected Socrates from the rest, and admitted him,\nwhile he drove away the wealthy and the noble who made court to him.\nIn a little time, they grew intimate and Alcibiades, listening now to\nlanguage entirely free from every thought of unmanly fondness and silly\ndisplays of affection, found himself with one who sought to la open\nto him the deficiencies of his mind and repress his vain and foolish\narrogance, and \"Dropped like the craven cock his conquered wing.\" He\nesteemed these endeavors of Socrates as most truly a means which the\ngods made use of for the care and preservation of youth, and it was a\nmatter of general wonder, when people saw him joining Socrates in his\nmeals and his exercises, living with him in the same tent, while he was\nreserved and rough to all others who made their addresses to him.\n\nHe behaved in the same manner to all others who courted him, except one\nstranger, who, as the story is told, having but a small estate, sold it\nall for about a hundred staters, which he presented to Alcibiades, and\nbesought him to accept. Alcibiades, smiling and well pleased at the\nthing, invited him to supper, and, after a very kind entertainment, gave\nhim his gold again, requiring him, moreover, not to fail to be present\nthe next day, when the public revenue was offered to farm, and to outbid\nall others. The man would have excused himself, because the contract was\nso large, and would cost many talents; but Alcibiades, who at that time\na private pique against the existing farmers of the revenue threatened\nto have him beaten if he refused. The next morning, the stranger, coming\nto the market-place, offered a talent more that the existing rate; upon\nwhich the farmers, enraged and consulting together, called upon him to\nname his sureties, concluding that he could find none. The poor man,\nbeing startled at the proposal, began to retire; but ALCIBAIDES,\nstanding at a distance, cried out to the magistrates, \"Set my name down,\nhe is a friend of mine; I will be security for him.\" When the other\nbidders heard this, they perceived that all their contrivance was\ndefeated; for their way was, with the profits for the second year to pay\nthe rent for the year preceding; so that, not seeing any other way to\nextricate themselves out of the difficulty, they began to treat with the\nstranger, and offered him a sum of money. Alcibiades would not suffer\nhim to accept of less than a talent; but when that was paid down, he\ncommanded him to relinquish the bargain, having by this device relieved\nhis necessity.\n\nThough Socrates had many power rivals, yet the natural good qualities\nof Alcibiades gave his affection the mastery. His words overcame him so\nmuch, as to draw tears from his eyes, and to disturb his very soul. Yet\nsometimes he would abandon himself to flatteries, when they proposed to\nhim varieties of pleasure, and would desert Socrates; who, then, would\npursue him, as if he had been a fugitive slave. He despised every one\nelse, and had no reverence or awe for any but him. But as iron which\nis softened by the fire grows hard with the cold, and all its parts are\nclosed again; so, as often as Socrates observed Alcibiades to be misled\nby luxury or pride he reduced and corrected him by his addresses, and\nmade him humble and modest, by showing him in how many things he was\ndeficient, and how very far from perfection in virtue.\n\nWhen he was past his childhood, he went once to a grammar-school, and\nasked the master for one of Homer's books; and when he made answer that\nhe had nothing of Homer's, Alcibiades gave him a blow with his fist, and\nwent away. Another schoolmaster telling him that he had a copy of Homer\ncorrected by himself; \"Why?\" said Alcibiades, \"do you employ your time\nin teaching children to read? You, who are able to amend Homer, may well\nundertake to instruct men.\"\n\nWhen he was very young, he was a soldier in the expedition against\nPotidaea, where Socrates lodged in the same tent with him, and stood\nnext to him in battle. Once there happened a sharp skirmish, in which\nthey both behaved with signal bravery; but Alcibiades receiving a wound,\nSocrates threw himself before him to defend him, and beyond any question\nsaved him and his arms from the enemy, and so in all justice might\nhave challenged the prize of valor. But the generals appearing eager\nto adjudge the honor to Alcibiades, because of his rank, Socrates, who\ndesired to increase his thirst after glory of a noble kind, was the\nfirst to give evidence for him, and pressed them to crown, and to decree\nto him the complete suit of armor. Afterwards, in the battle of Delium,\nwhen the Athenians were routed and Socrates with a few others was\nretreating on foot, Alcibiades, who was on horseback, observed it,\nand would not pass on, but stayed to shelter him from the danger, and\nbrought him safely off, though the enemy pressed hard upon them, and cut\noff many.\n\nHe gave a box on the ear to Hipponicus, the father of Callias, whose\nbirth and wealth made him a person of great influence and repute. And\nthis he did unprovoked by any passion or quarrel between them, but only\nbecause, in a frolic, he had agreed with his companions to do it. People\nwere justly offended at this insolence, when it became known through\nthe city; but early the next morning, Alcibiades went to his house and\nknocked at the door, and, being admitted to him, took off his outer\ngarment, and presenting his naked body, desired him to scourge and\nchastise him as he pleased. Upon this Hipponicus forgot all his\nresentment, and not only pardoned him, but soon after gave him his\ndaughter Hipparete in marriage.\n\nAlcibiades had a dog which cost him seventy minas, and was very large\nand handsome. His tail, which was his principal ornament, he caused to\nbe cut off, and an acquaintance exclaiming at him for it, and telling\nhim that all Athens was sorry for the dog, and cried out against him\nfor this action, he laughed and said, \"Just what I wanted has happened,\nthen, I wished the Athenians to talk about this, that they might not say\nsomething worse of me.\"\n\nIt is said that the first time he came into the assembly was upon\noccasion of a largess of money which he made to the people. This was not\ndone by design, but as he passed along he heard a shout, and inquired\nthe cause; and having learned that there was a gift-making to the\npeople, he went in among them and gave money also. The multitude\nthereupon applauding him, and shouting, he was so transported at it,\nthat he forgot a quail which he had under his robe, and the bird, being\nfrightened at the noise, flew off; upon which the people made louder\nacclamations than before, and many of them started up to pursue the\nbird; and Antiochus, a pilot, caught it and restored it to him, for\nwhich he was ever after a favorite with Alcibiades.\n\nHe had great advantages for entering public life; his noble birth, his\nriches, the personal courage he had shown in divers battles, and the\nmultitude of his friends and dependents, threw open, so to say, folding\ndoors for his admittance. But he did not consent to let his power with\nthe people rest on any thing, rather than on his own gift of eloquence.\nThat he was a master in the art of speaking, the comic poets bear\nhim witness; and the most eloquent of public speakers, in his oration\nagainst Midias, allows that Alcibiades, among other perfections, was a\nmost accomplished orator.\n\nHis expenses in horses kept for the public games, and in the number of\nhis chariots, were matters of great observation; never did any one\nbut he, either private person king, send seven chariots to the Olympic\ngames. And to have carried away at once the first, the second, and the\nfourth prize, as Thucydides says, or the third, as Euripides relates it,\noutdoes every distinction that was ever thought of in that kind.\n\nThe emulation displayed by the deputations of various states, in\nthe presents which they made to him, rendered this success yet\nmore illustrious. The Ephesians erected a tent for him, adorned\nmagnificently; the city of Chios furnished him with provender for his\nhorses and with great numbers of beasts for sacrifice; and the Lesbians\nsent him wine and other provisions for the many entertainments which he\nmade.\n\nAs soon as he began to intermeddle in the government, which was when he\nwas very young, he quickly lessened the credit of all who aspired to\nthe confidence of the people, except Phaeax and Nicias, who alone could\ncontest with him. Nicias was arrived at a mature age, and was esteemed\ntheir first general. Phaeax was but a rising statesman like Alcibiades;\nhe was descended from noble ancestors, but was his inferior in many\nother things, but principally in eloquence.\n\nAlcibiades was not less disturbed at the distinction which Nicias gained\namong the enemies of Athens, than at the honors which the Athenians\nthemselves paid to him. It was commonly said in Greece, that the war in\nthe Peloponnesus was begun by Pericles, and that Nicias made an end of\nit, and the peace was generally called the peace of Nicias. Alcibiades\nwas extremely annoyed at this, and being full of envy, set himself to\nbreak the league. First, therefore observing that the Argives as well\nout of fear as hatred to the Lacedaemonians, sought for protection\nagainst them, he gave them a secret assurance of alliance with Athens.\nHe exclaimed fiercely against Nicias, and accused him of many things,\nwhich seemed probable enough: as that, when he was general, he made no\nattempt himself to capture their enemies that were shut up in the isle\nof Sphacteria, but, when they were afterwards made prisoners by others,\nhe procured their release and sent them back to the Lacedaemonians, only\nto get favor with them.\n\nIt happened, at the very time when Nicias was by these arts brought into\ndisgrace with the people, that ambassadors arrived from Lacedaemon, who,\nat their first coming, said what seemed very satisfactory, declaring\nthat they had full powers to arrange all matters in dispute upon fair\nand equal terms. The council received their propositions, and the people\nwas to assemble on the morrow to give them audience. Alcibiades grew\nvery apprehensive of this, and contrived to gain a secret conference\nwith the ambassadors. When they were met, he said: \"What is it you\nintend, you men of Sparta? If you expect to obtain equal terms from the\nAthenians, and would not have things extorted from you contrary to\nyour inclinations, begin to treat with he people upon some reasonable\narticles, not avowing yourselves plenipotentiaries; and I will be ready\nto assist you, out of good-will to the Lacedaemonians.\" When he had said\nthis, he gave them his oath for the performance of what he promised,\nand by this way drew them from Nicias to rely entirely upon himself, and\nleft them full of admiration of the discernment and sagacity they\nhad seen in him. The next day, when the people were assembled and\nthe ambassadors introduced, Alcibiades, with great apparent courtesy,\ndemanded of them: With what powers they had come? They made answer that\nthey had not come as plenipotentiaries.\n\nInstantly upon that, Alcibiades, with a loud voice, as though he\nhad received and not done the wrong, began to call them dishonest\nprevaricators, and to urge that such men could not possibly come with\na purpose to say or do anything that was sincere. The council was\nincensed, the people were in a rage, and Nicias, who knew nothing of\nthe deceit and the imposture, was in the greatest confusion, equally\nsurprised and ashamed at such a change in the men. So thus the\nLacedaemonian ambassadors were utterly rejected, and Alcibiades was\ndeclared general, who presently united the Argives, the Eleans, and the\npeople of Mantinea, into a confederacy with the Athenians.\n\nNo man commended the method by which Alcibiades effected all this,\nyet it was a great political feat thus to divide and shake almost\nall Peloponnesus, and to combine so many men in arms against the\nLacedaemonians in one day before Mantinea; and, moreover, to remove the\nwar and the danger so far from the frontier of the Athenians, that even\nsuccess would profit the enemy but little, should they be conquerors,\nwhereas, if they were defeated, Sparta itself was hardly safe.\n\nBut with all these words and deeds, and with all this sagacity and\neloquence, he intermingled exorbitant luxury and wantonness in his\neating and drinking and dissolute living; wore long purple robes like\na woman, which dragged after him as he went through the market-place;\ncaused the planks of his galley to be cut away, that so he might lie the\nsofter, his bed not being placed on the boards, but hanging upon girths.\nHis shield, again, which was richly gilded, had not the usual ensigns\nof the Athenians, but a Cupid, holding a thunderbolt in his hand, was\npainted upon it. The sight of all this made the people of good repute\nin the city feel disgust and abhorrence and apprehension also, at his\nfree-living, and his contempt of law, as things monstrous in themselves,\nand indicating designs of usurpation. Aristophanes has well expressed\nthe people's feeling towards him:--\n\n \"They love, and hate, and cannot do without him.\"\n\nAnd still more strongly, under a figurative expression,\n\n \"Best rear no lion in your state, 't is true;\n  But treat him like a lion if you do.\"\n\nThe truth is, his liberalities, his public shows, and other munificence\nto the people, which were such as nothing could exceed, the glory of\nhis ancestors, the force of his eloquence, the grace of his person,\nhis strength of body, joined with his great courage and knowledge in\nmilitary affairs, prevailed upon the Athenians to endure patiently his\nexcesses, to indulge him in many things, and, according to their habit,\nto give the softest names to his faults, attributing them to youth\nand good nature. As, for example, he kept Agatharcus, the painter, a\nprisoner till he had painted his whole house, but then dismissed him\nwith a reward. He publicly struck Taureas, who exhibited certain\nshows in opposition to him, and contended with him for the prize. When\nAristophon, the artist, had drawn Nemea sitting and holding Alcibiades\nin her arms, the multitude seemed pleased with the piece, and thronged\nto see it, but elder people did not relish it, but looked on these\nthings as enormities, and movements toward tyranny. So that it was\nnot said amiss by Archestratus, that Greece could not support a second\nAlcibiades. Once, when Alcibiades succeeded well in an oration which he\nmade, and the whole assembly attended upon him to do him honor, Timon,\nthe misanthrope, did not pass slightly by him, nor avoid him, as he did\nothers, but purposely met him, and, taking him by the hand, said, \"Go\non boldly, my son, and increase in credit with the people, for thou wilt\none day bring them calamities enough.\" Some that were present laughed at\nthe saying, and some reviled Timon; but there were others upon whom it\nmade a deep impression.\n\nThe Athenians, even in the lifetime of Pericles, had already cast a\nlonging eye upon Sicily; but did not attempt any thing till after his\ndeath. Then, under pretence of aiding their confederates, they sent\nsuccor upon all occasions to those who were oppressed by the Syracusans,\npreparing the way for sending over a greater force. But Alcibiades\nwas the person who inflamed this desire of theirs to the height, and\nprevailed with them no longer to proceed secretly, and little by little,\nin their design, but to sail out with a great fleet, and undertake at\nonce to make themselves masters of the island. He possessed the people\nwith great hopes, and he himself entertained yet greater; and the\nconquest of Sicily, which was the utmost bound of their ambition, was\nbut the mere outset of his expectation. Nicias endeavored to divert the\npeople from the expedition, by representing to them that the taking of\nSyracuse would be a work of great difficulty; but Alcibiades dreamed\nof nothing less than the conquest of Carthage and Libya and by the\naccession of these conceiving himself at once made master of Italy\nand of Peloponnesus, seemed to look upon Sicily as little more than a\nmagazine for the war. The young men were soon elevated with these hopes,\nand listened gladly to those of riper years, who talked wonders of\nthe countries they were going to; so that you might see great numbers\nsitting in the wrestling grounds and public places, drawing on the\nground the figure of the island and the situation of Libya and Carthage.\n\nTogether with Alcibiades, Nicias, much against his will, was appointed\ngeneral: and he endeavored to avoid the command, not the less on account\nof his colleague. But the Athenians thought the war would proceed more\nprosperously, if they did not send Alcibiades free from all restraint,\nbut tempered his heat with the caution of Nicias. This they chose the\nrather to do, because Lamachus, the third general, though he was of\nmature years, yet in several battles had appeared no less hot and rash\nthan Alcibiades himself. When all things were fitted for the voyage,\nmany unlucky omens appeared. The mutilation of the images of Mercury,\nmost of which, in one night, had their faces all disfigured, terrified\nmany persons who were wont to despise most things of that nature. Alike\nenraged and terrified at the thing, looking upon it to proceed from a\nconspiracy of persons who designed some commotions in the state,\nthe council, as well as the assembly of the people, which was held\nfrequently in a few days' space, examined diligently every thing\nthat might administer ground for suspicion. During this examination,\nAndrocles, one of the demagogues, produced slaves and strangers before\nthem, who accused Alcibiades and some of his friends of defacing other\nimages in the same manner, and of having profanely acted the sacred\nmysteries at a drunken meeting. The people were highly exasperated\nand incensed against Alcibiades upon this accusation. But when they\nperceived that all the seamen designed for Sicily were for him, and\nthe soldiers declared that they had undertaken this distant maritime\nexpedition for the sake of Alcibiades, and that, if he was ill-used,\nthey would all go home; they let him set sail at once, and decided\nthat when the war should be at an end, he might then in person make his\ndefence according to the laws.\n\nAlcibiades perceived the malice of this postponement, and, appearing in\nthe assembly, represented that it was monstrous for him to be sent with\nthe command of so large an army, when he lay under such accusations and\ncalumnies. But he could not prevail with the people, who commanded him\nto sail immediately. So he departed, together with the other generals,\nhaving with them near 140 galleys, 5,100 men at arms, and about 1,300\narchers, slingers, and light-armed men, and all the other provisions\ncorresponding.\n\nArriving on the coast of Italy, he landed at Rhegium, and there stated\nhis views of the manner in which they ought to conduct the war. He was\nopposed by Nicias; but Lamachus being of his opinion, they sailed for\nSicily forthwith, and took Catana. This was all that was done while he\nwas there, for he was soon after recalled by the Athenians to abide\nhis trial. At first, as we before said, there were only some slight\nsuspicions advanced against Alcibiades. But afterwards, in his absence,\nhis enemies attacked him more violently, and confounded together the\nbreaking the images with the profanation of the mysteries, as though\nboth had been committed in pursuance of the same conspiracy for changing\nthe government. The truth is, his accusers alleged nothing against him\nwhich could be positively proved. One of them, being asked how he knew\nthe men who defaced the images, replied, that he saw them by the light\nof the moon, making a palpable misstatement, for it was just new moon\nwhen the act was committed. This made all men of understanding cry out\nupon the thing; but the people were as eager as ever to receive\nfurther accusations. And, in conclusion, they sent the galley named the\nSalaminian to recall Alcibiades. But they expressly commanded those that\nwere sent, to use no violence, nor seize upon his person, but address\nthemselves to him in the mildest terms, requiring him to follow them to\nAthens in order to abide his trial, and clear himself before the people.\nFor they feared mutiny and sedition in the army in an enemy's country,\nwhich indeed it would have been easy for Alcibiades to effect, if he\nhad wished it. For the soldiers were dispirited upon his departure,\nexpecting for the future tedious delays, and that the war would be drawn\nout into a lazy length by Nicias, when Alcibiades, who was the spur to\naction, was taken away. For though Lamachus was a soldier, and a man\nof courage, poverty deprived him of authority and respect in the army.\nAlcibiades, just upon his departure, prevented Messena from falling into\nthe hands of the Athenians. There were some in that city who were\nupon the point of delivering it up, but he, knowing the persons, gave\ninformation to some friends of the Syracusans, and so defeated the whole\ncontrivance. When he arrived at Thurii, he went on shore, and concealing\nhimself there, escaped those who searched after him. But to one who knew\nhim, and asked him if he durst not trust his own native country, he made\nanswer, \"In every thing else, yes; but in a matter that touches my life,\nI would not even my own mother, lest she might by mistake throw in the\nblack ball instead of the white.\" When, afterwards, he was told that the\nassembly had pronounced judgment of death against him, all he said was\n\"I will make them feel that I am alive.\"\n\nThe information against him was framed in this form:--\"Thessalus lays\ninformation that Alcibiades has committed a crime against the goddesses\nCeres and Proserpine, by representing in derision the holy mysteries,\nand showing them to his companions in his own house.\"\n\nHe was condemned as contumacious upon his not appearing, his property\nconfiscated, and it was decreed that all the priests and priestesses\nshould solemnly curse him.\n\nAlcibiades, lying under these heavy decrees and sentences, when he fled\nfrom Thurii, passed over into Peloponnesus, and remained some time at\nArgos. But being there in fear of his enemies and seeing himself utterly\nhopeless of return to his native country, he sent to Sparta, desiring\nsafe conduct, and assuring them that he would make them amends by his\nfuture services for all the mischief he had done them while he was their\nenemy. The Spartans giving him the security he desired, he went eagerly,\nwas well received, and, at his very first coming, succeeded in\ninducing them, without any further caution or delay, to send aid to\nthe Syracusans; and so roused and excited them, that they forthwith\ndespatched Gylippus into Sicily, to crush the forces which the Athenians\nhad in Sicily. A second point was, to renew the war upon the Athenians\nat home. But the third thing, and the most important of all, was to\nmake them fortify Decelea, which above everything reduced and wasted the\nresources of the Athenians.\n\nThe renown which he earned by these public services was equaled by the\nadmiration he attracted to his private life; he captivated and won\nover everybody by his conformity to Spartan habits. People who saw him\nwearing his hair close cut, bathing in cold water, eating coarse meal,\nand dining on black broth, doubted, or rather could not believe, that he\never had a cook in his house, or had ever seen a perfumer, or had worn a\nmantle of Milesian purple. For he had, as it was observed, this peculiar\ntalent for gaining men's affections, that he could at once comply with\nand really enter into their habits and ways of life, and change faster\nthan the chameleon. One color, indeed, they say the chameleon cannot\nassume; it cannot make itself appear white; but Alcibiades, whether with\ngood men or with bad, could adapt himself to his company, and equally\nwear the appearance of virtue or vice. At Sparta, he was devoted to\nathletic exercises, was frugal and reserved; in Ionia, luxurious,\ngay, and indolent; in Thrace, always drinking; in Thessaly, ever on\nhorseback; and when he lived with Tissaphernes, the Persian satrap, he\nexceeded the Persians, themselves in magnificence and pomp. Not that his\nnatural disposition changed so easily, nor that his real character was\nso very variable, but whenever he was sensible that by pursuing his own\ninclinations he might give offence to those with whom he had occasion to\nconverse, he transformed himself into any shape and adopted any fashion,\nthat he observed to be most agreeable to them. So that to have seen\nhim at Lacedaemon, a man, judging by the outward appearance, would\nhave said, \"'T is not Achilles' son, but he himself, the very man\" that\nLycurgus designed to form.\n\nAfter the defeat which the Athenians received in Sicily, ambassadors\nwere despatched to Sparta at once from Chios and Lesbos and Cyzicus,\nto signify their purpose of revolting from the Athenians. But the\nLacedaemonians, at the persuasion of Alcibiades, chose to assist Chios\nbefore all others. He himself, also, went instantly to sea, procured\nthe immediate revolt of almost all Ionia, and, co-operating with the\nLacedaemonian generals, did great mischief to the Athenians. But\nKing Agis was his enemy, and impatient of his glory, as almost every\nenterprise and every success was ascribed to Alcibiades. Others, also,\nof the most powerful and ambitious amongst the Spartans, were possessed\nwith jealousy of him, and, at last, prevailed with the magistrates in\nthe city to send orders into Ionia that he should be killed. Alcibiades,\nhowever, had secret intelligence of this, and, in apprehension of the\nresult, while he communicated all affairs to the Lacedaemonians, yet\ntook care not to put himself into their power. At last he retired to\nTissaphernes, the satrap of the king of Persia, for his security, and\nimmediately became the first and most influential person about him.\nFor this barbarian, not being himself sincere, but a lover of guile and\nwickedness, admired his address and wonderful subtlety. And, indeed, the\ncharm of daily intercourse with him was more than any character could\nresist or any disposition escape. Even those who feared and envied him\ncould not but have a sort of kindness for him, when they saw him and\nwere in his company. So that Tissaphernes, otherwise a cruel character,\nand, above all other Persians, a hater of the Greeks, was yet so won by\nthe flatteries of Alcibiades, that he set himself even to exceed him\nin responding to them. The most beautiful of his parks, containing\nsalubrious streams and meadows, where he had built pavilions, and places\nof retirement royally and exquisitely adorned, received by his direction\nthe name of Alcibiades, and was always so called and so spoken of.\n\nThus Alcibiades, quitting the interests of the Spartans, whom he could\nno longer trust, because he stood in fear of Agis, endeavored to do them\nill offices, and render them odious to Tissaphernes, who, by his means,\nwas hindered from assisting them vigorously, and from finally ruining\nthe Athenians. For his advice was to furnish them but sparingly with\nmoney, and so wear them out, and consume them insensibly; when they had\nwasted their strength upon one another, they would both become ready to\nsubmit to the king.\n\nAt that time the whole strength of the Athenians was in Samos. Their\nfleet maintained itself here, and issued from these head-quarters to\nreduce such as had revolted, and protect the rest of their territories;\nin one way or other still contriving to be a match for their enemies\nat sea. What they stood in fear of, was Tissaphernes and the Phoenician\nfleet of one hundred and fifty galleys, which was said to be already\nunder sail; if those came, there remained then no hopes for the\ncommonwealth of Athens. Understanding this, Alcibiades sent secretly\nto the chief men of the Athenians, who were then at Samos, giving them\nhopes, that he would make Tissaphernes their friend; he was willing, he\nimplied, to do some favor, not to the people, nor in reliance upon them,\nbut to the better citizens, if only, like brave men, they would make\nthe attempt to put down the insolence of the people, and, by taking upon\nthem the government, would endeavor to save the city from ruin. All\nof them gave a ready ear to the proposal made by Alcibiades, except\nPhrynichus of the township of Dirades, despatched Pisander to Athens\nto attempt a change of government, and to encourage the aristocratical\ncitizens to take upon themselves the government, and overthrow the\ndemocracy, representing to them, that, upon these terms, Alcibiades\nwould procure them the friendship and alliance of Tissaphernes.\n\nThose who were at Samos set sail for the Piraeus; and, sending for\nAlcibiades declared him general. He, however, in that juncture did not,\nas it might have been thought a man would, on being suddenly exalted by\nthe favor of a multitude, think himself under an obligation to gratify\nand submit to all the wishes of those who, from a fugitive and an exile,\nhad created him general of so great an army and given him the command of\nsuch a fleet. But, as became a great captain, he opposed himself to\nthe precipitate resolutions which their rage led them to, and, by\nrestraining them from the great error they were about to commit,\nunequivocally saved the commonwealth. For if they had then sailed to\nAthens, all Ionia and the islands and the Hellespont would have fallen\ninto the enemies' hands without opposition, while the Athenians,\ninvolved in civil war, would have been fighting with one another within\nthe circuit of their own walls. It was Alcibiades alone, or, at least,\nprincipally, who prevented all this mischief; for he not only used\npersuasion to the whole army, and showed them the danger, but applied\nhimself to them, one by one, entreating some, and constraining others.\nHe was much assisted, however, by Thrasybulus of Stiria, who, having the\nloudest voice, as we are told, of all the Athenians, went along with\nhim and cried out to those who were ready to go. A second great service\nwhich Alcibiades did for them was his undertaking that the Phoenician\nfleet, which the Lacedaemonians expected to be sent to them by the king\nof Persia, should either come in aid of the Athenians, or otherwise\nshould not come at all. And now the people in the city not only desired,\nbut commanded Alcibiades to return home from his exile. He, however,\ndesired not to owe his return to the mere grace and commiseration of the\npeople, and resolved to come back, not with empty hands, but with glory\nand after some service done. To this end, he sailed from Samos with a\nfew ships, and cruised on the sea of Cnidos and about the isle of Cos;\nbut receiving intelligence there that Mindarus, the Spartan admiral, had\nsailed with his whole army into the Hellespont, and that the Athenians\nhad followed him, he hurried back to succor the Athenian commanders,\nand, by good fortune, arrived with eighteen galleys at a critical time.\nFor both the fleets having engaged near Abydos, the fight between them\nhad lasted till night, the one side having the advantage on one quarter,\nand the other on another. Upon his first appearance, both sides formed a\nfalse impression; the enemy was encouraged, and the Athenians terrified.\nBut Alcibiades suddenly raised the Athenian ensign in the admiral\nship, and fell upon those galleys of the Peloponnesians which had the\nadvantage and were in pursuit. He soon put these to flight, and followed\nthem so close that he forced them on shore, and broke the ships in\npieces, the sailors abandoning them and swimming away, in spite of all\nthe efforts of Pharnabazus, who had come down to their assistance by\nland, and did what he could to protect them from the shore. In fine, the\nAthenians, having taken thirty of the enemy's ships, and recovered all\ntheir own, erected a trophy. After the gaining of so glorious a victory\nhis vanity made him eager to show himself to Tissaphernes, and, having\nfurnished himself with gifts and presents, and an equipage suitable to\nhis dignity, he set out to visit him. But the thing did not succeed\nas he had imagined, for Tissaphernes had long been suspected by the\nLacedaemonians, and was afraid to fall into disgrace with his king\nupon that account, therefore thinking that Alcibiades had arrived\nvery opportunely, he immediately caused him to be seized and sent away\nprisoner to Sardis; fancying, by this act of injustice, to clear himself\nfrom all former imputations.\n\nBut about thirty days after, Alcibiades escaped from his keepers, and,\nhaving got a horse, fled to Clazomenae, where he procured Tissaphernes\nadditional disgrace by professing that he was a party to his escape.\nFrom there he sailed to the Athenian camp, and, being informed that\nMindarus and Pharnabazus were together at Cyzicus, he made a speech to\nthe soldiers, telling them that sea-fighting, land-fighting, and, by the\ngods, fighting against fortified cities too, must be all one for them,\nas, unless they conquered everywhere, there was no money for them. As\nsoon as he got them on ship-board, he hastened to Proconnesus and gave\ncommand to seize all the small vessels they met, and guard them safely\nin the interior of the fleet, that the enemy might have no notice of\nhis coming; and a great storm of rain, accompanied with thunder and\ndarkness, which happened at the same time, contributed much to the\nconcealment of his enterprise. Indeed, it was not only undiscovered\nby the enemy, but the Athenians themselves were ignorant of it, for he\ncommanded them suddenly on board, and set sail when they had abandoned\nall intention of it. As the darkness presently passed away, the\nPeloponnesian fleet were seen riding out at sea in front of the harbor\nof Cyzicus. Fearing, if they discovered the number of his ships, they\nmight endeavor to save themselves by land, he commanded the rest of the\ncaptains to slacken, and follow him slowly, whilst he, advancing with\nforty ships, showed himself to the enemy and provoked them to fight. The\nenemy, being deceived as to their numbers, despised them, and, supposing\nthey were to contend with those only, made ready and began the fight.\nBut as soon as they were engaged, they perceived the other part of the\nfleet coming down upon them, at which they were so terrified that they\nfled immediately. Upon that, Alcibiades, breaking through the midst of\nthem with twenty of his best ships, hastened to the shore, disembarked,\nand pursued those who abandoned their ships and fled to land, and made\na great slaughter of them. Mindarus and Pharnabazus, coming to their\nsuccor were utterly defeated. Mindarus was slain fighting valiantly;\nPharnabazus saved himself by flight. The Athenians slew great numbers of\ntheir enemies, won much spoil, and took all their ships. They also made\nthemselves masters of Cyzicus, which was deserted by Pharnabazus, and\ndestroyed its Peloponnesian garrison, and thereby not only secured to\nthemselves the Hellespont, but by force drove the Lacedaemonians out of\nall the rest of the sea. They intercepted some letters written to the\nephors, which gave an account of this fatal overthrow, after their\nshort, Iaconic manner. \"Our hopes are at an end. Mindarus is slain. The\nmen are starving. We know not what to do.\"\n\nAnd now Alcibiades began to desire to see his native country again,\nor rather to show his fellow-citizens a person who had gained so many\nvictories for them. He set sail for Athens, the ships that accompanied\nhim being adorned with great numbers of shields and other spoils, and\ntowing after them many galleys taken from the enemy, and the ensigns and\nornaments of many others which he had sunk and destroyed; all of them\ntogether amounting to two hundred. Little credit, perhaps, can be given\nto what Duris the Samian, who professed to be descended from Alcibiades,\nadds, that Chrysogonus, who had gained a victory at the Pythian games,\nplayed upon his flute for the galleys, whilst the oars kept time with\nthe music; and that Callippides, the tragedian, attired in his buskins,\nhis purple robes, and other ornaments used in the theatre, gave the word\nto the rowers, and that the admiral's galley entered into the port with\na purple sail. It is not credible, that one who had returned from so\nlong an exile, and such a variety of misfortunes, should come to his\ncountrymen in the style of revelers breaking up from a drinking-party.\nOn the contrary, he entered the harbor full of fear, nor would he\nventure to go on shore, till, standing on the deck, he saw Euryptolemus,\nhis cousin, and others of his friends and acquaintance, who were ready\nto receive him, and invited him to land. As soon as he was landed, the\nmultitude who came out to meet him scarcely appeared to see any of the\nother captains, but came in throngs about Alcibiades, and saluted him\nwith loud acclamations, and followed him; those who could press near him\ncrowned him with garlands, and they who could not come up so close yet\nstayed to behold him afar off, and the old men pointed him out to the\nyoung ones. Nevertheless, this public joy was mixed with some tears, and\nthe present happiness was diminished by the remembrance of the miseries\nthey had endured. They made reflections, that they could not have so\nunfortunately miscarried in Sicily, if they had left the management of\ntheir affairs and the command of their forces, to Alcibiades, since,\nupon his undertaking the administration, when they were absolutely\ndriven from the sea, and could scarcely defend the suburbs of their city\nby land, and at the same time, were miserably distracted with intestine\nfactions, he had raised them up from this low and deplorable condition,\nand had not only restored them to their ancient dominion of the sea, but\nhad also made them everywhere victorious over their enemies on land.\n\nThe people being summoned to an assembly, Alcibiades came in among them,\nand first bewailed and lamented his own sufferings, and, in general\nterms complaining of the usage he had received, imputed all to his hard\nfortune, and some ill genius that attended him: then he spoke at large\nof their prospects, and exhorted them to courage and good hope. The\npeople crowned him with crowns of gold, and created him general, both\nat land and sea, with absolute power. They also made a decree that his\nestate should be restored to him, and that the Eumolpiadae and the\nholy heralds should absolve him from the curses which they had solemnly\npronounced against him by the sentence of the people. All the rest\nobeyed, but Theodorus, the high-priest, excused himself, \"For,\" said he,\n\"if he is innocent, I never cursed him.\"\n\nCertainly, if ever man was ruined by his own glory, it was Alcibiades.\nFor his continual success had produced such an idea of his courage and\nconduct, that, if he failed in anything he undertook, it was imputed to\nhis neglect, and no one would believe it was through want of power. For\nthey thought nothing was too hard for him, if he went about it in good\nearnest. Now, having departed with a fleet of one hundred ships for the\nreduction of Chios, and of the rest of Ionia, the people grew impatient\nthat things were not effected as fast and as rapidly as they could wish\nfor them. They never considered how extremely money was wanting, and\nthat, having to carry on war with an enemy who had supplies of all\nthings from a great king, he was often forced to quit his armament,\nin order to procure money and provisions for the subsistence of his\nsoldiers. This very thing gave occasion for the last accusation which\nwas made against him. For Lysander, being sent from Lacedaemon with a\ncommission to be admiral of their fleet, and being furnished by Cyrus\nwith a great sum of money, gave every sailor four obols a day, whereas\nbefore thy had but three. Alcibiades could hardly allow his men three\nobols, and therefore was obliged to go into Caria to furnish himself\nwith money. He left the care of the fleet, in his absence, to Antiochus,\nan experienced seaman, but rash and inconsiderate, who had express\norders from Alcibiades not to engage, though the enemy provoked him.\nBut he slighted and disregarded these directions to such a degree that,\nhaving made ready his own galley and another, he stood for Ephesus,\nwhere the enemy lay, and, as he sailed before the heads of their\ngalleys, used every provocation possible, both in words and deeds.\nLysander manned out a few ships and pursued him. But all the Athenian\nships coming in to his assistance, Lysander, also, brought up his whole\nfleet, which gained an entire victory. He slew Antiochus himself, took\nmany men and ships, and erected a trophy.\n\nAs soon as Alcibiades heard this news, he returned to Samos, and loosing\nfrom thence with his whole fleet, came and offered battle to Lysander.\nBut Lysander, content with the victory he had gained, would not stir.\nAmongst others in the army who hated Alcibiades, Thrasybulus, the son\nof Thrason, was his particular enemy, and went purposely to Athens\nto accuse him, and to exasperate his enemies in the city against him.\nAddressing the people, he represented that Alcibiades had ruined their\naffairs and lost their ships by mere self-conceited neglect of his\nduties, committing the government of the army, in his absence, to men\nwho gained his favor by drinking and scurrilous talking, whilst he\nwandered up and down at pleasure to raise money, giving himself up to\nevery sort of luxury in Abydos and Ionia, at a time when the enemy's\nnavy were on the watch close at hand. It was also objected to him, that\nhe had fortified a castle near Bisanthe in Thrace, for a safe retreat\nfor himself, as one that either could not, or would not, live in his own\ncountry. The Athenians gave credit to these informations, and showed\nthe resentment and displeasure which they had conceived against him, by\nchoosing other generals.\n\nAs soon as Alcibiades heard of this, he immediately forsook the army,\nafraid of what might follow; and, collecting a body of mercenary\nsoldiers, made war upon his own account against those Thracians who\ncalled themselves free, and acknowledged no king. By this means he\namassed for himself considerable treasure, and, at the same time,\nsecured the bordering Greeks from the incursions of the barbarians.\nTydeus, Menander, and Adimantus, the newly made generals, were at that\ntime posted at Aegospotami, with all the ships which the Athenians\nhad left. Whence they used to go out every morning, offer battle to\nLysander, who lay near Lampsacus, and, returning back again, lie all the\nrest of the day, carelessly and without order, in contempt of the enemy.\nAlcibiades, who was not far off, did not think so lightly of their\ndanger, nor neglect to let them know it, but, mounting his horse, came\nto the generals, and represented to them that they had chosen a very\ninconvenient station, where there was no safe harbor, and where they\nwere distant from any town; so that they were constrained to send for\ntheir necessary provisions as far as Sestos. He also pointed out to them\ntheir carelessness in suffering the soldiers, when they went ashore,\ndisperse and wander up and down at their pleasure, while the enemy's\nfleet under the command of one general, and strictly obedient to\ndiscipline, lay so very near them. He advised them to remove the fleet\nto Sestos. But the admirals not only disregarded what he said, but\nTydeus, with insulting expressions, commanded him to be gone saying,\nthat now not he, but others, had the command of the forces. The event,\nsoon made it evident how rightly he had judged of the errors which the\nAthenians were committing. For Lysander fell upon them on a sudden, when\nthey least suspected it, with such fury that Conon alone, with eight\ngalleys, escaped him; all the rest, about two hundred, he took and\ncarried away, together with three thousand prisoners, whom he put to\ndeath. And within a short time after, he took Athens itself, burnt\nall the ships which he found there, demolished their long walls, and\nestablished the rule of the Thirty Tyrants.\n\nAfter this, Alcibiades, standing in dread of the Lacedaemonians, who\nwere now masters both at sea and land, retired into Bithynia. He sent\nthere great treasure before him, took much with him, but left much more\nin the castle where he had before resided. But he lost a great part\nof his wealth in Bithynia, being robbed by some Thracians who lived in\nthose parts, and thereupon determined to go to the court of Artaxerxes,\nnot doubting but that the king, if he would make trial of his abilities,\nwould find him not inferior to Themistocles, besides being recommended\nby a more honorable cause. For he went, not as Themistocles did,\nto offer his service against his fellow-citizens, but against their\nenemies, and to implore the king's aid for the defence of his country.\nThe Athenians, in the meantime, miserably afflicted at their loss of\nempire and liberty, acknowledged and bewailed their former errors and\nfollies, and judged this second ill-usage of Alcibiades to be of all the\nmost inexcusable. For he was rejected, without any fault committed by\nhimself; and only because they were incensed against his subordinate\nfor having shamefully lost a few ships, they were much more shamefully\ndeprived the commonwealth of its most valiant and accomplished general.\n\nCritias finally represented to Lysander that the Lacedaemonians could\nnever securely enjoy the dominion of Greece, till the Athenian democracy\nwas absolutely destroyed; and though now the people of Athens seemed\nquietly and patiently to submit to so small a number of governors, yet\nso long as Alcibiades lived, the knowledge of this fact would never\nsuffer them to acquiesce in their present circumstances.\n\nYet Lysander could not be prevailed upon by these representation, till\nat last he received secret orders from the magistrates of Lacedaemon,\nexpressly requiring him to get Alcibiades despatched: whether it\nwas that they feared his energy and boldness in undertaking what was\nhazardous, or that it was done to gratify king Agis. Upon receipt of\nthis order, Lysander sent a messenger away to Pharnabazus, desiring\nhim to put it in execution. Alcibiades resided at that time in a small\nvillage in Phrygia. Those who were sent to assassinate him had not\ncourage enough to enter the house, but surrounded it first, and set it\non fire. Alcibiades, as soon as he perceived it, wrapped his cloak about\nhis left arm, and holding his naked sword in his right, cast himself\ninto the middle of the fire, and escaped securely through it, before his\nclothes were burnt. The barbarians, as soon as they saw him, retreated,\nand none of them durst engage with him, but standing at a distance, they\nslew him with their darts and arrows.\n\n\n\n\nCORIOLANUS\n\nThe patrician house of the Marcii in Rome produced many men of\ndistinction, and among the rest, Ancus Marcius, grandson to Numa by his\ndaughter, and king after Tulus Hostillus. Of the same family were also\nPublius and Quintus Marcius, which two conveyed into the city the best\nand most abundant supply of water they have at Rome. But Caius Marcius,\nof whom I now write, being left an orphan, and brought up under the\nwidowhood of his mother, has shown us by experience, that, although the\nearly loss of a father may be attended with other disadvantages, yet it\ncan hinder none from being either virtuous or eminent in the world, and\nthat it is no obstacle to true goodness and excellence. Those who saw\nwith admiration how proof his nature was against pleasure, hardships,\nand the allurements of gain, while allowing to that universal firmness\nof his the respective names of temperance, fortitude, and justice, yet,\nin the life of the citizen and the statesman, could not but be\noffended at the severity and ruggedness of his deportment, and with his\noverbearing, haughty, and imperious temper.\n\nThose were times at Rome in which that kind of worth was most esteemed\nwhich displayed itself in military achievements; one evidence of which\nwe find in the Latin word for virtue, which is properly equivalent to\nmany courage. But Marcius, having a more passionate inclination than any\nof that age for feats of war, began from his very childhood to handle\narms; and feeling that adventitious implements and artificial arms would\nbe of small use to such as have not their natural weapons well prepared\nfor services, he so exercised and inured his body to all sorts of\nactivity and accouter, that, besides the lightness of a racer, he had a\nweight in close seizures and wrestlings with an enemy, from which it was\nhard for anybody to disengage himself; so that his competitors at\nhome in displays of bravery, loath to own themselves inferior in that\nrespect, were wont to ascribe their deficiencies to his strength of\nbody, which they said no resistance and no fatigue could exhaust.\n\nThe first time he went out to the wards, being yet a stripling, was\nwhen Tarquinius Superbus, who had been king of Rome and was afterwards\nexpelled, after many unsuccessful attempts now entered upon his last\neffort, and proceeded to hazard all as it were upon a single throw.\nA great number of the Latins and other people of Italy joined their\nforces, and were marching with him toward the city, to procure his\nrestoration; not, however, so much out of a desire to serve and oblige\nTarquin, as to gratify their own fear and envy at the increase of the\nRoman greatness, which they were anxious to check. The armies met and\nengaged in a decisive battle, in the vicissitudes of which, Marcius,\nwhile fighting bravely in the dictator's presence, saw a Roman soldier\nstruck down at a little distance, and immediately stepped in before him,\nand slew his assailant. The general, after having gained the victory,\ncrowned him for this act with a garland of oak branches; it being the\nRoman custom thus to adorn those who had saved the life of a citizen;\nwhether the law intended some special honor to the oak, in memory of\nthe Arcadians, a people the oracle had made famous by the name of\nacorn-eaters; or, the oak wreath, being sacred to Jupiter, the guardian\nof the city, might, therefore be thought a proper ornament for one who\npreserved a citizen. And the oak, in truth, is the tree which bears the\nmost and the prettiest of any that grow wild, and is the strongest of\nall that are under cultivation; its acorns were the principal diet of\nthe first mortals, and the honey found in it gave them drink.\n\nIn this battle it is stated that Castor and Pollux appeared, and,\nimmediately after the battle, were seen at Rome just by the fountain\nwhere their temple now stands, with their horses foaming with sweat, and\ntold the news of the victory of the people in the Forum. The fifteenth\nof July, being the day of this conquest, became consequently a solemn\nholiday sacred to the Twin Brothers.\n\nIt may be observed, in general, that when young men arrive early at fame\nand repute, if they are of a nature but slightly touched with emulation,\nthis early attainment is apt to extinguish their thirst and satiate\ntheir small appetite; whereas the first distinctions of more solid and\nweighty characters only stimulate and quicken them, and take them away,\nlike a wind, in the pursuit of honor; they look upon these marks and\ntestimonies to their virtue not as a recompense received for what they\nhave already done, but as a pledge given by themselves of what they will\nperform hereafter, ashamed now to forsake or underlive the credit they\nhave won, or, rather, not to exceed and obscure all that is gone before\nby the lustre of their following actions. Marcius, having a spirit\nof this noble make, was ambitious always to surpass himself, and did\nnothing, how extraordinary soever, but he thought he was bound to outdo\nit at the next occasion; and ever desiring to give continual fresh\ninstances of his prowess, he added one exploit to another, and heaped up\ntrophies upon trophies, so as to make it a matter of contest also among\nhis commanders, the latter still vying with the earlier, which should\npay him the greatest honor and speak highest in his commendation. Of all\nthe numerous wars and conflicts in those days, there was not one from\nwhich he returned without laurels and rewards. And, whereas others made\nglory the end of their daring, the end of his glory was his mother's\ngladness; the delight we took to hear him praised and to see him\ncrowned, and her weeping for joy in his embraces, rendered him, in\nhis own thoughts, the most honored and most happy person in the world.\nEpaminondas is similarly said to have acknowledged his feeling, that it\nwas the greatest felicity of his whole life that his father and mother\nsurvived to hear of his successful generalship and his victory at\nLeuctra. And he had the advantage, indeed, to have both his parents\npartake with him, and enjoy the pleasure of his good fortune. But\nMarcius, believing himself bound to pay his mother Volumnia all that\ngratitude and duty which would have belonged to his father, had he also\nbeen alive, could never satiate himself in his tenderness and respect to\nher. He took a wife, also, at her request and wish, and continued,\neven after he had children, to live with his mother, without parting\nfamilies.\n\nThe repute of his integrity and courage had, by this time, gained him\nconsiderable influence and authority in Rome, when the senate, favoring\nthe wealthier citizens, began to be at variance with the common people,\nwho made sad complaints of the rigorous and inhuman usage they received\nfrom the money-lenders.\n\nThere had been frequent assemblies of the whole senate within a small\ncompass of time about this difficulty, but without any definite result;\nthe poor commonality, therefore, perceiving there was likely to be no\nredress of their grievances, collected in a body, and, encouraging each\nother in their resolution, forsook the city with one accord, and seizing\nthe hill which is now called the Holy Mount, sat down by the river Anio,\nwithout committing any sort of violence or seditious outrage, but merely\nexclaiming, as they went along, that they had this long time past been\nexpelled from the city by the cruelty of the rich; that Italy would\neverywhere afford them the benefit of air and water and a place of\nburial, which was all they could expect in the city, unless it were\nperhaps, the privilege of being wounded and killed in time of war\nfor the defence of their creditors. The senate apprehending the\nconsequences, sent the most moderate and popular men of their own order\nto treat with them.\n\nMenenius Agrippa, their chief spokesman, after much entreaty to the\npeople, concluded, at length, with this celebrated fable: \"It once\nhappened, that all the other members of a man mutinied against the\nstomach, which they accused as the only idle, uncontributing part in the\nwhole body, while the rest were put to hardships and the expense of\nmuch labor to minister to its appetites. The stomach, however, merely\nridiculed the silliness of the members, who appeared not to be aware\nthat the stomach certainly does receive the general nourishment, but\nonly to return it again, and redistribute it amongst the rest. Such is\nthe case,\" he said, \"citizens, between you and the senate. The counsels\nand plans that are there duly digested, secure to all of you, your\nproper benefit and support.\"\n\nA reconciliation ensued, the senate acceding to the request of the\npeople for the annual election of five protectors for those in need of\nsuccor, the same that are now called the tribunes of the people; and the\nfirst two they pitched upon were Junius Brutus and Sicinnius Vellutus,\ntheir leaders in the secession.\n\nThe city being thus united, the commons stood presently to their arms,\nand followed their commanders.\n\nThe Romans were now at war with the Volscian nation, whose principal\ncity was Corioli; when, therefore, Cominius the consul had invested this\nimportant place, the rest of the Volscians, fearing it would be taken,\nmustered up whatever force they could from all parts, to relieve it,\ndesigning to give the Romans battle before the city, and so attack them\non both sides. Cominius, to avoid this inconvenience, divided his army,\nmarching himself with one body to encounter the Volscians on their\napproach from without, and leaving Titus Lartius, one of the bravest\nRomans of his time, to command the other and continue the siege. Those\nwithin Corioli, despising now the smallness of their number, made a\nsally upon them, and prevailed at first, and pursued the Romans into\ntheir trenches. Here it was that Marcius, flying out with a slender\ncompany, and cutting those in pieces that first enraged him, obliged\nthe other assailants to slacken their speed; and then, with loud cries,\ncalled upon the Romans to renew the battle. For he had, what Cato\nthought a great point in a soldier, not only strength of hand and\nstroke, but also a voice and look that of themselves were a terror to\nan enemy. Some of his own party now rallying and making up to him, the\nenemies soon retreated; but Marcius, not content to see them draw off\nand retire, pressed hard upon the rear, and drove them, as they fled\naway in haste, to the very gates of their city; where, perceiving the\nRomans to fall back from their pursuit, beaten off by the multitude of\ndarts poured in upon them from the walls, and that none of his followers\nhad the hardiness to think of falling in pell-mell among the fugitives\nand so entering a city full of enemies in arms, he, nevertheless, stood\nand urged them to the attempt, crying out, that fortune had not opened\nCorioli, not so much to shelter the vanquished, as to receive the\nconquerors. Seconded by a few that were willing to venture with him, he\nbore along through the crowd, made good his passage, and thrust himself\ninto the gate through the midst of them, nobody at first daring to\nresist him. But when the citizens, on looking about, saw that a very\nsmall number had entered, they now took courage, and came up and\nattacked them. A combat ensued of the most extraordinary description,\nin which Marcius, by strength of hand, swiftness of foot, and daring of\nsoul, overpowered every one that he assailed, succeeded in driving the\nenemy to seek refuge, for the most part, in the interior of the town,\nwhile the remainder submitted, and threw down their arms; thus affording\nLartius abundant opportunity to bring in the rest of the Romans with\nease and safety.\n\nCorioli being thus surprised and taken, the greater part of the\nsoldiers employed themselves in spoiling and pillaging it, while Marcius\nindignantly reproached them, and exclaimed that it was a dishonorable\nand unworthy thing, when the consul and their fellow-citizens had now\nperhaps encountered the other Volscians, and were hazarding their lives\nin battle, basely to mis-spend the time in running up and down for\nbooty, and, under a pretence of enriching themselves, keep out of\ndanger. Few paid him any attention, but, putting himself at the head of\nthese, he took the road by which the consul's army had marched before\nhim, encouraging his companions, and beseeching them, as they went\nalong, not to give up, and praying often to the gods, too, that he might\nbe so happy as to arrive before the fight was over, and come seasonably\nup to assist Cominius, and partake in the peril of the action.\n\nIt was customary with the Romans of that age, when they were moving into\nbattle array, and were on the point of taking up their bucklers, and\ngirding their coats about them, to make at the same time an unwritten\nwill, or verbal testament, and to name who should be their heirs, in\nthe hearing of three or four witnesses. In this precise posture Marcius\nfound them at his arrival, the enemy having advanced within view.\n\nThey were not a little disturbed by his first appearance, seeing him\ncovered with blood and sweat, and attended with a small train; but when\nhe hastily made up to the consul with gladness in his looks, giving him\nhis hand, and recounting to him how the city had been taken, and when\nthey saw Cominius also embrace and salute him, every one took fresh\nheart; those that were near enough hearing, and those that were at a\ndistance guessing, what had happened; and all cried out to be led to\nbattle. First, however, Marcius desired to know of him how the Volscians\nhad arrayed their army, and where they had placed their best men, and on\nhis answering that he took the troops of the Activates in the centre to\nbe their prime warriors, than would yield to none in bravery, \"Let me\nthen demand and obtain of you,\" said Marcius, \"that we may be posted\nagainst them.\" The consul granted the request, with much admiration of\nhis gallantry. And when the conflict began by the soldiers darting\nat each other, and Marcius sallied out before the rest the Volscians\nopposed to him were not able to make head against him; wherever he fell\nin, he broke their ranks, and made a lane through them; but the parties\nturning again, and enclosing him on each side with their weapons,\nthe consul, who observed the danger he was in, despatched some of the\nchoicest men he had for his rescue. The conflict then growing warm and\nsharp about Marcius, and many falling dead in a little space, the Romans\nbore so hard upon the enemies, and pressed them with such violence,\nthat they forced them at length to abandon their ground, and to quit the\nfield. And, going now to prosecute the victory, they besought Marcius,\ntired out with his toils, and faint and heavy through the loss of blood,\nthat he would retire to the camp. He replied, however, that weariness\nwas not for conquerors, and joined with them in the pursuit. The rest of\nthe Volscian army was in like manner defeated, great numbers killed, and\nno less taken captive.\n\nThe day after, when Marcius, with the rest of the army, presented\nthemselves at the consul's tent, Cominius rose, and having rendered\nall due acknowledgment to the gods for the success of that enterprise,\nturned next to Marcius, and first of all delivered the strongest\nencomium upon his rare exploits, of which he had partly been an\neye-witness himself, in the late battle, and had partly learned from the\ntestimony of Lartius. And then he required him to choose a tenth part\nof all the treasure and horses and captives that had fallen into their\nhands, before any division should be made to others; besides which, he\nmade him the special present of a horse with trappings and ornaments,\nin honor of his actions. The whole army applauded; Marcius, however,\nstepped forth, and declaring his thankful acceptance of the horse and\nhis gratification at the praises of his general, said, that all other\nthings which he could only regard rather as mercenary advantages than\nany significations of honor, he must waive, and should be content with\nthe ordinary proportion of such rewards. \"I have only,\" said he \"one\nspecial grace to beg, and this I hope you will not deny me. There was a\ncertain hospitable friend of mine among the Volscians, a man of probity\nand virtue, who is become a prisoner, and from former wealth and\nfreedom is now reduced to servitude. Among his many misfortunes let my\nintercession redeem him from the one of being sold as a common slave.\"\nSuch a refusal and such a request on the part of Marcius were followed\nwith yet louder acclamations; and he had many more admirers of this\ngenerous superiority to avarice, than of the bravery he had shown in\nbattle. The very persons who conceived some envy and despite to see him\nso specially honored, could not but acknowledge, that one who so nobly\ncould refuse reward, was beyond others worth to receive it; and were\nmore charmed with that virtue which made him despise advantage, than\nwith any of those former actions that had gained him his title to it. It\nis a higher accomplishment to use money well than to use arms; but not\nto need it is more noble than to use it.\n\nWhen the noise of approbation and applause ceased, Cominius, resuming,\nsaid, \"It is idle, fellow-soldiers, to force those other gifts of ours\non one who is unwilling to accept them; let us, therefore, give him\none of such a kind that he cannot well reject it; let us pass a vote,\nI mean, that he shall hereafter be called Coriolanus, unless you\nthink that his performance at Corioli has itself anticipated any such\nresolution.\" Hence, therefore, he had his third name of Coriolanus,\nmaking it all the plainer that Gaius was a personal proper name, and\nthe second, or surname, Marcius, one common to his house and family; the\nthird being a subsequent addition which used to be imposed either from\nparticular act or fortune, bodily characteristic, or good quality of the\nbearer.\n\nNot long after Marcius stood for the consulship. It was usual for\ncandidates for office to solicit personally the citizens, presenting\nthemselves in the forum with the toga on alone, and no tunic under it;\neither to promote their supplications by the humility of their dress, or\nthat such as had received wounds might more readily display those marks\nof their fortitude.\n\nMarcius, therefore, as the fashion of candidates was, showing the scars\nand gashes that were still visible on his body, from the many conflicts\nin which he had signalized himself during a service of seventeen years\ntogether, the people were affected at this display of merit, and told\none another that they ought in common modesty to create him consul. But\nwhen the day of election had come, and Marcius appeared in the forum\nwith a pompous train of senators attending him, and the patricians all\nseemed to be exerting greater effort than they had ever done before on a\nsimilar occasion, the commons then fell off again from the kindness they\nhad conceived for him, and in the place of their late benevolence, began\nto feel something of indignation and envy; passions assisted by the\nfear they entertained, that if a man of such aristocratic temper, and\nso influential among the patricians, should be invested with the power\nwhich that office would give him, he might employ it to deprive the\npeople of all that liberty which was yet left them. In conclusion,\nthey rejected Marcius. Two other names were announced, to the great\nmortification of the senators, who felt as if the indignity reflected\nrather upon themselves than on Marcius. He, for his part, could not bear\nthe affront with any patience. He had always indulged his temper, and\nhad regarded the proud and contentious element of human nature as a sort\nof nobleness and magnanimity; reason and discipline had not imbued\nhim with that solidity and equanimity which enter so largely into the\nvirtues for the statesman. He had never learned how essential it is\nfor any one who undertakes public business, and desires to deal with\nmankind, to avoid above all things that self-will, which, as Plato says,\nbelongs to the family of solitude; and to pursue, above all things,\nthat capacity so generally ridiculed, of submission to ill-treatment.\nMarcius, straightforward and direct, stand together, and come in to\ntheir assistance. The assembly met, and soon became tumultuous. The sum\nof what Marcius had spoken, having been reported to the people, excited\nthem to such fury, that they were ready to break in upon the senate. The\ntribunes prevented this, by laying all the blame on Coriolanus, and they\naccordingly cited him to come before them, and defend himself.\n\nHe came, therefore, as it were, to make his apology, and clear himself;\nin which belief the people kept silence, and gave him a quiet hearing.\nBut when instead of the submissive and deprecatory language expected\nfrom him, he began to use not only an offensive kind of freedom, seeming\nrather to accuse than apologize, but as well by the tone of his voice as\nthe expression of his countenance, displayed a security that was not\nfar from disdain and contempt of them, the whole multitude then became\nangry, and gave evident signs of impatience and disgust; and Sicinnius,\nthe most violent of the tribunes, after a little private conference with\nhis colleagues, proceeded solemnly to pronounce before them all, that\nMarcius was condemned to die by the tribunes of the people, and bid\nthe Aediles take him to the Tarpeian rock, and without delay throw him\nheadlong from the precipice. When they, however, in compliance with the\norder, came to seize upon his body, many, even of the plebeian party,\nfelt it to be a horrible and extravagant act; the patricians, meantime,\nwholly beside themselves with distress and horror, hurried with cries\nto the rescue; and persuaded them not to despatch him by any sudden\nviolence, but refer the cause to the general suffrage of the people.\nBut when the people met together, the tribunes, contrary to all former\npractice, extorted first, that votes should be taken, not by centuries,\nbut tribes; a change, by which the rabble, that had no respect for\nhonesty and justice, would be sure to carry it against those who were\nrich and well known, and accustomed to serve the state in war. In the\nnext place, whereas they had engaged to prosecute Marcius upon no other\nhead but that of tyranny, which could never be made out against him,\nthey relinquished this plea, and urged instead, his language in the\nsenate against an abatement of the price of corn, and for the overthrow\nof the tribunician power; adding further, as a new impeachment, the\ndistribution that was made by him of the spoil and booty he had taken\nfrom the Antiates, when he overran their country, which he had divided\namong those that had followed him, whereas it ought rather to have been\nbrought into the public treasure; which last accusation did, they say,\nmore discompose Marcius than all the rest, as he had not anticipated\nhe should ever be questioned on that subject, and, therefore, was less\nprovided with any satisfactory answer to it on the sudden. And when,\nby way of excuse, he began to magnify the merits of those who had been\npartakers with him in the action, those that had stayed at home, being\nmore numerous than the other, interrupted him with the outcries. In\nconclusion, when they came to vote, a majority of three tribes condemned\nhim; the penalty being perpetual banishment.\n\nMarcius himself, was neither stunned nor humiliated. In mien, carriage,\nand countenance, he bore the appearance of entire composure, and while\nall his friends were full of distress, seemed the only man that was\nnot touched with his misfortune. On his return home, after saluting his\nmother and his wife, who were in tears and full of loud lamentations,\nand exhorting them to moderate the sense they had of his calamity, he\nproceeded at once to the city gates, whither all the nobility came to\nattend him; and not taking anything with him, or making any request to\nthe company, he departed from them, having only three or four clients\nwith him. He continued solitary for a few days in a place in the\ncountry, distracted with a variety of counsels, such as rage and\nindignation suggested to him; and proposing to himself no honorable\nor useful end, but only how he might best satisfy his revenge on the\nRomans, he resolved at length to arouse a heavy war against them from\ntheir nearest neighbors. He determined, first to make trial of the\nVolscians, whom he knew to be still vigorous and flourishing, both in\nmen and treasure, and he imagined their force and power was not so much\nabated, as their spite and anger increased, by the late overthrows they\nhad received from the Romans.\n\nThere was a man of Antium, called Tullus Aufidius, who, for his\nwealth and bravery and the splendor of his family, had the respect and\nprivilege of a king among the Volscians, but whom Marcius knew to have\na particular hostility to himself, above all other Romans. Frequent\nmenaces and challenges had passed in battle between them, and those\nexchanges of defiance to which their hot and eager emulation is apt\nto prompt young soldiers had added private animosity to their national\nfeelings of opposition. Yet for all this, considering Tullus to have a\ncertain generosity of temper, and knowing that no Volscian, so much as\nhe, desired an occasion to requite upon the Romans the evils they had\ndone, he put on a dress which completely disguised him and thus, like\nUlysses,--\n\n     He entered the town of his mortal foes.\n\nHis arrival at Antium was about evening, and though several met him in\nthe streets, yet he passed along without recognition, and went directly\nto the house of Tullus, and entering undiscovered, went up to the\nfire-hearth, and seated himself there without speaking a work, covering\nup his head. Those of the family could not but wonder, and yet they were\nafraid either to raise or question him, for there was a certain air of\nmajesty both in his posture and silence, but they recounted to Tullus,\nthen at supper, the strangeness of this accident. He immediately rose\nfrom table and came in, and asked him who he was, and for what business\nhe came there; and then Marcius, unmuffling himself, and pausing awhile\nsaid, \"If you cannot yet call me to mind, Tullus, or do not believe your\neyes concerning me, I must of necessity be my own accuser. I am Gaius\nMarcius, the author of so much mischief to the Volscians; of which, were\nI seeking to deny it, the surname of Coriolanus I now bear would be a\nsufficient evidence against me. The one recompense I received for\nall the hardships and perils I have gone through, was the title that\nproclaims my enmity to your nation, and this is the only thing which\nis still left me. Of all other advantages, I have been stripped\nand deprived by the envy of the Roman people, and the cowardice and\ntreachery of the magistrates and those of my own order. I am driven out\nas an exile, and become an humble suppliant at your hearth, not so much\nfor safety and protection (should I have come hither, had I been afraid\nto die?), as to seek vengeance against those that expelled me; which,\nmethinks, I have already obtained, by putting myself into your hands.\nIf, therefore, you have really a mind to attack your enemies, make use\nof that affliction you see me in to assist the enterprise, and convert\nmy personal infelicity into a common blessing to the Volscians; as I am\nlikely to be more serviceable in fighting for than against you, with the\nadvantage, which I now possess, of knowing all the secrets of the enemy\nthat I am attacking.\"\n\nTullus, on hearing this, was extremely rejoiced, and giving him his\nright hand, exclaimed, \"rise, Marcius, and be of good courage; it is\na great happiness you bring to Antium, in the present you make us of\nyourself; expect everything that is good from the Volscians.\" he then\nproceeded to feast and entertain him with every display of kindness, and\nfor several days after they were in close deliberation together on the\nprospects of a war.\n\nAlthough the Volscians had sworn to a truce of arms for the space of\ntwo years, the Romans themselves soon furnished them with a pretence,\nby making proclamation, out of some jealousy or slanderous report, at\nan exhibition of games, that all the Volscians who had come to see them\nshould depart from the city before sunset. Some affirm that this was a\ncontrivance of Marcius, who sent a man privately to the consuls, falsely\nto accuse the Volscians of intending to fall upon the Romans during the\ngames, and to set the city on fire. This public affront aroused their\nhostility to the Romans; and Tullus, perceiving it, took advantage of\nit, aggravating the fact, and working on their indignation, till he\npersuaded them, at last, to despatch ambassadors to Rome, requiring the\nRomans to restore that part of their country and those towns which they\nhad taken from the Volscian in the late war. When the Romans heard the\nmessage, they indignantly replied, that the Volscians were the first\nthat took up arms, but the Romans would be the last to lay them down.\nThis answer being brought back, Tullus called a general assembly of the\nVolscians; and the voted passing for a war, he then proposed that they\nshould call in Marcius, laying aside the remembrance of former grudges,\nand assuring themselves that the services they should now receive from\nhim as friend and associate, would abundantly outweigh any harm or\ndamage he had done them when he was their enemy. Marcius was accordingly\nsummoned, and having made his entrance, and spoken tot he people, won\ntheir good opinion of his capacity, his skill, counsel, and boldness,\nnot less by his present words than by his past actions. They joined him\nin commission with Tullus, to have full power as general of their forces\nin all that related to the war. And he, fearing lest the time that would\nbe requisite to bring all the Volscians together in full preparation\nmight be so long as to lose him the opportunity of action, left order\nwith the chief persons and magistrates for the city to provide other\nthings, while he himself, prevailing upon the readiest to assemble and\nmarch out with him as volunteers without staying to be enrolled, made\na sudden inroad into the Roman confines, when nobody expected him, and\npossessed himself of so much booty, that the Volscians found they had\nmore than they could either carry away or use in the camp. The abundance\nof provision which he gained, and the waste and havoc of the country\nwhich he made, were, however, the smallest results of that invasion;\nthe great mischief he intended, and his special object in all, was to\nincrease at Rome the suspicions entertained of the patricians, and\nto make them upon worse terms with the people. With this view, while\ndespoiling all the fields and destroying the property of other men, he\ntook special care to preserve their farms and lands untouched, and would\nnot allow his soldiers to ravage there, or seize upon any thing which\nbelonged to them. Hence the quarrels broke out afresh, and rose to\na greater height than ever; the senators reproaching those of the\ncommonalty with their late injustice to Marcius; while the plebeians, on\ntheir side, did not hesitate to accuse them of having, out of spite and\nrevenge, solicited him to this enterprise, and thus, when others\nwere involved in the miseries of a war by their means, they sat like\nunconcerned spectators furnished with a guardian abroad of their\nfortunes, in the very person of the public enemy. After this incursion\nand exploit, which was of great advantage to the Volscians, since they\nlearned by it to be more courageous and to despise their enemy, Marcius\ndrew them off, and returned in safety.\n\nBut when the whole strength of the Volscians was brought together into\nthe field, with great expedition, it appeared so considerable a body,\nthat they agreed to leave part in garrison, for the security of their\ntowns, and with the other part to march against the Romans. Marcius\nnow desired Tullus to choose which of the two charges would be most\nagreeable to him. Tullus answered, that since he knew Marcius to be\nequally valiant with himself, and far more fortunate, he would have him\ntake the command of those that were going out to the war, while he made\nit his care to defend their cities at home, and provide all conveniences\nfor the army abroad. Marcius thus reinforced, and much stronger than\nbefore, moved first towards the city called Circaeum, a Roman colony.\nHe received its surrender, and did the inhabitants no injury; passing\nthence, he entered and laid waste the country of the Latins, where\nhe expected the Romans would meet him, as the Latins were their\nconfederates and allies, and had often sent to demand succor from them.\nthe people, however, on their part, showing little inclination for the\nservice, and the consuls themselves being unwilling to run the hazard of\na battle, when the time of their office was almost ready to expire, they\ndismissed the Latin ambassadors without any effect; so that Marcius,\nfinding no army to oppose him, marched up to their cities, and, having\ntaken by force Toleria, Lavici, Peda, and Bols, all of which offered\nresistance, not only plundered their houses, but made a prey likewise\nof their persons. Meantime, he showed particular regard for all such\nas came over to his party, and, for fear they might sustain any damage\nagainst his will, encamped them at the greatest distance he could, and\nwholly abstained from their property.\n\nAfter, however, he had made himself master of Bols, a town not above ten\nmiles from Rome, where he found great treasure, and put almost all\nthe adults to the sword; the other Volscians that were ordered to\nstay behind and protect their cities, hearing of his achievements\nand success, had not patience to remain any longer at home, but came\nhastening in their arms to Marcius, saying that he alone was their\ngeneral and the sole commander they would own; with all this, his name\nand renown spread throughout all Italy, and universal wonder prevailed\nat the sudden and mighty revolution in the fortunes for two nations\nwhich the loss and the accession of a single man had effected.\n\nAll at Rome was in great disorder; they were utterly averse from\nfighting, and spent their whole time in cabals and disputes and\nreproaches against each other; until news was brought that the enemy had\nlaid close siege to Lavinium, where were the images and sacred things of\ntheir tutelar gods, and whence they derived the origin of their nations,\nthat being the first city which Aeneas built in Italy. These tidings\nproduced a change as universal as it was extraordinary in the thoughts\nand inclinations of the people, but occasioned a yet stranger revulsion\nof feeling among the patricians. The people now were for repealing the\nsentence against Marcius, and calling him back into the city; whereas\nthe senate, being assembled to consider the decree, opposed and finally\nrejected the proposal, either out of the mere humor of opposing the\npeople in whatever they should desire, or because they were unwilling,\nperhaps, that he should owe his restoration to their kindness. When\nMarcius heard of this, he was more exasperated than ever, and, quitting\nthe siege of Lavinium, marched furiously towards Rome, and encamped at\na place called the Cluilian ditches, about five miles from the city.\nThe nearness of his approach did, indeed, create much terror and\ndisturbance, yet it also ended their dissensions for the present; as\nnobody now, whether consul or senator, durst any longer contradict the\npeople in their design of recalling Marcius.\n\nIt was therefore, unanimously agreed by all parties, that ambassadors\nshould be despatched, offering him return to his country, and desiring\nhim to free them from the terrors and distresses of the war. The persons\nsent by the senate with this message were chosen out of his kindred\nand acquaintance, who naturally expected a very kind reception at their\nfirst interview; in which, however, they were much mistaken. Being led\nthrough the enemy's camp, they found him sitting in state amid the chief\nmen of the Volscians, looking insupportably proud and arrogant. He\nbade them declare the cause of their coming, which they did in the most\ngently terms, and with a behavior suitable to their language. When they\nhad made an end of speaking, he returned them a sharp answer, full of\nbitterness and angry resentment, as to what concerned himself, and the\nill usage he had received from them; but as general of the Volscians, he\ndemanded restitution of the cities and the lands which had been seized\nupon during the late war, and that the same rights and franchises should\nbe granted them at Rome, which had been before accorded to the Latins;\nsince there could be no assurance that a peace would be firm and lasting\nwithout just conditions on both sides. He allowed them thirty days to\nconsider and resolve.\n\nThe ambassadors having departed; he withdrew his forces from the Roman\nterritory. Those of the Volscians who had long envied his reputation,\nand could not endure to see the influence he had with the people, laid\nhold of this as a matter of complaint against him. Among them was Tullus\nhimself, not for any wrong done him personally by Marcius, but through\nthe weakness incident to human nature. He could not help feeling\nmortified to find his own glory totally obscured, and himself overlooked\nand neglected now by the Volscians, who had so great an opinion of their\nnew leader. Yet Marcius spent no part of the time idly, but attacked the\nconfederates of the enemy, ravaged their land, and took from them\nseven great and populous cities in that interval. The Romans, in the\nmeanwhile, durst not venture out to their relief; but were utterly\nfearful, and showed no more disposition or capacity for action, than if\ntheir bodies had been struck with a palsy, and become destitute of sense\nand motion. But when the thirty days were expired, and Marcius appeared\nagain with his whole army, they sent another embassy to beseech him that\nhe would moderate his displeasure, and would withdraw the Volscian army,\nand then make any proposals he thought best for both parties, but if it\nwere his opinion that the Volscians ought to have any favor shown them,\nupon laying down their arms they might obtain all they could in reason\ndesire.\n\nThe reply of Marcius was, that he should make no answer to this as a\ngeneral of the Volscians, but in the quality still for a roman citizen,\nhe would advise them to return to him before three days were at an end,\nwith a ratification of his previous demands.\n\nWhen the ambassadors came back, and acquainted the senate with the\nanswer, seeing the whole state now threatened as it were by a tempest, a\ndecree was made, that the whole order of their priests should go in full\nprocession to Marcius with their pontifical array, and the dress and\nhabit which they respectively used in their several functions, and\nshould urge him, as before, to withdraw his forces, and then treat with\nhis countrymen in favor of the Volscians. He granted nothing at all, nor\nso much as expressed himself more mildly; but without capitulating or\nreceding, bade them once for all choose whether they would yield or\nfight, since the old terms were the only terms of peace. In this great\nperplexity, the roman women went, some to other temples, but the\ngreater part, and the ladies of highest rank, tot he altar of Jupiter\nCapitolinus. Among these suppliants was Valeria, sister to the great\nPoplicola, who happily lighting, not without divine guidance, on the\nright expedient, rose, and bade the others rise, and went directly with\nthem to the house of Volumnia, the mother of Marcius. And coming in\nand finding her sitting with her daughter-in-law, and with her little\ngrandchildren on her lap, Valeria, then surrounded by her companions,\nspoke in the name of them all:--\n\n\"We, O Volumnia, and Vergilia, are come as women to women, to request a\nthing on which our own and the common safety depends, and which, if you\nconsent to it, will raise our glory above that of the daughters of\nthe Sabines, who won over their fathers and their husbands from mortal\nenmity to peace and friendship. Arise and come with us to Marcius; join\nin our supplication, for your country's sake.\"\n\nThe words of Valeria were seconded by the acclamations of the other\nwomen, to which Volumnia made answer:--\"I and Vergilia, my countrywomen,\nhave an equal share with you all in the common miseries, and we have the\nadditional sorrow, which is wholly ours, that we have lost the merit and\ngood fame of Marcius, and see his person confined, rather than protected\nby the arms of the enemy. Make use, however, of our service; and lead\nus, if you please, to him; we are able, if nothing more, at least to\nspend our last breath in making suit to him for our country.\"\n\nHaving spoken thus, she took Vergilia by the hand, and the young\nchildren, and so accompanied them to the Volscian camp. So lamentable\na sight much affected the enemies themselves, who viewed them in\nrespectful silence. Marcius, seeing the party of women advance, came\ndown hastily to meet them, saluting his mother first, and embracing her\na long time, and then his wife and children, sparing neither tears nor\ncares, but suffering himself to be borne away and carried headlong, as\nit were, but the impetuous violence of his passion.\n\nwhen he had satisfied himself, and observed that his mother Volumnia was\ndesirous to say something, the Volscian council being first called in,\nhe heard her to the following effect: \"Our dress and our very persons,\nmy son, might tell you, though we should say nothing ourselves, in how\nforlorn a condition we have lived at home since your banishment and\nabsence from us; and now consider with yourself, whether we may not pass\nfor the most unfortunate of all women, to have that sight, which should\nbe the sweetest that we could see, converted, through I know not\nwhat fatality, to one of all others the most formidable and\ndreadful,--Volumnia to behold her son, and Vergilia her husband, in arms\nagainst the walls of Rome. As for myself, if I cannot prevail with you\nto prefer amity and concord to quarrel and hostility, and to be the\nbenefactor to both parties, rather than the destroyer of one of them,\nbe assured of this, that you shall not be able to reach your country,\nunless you trample first upon the corpse of her that brought you into\nlife. For it will be ill in me to loiter in the world till the day com\nwherein I shall see a child of mine, either led in triumph by his own\ncountrymen, or triumphing over them.\"\n\nMarcius listened to his mother while she spoke, without answering her a\nword; and Volumnia, seeing him stand mute also for a long time after she\nhad ceased, resumed: \"O my son, what is the meaning of this silence? Is\nit wrong to gratify a mother in a request like this? You have punished\nyour country already; you have not yet paid your debt to me.\" Having\nsaid this, she threw herself down at his feet, as did also his wife and\nchildren; upon which Marcius, crying out, \"O mother! what is it you have\ndone to me?\" raised her from the ground, and pressing her right hand\nwith more than ordinary vehemence said, \"You have gained a victory,\nfortunate enough for the Romans, but destructive to your son; whom you,\nthough none else, have defeated.\" And after a little private conference\nwith his mother and his wife, he went them back again to Rome, as they\ndesired of him.\n\nthe next morning, he broke up his camp, and led the Volscians homeward,\nvariously affected with what he had done. None, however, opposed\nhis commands; they all obediently followed him, though rather from\nadmiration of his virtue, than any regard they now had to his authority.\nThe Roman people, meantime began to crown themselves with garlands and\nprepare for sacrifice, as they were wont to do upon tidings brought\nof an signal victory. But the joy and transport of the whole city was\nchiefly remarkable in the honors and marks of affection paid to the\nwomen, as well by the senate as the people in general; every one\ndeclaring that they were, beyond all question, the instruments of the\npublic safety. And the senate having passed a decree that whatsoever\nthey would ask in the way of an a favor or honor should be allowed and\ndone for them by the magistrates, they demanded simply that a temple\nmight be erected to the Goddess Fortuna, the expense of which they\noffered to defray out of their own contributions, if the city would be\nat the cost of sacrifices, and other matters pertaining to the due honor\nof the gods, out of the common treasury. The senate, much commending\ntheir public spirit, caused the temple to be built and a statue set\nup in it at the public charge; they however, made up a sum among\nthemselves, for a second image of Fortune, which the Romans say utter\nthese words as they were putt it up \"Blessed of the gods, O women, is\nyour gift.\"\n\nWhen Marcius came back to Antium, Tullus, who thoroughly hated\nand greatly feared him, proceeded at once to contrive how he might\nimmediately despatch him; as, if he escaped now, he was never likely\nto give him such another advantage. Having, therefore, got together and\nsuborned several partisans against him, he required Marcius to resign\nhis charge, and give the Volscians an account of his administration.\n\nAn assembly was called, and popular speakers, as had been concerted,\ncame forward to exasperate and incense the multitude; but when Marcius\nstood up to answer, even the most tumultuous part of the people became\nquiet on a sudden, and out of reverence allowed him to speak without\nthe least disturbance; while all the better people, and such as were\nsatisfied with a peace, made it evident by their whole behavior,\nthat they would give him a favorable hearing, and judge and pronounce\naccording to equity.\n\nFor these reasons, the conspirators judged it prudent not to test the\ngeneral feeling; but the boldest of their faction fell upon Marcius in\na body, and slew him there, none of those that were present offering\nto defend him. But it quickly appeared that the action was in nowise\napproved of by the majority of the Volscians, who hurried out of\ntheir several cities to show respect to his corpse; to which they gave\nhonorable interment, adorning his sepulchre with arms and trophies, as\nthe monument of a noble hero and a famous general. When the Romans heard\ntidings of his death, they gave no other signification either of honor\nor of anger toward him, but simply granted the request of the women,\nthat they might put themselves into mourning and bewail him for ten\nmonths, as the usage was upon the loss of a father or a son or a\nbrother; that being the period fixed for the longest lamentation by the\nlaws of Numa Pompilius.\n\nMarcius was no sooner deceased, than the Volscians felt the need of his\nassistance. They quarreled first with the Aequians, their confederates\nand friends, about the appointment of the general of their joint forces,\nand carried their dispute to the length of bloodshed and slaughter; and\nwere then defeated by the Romans in a pitched battle, where not only\nTullus lost his life, but the flower of their whole army was cut to\npieces; so that they were forced to submit and accept of peace upon very\ndishonorable terms, becoming subjects of Rome, and pledging themselves\nto submission.\n\n\n\n\nCOMPARISON OF ALCIBIADES AND CORIOLANUS\n\nHaving described all their actions that seem to deserve commemoration,\ntheir military ones, we may say, incline the balance very decidedly upon\nneither side. They both, in pretty equal measure, displayed on numerous\noccasions the daring and courage of the soldier, and the skill and\nforesight of the general; unless, indeed, the fact that Alcibiades was\nvictorious and successful in many contests both by sea and land, ought\nto gain him the title of a more complete commander. That so long as they\nremained and held command in their respective countries, they eminently\nsustained, and when they were driven into exile, yet more eminently\ndamaged the fortunes of those countries, is common to both. All the\nsober citizens felt disgust at the petulance, the low flattery, and\nbase seductions which Alcibiades, in his public life, allowed himself\nto employ with the view of winning the people's favor; and the\nungraciousness, pride, and oligarchical haughtiness which Marcius,\non the other hand, displayed in his, were the abhorrence of the Roman\npopulace.\n\nMarcius, according to our common conceptions of his character, was\nundoubtedly simple and straightforward; Alcibiades, unscrupulous as a\npublic man, and false. He is more especially blamed for the dishonorable\nand treacherous way in which, as Thucydides relates, he imposed upon the\nLacedaemonian ambassadors, and disturbed the continuance of the peace.\nyet this policy, which engaged the city again in way, nevertheless\nplaced it in a powerful and formidable position, by the accession, which\nAlcibiades obtained for it, of the alliance of Argos and Mantinea. And\nCoriolanus also, Dionysius relates, used unfair means to excite war\nbetween the Romans and the Volscians, in the false report which he\nspread about the visitors at the Games; and the motive of this action\nseems to make it the worse for the two; since it was not done, like\nthe other, out of ordinary political jealousy, strife and competition.\nsimply to gratify anger, from which as Ion says, no one ever yet got any\nreturn, he threw whole districts of Italy into confusion, and sacrificed\nto his passion against his country numerous innocent cities. It is true,\nindeed, that Alcibiades, by his resentment, was the occasion of great\ndisasters to his country, but he relented as soon as he found their\nfeelings to be changed; and after he was driven out a second time,\nso far from taking pleasure in the errors and inadvertencies of their\ncommanders, or being indifferent to the danger they were thus incurring,\nhe did the very thing that Aristides is so highly commended for doing to\nThemistocles: he came to the generals who were his enemies, and pointed\nout to them what they ought to do. Coriolanus, on the other hand, first\nall attacked the whole body of his countrymen, though only one portion\nof them had done him any wrong, while the other, the better and nobler\nportion, had actually suffered, as well as sympathized, with him. And,\nsecondly, by the obduracy with which he resisted numerous embassies and\nsupplications, addressed in propitiation of his person anger, he showed\nthat it had been to destroy and overthrow, not to recover and regain his\ncountry, that he had excited bitter and implacable hostilities against.\nThere is, indeed, one distinction that may be drawn. Alcibiades, it may\nbe said, was not safe among the Spartans, and had the inducements at\nonce of fear and of hatred to lead him again to Athens; whereas Marcius\ncould not honorably have left the Volscians, when they were behaving\nso well to him: he, in the command of their forces and the enjoyment\nof their entire confidence, was in a very different position from\nAlcibiades, whom the Lacedaemonians did not so much wish to adopt into\ntheir service, as to use, and then abandon. Driven about from house to\nhouse in the city, and from general to general in the camp, the latter\nhad no resort but to place himself in the hands of Tissaphernes; unless\nwe are to suppose that his object in courting favor with him was to\navert the entire destruction of his native city, whither he wished\nhimself to return.\n\nAs regards money, Alcibiades, we are told, was often guilty of procuring\nit by accepting bribes, and spent it in luxury and dissipation.\nCoriolanus declined to receive it, even when pressed upon him by his\ncommanders as an honor; and one great reason for the odium he incurred\nwith the populace in the discussions about their debts was, that he\ntrampled upon the poor, not for money's sake, but out of pride and\ninsolence.\n\nAntipater, in a letter written upon the death of Aristotle the\nphilosopher, observes, \"Amongst his other gifts he had that of\npersuasiveness,\" and the absence of this in the character of Marcius\nmade all his great actions and noble qualities unacceptable to those\nwhom they benefited: pride, and self-will, the consort, as Plato calls\nit, of solitude, made him insufferable. With the skill which Alcibiades,\non the contrary, professed to treat every one in the way most agreeable\nto him, we cannot wonder that all his successes were attended with\nthe most exuberant favor and honor; his very errors, at times, being\naccompanied by something of grace and felicity. And so, in spite of\ngreat and frequent hurt that he had done the city, he was repeatedly\nappointed to office and command; while Coriolanus stood in vain for a\nplace which his great services had made his due.\n\nAlcibiades never professed to deny that it was pleasant to him to be\nhonored and distasteful to him to be overlooked; and, accordingly, he\nalways tried to place himself upon good terms with all that he met;\nCoriolanus' pride forbade him to pay attentions to those who could have\npromoted his advancement, and yet his love of distinction made him feel\nhurt and angry when he was disregarded. Such are the faulty parts of\nhis character, which in all other respects was a noble one. For his\ntemperance, continence, and probity, he might claim to be compared\nwith the best and purest of the Greeks; not in any sort of kind with\nAlcibiades, the least scrupulous and most entirely careless of human\nbeings in all these points.\n\n\n\n\nARISTIDES\n\nAristides, the son of Lysimachus, was of the tribe Antiochis, and\ntownship of Alopece. Being the friend and supporter of that Clisthenes,\nwho settled the government after the expulsion of the tyrants, and\nemulating and admiring Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian above all politicians,\nhe adhered to the aristocratical principles of government; and had\nThemistocles, son to Neocles, his adversary on the side of the populace.\nSome say that, when boys together, they were always at variance in all\ntheir words and actions, serious as well as playful. One was ready,\nventuresome, and subtle, engaging readily and eagerly in everything; the\nother of a staid and settled temper, intent on the exercise of justice,\nnot admitting any degree of falsity, indecorum, or trickery, even at his\nplay. Ariston of Ceos says that the first origin of enmity which rose to\nso great a height, was a love affair; they were rivals for the\naffection of the beautiful Stesilaus of Ceos, and were passionate beyond\nmoderation, and did not lay aside their animosity when the beauty that\nhad excited it passed away; but carried their heats and differences into\npublic business.\n\nThemistocles joined an association of partisans, and fortified himself\nwith considerable strength; so that when some one told him that if he\nwere impartial, he would make a good magistrate, \"I wish,\" replied he,\n\"I may never sit on that tribunal where my friends shall not plead a\ngreater privilege than strangers.\"\n\nBut Aristides walked alone on his path in politics being unwilling to\ngo with associates in ill doing, or to cause them vexation by not\ngratifying their wishes.\n\nWhen he had once opposed Themistocles in some measures that were\nexpedient, and had got the better of him, he could not refrain from\nsaying, when he left the assembly, that unless they sent Themistocles\nand himself to the barathrum,(a pit into which the dead bodies of\nmalefactors were thrown) there could be no safety for Athens. Another\ntime, when urging some proposal upon the people, although there was much\nopposition to it, yet he was gaining the day; but just as the president\nof the assembly was about to put it to the vote, perceiving by what had\nbeen said in debate the inexpediency of his advice, he let it fall. He\noften brought in his bills by other persons, lest Themistocles, thought\nparty spirit against him, should be any hindrance to the good of the\npublic.\n\nIn all the vicissitudes of public affairs, the constancy he showed was\nadmirable, not being elated with honors, and demeaning himself sedately\nin adversity. Once, at the recital of these verses of Aeshcylus in the\ntheatre, relating to Amphiaraus,\n\n     For not at seeming just, but being so\n     He aims; and from his depth of soil below,\n     Harvest of wise and prudent counsels grow,\n\nthe eyes of all the spectators were turned upon Aristides, as if this\nvirtue in an especial manner belonged to him.\n\nHe was a most determined champion of justice, not only against feelings\nof friendship and favor, but wrath and malice.\n\nThus it is reported of him that prosecuting one who was his enemy,\nwhen the judges after accusation refused to hear the criminal, and were\nproceeding immediately to pass sentence upon him, he rose in haste from\nhis seat and joined in petition with him for a hearing, and that he\nmight enjoy the privilege of the law. Another time, judging between\ntwo private persons, when the one declared his adversary had very much\ninjured Aristides; \"Tell me rather, good friend,\" he said, \"what wrong\nhe has done you: for it is your cause, not my own, which I now sit\njudge of.\" Being chosen to the charge of the public revenue, he made it\nappear, that not only those of his time, but the preceding officers, had\nalienated much treasure, and especially Themistocles:\n\n     Well known he was an able man to be,\n     But with his fingers apt to be too free.\n\nTherefore, Themistocles associating several persons against Aristides,\nand impeaching him when he gave in his accounts, caused him to be\ncondemned of robbing of the public; so Idomeneus states; but the best\nand chief men of the city much resented it, so that he was not only\nexempted from the fine imposed upon him, but again called to the\nsame employment. Pretending now to repent of his former practice, and\ncarrying himself with more remissness, he became acceptable to such\nas pillaged the treasury, by not detecting or calling them to an exact\naccount. So that those who had their fill of the public money began\nhighly to applaud Aristides, and sued to the people, to have him once\nmore chosen treasurer. But when they were upon the point of election, he\nreproved the Athenians in these words: \"When I discharged my office\nwell and faithfully, I was insulted and abused; but now that I have\ncountenanced the public thieves in a variety of malpractices, I am\nconsidered an admirable patriot. I am more ashamed, therefore, of this\npresent honor than of the former sentence; and I pity your condition,\nwith whom is more praiseworthy to oblige bad men than to preserve the\nrevenue of public.\"\n\nWhen Datis was sent by Darius under pretense of punishing the Athenians\nfor their burning of Sardis, but in reality to reduce the Greeks under\nhis dominion, and had landed at Marathon and laid waste the country,\namong the ten commanders appointed by the Athenians for the war,\nMiltiades was of the greatest name; but the second place, both for\nreputation and power, was possessed by Aristides: and when his opinion\nto join battle was added to that of Miltiades, it did much to incline\nthe balance. Every leader by his day having the command in chief, when\nit came to Aristides' turn, he delivered it into the hands of Miltiades,\nshowing his fellow officers, that it is not dishonorable to obey and\nfollow wise and able men, but, on the contrary, noble and prudent. So\nappeasing their rivalry, and bringing them to acquiesce in the best\nadvice, he confirmed Miltiades in the strength of undivided and\nunmolested authority. And now every one, yielding his day of command,\nlooked for orders only to him. During the fight the main body of the\nAthenians being the hardest pressed, the barbarians, for a long time,\nmaking opposition there against the tribes Leontis and Antiochis,\nThemistocles and Aristides being ranged together, fought valiantly; the\none being of the tribe Leontis, the other of the Antiochis. But, after\nthey had beaten the barbarians back to their ships, and perceived that\nthey did sail for the isles, but were driven in by the force of sea and\nwind towards the country of Attica, fearing lest they should take the\ncity, they hurried away thither with nine tribes, and reached it the\nsame day.\n\nOf all the virtues of Aristides, the common people were most affected\nwith his justice, because of its continual and common use; and thus,\nalthough of mean fortune and ordinary birth, he possessed himself of the\nmost kingly and divine appellation of Just; which kings, however, and\ntyrants have never sought after; but have taken delight to be surnamed\nbesiegers of cities, thunderers, conquerors, eagles and hawks;\naffecting, it seems, the reputation which proceeds from power and\nviolence, rather than that of virtue.\n\nAristides, therefore, had at first the fortune to be beloved for this\nsurname, but at length envied. Especially when Themistocles spread a\nrumor amongst the people, that, by determining and judging all matters\nprivately, he had destroyed the courts of judicature, and was secretly\nmaking way for a monarchy in his own person, without the assistance\nof guards. Moreover, the spirit of the people, now grown high, and\nconfident with their late victory, naturally entertained feelings of\ndislike to all of more than common fame and reputation. Coming together,\ntherefore, from all parts into the city, they banished Aristides by the\nostracism, giving their jealousy of his reputation the name of fear of\ntyranny. For ostracism was not the punishment of any criminal act,\nbut was speciously said to be the mere depression and humiliation of\nexcessive greatness and power; and was in fact a gentle relief and\nmitigation of envious feeling, which was thus allowed to vent itself\nin inflicting no intolerable injury, only a ten years' banishment.\nBut after it came be exercised upon base and villainous fellows, they\ndesisted from it; Hyperbolus, being the last whom they banished by the\nostracism.\n\nThe cause of Hyperbolus's banishment is said to have been this.\nAlcibiades and Nicias, men that bore the greatest sway in the city, were\nof different factions. As the people, therefore, were about to vote the\nostracism, and obviously to decree it against one of them, consulting\ntogether and uniting their parties, they contrived the banishment of\nHyperbolus. Upon which the people, being offended, as if some contempt\nor affront was put upon the thing, left off and quite abolished it.\nIt was performed, to be short, in this manner. Every one taking an\nostracon, that is, a sherd, a piece of earthenware, wrote upon it the\ncitizen's he would have banished, and carried it to a certain part of\nthe market-place surrounded with wooden rails. First, the magistrates\nnumbered all the sherds in gross (for if there were less than six\nthousand, the ostracism was imperfect); then, laying every name by\nitself, they pronounced him whose name was written by the largest\nnumber, banished for ten years, with the enjoyment of his estate. As,\ntherefore, they were writing the names on the sherds, it is reported\nthat an illiterate clownish fellow, giving Aristides his sherd,\nsupposing him a common citizen, begged him write Aristides upon it; and\nhe being surprised and asking if Aristides had ever done him any injury,\n\"None at all,\" said he, \"neither know I the man; but I am tired of\nhearing him everywhere called the Just.\" Aristides, hearing this, is\nsaid to have made no reply, but returned the sherd with his own name\ninscribed. At his departure from the city, lifting up his hands to\nheaven, he made a prayer (the reverse, it would seem, of that of\nAchilles), that the Athenians might never have any occasion which should\nconstrain them to remember Aristides.\n\nBut three years afterwards, when Xerxes was marching through Thessaly\nand Boeotia into the country of Attica, they repealed the law, and\ndecreed the return of the banished: chiefly fearing lest Aristides might\njoin himself to the enemy, and bring over many of his fellow-citizens to\nthe party of the barbarians; much mistaking the man, who, already before\nthe decree, was exerting himself to excite and encourage the Greeks to\nthe defense of their liberty.\n\nAfter the battle of Salamis, Xerxes, much terrified, immediately\nhastened to the Hellespont. But Mardonius was left with the most\nserviceable part of the army, about three hundred thousand men, and was\na formidable enemy, confident in his infantry, and writing messages\nof defiance to the Greeks: \"You have overcome by sea men accustomed\nto fight on land and unskilled at the oar; but there lies now the open\ncountry of Thessaly; and the plains of Boeotia offer a broad and worthy\nfield for brave men, either horse or foot, to contend in.\"\n\nBut he sent privately to the Athenians, both by letter and word of mouth\nfrom the king, promising to rebuild their city, to give them a vast\nsum of money, and constitute them lords of all Greece on condition they\nwould not engage in the war. The Lacedaemonians receiving news of this,\nand fearing, dispatched an embassy to the Athenians, entreating that\nthey would send their wives and children to Sparta, and receive support\nfrom them for their superannuated. For, being despoiled both of their\ncity and country, the people were suffering extreme distress. Having\ngiven audience to the ambassadors, they returned an answer, upon the\nmotion of Aristides, worthy of the highest admiration; declaring, that\nthey forgave their enemies if they thought all things purchasable by\nwealth, than which they knew nothing of greater value; but that they\nfelt offended at the Lacaemonians, for looking only to their present\npoverty, without any remembrance of their valor and magnanimity, and\noffering them their victuals, to fight in the cause of Greece. Aristides\nmade this proposal, brought back the ambassadors into the assembly, and\ncharged them to tell the Lacaemonians that all the treasure on earth or\nunder it was of less value with the people of Athens than the liberty of\nGreece. And, showing the sun to those who came from Mardonius, \"as long\nas that retains the same course, so long,\" said he, \"shall the citizens\nof Athens wage war with the Persians for the country which has been\nwasted, and the temples that have been profaned and burnt by them.\"\nMoreover, he proposed a decree, that the priests should anathematize him\nwho sent any herald to the Medes, or deserted the alliance of Greece.\n\nWhen Mardonius made a second incursion into the country of Attica, the\npeople passed over again into the isle of Salamis. Aristides himself\nwent to Lacedaemon, and reproved them for the delay and neglect in\nabandoning Athens once more to the barbarians; and demanded their\nassistance for that part of Greece which was not yet lost. The Ephori,\nhearing this, made show of sporting all day, and of carelessly keeping\nholy day (for they were then celebrating the Hyacinthian festival),\nbut in the night, selecting five thousand Spartans, each of whom was\nattended by seven Helots, they sent them forth unknown to those from\nAthens. And when Aristides again reprehended them, they told him in\nderision that he either doted or dreamed, for the army was already\nat Oresteum, in their march towards the strangers; as they called the\nPersians. Aristides answered that they jested unreasonably, deluding\ntheir friends, instead of their enemies.\n\nBeing chosen general for the war, he repaired to Plataea, with eight\nthousand Athenians, where Pausanias, generalissimo of all Greece,\njoined him with the Spartans; and the forces of the other Greeks came in\nto them. The encampment of the barbarians extended all along the bank of\nthe river Asopus, their numbers being so great, there was no enclosing\nthem all, but their baggage and most valuable things were surrounded\nwith a square bulwark, each side of which was the length of ten\nfurlongs.\n\nThe Tegeatans, contesting the post of honor with the Athenians,\ndemanded, that according to custom, the Lacedaemonians being ranged on\nthe right wing of the battle, they might have the left, alleging\nseveral matters in commendation of their ancestors. The Athenians being\nindignant at the claim, Aristides came forward and said: \"To contend\nwith the Tegeatans for noble descent and valor, the present time permits\nnot: but this we say to you, O you Spartans, and you the rest of the\nGreeks, that place neither takes away nor contributes courage: we shall\nendeavor by maintaining the post you assign us, to reflect no dishonor\non our former performances. For we are come, not to differ with our\nfriends, but to fight our enemies; not to extol our ancestors, but to\nbehave as valiant men. This battle will manifest how much each city,\ncaptain, and private soldier is worth to Greece.\" The council of war,\nupon this address, decided for the Athenians, and gave them the other\nwing of the battle.\n\nAt this juncture, Mardonius made trial of the Grecian courage, by\nsending his whole number of horse, in which he thought himself much\nthe stronger, against them, while they were all, except the Megarians,\nencamped at the foot of Mount Cithaeron, in strong and rocky places.\nThey being three thousand in number, had pitched their tents on the\nplain, where the cavalry charged and made inroads upon them from all\nsides. They sent, therefore, in haste to Pausanias, demanding relief,\nnot being able alone to sustain the great numbers of the barbarians.\nPausanias, hearing this, and perceiving the tents of the Megarians\nalmost hidden by the multitude of darts and arrows, and themselves\ndriven together into a narrow space, was at a loss how to aid them with\nhis battalions of heavy-armed Lacedaemonians. He asked, therefore, as\na test of emulation and love of distinction, to the commanders and\ncaptains who were around him, if any would voluntarily take upon the\ndefense and succor of the Megarians.\n\nThe rest being backward, Aristides undertook the enterprise for the\nAthenians, and sent Olympiodorus, the most valiant of his inferior\nofficers, with three hundred chosen men and some archers under his\ncommand. These were soon in readiness, and running upon the enemy, as\nsoon as it was perceived by Masistius, who commanded the cavalry of the\nbarbarians, a man of wonderful courage and of extraordinary bulk and\ncomeliness of person, he turned his steed and made towards them. They\nsustained the shock and joined battle with him, as though by this\nencounter they were to try the success of the whole war. But after\nMasistius's horse received a wound, and flung him, and he falling, could\nhardly raise himself through the weight of his armor, the Athenians\npressed upon him with blows, but could not easily get at his person,\narmed as he was, breast, head, and limbs all over, with gold and brass\nand iron; but one of them at last, running a javelin under the visor of\nhis helmet, slew him; and the rest of the Persians, leaving the body,\nfled. The greatness of the Greek success was known, not by the multitude\nof the slain, (for an inconsiderable number were killed), but by the\nsorrow the barbarians expressed. For they shaved themselves, their\nhorses, and mules for the death of Masistius, and filled the plain with\nhowling and lamentation; having lost a person, who, next to Mardonius\nhimself, was by far the chief among them, both for valor and authority.\n\nAfter this skirmish of the horse, they kept from fighting a long time;\nfor the soothsayers, by the sacrifices, foretold the victory both to\nGreeks and Persians, if they stood upon the defensive part only, but if\nthey became aggressors, the contrary. At length Mardonious, when he\nhad but a few days' provision, and the Greek forces were increasing\ncontinually, impatient of delay, determined to lie still no longer, but\npassing Asopus by daybreak, to fall unexpectedly upon the Greeks. This\nhe signified the night before to the captains of his host. But about\nmidnight, a certain horseman stole into the Greek camp, and coming to\nthe watch, desired them to summon Aristides, the Athenian, to him.\nHe came speedily, and the stranger said: \"I am Alexander, king of the\nMacedonians, and have come here through the greatest danger in the world\nfor the goodwill I bear you, lest a sudden onset should dismay you, so\nas to behave in the fight worse than usual. For to-morrow Mardonius will\ngive you battle, urged, not by any hope of success or courage, but by\nwant of victuals: for the prophets prohibit him from the battle, the\nsacrifices and oracles being unfavorable; but the army is in despondency\nand consternation; and necessity forces him to try his fortune, or sit\nstill and endure the last extremity of want.\" Alexander, thus saying,\nentreated Aristides to take notice and remember him, but not tell any\nother. But he replied that it was not fair conceal to the matter from\nPausanias (because he was general); as for any others he would keep it\nsecret from them till the battle was fought; but if the Greeks obtained\nthe victory, that then no one should be ignorant of Alexander's goodwill\nand kindness towards them. After this, the king of the Macedonians rode\nback again, and Aristides went to Pausanias's tent and told him; and\nthey sent for the rest of the captains and gave orders that the army\nshould be in battle array.\n\nMeantime, day came upon them; and Mardonious having his army in array,\nfell upon the Lacedaemonians with great shouting and noise of barbarous\npeople, as if they were not about to join battle, but crush the Greeks\nin their flight--a thing which very nearly came to pass. For Pausanius,\nperceiving what was done, made a halt, and commanded every one to put\nthemselves in order for the battle; but through the disturbance he was\nin, on account of the sudden approach of the enemy, he forgot to give\nthe signal to the Greeks in general. Whence it was, that they did\nnot come immediately, or in a body, to their assistance, but by small\ncompanies and straggling, when the fight was already begun. Pausanias,\noffering sacrifice, could not procure favorable omens, and so commanded\nthe Lacedaemonians to set down their shields at their feet and wait\nquietly await for his directions, making no resistance to any of their\nenemies. At this time, Callicrates, who, we are told, was the most\ncomely man in the army, being shot with an arrow and upon the point of\nexpiring, said that he did not lament his death (for he came from home\nto lay down his life in defense of Greece) but that he died without\naction. While Pausanias was thus in the act of supplication, the\nsacrifices appeared propitious, and the soothsayers foretold victory.\nThe word being given, the Lacedaemonian battalion of foot seemed, on the\nsudden, like some fierce animal, setting up his bristles, and\nbetaking himself to the combat; and the barbarians perceived that they\nencountered with men who would fight to the death. Therefore, holding\ntheir wicker shields before them, they shot their arrows amongst the\nLacedaemonians. But they, keeping together in the order of a phalanx,\nand falling upon their enemies forced their shields out of their hands,\nand, striking with their pikes at the breasts and faces of the Persians,\noverthrew many of them; they, however, fell neither unrevenged nor\nwithout courage. For taking hold of the spears with their bare hands,\nthey broke many of them, and betook themselves with effect to the\nsword; and making use of their falchions and scimitars, and wresting the\nLacedaemonians' shields from them, and grappling with them, for a long\ntime stood their ground.\n\nMeanwhile, the Athenians were standing still, waiting for the\nLacedaemonians to come up. But when they heard a great noise as of men\nengaged in fight, and a messenger came from Pausanias to inform them\nof what was going on, they made haste to their assistance. And as they\npassed through the plain to the place where the noise was, the recreant\nGreeks, who took part with the enemy, came upon them. Aristides, as soon\nas he saw them, going a considerable space before the rest, cried out to\nthem, by the guardian gods of Greece, not to enter the fight, and be no\nimpediment to those who were going to succor the defenders of Greece.\nBut when he perceived that they gave no attention to him, and had\nprepared themselves for the battle, then turning from the present relief\nof the Lacedaemonians, he engaged with them, being five thousand in\nnumber. But the greatest part soon gave way and retreated, as the\nbarbarians were also put to flight.\n\nThe battle being thus divided, the Lacedaemonians first beat off the\nPersians; and a Spartan, named Arimnestus, slew Mardonius by a blow on\nthe head with a stone, as the oracle in the temple of Amphiaraus had\nforetold to him. For Mardonius sent a Lydian thither, and another\nperson, a Carian, to the cave of Trophonius. The latter, the priest of\nthe oracle answered in his own language. But to the Lydian sleeping\nin the temple of Amphiaraus, it seemed that a minister of the divinity\nstood before him and commanded him to be gone; and on his refusing to\ndo it, flung a great stone at his head, so that he thought himself slain\nwith the blow. Such is the story.\n\nOf three hundred thousand of the enemy, forty thousand only are said to\nhave escaped with Artabazus; while on the Greeks' side there perished in\nall thirteen hundred and sixty; of whom fifty-two were Athenians, all of\nthe tribe Aeantis, that fought, says Clidemus, with the greatest\ncourage of all; and for this reason the men of this tribe used to offer\nsacrifice for the victory, as enjoined by the oracle, at the public\nexpense; ninety-one were Lacedaemonians, and sixteen Tegeatans. They\nengraved upon the altar this inscription:\n\n     The Greeks, when by their courage and their might,\n     They had repelled the Persian in the fight,\n     The common altar of freed Greece to be,\n     Reared this to Jupiter who guards the free.\n\nThe battle of Plataea was fought on the fourth day of the month\nBoedromion, on which day there is still a convention of the Greeks\nat Plataea, and the Plateans still offer sacrifice for the victory to\n\"Jupiter of freedom.\"\n\nAfter this, the Athenians, not yielding the honor of the day to the\nLacedaemonians, nor consenting that they should erect a trophy, peace\nwas well-nigh destroyed by a dissension among the armed Greeks; but\nAristides, by soothing and counseling the commanders, especially\nLeocrates and Myronides, pacified and persuaded them to leave the thing\nto the decision of the Greeks. Cleocritus of Corinth rising up, made\npeople think he would ask the palm for the Corinthians (for next to\nSparta and Athens, Corinth was in greatest estimation); but he delivered\nhis opinion, to the general admiration, in favor of the Plataeans; and\ncounseled to take away all contention by giving them the reward and\nthe glory of the victory, whose being honored could be distasteful to\nneither party. This being said, first Aristides gave consent in the name\nof the Athenians, and Pausanias then, for the Lacedaemonians. So, being\nreconciled, they set apart eighty talents for the Plateans, with which\nthey built the temple and dedicated the image to Minerva, and adorned\nthe temple with pictures, which even to this very day retain their\nlustre. But the Lacedaemonians and Athenians each erected a trophy apart\nby themselves. On their consulting the oracle about offering sacrifice,\nApollo answered that they should dedicate an altar to Jupiter of\nfreedom, but should not sacrifice till they had extinguished the fires\nthroughout the country, as having been defiled by the barbarians,\nand had kindled unpolluted fire at the common altar at Delphi. The\nmagistrates of Greece, therefore, went forthwith and compelled such as\nhad fire to put it out; and Euchidas, a Plataean, promising to fetch\nfire with all possible speed, from the altar of the god, ran to Delphi,\nand having sprinkled and purified his body, crowned himself with laurel;\nand taking the fire from the altar ran back to Plataea, arriving before\nsunset, and performing in one day a journey of a thousand furlongs;\nand saluting his fellow-citizens and delivering them the fire,\nhe immediately fell down and a short time after expired. Then the\nPlataeans, taking him up, interred him in the temple of Diana Euclia,\nsetting this inscription over him: \"Euchidas ran to Delphi and back\nagain in one day.\"\n\nA general assembly of all the Greeks being called, Aristides proposed\na decree, that the deputies and religious representatives of the\nGreek states should assemble annually at Plataea, and every fifth year\ncelebrate the Eleutheria, or games of freedom. And that there should\nbe a levy upon all Greece, for the war against the barbarians, of ten\nthousand spearmen, one thousand horse, and a hundred sail of ships;\nbut the Plateans to be exempt, and sacred to the service of the gods,\noffering sacrifice for the welfare of Greece. These things being\nratified, the Plateans undertook the performance of annual sacrifice to\nsuch as were slain and buried in that place; which they still perform\nin the following manner. On the sixteenth day of Maemacterion they\nmake their procession, which, beginning by break of day, is led by a\ntrumpeter sounding for onset; then follow chariots loaded with myrrh and\ngarlands; and then a black bull; then come the young men of free birth\ncarrying libations of wine and milk in large two-handed vessels, and\njars of oil and precious ointments, none of servile condition being\npermitted to have any hand in this ministration, because the men died in\ndefense of freedom; after all comes the chief magistrate of Plataea (for\nwhom it is unlawful at other times for him either to touch iron, or wear\nany other colored garment but white), at that time appareled in a purple\nrobe; and taking a water-pot out of the city record-office, he proceeds,\nbearing a sword in his hand, through the middle of the town to the\nsepulchres. Then drawing water out of a spring, he washes and anoints\nthe monuments, and sacrificing the bull upon a pile of wood, and making\nsupplication to Jupiter and Mercury of the earth, invites those valiant\nmen who perished in the defense of Greece, to the banquet and the\nlibations of blood. After this, mixing a bowl of wine, and pouring out\nfor himself, he says, \"I drink to those who lost their lives for the\nliberty of Greece.\" These solemnities the Plataeans observe to this day.\n\nTheophrastus tells us that Aristides was, in his own private affairs,\nand those of his own fellow-citizens, rigorously just, but that in\npublic matters he acted often in accordance with his country's policy,\nwhich demanded, sometimes, not a little injustice. It is reported of him\nthat he said in a debate, upon the motion of the Samians for removing\nthe treasure from Delos to Athens, contrary to the league, that the\nthing indeed was not just, but was expedient.\n\nIn fine, having established the dominion of his city over so many\npeople, he himself remained indigent; and always delighted as much in\nthe glory of being poor, as in that of his trophies; as is evident from\nthe following story. Callias, the torch-bearer was related to him: and\nwas prosecuted by his enemies in a capital cause, in which, after\nthey had slightly argued the matters on which they indicted him, they\nproceeded, beside the point, to address the judges: \"You know,\" said\nthey, \"Aristides, the son of Lysimachus, who is the admiration of all\nGreece. In what a condition do you think his family is at his house,\nwhen you see him appear in public in such a threadbare cloak? Is it not\nprobable that one, who, out of doors, goes thus exposed to the cold,\nmust want food and other necessaries at home? Callias, the wealthiest\nof the Athenians, does nothing to relieve either him or his wife and\nchildren in their poverty, though he is his own cousin, and has made use\nof him in many cases, and often reaped advantage by his interest with\nyou.\" But Callias, perceiving that the judges were particularly moved\nby this, and were exasperated against him, called in Aristides, who\ntestified that when Callias offered him divers presents, and entreated\nhim to accept them, he had refused, answering, that it became him better\nto be proud of his poverty than Callias of his wealth. On Aristides\ndeposing these facts in favor of Callias, there was not one who heard\nthem that went way desirous rather to be poor like Aristides, than rich\nas Callias. Thus Aeschines, the scholar of Socrates, writes. But Plato\ndeclares, that of all the great and renowned men in the city of Athens,\nhe was the only one worthy of consideration; for while Themistocles,\nCimon, and Pericles filled the city with porticoes, treasure, and many\nother vain things, Aristides guided his public life by the rule of\njustice. He showed his moderation very plainly in his conduct toward\nThemistocles himself. For though Themistocles had been his adversary in\nall his undertakings, and was the cause of his banishment, yet when he\nafforded a similar opportunity of revenge, being accused by the city,\nAristides bore him no malice; but while Alcmaeon, Cimon, and many others\nwere prosecuting and impeaching him, Aristides alone, neither did, nor\nsaid any evil against him, and no more triumphed over his enemy in his\nadversity, than he had envied him his prosperity.\n\nSome say Aristides died in Pontus, during a voyage upon the affairs of\nthe public. Others say that he died of old age at Athens, being in great\nhonor and veneration among his fellow-citizens.\n\nHis monument is to be seen at Phalerum, which they say was built for him\nby the city, he not having left enough even to defray funeral charges.\nAnd it is stated, that his two daughters were publicly married out of\nthe prytaneum, or state-house, by the city, which decreed each of\nthem three thousand drachmas for her portion; and that upon his son\nLysimachus, the people bestowed a hundred minas of money, and as many\nacres of planted land, and ordered him besides, upon the motion of\nAlcibiades, four drachmas a day.\n\n\n\n\nCIMON\n\nCimon was the son of Miltiades and Hegesipyle, who was by birth a\nThracian, and daughter to the king Olorus. By this means the historian\nThucydides was his kinsman by the mother's side; for his father's name\nalso, in remembrance of this common ancestor, was Olorus, and he was\nthe owner of the gold mines in Thrace, and met his death, it is said, by\nviolence, in Scapte Hyle, a district of Thrace. Cimon was left an orphan\nvery young, with his sister Elpinice, who was also young and unmarried.\nAnd at first he had but an indifferent reputation, being looked upon\nas disorderly in his habits, fond of drinking, and resembling his\ngrandfather, also called Cimon, in character, whose simplicity got him\nthe surname of Coalemus the simpleton. Stesimbrotus of Thasos, who\nlived about the same time with Cimon, reports of him that he had little\nacquaintance either with music, or any of the other liberal studies\nand accomplishments, then common among the Greeks; that he had nothing\nwhatever of the quickness and the ready speech of his countrymen in\nAttica; that he had great nobleness and candor in his disposition, and\nin his character in general, resembled rather a native of Peloponnesus,\nthan of Athens; as Euripides describes Hercules:--\n\n     ----Rude And unrefined, for great things, well-endued;\n\nfor this may fairly be added to the character which Stesimbrotus has\ngiven of him.\n\nAlmost all the points of Cimon's character were noble and good. He was\nas daring as Miltiades, and not inferior to Themistocles in judgment,\nand was incomparably more just and honest than either of them. Fully\ntheir equal in all military virtues, in the ordinary duties of a citizen\nat home he was immeasurably their superior. And this, too, when he\nwas very young, his years not strengthened by any experience. For when\nThemistocles, upon the Median invasion, advised the Athenians to forsake\ntheir city and their country, and to carry all their arms on shipboard,\nand fight the enemy by sea, in the straits of Salamis; when all the\npeople stood amazed at the confidence and rashness of this advice, Cimon\nwas seen, the first of all men, passing with a cheerful countenance\nthrough the Ceramics, on his way with his companions to the citadel,\ncarrying a bridle in his hand to offer to the goddess, intimating that\nthere was no more need of horsemen now, but of mariners. There, after\nhe had paid his devotions to the goddess, and offered up the bridle, he\ntook down one of the bucklers that hung upon the walls of the temple,\nand went down to the port; by this example giving confidence to many of\nthe citizens. He was also of a fairly handsome person, according to the\npoet Ion, tall and large, and let his thick and curly hair grow long.\nAfter he had acquitted himself gallantly in this battle of Salamis,\nhe obtained great repute among the Athenians, and was regarded with\naffection, as well as admiration. He had many who followed after him,\nand bade him aspire to actions not less famous than his father's battle\nof Marathon. And when he came forward in political life, the people\nwelcomed him gladly, being now weary of Themistocles; in opposition to\nwhom, and because of the frankness and easiness of his temper, which was\nagreeable to every one, they advanced Cimon to the highest employments\nin the government. The man that contributed most to his promotion was\nAristides, who early discerned in his character his natural capacity,\nand purposely raised him, that he might be a counterpoise to the craft\nand boldness of Themistocles. After the Medes had been driven out of\nGreece, Cimon was sent out as admiral, when the Athenians had not yet\nattained their dominion by sea, but still followed Pausanias and the\nLacedaemonians; and his fellow-citizens under his command were highly\ndistinguished, both for the excellence of their discipline, and for\ntheir extraordinary zeal and readiness. And further, perceiving that\nPausanias was carrying on secret communications with the barbarians, and\nwriting letters to the king of Persia to betray Greece, and, puffed\nup with authority and success, was treating the allies haughtily, and\ncommitting many wanton injustices, Cimon, taking advantage, by acts of\nkindness to those who were suffering wrong, and by his general humane\nbearing, robbed him of the command of the Greeks, before he was aware,\nnot by arms, but by his mere language and character. Cimon, strengthened\nwith the accession of the allies, went as general into Thrace. For he\nwas told that some great men among the Persians, of the king's kindred,\nbeing in possession of Eion, a city situated upon the river Strymon,\ninfested the neighboring Greeks. First he defeated these Persians in\nbattle, and shut them up within the walls of their town. Then he fell\nupon the Thracians of the country beyond the Strymon, because they\nsupplied Eion with victuals, and driving them entirely out of the\ncountry, took possession of it as conqueror, by which means he reduced\nthe besieged to such straits, that Butes, who commanded there for the\nking, in desperation set fire to the town, and burned himself, his\ngoods, and all his relations, in one common flame. By this means,\nCimon got the town, but no great booty; as the barbarians had not only\nconsumed themselves in the fire, but the richest of their effects.\nHowever, he put the country into the hands of the Athenians, a most\nadvantageous and desirable situation for a settlement. For this action,\nthe people permitted him to erect the stone Mercuries, upon the first of\nwhich was this inscription:--\n\nOf bold and patient spirit, too, were those Who, where the Strymon under\nEion flows, With famine and the sword, to utmost need Reduced at last\nthe children of the Mede.\n\nUpon the second stood this:--\n\nThe Athenians to their leaders this reward For great and useful service\ndid accord; Others hereafter, shall, from their applause, Learn to be\nvaliant in their country's cause.\n\nAnd upon the third, the following:--\n\nWith Atreus' sons, this city sent of yore Divine Menestheus to the\nTrojan shore; Of all the Greeks, so Homer's verses say, The ablest man\nan army to array; So old the title of her sons the name Of chiefs and\nchampions in the field to claim.\n\nThough the name of Cimon is not mentioned in these inscriptions, yet his\ncontemporaries considered them to be the very highest honors to him;\nas neither Miltiades nor Themistocles ever received the like. When\nMiltiades claimed a garland, Sochares of Decelea stood up in the midst\nof the assembly and opposed it, using words which, though ungracious,\nwere received with applause by the people. \"When you have gained a\nvictory by yourself, Miltiades, then you may ask to triumph so too.\"\n\nOne mark of Cimon's great favor with the people, was the judgment,\nafterwards so famous upon the tragic poets. Sophocles, still a young\nman, had just brought forward his first plays; opinions were much\ndivided, and the spectators had taken sides with some heat. So, to\ndetermine the case, Apsephion, who was at that time Archon, would\nnot cast lots who should be judges; but when Cimon, and his brother\ncommanders with him, came into the theatre, after they had performed\nthe usual rites to the god of the festival, he would not allow them to\nretire, but came forward and made them swear, being ten in all, one from\neach tribe, the usual oath; and so being sworn judges, he made them sit\ndown to give sentence. The eagerness for victory grew all the warmer,\nfrom the ambition to get the suffrages of such honorable judges. And the\nvictory was at last adjudged to Sophocles, which Aeschylus is said to\nhave taken so ill, that he left Athens shortly after, and went in anger\nto Sicily, where he died, and was buried near the city of Gela.\n\nIon relates that when he was a young man, and had recently come from\nChios to Athens, he chanced to sup with Cimon, at Laomedon's house.\nAfter supper, when they had, according to custom, poured out wine to the\nhonor of the gods, Cimon was desired by the company to give them a song,\nwhich he did with sufficient success, and received the commendations of\nthe company, who remarked on his superiority to Themistocles, who, on a\nlike occasion, had declared he had never learnt to sing, or to play, and\nonly knew how to make a city rich and powerful. After talking of things\nincident to such entertainments, they entered upon the particulars of\nthe several actions for which Cimon had been famous. And when they were\nmentioning the most signal, he told them they had omitted one, upon\nwhich he valued himself most for address and good contrivance. He gave\nthis account of it. When the allies had taken a great number of\nthe barbarians prisoners in Sestos and Byzantium, they gave him the\npreference to divide the booty; he accordingly put the prisoners in one\nlot, and the spoils of their rich attire and jewels in the other. This\nthe allies complained of as an unequal division; but he gave them their\nchoice to take which lot they would, saying that the Athenians should be\ncontent with that which they refused. Herophytus of Samos advised them\nto take the ornaments for their share, and leave the slaves to the\nAthenians; and Cimon went away, and was much laughed at for his\nridiculous division. For the allies carried away the golden bracelets,\nand armlets, and collars, and purple robes, and the Athenians had only\nthe naked bodies of the captives, which they could make no advantage of,\nbeing unused to labor. But a little while after, the friends and kinsmen\nof the prisoners coming from Lydia and Phrygia, redeemed every one his\nrelations at a high ransom; so that by this means Cimon got so much\ntreasure that he maintained his whole fleet of galleys with the money\nfor four months; and yet there was some left to lay up in the treasury\nat Athens.\n\nCimon now grew rich, and what he gained from the barbarians with honor,\nhe spent yet more honorably upon the citizens. For he pulled down all\nthe enclosures of his gardens and grounds, that strangers, and the needy\nof his fellow-citizens, might gather of its fruits freely. At home, he\nkept a table, plain, but sufficient for a considerable number, to which\nany poor townsman had free access, and so might support himself without\nlabor, with his whole time left free for public duties. Aristotle\nstates, however, that this reception did not extend to all the\nAthenians, but only to his own fellow townsmen, the Laciadae.* Besides\nthis, he always went attended by two or three young companions, very\nwell clad; and if he met with an elderly citizen in a poor habit, one\nof these would change clothes with the decayed citizen, which was\nlooked upon as very nobly done. He enjoined them, likewise, to carry\na considerable quantity of coin about them, which they were to convey\nsilently into the hands of the better class of poor men, as they stood\nby them in the market-place. This, Cratinus, the poet, speaks of in one\nof his comedies, the Archilochi:--\n\n     For I, Metrobius too, the scrivener poor,\n     Of ease and comfort in my age secure,\n     By Greece's noblest son in life's decline,\n     Cimon, the generous-hearted, the divine,\n     Well-fed and feasted hoped till death to be,\n     Death which, alas! has taken him ere me.\n\nGorgias the Leontine gives him this character, that he got riches that\nhe might use them, and used them that he might get honor by them. And\nCritias, one of the thirty tyrants, makes it, in his elegies, his wish\nto have\n\n     The Scopads' wealth, and Cimon's nobleness,\n     And king Agesilaus's success.\n\nLichas, we know, became famous in Greece, only because on the days of\nthe sports, when the young boys ran naked, he used to entertain the\nstrangers that came to see these diversions. But Cimon's generosity\noutdid all the old Athenian hospitality and good-nature. For though\nit is the city's just boast that their forefathers taught the rest of\nGreece to sow corn, and how to use springs of water, and to kindle fire,\nyet Cimon, by keeping open house for his fellow-citizens, and giving\ntravelers liberty to eat the fruits which the several seasons produced\nin his land, seemed to restore to the world that community of goods,\nwhich mythology says existed in the reign of Saturn. Those who object to\nhim that he did this to be popular, and gain the applause of the vulgar,\nare confuted by the constant tenor of the rest of his actions, which all\nended to uphold the interests of the nobility and the Spartan policy,\nof which he gave instances, when, together with Aristides, he opposed\nThemistocles, who was advancing the authority of the people beyond its\njust limits, and resisted Ephialtes, who to please the multitude, was\nfor abolishing the jurisdiction of the court of Areopagus. And when all\nthe men of his time, except Aristides and Ephialtes, enriched themselves\nout of the public money, he still kept his hands clean and untainted,\nand to his last day never acted or spoke for his own private gain or\nemolument. They tell us that Rhoesaces, a Persian, who had traitorously\nrevolted from the king his master, fled to Athens, and there, being\nharassed by sycophants who were still accusing him to the people, he\napplied himself to Cimon for redress, and to gain his favor, laid down\nin his doorway two cups, the one full of gold, and the other of silver\nDarics. Cimon smiled and asked him whether he wished to have Cimon's\nhired service or his friendship. He replied, his friendship. \"If so,\"\nsaid he, \"take away these pieces, for being your friend, when I shall\nhave occasion for them, I will send and ask for them.\"\n\nThe allies of the Athenians began now to be weary of war and military\nservice, willing to have repose, and to look after their husbandry and\ntraffic. For they saw their enemies driven out of the country, and did\nnot fear any new vexations from them. They still paid the tax they were\nassessed at, but did not send men and galleys, as they had done before.\nThis the other Athenian generals wished to constrain them to, and\nby judicial proceedings against defaulters, and penalties which they\ninflicted on them, made the government uneasy, and even odious. But\nCimon practiced a contrary method; he forced no man to go that was not\nwilling, but of those that desired to be excused from service he took\nmoney and vessels unmanned, and let them yield to the temptation of\nstaying at home, to attend to their private business. Thus they lost\ntheir military habits, and luxury and their own folly quickly changed\nthem into unwarlike husbandmen and traders; while Cimon, continually\nembarking large numbers of Athenians on board his galleys, thoroughly\ndisciplined them in his expeditions, and ere long made them the lords of\ntheir own paymasters. The allies, whose indolence maintained them, while\nthey thus went sailing about everywhere, and incessantly bearing\narms and acquiring skill, began to fear and flatter them, and found\nthemselves after a while allies no longer, but unwittingly become\ntributaries and slaves.\n\nNor did any man ever do more than Cimon did to humble the pride of\nthe Persian king. He was not content with ridding Greece of him; but\nfollowing close at his heels, before the barbarians could take breath\nand recover themselves, what with his devastations, and his forcible\nreduction of some places and the revolts and voluntary accession of\nothers, in the end, from Ionia to Pamphylia, all Asia was clear of\nPersian soldiers. Word being brought him that the royal commanders were\nlying in wait upon the coast of Pamphylia, with a numerous land army,\nand a large fleet, he determined to make the whole sea on this side the\nChelidonian islands so formidable to them that they should never dare\nto show themselves in it; and setting off from Cnidos and the Triopian\nheadland, with two hundred galleys, which had been originally built with\nparticular care by Themistocles, for speed and rapid evolutions, and\nto which he now gave greater width and roomier decks along the sides\nto move to and fro upon, so as to allow a great number of full-armed\nsoldiers to take part in the engagements and fight from them, he shaped\nhis course first of all against the town of Phaselis, which, though\ninhabited by Greeks, yet would not quit the interests of Persia, but\ndenied his galleys entrance into their port. Upon this he wasted the\ncountry, and drew up his army to their very walls; but the soldiers of\nChios, who were then serving under him, being ancient friends to the\nPhaselites, endeavoring to propitiate the general in their behalf, at\nthe same time shot arrows into the town, to which were fastened letters\nconveying intelligence. At length he concluded peace with them, upon the\nconditions that they should pay down ten talents, and follow him against\nthe barbarians. The Persian admiral lay waiting for him with the whole\nfleet at the mouth of the river Eurymedon, with no design to fight, but\nexpecting a reinforcement of eighty Phoenician ships on their way from\nCyprus. Cimon, aware of this, put out to sea, resolved, if they would\nnot fight a battle willingly, to force them to it. The barbarians,\nseeing this, retired within the mouth of the river to avoid\nbeing attacked; but when they saw the Athenians come upon them,\nnotwithstanding their retreat, they met them with six hundred ships,\nas Phanodemus relates, but according to Ephorus, with three hundred\nand fifty. However, they did nothing worthy such mighty forces, but\nimmediately turned the prows of their galleys toward the shore, where\nthose that came first threw themselves upon the land, and fled to their\narmy drawn up thereabout, while the rest perished with their vessels, or\nwere taken. By this, one may guess at their number, for though a great\nmany escaped out of the fight, and a great many others were sunk, yet\ntwo hundred galleys were taken by the Athenians.\n\nWhen their land army drew toward the seaside, Cimon was in suspense\nwhether he should venture to try and force his way on shore; as he\nshould thus expose his Greeks, wearied with slaughter in the first\nengagement, to the swords of the barbarians, who were all fresh men, and\nmany times their number. But seeing his men resolute, and flushed with\nvictory, he bade them land, though they were not yet cool from their\nfirst battle. As soon as they touched ground, they set up a shout and\nran upon the enemy, who stood firm and sustained the first shock\nwith great courage, so that the fight was a hard one, and some of\nthe principal men of the Athenians in rank and courage were slain. At\nlength, though with much ado, they routed the barbarians, and killing\nsome, took others prisoners, and plundered all their tents and\npavilions, which were full of rich spoil. Cimon, liked a skilled athlete\nat the games, having in one day carried off two victories, wherein\nhe surpassed that of Salamis by sea, and that of Plataea by land, was\nencouraged to try for yet another success. News being brought that the\nPhoenician succors, in number eighty sail, had come in sight at Hydrum,\nhe set off with all speed to find them, while they as yet had not\nreceived any certain account of the larger fleet, and were in doubt what\nto think; so that thus surprised, they lost all their vessels, and most\nof their men with them. This success of Cimon so daunted the king\nof Persia, that he presently made that celebrated peace, by which he\nengaged that his armies should come no nearer the Grecian sea than the\nlength of a horse's course; and that none of his galleys or vessels\nof war should appear between the Cyanean and Chelidonian isles. In the\ncollection which Craterus made of the public acts of the people, there\nis a draft of this treaty given.\n\nThe people of Athens raised so much money from the spoils of this war,\nwhich were publicly sold, that, besides other expenses, and raising the\nsouth wall of the citadel, they laid the foundation of the long walls,\nnot, indeed, finished till at a later time, which were called the Legs.\nAnd the place where they built them being soft and marshy ground, they\nwere forced to sink great weights of stone and rubble to secure the\nfoundation, and did all this out of the money Cimon supplied them with.\n\nIt was he, likewise, who first embellished the upper city with those\nfine and ornamental places of exercise and resort, which they afterward\nso much frequented and delighted in. He set the market-place with plane\ntrees; and the Academy, which was before a bare, dry, and dirty spot, he\nconverted into a well-watered grove, with shady alleys to walk in, and\nopen courses for races.\n\nWhen the Persians who had made themselves masters of the Chersonese, so\nfar from quitting it, called in the people of the interior of Thrace\nto help them against Cimon, whom they despised for the smallness of his\nforces, he set upon them with only four galleys, and took thirteen of\ntheirs; and having driven out the Persians, and subdued the Thracians,\nhe made the hole Chersonese the property of Athens. Next, he attacked\nthe people of Thasos, who had revolted from the Athenians; and, having\ndefeated them in a fight at sea, where he captured thirty-three of their\nvessels, he took their own by siege, and acquired for the Athenians all\nthe mines of gold on the opposite coast, and the territory dependent on\nThasos.\n\nThis opened him a fair passage into Macedon, so that he might, it was\nthought, have acquired a good portion of that country, and because he\nneglected the opportunity, he was suspected of corruption, and of\nhaving been bribed off by king Alexander. So, by the combination of\nhis adversaries, he was accused of being false to his country. In his\ndefence he told the judges, that he had always shown himself in his\npublic life the friend, not, like other men, of rich Ionians and\nThessalonians, to be courted, and to receive presents, but of the\nLacedaemonians; for as he admired, so he wished to imitate, the\nplainness of their habits, their temperance, and simplicity of living,\nwhich he preferred to any sort of riches; but that he always had\nbeen, and still was proud to enrich his country with the spoils of her\nenemies. Pericles proved the mildest of his prosecutors, and rose up but\nonce all the while, almost as a matter of form, to plead against him.\nCimon was acquitted.\n\nIn his public life after this, he continued, while at home, to control\nthe common people, who would have trampled upon the nobility, and drawn\nall the power and sovereignty to themselves. But when he afterwards was\nsent out to war, the multitude broke loose, as it were, and overthrew\nall the ancient laws and customs they had hitherto observed, and,\nchiefly at the instigation of Ephialtes, withdrew the cognizance of\nalmost all causes from the Areopagus; so that all jurisdiction now being\ntransferred to them, the government was reduced to a perfect democracy,\nand this by the help of Pericles, who was already powerful, and had\npronounced in favor of the common people.\n\nHe was indeed a favorer of the Lacedaemonians even from his youth, and\ngave the names of Lacedaemonius and Eleus to his two sons, twins.\n\nCimon was countenanced by the Lacedaemonians in opposition to\nThemistocles, whom they disliked; and while he was yet very young,\nthey endeavored to raise and increase his credit in Athens. This\nthe Athenians perceived at first with pleasure, and the favor the\nLacedaemonians showed him was in various ways advantageous to them and\ntheir affairs; as at that time they were just rising to power, and were\noccupied in winning the allies to their side. So they seemed not at all\noffended with the honor and kindness showed to Cimon, who then had the\nchief management of all the affairs of Greece, and was acceptable to\nthe Lacedaemonians, and courteous to the allies. But afterwards the\nAthenians, grown more powerful, when they saw Cimon so entirely devoted\nto the Lacedaemonians, began to be angry, for he would always in\nspeeches prefer them to the Athenians, and upon every occasion, when he\nwould reprimand them for a fault, or incite them to emulation, he\nwould exclaim, \"The Lacedaemonians would not do thus.\" This raised the\ndiscontent, and got him in some degree the hatred of the citizens; but\nthat which ministered chiefly to the accusation against him fell out\nupon the following occasion.\n\nIn the fourth year of the reign of Archidamus, the son of Zeuxidamus,\nking of Sparta, there happened in the country of Lacedaemon, the\ngreatest earthquake that was known in the memory of ma; the earth opened\ninto chasms, and the mountain Taygetus was so shaken that some of the\nrocky points of it fell down, and except five houses, all the town of\nSparta was shattered to pieces. They say that a little before any\nmotion was perceived, as the young men and the boys just grown up were\nexercising themselves together in the middle of the portico, a hare,\nof a sudden, started out just by them, which the young men, though all\nnaked and daubed with oil, ran after for sport. No sooner were they\ngone from the place, than the gymnasium fell down upon the boys who had\nstayed behind, and killed them all. Their tomb is to this day called\nSismatias.* Archidamus, by the present danger made apprehensive of what\nmight follow, and seeing the citizens intent upon removing the most\nvaluable of their goods out of their houses, commanded an alarm to be\nsounded, as if an enemy were coming upon them, in order that they should\ncollect about him in a body, with arms. It was this alone that saved\nSparta at that time, for the Helots had come together from the country\nabout, with design of surprising the Spartans, and overpowering\nthose whom the earthquake had spared. But finding them armed and well\nprepared, they retired into the towns and openly made war with them,\ngaining over a number of the Laconians of the country districts; while\nat the same time the Messenians, also, made an attack upon the Spartans,\nwho therefore despatched Periclidas to Athens to solicit succor, of whom\nAristophanes says in mockery that he came and\n\n     In a red jacket, at the altars seated,\n     With a white face, for men and arms entreated.\n\nThis Ephialtes opposed, protesting that they ought not to raise up or\nassist a city that was a rival to Athens; but that being down, it\nwere best to keep her so, and let the pride and arrogance of Sparta\nbe trodden under. But Cimon, as Critias says, preferring the safety of\nLacedaemon to the aggrandizement of his own country, so persuaded the\npeople, that he soon marched out with a large army to their relief. Ion\nrecords, also, the most successful expression which he used to move the\nAthenians. \"They ought not to suffer Greece to be lamed, nor their own\ncity to be deprived of her yoke fellow.\"\n\nIn his return from aiding the Lacedaemonians, he passed with his army\nthrough the territory of Corinth; whereupon Lachartus reproached him for\nbringing his army into the country, without first asking leave of the\npeople. For he that knocks at another man's door ought not to enter\nthe house till the master gives him leave. \"But you, Corinthians, O\nLachartus,\" said Cimon, \"did not knock at the gates of the Cleonaeans\nand Megarians, but broke them down and entered by force, thinking that\nall places should be open to the stronger.\" And having thus rallied\nthe Corinthian, he passed on with his army. Some time after this, the\nLacedaemonians sent a second time to desire succor of the Athenians\nagainst the Messenians and Helots, who had seized upon Ithome. But when\nthey came, fearing their boldness and gallantry, of all that came to\ntheir assistance, they sent them only back, alleging that they were\ndesigning innovations. The Athenians returned home, enraged at this\nusage, and vented their anger upon all those who were favorers of the\nLacedaemonians; and seizing some slight occasion, they banished Cimon\nfor ten years, which is the time prescribed to those that are banished\nby the ostracism. In the mean time, the Lacedaemonians, on their return\nafter freeing Delphi from the Phocians, encamped their army at Tanagra,\nwhither the Athenians presently marched with design to fight them.\n\nCimon also, came thither armed and ranged himself among those of his own\ntribe, which was the Oeneis, desirous of fighting with the rest against\nthe Spartans; but the council of five hundred being informed of this,\nand frightened at it, his adversaries crying out that he would disorder\nthe army, and bring the Lacedaemonians to Athens, commanded the officers\nnot to receive him. Wherefore Cimon left the army, conjuring Euthippus,\nthe Anaphylstian, and the rest of his companions, who were most\nsuspected as favoring the Lacedaemonians, to behave themselves bravely\nagainst their enemies, and by their actions make their innocence evident\nto their countrymen. These, being in all a hundred, took the arms of\nCimon, and followed his advice; and making a body by themselves, fought\nso desperately with the enemy, that they were all cut off, leaving the\nAthenians deep regret for the loss of such brave men, and repentance for\nhaving so unjustly suspected them. Accordingly, they did not long retain\ntheir severity toward Cimon, partly upon remembrance of his former\nservices, and partly, perhaps, induced by the juncture of the times.\nFor being defeated at Tanagra in a great battle, and fearing the\nPeloponnesians would come upon them at the opening of the spring, they\nrecalled Cimon by a decree, of which Pericles himself was author. So\nreasonable were men's resentments in those times, and so moderate their\nanger, that it always gave way to the public good. Even ambition,\nthe least governable of all human passions, could then yield to the\nnecessities of the State.\n\nCimon, as soon as he returned, put an end to the war, and reconciled the\ntwo cities. Peace thus established, seeing the Athenians impatient of\nbeing idle, and eager for the honor and aggrandizement of war, lest they\nshould set upon the Greeks themselves, or with so many ships cruising\nabout the isles and Peloponnesus, they should give occasions for\nintestine wars, or complaints of their allies against them, he equipped\ntwo hundred galleys, with design to make an attempt upon Egypt and\nCyprus; purposing, by this means, to accustom the Athenians to fight\nagainst the barbarians, and enrich themselves honestly by despoiling\nthose who were the natural enemies to Greece. But when all things were\nprepared, and the army ready to embark, Cimon had this dream. It seemed\nto him that there was a furious female dog barking at him, and, mixed\nwith the barking, a kind of human voice uttered these words:\n\n     Come on, for thou shalt shortly be\n     A pleasure to my whelps and me.\n\nThis dream was hard to interpret, yet Astyphilus of Posidonia, a man\nskilled in divinations, and intimate with Cimon, told him that his death\nwas presaged by this vision, which he thus explained. A dog is enemy\nto him he barks at; and one is always most a pleasure to one's enemies,\nwhen one is dead; the mixture of human voice with barking signifies the\nMedes, for the army of the Medes is mixed up of Greeks and barbarians.\nAfter this dream, as he was sacrificing to Bacchus, and the priest\ncutting up the victim, a number of ants, taking up the congealed\nparticles of the blood, laid them about Cimon's great toes. This was not\nobserved for a good while, but at the very time when Cimon spied it, the\npriest came and showed him the liver of the sacrifice imperfect, wanting\nthat part of it called the head. But he could not then recede from the\nenterprise, so he set sail. Sixty of his ships he sent toward Egypt;\nwith the rest he went and fought the king of Persia's fleet, composed\nof Phoenician and Cilician galleys, recovered all the cities thereabout,\nand threatened Egypt; designing no less than the entire ruin of the\nPersian empire. And the more because he was informed that Themistocles\nwas in great repute among the barbarians, having promised the king\nto lead his army, whenever he should make war upon Greece. But\nThemistocles, it is said, abandoning all hopes of compassing his\ndesigns, very much out of the despair of overcoming the valor and\ngood-fortune of Cimon, died a voluntary death. Cimon, intent on great\ndesigns, which he was now to enter upon, keeping his navy about the isle\nof Cyprus, sent messengers to consult the oracle of Jupiter Ammon upon\nsome secret matter. For it is not known about what they were sent, and\nthe god would give them no answer, but commanded them to return again,\nfor Cimon was already with him. Hearing this, they returned to sea, and\nas soon as they came to the Grecian army, which was then about Egypt,\nthey understood that Cimon was dead; and computing the time of the\noracle, they found that his death had been signified, he being then\nalready with the gods.\n\nHe died, some say, of sickness, while besieging Citium, in Cyprus;\naccording to others, of a wound he received in a skirmish with the\nbarbarians. When he perceived that he was going to die, he commanded\nthose under his charge to return, and by no means to let the news of his\ndeath be known by the way; this they did with such secrecy that they all\ncame home safe, and neither their enemies nor the allies knew what had\nhappened. Thus, as Phanodemus relates, the Grecian army was, as it were,\nconducted by Cimon thirty days after he was dead. But after his\ndeath there was not one commander among the Greeks that did any thing\nconsiderable against the barbarians, and instead of uniting against\ntheir common enemies, the popular leaders and partisans of war animated\nthem against one another to such a degree, that none could interpose\ntheir good offices to reconcile them. And while, by their mutual\ndiscord, they ruined the power of Greece, they gave the Persians time\nto recover breath, and repair all their losses. It is true, indeed,\nAgesilaus carried the arms of Greece into Asia, but it was a long time\nafterwards; there were some brief appearances of a war against the\nking's lieutenants in the maritime provinces, but they all quickly\nvanished; before he could perform any thing of moment, he was recalled\nby fresh civil dissensions and disturbances at home. So that he was\nforced to leave the Persian king's officers to impose what tribute they\npleased on the Greek cities in Asia, the confederates and allies of\nthe Lacedaemonians. Whereas, in the time of Cimon, not so much as a\nletter-carrier, or a single horseman, was ever seen to come within four\nhundred furlongs of the sea.\n\nThe monuments, called Cimonian to this day, in Athens, show that his\nremains were conveyed home, yet the inhabitants of the city Citium pay\nparticular honor to a certain tomb which they call the tomb of Cimon,\naccording to Nausicrates the rhetorician, who states that in a time\nof famine, when the crops of their land all failed, they sent to the\noracle, which commanded them not to forget Cimon, but give him the\nhonors of a superior being.\n\n\n\n\nPOMPEY\n\nThe people of Rome appear, from the first, to have been affected towards\nPompey, much in the same manner as Prometheus, in Aeschylus, was towards\nHercules, when after that hero had delivered him from his chains, he\nsays--\n\n     The sire I hated, but the son I loved.\n\nFor never did the Romans entertain a stronger and more rancorous hatred\nfor any general than for Strabo, the father of Pompey. While he lived,\nindeed, they were afraid of his abilities as a soldier, for he had\ngreat talents for war; but upon his death, which happened by a stroke\nof lightning, they dragged his corpse from the bier, on the way to the\nfuneral pile, and treated it with the greatest indignity. On the other\nhand, no man ever experienced from the same Romans an attachment more\nearly begun, more disinterested in all the stages of his prosperity, or\nmore constant and faithful in the decline of his fortune, than Pompey.\n\nThe sole cause of their aversion to the father was his insatiable\navarice; but there were many causes of their affection for the son;\nhis temperate way of living, his application to martial exercises, his\neloquent and persuasive address, his strict honor and fidelity, and the\neasiness of access to him upon all occasions; for no man was ever less\nimportunate in asking favors, or more gracious in conferring them. When\nhe gave, it was without arrogance; and when he received, it was with\ndignity.\n\nIn his youth he had a very engaging countenance, which spoke for him\nbefore he opened his lips. Yet that grace of aspect was not attended\nwith dignity, and amidst his youthful bloom there was a venerable and\nprincely air. His hair naturally curled a little before; which, together\nwith the shining moisture and quick turn of his eye, produced a stronger\nlikeness to Alexander the Great than that which appeared in the statues\nof that prince.\n\nAs to the simplicity of his diet, there is a remarkable saying of his\nupon record. In a great illness, when his appetite was almost gone, the\nphysician ordered him a thrush. His servants, upon inquiry, found there\nwas not one to be had for money, for the season was passed. They\nwere informed, however, that Lucullus had them all the year in his\nmenageries. This being reported to Pompey, he said, \"Does Pompey's life\ndepend upon the luxury of Lucullus?\" Then, without any regard to the\nphysician, he ate something that was easy to be had.\n\nAfter the death of Cinna, Carbo, a tyrant still more savage, took the\nreins of government. It was not long, however, before Sylla returned to\nItaly, to the great satisfaction of most of the Romans, who, in their\npresent unhappy circumstances, thought the change of their master no\nsmall advantage.\n\nPompey, at the age of twenty-three, without a commission from any\nsuperior authority, erected himself into a general; and having placed\nhis tribunal in the most public part of the great city of Auximum,\nenlisted soldiers and appointed tribunes, centurions, and other\nofficers, according to the established custom. He did the same in all\nthe neighboring cities; for the partisans of Carbo retired and gave\nplace to him; and the rest were glad to range themselves under his\nbanners. So that in a little time he raised three complete legions,\nand furnished himself with provisions, beasts of burden, carriages; in\nshort, with the whole apparatus of war.\n\nIn this form he moved towards Sylla, not by hasty marches, nor as if\nhe wanted to conceal himself; for he stopped by the way to harass the\nenemy; and attempted to draw off from Carbo all the parts of Italy\nthrough which he passed. At last, three generals of the opposite party,\nCarinna, Caelius, and Brutus, came against him all at once, not in\nfront, or in one body, but they hemmed him in with their three armies,\nin hopes to demolish him entirely.\n\nPompey, far from being terrified, assembled all his forces, and charged\nthe army of Brutus at the head of his cavalry. The Gaulish horse on the\nenemy's side sustained the first shock; but Pompey attacked the foremost\nof them, who was a man of prodigious strength, and brought him down with\na push of his spear. The rest immediately fled and threw the infantry\ninto such disorder that the whole was soon put to flight. This produced\nso great a quarrel among the three generals, that they parted and took\nseparate routes. In consequence of which, the cities, concluding that\nthe fears of the enemy had made them part, adopted the interest of\nPompey.\n\nNot long after, Scipio the consul advanced to engage him. But before the\ninfantry were near enough to discharge their lances, Scipio's soldiers\nsaluted those of Pompey, and came over to them. Scipio, therefore,\nwas forced to fly. At last, Carbo sent a large body of cavalry against\nPompey, near the river Arsis. He gave them so warm a reception, that\nthey were soon broken, and in the pursuit drove them upon impracticable\nground; so that finding it impossible to escape, they surrendered\nthemselves with their arms and horses.\n\nSylla had not yet been informed of these transactions; but upon the\nfirst news of Pompey's being engaged with so many adversaries, and such\nrespectable generals, he dreaded the consequence, and marched with\nall expedition to his assistance. Pompey, having intelligence of his\napproach, ordered his officers to see that the troops were armed and\ndrawn up in such a manner as to make the handsomest and most gallant\nappearance before the commander-in-chief. For he expected great honours\nfrom him, and he obtained greater. Sylla no sooner saw Pompey advancing\nto meet him, with an army in excellent condition, both as to age and\nsize of the men, and the spirits which success had given them, than he\nalighted; and upon being saluted of course by Pompey as Imperator, he\nreturned his salutation with the same title: though no one imagined that\nhe would have honoured a young man not yet admitted into the senate with\na title for which he was contending with the Scipios and the Marii. The\nrest of his behavior was as respectable as that in the first interview.\nHe used to rise up and uncover his head, whenever Pompey came to him;\nwhich he was rarely observed to do for any other, though he had a number\nof persons of distinction about him.\n\nWhile Pompey was in Sicily, he received a decree of the senate, and\nletters from Sylla, in which he was commanded to cross over to Africa\nand to carry on the war with the utmost vigor against Domitius, who had\nassembled a much more powerful army than that which Marius carried not\nlong before from Africa to Italy, when he made himself master of\nRome, and from a fugitive became a tyrant. Pompey soon finished his\npreparation for this expedition; and leaving the command in Sicily to\nMemmius, his sister's husband, he set sail with one hundred and twenty\narmed vessels, and eight hundred store-ships, laden with provisions,\narms, money, and machines of war. Part of his fleet landed at Utica, and\npart at Carthage: immediately after which seven thousand of the enemy\ncame over to him; and he had brought with him six legions complete.\n\nOn his arrival he met with a whimsical adventure. Some of his soldiers,\nit seems, found a treasure, and rest of the troops concluded that the\nplace was full of money, which the Carthaginians had hid there in some\ntime of public distress. Pompey, therefore could make no use of them for\nseveral days, as they were searching for treasures; and he had nothing\nto do but walk about and amuse himself with the sight of so many\nthousands digging and turning up the ground. At last, they gave up\nthe point, and bade him lead them wherever be pleased, for they were\nsufficiently punished for their folly.\n\nDomitius advanced to meet him, and put his troops in order of battle.\nThere happened to be a channel between them, craggy and difficult to\npass. Moreover, in the morning it began to rain, and the wind blew\nviolently; insomuch that Domitius, not imagining there would be any\naction that day, ordered his army to retire. But Pompey looked upon this\nas his opportunity, and he passed the defile with the utmost expedition.\nThe enemy stood upon their defence, but it was in a disorderly and\ntumultuous manner, and the resistance they made was neither general\nnor uniform. Besides the wind and rain beat in their faces. The storm\nincommoded the Romans, too, for they could not well distinguish each\nother. Nay, Pompey himself was in danger of being killed by a soldier,\nwho asked him the pass-word, and did not receive a speedy answer. At\nlength, however, he routed the enemy with great slaughter; not above\nthree thousand of them escaping out of twenty thousand. The soldiers\nthen saluted Pompey, Imperator, but he said he would not accept that\ntitle while the enemy's camp stood untouched; therefore, if they chose\nto confer such an honor upon him, they must first make themselves\nmasters of the intrenchments.\n\nAt that instant they advanced with great fury against them. Pompey\nfought without his helmet, for fear of such an accident as he had just\nescaped. The camp was taken, and Domitius slain; in consequence of\nwhich most of the cities immediately submitted, and rest were taken by\nassault. He took Iarbas, one of the confederates of Domitius, prisoner,\nand bestowed his crown on Hiempsal. Advancing with the same tide of\nfortune, and while his army had all the spirits inspired by success, he\nentered Numidia, in which he continued his march for several days, and\nsubdued all that came in his way. Thus he revived the terror of the\nRoman name, which the barbarians had begun to disregard. Nay, he chose\nnot to leave the savage beasts in the deserts without giving them a\nspecimen of the Roman valor and success. Accordingly he spent a few days\nin hunting lions and elephants. The whole time he passed in Africa,\nthey tell us, was not above forty days; in which he defeated the enemy,\nreduced the whole country, and brought the affairs of its kings under\nproper regulations, though he was only in his twenty-fourth year.\n\nUpon his return to Utica, he received letters from Sylla, in which he\nwas ordered to send home the rest of his army, and to wait there\nwith one legion only for a successor. This gave him a great deal of\nuneasiness, which he kept to himself, but the army expressed their\nindignation aloud; insomuch that when he entreated them to return to\nItaly, they launched out into abusive terms against Sylla, and declared\nthey would never abandon Pompey, or suffer him to trust a tyrant. At\nfirst, he endeavored to pacify them with mild representations; and\nwhen he found those had no effect, he descended from the tribunal, and\nretired to his tent in tears. However, they went and took him thence,\nand paced him again upon the tribunal, where they spent a great part of\nthe day; they insisting that he should stay and keep the command, and he\nin persuading them to obey Sylla's orders, and to form no new faction.\nAt last, seeing no end of their clamors and importunity, he assured\nthem, with an oath, that he would kill himself, if they attempted to\nforce him. And even this hardly brought them to desist.\n\nThe first news that Sylla heard was, that Pompey had revolted; upon\nwhich he said to his friends, \"Then it is my fate to have to contend\nwith boys in my old age.\" This he said, because Marius, who was very\nyoung, had brought him into so much trouble and danger. But when he\nreceived true information of the affair, and observed that all the\npeople flocked out to receive Pompey to conduct him home with marks of\ngreat regard, he resolved to exceed them in his regards, if possible.\nHe, therefore, hastened to meet him, and embracing him in the most\naffectionate manner, saluted him aloud by the surname of Magnus, or The\nGreat; at the same time he ordered all about him to give him the same\nappellation. Others say, it was given him by the whole army in Africa,\nbut did not generally obtain till it was authorized by Sylla. It is\ncertain, he was the last to take it himself, and he did not make use of\nit till a long time after, when he was sent into Spain with the dignity\nof pro-consul against Sertorius. Then he began to write himself in\nhis letters in all his edicts, Pompey the Great; for the world was\naccustomed to the name, and it was no longer invidious. In this respect\nwe may justly admire the wisdom of the ancient Romans, who bestowed on\ntheir great men such honorable names and titles, not only for military\nachievements, but for the great qualities and arts which adorn civil\nlife.\n\nWhen Pompey arrived at Rome, he demanded a triumph, in which he was\nopposed by Sylla. The latter alleged that the laws did not allow that\nhonor to any person who was not either consul or praetor. Hence it was\nthat the first Scipio, when he returned victorious from greater wars and\nconflicts with the Carthaginians in Spain, did not demand a triumph; for\nhe was neither consul nor praetor. He added, that if Pompey, who was\nyet little better than a beardless youth, and who was not of age to be\nadmitted into the senate, should enter the city in triumph, it would\nbring an odium both upon the dictator's power, and those honors of his\nfriend. These arguments Sylla insisted on, to show him that he would not\nallow of his triumph, and that, in case he persisted, he would chastise\nhis obstinacy.\n\nPompey, not in the least intimidated, bade him consider, that more\nworshiped the rising than the setting sun; intimating that his power was\nincreasing, and Sylla's upon the decline. Sylla did not hear well what\nhe said, but perceiving by the looks and gestures of the company that\nthey were struck with the expression, he asked what it was. When he was\ntold it, he admired the spirit of Pompey and cried, \"Let him triumph!\nLet him triumph!\"\n\nThere is no doubt that he might then have been easily admitted a\nsenator, if he had desired it; but his ambition was to pursue honor in\na more uncommon track. It would have been nothing strange, if Pompey\nhad been a senator before the age fixed for it; but it was a very\nextraordinary instance of honor to lead up a triumph before he was a\nsenator. And it contributed not a little to gain him the affections of\nthe multitude; the people were delighted to see him, after his triumph,\nclass with the equestrian order.\n\nThe power of the pirates had its foundation in Cilicia. Their progress\nwas the more dangerous, because at first it was little taken notice\nof. In the Mithridatic war they assumed new confidence and courage, on\naccount of some services they had rendered the king. After this, the\nRomans being engaged in civil wars at the very gates of their capital,\nthe sea was left unguarded, and the pirates by degrees attempted higher\nthings; they not only attacked ships, but islands, and maritime towns.\nMany persons, distinguished for their wealth, their birth, and their\ncapacity, embarked with them, and assisted in the depredations, as if\ntheir employment had been worthy the ambition of men of honor. They\nhad in various places arsenals, ports, and watch-towers, all strongly\nfortified. Their fleets were not only extremely well manned, supplied\nwith skillful pilots, and fitted for their business by their lightness\nand celerity; but there was a parade of vanity about them more\nmortifying than their strength, in gilded sterns, purpose canopies, and\nplated oars; as if they took a pride and triumphed in their villainy.\nMusic resounded, and drunken revels were exhibited on every coast. Here\ngenerals were made prisoners; there the cities the pirates had taken\nwere paying their ransom; all to the great disgrace of the Roman power.\nThe number of their galleys amounted to one thousand, and the cities\nthey were masters of to four hundred.\n\nTemples which had stood inviolably sacred till that time, they\nplundered. They ruined the temple of Apollo at Claros, that of the\nCabiri in Samothrace, of Ceres at Hermione, of Aesculapius at Epidaurus,\nthose of Neptune in the Isthmus, at Taenarus and in Calauria, those\nof Apollo at Actium and in the isle of Leucas, those of Juno at Samos,\nArgos, and the promontory of Lacinium.\n\nThey likewise offered strange sacrifices; those of Olympus I mean; and\nthey celebrated certain secret mysteries, among which those of Mithra\ncontinue to this day, being originally instituted by them. They not only\ninsulted the Romans at sea but infested the great roads, and plundered\nthe villas near the coast; they carried off Sextilius and Bellinus, two\npraetors, in their purple robes, which all their servants and lictors.\nThey seized the daughter of Antony, a man who had been honored with a\ntriumph, as she was going to her country house, and he was forced to pay\na large ransom for her.\n\nBut the most contemptible circumstance of all was, that when they had\ntaken a prisoner, and he cried out that he was a Roman, and told them\nhis name, they pretended to be struck with terror, smote their thighs,\nand fell upon their knees to ask him pardon. The poor man, seeing them\nthus humble themselves before him, thought them in earnest, and said he\nwould forgive them; for some were so officious as to put on his shoes,\nand others to help him on with his gown, that his quality might no more\nbe mistaken. When they had carried on this farce, and enjoyed it for\nsome time, they let a ladder down into the sea, and bade him go in\npeace; and if he refused to do it, they pushed him off the deck, and\ndrowned him.\n\nTheir power extended over the whole Tuscan sea, so that the Romans found\ntheir trade and navigation entirely cut off. The consequence of which\nwas, that their markets were not supplied, and they had reason to\napprehend a famine. This at last led them to send Pompey to clear the\nsea of pirates. Gabinius, one of Pompey's intimate friends, proposed\nthe decree, which created him not admiral, but monarch, and invested him\nwith absolute power. The decree gave him the empire of the sea as far\nas the Pillars of Hercules, and of the land for 400 furlongs from the\ncoasts. There were few parts of the Roman empire which this commission\ndid not take in; and the most considerable of the barbarous nations, and\nmost powerful kings, were moreover comprehended in it. Besides this he\nwas empowered to choose out of the senators fifteen lieutenants, to\nact under him in such districts, and with such authority as he should\nappoint. He was to take from the quaestors, and other public receivers,\nwhat money he pleased, and equip a fleet of two hundred sail. The number\nof marine forces, of mariners and rowers, was left entirely to his\ndiscretion.\n\nWhen this decree was read in the assembly, the people received it with\ninconceivable pleasure. The most respectable part of the senate saw,\nindeed, that such an absolute and unlimited power was above envy, but\nthey considered it as a real object of fear. They therefore all, except\nCaesar, opposed its passing into a law. He was for it, not out of regard\nfor Pompey, but to insinuate himself into the good graces of the people,\nwhich he had long been courting. The rest were very severe in the\nexpressions against Pompey; and one of the consuls venturing to say,\n\"If he imitates Romulus, he will not escape his fate,\" was in danger of\nbeing pulled in pieces by the populace.\n\nIt is true, when Catulus rose up to speak against the law, out of\nreverence for his person they listened to him with great attention.\nAfter he had freely given Pompey the honor that was his due, and said\nmuch in his praise, he advised them to spare him, and not to expose such\na man to so many dangers; \"for where will you find another,\" said he,\n\"if you lose him?\" They answered with one voice, \"Yourself.\" Finding his\narguments had no effect, he retired. Then Roscius mounted the rostrum,\nbut not a man would give ear to him. However he made signs to them with\nhis fingers, that they should not appoint Pompey alone, but give him a\ncolleague. Incensed at the proposal, they set up such a shout, that a\ncrow, which was flying over the forum, was stunned with the force of it,\nand fell down among the crowd. Hence we may conclude, that when birds\nfall on such occasions, it is not because the air is so divided with the\nshock as to leave a vacuum, but rather because the sound strikes them\nlike a blow, when it ascends with force, and produces so violent an\nagitation.\n\nThe assembly broke up that day without coming to any resolution. When\nthe day came that they were to give their suffrages, Pompey retired into\nthe country; and, on receiving information that the decree was passed,\nhe returned to the city by night, to prevent the envy which the\nmultitudes of people coming to meet him would have excited. Next morning\nat break of day he made his appearance, and attended the sacrifice.\nAfter which, he summoned an assembly, and obtained a grant of almost as\nmuch more as the first decree had given him. He was empowered to fit\nout 500 galleys, and to raise an army of 120,000 foot, and 5,000\nhorse. Twenty-four senators were selected, who had all been generals or\npraetors, and were appointed his lieutenants; and he had two quaestors\ngiven him. As the price of provisions fell immediately, the people were\ngreatly pleased, and it gave them occasion to say that the very name of\nPompey had terminated the war.\n\nHowever, in pursuance of his charge, he divided the whole Mediterranean\ninto thirteen parts, appointing a lieutenant for each, and assigning him\na squadron. By thus stationing his fleet in all quarters, he enclosed\nthe pirates as it were in a net, took great numbers of them, and brought\nthem into harbor. Such of their vessels as had dispersed and made off\nin time, or could escape the general chase, retired to Cilicia, like\nso many bees into a hive. Against these he proposed to go himself, with\nsixty of his best galleys; but first he resolved to clear the Tuscan\nsea, and the coasts of Africa, Sardinia, Corsica, and Sicily, of all\npiratical adventurers; which he effected in forty days, by his own\nindefatigable endeavors and those of his lieutenants. But, as the consul\nPiso was indulging his malignity at home, in wasting his stores and\ndischarging his seamen, he sent his fleet round to Brundusium, and went\nhimself by land through Tuscany to Rome.\n\nAs soon as the people were informed of his approach, they went in crowds\nto receive him, in the same manner as they had done a few days before,\nto conduct him on his way. Their extraordinary joy was owing to the\nspeed with which he had executed his commission, so far beyond all\nexpectation, and to the superabundant plenty which reigned in the\nmarkets. For this reason Piso was in danger of being deposed from the\nconsulship, and Gabinius had a decree ready drawn up for that purpose;\nbut Pompey would not suffer him to propose it. On the contrary, his\nspeech to the people was full of candor and moderation; and when he had\nprovided such things as he wanted, he went to Brundusium, and put to sea\nagain. Though he was straightened for time, and in his haste sailed by\nmany cities without calling, yet he stopped at Athens. He entered the\ntown and sacrificed to the gods; after which he addressed the people,\nand then prepared to reembark immediately. As he went out of the gate he\nobserved two inscriptions, each comprised in one line.\n\nThat within the gate was:\n\n     But know thyself a man, and be a god.\n\nThat without:\n\n     We wish'd, we saw; we loved, and we adored.\n\nSome of the pirates, who yet traversed the seas, made their submission;\nand as he treated them in a humane manner, when he had them and their\nships in his power, others entertained hope of mercy, and avoiding the\nother officers, surrendered themselves to Pompey, together with their\nwives and children. He spared them all; and it was principally by\ntheir means that he found out and took a number who were guilty of\nunpardonable crimes, and therefore had concealed themselves.\n\nStill, however, there remained a great number, and indeed the most\npowerful part of these corsairs, who sent their families, treasures, and\nall useless hands, into castles and fortified towns upon Mount Taurus.\nThen they manned their ships, and waited for Pompey at Coracesium, in\nCilicia. A battle ensued, and the pirates were defeated; after which\nthey retired into the fort. But they had not been long besieged before\nthey capitulated, and surrendered themselves, together with the cities\nand islands which they had conquered and fortified, and which by their\nworks as well as situation were almost impregnable. Thus the war was\nfinished, and whole force of the pirates destroyed, within three months\nat the farthest.\n\nBesides the other vessels, Pompey took ninety ships with beaks of brass;\nand the prisoners amounted to 20,000. He did not choose to put them\nto death, and at the same time he thought it wrong to suffer them\nto disperse, because they were not only numerous, but warlike and\nnecessitous, and therefore would probably knit again and give future\ntrouble. He reflected, that man by nature is neither a savage nor an\nunsocial creature; and when he becomes so, it is by vices contrary\nto nature; yet even then he may be humanized by changing his place of\nabode, and accustoming him to a new manner of life; as beasts that are\nnaturally wild put off their fierceness when they are kept in a domestic\nway. For this reason he determined to remove the pirates to a great\ndistance from the sea, and bring them to taste the sweets of civil life,\nby living in cities, and by the culture of the ground. He placed some\nof them in the little towns of Cilicia, which were almost desolate, and\nwhich received them with pleasure, because at the same time he gave them\nan additional proportion of lands. He repaired the city of Soli, which\nhad lately been dismantled and deprived of its inhabitants by Tigranes,\nking of Armenia, and peopled it with a number of these corsairs. The\nremainder, which was a considerable body, he planted in Dyma, a city of\nAchaia, which, though it had a large and fruitful territory, was in want\nof inhabitants.\n\nPompey, having secured the sea from Phoenicia to the Bosphorus, marched\nin quest of Mithridates, who had an army of 30,000 foot and 2,000 horse,\nbut durst not stand an engagement. That prince was in possession of a\nstrong and secure post upon a mountain, which he quitted upon Pompey's\napproach, because it was destitute of water. Pompey encamped in the same\nplace; and conjecturing, from the nature of the plants and the crevices\nin the mountain, that springs might be found, he ordered a number of\nwells to be dug, and the camp was in a short time plentifully supplied\nwith water. He was not a little surprised that this did not occur to\nMithridates during the whole time of his encampment there.\n\nAfter this, Pompey followed him to his new camp, and drew a line of\ncircumvallation round him. Mithridates stood a siege of forty-five days,\nafter which he found means to steal off with his best troops, having\nfirst killed all the sick, and such as could be of no service. Pompey\novertook him near the Euphrates, and encamped over against him; but\nfearing he might pass the river unperceived, he drew out his troops\nat midnight. At that time Mithridates is said to have had a dream\nprefigurative of what was to befall him. He thought he was upon\nthe Pontic Sea, sailing with a favorable wind, and in sight of the\nBosphorus; so that he felicitated his friends in the ship, like a man\nperfectly safe, and already in harbor. But suddenly he beheld himself in\nthe most destitute condition, swimming upon a piece of wreck. While he\nwas in all the agitation which this dream produced, his friends awaked\nhim, and told him that Pompey was at hand. He was now under a necessity\nof fighting for his camp, and his generals drew up the forces with all\npossible expedition.\n\nPompey, seeing them prepared, was loth to risk a battle in the dark. He\nthought it sufficient to surround them, so as to prevent their\nflight; and what inclined him still more to wait for daylight, was\nthe consideration that his troops were much better than the enemy's.\nHowever, the oldest of his officers entreated him to proceed immediately\nto the attack, and at last prevailed. It was not indeed very dark; for\nthe moon, though near her setting, gave light enough to distinguish\nobjects. But it was a great disadvantage to the king's troops, that the\nmoon was so low, and on the backs of the Romans; because she projected\ntheir shadows so far before them, that the enemy could form no just\nestimate of the distances, but thinking them at hand, threw their\njavelins before they could do the least execution.\n\nThe Romans, perceiving their mistake, advanced to the charge with all\nthe alarm of voices. The enemy were in such a consternation, that they\nmade not the least stand, and, in their flight, vast numbers were\nslain. They lost above 10,000 men, and their camp was taken. As for\nMithridates, he broke through the Romans with 800 horses, in the\nbeginning of the engagement. That corps, however, did not follow him far\nbefore they dispersed, and left him with only three of his people.\n\nThe pursuit of Mithridates was attended with great difficulties; for he\nconcealed himself among the nations settled about the Bosphorus and the\nPalus Maeotis. Besides, news was brought to Pompey that the Albanians\nhad revolted, and taken up arms again. The desire of revenge determined\nhim to march back, and chastise them. But it was with infinite trouble\nand danger that he passed the Cyrnus again, the barbarians having fenced\nit on their side with palisades all along the banks. And when he was\nover, he had a large country to traverse, which afforded no water.\nThis last difficulty he provided against by filling 10,000 bottles;\nand pursuing his march, he found the enemy drawn up on the banks of the\nriver Abas, to the number of 60,000 foot and 12,000 horse, but many\nof them ill-armed, and provided with nothing of the defensive kind but\nskins of beasts.\n\nThey were commanded by the king's brother, named Cosis; who, at the\nbeginning of the battle, singled out Pompey, and rushing in upon him,\nstruck his javelin into the joints of his breastplate. Pompey in return\nrun him through with his spear, and laid him dead on the spot. It is\nsaid that the Amazons came to the assistance of the barbarians from\nthe mountains near the river Thermodon, and fought in this battle. The\nRomans, among the plunder of the field, did, indeed, meet with bucklers\nin the form of a half-moon, and such buskins as the Amazons wore; but\nthere was not the body of a woman found among the dead. They inhabit\nthat part of Mount Caucasus which stretches toward the Hyrcanian Sea,\nand are not next neighbors to the Albanians; for Gelae and Leges lie\nbetween; but they meet that people, and spend two months with them every\nyear on the banks of the Thermodon; after which they retire to their own\ncountry.\n\nPompey had advanced near to Petra, and encamped, and was taking some\nexercise on horseback without the trenches, when messengers arrived from\nPontus; and it was plain they brought good news, because the points\nof their spears were crowned with laurel. The soldiers seeing this,\ngathered about Pompey, who was inclined to finish his exercise before\nhe opened the packet; but they were so earnest in their entreaties, that\nthey prevailed upon him to alight and take it. He entered the camp with\nit in his hand; and as there was no tribunal ready, and the soldiers\nwere too impatient to raise one of turf, which the common method, they\npiled a number of pack-saddles one upon the other, upon which Pompey\nmounted, and gave them this information: \"Mithridates is dead. He killed\nhimself upon the revolt of his son Pharnaces. And Pharnaces has seized\nall that belonged to his father; which he declares he has done for\nhimself and Romans.\"\n\nAt this news the army, as might be expected, gave a loose rein to their\njoy, which they expressed in sacrifices to the gods, and in reciprocal\nentertainments, as if 10,000 of their enemies had been slain in\nMithridates. Pompey having thus brought the campaign and the whole\nwar to a conclusion so happy, and so far beyond his hopes, immediately\nquitted Arabia, traverses the provinces between that and Galatia with\ngreat rapidity, and soon arrived at Amisus. There he found many presents\nfrom Pharnaces, and several corpses of the royal family, among which was\nthat of Mithridates. As for Pompey, he would not see the body, but to\npropitiate the avenging Nemesis, sent it to Sinope. However, he looked\nupon and admired the magnificence of his habit, and the size and beauty\nof his arms. The scabbard of his sword cost four hundred talents, and\nthe diadem was of most exquisite workmanship.\n\nPompey having thoroughly settled the affairs of Asia, hoped to return to\nItaly the greatest and happiest of men.\n\nPeople talked variously at Rome concerning his intentions. Many\ndisturbed themselves at the thought that he would march with his army\nimmediately to Rome and make himself sole and absolute master there.\nCrassus took his children and money, and withdrew; whether it was that\nhe had some real apprehensions, or rather that he chose to countenance\nthe calumny, and add force to the sting of envy; the latter seems the\nmore probable. But Pompey had no sooner set foot in Italy, than he\ncalled an assembly of his soldiers, and, after a kind and suitable\naddress, ordered them to disperse in their respective cities, and attend\nto their own affairs till his triumph, on which occasion they were to\nrepair to him again.\n\nPompey's triumph was so great, that though it was divided into two days,\nthe time was far from being sufficient for displaying what was prepared\nto be carried in procession; there remained still enough to adorn\nanother triumph. At the head of the show appeared the titles of the\nconquered nations: Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Media,\nColchis, the Iberians, the Albanians, Syria, Cilicia, Mesopotamia,\nPhoenicia, Palestine, Judaea, Arabia, the pirates subdued both by sea\nand land. In these countries, it was mentioned that there were not less\nthan 1,000 castles and 900 cities captured, 800 galleys taken from the\npirates, and 39 desolate cities repeopled. On the face of the tablets it\nappeared besides, that whereas the revenues of the Roman empire\nbefore these conquests amounted but to 50,000,000 drachmas, by the\nnew acquisitions they were advanced to 85,000,000; and that Pompey\nhad brought into the public treasury in money, and in gold and silver\nvessels, the value of 20,000 talents; besides what he had distributed\namong the soldiers, of whom he that received least had 1,500 drachmas\nto his share. The captives who walked in the procession (not the mention\nthe chiefs of the pirates) were the son of Tigranes, king of Armenia,\ntogether with his wife and daughter; Zosima, the wife of Tigranes\nhimself; Aristobulus, king of Judaea; the sister of Mithridates, with\nher five sons, and some Scythian women. The hostages of the Albanians\nand Iberians, and of the king of Commagene also appeared in the train;\nand as many trophies were exhibited as Pompey had gained victories,\neither in person or by his lieutenants, the number of which was not\nsmall.\n\nBut the most honorable circumstance, and what no other Roman could\nboast, was that his third triumph was over the third quarter of the\nworld, after his former triumphs had been over the other two. Others\nbefore him had been honored with three triumphs; but his first triumph\nwas over Africa, his second over Europe, and his third over Asia; so\nthat the three seemed to declare him conqueror of the world.\n\nThose who desire to make the parallel between him and Alexander agree\nin all respects, tell us he was at this time not quite thirty-four,\nwhereas, in fact, he was entering upon his fortieth year. (It should be\nthe forty-sixth year. Pompey was born in the beginning of the month of\nAugust, in the year of Rome 647, and his triumph was in the same month\nin the year of Rome 692.) Happy it had been for him, if he had ended his\ndays while he was blessed with Alexander's good fortune! The rest of\nhis life, every instance of success brought its proportion of envy, and\nevery misfortune was irretrievable.\n\nIn the meantime the wars in Gaul lifted Caesar to the first sphere of\ngreatness. The scene of action was at a great distance from Rome, and he\nseemed to be wholly engaged with the Belgae, the Suevi, and the Britons;\nbut his genius all the while was privately at work among the people of\nRome, and he was undermining Pompey in his most essential interests. His\nwar with the barbarians was not his principal object. He exercised his\narmy, indeed, in those expeditions, as he would have done his own body,\nin hunting and other diversions of the field, by which he prepared\nthem for higher conflicts, and rendered them not only formidable but\ninvincible.\n\nThe gold and silver, and other rich spoils which he took from the enemy\nin great abundance, he sent to Rome; and by distributing them freely\namong the aediles, praetors, consuls, and their wives, he gained a great\nparty. Consequently when he passed the Alps and wintered at Lucca, among\nthe crowd of men and women, who hastened to pay their respects to him,\nthere were two hundred senators, Pompey and Crassus of the number; and\nthere were no fewer than one hundred and twenty proconsuls and praetors,\nwhose faces were to be seen at the gates of Caesar. He made it his\nbusiness in general to give them hopes of great things, and his money\nwas at their devotion; but he entered into a treaty with Crassus\nand Pompey, by which it was agreed that they should apply for the\nconsulship, and that Caesar should assist them, by sending a great\nnumber of his soldiers to vote at the election. As soon as they were\nchosen, they were to share the provinces, and take the command of\narmies, according to their pleasure, only confirming Caesar in the\npossession of what he had for five years more.\n\nCrassus, upon the expiration of his consulship, repaired to his\nprovince. Pompey remaining at Rome, opened his theatre; and to make the\ndedication more magnificent, exhibited a variety of gymnastic games,\nentertainments of music, and battles with wild beasts, in which\nwere killed 500 lions; but the battle of elephants afforded the most\nastonishing spectacle. (Dio says the elephants fought with armed men.\nThere were no less than eighteen of them; and he adds, that some of them\nseemed to appeal, with piteous cries to the people; who, in compassion,\nsaved their lives. If we may believe him, an oath had been taken before\nthey left Africa, that no injury should be done them.) These things\ngained him the love and admiration of the public; but he incurred their\ndispleasure again, by leaving his provinces and armies entirely to his\nfriends and lieutenants, and roving about Italy with his wife from\none villa to another. The strong attachment of Julia appeared on the\noccasion of an election of aediles. The people came to blows, and some\nwere killed so near Pompey that he was covered with blood, and forced to\nchange his clothes. There was a great crowd and tumult about his door,\nwhen his servants went home with a bloody robe; and Julia, happening\nto see it, fainted away and was with difficulty restored. Shortly after\nJulia died, and the alliance which had rather covered than restrained\nthe ambition of the two great competitors for power was now no more.\nTo add to the misfortune, news was brought soon after that Crassus was\nslain by the Parthians; and in him another great obstacle to a civil war\nwas removed. Out of fear of him, they had both kept some measures with\neach other. But when fortune had carried off the champion who could take\nup the conqueror, we may say with the comic poet--\n\n     High spirits of emprise\n     Elates each chief; they oil their brawny limbs,\n          and dip their hands in dust.\n\nSo little able is fortune to fill the capacities of the human mind; when\nsuch a weight of power, and extent of command, could not satisfy the\nambition of two men. They had heard and read that the gods had divided\nthe universe into three shares,\n\n(Plutarch alludes here to a passage in the fifteenth book of the Iliad,\nwhere Neptune says to Iris--\n\n     Assign'd by lot our triple rule we know;\n     Infernal Pluto sways the shades below;\n     O'er the wide clouds, and o'er the starry plain,\n     Ethereal Jove extends his high domain;\n     My court beneath the hoary waves I keep,\n     And hush the roarings of the sacred deep.)\n\nand each was content with that which fell to his lot, and yet these\nmen could not think the Roman empire sufficient for two of them. Such\nanarchy and confusion took place that numbers began to talk boldly of\nsetting up a dictator. Cato, now fearing he should be overborne, was of\nopinion that it were better to give Pompey some office whose authority\nwas limited by law, than to intrust him with absolute power. Bibulus,\nthough Pompey's declared enemy, moved in full senate, that he should be\nappointed sole consul. \"For by that means,\" said he, \"the commonwealth\nwill either recover from her disorder, or, if she must serve, will\nserve a man of the greatest merit.\" The whole house was surprised at\nthe motion; and when Cato rose up, it was expected he would oppose it.\nA profound silence ensued, and he said, he should never have been the\nfirst to propose such an expedient, but as it was proposed by another,\nhe thought it advisable to embrace it; for he thought any kind of\ngovernment better than anarchy, and knew no man fitter to rule than\nPompey, in a time of so much trouble. The senate came into his opinion,\nand a decree was issued, that Pompey should be appointed sole consul,\nand that if he should have need of a colleague, he might choose one\nhimself, provided it were not before the expiration of two months.\n\nPompey being declared sole consul by the Interrex Sulpitius, made his\ncompliments to Cato, acknowledged himself much indebted to his support,\nand desired his advice and assistance in the cabinet, as to the measures\nto be pursued in his administration. Cato made answer, that Pompey was\nnot under the least obligation to him; for what he had said was not out\nof regard to him, but to his country. \"If you apply to me,\" continued\nhe, \"I shall give you my advice in private; if not, I shall inform\nyou of my sentiments in public.\" Such was Cato, and the same on all\noccasions.\n\nPompey then went into the city, and married Cornelia, the daughter of\nMetellus Scipio. She was a widow, having been married, when very young,\nto Publius the son of Crassus, who was lately killed in the Parthian\nexpedition. This woman had many charms beside her beauty. She was well\nversed in polite literature; she played upon the lyre, and understood\ngeometry; and she had made considerable improvements by the precepts\nof philosophy. What is more, she had nothing of that petulance and\naffectation which such studies are apt to produce in women of her age.\nAnd her father's family and reputation were unexceptionable.\n\nPompey's confidence made him so extremely negligent, that he laughed at\nthose who seemed to fear the war. And when they said if Caesar should\nadvance in a hostile manner to Rome, they did not see what forces they\nhad to oppose him, he bade them, with an open and smiling countenance,\ngive themselves no pain: \"For, if in Italy,\" said he, \"I do but stamp\nupon the ground, an army will appear.\"\n\nMeantime Caesar was exerting himself greatly. He was now at no great\ndistance from Italy, and not only sent his soldiers to vote in the\nelections, but by private pecuniary applications, corrupted many of\nthe magistrates. Paulus the consul was of the number, and he had one\nthousand five hundred talents for changing sides. So also was Curio, one\nof the tribunes of the people, for whom he paid off an immense debt, and\nMark Antony, who, out of friendship for Curio, had stood engaged with\nhim for the debt.\n\nIt is said, that when one of Caesar's officers, who stood before the\nsenate-house, waiting the issue of the debates, was informed that they\nwould not give Caesar a longer term in his command, he laid his hand\non his sword, and said, \"But this shall give it.\" Indeed, all the\npreparations of his general tended that way; though Curio's demands in\nbehalf of Caesar seemed more plausible. He proposed, that either Pompey\nshould likewise be obliged to dismiss his forces, or Caesar suffered\nto keep his. \"If they are both reduced to a private station,\" said\nhe, \"they will agree upon reasonable terms; or, if each retains his\nrespective power, they will be satisfied. But he who weakens the one,\nwithout doing the same by the other, must double that force which he\nfears will subvert the government.\"\n\nBut now news was brought that Caesar was marching directly towards Rome\nwith all his forces. The last circumstance, indeed, was not true. He\nadvanced with only three hundred horse and five thousand foot; the rest\nof his forces were on the other side of the Alps, and he would not\nwait for them, choosing rather to put his adversaries in confusion by a\nsudden and unexpected attack, than to fight them when better prepared.\nWhen he came to the river Rubicon, which was the boundary of his\nprovince, he stood silent a long time, weighing with himself the\ngreatness of his enterprise. At last, like one who plunges down from the\ntop of a precipice into a gulf of immense depth, he silenced his reason,\nand shut his eyes against the danger; and crying out in the Greek\nlanguage, \"The die is cast,\" he marched over with his army.\n\nUpon the first report of this at Rome, the city was in greater disorder\nand astonishment than had ever been known.\n\nAll Italy was in motion, with the stir of the coming storm. Those who\nlived out of Rome fled to it from all quarters, and those who lived\nin it abandoned it as fast. These saw, that in such a tempestuous and\ndisorderly state of affairs, the well disposed part of the city wanted\nstrength, and that the ill disposed were so refractory that they could\nnot be managed by the magistrates. The terrors of the people could not\nbe removed, and no one would suffer Pompey to lay a plan of action for\nhimself. According to the passion wherewith each was actuated, whether\nfear, sorrow, or doubt, they endeavored to inspire him with the same;\ninsomuch that he adopted different measures the same day. He could\ngain no certain intelligence of the enemy's motions, because every man\nbrought him the report he happened to take up, and was angry if it did\nnot meet with credit.\n\nPompey at last caused it to be declared by a formal edict, that the\ncommonwealth was in danger, and no peace was to be expected. After\nwhich, he signified that he should look upon those who remained in the\ncity as the partisans of Caesar; and then quitted it in the dusk of the\nevening. The consuls also fled, without offering the sacrifices which\ntheir customs required before a war. However, in this great extremity,\nPompey could not but be considered as happy in the affections of his\ncountrymen. Though many blamed the war, there was not a man who\nhated the general. Nay, the number of those who followed him, out of\nattachment to his person, was greater than that of the adventurers in\nthe cause of liberty.\n\nA few days after, Caesar arrived at Rome. When he was in possession\nof the city, he behaved with great moderation in many respects, and\ncomposed in a good measure the minds of its remaining inhabitants.\n\nPompey, who was the master of Brundusium, and had a sufficient number of\ntransports, desired the consuls to embark without loss of time, and sent\nthem before him with thirty cohorts to Dyrrhachium. But at the same\ntime he sent his father-in-law Scipio and his son Cnaeus into Syria,\nto provide ships of war. He had well secured the gates of the city, and\nplanted the lightest of his slingers and archers upon the walls; and\nhaving now ordered the Brundusians to keep within doors, he caused a\nnumber of trenches to be cut, and sharp stakes to be driven into them,\nand then covered with earth, in all the streets, except two which\nled down to the sea. In three days all his other troops were embarked\nwithout interruption; and then he suddenly gave the signal to those who\nguarded the walls; in consequence of which, they ran swiftly down to the\nharbor, and got on board. Thus having his whole complement, he set sail,\nand crossed the sea to Dyrrhachium.\n\nWhen Caesar came and saw the walls left destitute of defence, he\nconcluded that Pompey had taken to flight, and in his eagerness to\npursue, would certainly have fallen upon the sharp stakes in the\ntrenches, had not the Brundusians informed him of them. He then avoided\nthe streets, and took a circuit round the town, by which he discovered\nthat all the vessels had weighed anchor, except two that had not many\nsoldiers aboard.\n\nThis manoeuvre of Pompey was commonly reckoned among the greatest act\nof generalship. Caesar, however, could not help wondering, that his\nadversary, who was in possession of a fortified town, and expected his\nforces from Spain, and at the same time was master of them, should give\nup Italy in such a manner.\n\nCaesar thus made himself master of all Italy in sixty days without the\nleast bloodshed, and he would have been glad to have gone immediately\nin pursuit of Pompey. But as he was in want of shipping, he gave up that\ndesign for the present, and marched to Spain, with an intent to gain\nPompey's forces there.\n\nIn the meantime Pompey assembled a great army; and at sea he was\naltogether invincible. For he had five hundred ships of war, and the\nnumber of his lighter vessels was still greater. As for his land forces,\nhe had seven thousand horse, the flower of Rome and Italy, all men\nof family, fortune, and courage. His infantry, though numerous, was\na mixture of raw, undisciplined soldiers; he therefore exercised them\nduring his stay at Beroea, where he was by no means idle, but went\nthrough the exercises of a soldier, as if he had been in the flower of\nhis age. It inspired his troops with new courage, when they saw Pompey\nthe Great, at the age of fifty-eight, going through the whole military\ndiscipline, in heavy armor, on foot; and then mounting his horse,\ndrawing his sword with ease when at full speed, and as dexterously\nsheathing it again. As to the javelin, he threw it not only with great\nexactness, but with such force that few of the young men could dart it\nto a greater distance.\n\nMany kings and princes repaired to his camp; and the number of Roman\nofficers who had commanded armies was so great, that it was sufficient\nto make up a complete senate. Labienus, who had been honored with\nCaesar's friendship, and served under him in Gaul, now joined Pompey.\n\nCaesar had now made himself master of Pompey's forces in Spain, and\nthough it was not without a battle, he dismissed the officers, and\nincorporated the troops with his own. After this, he passed the Alps\nagain, and marched through Italy to Brundusium, where he arrived at the\ntime of the winter solstice. There he crossed the sea, and landed at\nOricum; from whence he dispatched Vibullius, one of Pompey's friends,\nwhom he had brought prisoner thither, with proposals of a conference\nbetween him and Pompey, in which they should agree to disband their\narmies within three days, renew their friendship, confirm it with solemn\noath, and then both return to Italy. Pompey took this overture for\nanother snare, and therefore drew down in haste to the sea, and secured\nall the forts and places of strength for land forces, as well as all the\nports and other commodious stations for shipping; so that there was not\na wind that blew, which did not bring him either provisions, or troops,\nor money. On the other hand, Caesar was reduced to such straits, both\nby sea and land, that he was under the necessity of seeking a battle.\nAccordingly, he attacked Pompey's intrenchments, and bade him defiance\ndaily. In most of these attacks and skirmishes he had the advantage; but\none day was in danger of losing his whole army. Pompey fought with\nso much valor, that he put Caesar's whole detachment to flight, after\nhaving killed two thousand men upon the spot; but was either unable or\nafraid to pursue his blow, and enter their camp with them. Caesar said\nto his friends on this occasion, \"This day the victory had been the\nenemy's had their general known how to conquer.\"\n\nPompey's troops, elated with this success, were in great haste to come\nto a decisive battle. Nay, Pompey himself seemed to give in to their\nopinions by writing to the kings, the generals, and cities, in his\ninterest, in the style of a conqueror. Yet all this while he dreaded the\nissue of a general action, believing it much better, by length of time,\nby famine and fatigue, to tire out men who had been ever invincible in\narms, and long accustomed to conquer when they fought together. Besides,\nhe knew the infirmities of age had made them unfit for the other\noperations of war, for long marches and countermarches, for digging\ntrenches and building forts, and that, therefore, they wished for\nnothing so much as a battle. Pompey, with all these arguments, found it\nno easy matter to keep his army quiet.\n\nAfter this last engagement, Caesar was in such want of provisions, that\nhe was forced to decamp, and he took his way through Athamania into\nThessaly. This added so much to the high opinion Pompey's soldiers had\nof themselves, that it was impossible to keep them within bounds. They\ncried out with one voice, \"Caesar is fled.\" Some called upon the general\nto pursue; some to pass over into Italy. Others sent their friends and\nservants to Rome, to engage homes near the forum, for the convenience of\nsoliciting the great offices of state. And not a few went of their\nown accord to Cornelia, who had been privately lodged in Lesbos, to\ncongratulate her upon the conclusion of the war.\n\nWhile he thus softly followed the enemy's steps, a complaint was raised\nagainst him, and urged with much clamor, that he was not exercising his\ngeneralship upon Caesar, but upon the Senate and the whole commonwealth,\nin order that he might forever keep the command in his hands, and have\nthose for his guards and servants who had a right to govern the world.\nDomitius Aenobarbus, to increase the odium, always called him Agamemnon,\nor king of kings. Favonius piqued him no less with a jest, than others\nby their unseasonable severity; he went about crying, \"My friends, we\nshall eat no figs in Tusculum this year.\"\n\nThese and many other like sallies of ridicule had such an effect upon\nPompey, who was ambitious of being spoken well of by the world, and had\ntoo much deference for the opinions of his friends, that he gave up his\nown better judgment, to follow them in the career of their false hopes\nand prospects. A thing which would have been unpardonable in the pilot\nor master of a ship, much more in the commander-in-chief of so many\nnations and such numerous armies. He had often commended the physician\nwho gives no indulgence to the whimsical longings of his patients, and\nyet he humored the sickly cravings of his army, and was afraid to give\nthem pain, though necessary for the preservation of their life and\nbeing. For who can say that army was in a sound and healthy state, when\nsome of the officers went about the camp canvassing for the offices of\nconsul and praetor; and others, namely, Spinther, Domitius, and Scipio,\nwere engaged in quarrels and cabals about Caesar's high-priesthood, as\nif their adversary had been only a Tigranes, a king of Armenia, or a\nprince of the Nabathaeans; and not that Caesar and that army who had\nstormed one thousand cities, subdued above three hundred nations,\ngained numberless battles of the Germans and Gauls, taken one million\nprisoners, and killed as many fairly in the field. Notwithstanding all\nthis, they continued loud and tumultuous in their demands of a battle;\nand when they came to the plains of Pharsalia, forced Pompey to call a\ncouncil of war. Lebienus, who had the command of the cavalry, rose up\nfirst, and took an oath, that he would not return from the battle, till\nhe had put the enemy to flight. All the other officers swore the same.\n\nThe night following, Pompey had this dream. He thought he entered\nhis own theatre, and was received with loud plaudits; after which,\nhe adorned the temple of Venus the Victorious with many spoils. This\nvision, on one side, encouraged him, and on the other alarmed him.\nHe was afraid that Caesar, who was a descendant of Venus, would be\naggrandized at his expense. Besides, a panic (A Panic was so called,\nfrom the terror which the god Pan is said to have struck the enemies of\nGreece with, at the battle of Marathon.) fear ran through the camp, the\nnoise of which awakened him. And about the morning watch, over Caesar's\ncamp, where everything was perfectly quiet, there suddenly appeared a\ngreat light, from which a stream of fire issued in the form of a torch,\nand fell upon that of Pompey. Caesar himself says he saw it as he was\ngoing his rounds.\n\nCaesar was preparing, at break of day, to march to Scotusa; his soldiers\nwere striking their tents, and the servants and beasts of burden were\nalready in motion, when his scouts brought intelligence that they had\nseen arms handed about in the enemy's camp, and perceived a noise and\nbustle, which indicated an approaching battle. After these, others came\nand assured him that the first ranks were drawn up.\n\nUpon this Caesar said: \"The long-wished day is come, on which we shall\nfight with men, and not with want and famine.\" Then he immediately\nordered the red mantle to be put up before his pavilion, which, among\nthe Romans, is the signal of a battle. The soldiers no sooner beheld\nit, than they left their tents as they were, and ran to arms with loud\nshouts, and every expression of joy. And when the officers began to put\nthem in order of battle, each man fell into his proper rank as quietly,\nand with as much skill and ease, as a chorus in a tragedy.\n\nPompey placed himself in his right wing over against Antony, and his\nfather-in-law, Scipio, in the centre, opposite Domitius Calvinus.\nHis left wing was commanded by Lucius Domitius, and supported by the\ncavalry; for they were almost all ranged on that side, in order to break\nin upon Caesar, and cut off the tenth legion, which was accounted the\nbravest in his army, and in which he used to fight in person. Caesar,\nseeing the enemy's left wing so well guarded with horse, and fearing the\nexcellence of their armor, sent for a detachment of six cohorts from\nthe body of the reserve, and placed them behind the tenth legion, with\norders not to stir before the attack, lest they should be discovered by\nthe enemy; but when the enemy's cavalry had charged, to make up through\nthe foremost ranks, and then not to discharge their javelins at a\ndistance, as brave men generally do in their eagerness to come to sword\nin hand, but to reserve them till they came to close fighting, and to\npush them forward into the eyes and faces of the enemy. \"For those fair\nyoung dancers,\" said he, \"will never stand the steel aimed at their\neyes, but will fly to save their handsome faces.\"\n\nWhile Caesar was thus employed, Pompey took a view on horseback of the\norder of both armies; and finding that they enemy kept their ranks with\nthe utmost exactness, and quietly waited for the signal of battle, while\nhis own men, for want of experience, were fluctuating and unsteady,\nhe was afraid they would be broken up on the first onset. He therefore\ncommanded the vanguard to stand firm in their ranks, and in that close\norder to receive the enemy's charge. Caesar condemned this measure,\nas not only tending to lessen the vigor of the blows, which is always\ngreatest in the assailants, but also to damp the fire and spirit of the\nmen; whereas those who advance with impetuosity, and animate each other\nwith shouts, are filled with an enthusiastic valor and superior ardor.\n\nCaesar's army consisted of twenty-two thousand men, and Pompey's was\nsomething more than twice that number. When the signal was given on both\nsides, and the trumpets sounded a charge, each common man attended only\nto his own concern. But some of the principal Romans and Greeks, who\nonly stood and looked on, when the dreadful moment of action approached,\ncould not help considering to what the avarice and ambition of two men\nhad brought the Roman Empire. The same arms on both sides, the troops\nmarshalled in the same manner, the same standards; in short, the\nstrength and flower of one and the same city turned upon itself! What\ncould be a stronger proof of the blindness and infatuation of human\nnature, when carried away by its passions? Had they been willing to\nenjoy the fruits of their labors in peace and tranquillity, the greatest\nand best part of the world was their own. Or, if they must have indulged\ntheir thirst of victories and triumphs, the Parthians and Germans were\nyet to be subdued. Scythia and India yet remained; together with a very\nplausible color for their lust of new acquisitions, the pretence of\ncivilizing barbarians. And what Scythian horse, what Parthian arrows,\nwhat Indian treasures, could have resisted seventy thousand Romans, led\non by Pompey and Caesar, with whose names those nations had long been\nacquainted! Into such a variety of wild and savage countries had these\ntwo generals carried their victorious arms! Whereas now they stood\nthreatening each other with destruction; not sparing even their own\nglory, though to it they sacrificed their country, but prepared, one of\nthem, to lose the reputation of being invincible, which hitherto they\nhad both maintained. So that the alliance which they had contracted by\nPompey's marriage to Julia, was from the first only an artful expedient;\nand her charms were to form a self-interested compact, instead of being\nthe pledge of a sincere friendship.\n\nThe plain of Pharsalia was now covered with men, and horses and arms;\nand the signal of battle being given on both sides, the first on\nCaesar's side who advanced to the charge was Caius Crastinus, who\ncommanded a corps of one hundred and twenty men, and was determined to\nmake good his promise to his general. He was the first man Caesar saw\nwhen he went out of the trenches in the morning; and upon Caesar's\nasking him what he thought of the battle, he stretched out his hand, and\nanswered in a cheerful tone, \"You will gain a glorious victory, and I\nshall have your praise this day, either alive or dead.\" In pursuance of\nthis promise, he advanced the foremost, and many following to support\nhim, he charged into the midst of the enemy. They soon took to their\nswords, and numbers were slain; but as Crastinus was making his way\nforward, and cutting down all before him, one of Pompey's men stood to\nreceive him, and pushed his sword in at his mouth with such force, that\nit went through the nape of his neck. Crastinus thus killed, the fight\nwas maintained with equal advantage on both sides.\n\nPompey did not immediately lead on his right wing, but often directed\nhis eyes to the left, and lost time in waiting to see what execution his\ncavalry would do there. Meanwhile they had extended their squadrons to\nsurround Caesar, and prepared to drive the few horse he had placed in\nfront, back upon the foot. At that instant Caesar gave the signal;\nupon which his cavalry retreated a little; and the six cohorts, which\nconsisted of 3000 men, and had been placed behind the tenth legion,\nadvanced to surround Pompey's cavalry; and coming close up to them,\nraised the points of their javelins, as they had been taught, and aimed\nthem at the face. Their adversaries, who were not experienced in any\nkind of fighting, and had not the least previous idea of this, could not\nparry or endure the blows upon their faces, but turned their backs, or\ncovered their eyes with their hands, and soon fled with great dishonor.\nCaesar's men took no care to pursue them, but turned their force upon\nthe enemy's infantry, particularly upon that wing, which, now stripped\nof its horse, lay open to the attack on all sides. The six cohorts,\ntherefore, took them in flank, while the tenth legion charged them in\nfront; and they, who had hoped to surround the enemy, and now, instead\nof that, saw themselves surrounded, made but a short resistance, and\nthen took to a precipitate flight.\n\nBy the great dust that was raised, Pompey conjectured the fate of his\ncavalry; and it is hard to say what passed in his mind at that\nmoment. He appeared like a man moonstruck and distracted; and without\nconsidering that he was Pompey the Great, or speaking to any one, he\nquitted the ranks, and retired step by step toward his camp--a scene\nwhich cannot be better painted than in these verses of Homer: (In the\neleventh book of the Iliad, where he is speaking of the flight of Ajax\nbefore Hector.)\n\n     But partial Jove, espousing Hector's part,\n     Shot heaven-bred horror through the Grecian's heart;\n     Confused, unnerv'd in Hector's presence grown,\n     Amazed he stood with terrors not his own.\n     O'er his broad back his moony shield he threw,\n     And, glaring round, by tardy steps withdrew.\n\nIn this condition he entered his tent, where he sat down, and uttered\nnot a word, till at last, upon finding that some of the enemy entered\nthe camp with the fugitives, he said, \"What! Into my camp, too!\" After\nthis short exclamation, he rose up, and dressing himself in a manner\nsuitable to his fortune, privately withdrew. All the other legions fled;\nand a great slaughter was made in the camp, of the servants and others\nwho had the care of the tents. But Asinius Pollio, who then fought on\nCaesar's side, assures us, that of the regular troops there were not\nabove six thousand men killed. (Caesar says, that in all there were\nfifteen thousand killed, and twenty-four thousand taken prisoners.)\n\nUpon the taking of the camp, there was a spectacle which showed, in\nstrong colors, the vanity and folly of Pompey's troops. All the tents\nwere crowned with myrtle; the beds were strewn with flowers; the tables\ncovered with cups, and bowls of wine set out. In short, everything had\nthe appearance of preparations for feasts and sacrifices, rather than\nfor men going out to battle. To such a degree had their vain hopes\ncorrupted them, and with such a senseless confidence they took to the\nfield!\n\nWhen Pompey had got at a little distance from the camp, he quitted\nhis horse. He had very few people about him; and, as he saw he was\nnot pursued, he went softly on, wrapped up in such thoughts as we\nmay suppose a man to have, who had been used for thirty-four years to\nconquer and carry all before him, and now in his old age first came to\nknow what it was to be defeated and to fly. We may easily conjecture\nwhat his thoughts must be, when in one short hour he had lost the\nglory and the power which had been growing up amidst so many wars and\nconflicts; and he who was lately guarded with such armies of horse and\nfoot, and such great and powerful fleets, was reduced to so mean and\ncontemptible an equipage, that his enemies, who were in search of him,\ncould not know him.\n\nHe passed by Larissa, and came to Tempe, where, burning with thirst, he\nthrew himself upon his face, and drank out of the river; after which,\nhe passed through the valley, and went down to the sea-coast. There\nhe spent the remainder of the night in a poor fisherman's cabin. Next\nmorning, about break of day, he went on board a small river-boat, taking\nwith him such of his company as were freemen. The slaves he dismissed,\nbidding them go to Caesar, and fear nothing.\n\nAs he was coasting along, he saw a whip of burden just ready to sail;\nthe master of which was Peticius, a Roman citizen, who, though not\nacquainted with Pompey, knew him by sight. Therefore, without waiting\nfor any further application, he took him up, and such of his companions\nas he thought proper, and then hoisted sail. The persons Pompey took\nwith him, were the two Lentuli and Favonius; and a little after, they\nsaw king Deiotarus beckoning to them with great earnestness from the\nshore, and took him up likewise. The master of the ship provided them\nwith the best supper he could, and when it was almost ready, Pompey, for\nwant of a servant, was going to wash himself, but Favonius, seeing it,\nstepped up, and both washed and anointed him. All the time he was on\nboard, he continued to wait upon him in all the offices of a servant,\neven to the washing of his feet and providing his supper; insomuch, that\none who saw the unaffected simplicity and sincere attachment with which\nFavonius performed these offices, cried out--\n\n     The generous mind adds dignity\n     To every act, and nothing misbecomes it.\n\nPompey, in the course of his voyage, sailed by Amphipolis, and from\nthence steered for Mitylene, to take up Cornelia and his son. As soon\nas he reached the island, he sent a messenger to the town with news far\ndifferent from what Cornelia expected. For, by the flattering accounts\nwhich many officious persons had given her, she understood that the\ndispute was decided at Dyrrhachium, and that nothing but the pursuit of\nCaesar remained to be attended to. The messenger, finding her possessed\nwith such hopes, had not power to make the usual salutations; but\nexpressing the greatness of Pompey's misfortunes by his tears rather\nthan words, only told her she must make haste if she had a mind to see\nPompey with one ship only, and that not his own.\n\nAt this news Cornelia threw herself upon the ground, where she lay a\nlong time insensible and speechless. At last, coming to herself, she\nperceived there was no time to be lost in tears and lamentations, and\ntherefore hastened through the town to the sea. Pompey ran to meet her,\nand received her to his arms as she was just going to fall. While she\nhung upon his neck, she thus addressed him: \"I see, my dear husband,\nyour present unhappy condition is the effect of my ill fortune, and not\nyours. Alas! how are you reduced to one poor vessel, who, before your\nmarriage with Cornelia, traversed the sea with 500 galleys! Why did you\ncome to see me, and not rather leave me to my evil destiny, who have\nloaded you, too, with such a weight of calamities? How happy had it been\nfor me to have died before I heard that Publius, my first husband, was\nkilled by the Parthians! How wise, had I followed him to the grave, as\nI once intended! What have I lived for since, but to bring misfortunes\nupon Pompey the Great?\"\n\nSuch, we are assured, was the speech of Cornelia; and Pompey answered:\n\"Till this moment, Cornelia, you have experienced nothing but the smiles\nof fortune; and it was she who deceived you, because she stayed with me\nlonger than she commonly does with her favorites. But, fated as we are,\nwe must bear this reverse, and make another trial of her. For it is no\nmore improbable that we may emerge from this poor condition and rise to\ngreat things again, than it was that we should fall from great things\ninto this poor condition.\"\n\nCornelia then sent to the city for her most valuable movables and her\nservants.\n\nAs soon as his wife and his friends were embarked, he set sail, and\ncontinued his course without touching at any port, except for water and\nprovisions, till he came to Attalia, a city of Pamphylia. There he\nwas joined by some Cilician galleys; and beside picking up a number of\nsoldiers, he found in a little time sixty senators about him. When he\nwas informed that his fleet was still entire, and that Cato was gone\nto Africa with a considerable body of men which he had collected after\ntheir flight, he lamented to his friends his great error, in suffering\nhimself to be forced into an engagement on land, and making no use of\nthose forces, in which he was confessedly stronger; nor even taking care\nto fight near his fleet, that, in case of his meeting with a check\non land, he might have been supplied from the sea with another army,\ncapable of making head against the enemy. Indeed, we find no greater\nmistake in Pompey's whole conduct, nor a more remarkable instance of\nCaesar's generalship, than in removing the scene of action to such a\ndistance from the naval force.\n\nHowever, as it was necessary to undertake something with the small means\nhe had left, he sent to some cities, and sailed to others himself, to\nraise money, and to get a supply of men for his ships. But knowing the\nextraordinary celerity of the enemy's motions, he was afraid he might be\nbeforehand with him, and seize all that he was preparing. He, therefore,\nbegan to think of retiring to some asylum, and proposed the matter in\ncouncil. They could not think of any province in the Roman empire\nthat would afford a safe retreat; and when they cast their eyes on the\nforeign kingdoms, Pompey mentioned Parthia as the most likely to receive\nand protect them in their present weak condition, and afterwards to send\nthem back with a force sufficient to retrieve their affairs. Others were\nof opinion it was proper to apply to Africa, and to Juba in particular.\nBut Theophanes of Lesbos observed it was madness to leave Egypt, which\nwas distant but three days' sail. Besides, Ptolemy, who was growing\ntowards manhood, had particular obligations to Pompey on his father's\naccount. As so it was determined that they should seek for refuge in\nEgypt. Being informed that Ptolemy was with his army at Pelusium, where\nhe was engaged in war with his sister, he proceeded thither, and sent a\nmessenger before him to announce his arrival, and to entreat the king's\nprotection.\n\nPtolemy was very young, fourteen years of age, and Photinus, his prime\nminister, called a council of his ablest officers; though their advice\nhad no more weight than he was pleased to allow it. He ordered each,\nhowever, to give his opinion. But who can, without indignation, consider\nthat the fate of Pompey the Great was to be determined by the wretch\nPhotinus, by Theodotus, a man of Chios, who was hired to teach the\nprince rhetoric, and by Achillas, an Egyptian? For among the king's\nchamberlains and tutors these had the greatest influence over him\nand were the persons he most consulted. Pompey lay at anchor at some\ndistance from the place waiting the determination of this respectable\nboard; while he thought it beneath him to be indebted to Caesar for his\nsafety. The council were divided in their opinions, some advising the\nprince to give him an honorable reception, and others to send him an\norder to depart. But Theodotus, to display his eloquence, insisted that\nboth were wrong. \"If you receive him,\" said he, \"you will have Caesar\nfor your enemy, and Pompey for your master. If you order him off, Pompey\nmay one day revenge the affront and Caesar resent your not having put\nhim in his hands: the best method, therefore, is to send for him and put\nhim to death. By this means you will do Caesar a favor, and have nothing\nto fear from Pompey.\" He added with a smile, \"Dead men do not bite.\"\n\nThis advice being approved of, the execution of it was committed to\nAchillas. In consequence of which he took with him Septimius, who had\nformerly been one of Pompey's officers, and Salvius, who had also acted\nunder him as a centurion, with three or four assistants, and made up to\nPompey's ship, where his principal friends and officers had assembled\nto see how the affair went on. When they perceived there was nothing\nmagnificent in their reception, nor suitable to the hopes which\nTheophanes had conceived, but that a few men only in a fishing-boat\ncame to wait upon them, such want of respect appeared a suspicious\ncircumstance, and they advised Pompey, while he was out of the reach of\nmissive weapons, to get out to the main sea.\n\nMeantime, the boat approaching, Septimius spoke first, addressing Pompey\nin Latin by the title of Imperator. Then Achillas saluted him in Greek,\nand desired him to come into the boat, because the water was very\nshallow towards the shore, and a galley must strike upon the sands. At\nthe same time they saw several of the king's ships getting ready, and\nthe shore covered with troops, so that if they would have changed their\nminds it was then too late; besides, their distrust would have furnished\nthe assassins with a pretence for their injustice. He therefore embraced\nCornelia, who lamented his sad exit before it happened; and ordered two\ncenturions, one of his enfranchised slaves, named Philip, and a servant\ncalled Scenes, to get into the boat before him. When Achillas had hold\nof his hand, and he was going to step in himself, he turned to his wife\nand son, and repeated that verse of Sophocles--\n\n     Seek'st thou a tyrant's door?\n     Then farewell freedom!\n     Though FREE as air before.\n\nThese were the last words he spoke to them.\n\nAs there was a considerable distance between the galley and the\nshore, and he observed that not a man in the boat showed him the least\ncivility, or even spoke to him, he looked at Septimius, and said,\n\"Methinks, I remember you to have been my fellow-soldier;\" but he\nanswered only with a nod, without testifying any regard or friendship.\nA profound silence again taking place, Pompey took out a paper, in which\nhe had written a speech in Greek that he designed to make to Ptolemy,\nand amused himself with reading it.\n\nWhen they approached the shore, Cornelia, with her friends in the\ngalley, watched the event with great anxiety. She was a little\nencouraged, when she saw a number of the king's great officers coming\ndown to the strand, in all appearance to receive her husband and do him\nhonor. But the moment Pompey was taking hold of Philip's hand, to raise\nhim with more ease, Septimius came behind, and ran him through the body;\nafter which Salvius and Achillas also drew their swords. Pompey took his\nrobe in both hands and covered his face, and without saying or doing\nthe least thing unworthy of him, submitted to his fate, only uttering\na groan, while they despatched him with many blows. He was then just\nfifty-nine years old, for he was killed the day after his birthday.\n\nCornelia, and her friends in the galley, upon seeing him murdered, gave\na shriek that was heard to the shore, and weighed anchor immediately.\nTheir flight was assisted by a brisk gale, as they got out more to\nsea; so that the Egyptians gave up their design of pursuing them. The\nmurderers having cut off Pompey's head, threw the body out of the boat\nnaked, and left it exposed to all who were desirous of such a sight.\nPhilip stayed till their curiosity was satisfied, and then washed the\nbody with sea-water, and wrapped it in one of his own garments, because\nhe had nothing else at hand. The next thing was to look out for wood for\nthe funeral pile; and casting his eyes over the shore, he spied the\nold remains of a fishing-boat; which, though not large, would make a\nsufficient pile for a poor naked body that was not quite entire.\n\nWhile he was collecting the pieces of plank and putting them together,\nan old Roman, who had made some of his first campaigns under Pompey,\ncame up and said to Philip, \"Who are you that are preparing the funeral\nof Pompey the Great?\" Philip answered, \"I am his freedman.\" \"But you\nshall not,\" said the old Roman, \"have this honor entirely to yourself.\nAs a work of piety offers itself, let me have a share in it; that I\nmay not absolutely repent my having passed so many years in a foreign\ncountry; but, to compensate many misfortunes, may have the consolation\nof doing some of the last honors to the greatest general Rome ever\nproduced.\" In this manner was the funeral of Pompey conducted.\n\nSuch was the end of Pompey the Great. As for Caesar, he arrived not\nlong after in Egypt, which he found in great disorder. When they came to\npresent the head, he turned from it, and the person that brought it,\nas a sight of horror. He received the seal, but it was with tears.\nThe device was a lion holding a sword. The two assassins, Achillas\nand Photinus, he put to death; and the king, being defeated in battle,\nperished in the river. Theodotus, the rhetorician, escaped the vengeance\nof Caesar, by leaving Egypt; but he wandered about a miserable fugitive,\nand was hated wherever he went. At last, Marcus Brutus, who killed\nCaesar, found the wretch, in his province of Asia, and put him to death,\nafter having made him suffer the most exquisite tortures. The ashes of\nPompey were carried to Cornelia, who buried them in his lands near Alba.\n(Langhorne has well remarked that Pompey has, in all appearance, and\nin all consideration of his character, had less justice done him by\nhistorians than any other man of his time. His popular humanity,\nhis military and political skills, his prudence (which he sometimes\nunfortunately gave up), his natural bravery and generosity, his conjugal\nvirtues, which (though sometimes impeached) were both naturally\nand morally great; his cause, which was certainly, in its original\ninterests, the cause of Rome; all these circumstances entitled him to\na more distinguished and more respectable character than any of his\nhistorians have thought proper to afford him.)\n\n\n\n\nTHE ENGINES OF ARCHIMEDES FROM THE LIFE OF MARCELLUS\n\nMarcellus now moved with his whole army to Syracuse, and, camping near\nthe wall, proceeded to attack the city both by land and by sea. The land\nforces were conducted by Appius: Marcellus, with sixty galleys, each\nwith five rows of oars, furnished with all sorts of arms and missiles,\nand a huge bridge of planks laid upon eight ships chained together, upon\nwhich was carried the engine to cast stones and darts, assaulted the\nwalls, relying on the abundance and magnificence of his preparations,\nand on his own previous glory; all which, however, were, it would seem,\nbut trifles for Archimedes and his machines.\n\nThese machines he had designed and contrived, not as matters of any\nimportance, but as mere amusements in geometry; in compliance with King\nHiero's desire and request, some little time before, that he should\nreduce to practice some part of his admirable speculations in science,\nand by accommodating the theoretical truth to sensation and ordinary\nuse, bring it more within the appreciation of people in general. Eudoxus\nand Archytas had been the originators of this far-famed and highly\nprized art of mechanics, which they employed as an elegant illustration\nof geometrical truths, and as a means of sustaining experimentally, to\nthe satisfaction of the senses, conclusions too intricate for proof\nby words and diagrams. As, for example, to solve the problem, so often\nrequired in constructing geometrical figures, given the two extreme, to\nfind the two mean lines of a proportion, both these mathematicians had\nrecourse to the aid of instruments, adapting to their purpose certain\ncurves and sections of lines. (The 'mesolabes or mesalabium, was the\nname by which this instrument was commonly known.) But what with Plato's\nindignation at it, and his invectives against it as the mere corruption\nand annihilation of the one good of geometry,--which was thus shamefully\nturning its back upon the unembodied objects of pure intelligence to\nrecur to sensation, and to ask help (not to be obtained without haste\nsubservience and depravation) from matter; so it was that mechanics came\nto be separated from geometry, and, being repudiated and neglected by\nphilosophers, took its place as a military art. Archimedes, however,\nin writing to King Hiero, whose friend and near relation he was, had\nstated, that given the force, any weight might be moved, and even\nboasted, we are told, relying on the strength of demonstration, that if\nthere were another earth, by going into it he could remove this. Hiero\nbeing struck with amazement at this, and entreating him to make good\nthis problem by actual experiment, and show some great weight moved by\na small engine, he fixed accordingly upon a ship of burden out of the\nking's arsenal, which could not be drawn out of the dock without great\nlabor and many men; and, loading her with many passengers and a full\nfreight, sitting himself the while far off, with no great endeavor, but\nonly holding the head of the pulley in his hand and drawing the cord by\ndegrees, he drew the ship in a straight line, as smoothly and evenly as\nif she had been in the sea. The king, astonished at this, and convinced\nof the power of the art, prevailed upon Archimedes to make him engines\naccommodated to all the purposes, offensive and defensive, of a siege.\nThese the king himself never made use of, because he spent almost\nall his life in a profound quiet, and the highest influence. But\nthe apparatus was, in a most opportune time, ready at hand for the\nSyracusans, and with it also the engineer himself.\n\nWhen, therefore, the Romans assaulted the walls in two places at once,\nfear and consternation stupefied the Syracusans, believing that nothing\nwas able to resist that violence and those forces. But when Archimedes\nbegan to ply his engines, he at once shot against the land forces all\nsorts of missile weapons, and immense masses of stone that came down\nwith incredible noise and violence, against which no man could stand;\nfor they knocked down those upon whom they fell, in heaps, breaking all\ntheir ranks and files. In the mean time huge poles thrust out from the\nwalls over the ships, sunk some by the great weights which they let down\nfrom on high upon them; others they lifted up into the air by an iron\nhand or beak like a crane's beak, and, when they had drawn them up by\nthe prow, and set them on end upon the poop, they plunged them to the\nbottom of the sea; or else the ships, drawn by engines within, and\nwhirled about, were dashed against steep rocks that stood jutting out\nunder the walls, with great destruction of the soldiers that were aboard\nthem. A ship was frequently lifted up to a great height in the air (a\ndreadful thing to behold), and was rolled to and fro, and kept swinging,\nuntil the mariners were all thrown out, when at length it was dashed\nagainst the rocks, or let fall. In the meantime, Marcellus himself\nbrought up his engine upon the bridge of ships, which was called\n\"Sambuca,\" from some resemblance it had to an instrument of music, but\nwhile it was as yet approaching the wall, there was discharged at it a\npiece of rock of ten talents' weight, then a second and a third, which,\nstriking upon it with immense force and with a noise like thunder,\nbroke all its foundations to pieces, shook out all its fastenings, and\ncompletely dislodged it from the bridge. So Marcellus, doubtful what\ncounsel to pursue, drew off his ships to a safer distance, and sounded a\nretreat to his forces on land. They then took a resolution of coming\nup under the walls, if it were possible, in the night; thinking that as\nArchimedes used ropes stretched at length in playing his engines, the\nsoldiers would now be under the shot, and the darts would, for want of\nsufficient distance to throw them, fly over their heads without effect.\nBut he, it appeared, had long before framed for such occasion engines\naccommodated to any distance, and shorter weapons; and had made numerous\nsmall openings in the walls, through which, with engines of a shorter\nrange, unexpected blows were inflicted on the assailants. Thus, when\nthey who thought to deceive the defenders came close up to the walls,\ninstantly a shower of darts and other missile weapons was again cast\nupon them. And when stones came tumbling down perpendicularly upon their\nheads, and, as it were, the whole wall shot out arrows at them, they\nretired. And now, again, as they were going off, arrows and darts of\na longer range inflicted a great slaughter among them, and their ships\nwere driven one against another; while they themselves were not able\nto retaliate in any way; for Archimedes had fixed most of his engines\nimmediately under the wall. The Romans, seeing that infinite mischiefs\noverwhelmed them from no visible means, began to think they were\nfighting with the gods.\n\nYet Marcellus escaped unhurt, and, deriding his own artificers\nand engineers, exclaimed \"What! Must we give up fighting with this\ngeometrical Briareus, who plays pitch and toss with our ships, and,\nwith the multitude of darts which he showers at a single moment upon us,\nreally outdoes the hundred-handed giants of mythology?\" The rest of the\nSyracusans were but the body of Archimedes' designs, one soul moving\nand governing all; for, laying aside all other arms, with his alone they\ninfested the Romans, and protected themselves. In fine, when such terror\nhad seized upon the Romans, that, if they did but see a little rope or\na piece of wood from the wall, they instantly cried out, \"There it is\nagain! Archimedes is about to let fly another engine at us,\" and turned\ntheir backs and fled, Marcellus desisted from conflicts and assaults,\nputting all his hope in a long siege. Yet Archimedes possessed so high a\nspirit, so profound a soul, and such treasures of scientific knowledge,\nthat though these inventions had now obtained him the renown of more\nthan human sagacity, he yet would not deign to leave behind him any\ncommentary or writing on such subjects; but, repudiating as sordid and\nignoble the whole trade of engineering, and every sort of art that\nlends itself to mere use and profit, he placed his whole affection and\nambition in those purer speculations where there can be no reference\nto the vulgar needs of life; studies, the superiority of which to all\nothers is unquestioned, and in which the only doubt can be, whether\nthe beauty and grandeur of the subjects examined, or the precision and\ncogency of the methods and means of proof, most deserve our admiration.\nIt is not possible to find in all geometry more difficult and intricate\nquestions, or more simple and lucid explanations. Some ascribe this to\nhis natural genius; while others think that incredible effort and toil\nproduced these apparently easy and unlabored results. No amount of\ninvestigation of yours would succeed in attaining the proof, and yet,\nonce seen, you immediately believe you would have discovered it; by so\nsmooth and so rapid a path he leads you to the conclusion required. And\nthus it ceases to be incredible that (as is commonly told of him), the\ncharm of his familiar and domestic Siren made him forget his food and\nneglect his person, to such a degree that when he was occasionally\ncarried by absolute violence to bathe, or have his body anointed, he\nused to trace geometrical figures in the ashes of the fire, and diagrams\nin the oil on his body, being in a state of entire preoccupation, and,\nin the truest sense, divinely possessed with his love and delight in\nscience. His discoveries were numerous and admirable; and he is said\nto have requested his friends and relations that when he was dead, they\nwould place over his tomb a cylinder containing a sphere, inscribing it\nwith the ratio of three to two which the containing solid bears to the\ncontained.\n\n\n\n\nDESCRIPTION OF CLEOPATRA FROM THE LIFE OF ANTONY\n\nWhen Antony was making preparation for the Parthian war, he sent to\ncommand Cleopatra to make her personal appearance in Cilicia, to answer\nthe accusation, that she had given great assistance, in the late wars,\nto Cassius. Dellius, who was sent on this message, had no sooner seen\nher face, and remarked her adroitness and subtlety in speech, than he\nfelt convinced that Antony would not so much as think of giving any\nmolestation to a woman like this; on the contrary, she would be the\nfirst in favor with him. So he set himself at once to pay his court to\nthe Egyptia, and gave her his advice, \"to go,\" in the Homeric style, to\nCilicia, \"in her best attire,\" and bade her fear nothing from Antony,\nthe gentlest and the kindest of soldiers. She had some faith in the\nwords of Dellius, but more in her own attractions, which, having\nformerly recommended her to Caesar and the young Gnaeus Pompey, she\ndid not doubt might prove yet more successful with Antony. Their\nacquaintance was with her when a girl, young, and ignorant of the world,\nbut she was to meet Antony in the time of life when women's beauty is\nmost splendid, and their intellects are in full maturity, for she was\nnow about twenty-eight years of age. She made great preparation for her\njourney, of money, gifts, and ornaments of value, such as so wealthy a\nkingdom might afford, but she brought with her her surest hopes in her\nown magic arts and charms.\n\nShe received several letters, both from Antony and from his friends, to\nsummon her, but she paid no attention to these orders; and at last, as\nif in mockery of them, she came sailing up the river Cydnus, in a barge\nwith gilded stern and outspread sails of purple, while oars of silver\nbeat time to the music of flutes and fifes and harps. She herself lay\nstretched along under a canopy of cloth of gold, dressed as Venus in a\npicture, and beautiful young boys, like painted Cupids, stood on each\nside to fan her. Her maids were dressed like Sea Nymphs and Graces, some\nsteering at the rudder, some working at the ropes. The perfumes\ndiffused themselves from the vessel to the shore, which was covered with\nmultitudes, part following the galley up the river on either bank, part\nrunning out of the city to see the sight. The market-place was quite\nemptied, and Antony at last was left alone sitting upon the tribunal;\nwhile the word went through all the multitude, that Venus had come to\nfeast with Bacchus, for the common good of Asia. On her arrival, Antony\nsent to invite her to supper. She thought it fitter he should come to\nher; so, willing to show his good-humor and courtesy, he complied,\nand went. He found the preparations to receive him magnificent beyond\nexpression, but nothing so admirable as the great number of lights;\nfor on a sudden there were let down all together so great numbers of\nbranches with lights in them so ingeniously disposed, some in squares,\nand some in circles, that the whole thing was a spectacle that has\nseldom been equaled for beauty.\n\nThe next day, Antony invited her to supper, and was very desirous to\noutdo her as well in magnificence as contrivance; but he found he was\naltogether beaten in both, and was so well convinced of it, that he was\nhimself the first to jest and mock at his poverty of wit, and his rustic\nawkwardness. She, perceiving that his raillery was broad and gross,\nand savored more of the soldier than the courtier, rejoined in the\nsame taste, and fell into it at once, without any sort of reluctance\nor reserve. For her actual beauty, it is said, was not in itself so\nremarkable that none could be compared with her, or that no one could\nsee her without being struck by it, but the contact of her presence,\nif you lived with her, was irresistible; the attraction of her person,\njoining with the charm of her conversation, and the character that\nattended all she said or did, was something bewitching. It was a\npleasure merely to hear the sound of her voice, with which, like an\ninstrument of many strings, she could pass from one language to another;\nso that there were few of the barbarian nations that she answered by an\ninterpreter; to most of them she spoke herself, as to the Aethiopians,\nTroglodytes, Hebrews, Arabians, Syrians, Medes, Parthians, and\nmany others, whose language she had learnt; which was all the more\nsurprising, because most of the kings her predecessors scarcely gave\nthemselves the trouble to acquire the Egyptian tongue, and several of\nthem quite abandoned the Macedonian.\n\nAntony was so captivated by her that, leaving his troops assembled in\nMesopotamia, and ready to enter Syria, he suffered himself to be carried\naway by her to Alexandria, there to keep holiday, like a boy, in play\nand diversion, squandering and fooling away in enjoyments that most\ncostly, as Antiphon says, of all valuable, time. They had a sort of\ncompany, to which they gave a particular name, calling it that of the\n\"Inimitable Livers.\" The members entertained one another daily in turn,\nwith an extravagance of expenditure beyond measure or belief. Philotas,\na physician of Amphissa, who was at that time a student of medicine in\nAlexandria, used to tell my grandfather, Lamprias, that, having some\nacquaintance with one of the royal cooks, he was invited by him, being a\nyoung man, to come and see the sumptuous preparations for supper. So he\nwas taken into the kitchen, where he admired the prodigious variety of\nall things; but particularly, seeing eight wild boars roasting whole, he\nexclaimed, \"Surely you have a great number of guests.\" The cook laughed\nat his simplicity, and told him there were not more than twelve to sup,\nbut that every dish was to be served up just roasted to a turn, and if\nanything was but one minute ill-timed, it was spoiled; \"And,\" said he,\n\"maybe Antony will sup just now, maybe not this hour, maybe he will call\nfor wine, or begin to talk, and will put it off. So that,\" he continued,\n\"not one, but many suppers must be had in readiness, as it impossible to\nguess at his hour.\"\n\nPlato admits four sorts of flattery, but Cleopatra had a thousand. Were\nAntony serious or disposed to mirth, she had at any moment some new\ndelight or charm to meet his wishes. She played at dice with him, drank\nwith him, hunted with him; and when he exercised in arms, she was there\nto see. At night she would go rambling with him to disturb and torment\npeople at their doors and windows, dressed like a servant-woman, for\nAntony also went in servant's disguise, and from these expeditions\nhe often came home very scurvily answered, and sometimes even beaten\nseverely, though most people guessed who it was. It would be trifling\nwithout end to be particular in his follies, but his fishing must not\nbe forgotten. He went out one day to angle with Cleopatra, and, being\nso unfortunate as to catch nothing in the presence of the queen, he gave\nsecret orders to the fishermen to dive under water, and put fishes that\nhad been already taken upon his hooks; and these he drew so fast that\nthe Egyptian perceived it. But, feigning great admiration, she told\neverybody how dexterous Antony was, and invited them next day to come\nand see him again. So, when a number of them had come on board the\nfishing boats, as soon as he had let down his hook, one of her servants\nwas beforehand with his divers, and fixed upon his hook a salted fish\nfrom Pontus. Antony, feeling his line give, drew up the prey, and when,\nas may be imagined, great laughter ensued, Cleopatra said, \"Leave the\nfishing-rod, general, to us poor sovereigns of Pharos and Canopus; your\ngame is cities, provinces, and kingdoms.\"\n\n\n\n\nANECDOTES FROM THE LIFE OF AGESILAUS, KING OF SPARTA\n\nAgesilaus is said to have been a little man, of a contemptible presence;\nbut the goodness of his humor, and his constant cheerfulness and\nplayfulness of temper, always free from anything of moroseness or\nhaughtiness, made him more attractive, even to his old age, than the\nmost beautiful and youthful men of the nation. Theophrastus writes,\nthat the Ephors laid a fine upon Archidamus for marrying a little wife,\n\"For,\" said they, \"she will bring us a race of kinglets, instead of\nkings.\"\n\nAgesilaus was excessively fond of his children; and it is to him the\nstory belongs, that when they were little ones, he used to make a horse\nof a stick, and ride with them; and being caught at this sport by a\nfriend, he desired him not to mention it, till he himself should be the\nfather of children.\n\nWhen the Mantineans revolted from Thebes to Sparta, and Epaminondas\nunderstood that Agesilaus had come to their assistance with a powerful\narmy, he privately in the night quitted his quarters at Tegea, and\nunknown to the Mantineans, passing by Agesilaus, marched toward Sparta,\ninsomuch that he failed very little of taking it empty and unarmed.\nAgesilaus had intelligence sent him by Euthynus, the Thespian, as\nCallisthenes says, but Xenophon says by a Cretan, and immediately\ndespatched a horseman to Lacedaemon, to apprise them of it, and to let\nthem know that he was hastening to them. Shortly after his arrival the\nThebans crossed the Eurotas. They made an assault upon the town, and\nwere received by Agesilaus with great courage, and with exertions beyond\nwhat was to be expected at his years. For he did not now fight with that\ncaution and cunning which he formerly made use of, but put all upon a\ndesperate push; which, though not his usual method, succeeded so well,\nthat he rescued the city out of the very hands of Epaminondas, and\nforced him to retire, and, at the erection of a trophy, was able, in the\npresence of their wives and children, to declare that the Lacedaemonians\nhad nobly paid their debt to their country, and particularly his son\nArchidamus, who had that day made himself illustrious, both by his\ncourage and agility of body, rapidly passing about by the short lanes to\nevery endangered point, and everywhere maintaining the town against the\nenemy with but few to help him. Isadas, too, the son of Phoebidas,\nmust have been, I think, the admiration of the enemy as well as of his\nfriends. He was a youth of remarkable beauty and stature, in the very\nflower of the most attractive time of life, when the boy is just rising\ninto the man. He had no arms upon him, and scarcely clothes; he had just\nanointed himself at home, when, upon the alarm, without further waiting,\nin that undress, he snatched a spear in one hand, and a sword in the\nother, and broke his way through the combatants to the enemies, striking\nat all he met. He received no wound, whether it were that a special\ndivine care rewarded his valor with an extraordinary protection,\nor whether his shape being so large and beautiful, and his dress\nso unusual, they thought him more than a man. The Ephors gave him a\ngarland; but as soon as they had done so, they fined him a thousand\ndrachma, for going out to battle unarmed.\n\n\n\n\nTHE BROTHERS FROM THE LIFE OF TIMOLEON\n\nTimoleon had an older brother, whose name was Timophanes, who was\nevery way unlike him, being indiscreet and rash and infected by the\nsuggestions of some friends and foreign soldiers, whom he kept always\nabout him, with a passion for absolute power. He seemed to have a\ncertain force and vehemence in all military service, and even to delight\nin dangers, and thus he took much with the people, and was advanced\nto the highest charges as a vigorous and effective warrior; in the\nobtaining of which offices and promotions Timoleon much assisted him,\nhelping to conceal or at least to extenuate his errors, embellishing\nby his praise whatever was commendable in him, and setting off his good\nqualities to the best advantage.\n\nIt happened once in the battle fought by the Corinthians against the\nforces of Argos and Cleonae, that Timoleon served among the infantry,\nwhen Timophanes, commanding their cavalry, was brought into extreme\ndanger; for his horse being wounded fell forward, and threw him headlong\namidst the enemies, while part of his companions dispersed at once in\na panic, and the small number that remained, bearing up against a great\nmultitude, had much ado to maintain any resistance. As soon, therefore,\nas Timoleon was aware of the accident, he ran hastily to his brother's\nrescue, and covering the fallen Timophanes with his buckler, after\nhaving received an abundance of darts and several strokes by the sword\nupon his body and his armor, he at length with much difficulty obliged\nthe enemies to retire, and brought off his brother alive and safe. But\nwhen the Corinthians, for fear of losing their city a second time,\nas they had once before, by admitting their allies, made a decree to\nmaintain four hundred mercenaries for its security, and gave Timophanes\nthe command over them, he, abandoning all regard for honor and equity,\nat once proceeded to put into execution his plans for making himself\nabsolute, and bringing the place under his own power; and having cut off\nmany principal citizens, uncondemned and without trial, who were most\nlikely to hinder his design, he declared himself tyrant of Corinth; a\nprocedure that infinitely afflicted Timoleon, to whom the wickedness\nof such a brother appeared to be his own reproach and calamity. He\nundertook to persuade him by reasoning to desist from that wild and\nunhappy ambition, and bethink himself how he could make the Corinthians\nsome amends, and find out an expedient to remedy the evils he had done\nthem. When his single admonition was rejected and contemned by him, he\nmade a second attempt, taking with him Aeschylus his kinsman, brother to\nthe wife of Timophanes, and a certain diviner, that was his friend,\nwhom Theopompus in his history calls Satyrus. This company coming to his\nbrother, all three of them surrounded and earnestly importuned him upon\nthe same subject, that now at length he would listen to reason and be\nof another mind. But when Timophanes began first to laugh at the men's\nsimplicity, and presently broke out into rage and indignation against\nthem, Timoleon stepped aside from him and stood weeping with his face\ncovered, while the other two, drawing out their swords, despatched him\nin a moment.\n\nWhen the rumor of this act was spread about, the better and more\ngenerous of the Corinthians highly applauded Timoleon for the hatred of\nwrong and the greatness of soul that had made him, though of a gentle\ndisposition and full of love and kindness for his family, think the\nobligations to his country stronger than the ties of consanguinity, and\nprefer that which is good and just before gain and interest and his own\nparticular advantage. For the same brother, who with so much bravery had\nbeen saved by him when he fought valiantly in the cause of Corinth, he\nhad now as nobly sacrificed for enslaving her afterward by a base and\ntreacherous usurpation. But when he came to understand how heavily his\nmother took it, and that she likewise uttered the saddest complaints and\nmost terrible imprecations against him, he went to satisfy and comfort\nher, but he found that she would not endure so much as to look upon him,\nbut caused her doors to be shut that he might have no admission into\nher presence, and with grief at this he grew so disordered in mind and\ndisconsolate, that he determined to put an end to his perplexity with\nhis life, by abstaining from all manner of sustenance. But through the\ncare and diligence of his friends, who were very persistent with him,\nand added force to their entreaties, he promised at last that he\nwould endure living, provided it might be in solitude, and remote from\ncompany; so that, quitting all civil transactions and commerce with the\nworld, for a long while after his first retirement he never came into\nCorinth, but wandered up and down the fields, full of anxious and\ntormenting thoughts, and for almost twenty years did not offer to\nconcern himself in any honorable or public action.\n\n\n\n\nTHE WOUND OF PHILOPOEMEN\n\nCleomenes, king of the Lacedaemonians, surprised Megalopolis by night,\nforced the guards, broke in, and seized the market-place.\n\nAwhile after, king Antigonus coming down to succor the Achaeans, they\nmarched with their united forces against Cleomenes; who, having seized\nthe avenues, lay advantageously posted on the hills of Sellasia.\nAntigonus drew up close by him, with a resolution to force him in his\nstrength. Philopoemen, with his citizens, was that day placed among the\nhorse, next to the Illyrian foot, a numerous body of bold fighters, who\ncompleted the line of battle, forming, together with the Achaeans, the\nreserve. Their orders were to keep their ground, and not engage till\nthey should see a red coat lifted up on the point of a spear from the\nother wing, where the king fought in person. The Achaeans obeyed their\norder and stood fast; but the Illyrians were led on by their commanders\nto the attack. Euclidas, the brother of Cleomenes; seeing the foot\nthus severed from the horse, detached the best of his light-armed men,\ncommanding them to wheel about and charge the unprotected Illyrians\nin the rear. This charge put things into confusion, and Philopoemen,\nconsidering that those light-armed men could be easily repelled, went\nfirst to the king's officers to make them sensible of what the occasion\nrequired. But when they did not mind what he said, slighting him as a\nhare-brained fellow (as indeed he was not yet of any repute sufficient\nto give credit to a proposal of such importance). he charged with his\nown citizens, and at the first encounter disordered, and soon after put\nthe troops to flight with great slaughter. Then, to encourage the\nking's army further, to bring them all upon the enemy while he was in\nconfusion, he quitted his horse, and fighting with extreme difficulty\nin his heavy horseman's dress, in rough, uneven ground, full of\nwater-courses and hollows, had both his thighs struck through with a\nthonged javelin. It was thrown with great force, so that the head came\nout on the other side, and made a severe though not a mortal wound.\nThere he stood awhile, as if he had been shackled, unable to move. The\nfastening which joined the thong to the javelin made it difficult to\nget it drawn out, nor would anybody about him venture to do it. But the\nfight being now at the hottest, and likely to be quickly decided, he\nwas transported with the desire of partaking in it, and struggled and\nstrained so violently, setting one leg forward, the other back, that\nat last he broke the shaft in two, and thus got the pieces pulled out.\nBeing in this manner set at liberty he caught up his sword, and running\nthrough the midst of those who were fighting in the first ranks,\nanimated his men, and set them afire with emulation. Antigonus, after\nthe victory, asked the Macedonians, to try them, how it happened that\nthe cavalry had charged without orders before the signal? and when they\nanswered that they were forced to it against their wills by a young man\nof Megalopolis, who had fallen in before it was time, Antigonus replied,\nsmiling, \"That young man acted like an experienced commander.\"\n\n\n\n\nA ROMAN TRIUMPH FROM THE LIFE OF PAULUS AEMILIUS\n\nPaulus Aemilius, advanced in years, being nearly threescore, yet\nvigorous in his own person, and rich in valiant sons and sons-in-law,\nbesides a great number of influential relations and friends, all of whom\njoined in urging him to yield to the desires of the people, who called\nhim to the consulship. He at first manifested some shyness of the\npeople, and withdrew himself from their importunity, professing\nreluctance to hold office; but, when they daily came to his doors,\nurging him to come forth to the place of election, and pressing him with\nnoise and clamor, he acceded to their request. When he appeared amongst\nthe candidates, it did not look as if it were to sue for the consulship,\nbut to bring victory and success, that he came down into the Campus;\nwith such hopes and such gladness did they all receive him there,\nunanimously choosing him a second time consul; nor would they suffer the\nlots to be cast, as was usual, to determine which province should fall\nto his share, but immediately decreed him the command of the Macedonian\nwar. It is told, that when he had been proclaimed general against\nPerseus, and was honorably accompanied home by great numbers of people,\nhe found his daughter Tertia, a very little girl, weeping, and taking\nher to him asked her why she was crying. She, catching him about the\nneck and kissing him, said, \"O father, do you not know that Perseus is\ndead?\" meaning a little dog of that name who had been brought up in the\nhouse with her; to which Aemilius replied, \"Good fortune, my daughter;\nI embrace the omen.\" Thus Cicero, the orator, relates in his book on\ndivination.\n\n* * * * *\n\nThe triumph of Aemilius over Perseus was performed in this manner.\n\nThe people erected scaffolds in the Forum, in the circuses, as they call\ntheir buildings, for horse-races, and in all other parts of the city\nwhere they could best behold the show. The spectators were clad in white\ngarments; all the temples were open, and full of garlands and perfumes;\nthe ways were cleared and kept open by numerous officers, who drove back\nall who crowded into or ran across the main avenue. This triumph lasted\nthree days. On the first, which was scarcely long enough for the sight,\nwere to be seen the statues, pictures, and colossal images, which were\ntaken from the enemy, drawn upon two hundred and fifty chariots. On the\nsecond, was carried in a great many wagons the finest and richest armor\nof the Macedonians, both of brass and steel, all newly polished and\nglittering; the pieces of which were piled up and arranged purposely\nwith the greatest art, so as to seem to be tumbled in heaps carelessly\nand by chance; helmets were thrown upon shields, coats of mail upon\ngreaves; Cretan targets, and Thracian bucklers and quivers of arrows,\nlay huddled amongst horses' bits, and through these there appeared the\npoints of naked swords, intermixed with long Macedonian sarissas. All\nthese arms were fastened together with just so much looseness that they\nstruck against one another as they were drawn along, and made a harsh\nand alarming noise, so that, even as spoils of a conquered enemy, they\ncould not be beheld without dread. After these wagons loaded with\narmor, there followed three thousand men who carried the silver that was\ncoined, in seven hundred and fifty vessels, each of which weighed three\ntalents, and was carried by four men. Others brought silver bowls and\ngoblets and cups, all disposed in such order as to make the best show,\nand all curious as well for their size as the solidity of their embossed\nwork.\n\nOn the third day, early in the morning, first came the trumpeters, who\ndid not sound as they were wont in a procession or solemn entry, but\nsuch a charge as the Romans use when they encourage the soldiers to\nfight. Next followed young men wearing frocks with ornamented borders,\nwho led to the sacrifice a hundred and twenty stalled oxen, with their\nhorns gilded, and their heads adorned with ribbons and garlands; and\nwith these were boys that carried basins for libation, of silver and\ngold. After this was brought the gold coin, which was divided into\nvessels that weighed three talents, like those that contained the\nsilver; they were in number seventy-seven. These were followed by those\nthat brought the consecrated bowl which Aemilius had caused to be made,\nthat weighed ten talents, and was set with precious stones. Then were\nexposed to view the cups of Antigonus and Seleucus, and those of the\nThericlean make (Thericles, according to the more probable supposition,\nwas a Corinthian potter: the first maker of a particular kind of cup,\nwhich long continued to bear his name.) and all the gold plate that was\nused at Perseus' table. Next to these came Perseus' chariot, in which\nhis armor was placed, and on that his diadem. And, after a little\nintermission, the king's children were led captives, and with them a\ntrain of their attendants, masters, and teachers, all shedding tears,\nand stretching out their hands to the spectators, and making the\nchildren themselves also beg and entreat their compassion. There were\ntwo sons and a daughter whose tender age made them but little sensible\nof the greatness of their misery, which very insensibility of their\ncondition rendered it the more deplorable; insomuch that Perseus himself\nwas scarcely regarded as he went along, whilst pity fixed the eyes of\nthe Romans upon the infants; many of them could not forbear tears, and\nall beheld the sight with a mixture of sorrow and pleasure, until the\nchildren had passed.\n\nAfter his children and their attendants came Perseus himself, clad all\nin black, and wearing the boots of his country; and looking like one\naltogether stunned and deprived of reason, through the greatness of his\nmisfortunes. Next followed a great company of his friends and familiars,\nwhose countenances were disfigured with grief, and who let the\nspectators see, by their tears and their continual looking upon Perseus,\nthat it was his fortune they so much lamented, and that they were\nregardless of their own. Perseus sent to Aemilius to entreat that he\nmight not be led in pomp, but be left out of the triumph; who, deriding,\nas was but just, his cowardice and fondness of life, sent him this\nanswer, that as for that, it had been before, and was now, in his own\npower; giving him to understand that the disgrace could be avoided by\ndeath; which the faint-hearted man not having the spirit for, and made\neffeminate by I know not what hopes, allowed himself to appear as a part\nof his own spoils. After these were carried four hundred crowns, all\nmade of gold, sent from the cities by their respective deputations to\nAemilius, in honor of his victory. Then he himself came, seated on a\nchariot magnificently adorned (a man well worthy to be looked at, even\nwithout these ensigns of power), dressed in a robe of purple, interwoven\nwith gold, and holding a laurel branch in his right hand. All the army,\nin like manner, with boughs of laurel in their hands, divided into\ntheir bands and companies, followed the chariot of their commander; some\nsinging verses, according to the usual custom, mingled with raillery;\nothers, songs of triumph, and the praise of Aemilius's deeds; who,\nindeed, was admired and accounted happy by all men, and unenvied by\nevery one that was good; except so far as it seems the province of some\ngod to lessen that happiness which is too great and inordinate, and so\nto mingle the affairs of human life that no one should be entirely free\nfrom calamities; but, as we read in Homer*, only those should think\nthemselves truly blessed to whom fortune has given an equal share of\ngood and evil.\n\n     * \"Grief is useless; cease to lament,\" Achilles to Priam,\n     his suppliant for the body of Hecor. \"For thus have the gods\n     appointed for mortal men; that they should live in vexation,\n     while the gods themselves are untroubled. Two vessels are\n     set upon the threshold of Zeus, of the gifts that he\n     dispenses; one of evil things, the other of good; he who\n     receives from both at the hand of thundering Zeus, meets at\n     one time with evil, and at another with good; he who\n     receives from only one, is a miserable wretch.\"\n\n\n\n\nTHE NOBLE CHARACTER OF CAIUS FABRICIUS FROM THE LIFE OF PYRRHUS\n\nCaius Fabricius, a man of highest consideration among the Romans as an\nhonest man and a good soldier, but extremely poor, went upon an embassy\nto Pyrrhus to treat about prisoners that had been taken. Pyrrhus\nreceived him with much kindness, and privately would have persuaded\nhim to accept of his gold, not for any evil purpose, but as a mark of\nrespect and hospitable kindness. Upon Fabricius's refusal, he pressed\nhim no further, but the next day, having a mind to discompose him, as\nhe had never seen an elephant before, he commanded one of the largest,\ncompletely armed, to be placed behind the hangings, as they were talking\ntogether. This being done, at a given signal the hanging was drawn\naside, and the elephant, raising his trunk over the head of Fabricius,\nmade a horrid and ugly noise. He gently turned about and, smiling, said\nto Pyrrhus, \"neither your money yesterday, nor this beast today make any\nimpression upon me.\" At supper, amongst all sorts of things that were\ndiscoursed of, but more particularly Greece and the philosophers there,\nCineas, by accident, had occasion to speak of Epicurus, and explained\nthe opinions his followers hold about the gods and the commonwealth, and\nthe object of life, who place the chief happiness of man in pleasure,\nand decline public affairs as an injury and disturbance of a happy life,\nand remove the gods afar off both from kindness or anger, or any\nconcern for us at all, to a life wholly without business and flowing in\npleasures. Before he had done speaking, Fabricius cried out to Pyrrhus,\n\"O Hercules! may Pyrrhus and the Samnites entertain themselves with this\nsort of opinions as long as they are at war with us.\" Pyrrhus, admiring\nthe wisdom and gravity of the man, was the more transported with desire\nto make friendship instead of war with the city, and entreated him,\npersonally, after the peace should be concluded, to accept of living\nwith him as the chief of his ministers and generals. Fabricius answered\nquietly, \"Sir, this will not be for your advantage, for they who now\nhonor and admire you, when they have had experience of me, will rather\nchoose to be governed by me, than by you.\" And Pyrrhus received his\nanswer without any resentment or tyrannic passion; nay, among his\nfriends he highly commended the great mind of Fabricius, and intrusted\nthe prisoners to him alone, on condition that if the senate should not\nvote a peace, after they had conversed with their friends and celebrated\nthe festival of Saturn, they should be remanded. And, accordingly, they\nwere sent back after the holidays; death being decreed for any that\nstayed behind.\n\nAfter this, when Fabricius had taken the consulate, a person came with\na letter to the camp written by the king's principal physician, offering\nto take Pyrrhus off by poison, and so end the war without further hazard\nto the Romans, if he might have a reward proportional to his service.\nFabricius, despising the villany of the man, and disposing the other\nconsul to the same opinion, sent despatches immediately to Pyrrhus to\ncaution him against the treason. His letter was to this effect: \"Caius\nFabricius and Quintus Aemilius, consuls of the Romans, to Pyrrhus the\nking, health. You seem to have made a bad judgement both of your friends\nand your enemies; you will understand by reading this letter sent to us,\nthat you are at war with honest men, and trust villains and knaves. Nor\ndo we disclose this out of any favor to you, but lest your ruin might\nbring a reproach upon us, as if we had ended the war by treachery\nbecause not able to do it by force.\" When Pyrrhus had read the letter,\nand made inquiry into the treason, he punished the physician, and as an\nacknowledgement to the Romans sent to Rome the prisoners without ransom.\nBut they, regarding it as at once too great a kindness from an enemy,\nand too great a reward for not doing a mean act to accept their\nprisoners so, released in return an equal number of the Tarentines\nand Samnites, but would admit of no debate of alliance or peace until\nPyrrhus had removed his arms and forces out of Italy, and sailed back to\nEpirus with the same ships that brought him over.\n\n\n\n\nFROM THE LIFE OF QUINTUS FABIUS MAXIMUS\n\nHannibal was within five miles of Tarentum, when he was informed that\nthe town had been taken by Fabius. He said openly, \"Rome, then, has also\ngot a Hannibal; as we won Tarentum, so have we lost it.\" And, in private\nwith some of his confidants, he told them, for the first time, that he\nalways thought it difficult, but now he held it impossible, with the\nforces he then had, to master Italy.\n\nUpon this success, Fabius had a triumph decreed him at Rome, much more\nsplendid than his first; they looked upon him now as a champion who had\nlearned to cope with his antagonist, and could now easily foil his arts\nand prove his best skill ineffectual. And, indeed the army of Hannibal\nwas at this time partly worn out with continual action, and partly\nweakened and become dissolute with over abundance and luxury. Marcus\nLivius, who was governor of Tarentum when it was betrayed to Hannibal,\nand had then retired into the citadel, which he kept till the town\nwas retaken, was annoyed at these honors and distinctions, and, on one\noccasion, openly declared in the senate, that by his resistance, more\nthan by any actions of Fabius, Tarentum had been recovered; on which\nFabius laughingly replied: \"What you say is very true, for if Marcus\nLivius had not lost Tarentum, Fabius Maximus had never recovered it.\"\nThe people, among other marks of gratitude, gave his son the consulship\nof the next year; shortly after whose entrance upon his office, there\nbeing some business on foot about provision for the war, his father,\neither on account of age and infirmity, or perhaps out of design to try\nhis son, came up to him on horseback. While he was still at a distance,\nthe young consul observed it, and bade one of his lictors command his\nfather to alight, and tell him that, if he had any business with the\nconsul, he should come on foot. The bystanders seemed offended at the\nimperiousness of the son towards a father so venerable for his age and\nhis authority, and turned their eyes in silence towards Fabius. He,\nhowever, instantly alighted from his horse, and with open arms came up,\nalmost running, and embracing him said, \"Yes, my son, you do well, and\nunderstand what authority you have received, and over whom you are to\nuse it. This was the way by which we and our forefathers advanced\nthe dignity of Rome, preferring ever her honor and service to our own\nfathers and children.\"\n\nAnd, in fact, it is told that the great-grandfather of Fabius, who was\nundoubtedly the greatest man of Rome in his time, both in reputation\nand authority, who had been five times consul, and had been honored with\nseveral triumphs for victories obtained by him, took pleasure in serving\nas lieutenant under his own son, when he went as consul to his command.\nAnd when afterwards his son had a triumph bestowed upon him for his good\nservice, the old man followed his triumphant chariot, on horseback, as\none of his attendants; and made it his glory, that while he really\nwas, and was acknowledged to be, the greatest man in Rome, and held a\nfather's full power over his son, he yet submitted himself to the law\nand the magistrate.\n\n\n\n\nTHE CRUELTY OF LUCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA\n\nSylla's general personal appearance may be known by his statues; only\nhis blue eyes, of themselves extremely keen and glaring, were rendered\nall the more forbidding and terrible by the complexion of his face, in\nwhich white was mixed with rough blotches of fiery red. Hence, it is\nsaid, he was surnamed Sylla, and in allusion to it one of the scurrilous\njesters at Athens made the verse upon him,\n\n     Sylla is a mulberry sprinkled o'er with meal.\n\nSylla being wholly bent upon slaughter, filled the city with executions\nwithout number or limit, many wholly uninterested persons falling a\nsacrifice to private enmity, through his permission and indulgence to\nhis friends. At last Caius Metellus, one of the younger men, made bold\nin the senate to ask him what end there was of these evils, and at what\npoint he might be expected to stop? \"We do ask you,\" said he, \"to pardon\nany whom you have resolved to destroy, but to free from doubt those whom\nyou are pleased to save.\" Sylla answering, that he knew not as yet whom\nto spare, he asked: \"Will you then tell us whom you will punish?\" This\nSylla said he would do. These last words, some authors say, were spoken\nnot by Metellus, but by Afidius, one of Sylla's fawning companions.\nImmediately upon this, without communicating with any magistrates, Sylla\nproscribed eighty persons, and notwithstanding the general indignation,\nafter one day's respite, he posted two hundred and twenty more, and on\nthe third again, as many. In an address to the people on this occasion,\nhe told them he had put up as many names as he could think of; those\nwhich had escaped his memory, he would publish at a future time. He\nissued an edict likewise, making death the punishment of humanity,\nproscribing any who should dare to receive and cherish a proscribed\nperson, without exception to brother, son, or parents. And to him who\nshould slay any one proscribed person, he ordained two talents' reward,\neven were it a slave who had killed his master, or a son his father.\nAnd what was thought most unjust of all, he caused the attainder to\npass upon their sons, and sons' sons, and made open sale of all their\nproperty. Nor did the proscription prevail only at Rome, but throughout\nall the cities of Italy the effusion of blood was such that neither\nsanctuary of the gods nor hearth of hospitality nor ancestral home\nescaped. Men were butchered in the embraces of their wives, children in\nthe arms of their mothers. Those who perished through public animosity,\nor private enmity, were nothing in comparison to the numbers of those\nwho suffered for their riches. Even the murderers began to say, that\n\"his fine house killed this man, a garden that, a third, his hot baths.\"\nQuintus Aurelius, a quiet, peaceable man, and one who thought all his\npart in the common calamity consisted in condoling with the misfortunes\nof others, coming into the forum to read the list, and finding himself\namong the proscribed, cried out, \"Woe is me, my Alban farm has informed\nagainst me.\" He had not gone far, before he was despatched by a ruffian,\nsent on that errand.\n\nIn the meantime, Marius, on the point of being taken, killed himself;\nand Sylla, coming to Praeneste, at first proceeded judicially against\neach particular person, till at last, finding it a work of too much\ntime, he cooped them up together in one place, to the number of twelve\nthousand men, and gave order for the execution of them all, save his own\nhost (The friend, that is, with whom he always stayed when he happened\nto be at Praeneste, his 'xenos;' a relationship much regarded to the\nGreek and Roman world) alone excepted. But he, brave man, telling him\nhe could not accept the obligation of life from the hands of one who\nhad been the ruin of his country, went in among the rest, and submitted\nwillingly to the stroke.\n\n\n\n\nTHE LUXURY OF LUCULLUS\n\nLucullus' life, like the Old comedy, presents us at the commencement\nwith acts of policy and of war, and at the end offers nothing but good\neating and drinking, feastings, and revelings, and mere play. For I give\nno higher name to his sumptuous buildings, porticos and baths, still\nless to his paintings and sculptures, and all his industry about these\ncuriosities, which he collected with vast expense, lavishly bestowing\nall the wealth and treasure which he got in the war upon them, insomuch\nthat even now, with all the advance of luxury, the Lucullean gardens are\ncounted the noblest the emperor has. Tubero, the stoic, when he saw his\nbuildings at Naples, where he suspended the hills upon vast tunnels,\nbrought in the sea for moats and fish-ponds round his house, and\npleasure-houses in the waters, called him Xerxes in a gown. He had also\nfine seats in Tusculum, belvederes, and large open balconies for men's\napartments, and porticos to walk in, where Pompey coming to see him,\nblamed him for making a house which would be pleasant in summer, but\nuninhabitable in winter; whom he answered with a smile, \"You think me,\nthen, less provident than cranes and storks, not to change my home with\nthe season.\" When a praetor, with great expense and pains, was preparing\na spectacle for the people, and asked him to lend him some purple robes\nfor the performers in a chorus, he told him he would go home and see,\nand if he had any, would let him take them; and the next day asking how\nmany he wanted, and being told that a hundred would suffice, bade him\ntake twice as many: on which the poet Horace observes, that a house is\nindeed a poor one, where the valuables unseen and unthought of do not\nexceed all those that meet the eye.\n\nLucullus' daily entertainments were ostentatiously extravagant, not\nonly in purple coverlets, and plate adorned with precious stones, and\ndancings, and interludes, but with the greatest diversity of dishes and\nthe most elaborate cookery, for the vulgar to admire and envy. It was a\nhappy thought of Pompey in his sickness, when his physician prescribed\na thrush for his dinner, and his servants told him that in summer time\nthrushes were not to be found anywhere but in Lucullus' fattening coops,\nthat he would not suffer them to fetch one thence, but observed to\nhis physician, \"So if Lucullus had not been an epicure, Pompey had\nnot lived,\" and ordered something else that could easily be got to be\nprepared for him. Cato was his friend and connection, but, nevertheless,\nso hated his life and habits, that when a young man in the senate made a\nlong and tedious speech in praise of frugality and temperance, Cato\ngot up and said, \"How long do you mean to go making money like Crassus,\nliving like Lucullus, and talking like Cato?\"\n\nIt is plain from the anecdotes on record of him, that Lucullus was not\nonly pleased with, but even gloried in his way of living. For he is said\nto have feasted several Greeks upon their coming to Rome day after day,\nwho, out of a true Grecian principle, being ashamed, and declining the\ninvitation, where so great an expense was every day incurred for them,\nhe with a smile said to them, \"Some of this, indeed, my Grecian friends,\nis for your sakes, but more for that of Lucullus.\" Once when he supped\nalone, there being only one course, and that but moderately furnished,\nhe called his steward and reproved him, who, professing to have supposed\nthat there would be no need of any great entertainment, when nobody\nwas invited, was answered, \"What, did you not know, then, that today\nLucullus was to dine with Lucullus?\" This being much spoken of about\nthe city, Cicero and Pompey one day met him loitering in the forum, the\nformer his intimate friend and familiar, and, though there had been some\nill-will between Pompey and him about the command in the war, still\nthey used to see each other and converse on easy terms together. Cicero\naccordingly saluted him, and asked him whether today was a good time for\nasking a favor of him, and on his answering, \"Very much so,\" and begging\nto hear what it was, Cicero said, \"then we should like to dine with you\ntoday, just on the dinner that is prepared for yourself.\" Lucullus being\nsurprised, and requesting a day's time, they refused to grant it, and\nwould not allow him to talk with his servants, for fear he should give\norders for more than was appointed before. But this they consented to,\nthat before their faces he might tell his servant, that today he would\nsup in \"the Apollo\" (for so one of his best dining-rooms was called),\nand by this evasion he outwitted his guests. For every room, as it\nseems, had its own assessment of expenditure, dinner at such a price,\nand all else in accordance; so that the servants, on knowing where he\nwould dine, knew also how much was to be expended, and in what style\nand form dinner was to be served. The expense for the Apollo was fifty\nthousand drachmas, and such a sum being that day laid out, the greatness\nof the cost did not so much amaze Pompey and Cicero, as the rapidity\nof the outlay. One might believe that Lucullus thought his money really\ncaptive and barbarian, so wantonly and contumeliously did he treat it.\n\nHis furnishing of a library, however, deserves praise and record, for he\ncollected very many choice manuscripts; and the use they were put to was\neven more magnificent than the purchase, the library being always open,\nand the walks and reading rooms about it free to all Greeks, whose\ndelight it was to leave their other occupations and hasten thither as\nto the habitation of the Muses, there walking about, and diverting one\nanother. He himself often passed his hours there, disputing with the\nlearned in the walks, and giving his advice to statesmen who required\nit, insomuch that his house was altogether a home, and in a manner, a\nGreek prytaneum for those that visited Rome.\n\n\n\n\nFROM THE LIFE OF SERTORIUS\n\n(The Roman who endeavored to establish a separate government for himself\nin Spain.)\n\nSertorius was highly honored for his introducing discipline and good\norder among the Spaniards, for he altered their furious and savage\nmanner of fighting, and brought them to make use of the Roman armor,\ntaught them to keep their ranks, and observe signals and watchwords;\nand out of a confused horde of thieves and robbers, he constituted a\nregular, well-disciplined army. He bestowed silver and gold upon them\nliberally to gild and adorn their helmets, he had their shields worked\nwith various figures and designs, he brought them into the mode of\nwearing flowered and embroidered cloaks and coats, and by supplying\nmoney for these purposes, and joining with them in all improvements, he\nwon the hearts of all. That, however, which delighted them most, was the\ncare that he took of their children. He sent for all the boys of noblest\nparentage out of all their tribes, and placed them in the great city\nof Osca, where he appointed masters to instruct them in the Grecian\nand Roman learning, that when they came to be men, they might, as he\nprofessed, be fitted to share with him in authority, and in conducting\nthe government, although under this pretext he really made them\nhostages. However, their fathers were wonderfully pleased to see their\nchildren going daily to the schools in good order, handsomely dressed\nin gowns edged with purple, and that Sertorius paid for their lessons,\nexamined them often, distributed rewards to the most deserving, and\ngave them the golden bosses to hang around their necks, which the Romans\ncalled \"bullae.\"\n\nAll the cities on this side of the river Ebro finally united their\nforces under his command, and his army grew very great, for they\nflocked together and flowed in upon him from all quarters. But when they\ncontinually cried out to attack the enemy, and were impatient of delay,\ntheir inexperienced, disorderly rashness caused Sertorius much trouble,\nwho at first strove to restrain them with reason and good counsel, but\nwhen he perceived them refractory and unseasonably violent, he gave way\nto their impetuous desires, and permitted them to engage with the enemy,\nin such a way that they might be repulsed, yet not totally routed, and\nso become more obedient to his commands for the future. This happening\nas he had anticipated, he soon rescued them, and brought them safe into\nhis camp. And after a few days, being willing to encourage them again,\nwhen he had called all his army together, he caused two horses to be\nbrought into the field, one an old, feeble, lean animal, the other a\nlusty, strong horse, with a remarkably thick and long tail. Near the\nlean one he placed a tall, strong man, and near the strong, young horse\na weak, despicable-looking fellow; and at a given signal the strong man\ntook hold of the weak horse's tail with both his hands, and drew it to\nhim with his whole force, as if he would pull it off; the other, the\nweak man, in the meantime, set to work to pluck off hair by hair the\ngreat horse's tail. And when the strong man had given trouble enough\nto himself in vain, and sufficient diversion to the company, and had\nabandoned his attempt, whilst the weak, pitiful fellow in a short time\nand with little pains had left not a hair on the great horse's tail,\nSertorius arose and said to his army, \"You see, fellow-soldiers, that\nperseverance is more prevailing than violence, and that many things\nwhich cannot be overcome when they are together, yield readily when\ntaken little by little. Assiduity and persistence are irresistible,\nand in time overthrow and destroy the greatest powers. Time being the\nfavorable friend and assistant of those who use their judgment to await\nhis occasions, and the destructive enemy of those who are unseasonably\nurging and pressing forward.\"\n\nOf all his remarkable exploits, none raised greater admiration than that\nwhich he put in practice against the Characitanians. These are a people\nbeyond the river Tagus, who inhabit neither cities nor towns, but live\nin a vast, high hill, within the deep dens and caves of the rocks, the\nmouths of which all open towards the north. The country below is of a\nsoil resembling a light clay, so loose as easily to break into powder,\nand is not firm enough to bear any one that treads upon it, and if you\ntouch it in the least, it flies about like ashes or unslaked lime. In\nany danger of war, these people enter their caves, and carrying in their\nbooty and prey along with them, stay quietly within, secure from every\nattack. And when Sertorius, leaving Metellus some distance off,\nhad placed his camp near this hill, they slighted and despised him,\nimagining that he retired into these parts to escape being overthrown\nby the Romans. And whether out of anger and resentment, or out of\nhis unwillingness to be thought to fly from his enemies, early in the\nmorning he rode up to view the situation of the place. But finding there\nwas no way to come at it, as he rode about, threatening them in vain and\ndisconcerted, he took notice that the wind raised the dust and carried\nit up towards the caves of the Characitanians, and the northerly wind,\nwhich some call Caecias, prevailing most in those parts, coming up out\nof moist plains or mountains covered with snow, at this particular\ntime, in the heat of summer, being further supplied and increased by\nthe melting of the ice in the northern regions, blew a delightful, fresh\ngale, cooling and refreshing the Characitanians and their cattle all the\nday long. Sertorius, considering well all circumstances in which either\nthe information of the inhabitants, or his own experience had instructed\nhim, commanded his soldiers to shovel up a great quantity of this light,\ndusty earth, to heap it together, and make a mound of it over against\nthe hill in which these barbarous people lived, who, imagining that all\nthis preparation was for raising a mound to get at them, only mocked\nand laughed at it. However, he continued the work till the evening, and\nbrought his soldiers back into their camp. The next morning a gentle\nbreeze at first arose, and moved the lightest parts of the earth, and\ndispersed it about as the chaff before the wind; but when the sun got\nhigher, and the strong, northerly wind had covered the hills with the\ndust, the soldiers came and turned this mound of earth over and over,\nand broke the hard clods in pieces, whilst others on horseback rode\nthrough it backward and forward, and raised a cloud of dust into the\nair; then with the wind the whole of it was carried away and blown into\nthe dwellings of the Characitanians, all lying open to the north. And\nthere being no other vent or breathing-place than that through which the\nCaecias rushed in upon them, it quickly blinded their eyes, and filled\ntheir lungs, and all but choked them, whilst they strove to draw in the\nrough air mingled with dust and powdered earth. Nor were they able, with\nall they could do, to hold out more than two days, but surrendered\non the third, adding, by their defeat, not so much to the power of\nSertorius, as to his renown, in proving that he was able to conquer\nplaces by art, which were impregnable by the force of arms.\n\n\n\n\nTHE SCROLL-FROM THE LIFE OF LYSANDER\n\nThe scroll is made up thus: when the Ephors send an admiral or general\non his way, they take two round pieces of wood, both exactly of a length\nand thickness, and cut even to one another; they keep one themselves,\nand the other the give to the person they send forth; and these pieces\nof wood they call Scytales. When, therefore, they have occasion to\ncommunicate any secret or important matter, making a scroll of parchment\nlong and narrow like a leathern thong, they roll it about their own\nstaff of wood, leaving no space void between, but covering the surface\nof the staff with the scroll all over. When they have done this, they\nwrite what they please on the scroll, as it is wrapped about the staff;\nand when they have written, they take off the scroll, and send it to the\ngeneral without the wood. He, when he has received it, can read nothing\nof the writing, because the words and letters are not connected, but\nall broken up; but taking his own staff, he winds the slip of the scroll\nabout it, so that this folding, restoring all the parts into the same\norder that they were in before, and putting what comes first into\nconnection with what follows, brings the whole consecutive contents to\nview round the outside. And this scroll is called a _staff_, after the\nname of the wood, as a thing measured is by the name of the measure.\n\n\n\n\nTHE CHARACTER OF MARCUS CATO\n\nMarcus Cato grew so powerful by his eloquence that he was commonly\ncalled the Roman Demosthenes; but his manner of life was yet more famous\nand talked of. For oratorical skill was, as an accomplishment, commonly\nstudied and sought after by all young men; but he was a rare man who\nwould cultivate the old habits of bodily labor, or prefer a light\nsupper, and a breakfast which never saw the fire; or be in love with\npoor clothes and a homely lodging, or could set his ambition rather\non doing without luxuries than on possessing them. For now the state,\nunable to keep its purity by reason of its greatness, and having so many\naffairs, and people from all parts under its government, was fain to\nadmit many mixed customs, and new examples of living. With reason,\ntherefore, everybody admired Cato, when they saw others sink under\nlabors, and grow effeminate by pleasures, but beheld him unconquered by\neither; and that, too, not only when he was young and desirous of honor,\nbut also when old and gray-headed, after a consulship and triumph;\nlike some famous victor in the games, persevering in his exercise and\nmaintaining his character to the very last. He himself says, that he\nnever wore a suit of clothes which cost more than a hundred drachmas;\nand that, when he was general and consul, he drank the same wine which\nhis workmen did; and that the meat or fish which was bought in the\nmarket for his dinner, did not cost above thirty 'asses.' All which was\nfor the sake of the commonwealth, that his body might be the hardier for\nthe war. Having a piece of embroidered Babylonian tapestry left him, he\nsold it; because none of his farm-houses were so much as plastered. Nor\ndid he ever buy a slave for above fifteen hundred drachmas; as he did\nnot seek for effeminate and handsome ones, but able, sturdy workmen,\nhorse-keepers, and cow-herds; and these he thought ought to be sold\nagain, when they grew old, and no useless servants fed in a house. In\nshort, he reckoned nothing a good bargain, which was superfluous; but\nwhatever it was, though sold for a farthing, he would think it a great\nprice, if you had no need of it.\n\nYet, in my judgment, it marks an over-rigid temper for a man to take the\nwork out of his servants as out of brute beasts, turning them off\nand selling them in their old age. A kind-natured man will keep even\nworn-out horses and dogs, and not only take care of them when they are\nfoals and whelps, but also when they are grown old. The Athenians, when\nthey built their Hecatompedon,* (*The Parthenon; built on the site of\nan older temple which had borne the name of Hecatompedon, or a \"hundred\nfeet long.\" The name was retained for the new building.) turned those\nmules loose to feed freely, which they had observed to have done the\nhardest labor. One of these came once of itself to offer its service,\nand ran along with, nay, went before, the teams which drew the wagons up\nto the Acropolis, as if it would incite and encourage them to draw more\nstoutly; upon which a vote was passed that the creature should be kept\nat the public charge till it died. The graves of Cimon's horses, which\nthrice won the Olympian races, are yet to be seen close by his own\nmonument. Old Xanthippus, too, the father of Pericles, entombed his\ndogs which swam after his galley to Salamis, when the people fled from\nAthens, on the top of a cliff, which they call the dogs' tomb to this\nday.\n\nFor his general temperance, however, and self-control, Cato really\ndeserves the highest admiration. For when he commanded the army, he\nnever took for himself, and those that belonged to him, more than three\nbushels of wheat for a month, and somewhat less than a bushel and a half\na day of barley for his baggage-cattle. And when he entered upon the\ngovernment of Sardinia, where his predecessors had been used to require\ntents, bedding, and clothes upon the public account, and to charge the\nstate heavily with the cost of provisions and entertainments for a great\ntrain of servants and friends, the difference he showed in his economy\nwas something incredible. There was nothing of any sort for which he put\nthe public to expense; he would walk, instead of taking a carriage to\nvisit the cities, with only one of the common town officers, who carried\nhis dress, and a cup to offer libation with. Yet on the other hand,\nhe showed most inflexible severity and strictness, in what related to\npublic justice, and was rigorous, and precise in what concerned the\nordinances of the commonwealth; so that the Roman government never\nseemed more terrible, nor yet more mild, than under his administration.\n\nHis very manner of speaking seemed to have such a kind of idea with\nit; for it was courteous, and yet forcible; pleasant, yet overwhelming;\nfacetious, yet austere; sententious, and yet vehement: like Socrates, in\nthe description of Plato, who seemed outwardly to those about him to be\nbut a simple, talkative, blunt fellow; whilst at the bottom he was full\nof such gravity and matter, as would even move tears, and touch the very\nhearts of his auditors. Reproving on one occasion the sumptuous habits\nof the Romans, he said: \"It is hard to preserve a city, where a fish is\nsold for more than an ox.\" He had a saying, also, that the Roman people\nwere like sheep; for they, when single, do not obey, but when altogether\nin a flock, they follow their leaders: \"So you,\" said he, \"when you have\ngot together in a body let yourselves be guided by those whom singly you\nwould never think of being advised by.\"\n\nThe Romans having sent three ambassadors to Bithnia, of whom one was\ngouty, another had his skull trepanned, and the other seemed little\nbetter than a fool; Cato, laughing, gave out that the Romans had sent an\nembassy, which had neither feet, head, nor heart.* (*Both the Romans and\nthe Greeks conceived of the region of the heart, the chest, as the seat\nnot of emotion, nor of will and courage merely, but more especially of\njudgment, deliberation, and practical sense. Thus the Greeks derived\ntheir word for moral wisdom from Phren, the diaphragm, and the Romans by\n'egregie cordatus homo' meant a wise statesman.)\n\nCato also said that in his whole life he most repented of three things;\none was, that he had trusted a secret to a woman; another that he\nwent by water when he might have gone by land; the third, that he had\nremained one whole day without doing any business of moment.\n\nHe was a good father, an excellent husband to his wife, and an\nextraordinary economist; and as he did not manage his affairs of this\nkind carelessly, and as things of little moment, I think I ought to\nrecord a little further whatever was commendable in him in these points.\nHe married a wife more noble than rich; being of opinion that the rich\nand the high-born are equally haughty and proud; but that those of\nnoble blood would be more ashamed of base things, and consequently more\nobedient to their husbands in all that was fit and right. A man who beat\nhis wife or child, laid violent hands, he said, on what was most sacred;\nand a good husband he reckoned worthy of more praise than a great\nsenator; and he admired the ancient Socrates for nothing so much, as for\nhaving lived a temperate and contented life with a wife who was a scold,\nand children who were half-witted.\n\nWhen his son began to come to years of discretion, Cato himself would\nteach him to read, although he had a servant, a very good grammarian,\ncalled Chilo, who taught many others; but he thought not fit, as he\nhimself said, to have his son reprimanded by a slave, or pulled, it may\nbe, by the ears when found tardy in his lesson: nor would he have him\nowe to a servant the obligation of so great a thing as his learning; he\nhimself, therefore, taught him his grammar, his law, and his gymnastic\nexercises. Nor did he only show him, too, how to throw a dart, to fight\nin armor, and to ride, but to box also and to endure both heat and cold,\nand to swim over the most rapid and rough rivers. He says, likewise,\nthat he wrote histories, in large characters, with his own hand, that\nso his son, without stirring out of the house, might learn to know about\nhis countrymen and forefathers: nor did he less abstain from speaking\nany thing improper before his son, than if it had been in the presence\nof the sacred virgins, called vestals. Nor would he ever go into the\nbath with him; which seems indeed to have been the common custom of the\nRomans.\n\nThus, like an excellent work, Cato formed and fashioned his son to\nvirtue.\n\n\n\n\nTHE SACRED THEBAN BAND FROM THE LIFE OF PELOPIDAS.\n\nGorgidas, according to some, first formed the Sacred Band of three\nhundred chosen men, to whom, as being a guard for the citadel, the State\nallowed provision, and all things necessary for exercise: and hence\nthey were called the city band, as citadels of old were usually called\ncities. Others say that it was composed of young men attached to each\nother by personal affection, and a pleasant saying of Pammenes is\ncurrent, that Homer's Nestor was not well skilled in ordering an army,\nwhen he advised the Greeks to rank tribe and tribe, and family and\nfamily together, that\n\n     \"So tribe might tribe, and kinsmen kinsmen aid,\"\n\nbut that he should have joined lovers and their beloved. For men of the\nsame tribe or family little value one another when dangers press; but a\nband cemented by friendship grounded upon love, is never to be broken,\nand invincible; since all, ashamed to be base in sight of their beloved,\nwillingly rush into danger for the relief of one another. Nor can that\nbe wondered at; since they have more regard for their absent loving\nfriends than for others present; as in the instance of the man who,\nwhen his enemy was going to kill him, earnestly requested him to run him\nthrough the breast, that his lover might not blush to see him wounded in\nthe back. It is a tradition likewise, that Iolaus, who assisted Hercules\nin his labors and fought at his side, was beloved of him; and Aristotle\nobserves, that even in his time, lovers plighted their faith at Iolaus'\ntomb. It is likely, therefore, that this band was called sacred on this\naccount; as Plato calls a lover a divine friend. It is stated that it\nwas never beaten till the battle at Chaeronea: and when Philip, after\nthe fight, took a view of the slain, and came to the place where the\nthree hundred that fought his phalanx lay dead together, he was filled\nwith wonder, and understanding that it was the band of lovers, he shed\ntears and said, \"Perish any man who suspects that these men either did\nor suffered any thing that was base.\"\n\n\n\n\nFROM THE LIFE OF TITUS FLAMININUS, THE CONQUEROR OF PHILIP\n\nAmong the songs written after the battle of Cynos Cephalas (the\nDog-heads), was the following epigram, composed by Alcaeus in mockery of\nPhilip, exaggerating the number of the slain:\n\n     Naked and tombless see, O passer-by\n     The thirty thousand men of Thessaly,\n     Slain by the Aetolians and the Latin band,\n     That came with Titus from Italia's land:\n     Alas for mighty Macedon! that day,\n     Swift as a roe, king Philip fled away.\n\nTitus himself thought more highly of his liberation of Greece than of\nany other of his actions, as appears by the inscription upon some silver\ntargets, dedicated together with his own shield, to Apollo at Delphi:\n\n     Ye Spartan Tyndarids, twin sons of Jove,\n     Who in swift horsemanship have placed your love,\n     Titus, of great Aeneas' race, leaves this\n     In honor of the liberty of Greece.\n\nAnd a golden crown, also offered to Apollo, bore this inscription:\n\n     This golden crown upon thy locks divine,\n     O blest Latona's son, was set to shine\n     By the great captain of the Aenean name\n     O Phoebus, grant the noble Titus fame!\n\nWhen the ambassadors of Antiochus were recounting to those of Achaea,\nthe various multitudes composing their royal master's forces, and ran\nover a long catalogue of hard names, \"I supped once,\" said Titus, \"with\na friend, and could not forbear expostulating with him at the number\nof dishes he had provided, and said I wondered where he had furnished\nhimself with such a variety; 'Sir,' replied he, 'to confess the truth,\nit is all hog's flesh differently cooked.' And so, men of Achaea, when\nyou are told of Antiochus' lancers, and pikemen, and foot-guards, I\nadvise you not to be surprised; since in fact they are all Syrians\ndifferently armed.\"\n\nThe Chalcidians, who owed their lives to Titus, dedicated to him all the\nbest and most magnificent of their sacred buildings, inscriptions upon\nwhich, like the following, may be seen to this day: THE PEOPLE DEDICATE\nTHIS GYMNASIUM TO TITUS AND TO HERCULES; so again: THE PEOPLE\nCONSECRATE THE DELPHINIUM TO TITUS AND TO HERCULES; and what is yet more\nremarkable, even in our time, a priest of Titus was formally elected\nand declared; and after sacrifice and libation, they sang a set song, of\nwhich these are the closing verses:--\n\n     The Roman Faith, whose aid of yore,\n     Our vows were offered to implore,\n     We worship now and evermore.\n     To Rome, to Titus, and to Jove,\n     O maidens, in the dances move.\n     Dances and Io-Paeans too\n     Unto the Roman Faith are due\n     O Savior Titus, and to you.\n\n\n\n\nALEXANDER THE GREAT\n\nIt must be borne in mind that my design has been not to write histories,\nbut lives. And the most glorious exploits do not always furnish us with\nthe clearest discoveries of virtue or vice in men; sometimes a matter\nof less moment, an expression or a jest, informs us better of their\ncharacters and inclinations, than the most famous sieges, the\ngreatest armaments, or the bloodiest battles whatsoever. Therefore as\nportrait-painters are more exact in the lines and features of the face,\nin which the character is seen, than in the other parts of the body, so\nI must be allowed to give my more particular attention to the marks and\nindications of the souls of men, in my portrayal of their lives.\n\nIt is agreed on by all hands, that on the father's side, Alexander\ndescended from Hercules by Caranus, and from Aeacus by Neoptolemus on\nthe mother's side. His father Philip, being in Samothrace, when he was\nquite young, fell in love there with Olympias, in company with whom he\nwas initiated in the religious ceremonies of the country, and her father\nand mother being both dead, soon after, with the consent of her brother\nArymbas, he married her.\n\nAlexander was born on the sixth of Hecatombaeon, the same day that the\ntemple of Diana at Ephesus was burnt. The statues that gave the best\nrepresentation of Alexander's person, were those of Lysippus, those\npeculiarities which many of his successors afterwards and his friends\nused to affect to imitate,--the inclination of his head a little on\none side towards his left shoulder, and his melting eye,--having been\nexpressed by this artist with great exactness. But Apelles, who drew him\nwith thunderbolts in his hand, made his complexion browner and darker\nthan it was naturally; for he was fair and of a light color, passing\ninto ruddiness in his face and upon his breast. His temperance, as to\nall pleasures, was apparent in him in his very childhood, as he was\nwith much difficulty incited to them, and always used them with great\nmoderation; though in other things he was extremely eager and vehement,\nand in his love of glory and the pursuit of it, he showed a solidity of\nhigh spirit and magnanimity far above his age. For he neither sought nor\nvalued it upon every occasion, as his father Philip did (who affected to\nshow his eloquence almost to a degree of pedantry, and took care to have\nthe victories of his racing chariots at the Olympic games engraved on\nhis coin), but when he was asked by some about him, whether he would run\na race in the Olympic games, as he was very swift-footed, he answered,\nthat he would, if he might have kings to run with him.\n\nWhile he was yet very young, he entertained the ambassadors from the\nking of Persia, in the absence of his father, and entering much into\nconversation with them, gained so much upon them by his affability,\nand the questions he asked them, which were far from being childish or\ntrifling (for he inquired of them the length of the ways, the nature of\nthe road into inner Asia, the character of their king, how he carried\nhimself toward his enemies, and what forces he was able to bring into\nthe field), that they were struck with admiration of him, and looked\nupon the ability so much famed of Philip, to be nothing in comparison\nwith the forwardness and high purpose that appeared thus early in his\nson. Whenever he heard that Philip had taken any town of importance, or\nwon any signal victory, instead of rejoicing at it altogether, he would\ntell his companions that his father would anticipate every thing, and\nleave him and them no opportunities of performing great and illustrious\nactions. For being more bent upon action and glory than upon either\npleasure or riches, he esteemed all that he should receive from his\nfather as a diminution of his own future achievements; and would have\nchosen rather to succeed to a kingdom involved in troubles and wars,\nwhich would have afforded him frequent exercise of his courage, and a\nlarge field of honor, than to one already flourishing and settled, where\nhis inheritance would be an inactive life, and the mere enjoyment of\nwealth and luxury.\n\nThe care of his education, as it might be presumed, was committed to a\ngreat many attendants, preceptors, and teachers, over the whole of\nwhom Leonidas, a near kinsman of Olympias, a man of an austere temper,\npresided, who did not indeed himself decline the name of what in reality\nis a noble and honorable office, but in general his dignity, and\nhis near relationship, obtained him from other people the title of\nAlexander's fosterfather and governor. But he who took upon him\nthe actual place and style of his \"pedagogue,\" was Lysimachus the\nAcarnanian.\n\nPhilonicus the Thessalian brought the horse Bucephalas to Philip,\noffering to sell him for thirteen talents; but when they went into the\nfield to try him, they found him so very vicious and unmanageable, that\nhe reared up when they endeavored to mount him, and would not so much as\nendure the voice of any of Philip's attendants. Upon which, as they were\nleading him away as wholly useless and untractable, Alexander, who stood\nby, said, \"What a magnificent horse they lose, for want of address and\nboldness to manage him!\" Philip at first took no notice of what he said,\nbut when he heard him repeat the same thing several times, and perceived\nthat he was much vexed to see the horse sent away, he said to him, \"Do\nyou reproach those who are older than yourself, as if you knew more, and\nwere better able to manage him than they?\" \"I could manage this horse,\"\nreplied he, \"better than others do.\" \"And if you fail,\" said Philip,\n\"what will you forfeit for your rashness?\" \"I will pay,\" answered\nAlexander, \"the whole price of the horse.\" At this the whole company\nfell to laughing; and as soon as the wager was settled amongst them, he\nimmediately ran to the horse, and taking hold of the bridle, turned\nhim directly towards the sun, having, it seems, observed that he was\ndisturbed at and afraid of the motion of his own shadow; then letting\nhim go forward a little, still keeping the reins in his hand, and\nstroking him gently when he found him beginning to grow eager and fiery,\nhe let fall his upper garment softly, and with one nimble leap securely\nmounted him, and when he was seated, little by little drew in the\nbridle, and curbed him without either striking or spurring him.\nPresently, when he found him free from all rebelliousness, and only\nimpatient for the course, he let him go at full speed, inciting him now\nwith a commanding voice, and urging him also with his heel. Philip and\nhis friends looked on at first in silence and anxiety for the result,\ntill seeing him turn at the end of his career, and come back rejoicing\nand triumphing for what he had performed, they all burst out into\nacclamations of applause; and his father, shedding tears, it is\nsaid, for joy, kissed him as he came down from his horse, and in his\ntransport, said, \"O my son, seek out a kingdom worthy of thyself, for\nMacedonia is too little for thee.\"\n\nAfter this, considering him to be of a temper easy to be led to his\nduty by reason, but by no means to be compelled, he always endeavored\nto persuade rather than to command or force him to any thing; and now\nlooking upon the instruction and tuition of his youth to be of greater\ndifficulty and importance, than to be wholly trusted to the ordinary\nmasters in music and poetry, and the common school subjects, and to\nrequire, as Sophocles says,\n\n     The bridle and the rudder too,\n\nhe sent for Aristotle, the most learned and most celebrated philosopher\nof his time, and rewarded him with a munificence proportionable to and\nbecoming the care he took to instruct his son. For he repeopled his\nnative city Stagira, which he had caused to be demolished a little\nbefore, and restored all the citizens who were in exile or slavery,\nto their habitations. As a place for the pursuit of their studies and\nexercises, he assigned the temple of the Nymphs, near Mieza, where,\nto this very day, they show you Aristotle's stone seats, and the shady\nwalks which he was wont to frequent. It would appear that Alexander\nreceived from him not only his doctrines of Morals, and of Politics, but\nalso something of those more abstruse and profound theories which these\nphilosophers, by the very names they gave them, professed to reserve for\noral communication to the initiated, and did not allow many to become\nacquainted with. For when he was in Asia, and heard Aristotle had\npublished some treatises of that kind, he wrote to him, using very\nplain language to him in behalf of philosophy, the following letter:\n\"Alexander to Aristotle greeting. You have not done well to publish your\nbooks of oral doctrine, for what is there now that we excel others in,\nif those things which we have been particularly instructed in be laid\nopen to all? For my part, I assure you, I had rather excel others in\nthe knowledge of what is excellent, than in the extent of my power\nand dominion. Farewell.\" And Aristotle, soothing this passion for\npre-eminence, speaks, in his excuse for himself, of these doctrines, as\nin fact both published and not published. To tell the truth, his books\non metaphysics are written in a style which makes them useless for\nordinary teaching, and instructive only in the way of memoranda, for\nthose who have been already conversant with that sort of learning.\n\nDoubtless also it was to Aristotle, that he owed the inclination he had,\nnot to the theory only, but also to the practice of the art of medicine.\nFor when any of his friends were sick, he would often prescribe for them\ntheir course of diet, and medicines proper to their disease, as we may\nfind in his epistles. He was naturally a great lover of all kinds of\nlearning and reading; and Onesicritus informs us, that he constantly\nlaid Homer's Iliads, according to the copy corrected by Aristotle,\ncalled \"The casket copy,\" with his dagger under his pillow, declaring\nthat he esteemed it a perfect portable treasure of all military virtue\nand knowledge. When he was in the upper Asia, being destitute of other\nbooks, he ordered Harpalus to send him some; who furnished him with\nPhilistus's History, a great many of the plays of Euripides, Sophocles,\nand Aeschylus, and some dithyrambic odes, composed by Telestes and\nPhiloxenus.\n\nWhile Philip went on his expedition against the Byzantines, he left\nAlexander, then sixteen years old, his lieutenant in Macedonia,\ncommitting the charge of his seal to him; who, not to sit idle, reduced\nthe rebellious Maedi, and having taken their chief town by storm, drove\nout the barbarous inhabitants, and planting a colony of several nations\nin their room, called the place after his own name, Alexandropolis. At\nthe battle of Chaeronea, which his father fought against the Greeks,\nhe is said to have been the first man that charged the Thebans' sacred\nband. And even in my remembrance, there stood an old oak near the river\nCephisus, which people called Alexander's oak, because his tent was\npitched under it. And not far off are to be seen the graves of the\nMacedonians who fell in that battle. This early bravery made Philip so\nfond of him, that nothing pleased him more than to hear his subjects\ncall himself their general and Alexander their king.\n\nBut later on, through an unfortunate marriage of Philip with Cleopatra,\nthe niece of Attalus, an estrangement grew up between them. And not long\nafter the brother of Alexander, Pausanias, having had an insult done to\nhim at the instance of Attalus and Cleopatra, when he found he could\nget no reparation for his disgrace at Philip's hands, watched his\nopportunity and murdered him.\n\nAlexander was but twenty years old when his father was murdered, and\nsucceeded to a kingdom beset on all sides with great dangers, and\nrancorous enemies. Hearing the Thebans were in revolt, and the Athenians\nin correspondence with them, he immediately marched through the pass\nof Thermopylae, saying that to Demosthenes, who had called him a child\nwhile he was in Illyria, and a youth when he was in Thessaly, he would\nappear a man before the walls of Athens.\n\nWhen he came to Thebes, to show how willing he was to accept of their\nrepentance for what was past, he only demanded of them Phoenix and\nProthytes, the authors of the rebellion, and proclaimed a general\npardon to those who would come over to him. But when the Thebans merely\nretorted by demanding Philotas and Antipater to be delivered into their\nhands, he applied himself to make them feel the last extremities of war.\nThe Thebans defended themselves with a zeal and courage beyond their\nstrength, being much outnumbered by their enemies. But when the\nMacedonian garrison sallied out upon them from the citadel, they were\nso hemmed in on all sides, that the greater part of them fell in the\nbattle; the city itself being taken by storm, was sacked and razed,\nAlexander's hope being that so severe an example might terrify the rest\nof Greece into obedience. So that, except the priests, and a few who\nhad heretofore been the friends and connections of the Macedonians, the\nfamily of the poet Pindar, and those who were known to have opposed the\npublic vote for the war, all the rest, to the number of thirty thousand,\nwere publicly sold for slaves; and it is computed that upwards of six\nthousand were put to the sword. Among the other calamities that befell\nthe city, it happened that some Thracian soldiers having broken into\nthe house of a matron of high character and repute named Timoclea, their\ncaptain, to satisfy his avarice, asked her if she knew of any money\nconcealed; to which she readily answered that she did, and bade him\nfollow her into a garden, where she showed him a well, into which, she\ntold him, upon the taking of the city she had thrown what she had of\nmost value. The greedy Thracian presently stooping down to view the\nplace where he thought the treasure lay, she came behind him, and pushed\nhim into the well, and then flung great stones in upon him, till she\nhad killed him. After which, when the soldiers led her away bound to\nAlexander, her very mien and gait showed her to be a woman of dignity\nand high mind, not betraying the least sign of fear or astonishment.\nAnd when the king asked her who she was, she said, \"I am the sister\nof Theagenes, who fought at the battle of Chaeronea with your father,\nPhilip, and fell there in command for the liberty of Greece.\" Alexander\nwas so surprised, both at what she had done, and what she said, that\nhe could not chose but give her and her children their freedom to go\nwhither they pleased.\n\nAfter this he received the Athenians into favor. Whether it were, like\nthe lion, that his passion was now satisfied, or that after an example\nof extreme cruelty, he had a mind to appear merciful, it happened well\nfor the Athenians. Certain it is, too, that in after-time he often\nrepented of his severity to the Thebans, and his remorse had such\ninfluence on his temper as to make him ever after less rigorous to all\nothers. And it was observed that whatsoever any Theban, who had the\ngood fortune to survive this victory, asked of him, he was sure to grant\nwithout the least difficulty.\n\nSoon after, the Greeks being assembled at the Isthmus, declared their\nresolution of joining with Alexander in the war against the Persians,\nand proclaimed him their general. While he stayed here, many public\nministers and philosophers came from all parts to visit him, and\ncongratulated him on his election, but contrary to his expectation,\nDiogenes of Sinope, who then was living at Corinth, thought so little\nof him, that instead of coming to compliment him, he never so much as\nstirred out of the suburb called the Cranium, where Alexander ran across\nhim lying at full length in the sun. When he saw so much company near\nhim, he raised himself a little, and vouchsafed to look upon Alexander;\nand when he kindly asked him whether he wanted any thing, \"Yes,\" said\nhe, \"I would have you stand from between me and the sun.\" Alexander was\nso struck at this answer, and surprised at the greatness of the man,\nwho had taken so little notice of him, that as he went away, he told his\nfollowers who were laughing at the moroseness of the philosopher, that\nif he were not Alexander, he would choose to be Diogenes.\n\nHis army consisted of about thirty thousand foot, and four thousand\nhorse; and Aristobulus says, he had not a fund of over seventy talents\nfor their pay, nor more than thirty days' provision, if we may believe\nDuris. However narrow the beginnings of so vast an undertaking might\nseem to be, yet he would not embark his army until he had informed\nhimself particularly what means his friends had to enable them to follow\nhim, and supplied what they wanted, by giving good farms to some,\na village to one, and the revenue of some hamlet or harbor town to\nanother. So that at last he had portioned out or engaged almost all the\nroyal property; which giving Perdiccas an occasion to ask him what he\nwould leave himself, he answered, \"My hopes.\" \"Your soldiers,\" replied\nPerdiccas, \"will be your partners in those,\" and refused to accept of\nthe estate he had assigned him.\n\nWith such vigorous resolutions, and his mind thus disposed, he passed\nthe Hellespont, and at Troy sacrificed to Minerva, and honored the\nmemory of the heroes who were buried there, with solemn libations;\nespecially Achilles, whose gravestone he anointed, and with his friends,\nas the ancient custom is, ran naked about his sepulchre, and crowned it\nwith garlands, declaring how happy he esteemed him, in having, while he\nlived, so faithful a friend, and when he was dead, so famous a poet to\nproclaim his actions. While he was viewing the rest of the antiquities\nand curiosities of the place, being told he might see Paris's harp, if\nhe pleased, he said, he thought it not worth looking at, but he should\nbe glad to see that of Achilles, to which he used to sing the glories\nand great actions of brave men.\n\nIn the meantime Darius's captains having collected large forces, were\nencamped on the further bank of the river Granicus, and it was necessary\nto fight, as it were, in the gate of Asia for an entrance into it. And\nwhen Parmenio advised him not to attempt anything that day, because it\nwas late, he told him that he should disgrace the Hellespont, should he\nfear the Granicus. And so without saying more, he immediately took the\nriver with thirteen troops of horse, and advanced against whole showers\nof darts thrown from the steep opposite side, which was covered with\narmed multitudes of the enemy's horse and foot, notwithstanding the\ndisadvantage of the ground and the rapidity of the stream; so that the\naction seemed to have more of frenzy and desperation in it, than of\nprudent conduct. However, he persisted obstinately to gain the passage,\nand at last with much ado making his way up the banks, which were\nextremely muddy and slippery, he had instantly to join in a mere\nconfused hand-to-hand combat with the enemy, before he could draw up his\nmen, who were still passing over, into any order. For the enemy pressed\nupon him with loud and warlike outcries; and charging horse against\nhorse, with their lances, after they had broken and spent these, they\nfell to it with their swords. And Alexander, being easily known by his\nbuckler, and a large plume of white feathers on each side of his helmet,\nwas attacked on all sides, yet escaped without a wound, though his\ncuirass was pierced by a javelin in one of the joinings. And Rhoesaces\nand Spithridates, two Persian commanders, falling upon him at once, he\navoided one of them, and struck at Rhoesaces, who had a good cuirass\non, with such force, that his spear breaking in his hand, he was glad to\nbetake himself to his dagger. While they were thus engaged, Spithridates\ncame up on the other side of him, and raising himself upon his horse,\ngave him such a blow with his battle-axe on the helmet, that he cut off\nthe crest of it, with one of his plumes, and the helmet was only just so\nfar strong enough to save him, that the edge of the weapon touched the\nhair of his head. But as he was about to repeat his stroke, Clitus,\ncalled the black Clitus, prevented him, by running him through the body\nwith his spear. At the same time Alexander despatched Rhoesaces with\nhis sword. While the horse were thus dangerously engaged, the Macedonian\nphalanx passed the river, and the foot on each side advanced to fight.\nBut the enemy hardly sustaining the first onset, soon gave ground and\nfled, all but the mercenary Greeks, who, making a stand upon a rising\nground, desired quarter, which Alexander, guided rather by passion than\njudgment, refused to grant, and charging them himself first, had his\nhorse (not Bucephalas, but another) killed under him. And this obstinacy\nof his to cut off these experienced, desperate men, cost him the lives\nof more of his own soldiers than all the battle before, besides those\nwho were wounded. The Persians lost in this battle twenty thousand foot,\nand two thousand five hundred horse. On Alexander's side, Aristobulus\nsays there were not over four and thirty missing, of whom nine were\nfoot-soldiers; and in memory of them he caused as many statues of\nbrass, of Lysippus's making, to be erected. And that the Greeks might\nparticipate in the honor of his victory, he sent a portion of the spoils\nhome to them, particularly to the Athenians three hundred bucklers, and\nupon all the rest he ordered this inscription to be set: \"Alexander the\nson of Philip, and the Greeks, except the Lacedaemonians, won these from\nthe barbarians who inhabit Asia.\" All the plate and purple garments, and\nother things of the same kind that he took from the Persians, except a\nvery small quantity which he reserved for himself, he sent as a present\nto his mother.\n\nThis battle presently made a great change of affairs to Alexander's\nadvantage. For Sardis itself, the chief seat of the barbarians' power\nin the maritime provinces, and many other considerable places, were\nsurrendered to him; only Halicarnassus and Miletus stood out, which he\ntook by force, together with the territory about them. After which\nhe was a little unsettled in his opinion how to proceed. Sometimes he\nthought it best to find out Darius as soon as he could, and put all\nto the hazard of a battle; at another time he looked upon it as a more\nprudent course to make an entire reduction of the sea-coast, and not\nto seek the enemy till he had first exercised his power here and made\nhimself secure of the resources of these provinces. While he was thus\ndeliberating what to do, it happened that a spring of water near the\ncity of Xanthus in Lycia, of its own accord swelled over its banks,\nand threw up a copper plate upon the margin, in which was engraven in\nancient characters, that the time would come, when the Persian empire\nshould be destroyed by the Greeks. Encouraged by this incident, he\nproceeded to reduce the maritime parts of Cilicia and Phoenicia, and\npassed his army along the sea-coasts of Pamphylia with such expedition\nthat many historians have described and extolled it with a height of\nadmiration, as if it were no less than a miracle, and an extraordinary\neffect of divine favor, that the waves which usually come rolling in\nviolently from the main, and hardly ever leave so much as a narrow beach\nunder the steep, broken cliffs at any time uncovered, should on a sudden\nretire to afford him passage. Menander, in one of his comedies, alludes\nto this marvel when he says,\n\n      Was Alexander ever favored more?\n      Each man I wish for meets me at the door,\n      And should I ask for passage through the sea,\n      The sea, I doubt not, would retire for me.\n\nThen he subdued the Pisidians who made head against him, and conquered\nthe Phrygians, at whose chief city Gordium, which is said to be the seat\nof the ancient Midas, he saw the famous chariot fastened with cords\nmade of the rind of the cornel-tree, about which the inhabitants had a\ntradition, that for him who should untie it, was reserved the empire\nof the world. Most authors tell the story of Alexander, finding himself\nunable to untie the knot, the ends of which were secretly twisted round\nand folded up within it, cut it asunder with his sword. But Aristobulus\ntells us it was easy for him to undo it, by only pulling the pin out\nof the pole, to which the yoke was tied, and afterwards drawing off the\nyoke itself from below.\n\nDarius was by this time upon his march from Susa, very confident, in the\nnumber of his men, which amounted to six hundred thousand. But Alexander\nwas detained in Cilicia by a sickness, which some say he contracted from\nhis fatigues, others from bathing in the river Cydnus, whose waters were\nexceedingly cold. None of his physicians would venture to give him any\nremedies, they thought his case so desperate, and were so afraid of the\nsuspicions and ill-will of the Macedonians if they should fail in the\ncure; till Philip, the Acarnanian, seeing how critical his case was, but\nrelying on his own well-known friendship for him, resolved to try the\nlast efforts of his art, and rather hazard his own credit and life,\nthan suffer him to perish for want of physic, which he confidently\nadministered to him, encouraging him to take it boldly, if he desired\na speedy recovery, in order to prosecute the war. At this very time,\nParmenio wrote to Alexander from the camp, bidding him have a care of\nPhilip, as one who was bribed by Darius to kill him, with great sums of\nmoney, and a promise of his daughter in marriage. When he had perused\nthe letter, he put it under his pillow, without so much as showing it\nto any of his most intimate friends, and when Philip came in with the\npotion, he took it with great cheerfulness and assurance, giving him\nmeantime the letter to read. This was a spectacle well worth being\npresent at, to see Alexander take the draught, and Philip read the\nletter at the same time, and then turn and look upon one another, but\nwith different sentiments; for Alexander's looks were cheerful and open,\nto show his kindness to and confidence in his physician, while the other\nwas full of surprise and alarm at the accusation, appealing to the gods\nto witness his innocence, sometimes lifting up his hands to heaven, and\nthen throwing himself down by the bedside, and beseeching Alexander to\nlay aside all fear, and follow his directions without apprehension. For\nthe medicine at first worked so strongly as to drive, as it were, the\nvital forces into the interior; he lost his speech, and falling into a\nswoon, had scarcely any sense or pulse left. However, in a very short\ntime, by Philip's means, his health and strength returned, and he showed\nhimself in public to the Macedonians, who were in continual fear and\ndejection until they saw him abroad again.\n\nDarius, in the meantime marched into Cilicia, at the same time that\nAlexander advanced into Syria to meet him; and missing one another in\nthe night, they both turned back again. Alexander, greatly pleased with\nthe event, made all the haste he could to fight in the defiles, and\nDarius to recover his former ground, and draw his army out of so\ndisadvantageous a place. For now he began to see his error in engaging\nhimself too far in a country in which the sea, the mountains, and the\nriver Pinarus running through the midst of it, would force him to divide\nhis forces, render his horse almost unserviceable, and only cover and\nsupport the weakness of the enemy. Fortune was not kinder to Alexander\nin the choice of the ground, than he was careful to improve it to his\nadvantage. For being much inferior in numbers, so far from allowing\nhimself to be outflanked, he stretched his right wing much further out\nthan the left wing of his enemies, and fighting there himself in the\nvery foremost ranks, put the barbarians to flight. In this battle he was\nwounded in the thigh, Chares says by Darius, with whom he fought hand to\nhand. But in the account which he gave Antipater of the battle,\nthough he owns he was wounded in the thigh with a sword, though not\ndangerously, he does not mention who it was that wounded him.\n\nNothing was wanting to complete this victory, in which he overthrew\nabove a hundred and ten thousand of his enemies, but the taking of the\nperson of Darius, who escaped very narrowly by flight. However, having\ncaptured his chariot and his bow, he returned from pursuing him, and\nfound his own men busy in pillaging the barbarians' camp, which\n(though to disburden themselves, they had left most of their baggage\nat Damascus) was exceedingly rich. But Darius's tent, which was full of\nsplendid furniture, and quantities of gold and silver, they reserved\nfor Alexander himself, who after he had put off his arms, went to bathe\nhimself, saying, \"Let us now cleanse ourselves from the toils of war\nin the bath of Darius.\" \"Not so,\" replied one of his followers, \"but in\nAlexander's rather; for the property of the conquered is, and should be\ncalled, the conqueror's.\" Here, when he beheld the bathing vessels, the\nwater-pots, the pans, and the ointment boxes, all of gold, curiously\nwrought, and smelt the fragrant odors with which the whole place was\nexquisitely perfumed, and from thence passed into a pavilion of great\nsize and height, where the couches and tables and preparations for an\nentertainment were perfectly magnificent, he turned to those about him\nand said, \"This, it seems, is royalty.\"\n\nBut as he was going to supper, word was brought him that Darius's mother\nand wife and two unmarried daughters, being taken among the rest of the\nprisoners, were all in mourning and sorrow upon the sight of his chariot\nand bow, imagining him to be dead. After a little he sent Leonnatus to\nthem, to let them know Darius was not dead, and that they need not fear\nany harm from Alexander, who made war upon him only for dominion. But\nthe noblest and most royal part of their usage was, that he treated\nthese illustrious prisoners according to their virtue and character, not\nsuffering them to hear, or receive, or so much as to apprehend any thing\nthat was unbecoming. So that they seemed rather lodged in some temple,\nor some holy chambers, where they enjoyed their privacy sacred and\nuninterrupted, than in the camp of an enemy. Yet Darius's wife was\naccounted the most beautiful princess then living, as her husband the\ntallest and handsomest man of his time, and the daughters were not\nunworthy of their parents.\n\nIn his diet Alexander was most temperate, as appears, omitting many\nother circumstances, by what he said to Ada, whom he adopted, with the\ntitle of mother, and afterwards created queen of Caria. For when she out\nof kindness sent him every day many curious dishes, and sweetmeats,\nand would have furnished him with some cooks and pastry-men, who were\nthought to have great skill, he told her he wanted none of them, his\npreceptor, Leonidas, having already given him the best, which were \"a\nnight march to prepare for breakfast, and a moderate breakfast to create\nan appetite for supper.\" Leonidas also, he added, used to open and\nsearch the furniture of his chamber, and his wardrobe, to see if his\nmother had left him any thing that was delicate or superfluous. He was\nmuch less addicted to wine than was generally believed; that which gave\npeople occasion to think so of him was, that when he had nothing else to\ndo, he loved to sit long and talk, rather than drink, and over every cup\nhold a long conversation. For when his affairs called upon him, he would\nnot be detained, as other generals often were, either by wine, or sleep,\nnuptial solemnities, spectacles, or any other diversion whatsoever; a\nconvincing argument of which is, that in the short time he lived,\nhe accomplished so many and so great actions. When he was free from\nemployment, after he was up, and had sacrificed to the gods, he used to\nsit down to breakfast, and then spend the rest of the day in hunting,\nor writing memoirs, giving decisions on some military questions, or\nreading. In marches that required no great haste, he would practice\nshooting as he went along, or to mount a chariot, and alight from it\nin full speed. Sometimes, for sport's sake, as his journals tell us, he\nwould hunt foxes and go fowling. When he came in for the evening, after\nhe had bathed and was anointed, he would call for his bakers and chief\ncooks, to know if they had his dinner ready. He never cared to dine\ntill it was pretty late and beginning to be dark, and as wonderfully\ncircumspect at meals that every one who sat with him should be served\nalike and with proper attention; and his love of talking, as was said\nbefore, made him delight to sit long at his wine. And no prince's\nconversation was ever so agreeable, yet he would at times fall into a\ntemper of ostentation and soldierly boasting, which gave his flatterers\na great advantage to ride him, and made his better friends very uneasy.\nAfter such an entertainment, he was wont to bathe, and then perhaps\nhe would sleep till noon, and sometimes all day long. He was so very\ntemperate in his eating, that when any rare fish or fruits were sent\nhim, he would distribute them among his friends, and often reserve\nnothing for himself. His table, however, was always magnificent, the\nexpense of it still increasing with his good fortune, till it amounted\nto ten thousand drachmas a day, to which sum he limited it, and beyond\nthis he would suffer none to lay out in any entertainment where he\nhimself was the guest.\n\nAmong the treasures and other booty that was taken from Darius, there\nwas a very precious casket, which being brought to Alexander for a great\nrarity, he asked those about him what they thought fittest to be laid up\nin it; and when they had delivered their various opinions, he told them\nhe should keep Homer's Iliad in it. Nor did Homer prove an unprofitable\ncompanion to him in his expeditions. For, after he had become master of\nEgypt he determined to found a great and populous city, and give to it\nhis own name. And when he had measured and staked out the ground with\nthe advice of the best architects, he chanced one night in his sleep to\nsee a wonderful vision; a gray-headed old man, of a venerable aspect,\nappeared to stand by him, and pronounce these verses:\n\n     An island lies, where loud the billows roar,\n     Pharos they call it, on the Egyptian shore.\n\nAlexander upon this immediately rose up and went to Pharos, which, at\nthat time, was an island lying a little above the Canobic mouth of the\nriver Nile, though it has now been joined to the main land by a mole.\nAs soon as he saw the commodious situation of the place, it being a\nlong neck of land, stretching like an isthmus between large lagoons and\nshallow waters on one side, and the sea on the other, the latter at the\nend of it making a spacious harbor, he said, Homer, besides his other\nexcellences, was a very good architect, and ordered the plan of a city\nto be drawn out answerable to the place. To do which, for want of chalk,\nthe soil being black, they laid out their lines with flour, taking in\na pretty large compass of ground in a semicircular figure, and drawing\ninto the inside of the circumference equal straight lines from each end,\nthus giving it something of the form of a cloak or cape. While he was\npleasing himself with his design, on a sudden an infinite number of\ngreat birds of several kinds, rising like a black cloud out of the river\nand the lake, came and devoured every morsel of the flour that had been\nused in setting out the lines; at which omen even Alexander himself was\ntroubled, till the augurs restored his confidence again by telling him\nit was a sign that the city he was about to build would not only abound\nin all things within itself, but also be the nurse and feeder of many\nnations.\n\nThe great battle of all that was fought with Darius, was not, as most\nwriters tell us, at Arbela, but at Gaugamela, which, in their language,\nsignifies the camel's house, forasmuch as one of their ancient kings\nhaving escaped the pursuit of his enemies on a swift camel, in gratitude\nto his beast settled him at this place, with an allowance of certain\nvillages and rents for his maintenance. It came to pass that in the\nmonth Boedromion, about the beginning of the Feast of Mysteries at\nAthens, there was an eclipse of the moon, the eleventh night after\nwhich, the two armies being now in view of one another, Darius kept\nhis men in arms, and by torchlight took a general review of them. But\nAlexander, while his soldiers slept, spent the night before his tent\nwith his diviner Aristander, performing certain mysterious ceremonies,\nand sacrificing to the god Fear.\n\nIn the meanwhile the oldest of his commanders, and chiefly Parmenio,\nwhen they beheld all the plain between Niphates and the Gordyaean\nmountains shining with the lights and fires which were made by the\nbarbarians, and heard the uncertain and confused sound of voices out of\ntheir camp, like the distant roaring of a vast ocean, were so amazed\nat the thoughts of such a multitude, that after some conference among\nthemselves, they concluded it an enterprise too difficult and hazardous\nfor them to engage so numerous an enemy in the day, and therefore\nmeeting the king as he came from sacrificing, besought him to attack\nDarius by night, that the darkness might conceal the danger of the\nensuing battle. To this he gave them the celebrated answer, \"I will not\nsteal a victory,\" which, though some at the time thought it a boyish and\ninconsiderate speech, as if he played with danger, others regarded as an\nevidence that the confided in his present condition, and acted on a true\njudgment of the future, not wishing to leave Darius, in case he were\nworsted, the pretext of trying his fortune again, which he might suppose\nhimself to have, if he could impute his overthrow to the disadvantage of\nthe night, as he did before to the mountains, the narrow passages, and\nthe sea. For while he had such numerous forces and large dominions still\nremaining, it was not any want of men or arms that could induce him\nto give up the war, but only the loss of all courage and hope upon the\nconviction of an undeniable and manifest defeat.\n\nAfter they were gone from him with this answer, he laid himself down\nin his tent and slept the rest of the night more soundly than was usual\nwith him, to the astonishment of the commanders. Not only before the\nbattle, but in the height of the danger, he showed himself great, and\nmanifested the self-possession of a just foresight and confidence. For\nthe battle for some time fluctuated and was dubious. The left wing,\nwhere Parmenio commanded, was so impetuously charged by the Bactrian\nhorse that it was disordered and forced to give ground, at the same time\nthat Mazaeus had sent a detachment around to fall upon those who guarded\nthe baggage, which so disturbed Parmenio, that he sent messengers to\nacquaint Alexander that the camp and baggage would be all lost unless he\nimmediately relieved the rear by a considerable reinforcement drawn out\nof the front. This message being brought him just as he was giving the\nsignal to those about him for the onset, he bade them tell Parmenio that\nhe must have surely lost the use of his reason, and had forgotten,\nin his alarm, that soldiers, if victorious, become masters of their\nenemies' baggage; and if defeated, instead of taking care of their\nwealth or their slaves, have nothing more to do but to fight gallantly\nand die with honor. When he had said this, he put on his helmet, having\nthe rest of his arms on before he came out of his tent, which were\na coat of the Sicilian make, girt close about him, and over that a\nbreastpiece of thickly quilted linen, which was taken among other booty\nat the battle of Issus. The helmet, which was made by Theophilus, though\nof iron, was so well wrought and polished, that it was as bright as the\nmost refined silver. To this was fitted a gorget of the same metal, set\nwith precious stones His sword, which was the weapon he most used\nin fight, was given him by the king of the Citieans, and was of an\nadmirable temper and lightness. The belt which he also wore in all\nengagements, was of much richer workmanship than the rest of his armor.\nIt was the work of the ancient Helicon, and had been presented to him\nby the Rhodians, as a mark of their respect to him. So long as he\nwas engaged in drawing up his men, or riding about to give orders or\ndirections, or to view them, he spared Bucephalas, who was now growing\nold, and made use of another horse; but when he was actually to fight,\nhe sent for him again, and as soon as he was mounted, commenced the\nattack.\n\nHe made the longest address that day to the Thessalians and other\nGreeks, who answered him with loud shouts desiring him to lead them on\nagainst the barbarians, upon which he shifted his javelin into his left\nhand, and with his right lifted up towards heaven, besought the gods,\nas Callisthenes tells us, that if he was of a truth the son of Jupiter,\nthey would be pleased to assist and strengthen the Grecians. At the same\ntime the augur Aristander, who had a white mantle about him, and a crown\nof gold on his head, rode by and showed them an eagle that soared just\nover Alexander, and directed his flight towards the enemy; which\nso animated the beholders, that after mutual encouragements and\nexhortations, the cavalry charged at full speed, and were followed in a\nmass by the whole phalanx of the foot. But before they could well come\nto blows with the first ranks, the barbarians shrunk back, and were\nhotly pursued by Alexander, who drove those that fled before him into\nthe middle of the battle, where Darius himself was in person, whom he\nsaw from a distance over the foremost ranks, conspicuous in the midst\nof his lifeguard, a tall and fine-looking man, drawn in a lofty chariot,\ndefended by an abundance of the best cavalry who stood close in order\nabout it, ready to receive the enemy. But Alexander's approach was so\nterrible, forcing those who gave back upon those who yet maintained\ntheir ground, that he beat down and dispersed them almost all. Only a\nfew of the bravest and valiantest opposed the pursuit, who were slain\nin their king's presence, falling in heaps upon one another, and in the\nvery pangs of death striving to catch hold of the horses. Darius now\nseeing all was lost, that those who were placed in front to defend\nhim were broken and beaten back upon him, that he could not turn or\ndisengage his chariot without great difficulty, the wheels being clogged\nand entangled among the dead bodies, which lay in such heaps as not only\nstopped, but almost covered the horses, and made them rear and grow so\nunruly, that the frighted charioteer could govern them no longer, in\nthis extremity was glad to quit his chariot and his arms, and mounting,\nit is said, upon a mare that had been taken from her foal, betook\nhimself to flight.\n\nThis battle being thus over, seemed to put a period to the Persian\nempire; and Alexander, who was now proclaimed king of Asia, returned\nthanks to the gods in magnificent sacrifices, and rewarded his friends\nand followers with great sums of money, and places, and governments of\nprovinces.\n\nFrom here he marched through the province of Babylon, which immediately\nsubmitted to him, and was much surprised at the sight in one place where\nfire issues in a continuous stream, like a spring of water, out of a\ncleft in the earth, and the stream of naphtha, which, not far from this\nspot, flows out so abundantly as to form a sort of lake. This naphtha,\nin other respects resembling bitumen, is so subject to take fire, that\nbefore it touches the flame, it will kindle at the very light that\nsurrounds it, and often inflame the intermediate air also. The\nbarbarians, to show the power and nature of it, sprinkled the street\nthat led to the king's lodgings with little drops of it, and when it was\nalmost night, stood at the further end with torches, which being applied\nto the moistened places, the first at once taking fire, instantly, as\nquick as a man could think of it, it caught from one end to another, in\nsuch a manner that the whole street was one continuous flame.\n\nAlexander, in his own letters, has given us an account of his war with\nPorus. He says that two armies were separated by the river Hydaspes,\non whose opposite bank Porus continually kept his elephants in order of\nbattle, with their heads towards their enemies, to guard the passage;\nthat he, on the other hand, made every day a great noise and clamor in\nhis camp, to dissipate the apprehensions of the barbarians; that one\nstormy, dark night he passed the river, at a distance from the place\nwhere the enemy lay, into a little island, with part of his foot, and\nthe best of his horse. Here there fell a most violent storm of rain\naccompanied with lightning and whirlwinds, and although he saw some of\nhis men burnt and dying with the lightning, he nevertheless quitted the\nisland and made over to the other side. Here, apprehending the multitude\nof the enemy, and to avoid the shock of their elephants, he divided his\nforces, and attacked their left wing himself, commanding Coenus to fall\nupon the right, which was performed with good success. By this means\nboth wings being broken, the enemies fell back in their retreat upon the\ncentre, and crowded in upon their elephants. There rallying, they fought\na hand to hand battle, and it was the eighth hour of the day before they\nwere entirely defeated.\n\nAlmost all the historians agree in relating that Porus was four cubits\nand a span high, and that when he was upon his elephant, which was\nof the largest size, his stature and bulk were so answerable, that he\nappeared to be proportionably mounted, as a horseman on his horse. This\nelephant, during the whole battle, gave many singular proofs of sagacity\nand of particular care of the king, whom as long as he was strong and in\na condition to fight, he defended with great courage, repelling those\nwho set upon him; and as soon as he perceived him overpowered with his\nnumerous wounds and the multitude of darts that were thrown at him, to\nprevent his falling off, he softly knelt down and began to draw out the\ndarts with his proboscis. When Porus was taken prisoner, and Alexander\nasked him how he expected to be used, he answered, \"As a king.\" And\nAlexander, accordingly, not only suffered him to govern his own kingdom\nas satrap under himself, but gave him also the additional territory of\nvarious independent tribes whom he subdued.\n\nSome little time after the battle with Porus, Bucephalas died, as most\nof the authorities state, under cure of his wounds, or as Onesicritus\nsays, of fatigue and age, being thirty years old. Alexander was no\nless concerned at his death, than if he had lost an old companion or an\nintimate friend, and built a city, which he named Bucephalia, in memory\nof him, on the bank of the river Hydaspes.\n\nAristobulus tells us that Alexander died of a raging fever, having, in a\nviolent thirst, taken a copious draught of wine, upon which he fell into\ndelirium, and died on the thirtieth day of the month Daesius.\n\nBut the journals give the following record. On the eighteenth of the\nmonth, he slept in the bathing-room on account of his fever. The next\nday he bathed and removed into his chamber, and spent his time in\nplaying at dice with Medius. In the evening he bathed and sacrificed,\nand ate freely, and had the fever on him through the night. On the\ntwenty-fourth he was much worse, and was carried out of his bed to\nassist at the sacrifices, and gave order that the general officers\nshould wait within the court, whilst the inferior officers kept watch\nwithout doors. On the twenty-fifth he was removed to his palace on the\nother side the river, where he slept a little, but his fever did not\nabate, and when the generals came into his chamber, he was speechless,\nand continued so the following day. The Macedonians, therefore,\nsupposing he was dead, came with great clamors to the gates, and menaced\nhis friends so that they were forced to admit them, and let them all\npass through unarmed along by his bedside. The same day Python and\nSeleucus were despatched to the temple of Serapis to inquire if they\nshould bring Alexander thither, and were answered by the god, that they\nshould not remove him. On the twenty-eighth, in the evening, he died.\n\n\n\n\nTHE DEATH OF CAESAR\n\nThe place destined for the scene of this murder, in which the senate met\nthat day, was the same in which Pompey's statue stood, and was one of\nthe edifices which Pompey had raised and dedicated with his theatre to\nthe use of the public, plainly showing that there was something of a\nsupernatural influence which guided the action, and ordered it to that\nparticular place. Cassius, just before the act, is said to have looked\ntowards Pompey's statue, and silently implored his assistance, though\nhe had been inclined to the doctrines of Epicurus. But this occasion\nand the instant danger, carried him away out of all his reasonings, and\nfilled him for the time with a sort of inspiration. As for Antony, who\nwas firm to Caesar, and a strong man, Brutus Albinus kept him outside\nthe house, and delayed him with a long conversation contrived on\npurpose. When Caesar entered, the senate stood up to show their respect\nto him, and of Brutus's confederates, some came about his chair and\nstood behind it, others met him, pretending to add their petitions to\nthose of Tillius Cimber, in behalf of his brother, who was in exile;\nand they followed him with their joint supplications till he came to his\nseat. When he had sat down, he refused to comply with their requests,\nand upon their urging him further, began to reproach them severally for\ntheir importunities, when Tillius, laying hold of his robe with both\nhis hands, pulled it down from his neck, which was the signal for the\nassault. Casca gave him the first cut, in the neck, which was not mortal\nnor dangerous, coming, as it did, from one who at the beginning of\nsuch a bold action was probably very much disturbed. Caesar immediately\nturned about, and laid his hand upon the dagger and kept hold of it. And\nboth of them at the same time cried out, he that received the blow, in\nLatin, \"Vile Casca, what does this mean?\" and he that gave it, in Greek,\nto his brother, \"Brother, help!\" Upon this first onset, those who were\nnot privy to the design were astounded, and their horror and amazement\nat what they saw were so great, that they durst not fly nor assist\nCaesar, nor so much as speak a word. But those who came prepared for the\nbusiness inclosed him on every side, with their naked daggers in their\nhands. Which way soever he turned, he met with blows, and saw their\nswords leveled at his face and eyes, and was encompassed, like a wild\nbeast in the toils, on every side. For it had been agreed that they\nshould each make a thrust at him, and flesh themselves with his blood;\nfor which reason Brutus also gave him one stab in the groin. Some say\nthat he fought and resisted all the rest, shifting his body to avoid\nthe blows, and calling out for help, but that when he saw Brutus's sword\ndrawn, he covered his face with his robe and submitted, letting himself\nfall, whether it were by chance, or that he was pushed in that direction\nby his murderers, at the foot of the pedestal on which Pompey's statue\nstood, and which was thus wet with his blood. So that Pompey himself\nseemed to have presided, as it were, over the revenge done upon his\nadversary, who lay here at his feet, and breathed out his soul through\nhis multitude of wounds, for they say he received three and twenty. And\nthe conspirators themselves were many of them wounded by each other,\nwhilst they all leveled their blows at the same person.\n\nWhen Caesar's will was opened, and it was found that he had left a\nconsiderable legacy to each one of the Roman citizens, and when his body\nwas seen carried through the marketplace all mangled with wounds,\nthe multitude could no longer contain themselves within the bounds of\ntranquility and order, but heaped together a pile of benches, bars, and\ntables, upon which they placed the corpse, and setting fire to it, burnt\nit on them. Then they took brands from the pile, and ran some to fire\nthe conspirators, others up and down the city, to find out the men and\ntear them to pieces, but met, however, with none of them, they having\ntaken effectual care to secure themselves.\n\nCaesar died in his fifty-sixth year, not having survived Pompey above\nfour years. That empire and power which he had pursued through the\nwhole course of his life with so much hazard, he did at last with much\ndifficulty compass, but reaped no other fruits from it than the empty\nname and invidious glory. But the great genius which attended him\nthrough his lifetime, even after his death remained as the avenger\nof his murder, pursuing through every sea and land all those who were\nconcerned in it, and suffering none to escape, but reaching all who in\nany sort or kind were either actually engaged in the fact, or by their\ncounsels any way promoted it.\n\nThe most remarkable of mere human coincidences was that which befell\nCassius, who, when he was defeated at Philippi, killed himself with the\nsame dagger which he had made use of against Caesar. The most signal\npreternatural appearances were the great comet, which shone very bright\nfor seven nights after Caesar's death, and then disappeared, and the\ndimness of the sun, whose orb continued pale and dull for the whole of\nthat year, never showing its ordinary radiance at its rising, and giving\nbut a feeble heat. The air consequently was damp and gross, for want of\nstronger rays to open and rarefy it. The fruits, for that reason, never\nproperly ripened, and began to wither and fall off for want of heat,\nbefore they were fully formed.","title":"The Boys' and Girls' Plutarch: Being Parts of the \"Lives\" of Plutarch, Edited for Boys and Girls","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":142566}