{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_31203/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_31203","id":"gutenberg_31203","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/31203","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Health & Medicine","Category: History - Early Modern (c. 1450-1750)","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Medicine in the Bible"],"text":"Produced by Irma Spehar and the Online Distributed\nProofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was\nproduced from images generously made available by The\nInternet Archive/Canadian Libraries)\n\n\n\n\n\n\n                             MEDICA SACRA;\n                                 OR, A\n                              COMMENTARY\n                        On the most remarkable\n                               DISEASES,\n                           Mentioned in the\n                           HOLY SCRIPTURES.\n\n\n                           By RICHARD MEAD,\n\n\n  Fellow of the Royal Colleges of Physicians at LONDON and EDINBURGH,\n        and of the Royal Society, and Physician to his Majesty.\n\n  Translated from the Latin, Under the AUTHOR's Inspection, By THOMAS\n                           STACK, M.D.F.R.S.\n\n                                LONDON:\n\n  Printed for J. BRINDLEY, late Bookseller to his Royal Highness the\n             Prince of WALES, in New Bond-street. M DCCLV.\n\n\n\n\nTHE CONTENTS.\n\n\n_Memoirs of the life and writings of the learned author_\n\n_The preface_\n\nI. _The disease of_ Job                                           page 1\n\nII. _The leprosy_                                                     13\n\nIII. _The disease of king_ Saul                                       28\n\nIV. _The disease of king_ Joram; Jehoram                              34\n\nV. _The disease of king_ Ezekias; Hezekiah                            36\n\nVI. _The disease of old age_                                          38\n\nVII. _The disease of king_ Nebuchadnezzar                             57\n\nVIII. _The paralysy, palsy_                                           62\n\nIX. _Of demoniacs_                                                    73\n\nX. _Of lunatics_                                                      93\n\nXI. _The issue of blood in a woman_                                  103\n\nXII. _Weakness of the back, with a rigidity of the spine back bone_  104\n\nXIII. _The bloody sweat of_ Christ                                   106\n\nXIV. _The disease of_ Judas                                          108\n\nXV. _The disease of king_ Herod                                      113\n\n\n     [Greek: Panta dochimazete to kalon katechete]\n\n     _D. Paul. 1 Ep. ad Thessal. v. 21._\n\n     _Prove all things; hold fast that which is good._\n\n\n\n\nBOOKS wrote by the late learned Dr. MEAD, and sold by J. BRINDLEY,\nBookseller, in _New Bond Street_.\n\n\nENGLISH PIECES, _viz._\n\nI. A Mechanical Account of Poisons in several Essays, 4th Edition.\nPrice 5s. 1747\n\nII. A Discourse on the Plague, 9th Edit. Price 4s. 1744\n\nIII. ---- on the Small Pox and Measles; to which is annexed, a\nTreatise on the same Disease by the celebrated Arab. Phys. _Abubeker\nRhazes_. Price 4s.\n\nIV. ---- on the Scurvy; to which is annexed, An historical Account of\na new Method for extracting the foul Air out of Ships, &c. with the\nDescription and Draught of the Machines by which it is performed: In\ntwo Letters to a friend. By _Samuel Sutton_, the Inventor. Price 3s 6d\n1749\n\nV. ---- on the Influence of the Sun and Moon upon human Bodies, and\nthe Diseases thereby produced. 4s 1748\n\nVI. Medical Precepts and Cautions. Price 5s. 1751\n\nVII. A Commentary on the Diseases mentioned in the Holy Scriptures.\nPrice 4s. 1755\n\n_The above seven Discourses are all translated under the Author's\nInspection, by Dr. STACK, M.D.F.R.S._\n\n\nLATIN PIECES, _viz._\n\nVIII. De Variolis & Morbillis Liber, huic accessit _Rhazes_ Medici\ninter Arabas celeberrimi, de iisdem Morbis Commentarius. Price 4s.\n1747\n\nIX. De Imperio Solis ac Lun\u00e6 in Corpora Humana, & Morbis inde\nOriundis, Editio Altera, Auctior. & Emendatior. Price 4s. 1746\n\nX. Medica Sacra; sive de Morbis Insignioribus qui in Bibliis\nmemorantur Commentarius. Price 3s 6d 1749\n\nXI. Monita & Precepta Medica. Price 4s 6d 1751\n\n_N. B._ The above are to be had either in Sets, uniformly bound, or\nseparate.\n\n\n\n\nMEMOIRS OF THE LIFE and WRITINGS Of the Late Dr. MEAD.\n\n\nIt is a natural, nor can it be deemed an illaudable curiosity to be\ndesirous of being informed of whatever relates to those who have\neminently distinguished themselves for sagacity, parts, learning, or\nwhat else may have exalted their characters, and thereby entitled them\nto a degree of respect superior to the rest of their cotemporaries.\nThe transmission of such particulars, has ever been thought no more\nthan discharging a debt due to posterity; wherefore it is hoped, that\nwhat is here intended to be offered to the publick, relative to a\ngentleman, who is universally allowed to have merited so largely in\nthe republic of letters, and more particularly in his own profession,\na profession, not less useful than respectable, will not be judged\nimpertinent or disagreeable.\n\nOur learned author was descended from a distinguished family in\nBuckinghamshire, and born at Stepney the second of August 1673. His\nfather, Mr. Matthew Mead, was held in great esteem as a divine among\nthe presbyterians, and was possessed, during their usurped power, of\nthe living of Stepney; from whence he was ejected the second year\nafter the restoration of king Charles the IId. Nevertheless, tho' he\nhad fifteen children, of whom our Richard was the seventh, he found\nmeans, with a moderate fortune, to give them a compleat education. To\nthis purpose he kept a tutor in his house to instruct them, and they\nwere taught latin rather by practice than by rules.\n\nParty-rage perhaps never run higher than about the latter end of\nCharles the IId's reign; hereby this little domestic academy was\ndispersed in 1683. The king, or rather his ministers, were determined\nto be revenged on those, whom they could not prevail on to concur with\ntheir measures. Mr. Mead (the father) was accused of being concerned\nin some designs against the court; wherefore being conscious that even\nhis being a presbyterian, rendered him obnoxious to those in power, he\nchose rather to consult his security by a retreat, then to rely upon\nhis innocence; to this purpose he sought and found that repose in\nHolland, which was denied him in his own country; having first placed\nhis son Richard at a school, under the tuition of an able master of\nhis own principles: under whose care our young gentleman, by a ready\ngenius, strong memory, and close application, made a great\nproficiency. At seventeen years of age he was sent to Utrecht, to be\nfurther instructed in liberal knowledge, by the celebrated Gr\u00e6vius,\nwith whom he continued three years.\n\nHaving determined to devote his attention to medicine, he removed\nfrom Utrecht to Leyden, where he attended Dr. Herman's botanical\nlectures, and was initiated into the theory and practice of physick,\nby the truely eminent Dr. Pitcairn, who then held the professorial\nchair of this science in that university: here our young student's\nassiduity and discernment, so effectually recommended him to the\nprofessor, who was not very communicative of his instructions out of\nthe college, that he established a lasting correspondence with him,\nand received several observations from him, which he inserted in one\nof his subsequent productions.\n\nHis academical studies being finished, Mr. Mead sought further\naccomplishments in Italy, whither he was accompanied by his elder\nbrother,[1] Mr. Polhill, and Dr. Thomas Pellet, afterwards president\nof the college of physicians.\n\n    [1] Mr. Nathaniel Mead, who was at first destined to the\n    service of religion, and preach'd two or three times at the\n    meeting house at Stepney, built by his father, after his\n    ejection from the parish church: but taking a dislike to\n    theological studies, he applied himself to the law, and made\n    as great a figure at the bar, as his brother did in physick.\n\nIn the course of this tour, Mr. Mead commenced doctor in philosophy\nand medicine at Padua, the twenty-sixth of August 1695, and afterwards\nspent some time at Naples and Rome: how advantageous to himself, as\nwell as how useful to mankind he rendered his travels, his works bear\nample testimony.\n\nAbout the middle of the year 1696, he returned home, and settled at\nStepney, in the neighbourhood where he was born: the success, he met\nwith in his practice here, established his reputation, and was a happy\npresage of his future fortunes. If it be remembered, that our author\nwas, when he began to practise, no more than twenty-three years old,\nthat only three years, including the time taken up in his travels,\nwere appropriated to his medical attainments, it may be, not\nunreasonably, admitted, that nothing but very uncommon talents, join'd\nto an extraordinary assiduity, could have enabled him to distinguish\nhimself, at this early a period of life, in so extensive, and so\nimportant a science.\n\nIn 1702, Dr. Mead exhibited to the public, a manifest evidence of his\ncapacity for, as well as application to medical researches, in his\n_mechanical account of poisons_; which he informs us was begun some\nyears before he had leisure to publish it. These subjects, our author\njustly observes, had been treated hitherto very obscurely, to place\ntherefore the surprizing phoenomena, arising from these active bodies\nin a more intelligible light, was his professed intention; how well he\nsucceeded, the reception this piece universally met with, even from\nits first publication,[2] sufficiently declares. In 1708 he gave a new\nedition of it, with some few additions, the principal of which\nconsists in some strictures on the external use of mercury in raising\nsalivations. He has considerably further explained his sentiments upon\nthe same head, in the edition of this work printed in 1747.\n\n    [2] An abstract of this work was thought deserving a place in\n    the philosophical transactions (N\u00ba 283) for the months of\n    January and February 1703.\n\nThis last edition has received so many additions and alterations, as\nmight almost entitle it to the character of a new performance.----A\nstiffness of opinion has been but too commonly observed, especially\namong writers on science; and age has been seldom found to have worn\nout this pertinacity: a favourite hypothesis has been defended even in\nopposition to the most obvious experiments, with a degree of obstinacy\never incompatible with the real interests of truth. On the contrary,\nour ingenious author has set before his literary successors, an\nexample of sagacity and fortitude, truely worthy of imitation, in the\nvictory he obtained over these self-sufficient pre-possessions; length\nof years was so far from rivetting in him an inflexibility of\nsentiment, that, joined to a most extended experience, it served only\nto teach him, that he had been mistaken: his candid retraction of\nwhat he thought to have been advanced amiss by himself, cannot be\nbetter expressed than in his own words. \"Neither have I, says he,[3]\nbeen ashamed on some occasions, (as the Latins said) _c\u00e6dere vineta\nmea_, to retrench or alter whatever I judged to be wrong. _Dies diem\ndocet._ I think truth never comes so well recommended, as from one who\nowns his error: and it is allowed that our first master never shewed\nmore wisdom and greatness of mind, then in confessing his mistake, in\ntaking a fracture of a skull, for the natural suture;[4] and the\ncompliment, which Celsus[5] makes to him on this occasion, is very\nremarkable and just;\" nor is it less applicable to Dr. Mead at present\nthan it was to the Coan sage in his day. \"_More scilicet_, inquit,\n_magnorum virorum, & fiduciam magnarum rerum habentium. Nam levia\ningenia, quia nihil habent, nihil sibi detrahunt: magno ingenio,\nmultaque nihilominus habituro, convenit etiam simplex veri erroris\nconfessio; pr\u00e6cipueque in eo ministerio, quod utilitatis caus\u00e2\nposteris traditur._\"\n\n    [3] Advertisement prefixed to the last edition of the essay\n    on poisons, p. 4.\n\n    [4] Epidem. lib. iv. \u00a7 14.\n\n    [5] Medicin. lib. viii. c. 4.\n\nThe insertion of additions and improvements in the title of new\neditions of books, has been too generally, though sometimes justly,\nunderstood as little else than a contrivance of the bookseller, to\nanimate a languishing sale; but this is far from being the case in\nrespect to the works of our author, whose maturer sentiments on many\nof the subjects, he had before treated of, cannot be well\ncomprehended, unless by a careful perusal of his later corrections,\nseeing the alterations he has thought fit thereby to make in his\nearlier productions, are not less necessary to be attended to by the\nprudent practitioner, than they are really interesting to the unhappy\npatient: the truth of which cannot be more manifestly evinced, than by\nhis last publication of his essays on poisons; wherein he entirely\nsubverts his former hypothesis, and builds his reasonings upon a new\nfoundation; he also tacitly admits his former experiments to have been\ntoo precipitately made, and the conclusions deduced from them, to have\nbeen too hastily drawn.\n\nTo illustrate what has been advanced upon this head, it will not be\nimproper to observe, that when Dr. Mead first wrote these essays, he\nwas of opinion, \"That the effect of poisons, especially those of\nvenemous animals, might be accounted for, by their affecting the blood\nonly: but the consideration of the suddenness of their mischief, too\nquick to be brought about in the course of the circulation, (for the\nbite of a rattle snake killed a dog in less than a quarter of an\nhour)[6] together with the nature of the symptoms entirely nervous,\ninduced him to change his sentiments,[7]\" and to conclude, that the\npoison must be conveyed by a medium of much greater quickness, which\ncould be no other than the animal spirits.\n\n    [6] Philosophical transactions N\u00ba 399.\n\n    [7] Introduction to the last edition of the essays on\n    poisons, page 12.\n\nFrom hence our author is led to prefix to the last edition of this\nperformance, an inquiry into the existence and nature of this\nimperceptible fluid, with which we have been but very imperfectly\nacquainted. He has also added several new experiments, tending to\nconfirm this theory, and explain the properties of the viperine venom,\nparticularly by venturing to _taste_ it; at the same time he has\nlikewise contradicted some of those he had formerly made, whereby he\nhad been induced to believe, this poison partook of a degree of\nacidity: for instance, he formerly asserted that he had seen this\nsanies, \"as an acid, turn the blue tincture of _heliotropium_, to a\nred colour;[8]\" whereas his more modern trials convinced him, it\nproduced no alteration at all.\n\n    [8] Second edition of those essays, page 10.\n\nThe essays on the _tarantula_ and _mad dog_, are likewise considerably\nenlarged in the last impression; especially the latter, in which is\nnow comprehended a regular and elegant history of the symptoms\nattending the bite of this enraged animal, the reason of the\nconsequent _hydrophobia_, and more extensive directions for the cure:\nalso an accurate description of the _lichen cinereus terrestris_, its\nefficacy, and manner of acting. A composition of equal parts of this\nplant and black pepper, was inserted, at our author's desire, into the\nLondon dispensatory, in the year 1721, under the title of _pulvis\nantilyssus_, which he afterwards altered by using two parts of the\nformer, and only one of the latter, as it now stands: in 1735 he also\nrecommended the use of this medicine in a loose sheet, intitled, _a\ncertain cure for the bite of a mad dog_.\n\nIn treating of poisonous minerals, exclusive of what is added\nconcerning mercurial unctions, our author has given a new analysis of\nthe antient and modern _arsenic_; and his essay on deliterious plants,\nhas afforded him an opportunity of enquiring into the _cicuta_, so\nmuch in use of old for killing, especially at Athens, and which is\nsaid to have been administered to _Socrates_ in consequence of his\ncondemnation. To this he has likewise subjoin'd an appendix,\nconcerning the mischievous effects of the simple water distilled from\nthe _lauro-cerasus_, or common laurel, which were first observed some\nyears since in _Ireland_, where, for the sake of its flavour, it was\nfrequently mixed with brandy.--His observations upon venemous\nexhalations, are not less extended, nor ought the, as well useful as\nornamental, plates added to this last edition, to pass unnoticed,\nparticularly, \"The anatomical description of the parts in a viper,\nand in a rattlesnake, which are concerned in their poison,\" by our\ngreat anatomist the learned and ingenious Dr. Nichols.\n\nIn 1703 Dr. _Mead_ communicated to the royal society, a letter\npublished in Italy in 1687 (a copy of which he met with in the course\nof his travels) from Dr. Bonomo to Seignor Redi, containing some\nobservations concerning the worms of human bodies;[9] whereby it is\nintended to prove, that the disease, we call the itch, proceeds merely\nfrom the biting of these animalcules: this opinion is espoused by our\nauthor in one of his latest performances,[10] wherein therefore he\ndirects only _topical_ applications for the cure of this troublesome\ndisease.\n\n    [9] An abstract of part of this letter was inserted in the\n    before-cited number of the philosophical transactions. Vid.\n    supra p. 10.\n\n    [10] Monita & pr\u00e6cepta medica, p. 211, &c.\n\nThe proofs our young physician had already given of literary merit,\nrecommended him soon after the above-mentioned communication, to a\nseat among that learned body; in the same year he was also elected one\nof the physicians of St. Thomas's hospital, and was employed by the\nsurgeons company to read anatomical lectures at their hall, which he\ncontinued to do for some years.\n\nIn 1704 appeared his treatise _de imperio solis ac lun\u00e6 in corpora\nhumana, & morbis inde oriundis_. At this time the Newtonian system of\nphilosophy, from whence our author had chiefly deduced his reasonings\nupon this abstruse subject, were neither thoroughly understood, nor\nuniversally received: nevertheless whatever cavils were raised\nagainst his hypothesis, it was generally admitted, that his\nobservations had their uses in practice.\n\nThe doctor thought proper to revise this juvenile production, and to\ngive a new edition of it in 1748; when he not only altered the\ndisposition of some of the _old_, but also introduced more than a\nlittle _new_ matter into that work: particularly he has placed some\nmathematical points in a clearer light, than they before appeared; he\nhas entered into the discussion of \"a difficult question, which has\nraised great contention among philosophers: viz. whereas water is more\nthan eight hundred times heavier than air, how does it happen, that\nthe latter when replete with watery vapours, depresses the mercury in\nthe barometer; so that its fall is an indication of rain?[11]\" he has\nalso enquired into \"the weight of the atmosphere on a human body, and\nits different pressure at different times;[12]\" and he has illustrated\nand confirmed the medicinal part by several additional observations\nand cases, that promise real utility to the practice of physic. To the\nwhole is now first adjoined a corollary tending to strengthen his\nreasonings upon the subject, by observations of the effects of storms\non the human body; wherein, from the case of a lady who was seized in\nan instant with a _gutta serena_, (that rendered her totally blind) on\nthe night of the great storm which happened in 1703, he is led to give\na distinct account of the cause and cure of that melancholly\ndistemper. This work is also remarkably distinguished by many curious\nobservations our author received from his ingenious preceptor in the\nart of healing, Dr. _Pitcairne_.\n\n    [11] Stack's translation of the influence of the sun and\n    moon, p. 21.\n\n    [12] Ibid. p. 30.\n\nOur author's distinguished genius for, and sedulous attention to the\ninterests of his profession, procured him an acquisition of farther\nhonours, as well as recommended him to the patronage of the most\neminent of the faculty: in 1707 his _Paduan diploma_ for doctor of\nphysick, was confirmed by the university of Oxford; in 1716 he was\nelected fellow of the college of physicians, and served all the\noffices of that learned body, except that of president, which he\ndeclined when offered to him in 1744. Radcliff, the most followed\nphysician of his day, in a particular manner espoused Dr. Mead, and in\n1714, upon the death of the former, the latter succeeded him in his\nhouse, and the greater part of his practice; some years before which,\nhe had quitted Stepney, and had resided in Austin Fryars.\n\nParty-principles were far from influencing his attachments; though he\nwas himself a zealous whig, he was equally the intimate of _Garth_,\n_Arbuthnot_, and _Friend_: his connections, more especially, with the\nlatter, are manifested not only in their mutual writings, (of which,\nmore hereafter) but in that when Dr. _Friend_ was committed a prisoner\nto the Tower in 1723, upon a suggestion of his being concerned in the\npractices of Bishop _Atterbury_ against the government, Dr. _Mead_\nbecame one of his securities to procure his enlargement.\n\nIn 1719, an epidemic fever made great ravages at Marseilles; and tho'\nthe French physicians were very unwilling to admit, this disease to\nhave been of foreign extraction or contagious; yet our government\nwisely thought it necessary, to consider of such measures as might be\nthe most likely to prevent our being visited by so dangerous a\nneighbour; or in failure thereof, to put an early stop to the progress\nof the infection. Dr. _Mead_, whose deserved reputation may not\nunjustly be said to have merited that mark of distinction, was\nconsulted on these critical and important points, by command of their\nexcellencies, the lords justices of the kingdom, in his majesty's\nabsence: how equal he was to this momentous talk, sufficiently appears\nfrom the discourse he published on that occasion: the approbation this\nperformance met with, may be estimated from the reception it\nuniversally found; seven impressions were sold of it in the space of\none year, and in the beginning of 1722, the author gave an eighth, to\nwhich he prefixed a long preface, particularly calculated to refute\nwhat had been advanced in _France_, concerning the absence of\ncontagion in the malady that had afflicted them: he also now added a\nmore distinct description of the plague, and its causes; and confirmed\nthe utility of the measures he had recommended, for preventing its\nextension, from examples of good success, where the same had been put\nin practice: to these he has likewise annexed, a short chapter\nrelating to the cure of this deplorable affliction.--In 1744, this\nwork was carried to a ninth edition, wherein, to use the doctor's own\nexpression, he has \"here and there added some new _strokes_ of\nreasoning, and, as the painters say, retouched the _ornaments_, and\nheightened the _colouring_ of the _piece_.\" Here it may not be\nimproper to take notice, that it is in this last impression of his\n_discourse on the plague_, that our author appears to have first\nadopted his theory of the properties and affections of the _nervous\nfluid_, or _animal spirits_, upon which he has also founded his latter\nreasonings on the subject of poisons, as well as in respect to the\ninfluence of the sun and moon on human bodies.\n\nIn 1723, Dr. _Mead_ was appointed to speak the anniversary Harveian\noration, before the members of the college of physicians, when, ever\nstudious of the honour of his profession, he applied himself to wipe\noff the obloquy, thought to be reflected upon it, by those who\nmaintained the _practice_ of _physic_ at _Rome_, to have been\nconfined to _slaves_ or _freed-men_, and not deemed worthy the\nattention of an _old Roman_: which oration was made publick in 1724,\nand to it was annexed, _a dissertation upon some coins, struck by the_\nSmyrn\u00e6ans, _in honour of physicians_.[13]\n\n    [13] Dissertatio de nummis quibusdam, a _Smyrn\u00e6is_, in\n    medicorum honorem, percussis.\n\nThis publication was smartly attacked by Dr. _Conyers Middleton_ in\n1726,[14] who was replied to by several, and particularly, as it is\nsaid, by Dr. _John Ward_, professor of _rhetoric_ in _Gresham\nCollege_. This gentleman was supposed by his opponent, to have been\nemployed by Dr. _Mead_, who did not chuse to enter personally, into\nthis little-important debate; upon which presumption, Dr. _Middleton_\npublished a defence of his former dissertation in the succeeding\nyear;[15] wherein he treats his respondents with no little\ncontempt.[16] The merits of this dispute are not intended to be here\ndiscussed, but it may not be amiss to observe, that however\ndispleased Dr. _Middleton_ may have been with his antagonists; in a\nwork published several years after, he speaks of our author in the\nmost respectful manner. In treating of an antique picture, he says, he\nbelieves it to be the first, and only one of the sort ever brought to\n_England_, \"_donec_ Meadius _noster, artis medic\u00e6 decus, qui vita\nrevera nobilis, vel principibus in republica viris, exemplum pr\u00e6bet,\npro eo, quo omnibus fere pr\u00e6stat artium veterum amore, alias postea\nquasdam, & splendidiores, opinor, Roma quoque deportandas\ncuravit_.\"[17]\n\n    [14] In a piece entitled, _De medicorum apud veteres_ Romanos\n    _degentium conditione dissertatio; contra viros celeberrimos_\n    Jac. Sponium & Rich. Meadium, M.D.D. _Servilem atque\n    ignobilem eam fuisse ostenditur_, published in the fourth\n    volume of his works, p. 179.\n\n    [15] Dissertationis, &c. contra _anonymos_ quosdam _notarum\n    brevium, responsionis_ atque _animadversionis_ auctores,\n    desensio, ibid. p. 207.\n\n    [16] Speaking of the answer ascribed to Dr. _Ward_, Dr.\n    _Middleton_ says, _quamvis enim nomen suum celavisset, sensi\n    tamen hominem e_ rhetorum turba _conductum esse oportere; cui\n    scilicet generi concessum novimus, omnia_ tragice ornare,\n    augere, ementiri: _is mihi solum scrupulus restabat, quod in\n    ejus quidem sermone, nihil plane, quod_ rhetorem oleret,\n    _nihil venustatis, nihil ornat\u00f9s, sed inculta poti\u00f9s omnia\n    nec satis latina invenirem_.\n\n    _Hujusmodi itaque scriptorem, haud magis quam alterum illum\n    (cui neutiquam sane eum anteserendam censeo) cogitatione ulla\n    mea aut animadversione dignum judicassem; ni hanc potissimum\n    hominem a_ clarissimo Meadio _ad hoc_ respondendi munus\n    _delectum; librumque ipsum_ ejusdem cura & sumptibus _in\n    lucem emissam; amicisque suis_ manu propria inscriptum & dono\n    a Meadio ipso missum _intellixissem_.\n\n    [17] Germana qu\u00e6dam antiquitatis erudita monumenta, &c. first\n    published in 1745, and inserted in the before-cited volume of\n    his works, p. 2.\n\nIn respect to this controversy, our author's _eulogist_[18] takes\nnotice that there is reason to believe, that Dr. _Mead_ himself had\nsome thoughts of more determinately explaining or confirming his\nsentiments upon this subject, in a work which he left unfinished, and\nwhich was designed to have been intitled, _medicina vetus collectitia\nex auctoribus antiquis non medicis_.\n\n    [18] The ingenious Dr. _Maty_, who in his _journal\n    britannique_ (a work not less useful than entertaining) for\n    the months of _July_ and _August_ 1754, has inserted a piece,\n    which he titles, _eloge du docteur Richard Mead_, composed,\n    as himself takes notice, from materials communicated to him\n    by Mr. _Birch_; to which piece these memoirs are obliged for\n    some anecdotes relating to our learned author.\n\nHowever, this literary altercation, did not in the least affect our\nauthor's medical reputation, for in 1727, soon after his present\nMajesty's accession to the throne, whom he had the honour to serve in\nthe same capacity while prince of _Wales_, he was appointed one of the\nroyal physicians, and he had the happiness to see his two\nsons-in-law, Dr. _Willmot_ and Dr. _Nichols_, his co-adjutors in that\neminent station.\n\nAfter having spent near fifty years in the constant hurry of an\nextensive and successful practice; after having lived (truely\naccording to his own motto, _non sibi sed toti_) beyond that period\nassigned by the royal psalmist for the general term of mortality; when\nthe infirmities of age would no longer permit him the free exercise of\nthose faculties, which he had hitherto so advantageously employed in\nthe service of the community, far from sinking into a supine\nindolence, or assuming a supercilious disregard of the world, he still\ncontinued his application, even in the decline of life, to the\nimprovement of physic, and the benefit of mankind.\n\nWhen he was grown unequal to the discharge of more active functions,\nand a retirement was become absolutely necessary, he took the\nopportunity of revising all his former writings: to this retreat\ntherefore, and the happy protraction of so useful a life, the world is\nindebted for the improvements that appear in the latter editions of\nthose works, which have already been taken notice of. It was not till\nnow that our author could find leisure to perfect his _discourse on\nthe small pox and measles_,[19] which had been begun by him many years\nbefore.\n\n    [19] _De variolis & morbillis 1747._\n\nAs it was the principal design of these _memoirs_, to lay before the\npublic a concise and comprehensive history of Dr. _Mead_'s writings,\nthe occasion of this universally admired performance, cannot be better\ngiven than from the author's own account, contained in the preface to\nit, in which also his connections with, and attachment to Dr.\n_Friend_, are further illustrated.\n\nIt appears that Dr. _Mead_, from having observed in the year 1708,\nthat some of his patients in St. _Thomas's Hospital_, recovered from a\nvery malignant sort of the small pox, even beyond expectation, by a\nlooseness seizing them on the ninth or tenth day of the disease, and\nsometimes earlier, first took the hint to try what might be done by\nopening the body with a gentle purge, on the decline of the distemper;\nfinding the success of this experiment in a great measure answerable\nto his wishes, he communicated this method of practice to Dr.\n_Friend_, and met with his approbation.\n\nThe latter being, soon after, called to a consultation with two other\neminent physicians, on the case of a young nobleman who lay\ndangerously ill of the small pox, proposed our author's method; this\nwas opposed till the fourteenth day from the eruption, when the case\nappearing desperate, they consented to give him a gentle laxative\ndraught; which had a very good effect: Dr. _Friend_ was of opinion to\nrepeat it, but was over-ruled, and the patient died the seventh day\nafter.[20]\n\n    [20] Friendi opera, p. 263.\n\nFrom the result of this case, the gentlemen of the faculty were\ngreatly divided in opinion, as to the rectitude of this practice,\ninsomuch that Dr. _Friend_ thought himself under a necessity of\nvindicating it; and therefore sent to our author for the purport of\ntheir former conversation upon this topic, desiring it might be\nreduced into writing. Such was the friendship that mutually subsisted\nbetween these learned men, that this request was granted without\nhesitation, and Dr. _Mead_'s letter was shewn to Dr. _Radcliffe_, who\nprevailed upon our author to consent, that the same might be annexed\nto Dr. _Friend_'s intended _defence_; which, however he was advised by\nsome friends, to drop at that time; whereby this letter lay by till\nthe latter's publication of _the first and third books of\nHippocrates's epidemics_, illustrated with _nine commentaries\nconcerning fevers_. Of these the _seventh_ treats of _purging in the\nputrid fever, which follows upon the confluent small pox_: to which\nare annexed, in support of this opinion, letters from four physicians\non that subject, and among them that from our author, which he had\ntranslated from the english into latin, enlarged and new modelled to\nserve this purpose.\n\nThis work gave rise to a controversy, maintained with an unbecoming\nwarmth on both sides: among Dr. _Friend_'s principal opponents, may be\nreckoned Dr. _Woodward_; who, not contented with condemning a\npractice, experience has since evinced not only salutary in general,\nbut in many cases absolutely necessary; likewise treated its favourers\nwith contempt and ill-manners, and more particularly our author;[21]\nwhose resentment upon this occasion, appears to have been carried to a\njustly exceptionable length, seeing it had not subsided twenty years\nafter the death of his antagonist.[22]\n\n    [21] The state of physic, by _John Woodward_, M.D. printed in\n    1718.\n\n    [22] \"In the front of this band stood forth Dr. _John\n    Woodward_, physic professor at _Gresham College_, a man\n    equally ill-bred, vain, and ill-natured; who, after being for\n    some time apprentice to a linnen-draper, took it into his\n    head to make a collection of shells and fossils, in order to\n    pass upon the world for a philosopher; thence getting\n    admission into a physician's family, at length, by dint of\n    interest, obtained a doctor's degree.\" Preface to the\n    discourse on the small pox, &c. p. 8, &c.\n\nDr. _Mead_'s daily acquisition of knowledge and experience, enabled\nhim to enlarge to many beneficial purposes, this performance, which,\nin all probability, was at first designed only to illustrate and\nvindicate the sentiments contained in the aforementioned letter; and\nit is but justice to say, the applause it has found among the learned,\nas well for the elegance of its diction, as the perspicuity of its\nprecepts, is no more than what is truely due to it.----To this\ndiscourse is subjoin'd a latin translation, from the arabic of\n_Rhazes_'s treatise on the _small pox_ and _measles_, a copy of the\noriginal having been obtained for this purpose by Dr. _Mead_, from the\ncelebrated _Boerhaave_, between whom there had long subsisted an\nintimate correspondence, nor did their reciprocally differing in some\nopinions, diminish the friendship they mutually manifested for each\nother.\n\nThe year 1749, furnished two new productions from our author; a\ntranslation of one of which follows these memoirs. The other is\nentitled, _a discourse on the scurvy_, affixed to Mr. _Sutton_'s\nsecond edition of his _method for extracting the foul air out of\nships_.\n\nIt is more than possible that, but, for the patronage of Dr. _Mead_,\nthis contrivance, which confers no less honour to the inventor, than\nutility to the public, might have been for ever stifled: our author,\nthan whom no one more ardently wished for, or more zealously promoted\nthe glory and interest of his country, being thoroughly convinced of\nits efficacy, so earnestly, and so effectually recommended it to the\nlords of the admiralty, as to prevail over the obstinate opposition\nthat was made against its being put into practice. To the same purpose\nin 1742, he explained the nature and conveniencies of this invention\nto the royal society,[23] and with the same view he confessedly wrote\nthe last mentioned discourse, of which he made a present to Mr.\n_Sutton_.\n\n    [23] In a paper read before the royal society, _Feb._ 11,\n    1741-2, and published in Mr. _Sutton_'s account, page 41. He\n    also presented a model of this invention made in copper to\n    the royal society, which cost him 200l.\n\nHis _medical precepts_ and _cautions_, which appeared in 1751, and was\nhis last publication, affords an indisputable testimony, that length\nof years had not in the least impaired his intellectual faculties.\nOur author has herein furnished the public, with the principal helps\nagainst most diseases which he had either learned by long practice, or\ndeduced from rational principles.[24] Who could with the same\npropriety take upon himself to be an instructor and legislator in the\nmedical world, as he who had been taught to distinguish truth from\nfalsehood, in the course of so extended an experience, protracted now\nto almost threescore years? to this may be added, that he has so\ncontrived to blend the _utile dulci_, by embellishing his precepts\nwith all the delicacy of polite expression, as to render them at the\nsame time not less entertaining than instructive.\n\n    [24] Preface to the _monita & pr\u00e6cepta medica_, p. 1.\n\nHowever, this work was productive of two other little pieces, from two\ngentlemen of the faculty: one by Dr. _Summers_; who in a pamphlet _on\nthe success of warm bathing in paralytic cases_, controverts Dr.\n_Mead_'s assertion, that \"hot bathing is prejudicial to all\nparalytics\" ... \"_calid\u00e6 vero immersiones omnibus paralyticis\nnocent_[25].\"--Some reflections upon the advocates for Mrs.\n_Stephens_'s medicines, in the cure of the stone and gravel, by our\nauthor, occasioned a letter to him on that subject by Dr. _Hartley_ of\n_Bath_. The former expressed himself in the following manner; \"_Neque\ntemperare mihi possum, quin dicam in opprobrium nuper medicis\nnonnullis cessisse, quod insano pretio redimendi anile remedium\nmagnatibus auctores fuerunt._[26]\" ... \"Nor can I forbear observing,\ntho' I am extremely sorry for the occasion, that some gentlemen of the\nfaculty a few years since acted a part much beneath their characters,\nfirst in suffering themselves to be imposed on, and then in\nencouraging the legislature to purchase an old woman's medicine at an\nexorbitant price.\"[27] Of this the latter complains as an unmerited\nindignity, \"_Illud interea_ (inquit) _tanquem inopinatum, & ab\n\u00e6quitate tua alienum queri liceat_, TE, _qui in obvios quoscunque\ncomis & urbanus esse, bene autem merentibus de re medica, vel etiam\nliteraria quavis, summa cum benignitate favere soleas, in\nlithrontriptici fautores acerbi\u00f9s invectum fuisse; & non potius laudi\nillis dedisse, quod arcanum sine pretio vulgatum, virorum dignitate,\nfide, ingenio, artis nostr\u00e6 periti\u00e2 illustrium examini subjecerent,\nneque aliam viam ad pr\u00e6mium reportandum aperiri voluerint, quam qu\u00e6,\nveris lic\u00e8t rerum inventoribus facilis & munita, jactatoribus tamen &\nfalsiloquis esset impervia.[28]_\" ... In the mean while, I cannot but\ncomplain of it as a thing unexpected, and greatly inconsistent with\nyour usual candour, that YOU, who are so courteous and humane to all\nmankind, and so remarkably the patron of those who excel in the\nprofession of physic, or indeed in any branch of learning, should so\nseverely reproach the favourers of this lithontriptic medicine; and\nnot rather have commended them, for submitting a secret, communicated\nto them without fee or reward, to the examination of some worthy\nphysicians, eminent for integrity, ingenuity, and learning: and for\nendeavouring to excite the munificence of the publick in such a manner\nonly, as to render it accessible to the true authors of an important\ndiscovery, but impervious to boasting impostors.\n\n    [25] Monita & pr\u00e6cepta, p. 62, and _Stack_'s translation of\n    the same, p. 69.\n\n    [26] Our author's disapprobation of this medicine and its\n    favourers, is no less severely express in his treatise\n    concerning the _influence of the sun and moon upon human\n    bodies_, p. 100.\n\n    [27] Monita, &c. medica, and _Stack_'s translation, p. 174\n    and 197.\n\n    [28] Ad virum clarissimum _Ric. Mead_, M.D. Epistol\u00e6, varias\n    lithontripticum, _Joann\u00e6 Stephens_ exhibendi methodos\n    indicans. Auctore _Davide Hartley_, A.M. p. 3.\n\nIn enumerating the obligations the republic of letters is under to Dr.\n_Mead_, it would be injustice to omit taking notice, that to his\ngenerosity and public spirit, it is farther indebted for the first\ncomplete edition of the celebrated history of _Thuanus_.[29]\n\n    [29] Published in seven volumes folio 1733, by _Samuel\n    Buckley_, under the sanction of an act of parliament.\n\nTo enlarge upon his literary collections, and other curiosities, would\nat present be useless, seeing the world will soon be apprized of\ntheir value and contents from the catalogues that are already, and are\nyet about to be published of them; it may therefore suffice to say,\nthat he did not shew more assiduity and judgment in collecting them,\nthan he did candour and generosity in permitting the use of them to\nall that were competent judges, or that could benefit themselves, or\nthe public by them.\n\nIt may, perhaps not unjustly, be said no Subject in _Europe_ had a\ncabinet so richly and so judiciously filled; to which the\ncorrespondence he maintained with the learned in all parts of\n_Europe_, not a little contributed; nor can there be an higher\ninstance given of his reputation in this respect, than in the king of\n_Naples_ having sent him the two first volumes of M. _Bajurdi_'s\naccount of the antiquities found in _Herculaneum_, with the\nadditional compliment of asking in return, _only_, a compleat\ncollection of our author's works, to which was adjoined, an invitation\nto visit that newly discovered subterraneous city: an invitation that\ncould not but be greatly pleasing to a genius so inquisitive after\nknowledge, and which he declared, he should very gladly have embraced,\nhad not his advanced years been an insuperable impediment, to the\ngratification of his curiosity. In short, his character abroad was so\nwell known and established, that a foreigner of any taste, would have\nthought it a reproach to him, to have been in _England_ without seeing\nDr. _Mead_.\n\nAs his knowledge was not limited only to his profession, the deserving\nin all sciences had not only free access to him, but always found a\nwelcome reception, and at his table might daily be seen together the\nnaturalist, the antiquarian, the mathematician, and the mechanic, with\nall whom he was capable of conversing in their respective terms; here\nmight be seen united the magnificence of a prince, with the pleasures\nof the wise.\n\nHis munificence was conspicuous in that there was no remarkable\npublick charity to which he was not a benefactor, particularly he was\none of the earliest promoters of, and subscribers to the _Foundling\nhospital_.\n\nLet these specimens of his superior abilities and merit suffice for\nthe present, nor let envy or detraction attempt to sully so exalted a\ncharacter.--Soon after the publication of his _monita & pr\u00e6cepta\nmedica_, this ornament of his profession, and delight of his\nacquaintance, grew more and more sensible of the natural infirmities\nattending his length of years; and with the utmost tranquillity and\nresignation, quietly sunk into the arms of death on the 16th of\n_February_ 1754. To whom may, with the greatest propriety, be applied\na part of the epitaph inscribed to the memory of the celebrated\n_Guicciardini_, at _Florence_;\n\n    _Cujus_ Otium _an_ Negotium\n      _Gloriosius incertum:_\n    _Nisi_ Otii _Lumen_ Negotii _Famam_\n      _Clariorem reddidisset_.\n\nThe END.\n\n\n\n\nTHE PREFACE.\n\n\nMy declining years having in a great measure released me from those\nmedical fatigues, in which, for the publick good, (at least as I hope)\nI have been employed about fifty years, I have determined to pass the\nshort remains of life in such a sort of leisure, as may prove neither\ndisagreeable to myself, nor useless to others. For good men are of\nopinion, that we must give an account even of our idle hours, and\ntherefore thought it necessary, that they should be always well-spent.\n\nHaving from my earliest childhood entertained a strong passion for\nlearning, after I had chosen the art of medicine for my profession, I\nstill never intermitted my literary studies; to which I had recourse\nfrom time to time, as to refreshments strengthening me in my daily\nlabours, and charming my cares. Thus, among other subjects, I\nfrequently read the holy scriptures, as becomes a christian; and next\nto those things which regard eternal life, and the doctrine of\nmorality, I usually gave particular attention to the histories of\ndiseases, and the various ailments therein recorded; comparing those\nwith what I had learnt either from medical writers or my own\nexperience. And this I did the more willingly, because I had remarked\nthat divines, thro' an unacquaintance with medicinal knowledge,\nfrequently differed widely in their sentiments; especially on the\nsubject of d\u00e6moniacs cured by the power of our saviour Jesus Christ.\nFor it is the opinion of many, that these were really possessed with\ndevils, and that his divine virtue shone forth in nothing more\nconspicuous than in expelling them. I am very far from having the\nleast intention to undermine the foundations of the christian\ndoctrine, or to endeavour, by a perverse interpretation of the sacred\noracles, to despoil the Son of God of his divinity, which he has\ndemonstrated by so many and great works performed contrary to the\nlaws of nature. Truth stands no more in need of the patronage of\nerror, than does a natural good complexion of paint. And it is\ncertain, that the opinion which has been prevalent for many ages, of\nthe power granted to devils, of torturing human bodies and minds, has\nbeen several ways made subservient to the subtle designs of crafty\nmen, to the very great detriment and shame of the christian religion.\n\nWhat sensible man can avoid justly deriding those solemn ceremonies,\npractised by the roman priests, in exorcising, as they are fond of\nterming it, d\u00e6moniacs: while proper persons (hired and) taught to\ncounterfeit certain gestures and fits of fury, such as are believed to\nbe caused by evil spirits, pretend that they are freed from devils,\nand restored to their senses by holy water, and certain prayers, as by\ninchantment. But these juggling tricks, how grosly soever they may\nimpose on the eyes and minds of the ignorant multitude, not only\nscandalize, but also do a real injury to, men of greater penetration.\nFor such, seeing into the cheat, often rush headlong into impiety;\nand viewing all sacred things in the same light, after they have\nlearnt\n\n     _Relligionibus atque minis obsistere vatum:_[30]\n\n    [30] _Lucret. Lib. i. ver. 110._\n\nthey advance farther, and by an abominable effort, endeavour\nthoroughly to root out of their minds all sense and fear of the\nsupreme deity. In which proceeding they act as if a person doubted of\nthe existence of the _Indies_, because travellers relate many\nfalshoods and fictions concerning them. Hence it comes to pass, that,\nin countries too much given up to superstition, very many atheists are\nto be met with even among the learned, whom their learning and\nknowledge ought to secure from these errors. Therefore to be free from\nthis folly, is the principal part of wisdom; next to which, is not to\ncorrupt truth with fictitious opinions.\n\nAnd indeed it is frequently to me a matter of wonder, why our\nspiritual guides so strenuously insist on exhibiting devils on the\nstage, in order to make the divinity of Christ triumph over these\ninfernal enemies. Is Christ's divine power less manifested by the cure\nof the most grievous diseases, performed in an instant at his command;\nthan by the expulsion of evil spirits out of the bodies of men?\nCertainly all the wonderful things done by him for the good of\nmankind, such as restoring sight to the blind, firmness and\nflexibility to relaxed or contracted nerves, calling the dead to life,\nchanging the properties of the elements, and others of the same kind,\nare testimonies of the omnipotence of the creator of the world, and\ndemonstrate the presence of God; who alone commands all nature, and\nat his pleasure changes and inverts the order of things established by\nhimself. Wherefore it cannot be doubted, that He, who has perform'd\nthese things, had the devils subject to him, that they might not\nobstruct his gracious resolution of revealing the will of his father\nto men, and correcting their depraved morals.\n\nBut to resume the subject of d\u00e6moniacs, the opinion, which I propose\nin this treatise, is not purely my own, but also of several other\npersons, before me, eminent for piety and learning. And indeed among\nour own countrymen, it was in the last century defended in an\nexcellent dissertation, by that treasure of sacred knowledge, the\nreverend _Joseph Mead_. Wherefore as I have the honour to be of the\nsame family with him, and am the son of _Matthew Mead_, a very able\ndivine, I always thought I might lay some claim to these studies, by a\nkind of hereditary right.\n\nI am not insensible of the difficulty of removing vulgar errors,\nespecially those which relate to religion. For every body knows the\npower of education, in imprinting on the mind notions, which are hard\nto be effaced even in adult age. Children in the dark, fear ghosts and\nhobgoblins; and hence often quake with the same fear through the whole\ncourse of their lives. Why then do we admire, if we can hardly\nunlearn, and clear our minds of, some false notions, even when we are\nadvancing to old age? Nor will this be deemed indeed a matter of\nlittle importance by him, who considers the serious evils, into which\nmankind are often led, by things that to some may appear trifling, as\nbeing nothing more than bugbears of children and women. My soul is\nseized with horror on recollecting, how many millions of innocent\npersons have been condemned to the flames in various nations, since\nthe birth of Christ, upon the bare suspicion of witchcraft: while the\nvery judges were perhaps either blinded by vain prejudices, or dreaded\nthe incensed populace, if they acquitted those, whom the mob had\npreviously adjudged guilty. Who would believe that any man in his\nright senses could boast, as a matter of merit, that he had capitally\ncondemned about nine hundred persons for witchcraft, in the space of\nfifteen years, in the sole dutchy of _Lorraine_?[31] And yet from many\nhistories, which he relates of those who suffered, it manifestly\nappears, that every individual of these criminals, had no compacts\nwith devils, as they themselves imagined, but were really mad, so as\nopenly to confess that they had done such feats as are impossible in\nthe nature of things. But so it happens, that error generally begets\nsuperstition, and superstition cruelty. Wherefore I most heartily\nrejoice, that I have lived to see all our laws relating to witchcraft\nentirely abolished: whereas foreign states still retain this barbarous\ncruelty, and with various degrees of obstinacy in proportion to their\nignorance of natural causes. And it is but too true, that the doctrine\nof d\u00e6mons is so understood by the vulgar, as if the devil was to be\nesteemed a sort of deity; or at least, that, laying the fear of him\naside, no divine worship can well subsist; altho' the apostle has\nexpresly said; _For this purpose the Son of God was manifested, that\nhe might destroy the works of the devil_.[32]\n\n    [31] See _Nic. Remigii D\u00e6monolatreia_.\n\n    [32] _John. Ep. i. Chap. iii. ver. 8._\n\nAnd here it may not be improper, once for all, to inform the reader,\nthat I have generally made use of _Sebastian Castalio_'s version of\nthe bible, because, upon collating it in many places, I found it to be\nnot only excellent Latin, but also very accurate, and particularly\nwell adapted to the sense and meaning of the words in the Hebrew and\nGreek.\n\nNor can I refrain from declaring, that I have not writ these essays\nfor the profane or vulgar; but for those only who are well versed, or\nat least initiated in theological or medical studies: and for this\nreason I chose to publish it in Latin; which language has for many\nages past been made use of by learned men; in order to communicate to\neach other, whatsoever might seem to them either new, or expressed in\na different manner from the common notions. Wherefore if any person\nshould intend to publish an English version of this book, I give him\nthis timely notice, that he will do it, not only against my will; but\nlikewise in direct opposition to that equitable law, whereby every\nman is allowed to dispose of his own property according to his\npleasure.[33]\n\n    [33] This declaration seems to have been intended only to\n    prevent any surreptitious translation of this performance\n    from appearing, seeing most of the works of our learned\n    author have heretofore been greatly disgraced by attempts of\n    that kind. Nevertheless the public may be assured, that Dr.\n    _Mead_ not only approved, but inspected what is now offered\n    to them.\n\nBut to bring this preface to a conclusion; it is manifest that the\nchristian religion requires of all its members in a most especial\nmanner, to practice every act of humanity and benevolence towards each\nother. Wherefore the utmost care ought to be taken, that this\nbeneficent disposition of mind be not corrupted by any means\nwhatsoever: and nothing contributes more towards bringing on this\ncorruption, than opinions derogatory from the divine goodness. Upon\nthis account, as such is the misfortune of our times, that it is not\nonly allowed, but even by many deemed a commendable action, to oppugn,\nand by every method to invalidate, the doctrine and authority of the\nchristian religion; no interpretations of the histories of miracles\nought to be look'd upon as out of season, provided they appear\nneither improbable, nor repugnant to the nature of the facts related.\n\nIn fine, it was not my intention to treat of every disease mentioned\nin holy writ; but to confine myself more particularly to those, the\nnature of which is generally but little known, or at least to such as\nI had some peculiar medicine for, or method of cure, to offer to the\npublic; and to perform this task, in the same order, in which they\noccur in those sacred writings: excepting only _Job_'s disease, to\nwhich I have given the first place, on account of the great antiquity\nof that book. The Saviour of the world, in order to make his divine\npower manifest to mankind, cured many other diseases, both of the body\nand mind, besides those which I have mentioned in this work: the\nnature and causes of all which diseases, whosoever would intend to\nenquire into, must of necessity compile a body of physic, which was\nnot my present design. But if providence protract my life, I am not\nwithout hopes of laying more of my thoughts on this subject before the\npublic, for the honour which I bear to my profession, unless\n\n     _Frigidus obstiterit circum pr\u00e6cordia sanguis._\n\nIn the mean time, whatever be the fate of these essays with my\nreaders, I shall rest satisfied from a consciousness of the rectitude\nof my intention, in having thus employ'd some of my hours of leisure.\n\n\n\n\nA COMMENTARY ON THE DISEASES Mentioned in Scripture.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER I.\n\n_The Disease of Job._\n\n\nJob's disease is rendered remarkable by some uncommon circumstances\nand consequences; such as the dignity of the man, the sudden change of\nhis condition, his extraordinary adversity, his incredible patience\nunder them, his restoration to a much happier state than he had ever\nbefore enjoyed, and lastly the singular nature of the illness with\nwhich he was seized.\n\nHis habitation was in the land of _Uz_, which, according to the\nlearned _Friderick Spanheim_,[34] was situated in the northern part of\n_Arabia deserta_, towards the _Euphrates_ and _Mesopotamia_. He was a\nvery illustrious man, the most opulent of all the Orientals, very\nhappy in sons and daughters, of a most upright life and exemplary\npiety. Now it is related that God, in order to try his integrity and\nconstancy, permitted Satan to afflict him by all means which he could\ndevise, except the taking away of his life. \"In pursuance of this\npermission, Satan brought the most dreadful calamities on him; for all\nhis oxen and asses were driven away by the Sabeans; his sheep and\nservants were consumed by fire from heaven; his camels were carried\noff; his sons and daughters were crush'd to death by the falling in of\nthe house upon them in a violent storm of wind; and soon after he\nhimself was afflicted with scabs and foul ulcers all over his body; so\nthat he sate down among the ashes, and scraped himself with a\npotsherd.\" Thus from a very rich man he became extremely poor, and\nfrom the heighth of prosperity he sunk into the depth of misery. And\nyet all these evils did not give the least shock to his firmness of\nmind, nor to his piety towards God:[35] wherefore the Lord, moved by\nhis prayers, put an end to all his calamities; gave him twice as much\nwealth as he had lost, and made him more prosperous than he had ever\nbeen before.[36]\n\n    [34] _Histor. Jobi, Cap. iv._\n\n    [35] _See Job Chap. i and ii._\n\n    [36] _The same, Chap. xiii._\n\nNow the book of Job may justly be esteemed the most ancient of all\nbooks, of which we have any certain account: for some are of opinion\nthat it was written in the times of the patriarchs; many others, that\nit was composed about the days of Moses, and even by Moses himself;\nand there are but few who think it posterior to him.[37] For my part,\nI embrace the learned Lightfoot's opinion, that it was composed by\nElihu, one of Job's companions, chiefly because he therein speaks of\nhimself as of the writer of this history,[38] and if so, it will\nappear to be older than the days of Moses. However this be, it is most\ncertain that this book carries with it manifest tokens of very great\nantiquity; the most material of which seem to be these. In it there is\nnot the least mention made of the departure of the Israelites out of\nEgypt, of Moses, or the Mosaic Law. After the manner of the\nPatriarchs, Job, as the head of his family, offered sacrifices in his\nown private house, for the sins of his children.[39] When he declares\nhis integrity he scarcely mentions any other Idolatry, but that most\nancient one, the worship of the sun and moon,[40] which we know to be\nvery old, and to have first obtained among the neighbouring Chaldeans,\nand Phoenicians. In fine his own age, protracted far beyond the life of\nman in Moses's time, is a proof of its antiquity, for he lived a\nhundred and forty years after an end had been put to his calamities;\nso that it is reasonable to believe that he lived above two hundred\nyears in all. For that he was aged, when his misfortunes crowded on\nhim, may be hence inferred, that, altho' his three friends are stiled\nold men,[41] yet in his disputes with them, he does not seem to honour\nthem for their age, as Elihu does. To avoid prolixity, I join with\nSpanheim in opinion, that Job's time coincides with the bondage of the\nchildren of Israel in Egypt, so as to be neither posterior to their\nquitting that country, nor anterior to their entering it.\n\n    [37] _See Spanheim's learned dissertation on this subject in\n    the book above quoted, Chap. viii. and ix._\n\n    [38] _His Works, tom. 1. page 24._\n\n    [39] _Job, Chap. i. v. 5._\n\n    [40] _The same, Chap. xxxi. v. 26, 27._\n\n    [41] _Job Chap. xxxii. v. 6._\n\nBut there subsists a dispute of a different nature between very grave\nauthors, and that is, whether this narrative be a fable or a true\nhistory: If I were allowed to interpose my opinion, I would say, that\nit is not a parable invented by [Greek: hypotyp\u00f4sis], but a dramatic\npoem composed upon a true history; and perhaps with this design, that\nfrom the example of this illustrious and upright, yet afflicted and\nmost miserable man, the people of Israel might learn to bear with\npatience, all those evils and hardships, which they were daily\nsuffering in their Egyptian captivity. That this book is metrical, as\nwell as _David_'s _Psalms_, the _Proverbs_, _Ecclesiastes_, and\n_Solomon_'s _Song_, is generally allowed: and the persons of the drama\nare God, Satan, Job and his wife, his three friends, and Elihu.\n_Wherefore it is_, says Grotius, _a real fact, but poetically\nhandled_.[42] Poetry was certainly a very ancient manner of writing,\nand poets were wont to embellish true histories in their own way, as\nwe see in the most ancient among the Greeks and Romans. And among the\nHebrews likewise, long after the time above-mentioned, Ezechiel\ncomprised the history of the departure out of Egypt in a dramatic\npoem; upon which account he is called by Clemens Alexandrinus, _the\npoet of Judaic tragedies_.[43] Nor indeed, in my opinion, can there\nbe found, in this kind of writing, any thing more admirable, and\nbetter adapted to move the passions than this piece; whether we regard\nthe sublimity and elegance of style, the description of natural\nthings, or in fine, the propriety of the characters ascribed to all\nthe persons concerned in it; all which circumstances are of the\ngreatest moment in a dramatic performance.\n\n    [42] _Est ergo res vere gesta, sed poetic\u00e8 tractata. In\n    locum._\n\n    [43] [Greek: Ho t\u00f4n Ioudaik\u00f4n trag\u00f4di\u00f4n poi\u00eat\u00eas.] _Stromat.\n    book 1. p. 414 of the Oxford Edit. 1715._\n\n                    ... _Quo propius stes\n    Te capiet magis._\n\n                The nearer you behold,\n    The more it strikes you.\n\nBefore I close this chapter, it may not be improper to offer my\nconjecture concerning the disease of this illustrious man. But\nprevious to this, it is proper to remark, that it is not Job himself,\nor his friends, but the author of the book that attributes his\ncalamities to Satan; for this author's intention seems to be, to shew,\nby a striking example, that the world is governed by the providence of\nAlmighty God, and as the holy angels, whose ministry God makes use of\nin distributing his bountiful gifts, punctually execute all his\ncommands; so Satan himself with his agents are under the power of God,\nand cannot inflict any evils on mankind without the divine permission.\nThus, _when the Sons of God_ (angels) _came and presented themselves\nbefore the Lord_, it is said that _Satan came also among them_. Now\nthe word _astare_ to present one's self, as Moses Maimonides[44]\nobserves, signifies to be prepared to receive Jehovah's commands, but\nSatan came of his own accord and mixed with them without any summons.\n\n    [44] _More Nevochim, Part. iii. Chap. xxii._\n\nNow as to the disease, it is plain that it was cuticular, and as it is\ncertain that the bodies of the Hebrews were very liable to foul ulcers\nof the skin from time immemorial; upon which account it is, that\nlearned men are of opinion that they were forbid the eating of swine's\nflesh (which, as it affords a gross nourishment, and not easily\nperspirable, is very improper food in such constitutions) wherefore by\nhow much hotter the countries were which they inhabited, such as are\nthe desarts of Arabia, the more severely these disorders raged. And\nauthors of other nations, who despised and envied the Jews, say that\nit was upon this account that they were driven out of Egypt; lest the\nleprosy, a disease common among them, should spread over the\ncountry.[45] But there is another much worse disease, so frequent in\nEgypt, that it is said to be endemial there,[46] though it may also be\nengendered in this hot country, I mean the Elephantiasis. Perhaps it\nwas this, which is nearly of the same nature with the leprosy, that\nhad affected the body of our righteous man: but on this subject we\nshall treat more largely in the subsequent chapter.\n\n    [45] _Justin. Hist. Lib. xxxvi, C. 2. & Tacit. Hist. Lib. v.\n    ab initio._\n\n    [46] _Lucret. Lib. vi. v. 1112._\n\n    _Est Elephas morbus, qui propter flumina Nisi._\n    _Gignitur Aegypto in media._\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER II.\n\n_The Leprosy._\n\n\nA most severe disease, to which the bodies of the Jews were very\nsubject, was the Leprosy. Its signs recorded in the holy scriptures\nare chiefly these. Pimples arose in the skin; the hair was turned\nwhite; the plague (or sore) in sight was deeper than the skin, when\nthe disease had been of long standing; a white tumour appeared in the\nskin, in which there was quick flesh; the foul eruptions gained ground\ndaily, and at length covered the whole surface of the body. And the\nevil is said to infect, not only the human body, but also the cloaths\nand garments, nay (what may seem strange) utensils made of skins or\nfurs, and even the very walls of the houses. Wherefore there are\nprecepts laid down for cleansing these also, as well as the lepers.\n\nMedical authors are of different opinions concerning the contagion of\nthis disease. And whereas neither the Arabian nor Greek physicians,\nwho have treated largely of the leprosy, have given the least hint of\nthis extraordinary force of it, whereby it may infect cloaths and\nwalls of houses; the Rabbin doctors dispute, whether that which seized\nthe Jews, was not intirely different from the common leprosy; and they\nall affirm, that _there never appeared in the World, a leprosy of\ncloaths and houses, except only in Judea, and among the sole people of\nIsrael_.\n\nFor my part, I shall now freely propose, what I think most probable on\nthe subject. One kind of contagion is more subtile than another; for\nthere is a sort, which is taken into the body by the very breath; such\nas I have elsewhere said to exist in the plague, small pox, and other\nmalignant fevers. But there is another sort, which infects by contact\nalone; either internal, as the venom of the venereal disease; or\nexternal, as that of the itch, which is conveyed into the body by\nrubbing against cloaths, whether woollen or linnen. Wherefore the\nleprosy, which is a species of the itch, may pass into a sound man in\nthis last manner; perhaps also by cohabitation; as Fracastorius has\nobserved, that _a consumption is contagious, and is contracted by\nliving with a phthisical person, by the gliding of the corrupted and\nputrefied juices_ of the sick _into the lungs of the sound man_.[47]\nAnd _Aret\u00e6us_ is of the same opinion with regard to the Elephantiasis,\na disease nearly allied to the Leprosy: for he gives this caution,\n\"That it is not less dangerous to converse and live with persons\naffected with this distemper, than with those infected with the\nplague; because the contagion is communicated by the inspired[48]\nair.\"\n\n    [47] _De morbis contagiosis. Lib. ii. Cap. ix._\n\n    [48] _De causis diuturnorum morborum, et de curationibus\n    eorundem, Lib. ii. Cap. xiii._\n\nBut here occurs a considerable difficulty. For Moses says, \"If in the\nleprosy there be observed a white tumour in the skin, and it have\nturned the hair white in it, and there be quick flesh within the\ntumour; it is an old leprosy in the skin of his flesh. But if the\nleprosy spread broad in the skin, and cover the whole skin of the\ndiseased from his head even to his feet, the person shall be\npronounced[49] clean.\" But the difficulty contained in this passage\nwill vanish, if we suppose, as it manifestly appears to me, that it\npoints out two different species of the disease; the one in which the\neroded skin was ulcerated, so that the quick flesh appeared\nunderneath; the other, which spread on the surface of the skin only in\nthe form of rough scales. And from this difference it happened, that\nthe former species was, and the latter was not, contagious. For these\nscales, being dry and light like bran, do not penetrate into the skin;\nwhereas the purulent matter issuing from the ulcers infects the\nsurface of the body. But concerning the differences of cuticular\ndiseases, I heartily recommend to the reader's perusal, what Johannes\nManardus, equally valuable for his medical knowledge and the purity of\nhis Latin, has written upon the subject.[50]\n\n    [49] _Levit. Chap. xiii. v. 10 &c._\n\n    [50] _Epist. Medicinal. Lib. vii. Epist. ii._\n\nThere is no time, in which this disease was not known; but it was\nalways more severe in Syria and Egypt, as they are hotter countries,\nthan in Greece and other parts of Europe; and it is even at this day\nfrequent in those regions. For I have been assured by travellers, that\nthere are two hospitals for the leprous alone in Damascus. And there\nis a fountain at Edessa, in which great numbers of people affected\nwith this cuticular foulness wash daily, as was the ancient custom.\n\nMoreover we read the principal signs, which occur in the description\nof the Mosaic leprosy, excepting only the infection of the cloaths and\nhouses (of which by and by) recorded by the Greek Physicians.\nHippocrates himself calls the [Greek: leuk\u00ea] or white leprosy [Greek:\nPhoiniki\u00ea nousos] the Phoenician disease.[51] For that the word\n[Greek: phthinik\u00ea] ought to be read [Greek: Phoiniki\u00ea], appears\nmanifestly from Galen in his _Explicatio linguarum Hippocratis_; where\nhe says that [Greek: phoinik\u00ea nousos] is a disease which is _frequent\nin Phoenicia and other eastern regions_.[52] In the foregoing chapter I\nsaid that the Leprosy (Leuce) and the Elephantiasis, were diseases of\ngreat affinity:[53] in confirmation of which notion the same Galen\nobserves, that the one sometimes changes into the other.[54] Now these\ntwo distempers are no where better described than by Celsus, who lived\nabout the time of Augustus C\u00e6sar, and having collected the works of\nthe principal Greek writers in physic and surgery, digested them into\norder, and turned them into elegant Latin with great judgment. Thus\nhe describes the leprous diseases. _Three are three species of the_\nVitiligo. _It is named_ [Greek: alphos], _when it is of a white\ncolour, with some degree of roughness, and is not continuous, but\nappears as if some little drops were dispersed here and there;\nsometimes it spreads wider, but with certain intermissions or\ndiscontinuities. The_ [Greek: melas] _differs from this in colour,\nbecause it is black, and like a shadow, but in other circumstances\nthey agree. The_ [Greek: leuk\u00ea] _has some similitude with the_ [Greek:\nalphos], _but it has more of the white, and runs in deeper: and in it\nthe hairs are white, and like down. All these spread themselves, but\nin some persons quicker, in others slower. The_ Alphos _and_ Melas\n_come on, and go off some people at different times; but the_ Leuce\n_does not easily quit the patient, whom it has seized.[55] But in the\nElephantiasis_, says the same author, _the whole body is so affected,\nthat the very bones may be said to be injured. The surface of the body\nhas a number of spots and tumors on it; and their redness is by\ndegrees changed into a dusky or blackish colour. The surface of the\nskin is unequally thick and thin, hard and soft; and is scaley and\nrough: the body is emaciated; the mouth, legs and feet swell. When the\ndisease is inveterate, the nails on the fingers and toes are hidden by\nthe swelling._[56] And the accounts left us by the Arabian physicians,\nagree with these descriptions. Avicenna, the chief of them, says that\n_the Leprosy is a sort of universal cancer of the whole body_.[57]\nWherefore it plainly appears from all that has been said, that the\nSyrian Leprosy did not differ in nature, but in degree only, from the\nGrecian, which was there called [Greek: leuk\u00ea]; and that this same\ndisease had an affinity with the Elephantiasis, sometimes among the\nGreeks, but very much among the Arabs. For the climate and manner of\nliving, very much aggravates all cuticular diseases.\n\n    [51] _Prorrhetic. Lib. ii. sub finem._\n\n    [52] [Greek: H\u00ea kata Phoinik\u00ean, ki kata ta alla anatolika\n    mer\u00ea pleonazousa.]\n\n    [53] _Pag. 15._\n\n    [54] _De simpl. medicam. facult. Lib. xi._\n\n    [55] _De medicina, Lib. v. Cap. xxviii. \u00a7. 19._\n\n    [56] _Lib. iii. Cap. xxv._\n\n    [57] _Canon, Lib. iv. Fen. 3. Tract. 3. Cap. i._\n\nNow with regard to the infection of the cloaths, it has been found by\nmost certain experiments, not only in the plague, and some other\nmalignant eruptive fevers, as the small pox and measles, but even in\nthe common itch; that the infection, once received into all sorts of\nfurs or skins, woollen, linnen, and silk, remains a long time in them,\nand thence passes into human bodies. Wherefore it is easy to conceive,\nthat the leprous miasmata might pass from such materials into the\nbodies of those, who either wore or handled them, and, like seeds\nsown, produce the disease peculiar to them. For it is well known,\nthat the surface of the body, let it appear ever so soft and smooth,\nis not only full of pores, but also of little furrows, and therefore\nis a proper nest for receiving and cherishing the minute, but very\nactive, particles exhaling from infected bodies. But I have treated\nthis subject in a more extensive manner in my _Discourse on the\nPlague_.[58] And these seeds of contagion are soon mixed with an acrid\nand salt humor, derived from the blood; which as it naturally ought,\npartly to have turned into nutriment, and partly to have perspired\nthrough the skin, it now lodges, and corrodes the little scales of the\ncuticle; and these becoming dry and white, sometimes even as white as\nsnow, are separated from the skin, and fall off like bran. Now, altho'\nthis disease is very uncommon in our colder climate; yet I have seen\none remarkable case of it, in a countryman, whose whole body was so\nmiserably seized by it, that his skin was shining as if covered with\nsnow: and as the furfuraceous scales were daily rubbed off, the flesh\nappeared quick or raw underneath. This wretch had constantly lived in\na swampy place, and was obliged to support himself with bad diet and\nfoul water.\n\n    [58] _Chap. i._\n\nBut it is much more difficult to account for the infection of the\nhouses. For it seems hardly possible in nature, that the leprous spots\nshould grow and spread on dry walls, made of solid materials. But upon\na serious consideration of the different substances employed in\nbuilding the walls of houses, such as stones, lime, bituminous earth,\nhair of animals, and other such things mix'd together; I thought it\nprobable, that they may by a kind of fermentation, produce those\n_hollow greenish or reddish strokes in sight lower than the wall_ (or\nwithin the surface)[59] which, as they in some measure resembled the\nleprous scabs on the human body, were named the _Leprosy in a house_.\nFor bodies of different natures, very easily effervesce upon being\nblended together. Wherefore we may reasonably suppose that this\nmoisture or mouldiness, gradually coming forth and spreading on the\nwalls, might prove very prejudicial to the inhabitants, by its\nstinking and unwholesome smell, without having recourse to any\ncontagious quality in it. And somewhat analogous to this is pretty\nfrequently observable in our own houses; where, when the walls are\nplaistered with bad mortar, the calcarious and nitrose salts sweat out\nupon their surface, of a colour almost as white as snow. The power of\ninspecting their houses was invested in the priests; who, when they\nobserved this foulness, gave orders first to have the walls of the\nhouse scraped all around; and afterwards, if it continued to break\nout, to pull down the house, and carry the materials out of the city\ninto an unclean place.\n\n    [59] _Levit. Chap. xiv. v. 37._\n\nI am well aware, that all this is related, as if God himself had\nstruck the house with this plague. But it is well known, that that way\nof speaking is not uncommon in the jewish history; as in unexpected\nevils and dreadful calamities, which are sometimes said to be done by\nthe hand of God, tho' they may be produced by natural causes. Nor can\nI be easily induced to believe, with some divines, that God, who\ncommanded his people to be always free from every sort of\nuncleanness, would vouchsafe to work a miracle, in order to inflict\nthis most filthy punishment on any person. Thus much is indubitable,\nthat the precepts of the mosaic law were constituted particularly, to\navert the people from idolatry and false religion, and at the same\ntime to keep them clear of all uncleanness.[60] To this end conspired\nthe prohibition of eating blood, carrion, or animals that died\nspontaneously, swines flesh, and that of several other creatures.[61]\nFor all these meats yield a gross nutriment, which is improper and\nprejudicial in diseases of the skin.\n\n    [60] _Mos. Maimonid. More Navochim, Part. iii. Cap. xxxiii.\n    et xlviii._\n\n    [61] _Levit. Chap. xi. et xvii._\n\nBut in order to close these theological researches with somewhat\nmedical, I am convinced from experience, that there is not a better\nmedicine known against this filthy disease, than the _tincture of\nCantharides_ of the _London Dispensatory_. Its remarkable virtue in\nthis case, is owing to the diuretic quality of these flies. For there\nis a great harmony between the kidneys and glands of the skin, so that\nthe humors brought on the latter, easily find a way thro' the former,\nand are carried off by urine: and on the other hand, when the kidneys\nhave failed in the performance of their functions, an urinous humor\nsometimes perspires thro' the cuticular pores. But such cathartics are\nto be interposed at proper intervals, as are most proper for\nevacuating thick and acrid humors.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER III.\n\n_The disease of king Saul._\n\n\nWhen \"King Saul was abandoned by the Spirit of God, and an evil spirit\nfrom the Lord troubled him; his courtiers persuaded him to command his\nservants to seek out somebody that was a good player on the harp, who\nmight sooth or compose him by his music, when the evil spirit from God\nwas upon him.\" Which when Saul had done, by sending messengers for\nDavid; \"whenever it happened that Saul was seized with that evil\nspirit, David took his harp, and play'd on it; and thus Saul was\nrefreshed and became composed, and the evil spirit departed from[62]\nhim.\"\n\n    [62] _See Samuel, or Kings, Book i. Chap. xvi._\n\nNow to me it appears manifest, that this king's disease was a true\nmadness, and of the melancholic or atrabilarious kind, as the ancient\nphysicians called it. And the fits return'd on him at uncertain\nperiods, as is frequently the case in this sort of disease. Nor could\nthe cause of that disorder be a secret, seeing he had been lately\ndeprived of his kingdom by God's express command. Likewise the remedy\napplied, to wit, playing on the harp, was an extremely proper one. For\nphysicians have long since taught us, that symphonies, cymbals, and\nnoises, were of service towards dissipating melancholic thoughts;[63]\nthe power of which we have accounted for in another place upon\ngeometrical principles.[64] Hence also it more plainly appears, that\nthe disorder was owing to natural causes; for otherwise how could the\nmusic of a harp drive it away? Counsel and prudence in a man was, in\nthe Hebrew language, usually stiled the Spirit of God; and a person\ndeprived of these qualities, was said to be troubled with an evil\nspirit, that is, to be mad.\n\n    [63] _See Cels. Lib. iii. Cap. xviii._\n\n    [64] _Mechanical Account of Poisons, Essay ii. Ed. 4._\n\nI am not ignorant that the Jews, by a manner of expression familiar\namong them, are wont to describe diseases of this kind, to the power\nof evil angels, as ministers of God; and that even at this day, some\nvery learned men defend the same notion. But for my part, if I may be\nallowed to declare my thoughts with freedom, I cannot think it right\nto have recourse to the divine wrath for diseases, which can be\nproved to have natural causes; unless it be expresly declared, that\nthey were sent down directly from heaven. For if they fall on us in\npunishment of our sins, the intention of the supreme lawgiver would be\nfrustrated, unless a sure rule was given, whereby his vengeance might\nbe distinguished from common events; in as much as the innocent may be\nequal sharers in such calamities with the guilty. Moreover, it seems\nreasonable to believe, that evils inflicted by the omnipotent judge,\nmust be either incurable, or curable by himself alone; that the\nconnection of his power with his equity, may the more brightly shine\nforth. By such a criterion, are miraculous works distinguished from\nthe operations of nature. For it would be impiety to suppose, that the\nalmighty creator of heaven and earth intended, that his works should\nbe performed in vain. Wherefore it is worthy of our observation, that\ngreat care is always taken in the sacred histories, to make the divine\npower in such cases, appear most manifest to all. Thus when the Lord\nhad infected Miriam (or Mary) with a leprosy, for a sin committed by\nher, and consented, on the supplication of Moses, to make her whole;\nit was not done till seven days afterward.[65] Gehazi's leprosy\nremained in him and his progeny for ever.[66] King Azariah was smote\nwith the leprosy, for not having demolished the high places; and he\nwas a leper unto the day of his death.[67] Ananias and his wise were\nstruck dead suddenly by the miraculous power of St. Peter.[68] Elymas\nthe sorcerer, was struck blind for a season by St. _Paul_, for his\nfrauds and wickedness.[69] Therefore since threats and plain\nindications of diseases, inflicted in an uncommon manner, are always\nmanifestly declared; whensoever these are wanting, why may we not say,\nthat the event was by no means supernatural? And I desire, once for\nall, that this sentiment may hold good with regard to several other\ncalamities.\n\n    [65] _Numbers, Chap. xii. Verse 14._\n\n    [66] _Kings, Book ii. (al. iv.) Chap. v. Verse 27._\n\n    [67] _The same, Chap. xv. Verse 5._\n\n    [68] _Acts, Chap. v._\n\n    [69] _The same, Chap. xiii. Verse 11._\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IV.\n\n_The disease of king Jehoram._\n\n\nOf king Jehoram it is related, that, \"for his wicked life, the Lord\nsmote him in his bowels with an incurable disease, so that he voided\nhis intestines daily for the space of two years, and then died of the\nviolence of the[70] distemper.\" Two impious kings are recorded to have\nhad the same end, Antiochus Epiphanes, and Agrippa; of whom it was\nsaid: [Greek: Eis ti ta splanchna tois ou splanchnizomenois].[71]\n\n    [70] _Chronicles, Book ii. Chap. xxi. Verse 18._\n\n    [71] _See the Notes of Grotius on this Place._\n\n     Of what avail are bowels to those\n     who have no bowels?\n\nNow this distemper seems to me to be no other than a severe\ndysentery. For in this the intestines are ulcerated, and blood flows\nfrom the eroded vessels, together with some excrement, which is always\nliquid, and slimy matter; and sometimes also some fleshy strings come\naway, so that the very intestines may seem to be ejected.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER V.\n\n_The disease of king Hezekiah._\n\n\n\"When Hezekiah lay sick of a mortal disease, and the prophet Isaiah\nwent and declared to him, by God's express command, that he should die\nand not recover; the Lord moved by his prayer, commanded Isaiah to\nreturn, and tell him, that he would cure him in three days. Whereupon\nIsaiah ordered a _mass of figs_ to be taken, and laid it on the boil;\nwhereby he recovered[72].\"\n\n    [72] _2 Kings, Chap. xx._\n\nNow to me it seems extremely probable, that this king's disease was a\nfever, which terminated in an abscess: For in cases of this kind,\nthose things are always proper, which promote suppuration; especially\ndigestive and resolving cataplasms; and dried figs are excellent for\nthis intention. Thus, the Omnipotent, who could remove this distemper\nby his word alone, chose to do it by the effect of natural remedies.\nAnd here we have an useful lesson given us in adversities, not to\nneglect the use of those things, which the bountiful Creator has\nbestowed on us, and at the same time to add our fervent prayers, that\nhe would be graciously pleased to prosper our endeavours.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VI.\n\n_The disease of Old-age._\n\n\nOld-age _itself is a disease_, as the poet has properly expressed\nit[73]. Wherefore as I have frequently read with pleasure, the very\nelegant description of it, given by Solomon the wisest of kings; I\nthink it will not be foreign to my design, to attempt an explanation\nand illustration thereof. For it contains some things not easy to be\nunderstood, because the eloquent preacher thought proper to express\nall the circumstances allegorically. But first I will lay the\ndiscourse itself before my readers, which runs thus.\n\n    [73] _Terent. Phorm. Act. iv. Scen. i. v. 9._\n\n\"Remember thy Creator in the days of thy youth, before the evil times\ncome, and the years draw nigh, in which, thou shalt say, I find no\npleasure: before the sun, and the light, and the moon, and the stars\nbe darkened, and the clouds return after rain; when the keepers of the\nhouse shall tremble, and the soldiers shall give way, and the\ndiminished grinders shall cease; and those that look out thro' holes\nshall be darkened; and the doors shall be shut outwardly, with a low\nsound of the mill, and they shall rise up at the voice of the bird;\nand all the daughters of music shall be of no avail; also when they\nshall be afraid of high places, and stumblings in the way; and the\nalmond tree shall flower, and the _Cicad\u00e6_ shall come together; and\nthe appetite shall be lost, man departing to his eternal habitation,\nand the mourners going about in the street: before the silver chain\nbe broken asunder, and the golden ewer be dashed in pieces; and the\npitcher be broken at the fountain head; and the chariot be dashed in\npieces at the pit; and the dust return to the earth, such as it had\nbeen; and the Spirit return to God, who gave it[74].\"\n\n    [74] _Ecclesiastes, Chap. xii. Verse 1-7. translated from\n    Castalio's latin version._\n\nThe recital of evils (and infirmities) begins from the aberrations of\nthe mind. _The sun_, says Solomon, _and the light, and the moon, and\nthe stars are darkened_. Perceptions of the mind are less lively in\nold men; the ideas and images of things are confounded, and the memory\ndecays: whence the intellectual faculties must necessarily lose their\nstrength or power by degrees. Wisdom and understanding are frequently\ncalled _light_ in the sacred scriptures;[75] and privation of reason,\n_darkness_ and blindness.[76] Cicero likewise says very justly, that\n_reason is as it were, the light and splendor of life_.[77] Hence God\nis stiled the _father of lights_.[78] Thus the virtues of the mind\ndecaying, may be compared to the luminaries of the world overcast. I\nam conscious that this exposition is contrary to that of a number of\nlearned interpreters, who take this _obscuration of the lights_ in the\ngenuine sense of the words, and think that the failing of the sight is\nhere to be understood. But I am surprized, how they happened not to\ntake notice, that every thing in this discourse, even to the most\nminute circumstances, is expressed in words bearing a figurative\nsense. For whereas, in describing the infirmities of Old-age, the\ninjuries of the operations of the mind, as the most grievous of all,\nwere not to be pretermitted; so these could not be more clearly\nexpressed, than by the obscuration of the coelestial luminous bodies,\nwhich rule our orb, and cause the vicissitudes of times and seasons.\nMoreover it is particularly to be observed here, that the author\nmentions the defects of sight lower down, and most certainly he would\nhave avoided repeating the same thing.\n\n    [75] _Job, Chap. xviii. Verse 5, 6, 7._\n\n    [76] _Matthew, Chap. vi. Verse 23. John, Ep. i. Chap. ii.\n    Verse 11._\n\n    [77] _Academ. iv. 8._\n\n    [78] _James, Epist. Chap. i. Verse 17._\n\nBut he goes on, and adds, what well agrees with the foregoing\nexplanation. _The clouds return after rain._ That is, cares and\ntroubles crowd on each other, and daily oppress aged folks. As in\nmoist climates, and those liable to storms, even when the clouds seem\nto be exhausted, others soon follow, and the rains become almost\nperpetual. And these inconveniencies are felt the more sensibly, in\nproportion to the debilitation of the powers of the mind, whereby they\nare rendered less able now, than formerly, either to bear, or get the\nbetter of their oppressions.\n\nBut from the mind our royal author now passes to the body. _The\nkeepers of the house_, says he, _shall tremble, and the soldiers shall\ngive way, and the diminished grinders shall cease_. The limbs, and\nfirmest parts of the body, are damaged by age: the hands and knees\ngrow weak, thro' the relaxation of the nerves. Hence those are\nrendered incapable of defending us against injuries, and of performing\ninnumerable other good offices, for which they were originally\nintended; and these becoming unequal to the weight they were wont to\nsustain, lose their active suppleness, and fail in bending. Likewise\nthe double teeth or grinders, either drop out, or rot away; so as now\nto be too few remaining to comminute solid food. In the translation of\nthe Hebrew word, which I have here rendered by _double teeth_ or\n_grinders_, I followed Arias Montanus, who, in my opinion, has\ntranslated it right. For it is in this passage used by the author in\nthe plural number; who afterwards employs it in the singular, but in a\nquite different sense, when he treats of the sense of tasting; as I\nshall shew anon, when I come to that passage. For, that Solomon's\nintention in this place was, to describe those defects of the senses,\nwhich generally steal on old-age, I have not the least doubt.\n\nWherefore now proceeding to them, he begins by the _sight_. _Those_,\nsays he, _that look thro' holes shall be darkened_. By which words it\nis manifest, that he points out the failing of the eyes, which most\npeople, far advanced in years, feel by sad experience.\n\nNext follows the _taste_, which he thus describes: _The doors shall be\nshut outwardly, with a low sound of the mill_. As old people, thro'\ndiminution of appetite, open their mouths seldomer than formerly; so\nfor want of teeth to comminute their food, they do it with less noise.\nNow this last inconvenience seems to be meant and expressed very\nelegantly by the words _a low sound of the mill_: for by the word\n_mill_, which in the Hebrew is used in the singular number, the\ngrinding of the food may very well be meant; and this grinding, as it\nis not done by the assistance of the teeth, which they have lost, but\nby that of the gums, is performed with less noise.\n\nSleep is the sweet soother of our labours, and the restorer of our\nexhausted strength. But the loss of appetite, and disgust to our food,\ngenerally robs us of this comfort. Hence subjoining this evil of\nold-age to the foregoing, he says: _he shall rise up at the voice of\nthe bird_; that is, the old man is awaked at the cock's first crowing.\nWherefore his sleep is short and interrupted, tho' his weakness would\nrequire longer rest.\n\nBut he returns to the senses, among which he gives the third place to\n_hearing_; for receiving the benefits of which the Creator gave us the\nuse of ears. Now this is frequently diminished, and sometimes entirely\ntaken away in old-age; which the royal author seems to indicate in\nthe following words: _The daughters of music shall be of no avail_.\nFor thus he thought proper to express the ears, to which at this time\nof life, not only the pleasure of harmonious sounds is sought in vain;\nbut, what is much more disagreeable, the words in conversation are not\neasily understood: whereby the enjoyment, and one of the greatest\nconveniencies of life, are gradually lost. Hence in the jewish\nhistory, Barzillai, at eighty years of age, complains that he could no\nlonger _hear the voice of the singing men and singing women_.[79]\n\n    [79] _Samuel, (al. Kings) ii. Chap. xix. Verse 35._\n\nThese defects of the organs of hearing, are immediately followed by\nthose of the sense of feeling. Now _the touch_, as Cicero says, _is\nuniformly spread over the whole body; that we may feel all strokes and\nappulses of things_.[80] Wherefore this sense, besides its other\nuses, contributes vastly to the safety of the body, and the removal of\nmany evils, to which it is perpetually exposed. And this the sagacious\nauthor seems to have principally in view, when he says: _They shall be\nafraid of high places, and stumblings in the way_. For as old folks\nare unsure of foot, even in a plain smooth way, by reason of the\nweakness of their limbs; so when they come to a rugged uneven road,\nthro' the dulness of this sense, they do not soon enough perceive the\ndepressions or elevations of the ground whereby they run the hazard of\nstumbling and hurting their feet. Therefore they are not unjustly\nrepresented as being _afraid_.\n\n    [80] _Nat. Deor. ii. 56._\n\nThe only one that remains of the senses is that of smelling, the\ndiminution of which in old men, he describes with equal elegance and\nbrevity in this manner: _the almond tree shall flower_. By which words\nhe seems to mean, that old people, as if they lived in a perpetual\nwinter, no longer perceive the agreeable odors exhaling from plants\nand flowers in the spring and summer seasons. That this tree flowers\nin winter, we learn from Pliny, who in treating of it says: _The\nalmond tree flowers the first of all trees, in the month of\nJanuary_.[81] I am not to learn, that these words are by most\ninterpreters understood as relating to grey hairs, which being\ngenerally a sure token of old age, they would have us believe, are\ndenoted by the white flowers of the almond tree. But then, who can\nimagine, that this wise author, after having indicated the defects of\nfour of the senses, by clear and distinct marks, would designedly\npass over the fifth in silence? Besides, white hairs are by no means\nto be esteemed a sure and indubitable token of old-age; since there\nare not a few to be found, who turn gray in the middle stage of life,\nbefore their bodily strength is any ways impaired. Moreover, what they\nsay of the flowers of the almond tree, does not seem to agree with the\nthings they mean by them: for they are not, strictly speaking, white,\nbut of a purplish cast. Thus far concerning the senses: let us proceed\nto the remaining part.\n\n    [81] _Lib. xvi. \u00a7. 42._\n\nThe scrotal rupture is a disease common to persons far advanced in\nyears; whether it be formed by the intestine or omentum slipping down\ninto the scrotum, or proceed from a humor distending that part. In\neither case the part is tumefied. This pernicious disease the Preacher\nthought proper to compare to a grasshopper. _The grasshopper_, says\nhe, _shall be a burthen, Oneri erit locusta_. For thus the Hebrew\nphrase is more literally translated, than by _convenient cicad\u00e6, the\ncicad\u00e6 shall come together_, as the learned Castalio has rendered it.\nIndeed the Vulgate version has _impinguabitur locusta_, _the\ngrasshopper shall be fatted_. The Septuagint [Greek: Pachynth\u00ea \u00ea\nachris]. _The grasshopper shall be fatted._ The Arabic version, turned\ninto Latin, _pinguescet locusta_, _The grasshopper shall grow fat_.\nBut our English translation, _The grasshopper shall be a burden_. It\nis well known, that the Hebrew language is always modest, and that the\nsacred Writers, in expressing such things as belong to the genital\nmembers, abstain from indecent and obscene words, for fear of\noffending chaste ears, and therefore borrow similitudes from any other\nthings at discretion. Which is particularly observable in the\n_Canticum Canticorum_, or _Solomon_'s _Song_, written by our Author.\nNow the grasshopper, or locust, is an odd-shaped animal, made up\nchiefly of belly; and therefore, especially when full of eggs, may be\nsaid to bear some resemblance to a scrotum, swoln by a rupture.\n\nThese parts being thus affected, the wise author adds, _the appetite\nshall be lost_; wherein he does not attend so much to the appetite for\nvictuals, as for those other things, which are sought after in the\nvigor of life. For as the author of _the Art of Love_ has rightly\nsaid: _Turpe senilis amor_[82].\n\n    [82] _Ovid. Amorum, lib. i. Eclog. ix. ver. 4._\n\nThat old people are crushed to death by so great a heap of evils and\ninfirmities, and _depart to their eternal habitation_, to the grief\nof their friends, can be no matter of wonder. But in the remaining\npart of the discourse we are admonished, that their miseries in this\nlife are not confined within these bounds, but that sometimes there is\nstill an accession of others.\n\nFor loss of strength in old age does not terminate at the limbs, or\nextremities of the body; the spine of the back also loses considerably\nof its firmness, by the daily diminution of power in its muscles and\nligaments: hence an old man can seldom stand upright, but stoops his\nbody towards the earth, which is shortly to cover it. This part is\nlikened to a _silver chain_, which is said to be _broken asunder_. For\nthe _vertebr\u00e6_, of which it is composed, may be looked upon as the\nrings or links, and they give way outward by the bending of the body.\nMoreover the _medulla oblongata_, which passes through them, is of a\n_silver_ or whitish colour.\n\nThese points, which we have hitherto handled, are very difficult of\nexplanation. But the three inconveniencies, which close the discourse,\nare true \u00e6nigma's, and require an Oedipus to solve them. And as such\nan one, in my opinion, has not appeared hitherto, I will use my\nendeavours to do it. _The golden ewer_, says he, _is dashed in pieces:\nthe pitcher is broken at the fountain-head; and the chariot is dashed\nin pieces at the pit_.\n\nOld men are troubled with defluxions from the head to the nose, mouth\nand lungs; which are compared to water rushing out of a broken bottle\nor ewer. And the ewer is said to be _of gold_, to express the dignity\nof the head.\n\nNor does phlegm flow from the head alone; but other parts also pour\nforth their juices too abundantly or irregularly. For the serosities,\nwhich are secreted by the kidneys (whose cavity is even at this day\nnamed pelvis by Anatomists) runs into the bladder; which, by reason of\nthe relaxation of its sphincter, as if the pitcher were broken at the\nfountain head, is not able to retain its contents a sufficient time.\nHence an incontinence or dribbling of urine is continually\ntroublesome.\n\nNow, the evils hitherto enumerated lodge in particular parts; but the\nlast calamity, both in this discourse, as well as in old people, is\nthat the whole body is afflicted. The very course of the blood is\ninterrupted; hence wretched man is seized with difficulty of\nbreathing, apoplexies or lethargies. The heart also, the principle and\nfountain of life, sinks thro' want of its usual force, _and the broken\nchariot falls into the pit_. The ancients indeed did not know of the\ncirculation of the blood; but they could not be ignorant, that it was\nmoved thro' the body, that it cherished the viscera and members by its\nheat, and lastly, that it concreted and grew cold in death.\n\nBut nothing in this whole discourse is so much worthy of our serious\nattention as these words, with which he closes it. _The dust returns\nto the earth, such as it had been; and the spirit returns to God, who\ngave it._ For by these words his intention seems plainly to have been,\nto refute the ignorant notions of those, who thought that the soul\nperished with the body, and to assert its immortality.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VII.\n\n_The disease of king Nebuchadnezzar._\n\n\nThose things, which are related of Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon,\nappear so surprizing and contrary to nature, that some interpreters\nhave imagined that he was really transformed into a beast. For \"being\ndriven from the company of men for seven years, his dwelling was with\nthe beasts of the field, he fed on grass as oxen; his body was wetted\nwith the dew of heaven; his hair and nails were grown like those of\nbirds. At length at the end of that space of time, his understanding\nwas restored to him, and he was established in his kingdom, and\nexcellent majesty was added unto him. Now his crime was pride and the\ncontempt of God[83].\"\n\n    [83] _See Daniel, Chap. iv. and v._\n\nAll these circumstances agree so perfectly well with hypochondriacal\nmadness, that to me it appears evident, that Nebuchadnezzar was seized\nwith this distemper, and under its influence ran wild into the fields:\nand that, fancying himself transformed into an ox, he fed on grass in\nthe manner of cattle. For every sort of madness is, as I shall specify\nmore particularly hereafter[84], a disease of a disturbed imagination;\nwhich this unhappy man laboured under full seven years. And thro'\nneglect of taking proper care of himself, his hair and nails grew to\nan excessive length; whereby the latter growing thicker and crooked,\nresembled the claws of birds. Now, the ancients called persons\naffected with this species of madness [Greek: lykanthr\u00f4poi] or [Greek:\nkynanthr\u00f4poi]; because they went abroad in the night, imitating wolves\nor dogs; particularly intent upon opening the sepulchres of the dead,\nand had their legs much ulcerated either by frequent falls, or the\nbites of[85] dogs. In like manner are the daughters of Proetus related\nto have been mad, who, as Virgil says,\n\n    --_Implerunt falsis mugitibus agros._[86]\n\n    --With mimick'd mooings fill'd the fields.\n\n    [84] _See Chap. ix. of Demoniacs._\n\n    [85] _See Aetius, Lib. medecin. Lib. vi. and Paul. \u00c6gineta,\n    Lib. iii. Cap. xvi._\n\n    [86] _Eclog. vi. 48._\n\nFor, as Servius observes, Juno possessed their minds with such a\nspecies of madness, that fancying themselves cows, they ran into the\nfields, bellowed often, and dreaded the plough. But these, according\nto Ovid, the physician Melampus,\n\n        --_per carmen & herbas\n    Eripuit furiis._[87]\n\n    Snatch'd from the furies by his charms\n        and herbs.\n\n    [87] _Metamorph. xv. 325._\n\nNor was this disorder unknown to the moderns; for Schenckius records a\nremarkable instance of it in a husbandman of Padua, _who imagining\nthat he was a wolf, attack'd, and even killed several persons in the\nfields; and when at length he was taken, he persevered in declaring\nhimself a real wolf, and that the only difference consisted in the\ninversion of his skin and hair_[88].\n\n    [88] _Observat. med. rar. de Lycanthrop. Obs. 1._\n\nBut it may be objected to our opinion, that this misfortune was\nforetold to the king, so that he might have prevented it by correcting\nhis morals; and therefore it is not probable that it befel him in the\ncourse of nature. But we know, that those things, which God executes\neither thro' clemency or vengeance, are frequently performed by the\nassistance of natural causes. Thus having threatened Hezekiah with\ndeath, and being afterwards moved by his prayers, he restored him to\nlife, and made use of figs laid on the tumor, as a medicine for\nhis[89] disease. He ordered king Herod, upon account of his pride, to\nbe devoured by worms[90]. And no body doubts but that the plague,\nwhich is generally attributed to the divine wrath, most commonly owes\nits origin to corrupted air.\n\n    [89] _See above Chap. v. p. 36._\n\n    [90] _See below, Chap. xv._\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER VIII.\n\n_The Palsy._\n\n\nThere are three paralytics recorded in the holy gospels to have been\ncured by Jesus Christ[91]. The case of one of these, which is the\nthird, having some singularities in it, I shall relate the particulars\nof it in the words of St. John, \"There is (says the Evangelist) at\nJerusalem, by the sheep market, a pool, near which lay a great\nmultitude of impotent folk, blind, halt, and withered, waiting for the\nmoving of the water. For an angel went down at a certain season into\nthe pool, and troubled the water: whosoever then first after the\ntroubling of the water stepped in, was made whole of whatsoever\ndisease he had. And a certain man was there, who had an infirmity\nthirty and eight years. When Jesus saw him lie, and knew that he had\nbeen now a long time _in that case_, he saith unto him, _Wilt thou be\nmade whole_? The impotent man answered him, _Sir, I have no man, when\nthe water is troubled, to put me into the pool; but while I am coming,\nanother steppeth down before me_. Jesus saith unto him: _Rise, take up\nthy bed, and walk_. And immediately the man was made whole, and took\nup his bed, and walked.\"\n\n    [91] _See Matthew, Chap. viii. and ix., and John, Chap. v._\n\nThis pool, or at least some other in its stead, is shewn to travellers\neven at this day by the friars who reside there.[92] But, what is\nmuch more to the purpose, Eusebius asserts that it actually existed in\nhis time, and had two basons; both of which were filled every year by\nthe rains, at a stated time; and the water of one of them was of a\nsurprizing red colour:[93] which last phoenomenon he attributes,\naccording to the vulgar opinion, to the sacrifices, which were\nformerly cleansed there. But I am clearly of opinion, that it was\nowing to a red earth or ocre, which is frequently found in baths,\nraised up from the bottom at certain times by the rains, and mixing\nwith the water.\n\n    [92] _See Cotovici Itinerarium Hierosolymitarum, Lib. ii.\n    Cap. ii. and Maundrell's Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem,\n    8vo. p. 107. Oxford 1714._\n\n    [93] _Onomasticon urbium & locorum sacr\u00e6 scriptur\u00e6, in voce_\n    [Greek: B\u00eazatha].\n\nCommentators find more than one difficulty here. For first they\nenquire what sort of water this was; next why it could not exert its\nvirtue without being troubled; then what was the nature of this\ntroubling; and lastly, concerning the angel they do not agree, who he\nwas. Wherefore I will offer my opinion, in a concise manner, on these\nseveral points.\n\nFirst then, mineral waters were in high esteem among the ancients for\nmany diseases: they used them inwardly and outwardly, and recommended\nthem for different distempers according to the nature of the mineral,\nwith which they were impregnated. Thus in paralitic cases, Celsus\nrecommends _swimming or bathing in the natural sea or salt water,\nwhere it can conveniently be come at; where it cannot, even in water\nmade salt by art_.[94] And Pliny says, _sulphureous water is useful\nfor the nerves, aluminous for paralytics, or other relaxed habits of\nthe body_. He likewise adds; _They use the mud of those fountains with\nadvantage, especially if, when it is rubbed on, it be suffered to dry\nin the sun_.[95] The same author relates strange things of some\nsprings. _In Bo\u00e6tia_, says he, _there are two springs, one of which\nretrieves the memory, the other destroys it.[96] In Macedonia two\nstreams meet, one of them extremely wholsome to drink, the other\nmortal._[97] And other things of the same nature. To these may be\nadded what Lucian, an eye-witness relates of the river Adonis in the\ncountry of the Byblii. _The water of that river changes its colour\nonce a year, and turning as red as blood, gives a purple tinge to the\nsea, into which it runs_: and the cause of this phoenomenon he ascribes\nto its _passing thro' mount Libanus, whose earth is red_.[98] Nor is\nit foreign to the purpose to observe, that there are wonderful\neruptions of water in some countries. In the province of Conaught in\nIreland, there is a fountain of fresh water on the top of a high\nmountain, which imitates the tide, by sinking and overflowing twice a\nday.[99] A certain spring in Hungary in the county of Saros, is under\nthe influence of the moon: since it is well known to increase with the\nmoon's increase, to diminish with its decrease, and to run quite dry\nat the great change or new moon.[100] In fine, medicinal waters were\nnot uncommon in Palestine, the accounts of which are collected by that\ngreat master of oriental literature, Hadrian Reland.[101]\n\n    [94] _Lib. iii. Cap. xxvii._\n\n    [95] _Lib. xxxi. \u00a7. 32._\n\n    [96] _Ib. \u00a7. ii._\n\n    [97] _Ib. \u00a7. 19._\n\n    [98] _De Dea Syria._\n\n    [99] _Vid. Ortelii Theatrum orbis terrarum._\n\n    [100] _Vid. Geo. Wernher. de admirandis Hungari\u00e6 aquis._\n\n    [101] _Pal\u00e6stina ex monument. vet. illustr. p. 300, &c._\n\nNevertheless those who contend for a miracle in this place, say that\nthere are no baths known, which can cure all distempers; nor any that\nretain their virtue but one single month in the year: they likewise\nadd, that it was the action of the angel troubling this water, that\ngave it its sanative qualities. Those who are of a different\nsentiment, enumerate a number of waters, which become salutary at\ncertain times of the year, by being then charged with metallic salts;\nthe mud of which being brought up from the bottom, has been\nserviceable in many diseases. Wherefore they say, it is not just to\nhave recourse to a supernatural power for effects, which may be\nproduced by the ordinary course of nature. But as far as I am able to\njudge of these contradictory opinions, a middle way between them seems\nto me to come nearest the truth.\n\nFor my notion of the matter is, that the water of this pool acquired\nits medicinal virtues from the mud settled at the bottom, which was\ncharged with metallic salts, perhaps from sulphur, allum, or nitre.\nAnd whenever it happened that the water was troubled by any natural\ncause whatsoever, perhaps a subterraneous heat, or rains; these salts\nwere raised up and mixed with it, and might well be beneficial to\nthose, who went down into the pool, before the metallic particles\nsubsided. Wherefore it is no wonder, that there _lay_, in the porches\nof this bath, which the evangelist says were five in number, _a great\nmultitude of impotent folk waiting for the moving of the water_; and\nespecially of such as laboured under those diseases, for which it was\nserviceable, as blindness, palsies, and decays. And it was very\nnatural for every individual person to endeavour to get into it as\nsoon as possible; for fear of being frustrated of their cure by the\nsubsidence of the mud. Wherefore _he who first stept in_, experienced\nthe virtue of the water.\n\nThe next circumstance to be observed is, that the fact here related,\nhappened when _there was a feast of the jews_, that is, the pentecost.\nAnd we learn from Eusebius, that this method of curing prevailed but\nonce in a year.[102] But it is well known that this feast was\ncelebrated in the month of May or beginning of June: which is a very\nproper season for the virtues of medicinal waters. Upon which account\nthe patients flock'd thither the more eagerly, that they might catch a\nmedicine, which they could make use of but once a year.\n\n    [102] _Loco citato._\n\nLastly, with relation to the angel, who is said _to have_ troubled\nthe water at a certain season; those who contend for a miracle,\nattribute the sanative quality of the pool to him. But we have already\ntaken notice, that whenever any thing uncommon or surprizing happened,\nof which the jews could not investigate the cause, they were\naccustomed to say, it was done _by the angel of the Lord_. Yet it is\npossible, that God might have added this miraculous circumstance to\nnatural effects, that this pool should be sanative, at one certain\ntime of the year only, and that too, when the whole nation were\nassembled to celebrate their solemn festival; and to him only, who\nfirst went into it. The reason of which proceeding (if it be allowed\nto form a conjecture on the divine counsels) might perhaps have been,\nthat God was pleased to testify by so manifest a sign, that he would\nnot, as he had promised, entirely abandon his chosen people; before\nthe coming of the Messias.\n\nWherefore upon the whole, this salutary virtue of the water, which\nmight be medicinal by nature, seems to be so regulated by God, as at\nthe same time to afford the jews a token of his presence. But the\npower of Christ, administered to this infirm man, a more noble remedy\nthan that water, his _evil-chasing_[103] word. And this power was the\nmore seasonable in this case, because the disease was of so many years\nstanding, that it could not be removed by a natural remedy: whence his\ndivine virtue shone forth the more brightly.\n\n    [103] [Greek: Alexikakon].\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER IX.\n\n_Of Demoniacs._\n\n\nThat the D\u00e6moniacs, [Greek: daimonizomenoi], mentioned in the gospels,\nlaboured under a disease really natural, tho' of an obstinate and\ndifficult kind, appears to me very probable from the accounts given of\nthem. They were indeed affected various ways. For sometimes, they rent\ntheir garments, and ran about naked; striking terror into all those\nwhom they met, and even wounding their own bodies; so very furious,\nthat tho' bound with chains and fetters, they broke their bonds, and\nrambled in the most lonely places, and among the sepulchres of the\ndead. Sometimes also they cried out, that they were possessed by many\ndevils, which they imagined could pass out of themselves into other\nbodies.[104] At other times, either they were worried, and made a\nhideous noise;[105] or were thrown on the ground, without being hurt,\nand the devil went out of them.[106]\n\n    [104] _See Matthew, Ch. viii. v. 28. Mark, Ch. v. v. 2. and\n    Luke, Chap. viii. v. 27._\n\n    [105] _Mark, Chap. i. v. 23-26._\n\n    [106] _Luke, Chap. iv. v. 33-35._\n\nThese are all actions of madmen; but the dispute is, whether they were\nwrought by devils, or by the violence of the disease. Thus much is\ncertain, that in those times it was a common opinion among the jews,\nthat evil spirits frequently took possession of people, and tortured\nthem in so surprizing a manner, as if they were agitated by furies.\nFor in the whole catalogue of diseases, which afflict mankind, there\nis no other, that seems so much to surpass the force of nature, as\nthis, in wretchedly tormenting the patient by fierce distractions of\nthe mind, and excessively strong, tho' involuntary, motions of the\nbody. But most certainly we find nothing sacred in all this, nothing\nbut what may arise from a natural indisposition of body. And in order\nto place this my opinion in the stronger light, it may not be improper\nto give a short discourse on madness; not indeed on that species,\nwhich comes on in an acute fever, and goes off with it, which is\ncalled a phrenzy, and is always of short duration; but that other\nsort, which is rivetted in the body, and constitutes a chronical\ndisease.\n\nWherefore all madness is a disease of an injured imagination, which\nderives its origin from the mind, having been too long a time fixed\non any one object. Hence proceed uneasiness and anxieties of mind\nconcerning the event. And by how much the things, whose images\nincessantly occur to the imagination, are of greater moment in life,\nthe more violently they disturb the person; examples of which we see\nparticularly in love and religion, wherein hope, fear, despair, and\nother contrary passions, succeeding each other by turns, drag the\nperson different ways. That this is the case, will not be doubted by\nany one, who recollects, that a madman often has a good memory;\nmanages his affairs, except when some vain ideas come across his mind,\nwith tolerable prudence, nay sometimes with more than ordinary\ncunning; and that he ofttimes recovers the intire and permanent use of\nhis reason, by a course of proper medicines. Therefore in this\ndisorder the person is first over-whelmed by terrifying ideas, which\nare followed by wrath and fury, as attendants on anxiety: whence he\nthreatens and attempts to do acts of the utmost cruelty to those who\napproach him, and thro' excess of anguish, frequently lays violent\nhands even on himself: then he grows again melancholic; and thus rage\nand dejection of spirits affect him alternately: moreover it is no\nuncommon thing to see a person under these circumstances, especially\nwhen the disease has taken deep root by length of time, seeking\nunfrequented and solitary places, in order to avoid the conversation\nof his fellow creatures,\n\n    _Ipse suum cor edens, hominum vestigia vitans._[107]\n\n    Gnawing his heart, shunning the steps of men.\n\n    [107] _Cicero, Tuscul. Disp. Lib. iii. 26. who has turn'd\n    into Latin this verse of Homer:_ \"[Greek: Hon thumon kated\u00f4n,\n    pat\u00f4n anthr\u00f4p\u00f4n aleein\u00f4n].\" _Il. Z. v. 202._\n\nNow, people afflicted with this disorder, often live a long time. For\nall mad folks in general bear hunger, cold, and any other inclemency\nof the weather; in short, all bodily inconveniencies, with surprizing\nease; as they enjoy a strength of constitution superior to what might\nbe easily imagined. Likewise it frequently happens, that an epilepsy\ncomes on madness of a long standing. For these diseases are nearly\nrelated; and in this case, we know by experience, that there remain\nnot the least hopes of recovery. Lastly it is to be observed, that the\npatient is either frantic or melancholic, according as his habit of\nbody is disposed to receive this or that injury.\n\nBut that the casting out of devils, is nothing more than the removal\nof madness, many do not believe, upon this account, that those things\nwhich happen to persons thus affected, seem to them impossible to be\ndone by the force of nature. But certainly these gentlemen are too\nmuch strangers to physic, and have not sufficiently attended to\nphoenomena no less surprizing, which daily occur in other diseases. Do\nwe not often see that violent affections of the mind are the cause of\ndeath? A sudden fright has destroyed many, and even excessive joy has\nbeen fatal. A dangerous distemper sometimes passes from one part of\nthe body to another, in the twinkling of an eye. The venom thrown into\nthe mass of blood by the bite of a mad dog, generally lies still a\ngood while; and at the end of some weeks, sometimes months, exerting\nits strength, it produces symptoms not inferior to those, which are\nsaid to be produced by devils. What is more surprizing than some\nthings which fall out in pregnancies? If a pregnant woman happens to\nhave an eager desire for any thing, and is disappointed, she sometimes\nmarks the foetus with the figure or likeness of the object longed for,\non this or that part of the body. And, what is still more, and\napproaches to a prodigy, upon the mother being terrified by a sudden\ninjury done to any one part, that very part in the child suffers the\nsame evil, and decays for want of nourishment. I know that the truth\nof stories of this kind, is called in doubt by some physicians;\nbecause they cannot conceive, how such things can happen. But many\nexamples, of which I have been an eye-witness, have freed my mind of\nall scruples on this head. Now, the power of the imaginative faculty\nis so stupendous, that the mind is not less affected by false, than by\ntrue images, when daily subjected to them. This we find by experience\nin those women, who are called witches, who, being under the\ninfluence of such an error of the mind, frequently imagine that they\nnot only converse with devils, but also have enter'd into compacts\nwith them; and persist in these notions with such obstinacy, that,\nwhen they are brought to a trial, they confess themselves guilty of\nwickednesses, which they never perpetrated, though they know that they\nmust suffer death for their confession. Moreover, every body knows how\nwonderfully the mind is disturbed in melancholies. One of them thinks\nhis head is made of glass, and is afraid of stirring abroad, for fear\nof having it broken: another believes himself to be actually dead, and\nrefuses food, because the dead ought not to eat. There are a thousand\nstories of this kind. I remember, a man of letters, with whom I was\nwell acquainted, who positively asserted that he was big with child,\nand was vastly anxious for a happy delivery. I saw two others, who,\nwhen alone, fancied they heard the words of people whispering them in\nthe ear. Nor is their case different, in my opinion, who persuade\nthemselves that they see ghosts and hobgoblins. For deliriums are a\nkind of dreams of people awake; and the mind in both cases affects the\nbody differently, according to the nature of its objects.\n\nFrom what we have said, it manifestly appears, how many different ways\nthe lessons of imagination, when they are confirm'd by long habit, are\ncapable of affecting a man, and entirely ruining his whole frame. But\nevery body knows, that the human mind is disturbed by nothing more\nthan by fear; the cause of which is self-love ingrafted in all men.\nWhereas then, as Cicero very justly observes, _there is no nation so\nsavage, no man so rude, as not to have some notion of the gods_;[108]\nit is no wonder, that men conscious of wicked deeds, should be struck\nwith the fear of God, whose empire over all created things they\nacknowledged. For, as they attributed every good thing, every benefit\nof this life, to the gods; so they were of opinion, that evils and\ncalamities were sent down by them in punishment of crimes. Now,\nidolatry, as I said above,[109] had its origin among the Chaldeans;\nand at first it consisted in the worship of the sun and moon, but\nafterwards it was extended to the adoration of d\u00e6mons.[110] But these\nwere believed to be divine ministers; and that they were originally\nthe souls of heroes and great men, who were worshipped for services\ndone to mankind in general, or to their native country in particular.\nAnd this d\u00e6moniac religion being propagated from the Chald\u00e6ans to the\nPhoenicians, then to the Egyptians, came afterwards to the Greeks,\nthence to the Romans, and in progress of time to the other nations.\n\n    [108] _Tusc. qu\u00e6st. Lib. i. 13._\n\n    [109] _Cap. i. p. 5._\n\n    [110] _See Sir Isaac Newton's Chronology, p. 160._\n\nBut the jews, accustomed to ascribe every uncommon or wonderful work\nof nature to the agency of angels, as ministers of the supreme deity,\ncould easily work up their minds to believe, that some dreadful\ndiseases, which injured the mind and body together, the causes whereof\nthey could not investigate, arose from the operation of evil angels.\nFor we learn from Philo Jud\u00e6us,[111] with whom Josephus also agrees in\nopinion, _that they believed there were bad as well as good angels;\nthat the good executed the commands of God on men, that they were\nirreprehensible and beneficent; but the bad execrable, and every way\nmischievous_.[112] But a more illustrious example of this matter\ncannot be given, than in the narrative of Saul's disease,[113] of\nwhich I have already treated.[114] Nor were madness and the epilepsy\nthe only diseases, which they imputed to devils. When Jesus had\nrestored speech to the _furious dumb man_, he is said to have done it\nby _casting out a devil_.[115] And when he had cured another furious\nperson, who was _blind and dumb_, the pharisees reproached him _with\ncasting out devils by beelzebub the prince of the devils_.[116] In\nfine, Christ himself uses this common way of expression, on occasion\nof the _woman which had a spirit of infirmity eighteen years, whom he\nfreed from that infirmity_; by saying, that _satan had held her bound\nthese eighteen years_.[117]\n\n    [111] _Lib. de gigantibus._\n\n    [112] _De bello judaico, Lib. vii. Cap. 6._\n\n    [113] _See Samuel (or Kings) Book i. Chap. xvi._\n\n    [114] _Chap. iii. page 28, &c._\n\n    [115] _Matthew, Chap. ix. Verse 32._\n\n    [116] _Ib. Chap. xii. Verse 22._\n\n    [117] _Luke, Ch. xiii. v. 16._\n\nAnd this custom of taking madmen for demoniacs, was not so peculiar to\nthe jews, but that it prevailed in other nations also. Hence in\nHerodotus king Cleomenes is said to be driven into madness, not by any\nd\u00e6mon, but by a habit of drunkenness, which he had contracted among\nthe Scythians, whereby he became frantic.[118] And whereas [Greek:\ndaimonan] signifies the same thing as [Greek: daimonion echein],\nXenophon uses this word for _furere_, to be raging mad or\nfurious.[119] Moreover Aristophanes, intending to express a high\ndegree of the same disease, employs the word [Greek: kakodaimonan],\nand calls the highest degree of madness, not [Greek: manian], but\n[Greek: kakodaimonian][120]. Hence also, as Aret\u00e6us observes, this\ndisease was called _morbus sacer_, or the sacred disease, _because it\nwas imagined that some d\u00e6mon had entered into the man_.[121] Wherefore\nthe physicians found it absolutely necessary to oppose this false\nnotion with all their might. Because the people were generally\npersuaded, that diseases, which they believed to be caused by evil\nspirits, were to be expelled, not by medical skill, but by religious\nrites and ceremonies. Upon this account the prince of physicians\nHippocrates, or at least some one of his scholars, wrote a very useful\npiece,[122] wherein he asserts that no diseases are inflicted on man,\nimmediately, by any divine power; and that those persons ought to be\naccounted magicians and jugglers, who cover their ignorance with a\nveil of sanctity, by infusing such notions into the minds of the\npeople.\n\n    [118] _Lib. vi. Cap. 84._\n\n    [119] _Memorabil. Lib. i._\n\n    [120] _Vid. Plutum, Act. ii. Scen. 3. v. 38. & Act. ii. Scen.\n    5. v. 15._\n\n    [121] [Greek: Dia t\u00eas dox\u00eas daimonos es ton anthr\u00f4pon\n    eisodou.] _De causis morbo diuturn. Lib. i. Cap. 4._\n\n    [122] _De morbo sacro._\n\nBut with regard to this power of the devils over human bodies,\nbelieved equally by the jews and other nations, I have already said,\nthat the divinity ought not to be made a party concerned in imposing\ndiseases, which may possibly have natural causes; unless it be\nexpresly declared, that they were inflicted immediately by the hand of\nGod.[123] For of all the diseases, with which miserable mortals are\ntormented, there are none so wonderful and dreadful to appearance, but\nmay be the natural consequences of bodily indispositions. Wherefore\nGod himself, if he thinks proper, can employ either natural causes, or\nthe ministry of good angels, to inflict all sorts of diseases on\nmankind. And I hope nobody will believe, that the devils have had the\npower granted them of torturing men at their wanton pleasure. But to\nsay more on this subject seems the less necessary; because two very\nlearned divines of our nation have already treated it in a full and\nample manner.[124]\n\n    [123] _Chap. iii. page 30._\n\n    [124] _See the works of Jos. Mede 1677 fol. discourse vi. and\n    enquiry into the meaning of demoniacs, &c._\n\nTherefore in order to put an end to these demoniacal diseases, I will\nnow briefly shew, how they are to be treated. And first of all,\nparticular care should be taken, to keep the patient's mind employed\nin thoughts directly contrary to those, which possessed it before: for\none set of ideas gives place to another, and by effecting this\nchange, the mind is brought out of the state in which it was: a\ncircumstance, to which the generality of physicians do not give\nsufficient attention. When this can be brought about, the disease is\nsometimes speedily cured. But when either the long standing of the\ndistemper, or some other cause, renders this total change\nimpracticable; at least the strength of the present set of ideas ought\nto be diminished and destroyed by all possible means. The vain fears\nof some are to be diverted, and their dismal thoughts dispelled. The\ndaring ferocity of others is to be curb'd; for which end it is often\nnecessary, to use hard words and threats. Likewise sudden frights,\nwhich may give the mind a different commotion, from that which before\ndisturbed it, have been found to afford a temporary relief at least.\nThe ancients prescribed some corrections, such as bindings and\nstripes.[125] And indeed it is sometimes necessary to bind those, who\nare too unruly; to prevent their doing mischief to themselves or\nothers. But there is the less necessity for torments and stripes,\nbecause all mad men are of such a cowardly disposition; that even the\nmost frantic and mischievous, after being once or twice tied,\nsurrender at discretion, and thence forward refrain from committing\nany outrage, thro' fear of the punishment.\n\n    [125] _Vid. Celsus, Lib. iii. Cap. xviii._\n\nAs to the medical part, the gross humors of the body are to be\nthinned, and the disorderly motion of the animal spirits is to be\ncalmed. For which end blood-lettings, emetics, cathartics, blisters,\nand setons, also sometimes coolings of the head are to be employed. To\nthese the foetid gums are to be added, especially _assa foetida_,\n_myrrh_, and _galbanum_. And _camphire_ has been frequently found\nserviceable in excessive ferocity and want of sleep. But when the\ndisease is accompanied by a fever, nothing is more proper than nitre,\ngiven in as large quantities as the stomach will bear. Lastly, the\npatient is to be kept to a slender diet, and compelled to use\nexercise. But in all evacuations, a certain degree of moderation ought\nto be used, lest the madness be changed into a contrary disease, which\nthe ancients termed _morbus cardaicus_,[126] that is, an excessive\nweakness of body. In which case, the patient is so far exhausted, that\nmedicines are of no avail; but the miserable dejected man drags the\nremains of life, alass! generally too long.\n\n    [126] _Idem, Lib. iii. Cap. xix._\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER X.\n\n_Of Lunatics._\n\n\nAs some ancient physicians attributed the falling sickness to some\ndivine power, so they ascribed madness to the influence of the moon.\nYet the lunatic, [Greek: sel\u00eaniazomenos], whose disease is described\nin the gospels, was affected with the falling sickness.[127] Wherefore\nthis patient (for there is but one of this kind expresly recorded\nthere) was either mad and epileptic at the same time, which is not\nuncommon; or he laboured under a periodical epilepsy, returning with\nthe changes of the moon, which is a very common case. For the account\ngiven of him is very short, that _he ofttimes fell into the fire and\noft into the water_. Now in this distemper a person falls down\nsuddenly, and lies for some time as dead; or by a general convulsion\nof his nerves, his body is agitated, with distorted eyes, and he foams\nat the mouth. But at length he recovers out of the fit, and has no\nmore knowledge or remembrance of it, than if nothing had happened to\nhim. Yet _Jesus_ is said to have _rebuked the devil, and he departed\nout of him, and the child was cured_. That this child's case was\nepileptic, appears more manifestly from the account given of it by the\nevangelist, who was also a physician: for he says, _that as soon as\nthe spirit has seized the patient, he cries out, foams at the mouth,\nand is torn and worried by him_.[128]\n\n    [127] _Matthew, Chap. xvii. v. 15 and 18._\n\n    [128] _Luke, Chap. ix. v. 39, &c._\n\nNow, as to these [Greek: sel\u00eaniazomenoi], who are subjoined to the\ndemoniacs, as if their diseases were different, and whom Jesus is\nsaid to have cured;[129] they were either mad, or mad and epileptic\ntogether, which is not an uncommon case, as we have just now said. And\nas to devils, we have treated of them sufficiently. But with relation\nto the moon, there is not the least reason to doubt, but that the\nregular returns of the paroxysms at certain times of the month, gave\noccasion to men to believe, that this disease was lunar. For that\nplanet has such a real influence on this disease, that it frequently\nhappens to some patients, never to be seized with the fit but about\nthe new and full moon; which seems to join its energy to those causes,\nthat are adapted to produce this evil. But the manner of accounting\nfor this I have delivered in another place; where I have plainly shewn\nthat our atmosphere has its tides as well as the sea.[130]\n\n    [129] _Matthew, Chap. iv. v. 24._\n\n    [130] _De morbo sacro._\n\nAnd indeed the great Hippocrates has long since taught, that this\ndisease is owing to natural causes, and consequently, by no means\ndivine.[131] For altho' in his time, neither the inward parts of the\nanimal body, nor the properties of the blood and humors, especially of\nthe nervous fluid, were sufficiently known; yet by his great sagacity\nand experience, he has left us several useful observations, in\nrelation both to the nature of the disease, and to its cure. For he\nhas shewn, that it arises from too great a quantity of humors in the\nbrain; and therefore that the best method of cure is to dry up, and\nlessen the quantity of this peccant matter; without having recourse to\nincantations and juggling tricks, so much in use in those days.\n\n    [131] _See influence of the sun and moon, Chap. i. and ii._\n\nBut when in succeeding ages, the use of medicines became more common,\na great number of remedies for this dreadful disease were invented,\nsome of which indeed were too filthy and shocking: such as drinking\nthe warm blood of a gladiator just slain; eating human or horse's\nflesh, the testicles and penis of some animals, and other things of\nthe same kind;[132] as if matters so repugnant to nature, could be\ncontrary to such grievous defects of it. For so it often happens, that\nwhen a rational medicine is not to be found, any improper and rash one\nis attempted. But such experiments are to be abandoned to itinerant\nquacks, and credulous old women. Though even in our days our art is\nnot sufficiently purged of this filth in these cases; seeing the dung\nof some birds, and the hoofs of quadrupeds are still ordered to be\nswallowed down by the sick. But whereas chemistry has furnished us\nwith the means of extracting the salts, and other most active\nprinciples from bodies; to me it is matter of admiration, why\nphysicians do not choose to order these principles to be taken pure\ninto the body, rather than the coarse and foeculant substances, that\ncontain them; which are always disagreeable, and sometimes hurtful\nalso, to the stomach. But this most difficult distemper demands helps\nfar superior to these; nor will any one method of cure answer in all\ncases, but the course must be altered according to the difference of\nconstitution, &c. However, I will here propose those things, which\nhave been found to be most generally serviceable.\n\n    [132] _See Celsus, Lib. iii. Cap. xxiii. & Cael. Aurelian,\n    Lib. i. Cap. 4._\n\nBlood is to be taken away several times, according to the strength of\nthe patient, in order to check its impetus. Vomits are to be\nadministered now and then, but cathartics more frequently. It is\nparticularly requisite to draw the redundant humor from the head,\nwhich is done by blisters; but better, by applying a caustic near the\nocciput, and making an issue, which is to be kept constantly running.\n\nThese remedies contribute indeed to weaken the paroxysms; but for\nremoving the cause, when it can be done (for sometimes it cannot)\nother helps are requisite. For it is manifest, that the cause lies\nchiefly in the nervous fluid, commonly called animal spirits. But to\ninvestigate the manner how this fluid is affected in diseases of this\nkind, would, in my opinion, be a fruitless labour. However, as I have\nshewn on another occasion,[133] that it consists of very minute\nparticles secreted from the blood in the brain, and receives and\nimprisons a considerable quantity of that elastic matter, universally\ndiffused throughout all nature; it cannot be doubted, but that it may\nbe so corrupted by some indisposition of the body or mind, as to\nbecome more or less improper for executing the functions of life, and\nperform all animal motions, not at the command of the will, but in a\ndisorderly manner, and with a certain ungovernable impetuosity. Now\nthe best remedies for correcting this depraved condition of the animal\nspirits, are chiefly those, which have the most powerful faculties of\nattenuating the humors, and throwing them out of the body by sweat.\nOf these the most excellent are the _Root of wild Valerian_, _Russian\nCastor_, _the foetid Gums_, and _Native Cinnabar_, taken daily in\npretty large quantities; with the interposition of cathartics at\nproper intervals, among which there is none better than the _Tinctura\nsacra_. I have long known by experience, that the celebrated _Misleto\nof the Oak_, is an useless weed. And indeed how can it be otherwise,\nsince it has scarcely any taste or smell, and is entirely indebted to\nthe religion of the Druids for its great character. Wherefore it is to\nbe rank'd with those other frivolous things, which superstition has\nintroduced into physick; unless a person can work himself up into a\nbelief, that the golden sickle, with which it was cut down, the\npriest's snow-white garment, the sacrifice of white bulls, and other\nsuch trifling circumstances, are conducive towards a cure.[134]\n\n    [133] _Account of poisons, ed. 3. introduction._\n\n    [134] _Plin. hist. nat. Lib. xvi. \u00a7. ult._\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XI.\n\n_The issue of blood in a woman._\n\n\nSaint Matthew relates, that \"Christ, by his word alone, cured a woman\nwho had been diseased with an issue of blood for twelve[135] years.\"\n\n    [135] _Chap. ix. v. 20._\n\nAnd here arises a question, concerning the nature of this disease. But\nas the words in the Greek are [Greek: gyn\u00ea haimorrhoousa], I am of\nopinion, that it was a flux of blood from the natural parts, which\nHippocrates[136] calls [Greek: rhoon haimat\u00f4d\u00ea], and observes, that it\nis necessarily tedious. Wherefore having been exhausted by it for\ntwelve years, may justly be said to be incurable by human art.\n\n    [136] _De morb. Lib. i. Sect. 3._\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XII.\n\n_Weakness of the back, with a rigidity of the back-bone._\n\n\n\"There was a woman which had a spirit of infirmity eighteen years, and\nwas so bowed together, that she could in no wise lift up herself, and\nJesus laid his hands on her, and she was freed from her infirmity, and\nimmediately made[137] strait.\"\n\n    [137] _Luke, Chap. xiii. v. 11, &c._\n\nThis woman was [Greek: sygkyptousa], that is, _stooping forward_;\nbeing unable [Greek: anakypsai], or _to lift up her head_. Now that\nspirit, according to the common way of speaking of the jews, was\nsatan. For thus Christ himself, answering the ruler of the synagogue,\nwho was angry that the woman had been cured on the sabbath day, says,\nthat _satan had held her bound these eighteen years_. And exactly in\nthe same sense saint Mark employs [Greek: pneuma alalon] for a\n_spirit, which obstructed the faculty of speech_.[138]\n\n    [138] _Chap. ix. v. 17._\n\nThis infirmity often befalls those, who have been very long afflicted\nwith a disorder of the loins: whence the muscular fibres of that part\nbecome contracted and rigid. Wherefore it is very probable, that this\ntedious disease proceeded from that very cause, and was curable by the\ndivine assistance only.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XIII.\n\n_The bloody sweat of Christ._\n\n\nSaint Luke relates of Christ himself, that, \"when he was in an agony\nby the fervency of his prayers, his sweat was like drops of blood\nfalling down on the[139] ground.\"\n\n    [139] _Chap. xxii. v. 44._\n\nThis passage is generally understood, as if the Saviour of mankind had\nsweated real blood. But the text does not say so much. The sweat was\nonly [Greek: h\u00f4sei thromboi haimatos], as it were, or like drops of\nblood; that is, the drops of sweat were so large, thick and viscid,\nthat they trickled to the ground like drops of blood. Thus were the\nwords understood by Justin Martyr, Theophylactus and Euthymius. And\nyet Galen has observed, that _it sometimes happens, that the pores are\nso vastly dilated by a copious and fervid spirit; that even blood\nissues thro' them, and constitutes a bloody sweat_.[140]\n\n    [140] _Lib. de utilitate respirationis._\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XIV.\n\n_The disease of Judas._\n\n\nIn the number of diseases, I rank the death of Judas, the wicked\nbetrayer of Christ; of which I shall treat the more willingly, because\nvery learned interpreters of the holy scriptures have run into\ndifferent opinions concerning it. And about fifty years ago, two\nfamous professors of history in the university of Leyden, Jacobus\nGronovius and Jacobus Perizonius, handled this controversy in print\nwith too much passion. For polite literature does not always polish\nits admirers.\n\nThe origin of the dispute was this. Perizonius had published \u00c6lian's\nvari\u00e6 histori\u00e6, with his own notes and those of others; where taking\noccasion from what \u00c6lian says of Poliager,[141] he diligently examines\nthe signification of the verb [Greek: apagchesthai], which saint\nMatthew[142] employs in relating the death of Judas; and insists that\nthat word does not only mean strangling with a halter, but also\nsometimes excessive grief, by which a person is brought to the brink\nof death, and frequently even destroys himself. This criticism was\ntaken amiss by Gronovius, who had already published a book _de morte\nJud\u00e6_, wherein he had said that the wretch had voluntarily put an end\nto his life by a halter; wherefore he drew his pen, in order to refute\nhis adversary's reasonings, and corroborate his own. Moreover he\nquarrels with Perizonius about the phrase [Greek: pr\u00ean\u00eas genomenos],\nwhich he positively affirms ought to be understood not of a dying man,\nbut solely of one actually dead, or of a dead body cast or tumbled\ndown. For St. Matthew simply says [Greek: ap\u00eagxato],[143] but St. Luke\nmore fully, [Greek: pr\u00ean\u00eas genomenos elak\u00ease mesos, kai exechyth\u00ea\npanta ta splagchna autou],[144] that is, _falling headlong, he burst\nasunder in the midst, and all his bowels gushed out_. Wherefore, if\nthe verb [Greek: apagchesthai] can bear no other signification than\nthat _strangling, which is performed by a halter_, it is plain that\nthe two evangelists do not agree together; unless we say with the\nlearned Casaubon, that Judas hanged himself, but the rope broke, and\nhe tumbled headlong down. But this does not explain the manner of his\ndeath; which saint Luke manifestly seems to have intended; but barely\nadds a circumstance of little moment, which happen'd after it, or at\nthe very instant of it. Upon the whole it is certain, that by this\nword is not only meant _suffocation by hanging_, but also _excessive\ngrief_, with which those who are violently overpowered, frequently\ncompass their own death. For, as Ovid says: _strangulat inclusus\ndolor_. And indeed Perizonius has clearly proved this point by a\nnumber of examples, drawn from ancient authors.[145] Nor is it less to\nbe doubted, but that the expression [Greek: pr\u00ean\u00eas genomenos], may be\nused for one, who _voluntarily throws himself headlong down_, as well\nas for one, _who falls headlong by some accident_: which he has amply\ndemonstrated.\n\n    [141] _Lib. v. Cap. 8._\n\n    [142] _Chap. xxvii. v. 5._\n\n    [143] _Ibid._\n\n    [144] _Acts, Chap. i. v. 18._\n\n    [145] _Vid. dissert. de morte Jud\u00e6, & responsones duas ad\n    Gronovium, Lugd. Bat. 1702 & 3._\n\nThis controversy cost more than one dissertation. But after seriously\nconsidering the strength of the arguments produced by both parties; I\nam of opinion, that the words of saint Matthew may be reconciled with\nthe account given by saint Luke from saint Peter's speech, in this\nmanner. When that most unhappy traitor saw that Christ was condemned\nto death, he began to repent of his deed; and being thereupon wreck'd\nwith grief and despair, or seized with the swimming in the head (which\noften happens in such cases) he fell headlong down some precipice; or,\nwhich is more probable, he designedly threw himself down, and his body\nchancing to pitch on some large stone or stump of a tree, his bowels\nburst forth, and he was killed. Wherefore Matthew declared his\ntortures of mind, which made him destroy himself; but Luke has clearly\nand properly determined the manner of his death. Thus this kind of\ndeath ought, with good reason, to find a place in the list of\ndiseases, upon account of the real disorder of the mind.\n\n\n\n\nCHAPTER XV.\n\n_The disease of king Herod._\n\n\nTHE disease with which Herod Agrippa is said to have been smitten, by\nthe just judgment of God, in punishment for his pride and of which he\ndied, is remarkable. For he finished his miserable life [Greek:\nsk\u00f4l\u00eakobr\u00f4tos], that is, _eaten by worms_, as the sacred historian\nrelates, in these words, \"Upon a set day, Herod, arrayed in royal\napparel, sat upon his throne, and made an oration unto them: and the\npeople gave a shout, saying, it is the voice of a god, and not of a\nman. And immediately the angel of the Lord smote him, because he gave\nnot God the glory; and he was eaten of worms, and gave up the[146]\nghost.\" Josephus indeed, in his account of the fact, makes no mention\nof worms, but says that he was suddenly seized with violent gripings,\nand after being incessantly tortured with pains in his bowels for five\ndays, he expired.[147] But saint Luke has informed us, that the worms,\nby which his bowels were eroded, were the cause of the gripes.\n\n    [146] _Acts, Chap. xii. v. 21-23._\n\n    [147] _Antiq. jud. Lib. xix. Cap. viii. \u00a7. 2._\n\nNow the greatest singularity in this king's disease is, that it was\ninstantly inflicted on him from heaven (which he himself acknowledged\naccording to Josephus[148]) otherwise as to verminose putrefaction in\nhuman bodies, we have several instances of it. For this very king's\ngrandfather, Herod, surnamed the Great, is said to have labour'd\nunder this disease a long time, till at length it threw him into a\ndecay, of which he died.[149] Likewise Herodotus relates of Pheretima,\nthe mother of Arcesilaus, king of Cyrene, that she was rotted alive by\nworms.[150] And it is recorded of the Roman emperor Galerius\nMaximianus, that this same loathsome disease not only eat away his\ngenital members, but put an end to his life.[151] Wherefore it was\nimpossible, but that some at least of the Greek physicians must have\nobserved some cases of this kind. And accordingly Galen has proposed\nmedicines for ulcers, [Greek: sk\u00f4l\u00eakas echonta], that is, abounding\nwith worms.[152] For he says, in abscesses there are frequently found\nanimals, [Greek: z\u00f4a], very like those, which are engendered from\ncorruption.[153] And Philoxenus in Aetius says, that _in the humor of\nAtheroma's, he sometimes found animals, like gnats or little\nflies_.[154] In fine, Paulus Aegineta teaches the method of getting\nrid of them.[155]\n\n    [148] _Ubi supra._\n\n    [149] _Josephus Ant. Jud. Lib. xvii. Cap. vi. (an. viii?) \u00a7\n    5. & De Bello Jud. Lib. i. Cap. xxxiii. \u00a7 5._\n\n    [150] _Hist. Lib. 4. a fine_ [Greek: Z\u00f4sa eule\u00f4n exezese].\n\n    [151] _Sext. Aurel. Victor. Epitom. & Pompon. Laeti Rom.\n    Hist. compend._\n\n    [152] _De compos. Medic. per genera, L. iv. Cap. x._\n\n    [153] _Lib. de tumorib. pr\u00e6ter nat. Cap. iv._\n\n    [154] _Lib. xv. Cap. vii._\n\n    [155] _Lib. iv. Cap. xlii._\n\nIn so clear a case, it is needless to collect a greater number of\nauthorities from the ancients, especially since several modern\nphysicians have made the same observations. For Marcellus Donatus\nmentions a person of high rank, extremely fat, whose belly was eroded\nand mortified by little worms engendered in his skin, which was\nexcessively distended by fat and humors; and these worms were not\nunlike those produced in old rotten cheese.[156] The learned Nicolaus\nTulpius saw worms very like these, issuing with the urine out of the\nbody of a very celebrated physician.[157] And the Ephemerides natur\u00e6\ncuriosorum, contain three remarkable cases of this kind. The first is\nthat of a certain Frenchman, whose blood was so corrupted, that very\nminute animals came forth day and night with horrid tortures, thro'\nmost of the outlets of the skin, as the eyes, nose, mouth, and\nbladder; and at length put an end to his miserable life.[158] In the\nsecond, black worms, not unlike scarab\u00e6i or beetles, came out of an\nabscess formed in the calf of the leg of a girl.[159] And in the third\nit is said, that very small white worms issued with the milk from the\nbreasts of a woman in childbed.[160] Nor can I omit two similar\ncases, one of which is related by Poterius, the other by his\ncommentator Frideric Hoffman. The former attended a countryman, for a\ntumor on his right knee, out of which, when opened, little live worms\nissued, which caused an intolerable pain in the part by their bitings.\nAnd the latter saw a tradesman, who had a hard tumor about the veins\nof the arms, which was very troublesome to him. This was opened by a\nsurgeon several times without any benefit; until an ulcer was formed,\nout of which he took a great number of little black worms, armed with\nstings or prickles.[161]\n\n    [156] _De hist. medic. mirab. Lib. i. Cap. v._\n\n    [157] _Observ. medic. Lib. ii. Cap. 1._\n\n    [158] _Decur. 2. ann. 5. append. Artic. 38._\n\n    [159] _Ibid. Artic. 52._\n\n    [160] _Ibid. Artic. 109._\n\n    [161] _Poterii opera cum annot. Frid. Hoffmanni edita,\n    Francof. 1698. pag. 72._\n\nNow these histories, wonderful as they seem, are not to be refused\ncredit. For all nature is animated in a surprizing degree. The air\nwhich we breathe, the food which we eat; all fluids especially, are\nfull of animalcula of very different kinds. Whence it is possible,\nthat some of these, being received into our bodies, and conveyed into\nthe minute passages of the softest parts, as into nests, may there\ngrow, as worms do in the intestines, to their proper size. Hence by\nthe obstruction of the smallest vessels, tumors arise; which being\nsuppurated by heat, and bursting, pour forth their foul offspring in\nthe shape of worms.\n\nWherefore I cannot agree with those interpreters, who imagine that\nHerod was consumed by, and died of the _phthiriasis_, or _louzy\ndisease_. For [Greek: sk\u00f4l\u00eax] is a different creature from [Greek:\nphtheir]; this corrodes the surface of the skin, that the inner parts\nof the body. Nor can it admit of doubt, that saint Luke, who was a\nphysician, well understood the meaning of both the words. And yet I\nknow that the disease proceeding [Greek: hypo t\u00f4n phtheir\u00f4n] is by\nsome learned men confounded with that caused [Greek: hypo t\u00f4n\nsk\u00f4l\u00eak\u00f4n]; of the first of which Pherecides Syrius,[162] and Lucius\nSylla,[163] are said to have died. Whereupon Kuhnius says,[164] _I\nlook upon the word_ [Greek: sk\u00f4l\u00eakobr\u00f4tos] _in saint Luke, and_\n[Greek: phtheirobr\u00f4tos] _in Hesychius_,[165] _to be synonimous terms_:\nand his reason is, because lice are worms.\n\n    [162] _\u00c6lian. var. hist. Lib. iv. Cap. 28._\n\n    [163] _Plutarcho in ejus vita._\n\n    [164] _Not. ad \u00c6lianum._\n\n    [165] _Lib. de vit. philos._\n\n\nThe END.\n\n\nTranscriber's Note\n\nObvious punctuation errors have been corrected. Due to the age of the\ntext, varied spelling has been preserved.","title":"Medica Sacra: Or, A Commentary on the Most Remarkable Diseases Mentioned in the Holy Scriptures","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":24928}