{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_26544/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_26544","id":"gutenberg_26544","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/26544","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Eskimos -- Alaska","Indian dance -- North America"],"text":"Produced by Anne Storer and the Online Distributed\nProofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was\nproduced from images generously made available by The\nInternet Archive/American Libraries.)\n\n\n\n\n\n\n Transcriber's Notes:\n 1) There are a number of words in the native language that appear to mean\n    the same thing, but have different accents. It is unknown if this is\n    intentional or a printing error - these have been left as printed. eg:\n    Nuleaga / nuleaga ... Takinaka / takinaka / Takinaka ... Wahok / wahok\n 2) Characters with diacritical marks are noted as follows:\n    Acute ['x]  macron [=x]  combined  ['=x]\n    Macron (below) [x=]\n    Dot above [.x]\n    Breve [)x]\n\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\n\n\n UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA\n THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM\n ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS\n VOL. VI                No. 2\n ____________________________\n\n\n THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE\n ALASKAN ESKIMO\n\n BY\n E. W. HAWKES\n\n\n PHILADELPHIA\n PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM\n 1914\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\n                                     PAGE\n INTRODUCTION                           5\n PHONETIC KEY                           7\n THE DANCE IN GENERAL                   9\n     THE CHORUS                        10\n     PARTICIPATION OF THE SEXES        11\n THE KASGI OR DANCE HOUSE              13\n     PARAPHERNALIA                     15\n THE DANCE FESTIVALS                   19\n     THE ASKING FESTIVAL               22\n     THE BLADDER FEAST                 26\n     THE FEASTS TO THE DEAD            29\n THE ANNUAL FEAST, AIL['=I]GI          31\n THE GREAT FEAST, AITHUK['=A]TUKHTUK   33\n     THE FEAST GIVERS                  34\n     THE RITUAL                        35\n     THE CLOTHING OF THE NAMESAKES     38\n THE INVITING-IN FESTIVAL              40\n\n\n\n\nINTRODUCTION\n\n\nThis account of the Dance Festivals of the Alaskan Eskimo was written\nfrom material gathered in the Bering Strait District during three\nyears' residence: two on the Diomede Islands, and one at St. Michael\nat the mouth of the Yukon River. This paper is based on my\nobservations of the ceremonial dances of the Eskimo of these two\nlocalities.\n\n\n\n\nPHONETIC KEY\n\n\n [=a], [=e], [=i], [=o], [=u], long vowels.\n\n a, e, i, o, u, short vowels.\n\n ae, as in hat.\n\n a, as in law.\n\n ai, as in aisle.\n\n au, as ow in how.\n\n h, w, y, semivowels.\n\n c, as sh in should.\n\n f, a bilabial surd.\n\n g, as in get.\n\n ['g], a post-palatal sonant.\n\n k, as in pick.\n\n l, as in lull.\n\n m, as in mum.\n\n n, as in nun.\n\n ng, as ng in sing.\n\n p, as in pipe.\n\n q, a post-palatal surd.\n\n [.r], a uvular sonant spirant.\n\n s, as in sauce.\n\n t, an alveolar stop.\n\n tc, as ch in chapter.\n\n v, a bilabial sonant.\n\n z, as in zone.\n\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\n\n\nTHE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO\n\nTHE DANCE IN GENERAL\n\n\nThe ceremonial dance of the Alaskan Eskimo is a rhythmic\npantomime--the story in gesture and song of the lives of the various\nArctic animals on which they subsist and from whom they believe their\nancient clans are sprung. The dances vary in complexity from the\nordinary social dance, in which all share promiscuously and in which\nindividual action is subordinated to rhythm, to the pantomime totem\ndances performed by especially trained actors who hold their positions\nfrom year to year according to artistic merit.[1] Yet even in the\ntotem dances the pantomime is subordinate to the rhythm, or rather\nsuperimposed upon it, so that never a gesture or step of the\ncharacteristic native time is lost.\n\nThis is a primitive 2-4 beat based on the double roll of the chorus of\ndrums. Time is kept, in the men's dances, by stamping the foot and\njerking the arm in unison, twice on the right, then twice on the left\nside, and so on, alternately. Vigorous dancers vary the program by\nleaping and jumping at intervals, and the shamans are noted for the\ndizzy circles which they run round the pugyarok, the entrance hole of\nthe dance hall. The women's dance has the same measure and can be\nperformed separately or in conjunction with the men's dance, but has a\ndifferent and distinctly feminine movement. The feet are kept on the\nground, while the body sways back and forth in graceful undulations to\nthe music and the hands with outspread palms part the air with the\ngraceful stroke of a flying gull. Some of their dances are performed\nseated. Then they strip to the waist and form one long line of waving\narms and swaying shoulders, all moving in perfect unison.\n\n  [1] This characterization applies to the Alaskan Eskimo only; so far\n  as is now known the other Eskimo branches do not have totemic dances.\n\n\nTHE CHORUS\n\nThe chorus which furnishes the music, is composed of from six to ten\nmen. They sit on the in['g]lak, a raised shelf extending around the\ndance hall about five feet from the floor, and sing their dance songs\nkeeping time on their drums. They usually sit in the rear of the room,\nwhich is the post of honor. Among the island tribes of Bering Strait\nthis position is reversed and they occupy the front of the room. Some\nold man, the keeper of tribal tradition and song, acts as the leader,\ncalling out the words of the dance songs a line ahead. He begins the\nproceedings by striking up a low chant, an invitation to the people\nassembled to dance. The chorus accompany him lightly on their drums.\nThen at the proper place, he strikes a crashing double beat; the drums\nboom out in answer; the song arises high and shrill; the dancers leap\ninto their places, and the dance begins.\n\nThe first dances are usually simple exercises calculated to warm the\nblood and stretch stiffened muscles. They begin with leaping around\nthe pu['g]yarok, jumping into the air with both feet in the Eskimo\nhigh kick, settling down into the conventional movements of the men's\ndance.[2]\n\n  [2] While the northern and southern tribes have the same general\n  movements for their ordinary dances, they give a very different\n  presentation of the festival dance-songs. The northerners leap and\n  stamp about the kasgi until overcome with exhaustion; while in the\n  south the performers sit or kneel on the floor, adorned with an\n  abundance of streaming furs and feathers, sweep their hands through\n  the air in graceful unison. It is a difference between rude vigor\n  and dramatic art.\n\nQuite often a woman steps into the center of the circle, and goes\nthrough her own dance, while the men leap and dance around her. This\nact has been specialized in the Reindeer and Wolf Pack Dance of the\nAithukaguk, the Inviting-In Festival, where the woman wearing a\nreindeer crest and belt is surrounded by the men dancers, girt in\narmlets and fillets of wolf skin. They imitate the pack pulling down a\ndeer, and the din caused by their jumping and howling around her\nshrinking form is terrific.\n\n\nPARTICIPATION OF THE SEXES\n\nThere appears to be no restriction against the women taking part in\nthe men's dances. They also act as assistants to the chief actors in\nthe Totem Dances, three particularly expert and richly dressed women\ndancers ranging themselves behind the mask dancer as a pleasing\nbackground of streaming furs and glistening feathers. The only time\nthey are forbidden to enter the kasgi is when the shaman is performing\ncertain secret rites. They also have secret meetings of their own when\nall men are banished.[3] I happened to stumble on to one of these one\ntime when they were performing certain rites over a pregnant woman,\nbut being a white man, and therefore unaccountable, I was greeted with\na good-natured laugh and sent about my business.\n\n  [3] This custom appears to be widespread. Low writes of the Hudson Bay\n  Eskimo: \"During the absence of the men on hunting expeditions, the\n  women sometimes amuse themselves by a sort of female \"angekoking.\"\n  This amusement is accompanied by a number of very obscene rites....\"\n  Low, The Cruise of the Neptune, p. 177.\n\nOn the other hand, men are never allowed to take part in the strictly\nwomen's dances, although nothing pleases an Eskimo crowd more than an\nexaggerated imitation by one of their clowns of the movements of the\nwomen's dance. The women's dances are practiced during the early\nwinter and given at the Aiyaguk, or Asking Festival, when the men are\ninvited to attend as spectators. They result in offers of temporary\nmarriage to the unmarried women, which is obviously the reason for\nthis rite. Such dances, confined to the women, have not been observed\nin Alaska outside the islands of Bering Sea, and I have reason to\nbelieve are peculiar to this district, which, on account of its\nisolation, retains the old forms which have died out or been modified\non the mainland. But throughout Alaska the women are allowed the\nutmost freedom in participating in the festivals, either as naskuks[4]\nor feast givers, as participants or as spectators.\n\n  [4] Literally \"Heads\" or directors of the feasts.\n\nIn fact, the social position of the Eskimo woman has been\nmisrepresented and misunderstood. At first sight she appears to be the\nslave of her husband, but a better acquaintance will reveal the fact\nthat she is the manager of the household and the children, the\nbusiness partner in all his trades, and often the \"oomialik,\" or\ncaptain of the concern as well. Her husband is forbidden by tribal\ncustom to maltreat her, and if she owns the house, she can order him\nout at any time. I have never known a woman being head of a tribe, but\nsometimes a woman is the most influential member of a tribe.\n\n\n\n\nTHE KASGI OR DANCE HOUSE\n\n\nWith few exceptions, all dances take place in the village kasgi or\ndance hall. This is the public meeting place where the old men gather\nto sit and smoke while they discuss the village welfare, where the\nmarried men bring their work and take their sweat baths, and where\nthe bachelors and young men, termed kasgimiut, have their sleeping\nquarters. The kasgi is built and maintained at public expense, each\nvillager considering it an honor to contribute something. Any tools or\nfurnishings brought into the kasgi are considered public property, and\nused as such.\n\nWhen a kasgi is to be built, announcement is made through messengers\nto neighboring villages, and all gather to assist in the building and\nto help celebrate the event. First a trench several feet deep is dug\nin which to plant the timbers forming the sides. These are usually of\ndriftwood, which is brought by the ocean currents from the Yukon. The\nice breaks up first at the head of that great stream, and the debris\ndams up the river, which overflows its banks, tearing down trees,\nbuildings and whatever borders its course as it breaks its way out to\nthe sea. The wreckage is scattered along the coast for over a hundred\nmiles, and the islands of Bering Sea get a small share. The islanders\nare constantly on the lookout for the drifting timber, and put out to\nsea in the stormiest weather for a distant piece, be it large or\nsmall. They also patrol the coast after a high tide for stray bits of\nwood. When one considers the toil and pain with which material is\ngathered, the building of a kasgi becomes an important matter.\n\nAfter the timbers have been rough hewn with the adze (ulimon) they are\nset upright in the trench to a height of seven to eight feet and\nfirmly bedded with rock. This is to prevent the fierce Polar winds\nwhich prevail in midwinter from tearing the houses to pieces. In the\nolder buildings a protecting stone wall was built on the sides. Most\nof the houses are set in a side hill, or partly underground, for\nadditional security, as well as for warmth. The roof is laid on top of\nthe uprights, the logs being drawn in gradually in pyramid shape to a\nflat top. In the middle of the top is the [.r]alok or smoke hole, an\nopening about two feet square. In a kasgi thirty feet square the ralok\nis twenty feet above the floor. It is covered with a translucent\ncurtain of walrus gut. The dead are always taken out through this\nopening, and never by the entrance. The most important feature of the\nroom is the in['g]lak, a wide shelf supported by posts at intervals.\nIt stands about five feet high extending around the room. This serves\nthe double purpose of a seat and bed for the inmates of the kasgi. The\nrear, the kaan, is the most desirable position, being the warmest, and\nis given to headmen and honored guests.[5] The side portions, kaaklim,\nare given to the lesser lights and the women and children; and the\nfront, the oaklim, being nearest the entrance and therefore cold and\nuncomfortable is left for the orphans and worthless men.\n\n  [5] The order of the seating on the in['g]lak of invited guests is a\n  matter of great concern to the Eskimo, as it is an indication of\n  worth.\n\n  Children purchase their right to a seat in the kasgi by making\n  presents, through their parents, to all the inmates, kasgimiut.\n\n  Until they do so they have no right to enter. For the same reason\n  strangers on entering the kasgi offer a small present to the headman,\n  who divides it among the people.\n\nThe floor of the kasgi is made of rough planking, and the boards in\nthe center are left loose so that they may be easily removed. These\ncover the k[=e]nethluk or fireplace, an excavation four feet square,\nand four feet deep, used in the sweat baths. It is thought to be\nthe place where the spirits sit, when they visit the kasgi, during\nfestivals held in their honor. Offerings are poured to them through\nthe cracks in the planks. In the center of the floor is a round hole\nabout two feet in diameter, called the entrance hole or pugyarok. This\nconnects with a long tunnel, the a['g]veak, which leads outside. The\ntunnel is usually so low that it is necessary to enter in a stooping\nposition, which the Eskimo does by placing both hands on the sides of\nthe pugyarok, and drawing himself through. Some dance-houses have\nanother entrance directly into the room on a level with the ground,\nthe underground passage being used only in winter. The diagram (Plate\nXI) gives an idea of this arrangement.\n\n\nPARAPHERNALIA\n\nThe drum (sauyit)[6] is the only instrument employed in the dances. It\nis made of a circular hoop about eighteen inches in width over which\nis stretched a resonant covering made from the bladder of the walrus\nor seal. It is held in place by a cord of rawhide (o['k]linok)[7]\nwhich fits into a groove on the outer rim. The cover can therefore be\ntightened at will. It is customary during the intermissions between\nthe dances for the drummers to rub a handful of snow over the skins to\nprevent them from cracking under the heavy blows. The drum is held\naloft and struck with a thin stick (mumwa).[8] It gives a deep boom in\nanswer. The shaman uses a smaller baton with which he beats a\ncontinuous tattoo as an accompaniment to his songs. The northerners\nstrike the back of the rim with their sticks, while the Yukon people\nbelabor the face of the drum.\n\n  [6] Tcauyak, Yukon dialect.\n\n  [7] Loftak, Yukon dialect.\n\n  [8] Mumra, Yukon dialect.\n\nThe leader of the chorus frequently flourishes a baton, made from a\nfox tail or the skin of the ermine which is mounted on a stick. With\nthis he marks the time of the dance. In Plate XIV, the white blur is\nthe ermine at the end of his stick. It is very difficult to obtain a\ngood picture in the ill lighted kasgi, and not often that the natives\nwill allow one taken there.\n\nOne indispensable part of a male dancer's outfit is his gloves. I have\nnever seen a man dancing without them. These are usually of wolverine,\nor of reindeer with elaborate trimmings, but on ordinary occasions any\nkind will do. The women do not share this peculiarity. In place of\ngloves they wear handlets of grass decorated with feathers of duck or\nof ptarmigan. The men in the Totem Dances also wear handlets which are\ncarved and painted to represent the particular totem they seek to\nhonor. These too are fantastically decorated with feathers, usually of\nthe loon. The central feather is stripped, and crowned with a tuft of\nwhite down. Both men and women wear armlets and fillets of skin or\nfeathers according to the animal character they represent. When in the\nfull swing of the dance with fur and feathers streaming they present a\npleasing spectacle, a picture full of the same wild grace and poetic\nmotion which characterizes the animal forbears from which they claim\ndescent.\n\nThe chief characters in the Totem and Comic Dances wear masks and\ncarry staves decorated with feathers. Occasionally the women\nassistants carry feathered wands (Kelizruk).\n\nOf the masks there is a great variety ranging from the plain wooden\nmasks to those of such great size that they are suspended from the\nceiling of the kasgi by a cord while the dancer performs behind them.\n\nThe Cape Prince of Wales (Kinigumiut) Eskimo construct complete\nfigures of their totems. These are worked by means of concealed\nstrings by the performers, a climax of art which is supposed to be\nparticularly pleasing to the spirits addressed. Then the shaman\n(Tungalik)[9] has his own set of masks, hideous enough to strike\nterror to even the initiated. Each one of these represents a familiar\nspirit (tunghat)[10] which assists him in his operations.\n\n  [9] Tungralik, Yukon dialect.\n\n  [10] Tungraniyak, Yukon dialect.\n\nOrdinary dance masks may be made by anyone, but the masks for the\nceremonial dances are made by some renowned shaman, engaged for the\noccasion. These masks are burned at the close of the festival, but may\nbe sold by the actors if they supply an equal amount of wood for the\nsacrificial fire.\n\nMany of the masks are very complicated, having appendages of wood, fur\nand feathers. They are all fashioned with an idea of representing some\nfeature in the mythology of the spirit (Inua) or animal shade\n(Tunghat) which they represent. In the latter case they are nearly\nalways made double, the mythical beings who inhabited the early world\nbeing regarded as able to change from animal to human shape, by merely\npushing up or pulling down the upper part of the face as a mask. Such\nmasks are often hinged to complete the illusion, the actor changing\nthe face at will.\n\nIt might be mentioned here that when the actor puts on the mask he is\nsupposed to become imbued with the spirit of the being represented.\nThis accounts, to the native mind, for the very lifelike imitation\nwhich he gives.\n\nThe masks are painted along conventional lines; the favorite colors\nfor the inua masks are red (Karekteoak),[11] black (Auktoak), green\n(Cungokyoak), white (Katektoak), and blue (Taukrektoak), in the order\nnamed. These colors[12] may hold a sacred or symbolic significance.\nThe inua masks are decorated with some regard to the natural colors of\nthe human face, but in the masks of the tunghat the imagination of the\nartist runs riot. The same is true of the comic masks, which are\nrendered as grotesque and horrible as possible. A mask with distorted\nfeatures, a pale green complexion, surrounded by a bristling mass of\nhair, amuses them greatly. The Eskimo also caricature their neighbors,\nthe Dene, in this same manner, representing them by masks with very\nlarge noses and sullen features.\n\n  [11] These are the northern names. In the southern or Yukon dialect\n  black is Tunguli; white Katughuli; red, Kauiguli; green, Tcununguli.\n\n  The endings and pronunciation of similar Eskimo words are somewhat\n  different in Arctic Alaska and on the Yukon River; sufficiently so as\n  to produce two distinct dialects. For this reason I have given the\n  forms from both sections.\n\n  [12] Red is obtained from red ochre; white from white clay; black from\n  soot or ashes; green from oxide of copper.\n\n\n\n\nTHE DANCE FESTIVALS\n\n\nThe Dance Festivals of the Alaskan Eskimo are held during that cold,\nstormy period of the winter when the work of the year is over and\nhunting is temporarily at an end. At this season the people gather in\nthe kasgi to celebrate the local rites, and at certain intervals\ninvite neighboring tribes to join in the great inter-tribal festivals.\nThis season of mirth and song is termed \"Tcauyavik\" the drum dance\nseason, from \"Tcauyak\" meaning drum. It lasts from November to March,\nand is a continuous succession of feasts and dances, which makes glad\nthe heart of the Eskimo and serves to lighten the natural depression\ncaused by day after day of interminable wind and darkness. A brisk\nexchange of presents at the local festivals promotes good feeling, and\nan interchange of commodities between the tribes at the great feasts\nstimulates trade and results in each being supplied with the\nnecessities of life. For instance, northern tribes visiting the south\nbring presents of reindeer skins or mukluk to eke out the scanty\nsupply of the south, while the latter in return give their visitors\nloads of dried salmon which the northerners feed to their dogs.\n\nThe festivals also serve to keep alive the religious feeling of the\npeople, as evidenced in the Dance to the Dead, which allows free play\nto the nobler sentiments of filial faith and paternal love. The\nrecital of the deeds of ancient heroes preserves the best traditions\nof the race and inspires the younger generation. To my mind, there is\nnothing which civilization can supply which can take the place of the\nhealthy exercise, social enjoyment, commercial advantages, and\nspiritual uplift of these dances. Where missionary sentiment is\noverwhelming they are gradually being abandoned; where there is a\nmistaken opinion in regard to their use, they have been given up\naltogether; but the tenacity with which the Eskimo clings to these\nancient observances, even in places where they have been nominal\nchristians for years, is an evidence of the vitality of these ancient\nrites and their adaptation to the native mind.\n\nThe festivals vary considerably according to locality, but their\nessential features are the same. Taken in order of celebration they\nare as follows\n\nLocal Festivals.\n\n    1. The Aiyaguk or Asking Festival.\n    2. The Tcauiyuk or Bladder Feast.\n    3. The Ail['=i]gi or Annual Feast to the Dead.\n\nInter-tribal Festivals.\n\n    4. The Aithuk['=a]tukhtuk or Great Feast to the Dead.\n    5. The Aithukaguk or Inviting-In Feast.\n\nThe Asking Festival, which begins the round of feasting and dancing,\ntakes place during the November moon. It is a local ceremony in which\ngifts are exchanged between the men and women of the village, which\nresult in offers of temporary marriage. It takes its name from the\nAiyaguk or Asking Stick,[13] which is the wand of office of the\nmessenger or go-between. The Annual Feast to the Dead is held during\nthe December moon, and may be repeated again in spring after the\nBladder Feast, if a large number of Eskimos have died in the interim.\nIt consists of songs and dances accompanied by offerings of food and\ndrink to the dead. It is a temporary arrangement for keeping the dead\nsupplied with sustenance (they are thought to imbibe the spiritual\nessence of the offerings) until the great Feast to the Dead takes\nplace.\n\n  [13] The Asking Stick is also used in the Inviting-In Feast\n  (Aithukaguk).\n\nThis is held whenever the relatives of the deceased have accumulated\nsufficient food, skins and other goods to entertain the countryside\nand are able to properly honor the deceased. At the same time the\nnamesakes of the dead are richly clothed from head to foot and\nshowered with presents. As this prodigal generosity entails the\nsavings of years on the part of the feast givers (naskut), the feast\noccurs only at irregular intervals of several years. It has been\ntermed the Ten Year Feast by the traders (Kagruska), but so far as I\nhave been able to inquire, it has no fixed date among the Eskimo. It\nis by far the most important event in the life of the Alaskan native.\nBy it he discharges all debts of honor to the dead, past, present and\nfuture. He is not obliged to take part in another festival of the kind\nunless another near relative dies. He pays off all old scores of\nhospitality and lays his friends under future obligations by his\npresents. He is often beggared by this prodigality, but he can be sure\nof welcome and entertainment wherever he goes, for he is a man who has\ndischarged all his debts to society and is therefore deserving of\nhonor for the rest of his days.\n\nIn the Bladder Feast which takes place in January, the bladders of the\nanimals slain during the past season, in which the spirits of the\nanimals are supposed to reside, are returned to the sea, after\nappropriate ceremonies in the kasgi. There they are thought to attract\nothers of their kind and bring an increase to the village. This is\nessentially a coast festival. Among the tribes of the islands of\nBering Sea and the Siberian Coast this festival is repeated in March,\nin conjunction with a whaling ceremony performed at the taking down\nof the [=u]miaks.\n\nThe dance contests in the Inviting-In Feast resemble the nith songs\nof Greenland. They are Comic and Totem Dances in which the best\nperformers of several tribes contest singly or in groups for\nsupremacy. The costumes worn are remarkably fine and the acting very\nrealistic. This is essentially a southern festival for it gives an\nopportunity to the Eskimo living near the rivers to display their\ningenious talent for mimicry and for the arrangement of feathers.\n\nThere are a few purely local ceremonies, the outgrowth of practices of\nlocal shamans. An example of this is the Aitekatah or Doll Festival of\nthe Igomiut, which has also spread to the neighboring Dene. Such local\noutgrowths, however, do not appear to spread among the conservative\nEskimo, who resent the least infringement of the ancient practices\nhanded down from dim ancestors of the race.\n\nIt is not often that they will allow a white man to witness the\nfestival dances, but, owing to the friendliness of the chief of the\nDiomede tribes, who always reserved a seat for me next to him in the\nkasgi, I had the opportunity of seeing the local rites and the Great\nDance to the Dead. The same favor continuing with the chief of the\nUnalit, during my residence on the Yukon, I witnessed the Inviting-In\nFeast as celebrated by the southern tribes. Having described the\ndances in general, I will proceed to a detailed account of each.\n\n\nTHE ASKING FESTIVAL\n\nThe Aiyaguk or Asking Festival is the first of the local feasts. It\noccurs about the middle of November when the Eskimo have all returned\nfrom their summer travels and made their iglus secure against the\nstorms of the coming winter. So, with caches full of fish, and houses\npacked with trade goods after a successful season at the southern\ncamps, they must wait until the shifting ice pack settles and the\nwinter hunting begins. Such enforced inaction is irksome to the\nEskimo, who does not partake of the stolidity of the Indian, but like\na nervous child must be continually employed or amused. So this\nfestival, which is of a purely social character, has grown up.\n\nMy first intimation that there was a celebration taking place was\nbeing attracted by a tremendous uproar in the native village just as\ndarkness had fallen. Suspecting that the Eskimo were making merry over\na native brew, called \"hoosch,\"[14] I slipped down to the village to\nsee what was the matter. I was met by the queerest procession I have\never seen. A long line of men and boys, entirely naked and daubed over\nwith dots and figures of mingled oil and charcoal,[15] were proceeding\nfrom house to house with bowls in their hands. At each entrance they\nfiled in, howling, stamping and grunting, holding out their dishes\nuntil they were filled by the women of the house.\n\nAll this time they were careful to keep their faces averted so that\nthey would not be recognized. This is termed the \"Tutuuk\" or \"going\naround.\" Returning to the kasgi they washed off their marks with\nurine, and sat down to feast on their plunder.\n\n  [14] This is a liquor distilled from flour and molasses. In the\n  operation an old cask and a gun barrel are used. The liquid is\n  fermented with sour dough and allowed to distill through the barrel.\n  The Eskimo had no liquor prior to the advent of the whalers, who\n  supplied them with the materials and probably taught them the art of\n  distilling. The U. S. Revenue Cutter \"Bear\" has been active in\n  breaking up the practice. In 1909, six illicit stills were seized on\n  the Diomede Islands.\n\n  [15] The first night of the feast the men and older boys meet in the\n  kasgi, and two boys named the Raven (Tulukauguk) and the Hawk\n  (Teiburiak) mix the paint and assist the men in ornamenting\n  themselves.\n\nThe next day the men gathered again in the kasgi and the Aiyaguk or\nAsking Stick was constructed. It was made by a man especially chosen\nfor the purpose. It was a slender wand about three feet long with\nthree globes made of thin strips of wood hanging by a strip of\no['k]linok from the smaller end. It was carried by the messenger\nbetween the men and women during the feast, and was the visible sign\nof his authority. It was treated with scrupulous respect by the Eskimo\nand to disregard the wishes conveyed by means of it during the feast\nwould have been considered a lasting disgrace. When not in use it was\nhung over the entrance to the kasgi.\n\nThe wand maker, having finished the Asking Stick, took his stand in\nthe center of the room, and swaying the globes, to and fro, asked the\nmen to state their wishes. Then any man present had the privilege of\ntelling him of an article he wished and the name of the woman from\nwhom he wished it. (Among the southern tribes the men made small\nwooden models of the objects they wished which were hung on the end of\nthe Asking Stick.) The messenger then proceeded to the house of the\nwoman in question, swinging the globes in front of her, repeated the\nwish and stood waiting for her answer. She in turn recollected\nsomething that she desired and told it to the messenger. Thereupon he\nreturned to the kasgi, and standing in front of the first party, swung\nthe globes, and told him what was desired in return. In this way he\nmade the round of the village. The men then returned to their homes\nfor the article desired, while the messenger blackened his face with\ncharcoal and donned a costume betoking humility. This was considered\nthe only proper attitude in presenting gifts. The costume consisted of\nwornout clothing, of which a disreputable raincoat (Kamleika) and a\ndogskin belt with the tail behind were indispensable parts.\n\nThen the men and women gathered in the kasgi where the exchanges were\nmade through the messenger. If anyone did not have the gift requested\nhe was in honor bound to secure it as soon as possible and present it\nto his partner. Those exchanging gifts entered a relationship termed\no[=i]lo['g]uk, and among the northern tribes where the ancient forms\npersevere, they continued to exchange presents throughout succeeding\nfestivals.\n\nAfter this exchange, a dance was performed by the women. They stripped\nto the waist, and taking their places on the i['n]glak, went through a\nseries of motions in unison. These varied considerably in time and\nmovement from the conventional women's dance.\n\nAccording to custom at the conclusion of the dance any man has the\nprivilege of asking any unmarried woman through the messenger, if he\nmight share her bed that night. If favorably inclined, she replies\nthat he must bring a deerskin for bedding. He procures the deerskin,\nand presents it to her, and after the feast is over remains with her\nfor the night.\n\nWhether these temporary unions lead to permanent marriage I was unable\nto find out. The gift of reindeer skin is very like the suit of\nclothing given in betrothal and would furnish material for the parka\nwhich the husband presents to his bride. The fact that the privilege\nis limited to unmarried women might be also urged in turn. As the\nsystem of exchanging wives was formerly common among the Alaskan\nEskimo, and as they distribute their favors at will, it is rather\nremarkable that the married women are not included, as in the\nlicentious feasts recorded of the Greenlanders.[16] From talks with\nsome of the older Eskimo I am led to regard this as a relic of an\nancient custom similar to those which have been observed among many\nnations of antiquity, in which a woman is open to violation at certain\nfeasts. This privilege is taken advantage of, and may become a\npreliminary to marriage.\n\n  [16] See Hans Egede, Det Gamle Groenlands Nye Perlustration, p. 78.\n\n\nTHE BLADDER FEAST\n\nThe Bladder Feast (Tcauiyuk) is held in December at the full of the\nmoon. The object of this feast is the propitiation of the inua of the\nanimals slain during the season past. These are believed to reside in\nthe bladders, which the Eskimo carefully preserve. The ceremony\nconsists in the purification of the bladders by the flame of the wild\nparsnip (Aikituk). The hunters are also required to pass through the\nflame. They return the bladders then to the sea, where entering the\nbodies of their kind, they are reborn and return again, bringing\ncontinued success to the hunter.\n\nThe first three days are spent in preparation. They thoroughly clean\nthe kasgi, particularly the kenethluk or fireplace, the recognized\nabode of all spirits visiting the kasgi. Then the men bring in their\nharvest of bladders.[17] They tie them by the necks in bunches of\neight to the end of their spears. These they thrust into the walls at\nthe rear of the room leaving ample room for the dancers to pass under\nthe swaying bladders in the rites of purification. Offerings of food\nand water are made to the inua, and they are constantly attended. One\nold man told me that they would be offended and take their departure\nif left alone for a moment. Dogs, being unclean, are not allowed to\nenter the kasgi. Neither is anyone permitted to do any work during the\nceremony.\n\n  [17] The mothers also preserve with greatest care the bladders of the\n  mice, ground squirrels, and other small animals killed by the\n  children. These are purified at the same time.\n\nMeanwhile four men,[18] especially chosen for the purpose, scour the\nadjoining country for parsnip stalks. They bind these into small\nbundles, and place them on top of the latorak, the outer vestibule to\nthe entrance of the kasgi. In the evening they take these into the\nkasgi, open the bundles and spread out the stalks on the floor. Then\neach hunter takes a stalk, and they unite in a song to the parsnip,\nthe burden of which is a request that the stalks may become dry and\nuseful for purification. The heat of the seal oil lamps soon dries\nthem, and they are tied into one large bundle. The third day the sheaf\nis opened, and two bundles made. The larger one is for the use of the\ndancers; the smaller is placed on a spear and stuck in front of the\nbladders.\n\nThe fourth day the bladders are taken down and painted. A grayish\nmixture is used which is obtained by burning a few parsnip stalks and\nmixing the ashes with oil. The designs are the series of bands and\ndots grouped to represent the totems of the hunters. When the paint is\ndry the bladders are returned to their places.\n\nIn the evening the men gather again in the kasgi, and the dancers\nproceed to strip off every vestige of clothing. Snatching a handful of\nstalks at the common pile they light them at the lamps, and join in a\nwild dance about the room. The resinous stalks shoot into flame with a\nfrightful glare, lighting up the naked bodies of the dancers, and\ndusky interior of the kasgi. Waving the flaming torches over their\nheads, leaping, jumping, and screaming like madmen they rush around\nthe room, thrusting the flame among the bladders and then into the\nfaces of the hunters. When the mad scene is at its height, they seize\none another, and struggle toward the pugyarok (entrance hole). Here\neach is thrust down in succession until all the dancers have passed\nthrough. I am informed that this is a pantomime enactment, an\nindication to the inua it is time for them to depart.\n\n  [18] The number four appears to have a sacred significance among the\n  Alaskan Eskimo. The Raven Father (Tulukauguk) waves his wings four\n  times over the objects of his creation; the heroes of ancient legends\n  take four steps and are transported great distances; and important\n  events occur on the fourth night. I understand that the four men who\n  gather the wild parsnips represent the four clans of the tribe.\n\nThe next day a hole is made in the ice near the kasgi, and each hunter\ndips his spear in the water, and, running back to the kasgi, stirs up\nthe bladders with it. The presence of the sea water reminds the inua\nof their former home, and they make ready to depart. The bladders are\nthen tied into one large bundle, and the people await the full moon.\n\nAt sunrise the morning after the full moon each hunter takes his load\nof bladders, and filing out of the kasgi starts for the hole in the\nice on a dead run. Arriving there, he tears off the bladders one by\none, and thrusts them under the water. This signifies the return of\nthe inua to the sea.\n\nAs the bladders float or sink success is prophesied for the hunter by\nthe shaman in attendance.\n\nIn the meantime the old men build a fire of driftwood on the ice in\nfront of the kasgi. The small bundle of parsnip stalks which stood in\nfront of the bladders is brought out and thrown on the fire, and as\nthe stalks kindle to the flame, each hunter utters a shout, takes a\nshort run, and leaps through in turn. This performance purifies the\nhunter of any matter offensive to the inua, and concludes the\nceremony.\n\nDuring the Bladder Feast all intercourse between the married men and\ntheir wives is tabooed. They are required to sleep in the kasgi with\nthe bachelors. Neither is any girl who has attained puberty\n(Wingiktoak) allowed near the bladders. She is unclean (Wahok).\n\n\nTHE FEASTS TO THE DEAD\n\nThe Eskimo idea of the life after death and the rationale for their\nmost important ritual, the Feast to the Dead, is nowhere better\nillustrated than in a quaint tale current along the Yukon, in which\nthe heroine, prematurely buried during a trancelike sleep, visited the\nLand of the Dead. She was rudely awakened from her deathlike slumber\nby the spirit of her grandmother shaking her and exclaiming, \"Wake up.\nDo not sleep the hours away. You are dead!\" Arising from her grave\nbox, the maiden was conducted by her guide to the world beneath, where\nthe dead had their dwellings in large villages grouped according to\nthe localities from which they came. Even the animal shades were not\nforgotten, but inhabited separate communities in human shape.[19]\nAfter some travel the girl found the village allotted to her tribe,\nand was reclaimed by her departed relatives. She was recognized by the\ntotem marks on her clothing, which in ancient times the Eskimo always\nwore. She found the inmates of this region leading a pleasant but\nsomewhat monotonous life, free from hardships and from the sleet and\ncold of their earthly existence. They returned to the upper world\nduring the feasts to the dead, when they received the spiritual\nessence of the food and clothing offered to their namesakes[20] by\nrelatives. According to the generosity or stinginess of the feast\ngivers there was a feast or a famine in spirit land, and those who\nwere so unfortunate as to have no namesake, either through their own\ncarelessness[21] or the neglect of the community,[22] went hungry and\nnaked. This was the worst calamity that could befall an Eskimo, hence\nthe necessity of providing a namesake and of regularly feeding and\nclothing the same, in the interest of the beloved dead.\n\n  [19] The shapes of animals are thought by the Alaskan Eskimo to be\n  like those of men, and in ancient times animals possessed the power of\n  changing their forms at will. This was effected by pulling the muzzle\n  up over the head to become people or of pulling it down again to\n  regain their original form.\n\n  [20] The first child born in the village after his death becomes the\n  deceased's namesake. However, if born in camp, its mother gives it the\n  name of the first natural object to catch her eye.\n\n  [21] Childless people provide for this contingency by adoption.\n\n  [22] One who has made himself odious to his fellow villagers is\n  purposely neglected in the feasts to the dead.\n\n\n\n\nTHE ANNUAL FEAST, AIL['=I]GI\n\n\nThe Annual Feast to the Dead is a temporary arrangement, whereby the\nshades of those recently departed are sustained until the advent of\nthe Great Feast to the Dead. The essence of the offerings of food and\ndrink are supposed to satisfy the wants of the dead until they can be\nproperly honored in the Great Festival. In the latter event the\nrelative discharges all his social obligations to the dead, and the\nghost is furnished with such an abundance that it can never want in\nthe world below.\n\nThe makers of the feast (n['ae]skut) are the nearest relatives of those\nwho have died during the past year, together with those villagers who\nhave not yet given the greater festival. The day before the festival\nthe male mourners go to the village burial ground and plant a newly\nmade stake before the grave of their relative. The stake is surmounted\nby a wooden model of a spear, if the deceased be a man; or a wooden\ndish, if it be a woman. The totem mark of the deceased is carved upon\nit. In the north simple models of kayak paddles suffice. The sticks\nare a notification to the spirits in the land of the dead that the\ntime for the festival is at hand. Accordingly they journey to the\ngrave boxes, where they wait, ready to enter the kasgi at the song of\ninvocation. To light their way from the other world lamps are brought\ninto the kasgi and set before their accustomed places. When the\ninvitation song arises they leave their graves and take their places\nin the fireplace (Kenethluk), where they enjoy the songs and dances,\nand receive the offerings of their relatives.\n\nThe Annual Feast is celebrated after the Bladder Feast during the\nDecember moon. By the Yukon tribes it is repeated just before the\nopening of spring. During the day of the festival a taboo is placed on\nall work in the village, particularly that done with any sharp pointed\ntool which might wound some wandering ghost and bring retribution on\nthe people.\n\nAt midday the whole village gathers in the kasgi, and the ceremony\nbegins. Soon the mourners enter bearing great bowls of food and drink\nwhich they deposit in the doorway. Then the chorus leader arises and\nbegins the song of invitation accompanied by the relatives of the\ndead. It is a long minor chant, a constant reiteration of a few well\nworn phrases.\n\n    \"Tukomalra-[=a]-, tung lik-a,   tis-ka-a a-a-yung-a-a-yung-a, etc.\n     Dead ones, next of kin,        come hither,\n\n     Tuntum komuga thetamtatuk,     moqkapik thetamtatuk moqsulthka.\n     Reindeer meat we bring you,    water we bring you for your thirst.\"\n\nWhen the song is completed the mourners arise, and going to the food\nin the doorway set it on the planks over the fireplace, after which\nthey take a ladleful from each dish pouring it through the cracks in\nthe floor, and the essence of this offering supplies the shades below\nwith food until the next festival. The remainder of the food is\ndistributed among those present. When the feast is over, the balance\nof the day is given over to songs and dances. Then the spirits are\nsent back to their homes by the simple expedient of stamping on the\nfloor.\n\n\n\n\nTHE GREAT FEAST, AITHUK['=A]TUKHTUK\n\n\nAfter making offerings to his relative at the annual feast the chief\nmourner begins saving up his skins, frozen meat, and other delicacies\nprized by the Eskimo, until, in the course of years, he has\naccumulated an enormous amount of food and clothing. Then he is\nprepared to give the great feast in honor of his kinsman. Others in\nthe village, who are bereaved, have been doing the same thing. They\nmeet and agree on a certain time to celebrate the feast together\nduring the ensuing year. The time chosen is usually in January after\nthe local feasts are over, and visitors from neighboring tribes are\nfree to attend. There are no set intervals between these feasts as has\nbeen generally supposed. They are celebrated at irregular intervals\naccording to the convenience of the givers.\n\nAt the minor festival preceding the Great Feast, the usual invitation\nstakes planted before the dead are supplemented by others placed\nbefore the graves of those in whose honor the festival is to be given.\nOn these is a painted model of the totemic animals of the deceased.\nThe feast giver sings an especial song of invitation, requesting the\ndead kinsman to be present at the approaching feast.\n\nOn the first day of the Great Feast the villagers welcome the guests.\nEarly in the morning they begin to arrive. The messenger goes out on\nthe ice and leads them into the village, showing each where to tie his\nteam. During the first day the guests are fed in the kasgi. They have\nthe privilege of demanding any delicacy they wish. After this they are\nquartered on various homes in the village. Salmon or meat must also\nbe provided for their dogs. This is no small item, and often taxes the\nresources of a village to the utmost. I have known of a village so\npoor after a period of prolonged hospitality that it was reduced to\nstarvation rations for the rest of the winter.\n\nImmediately on tying up their dogs, the guests go to the kasgi. On\nentering each one cries in set phraseology, \"Ah-ka-ka- Piatin,\nPikeyutum.\" \"Oh, ho! Look here! A trifling present.\" He throws his\npresent on a common pile in front of the headman, who distributes them\namong the villagers. It is customary to make the presents appear as\nlarge as possible. One fellow has a bolt of calico which he unwinds\nthrough the entrance hole, making a great display. It may be thirty\nyards long. Sometimes they accompany the gift with a short dance. It\nis considered bad form for one coming from a distance[23] not to make\nthe usual present, as in this way he purchases the right to join in\nthe festival dances.\n\n  [23] During the inter-tribal festivals, guests are given seats of\n  honor next to the headman of the village according to the distance\n  from which they have come. The back of the room (kaan), the place of\n  honor, is reserved for this purpose.\n\nAs soon as all are gathered in the kasgi, a feast is brought in for\nthe tired travelers. Kantags of sealmeat, the blackskin of the\nbowhead, salmon berries swimming in oil, greens from the hillsides,\nand pot after pot of tea take off the edge of hunger. After gorging\nthemselves, the guests seem incapable of further exertion, and the\nremainder of the day is spent in visiting.\n\n\nTHE FEAST GIVERS\n\nThe feast givers or n['ae]skut assemble in the kasgi the second day,\nand the ceremony proper begins. They range themselves around the\npugyarok or entrance, the chorus and guests occupying the back of the\nroom and the spectators packing themselves against the walls.\n\nEach feast giver is garbed according to the sex of his dead relative,\nnot his own, so that some men wear women's clothes and vice versa.\nEach bears in his right hand a wand about two feet long\n(Kelezruk).[24] This is a small stick of wood surmounted with tufts of\ndown from ptarmigan (Okozregewik). All are dressed to represent the\ntotem to which the deceased belongs. One wears a fillet and armlet of\nwolfskin (Egoalik); others wear armlets of ermine (Tareak); still\nothers are crowned with feathers of the raven (Tulua) or the hawk\n(Tciakauret).[25] After a short dance they withdraw and the day's\nceremony is finished.\n\n  [24] The same arrangement characterizes the finger masks of the\n  Inviting-In Dance. (Kiggilunok), meaning wand, in southern dialect.\n\n  [25] Southern dialect. Akkizhzhigik, Ptarmigan. Teibuviak, hawk;\n  Tulukauguk, meaning raven.\n\nThe following day the n['ae]skut assemble again, but they have doffed\ntheir fine feathers, and are dressed in their oldest clothes. The\nsuits of the day before they carry in a grass sack. They wear\nraincoats of sealgut tied about the waist with a belt of dogskin, and\nenter the kasgi with eyes cast on the floor. Even in the dances they\nkeep their faces from the audience.\n\nThis attitude of humility is in accord with Eskimo ethics. They say\nthat if they adopt a boastful air and fail to give as many presents as\nthe other n['ae]skut they will be ashamed. So they safeguard themselves\nin advance.\n\n\nTHE RITUAL\n\nAdvancing with downcast eyes, the n['ae]skut creep softly across the\nkasgi and take their places before the funeral lamps. Then taking out\ntheir festival garments, they slip them on. Immediately the drummers\nstart tapping lightly on their drums, and at a signal from their\nleader the song of invitation begins. Each n['ae]skuk advances in turn,\ninvoking the presence of his dead in a sad minor strain.\n\n    Toakora ilyuga takina\n    Dead brother, come hither\n    A-yunga-ayunga-a-yunga.\n\nOr:\n\n    Nuleaga awunga toakora\n    Sister mine, dead one,\n    Takina, nuleaga, takina,\n    Come hither, sister, come hither.\n\nOr:\n\n    Akaga awunga takina\n    Mother mine, come hither.\n    Nanaktuk, takina,\n    We wait for you, come hither.\n\nTo which the chorus answer:\n\n    Ilyuga awunga takina,\n    Our brother, come hither,\n    Takinaka, ilyuga, takinaka,\n    Return, dead brother, return.\n\nThe women advance in line, holding their wands in the right hand, and\nsinging in unison; then the men advance in their turn, then both\nn['ae]skut and chorus sing together:\n\n    Takinaka, awunga, tungalika,\n    Return to us, our dead kinsmen,\n    Nanakatuk, kineaktuk tungal[i=]ka\n    We wait your home coming, our dead kinsmen.\n\nSuddenly the drummers cease and rap sharply on the in['g]lak with\ntheir drumsticks. The dancers stop in the midst of their movements and\nstamp on the floor, first with one foot then with the other, placing\ntheir hands on their shoulders, bringing them down over their bodies\nas though wiping off some unseen thing. Then they slap their thighs\nand sit down. I am informed that this is to \"wipe off\" any uncleanness\n(wahok) that might offend the shades of the dead.\n\nThen the namesakes of the dead troop into the kasgi, and take their\nplaces in the center of the room between the two lines. To each, the\nn['ae]skuk hands a bowl of water and a kantag of frozen reindeer meat\ncut into small pieces. The namesakes drop a small portion of the meat\non the floor. The essence is evidently thought to pass below to the\nwaiting inua. Then they finish the remainder. At the same time a large\namount of frozen meat and fish is brought in and distributed among the\nguests. This is done at the end of each day.\n\nThe fourth day the chorus leader mounts the top of the kasgi and\nbegins again the invitation song. The people scatter to the burying\nground or to the ice along the shore according to the spot where they\nhave lain their dead. They dance among the grave boxes so that the\nshades who have returned to them, when not in the kasgi, may see that\nthey are doing them honor.\n\nDuring the dancing the children of the village gather in the kasgi,\ncarrying little kantags and sealskin sacks. The women on returning\nbring great bags of frozen blueberries and reindeer fat, commonly\ncalled \"Eskimo Ice Cream,\" with which they fill the bowls of the\nchildren, but the young rogues immediately slip their portions into\ntheir sacks (poksrut) and hold out their dishes for more, crying in a\ndeafening chorus, \"Wunga-T['=u]k\" (Me too). This part of the festival\nis thoroughly enjoyed by the Eskimo, who idolize their children.\n\nAt the conclusion of the day's feast many presents are given away by\nthe n['ae]skut, the husbands of the female feast givers distributing\nthem for the ladies, who assume a bashful air. During the distribution\nthe n['ae]skut maintain their deprecatory attitude and pass disparaging\nremarks on their gifts. Sometimes the presents are attached to a long\nline of oklinok (seal thong) which the n['ae]skut haul down through the\nsmokehole, making the line appear as long as possible. At the same\ntime they sing in a mournful key bewailing their relative:\n\n    Ah-ka- ilyuga toakora, takin,\n    Oh! oh! dead brother, return,\n    Utiktutatuk, ilyuga awunga,\n    Return to us, our brother,\n    Illearuqtutuk, ilyuga,\n    We miss you, dear brother,\n    Pikeyutum, kokitutuk,\n    A trifling present we bring you.\n\n\nTHE CLOTHING OF THE NAMESAKES\n\nThe following day occurs the clothing of the namesakes. This is\nsymbolical of clothing the dead, who ascend into the bodies of their\nnamesakes during the ceremony and take on the spiritual counterpart of\nthe clothing.\n\nAfter a grand distribution of presents by the n['ae]skut, bags of fine\nclothing are lowered to the feast givers and the namesakes take the\ncenter of the floor, in front of their relatives, the feast givers.\nThen each n['ae]skuk calls out to the particular namesake of his dead\nkinsman: \"[=I]takin, illorahug-naka,\" \"Come hither, my beloved,\" and\nproceeds to remove the clothing of the namesake and put on an entirely\nnew suit of mukluks, trousers, and parka, made of the finest furs.\nThen the feast giver gathers up the discarded clothing, and stamps\nvigorously on the floor, bidding the ghost begone to its resting\nplace. It goes, well satisfied, and the dancers disperse until another\ngreat festival. Until the feast is concluded no one can leave the\nvillage.\n\n\n\n\nTHE INVITING-IN FESTIVAL\n\n\nThe Inviting-In Festival (Aithukaguk) is a great inter-tribal feast,\nsecond in importance to the Great Feast to the Dead. It is a\ncelebration on invitation from one tribe to her neighbors when\nsufficient provisions have been collected. It takes place late in the\nseason, after the other festivals are over. Neighboring tribes act as\nhosts in rotation, each striving to outdo the other in the quality and\nquantity of entertainment offered. During this festival the dramatic\npantomime dances for which the Alaskan Eskimo are justly famous, are\nperformed by especially trained actors. For several days the dances\ncontinue, each side paying the forfeit as they lose in the dancing\ncontests. In this respect the representations are somewhat similar to\nthe nith contests of the Greenlanders. As I have noticed the dances at\nlength elsewhere,[26] I shall only give a brief survey here,\nsufficient to show their place in the Eskimo festival dances.\n\n  [26] Canadian Geological Survey. Memoir 45. The \"Inviting-In\" Feast\n  of the Alaskan Eskimo.\n\nThe main dances of the Inviting-In Festival are totemic in character,\nperformed by trained actors to appease the totems of the hunters, and\ninsure success for the coming season. These are danced in pantomime\nand depict the life of arctic animals, the walrus, raven, bear,\nptarmigan, and others. Then there are group dances which illustrate\nhunting scenes, like the Reindeer and Wolf Pack dance already\ndescribed, also dances of a purely comic character, designed for the\nentertainment of the guests. During the latter performances the side\nwhich laughs has to pay a forfeit.\n\nElaborate masks are worn in all of the dances. The full paraphernalia,\nmasks, handmasks, fillets, and armlets, are worn by the chief actors.\nThey are supported by richly garbed assistants. An old shaman acts as\nmaster of ceremonies. There is an interchange of presents between the\ntribes during the intervals but not between individuals, as in the\nAsking Festival. At the close of the festival the masks are burned.\n\n\n\n\nKEY TO PLATE XI\n\n    A--Outer Vestibule. (L[=a]'tor[)a]k.)\n    B--Summer Entrance. (Am[=e]k'.)\n    C--Front Platform. (['=O]aklim.) Seat of Orphans and Worthless.\n    D--Plank Floor. (N[=a]'t[=u]k.)\n    E--Rear Platform. (K[=a]'an.) Seat of Honored Guests.\n    F--Smoke Hole. ([.R]a'l[)o]k.) Entrance for Gift-lines.\n    G--Entrance Hole. (Pug'y[)a]r[)a]k.)\n    H--Fireplace. (K[=e]ne'thluk.) Seat of Spirit-Guests.\n    I--Underground Tunnel. (Ag'v[=e]ak.)\n    J--Side Platforms. (K['=a]aklim.) Seats for Spectators.\n    K--Chorus of Drummers.\n    L--Feast Givers. (Nae'skut.)\n    M--Namesakes of Dead.\n\n [Illustration: ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI PLATE XI\n                Arrangement of Kasgi during the Great Feast to the Dead.\n                THE KASGI OR DANCE HOUSE.]\n\n\n\n\nKEY TO PLATE XII\n\n    A--First Movement. The Chief's Son, Okvaiok is dancing.\n\n    B--Second Movement.\n\n [Illustration: ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI PLATE XII\n                A\n                B\n                MEN'S DANCE]\n\n\n\n\nKEY TO PLATE XIII\n\n    C--Third Movement.\n\n    D--Fourth Movement.\n\n [Illustration: ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI PLATE XIII\n                C\n                D\n                MEN'S DANCE]\n\n\n\n\nKEY TO PLATE XIV\n\n    Children's Dance.\n\n    The Chorus. Leader in Center Beating Time With an Ermine Stick.\n\n [Illustration: ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI PLATE XIV\n                CHILDREN'S DANCE\n                THE CHORUS]\n\n\n\n\nKEY TO PLATE XV\n\n    Women's Dance.\n\n [Illustration: ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI PLATE XV\n                WOMEN'S DANCE]","title":"The Dance Festivals of the Alaskan Eskimo","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":9627}