{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_30750/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_30750","id":"gutenberg_30750","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/30750","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Psychiatry/Psychology","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Phallicism","Sex -- Religious aspects","Symbolism"],"text":"Produced by Bryan Ness, Stephanie Eason, and the Online\nDistributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. (This\nfile was produced from images generously made available\nby The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n  THE SEX WORSHIP AND\n  SYMBOLISM OF PRIMITIVE\n  RACES\n\n  AN INTERPRETATION\n\n  BY\n  SANGER BROWN II., M. D.\n\n  _Assistant Physician, Bloomingdale Hospital_\n\n  _With an Introduction by James H. Leuba_\n\n\n  BOSTON: RICHARD G. BADGER\n  TORONTO: THE COPP CLARK CO., LIMITED\n\n\n\n  _Copyright 1916, by Richard G. Badger_\n  _All rights reserved_\n\n  _The Gorham Press, Boston, U. S. A._\n\n\n\n  DEDICATED TO MY WIFE\n  HELEN WILLISTON BROWN\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE\n\n\nThe greater part of the first three chapters of this book appeared in\nthe _Journal of Abnormal Psychology_ in the December-January number of\n1915-16 and the February-March number of 1916. This material is\nreprinted here by the kind permission of the Editor of that Journal.\nThis part of the subject is chiefly historical and the data here given\nis accessible as indicated by the references throughout the text,\nalthough many of these books are difficult to secure or are out of\nprint. For this historical material I am particularly indebted to the\nwritings of Hargrave Jennings, Richard Payne Knight and Doctor Thomas\nInman. Most of the reference matter coming under the general heading of\nNature Worship was obtained from comparatively recent sources, such as\nthe publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology, of the Smithsonian\nInstitute, and certain publications of the American Museum of Natural\nHistory. Frazer's _Golden Bough_ and other writings of J. G. Frazer on\nAnthropology furnished much valuable information. The writings of\nspecial investigators, among others those of Spencer, and A. W. Howitt,\non Primitive Australian Tribes, and W. H. R. Rivers on the Todas have\nbeen freely drawn upon. A number of other books and references have been\nmade use of, as indicated throughout the text. I have found two books by\nMiss J. Harrison, _i. e._, _Themis_ and _Ancient Art and Ritual_, of\ngreat value in interpreting primitive ceremonies and primitive customs\nin general.\n\nMy main object has been to give the life history of a primitive motive\nin the development of the race, and to emphasize the dynamic\nsignificance of this motive. Later other motives may be dealt with in\nmore detail if it is proved that both in normal and abnormal psychology\nwe may best understand the mental development of the individual through\nour knowledge of the development of the race.\n\nI wish to take this opportunity to express my appreciation of the\nassistance rendered me by my wife.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\n  CHAPTER                                               PAGE\n\n     I Simple Sex Worship                                 13\n\n    II Symbolism                                          34\n\n   III Sun Myths, Mysteries and Decadent Sex Worship      69\n\n    IV Interpretations                                    96\n\n       References and Bibliography                       137\n\n       Index                                             141\n\n\n\n\nINTRODUCTION\n\n\nOur knowledge of religion receives contributions from every quarter;\neven the student of mental diseases finds information that is of service\nto the student of religion. The reverse is equally true: a knowledge of\nreligion sheds light upon even the science of mental disorders.\n\nIn this short book, a psychiatrist seeks in the study of one aspect of\nreligious practice--the worship of the procreating power--to gain a\nclearer understanding of the forms taken by certain kinds of mental\ndiseases. His theory is that we may expect diseased minds to reproduce,\nor return to expressions of desire customary and official in societies\nof lower culture. This is, as a matter of fact, less a theory than a\nstatement of observed facts; of this, the reader of these pages, if\nfamiliar with certain mental disorders, may readily convince himself.\n\nBut Doctor Brown's intention is not merely, perhaps not primarily, to\ndraw the attention of the Psychiatrist to a neglected source of\ninformation, he aims at something of wider import and addresses a wider\npublic. His purpose is no less than the tracing of the history of that\ngreat motive of action, the sex passion, as it appears in religion and\nthe interpretation of its significance. Those who come to this book\nwithout the preparation of the specialist will find it not only replete\nwith novel and surprising facts, but will find these facts placed in\nsuch a relation to each other and to life in general, as to illuminate\nboth religion and human nature. This important result is made possible\nby the point of view from which the author writes, the point of view of\nracial development which has proved its fertility in so many directions.\n\nJAMES H. LEUBA.\n\n\n\n\n  THE SEX WORSHIP AND\n  SYMBOLISM OF PRIMITIVE RACES:\n  AN INTERPRETATION\n\n\nCHAPTER I\n\nSIMPLE SEX WORSHIP\n\n\nPsychiatry, during recent years, has found it to its advantage to turn\nto related sciences and allied branches of study for the explanation of\na number of the peculiar symptoms of abnormal mental states. Of these\nrelated studies, none have been of greater value than those which throw\nlight on the mental development of either the individual or the race. In\nprimitive races we discover a number of inherent motives which are of\ninterest from the standpoint of mental evolution. These motives are\nexpressed in a very interesting symbolism. It is the duty of the\npsychiatrist to see to what extent these primitive motives operate\nunconsciously in abnormal mental conditions, and also to learn whether\nan insight into the symbolism of mental diseases may be gained, through\ncomparison, by a study of the symbolism of primitive races. In the\nfollowing discussion one particular motive with its accompanying\nsymbolism is dealt with.\n\nA great many of the institutions and usages of our present day\ncivilization originated at a very early period in the history of the\nrace. Many of these usages are carried on in modified form century after\ncentury, after they have lost the meaning which they originally\npossessed; it must be remembered, however, that in primitive races they\nwere of importance, and they arose because they served a useful end.\nFrom the study of these remnants of former days, we are able to learn\nthe trends of thought which activated and inspired the minds of\nprimitive people. When we clearly understand these motives, we may then\njudge the extent of their influence on our present day thought and\ntendencies.\n\nIt has only been during comparatively recent times that the importance\nof primitive beliefs and practices, from the standpoint of mental\nevolution, has been appreciated. Formerly, primitive man was regarded\nmerely as a curiosity, and not as an individual from whom anything of\nany value whatever was to be learned. But more recent studies have\nchanged all this. In order to illustrate this matter of the evolution\nand development of the human mind we can very profitably quote from Sir\nJ. G. Frazer:[1] \"For by comparison with civilized man the savage\nrepresents an arrested or rather a retarded state of social development,\nand an examination of his customs and beliefs accordingly supplies the\nsame sort of evidence of the evolution of the human mind that an\nexamination of the embryo supplies of the evolution of the human body.\nTo put it otherwise, a savage is to a civilized man as a child is to an\nadult; and just as a gradual growth of intelligence in a child\ncorresponds to, and in a sense recapitulates, the gradual growth of\nintelligence in the species, so a study of savage society at various\nstages of evolution enables us to follow approximately, though of course\nnot exactly, the road by which the ancestors of the higher races must\nhave travelled in their progress upward through barbarism to\ncivilization. In short, savagery is the primitive condition of mankind,\nand if we would understand what primitive man was we must know what the\nsavage now is.\"\n\nTo properly interpret these beliefs and conduct, certain facts must be\nkept in mind. One is that with primitive races the group stands for the\nunit, and the individual has little if any personality distinct from the\ngroup. This social state gives rise to what is spoken of as collective\nthought, collective feeling, group action, etc. Miss J. Harrison[2]\nconsiders this conception a very important one in primitive religious\ndevelopment. All that the race expresses, all that it believes, is an\nexpression of collective feeling. As a result of this group thought,\nfeelings and beliefs are developed which are entertained by every\nindividual of the community. These racial feelings become a part of the\nrace itself; they are inseparable from it, and they find expression in\nthe loftiest of sentiments and the most earnest of religious beliefs.\n\nOur study is not primarily concerned with religious development, but\nsince early man's deepest feelings found expression in what later became\na religion, it is necessary to search for racial motives in primitive\nreligions. These feelings are in no way comparable to the conscious\nreligious beliefs of later times, which were worked out in many\ninstances by an ingenious priesthood. The period when group feeling\npredominated far antedated such civilizations as those of Egypt and\nlater Greece, for example, in which very elaborate religious systems\nexisted.\n\nWith primitive people these deeper feelings appear to arise\nunconsciously rather than consciously. Moreover, probably as a result of\ncollective thought and feeling, motives and beliefs are developed and\nelaborated in a way quite beyond the mental capacity of any one\nindividual of the community. Beliefs are formulated which have a\ngrandeur of conception and a beauty of expression well worthy of\nadmiration. The beauty and native vigor of some of the earlier myths are\nexamples of this. They live in the tribe as traditions. No one person\nseems to have written them; in fact, they are added to, changed and\nimproved until they represent the highest expression of national\nfeelings. Gilbert Murray has indicated this in the _Rise of the Greek\nEpic_. He emphasizes that there is found an expression of racial\nfeelings, built up from many sources. Such Sagas are not the property of\nany one individual. The feelings they express are associated with the\nunconscious of the race, if such a term is permissible. Gilbert\nMurray,[3] in interpreting this element in primitive literature states:\n\"We have also, I suspect, a strange unanalyzed vibration below the\nsurface, an undercurrent of desires and fears, and passions, long\nslumbering yet eternally familiar, which have for thousands of years\nlain near the root of our most intimate emotions and been wrought into\nthe fabric of our most magical dreams. How far in the past ages this\nstream may reach back I dare not even surmise; but it sometimes seems as\nif the power of stirring it or moving with it were one of the last\nsecrets of genius.\"\n\nThe importance of the collective or group feeling has been emphasized as\nthereby one sees how a fundamental racial motive becomes an integral\npart of the mental life of each and every member of the group. In\nprimitive life every individual contributes something to this motive and\nin turn receives something from it. It enters into the developing mind\nand becomes inseparably associated with it. In studying the evolution of\nthese motives one is studying the evolution of the human mind.\n\nThe motive which we have undertaken to explain has to do with one of the\nmost important of instincts, _i. e._, that of reproduction. The feelings\nassociated with this instinct were raised to the dignity of religion,\nand in this we have the worship of sex. This worship is to be regarded\nas an unconscious racial expression, the result of group or collective\nfeeling, the dynamic significance of which, from a biological\nstandpoint, will appear later.\n\nBefore proceeding, it is desirable to make reference to some of our\nsources of information. There are plenty of books on the history of\nEgypt, the antiquities of India or on the interpretation of Oriental\ncustoms, which make scarcely any reference to the deification of sex. We\nhave always been told, for example, that Bacchus was the god of the\nharvest and that the Greek Pan was the god of nature. We have not been\ntold that these same gods were representations of the male generative\nattribute, and that they were worshipped as such; yet, anyone who has\naccess to the statuettes or engravings of these various deities of\nantiquity, whether they be of Egypt, of India or of China, cannot fail\nto see that they were intended to represent generative attributes. On\naccount of the incompleteness of many books which describe primitive\nraces, a number of references are given throughout these pages, and some\nbibliographical references are added.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nAs will be presently indicated, we have evidence from a number of\nsources to show sex was at one time frankly and openly worshipped by the\nprimitive races of mankind. This worship has been shown to be so general\nand so wide-spread, that it is to be regarded as part of the general\nevolution of the human mind; it seems to be indigenous with the race,\nrather than an isolated or exceptional circumstance.\n\nThe American Cyclopedia, under Phallic Worship, reads as follows: \"In\nearly ages the sexual emblems were adored as most sacred objects, and in\nthe several polytheistic systems the act or principle of which the\nphallus was the type was represented by a deity to whom it was\nconsecrated: in Egypt by Khem, in India by Siva, in Assyria by Vul, in\nprimitive Greece by Pan, and later by Priapus, in Italy by Mutinus or\nPriapus, among the Teutonic and Scandinavian nations by Fricco, and in\nSpain by Hortanes. Phallic monuments and sculptured emblems are found in\nall parts of the world.\"\n\nRawlinson, in his history of Ancient Egypt, gives us the following\ndescription of Khem: \"A full Egyptian idea of Khem can scarcely be\npresented to the modern reader, on account of the grossness of the forms\nunder which it was exhibited. Some modern Egyptologists endeavor to\nexcuse or palliate this grossness; but it seems scarcely possible that\nit should not have been accompanied by indelicacy of thought or that it\nshould have failed to exercise a corrupting influence on life and\nmorals. Khem, no doubt, represented to the initiated merely the\ngenerative power in nature, or that strange law by which living\norganisms, animal and vegetable, are enabled to reproduce their like.\nBut who shall say in what exact light he presented himself to the\nvulgar, who had continually before their eyes the indecent figures under\nwhich the painters and sculptors portrayed him? As impure ideas and\nrevolting practices clustered around the worship of Pan in Greece and\nlater Rome, so it is more than probable that in the worship of Khem in\nEgypt were connected similar excesses. Besides his priapic or\n'Ithyphallic' form, Khem's character was marked by the assignment to him\nof the goat as his symbol, and by his ordinary title _Ka-mutf_, 'The\nBull of His Mother,' _i. e._, of nature.\"\n\nThis paragraph clearly indicates that the sexual organs were worshipped\nunder the form of Khem by the Egyptians. The writer, however, has fallen\ninto a very common error in giving us to understand that this was a\ndegraded form of worship; from numerous other sources it is readily\nshown that such is not the case.\n\nThe following lines, from _Ancient Sex Worship_, substantiate the above\nremarks, and at the same time, they show the incompleteness of the\nwritings of many antiquarians. In this book we read: \"Phallic emblems\nabounded at Heliopolis and Syria and many other places, even into modern\ntimes. The following unfolds marvelous proof to our point. A brother\nphysician, writing to Dr. Inman, says: 'I was in Egypt last winter\n(1865-66), and there certainly are numerous figures of gods and kings on\nthe walls of the temple at Thebes, depicted with the male genital erect.\nThe great temple at Karnac is, in particular, full of such figures and\nthe temple of Danclesa, likewise, although that is of much later date,\nand built merely in imitation of old Egyptian art.'\" The writer further\nstates that this shows how completely English Egyptologists have\nsuppressed a portion of the facts in the histories which they have given\nto the world. With all our descriptions of the wonderful temple of\nKarnac, it is remarkable that all mention of its association with sex\nworship should be omitted by many writers.\n\nA number of travellers in Africa, even in comparatively modern times,\nhave observed evidences of sex worship among the primitive races of that\ncontinent. Captain Burton[4] speaks of this custom with the Dahome\ntribe. Small gods of clay are made in priapic attitudes before which\nthe natives worship. The god is often made as if contemplating its\nsexual organs. Another traveler, a clergyman,[5] has described the same\nworship in this tribe. He has observed idols in priapic attitudes,\nrudely carved in wood, and others made of clay. On the lower Congo the\nsame worship is described, where both male and female figures with\ndisproportionate genital organs are used for purposes of worship.\nPhallic symbols and other offerings are made to these simple deities.\n\nDefinite examples of the sexual act having religious significance may be\ncited. Richard Payne Knight[6] quotes a passage from Captain Cook's\nvoyages to one of the Southern Pacific Islands. The Missionaries of the\nexpedition on this occasion assembled the members of the party for\nreligious ceremonies in which the natives joined. The primitive natives\nobserved the ceremony with great respect and then with due solemnity\nenacted their form of sacred worship. Quite to the astonishment of the\nwhite people, this ceremony consisted of the open performance of the\nsexual act by a young Indian man and woman. This was entirely a\nreligious ceremony, and was fittingly respected by all the natives\npresent.\n\nHargrave Jennings[7] describes the same custom in India. An Indian woman\nof designated caste and vocation is selected. Many incantations and\nstrange rites are gone through. A circle, or \"Vacant Enchanted Place\" is\nrendered pure by certain rites and sprinkled with wine. Then secret\ncharms are whispered three times in the woman's ear. The sexual act is\nthen consummated, and the whole procedure before the altar is distinctly\na form of sacrifice and worship.\n\nHodder M. Westropp in _Primitive Symbolism_ has indicated the countries\nin which sex worship has existed. He gives numerous instances in ancient\nEgypt, Assyria, Greece and Rome. In India, as well as in China and\nJapan, it forms the basis of early religions. This worship is described\namong the early races of Greece, Italy, Spain, Scandinavia, and among\nthe Mexicans and Peruvians of America as well. In Borneo, Tasmania, and\nAustralia phallic emblems have been found. Many other localities have\nbeen mentioned by this writer and one seems fairly justified in\nconcluding that sex worship is regularly found at one time in the\ndevelopment of primitive races. We shall now pass to another form of\nthis same worship, namely, sacred prostitution.\n\nThere is abundant evidence to show that there was a time in the\ncenturies before Christ when prostitution was held as a most sacred\nvocation. We learn of this practice from many sources. It appears that\ntemples in a number of ancient cities of the East, in Babylonia,\nNineveh, Corinth and throughout India, were erected for the worship of\ncertain deities. This worship consisted of the prostitution of women.\nThe women were consecrated to the support of the temple. They were\nchosen in much the same way as the modern woman enters a sacred church\norder. The returns from their vocation went to the support of the deity\nand the temple. The children born of such a union were in no way held in\ndisgrace, but on the contrary, they appeared to have formed a separate\nand rather superior class. We are told that this practice did not\ninterfere with a woman's opportunities for subsequent marriage. In India\nthe practice was very general at one time. The women were called the\n\"Women of the Idol.\" Richard Payne Knight speaks of a thousand sacred\nprostitutes living in each of the temples at Eryx and Corinth.\n\nA custom which shows even more clearly that prostitution was held as a\nsacred duty to women was that in Babylonia every woman, of high rank or\nlow, must at one time in her life prostitute herself to any stranger who\noffered money. In _Ancient Sex Worship_ we read: \"There was a temple in\nBabylonia where every female had to perform once in her life a (to us)\nstrange act of religion, namely, prostitution with a stranger. The name\nof it was Bit-Shagatha, or 'The Temple,' the 'Place of Union.'\" Moreover\nwe learn that once a woman entered the temple for such a sacred act she\ncould not leave until it was performed.\n\nThe above accounts deal exclusively in the sacrifice made by women to\nthe deity of sex. Men did not escape this sacrifice and it appears that\nsome inflicted upon themselves an even worse one. Frazer[8] tells us of\nthis worship which was introduced from Assyria into Rome about two\nhundred years before Christ. It was the worship of Cybele and Attis.\nThese deities were attended by emasculated priests and the priests in\noriental costume paraded Rome in religious ceremony.\n\nOn one occasion, namely, \"the day of blood\" in the Spring, the chief\nceremony was held. This, among other things, consisted in fastening an\neffigy of the god to a pine tree, which was brought to the temple of the\nGoddess Cybele. A most spectacular dance about the effigy then occurred\nin which the priests slashed themselves with knives, the blood being\noffered as sacrifice. As the excitement increased the sexual nature of\nthe ceremony became evident. To quote from Frazer: \"For man after man,\nhis veins throbbing with the music, his eyes fascinated by the sight of\nstreaming blood, flung his garments from him, leaped forth with a shout,\nand seizing one of the swords which stood ready for the service,\ncastrated himself on the spot. Then he ran through the city holding the\nbloody parts in his hands and threw them into one of the houses which he\npassed in his mad career.\"\n\nWe see that this act directly corresponds with the part played by the\nfemale. The female prostituted herself, and the male presented his\ngenerative powers to the deity. Both the sacred prostitutes and\nemasculated priests were held in religious veneration.\n\nThe above references are sufficient to show that a simple form of sex\nworship has been quite generally found. It becomes apparent as we\nproceed that the worship of sex not only plays a part, but a very\nprominent part, in the developing mind of man. In the frank and open\nform of this worship it is quite clear that we are dealing with a very\nsimple type of mind. These primitive people exhibit many of the\nqualities of the child. They are quite without sex consciousness. Their\nmotives are at once both simple and direct, and they are doubtless\nsincere. Much misunderstanding has arisen by judging such primitive\npeople by the standards of our present day civilization. Sex worship,\nwhile it held sway was probably quite as seriously entertained as many\nother beliefs; it only became degraded during a decadent age, when\ncivilization had advanced beyond such simple conceptions of a deity, but\nhad not evolved a satisfactory substitute.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II\n\nSYMBOLISM\n\n\nAs civilization advanced, the deification of sex was no longer frank and\nopen. It came to be carried on by means of symbolism. This symbolism was\nan effort on the part of its originators to express the worship of the\ngenerative attributes under disguise, often understood only by the\npriests or by those initiated into the religious mysteries. The\nmysteries so frequently referred to in the religions of antiquity are\noften some expression of sex worship.\n\nSexual symbolism was very general at one time and remains of it are\nfound in most of the countries where any form of sex worship has\nexisted. Such remains have been found in Egypt, Greece, Italy, India,\nChina, Japan, and indeed in most countries the early history of which is\nknown to man.\n\nOne important kind of symbolism had to do with the _form_ of the object\ndeified. Thus, it appears that certain objects,--particularly upright\nobjects,--stones, mounds, poles, trees, etc., were erected, or used as\nfound in nature, as typifying the male generative organ. Likewise\ncertain round or oval objects, discs, certain fruits and certain natural\ncaves, were worshipped as representing the female generative organ. (The\nyoni of India.)\n\nWe also find that certain _qualities of animal or vegetable_ nature were\nequally venerated, not because of their form, but because they stood for\nsome quality desirable in the generation of mankind. Thus we find that\nsome animals--the bull because of its strength and aggressive nature,\nthe snake, perhaps because of its form or of its tenacity of life,--were\nmale representatives of phallic significance. Likewise the fish, the\ndolphin, and a number of other aquatic creatures came to be female\nrepresentatives. This may be shown over and over again by reference to\nthe antique emblems, coins, and engravings of many nations.\n\nAnother later symbolism, which was adopted by certain philosophies, was\nmore obscure but was none the less of distinct sexual significance.\n_Fire_ is made to represent the male principle, and _water_, and much\nconnected with it, the female. Thus we have Venus, born of the Sea, and\naccompanied by numerous fish representations. Fire worship was secondary\nto the universally found sun worship. The sun is everywhere the male\nprinciple, standing for the generative power in nature. At one time the\nsymbolism is broad, and refers to generative nature in general. At\nanother time it refers solely to the human generative organs. Thus, the\nGreek God Hermes, the God of Fecundity in nature, is at times\nrepresented in unmistakable priapic attitudes.\n\nStill another symbolism was often used in India. This was the addition\nof a number of members to the deity, possibly a number of arms or heads.\nThis was in order to express a number of qualities. Thus the deity was\nboth generator and destroyer, one face showing benevolence and kindness,\nthe other violence and rage. In many of the deities both male and\nfemale principles were represented in one,--an Androgyne deity--which\nwas an ideal frequently attempted. The idea that these grotesque deities\nwere merely the expression of eccentricity or caprice on the part of\ntheir originator is not to be entertained. Richard Payne Knight has\npointed out that they occur almost entirely on national coins and\nemblems, and so were the expression of an established belief.\n\nWe shall refer first to the simpler symbols, those in which an object\nwas deified because of its form.\n\nIt is perhaps not remarkable that _upright objects_ should be selected\nbecause of their form as the simplest expression of phallic ideas. The\nsimple upright for purposes of sex worship is universally found. An\nupright conical stone is frequently mentioned. Many of the stone idols\nor pillars, the worship of which was forbidden by the Bible, come under\nthis group. Likewise, the obelisk, found not only in Egypt, but in\nmodified forms in many other countries as well, embodies the same\nphallic principle. The usual explanation of the obelisk is that it\nrepresented the rays of the sun striking the earth; when we speak of sun\nworship later, we shall see that this substantiates rather than refutes\nthe phallic interpretation. The mounds of religious significance, found\nin many countries, were associated with sex worship. The Chinese pagodas\nare probably of phallic origin. Indeed, there is evidence to show that\nthe spires of our Churches owe their existence to the uprights or\nobelisks outside the Temples of former ages. A large volume has been\nwritten by O'Brien to show that the Round Towers of Ireland (upright\ntowers of prehistoric times) were erected as phallic emblems. Higgins,\nin the Anacalipsis, has amassed a great wealth of material with similar\npurport, and he shows that such \"temples\" as that of Stonehenge and\nothers were also phallic. The stone idols of Mexico and Peru, the\nancient pillar stones of Brittany, and in fact all similar upright\nobjects, erected for religious purposes the world over, are placed in\nthis same category. We shall presently give a number of references to\nshow that the May-pole was associated with phallic worship and that it\noriginated at a very remote period.\n\nWe shall now quote from some of the authors who have contributed to our\nknowledge of this form of symbolism, as thereby a clear idea of their\nmeaning may be set forth. These interpretations are not generally\nadvanced, and therefore we have added considerable corroborative\nevidence which we have been able to obtain from independent sources.\n\nIn an Essay on the Assyrian \"Grove\" and other Emblems, Mr. John Newton\nsums up the basis of this symbolism as follows: \"As civilization\nadvanced, the gross symbols of creative power were cast aside, and\npriestly ingenuity was taxed to the utmost in inventing a crowd of less\nobvious emblems, which should represent the ancient ideas in a decorous\nmanner. The old belief was retained, but in a mysterious or sublimated\nform. As symbols of the male, or active element in creation, the sun,\nlight, fire, a torch, the phallus or lingam, an erect serpent, a tall\nstraight tree, especially the palm or fir or pine, were adopted. Equally\nuseful for symbolism were a tall upright stone (menhir), a cone, a\npyramid, a thumb or finger pointed straight, a mask, a rod, a trident, a\nnarrow bottle or amphora, a bow, an arrow, a lance, a horse, a bull, a\nlion, and many other animals conspicuous for masculine power. As symbols\nof the female, the passive though fruitful element in creation, the\ncrescent moon, the earth, darkness, water, and its emblem, a triangle\nwith the apex downward, \"the yoni\"--the shallow vessel or cup for\npouring fluid into (cratera), a ring or oval, a lozenge, any narrow\ncleft, either natural or artificial, an arch or doorway, were employed.\nIn the same category of symbols came a boat or ship, a female date palm\nbearing fruit, a cow with her calf by her side, a fish, fruits having\nmany seeds, such as the pomegranate, a shell, (concha), a cavern, a\ngarden, a fountain, a bower, a rose, a fig, and other things of\nsuggestive form, etc.\n\n\"These two great classes of conventional symbols were often represented\n_in conjunction_ with each other, and thus symbolized in the highest\ndegree the great source of life, ever originating, ever renewed.... A\nsimilar emblem is the lingam standing in the centre of the yoni, the\nadoration of which is to this day characteristic of the leading dogma of\nHindu religion. There is scarcely a temple in India which has not its\nlingam, and in numerous instances this symbol is the only form under\nwhich the god Siva is worshipped.\"\n\nIn _Ancient Sex Worship_ we read, \"As the male genital organs were held\nin early times to exemplify the actual male creative power, various\nnatural objects were seized upon to express the theistic idea and at the\nsame time point to those points of the human form. Hence, a similitude\nis recognized in a pillar, a heap of stones, a tree between two rocks, a\nclub between two pine cones, a trident, a thyrsus tied around with two\nribbons with the end pendant, a thumb and two fingers. The caduceus\nagain the conspicuous part of the sacred Triad Ashur is symbolized by a\nsingle stone placed upright,--the stump of a tree, a block, a tower, a\nspire, minaret, pole, pine, poplar or pine tree.\"\n\nHargrave Jennings, the author of several books on some aspects of\nreligions of antiquity, among them one on phallicism, deals freely with\nthe phallic principles embodied in these religions. As do many other\nwriters, he identifies fire worship with sex worship, and the following\nshort paragraph shows his conception of their interrelationship, as well\nas the significance of the upright of antiquity. In the Rosicrucians he\nsays: \"Obelisks, spires, minarets, tall towers, upright stones,\n(menhirs), and architectural perpendiculars of every description, and,\ngenerally speaking, all erections conspicuous for height and slimness,\nwere representations of the Sworded or of the Pyramidal Fire. They\nbespoke, wherever found and in whatever age, the idea of the First\nPrinciple or the male generative emblem.\"\n\nWe might readily cite passages from the writings of a number of other\nauthors but the above paragraphs suffice to set forth the general\nprinciple of this symbolism. As stated above, such interpretations have\nnot been generally advanced to explain such objects as sacred pillar\nstones, obelisks, minarets, etc. It is readily seen how fully these\nviews are substantiated by observations from a number of independent\nsources.\n\nIn a book of Travel[9] in India we are able from an independent source\nto learn of the symbolism of that country. The traveller gives a\ndescription of the caves of Elephanta, near Bombay. These are enormous\ncaves cut in the side of a mountain, for religious purposes to which\npilgrimages are made and where the usual festivities are held. The\nworship of generative attributes is quite apparent. The numerous\nsculptured female figures, as remarked by the traveller, are all\nrepresented with greatly exaggerated breasts, a symbolism which is\nfrequent throughout oriental countries for expressing reproductive\nattributes.\n\nIn an inner chamber is placed the symbol which is held in particular\nveneration. Here is found an upright conical stone standing within a\ncircular one. The stone is sprinkled with water during the festival\nseason. The writer states that this stone, to the worshippers,\nrepresents the male generative organ, and the worship of it is not\nconsidered an impropriety. In this instance we feel that the symbolism\nis very definite, and doubtless the stone pillars in the other temples\nof India and elsewhere are of the same significance.\n\nA clergyman in the Chinese Review of 1876, under the title _Phallic\nWorship in China_, gives an account of the phallicism as he observed it\nat that time. He states that the male sexual organ is symbolized by a\nsimple mound of earth and is so worshipped. Similarly, the female organ\nis represented by a mound of different form and is worshipped as the\nformer. The writer states that at times these mounds are built in\nconjunction. He states this worship is similar to that of Baal of\nChaldea, etc., and that probably all have a common origin. It appears to\nbe a fundamental part of the Chinese religion and the symbolism of the\nChinese pagoda expresses the same idea. He says that Kheen or Shang-te,\nthe Chinese deities of sex, are also worshipped in the form of serpents,\nof which the dragon of the Chinese is a modification. This furnishes a\nconcrete instance in which the mound of earth is of phallic\nsignificance, and substantiates an interpretation of serpent worship to\nwhich we shall presently refer.\n\nHodder M. Westropp has given us an excellent account of phallic worship\nand includes in his description the observations of a traveller in Japan\nat as late periods as 1864 and 1869.\n\nA temple near the ancient capital of Japan was visited by a traveller.\nIn this temple the main object of worship was a large upright, standing\nalone, and the resemblance to the male generative organ was so striking\nas to leave no doubt as to what it represented. This upright was\nworshipped especially by women, who left votive offerings, among them\nsmall phalli, elaborately wrought out of wood or other material. The\ntraveller remarked that the worship was most earnest and sincere.\n\nThe same traveller observed that in some of the public roads of Japan\nare small hedged recesses where similar stone pillars are found. These\nlarge pillars unquestionably represent the male organ. The writer has\nobserved priests in procession carrying similar huge phalli, painted in\ncolor as well. This procession called forth no particular comment and so\nwas probably not unusual. It is stated that this is a part of the\nancient \"Shinto\" religion of Japan and China.\n\nThere are frequent references to certain of the gods of the Ancients\nbeing represented in priapic attitudes, the phallus being the prominent\nand most important attribute. Thus Hermes, in Greece, was placed at\ncross-roads, with phallus prominent. This was comparable to the phallus\non Japanese highways. In the festivals of Bacchus high phalli were\ncarried, the male organ being represented about the size of the rest of\nthe body. The Egyptians carried a gilt phallus, 150 cubits high, at the\nfestivals of Osiris. In Syria, at the entrance of the temple at\nHieropolis, was placed a human figure with a phallus 120 cubits high. A\nman mounted this upright twice a year and remained seven days, offering\nprayers, etc.\n\nIn Peru in the Temple of the Sun an upright pillar has been described\ncovered with gold leaf, very similar to those existing elsewhere and to\nwhich has been ascribed similar significance.\n\nA number of writers have expressed the belief that the May-pole is an\nemblem of ancient phallic worship. We know that May-day festivals are of\nthe most remote antiquity. We are indebted to R. P. Knight for a\ndescription of what May-day was like about four centuries ago in\nEngland. The festival started the evening before. Men and women went out\ninto the woods in search of a tree and brought it back to the village in\nthe early morning. The night was spent in sexual excesses comparable to\nthose of the Roman Bacchanalia. A procession was formed, garlands were\nadded to the May-pole, which was set up in the village square. The\nPuritans referred to it as an idol, and they did not approve of the\nfestivities. Until comparatively recent years there was a May-pole in\none of the squares of London, and Samuel Pepys,[10] writing of his time,\nspeaks of seeing May-poles in the front yards of the prominent citizens\nof Holland. A festival much the same as this was held in Ancient Rome\nand also in India. The May-pole properly pierces a disc and thus\nconforms with the lingam-yoni of India. We also know that the first of\nMay was a favorite time for all nature worship with the ancients. For a\nnumber of interesting suggestions the reader is referred to R. P.\nKnight, _Worship of Priapus_ and Hargrave Jennings, _Indian Religions_\n(Page 66).\n\nTree worship is frequently mentioned in the religions of antiquity. We\nare told that the mystic power of the mistletoe comes from the fact that\nit grows on the oak, a once sacred tree. The pine of the North, the palm\nand the fig tree of the South, were sacred trees at one time. John\nNewton made a study of tree worship, especially the Ancient Grove\nWorship of Assyria. He shows that the object of veneration was a male\ndate palm, which represented the Assyrian god Baal. Sex was worshipped\nunder this deity, and it is shown that the tree of the Assyrian grove\nwas a phallic symbol. Palm Sunday appears to be a relic of this worship.\nIn France, until comparatively recent times, there was a festival, \"La\nFete des Pinnes,\" in which palms were carried in procession, and with\nthe palms were carried phalli of bread which had been blessed by the\npriests.\n\nRichard Payne Knight tells us that Pan was worshipped by the Shepherds\nunder the form of the tall fir, and Bacchus \"by sticking up the rude\ntrunk of a tree.\" It is shown throughout these pages that sexual\nattributes were worshipped under both these deities. In reference to\nother symbols, the writer continues;[11] \"The spires and pinnacles with\nwhich our churches are decorated come from these ancient symbols; and\nthe weather cocks, with which they are surmounted, though now only\nemployed to show the direction of the wind, were originally emblems of\nthe sun; for the cock is the natural herald of the day, and therefore\nsacred to the fountain of light. In the symbolical writings of the\nChinese the sun is still represented by a cock in the circle; and a\nmodern Parsee would suffer death rather than be guilty of the crime of\nkilling one. It appears on many ancient coins, with some symbol of the\npassive productive power on the reverse; and in other instances it is\nunited with priapic and other emblems and devices, signifying other\nattributes combined.\"\n\nDr. Thomas Inman has made a study to show how this phallic symbolism\nfound its way into ancient art, and even into some designs of modern\ntimes. Thus, many formal designs are studied in which the upright plays\na part; likewise, the oval and the circle receive a similar explanation.\nThe architectural ornaments spoken of as eggs and anchors, eggs and\nspear heads, the so-called honeysuckle ornament of antiquity, and the\norigin of some church windows and ornaments, are all studied by this\nwriter, and his text is accompanied by illustrations. Hargrave Jennings\nhas also traced the origin of the symbols of Heraldry, the emblems of\nRoyalty and of some church orders with similar explanations.\n\nWe may add that the crux ansata of the Egyptians, the oval standing upon\nthe upright, or letter Tau, may be shown to be a sex symbol, the union\nof the oval with the upright being of symbolic significance. The crux\nansata is found in the hand of most of the Egyptian deities. It is found\nin the Assyrian temples and throughout the temples of India as well.\nPrehistoric monuments of Ireland have the same design. Priests are\nportrayed in adoration of the crux ansata before phallic monuments. This\nsymbol, from which our modern cross is doubtless derived, originated\nwith the religions of antiquity. Much additional evidence could readily\nbe given to illustrate this prehistoric origin. The present Christian\nsymbol affords another example of the adoption by a new religion of the\nsymbols of the old.\n\nSome reflection will show that the origin of many church customs and\nsymbols, and indeed of a great number of obscure customs and usages, may\nquite properly be traced to the religions and practices of primitive\nraces. Lafcadio Hearn has insisted upon this in the interpretation of\nthe art and customs of the Japanese. He says,[12] \"Art in Japan is so\nintimately associated with religion that any attempt to study it without\nextensive knowledge of the beliefs which it reflects were mere waste of\ntime. By art I do not mean painting and sculpture but every kind of\ndecoration, and most kinds of pictorial representation--the image of a\nboy's kite or a girl's battledore not less than the design upon a\nlacquered casquet or enameled vase,--the figure upon a work-man's trowel\nnot less than the pattern of the girdle of a princess,--the shape of the\npaper doll or wooden rattle bought for a baby, not less than the forms\nof those colossal Ni-O, who guard the gateways of the Buddha's\ntemples,\" etc.\n\nIn the above pages, we have given an account of the views of a number of\nwriters upon certain forms and symbols, and at the same time we have\noffered considerable evidence in substantiation from independent\nsources. These origins, found associated especially in art and religious\nusages, have not been generally understood. Yet when we reflect upon the\nfact that many religious customs are of great antiquity; that when once\na certain form or custom becomes established, it is well nigh\nineffaceable, although subject to great change or disguise throughout\nthe centuries; when we reflect upon these conditions, and realize the\nfact that sex worship with its accompanying symbolism is found\nthroughout primitive religions, we may then more readily appreciate the\nentire significance of the above interpretations.\n\nIt must, of course, be borne in mind that no one now gives these\ninterpretations to spires, minarets, and to the various monumental\nsymbols of which we have been speaking. We are here dealing exclusively\nwith pre-historic origins, not with present day meanings. The antiquity\nof certain symbols is truly remarkable. The star and crescent, for\nexample, a well known conventionalized symbol, is found on Assyrian\ncylinders, doubtless devised many centuries before Christ.\n\nThe full force and meaning of these various symbols may be very readily\ngrasped by reference to a number of designs, ancient coins, bas-reliefs,\nmonuments, etc., which have been reproduced in plates and drawings by\nC. W. King, Thomas Inman, R. P. Knight and others. To these we refer the\nreader.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nA number of _plant and flower symbols_ have a different significance\nfrom that which is generally given to them. We are all quite familiar\nwith the grape vine of Bacchus and the association of that deity with\ngrapes. According to R. P. Knight, this too, symbolizes a sexual\nattribute. Speaking of Bacchus, he writes, \"The vine was a favorite\nsymbol of the deity, which seems to have been generally employed to\nsignify the generative or preserving attribute; intoxicating liquors\nwere stimulative, and therefore held to be aphrodisiac. The vase is\noften employed in its stead to express the same idea and is often\naccompanied by the same accessory symbol.\"\n\nWe have often seen in sculptures and paintings, heads of barley\nassociated with the God of the Harvest. This symbol would appear to be\nself explanatory; yet we are told by more than one writer that it\ncontains another symbolic meaning as well. H. M. Westropp, speaking of\nthis says, \"The kites or female organ, as the symbol of the passive or\nproductive power of nature, generally occurs on ancient Roman Monuments\nas the Concha Veneris, a fig, barley corn, and the letter Delta.\" We are\ntold that the grain of barley, because of its form, was a symbol of the\nvulva.\n\nA great many other female symbols might be mentioned. The pomegranate is\nconstantly seen in the hands of Proserpine. The fir-cone is carried by\nthe Assyrian Baal, and the fig in numerous processions has a similar\nsignificance. When we add to these the various forms of tree worship\ndescribed above, we see to what an extent the products of nature were\nused as symbols in the worship of sex.\n\nAmong flower symbols there is one which recurs constantly throughout the\nart and mythology of India, Egypt, China, and many other Eastern\ncountries. This is the lotus, of which the Easter lily is the modern\nrepresentative. The lotus appears in a number of forms in the records of\nantiquity. We have symbolic pictures of the lion carrying the lotus in\nits mouth, doubtless a male and female symbol. The deities of India are\ndepicted standing on the lotus, or are spoken of as being \"born of the\nLotus.\" \"The Chinese,\"[13] says the author of Rites and Ceremonies,\n\"worship a Goddess whom they call Puzza, and of whom their priests give\nthe following account;--they say that 'three nymphs came down from\nheaven to wash themselves in the river, but scarce had they gotten in\nthe water before the herb lotus appeared on one of their garments, with\nits coral fruit upon it. They were surprised to think whence it could\nproceed; and the nymph upon whose garment it was could not resist the\ntemptation of indulging herself in tasting it. But by thus eating some\nof it she became pregnant, and was delivered of a boy, whom she brought\nup, and then returned to heaven. He afterwards became a great man, a\nconqueror and legislator, and the nymph was afterwards worshipped under\nthe name of Puzza.'\" Puzza corresponds to the Indian Buddha.\n\nIn Egyptian architecture the lotus is a fundamental form, and indeed it\nis said to be the main motive of the architecture of that civilization.\nThe capitals of the column are modelled after one form or other of this\nplant. That of the Doric column is the seed vessel pressed flat. Earlier\ncapitals are simple copies of the bell or seed vessel. The columns\nconsisted of stalks of the plant grouped together. In other cases the\nleaves are used as ornaments. These orders were copied by the Greeks,\nand subsequently by western countries.\n\nWe may ask ourselves, what is the meaning of this mystic lotus which was\nheld in sufficient veneration to be incorporated in all the temples of\nreligion, as well as in myths of the deity. This, too, refers to the\ndeification of sex. O'Brien, in the _Round Towers of Ireland_ states:\n\"The lotus was the most sacred plant of the Ancients, and typified the\ntwo principles of the earth fecundation,--the germ standing for the\nlingam; the filaments and petals for the yoni.\"\n\nR. P. Knight states, \"We find it (the lotus) employed in every part of\nthe Northern Hemisphere where symbolical worship does or ever did\nprevail. The sacred images of the Tartars, Japanese or Indians, are all\nplaced upon it and it is still sacred in Tibet and China. The upper part\nof the base of the lingam also consists of the flower of it blended with\nthe most distinctive characteristics of the female sex; in which that of\nthe male is placed, in order to complete this mystic symbol of the\nancient religion of the Brahmans; who, in their sacred writings, speak\nof Brahma sitting upon his lotus throne.\"\n\nAlexander Wilder,[14] states that the term \"Nymphe\" and its derivations\nwere used to designate young women, brides, the marriage chamber, the\nlotus flower, oracular temples and the labiae minores of the human\nfemale.\n\nThe lotus then, which is found throughout antiquity, in art as well as\nin religion, was a sexual symbol, representing to the ancients the\ncombination of male and female sexual organs. It is another expression\nof the sex worship of that period.\n\nOur present conventional symbols of art are very easily traced to\nancient symbols of religion. We may expect these to be phallic in their\nmeaning, to just the extent that phallicism was fundamental in the\nreligions where these symbols originated. From the designs of some of\nthe ornamental friezes of Nineveh, we find these principles illustrated.\nOn those bas-reliefs is found the earliest form of art, really the dawn\nof art upon early civilization. Here is the beginning of certain designs\nwhich were destined to be carried to the later civilizations of Greece,\nRome and probably of Egypt. These friezes show the pine cone alternating\nwith a modified form of the lotus; the significance of which symbols we\nhave explained. There are also shown animal representations before the\nsacred tree or grove, a phallic symbol. From these forms and others were\ndesigned a number of conventional symbols which were used throughout a\nmuch later civilization. (See _Nineveh and Its Remains_. A. Layard.)\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nOne sees in the religions of antiquity, especially those of India,\nAssyria, Greece and Egypt, a great number of _sacred animal\nrepresentations_. The Bull was sacred to Osiris in Egypt, and one\nspecial animal was attended with all the pomp of a god. At one time in\nAssyria the god was always associated with a sacred animal, often the\ngoat, which was supposed to possess the qualities for which the god was\nworshipped. Out of this developed the ideal animal creations, of which\nthe animal body and the human head and the winged bulls of Nineveh are\nexamples. The mystic centaurs and satyrs originated from this source. At\na later time the whole was humanized, merely the horns, ears or hoofs\nremaining as relics of the animal form.\n\nWe learn that in these religions the animal was not merely worshipped as\nsuch. It was a certain quality which was deified. The Assyrian goat\nattendant upon the deity, was in some bas-reliefs, not only represented\nin priapic attitudes, but a female sexual symbol was so placed as to\nsignify sexual union. We shall show later that certain male and female\nsymbolic animals were so placed on coins as to symbolically indicate\nsexual union.\n\nAn animal symbol which has probably been of universal use is that of the\nsnake or serpent. Serpent worship has been described in almost every\ncountry of which we have records or legends. In Egypt, we find the\nserpent on the headdress of many of the gods. In Africa the snake is\nstill sacred with many tribes. The worship of the hooded snake was\nprobably carried from India to Egypt. The dragon on the flag and\nporcelain of China is also a serpent symbol. In Central America were\nfound enormous stone serpents carved in various forms. In Scandinavia\ndivine honors were paid to serpents, and the druids of Britain carried\non a similar worship.\n\nSerpent worship has been shown by many writers to be a form of sex\nworship. It is often phallic, and we are told by Hargrave Jennings that\nthe serpent possibly was added to the male and female symbols to\nrepresent desire. Thus, the Hindu women carried the lingam in procession\nbetween two serpents; and in the procession of Bacchus the Greeks\ncarried in a casket the phallus, the egg, and a serpent.\n\nThe Greeks also had a composite or ideal figure. Rays were added to the\nhead of a serpent thereby bringing it into relation with the sun god\nApollo; or the crest or comb of a cock was added with similar meaning.\n\nMany reasons have been offered to explain why the serpent has been used\nto represent the male generative attribute. Some have called attention\nto its tenacity of life; others have spoken of its supposed mystic power\nof regeneration by casting its skin. Again, it seems probable that the\nform is of symbolic significance. However this may be, we find that this\nuniversal serpent worship of primitive man was a form of phallicism so\nprevalent in former times.\n\nMany other animals may be mentioned. The sacred bull, so frequently met\nwith in Egypt, Assyria and Greece, was a form under which Bacchus was\nworshipped. R. P. Knight speaks as follows: \"The mystic Bacchus, or\ngenerative power, was represented under this form, not only upon coins\nbut upon the temples of the Greeks; sometimes simply as a bull; at other\ntimes as a human face; and at others entirely human except the horns and\nears.\"\n\nWe would probably be in error to interpret all these animal symbols as\nexclusively phallic although many were definitely so. Thus, while\nHermes was a priapic deity, he was also a deity of the fields and the\nharvests; so the bull may have been chosen for its strength as well as\nits sexual attributes.\n\nThere are many animals which were symbolic of the female generative\npower. The cow is frequently so employed. The Hindus have the image of a\ncow in nearly every temple, the deity corresponding to the Grecian\nVenus. In the temple of Philae in Egypt, Isis is represented with the\nhorns and ears of a cow joined to a beautiful woman. The cow is still\nsacred in many parts of Africa. The fish symbol was a very frequent\nrepresentative of woman, the goddess of the Phoenicians being\nrepresented by the head and body of a woman terminating below in a fish.\nThe head of Proserpine is frequently surrounded by dolphins. Indeed, the\nfemale principle is regularly shown by some representative of water;\nfire and water respectively being regarded as male and female\nprinciples.\n\nMale and female attributes are often combined on coins for purposes of\nsexual symbolism. R. P. Knight explains these symbols as follows: \"It\nappears therefore that the asterisk, bull, or minotaur, in the centre of\na square or labyrinth equally mean the same as the Indian lingam,--that\nis the male personification of the productive attribute placed in the\nfemale, or heat acting upon humidity. Sometimes the bull is placed\nbetween two dolphins, and sometimes upon a dolphin or another fish; and\nin other instances the goat or the ram occupy the same situation. Which\nare all different modes of expressing different modifications of the\nsame meaning in symbolical or mystical writings. The female\npersonifications frequently occupy the same place; in which case the\nmale personification is always upon the reverse of the coin, of which\nnumerous instances occur in those of Syracuse, Naples, Tarentum, and\nother cities.\" By the asterisk above mentioned the writer refers to a\ncircle surrounded by rays, a sun symbol of male significance. The square\nor labyrinth is the lozenge shaped symbol or yoni of India.\n\nThe above interpretations throw much light on the obscurity of the\nanimal worship of antiquity. This explains the partly humanized types,\nand the final appearance of a human deity with only animal horns\nremaining, as representing the form under which the deity was once\nworshipped. The satyrs, centaurs, and other animal forms are all part of\nthese same representations and are similarly explained.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nOur main object in giving the above account of these various symbols has\nbeen to illustrate the wide prevalence of sex worship among primitive\nraces. Another end as well has been served; our study gives us a certain\ninsight into the type of mind which evolves symbolism, and so a few\nremarks on the use of symbolism as here illustrated are not\ninappropriate.\n\nWe feel that while this symbolism may indicate a high degree of\nmechanical skill in execution, it does not follow that it expresses\neither deep or complicated intellectual processes. In fact, we are\ninclined to regard such symbolism as the indication of a comparatively\nsimple intellect. It appears obscure and involved to us, because we do\nnot understand the symbols. From those which we do understand, the\nmeaning is graphically but simply expressed.\n\nOn coins, bas-reliefs and monuments, we find the majority of these\nsimple emblems. If the desire is to express the union of male and female\nprinciples, a male symbolic animal is simply placed upon the\ncorresponding female symbol. Thus, a goat or bull may be placed upon the\nback of a dolphin or other fish. This is a graphic presentation but\ncertainly one of a most simple nature. Sometimes the male symbol is on\none side of the coin and then the female is always on the reverse.\nUnions are made which do not occur in nature, and the representation is\nnot a subtle one.\n\nIn India, if there was a desire to express a number of attributes of the\ndeity, another head or face is added or additional arms are added to\nhold up additional symbols. In Greece, when the desire was to express\nthe androgyne qualities of the deity, a beard was added to the female\nface, or one-half of the statuette represented the male form, the other\nthe female. Such representations do not indicate great ingenuity,\nhowever skillfully they may be executed.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III\n\nSUN MYTHS, MYSTERIES AND DECADENT SEX WORSHIP\n\n\nAs is generally known, traces of sun worship are found in almost every\ncountry of which we have a record. In Egypt Ra was the supreme sun god\nwhere there was very elaborate worship conducted in his honor. In\nGreece, Apollo was attended with similar festivities. In the Norse\nmythology, many of the myths deal with the worship of the sun in one\nform or another. In England, Stonehenge and the entire system of the\nDruids had to do with solar worship. In Central America and Peru,\ntemples to the sun were of amazing splendor, furnished as they were with\nwonderful displays of gold and silver. The North American Indians have\nmany legends relating to sun worship and sacrifices to the sun, and\nChina and Japan give numerous instances of the same religion. Sun\nworship is so readily shown to be fundamental with primitive races that\nwe will not discuss it in detail at this time, but rather will give the\nconclusions of certain writers who have explained its meaning.\n\nAt the present day, the sun is regularly regarded as a male being, the\nearth a female. We speak of Mother Earth, etc.; in former times, the\nancients depicted the maternal characteristics of the earth in a much\nmore material way. Likewise the sun was a male deity, being often the\nwar god, vigorous and all powerful. We readily see to what an extent the\nmale sun god was portrayed in mythology as a human being. In many myths,\nthe god dies during the Winter, reappears in the Spring, is lamented in\nthe Fall, etc., all in keeping with the changes in the activity of the\nsun during the different seasons.\n\nThe moon was associated with the female deity of the ancients. Isis is\naccompanied by the moon on most coins and emblems. Venus has the same\nsymbols. Indeed, the star and crescent of our modern times, of the\nTurkish flag and elsewhere, are in reality the sun and crescent of\nantiquity, male and female symbols in conjunction. Lunar ornaments of\nprehistoric times have been found throughout England and Ireland, and\ndoubtless explain the superstitions about the moon in those countries.\nThe same prehistoric ornaments are found in Italy. In the legends of the\nNorth American Indians, Moon is Sun's wife.\n\nThe full extent of these beliefs is pointed out by Mr. John Newton in\n_Assyrian Grove Worship_. Here we see that the ancient Hindus gave a\nmuch more literal relationship between the sun and earth than we are\naccustomed to express in modern times. He states, \"This representative\nof the union of the sexes typifies the divine Sakti, or productive\nenergy, in union with the pro-creative or generative power as seen\nthroughout nature. The earth was the primitive pudendum or yoni which\nis fecundated by the solar heat, the sun, the primitive linga, to whose\nvivifying rays man and animals, plants and the fruits of the earth, owe\ntheir being and continued existence.\"\n\nIt is not possible to discuss sun worship at any length without at the\nsame time discussing phallicism and serpent worship. Hargrave Jennings,\nwho has made careful study of these worships, points out their general\nidentity in the following paragraph. He states: \"The three most\ncelebrated emblems carried in the Greek mysteries were the phallus, the\negg, and the serpent; or otherwise the phallus, the yoni or umbilicus,\nand the serpent. The first in each case is the emblem of the sun or of\nfire, as the male or active generative power. The second denotes the\npassive nature or female principle or the emblem of water. The third\nsymbol indicates the destroyer, the reformer or the renewer, (the uniter\nof the two) and thus the preserver or perpetuator eternally renewing\nitself. The universality of serpentine worship (or Phallic adoration) is\nattested by emblematic sculptures or architecture all the world over.\"\n\nThe author of the _Round Towers of Ireland_ in discussing the symbols of\nsun worship, serpent worship and phallicism, found on the same tablet,\npractically reiterates these statements. He says: \"I have before me the\nsameness of design which belonged indifferently to solar worship and to\nphallic. I shall, ere long, prove that the same characteristic extends\nequally to ophiolatreia; and if they all three be identical, as it thus\nnecessarily follows, where is the occasion for surprise at our meeting\nthe sun, phallus and serpent, the constituent symbols of each, embossed\nupon the same table and grouped under the same architrave?\"\n\nBy a number of references, we could readily show the identity of all\nthese worships. The preceding paragraphs give, in summary form, the\nconclusions of those writers who have made such religions their special\nstudy. We shall not exemplify this further, but will now point out the\ngeneral relationship of sun worship to the religious festivals and\nmythology of the Ancients. This relationship becomes important when it\nis appreciated that the sun worship expressed in the mysteries is also a\npart of phallicism. On some of these festive occasions the phallus was\ncarried in the front of the procession and at other times the egg, the\nphallus and the serpent were carried in the secret casket.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nThe Ancients expressed their religious beliefs in a dramatic way on a\nnumber of occasions throughout the year. The festivities were held in\nthe Spring, Autumn, or Winter. These were to commemorate the activities\nof the sun, his renewed activity in the Spring calling forth rejoicing\nand his decline in the Fall being the cause of sorrow and lamentation.\nAs well as the festivities, there were the various mysteries, such as\nthe Eleusinia, the Dionysia and the Bacchanalia. These were conducted by\nthe priests who moulded religious beliefs and guarded their secrets. The\nmysteries were of the utmost importance and the most sacred of\nreligious conceptions were here dramatized.\n\nMythology also gave expression to the religious ideas of the time and we\nfind that the most important myths, dramatically produced at the\nreligious festivals, were sun myths.\n\nThe annual festivities and mysteries will be discussed together because\nboth were intended to dramatize the same beliefs. Both were under\npriestly control and so were national institutions. The festivals were\nfor the common people but the mysteries were fully understood only to\nthe initiated.\n\nWhile no very clear account of the mysteries has been given, a certain\ntheme seems to run through them all, and this is found in the myths as\nwell. A drama is enacted, in which the god is lost, is lamented, and is\nfound or returns amid great rejoicing.[15] This was enacted in Egypt\nwhere the mourning was for Osiris; and in Greece for Adonis, and later\nfor Bacchus. All these are, of course, sun gods, and the whole\ndramatization or myth is in keeping with the activities of the sun.\n\nOn these occasions, the main object seems to have been to restore the\nlost god, or to insure his reappearance. The women took the leading part\nand mourned for Osiris, Adonis or Bacchus. They wandered about the\ncountry at night in the most frenzied fashion, avoided all men and\nsought the god. At times, during the winter festival, the quest would be\nfruitless. In the Spring, when they indulged themselves in all sorts of\norgies and extravagances, Adonis was found.\n\nAn underlying motive appears to have been to enact a drama in which the\ndeity was supposed to exercise his procreative function by sexual union\nwith the women. This was an ideal which they wished to express\ndramatically. In order to realize this ideal obstacles were introduced\nthat they might be overcome; in the old myth, Adonis was emasculated\nunder a pine tree, and in Egypt Osiris was similarly mutilated, his sex\norgans being lost. But at the festivals it was portrayed that Adonis was\nfound, and in the myth, Osiris was restored to Isis in the form of\nHorus (the morning sun). In a number of myths, the god is said to have\nvisited the earth to cohabitate with the women, an occurrence which was\ndoubtless desired, in order that the deistic attributes might be\ncontinued in the race. Thus, judging from what we have been able to\nlearn of this subject, the worship expressed in the mysteries revolved\nabout sexual union, the desire being to dramatize the continued activity\nof deistic qualities.\n\nThis character of many of the festivals and mysteries is very evident.\nIn the Eleusinian mysteries the rape of Persephone by Pluto, the winter\ngod, is portrayed. The mother, Demeter, mourns for her daughter. Her\nmourning is dramatically carried out by a large procession, and this\nenactment requires several days. Finally Persephone is restored. The\nearlier part of the festival was for dramatic interest, and the real\nobject was the union of Persephone with Bacchus. \"The union of\nPersephone with Bacchus, _i. e._, with the sun god, whose work is to\npromote fruitfulness, is an idea special to the mysteries and means the\nunion of humanity with the godhead, the consummation aimed at in the\nmystic rites. Hence, in all probability the central teaching of the\nmysteries was Personal Immortality, analogue of the return of the bloom\nto plants in Spring.\"[16]\n\nThe mysteries of Samothrace were probably simpler. Here the phallus was\ncarried in procession as the emblem of Hermes. In the Dionysian\nmysteries which were held in mid-winter, the quest of the women was\nunsuccessful and the festival was repeated in the Spring. The Roman\nmysteries of Bacchus were of much later development, and consequently\nbecame very debased. Men as well as women eventually came to take part\nin the ceremony, and the whole affair degenerated into the grossest of\nsexual excesses and perversions.\n\nWe have stated what appears to us to have been the underlying motives of\nthe religious festivals and mysteries; namely, the enactment of a drama\nin which the reproductive qualities of the deity were portrayed. The\nphallus was carried in procession for this purpose and the women\ndramatized the motive as searching for the god. Our account can be\nregarded as little more than an outline, but it is sufficient for our\npresent purposes. It indicates that the mysteries give an expression of\nphallic worship, just as do the various monuments of art and religion to\nwhich we have referred. It may also be said that this same worship is\nrepresented in what may be termed early literature, for much of the\nearly mythology deals with the same subject. The study of origins in\nmythology, however, cannot be dealt with adequately at present.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nIn order to deal fully with this subject it is necessary to discuss\nanother important phase in the worship of sex. We refer to the\n_decadence_ or _degeneracy of this worship_, which occurred after people\nhad outgrown these simple religious conceptions. The decadence of sex\nworship is observed during the early centuries of Christianity and\ntraces of it are seen throughout the middle ages. In the decadence of\nsex worship we are able to observe how an important motive in the race\nfinds expression in the thoughts and conduct of people after the\nunderlying promptings which originated it have long since ceased to be\ndynamic. This decadent stage of a motive is therefore of considerable\nimportance; we shall return to its interpretation in the discussion of\nanalogies of development between motives in the individual and motives\nin the race.\n\nIn India,[17] with the Hindus, there still exists an elaborate form of\nsex worship. The Phallus is carried on festive occasions, it still\noccupies the most sacred spot in the sanctuary, dancing girls are\ndevoted to the service of the temple, and many other customs associated\nwith phallic rites are carried on much as they were centuries ago in the\nAncient World. It is said that there are thirty million phalli in India\nand that a phallus is found in nearly every Hindu household.\n\nWhether phallic worship as now practiced by the Hindus has the same\nmeaning or value that it had when at its height in ancient civilization\nis difficult to say; there are evidences to show that this worship in\nIndia is now carried out somewhat as a matter of form and custom only,\nand that its significance is not thoroughly appreciated except possibly\nby the few. If this observation is correct, the decadent state of sex\nworship which was so prevalent in Western Europe during the early\ncenturies of Christianity and throughout the middle ages, may be\ndeveloping in India as well.\n\nWhatever may be the present condition in India regarding this worship,\nwe are left in no uncertainty as to the condition of sex worship during\nits decadent period in Europe. It is not necessary here to dwell upon\nthe licentiousness and extravagances of conduct which were manifest at\nthis time, as a general outline will suffice for present purposes.\n\nWe have observed that the mysteries in which phallic principles were\ntaught eventually became degraded in both Greece and Rome. When these\nmysteries originated, they embodied serious religious conceptions,\nrespected by all; they were the expression of racial feelings, and\nhowever out of accord with present day sentiments they may have been,\nthey can in no way be considered immoral. This cannot be said of the\nmysteries of a subsequent period. Every sort of perversion and practice\nwas indulged in. They were finally forbidden by the State, but were\ncarried on secretly for some time longer. With the coming of\nChristianity they were very bitterly opposed, and finally as national\ninstitutions, they ceased to exist.\n\nLater we shall indicate in more detail why the worship of sex was\ndiscarded. It may be stated here that as the development of the race\ncontinued these simple conceptions of a deity failed to express all\nreligious desires; primitive phallic principles lost their dynamic\nvalue, and longings and desires, the result of higher mental\ndevelopment, found expression in new religious usages.\n\nIt has just been stated that the mysteries ceased to exist as national\ninstitutions. This is true, but while they were discarded by the great\nmass of the people, certain elements of the race clung to these\nprimitive beliefs and practices for years. When the mysteries were\nofficially forbidden they were carried on secretly in a somewhat altered\nform. Secret societies were formed, or some of the Eastern Mystic Cults\nwere made use of in order to carry out their teachings. These secret\nsocieties took over many of the principles of phallicism such as were\ntaught in the mysteries, and so, side by side with the Christian\nreligion, the earlier beliefs continued.\n\nThe Gnostics[18] are an example of one of these societies. They existed\nin early Christian times and the society was probably formed long before\nthe advent of Christianity. It is difficult to learn a great deal about\nthe Gnostics, but some of their beliefs are known. Gnostic symbols\nconsisted for a great part of phallic emblems, it having been shown that\ntheir gems and secret talismans were of phallic significance. The\nGnostics also gave evidences of reverting to a more primitive\ncivilization in other than religious spheres. In their social\norganization they advocated communal marriage, wives being held in\ncommon. This type of social organization is quite general in primitive\ntribes. With the Gnostics we see a reversion to a more primitive form of\nreligious and social life.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nThe Rosicrucians[19] of the middle ages are rather better known,\nalthough this order also is very obscure. The Rosicrucians as well as\nthe Gnostics had phallic emblems. They worshipped in a form very similar\nto that under which Priapus was worshipped. Moreover, as was the case\nwith a number of these secret societies, they introduced perverse sexual\npractices. They are said not only to have countenanced homosexuality,\nbut to have made it one of the principles of their belief. At the same\ntime, they scorned all association with women. Out of this belief they\nbuilt up a philosophy in which the fire worship of antiquity played a\npart, and with which alchemy was associated.\n\nIn the practice of homosexuality[20] and in the development of a\nphilosophy in which women played no part, are seen sentiments quite\nsimilar to those which existed in the later days of Greece. At this time\nin Greece, patriarchy had driven out the last vestiges of matriarchy,\nfemale deities had lost their followers to a great extent, and the\ndevotion was paid to male gods and heroes. This change seems to have\nproduced a certain contempt for women. A number of writers have pointed\nout this reaction, and so probably in the philosophy of the Rosicrucians\nand in their practices, are seen an expression of these same sentiments.\nSimilar sentiments were expressed by other secret organizations and in\nsome philosophies of a latter period. In this respect, therefore, the\nRosicrucians were probably reverting to beliefs and feelings of an\nearlier date.\n\nThe Knights Templar were another secret society of the middle ages of a\nsomewhat later time. The same can be said of them as of the former\nsocieties. They carried on the old phallic and mystic rites in modified\nform, and set up their beliefs in opposition to Christianity. When the\nKnights Templar were initiated they were made to deny Christ and the\nVirgin Mary, to spit on the cross, etc. They also were charged with\nhomosexuality, and with them as with the Rosicrucians and the Gnostics,\nhomosexuality was a part of their teachings. They likewise advocated\ncommunal marriage. At their secret meetings and initiations many vices\nexisted; idols were worshipped, phallic features were introduced, and\nthe entire ceremony was similar to the mysteries of antiquity.\n\nShould there be any doubt regarding the association of these secret\nsocieties of the middle ages with the mysteries of the Ancients, this\ndoubt is at once dispelled when we read of the practices of a remarkable\nsecret organization described as the \"Witches' Sabbath.\" Any one who\nhas read a description of the Ancient Mysteries and of the initiation\nceremonies of primitive tribes cannot but see in the Witches' Sabbath a\nremarkable similarity to the earlier mysteries. R. P. Knight[21] has\ngiven us a description of the Witches' Sabbath and he quotes freely from\na French writer[22] who has given full details. We shall use such parts\nof these descriptions as are necessary to illustrate these practices\nduring the middle ages.\n\nThe Witches' Sabbath is described by these writers as it existed during\nthe latter part of the fourteenth century. It was held on four occasions\nduring the year, being a festival corresponding to the Priapiea and\nBacchanalia of former days. Women played the leading part just as in the\nBacchanalia. There were minor and major festivals corresponding to the\nlesser and greater Eleusinia. Pilgrimages were made at this time, which\n\"resembled a fair of merchants mingled together, furious in transports,\narriving from all parts--a meeting and a mingling of a hundred thousand\nsubjects, sudden and transitory, novel, it is true, but of a frightful\nnovelty which offends the eye and sickens you.\"\n\nA symbolic representation of Satan presided at the festivals, and he\nassumed a number of disguises, in all of which we recognize Priapus in\ndegenerated form. He very often appeared in the disguise of a goat; in\nfact the meeting place is called \"Goat's Heath.\"\n\nThe association of the goat with priapic ceremonies has already been\nmentioned. At times the meeting was at cross roads, a favorite location\nfor Hermes, as stated elsewhere.\n\nSatan assumed a number of forms on these occasions other than that of\nthe bearded goat. He was at times a serpent, or again an ox of brass. He\nwas also represented as the trunk of a tree, sometimes as the oak.\nPriapus is readily recognized in all these various disguises.\n\nOn these festive occasions we see remnants of the fire worship of\nprimitive tribes. Satan often carried fire in some form or other and\nthe rite of purification by fire, a residual of the earlier need-fire\nrites, was enacted. Particular significance was attached to the\ngenerative organs, and it is needless to say that all kinds of sexual\nexcesses ensued. Satan was held to be the father and protector of all.\nSome of the women referred to the Witches' Sabbath as an earthly\nparadise and they said that the festival had all the features of a\nwedding celebration.\n\nA number of absurd dances and other burlesques were introduced. In these\none sees the burlesques and dances of the earlier mysteries and of the\nstill more primitive initiation ceremonies of tribes in various\ncountries. The dance was often held around a stone,--the significance of\nwhich has already been explained.\n\nIf in the above account of these mystic ceremonies in the middle ages a\ndetailed enumeration of all forms of sexual depravities has not been\ngiven, it is not because they did not exist. Our main object has been to\nshow that sex worship as practiced during the middle ages, was an\nexpression of the decadence of a racial motive. No odium was formerly\nconnected with this motive, but when an attempt was made to associate\nthese primitive feelings and beliefs with a civilization which had\noutgrown such conceptions, many undesirable features were in evidence.\n\nShould further proof of the association of the Gnostics, the\nRosicrucians, the Templars, etc., with the ancient priapic rites be\nnecessary, this proof is found in numerous talismans, amulets, sculpture\non earthen and glassware, which were associated with these societies.\nThese amulets are all plainly phallic in design; R. P. Knight shows a\nnumber of vases, lamps, etc., on which phallic symbols are found. These\narticles were probably used at the secret rites.\n\nMoreover, we find that many of these small phalli were worn for personal\ndecoration; and here we come to a still lower decadence in sex\nworship,--the period of superstition. A phallus was worn as a charm,\nsomewhat as a fetish to ward off disease. Such charms were supposed to\nbring good luck and prosperity to the owner and they were used\nparticularly as a charm against barrenness in women. A sign which could\nbe made by the hand, the phallic hand, was used as a protection against\nthe evil eye. Ancient representations of Priapus have been found with\nthe hand in this attitude. As further evidence to show the total\ndegeneracy of these beliefs, it may be said that the phallic hand was\nadopted as a symbol of prostitution.\n\nIn this we see the worship of sex degenerated to its lowest form, _i. e._,\na superstition to be followed by the lower classes and the ignorant. The\nphallus which once had been attended with all ceremony had become a mere\ncharm.\n\nThe conclusions which R. P. Knight reaches in relation to these decadent\nbeliefs are worthy of remark. He states:[23] \"We have thus seen in how\nmany various forms the old phallic, or priapic worship presented itself\nin the middle ages, and how pertinaciously it held its ground through\nall the changes and development of society, until at length we find all\nthe circumstances of the ancient priapic orgies, as well as the\nmediaeval additions combined in that great and extensive\nsuperstition,--witchcraft. At all times the initiated were believed to\nhave obtained thereby powers which were not possessed by the\nuninitiated, and they only were supposed to know about the form of\ninvocation of the deities who were the objects of this worship, which\ndeities the Christian teachers invariably transformed into devils. The\nvows which people of antiquity addressed to Priapus, those of the middle\nages addressed to Satan. The Witches' Sabbath was simply the last form\nwhich the Priapeia and Libernalia assumed in Western Europe, and in its\nvarious decadences all the incidents of those great and licentious\norgies of the Romans were reproduced.\" It is little wonder that the\npersecution of witches by the Christians long survived the middle ages.\n\nHargrave Jennings[24] has referred to phallic principles in a number of\nthe early chivalric societies of England. He states that the Knights of\nthe Round Table of King Arthur had phallic emblems and other features\nsimilar to those of the Rosicrucians. The same author submits\nconsiderable evidence to indicate that the Order of the Garter is of\nmuch greater antiquity than is generally believed and that phallic\nprinciples were associated with it. A similar contention was made\nregarding the symbolism associated with the Holy Grail, a sacred vessel\napparently connected with primitive rites at a time far antedating\nChristianity. Associated with the old Churches in Ireland similar\nphallic emblems have been found, as well as in Europe. These emblems\nwere used as charms by the primitive people.\n\nWe stated above that the early deities of primitive tribes were regarded\nas demons during the Christian period. In Teutonic beliefs phallic\ndeities were developed quite comparable to those of Greece and Rome.\nThese Teutonic deities came to be regarded as hobgoblins during the\nmiddle ages. They were supposed to be found in lonely places and in\nforests, and to emerge at times in order to indulge in all sorts of\nsexual excesses, much as the fauns and satyrs of antiquity. The English\nhad a similar hobgoblin in Robin Goodfellow. This fictitious character\nis represented in priapic attitudes in a number of illustrations of old\nEnglish ballads. He was doubtless Priapus of antiquity transformed into\na goblin.\n\nWhy should superstitions of this kind live century after century?\nFrazer[25] has given us the answer: \"Superstitions survive because while\nthey shock the views of the enlightened members of the community, they\nare still in harmony with the thoughts and feelings of others, who,\nthough they are drilled by their betters into an appearance of\ncivilization, remain barbarians or savages at heart ... I have been led\ninto making these remarks by the wish to explain why it is that\nsuperstitions of all sorts, political, moral and religious, survive\namong people who have the opportunity of knowing better. The reason is\nthat the better ideas, which are constantly forming in the upper stratum\nhave not filtered through from the highest to the lowest minds. Such a\nfiltration is generally slow, and by the time the new emotions have\npenetrated to the bottom, if indeed they ever get there, they are often\nobsolete and superseded by others at the top.\"\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV\n\nINTERPRETATIONS\n\n\nHaving followed the worship of sex through its various phases, it is now\ndesirable to offer such interpretations of its meaning as the facts\nappear to warrant. What was the significance of this elaborate ritual;\nwhy did it develop, and how is it to be interpreted from a biological\nstandpoint in mental evolution. The history of the development of this\nritual may be of considerable interest in itself but we wish now to\nconsider the subject from the biological rather than the historical\nstandpoint. It remains to be shown what ends these beliefs serve in the\nevolution of the primitive mind, or at least what they represent, and\nwhat vestiges of them remain in our thoughts and feelings of today. Only\nfrom this standpoint can the study of primitive motives be of value to\nthe Psychologist and the Psychiatrist.\n\nIn order to answer the above questions, it is desirable to refer to a\nstill more primitive form of religious belief, since our understanding\nof this earlier religion offers a key to the understanding of sex\nworship. We refer to the various forms of nature worship found in\nprimitive tribes. These nature rites consist of rain making ceremonies,\nsun dances, and numerous other procedures which are carried out by\nprimitive people because of their supposed service in increasing the\nproducts of the earth. Fortunately these rites are quite clearly\nunderstood. It has been shown by many investigators that they are\nenacted to increase the food supply. They are actuated by the desire on\nthe part of primitive people to meet nutritive demands.\n\nNow this knowledge enables us to understand phallic ceremonies. A very\ndistinct parallelism is seen between the nature worship rites and\nphallic rites. We feel that it is not difficult to show that while the\nearlier rites were in accord with nutritive demands, phallic ceremonies\nwere an expression of the desire for human reproduction. We shall now\ndigress somewhat in order to discuss nature rites in some detail, as\nthereby the phallic rites are very readily explained.\n\nAmong many of the Indian tribes of North America, the tribes of Central\nAfrica, the primitive races of Australia, the lower hill tribes of\nIndia, and others, we find religious ceremonies all of which are carried\nout in much the same way and with the same object in view. We are all\nfamiliar with the rain making ceremonies of the North American Indians;\nwe find frequent reference in literature to the various Spring festivals\nof the Egyptians at which grain is grown, etc., and in which vegetative\nnature is deified. A great many of the nations of antiquity had similar\nrites to increase the produce of the earth.\n\nWhen the meaning of this general type of ceremony is understood, it is\nfound that it has the same significance throughout. As stated above,\nthese ceremonies are enacted to increase the food supply, either\ndirectly or indirectly. If it is a dry and arid locality, as is the case\nwith our Western Indians, a rain making rite is performed. This is a\nreligious procedure in which various processes of magic are utilized.\nThis explains the importance of the thunder god as a deity, so clearly\nillustrated by Miss J. Harrison. The thunder rites are to increase the\nrain fall, and the magic in such procedures is imitative; that is, a\nsound similar to thunder is produced, as primitive man believes thunder\nto cause the rainfall since it often precedes it. Miss Harrison[26] has\ngiven a picture of an early thunder god of the Chinese,--a deity\nsurrounded by many objects, which he strikes to cause thunder. Rattles\nmade of gourds are used for the same purpose with some tribes; or down,\netc., may be used in imitation of clouds, and water spurted about to\nrepresent rain. In many instances a secret ceremonial object is used,--a\nbull roarer in the rain making ceremonies. This is an object which, when\nwhirled about, makes a sound in imitation of thunder. It represents a\nsort of thunder deity and so is associated with rainfall. It is held\nvery sacred, being carefully guarded from view and kept under custody by\nthe head men of the tribe.\n\nIn a primitive civilization engaged in pastoral pursuits where the herd\nis the important source of food supply the ceremony centers about the\ndairy and the herd. In Southern India, among the Toda tribes,[27] where\nthe buffalo herd is sacred, this is quite apparent. Certain buffaloes\nare attended by the priests only, special dairies are sacred, and the\nentire religious development has to do with the sanctity of milk. The\ndairy utensils are sacred, and one special vessel, the one which\ncontains the fermenting material, is held in particular veneration. This\nvessel is kept in a special part of the dairy, its location\ncorresponding to the sanctuary of a temple. If by chance the ferment\ndoes not act properly, it is manufactured again by an elaborate rite.\nHere we see that the religious rites have to do with the food supply\nand fitting sacred ceremonials are performed.\n\nWhen the food supply depends upon animal food a direct analogy in the\nceremonies is seen. Some Siberian tribes[28] perform a rite to increase\nthe supply of bear meat. A young bear is captured, suckled by a woman,\nand assumes the aspects of a sacred animal. It is finally slain in a\nritual way, and the entire performance is for the purpose of increasing\nthe supply of bear meat.\n\nA few references may be given to indicate the views of those who have\nmade special studies of these ceremonies. G. A. Dorsey[29] speaking of\nthe Hopi tribe of the Southwest, states: \"When the Hopi are not at work\nthey are worshipping in the Kivas. The underlying element of this\nworship is to be found in the environment. Mother nature does not deal\nkindly with man in the desert. Look where you will, across the drifting\nsands of the plains, and the cry of man and beast is 'Water!' And so,\nto the gods of the rain clouds does the Hopi address his prayer. His\ninstruments of worship are so fashioned that his magic may surpass the\nmagic of these gods, and compel them to loosen their stores, full to\noverflowing. Take any one of the great Hopi ceremonies, analyze the\nparaphernalia worn by the men, dissect the various components of the\naltar or sand paintings, examine the offerings made to the Spring and\nthose placed upon the shrines, and in everything and everywhere we see\nprayers for rain.\"\n\nDr. Clark Wissler,[30] in speaking of primitive ceremonies, states: \"One\nstriking feature of primitive ceremonies is the elaboration of\nritualistic procedure relating to the food supply. Particularly in\naboriginal America we have many curious and often highly complex rituals\nassociated with the cultivation of maize and tobacco. These often\nimpress the student of social phenomena as extremely unusual but still\nhighly suggestive facts, chiefly because the association seems to be\nbetween things which are wholly unrelated. Thus, among the Pawnee we\nfind an elaborate ritual in which a few ears of maize are raised almost\nto the status of gods. At a certain fixed time of the autumn the\nofficial priest of this ritual proceeds with great ceremony to the\nfields and selects a few ears, according to definite standards. These\nare further consecrated and carefully guarded throughout the winter. At\nplanting time the women present themselves ceremonially to receive the\nseed, the necessary planting instructions, etc. Thus, it appears that\nduring the whole year recital, there is a definite ritual in functions\nassociated with maize culture.\"\n\nThe primitive tribes of Australia afford an excellent example of this\ntype of ceremony, and fortunately these tribes have been very carefully\nstudied. At the puberty initiations of the young men, one of the main\nceremonies is a yam ceremony,[31] _i. e._, a procedure to ensure a\nbountiful supply of the yams. A special type of yam is secured, and\ncooked with much ceremony under fixed rules, much care and secrecy being\nobserved throughout. After the cooking ceremony is finished, the yams\nare cut up and divided among the various members of the tribe. The\nceremony is supposed to increase the supply of yams. Miss J.\nHarrison[32] in interpreting Australian ceremonies states: \"The\nprimitive Australian takes care that magic shall not be wanting, a magic\nof the most instructive kind. As soon as the season of fertility\napproaches he begins his rites with the avowed object of making and\nmultiplying the plants, and chiefly the animals, by which he lives; he\npaints the figure of the emu on the sand with vermillion drawn from his\nown blood; he puts on emu feathers and gazes about him in stupid\nfashion, like an emu bird; he makes a structure of boughs like the\nchrysalis of a Witchetty grub--his favorite food, and drags his body\nthrough it in pantomime, gliding and shuffling to promote its birth.\nHere, difficult and intricate though the ceremonies are, and uncertain\nin meaning as many of the details must always probably remain, the main\nemotional gist is clear. It is not that the Australian wonders at and\nadmires the miracle of his Spring, the bursting of the flowers and the\nsinging of the birds; it is not that his heart goes out in gratitude to\nAll-Father who is the Giver of all good things; it is that, obedient to\nthe push of life within him his impulse is towards food. He must eat\nthat he and his tribe may grow and multiply. It is this, his will to\nlive, that he _utters and represents_.\"\n\nIn a monograph[33] of the Shinto religion of the Japanese, R. Hitchcock\nstates that the leading function of the female deity is to increase the\nfood supply. She is given the name of the Goddess of Food, or the\nProducer of Trees and the Parent of Grasses. She is spoken of as\nAbundant-Food-Lady, and seems to be a personification of the earth.\n\nA further description of these rites is unnecessary, as wherever found\nthey are all of the same general type. They have been described in\nNorth America, in Central Africa, in Japan, in Siberia, in India and\nthey probably exist in many other localities. The above references\nindicate that they were primitive man's expression of his desire for\nfood, this fundamental motive finding expression in an elaborate ritual.\n\nNow since in the above rites, where the increase of the food supply is\nthe main motive, the entire development and symbolism centers about\narticles of food, and since in the phallic rites an entirely analagous\ndevelopment and symbolism centers about the generative organs, it is\nonly reasonable to infer that the phallic rites have to do with the\ndesire for children. In this we have the meaning of sex worship. It is\nprimitive man's expression of his desire for the perpetuation of the\nrace and so it represents a biological necessity, the earlier motive\nbeing for the preservation of the individual.\n\nFortunately the conclusions which the above arguments would appear to\nwarrant are borne out by the statements of those who have studied these\nmatters in great detail. Miss J. Harrison,[34] who also quotes Dr.\nFrazer, states: \"The two great interests of primitive man are food and\nchildren. As Dr. Frazer has well said, if man the individual is to live\nhe must have food; if his race is to persist he must have children, 'to\nlive and to cause to live, to eat food and to beget children, these were\nthe primary wants of man in the past, and they will be the primary wants\nof men in the future so long as the world lasts.' Other things may be\nadded to enrich and beautify human life, but, unless these wants are\nfirst satisfied, humanity itself must cease to exist. These two things,\ntherefore, food and children, were what man chiefly sought to secure by\nthe performance of magical rites for the regulation of the seasons. They\nare the very foundation stones of that ritual from which art, if we are\nright, took its rise.\"\n\nThere is a very striking parallelism between these two rites. It would\nbe interesting to trace out these analogies step by step, but we shall\nrefer to them only in a general way.\n\nThe outward form of the two rites is very similar. In both a religious\nceremony is enacted. In the development of this ceremony a system, in\nwhich a priesthood forms a prominent part, is developed in both\ninstances. The element of mystery runs through both procedures and, as\nSteven D. Peet[35] has stated, the nature worship ceremony of the North\nAmerican Indians bears a remarkable resemblance to the mysteries of the\nEleusis and of the Bacchanalia.\n\nIn both the nature rites and the phallic rites, a sacred ceremonial\nobject develops, and about this object a very elaborate symbolism\nevolves. Just as in the most primitive form of sex worship we saw that\nthe deity consisted of a rude representation of the generative organs,\nso in nature worship we find that the ceremonial object is at first a\nrude representative of the deified animal or plant. This sacred symbol\nis eventually conventionalized. We have observed this in sex worship, as\nexplained by Inman, Payne Knight and others. In the same way in nature\nworship, ceremonial objects are conventionalized. Spencer has shown this\nin the case of the Australians, the ceremonial objects eventually coming\nto bear a remote resemblance only to the original animal or plant\nrepresentation. A. L. Kroeber[36] has observed the same development in\nthe Arapaho Indians. The buffalo symbol for example, (a very important\none in this tribe since the buffalo is the chief food) has become highly\nconventionalized, and is finally represented by a formal rectangular\ndesign. This design now means the earth, and it is also used as a life\nsymbol.\n\nAgain, just as we saw how in sex worship the religious symbol came to be\nexpressed throughout decorative art, and in fact eventually became a\nleading motive, so it has been shown that in the nature worship of the\nIndians this same evolution takes place. A. L. Kroeber and Clark\nWissler, among others, have shown that the decorative art on the\nmoccasins, leggings, tents, food bags, etc., of the Indians, all\nrepresenting a highly conventionalized symbol, expresses religious\nmotives throughout. This symbolism can be interpreted only by an\nunderstanding of religious motives. The analogy of this symbolic\ndevelopment to that associated with sex worship is at once apparent.\n\nFinally, just as in sex worship the motive came to dominate most of the\npractices and usages of civil life, so it can be shown that in tribes\npracticing nature worship, the religious motive has a very powerful\ninfluence. The performance of rites to increase the food supply are\namong the most important of primitive man's duties. Any man who enters\ninto these rites listlessly is not respected, and the leaders of the\nrite are the head men of the tribe. In Australia, one of the main\nfunctions of each Totem group is to increase the supply of its own\nTotem animal or plant by magic ceremony.\n\nIn summing up, therefore, the analogies between sex worship and nature\nworship, the following features may be reviewed: the outward form is the\nsame, _i. e._, that of a religious ceremonial rite in which a sacred\nobject is the representation of the deity. The symbolism associated with\nthis object develops in the same way in both instances. In the course of\ntime this symbolism becomes conventionalized, and eventually it finds\nits way into primitive art. It then becomes the leading motive in\nprimitive art and finally the religious motive is forgotten and the\naesthetic motive alone remains. Were further proof necessary, these\nanalogies alone would be sufficient to enable us to understand the\nmeaning of sex worship.\n\nThe ritual associated with the worship of sex then, arose in response to\nemotions which are grouped around the instinct of reproduction. These\nfeelings are so primitive and at the same time so fundamental, that it\nis difficult for us to realize that early man should dignify them by\nreligious ritual. They stand out as expressions of a biological demand.\nAs stated above, sex worship was not a conscious expression on the part\nof certain individuals, but it was the unconscious expression of\nlongings and desires on the part of the race. It represents a phase in\nman's mental evolution, a process of mental development. Its dynamic\nvalue, from a biological standpoint, is at once apparent. In order to\nsurvive man must reproduce his kind, and the emotions associated with\nreproductive instincts must be of adequate dynamic value.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nIt has been stated that sex worship, as practiced during the primitive\nstate of civilization, was a healthy phase in racial evolution. In a\nhigher degree of civilization, however, the reversion to this motive was\na regression, and decadent sex worship as it existed during the middle\nages was an attempt by certain unhealthy elements in the race to revert\nto the primitive. In decadent sex worship we are dealing with an\ninstance of faulty mental adaptation in a way in which we had not been\naccustomed to consider it. It is a case of faulty adaptation in the\nrace, or at least in certain elements of it, rather than in the\nindividual. These general analogies are noteworthy from the standpoints\nof mental evolution and abnormal psychology.\n\nIn order to show how sex worship as practiced by a later civilization\nwas the expression of an unhealthy tendency, we must digress\nsufficiently to show the setting in which decadent sex worship existed.\nIt is necessary to give a chronological outline indicating how primitive\nbeliefs succeeded each other as a result of man's progressive\ndevelopment.\n\nThe earlier beliefs were an expression of nature worship. This as we\nhave shown, was mostly associated with the question of food supply. It\nhas been shown that during this period of primitive man's existence\ngroup thinking predominated, and man thought of himself as part of the\ngroup rather than as an individual. At this time, therefore, the idea\nof the deity which was evolved was not that of an individual god.\nGenerally speaking, it was the \"vegetation spirit\" existing throughout\nnature which was deified. This was the general period of earth\nworship,--the forces of nature associated with the earth being man's\nmain interest. The earth at this time was highest in primitive man's\nregard.\n\nDuring the time of earth worship, the social organization of the tribe\nwas such that the mother was the dominating influence in social\nstructure. Descent was matrilinear, and a society known as matriarchy\nexisted, as contrasted to the later patriarchy. The mother was the\nleading figure in social as well as in family life. At this period a\ncertain degree of sexual promiscuity existed; the mother of the child\nwas known but the father was not and so the descent was in the female\nline. With earth worship, then, there was mother worship, and the term\n\"Mother Earth\" had a very real significance.\n\nWith the social state of matriarchy, the mother cults developed. These\nmother cults evolved the numerous female deities of antiquity, Themis,\nDemeter, Cybele, and many others being the expression of mother worship.\nThese deities were generally associated with the wild elements of\nnature,--with the wind, and the hills and the forests.\n\nAssociated with the mother religion in a way which at first does not\nappear to be very clear arose the phallic cults. It should be here\nstated that the mother religion was not the religion of the mother\nalone, but also that of the mother and child. The child was the\nadolescent,--a youth about to be initiated at the public ceremony, at\nwhich he was often circumcised and after which he was able to take up\nthe reproductive functions of the male. Miss J. Harrison has shown that\nDionysus was the embodiment of this conception. Here the youth was\nnecessary only to the extent that he could become a father. It was his\ngenerative attribute which was sanctified, rather than that he was a\nmale being existing as an individual. For this reason, the deification\nof the phallic principle, _i. e._, the generative attribute, preceded\nthe deification of the male as an individual. At least this is the\nimpression one gains of this development. In any case, we note that the\nphallic ceremonies were associated with the mother religion. The period\nin which both existed was mostly prehistoric.\n\nWe see the beginning of the evolution of the male god in the phallic\ncults. This was eventually followed by the patriarchal system and here\nwe are on more familiar ground. Patriarchy succeeded matriarchy, but\nwhether as a gradual evolution or otherwise is not clear. Some writers\nspeak of bitter conflicts in Persia, India, Greece and elsewhere. In any\ncase the religion of the father replaced that of the mother; the social\nsystem changed and the father took his place at the head of the family.\nDuring this period we are told[37] that man shifted his belief from the\nearth to the sky, the sun was found to be the source of energy and\nworship was transferred to the Heavens. Just as formerly the female\ndeity was identified with the earth, so the male deity was identified\nwith the sun, Zeus and Apollo being two examples of the latter type from\na great many.\n\nWe are now approaching a well known historic period. The religion of the\nfather and the son had replaced that of the mother and child. The age of\nhero worship had commenced and this hero was often identified with the\nsun. For this reason, the fact that a myth is in the form of a sun myth\ndoes not argue against its being the expression of a very deep religious\nmotive. As has been stated, earlier motives are carried forward, and so\nwhile sun worship is a somewhat later development than the phallic\nbeliefs, it is quite natural that many phallic ideas should find\nexpression at this subsequent period.\n\nWe have now reached a time when sex worship became decadent, for\nChristianity followed sun worship and hero worship; and this brings us\nto the present day. The religion of father and son remains, and much of\nthe form of the earlier worship has been retained in the modern.\n\nThe above outline of the changes and evolution of early religions is\nmost schematic. It enables us, however, to see that sex worship was\nentirely out of place during the middle ages, in a civilization which\nhad long before discarded matriarchy. The questions of the food supply,\nand of children, were no longer so immediately pressing, and the faith\nin magical performances had been shaken. Man had emerged from the group\nas a definite personality, and the development of a new religion which\nexpressed other feelings and desires had taken place. What we wish to\nemphasize at present is, then, that sex worship as it was carried on\nduring the middle ages was a distinctly unnatural tendency in the race.\n\nAt this time opportunity may be taken to reconcile different\ninterpretations which some writers have given regarding early religious\nmotives. Considerable variation and some contradiction may be observed\nin the writings of different authors in describing a religious\ndevelopment of much the same period. One writer may describe the\nfeatures of nature worship and quite ignore the presence of sex worship.\nOthers may describe only phallic rites. These discrepancies may be\nunderstood when the order in which the various beliefs developed is\nrecognized. Nature worship developed first, but much of its symbolism\nwas carried into the phallic ceremonies. Thus we see the phallus\nassociated with the pine cone and other elements of vegetative life.\nSome of these elements, the pine cone for example, finally came to have\na phallic significance, but at an earlier period they probably\nrepresented the vegetation spirit. In fact, reproductive attributes of\nboth nature and man were often worshipped at the same ceremony.\n\nWhile we should not as a rule expect to find phallic rites associated\nwith the earlier forms of nature worship, since sex worship developed at\na somewhat later period, still in this connection we cannot be too\ndogmatic; the primitive Australians appear to be at the stage of mental\ndevelopment when simple nature worship predominated, yet, from _Mutter\nErde_[38] we learn that with the Australians a ceremony consisting of\nthe throwing of a spear into the earth was of phallic significance. This\nco-existence of these two related motives is not unnatural since they\nboth equally represent fundamental biological demands on the part of the\nrace.\n\nWe may now return to the interpretation of decadent sex worship. When we\nunderstand the setting in which sex worship was practiced in the middle\nages we are better able to appreciate its significance. As stated above,\nit was the attempt by certain elements of the race to return to more\nprimitive motives, and to derive satisfaction from beliefs which had\nlong been outgrown by advancing civilization. This clinging to an early\ntype of reaction, or the return to more primitive feelings, must be\nregarded as an unhealthy tendency. Moreover, at this time, the motive\nitself was no longer expressed in the natural and healthy way of\nprimitive times. Sex worship during the middle ages became depraved;\nexcesses and perversions appeared and the entire development, as it\nexisted at that time, was biologically undesirable.\n\nIt also appeared that at certain times in the mental evolution of the\nrace a degree of development is reached from which no further progress\nis made. At least, we are aware of such an instance in the case of a\nvery primitive community in Southern Italy. A writer, Norman\nDouglas,[39] in 1914 found the existence of a phallic cult in Calabria.\nThe women sanctified a crack of one of the walls of the temple, their\nattitude toward it corresponding to the yoni worship of India. Near by\nwas an ancient stone pillar held in great veneration, which was the\nrepresentative of the phallus.\n\nIt is observed that in this small community some remnants of phallic\nbelief of a very primitive type have been retained for centuries. The\nreligious development, an index of mental development, has become \"set\"\nas it were and no further progress is possible. It is not entirely for\nwant of opportunity that this locality has not taken up higher religious\nbeliefs. The Catholic Church has introduced its teachings, but the\npeople have represented the images of the Saints, of the Virgin Mary,\nand of Christ somewhat after the fashion of toy dolls. These are used as\nfetishes to ward off disease and no higher conceptions are grasped.\nIdeas regarding after life and immortality are disregarded in favor of\nthe immediate need of protection against supposed evil influences. With\nthese people, therefore, motives are utilized which satisfy only the\nmost fundamental and immediate desires.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nWe have now followed a definite motive in mental development through its\nrise, its elaboration and its decadence. We therefore have its life\nhistory in the race before us; we have been enabled by analogies of\nother motives and by utilizing the conclusions of various writers, to\nunderstand its meaning and to give its interpretation. It remains to be\nseen what general conclusions regarding either racial or individual\ndevelopment in this sphere may be drawn.\n\nIt appears that when an important motive of this sort develops in the\nrace, it embodies the expression of fundamental desires. Since it\ncarries with it a strong and ever present desire in this way, it is\nstrikingly _dynamic_ in nature. It dominates all social organization,\nand with primitive people it dominates much of the conduct of the\nindividual. When such a motive is seriously entertained it is pragmatic,\n_i. e._, it serves a useful end, or at least the conceptions which it\nembodies are entertained because they are thought to be of the highest\nvalue to the race.\n\nAs mental development continues, these more fundamental and primitive\nmotives cease to be all absorbing. Eventually, the subject of the food\nsupply becomes less pressing. Races continue to increase and multiply\nwith or without the performance of sacred rites and man begins to\nquestion the utility of his imitative magic. Higher desires force\nthemselves into consciousness, and earlier motives are no longer\noutwardly expressed; the form of the early motives is retained however:\nusages, symbols and practices which have long ceased to be dynamic and\nwhose meaning is entirely forgotten are still observed; so we see\nevidences of primitive racial motives cropping up in all sorts of ways\nin later civilization.\n\nBut to say that the earlier motives are no longer outwardly expressed is\nnot to infer that they do not exist. Fundamental as they are in our\nmental development, they enter into our general personality and become a\npart of our makeup. How is the motive expressed in sex worship a part of\nour motives and feelings of today? Superficially it does not appear to\nbe present, but a little reflexion shows that it is there. It has become\nso much a part of us that we scarcely recognize its presence, the\ninstinct to reproduce being common to everyone. Every woman feels this\nto be her duty,--her religious duty if the dictum of the Church is to be\nfollowed:\n\n\"Lo, children are an heritage of the Lord; and the fruit of the womb is\nhis reward. As arrows are in the hand of a mighty man; so are children\nof the youth. Happy is the man that has his quiver full of them; they\nshall not be ashamed, but they shall speak with the enemies in the\ngate.\" _Psalm 127._\n\nDuring earlier times barrenness was regarded as a curse, and many charms\nwere in use to counteract this calamity. A sentence from a letter of\nJulia Ward Howe to her young sister about to be married, affords an apt\nreference to this sense of duty: \"Marriage, like death, is a debt we owe\nto nature, and though it costs us something to pay it, yet we are more\ncontent and better established in peace when we have paid it.\" The\nfeeling associated with the command \"to increase and multiply\" is so\nmuch a part of our innermost thoughts and feelings that further\nreferences to it are unnecessary.\n\nTo what extent may we utilize the evolution of this motive in the race,\nin understanding certain phases of mental development associated with\nreproductive instincts in the individual? In interpreting the racial\nhistory of this motive we have seen that it is dynamic; it develops in\nresponse to biological demands. It is a very elementary and primitive\ndesire to be raised to the dignity of a religion, but none the less it\nis a very essential one. We have seen that when this motive is replaced\nby higher ones, a return to it bespoke faulty mental adaptations on the\npart of those who did so. Analogies between the individual and the race\nin this sphere exist in a general way, and their presence is\nsignificant.\n\nAnalogies in the sphere in the normal mental development of the\nindividual may be considered first. In dealing with the developing\nthoughts of childhood, we shall refer to one particular tendency, _i. e._,\nthat of _day dreaming_. We know that a certain amount of the day\ndreaming of the child has to do with the feelings and emotions\nassociated with the questions of reproduction, considered in its\nbroadest sense; _i. e._, including fictitious lovers, marriages,\nchildren, etc. Now probably with the child, the day dreaming associated\nwith these feelings is of biological significance, just as the rituals\nassociated with similar feelings are of value to the race. The little\ngirl who is the mother of her doll, who plays at housekeeping, who\nfictitiously assumes the responsibilities of married life and what\nnot,--the child by developing this feature of her existence in fancy is\nprobably preparing herself for reality. The little boy who becomes a\nhero in his own fancy, marries a princess, and who overcomes all sorts\nof difficulties; or the small boy who in his play enters into all the\nactivities of adult life,--probably this child, by entertaining the\nthoughts of his future life, prepares himself to some extent for future\nlife. These fundamental motives, therefore, which arise in response to\nbiological demands, are the expression of desires, both in the case of\nthe individual and of the race, and they act not only harmlessly but\nprobably beneficially at a certain stage of mental evolution.\n\nAgain, we have shown how in the race remnants of early and primitive\nmotives continue to appear in various ways long after their outward\ndynamic value has been lost and when their meaning is no longer\nunderstood. Is this not true of the individual? Do we not all recognize\nin the moods and mental attitudes and even in some of the actions of the\nadult, remnants of feelings and forces which were dynamic in childhood?\nThese feelings exist although they are not consciously appreciated. The\nactual experiences are forgotten but the moods and emotions remain. This\nis analagous to the influence which primitive racial thoughts, beliefs\nand usages have on present day civilization. The meaning of these usages\nand symbols is forgotten in many cases but the outward form still\nexists.\n\nIn the individual, a motive of this kind does not become a religion or a\nritual as in the case with the race, but it nevertheless is forcefully\nexpressed in that it excites an absorbing interest and forces itself\nstrongly into consciousness, during the phase of its dynamic\ndevelopment. As stated above, just as in the early mental evolution of\nthe race, we find that the question of reproduction comes prominently to\nthe fore, so with the individual we find that at the adolescent period\nof life the sexual instinct is very fully elaborated. Just as with the\nrace reproduction is necessary for the continuation of the race, so with\nthe individual, elaboration of sexual instinct is necessary in order\nthat adult sexual responsibilities may be assumed. This consists of much\nmore than mere physical development. In a complex state of civilization\nmany adjustments in the sphere of sexual indulgence and continence and\nmarriage have to be made. This phase of the individual's life is a very\nimportant one. It is the rule for proper reactions to occur at this\ntime, in which case the reproductive instincts assume their proper place\nin mental life. But if satisfactory adjustments do not occur the\nconsequences may be serious. In the healthy mental evolution of the\nindividual, therefore, just as in the normal mental evolution of the\nrace, we see that motives arise, assume a dynamic character, play their\npart in the developing mind, and leave lasting impressions. They serve a\nuseful purpose during one phase of mental evolution. We have seen that\nthey may be harmful in the race if utilized at a later period. Let us\nsee to what extent this is true of the individual.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nPsychiatrists during recent years have come to believe that in certain\nmental states we see a reversion to a more primitive type of\nreaction,--a tendency to utilize earlier adaptations, the reactions of\ninfancy and childhood in meeting situations which arise in adult life.\nIf this assumption is correct it is seen that a reversion to something\nmore primitive is an undesirable reaction in the individual as well as\nin the race. Here too we find that the emotions and feelings associated\nwith the reproductive instinct may be inadequately developed. It has\nbeen shown above that the day dreams of the child are probably\nbeneficial rather than harmful. Is this day dreaming beneficial to the\nadult? We know from our experience that it is not, and in its relation\nto the reproductive sphere this is particularly true. The adult who\nsubstitutes the realities of life by elaborate day dreams is approaching\ndangerous ground. The young woman who in adult life is constantly\ndreaming of an ideal but fictitious lover is deriving satisfaction from\nunhealthy sources; and the young man who ecstatically becomes a hero or\na racial benefactor is equally at fault. In instances where such\nthoughts are believed in and acted upon as we observe again and again in\nmental disorders, a serious condition of the mind has arisen. When an\nattempt is made to gain satisfaction in these immature ways at a later\nstage of development, or when there is a failure to develop at a certain\npoint, the reaction is harmful in both the individual and in the race.\n\nIt is during the adolescent period that these failures of adaptation\ngenerally occur. At this time, the whole development in the\nreproductive sphere, particularly in the mental characteristics\nassociated with the sexual instinct, considered in its broadest sense,\ndoes not take place. There may be much rumination about this topic, but\nthe responsibilities of adult sexual life, of marriage, of child bearing\nwith the female, are not adequately met. Fancies are substituted for\nreality, and while, as stated above, young women may dream of ideal\nlovers, they at the same time are shy and unnatural in their attitude\ntoward the opposite sex. Young men, instead of taking their place in the\nlife of the adult community, realize adult ambitions only by elaborate\nday dreams. In abnormal mental states, we see young men in their fancies\nbecome important personages, religious benefactors and national heroes.\nThey may shun all association with women but at the same time maintain\nthat they have a cultural mission to populate the earth. We see here how\nthe feelings associated with reproductive instincts have been faulty or\ninadequate. This return to something more primitive is an unhealthy\natavistic tendency and makes for both racial and individual inferiority.\n\nA word may be said regarding symbolism of the race as applied to the\nindividual. We have stated that symbolism is a primitive and rudimentary\nway of expressing thought. It would seem logical therefore that if in\nsome abnormal mental states there is a return to more primitive\nreactions, we may find a tendency to symbolize. This tendency is\nfrequently observed and the symbolism is often very elaborate. A\nknowledge of the interpretation of racial symbolism is doubtless of\nvalue in the case of the individual. When men's thoughts deal with the\nsame subject and when they tend to symbolize, they are likely to express\nthemselves in much the same way symbolically. If in abnormal mental\nstates thoughts are entertained which have to do with the motives we\nhave been discussing, it is reasonable to suppose that the racial and\nindividual symbolism will show certain analogies.\n\nAgain, in the pages of recent psychiatry, we learn that in abnormal\nmental states there is a reversion not only to the primitive motives of\nchildhood, but also to the primitive motives of the race. Just to what\nextent this tendency exists remains for studies of the future to show.\nCertainly, striking instances may be cited; for example, let us quote\nfrom a recent study in psychiatry:[40] \"One such patient with a very\ncomplicated delusional system states that he is the father of Adam, that\nhe has lived in his present human body thirty-five years, but in other\nbodies thirty million years, and that during this time he has occupied\nsix million different bodies. He has been the great men in the history\nin the development of the human race; he himself created the human race.\nIt took him three hundred million years to perfect the first fully\ndeveloped human being; he is both male and female and identifies all the\ndifferent parts of the Universe with his own body; heaven, hell and\npurgatory are located in his limbs, the stars are pieces of his body\nwhich had been torn apart by torture and persecution in various ages of\npast history; he is the father and creator of the various races and\nelements of the human organization, etc.\" Any one who has done even a\ncursory reading in mythology cannot but be struck by the similarity in\nform as well as in thought between this production and what we find in\nmyths.\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nThe general analogies which we have indicated are such as one would have\nreason to expect. The history of both the healthy and unhealthy mental\nevolution of the race is in many respects the history of the individual;\nin order to understand these analogies it is necessary to understand the\nmental development of primitive man. Recent studies have given us much\nvaluable information in this direction. In primitive usages we find the\nexpression of early man's deepest longings and desires, and so a dynamic\ninterpretation of such motives is possible. It remains for the\npsychiatrist to learn to what extent the findings of special\ninvestigators of primitive races may be utilized in explaining mental\nevolution, and also the development of abnormal mental states. This\nstudy is a comparatively recent one but it already gives indications of\noffering ample rewards.\n\n\n\n\nREFERENCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY\n\n\nBrand, John: Observations on Popular Antiquities.\n\nBryant: System of Mythology.\n\nCox, Rev. G. W.: The Mythology of the Aryan Nations.\n\nDeGubertnatis, Angelo: Zoological Mythology.\n\nDeiterich, A.: Mutter Erde.\n\nDixon, Roland B.: The Northern Maidu.\n\nDorsey, George A.: Traditions of the Caddo, (Carnegie Institute.)\nIndians of the South West.\n\nFrazer, J. G.: Adonis, Attis and Osiris; Balder, the Beautiful; Psyche's\nTask.\n\nGoodrich, V. K.: Ainu Family Life and Religion, Popular Science Monthly,\nNovember, 1888.\n\nGrosse: The Beginnings of Art.\n\nHarrison, Miss Jane: Ancient Art and Ritual; Themis.\n\nHearn, Lafcadio: Japan; an Attempt at Interpretation.\n\nHerodotus: (Rawlinson's Trans.)\n\nHiggins, Godfrey: The Anacalypsis; Celtic Druids.\n\nHitchcock, Romyn: Shinto or the Mythology of the Japanese, (Smithsonian\nInstitute.)\n\nHowitt, A. W.: The Native Tribes of South East Australia.\n\nJennings, Hargrave: The Rosicrucians; The Indian Religions.\n\nJevons, F. B.: The Idea of God in Early Religions.\n\nJudson: Myths and Legends of the Mississippi Valley and the Great Lakes.\n\nKarpas, Morris J.: Socrates in the light of Modern Psychopathology.\n(Journal of Abnormal Psychology. 1915.)\n\nKing, C. W.: The Gnostics and their Remains; Hand-book of Engraved Gems.\n\nKnight, R. P.: The Symbolical Language of Ancient Art and Mythology; Two\nEssays on the Worship of Priapus.\n\nKroeber, Alfred L.: Symbolism of the Arapaho Indians. The Arapaho,\n(Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History.)\n\nLangdon, S.: Tammuz and Ishtar.\n\nLayard, A.: Babylon and Nineveh; Nineveh and its Remains.\n\nLeuba, James H.: A Psychological Study of Religion.\n\nMonsen, Frederick: Festivals of the Hopi. (The Craftsman, June, 1907.)\n\nMurray, Gilbert: Hamlet and Orestes: The Rise of the Greek Epic.\n\nNewton, John: Assyrian Grove Worship.\n\nO'Brien, Henry: The Round Towers of Ireland.\n\nPeet, Stephen D.: Secret Societies and Sacred Mysteries.\n\nPerrot, and Chipiez: History of Art in Phrygia, Lidia, Caria and Lycia;\nHistory of Art in Persia.\n\nPrescott: Conquest of Peru.\n\nPratt, J. B.: India and Its Faiths.\n\nRawlinson, G.: History of Ancient Egypt; Ancient Monarchies.\n\nReclus, Elie: Primitive Folk.\n\nRivers, W. H. R.: The Todas.\n\nRhyn, Dr. Otto: Mysteria.\n\nRoscoe, John: The Northern Bantu.\n\nRocco, Sha: Ancient Sex Worship.\n\nRousselet, Louis: India and Its Native Princes.\n\nSpencer, B.: Native Tribes of the Northern Territory of Australia.\n\nSolas, W. J.: Ancient Hunters.\n\nStarcke, C. V.: The Primitive Family.\n\nStevens, J.: Central America, Chiapez and Yucatan.\n\nSymonds, J. A.: A Problem in Greek Ethics.\n\nWissler, Clark: Symbolism in the Decorative Art of the Sioux.\n\nWestropp, Hodder M.: Primitive Symbolism.\n\nWood, Rev. J. G.: The Uncivilized Races.\n\nWood-Martin: Pagan Ireland.\n\n\n\n\nINDEX\n\n\n  Adaptations, faulty, 131-132.\n\n  Adjustment, of individual, 129.\n\n  Adonis, sun god, 75.\n\n  American Cyclopedia, 23.\n\n  American Museum of Natural History, 6.\n\n  Anacalipsis, 38.\n\n  Analogies between the Individual and the Race, 126.\n\n  Ancient Grove Worship of Assyria, 49, 71.\n\n  Ancient Sex Worship, 25, 30, 41.\n\n  Androgyne deity, 36, 68.\n\n  Arapaho Indians, 109.\n\n\n  Bacchus, representative of male generative attribute, 22.\n\n  Bacchanalia, 74, 78, 87, 108.\n\n  Bear, sacred animal, 101.\n\n  Bull, phallic significance of, 63.\n\n  Bull roarer, nature of, 99.\n\n  Bureau of Amer. Eth., 5.\n\n\n  Caves of Elephanta, 43.\n\n  Ceremonial objects, conventionalization of, 109.\n\n  _Chinese Review_, 44.\n\n  Collective or group feeling, importance of, 21.\n\n  Collective thought of the race, relation to religious development, 17.\n\n  Crux Ansata, 51.\n\n\n  Dairy, sacredness of, 100.\n\n  Dances, at Witches' Sabbath, 89.\n\n  Decadent Sex Worship, 79, 81, 91, 113;\n    interpretation of, 120.\n\n  Deity, female, function of in Japan, 105.\n\n  Deities, Teutonic, 93.\n\n  Dietrich, A., 120.\n\n  Dionysia, 74, 78.\n\n  Dionysus, 115.\n\n  Dorsey, G. A., 101.\n\n  Douglas, N., 121.\n\n  Dragon, relation to serpent, 45.\n\n\n  Earth, Worship, 114.\n\n  Egg, 50, 62, 74.\n\n  Eleusinia, 74, 77, 87, 108.\n\n  Emasculation, a form of worship, 31.\n\n  Essay on the Assyrian \"Grove,\" 39.\n\n\n  Female deities, 115.\n\n  Festivals to increase food supply, 98.\n\n  Fire, male principle, 36.\n\n  Fire Worship, 36, 88;\n    identified with sex worship, 42.\n\n  Fish, phallic significance, 35.\n\n  Frazer, 6, 17, 31, 32, 94, 107.\n\n\n  Gnostics, early secret society, 83;\n    phallic amulets of, 90;\n    reversions of, 84.\n\n  Goat, priapic animal, 88;\n    Symbol of Khem, 25.\n\n  Golden Bough, 6. (See Frazer.)\n\n  Group Thought, 113.\n\n\n  Harrison, J., 6, 18, 99, 101, 104, 107, 115, 116.\n\n  Hearn, L., 52.\n\n  Heraldry, origin of symbols, 51.\n\n  Hermes, phallic nature of, 36.\n\n  Higgins, 38.\n\n  Hitchcock, R., 105.\n\n  Holy Grail, Symbolism of, 93.\n\n  Homosexuality, in Greek life, 85;\n    practice of Rosicrucians, 84.\n\n  Hopi Indians, 101, 102.\n\n  Howe, J. W., 125.\n\n  Howitt, A. W., 6.\n\n\n  Initiative magic, 104.\n\n  _India and its Native Princes_, 43.\n\n  _India and its Faiths_, 80.\n\n  _Indian Religions_, 48.\n\n  _Indians of the Southwest_, 101.\n\n  Infantile reactions, 130.\n\n  Initiation ceremony, 115.\n\n  Inman, T., 5, 50, 54.\n\n  Interpretations of Sex Worship, 96.\n\n\n  _Japan, an attempt at Interpretation_, 52.\n\n  Jennings, H., 5, 28, 42, 48, 51, 62, 72, 92.\n\n\n  Karnac, 26.\n\n  Karpas, M. J., 83.\n\n  Khem, description of, 24.\n\n  King, C. W., 54.\n\n  Knight, R. P., 5, 27, 30, 37, 47, 48, 49, 54, 58, 63, 65,\n      83, 87, 90, 91.\n\n  Knights of the Round Table, 93.\n\n  Knights Templar, phallic amulets of, 90;\n    practices of, 86.\n\n  Kroeber, A. L., 109, 110.\n\n\n  Layard, A., 60.\n\n  Lingam with yoni, 41.\n\n  Lost god, the, 75.\n\n  Lotus, significance of, 56-58.\n\n\n  Male date palm, significance of, 49.\n\n  Matriarchy, 114.\n\n  May-pole, associated with phallic worship, 39, 47.\n\n  Moon, associated with female deity, 71.\n\n  Mother Earth, 70, 114.\n\n  Mother religion, 115, 116.\n\n  _Mutter Erde_, 120.\n\n  Murray, G., 20.\n\n  Mysteries, teaching of, 78-79.\n\n\n  Nature Worship, 5, 97, 108, 110.\n\n  Newton, J., 39, 49, 71.\n\n  _Nineveh and Its Remains_, 60.\n\n  North American Indians and sun worship, 70;\n    nature worship, 98, 108, 109.\n\n\n  Obelisk, phallic interpretation, 38.\n\n  O'Brien, 38, 56, 58.\n\n  Obscure Sex Symbolism, 36.\n\n  Order of the Garter, 93.\n\n  Osiris, 76.\n\n\n  Pan, significance of, 22.\n\n  Patriarchy, 114, 116.\n\n  Pepys, S., 48.\n\n  Peet, O. S., 108.\n\n  Persephone, 77.\n\n  Phallic hand, symbol of prostitution, 91.\n\n  Phallic rites, motive for, 106.\n\n  Phallic symbols, 27;\n    in art, 50.\n\n  Phallic Worship in China, 44.\n\n  Phallic Worship, nature of, 23, 98.\n\n  Phallus, as a charm, 90, 93;\n    as a decoration, 90.\n\n  Plant and Flower Symbols, 54.\n\n  Pomegranate, female symbol, 55.\n\n  Pratt, J. B., 80.\n\n  Priapiea, 87.\n\n  Priapus, disguises of, 88.\n\n  Primitive motives, continuance of, 128;\n    reversion to, 134.\n\n  _Primitive Symbolism_, 28.\n\n  _Problem in Greek Ethics_, 85.\n\n  _Psyche's Task_, 94.\n\n  Puberty Initiations, 103, 115.\n\n\n  Qualities of animal and vegetable nature venerated, 39.\n\n\n  Racial feelings, expression of, in religion, 19.\n\n  Racial Motives, in primitive religions, 19;\n    dynamic value of, 123.\n\n  Rain making rite, 99.\n\n  Rawlinson, 24.\n\n  Reproduction, motive of, 21.\n\n  Rhyn, O., 78.\n\n  _Rise of the Greek Epic_, 20.\n\n  Ritual, motive for, 106;\n    related to food supply, 102, 103.\n\n  Rivers, W. H. R., 6, 100.\n\n  Robin Goodfellow, 94.\n\n  _Rosicrucians_, 42, 92.\n\n  Rosicrucians, phallic amulets of, 90;\n   practices of, 84, 85, 93.\n\n  _Round Towers of Ireland_, 38, 73.\n\n  Rousselet, 43.\n\n\n  Sacred Animals, 60-65.\n\n  Sacred prostitution, evidences of, 29.\n\n  Satan, at Witches Sabbath, 88.\n\n  Secret Societies for decadent sex worship, 83.\n\n  Serpent Worship, 61, 62, 72, 73.\n\n  Sex Worship:\n    An unconscious racial expression, 22;\n    biological significance of, 96;\n    as basis of early religions, 28;\n    In Africa in Modern times, 26;\n    decadence of in Middle Ages, 90;\n    primitive form, 108;\n    influence in present thought, 124;\n    part of evolution of the human mind, 23;\n    in symbolism, 34;\n    where it existed as basis of early religions, 28.\n\n  Sex Worship and Nature Worship, analogies of, 111;\n    relation of, 119.\n\n  Sexual act, as part of worship, 27-28.\n\n  _Shinto, or the mythology of the Japanese_, 105.\n\n  Smithsonian Inst., 6.\n\n  Snake, phallic significance of, 35.\n\n  _Socrates in the light of Modern Psychopathology_, 83.\n\n  Spencer, 6.\n\n  Star and crescent, 54.\n\n  Stonehenge, significance of, 38, 69.\n\n  Sun Myth, 117.\n\n  Sun Worship, 36, 69, 72, 73.\n\n  _Symbolic Language of Ancient Art and Mythology_, 49, 59.\n\n  Symbolism, racial, in the individual, 133.\n\n  Symonds, J. A., 85.\n\n\n  _Themis_, 6, 99, 116.\n\n  Thunder god, 99.\n\n  Thunder rites, 99.\n\n  _Todas, the_, 6, 100.\n\n  Totem, 110.\n\n  Tree Worship, 48.\n\n\n  Upright objects as phalli, 37.\n\n\n  Vegetation spirit, 114.\n\n\n  Water, female principle, 36.\n\n  Weathercock, emblem of the sun, 50.\n\n  Westropp, H. M., 28, 45, 55.\n\n  Wilder, A., 59.\n\n  Witchcraft, 92.\n\n  Witches' Sabbath, nature of, 87, 92.\n\n  Wissler, C., 102, 110.\n\n  _Worship of Priapus_, 48, 83, 87, 91.\n\n\n  Yam ceremony, 103-104.\n\n\n\n\nFootnotes:\n\n[1] The Scope of Social Anthropology; Psyche's Task.\n\n[2] Themis, Introduction Page XI.\n\n[3] Hamlet and Orestes.\n\n[4] Quoted by H. M. Westropp, Primitive Symbolism.\n\n[5] J. W. Wood. The Uncivilized Races.\n\n[6] The Symbolical Language of Ancient Art and Mythology.\n\n[7] The Rosicrucians.\n\n[8] Adonis, Attis and Osiris.\n\n[9] Rousselet, India and Its Native Princes.\n\n[10] Pepys Diary.\n\n[11] Symbolic Language of Ancient Art and Mythology.\n\n[12] Japan, an attempt at Interpretation.\n\n[13] O'Brien: The Round Towers of Ireland.\n\n[14] The Symbolical Language of Ancient Art and Mythology.\n\n[15] The Enactment of a Rebirth.\n\n[16] Dr. Otto Rhyn, Mysteria.\n\n[17] J. B. Pratt, India and Its Faiths.\n\n[18] R. P. Knight, the Worship of Priapus.\n\n[19] Hargrave Jennings: The Rosicrucians.\n\n[20] J. A. Symonds, A Problem in Greek Ethics. Morris J. Karpas,\nSocrates in the light of Modern Psychopathology. Journal of Abnormal\nPsychology. 1915.\n\n[21] Worship of Priapus.\n\n[22] Pierre de Lancre, Tableau de l'Inconstance des Mauvais Anges et\nDemons.\n\n[23] Worship of Priapus.\n\n[24] The Rosicrucians.\n\n[25] The Scope of Social Anthropology; Psyche's Task.\n\n[26] Themis.\n\n[27] W. H. R. Rivers, The Todas.\n\n[28] Miss J. Harrison: Ancient Art and Ritual.\n\n[29] Indians of the Southwest.\n\n[30] The Functions of Primitive Ritualistic Ceremonies. Popular Science\nMonthly, August 15, 1915.\n\n[31] Spencer, Native Tribes of the Northern Territory of Australia.\n\n[32] Ancient Art and Ritual, p. 64.\n\n[33] Shinto, or the Mythology of the Japanese.\n\n[34] Ancient Art and Ritual.\n\n[35] Secret Societies and Ancient Mysteries: International Congress of\nAnthropology, 1893.\n\n[36] Symbolism of the Arapaho Indians: American Museum of Natural\nHistory.\n\n[37] Miss J. Harrison, Themis, Introduction.\n\n[38] A. Dieterich: _Mutter Erde_.\n\n[39] Norman Douglas: Old Calabria.\n\n[40] Jelliffe and White, Diseases of the Nervous System, page 689.\n\n\n\n\nTranscriber's Notes:\n\nPassages in italics are indicated by _underscore_.\n\nThe following misprints have been corrected:\n  \"barreness\" corrected to \"barrenness\" (page 91)\n  \"superstitition\" corrected to \"superstition\" (page 92)\n  \"Eleusenia\" corrected to \"Eleusinia\" (Index)\n  \"Kroebler\" corrected to \"Kroeber\" (Index)\n  \"Rawlison\" corrected to \"Rawlinson\" (Index)\n  \"Priapus, disguises of, 188.\" corrected to \"Priapus, disguises of, 88.\"\n\nOther than the corrections listed above, printer's inconsistencies in\nspelling and capitalization have been retained.","title":"The Sex Worship and Symbolism of Primitive Races: An Interpretation","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":22765}