{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_32938/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_32938","id":"gutenberg_32938","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/32938","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: History - American","Category: Reports & Conference Proceedings","Indian mythology -- North America","Indians of Central America -- Languages -- Writing","Indians of North America","Indians of North America -- Folklore","Indians of North America -- Funeral customs and rites","Indians of North America -- Government relations","Indians of North America -- Land tenure","Indians of North America -- Languages","Indians of North America -- Religion"],"text":"[This e-text includes characters that will only display in UTF-8\n(Unicode) text readers:\n\n \u0112 \u0101 \u0113 \u012b \u014d \u016b (vowel with macron or \u201clong\u201d mark)\n \u0102 \u0114 \u012c \u0103 \u0115 \u012d \u014f (vowel with breve or \u201cshort\u201d mark)\n \u015a \u015b \u0107 (s, c with \u201cacute\u201d:\n mainly in Recording Indian Languages article)\n \u207f (small raised n, representing nasalized vowel)\n \u0254 \u029e \u0287 (inverted letters)\n \u2016 (double vertical line\n\nThere are also a handful of Greek words.\n\nSome compromises were made to accommodate font availability:\n\n The ordinary \u201ccents\u201d sign \u00a2 was used in place of the correct form \u023c,\n and bracketed [\u00a2] represents the capital letter \u023b.\n Turned c is represented by \u0254 (technically an open o).\n Bracketed [K] and [T] represent upside-down (turned) capital K and T.\n Inverted V (described in text) is represented by the Greek letter \u039b.\n\nIf your computer has a more appropriate character, feel free to replace\nletters globally.\n\nSyllable stress is represented by an acute accent either on the main\nv\u00f3wel or after the syl\u00b4lable; inconsistencies are unchanged. Except\nfor special characters noted above, and obvious insertions such as\n[Illustration] and [Footnote], brackets are in the original. Note that\nin the Sign Language article, hand positions identified by letter\n(A,\u00a0B ... W, Y) are descriptive; they do not represent a \u201cfinger\nalphabet\u201d.\n\nItalics are shown with _lines_. Boldface (rare) is shown with +marks+;\nin some articles the same notation is used for +small capitals+.\n\nThe First Annual Report includes ten \u201cAccompanying Papers\u201d, all\navailable from Project Gutenberg as individual e-texts. Except for\nYarrow\u2019s \u201cMortuary Customs\u201d, updated shortly before the present text,\nthe separate articles were released between late 2005 and late 2007. For\nthis combined e-text they have been re-formatted for consistency. Some\narticles have been further modified to include specialized characters\nshown above, and a few more typographical errors have been corrected.\n\nFor consistency with later Annual Reports, a full List of Illustrations\nhas been added after the Table of Contents, and each article has been\ngiven its own Table of Contents. In the original, the Contents were\nprinted _only_ at the beginning of the volume, and Illustrations were\nlisted _only_ with their respective articles.\n\nErrors and inconsistencies are listed separately at the end of each\narticle and after the combined Index. Differences in punctuation or\nhyphenization between the Table of Contents, Index, or List of\nIllustrations, and the item itself, are not noted.]\n\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n * * * * *\n\n\n FIRST ANNUAL REPORT\n\n of the\n\n BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY\n\n to the\n\n Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution\n\n 1879-\u201980\n\n by\n\n J. W. POWELL\n Director\n\n\n [Illustration]\n\n\n WASHINGTON\n Government Printing Office\n 1881\n\n\n\n\n SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, Bureau of Ethnology,\n _Washington, D.C., July, 1880._\n\n Prof. SPENCER F. BAIRD,\n _Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution_,\n _Washington, D.C._:\n\nSIR: I have the honor to transmit herewith the first annual report of\nthe operations of the Bureau of Ethnology.\n\nBy act of Congress, an appropriation was made to continue researches in\nNorth American anthropology, the general direction of which was confided\nto yourself. As chief executive officer of the Smithsonian Institution,\nyou entrusted to me the immediate control of the affairs of the Bureau.\nThis report, with its appended papers, is designed to exhibit the\nmethods and results of my administration of this trust.\n\nIf any measure of success has been attained, it is largely due to\ngeneral instructions received from yourself and the advice you have ever\npatiently given me on all matters of importance.\n\nI am indebted to my assistants, whose labors are delineated in the\nreport, for their industry; hearty co-operation, and enthusiastic love\nof the science. Only through their zeal have your plans been executed.\n\nMuch assistance has been rendered the Bureau by a large body of\nscientific men engaged in the study of anthropology, some of whose names\nhave been mentioned in the report and accompanying papers, and others\nwill be put on record when the subject-matter of their writings is fully\npublished.\n\nI am, with respect, your obedient servant,\n\n J. W. POWELL.\n\n\n\n\nTABLE OF CONTENTS.\n\n\nREPORT OF THE DIRECTOR.\n Page.\n\n Introductory xi\n Bibliography of North American philology, by J. C. Pilling xv\n Linguistic and other anthropologic researches,\n by J. O. Dorsey xvii\n Linguistic researches, by S. R. Riggs xviii\n Linguistic and general researches among the Klamath\n Indians, by A. S. Gatschet xix\n Studies among the Iroquois, by Mrs. E. A. Smith xxii\n Work by Prof. Otis T. Mason xxii\n The study of gesture speech, by Brevet Lieut. Col.\n Garrick Mallery xxiii\n Studies on Central American picture writing,\n by Prof. E. S. Holden xxv\n The study of mortuary customs, by Dr. H. C. Yarrow xxvi\n Investigations relating to cessions of lands by Indian\n tribes to the United States, by C. C. Royce xxvii\n Explorations by Mr. James Stevenson xxx\n Researches among the Wintuns, by Prof. J. W. Powell xxxii\n The preparation of manuals for use in American research xxxii\n Linguistic classification of the North American tribes xxxiii\n\n\nACCOMPANYING PAPERS.\n Page.\n\nON THE EVOLUTION OF LANGUAGE, BY J. W. POWELL.\n\n Process by combination 3\n Process by vocalic mutation 5\n Process by intonation 6\n Process by placement 6\n Differentiation of the parts of speech 8\n\nSKETCH OF THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS, BY J. W. POWELL.\n\n The genesis of philosophy 19\n Two grand stages of philosophy 21\n Mythologic philosophy has four stages 29\n Outgrowth from mythologic philosophy 33\n The course of evolution in mythologic philosophy 38\n Mythic tales 43\n The C\u012dn-a\u00fa-\u00e4v Brothers discuss matters of importance\n to the Utes 44\n Origin of the echo 45\n The So\u00b4-k\u00fbs Wai\u00b4-\u00fbn-ats 47\n Ta-vwots has a fight with the sun 52\n\nWYANDOT GOVERNMENT, BY J. W. POWELL.\n\n The family 59\n The gens 59\n The phratry 60\n Government 61\n Civil government 61\n Methods of choosing councillors 61\n Functions of civil government 63\n Marriage regulations 63\n Name regulations 64\n Regulations of personal adornment 64\n Regulations of order in encampment 64\n Property rights 65\n Rights of persons 65\n Community rights 65\n Rights of religion 65\n Crimes 66\n Theft 66\n Maiming 66\n Murder 66\n Treason 67\n Witchcraft 67\n Outlawry 67\n Military government 68\n Fellowhood 68\n\nON LIMITATIONS TO THE USE OF SOME ANTHROPOLOGIC DATA, BY J. W. POWELL.\n\n Arch\u00e6ology 73\n Picture writing 75\n History, customs, and ethnic characteristics 76\n Origin of man 77\n Language 78\n Mythology 81\n Sociology 83\n Psychology 83\n\nA FURTHER CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY OF THE MORTUARY CUSTOMS OF THE NORTH\nAMERICAN INDIANS, BY H. C. YARROW.\n\n List of illustrations 89\n Introductory 91\n Classification of burial 92\n Inhumation 93\n Pit burial 93\n Grave burial 101\n Stone graves or cists 113\n Burial in mounds 115\n Burial beneath or in cabins, wigwams, or houses 122\n Cave burial 126\n Embalmment or mummification 130\n Urn burial 137\n Surface burial 138\n Cairn burial 142\n Cremation 143\n Partial cremation 150\n Aerial sepulture 152\n Lodge burial 152\n Box burial 155\n Tree and scaffold burial 158\n Partial scaffold burial and ossuaries 168\n Superterrene and aerial burial in canoes 171\n Aquatic burial 180\n Living sepulchers 182\n Mourning, sacrifice, feasts, etc. 183\n Mourning 183\n Sacrifice 187\n Feasts 190\n Superstition regarding burial feasts 191\n Food 192\n Dances 192\n Songs 194\n Games 195\n Posts 197\n Fires 198\n Superstitions 199\n\nSTUDIES IN CENTRAL AMERICAN PICTURE WRITING, BY E. S. HOLDEN.\n\n List of illustrations 206\n Introductory 207\n Materials for the present investigation 210\n System of nomenclature 211\n In what order are the hieroglyphs read? 221\n The card catalogue of hieroglyphs 223\n Comparison of plates I and IV (Copan) 224\n Are the hieroglyphs of Copan and Palenque identical? 227\n Huitzilopochtli, Mexican god of war, etc. 229\n Tlaloc, or his Maya representative 237\n Cukulcan or Quetzalcoatl 239\n Comparison of the signs of the Maya months 243\n\nCESSIONS OF LAND BY INDIAN TRIBES TO THE UNITED STATES, BY C.\u00a0C. ROYCE.\n\n Character of the Indian title 249\n Indian boundaries 253\n Original and secondary cessions 256\n\nSIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS, BY COL. GARRICK MALLERY.\n\n Introductory 269\n Divisions of gesture speech 270\n The origin of sign language 273\n Gestures of the lower animals 275\n Gestures of young children 276\n Gestures in mental disorder 276\n Uninstructed deaf-mutes 277\n Gestures of the blind 278\n Loss of speech by isolation 278\n Low tribes of man 279\n Gestures as an occasional resource 279\n Gestures of fluent talkers 279\n Involuntary response to gestures 280\n Natural pantomime 280\n Some theories upon primitive language 282\n Conclusions 284\n History of gesture language 285\n Modern use of gesture speech 293\n Use by other peoples than North American Indians 294\n Use by modern actors and orators 308\n Our Indian conditions favorable to sign language 311\n Theories entertained respecting Indian signs 313\n Not correlated with meagerness of language 314\n Its origin from one tribe or region 316\n Is the Indian system special and peculiar? 319\n To what extent prevalent as a system 323\n Are signs conventional or instinctive? 340\n Classes of diversities in signs 341\n Results sought in the study of sign language 346\n Practical application 346\n Relations to philology 349\n Sign language with reference to grammar 359\n Gestures aiding arch\u00e6ologic research 368\n Notable points for further researches 387\n Invention of new signs 387\n Danger of symbolic interpretation 388\n Signs used by women and children 391\n Positive signs rendered negative 391\n Details of positions of fingers 392\n Motions relative to parts of the body 393\n Suggestions for collecting signs 394\n Mode in which researches have been made 395\n List of authorities and collaborators 401\n Algonkian 403\n Dakotan 404\n Iroquoian 405\n Kaiowan 406\n Kutinean 406\n Panian 406\n Piman 406\n Sahaptian 406\n Shoshonian 406\n Tinnean 407\n Wichitan 407\n Zu\u00f1ian 407\n Foreign correspondence 407\n Extracts from dictionary 409\n Tribal signs 458\n Proper names 476\n Phrases 479\n Dialogues 486\n Tendoy-Huerito Dialogue. 486\n Omaha Colloquy. 490\n Brul\u00e9 Dakota Colloquy. 491\n Dialogue between Alaskan Indians. 492\n Ojibwa Dialogue. 499\n Narratives 500\n N\u00e1tci\u2019s Narrative. 500\n Patricio\u2019s Narrative. 505\n Na-wa-gi-jig\u2019s Story. 508\n Discourses 521\n Address of Kin Ch\u0113-\u0114ss. 521\n Tso-di-a\u00b4-ko\u2019s Report. 524\n Lean Wolf\u2019s Complaint. 526\n Signals 529\n Signals executed by bodily action 529\n Signals in which objects are used in connection with\n personal action 532\n Signals made when the person of the signalist\n is not visible 536\n Scheme of illustration 544\n Outlines for arm positions in sign language 545\n Types of hand positions in sign language 547\n Examples 550\n\nCATALOGUE OF LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS IN THE LIBRARY OF THE BUREAU OF\nETHNOLOGY, BY J.\u00a0C. PILLING.\n\n Introductory 555\n List of manuscripts 562\n\nILLUSTRATION OF THE METHOD OF RECORDING INDIAN LANGUAGES. FROM THE\nMANUSCRIPTS OF MESSRS. J. O. DORSEY, A. S. GATSCHET, AND S. B. RIGGS.\n\n How the rabbit caught the sun in a trap, by J. O. Dorsey 581\n Details of a conjurer\u2019s practice, by A. S. Gatschet 583\n The relapse, by A. S. Gatschet 585\n Sweat-Lodges, by A. S. Gatschet 586\n A dog\u2019s revenge, by S. R. Riggs 587\n\n\n\n\nFIRST ANNUAL REPORT\n\nOF THE\n\nBUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.\n\n\nBY J. W. POWELL, _Director._\n\n\n\n\nINTRODUCTORY.\n\n\nThe exploration of the Colorado River of the West, begun in 1869 by\nauthority of Congressional action, was by the same authority\nsubsequently continued as the second division of the Geographical and\nGeological Survey of the Territories, and, finally, as the Geographical\nand Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region.\n\nBy act of Congress of March 3, 1879, the various geological and\ngeographical surveys existing at that time were discontinued and the\nUnited States Geological Survey was established.\n\nIn all the earlier surveys anthropologic researches among the North\nAmerican Indians were carried on. In that branch of the work finally\ndesignated as the Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky\nMountain Region, such research constituted an important part of the\nwork. In the act creating the Geological Survey, provision was made to\ncontinue work in this field under the direction of the Smithsonian\nInstitution, on the basis of the methods developed and materials\ncollected by the Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky\nMountain Region.\n\nUnder the authority of the act of Congress providing for the\ncontinuation of the work, the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution\nintrusted its management to the former director of the Survey of the\nRocky Mountain Region, and a bureau of ethnology was thus practically\norganized.\n\nIn the Annual Report of the Geographical and Geological Survey of the\nRocky Mountain Region for 1877, the following statement of the condition\nof the work at that time appears:\n\n\nETHNOGRAPHIC WORK.\n\n During the same office season the ethnographic work was more\n thoroughly organized, and the aid of a large number of volunteer\n assistants living throughout the country was secured. Mr. W.\u00a0H.\n Dall, of the United States Coast Survey, prepared a paper on the\n tribes of Alaska, and edited other papers on certain tribes of\n Oregon and Washington Territory. He also superintended the\n construction of an ethnographic map to accompany his paper,\n including on it the latest geographic determination from all\n available sources. His long residence and extended scientific labors\n in that region peculiarly fitted him for the task, and he has made a\n valuable contribution both to ethnology and geography.\n\n With the same volume was published a paper on the habits and customs\n of certain tribes of the State of Oregon and Washington Territory,\n prepared by the late Mr. George Gibbs while he was engaged in\n scientific work in that region for the government. The volume also\n contains a Niskwalli vocabulary with extended grammatic notes, the\n last great work of the lamented author.\n\n In addition to the map above mentioned and prepared by Mr. Dall,\n a\u00a0second has been made, embracing the western portion of Washington\n Territory and the northern part of Oregon. The map includes the\n results of the latest geographic information and is colored to show\n the distribution of Indian tribes, chiefly from notes and maps left\n by Mr. Gibbs.\n\n The Survey is indebted to the following gentlemen for valuable\n contributions to this volume: Gov. J. Furujelm, Lieut. E. De Meulen,\n Dr. Wm. F. Tolmie, and Rev. Father Mengarini.\n\n Mr. Stephen Powers, of Ohio, who has spent several years in the\n study of the Indians of California, had the year before been engaged\n to prepare a paper on that subject. In the mean time at my request\n he was employed by the Bureau of Indian Affairs to travel among\n these tribes for the purpose of making collections of Indian arts\n for the International Exhibition. This afforded him opportunity of\n more thoroughly accomplishing his work in the preparation of the\n above-mentioned paper. On his return the new material was\n incorporated with the old, and the whole has been printed.\n\n At our earliest knowledge of the Indians of California they were\n divided into small tribes speaking diverse languages and belonging\n to radically different stocks, and the whole subject was one of\n great complexity and interest. Mr. Powers has successfully unraveled\n the difficult problems relating to the classification and affinities\n of a very large number of tribes, and his account of their habits\n and customs is of much interest.\n\n In the volume with his paper will be found a number of vocabularies\n collected by himself, Mr. George Gibbs, General George Crook,\n U.S.A., General W.\u00a0B. Hazen, U.S.A., Lieut. Edward Ross, U.S.A.,\n Assistant Surgeon Thomas F. Azpell, U.S.A., Mr. Ezra Williams, Mr.\n J.\u00a0R. Bartlett, Gov. J. Furujelm, Prof. F.\u00a0L.\u00a0O. Roehrig, Dr.\n William A. Gabb, Mr. H.\u00a0B. Brown, Mr. Israel S. Diehl, Dr. Oscar\n Loew, Mr. Albert S. Gatschet, Mr. Livingston Stone, Mr. Adam\n Johnson, Mr. Buckingham Smith, Padre Aroyo; Rev. Father Gregory\n Mengarini, Padre Juan Comelias, Hon. Horatio Hale, Mr. Alexander S.\n Taylor, Rev. Antonio Timmeno, and Father Bonaventure Sitjar.\n\n The volume is accompanied by a map of the State of California,\n compiled from the latest official sources and colored to show the\n distribution of linguistic stocks.\n\n The Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, of Maryland, has been engaged for more than\n a year in the preparation of a grammar and dictionary of the Ponka\n language. His residence among these Indians as a missionary has\n furnished him favorable opportunity for the necessary studies, and\n he has pushed forward the work with zeal and ability, his only hope\n of reward being a desire to make a contribution to science.\n\n Prof. Otis T. Mason, of Columbian College, has for the past year\n rendered the office much assistance in the study of the history and\n statistics of Indian tribes.\n\n On June 13, Brevet Lieut. Col. Garrick Mallery, U.S.A., at the\n request of the Secretary of the Interior, joined my corps under\n orders from the honorable Secretary of War, and since that time has\n been engaged in the study of the statistics and history of the\n Indians of the western portion of the United States.\n\n In April last, Mr. A. S. Gatschet was employed as a philologist to\n assist in the ethnographic work of this Survey. He had previously\n been engaged in the study of the languages of various North American\n tribes. In June last at the request of this office he was employed\n by the Bureau of Indian Affairs to collect certain statistics\n relating to the Indians of Oregon and Washington Territory, and is\n now in the field. His scientific reports have since that time been\n forwarded through the honorable Commissioner of Indian Affairs to\n this office. His work will be included in a volume now in course of\n preparation.\n\n Dr. H. O. Yarrow, U.S.A., now on duty at the Army Medical Museum, in\n Washington, has been engaged during the past year in the collection\n of material for a monograph on the customs and rites of sepulture.\n To aid him in this work circulars of inquiry have been widely\n circulated among ethnologists and other scholars throughout North\n America, and much material has been obtained which will greatly\n supplement his own extended observations and researches.\n\n Many other gentlemen throughout the United States have rendered me\n valuable assistance in this department of investigation. Their\n labors will receive due acknowledgment at the proper time, but I\n must not fail to render my sincere thanks to these gentlemen, who\n have so cordially and efficiently co-operated with me in this work.\n\n A small volume, entitled \u201cIntroduction to the Study of Indian\n Languages,\u201d has been prepared and published. This book is intended\n for distribution among collectors. In its preparation I have been\n greatly assisted by Prof. W.\u00a0D. Whitney, the distinguished\n philologist of Yale College. To him I am indebted for that part\n relating to the representation of the sounds of Indian languages;\n a\u00a0work which could not be properly performed by any other than a\n profound scholar in this branch.\n\n I complete the statement of the office-work of the past season by\n mentioning that a tentative classification of the linguistic\n families of the Indians of the United States has been prepared. This\n has been a work of great labor, to which I have devoted much of my\n own time, and in which I have received the assistance of several of\n the gentlemen above mentioned.\n\n In pursuing these ethnographic investigations it has been the\n endeavor as far as possible to produce results that would be of\n practical value in the administration of Indian affairs, and for\n this purpose especial attention has been paid to vital statistics,\n to the discovery of linguistic affinities, the progress made by the\n Indians toward civilization, and the causes and remedies for the\n inevitable conflict that arises from the spread of civilization over\n a region previously inhabited by savages. I\u00a0may be allowed to\n express the hope that our labors in this direction will not be void\n of such useful results.\n\nIn 1878 no report of the Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region was\npublished, as before its completion the question of reorganizing all of\nthe surveys had been raised, but the work was continued by the same\nmethods as in previous years.\n\nThe operations of the Bureau of Ethnology during the past fiscal year\nwill be briefly described.\n\nIn the plan of organization two methods of operation are embraced:\n\nFirst. The prosecution of research by the direct employment of scholars\nand specialists; and\n\nSecond. By inciting and guiding research immediately conducted by\ncollaborators at work throughout the country.\n\nIt has been the effort of the Bureau to prosecute work in the various\nbranches of North American anthropology on a systematic plan, so that\nevery important field should be cultivated, limited only by the amount\nappropriated by Congress.\n\nWith little exception all sound anthropologic investigation in the lower\nstates of culture exhibited by tribes of men, as distinguished from\nnations, must have a firm foundation in language Customs, laws,\ngovernments, institutions, mythologies, religions, and even arts can not\nbe properly understood without a fundamental knowledge of the languages\nwhich express the ideas and thoughts embodied therein. Actuated by these\nconsiderations prime attention has been given to language.\n\nIt is not probable that there are many languages in North America\nentirely unknown, and in fact it is possible there are none; but of many\nof the known languages only short vocabularies have appeared. Except for\nlanguages entirely unknown, the time for the publication of short\nvocabularies has passed; they are no longer of value. The Bureau\nproposes hereafter to publish short vocabularies only in the exceptional\ncases mentioned above.\n\nThe distribution of the Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages is\nresulting in the collection of a large series of chrestomathies, which\nit is believed will be worthy of publication. It is also proposed to\npublish grammars and dictionaries when those have been thoroughly and\ncarefully prepared. In each case it is deemed desirable to connect with\nthe grammar and dictionary a body of literature designed as texts for\nreference in explaining the facts and principles of the language. These\ntexts will be accompanied by interlinear translations so arranged as\ngreatly to facilitate the study of the chief grammatic characteristics.\n\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY OF NORTH AMERICAN PHILOLOGY, BY MR. J. C. PILLING.\n\nThere is being prepared in the office a bibliography of North American\nlanguages. It was originally intended as a card catalogue for office\nuse, but has gradually assumed proportions which seem to justify its\npublication. It is designed as an author\u2019s catalogue, arranged\nalphabetically, and is to include titles of grammars, dictionaries,\nvocabularies, translations of the scriptures, hymnals, doctrin\u00e6\nchristian\u00e6, tracts, school-books, etc., general discussions, and reviews\nwhen of sufficient importance; in short, a\u00a0catalogue of authors who have\nwritten in or upon any of the languages of North America, with a list of\ntheir works.\n\nIt has been the aim in preparing this material to make not only full\ntitles of all the works containing linguistics, but also to exhaust\neditions. Whether full titles of editions subsequent to the first will\nbe printed will depend somewhat on the size of the volume it will make,\nthere being at present about four thousand five hundred cards, probably\nabout three thousand titles.\n\nThe bibliography is based on the library of the Director, but much time\nhas been spent in various libraries, public and private, the more\nimportant being the Congressional, Boston Public, Boston Athen\u00e6um,\nHarvard College, Congregational of Boston, Massachusetts Historical\nSociety, American Antiquarian Society of Worcester, the John Carter\nBrown at Providence, the Watkinson at Hartford, and the American Bible\nSociety at New York. It is hoped that Mr. Pilling may find opportunity\nto visit the principal libraries of New York and Philadelphia,\nespecially those of the historical societies, before the work is\nprinted.\n\nIn addition to personal research, much correspondence has been carried\non with the various missionaries and Indian agents throughout the United\nStates and Canada, and with gentlemen who have written upon the subject,\namong whom are Dr. H. Rink, of Copenhagen, Dr. J.\u00a0C. E. Buschman, of\nBerlin, and the well-known bibliographers, Mr. J. Sabin, of New York,\nHon. J.\u00a0R. Bartlett, of Providence, and Se\u00f1or Don J. G. Icazbalceta, of\nthe City of Mexico.\n\nMr. Pilling has not attempted to classify the material linguistically.\nThat work has been left for a future publication, intended to embody the\nresults of an attempt to classify the tribes of North America on the\nbasis of language, and now in course of preparation by the Director.\n\n\nLINGUISTIC AND OTHER ANTHROPOLOGIC RESEARCHES, BY THE REV. J. OWEN\nDORSEY.\n\nFor a number of years Mr. Dorsey has been engaged in investigations\namong a group of cognate Dakotan tribes embracing three languages:\n[\u00a2]egiha, spoken by the Ponkas and Omahas, with a closely related\ndialect of the same, spoken by the Kansas, Osage, and Kwapa tribes; the\n[T]\u0254iwere, spoken by the Iowa, Oto, and Missouri tribes; and the\nHotca\u00f1gara, spoken by the Winnebago.\n\nIn July, 1878, he repaired to the Omaha reservation, in the neighborhood\nof which most of these languages are spoken, for the purpose of\ncontinuing his studies.\n\nMr. Dorsey commenced the study of the [\u00a2]egiha in 1871, and has\ncontinued his researches in the group until the present time. He has\ncollected a very large body of linguistic material, both in grammar and\nvocabulary, and when finally published a great contribution will be made\nto North American linguistics.\n\nThese languages are excessively complex because of the synthetic\ncharacteristics of the verb, incorporated particles being used in an\nelaborate and complex scheme.\n\nIn these languages six general classes of pronouns are found:\n\n 1st. The free personal.\n 2d. The incorporated personal.\n 3d. The demonstrative.\n 4th. The interrogative.\n 5th. The relative.\n 6th. The indefinite.\n\nOne of the most interesting features of the language is found in the\ngenders or particle classifiers. The genders or classifiers are\n_animate_ and _inanimate_, and these are again divided into the\n_standing_, _sitting_, _reclining_, and _moving_; but in the Winnebago\nthe _reclining_ and _moving_ constitute but one class. They are suffixed\nto nouns, pronouns, and verbs. When nouns, adjectives, adverbs, and\nprepositions are used as predicants, _i.e._, to perform the function of\nverbs, these classifiers are also suffixed. The classifiers point out\nwith particularity the gender or class of the subject and object. When\nnumerals are used as nouns the classifiers are attached.\n\nIn nouns and pronouns case functions are performed by an elaborate\nsystem of postpositions in conjunction with the classifiers.\n\nThe verbs are excessively complex by reason of the use of many\nincorporated particles to denote _cause_, _manner_, _instrument_,\n_purpose_, _condition_, _time_, etc. Voice, mode, and tense are not\nsystematically differentiated in the morphology, but voices, modes, and\ntenses, and a great variety of adverbial qualifications enter into the\ncomplex scheme of incorporated particles.\n\nSixty-six sounds are found in the [\u00a2]egiha; sixty-two in the\n[T][c]iwere; sixty-two in the Hotca\u00f1gara; and the alphabet adopted by\nthe Bureau is used successfully for their expression.\n\nWhile Mr. Dorsey has been prosecuting his linguistic studies among these\ntribes he has had abundant opportunity to carry on other branches of\nanthropologic research, and he has collected extensive and valuable\nmaterials on sociology, mythology, religion, arts, customs, etc. His\nfinal publication of the [\u00a2]egiha will embrace a volume of literature\nmade up of mythic tales, historical narratives, letters, etc., in the\nIndian, with interlinear translations, a\u00a0selection from which appears in\nthe papers appended to this report. Another volume will be devoted to\nthe grammar and a third to the dictionary.\n\n\nLINGUISTIC RESEARCHES, BY THE REV. S. R. RIGGS.\n\nIn 1852 the Smithsonian Institution published a grammar and dictionary\nof the Dakota language prepared by Mr. Riggs. Since that time Mr. Riggs,\nassisted by his sons, A. L. and T. L. Riggs, and by Mr. Williamson, has\nbeen steadily engaged in revising and enlarging the grammar and\ndictionary; and at the request of the Bureau he is also preparing a\nvolume of Dakota literature as texts for illustration to the grammar and\ndictionary. He is rapidly preparing this work for publication, and it\nwill soon appear.\n\nThe work of Mr. Riggs and that of Mr. Dorsey, mentioned above, with the\nmaterials already published, will place the Dakotan languages on record\nmore thoroughly than those of any other family in this country.\n\nThe following is a table of the languages of this family now recognized\nby the Bureau:\n\nLANGUAGES OF THE DAKOTAN FAMILY.\n\n 1. Dak\u00f3ta (Sioux), in four dialects:\n (_a_) Md\u00e9waka\u207fto\u207fwa\u207f and Waqp\u00e9kute.\n (_b_) Waqp\u00e9to\u207fwa\u207f (Warpeton) and Sis\u00edto\u207fwa\u207f (Sisseton).\n These two are about equivalent to the modern Isa\u207f\u00b4yati (Santee).\n (_c_) Iha\u00f1k\u00b4to\u207fwa\u207f (Yankton), including the Assiniboins.\n (_d_) T\u00edto\u207fwa\u207f (Teton).\n\n 2. [\u00a2]egiha, in two (?) dialects:\n (_a_) Uma\u207f\u00b4ha\u207f (Omaha), spoken by the Omahas and Ponkas.\n (_b_) Ug\u00e1qpa (Kwapa), spoken by the Kwapas, Osages, and Kansas.\n\n 3. [T]\u0254iw\u00e9re, in two dialects:\n (_a_) [T]\u0254iw\u00e9re, spoken by the Otos and Missouris.\n (_b_) [T]\u0254\u00e9\u029eiwere, spoken by the Iowas.\n\n 4. Hotca\u00f1\u00b4gara, spoken by the Winnebagos.\n\n 5. N\u00fama\u00f1kaki (Mandan), in two dialects:\n (_a_) Mit\u00fataha\u00f1kuc.\n (_b_) Rupt\u00e1ri.\n\n 6. Hi\u00a2\u00e1tsa (Hidatsa), in two (?) dialects:\n (_a_) Hid\u00e1tsa or Minnetaree.\n (_b_) Abs\u00e1roka or Crow.\n\n 7. T\u00fatelo, in Canada.\n\n 8. Kat\u00e2\u00b4ba (Catawba), in South Carolina.\n\n\nLINGUISTIC AND GENERAL RESEARCHES AMONG THE KLAMATH INDIANS,\nBY MR. A.\u00a0S. GATSCHET.\n\nOf the Klamath language of Oregon there are two dialects--one spoken by\nthe Indians of Klamath Lake and the other by the Modocs--constituting\nthe Lutuami family of Hale and Gallatin.\n\nMr. Gatschet has spent much time among these Indians, at their\nreservation and elsewhere, and has at the present time in manuscript\nnearly ready for the printer a large body of Klamath literature,\nconsisting of mythic, ethnic, and historic tales, a\u00a0grammar and a\ndictionary. The stories were told by the Indians and recorded by\nhimself, and constitute a valuable contribution to the subject. Some\nspecimens will appear in the papers appended to this report.\n\nThe grammatic sketch treats of both dialects, which differ but slightly\nin grammar but more in vocabulary. The grammar is divided into three\nprincipal parts: Phonology, Morphology, and Syntax.\n\nIn Phonology fifty different sounds are recognized, including simple and\ncompound consonants, the vowels in different quantities, and the\ndiphthongs.\n\nA characteristic feature of this language is described in explaining\nsyllabic reduplication, which performs iterative and distributive\nfunctions. Reduplication for various purposes is found in most of the\nlanguages of North America. In the Nahuatl, Sahaptin, and Selish\nfamilies it is most prominent. Mr. Gatschet\u2019s researches will add\nmaterially to the knowledge of the functions of reduplication in tribal\nlanguages.\n\nThe verbal inflection is comparatively simple, for in it the subject and\nobject pronouns are not incorporated. In the verb Mr. Gatschet\nrecognizes ten general forms, a\u00a0part of which he designates as\n_verbals_, as follows:\n\n 1. Infinitive in -a.\n 2. Durative in -ota.\n 3. Causative in -oga.\n 4. Indefinite in -ash.\n 5. Indefinite in -u\u012dsh.\n 6. Conditional in -asht.\n 7. Desiderative in -ashtka.\n 8. Intentional in -tki.\n 9. Participle in -ank.\n 10. Past participle and verbal adjectives in -tko.\n\nTense and mode inflection is very rudimentary and is mostly accomplished\nby the use of particles. The study of the prefixes and suffixes of\nderivation is one of the chief difficulties of the language, for they\ncombine in clusters, and are not easily analyzed, and their functions\nare often obscure.\n\nThe inflection of nouns by case endings and postpositions is rich in\nforms; that of the adjective and numeral less elaborate.\n\nOf the pronouns, only the demonstrative show a complexity of forms.\n\nAnother feature of this language is found in verbs appended to certain\nnumerals, and thus serving as numerical classifiers. These verbs express\nmethods of counting and relate to form; that is, in each case they\npresent the Indian in the act of counting objects of a particular form\nand placing them in groups of tens.\n\nThe appended verbs used as classifiers signify _to place_, but in Indian\nlanguages we are not apt to find a word so highly differentiated as\n_place_, but in its stead a series of words with verbs and adverbs\nundifferentiated, each signifying _to place_, with a qualification, as\n_I place upon_, _I lay alongside of_, _I stand up, by_, etc. Thus we get\nclassifiers attached to numerals in the Klamath, analogous to the\nclassifiers attached to verbs, nouns, numerals, etc., in the Ponka, as\nmentioned above.\n\nThese classifiers in Klamath are further discriminated as to form; but\nthese form discriminations are the homologues of attitude\ndiscriminations in the Ponka, for the form determines the attitude.\n\nIt is interesting to note how often in these lower languages attitude or\nform is woven into the grammatic structure. Perhaps this arises from a\ncondition of expression imposed by the want of the verb _to be_, so that\nwhen existence in place is to be affirmed, the verbs of attitude,\n_i.e._, _to stand_, _to sit_, _to lie_, and sometimes _to move_, are\nused to predicate existence in place, and thus the mind comes habitually\nto consider all things as in the one or the other of these attitudes.\nThe process of growth seems to be that verbs of attitude are primarily\nused to affirm existence in place until the habit of considering the\nattitude is established; thus participles of attitude are used with\nnouns, &c., and finally, worn down by the law of phonic change, for\neconomy, they become classifying particles. This view of the origin of\nclassifying particles seems to be warranted by studies from a great\nvariety of Indian sources.\n\nThe syntactic portion is divided into four parts:\n\n1st. On the predicative relation;\n\n2d. On the objective relation;\n\n3d. On the attributive relation; and the\n\n4th. Exhibits the formation of simple and compound sentences, followed\nby notes on the incorporative tendency of the language, its rhetoric,\nfigures, and idioms.\n\nThe alphabet adopted by Mr. Gatschet differs slightly from that used by\nthe Bureau, particularly in the modification of certain Roman characters\nand the introduction of one Greek character. This occurred from the fact\nthat Mr. Gatschet\u2019s material had been partly prepared prior to the\nadoption of the alphabet now in use.\n\nMr. Gatschet has collected much valuable material relating to\ngovernmental and social institutions, mythology, religion, music,\npoetry, oratory, and other interesting matters. The body of Klamath\nliterature, or otherwise the text previously mentioned, constitutes the\nbasis of these investigations.\n\n\nSTUDIES AMONG THE IROQUOIS, BY MRS. E. A. SMITH.\n\nMrs. Smith, of Jersey City, has undertaken to prepare a series of\nchrestomathies of the Iroquois language, and has already made much\nprogress. Three of them are ready for the printer, and that on the\nTuscarora language has been increased much beyond the limits at first\nestablished. She has also collected interesting material relating to the\nmythology, habits, customs, &c., of these Indians, and her contributions\nwill be interesting and important.\n\n\nWORK BY PROF. OTIS T. MASON.\n\nOn the advent of the white man in America a great number of tribes were\nfound. For a variety of reasons the nomenclature of these tribes became\nexcessively complex. Names were greatly multiplied for each tribe and a\nsingle name was often inconsistently applied to different tribes.\nSeveral important reasons conspired to bring about this complex state of\nsynonymy:\n\n1st. A great number of languages were spoken, and ofttimes the first\nnames obtained for tribes were not the names used by themselves, but the\nnames by which they were known to some other tribes.\n\n2d. The governmental organization of the Indians was not understood, and\nthe names for gentes, tribes, and confederacies were confounded.\n\n3d. The advancing occupancy of the country by white men changed the\nhabitat of the Indians, and in their migrations from point to point\ntheir names were changed.\n\nUnder these circumstances the nomenclature of Indian tribes became\nponderous and the synonymy complex. To unravel this synonymy is a task\nof great magnitude. Early in the fiscal year the materials already\ncollected on this subject were turned over to Professor Mason and\nclerical assistance given him, and he has prepared a card catalogue of\nNorth American tribes, exhibiting the synonymy, for use in the office.\nThis is being constantly revised and enlarged, and will eventually be\npublished.\n\nProfessor Mason is also engaged in editing a grammar and dictionary of\nthe Chata language, by the late Rev. Cyrus Byington, the manuscript of\nwhich was by Mrs. Byington turned over to the Bureau of Ethnology. The\ndictionary is Chata-English, and Professor Mason has prepared an\nEnglish-Chata of about ten thousand words. He has also undertaken to\nenlarge the grammar by a further study of the language among the Indians\nthemselves.\n\n\nTHE STUDY OF GESTURE SPEECH, BY BREVET LIEUT. COL. GARRICK MALLERY,\nU.S.A.\n\nThe growth of the languages of civilized peoples in their later stages\nmay be learned from the study of recorded literature; and by comparative\nmethods many interesting facts may be discovered pertaining to periods\nanterior to the development of writing.\n\nIn the study of peoples who have not passed beyond the tribal condition,\nlaws of linguistic growth anterior to the written stage may be\ndiscovered. Thus, by the study of the languages of tribes and the\nlanguages of nations, the methods and laws of development are discovered\nfrom the low condition represented by the most savage tribe to the\nhighest condition existing in the speech of civilized man. But there is\na development of language anterior to this--a prehistoric condition--of\nprofound interest to the scholar, because in it the beginnings of\nlanguage--the first steps in the organization of articulate speech--are\ninvolved.\n\nOn this prehistoric stage, light is thrown from four sources:\n\n1st. Infant speech, in which the development of the language of the race\nis epitomized.\n\n2d. Gesture speech, which, among tribal peoples, never passes beyond the\nfirst stages of linguistic growth; and these stages are probably\nhomologous to the earlier stages of oral speech.\n\n3d. Picture writing, in which we again find some of the characteristics\nof prehistoric speech illustrated.\n\n4th. It may be possible to learn something of the elements of which\narticulate speech is compounded by studying the inarticulate language of\nthe lower animals.\n\nThe traits of gesture speech that seem to illustrate the condition of\nprehistoric oral language are found in the synthetic character of its\nsigns. The parts of speech are not differentiated, and the sentence is\nnot integrated; and this characteristic is more marked than in that of\nthe lowest oral language yet studied. For this reason the facts of\ngesture speech constitute an important factor in the philosophy of\nlanguage. Doubtless, care must be exercised in its use because of the\nadvanced mental condition of the people who thus express their thought,\nbut with due caution it may be advantageously used. In itself,\nindependent of its relations to oral speech, the subject is of great\ninterest.\n\nIn taking up this subject for original investigation, valuable published\nmatter was found for comparison with that obtained by Colonel Mallery.\nHis opportunities for collecting materials from the Indians themselves\nwere abundant, as delegations of various tribes are visiting Washington\nfrom time to time, by which the information obtained during his travels\nwas supplemented.\n\nAgain, the method of investigation by the assistance of a number of\ncollaborators is well illustrated in this work, and contributions from\nvarious sources were made to the materials for study. The methods of\nobtaining these contributions will be more fully explained hereafter.\nOne of the papers appended to this report was prepared by Colonel\nMallery and relates to this subject.\n\nDuring the continuance of the Survey of the Colorado River, and of the\nRocky Mountain Region, the Director and his assistants made large\ncollections of pictographs. When Colonel Mallery joined the corps these\ncollections were turned over to him for more careful study. From various\nsources these pictographs are rapidly accumulating, and now the subject\nis assuming large proportions, and valuable results are expected.\n\nAn interesting relation between gesture speech and pictography consists\nin the discovery that to the delineation of natural objects is added the\nrepresentation of gesture signs. Materials in America are very abundant,\nand the prehistoric materials may be studied in the light given by the\npractices now found among Indian tribes.\n\n\nSTUDIES IN CENTRAL AMERICAN PICTURE WRITING, BY PROF. E. S. HOLDEN.\n\nIn Central America and Mexico, picture writing had progressed to a stage\nfar in advance of anything discovered to the northward. Some of the most\ninteresting of these are the rock inscriptions of Yucatan, Copan,\nPalenque, and other ruins of Central America.\n\nProfessor Holden has devoted much time to the study of these\ninscriptions, for the purpose of discovering the characteristics of the\npictographic method and deciphering the records, and the discoveries\nmade by him are of great interest.\n\nThe Bureau has given him clerical assistance and such other aid as has\nbeen found possible, and a paper by him on this subject appears with\nthis volume.\n\n\nTHE STUDY OF MORTUARY CUSTOMS, BY DR. H. C. YARROW.\n\nThe tribes of North America do not constitute a homogeneous people. In\nfact, more than seventy distinct linguistic stocks are discovered, and\nthese are again divided by important distinctions of language. Among\nthese tribes varying stages of culture have been reached, and these\nvarying stages are exhibited in their habits and customs; and in a\nterritory of such vast extent the physical environment affecting culture\nand customs is of great variety. Forest lands on the one hand, prairie\nlands on the other, unbroken plains and regions of rugged mountains, the\ncold, naked, desolate shores of sea and lake at the north and the dense\nchaparral of the torrid south, the valleys of quiet rivers and the\ncliffs and gorges of the ca\u00f1on land--in all a great diversity of\nphysical features are found, imposing diverse conditions for obtaining\nsubsistence, in means and methods of house-building, creating diverse\nwants and furnishing diverse ways for their supply. Through diversities\nof languages and diversities of environment, diversity of traditions and\ndiversity of institutions have been produced; so that in many important\nrespects one tribe is never the counterpart of another.\n\nThese diversities have important limitations in the unity of the human\nrace and the social, mental, and moral homogeneity that has everywhere\ncontrolled the progress of culture. The way of human progress is one\nroad, though wide.\n\nFrom the interesting field of research cultivated by Dr. Yarrow an\nabundant harvest will be gathered. The materials already accumulated are\nlarge, and are steadily increasing through his vigorous work. These\nmaterials constitute something more than a record of quaint customs and\nabhorrent rites in which morbid curiosity may revel. In them we find the\nevidences of traits of character and lines of thought that yet exist and\nprofoundly influence civilization. Passions in the highest culture\ndeemed most sacred--the love of husband and wife, parent and child, and\nkith and kin, tempering, beautifying, and purifying social life and\nculminating at death, have their origin far back in the early history of\nthe race and leaven the society of savagery and civilization alike. At\neither end of the line bereavement by death tears the heart and mortuary\ncustoms are symbols of mourning. The mystery which broods over the abbey\nwhere lie the bones of king and bishop, gathers over the ossuary where\nlie the bones of chief and shamin; for the same longing to solve the\nmysteries of life and death, the same yearning for a future life, the\nsame awe of powers more than human, exist alike in the mind of the\nsavage and the sage.\n\nBy such investigations we learn the history of culture in these\nimportant branches, and in a paper appended to this report Dr. Yarrow\npresents some of the results of his studies.\n\n\nINVESTIGATIONS RELATING TO CESSIONS OF LAND BY INDIAN TRIBES TO THE\nUNITED STATES, BY C. C. ROYCE.\n\nWhen civilized man first came to America the continent was partially\noccupied by savage tribes, who obtained subsistence by hunting, by\nfishing, by gathering vegetal products, and by rude garden culture in\ncultivating small patches of ground. Semi-nomadic occupancy for such\npurposes was their tenure to the soil.\n\nOn the organization of the present government such theories of natural\nlaw were entertained that even this imperfect occupancy was held to be\nsufficient title. Publicists, jurists, and statesmen agreed that no\nportion of the waste of lands between the oceans could be acquired for\nthe homes of the incoming civilized men but by purchase or conquest in\njust war. These theories were most potent in establishing practical\nrelations, and controlling governmental dealings with Indian tribes.\nThey were adjudged to be dependent domestic nations.\n\nUnder this theory a system of Indian affairs grew up, the history of\nwhich, notwithstanding mistakes and innumerable personal wrongs, yet\ndemonstrates the justice inherent in the public sentiment of the nation\nfrom its organization to the present time.\n\nThe difficulties subsisting in the adjustment of rights between savage\nand civilized peoples are multiform and complex. Ofttimes the virtues of\none condition are the crimes of the other; happiness is misery; justice,\ninjustice. Thus, when the civilized man would do the best, he gave the\nmost offense. Under such circumstances it was impossible for wisdom and\njustice combined to avert conflict.\n\nOne chapter in the history of Indian affairs in America is a doleful\ntale of petty but costly and cruel wars; but there are other chapters\nmore pleasant to contemplate.\n\nThe attempts to educate the Indians and teach them the ways of\ncivilization have been many; much labor has been given, much treasure\nexpended. While to a large extent all of these efforts have disappointed\ntheir enthusiastic promoters, yet good has been done, but rather by the\npersonal labors of missionaries, teachers, and frontiersmen associating\nwith Indians in their own land than by institutions organized and\nsupported by wealth and benevolence not immediately in contact with\nsavagery.\n\nThe great boon to the savage tribes of this country, unrecognized by\nthemselves, and, to a large extent, unrecognized by civilized men, has\nbeen the presence of civilization, which, under the laws of\nacculturation, has irresistibly improved their culture by substituting\nnew and civilized for old and savage arts, new for old customs--in\nshort, transforming savage into civilized life. These unpremeditated\ncivilizing influences have had a marked effect. The great body of the\nIndians of North America have passed through stages of culture in the\nlast hundred years achieved by our Anglo-Saxon ancestors only by the\nslow course of events through a thousand years.\n\nThe Indians of the continent have not greatly diminished in numbers, and\nthe tribes longest in contact with civilization are increasing. The\nwhole body of Indians is making rapid progress toward a higher culture,\nnotwithstanding the petty conflicts yet occurring where the relations of\nthe Indian tribes to our civilization have not yet been adjusted by the\nadoption upon their part of the first conditions of a higher life.\n\nThe part which the General Government, representing public sentiment,\nhas done in the extinguishment of the vague Indian title to lands in the\ngranting to them of lands for civilized homes on reservations and in\nseveralty, in the establishment and support of schools, in the endeavors\nto teach them agriculture and other industrial arts--in these and many\nother ways justice and beneficence have been shown. Thus the history of\nthe tribes of America from savagery to civilization is a history of\nthree:\n\nFirst. The history of acculturation--the effect of the presence of\ncivilization upon savagery.\n\nSecond. The history of Indian wars that have arisen in part from the\ncrimes and in part from the ignorance of either party.\n\nThird. The history of civil Indian affairs. This last is divided into a\nnumber of parts:\n\n1st. The extinguishment of the Indian title.\n\n2d. The gathering of Indians upon reservations.\n\n3d. The instrumentalities used to teach the Indians civilized\nindustries; and\n\n4th. The establishment and operation of schools.\n\nFrom the organization of the Government to the present time these\nbranches of Indian affairs have been in operation; lands have been\nbought and bought again; Indian tribes have been moved and moved again;\nreservations have been established and broken up. The Government has\nsought to give lands in severalty to the Indians from time to time along\nthe whole course of the history of Indian affairs. Every experiment to\nteach the Indians the industries of civilization that could be devised\nhas been tried, and from all of these there has resulted a mixture of\nfailure and success.\n\nA review of the century\u2019s history abundantly demonstrates that there is\nno short road to justice and peace; but a glance at the present state of\naffairs exhibits the fact that these tribal communities will speedily be\nabsorbed in the citizenship of the republic. No new method is to be\nadopted; the work is almost done; patient and persistent effort for a\nshort future like that of the long past will accomplish all. It remains\nfor us but to perfect the work wisely begun by the founders of the\nGovernment.\n\nThe industries and social institutions of the pristine Indians have\nlargely been destroyed, and they are groping their way to civilized\nlife. To the full accomplishment of this, three things are necessary:\n\n1st. The organization of the civilized family, with its rules of\ninheritance in lineal descent.\n\n2d. The civilized tenure of property in severalty must be substituted\nfor communal property.\n\n3d. The English language must be acquired, that the thoughts and ways of\ncivilization may be understood.\n\nTo the history of Indian affairs much time has been given by the various\nmembers of the Bureau of Ethnology. One of the more important of these\nstudies is that prosecuted by Mr. Royce in preparing a history of the\ncessions of lands by Indian tribes to the Government of the United\nStates. A\u00a0paper by him appended to this report illustrates the character\nof these investigations.\n\n\nEXPLORATIONS BY MR. JAMES STEVENSON.\n\nIn the early exploration of the southwestern portion of the United\nStates by Spanish travelers and conquerors, about sixty pueblos were\ndiscovered. These pueblos were communal villages, with architecture in\nuntooled stone. In the conquest about half of the pueblos were\ndestroyed. Thirty-one now remain, and two of these are across the line,\non Mexican territory. The ruins of the pueblos yet remain, and some of\nthem have been identified.\n\nThe Navajos, composed of a group of tribes of the Athabascan family, and\nthe Coaninis, who live on the south side of the Grand Ca\u00f1on of the\nColorado, are now known to be the people, or part of them at least, who\nwere driven from the pueblos.\n\nIn addition to the ruins that have been made in historic times, others\nare found scattered throughout New Mexico, Arizona, Southern California,\nUtah, and Colorado. Whether the ancient inhabitants of these older ruins\nare represented by any of the tribes who now occupy the territory is not\nknown. These pueblo people were not homogeneous. Among the pueblos now\nknown at least five linguistic families are represented, but in their\nstudy a somewhat homogeneous stage of culture is presented.\n\nIn a general way the earlier or older ruins represent very rude\nstructures, and the progress of development from the earlier to the\nlater exhibits two classes of interesting facts. The structures\ngradually increase in size and improve in architecture. As the sites for\nnew villages were selected, more easily defensible positions were\nchosen. The cliff dwellings thus belong to the later stage.\n\nFrom the organization of the exploration of the Colorado River to the\npresent time, the pueblos yet inhabited, as well as those in ruins, have\nbeen a constant subject of study, and on the organization of the Bureau\nmuch valuable matter had already been collected. Early in the fiscal\nyear a party was organized to continue explorations in this field, and\nplaced under the direction of Mr. James Stevenson. The party left\nWashington on the first of August last.\n\nMr. Frank H. Cushing, of the Smithsonian Institution, and Mr. J.\u00a0K.\nHillers, photographer of the Bureau, with a number of general\nassistants, accompanied Mr. Stevenson. The party remained in the field\nuntil early winter, studying the ruins and making large and valuable\ncollections of pottery, stone implements, etc., and Mr. Hillers\nsucceeded in making an excellent suite of photographs.\n\nWhen Mr. Stevenson returned with his party to Washington, Mr. Cushing\nremained at Zu\u00f1i to study the language, mythology, sociology, and art of\nthat the most interesting pueblo. An illustrated catalogue of the\ncollections made by Mr. Stevenson has been printed. It was intended to\nform an appendix to this report, but the volume has grown to such a size\nthat it is thought best to issue it with the next report.\n\n\nRESEARCHES AMONG THE WINTUNS, BY J. W. POWELL.\n\nDuring the fall the Director made an expedition into Northern California\nfor the purpose of studying the Wintuns. Much linguistic, sociologic,\nand technologic material was collected, and more thorough anthropologic\nresearches initiated among a series of tribes heretofore neglected.\n\n\nTHE PREPARATION OF MANUALS FOR USE IN AMERICAN RESEARCH.\n\nIn the second plan of operations adopted by the Bureau, that of\npromoting the researches of collaborators, aid in publication and, to\nsome extent, in preparation of scientific papers, has been given, and by\nvarious ways new investigations and lines of research have been\ninitiated. For this latter purpose a series of manuals with elementary\ndiscussions and schedules of interrogatories have been prepared.\n\nThe first is entitled Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, by\nJ.\u00a0W. Powell.\n\nThis has been widely distributed throughout North America, and the\ncollection of a large body of linguistic material has resulted\ntherefrom.\n\nA second volume of this character is entitled Introduction to the Study\nof Mortuary Customs, by Dr. H.\u00a0C. Yarrow.\n\nThis also has been widely circulated with abundant success.\n\nA third hand-book of the same character is entitled Introduction to the\nStudy of Sign Language, by Colonel Mallery.\n\nThis was circulated in like manner with like results.\n\nA second edition of the Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages,\nenlarged to meet the advanced wants of the time, has been prepared.\n\nThe papers by Dr. Yarrow and Colonel Mallery, and the catalogue of\nmanuscripts in the Bureau, prepared by Mr. Pilling, appended to this\nvolume, will illustrate the value of these agencies.\n\nIt is proposed in the near future to prepare similar volumes, as\nfollows:\n\nIntroduction to the Study of Medicine Practices of the North American\nIndians;\n\nIntroduction to the Study of the Tribal Governments of North America;\n\nIntroduction to the Study of North American Mythology.\n\nThese additional manuals are nearly ready. Still others are projected,\nand it is hoped that the field of North American anthropology will be\nentirely covered by them. The series will then be systematically\ncombined in a Manual of Anthropology for use in North America.\n\n\nSYSTEMATIC CLASSIFICATION OF THE NORTH AMERICAN TRIBES.\n\nThere is in course of preparation by the Bureau a linguistic\nclassification of North American tribes, with an atlas exhibiting their\npriscan homes, or the regions inhabited by them at the time they were\ndiscovered by white men.\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe foregoing sketch of the Bureau, for the first fiscal year of its\nexistence, is designed to set forth the plan on which it is organized\nand the methods of research adopted, and the papers appended thereto\nwill exhibit the measure of success attained.\n\nIt is the purpose of the Bureau of Ethnology to organize anthropologic\nresearch in America.\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n\n_Errors and Inconsistencies: Introductory Section_\n\nIn the Table of Contents under Sign Language, entries for the individual\nDialogues, Narratives and Discourses were added by the transcriber for\nconsistency.\n\n Contents:\n Witchcraft 67 [Withcraft]\n SIGN LANGUAGE ... BY COL. GARRICK MALLERY. [COL GARRICK]\n Sweat-Lodges, by A. S. Gatschet 586 [_added by transcriber_]\n Linguistic Researches (Gatschet):\n 2. Durative in -ota. [_hyphen invisible_]\n STUDIES AMONG THE IROQUOIS, BY MRS. E. A. SMITH. [_final . missing_]\n Gesture Speech (Mallery):\n ... the representation of gesture signs. [_final . missing_]\n Mortuary Customs (Yarrow):\n ... savagery and civilization alike. [_final . invisible_]\n ... the bones of chief and shamin; [_spelling unchanged_]\n Classification of Tribes:\n anthropologic research in America. [_final . missing_]\n\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n * * * * *\n\n\n ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.\n\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n * * * * *\n\n\n SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION--BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.\n\n J. W. Powell, Director.\n\n\n ON THE EVOLUTION OF LANGUAGE,\n\n As Exhibited In\n\n The Specialization of the Grammatic Processes,\n the Differentiation of the Parts of Speech,\n and the Integration of the Sentence;\n From a Study of Indian Languages.\n\n By\n\n J. W. POWELL.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n Process by combination 3\n Process by vocalic mutation 5\n Process by intonation 6\n Process by placement 6\n Differentiation of the parts of speech 8\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\n ON THE EVOLUTION OF LANGUAGE\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\nPossible ideas and thoughts are vast in number. A distinct word for\nevery distinct idea and thought would require a vast vocabulary. The\nproblem in language is to express many ideas and thoughts with\ncomparatively few words.\n\nAgain, in the evolution of any language, progress is from a condition\nwhere few ideas are expressed by a few words to a higher, where many\nideas are expressed by the use of many words; but the number of all\npossible ideas or thoughts expressed is increased greatly out of\nproportion with the increase of the number of words.\n\nAnd still again, in all of those languages which have been most\nthoroughly studied, and by inference in all languages, it appears that\nthe few original words used in any language remain as the elements for\nthe greater number finally used. In the evolution of a language the\nintroduction of absolutely new material is a comparatively rare\nphenomenon. The old material is combined and modified in many ways to\nform the new.\n\nHow has the small stock of words found as the basis of a language been\nthus combined and modified?\n\nThe way in which the old materials have been used gives rise to what\nwill here be denominated THE GRAMMATIC PROCESSES.\n\n\n\n\nI.--THE PROCESS BY COMBINATION.\n\n\nTwo or more words may be united to form a new one, or to perform the\noffice of a new one, and four methods or stages of combination may be\nnoted.\n\n_a._ By _juxtaposition_, where the two words are placed together and yet\nremain as distinct words. This method is illustrated in Chinese, where\nthe words in the combination when taken alone seldom give a clew to\ntheir meaning when placed together.\n\n_b._ By _compounding_, where two words are made into one, in which case\nthe original elements of the new word remain in an unmodified condition,\nas in _house-top_, _rain-bow_, _tell-tale_.\n\n_c._ By _agglutination_, in which case one or more of the elements\nentering into combination to form the new word is somewhat changed--the\nelements are fused together. Yet this modification is not so great as to\nessentially obscure the primitive words, as in _truthful_, where we\neasily recognize the original words _truth_ and _full_; and _holiday_,\nin which _holy_ and _day_ are recognized.\n\n_d._ By _inflection_. Here one or more of the elements entering into the\ncompound has been so changed that it can scarcely be recognized. There\nis a constant tendency to economy in speech by which words are gradually\nshortened as they are spoken by generation after generation. In those\nwords which are combinations of others there are certain elements that\nwear out more rapidly than others. Where some particular word is\ncombined with many other different words the tendency to modify by wear\nthis oft-used element is great. This is more especially the case where\nthe combined word is used in certain categories of combinations, as\nwhere particular words are used to denote tense in the verb; thus, _did_\nmay be used in combination with a verb to denote past time until it is\nworn down to the sound of _d_. The same wear occurs where particular\nwords are used to form cases in nouns, and a variety of illustrations\nmight be given. These categories constitute conjugations and\ndeclensions, and for convenience such combinations may be called\nparadigmatic. Then the oft-repeated elements of paradigmatic\ncombinations are apt to become excessively worn and modified, so that\nthe primitive words or themes to which they are attached seem to be but\nslightly changed by the addition. Under these circumstances combination\nis called inflection.\n\nAs a morphologic process, no well-defined plane of demarkation between\nthese four methods of combination can be drawn, as one runs into\nanother; but, in general, words may be said to be juxtaposed when two\nwords being placed together the combination performs the function of a\nnew word, while in form the two words remain separate.\n\nWords may be said to be compound when two or more words are combined to\nform one, no change being made in either. Words maybe said to be\nagglutinated when the elementary words are changed but slightly, _i.e._,\nonly to the extent that their original forms are not greatly obscured;\nand words may be said to be inflected when in the combination the\noft-repeated element or formative part has been so changed that its\norigin is obscured. These inflections are used chiefly in the\nparadigmatic combinations.\n\nIn the preceding statement it has been assumed that there can be\nrecognized, in these combinations of inflection, a\u00a0theme or root, as it\nis sometimes called, and a formative element. The formative element is\nused with a great many different words to define or qualify them; that\nis, to indicate mode, tense, number, person, gender, etc., of verbs,\nnouns, and other parts of speech.\n\nWhen in a language juxtaposition is the chief method of combination,\nthere may also be distinguished two kinds of elements, in some sense\ncorresponding to themes and formative parts. The theme is a word the\nmeaning of which is determined by the formative word placed by it; that\nis, the theme is a word having many radically different meanings; with\nwhich meaning it is to be understood is determined only by the formative\nword, which thus serves as its label. The ways in which the theme words\nare thus labeled by the formative word are very curious, but the subject\ncannot be entered into here.\n\nWhen words are combined by compounding, the formative elements cannot so\nreadily be distinguished from the theme; nor for the purposes under\nimmediate consideration can compounding be well separated from\nagglutination.\n\nWhen words are combined by agglutination, theme and formative part\nusually appear. The formative parts are affixes; and affixes may be\ndivided into three classes, prefixes, suffixes, and infixes. These\naffixes are often called incorporated particles.\n\nIn those Indian languages where combination is chiefly by agglutination,\nthat is, by the use of affixes, _i.e._, incorporated particles, certain\nparts of the conjugation of the verb, especially those which denote\ngender, number, and person, are effected by the use of article pronouns;\nbut in those languages where article pronouns are not found the verbs\nare inflected to accomplish the same part of their conjugation. Perhaps,\nwhen we come more fully to study the formative elements in these more\nhighly inflected languages, we may discover in such elements greatly\nmodified, _i.e._, worn out, incorporated pronouns.\n\n\n\n\nII.--THE PROCESS BY VOCALIC MUTATION.\n\n\nHere, in order to form a new word, one or more of the vowels of the old\nword are changed, as in _man--men_, where an _e_ is substituted for _a_;\n_ran--run_, where _u_ is substituted for _a_; _lead--led_, where _e_,\nwith its proper sound, is substituted for _ea_ with its proper sound.\nThis method is used to a very limited extent in English. When the\nhistory of the words in which it occurs is studied it is discovered to\nbe but an instance of the wearing out of the different elements of\ncombined words; but in the Hebrew this method prevails to a very large\nextent, and scholars have not yet been able to discover its origin in\ncombination as they have in English. It may or may not have been an\noriginal grammatic process, but because of its importance in certain\nlanguages it has been found necessary to deal with it as a distinct and\noriginal process.\n\n\n\n\nIII.--THE PROCESS BY INTONATION.\n\n\nIn English, new words are not formed by this method, yet words are\nintoned for certain purposes, chiefly rhetorical. We use the rising\nintonation (or\u00a0inflection, as it is usually called) to indicate that a\nquestion is asked, and various effects are given to speech by the\nvarious intonations of rhetoric. But this process is used in other\nlanguages to form new words with which to express new ideas. In Chinese\neight distinct intonations are found, by the use of which one word may\nbe made to express eight different ideas, or perhaps it is better to say\nthat eight words may be made of one.\n\n\n\n\nIV.--THE PROCESS BY PLACEMENT.\n\n\nThe place or position of a word may affect its significant use. Thus in\nEnglish we say _John struck James_. By the position of those words to\neach other we know that John is the actor, and that James receives the\naction.\n\n * * * * *\n\nBy the grammatic processes language is organized. Organization\npostulates the differentiation of organs and their combination into\nintegers. The integers of language are sentences, and their organs are\nthe parts of speech. Linguistic organization, then, consists in the\ndifferentiation of the parts of speech and the integration of the\nsentence. For example, let us take the words _John_, _father_, and\n_love_. _John_ is the name of an individual; _love_ is the name of a\nmental action, and _father_ the name of a person. We put them together,\nJohn loves father, and they express a thought; _John_ becomes a noun,\nand is the subject of the sentence; _love_ becomes a verb, and is the\npredicant; _father_ a noun, and is the object; and we now have an\norganized sentence. A\u00a0sentence requires parts of speech, and parts of\nspeech are such because they are used as the organic elements of a\nsentence.\n\nThe criteria of rank in languages are, first, grade of organization,\n_i.e._, the degree to which the grammatic processes and methods are\nspecialized, and the parts of speech differentiated; second, sematologic\ncontent, that is, the body of thought which the language is competent to\nconvey.\n\nThe grammatic processes may be used for three purposes:\n\nFirst, for _derivation_, where a new word to express a new idea is made\nby combining two or more old words, or by changing the vowel of one\nword, or by changing the intonation of one word.\n\nSecond, for _modification_, a word may be qualified or defined by the\nprocesses of combination, vocalic mutation or intonation.\n\nIt should here be noted that the plane between derivation and\nqualification is not absolute.\n\nThird, for _relation_. When words as signs of ideas are used together to\nexpress thought, the relation of the words must be expressed by some\nmeans. In English the relation of words is expressed both by placement\nand combination, _i.e._, inflection for agreement.\n\nIt should here be noted that paradigmatic inflections are used for two\ndistinct purposes, qualification and relation. A\u00a0word is qualified by\ninflection when the idea expressed by the inflection pertains to the\nidea expressed by the word inflected; thus a noun is qualified by\ninflection when its number and gender are expressed. A\u00a0word is related\nby inflection when the office of the word in the sentence is pointed out\nthereby; thus, nouns are related by case inflections; verbs are related\nby inflections for gender, number, and person. All inflection for\nagreement is inflection for relation.\n\nIn English, three of the grammatic processes are highly specialized.\n\n_Combination_ is used chiefly for derivation, but to some slight extent\nfor qualification and relation in the paradigmatic categories. But its\nuse in this manner as compared with many other languages has almost\ndisappeared.\n\n_Vocalic mutation_ is used to a very limited extent and only by\naccident, and can scarcely be said to belong to the English language.\n\n_Intonation_ is used as a grammatic process only to a limited\nextent--simply to assist in forming the interrogative and imperative\nmodes. Its use here is almost rhetorical; in all other cases it is\npurely rhetorical.\n\n_Placement_ is largely used in the language, and is highly specialized,\nperforming the office of exhibiting the relations of words to each other\nin the sentence; _i.e._, it is used chiefly for syntactic relation.\n\nThus one of the four processes does not belong to the English language;\nthe others are highly specialized.\n\nThe purposes for which the processes are used are _derivation_,\n_modification_, and _syntactic relation_.\n\n_Derivation_ is accomplished by combination.\n\n_Modification_ is accomplished by the differentiation of adjectives and\nadverbs, as words, phrases, and clauses.\n\n_Syntactic relation_ is accomplished by placement. Syntactic relation\nmust not be confounded with the relation expressed by prepositions.\nSyntactic relation is the relation of the parts of speech to each other\nas integral parts of a sentence. Prepositions express relations of\nthought of another order. They relate words to each other as words.\n\nPlacement relates words to each other as parts of speech.\n\nIn the Indian tongues combination is used for all three purposes,\nperforming the three different functions of derivation, modification,\nand relation. Placement, also, is used for relation, and for both lands\nof relation, syntactic and prepositional.\n\nWith regard, then, to the processes and purposes for which they are\nused, we find in the Indian languages a low degree of specialization;\nprocesses are used for diverse purposes, and purposes are accomplished\nby diverse processes.\n\n\n\n\nDIFFERENTIATION OF THE PARTS OF SPEECH.\n\n\nIt is next in order to consider to what degree the parts of speech are\ndifferentiated in Indian languages, as compared with English.\n\nIndian nouns are extremely connotive, that is, the name does more than\nsimply denote the thing to which it belongs; in denoting the object it\nalso assigns to it some quality or characteristic. Every object has many\nqualities and characteristics, and by describing but a part of these the\ntrue office of the noun is but imperfectly performed. A\u00a0strictly\ndenotive name expresses no one quality or character, but embraces all\nqualities and characters.\n\nIn _Ute_ the name for bear is _he seizes_, or _the hugger_. In this case\nthe verb is used for the noun, and in so doing the Indian names the bear\nby predicating one of his characteristics. Thus noun and verb are\nundifferentiated. In _Seneca_ the north is _the sun never goes there_,\nand this sentence may be used as adjective or noun; in such cases noun,\nadjective, verb, and adverb are found as one vocable or word, and the\nfour parts of speech are undifferentiated. In the _Pav\u00e4nt_ language a\nschool-house is called _p\u00f3-k\u00fbnt-\u00een-\u00ee\u00f1-y\u00ee-k\u00e4n_. The first part of the\nword, _p\u00f3-k\u00fbnt_, signifies _sorcery is practiced_, and is the name given\nby the Indians to any writing, from the fact that when they first\nlearned of writing they supposed it to be a method of practicing\nsorcery; _\u00een-\u00ee\u00f1-y\u00ee_ is the verb signifying _to count_, and the meaning\nof the word has been extended so as to signify _to read_; _k\u00e4n_\nsignifies wigwam, and is derived from the verb _k\u00fcri_, _to stay_. Thus\nthe name of the school-house literally signifies _a staying place where\nsorcery is counted_, or where papers are read. The _Pav\u00e4nt_ in naming a\nschool-house describes the purpose for which it is used. These examples\nillustrate the general characteristics of Indian nouns; they are\nexcessively connotive; a\u00a0simply denotive name is rarely found. In\ngeneral their name-words predicate some attribute of the object named,\nand thus noun, adjective, and predicant are undifferentiated.\n\nIn many Indian languages there is no separate word for _eye_, _hand_,\n_arm_, or other parts and organs of the body, but the word is found with\nan incorporated or attached pronoun signifying _my_ hand, _my_ eye;\n_your_ hand, _your_ eye; _his_ hand, _his_ eye, etc., as the case may\nbe. If the Indian, in naming these parts, refers to his own body, he\nsays _my_; if he refers to the body of the person to whom he is\nspeaking, he says _your_, &c. If an Indian should find a detached foot\nthrown from the amputating-table of an army field hospital, he would say\nsomething like this: I\u00a0have found somebody _his foot_. The linguistic\ncharacteristic is widely spread, though not universal.\n\nThus the Indian has no command of a fully differentiated noun expressive\nof _eye_, _hand_, _arm_, or other parts and organs of the body.\n\nIn the pronouns we often have the most difficult part of an Indian\nlanguage. Pronouns are only to a limited extent independent words.\n\nAmong the free pronouns the student must early learn to distinguish\nbetween the personal and the demonstrative. The demonstrative pronouns\nare more commonly used. The Indian is more accustomed to say _this_\nperson or thing, _that_ person or thing, than _he_, _she_, or _it_.\nAmong the free personal pronouns the student may find an equivalent of\nthe pronoun _I_, another signifying _I and you_; perhaps another\nsignifying _I and he_, and one signifying _we, more than two_, including\nthe speaker and those present; and another including the speaker and\npersons absent. He will also find personal pronouns in the second and\nthird person, perhaps with singular, dual, and plural forms.\n\nTo a large extent the pronouns are incorporated in the verbs as\nprefixes, infixes, or suffixes. In such cases we will call them article\npronouns. These article pronouns point out with great particularity the\nperson, number, and gender, both of subject and object, and sometimes of\nthe indirect object. When the article pronouns are used the personal\npronouns may or may not be used; but it is believed that the personal\npronouns will always be found. Article pronouns may not always be found.\nIn those languages which are characterized by them they are used alike\nwhen the subject and object nouns are expressed and when they are not.\nThe student may at first find some difficulty with these article\npronouns. Singular, dual, and plural forms will be found. Sometimes\ndistinct incorporated particles will be used for subject and object, but\noften this will not be the case. If the subject only is expressed, one\nparticle may be used; if the object only is expressed, another particle;\nbut if subject and object are expressed an entirely different particle\nmay stand for both.\n\nBut it is in the genders of these article pronouns that the greatest\ndifficulty may be found. The student must entirely free his mind of the\nidea that gender is simply a distinction of sex. In Indian tongues,\ngenders are usually methods of classification primarily into animate and\ninanimate. The animate may be again divided into male and female, but\nthis is rarely the case. Often by these genders all objects are\nclassified by characteristics found in their attitudes or supposed\nconstitution. Thus we may have the animate and inanimate, one or both,\ndivided into the _standing_, the _sitting_, and the _lying_; or they may\nbe divided into the _watery_, the _mushy_, the _earthy_, the _stony_,\nthe _woody_, and the _fleshy_. The gender of these article pronouns has\nrarely been worked out in any language. The extent to which these\nclassifications enter into the article pronouns is not well known. The\nsubject requires more thorough study. These incorporated particles are\nhere called _article_ pronouns. In the conjugation of the verb they take\nan important part, and have by some writers been called _transitions_.\nBesides pointing out with particularity the person, number, and gender\nor the subject and object, they perform the same offices that are\nusually performed by those inflections of the verb that occur to make\nthem agree in gender, number, and person with the subject. In those\nIndian languages where the article pronouns are not found, and the\npersonal pronouns only are used, the verb is usually inflected to agree\nwith the subject or object, or both, in the same particulars.\n\nThe article pronouns as they point out person, number, gender, and case\nof the subject and object, are not simple particles, but are to a\ngreater or lesser extent compound; their component elements may be\nbroken apart and placed in different parts of the verb. Again, the\narticle pronoun in some languages may have its elements combined into a\ndistinct word in such a manner that it will not be incorporated in the\nverb, but will be placed immediately before it. For this reason the term\n_article pronoun_ has been chosen rather than _attached pronoun_. The\nolder term, _transition_, was given to them because of their analogy in\nfunction to verbal inflections.\n\nThus the verb of an Indian language contains within itself incorporated\narticle pronouns which point out with great particularity the gender,\nnumber, and person of the subject and object. In this manner verb,\npronoun, and adjective are combined, and to this extent these parts of\nspeech are undifferentiated.\n\nIn some languages the article pronoun constitutes a distinct word, but\nwhether free or incorporated it is a complex tissue of adjectives.\n\nAgain, nouns sometimes contain particles within themselves to predicate\npossession, and to this extent nouns and verbs are undifferentiated.\n\nThe verb is relatively of much greater importance in an Indian tongue\nthan in a civilized language. To a large extent the pronoun is\nincorporated in the verb as explained above, and thus constitutes a part\nof its conjugation.\n\nAgain, adjectives are used as intransitive verbs, as in most Indian\nlanguages there is no verb _to be_ used as a predicant or copula. Where\nin English we would say _the man is good_, the Indian would say _that\nman good_, using the adjective as an intransitive verb, _i.e._, as a\npredicant. If he desired to affirm it in the past tense, the\nintransitive verb _good_, would be inflected, or otherwise modified, to\nindicate the tense; and so, in like manner, all adjectives when used to\npredicate can be modified to indicate mode, tense, number, person, &c.,\nas other intransitive verbs.\n\nAdverbs are used as intransitive verbs. In English we may say _he is\nthere_; the Indian would say _that person there_ usually preferring the\ndemonstrative to the personal pronoun. The adverb _there_ would,\ntherefore, be used as a predicant or intransitive verb, and might be\nconjugated to denote different modes, tenses, numbers, persons, etc.\nVerbs will often receive adverbial qualifications by the use of\nincorporated particles, and, still further, verbs may contain within\nthemselves adverbial limitations without our being able to trace such\nmeanings to any definite particles or parts of the verb.\n\nPrepositions are intransitive verbs. In English we may say _the hat is\non the table_; the Indian would say _that hat on table_; or he might\nchange the order, and say _that hat table on_; but the preposition _on_\nwould be used as an intransitive verb to predicate, and may be\nconjugated. Prepositions may often be found as particles incorporated in\nverbs, and, still further, verbs may contain within themselves\nprepositional meanings without our being able to trace such meanings to\nany definite particles within the verb. But the verb connotes such ideas\nthat something is needed to complete its meaning, that something being a\nlimiting or qualifying word, phrase, or clause. Prepositions may be\nprefixed, infixed, or suffixed to nouns, _i.e._, they may be particles\nincorporated in nouns.\n\nNouns may be used as intransitive verbs under the circumstances when in\nEnglish we would use a noun as the complement of a sentence after the\nverb _to be_.\n\nThe verb, therefore, often includes within itself subject, direct\nobject, indirect object, qualifier, and relation-idea. Thus it is that\nthe study of an Indian language is, to a large extent, the study of its\nverbs.\n\nThus adjectives, adverbs, prepositions, and nouns are used as\nintransitive verbs; and, to such extent, adjectives, adverbs,\nprepositions, nouns and verbs are undifferentiated.\n\nFrom the remarks above, it will be seen that Indian verbs often include\nwithin themselves meanings which in English are expressed by adverbs and\nadverbial phrases and clauses. Thus the verb may express within itself\ndirection, manner, instrument, and purpose, one or all, as the verb _to\ngo_ may be represented by a word signifying _go home_; another, _go away\nfrom home_; another, _go to a place other than home_; another, _go from\na place other than home_; one, _go from this place_, with reference to\nhome; one, to _go up_; another, to _go down_; one, _go around_; and,\nperhaps, there will be a verb _go up hill_; another, _go up a valley_;\nanother, _go up a river_, etc. Then we may have _to go on foot_, _to go\non horseback_, _to go in a canoe_; still another, _to go for water_;\nanother _for wood_, etc. Distinct words may be used for all these, or a\nfewer number used, and these varied by incorporated particles. In like\nmanner, the English verb _to break_ may be represented by several words,\neach of which will indicate the manner of performing the act or the\ninstrument with which it is done. Distinct words may be used, or a\ncommon word varied with incorporated particles.\n\nThe verb _to strike_ may be represented by several words, signifying\nseverally _to strike with the fist_, _to strike with a club_, _to strike\nwith the open hand_, _to strike with a whip_, _to strike with a switch_,\nto strike with a flat instrument, etc. A\u00a0common word may be used with\nincorporated particles or entirely different words used.\n\nMode in an Indian tongue is a rather difficult subject. Modes analogous\nto those of civilized tongues are found, and many conditions and\nqualifications appear in the verb which in English and other civilized\nlanguages appear as adverbs, and adverbial phrases and clauses. No plane\nof separation can be drawn between such adverbial qualifications and\ntrue modes. Thus there may be a form of the verb, which shows that the\nspeaker makes a declaration as certain, _i.e._, an _indicative_ mode;\nanother which shows that the speaker makes a declaration with doubt,\n_i.e._, a _dubitative_ mode; another that he makes a declaration on\nhearsay, _i.e._, a _quotative_ mode; another form will be used in making\na command, giving an _imperative_ mode; another in imploration, _i.e._,\nan _implorative_ mode; another form to denote permission, _i.e._, a\n_permissive_ mode; another in negation, _i.e._, a _negative_ mode;\nanother form will be used to indicate that the action is simultaneous\nwith some other action, _i.e._, a _simulative_ mode; another to denote\ndesire or wish that something be done, _i.e._, a _desiderative_ mode;\nanother that the action ought to be done, _i.e._, an _obligative_ mode;\nanother that action is repetitive from time to time, _i.e._, a\n_frequentative_ mode; another that action is caused, _i.e._, a\n_causative_ mode, etc.\n\nThese forms of the verb, which we are compelled to call modes, are of\ngreat number. Usually with each of them a particular modal particle or\nincorporated adverb will be used; but the particular particle which\ngives the qualified meaning may not always be discovered; and in one\nlanguage a different word will be introduced, wherein another the same\nword will be used with an incorporated particle.\n\nIt is stated above that incorporated particles may be used to indicate\ndirection, manner, instrument, and purpose; in fact, any adverbial\nqualification whatever may be made by an incorporated particle instead\nof an adverb as a distinct word.\n\nNo line of demarkation can be drawn between these adverbial particles\nand those mentioned above as modal particles. Indeed it seems best to\ntreat all these forms of the verb arising from incorporated particles as\ndistinct modes. In this sense, then, an Indian language has a\nmultiplicity of modes. It should be further remarked that in many cases\nthese modal or adverbial particles are excessively worn, so that they\nmay appear as additions or changes of simple vowel or consonant sounds.\nWhen incorporated particles are thus used, distinct adverbial words,\nphrases, or clauses may also be employed, and the idea expressed twice.\n\nIn an Indian language it is usually found difficult to elaborate a\nsystem of tenses in paradigmatic form. Many tenses or time particles are\nfound incorporated in verbs. Some of these time particles are\nexcessively worn, and may appear rather as inflections than as\nincorporated particles. Usually rather distinct present, past, and\nfuture tenses are discovered; often a remote or ancient past, and less\noften an immediate future. But great specification of time in relation\nto the present and in relation to other time is usually found.\n\nIt was seen above that adverbial particles cannot be separated from\nmodal particles. In like manner tense particles cannot be separated from\nadverbial and modal particles.\n\nIn an Indian language adverbs are differentiated only to a limited\nextent. Adverbial qualifications are found in the verb, and thus there\nare a multiplicity of modes and tenses, and no plane of demarcation can\nbe drawn between mode and tense. From preceding statements it will\nappear that a verb in an Indian tongue may have incorporated with it a\ngreat variety of particles, which can be arranged in three general\nclasses, _i.e._, pronominal, adverbial, and prepositional.\n\nThe pronominal particles we have called article pronouns; they serve to\npoint out a variety of characteristics in the subject, object, and\nindirect object of the verb. They thus subserve purposes which in\nEnglish are subserved by differentiated adjectives as distinct parts of\nspeech. They might, therefore, with some propriety, have been called\nadjective particles, but these elements perform another function; they\nserve the purpose which is usually called _agreement in language_; that\nis, they make the verb agree with the subject and object, and thus\nindicate the syntactic relation between subject, object, and verb. In\nthis sense they might with propriety have been called relation\nparticles, and doubtless this function was in mind when some of the\nolder grammarians called them transitions.\n\nThe adverbial particles perform the functions of voice, mode, and tense,\ntogether with many other functions that are performed in languages\nspoken by more highly civilized people by differentiated adverbs,\nadverbial phrases, and clauses.\n\nThe prepositional particles perform the function of indicating a great\nvariety of subordinate relations, like the prepositions used as distinct\nparts of speech in English.\n\nBy the demonstrative function of some of the pronominal particles, they\nare closely related to adverbial particles, and adverbial particles are\nclosely related to prepositional particles, so that it will be sometimes\ndifficult to say of a particular particle whether it be pronominal or\nadverbial, and of another particular particle whether it be adverbial or\nprepositional.\n\nThus the three classes of particles are not separated by absolute planes\nof demarkation.\n\nThe use of these particles as parts of the verb; the use of nouns,\nadjectives, adverbs, and prepositions as intransitive verbs; and the\ndirect use of verbs as nouns, adjectives, and adverbs, make the study of\nan Indian tongue to a large extent the study of its verbs.\n\nTo the extent that voice, mode, and tense are accomplished by the use of\nagglutinated particles or inflections, to that extent adverbs and verbs\nare undifferentiated.\n\nTo the extent that adverbs are found as incorporated particles in verbs,\nthe two parts of speech are undifferentiated.\n\nTo the extent that prepositions are particles incorporated in the verb,\nprepositions and verbs are undifferentiated.\n\nTo the extent that prepositions are affixed to nouns, prepositions and\nnouns are undifferentiated.\n\nIn all these particulars it is seen that the Indian tongues belong to a\nvery low type of organization. Various scholars have called attention to\nthis feature by describing Indian languages as being holophrastic,\npolysynthetic, or synthetic. The term synthetic is perhaps the best, and\nmay be used as synonymous with undifferentiated.\n\nIndian tongues, therefore, may be said to be highly synthetic in that\ntheir parts of speech are imperfectly differentiated.\n\nIn these same particulars the English language is highly organized, as\nthe parts of speech are highly differentiated. Yet the difference is one\nof degree, not of kind.\n\nTo the extent in the English language that inflection is used for\nqualification, as for person, number, and gender of the noun and\npronoun, and for mode and tense in the verb, to that extent the parts of\nspeech are undifferentiated. But we have seen that inflection is used\nfor this purpose to a very slight extent.\n\nThere is yet in the English language one important differentiation which\nhas been but partially accomplished. Verbs as usually considered are\nundifferentiated parts of speech; they are nouns and adjectives, one or\nboth, and predicants. The predicant simple is a distinct part of speech.\nThe English language has but one, the verb _to be_, and this is not\nalways a pure predicant, for it sometimes contains within itself an\nadverbial element when it is conjugated for mode and tense, and a\nconnective element when it is conjugated for agreement. With adjectives\nand nouns this verb is used as a predicant. In the passive voice also it\nis thus used, and the participles are nouns or adjectives. In what is\nsometimes called the progressive form of the active voice nouns and\nadjectives are differentiated in the participles, and the verb \u201cto be\u201d\nis used as a predicant. But in what is usually denominated the active\nvoice of the verb, the English language has undifferentiated parts of\nspeech. An examination of the history of the verb _to be_ in the English\nlanguage exhibits the fact that it is coming more and more to be used as\nthe predicant; and what is usually called the common form of the active\nvoice is coming more and more to be limited in its use to special\nsignifications.\n\nThe real active voice, indicative mode, present tense, first person,\nsingular number, of the verb to eat, is _am eating_. The expression _I\neat_, signifies _I am accustomed to eat_. So, if we consider the common\nform of the active voice throughout its entire conjugation, we discover\nthat many of its forms are limited to special uses.\n\nThroughout the conjugation of the verb the auxiliaries are predicants,\nbut these auxiliaries, to the extent that they are modified for mode,\ntense, number, and person, contain adverbial and connective elements.\n\nIn like manner many of the lexical elements of the English language\ncontain more than one part of speech: _To ascend_ is _to go up_; _to\ndescend_ is _to go down_; and _to depart_ is _to go from_.\n\nThus it is seen that the English language is also synthetic in that its\nparts of speech are not completely differentiated. The English, then,\ndiffers in this respect from an Indian language only in degree.\n\nIn most Indian tongues no pure predicant has been differentiated, but in\nsome the verb _to be_, or predicant, has been slightly developed,\nchiefly to affirm, existence in a place.\n\nIt will thus be seen that by the criterion of organization Indian\ntongues are of very low grade.\n\nIt need but to be affirmed that by the criterion of sematologic content\nIndian languages are of a very low grade. Therefore the\nfrequently-expressed opinion that the languages of barbaric peoples have\na more highly organized grammatic structure than the languages of\ncivilized peoples has its complete refutation.\n\nIt is worthy of remark that all paradigmatic inflection in a civilized\ntongue is a relic of its barbaric condition. When the parts of speech\nare fully differentiated and the process of placement fully specialized,\nso that the order of words in sentences has its full significance, no\nuseful purpose is subserved by inflection.\n\nEconomy in speech is the force by which its development has been\naccomplished, and it divides itself properly into economy of utterance\nand economy of thought. Economy of utterance has had to do with the\nphonic constitution of words; economy of thought has developed the\nsentence.\n\nAll paradigmatic inflection requires unnecessary thought. In the clause\n_if he was here_, _if_ fully expresses the subjunctive condition, and it\nis quite unnecessary to express it a second time by using another form\nof the verb _to be_. And so the people who are using the English\nlanguage are deciding, for the subjunctive form is rapidly becoming\nobsolete with the long list of paradigmatic forms which have\ndisappeared.\n\nEvery time the pronoun _he_, _she_, or _it_ is used it is necessary to\nthink of the sex of its antecedent, though in its use there is no reason\nwhy sex should be expressed, say, one time in ten thousand. If one\npronoun non-expressive of gender were used instead of the three, with\nthree gender adjectives, then in nine thousand nine hundred and\nninety-nine cases the speaker would be relieved of the necessity of an\nunnecessary thought, and in the one case an adjective would fully\nexpress it. But when these inflections are greatly multiplied, as they\nare in the Indian languages, alike with the Greek and Latin, the speaker\nis compelled in the choice of a word to express his idea to think of a\nmultiplicity of things which have no connection with that which he\nwishes to express.\n\nA _Ponka_ Indian, in saying that a man killed a rabbit, would have to\nsay the man, he, one, animate, standing, in the nominative case,\npurposely killed, by shooting an arrow, the rabbit, he, the one,\nanimate, sitting, in the objective case; for the form of a verb to kill\nwould have to be selected, and the verb changes its form by inflection\nand incorporated particles to denote person, number, and gender as\nanimate or inanimate, and gender as standing, sitting, or lying, and\ncase; and the form of the verb would also express whether the killing\nwas done accidentally or purposely, and whether it was by shooting or by\nsome other process, and, if by shooting, whether by bow and arrow, or\nwith a gun; and the form of the verb would in like manner have to\nexpress all of these things relating to the object; that is, the person,\nnumber, gender, and case of the object; and from the multiplicity of\nparadigmatic forms of the verb to kill this particular one would have to\nbe selected. Perhaps one time in a million it would be the purpose to\nexpress all of these particulars, and in that case the Indian would have\nthe whole expression in one compact word, but in the nine hundred and\nninety-nine thousand nine hundred and ninety-nine cases all of these\nparticulars would have to be thought of in the selection of the form of\nthe verb, when no valuable purpose would be accomplished thereby.\n\nIn the development of the English, as well as the French and German,\nlinguistic evolution has not been in vain.\n\nJudged by these criteria, the English stands alone in the highest rank;\nbut as a written language, in the way in which its alphabet is used, the\nEnglish has but emerged from a barbaric condition.\n\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n * * * * *\n\n\n SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION--BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.\n\n J. W. Powell, Director.\n\n\n SKETCH\n\n of the\n\n MYTHOLOGY OF THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.\n\n By\n\n J. W. POWELL.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n The genesis of philosophy 19\n Two grand stages of philosophy 21\n Mythologic philosophy has four stages 29\n Outgrowth from mythologic philosophy 33\n The course of evolution in mythologic philosophy 38\n Mythic tales 43\n The C\u012dn-a\u00fa-\u00e4v Brothers discuss matters of importance\n to the Utes 44\n Origin of the echo 45\n The So\u00b4-k\u00fbs Wai\u00b4-\u00fbn-ats 47\n Ta-vwots has a fight with the sun 52\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\n SKETCH OF THE MYTHOLOGY\n\n of the\n\n NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\nTHE GENESIS OF PHILOSOPHY.\n\n\nThe wonders of the course of nature have ever challenged attention. In\nsavagery, in barbarism, and in civilization alike, the mind of man has\nsought the explanation of things. The movements of the heavenly bodies,\nthe change of seasons, the succession of night and day, the powers of\nthe air, majestic mountains, ever-flowing rivers, perennial springs, the\nflight of birds, the gliding of serpents, the growth of trees, the\nblooming of flowers, the forms of storm-carved rocks, the mysteries of\nlife and death, the institutions of society--many are the things to be\nexplained. The yearning to know is universal. _How_ and _why_ are\neverlasting interrogatories profoundly instinct in humanity. In the\nevolution of the human mind, the instinct of cosmic interrogation\nfollows hard upon the instinct of self-preservation.\n\nIn all the operations of nature, man\u2019s weal and woe are involved. A\u00a0cold\nwave sweeps from the north--rivers and lakes are frozen, forests are\nburied under snows, and the fierce winds almost congeal the life-fluids\nof man himself, and indeed man\u2019s sources of supply are buried under the\nrocks of water. At another time the heavens are as brass, and the clouds\ncome and go with mockery of unfulfilled promises of rain, the fierce\nmidsummer sun pours its beams upon the sands, and blasts heated in the\nfurnace of the desert sear the vegetation; and the fruits, which in more\ncongenial seasons are subsistence and luxury, shrivel before the eyes of\nfamishing men. A\u00a0river rages and destroys the adjacent valley with its\nflood. A\u00a0mountain bursts forth with its rivers of fire, the land is\nburied and the people are swept away. Lightning shivers a tree and rends\na skull. The silent, unseen powers of nature, too, are at work bringing\npain or joy, health or sickness, life or death, to mankind. In like\nmanner man\u2019s welfare is involved in all the institutions of society.\n_How_ and _why_ are the questions asked about all these\nthings--questions springing from the deepest instinct of\nself-preservation.\n\nIn all stages of savage, barbaric, and civilized inquiry, every question\nhas found an answer, every _how_ has had its _thus_, every _why_ its\n_because_. The sum of the answers to the questions raised by any people\nconstitute its philosophy; hence all peoples have had philosophies\nconsisting of their accepted explanation of things. Such a philosophy\nmust necessarily result from the primary instincts developed in man in\nthe early progress of his differentiation from the beast. This I\npostulate: if demonstration is necessary, demonstration is at hand. Not\nonly has every people a philosophy, but every stage of culture is\ncharacterized by its stage of philosophy. Philosophy has been unfolded\nwith the evolution of the human understanding. The history of philosophy\nis the history of human opinions from the earlier to the later\ndays--from the lower to the higher culture.\n\nIn the production of a philosophy, phenomena must be _discerned_,\n_discriminated_, _classified_. Discernment, discrimination, and\nclassification are the processes by which a philosophy is developed. In\nstudying the philosophy of a people at any stage of culture, to\nunderstand what such a people entertain as the sum of their knowledge,\nit is necessary that we should understand what phenomena they saw,\nheard, felt, discerned; what discriminations they made, and what\nresemblances they seized upon as a basis for the classification on which\ntheir explanations rested. A\u00a0philosophy will be higher in the scale,\nnearer the truth, as the discernment is wider, the discrimination nicer,\nand the classification better.\n\nThe sense of the savage is dull compared with the sense of the civilized\nman. There is a myth current in civilization to the effect that the\nbarbarian has highly developed perceptive faculties. It has no more\nfoundation than the myth of the wisdom of the owl. A\u00a0savage sees but few\nsights, hears but few sounds, tastes but few flavors, smells but few\nodors; his whole sensuous life is narrow and blunt, and his facts that\nare made up of the combination of sensuous impressions are few. In\ncomparison, the civilized man has his vision extended away toward the\ninfinitesimal and away toward the infinite; his perception of sound is\nmultiplied to the comprehension of rapturous symphonies; his perception\nof taste is increased to the enjoyment of delicious viands; his\nperception of smell is developed to the appreciation of most exquisite\nperfumes; and his facts that are made up of the combination of sensuous\nimpressions are multiplied beyond enumeration. The stages of discernment\nfrom the lowest savage to the highest civilized man constitute a series\nthe end of which is far from the beginning.\n\nIf the discernment of the savage is little, his discrimination is less.\nAll his sensuous perceptions are confused; but the confusion of\nconfusion is that universal habit of savagery--the confusion of the\nobjective with the subjective--so that the savage sees, hears, tastes,\nsmells, feels the imaginings of his own mind. Subjectively determined\nsensuous processes are diseases in civilization, but normal, functional\nmethods in savagery.\n\nThe savage philosopher classifies by obvious resemblances--analogic\ncharacters. The civilized philosopher classifies by essential\naffinitives--homologic characteristics--and the progress of philosophy\nis marked by changes from analogic categories to homologic categories.\n\n\n\n\nTWO GRAND STAGES OF PHILOSOPHY.\n\n\nThere are two grand stages of philosophy--the mythologic and scientific.\nIn the first, all phenomena are explained by analogies derived from\nsubjective human experiences; in the latter, phenomena are explained as\norderly successions of events.\n\nIn sublime egotism, man first interprets the cosmos as an extension of\nhimself; he classifies the phenomena of the outer word by their\nanalogies with subjective phenomena; his measure of distance is his own\npace, his measure of time his own sleep, for he says, \u201cIt is a thousand\npaces to the great rock,\u201d or, \u201cIt is a hundred sleeps to the great\nfeast.\u201d Noises are voices, powers are hands, movements are made afoot.\nBy subjective examination discovering in himself will and design, and by\ninductive reason discovering will and design in his fellow men and in\nanimals, he extends the induction to all the cosmos, and there discovers\nin all things will and design. All phenomena are supposed to be the acts\nof some one, and that some one having will and purpose. In mythologic\nphilosophy the phenomena of the outer physical world are supposed to be\nthe acts of living, willing, designing personages. The simple are\ncompared with and explained by the complex. In scientific philosophy,\nphenomena are supposed to be children of antecedent phenomena, and so\nfar as science goes with its explanation they are thus interpreted. Man\nwith the subjective phenomena gathered about him is studied from an\nobjective point of view, and the phenomena of subjective life are\nrelegated to the categories established in the classification of the\nphenomena of the outer world; thus the complex is studied by resolving\nit into its simple constituents.\n\nThere is an unknown known, and there is a known unknown. The unknown\nknown is the philosophy of savagery; the known unknown is the philosophy\nof civilization. In those stages of culture that we call savagery and\nbarbarism, all things are known--supposed to be known; but when at last\nsomething is known, understood, explained, then to those who have that\nknowledge in full comprehension all other things become unknown. Then is\nushered in the era of investigation and discovery; then science is born;\nthen is the beginning of civilization. The philosophy of savagery is\ncomplete; the philosophy of civilization fragmentary. Ye men of science,\nye wise fools, ye have discovered the law of gravity, but ye cannot tell\nwhat gravity is. But savagery has a cause and a method for all things;\nnothing is left unexplained.\n\nIn the lower stages of savagery the cosmos is bounded by the great plain\nof land and sea on which we tread, and the firmament, the azure surface\nabove, set with brilliants; and beyond is an abyss of--nothing. Within\nthese bounds all things are known, all things are explained; there are\nno mysteries but the whims of the gods. But when the plain on which we\ntread becomes a portion of the surface of a great globe, and the domed\nfirmament becomes the heavens, stretching beyond Alcyone and Sirius,\nwith this enlargement of the realm of philosophy the verity of\nphilosophy is questioned. The savage is a positive man; the scientist is\na doubting man.\n\nThe opinions of a savage people are childish. Society grows! Some say\nsociety develops; others that society evolves; but, somehow, I\u00a0like to\nsay it grows. The history of the discovery of growth is a large part of\nthe history of human culture. That individuals grow, that the child\ngrows to be a man, the colt a horse, the scion a tree, is easily\nrecognized, though with unassisted eye the processes of growth are not\ndiscovered. But that races grow--races of men, races of animals, races\nof plants, races or groups of worlds--is a very late discovery, and yet\nall of us do not grasp so great a thought. Consider that stage of\nculture where the growth of individuals is not fully recognized. That\nstage is savagery. To-day the native races of North America are agitated\nby discussions over that great philosophic question, \u201cDo the trees grow\nor were they created?\u201d That the grass grows they admit, but the orthodox\nphilosophers stoutly assert that the forest pines and the great\n_sequoias_ were created as they are.\n\nThus in savagery the philosophers dispute over the immediate creation or\ndevelopment of individuals--in civilization over the immediate creation\nor development of races. I\u00a0know of no single fact that better\nillustrates the wide difference between these two stages of culture. But\nlet us look for other terms of comparison. The scalping scene is no more\nthe true picture of savagery than the bayonet charge of civilization.\nSavagery is sylvan life. Contrast _Ka-ni-ga_ with New York. _Ka-ni-ga_\nis an Indian village in the Rocky Mountains. New York is, well--New\nYork. The home in the forest is a shelter of boughs; the home in New\nYork is a palace of granite. The dwellers in _Ka-ni-ga_ are clothed in\nthe skins of animals, rudely tanned, rudely wrought, and colored with\ndaubs of clay. For the garments of New York, flocks are tended, fields\nare cultivated, ships sail on the sea, and men dig in the mountains for\ndye-stuffs stored in the rocks. The industries of _Ka-ni-ga_ employ\nstone knives, bone awls, and human muscle; the industries of New York\nemploy the tools of the trades, the machinery of the manufactories, and\nthe power of the sun--for water-power is but sunshine, and the coal mine\nis but a pot of pickeled sunbeams.\n\nEven the nursery rhymes are in contrast; the prattler in New York says:\n\n Daffy down dilly\n Has come up to town,\n With a green petticoat\n And a blue gown;\n\nbut in savagery the outer and nether garments are not yet\ndifferentiated; and more: blue and green are not differentiated, for the\nIndian has but one name for the two; the green grass and the blue\nheavens are of the same hue in the Indian tongue. But the nursery tales\nof _Ka-ni-ga_ are of the animals, for the savages associate with the\nanimals on terms of recognized equality; and this is what the prattler\nin _Ka-ni-ga_ says:\n\n The poor little bee\n That lives in the tree,\n The poor little bee\n That lives in the tree,\n Has only one arrow\n In his quiver.\n\nThe arts and industries of savagery and civilization are not in greater\ncontrast than their philosophy. To fully present to you the condition of\nsavagery, as illustrated in their philosophy, three obstacles appear.\nAfter all the years I have spent among the Indians in their mountain\nvillages, I\u00a0am not certain that I have sufficiently divorced myself from\nthe thoughts and ways of civilization to properly appreciate their\nchildish beliefs. The second obstacle subsists in your own knowledge of\nthe methods and powers of nature, and the ways of civilized society; and\nwhen I attempt to tell you what an Indian thinks, I\u00a0fear you will never\nfully forget what you know, and thus you will be led to give too deep a\nmeaning to a savage explanation; or, on the other hand, contrasting an\nIndian concept with your own, the manifest absurdity will sound to you\nas an idle tale too simple to deserve mention, or too false to deserve\ncredence. The third difficulty lies in the attempt to put savage\nthoughts into civilized language; our words are so full of meaning,\ncarry with them so many great thoughts and collateral ideas.\n\nSome examples of the philosophic methods belonging to widely separated\ngrades of culture may serve to make the previous statements clearer.\n\n_Wind._--The _Ute_ philosopher discerns that men and animals breathe. He\nrecognizes vaguely the phenomena of the wind, and discovers its\nresemblance to breath, and explains the winds by relegating them to the\nclass of breathings. He declares that there is a monster beast in the\nnorth that breathes the winter winds, and another in the south, and\nanother in the east, and another in the west. The facts relating to\nwinds are but partially discerned; the philosopher has not yet\ndiscovered that there is an earth-surrounding atmosphere. He fails in\nmaking the proper discriminations. His relegation of the winds to the\nclass of breathings is analogic, but not homologic. The basis of his\nphilosophy is personality, and hence he has four wind-gods.\n\nThe philosopher of the ancient Northland discovered that he could cool\nhis brow with a fan, or kindle a flame, or sweep away the dust with the\nwafted air. The winds also cooled his brow, the winds also swept away\nthe dust and kindled the fire into a great conflagration, and when the\nwind blew he said, \u201cSomebody is fanning the waters of the fiord,\u201d or\n\u201cSomebody is fanning the evergreen forests,\u201d and he relegated the winds\nto the class of fannings, and he said, \u201cThe god Hr\u00e6svelger, clothed with\neagle-plumes, is spreading his wings for flight, and the winds rise from\nunder them.\u201d\n\nThe early Greek philosopher discovered that air may be imprisoned in\nvessels or move in the ventilation of caves, and he recognized wind as\nsomething more than breath, something more than fanning, something that\ncan be gathered up and scattered abroad, and so when the winds blew he\nsaid, \u201cThe sacks have been untied,\u201d or \u201cThe caves have been opened.\u201d\n\nThe philosopher of civilization, has discovered that breath, the\nfan-wafted breeze, the air confined in vessels, the air moving in\nventilation, that these are all parts of the great body of air which\nsurrounds the earth, all in motion, swung by the revolving earth, heated\nat the tropics, cooled at the poles, and thus turned into\ncounter-currents and again deflected by a thousand geographic features,\nso that the winds sweep down valleys, eddy among mountain crags, or waft\nthe spray from the crested billows of the sea, all in obedience to\ncosmic laws. The facts discerned are many, the discriminations made are\nnice, and the classifications based on true homologies, and we have the\nscience of meteorology, which exhibits an orderly succession of events\neven in the fickle winds.\n\n_Sun and Moon._--The _Ute_ philosopher declares the sun to be a living\npersonage, and explains his passage across the heavens along an\nappointed way by giving an account of a fierce personal conflict between\n_T\u00e4-vi_, the sun-god, and _Ta-w\u0103ts_, one of the supreme gods of his\nmythology.\n\nIn that long ago, the time to which all mythology refers, the sun roamed\nthe earth at will. When he came too near with his fierce heat the people\nwere scorched, and when he hid away in his cave for a long time, too\nidle to come forth, the night was long and the earth cold. Once upon a\ntime _Ta-w\u0103ts_, the hare-god, was sitting with his family by the\ncamp-fire in the solemn woods, anxiously waiting for the return of\n_T\u00e4-vi_, the wayward sun-god. Wearied with long watching, the hare-god\nfell asleep, and the sun-god came so near that he scorched the naked\nshoulder of _Ta-w\u0103ts_. Foreseeing the vengeance which would be thus\nprovoked, he fled back to his cave beneath the earth. _Ta-w\u0103ts_ awoke in\ngreat anger, and speedily determined to go and fight the sun-god. After\na long journey of many adventures the hare-god came to the brink of the\nearth, and there watched long and patiently, till at last the sun-god\ncoming out he shot an arrow at his face, but the fierce heat consumed\nthe arrow ere it had finished its intended course; then another arrow\nwas sped, but that was also consumed; and another, and still another,\ntill only one remained in his quiver, but this was the magical arrow\nthat had never failed its mark. _Ta-w\u0103ts_, holding it in his hand,\nlifted the barb to his eye and baptized it in a divine tear; then the\narrow was sped and struck the sun-god full in the face, and the sun was\nshivered into a thousand fragments, which fell to the earth, causing a\ngeneral conflagration. Then _Ta-w\u0103ts_, the hare-god, fled before the\ndestruction he had wrought, and as he fled the burning earth consumed\nhis feet, consumed his legs, consumed his body, consumed his hands and\nhis arms--all were consumed but the head alone, which bowled across\nvalleys and over mountains, fleeing destruction from the burning earth\nuntil at last, swollen with heat, the eyes of the god burst and the\ntears gushed forth in a flood which spread over the earth and\nextinguished the fire. The sun-god was now conquered, and he appeared\nbefore a council of the gods to await sentence. In that long council\nwere established the days and the nights, the seasons and the years,\nwith the length thereof, and the sun was condemned to travel across the\nfirmament by the same trail day after day till the end of time.\n\nIn this same philosophy we learn that in that ancient time a council of\nthe gods was held to consider the propriety of making a moon, and at\nlast the task was given to Whippoorwill, a\u00a0god of the night, and a frog\nyielded himself a willing sacrifice for this purpose, and the\nWhippoorwill, by incantations, and other magical means, transformed the\nfrog into the new moon. The truth of this origin of the moon is made\nevident to our very senses; for do we not see the frog riding the moon\nat night, and the moon is cold, because the frog from which it was made\nwas cold?\n\nThe philosopher of _Oraibi_ tells us that when the people ascended by\nmeans of the magical tree which constituted the ladder from the lower\nworld to this, they found the firmament, the ceiling of this world, low\ndown upon the earth--the floor of this world. _Matcito_, one of their\ngods, raised the firmament on his shoulders to where it is now seen.\nStill the world was dark, as there was no sun, no moon, and no stars. So\nthe people murmured because of the darkness and the cold. _Matcito_\nsaid, \u201cBring me seven maidens,\u201d and they brought him seven maidens; and\nhe said, \u201cBring me seven baskets of cotton-bolls,\u201d and they brought him\nseven baskets of cotton-bolls; and he taught the seven maidens to weave\na magical fabric from the cotton, and when they had finished it he held\nit aloft, and the breeze carried it away toward the firmament, and in\nthe twinkling of an eye it was transformed into a beautiful full-orbed\nmoon, and the same breeze caught the remnants of flocculent cotton which\nthe maidens had scattered during their work, and carried them aloft, and\nthey were transformed into bright stars. But still it was cold and the\npeople murmured again, and _Matcito_ said, \u201cBring me seven buffalo\nrobes,\u201d and they brought him seven buffalo robes, and from the densely\nmatted hair of the robes he wove another wonderful fabric, which the\nstorm carried away into the sky, and it was transformed into the\nfull-orbed sun. Then _Matcito_ appointed times and seasons and ways for\nthe heavenly bodies, and the gods of the firmament have obeyed the\ninjunctions of _Matcito_ from the day of their creation to the present.\n\nThe Norse philosopher tells us that Night and Day, each, has a horse and\na car, and they drive successively one after the other around the world\nin twenty-four hours. Night rides first with her steed named Dew-hair,\nand every morning as he ends his course he bedews the earth with foam\nfrom his bit. The steed driven by Day is Shining-hair. All the sky and\nearth glisten with the light of his mane. Jarnved, the great iron-wood\nforest lying to the east of Midgard, is the abode of a race of witches.\nOne monster witch is the mother of many sons in the form of wolves, two\nof which are Skol and Hate. Skol is the wolf that would devour the\nmaiden Sun, and she daily flies from the maw of the terrible beast, and\nthe moon-man flies from the wolf Hate.\n\nThe philosopher of Samos tells us that the earth is surrounded by hollow\ncrystalline spheres set one within another, and all revolving at\ndifferent rates from east to west about the earth, and that the sun is\nset in one of these spheres and the moon in another.\n\nThe philosopher of civilization tells us that the sun is an incandescent\nglobe, one of the millions afloat in space. About this globe the planets\nrevolve, and the sun and planets and moons were formed from nebulous\nmatter by the gradual segregation of their particles controlled by the\nlaws of gravity, motion, and affinity.\n\nThe sun, traveling by an appointed way across the heavens with the\nnever-ending succession of day and night, and the ever-recurring train\nof seasons, is one of the subjects of every philosophy. Among all\npeoples, in all times, there is an explanation of these phenomena, but\nin the lowest stage, way down in savagery, how few the facts discerned,\nhow vague the discriminations made, how superficial the resemblances by\nwhich the phenomena are classified! In this stage of culture, all the\ndaily and monthly and yearly phenomena which come as the direct result\nof the movements of the heavenly bodies are interpreted as the doings of\nsome one--some god acts. In civilization the philosopher presents us the\nscience of astronomy with all its accumulated facts of magnitude, and\nweights, and orbits, and distances, and velocities--with all the nice\ndiscriminations of absolute, relative, and apparent motions; and all\nthese facts he is endeavoring to classify in homologic categories, and\nthe evolutions and revolutions of the heavenly bodies are explained as\nan orderly succession of events.\n\n_Rain._--The _Shoshoni_ philosopher believes the domed firmament to be\nice, and surely it is the very color of ice, and he believes further\nthat a monster serpent-god coils his huge back to the firmament and with\nhis scales abrades its face and causes the ice-dust to fall upon the\nearth. In the winter-time it falls as snow, but in the summer-time it\nmelts and falls as rain, and the Shoshoni philosopher actually sees the\nserpent of the storm in the rainbow of many colors.\n\nThe _Oraibi_ philosopher who lives in a _pueblo_ is acquainted with\narchitecture, and so his world is seven-storied. There is a world below\nand five worlds above this one. _Mu\u012d\u00f1wa_, the rain-god, who lives in the\nworld immediately above, dips his great brush, made of feathers of the\nbirds of the heavens, into the lakes of the skies and sprinkles the\nearth with refreshing rain for the irrigation of the crops tilled by\nthese curious Indians who live on the cliffs of Arizona. In winter,\n_Mu\u012d\u00f1wa_ crushes the ice of the lakes of the heavens and scatters it\nover the earth, and we have a snow-fall.\n\nThe Hindoo philosopher says that the lightning-bearded Indra breaks the\nvessels that hold the waters of the skies with his thunder-bolts, and\nthe rains descend to irrigate the earth.\n\nThe philosopher of civilization expounds to us the methods by which the\nwaters are evaporated from the land and the surface of the sea, and\ncarried away by the winds, and gathered into clouds to be discharged\nagain upon the earth, keeping up forever that wonderful circulation of\nwater from the heavens to the earth and from the earth to the\nheavens--that orderly succession of events in which the waters travel by\nriver, by sea, and by cloud.\n\n_Rainbow._--In _Shoshoni_, the rainbow is a beautiful serpent that\nabrades the firmament of ice to give us snow and rain. In Norse, the\nrainbow is the bridge Bifrost spanning the space between heaven and\nearth. In the Iliad, the rainbow is the goddess Iris, the messenger of\nthe King of Olympus. In Hebrew, the rainbow is the witness to a\ncovenant. In science, the rainbow is an analysis of white light into its\nconstituent colors by the refraction of raindrops.\n\n_Falling stars._--In _Ute_, falling stars are the excrements of dirty\nlittle star-gods. In science--well, I\u00a0do not know what falling stars are\nin science. I\u00a0think they are cinders from the furnace where the worlds\nare forged. You may call this mythologic or scientific, as you please.\n\n_Migration of birds._--The _Algonkian_ philosopher explains the\nmigration of birds by relating the myth of the combat between\n_Ka-b\u012d-bo-no-k\u012d_ and _Shi\u00f1gapis_, the prototype or progenitor of the\nwater-hen, one of their animal gods. A\u00a0fierce battle raged between\n_Ka-b\u012d-bo-no-k\u012d_ and _Shi\u00f1gapis_, but the latter could not be conquered.\nAll the birds were driven from the land but _Shi\u00f1gapis_; and then was it\nestablished that whenever in the future Winter-maker should come with\nhis cold winds, fierce snows, and frozen waters, all the birds should\nleave for the south except _Shi\u00f1gapis_ and his friends. So the birds\nthat spend their winters north are called by the _Algonkian_\nphilosophers \u201cthe friends of _Shi\u00f1gapis_.\u201d\n\nIn contrast to this explanation of the flight of birds may be placed the\nexplanation of the modern evolutionist, who says that the birds migrate\nin quest of abundance of food and a genial climate, guided by an\ninstinct of migration, which is an accumulation of inherited memories.\n\n_Diversity of languages._--The _Kaib\u00e4b\u012dt_ philosopher accounts for the\ndiversity of languages in this manner: _S\u012d-tcom\u00b4-pa Ma-s\u00f3-\u012dts_, the\ngrandmother goddess of the sea, brought up mankind from beneath the\nwaves in a sack, which she delivered to the _C\u012dn-a\u00fa-\u00e4v_ brothers, the\ngreat wolf-gods of his mythology, and told them to carry it from the\nshores of the sea to the Kaibab Plateau, and then to open it; but they\nwere by no means to open the package ere their arrival, lest some great\ndisaster should befall. The curiosity of the younger _C\u012dn-a\u00fa-\u00e4v_\novercame him, and he untied the sack, and the people swarmed out; but\nthe elder _C\u012dn-a\u00fa-\u00e4v_, the wiser god, ran back and closed the sack while\nyet not all the people had escaped, and they carried the sack, with its\nremaining contents, to the plateau, and there opened it. Those that\nremained in the sack found a beautiful land--a great plateau covered\nwith mighty forests, through which elk, deer, and antelope roamed in\nabundance, and many mountain-sheep were found on the bordering crags;\n_piv_, the nuts of the edible pine, they found on the foot-hills, and\n_us_, the fruit of the yucca, in sunny glades; and _n\u00e4nt_, the meschal\ncrowns, for their feasts; and _tcu-ar_, the cactus-apple, from which to\nmake their wine; reeds grew about the lakes for their arrow-shafts; the\nrocks were full of flints for their barbs and knives, and away down in\nthe ca\u00f1on they found a pipe-stone quarry, and on the hills they found\n_\u00e4r-a-\u00fbm-p\u012dv_, their tobacco. O,\u00a0it was a beautiful land that was given\nto these, the favorites of the gods! The descendants of these people are\nthe present _Kaib\u00e4b\u012dts_ of northern Arizona. Those who escaped by the\nway, through the wicked curiosity of the younger _C\u012dn-a\u00fa-\u00e4v_, scattered\nover the country and became _Navajos_, _Mokis_, _Sioux_, _Comanches_,\nSpaniards, Americans--poor, sorry fragments of people without the\noriginal language of the gods, and only able to talk in imperfect\njargons.\n\nThe Hebrew philosopher tells us that on the plains of Shinar the people\nof the world were gathered to build a city and erect a tower, the summit\nof which should reach above the waves of any flood Jehovah might send.\nBut their tongues were confused as a punishment for their impiety.\n\nThe philosopher of science tells us that mankind was widely scattered\nover the earth anterior to the development of articulate speech, that\nthe languages of which we are cognizant sprang from innumerable centers\nas each little tribe developed its own language, and that in the study\nof any language an orderly succession of events may be discovered in its\nevolution from a few simple holophrastic locutions to a complex language\nwith a multiplicity of words and an elaborate grammatic structure, by\nthe differentiation of the parts of speech and the integration of the\nsentence.\n\n_A cough._--A man coughs. In explanation the _Ute_ philosopher would\ntell us that an _u-n\u00fa-p\u012dts_--a pygmy spirit of evil--had entered the\npoor man\u2019s stomach, and he would charge the invalid with having whistled\nat night; for in their philosophy it is taught that if a man whistles at\nnight, when the pygmy spirits are abroad, one is sure to go through the\nopen door into the stomach, and the evidence of this disaster is found\nin the cough which the _u-n\u00fa-p\u012dts_ causes. Then the evil spirit must be\ndriven out, and the medicine-man stretches his patient on the ground and\nscarifies him with the claws of eagles from head to heel, and while\nperforming the scarification a group of men and women stand about,\nforming a chorus, and medicine-man and chorus perform a fugue in gloomy\nululation, for these wicked spirits will depart only by incantations and\nscarifications.\n\nIn our folk-lore philosophy a cough is caused by a \u201ccold,\u201d whatever that\nmay be--a vague entity--that must be treated first according to the\nmaxim \u201cFeed a cold and starve a fever,\u201d and the \u201ccold\u201d is driven away by\npotations of bitter teas.\n\nIn our medical philosophy a cough may be the result of a clogging of the\npores of the skin, and is relieved by clearing those flues that carry\naway the waste products of vital combustion.\n\nThese illustrations are perhaps sufficient to exhibit the principal\ncharacteristics of the two methods of philosophy, and, though they cover\nbut narrow fields, it should be remembered that every philosophy deals\nwith the whole cosmos. An explanation of all things is sought--not alone\nthe great movements of the heavens, or the phenomena that startle even\nthe unthinking, but every particular which is observed. Abstractly, the\nplane of demarkation between the two methods of philosophy can be\nsharply drawn, but practically we find them strangely mixed; mythologic\nmethods prevail in savagery and barbarism, and scientific methods\nprevail in civilization. Mythologic philosophies antedate scientific\nphilosophies. The thaumaturgic phases of mythology are the embryonic\nstages of philosophy, science being the fully developed form. Without\nmythology there could be no science, as without childhood there could be\nno manhood, or without embryonic conditions there could be no ultimate\nforms.\n\n\n\n\nMYTHOLOGIC PHILOSOPHY HAS FOUR STAGES.\n\n\nMythologic philosophy is the subject with which we deal. Its method, as\nstated in general terms, is this: All phenomena of the outer objective\nworld are interpreted by comparison with those of the inner subjective\nworld. Whatever happens, some one does it; that some one has a will and\nworks as he wills. The basis of the philosophy is personality. The\npersons who do the things which we observe in the phenomena of the\nuniverse are the gods of mythology--_the cosmos is a pantheon_. Under\nthis system, whatever may be the phenomenon observed, the philosopher\nasks, \u201cWho does it?\u201d and \u201cWhy?\u201d and the answer comes, \u201cA\u00a0god with his\ndesign.\u201d The winds blow, and the interrogatory is answered, \u201c\u00c6olus frees\nthem from the cave to speed the ship of a friend, or destroy the vessel\nof a foe.\u201d The actors in mythologic philosophy are gods.\n\nIn the character of these gods four stages of philosophy may be\ndiscovered. In the lowest and earliest stage everything has life;\neverything is endowed with personality, will, and design; animals are\nendowed with all the wonderful attributes of mankind; all inanimate\nobjects are believed to be animate; trees think and speak; stones have\nloves and hates; hills and mountains, springs and rivers, and all the\nbright stars, have life--everything discovered objectively by the senses\nis looked upon subjectively by the philosopher and endowed with all the\nattributes supposed to be inherent in himself. In this stage of\nphilosophy everything is a god. Let us call it _hecastotheism_.\n\nIn the second stage men no longer attribute life indiscriminately to\ninanimate things; but the same powers and attributes recognized by\nsubjective vision in man are attributed to the animals by which he is\nsurrounded. No line of demarkation is drawn between man and beast; all\nare great beings endowed with wonderful attributes. Let us call this\nstage _zo\u00f6theism_, when men worship beasts. All the phenomena of nature\nare the doings of these animal gods; all the facts of nature, all the\nphenomena of the known universe, all the institutions of humanity known\nto the philosophers of this stage, are accounted for in the mythologic\nhistory of these zo\u00f6morphic gods.\n\nIn the third stage a wide gulf is placed between man and the lower\nanimals. The animal gods are dethroned, and the powers and phenomena of\nnature are personified and deified. Let us call this stage\n_physitheism_. The gods are strictly anthropomorphic, having the form as\nwell as the mental, moral, and social attributes of men. Thus we have a\ngod of the sun, a\u00a0god of the moon, a\u00a0god of the air, a\u00a0god of dawn, and\na deity of the night.\n\nIn the fourth stage, mental, moral, and social characteristics are\npersonified and deified. Thus we have a god of war, a\u00a0god of love, a\u00a0god\nof revelry, a\u00a0god of plenty, and like personages who preside over the\ninstitutions and occupations of mankind. Let us call this\n_psychotheism_. With the mental, moral, and social characteristics in\nthese gods are associated the powers of nature; and they differ from\nnature-gods chiefly in that they have more distinct psychic\ncharacteristics.\n\nPsychotheism, by the processes of mental integration, developes in one\ndirection into monotheism, and in the other into pantheism. When the\npowers of nature are held predominant in the minds of the philosophers\nthrough whose cogitations this evolution of theism is carried on,\npantheism, as the highest form of psychotheism, is the final result; but\nwhen the moral qualities are held in highest regard in the minds of the\nmen in whom this process of evolution is carried on, _monotheism_, or a\ngod whose essential characteristics are moral qualities, is the final\nproduct. The monotheistic god is not nature, but presides over and\noperates through nature. Psychotheism has long been recognized. All of\nthe earlier literature of mankind treats largely of these gods, for it\nis an interesting fact that in the history of any civilized people, the\nevolution of psychotheism is approximately synchronous with the\ninvention of an alphabet. In the earliest writings of the Egyptians, the\nHindoos, and the Greeks, this stage is discovered, and Osiris, Indra,\nand Zeus are characteristic representatives. As psychotheism and written\nlanguage appear together in the evolution of culture, this stage of\ntheism is consciously or unconsciously a part of the theme of all\nwritten history.\n\nThe paleontologist, in studying the rocks of the hill and the cliffs of\nthe mountain, discovers, in inanimate stones, the life-forms of the\nancient earth. The geologist, in the study of the structure of valleys\nand mountains, discovers groups of facts that lead him to a knowledge of\nmore ancient mountains and valleys and seas, of geographic features long\nago buried, and followed by a new land with new mountains and valleys,\nand new seas. The philologist, in studying the earliest writings of a\npeople, not only discovers the thoughts purposely recorded in those\nwritings, but is able to go back in the history of the people many\ngenerations, and discover with even greater certainty the thoughts of\nthe more ancient people who made the words. Thus the writings of the\nGreeks, the Hindoos, and the Egyptians, that give an account of their\npsychic gods, also contain a description of an earlier theism\nunconsciously recorded by the writers themselves. Psychotheism prevailed\nwhen the sentences were coined, physitheism when the words were coined.\nSo the philologist discovers physitheism in all ancient literature. But\nthe verity of that stage of philosophy does not rest alone upon the\nevidence derived from the study of fossil philosophies through the\nscience of philology. In the folk-lore of every civilized people having\na psychotheistic philosophy, an earlier philosophy with nature-gods is\ndiscovered.\n\nThe different stages of philosophy which I have attempted to\ncharacterize have never been found in purity. We always observe\ndifferent methods of explanation existing side by side, and the type of\na philosophy is determined by the prevailing characteristics of its\nexplanation of phenomena. Fragments of the earlier are always found side\nby side with the greater body of the later philosophy. Man has never\nclothed himself in new garments of wisdom, but has ever been patching\nthe old, and the old and the new are blended in the same pattern, and\nthus we have atavism in philosophy. So in the study of any philosophy\nwhich has reached the psychotheistic age, patches of the earlier\nphilosophy are always seen. Ancient nature-gods are found to be living\nand associating with the supreme psychic deities. Thus in anthropologic\nscience there are three ways by which to go back in the history of any\ncivilized people and learn of its barbaric physitheism. But of the\nverity of this stage we have further evidence. When Christianity was\ncarried north from Central Europe, the champions of the new philosophy,\nand its consequent religion, discovered, among those who dwelt by the\nglaciers of the north, a\u00a0barbaric philosophy which they have preserved\nto history in the Eddas and Sagas, and Norse literature is full of a\nphilosophy in a transition state, from physitheism to psychotheism; and,\nmark! the people discovered in this transition state were inventing an\nalphabet--they were carving Runes. Then a pure physitheism was\ndiscovered in the Aztec barbarism of Mexico; and elsewhere on the globe\nmany people were found in that stage of culture to which this philosophy\nproperly belongs. Thus the existence of physitheism as a stage of\nphilosophy is abundantly attested. Comparative mythologists are agreed\nin recognizing these two stages. They might not agree to throw all of\nthe higher and later philosophies into one group, as I have done, but\nall recognize the plane of demarkation between the higher and the lower\ngroups as I have drawn it. Scholars, too, have come essentially to an\nagreement that physitheism is earlier and older than psychotheism.\nPerhaps there may be left a \u201cdoubting Thomas\u201d who believes that the\nhighest stage of psychotheism--that is, monotheism--was the original\nbasis for the philosophy of the world, and that all other forms are\ndegeneracies from that primitive and perfect state. If there be such a\nman left, to him what I have to say about philosophy is blasphemy.\n\nAgain, all students of comparative philosophy, or comparative mythology,\nor comparative religion, as you may please to approach this subject from\ndifferent points of view, recognize that there is something else; that\nthere are philosophies, or mythologies, or religions, not included in\nthe two great groups. All that something else has been vaguely called\n_fetichism_. I have divided it into two parts, _hecastotheism_ and\n_zo\u00f6theism_. The verity of zo\u00f6theism as a stage of philosophy rests on\nabundant evidence. In psychotheism it appears as _devilism_ in obedience\nto a well-known law of comparative theology, viz, that the gods of a\nlower and superseded stage of culture oftentimes become the devils of a\nhigher stage. So in the very highest stages of psychotheism we find\nbeast-devils. In Norse mythology, we have Fenris the wolf, and\nJormungandur the serpent. Dragons appear in Greek mythology, the bull is\nan Egyptian god, a\u00a0serpent is found in the Zendavesta; and was there not\na scaly fellow in the garden of Eden? So common are these beast-demons\nin the higher mythologies that they are used in every literature as\nrhetorical figures. So we find, as a figure of speech, the great red\ndragon with seven heads and ten horns, with tail that with one brush\nsweeps away a third of the stars of heaven. And wherever we find\nnature-worship we find it accompanied with beast-worship. In the study\nof higher philosophies, having learned that lower philosophies often\nexist side by side with them, we might legitimately conclude that a\nphilosophy based upon animal gods had existed previous to the\ndevelopment of physitheism; and philologic research leads to the same\nconclusion. But we are not left to base this conclusion upon an\ninduction only, for in the examination of savage philosophies we\nactually discover zo\u00f6theism in all its proportions. Many of the Indians\nof North America, and many of South America, and many of the tribes of\nAfrica, are found to be zo\u00f6theists. Their supreme gods are\nanimals--tigers, bears, wolves, serpents, birds. Having discovered this,\nwith a vast accumulation of evidence, we are enabled to carry philosophy\nback one stage beyond physitheism, and we can confidently assert that\nall the philosophies of civilization have come up through these three\nstages.\n\nAnd yet, there are fragments of philosophy discovered which are not\nzo\u00f6theistic, physitheistic, nor psychotheistic. What are they? We find\nrunning through all three stages of higher philosophy that phenomena are\nsometimes explained by regarding them as the acts of persons who do not\nbelong to any of the classes of gods found in the higher stages. We find\nfragments of philosophy everywhere which seem to assume that all\ninanimate nature is animate; that mountains and hills, and rivers and\nsprings, that trees and grasses, that stones, and all fragments of\nthings are endowed with life and with will, and act for a purpose. These\nfragments of philosophy lead to the discovery of hecastotheism.\nPhilology also leads us back to that state when the animate and the\ninanimate were confounded, for the holophrastic roots into which words\nare finally resolved show us that all inanimate things were represented\nin language as actors. Such is the evidence on which we predicate the\nexistence of hecastotheism as a veritable stage of philosophy. Unlike\nthe three higher stages, it has no people extant on the face of the\nglobe, known to be in this stage of culture. The philosophies of many of\nthe lowest tribes of mankind are yet unknown, and hecastotheism may be\ndiscovered; but at the present time we are not warranted in saying that\nany tribe entertains this philosophy as its highest wisdom.\n\n\n\n\nOUTGROWTH FROM MYTHOLOGIC PHILOSOPHY.\n\n\nThe three stages of mythologic philosophy that are still extant in the\nworld must be more thoroughly characterized, and the course of their\nevolution indicated. But in order to do this clearly, certain outgrowths\nfrom mythologic philosophy must be explained--certain theories and\npractices that necessarily result from this philosophy, and that are\nintricately woven into the institutions of mankind.\n\n_Ancientism._--The first I denominate ancientism. Yesterday was better\nthan to-day. The ancients were wiser that we. This belief in a better\nday and a better people in the elder time is almost universal among\nmankind. A\u00a0belief so widely spread, so profoundly entertained, must have\nfor its origin some important facts in the constitution or history of\nmankind. Let us see what they are.\n\nIn the history of every individual the sports and joys of childhood are\ncompared and contrasted with the toils and pains of old age. Greatly\nprotracted life, in savagery and barbarism, is not a boon to be craved.\nIn that stage of society where the days and the years go by with little\nor no provision for a time other than that which is passing, the old\nmust go down to the grave through poverty and suffering. In that stage\nof culture to-morrow\u2019s bread is not certain, and to-day\u2019s bread is often\nscarce. In civilization plenty and poverty live side by side; the palace\nand the hovel are on the same landscape; the rich and poor elbow each\nother on the same street; but in savagery plenty and poverty come with\nrecurring days to the same man, and the tribe is rich to-day and poor\nto-morrow, and the days of want come in every man\u2019s history; and when\nthey come the old suffer most, and the burden of old age is oppressive.\nIn youth activity is joy; in old age activity is pain. So wonder, then,\nthat old age loves youth, or that to-day loves yesterday, for the\ninstinct is born of the inherited experiences of mankind.\n\nBut there is yet another and more potent reason for ancientism. That\ntale is the most wonderful that has been most repeated, for the breath\nof speech is the fertilizer of story. Hence, the older the story the\ngreater its thaumaturgics. Thus, yesterday is greater than to-day by\nnatural processes of human exaggeration. Again, that is held to be most\ncertain, and hence most sacred, which has been most often affirmed.\nA\u00a0Brahman was carrying a goat to the altar. Three thieves would steal\nit. So they placed themselves at intervals along the way by which the\npious Brahman would travel. When the venerable man came to the first\nthief he was accosted: \u201cBrahman, why do you carry a dog?\u201d Now, a\u00a0dog is\nan unclean beast which no Brahman must touch. And the Brahman, after\nlooking at his goat, said: \u201cYou do err; this is a goat.\u201d And when the\nold man reached the second thief, again he was accosted: \u201cBrahman, why\ndo you carry a dog?\u201d So the Brahman put his goat on the ground, and\nafter narrowly scrutinizing it, he said: \u201cSurely this is a goat,\u201d and\nwent on his way. When he came to the third thief he was once more\naccosted: \u201cBrahman, why do you carry a dog?\u201d Then the Brahman, having\nthrice heard that his goat was a dog, was convinced, and throwing it\ndown, he fled to the temple for ablution, and the thieves had a feast.\n\nThe child learns not for himself, but is taught, and accepts as true\nthat which is told, and a propensity to believe the affirmed is\nimplanted in his mind. In every society some are wise and some are\nfoolish, and the wise are revered, and their affirmations are accepted.\nThus, the few lead the multitude in knowledge, and the propensity to\nbelieve the affirmed started in childhood is increased in manhood in the\ngreat average of persons constituting society, and these propensities\nare inherited from generation to generation, until we have a cumulation\nof effects.\n\nThe propagation of opinions by affirmation, the cultivation of the\npropensity to believe that which has been affirmed many times, let us\ncall _affirmatization_. If the world\u2019s opinions were governed only by\nthe principles of mythologic philosophy, affirmatization would become so\npowerful that nothing would be believed but the anciently affirmed. Men\nwould come to no new knowledge. Society would stand still listening to\nthe wisdom of the fathers. But the power of affirmatization is steadily\nundermined by science.\n\nAnd, still again, the institutions of society conform to its philosophy.\nThe explanations of things always includes the origin of human\ninstitutions. So the welfare of society is based on philosophy, and the\nvenerable sayings which constitute philosophy are thus held as sacred.\nSo ancientism is developed from accumulated life-experiences; by the\ngrowth of story in repeated narration; by the steadily increasing power\nof affirmatization, and by respect for the authority upon which the\ninstitutions of society are based; all accumulating as they come down\nthe generations. That we do thus inherit effects we know, for has it not\nbeen affirmed in the Book that \u201cthe fathers have eaten grapes, and the\nchildren\u2019s teeth are set on edge\u201d? As men come to believe that the \u201clong\nago\u201d was better than the \u201cnow,\u201d and the dead were better than the\nliving, then philosophy must necessarily include a theory of degeneracy,\nwhich is a part of ancientism.\n\n_Theistic Society._--Again, the actors in mythologic philosophy are\npersonages, and we always find them organized in societies. The social\norganization of mythology is always found to be essentially identical\nwith the social organization of the people who entertain the philosophy.\nThe gods are husbands and wives, and parents and children, and the gods\nhave an organized government. This gives us theistic society, and we\ncannot properly characterize a theism without taking its mythic society\ninto consideration.\n\n_Spiritism._--In the earliest stages of society of which we have\npractical knowledge by acquaintance with the people themselves, a\u00a0belief\nin the existence of spirits prevails--a shade, an immaterial existence,\nwhich is the duplicate of the material personage. The genesis of this\nbelief is complex. The workings of the human mind during periods of\nunconsciousness lead to opinions that are enforced by many physical\nphenomena.\n\nFirst, we have the activities of the mind during sleep, when the man\nseems to go out from himself, to converse with his friends, to witness\nstrange scenes, and to have many wonderful experiences. Thus the man\nseems to have lived an eventful life, when his body was, in fact,\nquiescent and unconscious. Memories of scenes and activities in former\ndays, and the inherited memories of scenes witnessed and actions\nperformed by ancestors, are blended in strange confusion by broken and\ninverted sequences. Now and then the dream-scenes are enacted in real\nlife, and the infrequent coincidence or apparent verification makes deep\nimpression on the mind, while unfulfilled dreams are forgotten. Thus the\ndreams of sleepers are attributed to their immaterial duplicates--their\nspirits. In many diseases, also, the mind seems to wander, to see sights\nand to hear sounds, and to have many wonderful experiences, while the\nbody itself is apparently unconscious. Sometimes, on restored health,\nthe person may recall these wonderful experiences, and during their\noccurrence the subject talks to unseen persons, and seems to have\nreplies, and to act, to those who witness, in such a manner that a\nsecond self--a spirit independent of the body--is suggested. When\ndisease amounts to long-continued insanity all of these effects are\ngreatly exaggerated, and make a deep impression upon all who witness the\nphenomena. Thus the hallucinations of fever-racked brains, and mad\nminds, are attributed to spirits.\n\nThe same conditions of apparent severance of mind and body witnessed in\ndreams and hallucinations are often produced artificially in the\npractice of _ecstasism_. In the vicissitudes of savage life, while\nlittle or no provision is made for the future, there are times when the\nsavage resorts to almost anything at hand as a means of subsistence, and\nthus all plants and all parts of plants, seed, fruit, flowers, leaves,\nbark, roots--anything in times of extreme want--may be used as food. But\nexperience soon teaches the various effects upon the human system which\nare produced by the several vegetable substances with which he meets,\nand thus the effect of narcotics is early discovered, and the savage in\nthe practice of his religion oftentimes resorts to these native drugs\nfor the purpose of producing an ecstatic state under which divination\nmay be performed. The practice of ecstasism is universal in the lower\nstages of culture. In times of great anxiety, every savage and barbarian\nseeks to know of the future. Through all the earlier generations of\nmankind, ecstasism has been practiced, and civilized man has thus an\ninherited appetite for narcotics, to which the enormous propensity to\ndrunkenness existing in all nations bears witness. When the great actor\nin his personation of Rip Van Winkle holds his goblet aloft and says,\n\u201cHere\u2019s to your health and to your family\u2019s, and may they live long and\nprosper,\u201d he connects the act of drinking with a prayer, and\nunconsciously demonstrates the origin of the use of stimulants. It may\nbe that when the jolly companion has become a loathsome sot, and his\nmind is ablaze with the fire of drink, and he sees uncouth beasts in\nhorrid presence, that inherited memories haunt him with visions of the\nbeast-gods worshipped by his ancestors at the very time when the\nappetite for stimulants was created.\n\nBut ecstasism is produced in other ways, and for this purpose the savage\nand barbarian often resorts to fasting and bodily torture. In many ways\nhe produces the wonderful state, and the visions of ecstasy are\ninterpreted as the evidence of spirits.\n\nMany physical phenomena serve to confirm this opinion. It is very late\nin philosophy when shadows are referred to the interception of the rays\nof the sun. In savagery and barbarism, shadows are supposed to be\nemanations from or duplicates of the bodies causing the shadows. And\nwhat savage understands the reflection of the rays of the sun by which\nimages are produced? They also are supposed to be emanations or\nduplications of the object reflected. No savage or barbarian could\nunderstand that the waves of the air are turned back, and sound is\nduplicated in an echo. He knows not that there is an atmosphere, and to\nhim the echo is the voice of an unseen personage--a spirit. There is no\ntheory more profoundly implanted in early mankind than that of\nspiritism.\n\n_Thaumaturgics._--The gods of mythologic philosophies are created to\naccount for the wonders of nature. Necessarily they are a wonder-working\nfolk, and, having been endowed with these magical powers in all the\nhistories given in mythic tales of their doings on the earth, we find\nthem performing most wonderful feats. They can transform themselves;\nthey can disappear and reappear; all their senses are magical; some are\nendowed with a multiplicity of eyes, others have a multiplicity of ears;\nin Norse mythology the watchman on the rainbow bridge could hear the\ngrass grow, and wool on the backs of sheep; arms can stretch out to\ngrasp the distance, tails can coil about mountains, and all powers\nbecome magical. But the most wonderful power with which the gods are\nendowed is the power of will, for we find that they can think their\narrows to the hearts of their enemies; mountains are overthrown by\nthought, and thoughts are projected into other minds. Such are the\nthaumaturgics of mythologic philosophy.\n\n_Mythic tales._--Early man having created through the development of his\nphilosophy a host of personages, these gods must have a history. A\u00a0part\nof that history, and the most important part to us as students of\nphilosophy, is created in the very act of creating the gods themselves.\nI\u00a0mean that portion of their history which relates to the operations of\nnature, for the gods were created to account for those things. But to\nthis is added much else of adventure. The gods love as men love, and go\nin quest of mates. The gods hate as men hate, and fight in single combat\nor engage in mythic battles; and the history of these adventures\nimpelled by love and hate, and all other passions and purposes with\nwhich men are endowed, all woven into a complex tissue with their doings\nin carrying out the operations of nature, constitutes the web and woof\nof mythology.\n\n_Religion._--Again, as human welfare is deeply involved in the\noperations of nature, man\u2019s chief interest is in the gods. In this\ninterest religion originates. Man, impelled by his own volition, guided\nby his own purposes, aspires to a greater happiness, and endeavor\nfollows endeavor, but at every step his progress is impeded; his own\npowers fail before the greater powers of nature; his powers are pygmies,\nnature\u2019s powers are giants, and to him these giants are gods with wills\nand purposes of their own, and he sees that man in his weakness can\nsucceed only by allying himself with the gods. Hence, impelled by this\nphilosophy, man must have communion with the gods, and in this communion\nhe must influence them to work for himself. Hence, religion, which has\nto do with the relations which exist between the gods and man, is the\nlegitimate offspring of mythologic philosophy.\n\nThus we see that out of mythologic philosophy, as branches of the great\ntree itself, there grow ancientism, theistic society, spiritism,\nthaumaturgics, mythic tales, and religion.\n\n\n\n\nTHE COURSE OF EVOLUTION IN MYTHOLOGIC PHILOSOPHY.\n\n\nI shall now give a summary characterization of zo\u00f6theism, then call\nattention to some of the relics of hecastotheism found therein, and\nproceed with a brief statement of the higher stages of theism. The\napparent and easily accessible is studied first. In botany, the trees\nand the conspicuous flowering plants of garden, field, and plain were\nfirst known, and then all other plants were vaguely grouped as weeds;\nbut, since the most conspicuous phenogamous plants were first studied,\nwhat vast numbers of new orders, new genera, and new species have been\ndiscovered, in the progress of research, to the lowest cryptogams!\n\nIn the study of ethnology we first recognized the more civilized races.\nThe Aryan, Hamites, Shemites, and Chinese, and the rest were the weeds\nof humanity--the barbarian and savage, sometimes called Turanians. But,\nwhen we come carefully to study these lower people, what numbers of\nraces are discovered! In North America alone we have more than\nseventy-five--seventy-five stocks of people speaking seventy-five stocks\nof language, and some single stocks embracing many distinct languages\nand dialects. The languages of the Algonkian family are as diverse as\nthe Indo-European tongues. So are the languages of the Dakotans, the\nShoshonians, the Tinn\u00e9ans, and others; so that in North America we have\nmore than five hundred languages spoken to-day. Each linguistic stock is\nfound to have a philosophy of its own, and each stock as many branches\nof philosophy as it has languages and dialects. North America presents a\nmagnificent field for the study of savage and barbaric philosophies.\n\nThis vast region of thought has been explored only by a few adventurous\ntravelers in the world of science. No thorough survey of any part has\nbeen made. Yet the general outlines of North American philosophy are\nknown, but the exact positions, the details, are all yet to be filled\nin--as the geography of the general outline of North America is known by\nexploration, but the exact positions and details of topography are yet\nto be filled in as the result of careful survey. Myths of the Algonkian\nstock are found in many a volume of _Americana_, the best of which were\nrecorded by the early missionaries who came from Europe, though we find\nsome of them, mixed with turbid speculations, in the writings of\nSchoolcraft. Many of the myths of the Indians of the south, in that\nregion stretching back from the great Gulf, are known; some collected by\ntravelers, others by educated Indians.\n\nMany of the myths of the Iroquois are known. The best of these are in\nthe writings of Morgan, America\u2019s greatest anthropologist. Missionaries,\ntravelers, and linguists have given us a great store of the myths of the\nDakotan stock. Many myths of the Tinn\u00e9an also have been collected.\nPetitot has recorded a number of those found at the north, and we have\nin manuscript some of the myths of a southern branch--the Navajos.\nPerhaps the myths of the Shoshonians have been collected more thoroughly\nthan those of any other stock. These are yet unpublished, but the\nmanuscripts are in the library of the Bureau of Ethnology. Powers has\nrecorded many of the myths of various stocks in California, and the old\nSpanish writings give us a fair collection of the Nahuatlan myths of\nMexico, and Rink has presented an interesting volume on the mythology of\nthe Innuits; and, finally, fragments of mythology have been collected\nfrom nearly all the tribes of North America, and they are scattered\nthrough thousands of volumes, so that the literature is vast. The brief\ndescription which I shall give of zo\u00f6theism is founded on a study of the\nmaterials which I have thus indicated.\n\nAll these tribes are found in the higher stages of savagery, or the\nlower stages of barbarism, and their mythologies are found to be\nzo\u00f6theistic among the lowest, physitheistic among the highest, and a\ngreat number of tribes are found in a transition state; for zo\u00f6theism is\nfound to be a characteristic of savagery, and physitheism of barbarism,\nusing the terms as they have been defined by Morgan. The supreme gods of\nthis stage are animals. The savage is intimately associated with\nanimals. From them he obtains the larger part of his clothing, and much\nof his food, and he carefully studies their habits and finds many\nwonderful things. Their knowledge and skill and power appear to him to\nbe superior to his own. He sees the mountain-sheep fleet among the\ncrags, the eagle soaring in the heavens, the humming-bird poised over\nits blossom-cup of nectar, the serpents swift without legs, the salmon\nscaling the rapids, the spider weaving its gossamer web, the ant\nbuilding a play-house mountain--in all animal nature he sees things too\nwonderful for him, and from admiration he grows to adoration, and the\nanimals become his gods.\n\nAncientism plays an important part in this zo\u00f6theism. It is not the\nanimals of to-day whom the Indians worship, but their progenitors--their\nprototypes. The wolf of to-day is a howling pest, but that wolf\u2019s\nancestor--the first of the line--was a god. The individuals of every\nspecies are supposed to have descended from an ancient being--a\nprogenitor of the race; and so they have a grizzly-bear god, an\neagle-god, a\u00a0rattlesnake-god, a\u00a0trout-god, a\u00a0spider-god--a god for every\nspecies and variety of animal.\n\nBy these animal gods all things were established. The heavenly bodies\nwere created and their ways appointed, and when the powers and phenomena\nof nature are personified the personages are beasts, and all human\ninstitutions also were established by the ancient animal-gods.\n\nThe ancient animals of any philosophy of this stage are found to\nconstitute a clan or _gens_--a body of relatives, or _consanguinei_,\nwith grandfathers, fathers, sons, and brothers. In _Ute_ theism, the\nancient _To-g\u00f3-\u00e4v_, the first rattlesnake is the grandfather, and all\nthe animal-gods are assigned to their relationships. Grandfather\n_To-g\u00f3-\u00e4v_, the wise, was the chief of the council, but _C\u012dn-a\u00fa-\u00e4v_, the\nancient wolf, was the chief of the clan.\n\nThere were many other clans and tribes of ancient gods with whom these\nsupreme gods had dealings, of which hereafter; and, finally, each of\nthese ancient gods became the progenitor of a new tribe, so that we have\na tribe of bears, a\u00a0tribe of eagles, a\u00a0tribe of rattlesnakes, a\u00a0tribe of\nspiders, and many other tribes, as we have tribes of Utes, tribes of\nSioux, tribes of Navajos; and in that philosophy tribes of animals are\nconsidered to be co\u00f6rdinate with tribes of men. All of these gods have\ninvisible duplicates--spirits--and they have often visited the earth.\nAll of the wonderful things seen in nature are done by the animal-gods.\nThat elder life was a magic life; but the descendants of the gods are\ndegenerate. Now and then as a medicine-man by practicing sorcery can\nperform great feats, so now and then there is a medicine-bear,\na\u00a0medicine-wolf, or a medicine-snake that can work magic.\n\nOn winter nights the Indians gather about the camp-fire, and then the\ndoings of the gods are recounted in many a mythic tale. I\u00a0have heard the\nvenerable and impassioned orator on the camp-meeting stand rehearse the\nstory of the crucifixion, and have seen the thousands gathered there\nweep in contemplation of the story of divine suffering, and heard their\nshouts roll down the forest aisles as they gave vent to their joy at the\ncontemplation of redemption. But the scene was not a whit more dramatic\nthan another I have witnessed in an evergreen forest of the Rocky\nMountain region, where a tribe was gathered under the great pines, and\nthe temple of light from the blazing fire was walled by the darkness of\nmidnight, and in the midst of the temple stood the wise old man,\ntelling, in simple savage language, the story of _Ta-w\u0103ts_, when he\nconquered the sun and established the seasons and the days. In that\npre-Columbian time, before the advent of white men, all the Indian\ntribes of North America gathered on winter nights by the shores of the\nseas where the tides beat in solemn rhythm, by the shores of the great\nlakes where the waves dashed against frozen beaches, and by the banks of\nthe rivers flowing ever in solemn mystery--each in its own temple of\nillumined space--and listened to the story of its own supreme gods, the\nancients of time.\n\nReligion, in this stage of theism, is sorcery. Incantation, dancing,\nfasting, bodily torture, and ecstasism are practiced. Every tribe has\nits potion or vegetable drug, by which the ecstatic state is produced,\nand their venerable medicine-men see visions and dream dreams. No\nenterprise is undertaken without consulting the gods, and no evil\nimpends but they seek to propitiate the gods. All daily life, to the\nminutest particular, is religious. This stage of religion is\ncharacterized by fetichism. Every Indian is provided with his charm or\nfetich, revealed to him in some awful hour of ecstasy produced by\nfasting, or feasting, or drunkenness, and that fetich he carries with\nhim to bring good luck, in love or in combat, in the hunt or on the\njourney. He carries a fetich suspended to his neck, he ties a fetich to\nhis bow, he buries a fetich under his tent, he places a fetich under his\npillow of wild-cat skins, he prays to his fetich, he praises it, or\nchides it; if successful, his fetich receives glory; if he fail, his\nfetich is disgraced. These fetiches may be fragments of bone or shell,\nthe tips of the tails of animals, the claws of birds or beasts, perhaps\ndried hearts of little warblers, shards of beetles, leaves powdered and\nheld in bags, or crystals from the rocks--anything curious may become a\nfetich. Fetichism, then, is a religious means, not a philosophic or\nmythologic state. Such are the supreme gods of the savage, and such the\ninstitutions which belong to their theism. But they have many other\ninferior gods. Mountains, hills, valleys, and great rocks have their own\nspecial deities--invisible spirits--and lakes, rivers, and springs are\nthe homes of spirits. But all these have animal forms when in proper\n_person\u00e6_. Yet some of the medicine-spirits can transform themselves,\nand work magic as do medicine-men. The heavenly bodies are either\ncreated personages or ancient men or animals translated to the sky. And,\nlast, we find that ancestors are worshipped as gods.\n\nAmong all the tribes of North America with which we are acquainted\ntutelarism prevails. Every tribe and every clan has its own protecting\ngod, and every individual has his _my god_. It is a curious fact that\nevery Indian seeks to conceal the knowledge of his _my god_ from all\nother persons, for he fears that, if his enemy should know of his\ntutelar deity, he might by extraordinary magic succeed in estranging\nhim, and be able to compass his destruction through his own god.\n\nIn this summary characterization of zo\u00f6theism, I have necessarily\nsystematized my statements. This, of course, could not be done by the\nsavage himself. He could give you its particulars, but could not group\nthose particulars in any logical way. He does not recognize any system,\nbut talks indiscriminately, now of one, now of another god, and with him\nthe whole theory as a system is vague and shadowy, but its particulars\nare vividly before his mind, and the certainty with which he entertains\nhis opinions leaves no room to doubt his sincerity.\n\nBut there is yet another phase of theism discovered. Sometimes a\nparticular mountain, or hill, or some great rock, some waterfall, some\nlake, or some spring receives special worship, and is itself believed to\nbe a deity. This seems to be a relic of hecastotheism. Fetichism, also,\nseems to have come from that lower grade, and all the minor deities, the\nspirits of mountains and hills and forest, seem to have been derived\nfrom that same stage, but with this development, that the things\nthemselves are not worshipped, but their essential spirits.\n\nFrom zo\u00f6theism, as described, to physitheism the way is long. Gradually,\nin the progress of philosophy, animal gods are dethroned and become\ninferior gods or are forgotten; and gradually the gods of the\nfirmament--the sun, the moon, the stars--are advanced to supremacy; the\nclouds, the storms, the winds, day and night, dawn and gloaming, the\nsky, the earth, the sea, and all the various phases of nature perceived\nby the barbaric mind, are personified and deified and exalted to a\nsupremacy coordinate with the firmament gods; and all the gods of the\nlower stage that remain--animals, demons, and all men--belong to\ninferior tribes. The gods of the sky--the shining ones, those that soar\non bright wings, those that are clothed in gorgeous colors, those that\ncame from we know not where, those that vanish to the unknown--are the\nsupreme gods. We always find these gods organized in great tribes, with\nmighty chieftains who fight in great combats or lead their hosts in\nbattle, and return with much booty. Such is the theism of ancient\nMexico, such the theism of the Northland, and such the theism discovered\namong the ancient Aryans.\n\nFrom this stage to psychotheism the way is long, for evolution is slow.\nGradually men come to differentiate more carefully between good and\nevil, and the ethic character of their gods becomes the subject of\nconsideration, and the good gods grow in virtue, and the bad gods grow\nin vice. Their identity with physical objects and phenomena is gradually\nlost. The different phases or conditions of the same object or\nphenomenon are severed, and each is personified. The bad gods are\nbanished to underground homes, or live in concealment, from which they\nissue on their expeditions of evil. Still, all powers exist in these\ngods, and all things were established by them. With the growth of their\nmoral qualities no physical powers are lost, and the spirits of the\nphysical bodies and phenomena become demons, subordinate to the great\ngods who preside over nature and human institutions.\n\nWe find, also, that these superior gods are organized in societies.\nI\u00a0have said the Norse mythology was in a transition state from\nphysitheism to psychotheism. The Asas, or gods, lived in Asgard,\na\u00a0mythic communal village, with its Thing or Council, the very\ncounterpart of the communal village of Iceland. Olympus was a Greek\ncity.\n\nStill further in the study of mythologic philosophy we see that more and\nmore supremacy falls into the hands of the few, until monotheism is\nestablished on the plan of the empire. Then all of the inferior deities\nwhose characters are pure become ministering angels, and the inferior\ndeities whose characters are evil become devils, and the differentiation\nof good and evil is perfected in the gulf between heaven and hell. In\nall this time from zo\u00f6theism to monotheism, ancientism becomes more\nancient, and the times and dynasties are multiplied. Spiritism is more\nclearly defined, and spirits become eternal; mythologic tales are\ncodified, and sacred books are written; divination for the result of\namorous intrigue has become the prophecy of immortality, and\nthaumaturgics is formulated as the omnipresent, the omnipotent, the\nomniscient--the infinite.\n\nTime has failed me to tell of the evolution of idolatry from fetichism,\npriestcraft from sorcery, and of their overthrow by the doctrines that\nwere uttered by that voice on the Mount. Religion, that was fetichism\nand ecstasism and sorcery, is now the yearning for something better,\nsomething purer, and the means by which this highest state for humanity\nmay be reached, the ideal worship of the highest monotheism, is \u201cin\nspirit and in truth.\u201d The steps are long from _C\u012dn-a\u00fa-\u00e4v_, the ancient\nof wolves, by Zeus, the ancient of skies, to Jehovah, the \u201cAncient of\nDays.\u201d\n\n\n\n\nMYTHIC TALES.\n\n\nIn every Indian tribe there is a great body of story lore--tales\npurporting to be the sayings and doings, the history, of the gods. Every\ntribe has one or more persons skilled in the relation of these\nstories--preachers. The long winter evenings are set apart for this\npurpose. Then the men and women, the boys and girls, gather about the\ncamp-fire to listen to the history of the ancients, to a chapter in the\nunwritten bible of savagery. Such a scene is of the deepest interest.\nA\u00a0camp-fire of blazing pine or sage boughs illumines a group of dusky\nfaces intent with expectation, and the old man begins his story, talking\nand acting; the elders receiving his words with reverence, while the\nyounger persons are played upon by the actor until they shiver with fear\nor dance with delight. An Indian is a great actor. The conditions of\nIndian life train them in natural sign language. Among the two hundred\nand fifty or three hundred thousand Indians in the United States, there\nare scores of languages, so that often a language is spoken by only a\nfew hundred or a few score of people; and as a means of communication\nbetween tribes speaking different languages, a\u00a0sign language has grown\nup, so that an Indian is able to talk all over--with the features of his\nface, his hands and feet, the muscles of his body; and thus a skillful\npreacher talks and acts; and, inspired by a theme which treats of the\ngods, he sways his savage audience at will. And ever as he tells his\nstory he points a moral--the mythology, theology, religion, history, and\nall human duties are taught. This preaching is one of the most important\ninstitutions of savagery. The whole body of myths current in a tribe is\nthe sum total of their lore--their philosophy, their miraculous history,\ntheir authority for their governmental institutions, their social\ninstitutions, their habits and customs. It is their unwritten bible.\n\n\n_THE C\u012cN-A\u00da-\u00c4V BROTHERS DISCUSS MATTERS OF IMPORTANCE TO THE PEOPLE._\n\nOnce upon a time the _C\u012dn-a\u00fa-\u00e4v_ brothers met to consult about the\ndestiny of the _U-\u012dn-k\u00e1-r\u0115ts_. At this meeting the younger said:\n\u201cBrother, how shall these people obtain their food? Let us devise some\ngood plan for them. I\u00a0was thinking about it all night, but could not see\nwhat would be best, and when the dawn came into the sky I went to a\nmountain and sat on its summit, and thought a long time; and now I can\ntell you a good plan by which they can live. Listen to your younger\nbrother. Look at these pine trees; their nuts are sweet; and there is\nthe _us_, very rich; and there is the apple of the cactus, full of\njuice; on the plain you see the sunflower, bearing many seeds--they will\nbe good for the nation. Let them have all these things for their food,\nand when they have gathered a store they shall put them in the ground,\nor hide them in the rocks, and when they return they shall find\nabundance, and having taken of them as they may need, shall go on, and\nyet when they return a second time there shall still be plenty; and\nthough they return many times, as long as they live the store shall\nnever fail; and thus they will be supplied with abundance of food\nwithout toil.\u201d \u201cNot so,\u201d said the elder brother, \u201cfor then will the\npeople, idle and worthless, and having no labor to perform, engage in\nquarrels, and fighting will ensue, and they will destroy each other, and\nthe people will be lost to the earth; they must work for all they\nreceive.\u201d Then the younger brother answered not, but went away\nsorrowing.\n\nThe next day he met the elder brother and accosted him thus: \u201cBrother,\nyour words were wise; let the _U-\u012dn-k\u00e1-r\u0115ts_ work for their food. But\nhow shall they be furnished with honey-dew? I\u00a0have thought all night\nabout this, and when the dawn came into the sky I sat on the summit of\nthe mountain and did think, and now I will tell you how to give them\nhoney-dew: Let it fall like a great snow upon the rocks, and the women\nshall go early in the morning and gather all they may desire, and they\nshall be glad.\u201d \u201cNo,\u201d replied the elder brother, \u201cit will not be good,\nmy little brother, for them to have much and find it without toil; for\nthey will deem it of no more value than dung, and what we give them for\ntheir pleasure will only be wasted. In the night it shall fall in small\ndrops on the reeds, which they shall gather and beat with clubs, and\nthen will it taste very sweet, and having but little they will prize it\nthe more.\u201d And the younger brother went away sorrowing, but returned the\nnext day and said: \u201cMy brother, your words are wise; let the women\ngather the honey-dew with much toil, by beating the reeds with flails.\nBrother, when a man or a woman, or a boy or a girl, or a little one\ndies, where shall he go? I\u00a0have thought all night about this, and when\nthe dawn came into the sky I sat on the top of the mountain and did\nthink. Let me tell you what to do: When a man dies, send him back when\nthe morning returns, and then will all his friends rejoice.\u201d \u201cNot so,\u201d\nsaid the elder; \u201cthe dead shall return no more.\u201d The little brother\nanswered him not, but, bending his head in sorrow, went away.\n\nOne day the younger _C\u012dn-a\u00fa-\u00e4v_ was walking in the forest, and saw his\nbrother\u2019s son at play, and taking an arrow from his quiver slew the boy,\nand when he returned he did not mention what he had done. The father\nsupposed that his boy was lost, and wandered around in the woods for\nmany days, and at last found the dead child, and mourned his loss for a\nlong time.\n\nOne day the younger _C\u012dn-a\u00fa-\u00e4v_ said to the elder, \u201cYou made the law\nthat the dead should never return. I\u00a0am glad that you were the first to\nsuffer.\u201d Then the elder knew that the younger had killed his child, and\nhe was very angry and sought to destroy him, and as his wrath increased\nthe earth rocked, subterraneous groanings were heard, darkness came on,\nfierce storms raged, lightning flashed, thunder reverberated through the\nheavens, and the younger brother fled in great terror to his father,\n_Ta-vwots\u00b4_, for protection.\n\n\n_ORIGIN OF THE ECHO._\n\n_I\u00b4-o-wi_ (the turtle dove) was gathering seeds in the valley, and her\nlittle babe slept. Wearied with carrying it on her back, she laid it\nunder the _t\u012d-h\u00f3-p\u012d_ (sage bush) in care of its sister, _O-h\u00f3-tcu_ (the\nsummer yellow bird). Engaged in her labors, the mother wandered away to\na distance, when a _ts\u00f3-a-vw\u012dts_ (a\u00a0witch) came and said to the little\ngirl, \u201cIs that your brother?\u201d and _O-h\u00f3-tcu_ answered, \u201cThis is my\nsister,\u201d for she had heard that witches preferred to steal boys, and did\nnot care for girls. Then the _ts\u00f3-a-vw\u012dts_ was angry and chided her,\nsaying that it was very naughty for girls to lie; and she put on a\nstrange and horrid appearance, so that _O-h\u00f3-tcu_ was stupefied with\nfright; then the _ts\u00f3-a-vw\u012dts_ ran away with the boy, carrying him to\nher home on a distant mountain. Then she laid him down on the ground,\nand, taking hold of his right foot, stretched the baby\u2019s leg until it\nwas as long as that of a man, and she did the same to the other leg;\nthen his body was elongated; she stretched his arms, and, behold, the\nbaby was as large as a man. And the _ts\u00f3-a-vw\u012dts_ married him and had a\nhusband, which she had long desired; but, though he had the body of a\nman, he had the heart of a babe, and knew no better than to marry a\nwitch.\n\nNow, when _I\u00b4-o-wi_ returned and found not her babe under the\n_t\u012d-h\u00f3-p\u012d_, but learned from _O-h\u00f3-tcu_ that it had been stolen by a\n_ts\u00f3-a-vw\u012dts_, she was very angry, and punished her daughter very\nseverely. Then she went in search of the babe for a long time, mourning\nas she went, and crying and still crying, refusing to be comforted,\nthough all her friends joined her in the search, and promised to revenge\nher wrongs.\n\nChief among her friends was her brother, _Kwi\u00b4-na_ (the eagle), who\ntraveled far and wide over all the land, until one day he heard a\nstrange noise, and coming near he saw the _ts\u00f3-a-vw\u012dts_ and _U\u00b4-ja_ (the\nsage cock), her husband, but he did not know that this large man was\nindeed the little boy who had been stolen. Yet he returned and related\nto _I\u00b4-o-wi_ what he had seen, who said: \u201cIf that is indeed my boy, he\nwill know my voice.\u201d So the mother came near to where the _ts\u00f3-a-vw\u012dts_\nand _U\u00b4-ja_ were living, and climbed into a cedar tree, and mourned and\ncried continually. _Kwi\u00b4-na_ placed himself near by on another tree to\nobserve what effect the voice of the mother would have on _U\u00b4-ja_, the\n_ts\u00f3-a-vw\u012dts_\u2019 husband. When he heard the cry of his mother, _U\u00b4-ja_\nknew the voice, and said to the _ts\u00f3-a-vw\u012dts_, \u201cI\u00a0hear my mother, I\u00a0hear\nmy mother, I\u00a0hear my mother,\u201d but she laughed at him, and persuaded him\nto hide.\n\nNow, the _ts\u00f3-a-vw\u012dts_ had taught _U\u00b4-ja_ to hunt, and a short time\nbefore he had killed a mountain sheep, which was lying in camp. The\nwitch emptied the contents of the stomach, and with her husband took\nrefuge within; for she said to herself, \u201cSurely, _I\u00b4-o-wi_ will never\nlook in the paunch of a mountain sheep for my husband.\u201d In this retreat\nthey were safe for a long time, so that they who were searching were\nsorely puzzled at the strange disappearance. At last _Kwi\u00b4-na_ said,\n\u201cThey are hid somewhere in the ground, maybe, or under the rocks; after\na long time they will be very hungry and will search for food; I\u00a0will\nput some in a tree so as to tempt them.\u201d So he killed a rabbit and put\nit on the top of a tall pine, from which he trimmed the branches and\npeeled the bark, so that it would be very difficult to climb; and he\nsaid, \u201cWhen these hungry people come out they will try to climb that\ntree for food, and it will take much time, and while the _ts\u00f3-a-vw\u012dts_\nis thus engaged we will carry _U\u00b4-ja_ away.\u201d So they watched some days,\nuntil the _ts\u00f3-a-vw\u012dts_ was very hungry, and her baby-hearted husband\ncried for food; and she came out from their hiding place and sought for\nsomething to eat. The odor of the meat placed on the tree came to her\nnostrils, and she saw where it was and tried to climb up, but fell back\nmany times; and while so doing _Kwi\u00b4-na_, who had been sitting on a rock\nnear by and had seen from where she came, ran to the paunch which had\nbeen their house, and taking the man carried him away and laid him down\nunder the very same _t\u012d-h\u00f3-p\u012d_ from which he had been stolen; and\nbehold! he was the same beautiful little babe that _I\u00b4-o-wi_ had lost.\n\nAnd _Kwi\u00b4-na_ went off into the sky and brought back a storm, and caused\nthe wind to blow, and the rain to beat upon the ground, so that his\ntracks were covered, and the _ts\u00f3-a-vw\u012dts_ could not follow him; but she\nsaw lying upon the ground near by some eagle feathers, and knew well who\nit was that had deprived her of her husband, and she said to herself,\n\u201cWell, I\u00a0know _Kwi\u00b4-na_ is the brother of _I\u00b4-o-wi_; he is a great\nwarrior and a terrible man; I\u00a0will go to _To-go\u00b4-a_ (the rattlesnake),\nmy grandfather, who will protect me and kill my enemies.\u201d\n\n_To-go\u00b4-a_ was enjoying his midday sleep on a rock, and as the\n_ts\u00f3-a-vw\u012dts_ came near her grandfather awoke and called out to her, \u201cGo\nback, go back; you are not wanted here; go back!\u201d But she came on\nbegging his protection; and while they were still parleying they heard\n_Kwi\u00b4-na_ coming, and _To-go\u00b4-a_ said, \u201cHide, hide!\u201d But she knew not\nwhere to hide, and he opened his mouth and the _ts\u00f3-a-vw\u012dts_ crawled\ninto his stomach. This made _To-go\u00b4-a_ very sick and he entreated her to\ncrawl out, but she refused, for she was in great fear. Then he tried to\nthrow her up, but could not, and he was sick nigh unto death. At last,\nin his terrible retchings, he crawled out of his own skin, and left the\n_ts\u00f3-a-vw\u012dts_ in it, and she, imprisoned there, rolled about and hid in\nthe rocks. When _Kwi\u00b4-na_ came near he shouted, \u201cWhere are you, old\n_ts\u00f3-a-vw\u012dts_? where are you, old _ts\u00f3-a-vw\u012dts_?\u201d She repeated his words\nin mockery.\n\nEver since that day witches have lived in snake skins, and hide among\nthe rocks, and take great delight in repeating the words of passers by.\n\nThe white man, who has lost the history of these ancient people, calls\nthese mocking cries of witches domiciliated in snake skins \u201cechoes,\u201d but\nthe Indians know the voices of the old hags.\n\nThis is the origin of the echo.\n\n\n_THE SO\u00b4-K\u00dbS WAI\u00b4-\u00dbN-\u00c4TS._\n\n_T\u00fbm-pw\u012d-nai\u00b4-ro-gw\u012d-n\u00fbmp_, he who had a stone shirt, killed _S\u012d-kor\u00b4_,\n(the crane,) and stole his wife, and seeing that she had a child, and\nthinking it would be an incumbrance to them on their travels, he ordered\nher to kill it. But the mother, loving the babe, hid it under her dress,\nand carried it away to its grandmother. And Stone Shirt carried his\ncaptured bride to his own land.\n\nIn a few years the child grew to be a fine lad, under the care of his\ngrandmother, and was her companion wherever she went.\n\nOne day they were digging flag roots, on the margin of the river, and\nputting them in a heap on the bank. When they had been at work a little\nwhile, the boy perceived that the roots came up with greater ease than\nwas customary, and he asked the old woman the cause of this, but she did\nnot know; and, as they continued their work, still the reeds came up\nwith less effort, at which their wonder increased, until the grandmother\nsaid, \u201cSurely, some strange thing is about to transpire.\u201d Then the boy\nwent to the heap where they had been placing the roots, and found that\nsome one had taken them away, and he ran back, exclaiming, \u201cGrandmother,\ndid you take the roots away?\u201d And she answered, \u201cNo, my child; perhaps\nsome ghost has taken them off; let us dig no more; come away.\u201d\n\nBut the boy was not satisfied, as he greatly desired to know what all\nthis meant; so he searched about for a time, and at length found a man\nsitting under a tree, whom he taunted with being a thief, and threw mud\nand stones at him, until he broke the stranger\u2019s leg, who answered not\nthe boy, nor resented the injuries he received, but remained silent and\nsorrowful; and, when his leg was broken, he tied it up in sticks, and\nbathed it in the river, and sat down again under the tree, and beckoned\nthe boy to approach.\n\nWhen the lad came near, the stranger told him he had something of great\nimportance to reveal. \u201cMy son,\u201d said he, \u201cdid that old woman ever tell\nyou about your father and mother?\u201d \u201cNo,\u201d answered the boy; \u201cI\u00a0have never\nheard of them.\u201d \u201cMy son, do you see these bones scattered on the ground?\nWhose bones are these?\u201d \u201cHow should I know?\u201d answered the boy. \u201cIt may\nbe that some elk or deer has been killed here.\u201d \u201cNo,\u201d said the old man.\n\u201cPerhaps they are the bones of a bear;\u201d but the old man shook his head.\nSo the boy mentioned many other animals, but the stranger still shook\nhis head, and finally said, \u201cThese are the bones of your father; Stone\nShirt killed him, and left him to rot here on the ground, like a wolf.\u201d\nAnd the boy was filled with indignation against the slayer of his\nfather. Then the stranger asked, \u201cIs your mother in yonder lodge?\u201d and\nthe boy replied, \u201cNo.\u201d \u201cDoes your mother live on the banks of this\nriver?\u201d and the boy answered, \u201cI\u00a0don\u2019t know my mother; I\u00a0have never seen\nher; she is dead.\u201d \u201cMy son,\u201d replied the stranger, \u201cStone Shirt, who\nkilled your father, stole your mother, and took her away to the shore of\na distant lake, and there she is his wife to-day.\u201d And the boy wept\nbitterly, and while the tears filled his eyes so that he could not see,\nthe stranger disappeared.\n\nThen the boy was filled with wonder at what he had seen and heard, and\nmalice grew in his heart against his father\u2019s enemy. He returned to the\nold woman, and said, \u201cGrandmother, why have you lied to me about my\nfather and mother?\u201d and she answered not, for she knew that a ghost had\ntold all to the boy. And the boy fell upon the ground weeping and\nsobbing, until he fell into a deep sleep, when strange things were told\nhim.\n\nHis slumber continued three days and three nights, and when he awoke he\nsaid to his grandmother, \u201cI\u00a0am going away to enlist all nations in my\nfight,\u201d and straightway he departed.\n\n(Here the boy\u2019s travels are related with many circumstances concerning\nthe way he was received by the people, all given in a series of\nconversations, very lengthy; so they will be omitted.)\n\nFinally, he returned in advance of the people whom he had enlisted,\nbringing with him _C\u012dn-au\u00b4-\u00e4v_, the wolf, and _To-go\u00b4-a_, the\nrattlesnake. When the three had eaten food, the boy said to the old\nwoman: \u201cGrandmother, cut me in two.\u201d But she demurred, saying she did\nnot wish to kill one whom she loved so dearly. \u201cCut me in two,\u201d demanded\nthe boy, and he gave her a stone ax which he had brought from a distant\ncountry, and with a manner of great authority he again commanded her to\ncut him in two. So she stood before him, and severed him in twain, and\nfled in terror. And lo! each part took the form of an entire man, and\nthe one beautiful boy appeared as two, and they were so much alike no\none could tell them apart.\n\nWhen the people or natives whom the boy had enlisted came pouring into\nthe camp, _C\u012dn-au\u00b4-\u00e4v_ and _To-go\u00b4-a_ were engaged in telling them of\nthe wonderful thing that had happened to the boy, and that now there\nwere two; and they all held it to be an augury of a successful\nexpedition to the land of Stone Shirt. And they started on their\njourney.\n\nNow the boy had been told in the dream of his three days\u2019 slumber of a\nmagical cup, and he had brought it home with him from his journey among\nthe nations, and the _So\u00b4-k\u00fbs Wai\u00b4-\u00fbn-\u00e4ts_ carried it between them,\nfilled with water. _C\u012dn-au\u00b4-\u00e4v_ walked on their right and _To-go\u00b4-a_ on\ntheir left, and the nations followed in the order in which they had been\nenlisted. There was a vast number of them, so that when they were\nstretched out in line it was one day\u2019s journey from the front to the\nrear of the column.\n\nWhen they had journeyed two days and were far out on the desert all the\npeople thirsted, for they found no water, and they fell down upon the\nsand groaning, and murmuring that they had been deceived, and they\ncursed the One-Two.\n\nBut the _So\u00b4-k\u00fbs Wai\u00b4-\u00fbn-\u00e4ts_ had been told in the wonderful dream of\nthe suffering which would be endured and that the water which they\ncarried in the cup was only to be used in dire necessity, and the\nbrothers said to each other: \u201cNow the time has come for us to drink the\nwater.\u201d And when one had quaffed of the magical bowl, he found it still\nfull, and he gave it to the other to drink, and still it was full; and\nthe One-Two gave it to the people, and one after another did they all\ndrink, and still the cup was full to the brim.\n\nBut _C\u012dn-au\u00b4-\u00e4v_ was dead, and all the people mourned, for he was a\ngreat man. The brothers held the cup over him, and sprinkled him with\nwater, when he arose and said: \u201cWhy do you disturb me? I\u00a0did have a\nvision of mountain brooks and meadows, of cane where honey-dew was\nplenty.\u201d They gave him the cup, and he drank also; but when he had\nfinished there was none left. Refreshed and rejoicing they proceeded on\ntheir journey.\n\nThe next day, being without food, they were hungry, and all were about\nto perish; and again they murmured at the brothers, and cursed them. But\nthe _So\u00b4-k\u00fbs Wai\u00b4-\u00fbn-\u00e4ts_ saw in the distance an antelope, standing on\nan eminence in the plain, in bold relief against the sky; and\n_C\u012dn-au\u00b4-\u00e4v_ knew it was the wonderful antelope with many eyes, which\nStone Shirt kept for his watchman; and he proposed to go and kill it,\nbut _To-go\u00b4-a_ demurred, and said: \u201cIt were better that I should go, for\nhe will see you and run away.\u201d But the _So\u00b4-k\u00fbs Wai\u00b4-\u00fbn-\u00e4ts_ told\nC\u012dn\u00b4-au\u00b4-\u00e4v to go; and he started in a direction away to the left of\nwhere the antelope was standing, that he might make a long detour about\nsome hills, and come upon him from the other side. _To-go\u00b4-a_ went a\nlittle way from camp, and called to the brothers: \u201cDo you see me?\u201d and\nthey answered they did not. \u201cHunt for me;\u201d and while they were hunting\nfor him, the rattlesnake said: \u201cI\u00a0can see you; you are doing\u201d --so and\nso, telling them what they were doing; but they could not find him.\n\nThen, the rattlesnake came forth, declaring: \u201cNow you know I can see\nothers, and that I cannot be seen when I so desire. _Cin-au\u00b4-\u00e4v_ cannot\nkill that antelope, for he has many eyes, and is the wonderful watchman\nof Stone Shirt; but I can kill him, for I can go where he is and he\ncannot see me.\u201d So the brothers were convinced, and permitted him to go;\nand he went and killed the antelope. When _Cin-au\u00b4-\u00e4v_ saw it fall, he\nwas very angry, for he was extremely proud of his fame as a hunter, and\nanxious to have the honor of killing this famous antelope, and he ran up\nwith the intention of killing _To-go\u00b4-a_; but when he drew near, and saw\nthe antelope was fat, and would make a rich feast for the people, his\nanger was appeased. \u201cWhat matters it,\u201d said he, \u201cwho kills the game,\nwhen we can all eat it?\u201d\n\nSo all the people were fed in abundance, and they proceeded on their\njourney.\n\nThe next day the people again suffered for water, and the magical cup\nwas empty; but the _So\u00b4-k\u00fbs Wai\u00b4-\u00fbn-\u00e4ts_, having been told in their\ndream what to do, transformed themselves into doves, and flew away to a\nlake, on the margin of which was the home of Stone Shirt.\n\nComing near to the shore, they saw two maidens bathing in the water; and\nthe birds stood and looked, for the maidens were very beautiful. Then\nthey flew into some bushes, near by, to have a nearer view, and were\ncaught in a snare which the girls had placed for intrusive birds. The\nbeautiful maidens came up, and, taking the birds out of the snare,\nadmired them very much, for they had never seen such birds before. They\ncarried them to their father, Stone Shirt, who said: \u201cMy daughters,\nI\u00a0very much fear these are spies from my enemies, for such birds do not\nlive in our land\u201d; and he was about to throw them into the fire, when\nthe maidens besought him, with tears, that he would not destroy their\nbeautiful birds; but he yielded to their entreaties with much misgiving.\nThen they took the birds to the shore of the lake, and set them free.\n\nWhen the birds were at liberty once more, they flew around among the\nbushes, until they found the magical cup which they had lost, and taking\nit up, they carried it out into the middle of the lake and settled down\nupon the water, and the maidens supposed they were drowned.\n\nThe birds, when they had filled their cup, rose again, and went back to\nthe people in the desert, where they arrived just at the right time to\nsave them with the cup of water, from which each drank; and yet it was\nfull until the last was satisfied, and then not a drop remained.\n\nThe brothers reported that they had seen Stone Shirt and his daughters.\n\nThe next day they came near to the home of the enemy, and the brothers,\nin proper person, went out to reconnoiter. Seeing a woman gleaning\nseeds, they drew near, and knew it was their mother, whom Stone Shirt\nhad stolen from _S\u012d-kor\u00b4_, the crane. They told her they were her sons,\nbut she denied it, and said she had never had but one son; but the boys\nrelated to her their history, with the origin of the two from one, and\nshe was convinced. She tried to dissuade them from making war upon Stone\nShirt, and told them that no arrow could possibly penetrate his armor,\nand that he was a great warrior, and had no other delight than in\nkilling his enemies, and that his daughters also were furnished with\nmagical bows and arrows, which they could shoot so fast that the arrows\nwould fill the air like a cloud, and that it was not necessary for them\nto take aim, for their missiles went where they willed; they _thought_\nthe arrows to the hearts of their enemies; and thus the maidens could\nkill the whole of the people before a common arrow could be shot by a\ncommon person. But the boys told her what the spirit had said in the\nlong dream, and had promised that Stone Shirt should be killed. They\ntold her to go down to the lake at dawn, so as not to be endangered by\nthe battle.\n\nDuring the night, the _So\u00b4-k\u00fbs Wai\u00b4-\u00fbn-\u00e4ts_ transformed themselves into\nmice, and proceeded to the home of Stone Shirt, and found the magical\nbows and arrows that belonged to the maidens, and with their sharp\nteeth they cut the sinew on the backs of the bows, and nibbled the\nbow-strings, so that they were worthless, while _To-go\u00b4-a_ hid himself\nunder a rock near by.\n\nWhen dawn came into the sky, _T\u00fbm-pw\u012d-nai\u00b4-ro-gw\u012d-n\u00fbmp_, the Stone Shirt\nman, arose and walked out of his tent, exulting in his strength and\nsecurity, and sat down upon the rock under which _To-go\u00b4-a_ was hiding;\nand he, seeing his opportunity, sunk his fangs into the flesh of the\nhero. Stone Shirt sprang high into the air, and called to his daughters\nthat they were betrayed, and that the enemy was near; and they seized\ntheir magical bows, and their quivers filled with magical arrows, and\nhurried to his defense. At the same time, all the nations who were\nsurrounding the camp rushed down to battle. But the beautiful maidens,\nfinding their weapons were destroyed, waved back their enemies, as if\nthey would parley; and, standing for a few moments over the body of\ntheir slain father, sang the death-song, and danced the death-dance,\nwhirling in giddy circles about the dead hero, and wailing with despair,\nuntil they sank down and expired.\n\nThe conquerers buried the maidens by the shores of the lake; but\n_T\u00fbm-pw\u012d-nai\u00b4-ro-gw\u012d-n\u00fbmp_ was left to rot, and his bones to bleach on\nthe sands, as he had left _S\u012d-kor\u00b4_.\n\n\n_TA-VWOTS\u00b4 HAS A FIGHT WITH THE SUN._\n\n_Ta-vwots\u00b4_, the little rabbit, was wont to lie with his back to the sun\nwhen he slept. One day he thus slept in camp while his children played\naround him. After a time they saw that his back was smoking, and they\ncried out, \u201cWhat is the matter with your back, father?\u201d Startled from\nhis sleep, he demanded to know the cause of the uproar. \u201cYour back is\ncovered with sores and full of holes,\u201d they replied. Then _Ta-vwots\u00b4_\nwas very angry, for he knew that _Ta\u00b4-v\u012d_, the sun, had burned him; and\nhe sat down by the fire for a long time in solemn mood, pondering on the\ninjury and insult he had received. At last rising to his feet, he said,\n\u201cMy children I must go and make war upon _Ta\u00b4-v\u012d_.\u201d And straightway he\ndeparted.\n\nNow his camp was in the valley of the Mo-a-pa.[2.1] On his journey he\ncame to a hill, and standing on its summit he saw in a valley to the\neast a beautiful stretch of verdure, and he greatly marveled at the\nsight and desired to know what it was. On going down to the valley he\nfound a corn-field, something he had never before seen, and the ears\nwere ready for roasting. When he examined them, he saw that they were\ncovered with beautiful hair, and he was much astonished. Then he opened\nthe husk and found within soft white grains of corn, which he tasted.\nThen he knew that it was corn and good to eat. Plucking his arms full he\ncarried them away, roasted them on a fire, and ate until he was filled.\n\nNow, when he had done all this, he reflected that he had been stealing,\nand he was afraid; so he dug a hole in which to hide himself.\n\n_C\u012dn-au\u00b4-\u00e4v_ was the owner of this field, and when he walked through and\nsaw that his corn had been stolen, he was exceedingly wroth, and said,\n\u201cI\u00a0will slay this thief _Ta-vwots\u00b4_; I will kill him, I\u00a0will kill him.\u201d\nAnd straightway he called his warriors to him and made search for the\nthief, but could not find him, for he was hid in the ground. After a\nlong time they discovered the hole and tried to shoot _Ta-vwots\u00b4_ as he\nwas standing in the entrance, but he blew their arrows back. This made\n_C\u012dn-au\u00b4-\u00e4v_\u2019s people very angry and they shot many arrows, but\n_Ta-vwots\u00b4_\u2019 breath was a\u00a0warder against them all. Then, with one\naccord, they ran to snatch him up with their hands, but, all in\nconfusion, they only caught each others fists, for with agile steps\n_Ta-vwots\u00b4_ dodged into his retreat. Then they began to dig, and said\nthey would drag him out. And they labored with great energy, all the\ntime taunting him with shouts and jeers. But _Ta-vwots\u00b4_ had a secret\npassage from the main chamber of his retreat which opened by a hole\nabove the rock overhanging the entrance where they were at work.\n\nWhen they had proceeded with this digging until they were quite under\nground, _Ta-vwots\u00b4_, standing on the rock above, hurled the magical ball\nwhich he was accustomed to carry with him, and striking the ground above\nthe diggers, it caved the earth in, and they were all buried. \u201cAha,\u201d\nsaid he, \u201cwhy do you wish to hinder me on my way to kill the Sun?\n_A\u00b4-nier ti-t\u012dk\u00b4-a-n\u00fbmp kwaik-ai\u00b4-gar_\u201d (fighting is my eating tool I\nsay; that\u2019s\u00a0so!), and he proceeded on his way musing. \u201cI\u00a0have started\nout to kill; vengeance is my work; every one I meet will be an enemy. It\nis well; no one shall escape my wrath.\u201d\n\nThe next day he saw two men making arrow-heads of hot rocks, and drawing\nnear he observed their work for a time from a position where he could\nnot be seen. Then stepping forth, he said: \u201cLet me help you\u201d; and when\nthe rocks were on the fire again and were hot to redness he said: \u201cHot\nrocks will not burn me.\u201d And they laughed at him. \u201cMay be you would have\nus believe that you are a ghost?\u201d \u201cI\u00a0am not a ghost,\u201d said he, \u201cbut I am\na better man than you are. Hold me on these hot rocks, and if I do not\nburn you must let me do the same to you.\u201d To this they readily agreed,\nand when they had tried to burn him on the rocks, with his magic breath\nhe kept them away at a distance so slight they could not see but that\nthe rocks did really touch him. When they perceived that he was not\nburned they were greatly amazed and trembled with fear. But having made\nthe promise that he should treat them in like manner, they submitted\nthemselves to the torture, and the hot rocks burned them until with\ngreat cries they struggled to get free, but unrelenting _Ta-vwots\u00b4_ held\nthem until the rocks had burned through their flesh into their entrails,\nand so they died. \u201cAha,\u201d said _Ta-vwots\u00b4_, \u201clie there until you can get\nup again. I\u00a0am on my way to kill the Sun. _A\u00b4-nier ti-t\u012dk\u00b4-a-n\u00fbmp\nkwaik-ai\u00b4-gar._\u201d And sounding the war-whoop he proceeded on his way.\n\nThe next day he came to where two women were gathering berries in\nbaskets, and when he sat down they brought him some of the fruit and\nplaced it before him. He saw there were many leaves and thorns among the\nberries, and he said, \u201cBlow these leaves and thorns into my eyes,\u201d and\nthey did so, hoping to blind him; but with his magic breath he kept them\naway, so that they did not hurt him.\n\nThen the women averred that he was a ghost. \u201cI am no ghost,\u201d said he,\n\u201cbut a common person; do you not know that leaves and thorns cannot hurt\nthe eye? Let me show you;\u201d and they consented and were made blind. Then\n_Ta-vwots\u00b4_ slew them with his _pa-r\u00fbm\u00b4-o-kwi_. \u201cAha,\u201d said he, \u201cyou are\ncaught with your own chaff. I\u00a0am on my way to kill the Sun. This is good\npractice. I\u00a0must learn how. _A\u00b4-nier ti-t\u012dk\u00b4-a-n\u00fbmp kwaik-ai\u00b4-gar._\u201d And\nsounding the war-whoop he proceeded on his way.\n\nThe next day he saw some women standing on the Hurricane Cliff, and as\nhe approached he heard them say to each other that they would roll rocks\ndown upon his head and kill him as he passed; and drawing near he\npretended to be eating something, and enjoying it with great gusto; so\nthey asked him what it was, and he said it was something very sweet, and\nthey begged that they might be allowed to taste of it also. \u201cI\u00a0will\nthrow it up to you,\u201d said he; \u201ccome to the brink and catch it.\u201d When\nthey had done so, he threw it up so that they could not quite reach it,\nand he threw it in this way many times, until, in their eagerness to\nsecure it, they all crowded too near the brink, fell, and were killed.\n\u201cAha,\u201d said he, \u201cyou were killed by your own eagerness. I\u00a0am on my way\nto kill the Sun. _A\u00b4-nier ti-t\u012dk\u00b4-a-n\u00fbmp kaiwk-ai\u00b4-gar._\u201d And sounding\nthe war-whoop he passed on.\n\nThe following day he saw two women fashioning water-jugs, which are made\nof willow-ware like baskets and afterwards lined with pitch. When afar\noff he could hear them converse, for he had a wonderful ear. \u201cHere comes\nthat bad _Ta-vwots\u00b4_,\u201d said they; \u201chow shall we destroy him?\u201d When he\ncame near, he said, \u201cWhat was that you were saying when I came up?\u201d \u201cOh,\nwe were only saying, \u2018here comes our grandson,\u2019\u201d[2.2] said they. \u201cIs\nthat all?\u201d replied _Ta-vwots\u00b4_, and looking around, he said, \u201cLet me get\ninto your water-jug\u201d; and they allowed him to do so. \u201cNow braid the\nneck.\u201d This they did, making the neck very small; then they laughed with\ngreat glee, for they supposed he was entrapped. But with his magic\nbreath he burst the jug, and stood up before them; and they exclaimed,\n\u201cYou must be a ghost!\u201d but he answered, \u201cI\u00a0am no ghost. Do you not know\nthat jugs were made to hold water, but cannot hold men and women?\u201d At\nthis they wondered greatly, and said he was wise. Then he proposed to\nput them in jugs in the same manner, in order to demonstrate to them the\ntruth of what he had said; and they consented. When he had made the\nnecks of the jugs and filled them with pitch, he said, \u201cNow, jump out,\u201d\nbut they could not. It was now his turn to deride; so he rolled them\nabout and laughed greatly, while their half-stifled screams rent the\nair. When he had sported with them in this way until he was tired, he\nkilled them with his magical ball. \u201cAha,\u201d said he, \u201cyou are bottled in\nyour own jugs. I\u00a0am on my way to kill the Sun; in good time I shall\nlearn how. _A\u00b4-nier ti-t\u012dk\u00b4-a-n\u00fbmp kaiwk-ai\u00b4-gar._\u201d And sounding the\nwar-hoop he passed on.\n\nThe next day he came upon _Kwi\u00b4-ats_, the bear, who was digging a hole\nin which to hide, for he had heard of the fame of _Ta-vwots\u00b4_, and was\nafraid. When the great slayer came to _Kwi\u00b4-ats_ he said, \u201cDon\u2019t fear,\nmy great friend; I\u00a0am not the man from whom to hide. Could a little\nfellow like me kill so many people?\u201d And the bear was assured. \u201cLet me\nhelp you dig,\u201d said _Ta-vwots\u00b4_, \u201cthat we may hide together, for I also\nam fleeing from the great destroyer.\u201d So they made a den deep in the\nground, with its entrance concealed by a great rock. Now, _Ta-vwots\u00b4_\nsecretly made a private passage from the den out to the side of the\nmountain, and when the work was completed the two went out together to\nthe hill-top to watch for the coming of the enemy. Soon _Ta-vwots\u00b4_\npretended that he saw him coming, and they ran in great haste to the\nden. The little one outran the greater, and going into the den, hastened\nout again through his secret passage.\n\nWhen _Kwi\u00b4-ats_ entered he looked about, and not seeing his little\nfriend he searched for him for some time, and still not finding him, he\nsupposed that he must have passed him on the way, and went out again to\nsee if he had stopped or been killed. By this time _Ta-vwots\u00b4_ had\nperched himself on the rock at the entrance of the den, and when the\nhead of the bear protruded through the hole below he hurled his\n_pa-r\u00fbm\u00b4-o-kwi_ and killed him. \u201cAha,\u201d said _Ta-vwots\u00b4_, \u201cI\u00a0greatly\nfeared this renowned warrior, but now he is dead in his own den. I\u00a0am\ngoing to kill the Sun. _A\u00b4-nier ti\u00b4-t\u012dk\u00b4-a\u00b4-n\u00fbmp kwaik-ai\u00b4-gar._\u201d And\nsounding the war-whoop he went on his way.\n\nThe next day he met _Ku-mi\u00b4-a-p\u00f6ts_, the tarantula. Now this knowing\npersonage had heard of the fame of _Ta-vwots\u00b4_, and determined to outwit\nhim. He was possessed of a club with such properties that, although it\nwas a deadly weapon when used against others, it could not be made to\nhurt himself, though wielded by a powerful arm.\n\nAs _Ta-vwots\u00b4_ came near, _Ku-mi\u00b4-a-p\u00f6ts_ complained of having a\nheadache; moaning and groaning, he said there was an _u-nu\u00b4-p\u012dts_, or\nlittle evil spirit, in his head, and he asked _Ta-vwots\u00b4_ to take the\nclub and beat it out. _Ta-vwots\u00b4_ obeyed, and struck with all his power,\nand wondered that _Ku-mi\u00b4-a-p\u00f6ts_ was not killed; but he urged\n_Ta-vwots\u00b4_ to strike harder. At last _Ta-vwots\u00b4_ understood the nature\nof the club, and guessed the wiles of _Ku-mi\u00b4-a-p\u00f6ts_, and raising the\nweapon as if to strike again, he dexterously substituted his magic ball\nand slew him. \u201cAha,\u201d said he, \u201cthat is a blow of your own seeking,\n_Ku-mi\u00b4-a-p\u00f6ts_. I am on my way to kill the Sun; now I know that I can\ndo it. _A\u00b4-nier ti\u00b4-t\u012dk\u00b4-a\u00b4-n\u00fbmp kwaik-ai\u00b4-gar._\u201d And sounding the\nwar-whoop he went on his way.\n\nThe next day he came to a cliff which is the edge or boundary of the\nworld on the east, where careless persons have fallen into unknown\ndepths below. Now to come to the summit of this cliff it is necessary to\nclimb a mountain, and _Ta-vwots\u00b4_ could see three gaps or notches in the\nmountain, and he went up into the one on the left; and he demanded to\nknow of all the trees which where standing by of what use they were.\nEach one in turn praised its own qualities, the chief of which in every\ncase was its value as fuel.[2.3] _Ta-vwots\u00b4_ shook his head and went\ninto the center gap and had another conversation with the trees,\nreceiving the same answer. Finally he went into the third gap--that on\nthe right. After he had questioned all the trees and bushes, he came at\nlast to a little one called _yu\u00b4-i-nump_, which modestly said it had no\nuse, that it was not even fit for fuel. \u201cGood,\u201d said _Ta-vwots\u00b4_, and\nunder it he lay down to sleep.\n\nWhen the dawn came into the sky _Ta-vwots\u00b4_ arose and stood on the brink\noverhanging the abyss from which the Sun was about to rise. The instant\nit appeared he hurled his _pa-r\u00fbm\u00b4-o-kwi_, and, striking it full in the\nface, shattered it into innumerable fragments, and these fragments were\nscattered over all the world and kindled a great conflagration.\n_Ta-vwots\u00b4_ ran and crept under the _yu\u00b4-i-nump_ to obtain protection.\nAt last the fire waxed very hot over all the world, and soon _Ta-vwots_\nbegan to suffer and tried to run away, but as he ran his toes were\nburned off, and then slowly, inch by inch, his legs, and then his body,\nso that he walked on his hands, and these were burned, and he walked on\nthe stumps of his arms, and these were burned, until there was nothing\nleft but his head. And now, having no other means of progression, his\nhead rolled along the ground until his eyes, which were much swollen,\nburst by striking against a rock, and the tears gushed out in a great\nflood which spread out over all the land and extinguished the\nconflagration.\n\nThe _Uinta Utes_ add something more to this story, namely, that the\nflood from his eyes bore out new seeds, which were scattered over all\nthe world. The _Ute_ name for seed is the same as for eye.\n\nThose animals which are considered as the descendants of _Ta-vwots\u00b4_ are\ncharacterized by a brown patch back of the neck and shoulders, which is\nattributed to the singeing received by him in the great fire.\n\nThe following apothegms are derived from this story:\n\n\u201cYou are buried in the hole which you dug for yourself.\u201d\n\n\u201cWhen you go to war every one you meet is an enemy; kill all.\u201d\n\n\u201cYou were caught with your own chaff.\u201d\n\n\u201cDon\u2019t get so anxious that you kill yourself.\u201d\n\n\u201cYou are bottled in your own jugs.\u201d\n\n\u201cHe is dead in his own den.\u201d\n\n\u201cThat is a blow of your own seeking.\u201d\n\n\n\n\n [Footnote 2.1: A stream in Southeastern Nevada.]\n\n [Footnote 2.2: This is a very common term of endearment used by\n elder to younger persons.]\n\n [Footnote 2.3: Several times I have heard this story, and\n invariably the dialogues held by _Ta-vwots\u00b4_ with the trees are\n long and tedious, though the trees evince some skill in their own\n praise.]\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n\n_Errors and Inconsistencies: Mythology_\n\n but the confusion of confusion\n [_unchanged: error for \u201cconfusion\u201d alone?_]\n that great philosophic question [philosopic]\n a pot of pickeled sunbeams [_spelling unchanged_]\n The descendants of these people [decendents]\n the inner subjective world. [_final . missing_]\n And wherever we find nature-worship\n [_text has \u201cwhere-/ever\u201d at line break_]\n and the spirits of the physical bodies [spirts]\n When the people or natives [_text unchanged: error for \u201cnations\u201d?]\n The next day, being without food [The dext day]\n and they cried out, \u201cWhat is the matter [_comma missing_]\n but _Ta-vwots\u00b4_\u2019 breath was a\u00a0warder against them all\n [_text reads \u201cbreath as a\u00a0warder\u201d: may be whole missing word_]\n And sounding the war-hoop he passed on.\n [_variant spelling unchanged_]\n \u201cthat we may hide together, for I also am fleeing from the great\n destroyer.\u201d\n [_both quotation marks missing_]\n\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n * * * * *\n\n\n SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION--BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.\n\n J. W. Powell, Director.\n\n\n WYANDOT GOVERNMENT:\n\n A Short Study of Tribal Society.\n\n By\n\n J. W. POWELL.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n The family 59\n The gens 59\n The phratry 60\n Government 61\n Civil government 61\n Methods of choosing councillors 61\n Functions of civil government 63\n Marriage regulations 63\n Name regulations 64\n Regulations of personal adornment 64\n Regulations of order in encampment 64\n Property rights 65\n Rights of persons 65\n Community rights 65\n Rights of religion 65\n Crimes 66\n Theft 66\n Maiming 66\n Murder 66\n Treason 67\n Witchcraft 67\n Outlawry 67\n Military government 68\n Fellowhood 68\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\n WYANDOT GOVERNMENT:\n\n A Short Study of Tribal Society.\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\nIn the social organization of the Wyandots four groups are\nrecognized--the family, the gens, the phratry, and the tribe.\n\n\n\n\nTHE FAMILY.\n\n\nThe family, as the term is here used, is nearly synonymous with the\nhousehold. It is composed of the persons who occupy one lodge, or, in\ntheir permanent wigwams, one section of a communal dwelling. These\npermanent dwellings are constructed in an oblong form, of poles\ninterwoven with bark. The fire is placed in line along the center, and\nis usually built for two families, one occupying the place on each side\nof the fire.\n\nThe head of the family is a woman.\n\n\n\n\nTHE GENS.\n\n\nThe gens is an organized body of consanguineal kindred in the female\nline. \u201cThe woman carries the gens,\u201d is the formulated statement by which\na Wyandot expresses the idea that descent is in the female line. Each\ngens has the name of some animal, the ancient of such animal being its\ntutelar god. Up to the time that the tribe left Ohio, eleven gentes were\nrecognized, as follows:\n\nDeer, Bear, Highland Turtle (striped), Highland Turtle (black), Mud\nTurtle, Smooth Large Turtle, Hawk, Beaver, Wolf, Sea Snake, and\nPorcupine.\n\nIn speaking of an individual he is said to be a wolf, a bear, or a deer,\nas the case may be, meaning thereby that he belongs to that gens; but in\nspeaking of the body of people comprising a gens, they are said to be\nrelatives of the wolf, the bear, or the deer, as the case may be.\n\nThere is a body of names belonging to each gens, so that each person\u2019s\nname indicates the gens to which he belongs. These names are derived\nfrom the characteristics, habits, attitudes, or mythologic stories\nconnected with the tutelar god.\n\nThe following schedule presents the name of a man and a woman in each\ngens, as illustrating this statement:\n\n Wun-d\u00e1t\n English.\n\n Man of Deer gens\n De-wa-t\u00ed-re\n Lean Deer.\n Woman of Deer gens\n A-ya-jin-ta\n Spotted Fawn.\n Man of Bear gens\n A-tu-e-t\u0115s\n Long Claws.\n Woman of Bear gens\n Ts\u00e1-ma\u207f-da-ka-\u00e9\n Grunting for her Young.\n Man of Striped Turtle gens\n Ta-h\u00e1-so\u207f-ta-ra-ta-se\n Going Around the Lake.\n Woman of Striped Turtle gens\n Tso-we-yu\u00f1-kyu\n Gone from the Water.\n Man of Mud Turtle gens\n Sha-y\u00e4n-tsu-wat\u00b4\n Hard Skull.\n Woman of Mud Turtle gens\n Ya\u207f-d\u00e4c-u-r\u00e4s\n Finding Sand Beach.\n Man of Smooth Large Turtle gens\n Hu\u207f\u00b4-du-cu-t\u00e1\n Throwing Sand.\n Woman of Smooth Large Turtle gens\n Tsu-ca-e\u207f\n Slow Walker.\n Man of Wolf gens\n Ha-r\u00f3-u\u207f-y\u00fb\n One who goes about in the Dark; a\u00a0Prowler.\n Woman of Wolf gens\n Ya\u207f-di-no\n Always Hungry.\n Man of Snake gens\n Hu-ta-h\u00fa-sa\n Sitting in curled Position.\n Woman of Snake gens\n Di-j\u00e9-rons\n One who Ripples the Water.\n Man of Porcupine gens\n Ha\u207f-d\u00fa-tu\u207f\n The one who puts up Quills.\n Woman of Porcupine gens\n K\u00e9-ya-runs-kwa\n Good-Sighted.\n\n\n\n\nTHE PHRATRY.\n\n\nThere are four phratries in the tribe, the three gentes Bear, Deer, and\nStriped Turtle constituting the first; the Highland Turtle, Black\nTurtle, and Smooth Large Turtle the second; the Hawk, Beaver, and Wolf\nthe third, and the Sea Snake and Porcupine the fourth.\n\nThis unit in their organization has a mythologic basis, and is chiefly\nused for religious purposes, in the preparation of medicines, and in\nfestivals and games.\n\nThe eleven gentes, as four phratries, constitute the tribe.\n\nEach gens is a body of consanguineal kindred in the female line, and\neach gens is allied to other gentes by consanguineal kinship through the\nmale line, and by affinity through marriage.\n\nTo be a member of the tribe it is necessary to be a member of a gens; to\nbe a member of a gens it is necessary to belong to some family; and to\nbelong to a family a person must have been born in the family so that\nhis kinship is recognized, or he must be adopted into a family and\nbecome a son, brother, or some definite relative; and this artificial\nrelationship gives him the same standing as actual relationship in the\nfamily, in the gens, in the phratry, and in the tribe.\n\nThus a tribe is a body of kindred.\n\nOf the four groups thus described, the gens, the phratry, and the tribe\nconstitute the series of organic units; the family, or household as here\ndescribed, is not a unit of the gens or phratry, as two gentes are\nrepresented in each--the father must belong to one gens, and the mother\nand her children to another.\n\n\n\n\nGOVERNMENT.\n\n\nSociety is maintained by the establishment of government, for rights\nmust be recognized and duties performed.\n\nIn this tribe there is found a complete differentiation of the military\nfrom the civil government.\n\n\n_CIVIL GOVERNMENT._\n\nThe civil government inheres in a system of councils and chiefs.\n\nIn each gens there is a council, composed of four women, called\n_Yu-wa\u00ed-yu-w\u00e1-na_. These four women councillors select a chief of the\ngens from its male members--that is, from their brothers and sons. This\ngentile chief is the head of the gentile council.\n\nThe council of the tribe is composed of the aggregated gentile councils.\nThe tribal council, therefore, is composed one-fifth of men and\nfour-fifths of women.\n\nThe sachem of the tribe, or tribal chief, is chosen by the chiefs of the\ngentes.\n\nThere is sometimes a grand council of the gens, composed of the\ncouncillors of the gens proper and all the heads of households and\nleading men--brothers and sons.\n\nThere is also sometimes a grand council of the tribe, composed of the\ncouncil of the tribe proper and the heads of households of the tribe,\nand all the leading men of the tribe.\n\nThese grand councils are convened for special purposes.\n\n\n_METHODS OF CHOOSING AND INSTALLING COUNCILLORS AND CHIEFS._\n\nThe four women councillors of the gens are chosen by the heads of\nhouseholds, themselves being women. There is no formal election, but\nfrequent discussion is had over the matter from time to time, in which a\nsentiment grows up within the gens and throughout the tribe that, in the\nevent of the death of any councillor, a\u00a0certain person will take her\nplace.\n\nIn this manner there is usually one, two, or more potential councillors\nin each gens who are expected to attend all the meetings of the council,\nthough they take no part in the deliberations and have no vote.\n\nWhen a woman is installed as councillor a feast is prepared by the gens\nto which she belongs, and to this feast all the members of the tribe are\ninvited. The woman is painted and dressed in her best attire and the\nsachem of the tribe places upon her head the gentile chaplet of\nfeathers, and announces in a formal manner to the assembled guests that\nthe woman has been chosen a councillor. The ceremony is followed by\nfeasting and dancing, often continued late into the night.\n\nThe gentile chief is chosen by the council women after consultation with\nthe other women and men of the gens. Often the gentile chief is a\npotential chief through a period of probation. During this time he\nattends the meetings of the council, but takes no part in the\ndeliberations, and has no vote.\n\nAt his installation, the council women invest him with an elaborately\nornamented tunic, place upon his head a chaplet of feathers, and paint\nthe gentile totem on his face. The sachem of the tribe then announces to\nthe people that the man has been made chief of the gens, and admitted to\nthe council. This is also followed by a festival.\n\nThe sachem of the tribe is selected by the men belonging to the council\nof the tribe. Formerly the sachemship inhered in the Bear gens, but at\npresent he is chosen from the Deer gens, from the fact, as the Wyandots\nsay, that death has carried away all the wise men of the Bear gens.\n\nThe chief of the Wolf gens is the herald and the sheriff of the tribe.\nHe superintends the erection of the council-house and has the care of\nit. He calls the council together in a formal manner when directed by\nthe sachem. He announces to the tribe all the decisions of the council,\nand executes the directions of the council and of the sachem.\n\nGentile councils are held frequently from day to day and from week to\nweek, and are called by the chief whenever deemed necessary. When\nmatters before the council are considered of great importance, a\u00a0grand\ncouncil of the gens may be called.\n\nThe tribal council is held regularly on the night of the full moon of\neach lunation and at such other times as the sachem may determine; but\nextra councils are usually called by the sachem at the request of a\nnumber of councilors.\n\nMeetings of the gentile councils are very informal, but the meetings of\nthe tribal councils are conducted with due ceremony. When all the\npersons are assembled, the chief of the Wolf gens calls them to order,\nfills and lights a pipe, sends one puff of smoke to the heavens and\nanother to the earth. The pipe is then handed to the sachem, who fills\nhis mouth with smoke, and, turning from left to right with the sun,\nslowly puffs it out over the heads of the councilors, who are sitting in\na circle. He then hands the pipe to the man on his left, and it is\nsmoked in turn by each person until it has been passed around the\ncircle. The sachem then explains the object for which the council is\ncalled. Each person in the way and manner he chooses tells what he\nthinks should be done in the case. If a majority of the council is\nagreed as to action, the sachem does not speak, but may simply announce\nthe decision. But in some cases there may be protracted debate, which is\ncarried on with great deliberation. In case of a tie, the sachem is\nexpected to speak.\n\nIt is considered dishonorable for any man to reverse his decision after\nhaving spoken.\n\nSuch are the organic elements of the Wyandot government.\n\n\n_FUNCTIONS OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT._\n\nIt is the function of government to preserve rights and enforce the\nperformance of duties. Rights and duties are co-relative. Rights imply\nduties, and duties imply rights. The right inhering in the party of the\nfirst part imposes a duty on the party of the second part. The right and\nits co-relative duty are inseparable parts of a relation that must be\nmaintained by government; and the relations which governments are\nestablished to maintain may be treated under the general head of rights.\n\nIn Wyandot government these rights may be classed as follows:\n\n First--Rights of marriage.\n Second--Rights to names.\n Third--Rights to personal adornments.\n Fourth--Rights of order in encampments and migrations.\n Fifth--Rights of property.\n Sixth--Rights of person.\n Seventh--Rights of community.\n Eighth--Rights of religion.\n\nTo maintain rights, rules of conduct are established, not by formal\nenactment, but by regulated usage. Such custom-made laws may be called\nregulations.\n\n\n_MARRIAGE REGULATIONS._\n\nMarriage between members of the same gens is forbidden, but\nconsanguineal marriages between persons of different gentes are\npermitted. For example, a\u00a0man may not marry his mother\u2019s sister\u2019s\ndaughter, as she belongs to the same gens with himself; but he can marry\nhis father\u2019s sister\u2019s daughter, because she belongs to a different gens.\n\nHusbands retain all their rights and privileges in their own gentes,\nthough they live with the gentes of their wives. Children, irrespective\nof sex, belong to the gens of the mother. Men and women must marry\nwithin the tribe. A\u00a0woman taken to wife from without the tribe must\nfirst be adopted into some family of a gens other than that to which the\nman belongs. That a woman may take for a husband a man without the tribe\nhe must also be adopted into the family of some gens other than that of\nthe woman. What has been called by some ethnologists endogamy and\nexogamy are correlative parts of one regulation, and the Wyandots, like\nall other tribes of which we have any knowledge in North America, are\nboth endogamous and exogamous.\n\nPolygamy is permitted, but the wives must belong to different gentes.\nThe first wife remains the head of the household. Polyandry is\nprohibited.\n\nA man seeking a wife consults her mother, sometimes direct, and\nsometimes through his own mother. The mother of the girl advises with\nthe women councilors to obtain their consent, and the young people\nusually submit quietly to their decision. Sometimes the women councilors\nconsult with the men.\n\nWhen a girl is betrothed, the man makes such presents to the mother as\nhe can. It is customary to consummate the marriage before the end of the\nmoon in which the betrothal is made. Bridegroom and bride make promises\nof faithfulness to the parents and women councilors of both parties. It\nis customary to give a marriage feast, in which the gentes of both\nparties take part. For a short time at least, bride and groom live with\nthe bride\u2019s mother, or rather in the original household of the bride.\n\nThe time when they will set up housekeeping for themselves is usually\narranged before marriage.\n\nIn the event of the death of the mother, the children belong to her\nsister or to her nearest female kin, the matter being settled by the\ncouncil women of the gens. As the children belong to the mother, on the\ndeath of the father the mother and children are cared for by her nearest\nmale relative until subsequent marriage.\n\n\n_NAME REGULATIONS._\n\nIt has been previously explained that there is a body of names, the\nexclusive property of each gens. Once a year, at the green-corn\nfestival, the council women of the gens select the names for the\nchildren born during the previous year, and the chief of the gens\nproclaims these names at the festival. No person may change his name,\nbut every person, man or woman, by honorable or dishonorable conduct, or\nby remarkable circumstance, may win a second name commemorative of deed\nor circumstance, which is a kind of title.\n\n\n_REGULATIONS OF PERSONAL ADORNMENT._\n\nEach clan has a distinctive method of painting the face, a distinctive\nchaplet to be worn by the gentile chief and council women when they are\ninaugurated, and subsequently at festival occasions, and distinctive\nornaments for all its members, to be used at festivals and religious\nceremonies.\n\n\n_REGULATIONS OF ORDER IN ENCAMPMENT AND MIGRATIONS._\n\nThe camp of the tribe is in an open circle or horse-shoe, and the gentes\ncamp in following order, beginning on the left and going around to the\nright:\n\nDeer, Bear, Highland Turtle (striped), Highland Turtle (black), Mud\nTurtle, Smooth Large Turtle, Hawk, Beaver, Wolf, Sea Snake, Porcupine.\n\nThe order in which the households camp in the gentile group is regulated\nby the gentile councilors and adjusted from time to time in such a\nmanner that the oldest family is placed on the left, and the youngest on\nthe right. In migrations and expeditions the order of travel follows the\nanalogy of encampment.\n\n\n_PROPERTY RIGHTS._\n\nWithin the area claimed by the tribe each gens occupies a smaller tract\nfor the purpose of cultivation. The right of the gens to cultivate a\nparticular tract is a matter settled in the council of the tribe, and\nthe gens may abandon one tract for another only with the consent of the\ntribe. The women councillors partition the gentile land among the\nhouseholders, and the household tracts are distinctly marked by them.\nThe ground is re-partitioned once in two years. The heads of households\nare responsible for the cultivation of the tract, and should this duty\nbe neglected the council of the gens calls the responsible parties to\naccount.\n\nCultivation is communal; that is, all of the able-bodied women of the\ngens take part in the cultivation of each household tract in the\nfollowing manner:\n\nThe head of the household sends her brother or son into the forest or to\nthe stream to bring in game or fish for a feast; then the able-bodied\nwomen of the gens are invited to assist in the cultivation of the land,\nand when this work is done a feast is given.\n\nThe wigwam or lodge and all articles of the household belong to the\nwoman--the head of the household--and at her death are inherited by her\neldest daughter, or nearest of female kin. The matter is settled by the\ncouncil women. If the husband die his property is inherited by his\nbrother or his sister\u2019s son, except such portion as may be buried with\nhim. His property consists of his clothing, hunting and fishing\nimplements, and such articles as are used personally by himself.\n\nUsually a small canoe is the individual property of the man. Large\ncanoes are made by the male members of the gentes, and are the property\nof the gentes.\n\n\n_RIGHTS OF PERSON._\n\nEach individual has a right to freedom of person and security from\npersonal and bodily injury, unless adjudged guilty of crime by proper\nauthority.\n\n\n_COMMUNITY RIGHTS._\n\nEach gens has the right to the services of all its women in the\ncultivation of the soil. Each gens has the right to the service of all\nits male members in avenging wrongs, and the tribe has the right to the\nservice of all its male members in time of war.\n\n\n_RIGHTS OF RELIGION._\n\nEach phratry has the right to certain religious ceremonies and the\npreparation of certain medicines.\n\nEach gens has the exclusive right to worship its tutelar god, and each\nindividual has the exclusive right to the possession and use of a\nparticular amulet.\n\n\n_CRIMES._\n\nThe violations of right are crimes. Some of the crimes recognized by the\nWyandots are as follows:\n\n 1. Adultery.\n 2. Theft.\n 3. Maiming.\n 4. Murder.\n 5. Treason.\n 6. Witchcraft.\n\nA maiden guilty of fornication may be punished by her mother or female\nguardian, but if the crime is flagrant and repeated, so as to become a\nmatter of general gossip, and the mother fails to correct it, the matter\nmay be taken up by the council women of the gens.\n\nA woman guilty of adultery, for the first offense is punished by having\nher hair cropped; for repeated offenses her left ear is cut off.\n\n\n_THEFT._\n\nThe punishment for theft is twofold restitution. When the prosecutor and\nprosecuted belong to the same gens, the trial is before the council of\nthe gens, and from it there is no appeal. If the parties involved are of\ndifferent gentes, the prosecutor, through the head of his household,\nlays the matter before the council of his own gens; by it the matter is\nlaid before the gentile council of the accused in a formal manner.\nThereupon it becomes the duty of the council of the accused to\ninvestigate the facts for themselves, and to settle the matter with the\ncouncil of the plaintiff. Failure thus to do is followed by retaliation\nin the seizing of any property of the gens which may be found.\n\n\n_MAIMING._\n\nMaiming is compounded, and the method of procedure in prosecution is\nessentially the same as for theft.\n\n\n_MURDER._\n\nIn the case of murder, if both parties are members of the same gens, the\nmatter is tried by the gentile council on complaint of the head of the\nhousehold, but there may be an appeal to the council of the tribe. Where\nthe parties belong to different gentes, complaint is formally made by\nthe injured party, through the chief of his gens, in the following\nmanner:\n\nA wooden tablet is prepared, upon which is inscribed the totem or\nheraldic emblem of the injured man\u2019s gens, and a picture-writing setting\nforth the offense follows.\n\nThe gentile chief appears before the chief of the council of the\noffender, and formally states the offense, explaining the\npicture-writing, which is then delivered.\n\nA council of the offender\u2019s gens is thereupon called and a trial is\nheld. It is the duty of this council to examine the evidence for\nthemselves and to come to a conclusion without further presentation of\nthe matter on the part of the person aggrieved. Having decided the\nmatter among themselves, they appear before the chief of the council of\nthe aggrieved party to offer compensation.\n\nIf the gens of the offender fail to settle the matter with the gens of\nthe aggrieved party, it is the duty of his nearest relative to avenge\nthe wrong. Either party may appeal to the council of the tribe. The\nappeal must be made in due form, by the presentation of a tablet of\naccusation.\n\nInquiry into the effect of a failure to observe prescribed formalities\ndeveloped an interesting fact. In procedure against crime, failure in\nformality is not considered a violation of the rights of the accused,\nbut proof of his innocence. It is considered supernatural evidence that\nthe charges are false. In trials for all offenses forms of procedure\nare, therefore, likely to be earnestly questioned.\n\n\n_TREASON._\n\nTreason consists in revealing the secrets of the medicine preparations\nor giving other information or assistance to enemies of the tribe, and\nis punished by death. The trial is before the council of the tribe.\n\n\n_WITCHCRAFT._\n\nWitchcraft is punished by death, stabbing, tomahawking, or burning.\nCharges of witchcraft are investigated by the grand council of the\ntribe. When the accused is adjudged guilty, he may appeal to\nsupernatural judgment. The test is by fire. A\u00a0circular fire is built on\nthe ground, through which the accused must run from east and west and\nfrom north to south. If no injury is received he is adjudged innocent;\nif he falls into the fire he is adjudged guilty. Should a person accused\nor having the general reputation of practicing witchcraft become deaf,\nblind, or have sore eyes, earache, headache, or other diseases\nconsidered loathsome, he is supposed to have failed in practicing his\narts upon others, and to have fallen a victim to them himself. Such\ncases are most likely to be punished.\n\n\n_OUTLAWRY._\n\nThe institution of outlawry exists among the Wyandots in a peculiar\nform. An outlaw is one who by his crimes has placed himself without the\nprotection of his clan. A\u00a0man can be declared an outlaw by his own clan,\nwho thus publish to the tribe that they will not defend him in case he\nis injured by another. But usually outlawry is declared only after trial\nbefore the tribal council.\n\nThe method of procedure is analogous to that in case of murder. When the\nperson has been adjudged guilty and sentence of outlawry declared, it is\nthe duty of the chief of the Wolf clan to make known the decision of the\ncouncil. This he does by appearing before each clan in the order of its\nencampment, and declaring in terms the crime of the outlaw and the\nsentence of outlawry, which may be either of two grades.\n\nIn the lowest grade it is declared that if the man shall thereafter\ncontinue in the commission of similar crimes, it will be lawful for any\nperson to kill him; and if killed, rightfully or wrongfully, his clan\nwill not avenge his death.\n\nOutlawry of the highest degree makes it the duty of any member of the\ntribe who may meet with the offender to kill him.\n\n\n_MILITARY GOVERNMENT._\n\nThe management of military affairs inheres in the military council and\nchief. The military council is composed of all the able-bodied men of\nthe tribe; the military chief is chosen by the council from the\nPorcupine gens. Each gentile chief is responsible for the military\ntraining of the youth under his authority. There is usually one or more\npotential military chiefs, who are the close companions and assistants\nof the chief in time of war, and in case of the death of the chief, take\nhis place in the order of seniority.\n\nPrisoners of war are adopted into the tribe or killed. To be adopted\ninto the tribe, it is necessary that the prisoner should be adopted into\nsome family. The warrior taking the prisoner has the first right to\nadopt him, and his male or female relatives have the right in the order\nof their kinship. If no one claims the prisoner for this purpose, he is\ncaused to run the gauntlet as a test of his courage.\n\nIf at his trial he behaves manfully, claimants are not wanting, but if\nhe behaves disgracefully he is put to death.\n\n\n_FELLOWHOOD._\n\nThere is an interesting institution found among the Wyandots, as among\nsome other of our North American tribes, namely, that of fellowhood. Two\nyoung men agree to be perpetual friends to each other, or more than\nbrothers. Each reveals to the other the secrets of his life, and\ncounsels with him on matters of importance, and defends him from wrong\nand violence, and at his death is chief mourner.\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe government of the Wyandots, with the social organization upon which\nit is based, affords a typical example of tribal government throughout\nNorth America. Within that area there are several hundred distinct\ngovernments. In so great a number there is great variety, and in this\nvariety we find different degrees of organization, the degrees of\norganization being determined by the differentiation of the functions of\nthe government and the correlative specialization of organic elements.\n\nMuch has yet to be done in the study of these governments before safe\ngeneralizations may be made. But enough is known to warrant the\nfollowing statement:\n\nTribal government in North America is based on kinship in that the\nfundamental units of social organization are bodies of consanguineal\nkindred either in the male or female line; these units being what has\nbeen well denominated \u201cgentes.\u201d\n\nThese \u201cgentes\u201d are organized into tribes by ties of relationship and\naffinity, and this organization is of such a character that the man\u2019s\nposition in the tribe is fixed by his kinship. There is no place in a\ntribe for any person whose kinship is not fixed, and only those persons\ncan be adopted into the tribe who are adopted into some family with\nartificial kinship specified. The fabric of Indian society is a complex\ntissue of kinship. The warp is made of streams of kinship blood, and the\nwoof of marriage ties.\n\nWith most tribes military and civil affairs are differentiated. The\nfunctions of civil government are in general differentiated only to this\nextent, that executive functions are performed by chiefs and sachems,\nbut these chiefs and sachems are also members of the council. The\ncouncil is legislature and court. Perhaps it were better to say that the\ncouncil is the court whose decisions are law, and that the legislative\nbody properly has not been developed.\n\nIn general, crimes are well defined. Procedure is formal, and forms are\nheld as of such importance that error therein is _prima facie_ evidence\nthat the subject-matter formulated was false.\n\nWhen one gens charges crime against a member of another, it can of its\nown motion proceed only to retaliation. To prevent retaliation, the gens\nof the offender must take the necessary steps to disprove the crime, or\nto compound or punish it. The charge once made is held as just and true\nuntil it has been disproved, and in trial the cause of the defendant is\nfirst stated. The anger of the prosecuting gens must be placated.\n\nIn the tribal governments there are many institutions, customs, and\ntraditions which give evidence of a former condition in which society\nwas based not upon kinship, but upon marriage.\n\nFrom a survey of the facts it seems highly probably that kinship\nsociety, as it exists among the tribes of North America, has developed\nfrom connubial society, which is discovered elsewhere on the globe. In\nfact, there are a few tribes that seem scarcely to have passed that\nindefinite boundary between the two social states. Philologic research\nleads to the same conclusion.\n\nNowhere in North America have a people been discovered who have passed\nbeyond tribal society to national society based on property, _i.e._,\nthat form of society which is characteristic of civilization. Some\npeoples may not have reached kinship society; none have passed it.\n\nNations with civilized institutions, art with palaces, monotheism as the\nworship of the Great Spirit, all vanish from the priscan condition of\nNorth America in the light of anthropologic research. Tribes with the\nsocial institutions of kinship, art with its highest architectural\ndevelopment exhibited in the structure of communal dwellings, and\npolytheism in the worship of mythic animals and nature-gods remain.\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n\n_Errors and Inconsistencies: Wyandot_\n\n GOVERNMENT.\n [_type of chapter break adjusted to agree with Table of Contents\n and structure of article_]\n\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n * * * * *\n\n\n SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION--BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.\n\n J. W. Powell, Director.\n\n\n On Limitations to the Use\n\n of some\n\n ANTHROPOLOGIC DATA.\n\n By\n\n J. W. POWELL.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n Arch\u00e6ology 73\n Picture writing 75\n History, customs, and ethnic characteristics 76\n Origin of man 77\n Language 78\n Mythology 81\n Sociology 83\n Psychology 83\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\n ON LIMITATIONS TO THE USE\n\n OF SOME ANTHROPOLOGIC DATA.\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\nARCH\u00c6OLOGY.\n\n\nInvestigations in this department are of great interest, and have\nattracted to the field a host of workers; but a general review of the\nmass of published matter exhibits the fact that the uses to which the\nmaterial has been put have not always been wise.\n\nIn the monuments of antiquity found throughout North America, in camp\nand village sites, graves, mounds, ruins, and scattered works of art,\nthe origin and development of art in savage and barbaric life may be\nsatisfactorily studied. Incidentally, too, hints of customs may be\ndiscovered, but outside of this, the discoveries made have often been\nillegitimately used, especially for the purpose of connecting the tribes\nof North America with peoples or so-called races of antiquity in other\nportions of the world. A\u00a0brief review of some conclusions that must be\naccepted in the present status of the science will exhibit the futility\nof these attempts.\n\nIt is now an established fact that man was widely scattered over the\nearth at least as early as the beginning of the quaternary period, and,\nperhaps, in pliocene time.\n\nIf we accept the conclusion that there is but one species of man, as\nspecies are now defined by biologists, we may reasonably conclude that\nthe species has been dispersed from some common center, as the ability\nto successfully carry on the battle of life in all climes belongs only\nto a highly developed being; but this original home has not yet been\nascertained with certainty, and when discovered, lines of migration\ntherefrom cannot be mapped until the changes in the physical geography\nof the earth from that early time to the present have been discovered,\nand these must be settled upon purely geologic and paleontologic\nevidence. The migrations of mankind from that original home cannot be\nintelligently discussed until that home has been discovered, and,\nfurther, until the geology of the globe is so thoroughly known that the\ndifferent phases of its geography can be presented.\n\nThe dispersion of man must have been anterior to the development of any\nbut the rudest arts. Since that time the surface of the earth has\nundergone many and important changes. All known camp and village sites,\ngraves, mounds, and ruins belong to that portion of geologic time known\nas the present epoch, and are entirely subsequent to the period of the\noriginal dispersion as shown by geologic evidence.\n\nIn the study of these antiquities, there has been much unnecessary\nspeculation in respect to the relation existing between the people to\nwhose existence they attest, and the tribes of Indians inhabiting the\ncountry during the historic period.\n\nIt may be said that in the Pueblos discovered in the southwestern\nportion of the United States and farther south through Mexico and\nperhaps into Central America tribes are known having a culture quite as\nfar advanced as any exhibited in the discovered ruins. In this respect,\nthen, there is no need to search for an extra-limital origin through\nlost tribes for any art there exhibited.\n\nWith regard to the mounds so widely scattered between the two oceans, it\nmay also be said that mound-building tribes were known in the early\nhistory of discovery of this continent, and that the vestiges of art\ndiscovered do not excel in any respect the arts of the Indian tribes\nknown to history. There is, therefore, no reason for us to search for an\nextra-limital origin through lost tribes for the arts discovered in the\nmounds of North America.\n\nThe tracing of the origin of these arts to the ancestors of known tribes\nor stocks of tribes is more legitimate, but it has limitations which are\nwidely disregarded. The tribes which had attained to the highest culture\nin the southern portion of North America are now well known to belong to\nseveral different stocks, and, if, for example, an attempt is made to\nconnect the mound-builders with the Pueblo Indians, no result beyond\nconfusion can be reached until the particular stock of these village\npeoples is designated.\n\nAgain, it is contained in the recorded history of the country that\nseveral distinct stocks of the present Indians were mound-builders and\nthe wide extent and vast number of mounds discovered in the United\nStates should lead us to suspect, at least, that the mound-builders of\npre-historic times belonged to many and diverse stocks. With the\nlimitations thus indicated the identification of mound-building peoples\nas distinct tribes or stocks is a legitimate study, but when we consider\nthe further fact now established, that arts extend beyond the boundaries\nof linguistic stocks, the most fundamental divisions we are yet able to\nmake of the peoples of the globe, we may more properly conclude that\nthis field promises but a meager harvest; but the origin and development\nof arts and industries is in itself a vast and profoundly interesting\ntheme of study, and when North American arch\u00e6ology is pursued with this\nend in view, the results will be instructive.\n\n\n\n\nPICTURE-WRITING.\n\n\nThe pictographs of North America were made on divers substances. The\nbark of trees, tablets of wood, the skins of animals, and the surfaces\nof rocks were all used for this purpose; but the great body of\npicture-writing as preserved to us is found on rock surfaces, as these\nare the most enduring.\n\nFrom Dighton Rock to the cliffs that overhang the Pacific, these records\nare found--on bowlders fashioned by the waves of the sea, scattered by\nriver floods, or polished by glacial ice; on stones buried in graves and\nmounds; on faces of rock that appear in ledges by the streams; on ca\u00f1on\nwalls and towering cliffs; on mountain crags and the ceilings of\ncaves--wherever smooth surfaces of rock are to be found in North\nAmerica, there we may expect to find pictographs. So widely distributed\nand so vast in number, it is well to know what purposes they may serve\nin anthropologic science.\n\nMany of these pictographs are simply pictures, rude etchings, or\npaintings, delineating natural objects, especially animals, and\nillustrate simply the beginning of pictorial art; others we know were\nintended to commemorate events or to represent other ideas entertained\nby their authors; but to a large extent these were simply mnemonic--not\nconveying ideas of themselves, but designed more thoroughly to retain in\nmemory certain events or thoughts by persons who were already cognizant\nof the same through current hearsay or tradition. If once the memory of\nthe thought to be preserved has passed from the minds of men, the record\nis powerless to restore its own subject-matter to the understanding.\n\nThe great body of picture-writings is thus described; yet to some slight\nextent pictographs are found with characters more or less conventional,\nand the number of such is quite large in Mexico and Central America. Yet\neven these conventional characters are used with others less\nconventional in such a manner that perfect records were never made.\n\nHence it will be seen that it is illegitimate to use any pictographic\nmatter of a date anterior to the discovery of the continent by Columbus\nfor historic purposes; but it has a legitimate use of profound interest,\nas these pictographs exhibit the beginning of written language and the\nbeginning of pictorial art, yet undifferentiated; and if the scholars of\nAmerica will collect and study the vast body of this material scattered\neverywhere--over the valleys and on the mountain sides--from it can be\nwritten one of the most interesting chapters in the early history of\nmankind.\n\n\n\n\nHISTORY, CUSTOMS, AND ETHNIC CHARACTERISTICS.\n\n\nWhen America was discovered by Europeans, it was inhabited by great\nnumbers of distinct tribes, diverse in languages, institutions, and\ncustoms. This fact has never been fully recognized, and writers have too\noften spoken of the North American Indians as a body, supposing that\nstatements made of one tribe would apply to all. This fundamental error\nin the treatment of the subject has led to great confusion.\n\nAgain, the rapid progress in the settlement and occupation of the\ncountry has resulted in the gradual displacement of the Indian tribes,\nso that very many have been removed from their ancient homes, some of\nwhom have been incorporated into other tribes, and some have been\nabsorbed into the body of civilized people.\n\nThe names by which tribes have been designated have rarely been names\nused by themselves, and the same tribe has often been designated by\ndifferent names in different periods of its history and by different\nnames in the same period of its history by colonies of people having\ndifferent geographic relations to them. Often, too, different tribes\nhave been designated by the same name. Without entering into an\nexplanation of the causes which have led to this condition of things, it\nis simply necessary to assert that this has led to great confusion of\nnomenclature. Therefore the student of Indian history must be constantly\non his guard in accepting the statements of any author relating to any\ntribe of Indians.\n\nIt will be seen that to follow any tribe of Indians through\npost-Columbian times is a task of no little difficulty. Yet this portion\nof history is of importance, and the scholars of America have a great\nwork before them.\n\nThree centuries of intimate contact with a civilized race has had no\nsmall influence upon the pristine condition of these savage and barbaric\ntribes. The most speedy and radical change was that effected in the\narts, industrial and ornamental. A\u00a0steel knife was obviously better than\na stone knife; firearms than bows and arrows; and textile fabrics from\nthe looms of civilized men are at once seen to be more beautiful and\nmore useful than the rude fabrics and undressed skins with which the\nIndians clothed themselves in that earlier day.\n\nCustoms and institutions changed less rapidly. Yet these have been much\nmodified. Imitation and vigorous propagandism have been more or less\nefficient causes. Migrations and enforced removals placed tribes under\nconditions of strange environment where new customs and institutions\nwere necessary, and in this condition civilization had a greater\ninfluence, and the progress of occupation by white men within the\nterritory of the United States, at least, has reached such a stage that\nsavagery and barbarism have no room for their existence, and even\ncustoms and institutions must in a brief time be completely changed, and\nwhat we are yet to learn of these people must be learned now.\n\nBut in pursuing these studies the greatest caution must be observed in\ndiscriminating what is primitive from what has been acquired from\ncivilized man by the various processes of acculturation.\n\n\n\n\nORIGIN OF MAN.\n\n\nWorking naturalists postulate evolution. Zo\u00f6logical research is largely\ndirected to the discovery of the genetic relations of animals. The\nevolution of the animal kingdom is along multifarious lines and by\ndiverse specializations. The particular line which connects man with the\nlowest forms, through long successions of intermediate forms, is a\nproblem of great interest. This special investigation has to deal\nchiefly with relations of structure. From the many facts already\nrecorded, it is probable that many detached portions of this line can be\ndrawn, and such a construction, though in fact it may not be correct in\nall its parts, yet serves a valuable purpose in organizing and directing\nresearch.\n\nThe truth or error of such hypothetic genealogy in no way affects the\nvalidity of the doctrines of evolution in the minds of scientific men,\nbut on the other hand the value of the tentative theory is brought to\nfinal judgment under the laws of evolution.\n\nIt would be vain to claim that the course of zo\u00f6logic development is\nfully understood, or even that all of its most important factors are\nknown. So the discovery of facts and relations guided by the doctrines\nof evolution reacts upon these doctrines, verifying, modifying, and\nenlarging them. Thus it is that while the doctrines lead the way to new\nfields of discovery, the new discoveries lead again to new doctrines.\nIncreased knowledge widens philosophy; wider philosophy increases\nknowledge.\n\nIt is the test of true philosophy that it leads to the discovery of\nfacts, and facts themselves can only be known as such; that is, can only\nbe properly discerned and discriminated by being relegated to their\nplaces in philosophy. The whole progress of science depends primarily\nupon this relation between knowledge and philosophy.\n\nIn the earlier history of mankind philosophy was the product of\nsubjective reasoning, giving mythologies and metaphysics. When it was\ndiscovered that the whole structure of philosophy was without\nfoundation, a\u00a0new order of procedure was recommended--the Baconian\nmethod. Perception must precede reflection; observation must precede\nreason. This also was a failure. The earlier gave speculations; the\nlater give a mass of incoherent facts and falsehoods. The error in the\nearlier philosophy was not in the order of procedure between perception\nand reflection, but in the method, it being subjective instead of\nobjective. The method of reasoning in scientific philosophy is purely\nobjective; the method of reasoning in mythology and metaphysics is\nsubjective.\n\nThe difference between man and the animals most nearly related to him in\nstructure is great. The connecting forms are no longer extant. This\nsubject of research, therefore, belongs to the paleontologists rather\nthan the ethnologists. The biological facts are embraced in the\ngeological record, and this record up to the present time has yielded\nbut scant materials to serve in its solution.\n\nIt is known that man, highly differentiated from lower animals in\nmorphologic characteristics, existed in early Quaternary and perhaps in\nPliocene times, and here the discovered record ends.\n\n\n\n\nLANGUAGE.\n\n\nIn philology, North America presents the richest field in the world, for\nhere is found the greatest number of languages distributed among the\ngreatest number of stocks. As the progress of research is necessarily\nfrom the known to the unknown, civilized languages were studied by\nscholars before the languages of savage and barbaric tribes. Again, the\nhigher languages are written and are thus immediately accessible. For\nsuch reasons, chief attention has been given to the most highly\ndeveloped languages. The problems presented to the philologist, in the\nhigher languages, cannot be properly solved without a knowledge of the\nlower forms. The linguist studies a language that he may use it as an\ninstrument for the interchange of thought; the philologist studies a\nlanguage to use its data in the construction of a philosophy of\nlanguage. It is in this latter sense that the higher languages are\nunknown until the lower languages are studied, and it is probable that\nmore light will be thrown upon the former by a study of the latter than\nby more extended research in the higher.\n\nThe vast field of unwritten languages has been explored but not\nsurveyed. In a general way it is known that there are many such\nlanguages, and the geographic distribution of the tribes of men who\nspeak them is known, but scholars have just begun the study of the\nlanguages.\n\nThat the knowledge of the simple and uncompounded must precede the\nknowledge of the complex and compounded, that the latter may be rightly\nexplained, is an axiom well recognized in biology, and it applies\nequally well to philology. Hence any system of philology, as the term is\nhere used, made from a survey of the higher languages exclusively, will\nprobably be a failure. \u201cWhich of you by taking thought can add one cubit\nunto his stature,\u201d and which of you by taking thought can add the\nantecedent phenomena necessary to an explanation of the language of\nPlato or of Spencer?\n\nThe study of astronomy, geology, physics, and biology, is in the hands\nof scientific men; objective methods of research are employed and\nmetaphysic disquisitions find no place in the accepted philosophies; but\nto a large extent philology remains in the hands of the metaphysicians,\nand subjective methods of thought are used in the explanation of the\nphenomena observed. If philology is to be a science it must have an\nobjective philosophy composed of a homologic classification and orderly\narrangement of the phenomena of the languages of the globe.\n\nPhilologic research began with the definite purpose in view to discover\nin the diversities of language among the peoples of the earth a common\nelement from which they were all supposed to have been derived, an\noriginal speech, the parent of all languages. In this philologists had\ngreat hopes of success at one time, encouraged by the discovery of the\nrelation between the diverse branches of the Aryan stock, but in this\nvery work methods of research were developed and doctrines established\nby which unexpected results were reached.\n\nInstead of relegating the languages that had before been unclassified to\nthe Aryan family, new families or stocks were discovered, and this\nprocess has been carried on from year to year until scores or even\nhundreds of families are recognized, and until we may reasonably\nconclude that there was no single primitive speech common to mankind,\nbut that man had multiplied and spread throughout the habitable earth\nanterior to the development of organized languages; that is, languages\nhave sprung from innumerable sources after the dispersion of mankind.\n\nThe progress in language has not been by multiplication, which would be\nbut a progress in degradation under the now well-recognized laws of\nevolution; but it has been in integration from a vast multiplicity\ntoward a unity. True, all evolution has not been in this direction.\nThere has often been degradation as exhibited in the multiplicity of\nlanguages and dialects of the same stock, but evolution has in the\naggregate been integration by progress towards unity of speech, and\ndifferentiation (which must always be distinguished from multiplication)\nby specialization of the grammatic process and the development of the\nparts of speech.\n\nWhen a people once homogeneous are separated geographically in such a\nmanner that thorough inter-communication is no longer preserved, all of\nthe agencies by which languages change act separately in the distinct\ncommunities and produce different changes therein, and dialects are\nestablished. If the separation continues, such dialects become distinct\nlanguages in the sense that the people of one community are unable to\nunderstand the people of another. But such a development of languages is\nnot differentiation in the sense in which this term is here used, and\noften used in biology, but is analogous to multiplication as understood\nin biology. The differentiation of an organ is its development for a\nspecial purpose, _i.e._, the organic specialization is concomitant with\nfunctional specialization. When paws are differentiated into hands and\nfeet, with the differentiation of the organs, there is a concomitant\ndifferentiation in the functions.\n\nWhen one language becomes two, the same function is performed by each,\nand is marked by the fundamental characteristic of multiplication,\n_i.e._, degradation; for the people originally able to communicate with\neach other can no longer thus communicate; so that two languages do not\nserve as valuable a purpose as one. And, further, neither of the two\nlanguages has made the progress one would have made, for one would have\nbeen developed sufficiently to serve all the purposes of the united\npeoples in the larger area inhabited by them, and, _c\u00e6teris paribus_,\nthe language spoken by many people scattered over a large area must be\nsuperior to one spoken by a few people inhabiting a small area.\n\nIt would have been strange, indeed, had the primitive assumption in\nphilology been true, and the history of language exhibited universal\ndegradation.\n\nIn the remarks on the \u201cOrigin of Man,\u201d the statement was made that\nmankind was distributed throughout the habitable earth, in some\ngeological period anterior to the present and anterior to the\ndevelopment of other than the rudest arts. Here, again, we reach the\nconclusion that man was distributed throughout the earth anterior to the\ndevelopment of organized speech.\n\nIn the presence of these two great facts, the difficulty of tracing\ngenetic relationship among human races through arts, customs,\ninstitutions, and traditions will appear, for all of these must have\nbeen developed after the dispersion of mankind. Analogies and homologies\nin these phenomena must be accounted for in some other way. Somatology\nproves the unity of the human species; that is, the evidence upon which\nthis conclusion is reached is morphologic; but in arts, customs,\ninstitutions, and traditions abundant corroborative evidence is found.\nThe individuals of the one species, though inhabiting diverse climes,\nspeaking diverse languages, and organized into diverse communities, have\nprogressed in a broad way by the same stages, have had the same arts,\ncustoms, institutions, and traditions in the same order, limited only by\nthe degree of progress to which the several tribes have attained, and\nmodified only to a limited extent by variations in environment.\n\nIf any ethnic classification of mankind is to be established more\nfundamental than that based upon language, it must be upon physical\ncharacteristics, and such must have been acquired by profound\ndifferentiation anterior to the development of languages, arts, customs,\ninstitutions, and traditions. The classifications hitherto made on this\nbasis are unsatisfactory, and no one now receives wide acceptance.\nPerhaps further research will clear up doubtful matters and give an\nacceptable grouping; or it may be that such research will result only in\nexhibiting the futility of the effort.\n\nThe history of man, from the lowest tribal condition to the highest\nnational organization, has been a history of constant and multifarious\nadmixture of strains of blood; of admixture, absorption, and destruction\nof languages with general progress toward unity; of the diffusion of\narts by various processes of acculturation; and of admixture and\nreciprocal diffusion of customs, institutions, and traditions. Arts,\ncustoms, institutions, and traditions extend beyond the boundaries of\nlanguages and serve to obscure them, and the admixture of strains of\nblood has obscured primitive ethnic divisions, if such existed.\n\nIf the physical classification fails, the most fundamental grouping left\nis that based on language; but for the reasons already mentioned and\nothers of like character, the classification of languages is not, to the\nfull extent, a\u00a0classification of peoples.\n\nIt may be that the unity of the human race is a fact so profound that\nall attempts at a fundamental classification to be used in all the\ndepartments of anthropology will fail, and that there will remain\nmultifarious groupings for the multifarious purposes of the science; or,\notherwise expressed, that languages, arts, customs, institutions, and\ntraditions may be classified, and that the human family will be\nconsidered as one race.\n\n\n\n\nMYTHOLOGY.\n\n\nHere again America presents a rich field for the scientific explorer. It\nis now known that each linguistic stock has a distinct mythology, and as\nin some of these stocks there are many languages differing to a greater\nor less extent, so there are many like differing mythologies.\n\nAs in language, so in mythology, investigation has proceeded from the\nknown to the unknown--from the higher to the lower mythologies. In each\nstep of the progress of opinion on this subject a particular phenomenon\nmay be observed. As each lower status of mythology is discovered it is\nassumed to be the first in origin, the primordial mythology, and all\nlower but imperfectly understood mythologies are interpreted as\ndegradations, from this assumed original belief; thus polytheism was\ninterpreted as a degeneracy from monotheism; nature worship, from\npsychotheism; zo\u00f6lotry, from ancestor worship; and, in order, monotheism\nhas been held to be the original mythology, then polytheism, then\nphysitheism or nature worship, then ancestor worship.\n\nWith a large body of mythologists nature worship is now accepted as the\nprimitive religion; and with another body, equally as respectable,\nancestor worship is primordial. But nature worship and ancestor worship\nare concomitant parts of the same religion, and belong to a status of\nculture highly advanced and characterized by the invention of\nconventional pictographs. In North America we have scores or even\nhundreds of systems of mythology, all belonging to a lower state of\nculture.\n\nLet us hope that American students will not fall into this line of error\nby assuming that zo\u00f6theism is the lowest stage, because this is the\nstatus of mythology most widely spread on the continent.\n\nMythology is primitive philosophy. A mythology--that is, the body of\nmyths current among any people and believed by them--comprises a system\nof explanations of all the phenomena of the universe discerned by them;\nbut such explanations are always mixed with much extraneous matter,\nchiefly incidents in the history of the personages who were the heroes\nof mythologic deeds.\n\nEvery mythology has for its basis a theology--a system of gods who are\nthe actors, and to whom are attributed the phenomena to be\nexplained--for the fundamental postulate in mythology is \u201csome one does\nit,\u201d such being the essential characteristic of subjective reasoning. As\npeoples pass from one stage of culture to another, the change is made by\ndeveloping a new sociology with all its institutions, by the development\nof new arts, by evolution of language, and, in a degree no less, by a\nchange in philosophy; but the old philosophy is not supplanted. The\nchange is made by internal growth and external accretion.\n\nFragments of the older are found in the newer. This older material in\nthe newer philosophy is often used for curious purposes by many\nscholars. One such use I wish to mention here. The nomenclature which\nhas survived from the earlier state is supposed to be deeply and\noccultly symbolic and the mythic narratives to be deeply and occultly\nallegoric. In this way search is made for some profoundly metaphysic\ncosmogony; some ancient beginning of the mythology is sought in which\nmystery is wisdom and wisdom is mystery.\n\nThe objective or scientific method of studying a mythology is to collect\nand collate its phenomena simply as it is stated and understood by the\npeople to whom it belongs. In tracing back the threads of its historical\ndevelopment the student should expect to find it more simple and\nchildlike in every stage of his progress.\n\nIt is vain to search for truth in mythologic philosophy, but it is\nimportant to search for veritable philosphies, that they may be properly\ncompared and that the products of the human mind in its various stages\nof culture may be known; important in the reconstruction of the history\nof philosophy; and important in furnishing necessary data to psychology.\nNo labor can be more fruitless than the search in mythology for true\nphilosophy; and the efforts to build up from the terminology and\nnarratives of mythologies an occult symbolism and system of allegory is\nbut to create a new and fictitious body of mythology.\n\nThere is a symbolism inherent in language and found in all philosophy,\ntrue or false, and such symbolism was cultivated as an occult art in the\nearly history of civilization when picture-writing developed into\nconventional writing, and symbolism is an interesting subject for study,\nbut it has been made a beast of burden to carry packs of metaphysic\nnonsense.\n\n\n\n\nSOCIOLOGY.\n\n\nHere again North America presents a wide and interesting field to the\ninvestigator, for it has within its extent many distinct governments,\nand these governments, so far as investigations have been carried, are\nfound to belong to a type more primitive than any of the feudalities\nfrom which the civilized nations of the earth sprang, as shown by\nconcurrently recorded history.\n\nYet in this history many facts have been discovered suggesting that\nfeudalities themselves had an origin in something more primitive. In the\nstudy of the tribes of the world a multitude of sociologic institutions\nand customs have been discovered, and in reviewing the history of\nfeudalities it is seen that many of their important elements are\nsurvivals from tribal society.\n\nSo important are these discoveries that all human history has to be\nrewritten, the whole philosophy of history reconstructed. Government\ndoes not begin in the ascendency of chieftains through prowess in war,\nbut in the slow specialization of executive functions from communal\nassociations based on kinship. Deliberative assemblies do not start in\ncouncils gathered by chieftains, but councils precede chieftaincies. Law\ndoes not begin in contract, but is the development of custom. Land\ntenure does not begin in grants from the monarch or the feudal lord, but\na system of tenure in common by gentes or tribes is developed into a\nsystem of tenure in severalty. Evolution in society has not been from\nmilitancy to industrialism, but from organization based on kinship to\norganization based on property, and alongside of the specializations of\nthe industries of peace the arts of war have been specialized.\n\nSo, one by one, the theories of metaphysical writers on sociology are\noverthrown, and the facts of history are taking their place, and the\nphilosophy of history is being erected out of materials accumulating by\nobjective studies of mankind.\n\n\n\n\nPSYCHOLOGY.\n\n\nPsychology has hitherto been chiefly in the hands of subjective\nphilosophers and is the last branch of anthropology to be treated by\nscientific methods. But of late years sundry important labors have been\nperformed with the end in view to give this department of philosophy a\nbasis of objective facts; especially the organ of the mind has been\nstudied and the mental operations of animals have been compared with\nthose of men, and in various other ways the subject is receiving\nscientific attention.\n\nThe new psychology in process of construction will have a threefold\nbasis: A\u00a0physical basis on phenomena presented by the organ of the mind\nas shown in man and the lower animals; a\u00a0linguistic basis as presented\nin the phenomena of language, which is the instrument of mind;\na\u00a0functional basis as exhibited in operations of the mind.\n\nThe phenomena of the third class may be arranged in three subclasses.\nFirst, the operations of mind exhibited in individuals in various stages\nof growth, various degrees of culture, and in various conditions, normal\nand abnormal; second, the operations of mind as exhibited in technology,\narts, and industries; third, the operations of mind as exhibited in\nphilosophy; and these are the explanations given of the phenomena of the\nuniverse. On such a basis a scientific psychology must be erected.\n\n * * * * *\n\nAs methods of study are discovered, a vast field opens to the American\nscholar. Now, as at all times in the history of civilization, there has\nbeen no lack of interest in this subject, and no lack of speculative\nwriters; but there is a great want of trained observers and acute\ninvestigators.\n\nIf we lay aside the mass of worthless matter which has been published,\nand consider only the material used by the most careful writers, we find\non every hand that conclusions are vitiated by a multitude of errors of\nfact of a character the most simple. Yesterday I read an article on the\n\u201cGrowth of Sculpture,\u201d by Grant Allen, that was charming; yet, therein I\nfound this statement:\n\n So far as I know, the Polynesians and many other savages have not\n progressed beyond the full-face stage of human portraiture above\n described. Next in rank comes the drawing of a profile, as we find\n it among the Eskimos and the bushmen. Our own children soon attain\n to this level, which is one degree higher than that of the full\n face, as it implies a special point of view, suppresses half the\n features, and is not diagrammatic or symbolical of all the separate\n parts. Negroes and North American Indians cannot understand profile;\n they ask what has become of the other eye.\n\nPerhaps Mr. Allen derives his idea of the inability of the Indians to\nunderstand profiles from a statement of Catlin, which I have seen used\nfor this and other purposes by different anthropologists until it seems\nto have become a _favorite fact_.\n\nTurning to Catlin\u2019s _Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and\nCondition of the North American Indians_, (vol. 2, page\u00a02) we find him\nsaying:\n\n After I had painted these, and many more whom I have not time at\n present to name, I\u00a0painted the portrait of a celebrated warrior of\n the Sioux, by the name of Mah-to-chee-ga (the Little Bear), who was\n unfortunately slain in a few moments after the picture was done by\n one of his own tribe; and which was very near costing me my life,\n for having painted a side view of his face, leaving one-half of it\n out of the picture, which had been the cause of the affray; and\n supposed by the whole tribe to have been intentionally left out by\n me, as \u201cgood for nothing.\u201d This was the last picture that I painted\n amongst the Sioux, and the last, undoubtedly, that I shall ever\n paint in that place. So tremendous and so alarming was the\n excitement about it that my brushes were instantly put away, and I\n embarked the next day on the steamer for the sources of the\n Missouri, and was glad to get underweigh.\n\nSubsequently, Mr. Catlin elaborates this incident into the \u201cStory of the\nDog\u201d (vol. 2, page 188 _et seq._).\n\nNow, whatsoever of truth or of fancy there may be in this story, it\ncannot be used as evidence that the Indians could not understand or\ninterpret profile pictures, for Mr. Catlin himself gives several plates\nof Indian pictographs exhibiting profile faces. In my cabinet of\npictographs I have hundreds of side views made by Indians of the same\ntribe of which Mr. Catlin was speaking.\n\nIt should never be forgotten that accounts of travelers and other\npersons who write for the sake of making good stories must be used with\nthe utmost caution. Catlin is only one of a thousand such who can be\nused with safety only by persons so thoroughly acquainted with the\nsubject that they are able to divide facts actually observed from\ncreations of fancy. But Mr. Catlin must not be held responsible for\nillogical deductions even from his facts. I\u00a0know not how Mr. Allen\narrived at his conclusion, but I do know that pictographs in profile are\nfound among very many, if not all, the tribes of North America.\n\nNow, for another example. Peschel, in _The Races of Man_ (page 151),\nsays:\n\n The transatlantic history of Spain has no case comparable in\n iniquity to the act of the Portuguese in Brazil, who deposited the\n clothes of scarlet-fever or small-pox patients on the hunting\n grounds of the natives, in order to spread the pestilence among\n them; and of the North Americans, who used strychnine to poison the\n wells which the Redskins were in the habit of visiting in the\n deserts of Utah; of the wives of Australian settlers, who, in times\n of famine, mixed arsenic with the meal which they gave to starving\n natives.\n\nIn a foot-note on the same page, Burton is given as authority for the\nstatement that the people of the United States poisoned the wells of the\nredskins.\n\nReferring to Burton, in _The City of the Saints_ (page 474), we find him\nsaying:\n\n The Yuta claim, like the Shoshonee, descent from an ancient people\n that immigrated into their present seats from the Northwest. During\n the last thirty years they have considerably decreased, according to\n the mountaineers, and have been demoralized mentally and physically\n by the emigrants. Formerly they were friendly, now they are often at\n war with the intruders. As in Australia, arsenic and corrosive\n sublimate in springs and provisions have diminished their number.\n\nNow, why did Burton make this statement? In the same volume he describes\nthe Mountain Meadow massacre, and gives the story as related by the\nactors therein. It is well known that the men who were engaged in this\naffair tried to shield themselves by diligently publishing that it was a\nmassacre by Indians incensed at the travelers because they had poisoned\ncertain springs at which the Indians were wont to obtain their supplies\nof water. When Mr. Burton was in Salt Lake City he, doubtless, heard\nthese stories.\n\nSo the falsehoods of a murderer, told to hide his crime, have gone into\nhistory as facts characteristic of the people of the United States in\ntheir treatment of the Indians. In the paragraph quoted from Burton some\nother errors occur. The Utes and Shoshonis do not claim to have\ndescended from an ancient people that immigrated into their present\nseats from the Northwest. Most of these tribes, perhaps all, have myths\nof their creation in the very regions now inhabited by them.\n\nAgain, these Indians have not been demoralized mentally or physically by\nthe emigrants, but have made great progress toward civilization.\n\nThe whole account of the Utes and Shoshonis given in this portion of the\nbook is so mixed with error as to be valueless, and bears intrinsic\nevidence of having been derived from ignorant frontiersmen.\n\nTurning now to the first volume of Spencer\u2019s _Principles of Sociology_\n(page 149), we find him saying:\n\n And thus prepared, we need feel no surprise on being told that the\n Zuni Indians require \u201cmuch facial contortion and bodily\n gesticulation to make their sentences perfectly intelligible;\u201d that\n the language of the Bushman needs so many signs to eke out its\n meaning, that \u201cthey are unintelligible in the dark;\u201d and that the\n Arapahos \u201ccan hardly converse with one another in the dark.\u201d\n\nWhen people of different languages meet, especially if they speak\nlanguages of different stocks, a\u00a0means of communication is rapidly\nestablished between them, composed partly of signs and partly of oral\nwords, the latter taken from one or both of the languages, but curiously\nmodified so as hardly to be recognized. Such conventional languages are\nusually called \u201cjargons,\u201d and their existence is rather brief.\n\nWhen people communicate with each other in this manner, oral speech is\ngreatly assisted by sign-language, and it is true that darkness impedes\ntheir communication. The great body of frontiersmen in America who\nassociate more or less with the Indians depend upon jargon methods of\ncommunication with them; and so we find that various writers and\ntravelers describe Indian tongues by the characteristics of this jargon\nspeech. Mr. Spencer usually does.\n\nThe Zuni and the Arapaho Indians have a language with a complex grammar\nand copious vocabulary well adapted to the expression of the thoughts\nincident to their customs and status of culture, and they have no more\ndifficulty in conveying their thoughts with their language by night than\nEnglishmen have in conversing without gaslight. An example from each of\nthree eminent authors has been taken to illustrate the worthlessness of\na vast body of anthropologic material to which even the best writers\nresort.\n\nAnthropology needs trained devotees with philosophic methods and keen\nobservation to study every tribe and nation of the globe almost _de\nnovo_; and from materials thus collected a science may be established.\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n\n_Errors and Inconsistencies: Anthropologic Data_\n\n objective studies of mankind. [_final . missing_]\n \u201cStory of the Dog\u201d (vol. 2, page 188 _et seq._).\n [_\u201cet seq\u201d without period_]\n\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n * * * * *\n\n\n SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION--BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.\n\n J. W. Powell, Director.\n\n\n A Further Contribution\n\n to the\n\n STUDY OF THE MORTUARY CUSTOMS\n\n of the\n\n North American Indians.\n\n By\n\n Dr. H. C. YARROW,\n Act. Asst. Surg., U.S.A.\n\n\n\n\n [Transcriber\u2019s Note (Mortuary Customs):\n\n Much of this article is quoted from other published sources. The\n resulting inconsistencies in spelling and punctuation are unchanged.\n\n Most footnotes are bibliographic. Asterisks after a few footnote\n numbers [5.44*] were added by the transcriber to identify those\n notes that give further information.]\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n List of illustrations 89\n Introductory 91\n Classification of burial 92\n Inhumation 93\n Pit burial 93\n Grave burial 101\n Stone graves or cists 113\n Burial in mounds 115\n Burial beneath or in cabins, wigwams, or houses 122\n Cave burial 126\n Embalmment or mummification 130\n Urn burial 137\n Surface burial 138\n Cairn burial 142\n Cremation 143\n Partial cremation 150\n Aerial sepulture 152\n Lodge burial 152\n Box burial 155\n Tree and scaffold burial 158\n Partial scaffold burial and ossuaries 168\n Superterrene and aerial burial in canoes 171\n Aquatic burial 180\n Living sepulchers 182\n Mourning, sacrifice, feasts, etc. 183\n Mourning 183\n Sacrifice 187\n Feasts 190\n Superstition regarding burial feasts 191\n Food 192\n Dances 192\n Songs 194\n Games 195\n Posts 197\n Fires 198\n Superstitions 199\n\n\n\n\nLIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS\n\n [In the original, Figure 12 was printed before Figure 11 (both\n full-page Plates). Figure 45 (_on_ page 196) was printed before the\n group of plates 34-44 (_between_ pages 196 and 197).]\n\n\n 1.--Quiogozon or dead house 94\n 2.--Pima burial 98\n 3.--Towers of silence 105\n 4.--Towers of silence 106\n 5.--Alaskan mummies 135\n 6.--Burial urns 138\n 7.--Indian cemetery 139\n 8.--Grave pen 141\n 9.--Grave pen 141\n 10.--Tolkotin cremation 145\n 11.--Eskimo lodge burial 154\n 12.--Burial houses 154\n 13.--Innuit grave 156\n 14.--Ingalik grave 157\n 15.--Dakota scaffold burial 158\n 16.--Offering food to the dead 159\n 17.--Depositing the corpse 160\n 18.--Tree-burial 161\n 19.--Chippewa scaffold burial 162\n 20.--Scarification at burial 164\n 21.--Australian scaffold burial 166\n 22.--Preparing the dead 167\n 23.--Canoe-burial 171\n 24.--Twana canoe-burial 172\n 25.--Posts for burial canoes 173\n 26.--Tent on scaffold 174\n 27.--House burial 175\n 28.--House burial 175\n 29.--Canoe-burial 178\n 30.--Mourning-cradle 181\n 31.--Launching the burial cradle 182\n 32.--Chippewa widow 185\n 33.--Ghost gamble 195\n 34.--Figured plum stones 196\n 35.--Winning throw, No. 1 196\n 36.--Winning throw, No. 2 196\n 37.--Winning throw, No. 3 196\n 38.--Winning throw, No. 4 196\n 39.--Winning throw, No. 5 196\n 40.--Winning throw, No. 6 196\n 41.--Auxiliary throw, No. 1 196\n 42.--Auxiliary throw, No. 2 196\n 43.--Auxiliary throw, No. 3 196\n 44.--Auxiliary throw, No. 4 196\n 45.--Auxiliary throw, No. 5 196\n 46.--Burial posts 197\n 47.--Grave fire 198\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\n A Further Contribution to the\n\n STUDY OF THE MORTUARY CUSTOMS\n\n of the North American Indians.\n\n By H. C. Yarrow.\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\nINTRODUCTORY.\n\n\nIn view of the fact that the present paper will doubtless reach many\nreaders who may not, in consequence of the limited edition, have seen\nthe preliminary volume on mortuary customs, it seems expedient to\nreproduce in great part the prefatory remarks which served as an\nintroduction to that work; for the reasons then urged, for the immediate\nstudy of this subject, still exist, and as time flies on become more and\nmore important.\n\nThe primitive manners and customs of the North American Indians are\nrapidly passing away under influences of civilization and other\ndisturbing elements. In view of this fact, it becomes the duty of all\ninterested in preserving a record of these customs to labor assiduously,\nwhile there is still time, to collect such data as may be obtainable.\nThis seems the more important now, as within the last ten years an\nalmost universal interest has been awakened in ethnologic research, and\nthe desire for more knowledge in this regard is constantly increasing.\nA\u00a0wise and liberal government, recognizing the need, has ably seconded\nthe efforts of those engaged in such studies by liberal grants, from\nthe public funds; nor is encouragement wanted from the hundreds of\nscientific societies throughout the civilized globe. The public press,\ntoo--the mouth-piece of the people--is ever on the alert to scatter\nbroadcast such items of ethnologic information as its corps of\nwell-trained reporters can secure. To induce further laudable inquiry,\nand assist all those who may be willing to engage in the good work, is\nthe object of this further paper on the mortuary customs of North\nAmerican Indians, and it is hoped that many more laborers may through it\nbe added to the extensive and honorable list of those who have already\ncontributed.\n\nIt would appear that the subject chosen should awaken great interest,\nsince the peculiar methods followed by different nations and the great\nimportance attached to burial ceremonies have formed an almost\ninvariable part of all works relating to the different peoples of our\nglobe; in fact, no particular portion of ethnologic research has claimed\nmore attention. In view of these facts, it might seem almost a work of\nsupererogation to continue a further examination of the subject, for\nnearly every author in writing of our Indian tribes makes some mention\nof burial observances; but these notices are scattered far and wide on\nthe sea of this special literature, and many of the accounts, unless\nsupported by corroborative evidence, may be considered as entirely\nunreliable. To bring together and harmonize conflicting statements, and\narrange collectively what is known of the subject, has been the writer\u2019s\ntask, and an enormous mass of information has been acquired, the method\nof securing which has been already described in the preceding volume and\nneed not be repeated at this time. It has seemed undesirable at present\nto enter into any discussion regarding the causes which may have led to\nthe adoption of any particular form of burial or coincident ceremonies,\nthe object of this paper being simply to furnish illustrative examples,\nand request further contributions from observers; for, notwithstanding\nthe large amount of material already at hand, much still remains to be\ndone, and careful study is needed before any attempt at a thorough\nanalysis of mortuary customs can be made. It is owing to these facts and\nfrom the nature of the material gathered that the paper must be\nconsidered more as a compilation than an original effort, the writer\nhaving done little else than supply the thread to bind together the\naccounts furnished.\n\nIt is proper to add that all the material obtained will eventually be\nembodied in a quarto volume, forming one of the series of Contributions\nto North American Ethnology prepared under the direction of Maj. J.\u00a0W.\nPowell, Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, Smithsonian Institution,\nfrom whom, since the inception of the work, most constant encouragement\nand advice has been received, and to whom all American ethnologists owe\na debt of gratitude which can never be repaid.\n\nHaving thus called attention to the work, the classification of the\nsubject may be given, and examples furnished of the burial ceremonies\namong different tribes, calling especial attention to similar or almost\nanalogous customs among the peoples of the Old World.\n\nFor our present purpose the following provisional arrangement of burials\nmay be adopted, although further study may lead to some modifications.\n\n\n\n\nCLASSIFICATION OF BURIAL.\n\n\n1st. By INHUMATION in pits, graves, or holes in the ground, stone graves\nor cists, in mounds, beneath or in cabins, wigwams, houses or lodges, or\nin caves.\n\n2d. By EMBALMMENT or a process of mummifying, the remains being\nafterwards placed in the earth, caves, mounds, boxes on scaffolds, or in\ncharnel-houses.\n\n3d. By DEPOSITION of remains in urns.\n\n4th. By SURFACE BURIAL, the remains being placed in hollow trees or\nlogs, pens, or simply covered with earth, or bark, or rocks forming\ncairns.\n\n5th. By CREMATION, or partial burning, generally on the surface of the\nearth, occasionally beneath, the resulting bones or ashes being placed\nin pits in the ground, in boxes placed on scaffolds or trees, in urns,\nsometimes scattered.\n\n6th. By AERIAL SEPULTURE, the bodies being left in lodges, houses,\ncabins, tents, deposited on scaffolds or trees, in boxes or canoes, the\ntwo latter receptacles supported on scaffolds or posts, or placed on the\nground. Occasionally baskets have been used to contain the remains of\nchildren, these being hung to trees.\n\n7th. By AQUATIC BURIAL, beneath the water, or in canoes, which were\nturned adrift.\n\nThese heads might, perhaps, be further subdivided, but the above seem\nsufficient for all practical needs.\n\nThe use of the term _burial_ throughout this paper is to be understood\nin its literal significance, the word being derived from the Teutonic\nAnglo-Saxon \u201c_birgan_,\u201d to conceal or hide away.\n\nIn giving descriptions of different burials and attendant ceremonies, it\nhas been deemed expedient to introduce entire accounts as furnished, in\norder to preserve continuity of narrative, and in no case has the\nrelator\u2019s language been changed except to correct manifest\nunintentional, errors of spelling.\n\n\n\n\nINHUMATION.\n\n\n_PIT BURIAL._\n\nThe commonest mode of burial among North American Indians has been that\nof interment in the ground, and this has taken place in a number of\ndifferent ways; the following will, however, serve as good examples of\nthe process:\n\nOne of the simplest forms is thus noted by Schoolcraft:[5.1]\n\n The Mohawks of New York made a large round hole in which the body\n was placed upright or upon its haunches, after which it was covered\n with timber, to support the earth which they lay over, and thereby\n kept the body from being pressed. They then raised the earth in a\n round hill over it. They always dressed the corpse in all its\n finery, and put wampum and other things into the grave with it; and\n the relations suffered not grass nor any wood to grow upon the\n grave, and frequently visited it and made lamentation.\n\nIn Jones[5.2] is the following interesting account from Lawson[5.3] of\nthe burial customs of the Indians formerly inhabiting the Carolinas:\n\n Among the Carolina tribes the burial of the dead was accompanied\n with special ceremonies, the expense and formality attendant upon\n the funeral according with the rank of the deceased. The corpse was\n first placed in a cane hurdle and deposited in an outhouse made for\n the purpose, where it was suffered to remain for a day and a night,\n guarded and mourned over by the nearest relatives with disheveled\n hair. Those who are to officiate at the funeral go into the town,\n and from the backs of the first young men they meet strip such\n blankets and matchcoats as they deem suitable for their purpose. In\n these the dead body is wrapped and then covered with two or three\n mats made of rushes or cane. The coffin is made of woven reeds or\n hollow canes tied fast at both ends. When everything is prepared for\n the interment, the corpse is carried from the house in which it has\n been lying into the orchard of peach-trees and is there deposited in\n another hurdle. Seated upon mats are there congregated the family\n and tribe of the deceased and invited guests. The medicine man, or\n conjurer, having enjoined silence, then pronounces a funeral\n oration, during which he recounts the exploits of the deceased, his\n valor, skill, love of country, property, and influence; alludes to\n the void caused by his death, and counsels those who remain to\n supply his place by following in his footsteps; pictures the\n happiness he will enjoy in the land of spirits to which he has gone,\n and concludes his address by an allusion to the prominent traditions\n of his tribe.\n\nLet us here pause to remind the reader that this custom has prevailed\nthroughout the civilized world up to the present day--a custom, in the\nopinion of many, \u201cmore honored in the breach than in the observance.\u201d\n\n At last [says Mr. Lawson], the Corpse is brought away from that\n Hurdle to the Grave by four young Men, attended by the Relations,\n the King, old Men, and all the Nation. When they come to the\n Sepulcre, which is about six foot deep and eight foot long, having\n at each end (that is, at the Head and Foot) a\u00a0Light-Wood or\n Pitch-Pine Fork driven close down the sides of the Grave firmly into\n the Ground (these two Forks are to contain a Ridge-Pole, as you\n shall understand presently), before they lay the Corps into the\n Grave, they cover the bottom two or three time over with the Bark of\n Trees; then they let down the Corps (with two Belts that the\n _Indians_ carry their Burdens withal) very leisurely upon the said\n Barks; then they lay over a Pole of the same Wood in the two Forks,\n and having a great many Pieces of Pitch-Pine Logs about two Foot and\n a half long, they stick them in the sides of the Grave down each End\n and near the Top thereof, where the other Ends lie in the\n Ridge-Pole, so that they are declining like the Roof of a House.\n These being very thick plac\u2019d, they cover them [many times double]\n with Bark; then they throw the Earth thereon that came out of the\n Grave and beat it down very firm. By this Means the dead Body lies\n in a Vault, nothing touching him.\n\nAfter a time the body is taken up, the bones cleaned, and deposited in\nan ossuary called the Quiogozon.\n\nFigure 1, after De Bry and Lafitau, represents what the early writers\ncalled the Quiogozon, or charnel-house, and allusions will be found to\nit in other parts of this volume. Discrepancies in these accounts impair\ngreatly their value, for one author says that bones were deposited,\nanother dried bodies.\n\nIt will be seen from the following account, furnished by M. B. Kent,\nrelating to the Sacs and Foxes (_Oh-sak-ke-uck_) of the Nehema Agency,\nNebraska, that these Indians were careful in burying their dead to\nprevent the earth coming in contact with the body, and this custom has\nbeen followed by a number of different tribes, as will be seen by\nexamples given further\u00a0on.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 1.--Quiogozon or Dead House.]\n\n _Ancient burial._--The body was buried in a grave made about 2\u00bd\n feet deep, and was laid always with the head towards the east, the\n burial taking place as soon after death as possible. The grave was\n prepared by putting bark in the bottom of it before the corpse was\n deposited, a\u00a0plank covering made and secured some distance above the\n body. The plank was made by splitting trees, until intercourse with\n the whites enabled them to obtain sawed lumber. The corpse was\n always enveloped in a blanket, and prepared as for a long journey in\n life, no coffin being used.\n\n _Modern burial._--This tribe now usually bury in coffins, rude ones\n constructed by themselves, still depositing the body in the grave\n with the head towards the east.\n\n _Ancient funeral ceremonies._--Every relative of the deceased had to\n throw some article in the grave, either food, clothing, or other\n material. There was no rule stating the nature of what was to be\n added to the collection, simply a requirement that something must be\n deposited, if it were only a piece of soiled and faded calico. After\n the corpse was lowered into the grave some brave addressed the dead,\n instructing him to walk directly westward, that he would soon\n discover moccasin tracks, which he must follow until he came to a\n great river, which is the river of death; when there he would find a\n pole across the river, which, if he has been honest, upright, and\n good, will be straight, upon which he could readily cross to the\n other side; but if his life had been one of wickedness and sin, the\n pole would be very crooked, and in the attempt to cross upon it he\n would be precipitated into the turbulent stream and lost forever.\n The brave also told him if he crossed the river in safety the Great\n Father would receive him, take out his old brains, give him new\n ones, and then he would have reached the happy hunting grounds,\n always be happy and have eternal life. After burial a feast was\n always called, and a portion of the food of which each and every\n relative was partaking was burned to furnish subsistence to the\n spirit upon its journey.\n\n _Modern funeral ceremonies._--Provisions are rarely put into the\n grave, and no portion of what is prepared for the feast subsequent\n to burial is burned, although the feast is continued. All the\n address delivered by the brave over the corpse after being deposited\n in the grave is omitted. A\u00a0prominent feature of all ceremonies,\n either funeral or religious, consists of feasting accompanied with\n music and dancing.\n\n _Ancient mourning observances._--The female relations allowed their\n hair to hang entirely unrestrained, clothed themselves in the most\n unpresentable attire, the latter of which the males also do. Men\n blacked the whole face for a period of ten days after a death in the\n family, while the women blacked only the cheeks; the faces of the\n children were blacked for three months; they were also required to\n fast for the same length of time, the fasting to consist of eating\n but one meal per day, to be made entirely of hominy, and partaken of\n about sunset. It was believed that this fasting would enable the\n child to dream of coming events and prophesy what was to happen in\n the future. The extent and correctness of prophetic vision depended\n upon how faithfully the ordeal of fasting had been observed.\n\n _Modern mourning observances._--Many of those of the past are\n continued, such as wearing the hair unrestrained, wearing uncouth\n apparel, blacking faces, and fasting of children, and they are\n adhered to with as much tenacity as many of the professing\n Christians belonging to the evangelical churches adhere to their\n practices, which constitute mere forms, the intrinsic value of which\n can very reasonably be called in question.\n\nThe Creeks and Seminoles of Florida, according to Schoolcraft,[5.4] made\nthe graves of their dead as follows:\n\n When one of the family dies, the relatives bury the corpse about\n four feet deep in a round hole dug directly under the cabin or rock\n wherever he died. The corpse is placed in the hole in a sitting\n posture, with a blanket wrapped about it, and the legs bent under\n and tied together. If a warrior, he is painted, and his pipe,\n ornaments, and warlike appendages are deposited with him. The grave\n is then covered with canes tied to a hoop round the top of the hole,\n then a firm layer of clay, sufficient to support the weight of a\n man. The relations howl loudly and mourn publicly for four days. If\n the deceased has been a man of eminent character, the family\n immediately remove from the house in which he is buried and erect a\n new one, with a belief that where the bones of their dead are\n deposited the place is always attended by goblins and chimeras dire.\n\nDr. W. C. Boteler, physician to the Otoe Indian Agency, Gage County,\nNebraska, in a personal communication to the writer, furnishes a most\ninteresting account of the burial ceremonies of this tribe, in which it\nmay be seen that graves are prepared in a manner similar to those\nalready mentioned:\n\n The Otoe and Missouri tribes of Indians are now located in southern\n Gage County, Nebraska, on a reservation of 43,000 acres, unsurpassed\n in beauty of location, natural resources, and adaptability for\n prosperous agriculture. This pastoral people, though in the midst of\n civilization, have departed but little from the rude practice and\n customs of a nomadic life, and here may be seen and studied those\n interesting dramas as vividly and satisfactorily as upon the remote\n frontier.\n\n During my residence among this people on different occasions, I\u00a0have\n had the opportunity of witnessing the Indian burials and many quaint\n ceremonies pertaining thereto.\n\n When it is found that the vital spark is wavering in an Otoe\n subject, the preparation of the burial costume is immediately began.\n The near relatives of the dying Indian surround the humble bedside,\n and by loud lamentations and much weeping manifest a grief which is\n truly commensurate with the intensity of Indian devotion and\n attachment.\n\n While thus expressing before the near departed their grief at the\n sad separation impending, the Indian women, or friendly braves, lose\n no time in equipping him or her with the most ornate clothes and\n ornaments that are available or in immediate possession. It is thus\n that the departed Otoe is enrobed in death, in articles of his own\n selection and by arrangements of his own taste and dictated by his\n own tongue. It is customary for the dying Indian to dictate, ere his\n departure, the propriety or impropriety of the accustomed\n sacrifices. In some cases there is a double and in others no\n sacrifice at all. The Indian women then prepare to cut away their\n hair; it is accomplished with scissors, cutting close to the scalp\n at the side and behind.\n\n The preparation of the dead for burial is conducted with great\n solemnity and care. Bead-work, the most ornate, expensive blankets\n and ribbons comprise the funeral shroud. The dead, being thus\n enrobed, is placed in a recumbent posture at the most conspicuous\n part of the lodge and viewed in rotation by the mourning relatives\n previously summoned by a courier, all preserving uniformity in the\n piercing screams which would seem to have been learned by rote.\n\n An apparent service is then conducted. The aged men of the tribe,\n arranged in a circle, chant a peculiar funeral dirge around one of\n their number, keeping time upon a drum or some rude cooking-utensil.\n\n At irregular intervals an aged relative will arise and dance\n excitedly around the central person, vociferating, and with wild\n gesture, tomahawk in hand, imprecate the evil spirit, which he\n drives to the land where the sun goes down. The evil spirit being\n thus effectually banished, the mourning gradually subsides, blending\n into succeeding scenes of feasting and refreshment. The burial feast\n is in every respect equal in richness to its accompanying\n ceremonies. All who assemble are supplied with cooked venison, hog,\n buffalo, or beef, regular waiters distributing alike hot cakes\n soaked in grease and coffee or water, as the case may\u00a0be.\n\n Frequently during this stage of the ceremony the most aged Indian\n present will sit in the central circle, and in a continuous and\n doleful tone narrate the acts of valor in the life of the departed,\n enjoining fortitude and bravery upon all sitting around as an\n essential qualification for admittance to the land where the Great\n Spirit reigns. When the burial feast is well-nigh completed, it is\n customary for the surviving friends to present the bereaved family\n with useful articles of domestic needs, such as calico in bolt,\n flannel cloth, robes, and not unfrequently ponies or horses. After\n the conclusion of the ceremonies at the lodge, the body is carefully\n placed in a wagon and, with an escort of all friends, relatives, and\n acquaintances, conveyed to the grave previously prepared by some\n near relation or friend. When a wagon is used, the immediate\n relatives occupy it with the corpse, which is propped in a\n semi-sitting posture; before the use of wagons among the Otoes, it\n was necessary to bind the body of the deceased upon a horse and then\n convey him to his last resting place among his friends. In past days\n when buffalo were more available, and a tribal hunt was more\n frequently indulged in, it is said that those dying on the way were\n bound upon horses and thus frequently carried several hundred miles\n for interment at the burial places of their friends.\n\n At the graveyard of the Indians the ceremony partakes of a double\n nature; upon the one hand it is sanguinary and cruel, and upon the\n other blended with the deepest grief and most heartfelt sorrow.\n Before the interment of the dead the chattels of the deceased are\n unloaded from the wagons or unpacked from the backs of ponies and\n carefully arranged in the vault-like tomb. The bottom, which is\n wider than the top (graves here being dug like an inverted funnel),\n is spread with straw or grass matting, woven generally by the Indian\n women of the tribe or some near neighbor. The sides are then\n carefully hung with handsome shawls or blankets, and trunks, with\n domestic articles, pottery, &c., of less importance, are piled\n around in abundance. The sacrifices are next inaugurated. A\u00a0pony,\n first designated by the dying Indian, is led aside and strangled by\n men hanging to either end of a rope. Sometimes, but not always,\n a\u00a0dog is likewise strangled, the heads of both animals being\n subsequently laid upon the Indian\u2019s grave. The body, which is now\n often placed in a plain coffin, is lowered into the grave, and if a\n coffin is used the friends take their parting look at the deceased\n before closing it at the grave. After lowering, a\u00a0saddle and bridle,\n blankets, dishes, &c., are placed upon it, the mourning ceases, and\n the Indians prepare to close the grave. It should be remembered,\n among the Otoe and Missouri Indians dirt is not filled in upon the\n body, but simply rounded up from the surface upon stout logs that\n are accurately fitted over the opening of the grave. After the\n burying is completed, a\u00a0distribution of the property of the deceased\n takes place, the near relatives receiving everything, from the\n merest trifle to the tent and homes, leaving the immediate family,\n wife and children or father out-door pensioners.\n\n Although the same generosity is not observed towards the whites\n assisting in funeral rites, it is universally practiced as regards\n Indians, and poverty\u2019s lot is borne by the survivors with a\n fortitude and resignation which in them amounts to duty, and marks a\n higher grade of intrinsic worth than pervades whites of like\n advantages and conditions. We are told in the Old Testament\n Scriptures, \u201cfour days and four nights should the fires burn,\u201d &c.\n In fulfillment of this sacred injunction, we find the midnight vigil\n carefully kept by these Indians four days and four nights at the\n graves of their departed. A\u00a0small fire is kindled for the purpose\n near the grave at sunset, where the nearest relatives convene and\n maintain a continuous lamentation till the morning dawn. There was\n an ancient tradition that at the expiration of this time the Indian\n arose, and mounting his spirit pony, galloped off to the happy\n hunting-ground beyond.\n\n Happily, with the advancement of Christianity these superstitions\n have faded, and the living sacrifices are partially continued only\n from a belief that by parting with their most cherished and valuable\n goods they propitiate the Great Spirit for the sins committed during\n the life of the deceased. This, though at first revolting, we find\n was the practice of our own forefathers, offering up as burnt\n offerings the lamb or the ox; hence we cannot censure this people,\n but, from a comparison of conditions, credit them with a more strict\n observance of our Holy Book than pride and seductive fashions permit\n of\u00a0us.\n\n From a careful review of the whole of their attendant ceremonies a\n remarkable similarity can be marked. The arrangement of the corpse\n preparatory to interment, the funeral feast, the local service by\n the aged fathers, are all observances that have been noted among\n whites, extending into times that are in the memory of those still\n living.\n\nThe Pimas of Arizona, actuated by apparently the same motives that led\nthe more eastern tribes to endeavor to prevent contact of earth with\nthe corpse, adopted a plan which has been described by Capt. F.\u00a0E.\nGrossman,[5.5] and the account is corroborated by M.\u00a0Alphonse\nPinart[5.6] and Bancroft.[5.7]\n\nCaptain Grossman\u2019s account follows:\n\n The Pimas tie the bodies of their dead with ropes, passing the\n latter around their neck and under the knees, and then drawing them\n tight until the body is doubled up and forced into a sitting\n position. They dig the graves from four to five feet deep and\n perfectly round (about two feet in diameter), and then hollow out to\n one side of the bottom of this grave a sort of vault large enough to\n contain the body. Here the body is deposited, the grave is filled up\n level with the ground, and poles, trees, or pieces of timber placed\n upon the grave to protect the remains from coyotes.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 2.--Pima burial.]\n\n Burials usually take place at night without much ceremony. The\n mourners chant during the burial, but signs of grief are rare. The\n bodies of their dead are buried if possible, immediately after death\n has taken place and the graves are generally prepared before the\n patients die. Sometimes sick persons (for whom the graves had\n already been dug) recover. In such cases the graves are left open\n until the persons for whom they are intended die. Open graves of\n this kind can be seen in several of their burial grounds. Places of\n burial are selected some distance from the village, and, if\n possible, in a grove of mesquite trees.\n\n Immediately after the remains have been buried, the house and\n personal effects of the deceased are burned and his horses and\n cattle killed, the meat being cooked as a repast for the mourners.\n The nearest relatives of the deceased as a sign of their sorrow\n remain within their village for weeks, and sometimes months; the men\n cut off about six inches of their long hair, while the women cut\n their hair quite short. *\u00a0*\u00a0*\n\n The custom of destroying all the property of the husband when he\n dies impoverishes the widow and children and prevents increase of\n stock. The women of the tribe, well aware that they will be poor\n should their husbands die, and that then they will have to provide\n for their children by their own exertions, do not care to have many\n children, and infanticide, both before and after birth, prevails to\n a great extent. This is not considered a crime, and old women of the\n tribe practice it. A\u00a0widow may marry again after a year\u2019s mourning\n for her first husband; but having children no man will take her for\n a wife and thus burden himself with her children. Widows generally\n cultivate a small piece of ground, and friends and relatives (men)\n plow the ground for them.\n\nFig. 2, drawn from Captain Grossman\u2019s description by my friend Dr. W.\u00a0J.\nHoffman, will convey a good idea of this mode of burial.\n\nStephen Powers[5.8] describes a similar mode of grave preparation among\nthe Yuki of California:\n\n The Yuki bury their dead in a sitting posture. They dig a hole six\n feet deep sometimes and at the bottom of it \u201c_coyote_\u201d under, making\n a little recess in which the corpse is deposited.\n\nThe Comanches of Indian Territory (_Nem_, _we, or us, people_),\naccording to Dr. Fordyce Grinnell, of the Wichita Agency, Indian\nTerritory, go to the opposite extreme, so far as the protection of the\ndead from the surrounding earth is concerned. The account as received is\ngiven entire, as much to illustrate this point as others of interest.\n\n When a Comanche is dying, while the death-rattle may yet be faintly\n heard in the throat, and the natural warmth has not departed from\n the body, the knees are strongly bent upon the chest, and the legs\n flexed upon the thighs. The arms are also flexed upon each side of\n the chest, and the head bent forward upon the knees. A\u00a0lariat, or\n rope, is now used to firmly bind the limbs and body in this\n position. A\u00a0blanket is then wrapped around the body, and this again\n tightly corded, so that the appearance when ready for burial is that\n of an almost round and compact body, very unlike the composed pall\n of his Wichita or Caddo brother. The body is then taken and placed\n in a saddle upon a pony, in a sitting posture; a\u00a0squaw usually\n riding behind, though sometimes one on either side of the horse,\n holds the body in position until the place of burial is reached,\n when the corpse is literally tumbled into the excavation selected\n for the purpose. The deceased is only accompanied by two or three\n squaws, or enough to perform the little labor bestowed upon the\n burial. The body is taken due west of the lodge or village of the\n bereaved, and usually one of the deep washes or heads of ca\u00f1ons in\n which the Comanche country abounds is selected, and the body thrown\n in, without special reference to position. With this are deposited\n the bows and arrows; these, however, are first broken. The saddle is\n also placed in the grave, together with many of the personal\n valuables of the departed. The body is then covered over with sticks\n and earth, and sometimes stones are placed over the whole.\n\n _Funeral ceremonies._--the best pony owned by the deceased is\n brought to the grave and killed, that the departed may appear well\n mounted and caparisoned among his fellows in the other world.\n Formerly, if the deceased were a chief or man of consequence and had\n large herds of ponies, many were killed, sometimes amounting to 200\n or 300 head in number.\n\n The Comanches illustrate the importance of providing a good pony for\n the convoy of the deceased to the happy-grounds by the following\n story, which is current among both Comanches and Wichitas:\n\n \u201cA few years since, an old Comanche died who had no relatives and\n who was quite poor. Some of the tribe concluded that almost any kind\n of a pony would serve to transport him to the next world. They\n therefore killed at his grave an old, ill-conditioned, lop-eared\n horse. But a few weeks after the burial of this friendless one, lo\n and behold he returned, riding this same old worn-out horse, weary\n and hungry. He first appeared at the Wichita camps, where he was\n well known, and asked for something to eat, but his strange\n appearance, with sunken eyes and hollow cheeks, filled with\n consternation all who saw him, and they fled from his presence.\n Finally one bolder than the rest placed a piece of meat on the end\n of a lodge-pole and extended it to him. He soon appeared at his own\n camp, creating, if possible, even more dismay than among the\n Wichitas, and this resulted in both Wichitas and Comanches leaving\n their villages and moving _en masse_ to a place on Rush Creek, not\n far distant from the present site of Fort Sill.\n\n \u201cWhen the troubled spirit from the sunsetting world was questioned\n why he thus appeared among the inhabitants of earth, he made reply\n that when he came to the gates of paradise the keepers would on no\n account permit him to enter upon such an ill-conditioned beast as\n that which bore him, and thus in sadness he returned to haunt the\n homes of those whose stinginess and greed permitted him no better\n equipment. Since this no Comanche has been permitted to depart with\n the sun to his chambers in the west without a steed which in\n appearance should do honor alike to the rider and his friends.\u201d\n\n The body is buried at the sunsetting side of the camp, that the\n spirit may accompany the setting sun to the world beyond. The spirit\n starts on its journey the following night after death has taken\n place; if this occur at night, the journey is not begun until the\n next night.\n\n _Mourning observances._--All the effects of the deceased, the tents,\n blankets, clothes, treasures, and whatever of value, aside from the\n articles which have been buried with the body, are burned, so that\n the family is left in poverty. This practice has extended even to\n the burning of wagons and harness since some of the civilized habits\n have been adopted. It is believed that these ascend to heaven in the\n smoke, and will thus be of service to the owner in the other world.\n Immediately upon the death of a member of the household, the\n relatives begin a peculiar wailing, and the immediate members of the\n family take off their customary apparel and clothe themselves in\n rags and cut themselves across the arms, breast, and other portions\n of the body, until sometimes a fond wife or mother faints from loss\n of blood. This scarification is usually accomplished with a knife,\n or, as in earlier days, with a flint. Hired mourners are employed at\n times who are in no way related to the family, but who are\n accomplished in the art of crying for the dead. These are invariably\n women. Those nearly related to the departed, cut off the long locks\n from the entire head, while those more distantly related, or special\n friends, cut the hair only from one side of the head. In case of the\n death of a chief, the young warriors also cut the hair, usually from\n the left side of the head.\n\n After the first few days of continued grief, the mourning is\n conducted more especially at sunrise and sunset, as the Comanches\n venerate the sun; and the mourning at these seasons is kept up, if\n the death occurred in summer, until the leaves fall, or, if in the\n winter, until they reappear.\n\nIt is a matter of some interest to note that the preparation of the\ncorpse and the grave among the Comanches is almost identical with the\nburial customs of some of the African tribes, and the baling of the body\nwith ropes or cords is a wide and common usage of savage peoples. The\nhiring of mourners is also a practice which has been very prevalent from\nremotest periods of time.\n\n\n_GRAVE BURIAL._\n\nThe following interesting account of burial among the Pueblo Indians of\nSan Geronimo de Taos, New Mexico, furnished by Judge Anthony Joseph,\nwill show in a manner how civilized customs have become engrafted upon\nthose of a more barbaric nature. It should be remembered that the Pueblo\npeople are next to the Cherokees, Choctaws, and others in the Indian\nTerritory, the most civilized of our tribes.\n\nAccording to Judge Joseph, these people call themselves _Wee-ka-nahs_.\n\n These are commonly known to the whites as _Piros_. The manner of\n burial by these Indians, both ancient and modern, as far as I can\n ascertain from information obtained from the most intelligent of the\n tribe, is that the body of the dead is and has been always buried in\n the ground in a horizontal position with the flat bottom of the\n grave. The grave is generally dug out of the ground in the usual and\n ordinary manner, being about 6 feet deep, 7\u00a0feet long, and about 2\n feet wide. It is generally finished after receiving its occupant by\n being leveled with the hard ground around it, never leaving, as is\n customary with the whites, a\u00a0mound to mark the spot. This tribe of\n Pueblo Indians never cremated their dead, as they do not know, even\n by tradition, that it was ever done or attempted. There are no\n utensils or implements placed in the grave, but there are a great\n many Indian ornaments, such as beads of all colors, sea-shells,\n hawk-bells, round looking-glasses, and a profusion of ribbons of all\n imaginable colors; then they paint the body with red vermilion and\n white chalk, giving it a most fantastic as well as ludicrous\n appearance. They also place a variety of food in the grave as a wise\n provision for its long journey to the happy hunting-ground beyond\n the clouds.\n\n The funeral ceremonies of this tribe are very peculiar. First, after\n death, the body is laid out on a fancy buffalo robe spread out on\n the ground, then they dress the body in the best possible manner in\n their style of dress; if a male, they put on his beaded leggins and\n embroidered _saco_, and his fancy dancing-moccasins, and his large\n brass or shell ear-rings; if a female, they put on her best manta or\n dress, tied around the waist with a silk sash, put on her feet her\n fancy dancing-moccasins; her _rosario_ around her neck, her brass or\n shell ear-rings in her ears, and with her tressed black hair tied up\n with red tape or ribbon, this completes her wardrobe for her long\n and happy chase. When they get through dressing the body, they place\n about a dozen lighted candles around it, and keep them burning\n continually until the body is buried. As soon as the candles are\n lighted, the _veloris_, or wake, commences; the body lies in state\n for about twenty-four hours, and in that time all the friends,\n relatives, and neighbors of the deceased or \u201c_difunti_\u201d visit the\n wake, chant, sing, and pray for the soul of the same, and tell one\n another of the good deeds and traits of valor and courage manifested\n by the deceased during his earthly career, and at intervals in their\n praying, singing, &c., some near relative of the deceased will step\n up to the corpse and every person in the room commences to cry\n bitterly and express aloud words of endearment to the deceased and\n of condolence to the family of the same in their untimely\n bereavement.\n\n At about midnight supper is announced, and every person in\n attendance marches out into another room and partakes of a frugal\n Indian meal, generally composed of wild game; Chil\u00e9 Colorado or\n red-pepper tortillas, and guayaves, with a good supply of mush and\n milk, which completes the festive board of the _veloris_ or wake.\n When the deceased is in good circumstances, the crowd in attendance\n is treated every little while during the wake to alcoholic\n refreshments. This feast and feasting is kept up until the Catholic\n priest arrives to perform the funeral rites.\n\n When the priest arrives, the corpse is done up or rather baled up in\n a large and well-tanned buffalo robe, and tied around tight with a\n rope or lasso made for the purpose; then six or eight men act as\n pall-bearers, conducting the body to the place of burial, which is\n in front of their church or chapel. The priest conducts the funeral\n ceremonies in the ordinary and usual way of mortuary proceedings\n observed by the Catholic church all over the world. While the\n grave-diggers are filling up the grave, the friends, relatives,\n neighbors, and, in fact, all persons that attend the funeral, give\n vent to their sad feelings by making the whole pueblo howl; after\n the tremendous uproar subsides, they disband and leave the body to\n rest until Gabriel blows his trumpet. When the ceremonies are\n performed with all the pomp of the Catholic church, the priest\n receives a fair compensation for his services; otherwise he\n officiates for the yearly rents that all the Indians of the pueblo\n pay him, which amount in the sum total to about $2,000 per annum.\n\n These Pueblo Indians are very strict in their mourning observance,\n which last for one year after the demise of the deceased. While in\n mourning for the dead, the mourners do not participate in the\n national festivities of the tribe, which are occasions of state with\n them, but they retire into a state of sublime quietude which makes\n more civilized people sad to observe; but when the term of mourning\n ceases, at the end of the year, they have high mass said for the\n benefit of the soul of the departed; after this they again appear\n upon the arena of their wild sports and continue to be gay and happy\n until the next mortal is called from this terrestrial sphere to the\n happy hunting-ground, which is their pictured celestial paradise.\n The above cited facts, which are the most interesting points\n connected with the burial customs of the Indians of the pueblo San\n Geronimo de Taos, are not in the least exaggerated, but are the\n absolute facts, which I have witnessed myself in many instances for\n a period of more than twenty years that I have resided but a short\n distant from said pueblo, and, being a close observer of their\n peculiar burial customs, am able to give you this true and\n undisguised information relative to your circular on \u201cburial\n customs.\u201d\n\nAnother example of the care which is taken to prevent the earth coming\nin contact with the corpse may be found in the account of the burial of\nthe Wichita Indians of Indian Territory, furnished by Dr. Fordyce\nGrinnell, whose name has already been mentioned in connection with the\nComanche customs. The Wichitas call themselves _Kitty-ka-tats_, or those\nof the tattooed eyelids.\n\n When a Wichita dies the town-crier goes up and down through the\n village and announces the fact. Preparations are immediately made\n for the burial, and the body is taken without delay to the grave\n prepared for its reception. If the grave is some distance from the\n village, the body is carried thither on the back of a pony, being\n first wrapped in blankets and then laid prone, across the saddle,\n one person walking on either side to support it. The grave is dug\n from three to four feet deep and of sufficient length for the\n extended body. First blankets and buffalo-robes are laid in the\n bottom of the grave, then the body, being taken from the horse and\n unwrapped, is dressed in its best apparel and with ornaments is\n placed upon a couch of blankets and robes, with the head towards the\n west and the feet to the east; the valuables belonging to the\n deceased are placed with the body in the grave. With the man are\n deposited his bows and arrows or gun, and with the woman her cooking\n utensils and other implements of her toil. Over the body sticks are\n placed six or eight inches deep and grass over these, so that when\n the earth is filled in, it need not come in contact with the body or\n its trappings. After the grave is filled with earth, a\u00a0pen of poles\n is built around it, or as is frequently the case, stakes are driven\n so that they cross each other from either side about midway over the\n grave, thus forming a complete protection from the invasion of wild\n animals. After all this is done, the grass or other _debris_ is\n carefully scraped from about the grave for several feet, so that the\n ground is left smooth and clean. It is seldom the case that the\n relatives accompany the remains to the grave, but they more often\n employ others to bury the body for them, usually women. Mourning is\n similar in this tribe, as in others, and it consists in cutting off\n the hair, fasting, &c. Horses are also killed at the grave.\n\nThe Caddoes, _Ascena_, or Timber Indians, as they call themselves,\nfollow nearly the same mode of burial as the Wichitas, but one custom\nprevailing is worthy of mention:\n\n If a Caddo is killed in battle, the body is never buried, but is\n left to be devoured by beasts or birds of prey, and the condition of\n such individuals in the other world is considered to be far better\n than that of persons dying a natural death.\n\nIn a work by Bruhier[5.9] the following remarks, freely translated by\nthe writer, may be found, which note a custom having great similarity to\nthe exposure of bodies to wild beasts mentioned above:\n\n The ancient Persians threw out the bodies of their dead on the\n roads, and if they were promptly devoured by wild beasts it was\n esteemed a great honor, a\u00a0misfortune if not. Sometimes they\n interred, always wrapping the dead in a wax cloth to prevent odor.\n\nM. Pierre Muret,[5.10] from whose book Bruhier probably obtained his\ninformation, gives at considerable length an account of this peculiar\nmethod of treating the dead among the Persians, as follows:\n\n It is a matter of astonishment, considering the _Persians_ have ever\n had the renown of being one of the most civilized Nations in the\n world, that notwithstanding they should have used such barbarous\n customs about the Dead as are set down in the Writings of some\n Historians; and the rather because at this day there are still to be\n seen among them those remains of Antiquity, which do fully satisfie\n us, that their Tombs have been very magnificent. And yet\n nevertheless, if we will give credit to _Procopius_ and _Agathias_,\n the _Persians_ were never wont to bury their Dead Bodies, so far\n were they from bestowing any Funeral Honours upon them: But, as\n these Authors tell us, they exposed them stark naked in the open\n fields, which is the greatest shame our Laws do allot to the most\n infamous Criminals, by laying them open to the view of all upon the\n highways: Yea, in their opinion it was a great unhappiness, if\n either Birds or Beasts did not devour their Carcases; and they\n commonly made an estimate of the Felicity of these poor Bodies,\n according as they were sooner or later made a prey of. Concerning\n these, they resolved that they must needs have been very bad indeed,\n since even the beasts themselves would not touch them; which caused\n an extream sorrow to their Relations, they taking it for an ill\n boding to their Family, and an infallible presage of some great\n misfortune hanging over their heads; for they persuaded themselves,\n that the Souls which inhabited those Bodies being dragg\u2019d into Hell,\n would not fail to come and trouble them; and that being always\n accompanied with the Devils, their Tormentors, they would certainly\n give them a great deal of disturbance.\n\n And on the contrary, when these Corpses were presently devoured,\n their joy was very great, they enlarged themselves in praises of the\n Deceased; every one esteeming them undoubtedly happy, and came to\n congratulate their relations on that account: For as they believed\n assuredly, that they were entered into the _Elysian_ Fields, so they\n were persuaded, that they would procure the same bliss for all those\n of their family.\n\n They also took a great delight to see Skeletons and Bones scatered\n up and down in the fields, whereas we can scarcely endure to see\n those of Horses and Dogs used so. And these remains of Humane\n Bodies, (the sight whereof gives us so much horror, that we\n presently bury them out of our sight, whenever we find them\n elsewhere than in Charnel-houses or Church-yards) were the occasion\n of their greatest joy; beecause they concluded from thence the\n happiness of those that had been devoured, wishing after their Death\n to meet with the like good luck.\n\nThe same author states, and Bruhier corroborates the assertion, that the\nParthians, Medes, Iberians, Caspians, and a few others, had such a\nhorror and aversion of the corruption and decomposition of the dead, and\nof their being eaten by worms, that they threw out the bodies into the\nopen fields to be devoured by wild beasts, a\u00a0part of their belief being\nthat persons so devoured would not be entirely extinct, but enjoy at\nleast a partial sort of life in their living sepulchers. It is quite\nprobable that for these and other reasons the Bactrians and Hircanians\ntrained dogs for this special purpose, called _Canes sepulchrales_,\nwhich received the greatest care and attention, for it was deemed proper\nthat the souls of the deceased should have strong and lusty frames to\ndwell\u00a0in.\n\nThe Buddhists of Bhotan are said to expose the bodies of their dead on\ntop of high rocks.\n\nAccording to Tegg, whose work is quoted frequently, in the London Times\nof January 28, 1876, Mr. Monier Williams writes from Calcutta regarding\nthe \u201cTowers of Silence,\u201d so called, of the Parsees, who, it is well\nknown, are the descendants of the ancient Persians expelled from Persia\nby the Mohammedan conquerors, and settled at Surat about 1,100 years\nsince. This gentleman\u2019s narrative is freely made use of to show how the\ncustom of the exposure of the dead to birds of prey has continued up to\nthe present time.\n\n The Dakhmas, or Parsee towers of silence, are erected in a garden on\n the highest point of Malabar Hill, a\u00a0beautiful, rising ground on one\n side of Black Bay, noted for the bungalows and compounds of the\n European and wealthier inhabitants of Bombay scattered in every\n direction over its surface.\n\n The garden is approached by a well-constructed, private road, all\n access to which, except to Parsees, is barred by strong iron gates.\n\nThe garden is described as being very beautiful, and he says:\n\n No English nobleman\u2019s garden could be better kept, and no pen could\n do justice to the glories of its flowering shrubs, cypresses, and\n palms. It seemed the very ideal, not only of a place of sacred\n silence, but of peaceful rest.\n\nThe towers are five in number, built of hardest black granite, about 40\nfeet in diameter and 25 in height, and constructed so solidly as almost\nto resist absolutely the ravages of time. The oldest and smallest of the\ntowers was constructed about 200 years since, when the Parsees first\nsettled in Bombay, and is used only for a certain family. The next\noldest was erected in 1756, and the three others during the next\ncentury. A\u00a0sixth tower of square shape stands alone, and is only used\nfor criminals.\n\nThe writer proceeds as follows:\n\n Though wholly destitute of ornament and even of the simplest\n moldings, the parapet of each tower possesses an extraordinary\n coping, which instantly attracts and fascinates the gaze. It is a\n coping formed not of dead stone, but of living vultures. These\n birds, on the occasion of my visit, had settled themselves side by\n side in perfect order and in a complete circle around the parapets\n of the towers, with their heads pointing inwards, and so lazily did\n they sit there, and so motionless was their whole mien, that except\n for their color, they might have been carved out of the stonework.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 3.--Parsee Towers of Silence (interior).]\n\nNo one is allowed to enter the towers except the corpse-bearers, nor is\nany one permitted within thirty feet of the immediate precincts. A\u00a0model\nwas shown Mr. Williams, and from it he drew up this description:\n\n Imagine a round column or massive cylinder, 12 or 14 feet high and\n at least 40 feet in diameter, built throughout of solid stone except\n in the center, where a well, 5\u00a0or 6 feet across, leads down to an\n excavation under the masonry, containing four drains at right angles\n to each other, terminated by holes filled with charcoal. Round the\n upper surface of this solid circular cylinder, and completely hiding\n the interior from view, is a stone parapet, 10 or 12 feet in height.\n This it is which, when viewed from the outside, appears to form one\n piece with the solid stone-work, and being, like it, covered with\n chunam, gives the whole the appearance of a low tower. The upper\n surface of the solid stone column is divided into 72 compartments,\n or open receptacles, radiating like the spokes of a wheel from the\n central well, and arranged in three concentric rings, separated from\n each other by narrow ridges of stone, which are grooved to act as\n channels for conveying all moisture from the receptacles into the\n well and into the lower drains. It should be noted that the number\n \u201c3\u201d is emblematical of Zoroaster\u2019s three precepts, and the number\n \u201c72\u201d of the chapters of his Yasna, a\u00a0portion of the Zend-Avest\u00e1.\n\n Each circle of open stone coffins is divided from the next by a\n pathway, so that there are three circular pathways, the last\n encircling the central well, and these three pathways are crossed by\n another pathway conducting from the solitary door which admits the\n corpse-bearers from the exterior. In the outermost circle of the\n stone coffins are placed the bodies of males, in the middle those of\n the females, and in the inner and smallest circle nearest the well\n those of children.\n\n While I was engaged with the secretary in examining the model,\n a\u00a0sudden stir among the vultures made us raise our heads. At least a\n hundred birds collected round one of the towers began to show\n symptoms of excitement, while others swooped down from neighboring\n trees. The cause of this sudden abandonment of their previous apathy\n soon revealed itself. A\u00a0funeral was seen to be approaching. However\n distant the house of a deceased person, and whether he be rich or\n poor, high or low in rank, his body is always carried to the towers\n by the official corpse-bearers, called _Nasasal\u00e1r_, who form a\n distinct class, the mourners walking behind.\n\n Before they remove the body from the house where the relatives are\n assembled, funeral prayers are recited, and the corpse is exposed to\n the gaze of a dog, regarded by the Parsees as a sacred animal. This\n latter ceremony is called _sagdid_.\n\n Then the body, swathed in a white sheet, is placed in a curved metal\n trough, open at both ends, and the corpse-bearers, dressed in pure\n white garments, proceed with it towards the towers. They are\n followed by the mourners at a distance of at least 30 feet, in\n pairs, also dressed in white, and each couple joined by holding a\n white handkerchief between them. The particular funeral I witnessed\n was that of a child. When the two corpse-bearers reached the path\n leading by a steep incline to the door of the tower, the mourners,\n about eight in number, turned back and entered one of the\n prayer-houses. \u201cThere,\u201d said the secretary, \u201cthey repeat certain\n g\u00e1th\u00e1s, and pray that the spirit of the deceased may be safely\n transported, on the fourth day after death, to its final\n resting-place.\u201d\n\n The tower selected for the present funeral was one in which other\n members of the same family had before been laid. The two bearers\n speedily unlocked the door, reverently conveyed the body of the\n child into the interior, and, unseen by any one, laid it uncovered\n in one of the open stone receptacles nearest the central well. In\n two minutes they reappeared with the empty bier and white cloth, and\n scarcely had they closed the door when a dozen vultures swooped down\n upon the body and were rapidly followed by others. In five minutes\n more we saw the satiated birds fly back and lazily settle down again\n upon the parapet. They had left nothing behind but a skeleton.\n Meanwhile, the bearers were seen to enter a building shaped like a\n high barrel. There, as the secretary informed me, they changed their\n clothes and washed themselves. Shortly afterwards we saw them come\n out and deposit their cast-off funeral garments in a stone\n receptacle near at hand. Not a thread leaves the garden, lest it\n should carry defilement into the city. Perfectly new garments are\n supplied at each funeral. In a fortnight, or, at most, four weeks,\n the same bearers return, and, with gloved hands and implements\n resembling tongs, place the dry skeleton in the central well. There\n the bones find their last resting-place, and there the dust of whole\n generations of Parsees commingling is left undisturbed for\n centuries.\n\n The revolting sight of the gorged vultures made me turn my back on\n the towers with ill-concealed abhorrence. I\u00a0asked the secretary how\n it was possible to become reconciled to such usage. His reply was\n nearly in the following words: \u201cOur prophet Zoroaster, who lived\n 6,000 years ago, taught us to regard the elements as symbols of the\n Deity. Earth, fire, water, he said, ought never, under any\n circumstances, to be defiled by contact with putrefying flesh.\n Naked, he said, came we into the world and naked we ought to leave\n it. But the decaying particles of our bodies should be dissipated as\n rapidly as possible and in such a way that neither Mother Earth nor\n the beings she supports should be contaminated in the slightest\n degree. In fact, our prophet was the greatest of health officers,\n and, following his sanitary laws, we build our towers on the tops of\n the hills, above all human habitations. We spare no expense in\n constructing them of the hardest materials, and we expose our\n putrescent bodies in open stone receptacles, resting on fourteen\n feet of solid granite, not necessarily to be consumed by vultures,\n but to be dissipated in the speediest possible manner and without\n the possibility of polluting the earth or contaminating a single\n being dwelling thereon. God, indeed, sends the vultures, and, as a\n matter of fact, these birds do their appointed work much more\n expeditiously than millions of insects would do if we committed our\n bodies to the ground. In a sanitary point of view, nothing can be\n more perfect than our plan. Even the rain-water which washes our\n skeletons is conducted by channels into purifying charcoal. Here in\n these five towers rest the bones of all the Parsees that have lived\n in Bombay for the last two hundred years. We form a united body in\n life and we are united in death.\u201d\n\nIt would appear that the reasons given for this peculiar mode of\ndisposing of the dead by the Parsee secretary are quite at variance with\nthe ideas advanced by Muret regarding the ancient Persians, and to which\nallusion has already been made. It might be supposed that somewhat\nsimilar motives to those governing the Parsees actuated those of the\nNorth American Indians who deposit their dead on scaffolds and trees,\nbut the theory becomes untenable when it is recollected that great care\nis taken to preserve the dead from the ravages of carnivorous birds, the\ncorpse being carefully enveloped in skins and firmly tied up with ropes\nor thongs.\n\nFigures 3 and 4 are representations of the Parsee towers of silence,\ndrawn by Mr. Holmes, mainly from the description given.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 4.--Parsee Towers of Silence.]\n\nGeorge Gibbs[5.11] gives the following account of burial among the\nKlamath and Trinity Indians of the Northwest coast, the information\nhaving been originally furnished him by James G. Swan.\n\n The graves, which are in the immediate vicinity of their houses,\n exhibit very considerable taste and a laudable care. The dead are\n inclosed in rude coffins formed by placing four boards around the\n body, and covered with earth to some depth; a\u00a0heavy plank, often\n supported by upright head and foot stones, is laid upon the top, or\n stones are built up into a wall about a foot above the ground, and\n the top flagged with others. The graves of the chiefs are surrounded\n by neat wooden palings, each pale ornamented with a feather from the\n tail of the bald eagle. Baskets are usually staked down by the side,\n according to the wealth or popularity of the individual, and\n sometimes other articles for ornament or use are suspended over\n them. The funeral ceremonies occupy three days, during which the\n soul of the deceased is in danger from _O-mah-\u00e1_, or the devil. To\n preserve it from this peril, a\u00a0fire is kept up at the grave, and the\n friends of the deceased howl around it to scare away the demon.\n Should they not be successful in this the soul is carried down the\n river, subject, however, to redemption by _P\u00e9h-ho-wan_ on payment of\n a big knife. After the expiration of three days it is all well with\n them.\n\nThe question may well be asked, is the big knife a \u201csop to Cerberus\u201d?\n\nTo Dr. Charles E. McChesney, acting assistant surgeon, United States\nArmy, one of the most conscientious and careful of observers, the writer\nis indebted for the following interesting account of the mortuary\ncustoms of the\n\nWAH-PETON AND SISSETON SIOUX OF DAKOTA.\n\n A large proportion of these Indians being members of the\n Presbyterian church (the missionaries of which church have labored\n among them for more than forty years past), the dead of their\n families are buried after the customs of that church, and this\n influence is felt to a great extent among those Indians who are not\n strict church members, so that they are dropping one by one the\n traditional customs of their tribe, and but few can now be found who\n bury their dead in accordance with their customs of twenty or more\n years ago. The dead of those Indians who still adhere to their\n modern burial customs are buried in the ways indicated below.\n\n _Warrior._--After death they paint a warrior red across the mouth,\n or they paint a hand in black color, with the thumb on one side of\n the mouth and the fingers separated on the other cheek, the rest of\n the face being painted red. (This latter is only done as a mark of\n respect to a specially brave man.) Spears, clubs, and the\n medicine-bag of the deceased when alive are buried with the body,\n the medicine-bag being placed on the bare skin over the region of\n the heart. There is not now, nor has there been, among these Indians\n any special preparation of the grave. The body of a warrior is\n generally wrapped in a blanket or piece of cloth (and frequently in\n addition is placed in a box) and buried in the grave prepared for\n the purpose, always, as the majority of these Indians inform me,\n with the head towards the _south_. (I\u00a0have, however, seen many\n graves in which the head of the occupant had been placed to the\n _east_. It may be that these graves were those of Indians who\n belonged to the church; and a few Indians inform me that the head is\n sometimes placed towards the _west_, according to the occupant\u2019s\n belief when alive as to the direction from which his guiding\n medicine came, and I am personally inclined to give credence to this\n latter as sometimes occurring.) In all burials, when the person has\n died a natural death, or had not been murdered, and whether man,\n woman, or child, the body is placed in the grave with the face _up_.\n In cases, however, when a man or woman has been murdered by one of\n their own tribe, the body was, and is always, placed in the grave\n with the face _down_, head to the _south_, and a piece of fat (bacon\n or pork) placed in the mouth. This piece of fat is placed in the\n mouth, as these Indians say, to prevent the spirit of the murdered\n person driving or scaring the game from that section of country.\n Those Indians who state that their dead are always buried with the\n head towards the south say they do so in order that the spirit of\n the deceased may go to the south, the land from which these Indians\n believe they originally came.\n\n _Women and children._--Before death the face of the person expected\n to die is often painted in a red color. When this is not done before\n death it is done afterwards; the body being then buried in a grave\n prepared for its reception, and in the manner described for a\n warrior, cooking-utensils taking the place of the warrior\u2019s weapons.\n In cases of boys and girls a kettle of cooked food is sometimes\n placed at the head of the grave after the body is covered. Now, if\n the dead body be that of a boy, all the boys of about his age go up\n and eat of the food, and in cases of girls all the girls do\n likewise. This, however, has never obtained as a custom, but is\n sometimes done in cases of warriors and women also.\n\n Cremation has never been practiced by these Indians. It is now, and\n always has been, a\u00a0custom among them to remove a lock of hair from\n the top or scalp lock of a warrior, or from the left side of the\n head of a woman, which is carefully preserved by some near relative\n of the deceased, wrapped in pieces of calico and muslin, and hung in\n the lodge of the deceased and is considered the ghost of the dead\n person. To the bundle is attached a tin cup or other vessel, and in\n this is placed some food for the spirit of the dead person. Whenever\n a stranger happens in at meal time, this food, however, is not\n allowed to go to waste; if not consumed by the stranger to whom it\n is offered, some of the occupants of the lodge eat it. They seem to\n take some pains to please the ghost of the deceased, thinking\n thereby they will have good luck in their family so long as they\n continue to do so. It is a custom with the men when they smoke to\n offer the pipe to the ghost, at the same time asking it to confer\n some favor on them, or aid them in their work or in hunting,\u00a0&c.\n\n There is a feast held over this bundle containing the ghost of the\n deceased, given by the friends of the dead man. This feast may be at\n any time, and is not at any particular time, occurring, however,\n generally as often as once a year, unless, at the time of the first\n feast, the friends designate a particular time, such, for instance,\n as when the leaves fall, or when the grass comes again. This bundle\n is never permitted to leave the lodge of the friends of the dead\n person, except to be buried in the grave of one of them. Much of the\n property of the deceased person is buried with the body, a\u00a0portion\n being placed under the body and a portion over it. Horses are\n sometimes killed on the grave of a warrior, but this custom is\n gradually ceasing, in consequence of the value of their ponies.\n These animals are therefore now generally given away by the person\n before death, or after death disposed of by the near relatives. Many\n years ago it was customary to kill one or more ponies at the grave.\n In cases of more than ordinary wealth for an Indian, much of his\n personal property is now, and has ever been, reserved from burial\n with the body, and forms the basis for a gambling party, which will\n be described hereafter. No food is ever buried in the grave, but\n some is occasionally placed at the head of it; in which case it is\n consumed by the friends of the dead person. Such is the method that\n was in vogue with these Indians twenty years ago, and which is still\n adhered to, with more or less exactness, by the majority of them,\n the exceptions being those who are strict church members and those\n very few families who adhere to their ancient customs.\n\n Before the year 1860 it was a custom, for as long back as the oldest\n members of these tribes can remember, and with the usual tribal\n traditions handed down from generation to generation, in regard to\n this as well as to other things, for these Indians to bury in a tree\n or on a platform, and in those days an Indian was only buried in the\n ground as a mark of disrespect in consequence of the person having\n been murdered, in which case the body would be buried in the ground,\n _face down_, head toward the south and with a piece of fat in the\n mouth. *\u00a0*\u00a0* The platform upon which the body was deposited was\n constructed of four crotched posts firmly set in the ground, and\n connected near the top by cross-pieces, upon which was placed\n boards, when obtainable, and small sticks of wood, sometimes hewn so\n as to give a firm resting-place for the body. This platform had an\n elevation of from six to eight or more feet, and never contained but\n one body, although frequently having sufficient surface to\n accommodate two or three. In burying in the crotch of a tree and on\n platforms, the head of the dead person was always placed towards the\n south; the body was wrapped in blankets or pieces of cloth securely\n tied, and many of the personal effects of the deceased were buried\n with it; as in the case of a warrior, his bows and arrows,\n war-clubs, &c., would be placed alongside of the body, the Indians\n saying he would need such things in the next world.\n\n I am informed by many of them that it was a habit, before their\n outbreak, for some to carry the body of a near relative whom they\n held in great respect with them on their moves, for a greater or\n lesser time, often as long as two or three years before burial.\n This, however, never obtained generally among them, and some of them\n seem to know nothing about it. It has of late years been entirely\n dropped, except when a person dies away from home, it being then\n customary for the friends to bring the body home for burial.\n\n _Mourning ceremonies._--The mourning ceremonies before the year 1860\n were as follows: After the death of a warrior the whole camp or\n tribe would be assembled in a circle, and after the widow had cut\n herself on the arms, legs, and body with a piece of flint, and\n removed the hair from her head, she would go around the ring any\n number of times she chose, but each time was considered as an oath\n that she would not marry for a year, so that she could not marry for\n as many years as times she went around the circle. The widow would\n all this time keep up a crying and wailing. Upon the completion of\n this the friends of the deceased would take the body to the platform\n or tree where it was to remain, keeping up all this time their\n wailing and crying. After depositing the body, they would stand\n under it and continue exhibiting their grief, the squaws by hacking\n their arms and legs with flint and cutting off the hair from their\n head. The men would sharpen sticks and run them through the skin of\n their arms and legs, both men and women keeping up their crying\n generally for the remainder of the day, and the near relatives of\n the deceased for several days thereafter. As soon as able, the\n warrior friends of the deceased would go to a near tribe of their\n enemies and kill one or more of them if possible, return with their\n scalps, and exhibit them to the deceased person\u2019s relatives, after\n which their mourning ceased, their friends considering his death as\n properly avenged; this, however, was many years ago, when their\n enemies were within reasonable striking distance, such, for\n instance, as the Chippewas and the Arickarees, Gros Ventres and\n Mandan Indians. In cases of women and children, the squaws would cut\n off their hair, hack their persons with flint, and sharpen sticks\n and run them through the skin of the arms and legs, crying as for a\n warrior.\n\n It was an occasional occurrence twenty or more years ago for a squaw\n when she lost a favorite child to commit suicide by hanging herself\n with a lariat over the limb of a tree. This could not have prevailed\n to any great extent, however, although the old men recite several\n instances of its occurrence, and a very few examples within recent\n years. Such was their custom before the Minnesota outbreak, since\n which time it has gradually died out, and at the present time these\n ancient customs are adhered to by but a single family, known as the\n seven brothers, who appear to retain all the ancient customs of\n their tribe. At the present time, as a mourning observance, the\n squaws hack themselves on their legs with knives, cut off their\n hair, and cry and wail around the grave of the dead person, and the\n men in addition paint their faces, but no longer torture themselves\n by means of sticks passed through the skin of the arms and legs.\n This cutting and painting is sometimes done before and sometimes\n after the burial of the body. I\u00a0also observe that many of the women\n of these tribes are adopting so much of the customs of the whites as\n prescribes the wearing of black for certain periods. During the\n period of mourning these Indians never wash their face, or comb\n their hair, or laugh. These customs are observed with varying degree\n of strictness, but not in many instances with that exactness which\n characterized these Indians before the advent of the white man among\n them. There is not now any permanent mutilation of the person\n practiced as a mourning ceremony by them. That mutilation of a\n finger by removing one or more joints, so generally observed among\n the Minnetarree Indians at the Fort Berthold, Dak., Agency, is not\n here seen, although the old men of these tribes inform me that it\n was an ancient custom among their women, on the occasion of the\n burial of a husband, to cut off a portion of a finger and have it\n suspended in the tree above his body. I\u00a0have, however, yet to see an\n example of this having been done by any of the Indians now living,\n and the custom must have fallen into disuse more than seventy years\n ago.\n\n In regard to the period of mourning, I\u00a0would say that there does not\n now appear to be, and, so far as I can learn, never was, any fixed\n period of mourning, but it would seem that, like some of the whites,\n they mourn when the subject is brought to their minds by some remark\n or other occurrence. It is not unusual at the present time to hear a\n man or woman cry and exclaim, \u201cO, my poor husband!\u201d \u201cO, my poor\n wife!\u201d or \u201cO, my poor child!\u201d as the case may be, and, upon\n inquiring, learn that the event happened several years before.\n I\u00a0have elsewhere mentioned that in some cases much of the personal\n property of the deceased was and is reserved from burial with the\n body, and forms the basis of a gambling party. I\u00a0shall conclude my\n remarks upon the burial customs, &c., of these Indians by an account\n of this, which they designate as the \u201cghost\u2019s gamble.\u201d\n\nThe account of the game will be found in another part of this paper.\n\nAs illustrative of the preparation of the dead Indian warrior for the\ntomb, a\u00a0translation of Schiller\u2019s beautiful burial song is here given.\nIt is believed to be by Bulwer, and for it the writer is indebted to the\nkindness of Mr. Benjamin Drew, of Washington, D.C.:\n\nBURIAL OF THE CHIEFTAIN.\n\n See on his mat, as if of yore,\n How lifelike sits he here;\n With the same aspect that he wore\n When life to him was dear.\n But where the right arm\u2019s strength, and where\n The breath he used to breathe\n To the Great Spirit aloft in air,\n The peace-pipe\u2019s lusty wreath?\n And where the hawk-like eye, alas!\n That wont the deer pursue\n Along the waves of rippling grass,\n Or fields that shone with dew?\n Are these the limber, bounding feet\n That swept the winter snows?\n What startled deer was half so fleet,\n Their speed outstripped the roe\u2019s.\n These hands that once the sturdy bow\n Could supple from its pride,\n How stark and helpless hang they now\n Adown the stiffened side!\n Yet weal to him! at peace he strays\n Where never fall the snows,\n Where o\u2019er the meadow springs the maize\n That mortal never sows;\n Where birds are blithe in every brake,\n Where forests teem with deer,\n Where glide the fish through every lake,\n One chase from year to year!\n With spirits now he feasts above;\n All left us, to revere\n The deeds we cherish with our love,\n The rest we bury here.\n Here bring the last gifts, loud and shrill\n Wail death-dirge of the brave\n What pleased him most in life may still\n Give pleasure in the grave.\n We lay the axe beneath his head\n He swung when strength was strong,\n The bear on which his hunger fed--\n The way from earth is long!\n And here, new-sharpened, place the knife\n Which severed from the clay,\n From which the axe had spoiled the life,\n The conquered scalp away.\n The paints that deck the dead bestow,\n Aye, place them in his hand,\n That red the kingly shade may glow\n Amid the spirit land.\n\nThe position in which the body is placed, as mentioned by Dr. McChesney,\nface upwards, while of common occurrence among most tribes of Indians,\nis not invariable as a rule, for the writer discovered at a cemetery\nbelonging to an ancient pueblo in the valley of the Chama, near Abiquiu,\nN.\u00a0Mex., a\u00a0number of bodies, all of which had been buried face downward.\nThe account originally appeared in Field and Forest, 1877, vol. iii,\nNo. 1, p.\u00a09.\n\n On each side of the town were noticed two small arroyas or water\n washed ditches, within 30 feet of the walls, and a careful\n examination of these revealed the objects of our search. At the\n bottom of the arroyas, which have certainly formed subsequent to the\n occupation of the village, we found portions of human remains, and\n following up the walls of the ditch soon had the pleasure of\n discovering several skeletons _in situ_. The first found was in the\n eastern arroya, and the grave in depth was nearly 8 feet below the\n surface of the mesa. The body had been placed in the grave face\n downward, the head pointing to the south. Two feet above the\n skeleton were two shining black earthen vases, containing small bits\n of charcoal, the bones of mammals, birds, and partially consumed\n corn, and above these \u201c_ollas_\u201d the earth to the surface was filled\n with pieces of charcoal. Doubtless the remains found in the vases\n served at a funeral feast prior to the inhumation. We examined very\n carefully this grave, hoping to find some utensils, ornaments, or\n weapons, but none rewarded our search. In all of the graves examined\n the bodies were found in similar positions and under similar\n circumstances in both arroyas, several of the skeletons being those\n of children. No information could be obtained as to the probable age\n of these interments, the present Indians considering them as dating\n from the time when their ancestors with Moctezuma came from the\n _north_.\n\nThe Coyotero Apaches, according to Dr. W. J. Hoffman,[5.12] in disposing\nof their dead, seem to be actuated by the desire to spare themselves any\nneedless trouble, and prepare the defunct and the grave in this manner:\n\n The Coyoteros, upon the death of a member of the tribe, partially\n wrap up the corpse and deposit it into the cavity left by the\n removal of a small rock or the stump of a tree. After the body has\n been crammed into the smallest possible space the rock or stump is\n again rolled into its former position, when a number of stones are\n placed around the base to keep out the coyotes. The nearest of kin\n usually mourn for the period of one month, during that time giving\n utterance at intervals to the most dismal lamentations, which are\n apparently sincere. During the day this obligation is frequently\n neglected or forgotten, but when the mourner is reminded of his duty\n he renews his howling with evident interest. This custom of mourning\n for the period of thirty days corresponds to that formerly observed\n by the Natchez.\n\nSomewhat similar to this rude mode of sepulture is that described in the\nlife of Moses Van Campen,[5.13] which relates to the Indians formerly\ninhabiting Pennsylvania:\n\n Directly after, the Indians proceeded to bury those who had fallen\n in battle, which they did by rolling an old log from its place and\n laying the body in the hollow thus made, and then heaping upon it a\n little earth.\n\nAs a somewhat curious, if not exceptional, interment, the following\naccount, relating to the Indians of New York, is furnished, by Mr.\nFranklin B. Hough, who has extracted it from an unpublished journal of\nthe agents of a French company kept in 1794:\n\nCANOE BURIAL IN GROUND.\n\n Saw Indian graves on the plateau of Independence Rock. The Indians\n plant a stake on the right side of the head of the deceased and bury\n them in a bark canoe. Their children come every year to bring\n provisions to the place where their fathers are buried. One of the\n graves had fallen in, and we observed in the soil some sticks for\n stretching skins, the remains of a canoe, &c., and the two straps\n for carrying it, and near the place where the head lay were the\n traces of a fire which they had kindled for the soul of the deceased\n to come and warm itself by and to partake of the food deposited\n near\u00a0it.\n\n These were probably the Massasauga Indians, then inhabiting the\n north shore of Lake Ontario, but who were rather intruders here, the\n country being claimed by the Oneidas.\n\nIt is not to be denied that the use of canoes for coffins has\noccasionally been remarked, for the writer in 1873 removed from the\ngraves at Santa Barbara, California, an entire skeleton which was\ndiscovered in a redwood canoe, but it is thought that the individual may\nhave been a noted fisherman, particularly as the implements of his\nvocation--nets, fish-spears, &c.--were near him, and this burial was\nonly an exemplification of the well-rooted belief common to all Indians,\nthat the spirit in the next world makes use of the same articles as were\nemployed in this one. It should be added that of the many hundreds of\nskeletons uncovered at Santa Barbara the one mentioned presented the\nonly example of the kind.\n\nAmong the Indians of the Mosquito coast, in Central America, canoe\nburial in the ground, according to Bancroft, was common, and is thus\ndescribed:\n\n The corpse is wrapped in cloth and placed in one-half of a pitpan\n which has been cut in two. Friends assemble for the funeral and\n drown their grief in _mushla_, the women giving vent to their sorrow\n by dashing themselves on the ground until covered with blood, and\n inflicting other tortures, occasionally even committing suicide. As\n it is supposed that the evil spirit seeks to obtain possession of\n the body, musicians are called in to lull it to sleep while\n preparations are made for its removal. All at once four naked men,\n who have disguised themselves with paint so as not to be recognized\n and punished by _Wulasha_, rush out from a neighboring hut, and,\n seizing a rope attached to the canoe, drag it into the woods,\n followed by the music and the crowd. Here the pitpan is lowered into\n the grave with bow, arrow, spear, paddle, and other implements to\n serve the departed in the land beyond, then the other half of the\n boat is placed over the body. A\u00a0rude hut is constructed over the\n grave, serving as a receptacle for the choice food, drink, and other\n articles placed there from time to time by relatives.\n\n\n_STONE GRAVES OR CISTS._\n\nThese are of considerable interest, not only from their somewhat rare\noccurrence, except in certain localities, but from the manifest care\ntaken by the survivors to provide for the dead what they considered a\nsuitable resting place. In their construction they resemble somewhat, in\nthe care that is taken to prevent the earth touching the corpse, the\nclass of graves previously described.\n\nA number of cists have been found in Tennessee, and are thus described\nby Moses Fiske:[5.14]\n\n There are many burying grounds in West Tennessee with regular\n graves. They dug them 12 or 18 inches deep, placed slabs at the\n bottom ends and sides, forming a kind of stone coffin, and, after\n laying in the body, covered it over with earth.\n\nIt may be added that, in 1873, the writer assisted at the opening of a\nnumber of graves of men of the reindeer period, near Solutr\u00e9, in France,\nand they were almost identical in construction with those described by\nMr. Fiske, with the exception that the latter were deeper, this,\nhowever, may be accounted for if it is considered how great a deposition\nof earth may have taken place during the many centuries which have\nelapsed since the burial. Many of the graves explored by the writer in\n1875, at Santa Barbara, resembled somewhat cist graves, the bottom and\nsides of the pit being lined with large flat stones, but there were none\ndirectly over the skeletons.\n\nThe next account is by Maj. J. W. Powell, the result of his own\nobservation in Tennessee.\n\n The burial places, or cemeteries are exceedingly abundant throughout\n the State. Often hundreds of graves may be found on a single\n hillside. The same people sometimes bury in scattered graves and in\n mounds--the mounds being composed of a large number of cist graves.\n The graves are increased by additions from time to time. The\n additions are sometimes placed above and sometimes at the sides of\n the others. In the first burials there is a tendency to a concentric\n system with the feet towards the center, but subsequent burials are\n more irregular, so that the system is finally abandoned before the\n place is desired for cemetery purposes.\n\n Some other peculiarities are of interest. A\u00a0larger number of\n interments exhibit the fact that the bodies were placed there before\n the decay of the flesh, and in many instances collections of bones\n are buried. Sometimes these bones are placed in some order about the\n crania, and sometimes in irregular piles, as if the collection of\n bones had been emptied from a sack. With men, pipes, stone hammers,\n knives, arrowheads, &c., were usually found, with women, pottery,\n rude beads, shells, &c., with children, toys of pottery, beads,\n curious pebbles,\u00a0&c.\n\n Sometimes, in the subsequent burials, the side slab of a previous\n burial was used as a portion of the second cist. All of the cists\n were covered with slabs.\n\nDr. Jones has given an exceedingly interesting account of the stone\ngraves of Tennessee, in his volume published by the Smithsonian\nInstitution, to which valuable work[5.15] the reader is referred for a\nmore detailed account of this mode of burial.\n\nG. K. Gilbert, of the United States Geological Survey, informs the\nwriter that in 1878 he had a conversation with an old Moquis chief as to\ntheir manner of burial, which is as follows: The body is placed in a\nreceptacle or cist of stone slabs or wood, in a sitting posture, the\nhands near the knees, and clasping a stick (articles are buried with the\ndead), and it is supposed that the soul finds its way out of the grave\nby climbing up the stick, which is allowed to project above the ground\nafter the grave is filled\u00a0in.\n\nThe Indians of Illinois, on the Saline River, according to George Escoll\nSellers,[5.16] inclosed their dead in cists, the description of which is\nas follows:\n\n Above this bluff, where the spur rises at an angle of about 30\u00b0, it\n has been terraced and the terrace as well as the crown of the spur\n have been used as a cemetery; portions of the terraces are still\n perfect; all the burials appear to have been made in rude stone\n cists, that vary in size from 13 inches by 3 feet to 2 feet by 4\n feet, and from 18 inches to 2 feet deep. They are made of\n thin-bedded sandstone slabs, generally roughly shaped, but some of\n them have been edged and squared with considerable care,\n particularly the covering slabs. The slope below the terraces was\n thickly strewed with these slabs, washed out as the terraces have\n worn away, and which have since been carried off for door-steps and\n hearth-stones. I\u00a0have opened many of these cists; they nearly all\n contain fragments of human bones far gone in decay, but I have never\n succeeded in securing a perfect skull; even the clay vessels that\n were interred with the dead have disintegrated, the portions\n remaining being almost as soft and fragile as the bones. Some of the\n cists that I explored were paved with valves of fresh-water shells,\n but most generally with the fragments of the great salt-pans, which\n in every case are so far gone in decay as to have lost the outside\n markings. This seems conclusively to couple the tenants of these\n ancient graves with the makers and users of these salt-pans. The\n great number of graves and the quantity of slabs that have been\n washed out prove either a dense population or a long occupancy, or\n both.\n\nW. J. Owsley, of Fort Hall, Idaho, furnishes the writer with a\ndescription of the cist graves of Kentucky, which differ somewhat from\nother accounts, inasmuch as the graves appeared to be isolated.\n\n I remember that when a school-boy in Kentucky, some twenty-five\n years ago, of seeing what was called \u201cIndian graves,\u201d and those that\n I examined were close to small streams of water, and were buried in\n a sitting or squatting posture and inclosed by rough, flat stones,\n and were then buried from 1 to 4 feet from the surface. Those graves\n which I examined, which examination was not very minute, seemed to\n be isolated, no two being found in the same locality. When the\n burials took place I could hardly conjecture, but it must have been,\n from appearances, from fifty to one hundred years. The bones that I\n took out on first appearance seemed tolerably perfect, but on short\n exposure to the atmosphere crumbled, and I was unable to save a\n specimen. No implements or relics were observed in those examined by\n me, but I have heard of others who have found such. In that State,\n Kentucky, there are a number of places where the Indians buried\n their dead and left mounds of earth over the graves, but I have not\n examined them myself. *\u00a0*\u00a0*\n\nAccording to Bancroft,[5.17] the Dorachos, an isthmian tribe of Central\nAmerica, also followed the cist form of burial.\n\n In Veragua the Dorachos had two kinds of tombs, one for the\n principal men, constructed with flat stones laid together with much\n care, and in which were placed costly jars and urns filled with food\n and wine for the dead. Those for the plebians were merely trenches,\n in which were deposited some gourds of maize and wine, and the place\n filled with stones. In some parts of Panama and Darien only the\n chiefs and lords received funeral rites. Among the common people a\n person feeling his end approaching either went himself or was led to\n the woods by his wife, family, or friends, who, supplying him with\n some cake or ears of corn and a gourd of water, then left him to die\n alone or to be assisted by wild beasts. Others, with more respect\n for their dead, buried them in sepulchers made with niches, where\n they placed maize and wine and renewed the same annually. With some,\n a\u00a0mother dying while suckling her infant, the living child was\n placed at her breast and buried with her, in order that in her\n future state she might continue to nourish it with her milk.\n\n\n_BURIAL IN MOUNDS._\n\nIn view of the fact that the subject of mound-burial is so extensive,\nand that in all probability a volume by a member of the Bureau of\nEthnology may shortly be published, it is not deemed advisable to devote\nany considerable space to it in this paper, but a few interesting\nexamples may be noted to serve as indications to future observers.\n\nThe first to which attention is directed is interesting as resembling\ncist burial combined with deposition in mounds. The communication is\nfrom Prof. F.\u00a0W. Putnam, curator of the Peabody Museum of Arch\u00e6ology,\nCambridge, made to the Boston Society of Natural History, and is\npublished in volume XX of its proceedings, October 15, 1878:\n\n *\u00a0*\u00a0* He then stated that it would be of interest to the members, in\n connection with the discovery of dolmens in Japan, as described by\n Professor Morse, to know that within twenty-four hours there had\n been received at the Peabody Museum a small collection of articles\n taken from rude dolmens (or\u00a0chambered barrows, as they would be\n called in England), recently opened by Mr. E. Curtiss, who is now\n engaged, under his direction, in exploration for the Peabody Museum.\n\n These chambered mounds are situated in the eastern part of Clay\n County, Missouri, and form a large group on both sides of the\n Missouri River. The chambers are, in the three opened by Mr.\n Curtiss, about 8 feet square, and from 4\u00bd to 5 feet high, each\n chamber having a passage-way several feet in length and 2 in width,\n leading from the southern side and opening on the edge of the mound\n formed by covering the chamber and passage-way with earth. The walls\n of the chambered passages were about 2 feet thick, vertical, and\n well made of stones, which were evenly laid without clay or mortar\n of any kind. The top of one of the chambers had a covering of large,\n flat rocks, but the others seem to have been closed over with wood.\n The chambers were filled with clay which had been burnt, and\n appeared as if it had fallen in from above. The inside walls of the\n chambers also showed signs of fire. Under the burnt clay, in each\n chamber, were found the remains of several human skeletons, all of\n which had been burnt to such an extent as to leave but small\n fragments of the bones, which were mixed with the ashes and\n charcoal. Mr. Curtiss thought that in one chamber he found the\n remains of 5 skeletons and in another 13. With these skeletons there\n were a few flint implements and minute fragments of vessels of clay.\n\n A large mound near the chambered mounds was also opened, but in this\n no chambers were found. Neither had the bodies been burnt. This\n mound proved remarkably rich in large flint implements, and also\n contained well-made pottery and a peculiar \u201cgorget\u201d of red stone.\n The connection of the people who placed the ashes of their dead in\n the stone chambers with those who buried their dead in the earth\n mounds is, of course, yet to be determined.\n\nIt is quite possible, indeed probable, that these chambers were used for\nsecondary burials, the bodies having first been cremated.\n\nIn the volume of the proceedings already quoted, the same investigator\ngives an account of other chambered mounds which are, like the\npreceding, very interesting, the more so as adults only were inhumed\ntherein, children having been buried beneath the dwelling-floors:\n\n Mr. F.\u00a0W. Putnam occupied the rest of the evening with an account of\n his explorations of the ancient mounds and burial places in the\n Cumberland Valley, Tennessee.\n\n The excavations had been carried on by himself, assisted by Mr.\n Edwin Curtiss, for over two years, for the benefit of the Peabody\n Museum at Cambridge. During this time many mounds of various kinds\n had been thoroughly explored, and several thousand of the singular\n stone graves of the mound builders of Tennessee had been carefully\n opened. *\u00a0*\u00a0* Mr. Putnam\u2019s remarks were illustrated by drawings of\n several hundred objects obtained from the graves and mounds,\n particularly to show the great variety of articles of pottery and\n several large and many unique forms of implements of chipped flint.\n He also exhibited and explained in detail a map of a walled town of\n this old nation. This town was situated on the Lundsley estate, in a\n bend of Spring Creek. The earth embankment, with its accompanying\n ditch, encircled an area of about 12 acres. Within this inclosure\n there was one large mound with a flat top, 15 feet high, 130 feet\n long, and 90 feet wide, which was found not to be a burial mound.\n Another mound near the large one, about 50 feet in diameter, and\n only a few feet high, contained 60 human skeletons, each in a\n carefully-made stone grave, the graves being arranged in two rows,\n forming the four sides of a square, and in three layers. *\u00a0*\u00a0* The\n most important discovery he made within the inclosure was that of\n finding the remains of the houses of the people who lived in this\n old town. Of them about 70 were traced out and located on the map by\n Professor Buchanan, of Lebanon, who made the survey for Mr. Putnam.\n Under the floors of hard clay, which was in places much burnt, Mr.\n Putnam found the graves of children. As only the bodies of adults\n had been placed in the one mound devoted to burial, and as nearly\n every site of a house he explored had from one to four graves of\n children under the clay floor, he was convinced that it was a\n regular custom to bury the children in that way. He also found that\n the children had undoubtedly been treated with affection, as in\n their small graves were found many of the best pieces of pottery he\n obtained, and also quantities of shell-beads, several large pearls,\n and many other objects which were probably the playthings of the\n little ones while living.[5.18]\n\nThis cist mode of burial is by no means uncommon in Tennessee, as it is\nfrequently mentioned by writers on North American arch\u00e6ology.\n\nThe examples which follow are specially characteristic, some of them\nserving to add strength to the theory that mounds were for the most part\nused for secondary burial, although intrusions were doubtless common.\n\nCaleb Atwater[5.19] gives this description of the\n\nBURIAL MOUNDS OF OHIO.\n\n Near the center of the round fort *\u00a0*\u00a0* was a tumulus of earth about\n 10 feet in height and several rods in diameter at its base. On its\n eastern side, and extending 6 rods from it, was a semicircular\n pavement composed of pebbles such as are now found in the bed of the\n Scioto River, from whence they appear to have been brought. The\n summit of this tumulus was nearly 30 feet in diameter, and there was\n a raised way to it, leading from the east, like a modern turnpike.\n The summit was level. The outline of the semicircular pavement and\n the walk is still discernible. The earth composing this mound was\n entirely removed several years since. The writer was present at its\n removal and carefully examined the contents. It contained--\n\n 1st. Two human skeletons, lying on what had been the original\n surface of the earth.\n\n 2d. A\u00a0great quantity of arrow-heads, some of which were so large as\n to induce a belief that they were used as spear-heads.\n\n 3d. The handle either of a small sword or a huge knife, made of an\n elk\u2019s horn. Around the end where the blade had been inserted was a\n ferule of silver, which, though black, was not much injured by time.\n Though the handle showed the hole where the blade had been inserted,\n yet no iron was found, but an oxyde remained of similar shape and\n size.\n\n 4th. Charcoal and wood ashes on which these articles lay, which were\n surrounded by several bricks very well burnt. The skeleton appeared\n to have been burned in a large and very hot fire, which had almost\n consumed the bones of the deceased. This skeleton was deposited a\n little to the south of the center of the tumulus; and about 20 feet\n to the north of it was another, with which were--\n\n 5th. A\u00a0large mirrour about 3 feet in breadth and 1\u00bd inches in\n thickness. This mirrour was of isinglass (_mica membranacea_), and\n on\u00a0it--\n\n 6th. A\u00a0plate of iron which had become an oxyde, but before it was\n disturbed by the spade resembled a plate of cast iron. The mirrour\n answered the purpose very well for which it was intended. This\n skeleton had also been burned like the former, and lay on charcoal\n and a considerable quantity of wood ashes. A\u00a0part of the mirrour is\n in my possession, as well as a piece of brick taken from the spot at\n the time. The knife or sword handle was sent to Mr. Peal\u2019s Museum,\n at Philadelphia.\n\n To the southwest of this tumulus, about 40 rods from it, is another,\n more than 90 feet in height, which is shown on the plate\n representing these works. It stands on a large hill, which appears\n to be artificial. This must have been the common cemetery, as it\n contains an immense number of human skeletons of all sizes and ages.\n The skeletons are laid horizontally, with their heads generally\n towards the center and the feet towards the outside of the tumulus.\n A\u00a0considerable part of this work still stands uninjured, except by\n time. In it have been found, besides these skeletons, stone axes and\n knives, and several ornaments, with holes through them, by means of\n which, with a cord passing through these perforations, they could be\n worn by their owners. On the south side of this tumulus, and not far\n from it, was a semicircular fosse, which, when I first saw it, was 6\n feet deep. On opening it was discovered at the bottom a great\n quantity of human bones, which I am inclined to believe were the\n remains of those who had been slain in some great and destructive\n battle: first, because they belonged to persons who had attained\n their full size, whereas in the mound adjoining were found the\n skeletons of persons of all ages; and, secondly, they were here in\n the utmost confusion, as if buried in a hurry. May we not conjecture\n that they belonged to the people who resided in the town, and who\n were victorious in the engagement? Otherwise they would not have\n been thus honorably buried in the common cemetery.\n\n _Chillicothe mound._--Its perpendicular height was about 15 feet,\n and the diameter of its base about 60 feet. It was composed of sand\n and contained human bones belonging to skeletons which were buried\n in different parts of it. It was not until this pile of earth was\n removed and the original surface exposed to view that a probable\n conjecture of its original design could be formed. About 20 feet\n square of the surface had been leveled and covered with bark. On the\n center of this lay a human skeleton, over which had been spread a\n mat manufactured either from weeds or bark. On the breast lay what\n had been a piece of copper, in the form of a cross, which had now\n become verdigris. On the breast also lay a stone ornament with two\n perforations, one near each end, through which passed a string, by\n means of which it was suspended around the wearer\u2019s neck. On this\n string, which was made of sinews, and very much injured by time,\n were placed a great many beads made of ivory or bone, for I cannot\n certainly say which. *\u00a0*\u00a0*\n\n _Mounds of stone._--Two such mounds have been described already in\n the county of Perry. Others have been found in various parts of the\n country. There is one at least in the vicinity of Licking River, not\n many miles from Newark. There is another on a branch of Hargus\u2019s\n Creek, a\u00a0few miles to the northeast of Circleville. There were\n several not very far from the town of Chillicothe. If these mounds\n were sometimes used as cemeteries of distinguished persons, they\n were also used as monuments with a view of perpetuating the\n recollection of some great transaction or event. In the former not\n more generally than one or two skeletons are found; in the latter\n none. These mounds are like those of earth, in form of a cone,\n composed of small stones on which no marks of tools were visible. In\n them some of the most interesting articles are found, such as urns,\n ornaments of copper, heads of spears, &c., of the same metal, as\n well as medals of copper and pickaxes of horneblende; *\u00a0*\u00a0* works of\n this class, compared with those of earth, are few, and they are none\n of them as large as the mounds at Grave Creek, in the town of\n Circleville, which belong to the first class. I\u00a0saw one of these\n stone tumuli which had been piled on the surface of the earth on the\n spot where three skeletons had been buried in stone coffins, beneath\n the surface. It was situated on the western edge of the hill on\n which the \u201cwalled town\u201d stood, on Paint Creek. The graves appear to\n have been dug to about the depth of ours in the present times. After\n the bottom and sides were lined with thin flat stones, the corpses\n were placed in these graves in an eastern and western direction, and\n large flat stones were laid over the graves; then the earth which\n had been dug out of the graves was thrown over them. A\u00a0huge pile of\n stones was placed over the whole. It is quite probable, however,\n that this was a work of our present race of Indians. Such graves are\n more common in Kentucky than Ohio. No article, except the skeletons,\n was found in these graves; and the skeletons resembled very much the\n present race of Indians.\n\nThe mounds of Sterling County, Illinois, are described by W. C.\nHolbrook[5.20] as follows:\n\n I recently made an examination of a few of the many Indian mounds\n found on Rock River, about two miles above Sterling, Ill. The first\n one opened was an oval mound about 20 feet long, 12 feet wide, and\n 7 feet high. In the interior of this I found a _dolmen_ or\n quadrilateral wall about 10 feet long, 4\u00a0feet high, and 4\u00bd feet\n wide. It had been built of lime-rock from a quarry near by, and was\n covered with large flat stones. No mortar or cement had been used.\n The whole structure rested on the surface of the natural soil, the\n interior of which had been scooped out to enlarge the chamber.\n Inside of the _dolmen_ I found the partly decayed remains of eight\n human skeletons, two very large teeth of an unknown animal, two\n fossils, one of which is not found in this place, and a plummet. One\n of the long bones had been splintered; the fragments had united, but\n there remained large morbid growths of bone (exostosis) in several\n places. One of the skulls presented a circular opening about the\n size of a silver dime. This perforation had been made during life,\n for the edges had commenced to cicatrize. I later examined three\n circular mounds, but in them I found no dolmens. The first mound\n contained three adult human skeletons, a\u00a0few fragments of the\n skeleton of a child, the lower maxillary of which indicated it to be\n about six years old. I\u00a0also found claws of some carnivorous animal.\n The surface of the soil had been scooped out and the bodies laid in\n the excavation and covered with about a foot of earth; fires had\n then been made upon the grave and the mound afterwards completed.\n The bones had not been charred. No charcoal was found among the\n bones, but occurred in abundance in a stratum about one foot above\n them. Two other mounds, examined at the same time, contain no\n remains.\n\n Of two other mounds, opened later, the first was circular, about 4\n feet high, and 15 feet in diameter at the base, and was situated on\n an elevated point of land close to the bank of the river. From the\n top of this mound one might view the country for many miles in\n almost any direction. On its summit was an oval altar 6 feet long\n and 4\u00bd wide. It was composed of flat pieces of limestone, which\n had been burned red, some portions having been almost converted into\n lime. On and about this altar I found abundance of charcoal. At the\n sides of the altar were fragments of human bones, some of which had\n been charred. It was covered by a natural growth of vegetable mold\n and sod, the thickness of which was about 10 inches. Large trees had\n once grown in this vegetable mold, but their stumps were so decayed\n I could not tell with certainty; to what species they belonged.\n Another large mound was opened which contained nothing.\n\nThe next account relates to the grave-mounds near Pensacola, Fla., and\nwas originally published by Dr. George M. Sternberg, surgeon United\nStates Army:[5.21]\n\n Before visiting the mound I was informed that the Indians were\n buried in it in an upright position, each one with a clay pot on his\n head. This idea was based upon some superficial explorations which\n had been made from time to time by curiosity hunters. Their\n excavations had, indeed, brought to light pots containing fragments\n of skulls, but not buried in the position they imagined. Very\n extensive explorations, made at different times by myself, have\n shown that only fragments of skulls and of the long bones of the\n body are to be found in the mound, and that these are commonly\n associated with earthen pots, sometimes whole, but more frequently\n broken fragments only. In some instances portions of the skull were\n placed in a pot, and the long bones were deposited in its immediate\n vicinity. Again, the pots would contain only sand, and fragments of\n bones would be found near them. The most successful \u201cfind\u201d I\u00a0made\n was a whole nest of pots, to the number of half a dozen, all in a\n good state of preservation, and buried with a fragment of skull,\n which I take, from its small size, to have been that of a female.\n Whether this female was thus distinguished above all others buried\n in the mound by the number of pots deposited with her remains\n because of her skill in the manufacture of such ware, or by reason\n of the unusual wealth of her sorrowing husband, must remain a matter\n of conjecture. I\u00a0found, altogether, fragments of skulls and\n thigh-bones belonging to at least fifty individuals, but in no\n instance did I find anything like a complete skeleton. There were no\n vertebr\u00e6, no ribs, no pelvic bones, and none of the small bones of\n the hands and feet. Two or three skulls, nearly perfect, were found,\n but they were so fragile that it was impossible to preserve them. In\n the majority of instances, only fragments of the frontal and\n parietal bones were found, buried in pots or in fragments of pots\n too small to have ever contained a complete skull. The conclusion\n was irresistible that this was not a burial-place for _the bodies_\n of deceased Indians, but that the bones had been gathered from some\n other locality for burial in this mound, or that cremation was\n practiced before burial, and the fragments of bone not consumed by\n fire were gathered and deposited in the mound. That the latter\n supposition is the correct one I deem probable from the fact that in\n digging in the mound evidences of fire are found in numerous places,\n but without any regularity as to depth and position. These evidences\n consist in strata of from one to four inches in thickness, in which\n the sand is of a dark color and has mixed with it numerous small\n fragments of charcoal.\n\n My theory is that the mound was built by gradual accretion in the\n following manner: That when a death occurred a funeral pyre was\n erected on the mound, upon which the body was placed. That after the\n body was consumed, any fragments of bones remaining were gathered,\n placed in a pot, and buried, and that the ashes and cinders were\n covered by a layer of sand brought from the immediate vicinity for\n that purpose. This view is further supported by the fact that only\n the shafts of the long bones are found, the expanded extremities,\n which would be most easily consumed, having disappeared; also, by\n the fact that no bones of children were found. Their bones being\n smaller, and containing a less proportion of earthy matter, would be\n entirely consumed. *\u00a0*\u00a0*\n\n At the Santa Rosa mound the method of burial was different. Here I\n found the skeletons complete, and obtained nine well-preserved\n skulls. *\u00a0*\u00a0* The bodies were not, apparently, deposited upon any\n regular system, and I found no objects of interest associated with\n the remains. It may be that this was due to the fact that the\n skeletons found were those of warriors who had fallen in battle in\n which they had sustained defeat. This view is supported by the fact\n that they were all males, and that two of the skulls bore marks of\n ante-mortem injuries which must have been of a fatal character.\n\nWriting of the Choctaws, Bartram,[5.22] in alluding to the ossuary, or\nbone-house, mentions that so soon as this is filled a general inhumation\ntakes place, in this manner:\n\n Then the respective coffins are borne by the nearest relatives of\n the deceased to the place of interment, where they are all piled one\n upon another in the form of a pyramid, and the conical hill of earth\n heaped above.\n\n The funeral ceremonies are concluded with the solemnization of a\n festival called the feast of the dead.\n\nFlorian Gianque, of Cincinnati, Ohio, furnishes an account of a somewhat\ncurious mound-burial which had taken place in the Miami Valley of Ohio:\n\n A mound was opened in this locality, some years ago, containing a\n central corpse in a sitting posture, and over thirty skeletons\n buried around it in a circle, also in a sitting posture, but leaning\n against one another, tipped over towards the right, facing inwards.\n I\u00a0did not see this opened, but have seen the mounds and many\n ornaments, awls, &c., said to have been found near the central body.\n The parties informing me are trustworthy.\n\nAs an example of interment, unique, so far as known, and interesting as\nbeing _sui generis_, the following description by Dr. J. Mason\nSpainhour, of Lenoir, N.C., of an excavation made by him March 11,\n1871, on the farm of R.\u00a0V. Michaux, esq., near John\u2019s River, in Burke\nCounty, N.C., is given. The author bears the reputation of an observer\nof undoubted integrity, whose facts as given may not be doubted:\n\nEXCAVATION OF AN INDIAN MOUND.\n\n In a conversation with Mr. Michaux on Indian curiosities, he\n informed me that there was an Indian mound on his farm which was\n formerly of considerable height, but had gradually been plowed down;\n that several mounds in the neighborhood had been excavated, and\n nothing of interest found in them. I\u00a0asked permission to examine\n this mound, which was granted, and upon investigation the following\n facts were revealed:\n\n Upon reaching the place, I\u00a0sharpened a stick 4 or 5 feet in length\n and ran it down in the earth at several places, and finally struck a\n rock about 18 inches below the surface, which, on digging down, was\n found to be smooth on top, lying horizontally upon solid earth,\n about 18 inches above the bottom of the grave, 18 inches in length,\n and 16 inches in width, and from 2 to 3 inches in thickness, with\n the corners rounded.\n\n Not finding anything under this rock, I\u00a0then made an excavation in\n the south of the grave, and soon struck another rock, which, upon\n examination, proved to be in front of the remains of a human\n skeleton in a sitting posture. The bones of the fingers of the right\n hand were resting on this rock, and on the rock near the hand was a\n small stone about 5 inches long, resembling a tomahawk or Indian\n hatchet. Upon a further examination many of the bones were found,\n though in a very decomposed condition, and upon exposure to the air\n soon crumbled to pieces. The heads of the bones, a\u00a0considerable\n portion of the skull, maxillary bones, teeth, neck bones, and the\n vertebra, were in their proper places, though the weight of the\n earth above them had driven them down, yet the entire frame was so\n perfect that it was an easy matter to trace all the bones; the bones\n of the cranium were slightly inclined toward the east. Around the\n neck were found coarse beads that seemed to be of some hard\n substance and resembled chalk. A\u00a0small lump of red paint about the\n size of an egg was found near the right side of this skeleton. The\n sutures of the cranium indicated the subject to have been 25 or 28\n years of age, and its top rested about 12 inches below the mark of\n the plow.\n\n I made a farther excavation toward the west of this grave and found\n another skeleton, similar to the first, in a sitting posture, facing\n the east. A\u00a0rock was on the right, on which the bones of the right\n hand were resting, and on this rock was a tomahawk which had been\n about 7 inches in length, but was broken into two pieces, and was\n much better finished than the first. Beads were also around the neck\n of this one, but were much smaller and of finer quality than those\n on the neck of the first. The material, however, seems to be the\n same. A\u00a0much larger amount of paint was found by the side of this\n than the first. The bones indicated a person of large frame, who,\n I\u00a0think, was about 50 years of age. Everything about this one had\n the appearance of superiority over the first. The top of the skull\n was about 6 inches below the mark of the plane.\n\n I continued the examination, and, after diligent search, found\n nothing at the north side of the grave; but, on reaching the east,\n found another skeleton, in the same posture as the others, facing\n the west. On the right side of this was a rock on which the bones of\n the right hand were resting, and on the rock was also a tomahawk,\n which had been about 8 inches in length, but was broken into _three_\n pieces, and was composed of much better material, and better\n finished than the others. Beads were also found on the neck of this,\n but much smaller and finer than those of the others. A\u00a0larger amount\n of paint than both of the others was found near this one. The top of\n the cranium had been moved by the plow. The bones indicated a person\n of 40 years of age.\n\n There was no appearance of hair discovered; besides, the smaller\n bones were almost entirely decomposed, and would crumble when taken\n from their bed in the earth. These two circumstances, coupled with\n the fact that the farm on which this grave was found was the first\n settled in that part of the country, the date of the first deed made\n from Lord Granville to John Perkins running back about 150 years\n (the land still belonging to the descendants of the same family that\n first occupied\u00a0it), would prove beyond doubt that it is a very old\n grave.\n\n The grave was situated due east and west, in size about 9 by 6 feet,\n the line being distinctly marked by the difference in the color of\n the soil. It was dug in rich, black loam, and filled around the\n bodies with white or yellow sand, which I suppose was carried from\n the river-bank, 200 yards distant. The skeletons approximated the\n walls of the grave, and contiguous to them was a dark-colored earth,\n and so decidedly different was this from all surrounding it, both in\n quality and odor, that the line of the bodies could be readily\n traced. The odor of this decomposed earth, which had been flesh, was\n similar to clotted blood, and would adhere in lumps when compressed\n in the hand.\n\n This was not the grave of the Indian warriors; in those we find pots\n made of earth or stone, and all the implements of war, for the\n warrior had an idea that after he arose from the dead he would need,\n in the \u201chunting-grounds beyond,\u201d his bow and arrow, war-hatchet, and\n scalping-knife.\n\n The facts set forth will doubtless convince every Mason who will\n carefully read the account of this remarkable burial that the\n American Indians were in possession of at least some of the\n mysteries of our order, and that it was evidently the grave of\n Masons, and the three highest officers in a Masonic lodge. The grave\n was situated due east and west; an altar was erected in the center;\n the south, west, and east were occupied--_the north was not_;\n implements of authority were near each body. The difference in the\n quality of the beads, the tomahawks in one, two, and three pieces,\n and the difference in distance that the bodies were placed from the\n surface, indicate beyond doubt that these three persons had been\n buried by Masons, and those, too, that understood what they were\n doing.\n\n Will some learned Mason unravel this mystery and inform the Masonic\n world how the Indians obtained so much Masonic information?\n\n The tomahawks, maxillary bones, some of the teeth, beads, and other\n bones, have been forwarded to the Smithsonian Institution at\n Washington, D.C., to be placed among the archives of that\n institution for exhibition, at which place they may be seen.\n\nShould Dr. Spainhour\u2019s inferences be incorrect, there is still a\nremarkable coincidence of circumstances patent to every Mason.\n\nIn support of this gentleman\u2019s views, attention is called to the\ndescription of the _Midawan_--a ceremony of initiation for would-be\nmedicine men--in Schoolcraft\u2019s History of the Indian Tribes of the\nUnited States, 1855, p.\u00a0428, relating to the Sioux and Chippewas. In\nthis account are found certain forms and resemblances which have led\nsome to believe that the Indians possessed a knowledge of Masonry.\n\n\n_BURIAL BENEATH, OR IN CABINS, WIGWAMS, OR HOUSES._\n\nWhile there is a certain degree of similitude between the above-noted\nmethods and the one to be mentioned subsequently--_lodge_ burial--they\ndiffer, inasmuch as the latter are examples of surface or aerial burial,\nand must consequently fall under another caption. The narratives which\nare now to be given afford a clear idea of the former kinds of burial.\n\nBartram[5.23] relates the following regarding the Muscogulges of the\nCarolinas:\n\n The Muscogulges bury their deceased in the earth; they dig a\n four-foot, square, deep pit under the cabin, or couch which the\n deceased laid on in his house, lining the grave with cypress bark,\n when they place the corpse in a sitting posture, as if it were\n alive, depositing with him his gun, tomahawk, pipe, and such other\n matters as he had the greatest value for in his lifetime. His oldest\n wife, or the queen dowager, has the second choice of his\n possessions, and the remaining effects are divided among his other\n wives and children.\n\nAccording to Bernard Roman,[5.24] the \u201cfuneral customs of the Chickasaws\ndid not differ materially from those of the Muscogulges. They interred\nthe dead as soon as the breath left the body, and beneath the couch in\nwhich the deceased expired.\u201d\n\nThe Navajos of New Mexico and Arizona, a tribe living a considerable\ndistance from the Chickasaws, follow somewhat similar customs, as\nrelated by Dr. John Menard, formerly a physician to their agency:\n\n The Navajo custom is to leave the body where it dies, closing up the\n house or hogan or covering the body with stones or brush. In case\n the body is removed, it is taken to a cleft in the rocks and thrown\n in, and stones piled over. The person touching or carrying the body\n first takes off all his clothes and afterwards washes his body with\n water before putting them on or mingling with the living. When a\n body is removed from a house or hogan, the hogan is burned down, and\n the place in every case abandoned, as the belief is that the devil\n comes to the place of death and remains where a dead body is. Wild\n animals frequently (indeed, generally) get the bodies, and it is a\n very easy matter to pick up skulls and bones around old camping\n grounds, or where the dead are laid. In case it is not desirable to\n abandon a place, the sick person is left out in some lone spot\n protected by brush, where they are either abandoned to their fate or\n food brought to them until they die. This is done only when all hope\n is gone. I\u00a0have found bodies thus left so well inclosed with brush\n that wild animals were unable to get at them; and one so left to die\n was revived by a cup of coffee from our house and is still living\n and well.\n\nLieut. George E. Ford, Third United States Cavalry, in a personal\ncommunication to the writer, corroborates the account given by Dr.\nMenard, as follows:\n\n This tribe, numbering about 8,000 souls, occupy a reservation in the\n extreme northwestern corner of New Mexico and Northeastern Arizona.\n The funeral ceremonies of the Navajos are of the most simple\n character. They ascribe the death of an individual to the direct\n action of _Chinde_, or the devil, and believe that he remains in the\n vicinity of the dead. For this reason, as soon as a member of the\n tribe dies a shallow grave is dug within the hogan or dwelling by\n one of the near male relatives, and into this the corpse is\n unceremoniously tumbled by the relatives, who have previously\n protected themselves from the evil influence by smearing their naked\n bodies with tar from the pi\u00f1on tree. After the body has thus been\n disposed of, the hogan (composed of logs and branches of trees\n covered with earth) is pulled down over it and the place deserted.\n Should the deceased have no near relatives or was of no importance\n in the tribe, the formality of digging a grave is dispensed with,\n the hogan being simply leveled over the body. This carelessness does\n not appear to arise from want of natural affection for the dead, but\n fear of the evil influence of _Chinde_ upon the surviving relatives\n causes them to avoid doing anything that might gain for them his\n ill-will. A\u00a0Navajo would freeze sooner than make a fire of the logs\n of a fallen hogan, even though from all appearances it may have been\n years in that condition. There are no mourning observances other\n than smearing the forehead and under the eyes with tar, which is\n allowed to remain until worn off, and then not renewed. The deceased\n is apparently forgotten, as his name is never spoken by the\n survivors for fear of giving offense to _Chinde_.\n\nJ. L. Burchard, agent to the Round Valley Indians, of California,\nfurnishes an account of burial somewhat resembling that of the Navajos:\n\n When I first came here the Indians would dig a round hole in the\n ground, draw up the knees of the deceased Indian, and wrap the body\n into as small a bulk as possible in blankets, tie them firmly with\n cords, place them in the grave, throw in beads, baskets, clothing,\n everything owned by the deceased, and often donating much extra; all\n gathered around the grave wailing most pitifully, tearing their\n faces with their nails till the blood would run down their cheeks,\n pull out their hair, and such other heathenish conduct. These\n burials were generally made under their thatch houses or very near\n thereto. The house where one died was always torn down, removed,\n rebuilt, or abandoned. The wailing, talks, &c., were in their own\n jargon; none else could understand, and they seemingly knew but\n little of its meaning (if\u00a0there was any meaning in\u00a0it); it simply\n seemed to be the promptings of grief, without sufficient\n intelligence to direct any ceremony; each seemed to act out his own\n impulse.\n\nThe next account, taken from M. Butel de Dumont,[5.25] relating to the\nPaskagoulas and Billoxis of Louisiana, may be considered as an example\nof burial in houses, although the author of the work was pleased to\nconsider the receptacles as temples.\n\n Les Paskagoulas et les Billoxis n\u2019enterent point leur Chef,\n lorsqu\u2019il est d\u00e9c\u00e9d\u00e9; mais-ils font s\u00e9cher son cadavre au feu et \u00e0\n la fum\u00e9e de fa\u00e7on qu\u2019ils en font un vrai squelette. Apr\u00e8s l\u2019avoir\n r\u00e9duit en cet \u00e9tat, ils le portent au Temple (car ils en ont un\n ainsi que les Natchez), et le mettent \u00e0 la place de son\n pr\u00e9d\u00e9cesseur, qu\u2019ils tirent de l\u2019endroit qu\u2019il occupoit, pour le\n porter avec les corps de leurs autres Chefs dans le fond du Temple\n o\u00f9 ils sont tous rang\u00e9s de suite dress\u00e9s sur leurs pieds comme des\n statues. A\u00a0l\u2019\u00e9gard du dernier mort, il est expos\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019entr\u00e9e de ce\n Temple sur une esp\u00e8ce d\u2019autel ou de table faite de cannes, et\n couverte d\u2019une natte tr\u00e8s-fine travaill\u00e9e fort proprement en\n quarreaux rouges et jaunes avec la peau de ces m\u00eames cannes. Le\n cadavre du Chef est expos\u00e9 au milieu de cette table droit sur ses\n pieds, soutenu par derri\u00e8re par une longue perche peinte en rouge\n dont le bout passe au dessus de sa t\u00eate, et \u00e0 laquelle il est\n attach\u00e9 par le milieu du corps avec une liane. D\u2019une main il tient\n un casse-t\u00eate ou une petite hache, de l\u2019autre un pipe; et au-dessus\n de sa t\u00eate, est attach\u00e9 au bout de la perche qui le soutient, le\n Calumet le plus fameux de tous ceux qui lui ont \u00e9t\u00e9 pr\u00e9sent\u00e9s\n pendant sa vie. Du reste cette table n\u2019est gu\u00e8res \u00e9lev\u00e9e de terre\n que d\u2019un demi-pied; mais elle a au moins six pieds de large et dix\n de longueur.\n\n C\u2019est sur cette table qu\u2019on vient tous les jours servir \u00e0 manger \u00e0\n ce Chef mort en mettant devant lui des plats de sagamit\u00e9, du bled\n grol\u00e9 ou boucan\u00e9, &c. C\u2019est-l\u00e0 aussi qu\u2019au commencement de toutes\n les r\u00e9coltes ses Sujets vont lui offrir les premiers de tous les\n fruits qu\u2019ils peuvent recueillir. Tout ce qui lui est pr\u00e9sent\u00e9 de la\n sorte reste sur cette table; et comme la porte de ce Temple est\n toujours ouverte, qu\u2019il n\u2019y a personne pr\u00e9pos\u00e9 pour y veiller, que\n par cons\u00e9quent y entre qui veut, et que d\u2019ailleurs il est \u00e9loign\u00e9 du\n Village d\u2019un grand quart de lieue, il arrive que ce sont\n ordinairement des Etrangers, Chasseurs ou Sauvages, qui profitent de\n ces mets et de ces fruits, ou qu\u2019ils sont consomm\u00e9s par les animaux.\n Mais cela est \u00e9gal \u00e0 ces sauvages; et moins il en reste lorsqu\u2019ils\n retournent le lendemain, plus ils sont dans la joie, disant que leur\n Chef a bien mang\u00e9, et que par cons\u00e9quent il est content d\u2019eux\n quoiqu\u2019il les ait abandonn\u00e9s. Pour leur ouvrir les yeux sur\n l\u2019extravagance de cette pratique, on a beau leur repr\u00e9senter ce\n qu\u2019ils ne peuvent s\u2019emp\u00eacher de voir eux-m\u00eames, que ce n\u2019est point\n ce mort qui mange; ils r\u00e9pondent que si ce n\u2019est pas lui, c\u2019est\n toujours lui au moins qui offre \u00e0 qui il lui pla\u00eet ce qui a \u00e9t\u00e9 mis\n sur la table; qu\u2019apr\u00e8s tout c\u2019\u00e9toit l\u00e0 la pratique de leur p\u00e8re, de\n leur m\u00e8re, de leurs parens; qu\u2019ils n\u2019ont pas plus d\u2019esprit qu\u2019eux,\n et qu\u2019ils ne sauroient mieux faire que de suivre leur example.\n\n C\u2019est aussi devant cette table, que pendant quelques mois la veuve\n du Chef, ses enfans, ses plus proches parens, viennent de tems en\n tems lui rendre visite et lui faire leur harangue, comme s\u2019il \u00e9toit\n en \u00e9tat de les entendre. Les uns lui demandent pourquoi il s\u2019est\n laiss\u00e9 mourir avant eux? d\u2019autres lui disent que s\u2019il est mort ce\n n\u2019est point leur faute; que c\u2019est lui m\u00eame qui s\u2019est tu\u00e9 par telle\n d\u00e9bauche on par tel effort; enfin s\u2019il y a eu quelque d\u00e9faut dans\n son gouvernement, on prend ce tems-l\u00e0 pour le lui reprocher.\n Cependant ils finissent toujours leur harangue, en lui disant de\n n\u2019\u00eatre pas f\u00e2ch\u00e9 contre eux, de bien manger, et qu\u2019ils auront\n toujours bien soin de lui.\n\nAnother example of burial in houses may be found in vol. vi of the\npublications of the Hakluyt Society, 1849, p.\u00a089, taken from Strachey\u2019s\nVirginia. It is given more as a curious narrative of an early writer on\nAmerican ethnology than for any intrinsic value it may possess as a\ntruthful relation of actual events. It relates to the Indians of\nVirginia:\n\n Within the chauncell of the temple, by the Okens, are the\n cenotaphies or the monuments of their kings, whose bodyes, so soon\n as they be dead, they embowell, and, scraping the flesh from off the\n bones, they dry the same upon hurdells into ashes, which they put\n into little potts (like the anncyent urnes): the annathomy of the\n bones they bind together or case up in leather, hanging braceletts,\n or chaines of copper, beads, pearle, or such like, as they used to\n wear about most of their joints and neck, and so repose the body\n upon a little scaffold (as\u00a0upon a tomb), laying by the dead bodies\u2019\n feet all his riches in severall basketts, his apook, and pipe, and\n any one toy, which in his life he held most deare in his fancy;\n their inwards they stuff with pearle, copper, beads, and such trash,\n sowed in a skynne, which they overlapp againe very carefully in whit\n skynnes one or two, and the bodyes thus dressed lastly they rowle in\n matte, as for wynding sheets, and so lay them orderly one by one, as\n they dye in their turnes, upon an arche standing (as\u00a0aforesaid) for\n the tomb, and thes are all the ceremonies we yet can learne that\n they give unto their dead. We heare of no sweet oyles or oyntments\n that they use to dresse or chest their dead bodies with; albeit they\n want not of the pretious rozzin running out of the great cedar,\n wherewith in the old time they used to embalme dead bodies, washing\n them in the oyle and licoure thereof. Only to the priests the care\n of these temples and holy interments are committed, and these\n temples are to them as solitary Asseteria colledged or ministers to\n exercise themselves in contemplation, for they are seldome out of\n them, and therefore often lye in them and maynteyne contynuall fier\n in the same, upon a hearth somewhat neere the east end.\n\n For their ordinary burialls they digg a deepe hole in the earth with\n sharpe stakes, and the corps being lapped in skynns and matts with\n their jewells, they laye uppon sticks in the ground, and soe cover\n them with earth; the buryall ended, the women (being painted all\n their faces with black coale and oyle) do sitt twenty-four howers in\n their howses, mourning and lamenting by turnes, with such yelling\n and howling as may expresse their great passions.\n\nWhile this description brings the subject under the head before\ngiven--house burial--at the same time it might also afford an example of\nembalmment or mummifying.\n\nFigure 1 may be referred to as a probable representation of the temple\nor charnel-house described.\n\nThe modes of burial described in the foregoing accounts are not to be\nconsidered rare; for among certain tribes in Africa similar practices\nprevailed. For instance, the Bari of Central Africa, according to the\nRev. J.\u00a0G. Wood,[5.26] bury their dead within the inclosure of the\nhome-stead, fix a pole in the ground, and fasten to it certain emblems.\nThe Apingi, according to the same author, permit the corpse to remain in\nits dwelling until it falls to pieces. The bones are then collected and\ndeposited on the ground a short distance from the village. The Latookas\nbury within the inclosure of a man\u2019s house, although the bones are\nsubsequently removed, placed in an earthen jar, and deposited outside\nthe village. The Kaffirs bury their head-men within the cattle\ninclosure, the graves of the common people being made outside, and the\nBechuanas follow the same general plan.\n\nThe following description of Damara burial, from the work quoted above\n(p.\u00a0314), is added as containing an account of certain details which\nresemble somewhat those followed by North American Indians. In the\nnarrative it will be seen that house burial was followed only if\nspecially desired by the expiring person:\n\n When a Damara chief dies, he is buried in rather a peculiar fashion.\n As soon as life is extinct--some say even before the last breath is\n drawn--the bystanders break the spine by a blow from a large stone.\n They then unwind the long rope that encircles the loins, and lash\n the body together in a sitting posture, the head being bent over the\n knees. Ox-hides are then tied over it, and it is buried with its\n face to the north, as already described when treating of the\n Bechuanas. Cattle are then slaughtered in honor of the dead chief,\n and over the grave a post is erected, to which the skulls and hair\n are attached as a trophy. The bow, arrows, assagai, and clubs of the\n deceased are hung on the same post. Large stones are pressed into\n the soil above and around the grave, and a large pile of thorns is\n also heaped over it, in order to keep off the hyenas, who would be\n sure to dig up and devour the body before the following day. The\n grave of a Damara chief is represented on page 302. Now and then a\n chief orders that his body shall be left in his own house, in which\n case it is laid on an elevated platform, and a strong fence of\n thorns and stakes built round the hut.\n\n The funeral ceremonies being completed, the new chief forsakes the\n place and takes the whole of the people under his command. He\n remains at a distance for several years, during which time he wears\n the sign of mourning, _i.e._, a\u00a0dark-colored conical cap, and round\n the neck a thong, to the ends of which are hung two small pieces of\n ostrich-shell. When the season of mourning is over, the tribe\n return, headed by the chief, who goes to the grave of his father,\n kneels over it, and whispers that he has returned, together with the\n cattle and wives which his father gave him. He then asks for his\n parent\u2019s aid in all his undertakings, and from that moment takes the\n place which his father filled before him. Cattle are then\n slaughtered, and a feast held to the memory of the dead chief and in\n honor of the living one, and each person present partakes of the\n meat, which is distributed by the chief himself. The deceased chief\n symbolically partakes of the banquet. A\u00a0couple of twigs cut from the\n tree of the particular eanda to which the deceased belonged are\n considered as his representative, and with this emblem each piece of\n meat is touched before the guests consume it. In like manner, the\n first pail of milk that is drawn is taken to the grave and poured\n over\u00a0it.\n\n\n_CAVE BURIAL._\n\nNatural or artificial holes in the ground, caverns, and fissures in\nrocks have been used as places of deposit for the dead since the\nearliest periods of time, and are used up to the present day by not only\nthe American Indians, but by peoples noted for their mental elevation\nand civilization, our cemeteries furnishing numerous specimens of\nartificial or partly artificial caves. As to the motives which have\nactuated this mode of burial, a\u00a0discussion would be out of place at this\ntime, except as may incidentally relate to our own Indians, who, so far\nas can be ascertained, simply adopt caves as ready and convenient\nresting places for their deceased relatives and friends.\n\nIn almost every State in the Union burial caves have been discovered,\nbut as there is more or less of identity between them, a\u00a0few\nillustrations will serve the purpose of calling the attention of\nobservers to the subject.\n\nWhile in the Territory of Utah, in 1872, the writer discovered a natural\ncave not far from the House Range of mountains, the entrance to which\nresembled the shaft of a mine. In this the Gosi-Ute Indians had\ndeposited their dead, surrounded with different articles, until it was\nquite filled up; at least it so appeared from the cursory examination\nmade, limited time preventing a careful exploration. In the fall of the\nsame year another cave was heard of, from an Indian guide, near the\nNevada border, in the same Territory, and an attempt made to explore it,\nwhich failed for reasons to be subsequently given. This Indian,\na\u00a0Gosi-Ute, who was questioned regarding the funeral ceremonies of his\ntribe, informed the writer that not far from the very spot where the\nparty were encamped, was a large cave in which he had himself assisted\nin placing dead members of his tribe. He described it in detail and drew\na rough diagram of its position and appearance within. He was asked if\nan entrance could be effected, and replied that he thought not, as some\nyears previous his people had stopped up the narrow entrance to prevent\ngame from seeking a refuge in its vast vaults, for he asserted that it\nwas so large and extended so far under ground that no man knew its full\nextent. In consideration, however, of a very liberal bribe, after many\nrefusals, he agreed to act as guide. A\u00a0rough ride of over an hour and\nthe desired spot was reached. It was found to be almost upon the apex of\na small mountain apparently of volcanic origin, for the hole which was\npointed out appeared to have been the vent of the crater. This entrance\nwas irregularly circular in form and descended at an angle. As the\nIndian had stated, it was completely stopped up with large stones and\nroots of sage brash, and it was only after six hours of uninterrupted,\nfaithful labor that the attempt to explore was abandoned. The guide was\nasked if many bodies were therein, and replied \u201cHeaps, heaps,\u201d moving\nthe hands upwards as far they could be stretched. There is no reason to\ndoubt the accuracy of the information received, as it was voluntarily\nimparted.\n\nIn a communication received from Dr. A. J. McDonald, physician to the\nLos Pinos Indian Agency, Colorado, a\u00a0description is given of crevice or\nrock-fissure burial, which follows:\n\n As soon as death takes place the event is at once announced by the\n medicine man, and without loss of time the squaws are busily engaged\n in preparing the corpse for the grave. This does not take long;\n whatever articles of clothing may have been on the body at the time\n of death are not removed. The dead man\u2019s limbs are straightened out,\n his weapons of war laid by his side, and his robes and blankets\n wrapped securely and snugly around him, and now everything is ready\n for burial. It is the custom to secure if possible, for the purpose\n of wrapping up the corpse, the robes and blankets in which the\n Indian died. At the same time that the body is being fitted for\n internment, the squaws having immediate care of it, together with\n all the other squaws in the neighborhood, keep up a continued chant\n or dirge, the dismal cadence of which may, when the congregation of\n women is large, be heard for quite a long distance. The death song\n is not a mere inarticulate howl of distress; it embraces expressions\n eulogistic in character, but whether or not any particular formula\n of words is adopted on such occasion is a question which I am\n unable, with the materials at my disposal, to determine with any\n degree of certainty.\n\n The next duty falling to the lot of the squaws is that of placing\n the dead man on a horse and conducting the remains to the spot\n chosen for burial. This is in the cleft of a rock, and, so far as\n can be ascertained, it has always been customary among the Utes to\n select sepulchers of this character. From descriptions given by Mr.\n Harris, who has several times been fortunate enough to discover\n remains, it would appear that no superstitious ideas are held by\n this tribe with respect to the position in which the body is placed,\n the space accommodation of the sepulcher probably regulating this\n matter; and from the same source I learn that it is not usual to\n find the remains of more than one Indian deposited in one grave.\n After the body has been received into the cleft, it is well covered\n with pieces of rock, to protect it against the ravages of wild\n animals. The chant ceases, the squaws disperse, and the burial\n ceremonies are at an end. The men during all this time have not been\n idle, though they have in no way participated in the preparation of\n the body, have not joined the squaws in chanting praises to the\n memory of the dead, and have not even as mere spectators attended\n the funeral, yet they have had their duties to perform. In\n conformity with a long-established custom, all the personal property\n of the deceased is immediately destroyed. His horses and his cattle\n are shot, and his wigwam, furniture, &c., burned. The performance of\n this part of the ceremonies is assigned to the men; a\u00a0duty quite in\n accord with their taste and inclinations. Occasionally the\n destruction of horses and other properly is of considerable\n magnitude, but usually this is not the case, owing to a practice\n existing with them of distributing their property among their\n children while they are of a very tender age, retaining to\n themselves only what is necessary to meet every-day requirements.\n\n The widow \u201cgoes into mourning\u201d by smearing her face with a substance\n composed of pitch and charcoal. The application is made but once,\n and is allowed to remain on until it wears off. This is the only\n mourning observance of which I have any knowledge.\n\n The ceremonies observed on the death of a female are the same as\n those in the case of a male, except that no destruction of property\n takes place, and of course no weapons are deposited with the corpse.\n Should a youth die while under the superintendence of white men, the\n Indians will not as a role have anything to do with the interment of\n the body. In a case of the kind which occurred at this agency some\n time ago, the squaws prepared the body in the usual manner; the men\n of the tribe selected a spot for the burial, and the employee at the\n agency, after digging a grave and depositing the corpse therein,\n filled it up according to the fashion of civilized people, and then\n at the request of the Indians rolled large fragments of rocks on\n top. Great anxiety was exhibited by the Indians to have the employes\n perform the service as expeditiously as possible.\n\nWithin the past year Ouray, the Ute chief living at the Los Pinos\nagency, died and was buried, so far as could be ascertained, in a rock\nfissure or cave 7 or 8 miles from the agency.\n\nAn interesting cave in Calaveras County, California, which had been used\nfor burial purposes, is thus described by Prof. J.\u00a0D. Whitney:[5.27]\n\n The following is an account of the cave from which the skulls, now\n in the Smithsonian collection, were taken: It is near the Stanislaus\n River, in Calaveras County, on a nameless creek, about two miles\n from Abbey\u2019s Ferry, on the road to Vallicito, at the house of Mr.\n Robinson. There were two or three persons with me, who had been to\n the place before and knew that the skulls in question were taken\n from it. Their visit was some ten years ago, and since that the\n condition of things in the cave has greatly changed. Owing to some\n alteration in the road, mining operations, or some other cause which\n I could not ascertain, there has accumulated on the formerly clean\n stalagmitic floor of the cave a thickness of some 20 feet of surface\n earth that completely conceals the bottom, and which could not be\n removed without considerable expense. This cave is about 27 feet\n deep at the mouth and 40 to 50 feet at the end, and perhaps 30 feet\n in diameter. It is the general opinion of those who have noticed\n this cave and saw it years ago that it was a burying-place of the\n present Indians. Dr. Jones said he found remains of bows and arrows\n and charcoal with the skulls he obtained, and which were destroyed\n at the time the village of Murphy\u2019s was burned. All the people spoke\n of the skulls as lying on the surface and not as buried in the\n stalagmite.\n\nThe next description of cave burial, by W. H. Dall,[5.28] is so\nremarkable that it seems worthy of admittance to this paper. It relates\nprobably to the Innuits of Alaska.\n\n The earliest remains of man found in Alaska up to the time of\n writing I refer to this epoch [Echinus layer of Dall]. There are\n some crania found by us in the lowermost part of the Amaknak cave\n and a cranium obtained at Adakh, near the anchorage in the Bay of\n Islands. These were deposited in a remarkable manner, precisely\n similar to that adopted by most of the continental Innuit, but\n equally different from the modern Aleut fashion. At the Amaknak cave\n we found what at first appeared to be a wooden inclosure, but which\n proved to be made of the very much decayed supra-maxillary bones of\n some large cetacean. These were arranged so as to form a rude\n rectangular inclosure covered over with similar pieces of bone. This\n was somewhat less than 4 feet long, 2\u00a0feet wide, and 18 inches deep.\n The bottom was formed of flat pieces of stone. Three such were found\n close together, covered with and filled by an accumulation of fine\n vegetable and organic mold. In each was the remains of a skeleton in\n the last stages of decay. It had evidently been tied up in the\n Innuit fashion to get it into its narrow house, but all the bones,\n with the exception of the skull, were minced to a soft paste, or\n even entirely gone. At Adakh a fancy prompted me to dig into a small\n knoll near the ancient shell-heap, and here we found, in a precisely\n similar sarcophagus, the remains of a skeleton, of which also only\n the cranium retained sufficient consistency to admit of\n preservation. This inclosure, however, was filled with a dense peaty\n mass not reduced to mold, the result of centuries of sphagnous\n growth, which had reached a thickness of nearly 2 feet above the\n remains. When we reflect upon the well-known slowness of this kind\n of growth in these northern regions, attested by numerous Arctic\n travelers, the antiquity of the remains becomes evident.\n\nIt seems beyond doubt that in the majority of cases, especially as\nregards the caves of the Western States and Territories, the interments\nwere primary ones, and this is likewise true of many of the caverns of\nOhio, Indiana, and Kentucky, for in the three States mentioned many\nmummies have been found, but it is also likely that such receptacles\nwere largely used as places of secondary deposits. The many fragmentary\nskeletons and loose bones found seem to strengthen this view.\n\n\n\n\nEMBALMMENT OR MUMMIFICATION.\n\n\nFollowing and in connection with cave burial, the subject of mummifying\nor embalming the dead may be taken up, as most specimens of the kind\nhave generally been found in such repositories.\n\nIt might be both interesting and instructive to search out and discuss\nthe causes which have led many nations or tribes to adopt certain\nprocesses with a view to prevent that return to dust which all flesh\nmust sooner or later experience, but the necessarily limited scope of\nthis work precludes more than a brief mention of certain theories\nadvanced by writers of note, and which relate to the ancient Egyptians.\nPossibly at the time the Indians of America sought to preserve their\ndead from decomposition, some such ideas may have animated them, but on\nthis point no definite information has been procured. In the final\nvolume an effort will be made to trace out the origin of mummification\namong the Indians and aborigines of this continent.\n\nThe Egyptians embalmed, according to Cassien, because during the time of\nthe annual inundation no interments could take place, but it is more\nthan likely that this hypothesis is entirely fanciful. It is said by\nothers they believed that so long as the body was preserved from\ncorruption the soul remained in it. Herodotus states that it was to\nprevent bodies from becoming a prey to animal voracity. \u201cThey did not\ninter them,\u201d says he, \u201cfor fear of their being eaten by worms; nor did\nthey burn, considering fire as a ferocious beast, devouring everything\nwhich it touched.\u201d According to Diodorus of Sicily, embalmment\noriginated in filial piety and respect. De Maillet, however, in his\ntenth letter on Egypt, attributes it entirely to a religious belief,\ninsisted upon by the wise men and priests, who taught their disciples\nthat after a certain number of cycles, of perhaps thirty or forty\nthousand years, the entire universe became as it was at birth, and the\nsouls of the dead returned into the same bodies in which they had lived,\nprovided that the body remained free from corruption, and that\nsacrifices were freely offered as oblations to the manes of the\ndeceased. Considering the great care taken to preserve the dead, and the\nponderously solid nature of the Egyptian tombs, it is not surprising\nthat this theory has obtained many believers. M.\u00a0Gannal believes\nembalmment to have been suggested by the affectionate sentiments of our\nnature--a desire to preserve as long as possible the mortal remains of\nloved ones; but MM.\u00a0Volney and Pariset think it was intended to obviate,\nin hot climates especially, danger from pestilence, being primarily a\ncheap and simple process, elegance and luxury coming later; and the\nCount de Caylus states the idea of embalmment was derived from the\nfinding of desiccated bodies which the burning sands of Egypt had\nhardened and preserved. Many other suppositions have arisen, but it is\nthought the few given above are sufficient to serve as an introduction\nto embalmment in North America.\n\nFrom the statements of the older writers on North American Indians, it\nappears that mummifying was resorted to, among certain tribes of\nVirginia, the Carolinas, and Florida, especially for people of\ndistinction, the process in Virginia for the kings, according to\nBeverly,[5.29] being as follows:\n\n The _Indians_ are religious in preserving the Corpses of their Kings\n and Rulers after Death, which they order in the following manner:\n First, they neatly flay off the Skin as entire as they can, slitting\n it only in the Back; then they pick all the Flesh off from the Bones\n as clean as possible, leaving the Sinews fastned to the Bones, that\n they may preserve the Joints together; then they dry the Bones in\n the Sun, and put them into the Skin again, which in the mean time\n has been kept from drying or shrinking; when the Bones are placed\n right in the Skin, they nicely fill up the Vacuities, with a very\n fine white Sand. After this they sew up the Skin again, and the Body\n looks as if the Flesh had not been removed. They take care to keep\n the Skin from shrinking, by the help of a little Oil or Grease,\n which saves it also from Corruption. The Skin being thus prepar\u2019d,\n they lay it in an apartment for that purpose, upon a large Shelf\n rais\u2019d above the Floor. This Shelf is spread with Mats, for the\n Corpse to rest easy on, and skreened with the same, to keep it from\n the Dust. The Flesh they lay upon Hurdles in the Sun to dry, and\n when it is thoroughly dried, it is sewed up in a Basket, and set at\n the Feet of the Corpse, to which it belongs. In this place also they\n set up a _Quioccos_, or Idol, which they believe will be a Guard to\n the Corpse. Here Night and Day one or the other of the Priests must\n give his Attendance, to take care of the dead Bodies. So great an\n Honour and Veneration have these ignorant and unpolisht People for\n their Princes even after they are dead.\n\nIt should be added that, in the writer\u2019s opinion, this account and\nothers like it are somewhat apocryphal, and it has been copied and\nrecopied a score of times.\n\nAccording to Pinkerton,[5.30] who took the account from Smith\u2019s\nVirginia, the Werowance of Virginia preserved their dead as follows:\n\n In their Temples they have his [their chief God, the Devil\u2019s] image\n euill favouredly carved, and then painted and adorned with chaines\n of copper, and beads, and covered with a skin, in such manner as the\n deformitie may well suit with such a God. By him is commonly the\n sepulchre of their Kings. Their bodies are first bowelled, then\n dried upon hurdles till they be very dry, and so about the most of\n their ioynts and necke they hang bracelets, or chaines of copper,\n pearle, and such like, as they use to wear. Their inwards they\n stuffe with copper beads, hatchets, and such trash. Then lappe they\n them very carefully in white skins, and so rowle them in mats for\n their winding-sheets. And in the Tombe, which is an arch made of\n mats, they lay them orderly. What remaineth of this kind of wealth\n their Kings have, they set at their feet in baskets. These temples\n and bodies are kept by their Priests.\n\n For their ordinary burials, they dig a deepe hole in the earth with\n sharpe stakes, and the corpse being lapped in skins and mats with\n their Jewels they lay them upon stickes in the ground, and so cover\n them with earth. The buriale ended, the women being painted all\n their faces with blacke cole and oyle doe sit twenty-foure houres in\n the houses mourning and lamenting by turnes with such yelling and\n howling as may expresse their great passions. *\u00a0*\u00a0*\n\n Upon the top of certain red sandy hills in the woods there are three\n great houses filled with images of their Kings and devils and the\n tombes of their predecessors. Those houses are near sixty feet in\n length, built harbourwise after their building. This place they\n count so holey as that but the priests and Kings dare come into\n them; nor the savages dare not go up the river in boates by it, but\n that they solemnly cast some piece of copper, white beads or pocones\n into the river for feare their Okee should be offended and revenged\n of them.\n\n They think that their Werowances and priests which they also esteeme\n quiyough-cosughs, when they are deade doe goe beyond the mountains\n towards the setting of the sun, and ever remain there in form of\n their Okee, with their bedes paynted rede with oyle and pocones,\n finely trimmed with feathers, and shall have beads, hatchets,\n copper, and tobacco, doing nothing but dance and sing with all their\n predecessors. But the common people they suppose shall not live\n after deth, but rot in their graves like dede dogges.\n\nThis is substantially the same account as has been given on a former\npage, the verbiage differing slightly, and the remark regarding\ntruthfulness will apply to it as well as to the other.\n\nFigure 1 may again be referred to as an example of the dead-house\ndescribed.\n\nThe Congaree or Santee Indians of South Carolina, according to Lawson,\nused a process of partial embalmment, as will be seen from the subjoined\nextract from Schoolcraft;[5.31] but instead of laying away the remains\nin caves, placed them in boxes supported above the ground by crotched\nsticks.\n\n The manner of their interment is thus: A\u00a0mole or pyramid of earth is\n raised, the mould thereof being worked very smooth and even,\n sometimes higher or lower according to the dignity of the person\n whose monument it is. On the top thereof is an umbrella, made\n ridgeways, like the roof of a house. This in supported by nine\n stakes or small posts, the grave being about 6 to 8 feet in length\n and 4 feet in breadth, about which is hung gourds, feathers, and\n other such like trophies, placed there by the dead man\u2019s relations\n in respect to him in the grave. The other parts of the funeral rites\n are thus: As soon as the party is dead they lay the corpse upon a\n piece of bark in the sun, seasoning or embalming it with a small\n root beaten to powder, which looks as red as vermillion; the same is\n mixed with bear\u2019s oil to beautify the hair. After the carcass has\n laid a day or two in the sun they remove it and lay it upon crotches\n cut on purpose for the support thereof from the earth; then they\n anoint it all over with the aforementioned ingredients of the powder\n of this root and bear\u2019s oil. When it is so done they cover it over\n very exactly with the bark or pine of the cypress tree to prevent\n any rain to fall upon it, sweeping the ground very clean all about\n it. Some of his nearest of kin brings all the temporal estate he was\n possessed of at his death, as guns, bows and arrows, beads,\n feathers, match-coat, &c. This relation is the chief mourner, being\n clad in moss, with a stick in his hand, keeping a mournful ditty for\n three or four days, his face being black with the smoke of pitch\n pine mixed with bear\u2019s oil. All the while he tells the dead man\u2019s\n relations and the rest of the spectators who that dead person was,\n and of the great feats performed in his lifetime, all that he speaks\n tending to the praise of the defunct. As soon as the flesh grows\n mellow and will cleave from the bone they get it off and burn it,\n making the bones very clean, then anoint them with the ingredients\n aforesaid, wrapping up the skull (very carefully) in a cloth\n artificially woven of opossum\u2019s hair. The bones they carefully\n preserve in a wooden box, every year oiling and cleansing them. By\n these means they preserve them for many ages, that you may see an\n Indian in possession of the bones of his grandfather or some of his\n relations of a longer antiquity. They have other sorts of tombs, as\n when an Indian is slain in that very place they make a heap of\n stones (or\u00a0sticks where stones are not to be found); to this\n memorial every Indian that passes by adds a stone to augment the\n heap in respect to the deceased hero. The Indians make a roof of\n light wood or pitch-pine over the graves of the more distinguished,\n covering it with bark and then with earth, leaving the body thus in\n a subterranean vault until the flesh quits the bones. The bones are\n then taken up, cleaned, jointed, clad in white-dressed deerskins,\n and laid away in the _Quiogozon_, which is the royal tomb or\n burial-place of their kings and war-captains, being a more\n magnificent cabin reared at the public expense. This Quiogozon is an\n object of veneration, in which the writer says he has known the\n king, old men, and conjurers to spend several days with their idols\n and dead kings, and into which he could never gain admittance.\n\nAnother class of mummies are those which have been found in the\nsaltpetre and other caves of Kentucky, and it is still a matter of doubt\nwith arch\u00e6ologists whether any special pains were taken to preserve\nthese bodies, many believing that the impregnation of the soil with\ncertain minerals would account for the condition in which the specimens\nwere found. Charles Wilkins[5.32] thus describes one:\n\n *\u00a0*\u00a0* An exsiccated body of a female[5.33] *\u00a0*\u00a0* was found at the\n depth of about 10 feet from the surface of the cave bedded in clay\n strongly impregnated with nitre, placed in a sitting posture,\n incased in broad stones standing on their edges, with a flat atone\n covering the whole. It was enveloped in coarse clothes, *\u00a0*\u00a0* the\n whole wrapped in deer-skins, the hair of which was shaved off in the\n manner in which the Indians prepare them for market. Enclosed in the\n stone coffin were the working utensils, beads, feathers, and other\n ornaments of dress which belonged to her.\n\nThe next description is by Dr. Samuel L. Mitchill.[5.34*]\n\n AUG. 24th, 1815.\n\n DEAR SIR: I offer you some observations on a curious piece of\n American antiquity now in New York. It is a human body: found in one\n of the limestone caverns of Kentucky. It is a perfect desiccation;\n all the fluids are dried up. The skin, bones, and other firm parts\n are in a state of entire preservation. I\u00a0think it enough to have\n puzzled Bryant and all the arch\u00e6ologists.\n\n This was found in exploring a calcareous cave in the neighborhood of\n Glasgow for saltpetre.\n\n These recesses, though under ground, are yet dry enough to attract\n and retain the nitrick acid. It combines with lime and potash; and\n probably the earthy matter of these excavations contains a good\n proportion of calcareous carbonate. Amidst them drying and\n antiseptick ingredients, it may be conceived that putrefaction would\n be stayed, and the solids preserved from decay. The outer envelope\n of the body is a deer-skin, probably dried in the usual way, and\n perhaps softened before its application by rubbing. The next\n covering is a deer\u2019s skin, whose hair had been cut away by a sharp\n instrument resembling a batter\u2019s knife. The remnant of the hair and\n the gashes in the skin nearly resemble a sheared pelt of beaver. The\n next wrapper is of cloth made of twine doubled and twisted. But the\n thread does not appear to have been formed by the wheel, nor the web\n by the loom. The warp and filling seem to have been crossed and\n knotted by an operation like that of the fabricks of the northwest\n coast, and of the Sandwich Islands. Such a botanist as the lamented\n Muhlenbergh could determine the plant which furnished the fibrous\n material.\n\n The innermost tegument is a mantle of cloth, like the preceding, but\n furnished with large brown feathers, arranged and fashioned with\n great art, so as to be capable of guarding the living wearer from\n wet and cold. The plumage is distinct and entire, and the whole\n bears a near similitude to the feathery cloaks now worn by the\n nations of the northwestern coast of America. A\u00a0Wilson might tell\n from what bird they were derived.\n\n The body is in a squatting posture, with the right arm reclining\n forward, and its hand encircling the right leg. The left arm hangs\n down, with its hand inclined partly under the seat. The individual,\n who was a male, did not probably exceed the age of fourteen at his\n death. There is near the occiput a deep and extensive fracture of\n the skull, which probably killed him. The skin has sustained little\n injury; it is of a dusky colour, but the natural hue cannot be\n decided with exactness, from its present appearance. The scalp, with\n small exceptions, is covered with sorrel or foxey hair. The teeth\n are white and sound. The hands and feet, in their shrivelled state,\n are slender and delicate. All this is worthy the investigation of\n our acute and perspicacious colleague, Dr. Holmes.\n\n There is nothing bituminous or aromatic in or about the body, like\n the Egyptian mummies, nor are there bandages around any part. Except\n the several wrappers, the body is totally naked. There is no sign of\n a suture or incision about the belly; whence it seems that the\n viscera were not removed.\n\n It may now be expected that I should offer some opinion as to the\n antiquity and race of this singular exsiccation.\n\n First, then, I\u00a0am satisfied that it does not belong to that class of\n white men of which we are members.\n\n 2dly. Nor do I believe that it ought to be referred to the bands of\n Spanish adventurers, who, between the years 1500 and 1600, rambled\n up the Mississippi, and along its tributary streams. But on this\n head I should like to know the opinion of my learned and sagacious\n friend, Noah Webster.\n\n 3dly. I\u00a0am equally obliged to reject the opinion that it belonged to\n any of the tribes of aborigines, now or lately inhabiting Kentucky.\n\n 4thly. The mantle of the feathered work, and the mantle of twisted\n threads, so nearly resemble the fabricks of the indigines of Wakash\n and the Pacifick Islands, that I refer this individual to that era\n of time, and that generation of men, which preceded the Indians of\n the Green River, and of the place where these relicks were found.\n This conclusion is strengthened by the consideration that such\n manufactures are not prepared by the actual and resident red men of\n the present day. If the Abbe Clavigero had had this case before him,\n he would have thought of the people who constructed those ancient\n forts and mounds, whose exact history no man living can give. But I\n forbear to enlarge; my intention being merely to manifest my respect\n to the society for having enrolled me among its members, and to\n invite the attention of its Antiquarians to further inquiry on a\n subject of such curiousity.\n\n With respect, I remain yours,\n\n SAMUEL L. MITCHILL.\n\nIt would appear, from recent researches on the Northwest coast, that the\nnatives of that region embalmed their dead with much care, as may be\nseen from the work recently published by W.\u00a0H. Dall,[5.35] the\ndescription of the mummies being as follows:\n\n We found the dead disposed of in various ways; first, by interment\n in their compartments of the communal dwelling, as already\n described; second, by being laid on a rude platform of drift-wood or\n stones in some convenient rock shelter. These lay on straw and moss,\n covered by matting, and rarely have either implements, weapons, or\n carvings associated with them. We found only three or four specimens\n in all in these places, of which we examined a great number. This\n was apparently the more ancient form of disposing of the dead, and\n one which more recently was still pursued in the case of poor or\n unpopular individuals.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 5.--Alaskan Mummies.]\n\n Lastly, in comparatively modern times, probably within a few\n centuries, and up to the historic period (1740), another mode was\n adopted for the wealthy, popular, or more distinguished class. The\n bodies were eviscerated, cleansed from fatty matters in running\n water, dried, and usually placed in suitable cases in wrappings of\n fur and fine grass matting. The body was usually doubled up into the\n smallest compass, and the mummy case, especially in the case of\n children, was usually suspended (so\u00a0as not to touch the ground) in\n some convenient rock shelter. Sometimes, however, the prepared body\n was placed in a lifelike position, dressed and armed. They were\n placed as if engaged in some congenial occupation, such as hunting,\n fishing, sewing, &c. With them were also placed effigies of the\n animals they were pursuing, while the hunter was dressed in his\n wooden armor and provided with an enormous mask all ornamented with\n feathers, and a countless variety of wooden pendants, colored in gay\n patterns. All the carvings were of wood, the weapons even were only\n fac-similes in wood of the original articles. Among the articles\n represented were drums, rattles, dishes, weapons, effigies of men,\n birds, fish, and animals, wooden armor of rods or scales of wood,\n and remarkable masks, so arranged that the wearer when erect could\n only see the ground at his feet. These were worn at their religious\n dances from an idea that a spirit which was supposed to animate a\n temporary idol was fatal to whoever might look upon it while so\n occupied. An extension of the same idea led to the masking of those\n who had gone into the land of spirits.\n\n The practice of preserving the bodies of those belonging to the\n whaling class--a custom peculiar to the Kadiak Innuit--has\n erroneously been confounded with the one now described. The latter\n included women as well as men, and all those whom the living desired\n particularly to honor. The whalers, however, only preserved the\n bodies of males, and they were not associated with the paraphernalia\n of those I have described. Indeed, the observations I have been able\n to make show the bodies of the whalers to have been preserved with\n stone weapons and actual utensils instead of effigies, and with the\n meanest apparel, and no carvings of consequence. These details, and\n those of many other customs and usages of which the shell heaps bear\n no testimony *\u00a0*\u00a0* do not come within my line.\n\nFigure 5, copied from Dall, represents the Alaskan mummies.\n\nMartin Sauer, secretary to Billings\u2019 Expedition,[5.36] speaks of the\nAleutian Islanders embalming their dead, as follows:\n\n They pay respect, however, to the memory of the dead, for they\n embalm the bodies of the men with dried moss and grass; bury them in\n their best attire, in a sitting posture, in a strong box, with their\n darts and instruments; and decorate the tomb with various coloured\n mats, embroidery, and paintings. With women, indeed, they use less\n ceremony. A\u00a0mother will keep a dead child thus embalmed in their hut\n for some months, constantly wiping it dry; and they bury it when it\n begins to smell, or when they get reconciled to parting with\u00a0it.\n\nRegarding these same people, a writer in the San Francisco Bulletin\ngives this account:\n\n The schooner William Sutton, belonging to the Alaska Commercial\n Company, has arrived from the seal islands of the company with the\n mummified remains of Indians who lived on an island north of\n Ounalaska one hundred and fifty years ago. This contribution to\n science was secured by Captain Henning, an agent of the company who\n has long resided at Ounalaska. In his transactions with the Indians\n he learned that tradition among the Aleuts assigned Kagamale, the\n island in question, as the last resting-place of a great chief,\n known as Karkhayahouchak. Last year the captain was in the\n neighborhood of Kagamale in quest of sea-otter and other furs, and\n he bore up for the island, with the intention of testing the truth\n of the tradition he had heard. He had more difficulty in entering\n the cave than in finding it, his schooner having to beat on and off\n shore for three days. Finally he succeeded in affecting a landing,\n and clambering up the rocks he found himself in the presence of the\n dead chief, his family and relatives.\n\n The cave smelt strongly of hot sulphurous vapors. With great care\n the mummies were removed, and all the little trinkets and ornaments\n scattered around were also taken away.\n\n In all there are eleven packages of bodies. Only two or three have\n as yet been opened. The body of the chief is inclosed in a large\n basket-like structure, about four feet in height. Outside the\n wrappings are finely wrought sea-grass matting, exquisitely close in\n texture, and skins. At the bottom is a broad hoop or basket of\n thinly cut wood, and adjoining the center portions are pieces of\n body armor composed of reeds bound together. The body is covered\n with the fine skin of the sea-otter, always a mark of distinction in\n the interments of the Aleuts, and round the whole package are\n stretched the meshes of a fish-net, made of the sinews of the sea\n lion; also those of a bird-net. There are evidently some bulky\n articles inclosed with the chief\u2019s body, and the whole package\n differs very much from the others, which more resemble, in their\n brown-grass matting, consignments of crude sugar from the Sandwich\n Islands than the remains of human beings. The bodies of a pappoose\n and of a very little child, which probably died at birth or soon\n after it, have sea-otter skins around them. One of the feet of the\n latter projects, with a toe-nail visible. The remaining mummies are\n of adults.\n\n One of the packages has been opened, and it reveals a man\u2019s body in\n tolerable preservation, but with a large portion of the face\n decomposed. This and the other bodies were doubled up at death by\n severing some of the muscles at the hip and knee joints and bending\n the limbs downward horizontally upon the trunk. Perhaps the most\n peculiar package, next to that of the chief, is one which incloses\n in a single matting, with sea-lion skins, the bodies of a man and\n woman. The collection also embraces a couple of skulls, male and\n female, which have still the hair attached to the scalp. The hair\n has changed its color to a brownish red. The relics obtained with\n the bodies include a few wooden vessels scooped out smoothly:\n a\u00a0piece of dark, greenish, flat stone, harder than the emerald,\n which the Indians use to tan skins; a\u00a0scalp-lock of jet-black hair;\n a\u00a0small rude figure, which may have been a very ugly doll or an\n idol; two or three tiny carvings in ivory of the sea-lion, very\n neatly executed; a\u00a0comb, a\u00a0necklet made of bird\u2019s claws inserted\n into one another, and several specimens of little bags, and a cap\n plaited out of sea-grass and almost water-tight.\n\nIn Cary\u2019s translation of Herodotus (1853, p. 180) the following passage\noccurs which purports to describe the manner in which the Macrobrian\nEthiopians preserved their dead. It is added, simply as a matter of\ncurious interest, nothing more, for no remains so preserved have ever\nbeen discovered.\n\n After this, they visited last of all their sepulchres, which are\n said to be prepared from crystal in the following manner. When they\n have dried the body, either as the Egyptians do, or in some other\n way, they plaster it all over with gypsum, and paint it, making it\n as much as possible resemble real life; they then put round it a\n hollow column made of crystal, which they dig up in abundance, and\n is easily wrought. The body being in the middle of the column is\n plainly seen, nor does it emit an unpleasant smell, nor is it in any\n way offensive, and it is all visible as the body itself. The nearest\n relations keep the column in their houses for a year, offering to it\n the first-fruits of all, and performing sacrifices; after that time\n they carry it out and place it somewhere near the city.\n\n NOTE.--The Egyptian mummies could only be seen in front, the back\n being covered by a box or coffin; the Ethiopian bodies could be seen\n all round, as the column of glass was transparent.\n\nWith the foregoing examples as illustration, the matter of embalmment\nmay be for the present dismissed, with the advice to observers that\nparticular care should be taken, in case mummies are discovered, to\nascertain whether the bodies have been submitted to a regular\npreservative process, or owe their protection to ingredients in the soil\nof their graves or to desiccation in arid districts.\n\n\n\n\nURN-BURIAL.\n\n\nTo close the subject of subterranean burial proper, the following\naccount of urn-burial in Foster[5.37] may be added:\n\n Urn-burial appears to have been practiced to some extent by the\n mound-builders, particularly in some of the Southern States. In the\n mounds on the Wateree River, near Camden, S.C., according to Dr.\n Blanding, ranges of vases, one above the other, filled with human\n remains, were found. Sometimes when the mouth of the vase is small\n the skull is placed with the face downward in the opening,\n constituting a sort of cover. Entire cemeteries have been found in\n which urn-burial alone seems to have been practiced. Such a one was\n accidentally discovered not many years since in Saint Catherine\u2019s\n Island, off the coast of Georgia. Professor Swallow informs me that\n from a mound at New Madrid, Mo., he obtained a human skull inclosed\n in an earthen jar, the lips of which were too small to admit of its\n extraction. It must therefore have been molded on the head after\n death.\n\n A similar mode of burial was practiced by the Chaldeans, where the\n funeral jars often contain a human cranium much too expanded to\n admit of the possibility of its passing out of it, so that either\n the clay must have been modeled over the corpse, and then baked, or\n the neck of the jar must have been added subsequently to the other\n rites of interment.[5.38]\n\nIt is with regret that the writer feels obliged to differ from the\ndistinguished author of the work quoted regarding urn-burial, for\nnotwithstanding that it has been employed by some of the Central and\nSouthern American tribes, it is not believed to have been customary, but\n_to a very limited extent_, in North America, except as a secondary\ninterment. He must admit that he himself has found bones in urns or\nollas in the graves of New Mexico and California, but under\ncircumstances that would seem to indicate a deposition long subsequent\nto death. In the graves of the ancient peoples of California a number of\nollas were found in long used burying places, and it is probable that as\nthe bones were dug up time and again for new burials they were simply\ntossed into pots, which were convenient receptacles, or it may have been\nthat bodies were allowed to repose in the earth long enough for the\nfleshy parts to decay, and the bones were then collected, placed in\nurns, and reinterred. Dr. E. Foreman, of the Smithsonian Institution,\nfurnishes the following account of urns used for burial:\n\n I would call your attention to an earthenware burial-urn and cover,\n Nos. 27976 and 27977, National Museum, but very recently received\n from Mr. William McKinley, of Milledgeville, Ga. It was exhumed on\n his plantation, ten miles below that city, on the bottom lands of\n the Oconee River, now covered with almost impassible canebrakes,\n tall grasses, and briers. We had a few months ago from the same\n source one of the covers, of which the ornamentation was different\n but more entire. A\u00a0portion of a similar cover has been received also\n from Chattanooga, Tenn. Mr. McKinley ascribes the use of these urns\n and covers to the Muscogees, a\u00a0branch of the Creek Nation.\n\nThese urns are made of baked clay, and are shaped somewhat like the\nordinary steatite ollas found in the California coast graves, but the\nbottoms instead of being round run down to a sharp apex; on the top was\na cover, the upper part of which also terminated in an apex, and around\nthe border, near where it rested on the edge of the vessel, are indented\nscroll ornamentations.\n\nThe burial urns of New Mexico are thus described by E. A. Barber:[5.39]\n\n Burial-urns *\u00a0*\u00a0* comprise vessels or ollas without handles, for\n cremation, usually being from 10 to 15 inches in height, with broad,\n open mouths, and made of coarse clay, with a laminated exterior\n (partially or entirely ornamented). Frequently the indentations\n extend simply around the neck or rim, the lower portion being plain.\n\nSo far as is known, up to the present time no burial-urns have been\nfound in North America resembling those discovered in Nicaragua by Dr.\nJ.\u00a0C. Bransford, U.S.N., but it is quite within the range of possibility\nthat future researches in regions not far distant from that which he\nexplored may reveal similar treasures. Figure 6 represents different\nforms of burial-urns, _a_, _b_, and _e_, after Foster, are from Laporte,\nInd. _f_, after Foster, is from Greenup County, Kentucky; _d_ is from\nMilledgeville, Ga., in Smithsonian collection, No. 27976; and _c_ is one\nof the peculiar shoe-shaped urns brought from Ometepec Island, Lake\nNicaragua, by Surgeon J.\u00a0C. Bransford, U.S.N.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 6.--Burial Urns.]\n\n\n\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 7.--Indian Cemetery.]\n\nSURFACE BURIAL.\n\n\nThis mode of interment was practiced to only a limited extent, so far as\ncan be discovered, and it is quite probable that in most cases it was\nemployed as a temporary expedient when the survivors were pressed for\ntime. The Seminoles of Florida are said to have buried in hollow trees,\nthe bodies being placed in an upright position, occasionally the dead\nbeing crammed into a hollow log lying on the ground. With some of the\nEastern tribes a log was split in half and hollowed out sufficiently\nlarge to contain the corpse; it was then lashed together with withes and\npermitted to remain where it was originally placed. In some cases a pen\nwas built over and around it. This statement is corroborated by R.\u00a0S.\nRobertson, of Fort Wayne, Ind., who states, in a communication received\nin 1877, that the Miamis practiced surface burial in two different ways:\n\n *\u00a0*\u00a0* 1st. The surface burial in hollow logs. These have been found\n in heavy forests. Sometimes a tree has been split and the two halves\n hollowed out to receive the body, when it was either closed with\n withes or confined to the ground with crossed stakes; and sometimes\n a hollow tree is used by closing the ends.\n\n 2d. Surface burial where the body was covered by a small pen of logs\n laid up as we build a cabin, but drawing in every course until they\n meet in a single log at the top.\n\nThe writer has recently received from Prof. C. Engelhardt, of\nCopenhagen, Denmark, a\u00a0brochure describing the oak coffins of\nBorum-\u00c6sh\u0153i. From an engraving in this volume it would appear that the\nmanner employed by the ancient Danes of hollowing out logs for coffins\nhas its analogy among the North American Indians.\n\nRomantically conceived, and carried out to the fullest possible extent\nin accordance with the _ante mortem_ wishes of the dead, were the\nobsequies of Blackbird, the great chief of the Omahas. The account is\ngiven by George Catlin:[5.40]\n\n He requested them to take his body down the river to this his\n favorite haunt, and on the pinnacle of this towering bluff to bury\n him on the back of his favorite war-horse, which was to be buried\n alive under him, from whence he could see, as he said, \u201cthe\n Frenchmen passing up and down the river in their boats.\u201d He owned,\n amongst many horses, a\u00a0noble white steed, that was led to the top of\n the grass-covered hill, and with great pomp and ceremony, in the\n presence of the whole nation and several of the fur-traders and the\n Indian agent, he was placed astride of his horse\u2019s back, with his\n bow in his hand, and his shield and quiver slung, with his pipe and\n his medicine bag, with his supply of dried meat, and his\n tobacco-pouch replenished to last him through the journey to the\n beautiful hunting grounds of the shades of his fathers, with his\n flint, his steel, and his tinder to light his pipe by the way; the\n scalps he had taken from his enemies\u2019 heads could be trophies for\n nobody else, and were hung to the bridle of his horse. He was in\n full dress, and fully equipped, and on his head waved to the last\n moment his beautiful head-dress of the war-eagles\u2019 plumes. In this\n plight, and the last funeral honors having been performed by the\n medicine-men, every warrior of his band painted the palm and fingers\n of his right hand with vermillion, which was stamped and perfectly\n impressed on the milk-white sides of his devoted horse. This all\n done, turfs were brought and placed around the feet and legs of the\n horse, and gradually laid up to its sides, and at last over the back\n and head of the unsuspecting animal, and last of all over the head\n and even the eagle plumes of its valiant rider, where all together\n have smouldered and remained undisturbed to the present day.\n\nFigure 7, after Schoolcraft, represents an Indian burial-ground on a\nhigh bluff of the Missouri River.\n\nAccording to the Rev. J. G. Wood,[5.41] the Obongo, an African tribe,\nburied their dead in a manner similar to that which has been stated of\nthe Seminoles:\n\n When an Obongo dies it is usual to take the body to a hollow tree in\n the forest and drop it into the hollow, which is afterwards filled\n to the top with earth, leaves, and branches.\n\nM. de la Potherie[5.42] gives an account of surface burial as practiced\nby the Iroquois of New York:\n\n Quand ce malade est mort, on le met sur son s\u00e9ant, on oint ses\n cheveux et tout son corps d\u2019huile d\u2019animaux, on lui applique du\n vermillon sur le visage; on lui met toutes sortes de beaux plumages\n de la rassade de la porcelaine et on le pare des plus beaux habits\n que l\u2019on peut trouver, pendant que les parens et des vieilles\n continuent toujours \u00e0 pleurer. Cette c\u00e9r\u00e9monie finie, les alliez\n apportent plusieurs pr\u00e9sens. Les uns sont pour essuyer les larmes et\n les autres pour servir de matelas au d\u00e9funt, on en destine certains\n pour couvrir la fosse, de peur, disent-ils, que la plague ne\n l\u2019incommode, on y \u00e9tend fort proprement des peaux d\u2019ours et de\n chevreuils qui lui servent de lit, et on lui met ses ajustemens avec\n un sac de farine de bled d\u2019Inde, de la viande, sa cuilli\u00e8re, et\n g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement tout ce qu\u2019il faut \u00e0 un homme qui veut faire un long\n voyage, avec toux les pr\u00e9sens qui lui ont \u00e9t\u00e9 faits \u00e1 sa mort, et\n s\u2019il a \u00e9t\u00e9 guerrier on lui donne ses armes pour s\u2019en servir au pais\n des morts. L\u2019on couvre ensuite ce cadavre d\u2019\u00e9corce d\u2019arbres sur\n lesquelles on jette de la terre et quantit\u00e9 de pierres, et on\n l\u2019entoure de pierres pour emp\u00eacher que les animaux ne le d\u00e9terrent.\n Ces sortes de fun\u00e9railles ne se font que dans leur village.\n Lorsqu\u2019ils meurent en campagne on les met dans un cercueil d\u2019\u00e9corce,\n entre les branches des arbres o\u00f9 on les \u00e9l\u00e8ve sur quatre pilliers.\n\n On observe ces m\u00eames fun\u00e9railles aux femmes et aux filles. Tous ceux\n qui ont assist\u00e9 aux obs\u00e8ques profitent de toute la d\u00e9pouille du\n d\u00e9funt et s\u2019il n\u2019avoit rien, les parens y supl\u00e9ent. Ainsi ils ne\n pleurent pas en vain. Le deuil consiste \u00e0 ne se point couper ni\n graisser les cheveux et de se tenir n\u00e9glig\u00e9 sans aucune parure,\n couverts de m\u00e9chantes hardes. Le p\u00e8re et la m\u00e8re portent le deuil de\n leur fils. Si le p\u00e8re meurt les gar\u00e7ons le portent, et les filles de\n leur m\u00e8re.\n\nDr. P. Gregg, of Rock Island, Illinois, has been kind enough to forward\nto the writer an interesting work by J.\u00a0V. Spencer,[5.43] containing\nannotations by himself. He gives the following account of surface and\npartial surface burial occurring among the Sacs and Foxes formerly\ninhabiting Illinois:\n\n Black Hawk was placed upon the ground in a sitting posture, his\n hands grasping his cane. They usually made a shallow hole in the\n ground, setting the body in up to the waist, so the most of the body\n was above ground. The part above ground was then covered by a\n buffalo robe, and a trench about eight feet square was then dug\n about the grave. In this trench they set picketing about eight feet\n high, which secured the grave against wild animals. When I first\n came here there were quite a number of these high picketings still\n standing where their chiefs had been buried, and the body of a chief\n was disposed of in this way while I lived near their village. The\n common mode of burial was to dig a shallow grave, wrap the body in a\n blanket, place it in the grave, and fill it nearly full of dirt;\n then take split sticks about three feet long and stand them in the\n grave so that their tops would come together in the form of a roof;\n then they filled in more earth so as to hold the sticks in place.\n I\u00a0saw a father and mother start out alone to bury their child about\n a year old; they carried it by tieing it up in a blanket and putting\n a long stick through the blanket, each taking an end of the stick.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 8.--Grave Pen.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 9.--Grave Pen.]\n\n I have also seen the dead bodies placed in trees. This is done by\n digging a trough out of a log, placing the body in it, and covering\n it. I\u00a0have seen several bodies in one tree. I\u00a0think when they are\n disposed of in this way it is by special request, as I knew of an\n Indian woman who lived with a white family who desired her body\n placed in a tree, which was accordingly done.[5.44*] Doubtless there\n was some peculiar superstition attached to this mode, though I do\n not remember to have heard what it was.\n\nJudge H. Welch[5.45] states that \u201cthe Sauks, Foxes, and Pottawatomies\nburied by setting the body on the ground and building a pen around it of\nsticks or logs. I\u00a0think the bodies lay heads to the east.\u201d And C.\u00a0C.\nBaldwin, of Cleveland, Ohio, sends a more detailed account, as follows:\n\n I was some time since in Seneca County and there met Judge Welch.\n *\u00a0*\u00a0* In 1824 he went with his father-in-law, Judge Gibson, to Fort\n Wayne. On the way they passed the grave of an Ottawa or Pottawatomie\n chief. The body lay on the ground covered with notched poles. It had\n been there but a few days and the worms were crawling around the\n body. My special interest in the case was the accusation of\n witchcraft against a young squaw who was executed for killing him by\n her arts. In the Summit County mounds there were only parts of\n skeletons with charcoal and ashes, showing they had been burned.\n\nW. A. Brice[5.46] mentions a curious variety of surface burial not\nheretofore met with:\n\n And often had been seen, years ago, swinging from the bough of a\n tree, or in a hammock stretched between two trees, the infant of the\n Indian mother; or a few little log inclosures, where the bodies of\n adults sat upright, with all their former apparel wrapped about\n them, and their trinkets, tomahawks, &c., by their side, could be\n seen at any time for many years by the few pale-faces visiting or\n sojourning here.\n\nA method of interment so closely allied to surface burial that it may be\nconsidered under that head is the one employed by some of the Ojibways\nand Swampy Crees of Canada. A\u00a0small cavity is scooped out, the body\ndeposited therein, covered with a little dirt, the mound thus formed\nbeing covered either with split planks, poles, or birch bark.\n\nProf. Henry Youle Hind, who was in charge of the Canadian Red River\nexploring expedition of 1858, has been good enough to forward to the\nBureau of Ethnology two photographs representing the variety of grave,\nwhich he found 15 or 20 miles from the present town of Winnipeg, and\nthey are represented in the woodcuts, Figures 8 and\u00a09.\n\n\n_CAIRN-BURIAL._\n\nThe next mode of interment to be considered is that of cairn or rock\nburial, which has prevailed and is still common to a considerable extent\namong the tribes living in the Rocky Mountains and the Sierra Nevadas.\n\nIn the summer of 1872 the writer visited one of these rock cemeteries in\nMiddle Utah, which had been used for a period not exceeding fifteen or\ntwenty years. It was situated at the bottom of a rock slide, upon the\nside of an almost inaccessible mountain, in a position so carefully\nchosen for concealment that it would have been almost impossible to find\nit without a guide. Several of the graves were opened, and found to have\nbeen constructed in the following manner: A\u00a0number of bowlders had been\nremoved from the bed of the slide until a sufficient cavity had been\nobtained; this was lined with skins, the corpse placed therein, with\nweapons, ornaments, &c., and covered over with saplings of the mountain\naspen; on the top of these the removed bowlders were piled, forming a\nhuge cairn, which appeared large enough to have marked the last resting\nplace of an elephant. In the immediate vicinity of the graves were\nscattered the osseous remains of a number of horses which had been\nsacrificed, no doubt, during the funeral ceremonies. In one of the\ngraves, said to contain the body of a chief, in addition to a number of\narticles useful and ornamental, were found parts of the skeleton of a\nboy, and tradition states that a captive boy was buried alive at this\nplace.\n\nFrom Dr. O. G. Given, physician to the Kiowa and Comanche Agency, Indian\nTerritory, the following description of burial ceremonies was received.\nAccording to this gentleman the Kiowas call themselves _Kaw-a-w\u0101h_, the\nComanches _Nerm_, and the Apaches _T\u0101h-zee_.\n\n They bury in the ground or in crevices of rocks. They do not seem to\n have any particular rule with regard to the position. Sometimes\n prone, sometimes supine, but always decumbent. They select a place\n where the grave is easily prepared, which they do with such\n implements as they chance to have, viz, a\u00a0squaw-axe, or hoe. If they\n are traveling, the grave is often very hastily prepared and not much\n time is spent in finishing. I\u00a0was present at the burial of Black\n Hawk, an Apache chief, some two years ago, and took the body in my\n light wagon up the side of a mountain to the place of burial. They\n found a crevice in the rocks about four feet wide and three feet\n deep. By filling in loose rocks at either end they made a very nice\n tomb. The body was then put in face downwards, short sticks were put\n across, resting on projections of rock at the sides, brush was\n thrown on this, and flat rocks laid over the whole of\u00a0it.\n\n The body of the deceased is dressed in the best clothing, together\n with all the ornaments most admired by the person when living. The\n face is painted with any colored paint they may have, mostly red and\n yellow, as I have observed. The body is then wrapped in skins,\n blankets, or domestic, with the hands laid across the breast, and\n the legs placed upon the thighs. They put into the grave their guns,\n bows and arrows, tobacco, and if they have it a blanket, moccasins,\n and trinkets of various kinds. One or more horses are killed over or\n near the grave. Two horses and a mule were killed near Black Hawk\u2019s\n grave. They were led up near and shot in the head. At the death of a\n Comanche chief, some years ago, I\u00a0am told about seventy horses were\n killed, and a greater number than that were said to have been killed\n at the death of a prominent Kiowa chief a few years since.\n\n The mourning is principally done by the relatives and immediate\n friends, although any one of their own tribe, or one of another\n tribe, who chances to be passing, will stop and moan with the\n relatives. Their mourning consists in a weird wail, which to be\n described must be heard, and once heard is never forgotten, together\n with the scarifying of their faces, arms, and legs with some sharp\n instrument, the cutting off of the hair, and oftentimes the cutting\n off of a joint of a finger, usually the little finger (Comanches do\n not cut off fingers). The length of time and intensity of their\n mourning depends upon the relation and position of the deceased in\n the tribe. I\u00a0have known instances where, if they should be passing\n along where any of their friends had died, even a year after their\n death, they would mourn.\n\nThe Shoshones, of Nevada, generally concealed their dead beneath heaps\nof rocks, according to H.\u00a0Butterfield, of Tyho, Nye County, Nevada,\nalthough occasionally they either burn or bury them. He gives as reasons\nfor rock burial: 1st, to prevent coyotes eating the corpses; 2d, because\nthey have no tools for deep excavations; and 3d, natural indolence of\nthe Indians--indisposition to work any more than can be helped.\n\nThe Pi-Utes, of Oregon, bury in cairns; the Blackfeet do the same, as\ndid also the Acaxers and Yaquis, of Mexico, and the Esquimaux; in fact,\na\u00a0number of examples might be quoted. In foreign lands the custom\nprevailed among certain African tribes, and it is said that the ancient\nBalearic Islanders covered their dead with a heap of stones, but this\nceremony was preceded by an operation which consisted in cutting the\nbody in small pieces and collecting in a pot.\n\n\n\n\nCREMATION.\n\n\nNext should be noted this mode of disposing of the dead, a common custom\nto a considerable extent among North American tribes, especially those\nliving on the western slope of the Rocky Mountains, although we have\nundoubted evidence that it was also practiced, among the more eastern\nones. This rite may be considered as peculiarly interesting from its\ngreat antiquity, for Tegg[5.47] informs us that it reached as far back\nas the Theban war, in the account of which mention is made of the\nburning of Men\u0153acus and Archemorus, who were contemporary with Jair,\neighth judge of Israel. It was common in the interior of Asia, and among\nthe ancient Greeks and Romans, and has also prevailed among the Hindoos\nup to the present time. In fact, it is now rapidly becoming a custom\namong civilized people.\n\nWhile there is a certain degree of similarity between the performance of\nthis rite among the people spoken of and the Indians of North America,\nyet, did space admit, a\u00a0discussion might profitably be entered upon\nregarding the details of it among the ancients and the origin of the\nceremony. As it is, simple narrations of cremation in the country, with\ndiscursive notes and an account of its origin among the Nishinams of\nCalifornia, by Stephen Powers,[5.48] seem to be all that is required at\nthis time:\n\n The moon and the coyote wrought together in creating all things that\n exist. The moon was good, but the coyote was bad. In making men and\n women, the moon wished to so fashion their souls that when they died\n they should return to the earth after two or three days as he\n himself does when he dies. But the coyote was evil disposed and said\n this should not be; but that when men died their friends should burn\n their bodies and once a year make a great mourning for them and the\n coyote prevailed. So, presently when deer died, they burned his\n body, as the coyote had decreed and after a year they made a great\n mourning for him. But the moon created the rattlesnake and caused it\n to bite the coyote\u2019s son, so that he died. Now, though the coyote\n had been willing to burn the deer\u2019s relations, he refused to burn\n his own son. Then the moon said unto him, \u201cThis is your own rule.\n You would have it so, and now your son shall be burned like the\n others.\u201d So he was burned, and after a year the coyote mourned for\n him. Thus the law was established over the coyote also, and, as he\n had dominion over men, it prevailed over men likewise.\n\n This story is utterly worthless for itself, but it has its value in\n that it shows there was a time when the California Indians did not\n practice cremation, which is also established by other traditions.\n It hints at the additional fact that the Nishinams to this day set\n great store by the moon, consider it their benefactor in a hundred\n ways and observe its changes for a hundred purposes.\n\nAnother myth regarding cremation is given by Adam Johnston in\nSchoolcraft[5.49] and relates to the Bonaks, or root-diggers:\n\n The first Indians that lived were coyotes. When one of their number\n died the body became full of little animals or spirits, as they\n thought then. After crawling over the body for a time they took all\n manner of shapes, some that of the deer, others the elk, antelope,\n etc. It was discovered however, that great numbers were taking wings\n and for a while they sailed about in the air, but eventually they\n would fly off to the moon. The old coyotes or Indians, fearing the\n earth might become depopulated in this way, concluded to stop it at\n once and ordered that when one of their people died the body must be\n burnt. Ever after they continued to burn the bodies of deceased\n persons.\n\nRoss Cox gives an account of the process as performed by the Tolkotins\nof Oregon:[5.50]\n\n The ceremonies attending the dead are very singular and quite\n peculiar to this tribe. The body of the deceased is kept nine days\n laid out in his lodge and on the tenth it is buried. For this\n purpose a rising ground is selected, on which are laid a number of\n sticks, about 7 feet long, of cypress, neatly split and in the\n interstices, placed a quantity of gummy wood. During these\n operations invitations are dispatched to the natives of the\n neighboring villages requesting their attendance at the ceremony.\n When the preparations are perfected, the corpse is placed on the\n pile, which is immediately ignited and during the process of\n burning, the bystanders appear to be in a high state of merriment.\n If a stranger happen to be present they invariably plunder him, but\n if that pleasure be denied them, they never separate without\n quarreling among themselves. Whatever property the deceased\n possessed is placed about the corpse, and if he happened to be a\n person of consequence, his friends generally purchase a capote,\n a\u00a0shirt, a\u00a0pair of trousers, &c, which articles are also laid around\n the pile. If the doctor who attended him has escaped uninjured, he\n is obliged to be present at the ceremony, and for the last time\n tries his skill in restoring the defunct to animation. Failing in\n this, he throws on the body a piece of leather, or some other\n article, as a present, which in some measure appeases the resentment\n of his relatives, and preserves the unfortunate quack from being\n maltreated. During the nine days the corpse is laid out, the widow\n of the deceased is obliged to sleep along side it from sunset to\n sunrise, and from this custom there is no relaxation even during the\n hottest days of summer! While the doctor is performing his last\n operations she must lie on the pile, and after the fire is applied\n to it she cannot stir until the doctor orders her to be removed,\n which, however, is never done until her body is completely covered\n with blisters. After being placed on her legs, she is obliged to\n pass her hands gently through the flame and collect some of the\n liquid fat which issues from the corpse, with which she is permitted\n to wet her face and body. When the friends of the deceased observe\n the sinews of the legs and arms beginning to contract they compel\n the unfortunate widow to go again on the pile, and by dint of hard\n pressing to straighten those members.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 10.--Tolkotin cremation.]\n\n If during her husband\u2019s life time she has been known to have\n committed any act of infidelity or omitted administering to him\n savory food or neglected his clothing, &c. she is now made to suffer\n severely for such lapses of duty by his relations, who frequently\n fling her in the funeral pile, from which she is dragged by her\n friends, and thus between alternate scorching and cooling she is\n dragged backwards and forwards until she falls into a state of\n insensibility.\n\n After the process of burning the corpse has terminated, the widow\n collects the larger bones, which she rolls up in an envelope of\n birch bark and which she is obliged for some years afterwards to\n carry on her back. She is now considered and treated as a slave, all\n the laborious duties of cooking, collecting food, &c. devolve on\n her. She must obey the orders of all the women, and even of the\n children belonging to the village, and the slightest mistake or\n disobedience subjects her to the infliction of a heavy punishment.\n The ashes of her husband are carefully collected and deposited in a\n grave which it is her duty to keep free from weeds, and should any\n such appear, she is obliged to root them out with her fingers.\n During this operation her husband\u2019s relatives stand by and beat her\n in a cruel manner until the task is completed or she falls a victim\n to their brutality. The wretched widows, to avoid this complicated\n cruelty, frequently commit suicide. Should she, however, linger on\n for three or four years, the friends of her husband agree to relieve\n her from the her painful mourning. This is a ceremony of much\n consequence and the preparations for it occupy a considerable time\n generally from six to eight months. The hunters proceed to the\n various districts in which deer and beaver abound and after\n collecting large quantities of meat and fur return to the village.\n The skins are immediately bartered for guns, ammunition, clothing,\n trinkets, &c. Invitations are then sent to the inhabitants of the\n various friendly villages, and when they have all assembled the\n feast commences, and presents are distributed to each visitor. The\n object of their meeting is then explained, and the woman is brought\n forward, still carrying on her back the bones of her late husband,\n which are now removed and placed in a covered box, which is nailed\n or otherwise fastened to a post twelve feet high. Her conduct as a\n faithful widow is next highly eulogized, and the ceremony of her\n manumission is completed by one man powdering on her head the down\n of birds and another pouring on it the contents of a bladder of oil.\n She is then at liberty to marry again or lead a life of single\n blessedness, but few of them, I\u00a0believe, wish to encounter the risk\n attending a second widowhood.\n\n The men are condemned to a similar ordeal, but they do not bear it\n with equal fortitude, and numbers fly to distant quarters to avoid\n the brutal treatment which custom has established as a kind of\n religious rite.\n\nFigure 10 is an ideal sketch of the cremation according to the\ndescription given.\n\nPerhaps a short review of some of the peculiar and salient points of\nthis narrative may be permitted.\n\nIt is stated that the corpse is kept nine days after death--certainly a\nlong period of time, when it is remembered that Indians as a rule\nendeavor to dispose of their dead as soon as possible. This may be\naccounted for on the supposition that it is to give the friends and\nrelatives an opportunity of assembling, verifying the death, and of\nmaking proper preparations for the ceremony. With regard to the\nverification of the dead person, William Sheldon[5.51] gives an account\nof a similar custom which was common among the Caraibs of Jamaica, and\nwhich seems to throw some light upon the unusual retention of deceased\npersons by the tribe in question, although it most be admitted that this\nis mere hypothesis:\n\n They had some very extraordinary customs respecting deceased\n persons. When one of them died, it was necessary that all his\n relations should see him and examine the body in order to ascertain\n that he died a natural death. They acted so rigidly on this\n principle, that if one relative remained who had not seen the body\n all the others could not convince that one that the death was\n natural. In such a case the absent relative considered himself as\n bound in honor to consider all the other relatives as having been\n accessories to the death of the kinsman, and did not rest until he\n had killed one of them to revenge the death of the deceased. If a\n Caraib died in Martinico or Guadaloupe and but his relations lived\n in St. Vincents, it was necessary to summon them to see the body,\n and several months sometimes elapsed before it could be finally\n interred. When a Caraib died he was immediately painted all over\n with _roucou_, and had his mustachios and the black streaks in his\n face made with a black paint, which was different from that used in\n their lifetime. A\u00a0kind of grave was then dug in the _carbet_ where\n he died, about 4 feet square and 6 or 7 feet deep. The body was let\n down in it, when sand was thrown in, which reached to the knees, and\n the body was placed in it in a sitting posture, resembling that in\n which they crouched round the fire or the table when alive, with the\n elbows on the knees and the palms of the hands against the cheeks.\n No part of the body touched the outside of the grave, which was\n covered with wood and mats until all the relations had examined it.\n When the customary examinations and inspections were ended the hole\n was filled, and the bodies afterwards remained undisturbed. The hair\n of the deceased was kept tied behind. In this way bodies have\n remained several months without any symptoms of decay or producing\n any disagreeable smell. The _roucou_ not only preserved them from\n the sun, air, and insects during their lifetime, but probably had\n the same effect after death. The arms of the Caraibs were placed by\n them when they were covered over for inspection, and they were\n finally buried with them.\n\nAgain, we are told that during the burning the bystanders are very\nmerry. This hilarity is similar to that shown by the Japanese at a\nfuneral, who rejoice that the troubles and worries of the world are over\nfor the fortunate dead. The plundering of strangers present, it may be\nremembered, also took place among the Indians of the Carolinas. As\nalready mentioned on a preceding page, the cruel manner in which the\nwidow is treated seems to be a modification of the Hindoo suttee, but,\nif the account be true, it would appear that death might be preferable\nto such torments.\n\nIt is interesting to note that in Corsica, as late as 1743, if a husband\ndied, women threw themselves upon the widow and beat her severely.\nBrohier quaintly remarks that this custom obliged women to take good\ncare of their husbands.\n\nGeorge Gibbs, in Schoolcraft,[5.52] states that among the Indians of\nClear Lake, California, \u201cthe body is consumed upon a scaffold built over\na hole, into which the ashes are thrown and covered.\u201d\n\nAccording to Stephen Powers,[5.53] cremation was common among the Se-n\u00e9l\nof California. He thus relates\u00a0it.\n\n The dead are mostly burned. Mr. Willard described to me a scene of\n incremation that he once witnessed, which was frightful for its\n exhibitions of fanatic frenzy and infatuation. The corpse was that\n of a wealthy chieftain, and as he lay upon the funeral pyre they\n placed in his month two gold twenties, and other smaller coins in\n his ears and hands, on his breast, &c. besides all his finery, his\n feather mantles, plumes, clothing, shell money, his fancy bows,\n painted arrows, &c. When the torch was applied they set up a\n mournful ululation, chanting and dancing about him, gradually\n working themselves into a wild and ecstatic raving, which seemed\n almost a demoniacal possession, leaping, howling, lacerating their\n flesh. Many seemed to lose all self-control. The younger\n English-speaking Indians generally lend themselves charily to such\n superstitious work, especially if American spectators are present,\n but even they were carried away by the old contagious frenzy of\n their race. One stripped off a broadcloth coat, quite new and fine,\n and ran frantically yelling and cast it upon the blazing pile.\n Another rushed up, and was about to throw on a pile of California\n blankets, when a white man, to test his sincerity, offend him $16\n for them, jingling the bright coins before his eyes, but the savage\n (for such he had become again for the moment) otherwise so\n avaricious, hurled him away with a yell of execration and ran and\n threw his offering into the flames. Squaws, even more frenzied,\n wildly flung upon the pyre all they had in the world--their dearest\n ornaments, their gaudiest dresses, their strings of glittering\n shells. Screaming, wailing, tearing their hair, beating their\n breasts in their mad and insensate infatuation, some of them would\n have cast themselves bodily into the flaming ruins and perished with\n the chief had they not been restrained by their companions. Then the\n bright, swift flames, with their hot tongues, licked this \u201ccold\n obstruction\u201d into chemic change, and the once \u201cdelighted spirit\u201d of\n the savage was borne up. *\u00a0*\u00a0*\n\n It seems as if the savage shared in Shakspeare\u2019s shudder at the\n thought of rotting in the dismal grave, for it is the one passion of\n his superstition to think of the soul, of his departed friend set\n free and purified by the swift purging heat of the flames not\n dragged down to be clogged and bound in the mouldering body, but\n borne up in the soft, warm chariots of the smoke toward the\n beautiful sun, to bask in his warmth and light, and then to fly away\n to the Happy Western Land. What wonder if the Indian shrinks with\n unspeakable horror from the thought of _burying his friend\u2019s\n soul!_--of pressing and ramming down with pitiless clods that inner\n something which once took such delight in the sweet light of the\n sun! What wonder if it takes years to persuade him to do otherwise\n and follow our custom! What wonder if even then he does it with sad\n fears and misgivings! Why not let him keep his custom! In the\n gorgeous landscapes and balmy climate of California an Indian\n incremation is as natural to the savage as it is for him to love the\n beauty of the sun. Let the vile Esquimaux and the frozen Siberian\n bury their dead if they will; it matters little, the earth is the\n same above as below; or to them the bosom of the earth may seem even\n the better; but in California do not blame the savage if he recoils\n at the thought of going underground! This soft pale halo of the\n lilac hills--ah, let him console himself if he will with the belief\n that his lost friend enjoys it still! The narrator concluded by\n saying that they destroyed full $500 worth of property. \u201cThe\n blankets,\u201d said he with a fine Californian scorn of much absurd\n insensibility to such a good bargain, \u201cthe blankets that the\n American offered him $16 for were not worth half the money.\u201d\n\n After death the Se-n\u00e9l hold that bad Indians return into coyotes.\n Others fall off a bridge which all souls must traverse, or are\n hooked off by a raging bull at the further end, while the good\n escape across. Like the Yokaia and the Konkan, they believe it\n necessary to nourish the spirits of the departed for the space of a\n year. This is generally done by a squaw, who takes pinole in her\n blanket, repairs to the scene of the incremation, or to places\n hallowed by the memory of the dead, when she scatters it over the\n ground, meantime rocking her body violently to and fro in a dance\n and chanting the following chorous:\n\n Hel-lel-li-ly,\n Hel-lel-lo,\n Hel-lel-lu.\n\n This refrain is repeated over and over indefinitely, but the words\n have no meaning whatever.\n\nHenry Gillman[5.54] has published an interesting account of the\nexploration of a mound near Waldo, Fla., in which he found abundant\nevidence that cremation had existed among the former Indian population.\nIt is as follows:\n\n In opening a burial-mound at Cade\u2019s Pond, a\u00a0small body of water\n situated about two miles northeastward of Santa F\u00e9 Lake, Fla., the\n writer found two instances of cremation, in each of which the skull\n of the subject, which was unconsumed, was used as the depository of\n his ashes. The mound contained besides a large number of human\n burials, the bones being much decayed. With them were deposited a\n great number of vessels of pottery, many of which are painted in\n brilliant colors, chiefly red, yellow, and brown, and some of them\n ornamented with indented patterns, displaying not a little skill in\n the ceramic art, though they are reduced to fragments. The first of\n the skulls referred to was exhumed at a depth of 2\u00bd feet. It rested\n on its apex (base uppermost), and was filled with fragments of half\n incinerated human bones, mingled with dark-colored dust, and the\n sand which invariably sifts into crania under such circumstances.\n Immediately beneath the skull lay the greater part of a human tibia,\n presenting the peculiar compression known as a platycnemism to the\n degree of affording a latitudinal index of .512; while beneath and\n surrounding it lay the fragments of a large number of human bones,\n probably constituting an entire individual. In the second instance\n of this peculiar mode in cremation, the cranium was discovered on\n nearly the opposite side of the mound, at a depth of 2 feet, and,\n like the former, resting on its apex. It was filled with a black\n mass--the residuum of burnt human bones mingled with sand. At three\n feet to the eastward lay the shaft of a flattened tibia, which\n presents the longitudinal index of .527. Both the skulls were free\n from all action of fire, and though subsequently crumbling to pieces\n on their removal, the writer had opportunity to observe their strong\n resemblance to the small, orthocephalic crania which he had exhumed\n from mounds in Michigan. The same resemblance was perceptible in the\n other cranium belonging to this mound. The small narrow, retreating\n frontal, prominent parietal protuberances, rather protuberant\n occipital, which was not in the least compressed, the well defined\n supraciliary ridges, and the superior border of the orbits,\n presenting a quadrilateral outline, were also particularly noticed.\n The lower facial bones, including the maxillaries, were wanting. On\n consulting such works as are accessible to him, the writer finds no\n mention of any similar relics having been discovered in mounds in\n Florida, or elsewhere. For further particulars reference may be had\n to a paper on the subject read before the Saint Louis meeting of the\n American Association, August, 1878.\n\nThe discoveries made by Mr. Gillman would seem to indicate that the\npeople whose bones he excavated resorted to a process of partial\ncremation, some examples of which will be given on another page. The use\nof crania as receptacles is certainly remarkable, if not unique.\n\nThe fact is well-known to arch\u00e6ologists that whenever cremation was\npracticed by Indians it was customary as a rule to throw into the\nblazing pyre all sorts of articles supposed to be useful to the dead,\nbut no instance is known of such a wholesale destruction of property as\noccurred when the Indians of Southern Utah burned their dead, for Dr. E.\nForeman relates, in the American Naturalist for July, 1876, the account\nof the exploration of a mound in that Territory, which proves that at\nthe death of a person not only were the remains destroyed by fire, but\nall articles of personal property, even the very habitation which had\nserved as a home. After the process was completed, what remained\nunburned was covered with earth and a mound formed.\n\nA. S. Tiffany[5.55] describes what he calls a cremation-furnace,\ndiscovered within seven miles of Davenport, Iowa.\n\n *\u00a0*\u00a0* Mound seven miles, below the city, a\u00a0projecting point known as\n Eagle Point. The surface was of the usual black soil to the depth of\n from 6 to 8 inches. Next was found a burnt indurated clay,\n resembling in color and texture a medium-burned brick, and about 30\n inches in depth. Immediately beneath this clay was a bed of charred\n human remains 6 to 18 inches thick. This rested upon the unchanged\n and undisturbed loam of the bluffs, which formed the floor of the\n pit. Imbedded in this floor of unburned clay were a few very much\n decomposed, but unburned, human bones. No implements of any kind\n were discovered. The furnace appears to have been constructed by\n excavating the pit and placing at the bottom of it the bodies or\n skeletons which had possibly been collected from scaffolds, and\n placing the fuel among and above the bodies, with a covering of\n poles or split timbers extending over and resting upon the earth,\n with the clay covering above, which latter we now find resting upon\n the charred remains. The ends of the timber covering, where they\n were protected by the earth above and below, were reduced to\n charcoal, parallel pieces of which were found at right angles to the\n length of the mound. No charcoal was found among or near the\n remains, the combustion there having been complete. The porous and\n softer portions of the bones were reduced to pulverized bone-black.\n Mr. Stevens also examined the furnace. The mound had probably not\n been opened after the burning.\n\nThis account is doubtless true, but the inferences may be incorrect.\n\nMany more accounts of cremation among different tribes might be given to\nshow how prevalent was the custom, but the above are thought to be\nsufficiently distinctive to serve as examples.\n\n\n_PARTIAL CREMATION._\n\nAllied somewhat to cremation is a peculiar mode of burial which is\nsupposed to have taken place among the Cherokees, or some other tribe of\nNorth Carolina, and which is thus described by J.\u00a0W. Foster:[5.56]\n\n Up to 1819 the Cherokee held possession of this region, when, in\n pursuance of a treaty, they vacated a portion of the lands lying in\n the valley of the Little Tennessee River. In 1821 Mr. McDowell\n commenced farming. During the first season\u2019s operations the\n plowshare, in passing over a certain portion of a field, produced a\n hollow rumbling sound, and in exploring for the cause the first\n object met with was a shallow layer of charcoal, beneath which was a\n slab of burnt clay about 7 feet in length and 4 feet broad, which,\n in the attempt to remove, broke into several fragments. Nothing\n beneath this slab was found, but on examining its under side, to his\n great surprise there was the mould of a naked human figure. Three of\n these burned-clay sepulchers were thus raised and examined during\n the first year of his occupancy, since which time none have been\n found until recently. During the past season, (1878) the plow\n brought up another fragment of one of these moulds, revealing the\n impress of a plump human arm.\n\n Col. C.\u00a0W. Jenkes, the superintendent of the Corundum mines, which\n have recently been opened in that vicinity, advises me thus:\n\n \u201cWe have Indians all about us, with traditions extending back for\n 500 years. In this time they have buried their dead under huge piles\n of stones. We have at one point the remains of 600 warriors under\n one pile, but a grave has just been opened of the following\n construction: A\u00a0pit was dug, into which the corpse was placed, face\n upward; then over it was moulded a covering of mortar, fitting the\n form and features. On this was built a hot fire, which formed an\n entire shield of pottery for the corpse. The breaking up of one such\n tomb gives a perfect cast of the form of the occupant.\u201d\n\n Colonel Jenkes, fully impressed with the value of these\n archeological discoveries, detailed a man to superintend the\n exhumation, who proceeded to remove the earth from the mould, which\n he reached through a layer of charcoal, and then with a trowel\n excavated beneath it. The clay was not thoroughly baked, and no\n impression of the corpse was left, except of the forehead and that\n portion of the limbs between the ankles and the knees, and even\n these portions of the mould crumbled. The body had been placed east\n and west, the head toward the east. \u201cI\u00a0had hoped,\u201d continues Mr.\n McDowell, \u201cthat the cast in the clay would be as perfect as one I\n found 51 years ago, a\u00a0fragment of which I presented to Colonel\n Jenkes, with the impression of a part of the arm on one side and on\n the other of the fingers, that had pressed down the soft clay upon\n the body interred beneath it.\u201d The mound-builders of the Ohio\n valley, as has been shown, often placed a layer of clay over the\n dead, but not in immediate contact, upon which they builded fires;\n and the evidence that cremation was often resorted to in their\n disposition are too abundant to be gainsaid.\n\nThis statement is corroborated by Mr. Wilcox:[5.57]\n\n Mr. Wilcox also stated that when recently in North Carolina his\n attention was called to an unusual method of burial by an ancient\n race of Indians in that vicinity. In numerous instances burial\n places were discovered where the bodies had been placed with the\n face up and covered with a coating of plastic clay about an inch\n thick. A\u00a0pile of wood was then placed on top and fired, which\n consumed the body and baked the clay, which retained the impression\n of the body. This was then lightly covered with earth.\n\nIt is thought no doubt can attach to the statements given, but the cases\nare remarkable as being the only instances of the kind met with in the\nextensive range of reading preparatory to a study of the subject of\nburial, although it must be observed that Bruhier states that the\nancient Ethiopians covered the corpses of their dead with plaster\n(probably mud), but they did not burn these curious coffins.\n\nAnother method, embracing both burial and cremation, has been practiced\nby the Pitt River or Achomawi Indians of California, who\n\n Bury the body in the ground in a standing position, the shoulders\n nearly even with the ground. The grave is prepared by digging a hole\n of sufficient depth and circumference to admit the body, the head\n being cut off. In the grave are placed the bows and arrows,\n bead-work, trappings, &c., belonging to the deceased; quantities of\n food, consisting of dried fish, roots, herbs, &c., were placed with\n the body also. The grave was then filled up, covering the headless\n body; then a bundle of fagots was brought and placed on the grave by\n the different members of the tribe, and on these fagots the head was\n placed, the pile fired, and the head consumed to ashes; after this\n was done the female relatives of the deceased, who had appeared as\n mourners with their faces blackened with a preparation resembling\n tar or paint, dipped their fingers in the ashes of the cremated head\n and made three marks on their right cheek. This constituted the\n mourning garb, the period of which lasted until this black substance\n wore off from the face. In addition to this mourning, the blood\n female relatives of the deceased (who, by the way, appeared to be a\n man of distinction) had their hair cropped short. I\u00a0noticed while\n the head was burning that the old women of the tribe sat on the\n ground, forming a large circle, inside of which another circle of\n young girls were formed standing and swaying their bodies to and fro\n and singing a mournful ditty. This was the only burial of a male\n that I witnessed. The custom of burying females is very different,\n their bodies being wrapped or bundled up in skins and laid away in\n caves, with their valuables and in some cases food being placed with\n them in their mouths. Occasionally money is left to pay for food in\n the spirit land.\n\nThis account is furnished by Gen. Charles H. Tompkins, deputy\nquartermaster-general, United States Army, who witnessed the burial\nabove related, and is the more interesting as it seems to be the only\nwell-authenticated case on record, although E.\u00a0A. Barber[5.58] has\ndescribed what may possibly have been a case of cremation like the one\nabove noted:\n\n A very singular case of aboriginal burial was brought to my notice\n recently by Mr. William Klingbeil, of Philadelphia. On the New\n Jersey bank of the Delaware River, a\u00a0short distance below Gloucester\n City, the skeleton of a man was found buried in a standing position,\n in a high, red, sandy-clay bluff overlooking the stream. A\u00a0few\n inches below the surface the neck bones were found, and below these\n the remainder of the skeleton, with the exception of the bones of\n the hands and feet. The skull being wanting, it could not be\n determined whether the remains were those of an Indian or of a white\n man, but in either case the sepulture was peculiarly aboriginal.\n A\u00a0careful exhumation and critical examination by Mr. Klingbeil\n disclosed the fact that around the lower extremities of the body had\n been placed a number of large stones, which revealed traces of fire,\n in conjunction with charred wood, and the bones of the feet had\n undoubtedly been consumed. This fact makes it appear reasonably\n certain that the subject had been executed, probably as a prisoner\n of war. A\u00a0pit had been dug, in which he was placed erect, and a fire\n kindled around him. Then he had been buried alive, or, at least, if\n he did not survive the fiery ordeal, his body was imbedded in the\n earth, with the exception of his head, which was left protruding\n above the surface. As no trace of the cranium could be found, it\n seems probable that the head had either been burned or severed from\n the body and removed, or else left a prey to ravenous birds. The\n skeleton, which would have measured fully six feet in height, was\n undoubtedly that of a man.\n\nBlacking the face, as is mentioned in the first account, is a custom\nknown to have existed among many tribes throughout the world, but in\nsome cases different earths and pigments are used as signs of mourning.\nThe natives of Guinea smear a chalky substance over their bodies as an\noutward expression of grief, and it is well known that the ancient\nIsraelites threw ashes on their heads and garments. Placing food with\nthe corpse or in its mouth, and money in the hand, finds its analogue in\nthe custom of the ancient Romans, who, some time before interment,\nplaced a piece of money in the corpse\u2019s mouth, which was thought to be\nCharon\u2019s fare for wafting the departed soul over the Infernal River.\nBesides this, the corpse\u2019s mouth was furnished with a certain cake,\ncomposed of flour, honey, &c. This was designed to appease the fury of\nCerberus, the infernal doorkeeper, and to procure a safe and quiet\nentrance. These examples are curious coincidences, if nothing more.\n\n\n\n\nAERIAL SEPULTURE.\n\n\n_LODGE-BURIAL._\n\nOur attention should next be turned to sepulture above the ground,\nincluding lodge, house, box, scaffold, tree, and canoe burial, and the\nfirst example which may be given is that of burial in lodges, which is\nby no means common. The description which follows is by Stansbury,[5.59]\nand relates to the Sioux:\n\n I put on my moccasins, and, displaying my wet shirt like a flag to\n the wind, we proceeded to the lodges which had attracted our\n curiosity. There were five of them pitched upon the open prairie,\n and in them we found the bodies of nine Sioux laid out upon the\n ground, wrapped in their robes of buffalo-skin, with their saddles,\n spears, camp-kettles, and all their accoutrements piled up around\n them. Some lodges contained three, others only one body, all of\n which were more or less in a state of decomposition. A\u00a0short\n distance apart from these was one lodge which, though small, seemed\n of rather superior pretensions, and was evidently pitched with great\n care. It contained the body of a young Indian girl of sixteen or\n eighteen years, with a countenance presenting quite an agreeable\n expression: she was richly dressed in leggins of fine scarlet cloth\n elaborately ornamented; a\u00a0new pair of moccasins, beautifully\n embroidered with porcupine quills, was on her feet, and her body was\n wrapped in two superb buffalo-robes worked in like manner; she had\n evidently been dead but a day or two, and to our surprise a portion\n of the upper part of her person was bare, exposing the face and a\n part of the breast, as if the robes in which she was wrapped had by\n some means been disarranged, whereas all the other bodies were\n closely covered up. It was, at the time, the opinion of our\n mountaineers, that these Indians must have fallen in an encounter\n with a party of Crows; but I subsequently learned that they had all\n died of the cholera, and that this young girl, being considered past\n recovery, had been arranged by her friends in the habiliments of the\n dead, inclosed in the lodge alive, and abandoned to her fate, so\n fearfully alarmed were the Indians by this to them novel and\n terrible disease.\n\nIt might, perhaps, be said that this form of burial was exceptional, and\ndue to the dread of again using the lodges which had served as the homes\nof those afflicted with the cholera, but it is thought such was not the\ncase, as the writer has notes of the same kind of burial among the same\ntribe and of others, notably the Crows, the body of one of their chiefs\n(Long Horse) being disposed of as follows:\n\n The lodge poles inclose an oblong circle some 18 by 22 feet at the\n base, converging to a point, at least 30 feet high, covered with\n buffalo-hides dressed without hair except a part of the tail switch,\n which floats outside like, and mingled with human scalps. The\n different skins are neatly fitted and sewed together with sinew, and\n all painted in seven alternate horizontal stripes of brown and\n yellow, decorated with various lifelike war scenes. Over the small\n entrance is a large bright cross, the upright being a large stuffed\n white wolf-skin upon his war lance, and the cross-bar of bright\n scarlet flannel, containing the quiver of bow and arrows, which\n nearly all warriors still carry, even when armed with repeating\n rifles. As the cross is not a pagan but a Christian (which Long\n Horse was not either by profession or practice) emblem, it was\n probably placed there by the influence of some of his white friends.\n I\u00a0entered, finding Long Horse buried Indian fashion, in full war\n dress, paint and feathers, in a rude coffin, upon a platform about\n breast high, decorated with weapons, scalps, and ornaments. A\u00a0large\n opening and wind-flap at the top favored ventilation, and though he\n had lain there in an open coffin a full month, some of which was hot\n weather, there was but little effluvia; in fact, I\u00a0have seldom found\n much in a burial-teepee, and when this mode of burial is thus\n performed it is less repulsive than natural to suppose.\n\nThis account is furnished by Col. P. W. Norris, superintendent of\nYellowstone National Park, he having been an eye-witness of what he\nrelates in 1876; and although the account has been questioned, it is\nadmitted for the reason that this gentleman persists, after a reperusal\nof his article, that the facts are correct.\n\nGeneral Stewart Van Vliet, U.S.A., informs the writer that among the\nSioux of Wyoming and Nebraska when a person of consequence dies a small\nscaffold is erected inside his lodge and the body wrapped in skins\ndeposited therein. Different utensils and weapons are placed by his\nside, and in front a horse is slaughtered; the lodge is then closed\u00a0up.\n\nDr. W. J. Hoffman writes as follows regarding the burial lodges of the\nShoshones of Nevada:\n\n The Shoshones of the upper portion of Nevada are not known to have\n at any time practiced cremation. In Independence Valley, under a\n deserted and demolished _wickeup_ or \u201cbrush tent,\u201d I\u00a0found the\n dried-up corpse of a boy, about twelve years of age. The body had\n been here for at least six weeks, according to information received,\n and presented a shriveled and hideous appearance. The dryness of the\n atmosphere prevented decomposition. The Indians in this region\n usually leave the body when life terminates, merely throwing over it\n such rubbish as may be at hand, or the remains of their primitive\n shelter tents, which are mostly composed of small branches, leaves,\n grass,\u00a0&c.\n\n The Shoshones living on Independence Creek and on the eastern banks\n of the Owyhee River, upper portion of Nevada, did not bury their\n dead at the time of my visit in 1871. Whenever the person died, his\n lodge (usually constructed of poles and branches of _Salix_) was\n demolished and placed in one confused mass over his remains, when\n the band removed a short distance. When the illness is not too\n great, or death sudden, the sick person is removed to a favorable\n place, some distance from their temporary camping ground, so as to\n avoid the necessity of their own removal. Coyotes, ravens, and other\n carnivores soon remove all the flesh so that there remains nothing\n but the bones, and even these are scattered by the wolves. The\n Indians at Tuscarora, Nevada, stated that when it was possible and\n that they should by chance meet the bony remains of any Shoshone,\n they would bury it, but in what manner I failed to discover as the\n were very reticent, and avoided giving any information regarding the\n dead. One corpse was found totally dried and shrivelled, owing to\n the dryness of the atmosphere in this region.\n\nCapt. F. W. Beechey[5.60] describes a curious mode of burial among the\nEsquimaux on the west coast of Alaska, which appears to be somewhat\nsimilar to lodge burial. Figure 11, after his illustration, affords a\ngood idea of these burial receptacles.\n\n Near us there was a burying ground, which in addition to what we had\n already observed at Cape Espenburg furnished several examples of the\n manner in which this tribe of natives dispose of their dead. In some\n instances a platform was constructed of drift-wood raised about two\n feet and a quarter from the ground, upon which the body was placed,\n with its head to the westward and a double tent of drift-wood\n erected over it, the inner one with spars about seven feet long, and\n the outer one with some that were three times that length. They were\n placed close together, and at first no doubt sufficiently so to\n prevent the depredations of foxes and wolves, but they had yielded\n at last, and all the bodies, and even the hides that covered them,\n had suffered by these rapacious animals.\n\n In these tents of the dead there were no coffins or planks, as at\n Cape Espenburg, the bodies were dressed in a frock made of eider\n duck skins, with one of deer skin over it, and were covered with a\n sea horse hide, such as the natives use for their _baidars_.\n Suspended to the poles, and on the ground near them, were several\n Esquimaux implements, consisting of wooden trays, paddles, and a\n tamborine, which, we were informed as well as signs could convey the\n meaning of the natives, were placed there for the use of the\n deceased, who, in the next world (pointing to the western sky) ate,\n drank, and sang songs. Having no interpreter, this was all the\n information I could obtain, but the custom of placing such\n instruments around the receptacles of the dead is not unusual, and\n in all probability the Esquimaux may believe that the soul has\n enjoyments in the next world similar to those which constitute their\n happiness in this.\n\nThe Blackfeet, Cheyennes, and Navajos also bury in lodges, and the\nIndians of Bellingham Bay, according to Dr. J.\u00a0F. Hammond, U.S.A., place\ntheir dead in carved wooden sarcophagi, inclosing these with a\nrectangular tent of some white material. Some of the tribes of the\nnorthwest coast bury in houses similar to those shown in Figure\u00a012.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 12.--Burial Houses.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 11.--Eskimo lodge burial.]\n\nBancroft[5.61] states that certain of the Indians of Costa Rica, when a\ndeath occurred, deposited the body in a small hut constructed of plaited\npalm reeds. In this it is preserved for three years, food being\nsupplied, and on each anniversary of the death it is redressed and\nattended to amid certain ceremonies. The writer has been recently\ninformed that a similar custom prevailed in Demerara. No authentic\naccounts are known of analogous modes of burial among the peoples of the\nOld World, although quite frequently the dead were interred beneath the\nfloors of their houses, a\u00a0custom which has been followed by the Mosquito\nIndians of Central America and one or two of our own tribes.\n\n\n_BOX-BURIAL._\n\nUnder this head may be placed those examples furnished by certain tribes\non the northwest coast who used as receptacles for the dead wonderfully\ncarved, large wooden chests, these being supported upon a low platform\nor resting on the ground. In shape they resemble a small house with an\nangular roof, and each one has an opening through which food may be\npassed to the corpse.\n\nSome of the tribes formerly living in New York used boxes much\nresembling those spoken of, and the Creeks, Choctaws, and Cherokees did\nthe same.\n\nCapt. J. H. Gageby, United States Army, furnishes the following relating\nto the Creeks in Indian Territory.\n\n *\u00a0*\u00a0* are buried on the surface, in a box or a substitute made of\n branches of trees, covered with small branches, leaves, and earth.\n I\u00a0have seen several of their graves, which after a few weeks had\n become uncovered and the remains exposed to view. I\u00a0saw in one Creek\n grave (a\u00a0child\u2019s) a\u00a0small sum of silver, in another (adult male)\n some implements of warfare, bow and arrows. They are all interred\n with the feet of the corpse to the east. In the mourning ceremonies\n of the Creeks the nearer relatives smeared their hair and faces with\n a composition made of grease and wood ashes, and would remain in\n that condition for several days, and probably a month.\n\nJosiah Priest[5.62] gives an account of the burial repositories of a\ntribe of Pacific coast Indians living on the Talomeco River, Oregon. The\nwriter believes it to be entirely unreliable and gives it place as an\nexample of credulity shown by many writers and readers.\n\n The corpses of the Caciques were so well embalmed that there was no\n bad smell, they were deposited in large wooden coffins, well\n constructed, and placed upon benches two feet from the ground. In\n smaller coffins, and in baskets, the Spaniards found the clothes of\n the deceased men and women, and so many pearls that they distributed\n them among the officers and soldiers by handsfulls.\n\nIn Bancroft[5.63] may be found the following account of the burial boxes\nof the Esquimaux.\n\n The Eskimos do not as a rule bury their dead, but double the body up\n and place it on the side in a plank box which is elevated three or\n four feet from the ground and supported by four posts. The grave-box\n is often covered with painted figures of birds, fishes and animals.\n Sometimes it is wrapped in skins placed upon an elevated frame and\n covered with planks or trunks of trees so as to protect it from wild\n beasts. Upon the frame, or in the grave box are deposited the arms,\n clothing, and sometimes the domestic utensils of the deceased.\n Frequent mention is made by travelers of burial places where the\n bodies lie exposed with their heads placed towards the north.\n\nFrederic Whymper[5.64] describes the burial boxes of the Kalosh of that\nTerritory.\n\n Their grave boxes or tombs are interesting. They contain only the\n ashes of the dead. These people invariably burn the deceased. On one\n of the boxes I saw a number of faces painted, long tresses of human\n hair depending therefrom. Each head represented a victim of the\n (happily) deceased one\u2019s ferocity. In his day he was doubtless more\n esteemed than if he had never harmed a fly. All their graves are\n much ornamented with carved and painted faces and other devices.\n\nW. H. Dall,[5.65] well known as one of the most experienced and careful\nof American Ethnologic observers, describes the burial boxes of the\nInnuits of Unalaklik, Innuits of Yuka, and Ingaliks of Ulukuk as\nfollows: Figs. 13 and 14 are after his illustrations in the volume\nnoted.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 13.--Innuit Grave.]\n\nINNUIT OF UNALAKLIK.\n\n The usual fashion is to place the body doubled up on its side in a\n box of plank hewed out of spruce logs and about four feet long. This\n is elevated several feet above the ground on four posts which\n project above the coffin or box. The sides are often painted with\n red chalk in figures of fur animals, birds, and fishes. According to\n the wealth of the dead man, a\u00a0number of articles which belonged to\n him are attached to the coffin or strewed around it; some of them\n have kyaks, bows and arrows, hunting implements, snow-shoes, or even\n kettles, around the grave or fastened to it; and almost invariably\n the wooden dish, or \u201ckant\u00e1g,\u201d from which the deceased was accustomed\n to eat, is hung on one of the posts.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 14.--Ingalik grave.]\n\nINNUIT OF YUKON.\n\n The dead are enclosed above ground in a box in the manner previously\n described. The annexed sketch shows the form of the sarcophagus,\n which, in this case, is ornamented with snow-shoes, a\u00a0reel for\n seal-lines, a\u00a0fishing-rod, and a wooden dish or kant\u00e1g. The latter\n is found with every grave, and usually one is placed in the box with\n the body. Sometimes a part of the property of the dead person is\n placed in the coffin or about it; occasionally the whole is thus\n disposed of. Generally the furs, possessions, and clothing (except\n such as has been worn) are divided among the nearer relatives of the\n dead, or remain in possession of his family if he has one; such\n clothing, household utensils, and weapons as the deceased had in\n daily use are almost invariably enclosed in his coffin. If there are\n many deaths about the same time, or an epidemic occurs, everything\n belonging to the dead is destroyed. The house in which a death\n occurs is always deserted and usually destroyed. In order to avoid\n this, it is not uncommon to take the sick person out of the house\n and put him in a tent to die. A\u00a0woman\u2019s coffin may be known by the\n kettles and other feminine utensils about it. There is no\n distinction between the sexes in method of burial. On the outside of\n the coffin, figures are usually drawn in red ochre. Figures of fur\n animals usually indicate that the dead person was a good trapper; if\n seal or deer skin, his proficiency as a hunter; representation of\n parkies that he was wealthy; the manner of his death is also\n occasionally indicated. For four days after a death the women in the\n village do no sewing; for five days the men do not cut wood with an\n axe. The relatives of the dead must not seek birds\u2019 eggs on the\n overhanging cliffs for a year, or their feet will slip from under\n them and they will be dashed to pieces. No mourning is worn or\n indicated, except by cutting the hair. Women sit and watch the body,\n chanting a mournful refrain until he is interred. They seldom\n suspect that others have brought the death about by sham\u00e1nism, as\n the Indians almost invariably\u00a0do.\n\n At the end of a year from the death, a\u00a0festival is given, presents\n are made to those who assisted in making the coffin, and the period\n of mourning is over. Their grief seldom seems deep but they indulge\n for a long time in wailing for the dead at intervals. I\u00a0have seen\n several women who refused to take a second husband, and had remained\n single in spite of repeated offers for many years.\n\nINGALIKS OF ULUKUK.\n\n As we drew near, we heard a low, wailing chant, and Mik\u00e1la, one of\n my men, informed me that it was women lamenting for the dead. On\n landing, I\u00a0saw several Indians hewing out the box in which the dead\n are placed. *\u00a0*\u00a0* The body lay on its side on a deer skin, the heels\n were lashed to the small of the back, and the head bent forward on\n the chest so that his coffin needed to be only about four feet long.\n\n\n_TREE AND SCAFFOLD BURIAL._\n\nWe may now pass to what may be called aerial sepulture proper, the most\ncommon examples of which are tree and scaffold burial, quite extensively\npracticed even at the present time. From what can be learned the choice\nof this mode depends greatly on the facilities present, where timber\nabounds, trees being used, if absent, scaffolds being employed.\n\nFrom William J. Cleveland, of the Spotted Tail Agency, Nebraska, has\nbeen received a most interesting account of the mortuary customs of the\nBrul\u00e9 or Teton Sioux, who belong to the Lakotah alliance. They are\ncalled _Sicaugu_, in the Indian tongue _Seechaugas_, or the \u201cburned\nthigh\u201d people. The narrative is given in its entirety, not only on\naccount of its careful attention to details, but from its known\ntruthfulness of description. It relates to tree and scaffold burial.\n\nFUNERAL CEREMONIES AND MOURNING OBSERVANCES.\n\n Though some few of this tribe now lay their dead in rude boxes,\n either burying them when implements for digging can be had, or, when\n they have no means of making a grave, placing them on top of the\n ground on some hill or other slight elevation, yet this is done in\n imitation of the whites, and their general custom, as a people,\n probably does not differ in any essential way from that of their\n forefathers for many generations in the past. In disposing of the\n dead, they wrap the body tightly in blankets or robes (sometimes\n both) wind it all over with thongs made of the hide of some animal\n and place it reclining on the back at full length, either in the\n branches of some tree or on a scaffold made for the purpose. These\n scaffolds are about eight feet high and made by planting four forked\n sticks firmly in the ground, one at each corner and then placing\n others across on top, so as to form a floor on which the body is\n securely fastened. Sometimes more than one body is placed on the\n same scaffold, though generally a separate one is made for each\n occasion. These Indians being in all things most superstitious,\n attach a kind of sacredness to these scaffolds and all the materials\n used or about the dead. This superstition is in itself sufficient to\n prevent any of their own people from disturbing the dead, and for\n one of another nation to in any wise meddle with them is considered\n an offense not too severely punished by death. The same feeling also\n prevents them from ever using old scaffolds or any of the wood which\n has been used about them, even for firewood, though the necessity\n may be very great, for fear some evil consequences will follow. It\n is also the custom, though not universally followed, when bodies\n have been for two years on the scaffolds to take them down and bury\n them under ground.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 15.--Dakota Scaffold Burial.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 16.--Offering Food to the Dead.]\n\n All the work about winding up the dead, building the scaffold, and\n placing the dead upon it is done by women only, who, after having\n finished their labor, return and bring the men, to show them where\n the body is placed, that they may be able to find it in future.\n Valuables of all kinds, such as weapons, ornaments, pipes, &c.--in\n short, whatever the deceased valued most highly while living, and\n locks of hair cut from the heads of the mourners at his death, are\n always bound up with the body. In case the dead was a man of\n importance, or if the family could afford it, even though he were\n not, one or several horses (generally, in the former case, those\n which the departed thought most\u00a0of) are shot and placed under the\n scaffold. The idea in this is that the spirit of the horse will\n accompany and be of use to his spirit in the \u201chappy hunting\n grounds,\u201d or, as these people express it, \u201cthe spirit land.\u201d\n\n When an Indian dies, and in some cases even before death occurs, the\n friends and relatives assemble at the lodge and begin crying over\n the departed or departing one. This consists in uttering the most\n heartrending, almost hideous wails and lamentations, in which all\n join until exhausted. Then the mourning ceases for a time until some\n one starts it again, when all join in as before and keep it up until\n unable to cry longer. This is kept up until the body is removed.\n This crying is done almost wholly by women, who gather in large\n numbers on such occasions, and among them a few who are professional\n mourners. These are generally old women and go whenever a person is\n expected to die, to take the leading part in the lamentations,\n knowing that they will be well paid at the distribution of goods\n which follows. As soon as death takes place, the body is dressed by\n the women in the best garments and blankets obtainable, new ones if\n they can be afforded. The crowd gathered near continue wailing\n piteously, and from time to time cut locks of hair from their own\n heads with knives, and throw them on the dead body. Those who wish\n to show their grief most strongly, cut themselves in various places,\n generally in the legs and arms, with their knives or pieces of\n flint, more commonly the latter, causing the blood to flow freely\n over their persons. This custom is followed to a less degree by the\n men.\n\n A body is seldom kept longer than one day as, besides the desire to\n get the dead out of sight, the fear that the disease which caused\n the death will communicate itself to others of the family causes\n them to hasten the disposition of it as soon as they are certain\n that death has actually taken place.\n\n Until the body is laid away the mourners eat nothing. After that is\n done, connected with which there seems to be no particular ceremony,\n the few women who attend to it return to the lodge and a\n distribution is made among them and others, not only of the\n remaining property of the deceased, but of all the possessions, even\n to the lodge itself of the family to which he belonged. This custom\n in some cases has been carried so far as to leave the rest of the\n family not only absolutely destitute but actually naked. After\n continuing in this condition for a time, they gradually reach the\n common level again by receiving gifts from various sources.\n\n The received custom requires of women, near relatives of the dead,\n a\u00a0strict observance of the ten days following the death, as follows:\n They are to rise at a very early hour and work unusually hard all\n day, joining in no feast, dance, game, or other diversion, eat but\n little, and retire late, that they may be deprived of the usual\n amount of sleep as of food. During this they never paint themselves,\n but at various times go to the top of some hill and bewail the dead\n in loud cries and lamentations for hours together. After the ten\n days have expired they paint themselves again and engage in the\n usual amusements of the people as before. The men are expected to\n mourn and fast for one day and then go on the war-path against some\n other tribe, or on some long journey alone. If he prefers, he can\n mourn and fast for two or more days and remain at home. The custom\n of placing food at the scaffold also prevails to some extent. If but\n little is placed there it is understood to be for the spirit of the\n dead, and no one is allowed to touch it. If much is provided, it is\n done with the intention that those of the same sex and age as the\n deceased shall meet there and consume it. If the dead be a little\n girl, the young girls meet and eat what is provided; if it be a man,\n then men assemble for the same purpose. The relatives never mention\n the name of the dead.\n\n\u201cKEEPING THE GHOST.\u201d\n\n Still another custom, though at the present day by no means\n generally followed, is still observed to some extent among them.\n This is called _wanagee yuhapee_, or \u201ckeeping the ghost.\u201d A\u00a0little\n of the hair from the head of the deceased being preserved is bound\n up in calico and articles of value until the roll is about two feet\n long and ten inches or more in diameter, when it is placed in a case\n made of hide handsomely ornamented with various designs in different\n colored paints. When the family is poor, however, they may\n substitute for this case blue or scarlet blanket or cloth. The roll\n is then swung lengthwise between two supports made of sticks, placed\n thus \u00d7 in front of a lodge which has been set apart for the purpose.\n In this lodge are gathered presents of all kinds, which are given\n out when a sufficient quantity is obtained. It is often a year and\n sometimes several years before this distribution is made. During all\n this time the roll containing the hair of the deceased is left\n undisturbed in front of the lodge. The gifts as they are brought in\n are piled in the back part of the lodge, and are not to be touched\n until given out. No one but men and boys are admitted to the lodge\n unless it be a wife of the deceased, who may go in if necessary very\n early in the morning. The men sit inside, as they choose, to smoke,\n eat, and converse. As they smoke they empty the ashes from their\n pipes in the center of the lodge, and they, too, are left\n undisturbed until after the distribution. When they eat, a\u00a0portion\n is always placed first under the roll outside for the spirit of the\n deceased. No one is allowed to take this unless a large quantity is\n so placed, in which case it may be eaten by any persons actually in\n need of food, even though strangers to the dead. When the proper\n time comes the friends of the deceased and all to whom presents are\n to be given are called together to the lodge and the things are\n given out by the man in charge. Generally this is some near relative\n of the departed. The roll is now undone and small locks of the hair\n distributed with the other presents, which ends the ceremony.\n\n Sometimes this \u201ckeeping the ghost\u201d is done several times, and it is\n then looked upon as a repetition of the burial or putting away of\n the dead. During all the time before the distribution of the hair,\n the lodge, as well as the roll, is looked upon as in a manner\n sacred, but after that ceremony it becomes common again and may be\n used for any ordinary purpose. No relative or near friend of the\n dead wishes to retain anything in his possession that belonged to\n him while living, or to see, hear, or own anything which will remind\n him of the departed. Indeed, the leading idea in all their burial\n customs in the laying away with the dead their most valuable\n possessions, the giving to others what is left of his and the family\n property, the refusal to mention his name, &c., is to put out of\n mind as soon and as effectual as possible the memory of the\n departed.\n\n From what has been said, however, it will be seen that they believe\n each person to have a spirit which continues to live after the death\n of the body. They have no idea of a future life in the body, but\n believe that after death their spirits will meet and recognize the\n spirits of their departed friends in the spirit land. They deem it\n essential to their happiness here, however, to destroy as far as\n practicable their recollection of the dead. They frequently speak of\n death as a sleep, and of the dead as asleep or having gone to sleep\n at such a time. These customs are gradually losing their hold upon\n them, and are much less generally and strictly observed than\n formerly.\n\nFigure 15 furnishes a good example of scaffold burial. Figure 16,\noffering of food and drink to the dead. Figure 17, depositing the dead\nupon the scaffold.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 17.--Depositing the Corpse.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 18.--Tree-burial.]\n\nA. Delano,[5.66] mentions as follows an example of tree-burial which he\nnoticed in Nebraska.\n\n *\u00a0*\u00a0* During the afternoon we passed a Sioux burying-ground, if I\n may be allowed to use an Irishism. In a hackberry tree, elevated\n about twenty feet from the ground, a\u00a0kind of rack was made of broken\n tent poles, and the body (for there was but one) was placed upon it,\n wrapped in his blanket, and a tanned buffalo skin, with his tin cup,\n moccasins, and various things which he had used in life, were placed\n upon his body, for his use in the land of spirits.\n\nFigure 18 represents tree-burial, from a sketch drawn by my friend Dr.\nWashington Matthews, United States Army.\n\nJohn Young, Indian agent at the Blackfeet Agency, Montana, sends the\nfollowing account of tree-burial among this tribe:\n\n Their manner of burial has always been (until recently) to inclose\n the dead body in robes or blankets, the best owned by the departed,\n closely sewed up, and then, if a male or chief, fasten in the\n branches of a tree so high as to be beyond the reach of wolves, and\n then left to slowly waste in the dry winds. If the body was that of\n a squaw or child, it was thrown into the underbrush or jungle, where\n it soon became the prey of the wild animals. The weapons, pipes,\n &c., of men were inclosed, and the small toys of children with them.\n The ceremonies were equally barbarous, the relatives cutting off,\n according to the depth of their grief, one or more joints of the\n fingers, divesting themselves of clothing even in the coldest\n weather, and filling the air with their lamentations. All the sewing\n up and burial process was conducted by the squaws, as the men would\n not touch nor remain in proximity to a dead body.\n\nThe following account of scaffold burial among the Gros Ventres and\nMandans of Dakota is furnished by E.\u00a0H. Alden, United States Indian\nagent at Fort Berthold:\n\n The Gros Ventres and Mandans never bury in the ground, but always on\n a scaffold, made of four posts about eight feet high, on which the\n box is placed, or, if no box is used, the body wrapped in red or\n blue cloth if able, or, if not, a\u00a0blanket of cheapest white cloth,\n the tools and weapons being placed directly under the body, and\n there they remain forever, no Indian ever daring to touch one of\n them. It would be bad medicine to touch the dead or anything so\n placed belonging to him. Should the body by any means fall to the\n ground, it is never touched or replaced on the scaffold. As soon as\n one dies he is immediately buried, sometimes within an hour, and the\n friends begin howling and wailing as the process of interment goes\n on, and continue mourning day and night around the grave, without\n food sometimes three or four days. Those who mourn are always paid\n for it in some way by the other friends of the deceased, and those\n who mourn the longest are paid the most. They also show their grief\n and affection for the dead by a fearful cutting of their own bodies,\n sometimes only in part, and sometimes all over their whole flesh,\n and this sometimes continues for weeks. Their hair, which is worn in\n long braids, is also cut off to show their mourning. They seem proud\n of their mutilations. A\u00a0young man who had just buried his mother\n came in boasting of, and showing his mangled legs.\n\nAccording to Thomas L. McKenney,[5.67] the Chippewas of Fond du Lac,\nWis., buried on scaffolds, inclosing the corpse in a box. The narrative\nis as follows:\n\n One mode of burying the dead among the Chippewas is to place the\n coffin or box containing their remains on two cross-pieces, nailed\n or tied with wattap to four poles. The poles are about ten feet\n high. They plant near these posts the wild hop or some other kind of\n running vine, which spreads over and covers the coffin. I\u00a0saw one of\n these on the island, and as I have described it. It was the coffin\n of a child about four years old. It was near the lodge of the sick\n girl. I\u00a0have a sketch of it. I\u00a0asked the chief why his people\n disposed of their dead in that way. He answered they did not like to\n put them out of their sight so soon by putting them under ground.\n Upon a platform they could see the box that contained their remains,\n and that was a comfort to them.\n\nFigure 19 is copied from McKenney\u2019s picture of this form of burial.\n\nKeating[5.68] thus describes burial scaffolds:\n\n On these scaffolds, which are from eight to ten feet high, corpses\n were deposited in a box made from part of a broken canoe. Some hair\n was suspended, which we at first mistook for a scalp, but our guide\n informed us that these were locks of hair torn from their heads by\n the relatives to testify their grief. In the center, between the\n four posts which supported the scaffold, a\u00a0stake was planted in the\n ground, it was about six feet high, and bore an imitation of human\n figures, five of which had a design of a petticoat indicating them\n to be females; the rest amounting to seven, were naked and were\n intended for male figures; of the latter four were headless, showing\n that they had been slain, the three other male figures were\n unmutilated, but held a staff in their hand, which, as our guide\n informed us designated that they were slaves. The post, which is an\n usual accompaniment to the scaffold that supports a warrior\u2019s\n remains, does not represent the achievements of the deceased, but\n those of the warriors that assembled near his remains danced the\n dance of the post, and related their martial exploits. A\u00a0number of\n small bones of animals were observed in the vicinity, which were\n probably left there after a feast celebrated in honor of the dead.\n\n The boxes in which the corpses were placed are so short that a man\n could not lie in them extended at full length, but in a country\n where boxes and boards are scarce this is overlooked. After the\n corpses have remained a certain time exposed, they are taken down\n and burned. Our guide, Renville, related to us that he had been a\n witness to an interesting, though painful, circumstance that\n occurred here. An Indian who resided on the Mississippi, hearing\n that his son had died at this spot, came up in a canoe to take\n charge of the remains and convey them down the river to his place of\n abode but on his arrival he found that the corpse had already made\n such progress toward decomposition as rendered it impossible for it\n to be removed. He then undertook with a few friends, to clean off\n the bones. All the flesh was scraped off and thrown into the stream,\n the bones were carefully collected into his canoe, and subsequently\n carried down to his residence.\n\nInteresting and valuable from the extreme attention paid to details is\nthe following account of a burial case discovered by Dr. George M.\nSternberg, United States Army, and furnished by Dr. George A. Otis,\nUnited States Army, Army Medical Museum, Washington, D.C. It relates to\nthe Cheyennes of Kansas.\n\n The case was found, Brevet Major Sternberg states, on the banks of\n Walnut Creek, Kansas, elevated about eight feet from the ground by\n four notched poles, which were firmly planted in the ground. The\n unusual care manifested in the preparation of the case induced Dr.\n Sternberg to infer that some important chief was inclosed in it.\n Believing that articles of interest were inclosed with the body, and\n that their value would be enhanced if the were received at the\n Museum as left by the Indians, Dr. Sternberg determined to send the\n case unopened.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 19.--Chippewa Scaffold Burial.]\n\n I had the case opened this morning and an inventory made of the\n contents. The case consisted of a cradle of interlaced branches of\n white willow, about six feet long, three feet broad, and three feet\n high, with a flooring of buffalo thongs arranged as a net-work. This\n cradle was securely fastened by strips of buffalo-hide to four poles\n of ironwood and cottonwood, about twelve feet in length. These poles\n doubtless rested upon the forked extremities of the vertical poles\n described by Dr. Sternberg. The cradle was wrapped in two buffalo\n robes of large size and well preserved. On removing these an\n aperture eighteen inches square was found at the middle of the\n right-side of the cradle or basket. Within appeared other buffalo\n robes folded about the remains, and secured by gaudy-colored sashes.\n Five robes were successively removed, making seven in all. Then we\n came to a series of new blankets folded about the remains. There\n were five in all--two scarlet, two blue, and one white. These being\n removed, the next wrappings consisted of a striped white and gray\n sack, and of a United States Infantry overcoat, like the other\n coverings nearly new. We had now come apparently upon the immediate\n envelope of the remains, which it was now evident must be those of a\n child. These consisted of three robes, with hoods very richly\n ornamented with bead-work. These robes or cloaks were of\n buffalo-calf skin about four feet in length, elaborately decorated\n with bead-work in stripes. The outer was covered with rows of blue\n and white bead-work, the second was green and yellow, and the third\n blue and red. All were further adorned by spherical brass bells\n attached all about the borders by strings of beads.\n\n The remains with their wrappings lay upon a matting similar to that\n used by the Navajo and other Indians of the southern plains, and\n upon a pillow of dirty rags, in which were folded a bag of red\n paint, bits of antelope skin, bunches of straps, buckles, &c. The\n three bead-work hooded cloaks were now removed, and then we\n successively unwrapped a gray woolen double shawl, five yards of\n blue cassimere, six yards of red calico, and six yards of brown\n calico, and finally disclosed the remains of a child, probably about\n a year old, in an advanced stage of decomposition. The cadaver had a\n beaver-cap ornamented with disks of copper containing the bones of\n the cranium, which had fallen apart. About the neck were long wampum\n necklaces, with _Dentalium_, _Unionid\u00e6_, and _Auricul\u00e6_,\n interspersed with beads. There were also strings of the pieces of\n _Haliotis_ from the Gulf of California, so valued by the Indians on\n this side of the Rocky Mountains. The body had been elaborately\n dressed for burial, the costume consisting of a red-flannel cloak,\n a\u00a0red tunic, and frock-leggins adorned with bead-work, yarn\n stockings of red and black worsted, and deer-skin beadwork\n moccasins. With the remains were numerous trinkets, a\u00a0porcelain\n image, a\u00a0China vase, strings of beads, several toys, a\u00a0pair of\n mittens, a\u00a0fur collar, a\u00a0pouch of the skin of _Putorius vison_,\u00a0&c.\n\nAnother extremely interesting account of scaffold-burial, furnished by\nDr. L.\u00a0S. Turner, United States Army, Fort Peck, Mont., and relating to\nthe Sioux, is here given entire, as it refers to certain curious\nmourning observances which have prevailed to a great extent over the\nentire globe:\n\n The Dakotas bury their dead in the tops of trees when limbs can be\n found sufficiently horizontal to support scaffolding on which to lay\n the body, but as such growth is not common in Dakota, the more\n general practice is to lay them upon scaffolds from seven to ten\n feet high and out of the reach of carnivorous animals, as the wolf.\n These scaffolds are constructed upon four posts set into the ground\n something after the manner of the rude drawing which I inclose. Like\n all labors of a domestic kind, the preparation for burial is left to\n the women, usually the old women. The work begins as soon as life is\n extinct. The face, neck, and hands are thickly painted with\n vermilion, or a species of red earth found in various portions of\n the Territory when the vermilion of the traders cannot be had. The\n clothes and personal trinkets of the deceased ornament the body.\n When blankets are available, it is then wrapped in one, all parts of\n the body being completely enveloped. Around this a dressed skin of\n buffalo is then securely wrapped, with the flesh side out, and the\n whole securely bound with thongs of skins, either raw or dressed;\n and for ornament, when available, a\u00a0bright-red blanket envelopes all\n other coverings, and renders the general scene more picturesque\n until dimmed by time and the elements. As soon as the scaffold is\n ready, the body is borne by the women, followed by the female\n relatives, to the place of final deposit, and left prone in its\n secure wrappings upon this airy bed of death. This ceremony is\n accompanied with lamentations wild and weird that one must see and\n hear in order to appreciate. If the deceased be a brave, it is\n customary to place upon or beneath the scaffold a few buffalo-heads\n which time has rendered dry and inoffensive; and if he has been\n brave in war some of his implements of battle are placed on the\n scaffold or securely tied to its timbers. If the deceased has been a\n chief, or a soldier related to his chief, it is not uncommon to slay\n his favorite pony and place the body beneath the scaffold, under the\n superstition, I\u00a0suppose, that the horse goes with the man. As\n illustrating the propensity to provide the dead with the things used\n while living, I\u00a0may mention that some years ago I loaned to an old\n man a delft urinal for the use of his son, a\u00a0young man who was\n slowly dying of a wasting disease. I\u00a0made him promise faithfully\n that he would return it as soon as his son was done using it. Not\n long afterwards the urinal graced the scaffold which held the\n remains of the dead warrior, and as it has not to this day been\n returned I presume the young man is not done using\u00a0it.\n\n The mourning customs of the Dakotas, though few of them appear to be\n of universal observance, cover considerable ground. The hair, never\n cut under other circumstances, is cropped off even with the neck,\n and the top of the head and forehead, and sometimes nearly the whole\n body, are smeared with a species of white earth resembling chalk,\n moistened with water. The lodge, teepee, and all the family\n possessions except the few shabby articles of apparel worn by the\n mourners, are given away and the family left destitute. Thus far the\n custom is universal or nearly so. The wives, mother, and sisters of\n a deceased man, on the first, second, or third day after the\n funeral, frequently throw off their moccasins and leggings and gash\n their legs with their butcher-knives, and march through the camp and\n to the place of burial with bare and bleeding extremities, while\n they chant or wail their dismal songs of mourning. The men likewise\n often gash themselves in many places, and usually seek the solitude\n of the higher point on the distant prairie, where they remain\n fasting, smoking, and wailing out their lamentations for two or\n three days. A\u00a0chief who had lost a brother once came to me after\n three or four days of mourning in solitude almost exhausted from\n hunger and bodily anguish. He had gashed the outer side of both\n lower extremities at intervals of a few inches all the way from the\n ankles to the top of the hips. His wounds had inflamed from\n exposure, and were suppurating freely. He assured me that he had not\n slept for several days or nights. I\u00a0dressed his wounds with a\n soothing ointment, and gave him a full dose of an effective anodyne,\n after which he slept long and refreshingly, and awoke to express his\n gratitude and shake my hand in a very cordial and sincere manner.\n When these harsher inflictions are not resorted to, the mourners\n usually repair daily for a few days to the place of burial, toward\n the hour of sunset, and chant their grief until it is apparently\n assuaged by its own expression. This is rarely kept up for more than\n four or five days, but is occasionally resorted to, at intervals,\n for weeks, or even months, according to the mood of the bereft.\n I\u00a0have seen few things in life so touching as the spectacle of an\n old father going daily to the grave of his child, while the shadows\n are lengthening, and pouring out his grief in wails that would move\n a demon, until his figure melts with the gray twilight, when, silent\n and solemn, he returns to his desolate family. The weird effect of\n this observance is sometimes heightened, when the deceased was a\n grown-up son, by the old man kindling a little fire near the head of\n the scaffold, and varying his lamentations with smoking in silence.\n The foregoing is drawn from my memory of personal observances during\n a period of more than six years\u2019 constant intercourse with several\n subdivisions of the Dakota Indians. There may be much which memory\n has failed to recall upon a brief consideration.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 20.--Scarification at Burial.]\n\nFigure 20 represents scarification as a form of grief-expression for the\ndead.\n\nPerhaps a brief review of Dr. Turner\u2019s narrative may not be deemed\ninappropriate here.\n\nSupplying food to the dead is a custom which is known to be of great\nantiquity; in some instances, as among the ancient Romans, it appears to\nhave been a sacrificial offering, for it usually accompanied cremation,\nand was not confined to food alone, for spices, perfumes, oil, &c., were\nthrown upon the burning pile. In addition to this, articles supposed or\nknown to have been agreeable to the deceased were also consumed. The\nJews did the same, and in our own time the Chinese, Caribs, and many of\nthe tribes of North American Indians followed these customs. The cutting\nof hair as a mourning observance is of very great antiquity, and Tegg\nrelates that among the ancients whole cities and countries were shaved\n(_sic_) when a great man died. The Persians not only shaved themselves\non such occasions, but extended the same process to their domestic\nanimals, and Alexander, at the death of Heph\u00e6stin, not only cut off the\nmanes of his horses and mules, but took down the battlements from the\ncity walls, that even towns might seem in mourning and look bald.\nScarifying and mutilating the body has prevailed from a remote period of\ntime, having possibly replaced, in the process of evolution, to a\ncertain extent, the more barbarous practice of absolute personal\nsacrifice. In later days, among our Indians, human sacrifices have taken\nplace to only a limited extent, but formerly many victims were\nimmolated, for at the funerals of the chiefs of the Florida and Carolina\nIndians all the male relatives and wives were slain, for the reason,\naccording to Gallatin, that the hereditary dignity of Chief or Great Sun\ndescended, as usual, by the female line, and he, as well as all other\nmembers of his clan, whether male or female, could marry only persons of\nan inferior clan. To this day mutilation of the person among some tribes\nof Indians is usual. The sacrifice of the favorite horse or horses is by\nno means peculiar to our Indians, for it was common among the Romans,\nand possibly even among the men of the Reindeer period, for at Solutr\u00e9,\nin France, the writer saw horses\u2019 bones exhumed from the graves examined\nin 1873. The writer has frequently conversed with Indians upon this\nsubject, and they have invariably informed him that when horses were\nslain great care was taken to select the poorest of the band.\n\nTree-burial was not uncommon among the nations of antiquity, for the\nColchians enveloped their dead in sacks of skin and hung them to trees;\nthe ancient Tartars and Scythians did the same. With regard to the use\nof scaffolds and trees as places of deposit for the dead, it seems\nsomewhat curious that the tribes who formerly occupied the eastern\nportion of our continent were not in the habit of burying in this way,\nwhich, from the abundance of timber, would have been a much easier\nmethod than the ones in vogue, while the western tribes, living in\nsparsely-wooded localities, preferred the other. If we consider that the\nIndians were desirous of preserving their dead as long as possible, the\nfact of their dead being placed in trees and scaffolds would lead to the\nsupposition that those living on the plains were well aware of the\ndesiccating property of the dry air of that arid region. This\ndesiccation would pass for a kind of mummification.\n\nThe particular part of the mourning ceremonies, which consisted in loud\ncries and lamentations, may have had in early periods of time a greater\nsignificance than that of a mere expression of grief or woe, and on this\npoint Bruhier[5.69] seems quite positive, his interpretation being that\nsuch cries were intended to prevent premature burial. He gives some\ninteresting examples, which may be admitted here:\n\n The Caribs lament loudly, their wailings being interspersed with\n comical remarks and questions to the dead as to why he preferred to\n leave this world, having everything to make life comfortable. They\n place the corpse on a little seat in a ditch or grave four or five\n feet deep, and for ten days they bring food, requesting the corpse\n to eat. Finally, being convinced that the dead will neither eat nor\n return to life, they throw the food on the head of the corpse and\n fill up the grave.\n\nWhen one died among the Romans, the nearest relatives embraced the body,\nclosed the eyes and month, and when one was about to die received the\nlast words and sighs, and then loudly called the name of the dead,\nfinally bidding an eternal adieu. This ceremony of calling the deceased\nby name was known as the _conclamation_, and was a custom anterior even\nto the foundation of Rome. One dying away from home was immediately\nremoved thither, in order that this might be performed with greater\npropriety. In Picardy, as late as 1743, the relatives threw themselves\non the corpse and with loud cries called it by name, and up to 1855 the\nMoravians of Pennsylvania, at the death of one of their number,\nperformed mournful musical airs on brass instruments from the village\nchurch steeple and again at the grave[5.70*]. This custom, however, was\nprobably a remnant of the ancient funeral observances, and not to\nprevent premature burial, or, perhaps, was intended to scare away bad\nspirits.\n\nW. L. Hardisty[5.71] gives a curious example of log-burial in trees,\nrelating to the Loucheux of British America:\n\n They inclose the body in a neatly-hollowed piece of wood, and secure\n it to two or more trees, about six feet from the ground. A\u00a0log about\n eight feet long is first split in two, and each of the parts\n carefully hollowed out to the required size. The body is then\n inclosed and the two pieces well lashed together, preparatory to\n being finally secured, as before stated, to the trees.\n\nThe American Indians are by no means the only savages employing\nscaffolds as places of deposit for the dead, for Wood[5.72] gives a\nnumber of examples of this mode of burial.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 21.--Australian Scaffold Burial.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 22.--Preparing the Dead.]\n\n In some parts of Australia the natives, instead of consuming the\n body by fire, or hiding it in caves or in graves, make it a\n peculiarly conspicuous object. Should a tree grow favorably for\n their purpose, they will employ it as the final resting place for\n the dead body. Lying in its canoe coffin, and so covered over with\n leaves and grass that its shape is quite disguised, the body is\n lifted into a convenient fork of the tree and lashed to the boughs,\n by native ropes. No farther care is taken of it, and if in process\n of time it should be blown out of the tree, no one will take the\n trouble of replacing\u00a0it.\n\n Should no tree be growing in the selected spot, an artificial\n platform is made for the body, by fixing the ends of stout branches\n in the ground and connecting them at their tops by smaller\n horizontal branches. Such are the curious tombs which are\n represented in the illustration. *\u00a0*\u00a0* These strange tombs are\n mostly placed among the reeds, so that nothing can be more mournful\n than the sound of the wind as it shakes the reeds below the branch\n in which the corpse is lying. The object of this aerial tomb is\n evident enough, namely, to protect the corpse from the dingo, or\n native dog. That the ravens and other carrion-eating birds should\n make a banquet upon the body of the dead man does not seem to\n trouble the survivors in the least, and it often happens that the\n traveler is told by the croak of the disturbed ravens that the body\n of a dead Australian is lying in the branches over his head.\n\n The aerial tombs are mostly erected for the bodies of old men who\n have died a natural death; but when a young warrior has fallen in\n battle the body is treated in a very different manner. A\u00a0moderately\n high platform is erected, and upon this is seated the body of the\n dead warrior with the face toward the rising sun. The legs are\n crossed and the arms kept extended by means of sticks. The fat is\n then removed, and after being mixed with red ochre is rubbed over\n the body, which has previously been carefully denuded of hair, as is\n done in the ceremony of initiation. The legs and arms are covered\n with zebra-like stripes of red, white, and yellow, and the weapons\n of the dead man are laid across his lap.\n\n The body being thus arranged, fires are lighted under the platform,\n and kept up for ten days or more, during the whole of which time the\n friends and mourners remain by the body, and are not permitted to\n speak. Sentinels relieve each other at appointed intervals, their\n duty being to see that the fires are not suffered to go out, and to\n keep the flies away by waving leafy boughs or bunches of emu\n feathers. When a body has been treated in this manner it becomes\n hard and mummy-like, and the strongest point is that the wild dogs\n will not touch it after it has been so long smoked. It remains\n sitting on the platform for two months or so, and is then taken down\n and buried, with the exception of the skull, which is made into a\n drinking-cup for the nearest relative. *\u00a0*\u00a0*\n\nThis mode of mummifying resembles somewhat that already described as the\nprocess by which the Virginia kings were preserved from decomposition.\n\nFigs. 21 and 22 represent the Australian burials described, and are\nafter the original engravings in Wood\u2019s work. The one representing\nscaffold-burial resembles greatly the scaffolds of our own Indians.\n\nWith regard to the use of scaffolds as places of deposit for the dead,\nthe following theories by Dr. W. Gardner, United States Army, are given:\n\n If we come to inquire why the American aborigines placed the dead\n bodies of their relatives and friends in trees, or upon scaffolds\n resembling trees, instead of burying them in the ground, or burning\n them and preserving their ashes in urns, I\u00a0think we can answer the\n inquiry by recollecting that most if not all the tribes of American\n Indians, as well as other nations of a higher civilization, believed\n that the human soul, spirit, or immortal part was of the form and\n nature of a bird, and as these are essentially arboreal in their\n habits, it is quite in keeping to suppose that the soul-bird would\n have readier access to its former home or dwelling-place if it was\n placed upon a tree or scaffold than if it was buried in the earth;\n moreover, from this lofty eyrie the souls of the dead could rest\n secure from the attacks of wolves or other profane beasts, and guard\n like sentinels the homes and hunting-grounds of their loved ones.\n\nThis statement is given because of a corroborative note in the writer\u2019s\npossession, but he is not prepared to admit it as correct without\nfarther investigation.\n\n\n_PARTIAL SCAFFOLD BURIAL AND OSSUARIES._\n\nUnder this heading may be placed the burials which consisted in first\ndepositing the bodies on scaffolds, where they were allowed to remain\nfor a variable length of time, after which the bones were cleaned and\ndeposited either in the earth or in special structures, called by\nwriters \u201cbone-houses.\u201d Roman[5.73] relates the following concerning the\nChoctaws:\n\n The following treatment of the dead is very strange. *\u00a0*\u00a0* As soon\n as the deceased is departed, a\u00a0stage is erected (as\u00a0in the annexed\n plate is represented) and the corpse is laid on it and covered with\n a bear-skin; if he be a man of note, it is decorated, and the poles\n painted red with vermillion and bear\u2019s oil; if a child, it is put\n upon stakes set across; at this stage the relations come and weep,\n asking many questions of the corpse, such as, why he left them? did\n not his wife serve him well? was he not contented with his children?\n had he not corn enough? did not his land produce sufficient of\n everything? was he afraid of his enemies? &c., and this accompanied\n by loud howlings; the women will be there constantly, and sometimes,\n with the corrupted air and heat of the sun, faint so as to oblige\n the bystanders to carry them home; the men will also come and mourn\n in the same manner, but in the night or at other unseasonable times\n when they are least likely to be discovered.\n\n The stage is fenced round with poles; it remains thus a certain\n time, but not a fixed space; this is sometimes extended to three or\n four months, but seldom more than half that time. A\u00a0certain set of\n venerable old Gentlemen, who wear very long nails as a\n distinguishing badge on the thumb, fore, and middle finger of each\n hand, constantly travel through the nation (when I was there I was\n told there were but five of this respectable order) that one of them\n may acquaint those concerned, of the expiration of this period,\n which is according to their own fancy; the day being come, the\n friends and relations assemble near the stage, a\u00a0fire is made, and\n the respectable operator, after the body is taken down, with his\n nails tears the remaining flesh off the bones, and throws it with\n the entrails into the fire, where it is consumed; then he scrapes\n the bones and burns the scrapings likewise; the head being painted\n red with vermillion is with the rest of the bones put into a neatly\n made chest (which for a Chief is also made red) and deposited in the\n loft of a hut built for that purpose, and called bone house; each\n town has one of these; after remaining here one year or thereabouts,\n if he be a man of any note, they take the chest down, and in an\n assembly of relations and friends they weep once more over him,\n refresh the colour of the head, paint the box, and then deposit him\n to lasting oblivion.\n\n An enemy and one who commits suicide is buried under the earth as\n one to be directly forgotten and unworthy the above ceremonial\n obsequies and mourning.\n\nJones[5.74] quotes one of the older writers, as follows, regarding the\nNatchez tribe:\n\n Among the Natchez the dead were either inhumed or placed in tombs.\n These tombs were located within or very near their temples. They\n rested upon four forked sticks fixed fast in the ground, and were\n raised some three feet above the earth. About eight feet long and a\n foot and a half wide, they were prepared for the reception of a\n single corpse. After the body was placed upon it, a\u00a0basket-work of\n twigs was woven around and covered with mud, an opening being left\n at the head, through which food was presented to the deceased. When\n the flesh had all rotted away, the bones were taken out, placed in a\n box made of canes, and then deposited in the temple. The common dead\n were mourned and lamented for a period of three days. Those who fell\n in battle were honored with a more protracted and grievous\n lamentation.\n\nBartram[5.75] gives a somewhat different account from Roman of burial\namong the Choctaws of Carolina:\n\n The Chactaws pay their last duties and respect to the deceased in a\n very different manner. As soon as a person is dead, they erect a\n scaffold 18 or 20 feet high in a grove adjacent to the town, where\n they lay the corps, lightly covered with a mantle; here it is\n suffered to remain, visited and protected by the friends and\n relations, until the flesh becomes putrid, so as easily to part from\n the bones; then undertakers, who make it their business, carefully\n strip the flesh from the bones, wash and cleanse them, and when dry\n and purified by the air, having provided a curiously-wrought chest\n or coffin, fabricated of bones and splints, they place all the bones\n therein, which is deposited in the bone-house, a\u00a0building erected\n for that purpose in every town; and when this house is full a\n general solemn funeral takes place; when the nearest kindred or\n friends of the deceased, on a day appointed, repair to the\n bone-house, take up the respective coffins, and, following one\n another in order of seniority, the nearest relations and connections\n attending their respective corps, and the multitude following after\n them, all as one family, with united voice of alternate allelujah\n and lamentation, slowly proceeding on to the place of general\n interment, when they place the coffins in order, forming a\n pyramid;[5.76*] and, lastly, cover all over with earth, which raises a\n conical hill or mount; when they return to town in order of solemn\n procession, concluding the day with a festival, which is called the\n feast of the dead.\n\nMorgan[5.77] also alludes to this mode of burial:\n\n The body of the deceased was exposed upon a bark scaffolding erected\n upon poles or secured upon the limbs of trees, where it was left to\n waste to a skeleton. After this had been effected by the process of\n decomposition in the open air, the bones were removed either to the\n former house of the deceased, or to a small bark house by its side,\n prepared for their reception. In this manner the skeletons of the\n whole family were preserved from generation to generation by the\n filial or parental affection of the living. After the lapse of a\n number of years, or in a season of public insecurity, or on the eve\n of abandoning a settlement, it was customary to collect these\n skeletons from the whole community around and consign them to a\n common resting-place.\n\n To this custom, which is not confined to the Iroquois, is doubtless\n to be ascribed the burrows and bone-mounds which have been found in\n such numbers in various parts of the country. On opening these\n mounds the skeletons are usually found arranged in horizontal\n layers, a\u00a0conical pyramid, those in each layer radiating from a\n common center. In other cases they are found placed promiscuously.\n\nDr. D. G. Brinton[5.78] likewise gives an account of the interment of\ncollected bones:\n\n East of the Mississippi nearly every nation was accustomed at stated\n periods--usually once in eight or ten years--to collect and clean\n the osseous remains of those of its number who had died in the\n intervening time, and inter them in one common sepulcher, lined with\n choice furs, and marked with a mound of wood, stone, or earth. Such\n is the origin of those immense tumuli filed with the mortal remains\n of nations and generations, which the antiquary, with irreverent\n curiosity, so frequently chances upon in all portions of our\n territory. Throughout Central America the same usage obtained in\n various localities, as early writers and existing monuments\n abundantly testify. Instead of interring the bones, were they those\n of some distinguished chieftain, they were deposited in the temples\n or the council-houses, usually in small chests of canes or splints.\n Such were the charnel-houses which the historians of De Soto\u2019s\n expedition so often mention, and these are the \u201carks\u201d Adair and\n other authors who have sought to trace the decent of the Indians\n from the Jews have likened to that which the ancient Israelites bore\n with them in their migration.\n\n A widow among the Tahkalis was obliged to carry the bones of her\n deceased husband wherever she went for four years, preserving them\n in such a casket, handsomely decorated with feathers (Rich. Arc.\n Exp., p.\u00a0200). The Caribs of the mainland adopted the custom for\n all, without exception. About a year after death the bones were\n cleaned, bleached, painted, wrapped in odorous balsams, placed in a\n wicker basket, and kept suspended from the door of their dwelling\n (Gumilla Hist. del Orinoco I., pp. 199, 202, 204). When the quantity\n of these heirlooms became burdensome they were removed to some\n inaccessible cavern and stowed away with reverential care.\n\nGeorge Catlin[5.79] describes what he calls the \u201cGolgothas\u201d of the\nMandans:\n\n There are several of these golgothas, or circles of twenty or thirty\n feet in diameter, and in the center of each ring or circle is a\n little mound of three feet high, on which uniformly rest two buffalo\n skulls (a\u00a0male and female), and in the center of the little mound is\n erected \u201ca\u00a0medicine pole,\u201d of about twenty feet high, supporting\n many curious articles of mystery and superstition, which they\n suppose have the power of guarding and protecting this sacred\n arrangement.\n\n Here, then, to this strange place do these people again resort to\n evince their further affections for the dead, not in groans and\n lamentations, however, for several years have cured the anguish, but\n fond affection and endearments are here renewed, and conversations\n are here held and cherished with the dead. Each one of these skulls\n is placed upon a bunch of wild sage, which has been pulled and\n placed under it. The wife knows, by some mark or resemblance, the\n skull of her husband or her child which lies in this group, and\n there seldom passes a day that she does not visit it with a dish of\n the best-cooked food that her wigwam affords, which she sets before\n the skull at night, and returns for the dish in the morning. As soon\n as it is discovered that the sage on which the skull rests is\n beginning to decay, the woman cuts a fresh bunch and places the\n skull carefully upon it, removing that which was under\u00a0it.\n\n Independent of the above-named duties, which draw the women to this\n spot, they visit it from inclination, and linger upon it to hold\n converse and company with the dead. There is scarcely an hour in a\n pleasant day but more or less of these women may be seen sitting or\n lying by the skull of their child or husband, talking to it in the\n most pleasant and endearing language that they can use (as\u00a0they were\n wont to do in former days), and seemingly getting an answer back.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 23.--Canoe Burial.]\n\nFrom these accounts it may be seen that the peculiar customs which have\nbeen described by the authors cited were not confined to any special\ntribe or area of country, although they do not appear to have prevailed\namong the Indians of the northwest coast, so far as known.\n\n\n_SUPERTERRENE AND AERIAL BURIAL IN CANOES._\n\nThe next mode of burial to be remarked is that of deposit in canoes,\neither supported on posts, on the ground, or swung from trees, and is\ncommon only to the tribes inhabiting the northwest coast.\n\nThe first example given relates to the Chinooks of Washington Territory,\nand may be found in Swan.[5.80]\n\n In this instance old Cartumhays, and old Mahar, a\u00a0celebrated doctor,\n were the chief mourners, probably from being the smartest scamps\n among the relatives. Their duty was to prepare the canoe for the\n reception of the body. One of the largest and best the deceased had\n owned was then hauled into the woods, at some distance back of the\n lodge, after having been first thoroughly washed and scrubbed. Two\n large square holes were then cut in the bottom, at the bow and\n stern, for the twofold purpose of rendering the canoe unfit for\n further use, and therefore less likely to excite the cupidity of the\n whites (who are but too apt to help themselves to these depositories\n for the dead), and also to allow any rain to pass off readily.\n\n When the canoe was ready, the corpse, wrapped in blankets, was\n brought out, and laid in it on mats previously spread. All the\n wearing apparel was next put in beside the body, together with her\n trinkets, beads, little baskets, and various trifles she had prized.\n More blankets were then covered over the body, and mats smoothed\n over all. Next, a\u00a0small canoe, which fitted into the large one, was\n placed, bottom up, over the corpse, and the whole then covered with\n mats. The canoe was then raised up and placed on two parallel bars,\n elevated four or five feet from the ground, and supported by being\n inserted through holes mortised at the top of four stout posts\n previously firmly planted in the earth. Around these holes were then\n hung blankets, and all the cooking utensils of the deceased, pots,\n kettles, and pans, each with a hole punched through it, and all her\n crockery-ware, every piece of which was first cracked or broken, to\n render it useless; and then, when all was done, they left her to\n remain for one year, when the bones would be buried in a box in the\n earth directly under the canoe; but that, with all its appendages,\n would never be molested, but left to go to gradual decay.\n\n They regard these canoes precisely as we regard coffins, and would\n no more think of using one than we would of using our own graveyard\n relics; and it is, in their view, as much of a desecration for a\n white man to meddle or interfere with these, to them, sacred\n mementoes, as it would be to us to have an Indian open the graves of\n our relatives. Many thoughtless white men have done this, and\n animosities have been thus occasioned.\n\nFigure 23 represents this mode of burial.\n\nFrom a number of other examples, the following, relating to the Twanas,\nand furnished by the Rev. M. Eells, missionary to the Skokomish Agency,\nWashington Territory, is selected:\n\n The deceased was a woman about thirty or thirty-five years of age,\n dead of consumption. She died in the morning, and in the afternoon I\n went to the house to attend the funeral. She had then been placed in\n a Hudson\u2019s Bay Company\u2019s box for a coffin, which was about 3\u00bd\n feet long, 1\u00bd wide, and 1\u00bd high. She was very poor when she died,\n owing to her disease, or she could not have been put in this box.\n A\u00a0fire was burning near by, where a large number of her things had\n been consumed, and the rest was in three boxes near the coffin. Her\n mother sang the mourning song, sometimes with others, and often\n saying, \u201cMy daughter, my daughter, why did you die?\u201d and similar\n words. The burial did not take place until the next day, and I was\n invited to go. It was an aerial burial in a canoe. The canoe was\n about 25 feet long. The posts, of old Indian layered boards, were\n about a foot wide. Holes were cut in those, in which boards were\n placed, on which the canoe rested. One thing I noticed while this\n was done which was new to me, but the significance of which I did\n not learn. As fast as the holes were cut in the posts, green leaves\n were gathered and placed over the holes until the posts were put in\n the ground. The coffin-box and the three others containing her\n things were placed in the canoe and a roof of boards made over the\n central part, which was entirely covered with white cloth. The head\n part and the foot part of her bedstead were then nailed on to the\n posts, which front the water, and a dress nailed on each of these.\n After pronouncing the benediction, all left the hull and went to the\n beach except her father, mother, and brother, who remained ten or\n fifteen minutes, pounding on the canoe and mourning. They then came\n down and made a present to those persons who were there--a gun to\n one, a\u00a0blanket to each of two or three others, and a dollar and a\n half to each of the rest, including myself, there being about\n fifteen persons present. Three or four of them then made short\n speeches, and we came home.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 24.--Twana Canoe-Burial.]\n\n The reason why she was buried thus is said to be because she is a\n prominent woman in the tribe. In about nine months it is expected\n that there will be a \u201c_pot-latch_\u201d or distribution of money near\n this place, and as each tribe shall come they will send a delegation\n of two or three men, who will carry a present and leave it at the\n grave; soon after that shall be done she will be buried in the\n ground. Shortly after her death both her father and mother cut off\n their hair as a sign of their grief.\n\nFigure 24 is from a sketch kindly furnished by Mr. Eells, and represents\nthe burial mentioned in his narrative.\n\nThe Clallams and Twanas, an allied tribe, have not always followed\ncanoe-burial, as may be seen from the following account, also written by\nMr. Eells, who gives the reasons why the original mode of disposing of\nthe dead was abandoned. It is extremely interesting, and characterized\nby painstaking attention to detail:\n\n I divide this subject into five periods, varying according to time,\n though they are somewhat intermingled.\n\n (_a_) There are places where skulls and skeletons have been plowed\n up or still remain in the ground and near together, in such a way as\n to give good ground for the belief which is held by white residents\n in the region, that formerly persons were buried in the ground and\n in irregular cemeteries. I\u00a0know of such places in Duce Waillops\n among the Twanas, and at Dungeness and Port Angeles among the\n Clallams. These graves were made so long ago that the Indians of the\n present day profess to have no knowledge as to who is buried in\n them, except that they believe, undoubtedly, that they are the\n graves of their ancestors. I\u00a0do not know that any care has ever been\n exercised by any one in exhuming these skeletons so as to learn any\n particulars about them. It is possible, however, that these persons\n were buried according to the (_b_) or canoe method, and that time\n has buried them where they now are.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 25.--Posts for Burial Canoes.]\n\n (_b_) Formerly when a person died the body was placed in the forks\n of two trees and left there. There was no particular cemetery, but\n the person was generally left near the place where the death\n occurred. The Skokomish Valley is said to have been full of canoes\n containing persons thus buried. What their customs were while\n burying, or what they placed around the dead, I\u00a0am not informed but\n am told that they did not take as much care then of their dead as\n they do now. I\u00a0am satisfied, however, that they then left some\n articles around the dead. An old resident informs me that the\n Clallam Indians always bury their dead in a sitting posture.\n\n (_c_) About twenty years ago gold mines were discovered in British\n Columbia, and boats being scarce in the region, unprincipled white\n men took many of the canoes in which the Indian dead had been left,\n emptying them of their contents. This incensed the Indians and they\n changed their mode of burial somewhat by burying the dead in one\n place, placing them in boxes whenever they could obtain them, by\n building scaffolds for them instead of placing them in forks of\n trees, and in cutting their canoes so as to render them useless,\n when they were used as coffins or left by the side of the dead. The\n ruins of one such graveyard now remain about two miles from this\n agency. Nearly all the remains were removed a few years ago.\n\n With this I furnish you the outlines of such graves which I have\n drawn. Fig. 25 shows that at present only one pair of posts remains.\n I\u00a0have supplied the other pair as they evidently were.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 26.--Tent on Scaffold.]\n\n Figure 26 is a recent grave at another place. That part which is\n covered with board and cloth incloses the coffin which is on a\n scaffold.\n\n As the Indians have been more in contact with the whites they have\n learned to bury in the ground, and this is the most common method at\n the present time. There are cemeteries everywhere where Indians have\n resided any length of time. After a person has died a coffin is made\n after the cheaper kinds of American ones, the body is placed in it,\n and also with it a number of articles, chiefly cloth or clothes,\n though occasionally money. I\u00a0lately heard of a child being buried\n with a twenty-dollar gold piece in each hand and another in its\n month, but I am not able to vouch for the truth of it. As a general\n thing, money is too valuable with them for this purpose and there is\n too much temptation for some one to rob the grave when this is left\n in\u00a0it.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 27.--House-Burial.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 28.--House-Burial.]\n\n (_d_) The grave is dug after the style of the whites and the coffin\n then placed in it. After it has been covered it is customary though\n not universal, to build some kind of an inclosure over it or around\n it in the shape of a small house, shed, lodge or fence. These are\n from 2 to 12 feet high, from 2 to 6 feet wide, and from 5 to 12 feet\n long. Some of these are so well inclosed that it is impossible to\n see within and some are quite open. Occasionally a window is placed\n in the front side. Sometimes these enclosures are covered with\n cloth, which is generally white, sometimes partly covered, and some\n have none. Around the grave, both outside and inside of the\n inclosure, various articles are placed, as guns, canoes, dishes,\n pails, cloth, sheets, blankets, beads, tubs, lamps, bows, mats, and\n occasionally a roughly-carved human image rudely painted. It is said\n that around and in the grave of one Clallam chief, buried a few\n years ago, $500 worth of such things were left. Most of these\n articles are cut or broken so as to render them valueless to man and\n to prevent their being stolen. Poles are also often erected, from 10\n to 30 feet long, on which American flags, handkerchiefs, clothes,\n and cloths of various colors are hung. A\u00a0few graves have nothing of\n this kind. On some graves these things are renewed every year or\n two. This depends mainly on the number of relatives living and the\n esteem in which they hold the deceased.\n\n The belief exists that as the body decays spirits carry it away\n particle by particle to the spirit of the deceased in the spirit\n land, and also as these articles decay they are also carried away in\n a similar manner. I\u00a0have never known of the placing food near a\n grave. Figures 27 and 28 will give you some idea of this class of\n graves. Figure 27 has a paling fence 12 feet square around it.\n Figure 28 is simply a frame over a grave where there is no\n enclosure.\n\n (_e_) _Civilized mode._--A few persons, of late, have fallen almost\n entirely into the American custom of burying, building a simple\n paling fence around it, but placing no articles around it; this is\n more especially true of the Clallams.\n\nFUNERAL CEREMONIES.\n\n In regard to the funeral ceremonies and mourning observances of\n sections (_a_) and (_b_) of the preceding subject I know nothing. In\n regard to (_c_) and (_d_), they begin to mourn, more especially the\n women, as soon as a person dies. Their mourning song consists\n principally of the sounds represented by the three English notes mi\n mi, do do, la la; those who attend the funeral are expected to bring\n some articles to place in the coffin or about the grave as a token\n of respect for the dead. The articles which I have seen for this\n purpose have been cloth of some kind; a\u00a0small piece of cloth is\n returned by the mourners to the attendants as a token of\n remembrance. They bury much sooner after death than white persons\n do, generally as soon as they can obtain a coffin. I\u00a0know of no\n other native funeral ceremonies. Occasionally before being taken to\n the grave, I\u00a0have held Christian funeral ceremonies over them, and\n these services increase from year to year. One reason which has\n rendered them somewhat backward about having these funeral services\n is, that they are quite superstitions about going near the dead,\n fearing that the evil spirit which killed the deceased will enter\n the living and kill them also. Especially are they afraid of having\n children go near, being much more fearful of the effect of the evil\n spirit on them than on older persons.\n\nMOURNING OBSERVANCES.\n\n They have no regular period, so far as I know, for mourning, but\n often continue it after the burial, though I do not know that they\n often visit the grave. If they feel the loss very much, sometimes\n they will mourn nearly every day for several weeks; especially is\n this true when they meet an old friend who has not been seen since\n the funeral, or when they see an article owned by the deceased which\n they have not seen for a long time. The only other thing of which I\n think, which bears on this subject, is an idea they have, that\n before a person dies--it may be but a short time or it may be\n several months--a spirit from the spirit land comes and carries off\n the spirit of the individual to that place. There are those who\n profess to discover when this is done, and if by any of their\n incantations they can compel that spirit to return, the person will\n not die, but if they are not able, then the person will become dead\n at heart and in time die, though it may not be for six months or\n even twelve. You will also find a little on this subject in a\n pamphlet which I wrote on the Twana Indians and which has recently\n been published by the Department of the Interior, under Prof. F.\u00a0V.\n Hayden, United States Geologist.\n\nGeorge Gibbs[5.81] gives a most interesting account of the burial\nceremonies of the Indians of Oregon and Washington Territory, which is\nhere reproduced in its entirety, although it contains examples of other\nmodes of burial besides that in canoes; but to separate the narrative\nwould destroy the thread of the story:\n\n The common mode of disposing of the dead among the fishing tribes\n was in canoes. These were generally drawn into the woods at some\n prominent point a short distance from the village, and sometimes\n placed between the forks of trees or raised from the ground on\n posts. Upon the Columbia River the Tsin\u016bk had in particular two very\n noted cemeteries, a\u00a0high isolated bluff about three miles below the\n mouth of the Cowlitz, called Mount Coffin, and one some distance\n above, called Coffin Rock. The former would appear not to have been\n very ancient. Mr. Broughton, one of Vancouver\u2019s lieutenants, who\n explored the river, makes mention only of _several_ canoes at this\n place; and Lewis and Clarke, who noticed the mount, do not speak of\n them at all, but at the time of Captain Wilkes\u2019s expedition it is\n conjectured that there were at least 3,000. A\u00a0fire caused by the\n carelessness of one of his party destroyed the whole, to the great\n indignation of the Indians.\n\n Captain Belcher, of the British ship Sulphur, who visited the river\n in 1839, remarks: \u201cIn the year 1836 [1826] the small-pox made great\n ravages, and it was followed a few years since by the ague.\n Consequently Corpse Island and Coffin Mount, as well as the adjacent\n shores, were studded not only with canoes, but at the period of our\n visit the skulls and skeletons were strewed about in all\n directions.\u201d This method generally prevailed on the neighboring\n coasts, as at Shoal Water Bay, &c. Farther up the Columbia, as at\n the Cascades, a\u00a0different form was adopted, which is thus described\n by Captain Clarke:\n\n \u201cAbout half a mile below this house, in a very thick part of the\n woods, is an ancient Indian burial-place; it consists of eight\n vaults, made of pine cedar boards, closely connected, about 8 feet\n square and 6 in height, the top securely covered with wide boards,\n sloping a little, so as to convey off the rain. The direction of all\n these is east and west, the door being on the eastern side, and\n partially stopped with wide boards, decorated with rude pictures of\n men and other animals. On entering we found in some of them four\n dead bodies, carefully wrapped in skins, tied with cords of grass\n and bark, lying on a mat in a direction east and west; the other\n vaults contained only bones, which in some of them were piled to a\n height of 4 feet; on the tops of the vaults and on poles attached to\n them hung brass kettles and frying-pans with holes in their bottoms,\n baskets, bowls, sea-shells, skins, pieces of cloth, hair bags of\n trinkets, and small bones, the offerings of friendship or affection,\n which have been saved by a pious veneration from the ferocity of war\n or the more dangerous temptation of individual gain. The whole of\n the walls as well as the door were decorated with strange figures\n cut and painted on them, and besides these were several wooden\n images of men, some of them so old and decayed as to have almost\n lost their shape, which were all placed against the sides of the\n vault. These images, as well as those in the houses we have lately\n seen, do not appear to be at all the objects of adoration in this\n place; they were most probably intended as resemblances of those\n whose decease they indicate, and when we observe them in houses they\n occupy the most conspicuous part, but are treated more like\n ornaments than objects of worship. Near the vaults which are still\n standing are the remains of others on the ground, completely rotted\n and covered with moss; and as they are formed of the most durable\n pine and cedar timber, there is every appearance that for a very\n long series of years this retired spot has been the depository for\n the Indians near this place.\u201d\n\n Another depository of this kind upon an island in the river a few\n miles above gave it the name of Sepulcher Inland. The _Watlala_, a\n tribe of the Upper Tsin\u016bk, whose burial place is here described, are\n now nearly extinct; but a number of the sepulchers still remain in\n different states of preservation. The position of the body, as\n noticed by Clarke, is, I\u00a0believe, of universal observance, the head\n being always placed to the west. The reason assigned to me is that\n the road to the _m\u00e9-mel-\u016bs-illa-hee_, the country of the dead, is\n toward the west, and if they place them otherwise they would be\n confused. East of the Cascade Mountains the tribes whose habits are\n equestrian, and who use canoes only for ferriage or transportation\n purposes, bury their dead, usually heaping over them piles of\n stones, either to mark the spot or to prevent the bodies from being\n exhumed by the prairie wolf. Among the Yakamas we saw many of their\n graves placed in conspicuous points of the basaltic walls which line\n the lower valleys, and designated by a clump of poles planted over\n them, from which fluttered various articles of dress. Formerly these\n prairie tribes killed horses over the graves--a custom now falling\n into disuse in consequence of the teachings of the whites.\n\n Upon Puget Sound all the forms obtain in different localities. Among\n the Makah of Cape Flattery the graves are covered with a sort of\n box, rudely constructed of boards, and elsewhere on the Sound the\n same method is adopted in some cases, while in others the bodies are\n placed on elevated scaffolds. As a general thing, however, the\n Indians upon the water placed the dead in canoes, while those at a\n distance from it buried them. Most of the graves are surrounded with\n strips of cloth, blankets, and other articles of property. Mr.\n Cameron, an English gentleman residing at Esquimalt Harbor,\n Vancouver Island, informed me that on his place there were graves\n having at each corner a large stone, the interior space filled with\n rubbish. The origin of these was unknown to the present Indians.\n\n The distinctions of rank or wealth in all cases were very marked;\n persons of no consideration and slaves being buried with very little\n care or respect. Vancouver, whose attention was particularly\n attracted to their methods of disposing of the dead, mentions that\n at Port Discovery he saw baskets suspended to the trees containing\n the skeletons of young children, and, what is not easily explained,\n small square boxes, containing, apparently, food. I\u00a0do not think\n that any of these tribes place articles of food with the dead, nor\n have I been able to learn from living Indians that they formerly\n followed that practice. What he took for such I do not understand.\n He also mentions seeing in the same place a cleared space recently\n burned over, in which the skulls and bones of a number lay among the\n ashes. The practice of burning the dead exists in parts of\n California and among the Tshimsyan of Fort Simpson. It is also\n pursued by the \u201cCarriers\u201d of New California, but no intermediate\n tribes, to my knowledge, follow it. Certainly those of the Sound do\n not at present.\n\n It is clear from Vancouver\u2019s narrative that some great epidemic had\n recently passed through the country, as manifested by the quantity\n of human remains uncared for and exposed at the time of his visit,\n and very probably the Indians, being afraid, had buried a house, in\n which the inhabitants had perished with the dead in it. This is\n frequently done. They almost invariably remove from any place where\n sickness has prevailed, generally destroying the house also.\n\n At Penn Cove Mr. Whidbey, one of Vancouver\u2019s officers, noticed\n several sepulchers formed exactly like a sentry-box. Some of them\n were open, and contained the skeletons of many young children tied\n up in baskets. The smaller bones of adults were likewise noticed,\n but not one of the limb bones was found, which gave rise to an\n opinion that these, by the living inhabitants of the neighborhood,\n were appropriated to useful purposes, such as pointing their arrows,\n spears, or other weapons.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 29.--Canoe Burial.]\n\n It is hardly necessary to say that such a practice is altogether\n foreign to Indian character. The bones of the adults had probably\n been removed and buried elsewhere. The corpses of children are\n variously disposed of; sometimes by suspending them, at others by\n placing in the hollows of trees. A\u00a0cemetery devoted to infants is,\n however, an unusual occurrence. In cases of chiefs or men of note\n much pomp was used in the accompaniments of the rite. The canoes\n were of great size and value--the war or state canoes of the\n deceased. Frequently one was inverted over that holding the body,\n and in one instance, near Shoalwater Bay, the corpse was deposited\n in a small canoe, which again was placed in a larger one and covered\n with a third. Among the _Tsin\u016bk_ and _Ts\u00echalis_ the _tamahno-\u016bs_\n board of the owner was placed near him. The Puget Sound Indians do\n not make these _tamahno-\u016bs_ boards, but they sometimes constructed\n effigies of their chiefs, resembling the person as nearly as\n possible, dressed in his usual costume, and wearing the articles of\n which he was fond. One of these, representing the Skagit chief\n Sneestum, stood very conspicuously upon a high bank on the eastern\n side of Whidbey Island. The figures observed by Captain Clarke at\n the Cascades were either of this description or else the carved\n posts which had ornamented the interior of the houses of the\n deceased, and were connected with the superstition of the\n _tamahno-\u016bs_. The most valuable articles of property were put into\n or hung up around the grave, being first carefully rendered\n unserviceable, and the living family were literally stripped to do\n honor to the dead. No little self-denial must have been practiced in\n parting with articles so precious, but those interested frequently\n had the least to say on the subject. The graves of women were\n distinguished by a cap, a\u00a0Kamas stick, or other implement of their\n occupation, and by articles of dress.\n\n Slaves were killed in proportion to the rank and wealth of the\n deceased. In some instances they were starved to death, or even tied\n to the dead body and left to perish thus horribly. At present this\n practice has been almost entirely given up, but till within a very\n few years it was not uncommon. A\u00a0case which occurred in 1850 has\n been already mentioned. Still later, in 1853, Toke, a\u00a0Tsin\u016bk chief\n living at Shoalwater Bay, undertook to kill a slave girl belonging\n to his daughter, who, in dying, had requested that this might be\n done. The woman fled, and was found by some citizens in the woods\n half starved. Her master attempted to reclaim her, but was soundly\n thrashed and warned against another attempt.\n\n It was usual in the case of chiefs to renew or repair for a\n considerable length of time the materials and ornaments of the\n burial-place. With the common class of persons family pride or\n domestic affection was satisfied with the gathering together of the\n bones after the flesh had decayed and wrapping them in a new mat.\n The violation of the grave was always regarded as an offense of the\n first magnitude and provoked severe revenge. Captain Belcher\n remarks: \u201cGreat secrecy is observed in all their burial ceremonies,\n partly from fear of Europeans, and as among themselves they will\n instantly punish by death any violation of the tomb or wage war if\n perpetrated by another tribe, so they are inveterate and tenaceously\n bent on revenge should they discover that any act of the kind has\n been perpetrated by a white man. It is on record that part of the\n crew of a vessel on her return to this port (the Columbia) suffered\n because a person who belonged to her (but not then in her) was known\n to have taken a skull, which, from the process of flattening, had\n become an object of curiosity.\u201d He adds, however, that at the period\n of his visit to the river \u201cthe skulls and skeletons were scattered\n about in all directions; and as I was on most of their positions\n unnoticed by the natives, I\u00a0suspect the feeling does not extend much\n beyond their relatives, and then only till decay has destroyed body,\n goods, and chattels. The chiefs, no doubt, are watched, as their\n canoes are repainted, decorated, and greater care taken by placing\n them in sequestered spots.\u201d\n\n The motive for sacrificing or destroying property on occasion of\n death will be referred to in treating of their religious ideas.\n Wailing for the dead is continued for a long time, and it seems to\n be rather a ceremonial performance than an act of spontaneous grief.\n The duty, of course, belongs to the woman, and the early morning is\n usually chosen for the purpose. They go out alone to some place a\n little distant from the lodge or camp and in a loud, sobbing voice\n repeat a sort of stereotyped formula; as, for instance, a\u00a0mother, on\n the loss of her child, \u201c_A\u00a0seahb shed-da bud-dah ah ta bud!\n ad-de-dah_,\u201d \u201cAh chief!\u201d \u201cMy child dead, alas!\u201d When in dreams they\n see any of their deceased friends this lamentation is renewed.\n\nWith most of the Northwest Indians it was quite common, as mentioned by\nMr. Gibbs, to kill or bury with the dead a living slave, who, failing to\ndie within three days, was strangled by another slave; but the custom\nhas also prevailed among other tribes and peoples, in many cases the\nindividuals offering themselves as voluntary sacrifices. Bancroft states\nthat--\n\n In Panama, Nata, and some other districts, when a cacique died,\n those of his concubines that loved him enough, those that he loved\n ardently and so appointed, as well as certain servants, killed\n themselves and were interred with him. This they did in order that\n they might wait upon him in the land of spirits.\n\nIt is well known to all readers of history to what an extreme this\nrevolting practice has prevailed in Mexico, South America, and Africa.\n\n\n\n\nAQUATIC BURIAL.\n\n\nAs a confirmed rite or ceremony, this mode of disposing of the dead has\nnever been followed by any of our North American Indians, although\noccasionally the dead have been disposed of by sinking in springs or\nwater-courses, by throwing into the sea, or by setting afloat in canoes.\nAmong the nations of antiquity the practice was not uncommon, for we are\ninformed that the Ichthyophagi, or fish-eaters, mentioned by Ptolemy,\nliving in a region bordering on the Persian Gulf, invariably committed\ntheir dead to the sea, thus repaying the obligations they had incurred\nto its inhabitants. The Lotophagians did the same, and the Hyperboreans,\nwith a commendable degree of forethought for the survivors, when ill or\nabout to die, threw themselves into the sea. The burial of Balder \u201cthe\nbeautiful,\u201d it may be remembered, was in a highly decorated ship, which\nwas pushed down to the sea, set on fire, and committed to the waves. The\nItzas of Guatemala, living on the islands of Lake Peten, according to\nBancroft, are said to have thrown their dead into the lake for want of\nroom. The Indians of Nootka Sound and the Chinooks were in the habit of\nthus getting rid of their dead slaves, and, according to Timberlake, the\nCherokees of Tennessee \u201cseldom bury the dead, but throw them into the\nriver.\u201d\n\nThe Alibamans, as they were called by Bossu, denied the rite of\nsepulture to suicides; they were looked upon as cowards, and their\nbodies thrown into a river. The Rev. J.\u00a0G. Wood[5.82] states that the\nObongo or African tribe takes the body to some running stream, the\ncourse of which has been previously diverted. A\u00a0deep grave is dug in the\nbed of the stream, the body placed in it, and covered over carefully.\nLastly, the stream is restored to its original course, so that all\ntraces of the grave are soon lost.\n\nThe Kavague also bury their common people, or wanjambo, by simply\nsinking the body in some stream.\n\nHistorians inform us that Alaric was buried in a manner similar to that\nemployed by the Obongo, for in 410, at Cosen\u00e7a, a\u00a0town of Calabria, the\nGoths turned aside the course of the river Vasento, and having made a\ngrave in the midst of its bed, where its course was most rapid, they\ninterred their king with a prodigious amount of wealth and riches. They\nthen caused the river to resume its regular course, and destroyed all\npersons who had been concerned in preparing this romantic grave.\n\nA later example of water-burial is that afforded by the funeral of De\nSoto. Dying in 1542, his remains were inclosed in a wooden chest well\nweighted, and committed to the turbid and tumultuous waters of the\nMississippi.\n\nAfter a careful search for well-authenticated instances of burial,\naquatic and semi-aquatic, among North American Indians, but two have\nbeen found, which are here given. The first relates to the Gosh-Utes,\nand is by Capt. J.\u00a0H. Simpson:[5.83]\n\n Skull Valley, which is a part of the Great Salt Lake Desert, and\n which we have crossed to-day, Mr. George W. Bean, my guide over this\n route last fall, says derives its name from the number of skulls\n which have been found in it, and which have arisen from the custom\n of the Goshute Indians burying their dead in springs, which they\n sank with stones or keep down with sticks. He says he has actually\n seen the Indians bury their dead in this way near the town of Provo,\n where he resides.\n\nAs corroborative of this statement, Captain Simpson mentions in another\npart of the volume that, arriving at a spring one evening, they were\nobliged to dig out the skeleton of an Indian from the mud at the bottom\nbefore using the water.\n\nThis peculiar mode of burial is entirely unique, so far as known, and\nbut from the well-known probity of the relator might well be questioned,\nespecially when it is remembered that in the country spoken of water is\nquite scarce and Indians are careful not to pollute the streams or\nsprings near which they live. Conjecture seems useless to establish a\nreason for this disposition of the dead, unless we are inclined to\nattribute it to the natural indolence of the savage, or a desire to\npoison the springs for white persons.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 30.--Mourning Cradle.]\n\nThe second example is by George Catlin,[5.84] and relates to the\nChinook:\n\n *\u00a0*\u00a0* This little cradle has a strap which passes over the woman\u2019s\n forehead whilst the cradle rides on her back, and if the child dies\n during its subjection to this rigid mode, its cradle becomes its\n coffin, forming a little canoe, in which it lies floating on the\n water in some sacred pool, where they are often in the habit of\n fastening their canoes containing the dead bodies of the old and\n young, or, which in often the case, elevated into the branches of\n trees, where their bodies are left to decay and their bones to dry\n whilst they are bandaged in many skins and curiously packed in their\n canoes, with paddles to propel and ladles to bale them out, and\n provisions to last and pipes to smoke as they are performing their\n \u201clong journey after death to their contemplated hunting grounds,\u201d\n which these people think is to be performed in their canoes.\n\nFigure 30, after Catlin, is a representation of a mourning-cradle.\nFigure 31 represents the sorrowing mother committing the body of her\ndead child to the mercy of the elements.\n\n\n\n\nLIVING SEPULCHERS.\n\n\nThis is a term quaintly used by the learned M. Pierre Muret to express\nthe devouring of the dead by birds and animals or the surviving friends\nand relatives. Exposure of the dead to animals and birds has already\nbeen mentioned, but in the absence of any positive proof, it is not\nbelieved that the North American Indians followed the custom, although\ncannibalism may have prevailed to a limited extent. It is true that a\nfew accounts are given by authors, but these are considered apochryphal\nin character, and the one mentioned is only offered to show how\ncredulous were the early writers on American natives.\n\nThat such a means of disposing of the dead was not in practice is\nsomewhat remarkable when we take into consideration how many analogies\nbeen found in comparing old and new world funeral observances, and the\nstatements made by Bruhier, Lafitau, Muret, and others, who give a\nnumber of examples of this peculiar mode of burial.\n\nFor instance, the Tartars sometimes ate their dead, and the Massagetics,\nPad\u00e6ans, Derbices, and Effedens did the same, having previously\nstrangled the aged and mixed their flesh with mutton. Horace and\nTertullian both affirm that the Irish and ancient Britons devoured the\ndead, and Lafitau remarks that certain Indians of South America did the\nsame, esteeming this mode of disposal more honorable and much to be\npreferred than to rot and be eaten by worms.\n\nJ. G. Wood, in his work already quoted, states that the Fans of Africa\ndevour their dead, but this disposition is followed only for the common\npeople, the kings and chiefs being buried with much ceremony.\n\nThe following extract is from Lafitau:[5.85]\n\n Dans l\u2019Am\u00e9rique M\u00e9ridionale quelque Peuples d\u00e9charnent les corps de\n leurs Guerriers et les mangent leurs chairs, ainsi que je viens de\n le dire, et apr\u00e8s les avoir consum\u00e9es, ils conservent pendant\n quelque temps leurs cadavres avec respect dans leurs Cabanes, et il\n portent ces squeletes dans les combats en guise d\u2019Etendard, pour\n ranimer leur courage par cette vue et inspirer de la terreur \u00e0 leurs\n ennemis. *\u00a0*\u00a0*\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 31.--Launching the Burial Cradle.]\n\n Il est vrai qu\u2019il y en a qui font festin des cadavres de leurs\n parens; mais il est faux qu\u2019elles les mettent \u00e0 mort dans leur\n vieillesse, pour avoir le plaisir de se nourrir de leur chair, et\n d\u2019en faire un repas. Quelques Nations de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique M\u00e9ridionale, qui\n ont encore cette coutume de manger les corps morts de leurs parens,\n n\u2019en usent ainsi que par pi\u00e9t\u00e9, pi\u00e9t\u00e9 mal entendu\u00eb \u00e0 la verit\u00e9, mais\n pi\u00e9t\u00e9 color\u00e9e n\u00e9anmoins par quelque ombre de raison; car ils croyent\n leur donner une s\u00e9pulture bien plus honorable.\n\nTo the credit of our savages, this barbarous and revolting practice is\nnot believed to have been practiced by them.\n\n\n\n\nMOURNING, SACRIFICE, FEASTS, FOOD, DANCES, SONGS, GAMES, POSTS, FIRES,\nAND SUPERSTITIONS IN CONNECTION WITH BURIAL.\n\n\nThe above subjects are coincident with burial, and some of them,\nparticularly mourning, have been more or less treated of in this paper,\nyet it may be of advantage to here give a few of the collected examples,\nunder separate heads.\n\n\n_MOURNING._\n\nOne of the most carefully described scenes of mourning at the death of a\nchief of the Crows is related in the life of Beckwourth,[5.86] who for\nmany years lived among this people, finally attaining great distinction\nas a warrior.\n\n I dispatched a herald to the village to inform them of the head\n chief\u2019s death, and then, burying him according to his directions, we\n slowly proceeded homewards. My very soul sickened at the\n contemplation of the scenes that would be enacted at my arrival.\n When we drew in sight of the village, we found every lodge laid\n prostrate. We entered amid shrieks, cries, and yells. Blood was\n streaming from every conceivable part of the bodies of all who were\n old enough to comprehend their loss. Hundreds of fingers were\n dismembered; hair torn from the head lay in profusion about the\n paths; wails and moans in every direction assailed the ear, where\n unrestrained joy had a few hours before prevailed. This fearful\n mourning lasted until evening of the next day. *\u00a0*\u00a0*\n\n A herald having been dispatched to our other villages to acquaint\n them with the death of our head chief, and request them to assemble\n at the Rose Bud, in order to meet our village and devote themselves\n to a general time of mourning, there met, in conformity to the\n summons, over ten thousand Crows at the place indicated. Such a\n scene of disorderly, vociferous mourning, no imagination can\n conceive nor any pen portray. Long Hair cut off a large roll of his\n hair; a\u00a0thing he was never known to do before. The cutting and\n hacking of human flesh exceeded all my previous experience; fingers\n were dismembered as readily as twigs, and blood was poured out like\n water. Many of the warriors would cut two gashes nearly the entire\n length of their arm; then, separating the skin from the flesh at one\n end, would grasp it in their other hand, and rip it asunder to the\n shoulder. Others would carve various devices upon their breasts and\n shoulders, and raise the skin in the same manner to make the scars\n show to advantage after the wound was healed. Some of their\n mutilations were ghastly, and my heart sickened to look at them, but\n they would not appear to receive any pain from them.\n\nIt should be remembered that many of Beckwourth\u2019s statements are to be\ntaken _cum grana salis_.\n\nFrom I. L. Mahan, United States Indian agent for the Chippewas of Lake\nSuperior, Red Cliff, Wisconsin, the following detailed account of\nmourning has been received:\n\n There is probably no people that exhibit more sorrow and grief for\n their dead than they. The young widow mourns the loss of her\n husband; by day as by night she is heard silently sobbing; she is a\n constant visitor to the place of rest; with the greatest reluctance\n will she follow the raised camp. The friends and relatives of the\n young mourner will incessantly devise methods to distract her mind\n from the thought of her lost husband. She refuses nourishment, but\n as nature is exhausted she is prevailed upon to partake of food; the\n supply is scant, but on every occasion the best and largest\n proportion is deposited upon the grave of her husband. In the mean\n time the female relatives of the deceased have, according to custom,\n submitted to her charge a parcel made up of different cloths\n ornamented with bead-work and eagle\u2019s feathers, which she is charged\n to keep by her side--the place made vacant by the demise of her\n husband--a reminder of her widowhood. She is therefore for a term of\n twelve moons not permitted to wear any finery, neither is she\n permitted to slicken up and comb her head; this to avoid attracting\n attention. Once in a while a female relative of deceased,\n commiserating with her grief and sorrow, will visit her and\n voluntarily proceed to comb out the long-neglected and matted hair.\n With a jealous eye a vigilant watch is kept over her conduct during\n the term of her widowhood, yet she is allowed the privilege to\n marry, any time during her widowhood, an unmarried brother or\n cousin, or a person of the same _Dodem_ [_sic_] (family mark) of her\n husband.\n\n At the expiration of her term, the vows having been faithfully\n performed and kept, the female relatives of deceased assemble and,\n with greetings commensurate to the occasion, proceed to wash her\n face, comb her hair, and attire her person with new apparel, and\n otherwise demonstrating the release from her vow and restraint.\n Still she has not her entire freedom. If she will still refuse to\n marry a relative of the deceased and will marry another, she then\n has to purchase her freedom by giving a certain amount of goods and\n whatever else she might have manufactured during her widowhood in\n anticipation of the future now at hand. Frequently, though, during\n widowhood the vows are disregarded and an inclination to flirt and\n play courtship or form an alliance of marriage outside of the\n relatives of the deceased is being indulged, and when discovered the\n widow is set upon by the female relatives, her slick braided hair is\n shorn close up to the back of her neck, all her apparel and trinkets\n are torn from her person, and a quarrel frequently results fatally\n to some member of one or the other side.\n\nThomas L. McKenney[5.87] gives a description of the Chippewa widow which\ndiffers slightly from the one above:\n\n I have noticed several women here carrying with them rolls of\n clothing. On inquiring what these imported, I\u00a0learn that they _are\n widows_ who carry them, and that these are badges of mourning. It is\n indispensable, when a woman of the Chippeway Nation loses her\n husband, for her to take of her best apparel--and the whole of it is\n not worth a dollar--and roll it up, and confine it by means of her\n husband\u2019s sashes; and if he had ornaments, these are generally put\n on the top of the roll, and around it is wrapped a piece of cloth.\n This bundle is called her husband, and it is expected that she is\n never to be seen without it. If she walks out she takes it with her;\n if she sits down in her lodge, she places it by her side. This badge\n of widowhood and of mourning the widow is compelled to carry with\n her until some of her late husband\u2019s family shall call and take it\n away, which is done when they think she has mourned long enough, and\n which is generally at the expiration of a year. She is then, but not\n before, released from her mourning, and at liberty to marry again.\n She has the privilege to take this husband to the family of the\n deceased and leave it, but this is considered indecorous, and is\n seldom done. Sometimes a brother of the deceased takes the widow for\n his wife at the grave of her husband, which is done by a ceremony of\n walking her over it. And this he has a right to do; and when this is\n done she is not required to go into mourning; or, if she chooses,\n she has the right _to go to him_, and he is _bound_ to support her.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 32.--Chippewa Widow.]\n\n I visited a lodge to-day, where I saw one of these badges. The size\n varies according to the quantity of clothing which the widow may\n happen to have. It is expected of her to put up her _best_ and wear\n her _worst_. The \u201c_husband_\u201d I saw just now was 30 inches high and\n 18 inches in circumference.\n\n I was told by the interpreter that he knew a woman who had been left\n to mourn after this fashion for years, none of her husband\u2019s family\n calling for the badge or token of her grief. At a certain time it\n was told her that some of her husband\u2019s family were passing, and she\n was advised to speak to them on the subject. She did so, and told\n them she had mourned long and was poor; that she had no means to buy\n clothes, and her\u2019s being all in the mourning badge, and sacred,\n could not be touched. She expressed a hope that her request might\n not be interpreted into a wish to marry; it was only made that she\n might be placed in a situation to get some clothes. She got for\n answer, that \u201cthey were going to Mackinac, and would think of it.\u201d\n They left her in this state of uncertainty, but on returning, and\n finding her faithful still, they took her \u201chusband\u201d and presented\n her with clothing of various kinds. Thus was she rewarded for her\n constancy and made comfortable.\n\n The Choctaw widows mourn by never combing their hair for the term of\n their grief, which is generally about a year. The Chippeway men\n mourn by painting their faces black.\n\n I omitted to mention that when presents are going round, the badge\n of mourning, this \u201c_husband_\u201d comes in for an equal share, as if it\n were the living husband.\n\n A Chippeway mother, on losing her child, prepares an image of it in\n the best manner she is able, and dresses it as she did her living\n child, and fixes it in the kind of cradle I have referred to, and\n goes through the ceremonies of nursing it as if it were alive, by\n dropping little particles of food in the direction of its mouth, and\n giving it of whatever the living child partook. This ceremony also\n is generally observed for a year.\n\nFigure 32 represents the Chippewa widow holding in her arms the\nsubstitute for the dead husband.\n\nThe substitution of a reminder for the dead husband, made from rags,\nfurs, and other articles, is not confined alone to the Chippewas, other\ntribes having the same custom. In some instances the widows are obliged\nto carry around with them, for a variable period, a\u00a0bundle containing\nthe bones of the deceased consort.\n\nSimilar observances, according to Bancroft,[5.88] were followed by some\nof the Central American tribes of Indians, those of the Sambos and\nMosquitos being as follows:\n\n The widow was bound to supply the grave of her husband for a year,\n after which she took up the bones and carried them with her for\n another year, at last placing them upon the roof of her house, and\n then only was she allowed to marry again.\n\n On returning from the grave the property of the deceased is\n destroyed, the cocoa palms being cut down, and all who have taken\n part in the funeral undergo a lustration in the river. Relatives cut\n off the hair, the men leaving a ridge along the middle from the nape\n of the neck to the forehead. Widows, according to some old writers,\n after supplying the grave with food for a year take up the bones and\n carry them on the back in the daytime, sleeping with them at night\n for another year, after which they are placed at the door or upon\n the house-top. On the anniversary of deaths, friends of the deceased\n hold a feast, called _seekroe_, at which large quantities of liquor\n are drained to his memory. Squier, who witnessed the ceremonies on\n an occasion of this kind, says that males and females were dressed\n in _ule_ cloaks fantastically painted black and white, while their\n faces were correspondingly streaked with red and yellow, and they\n performed a slow walk around, prostrating themselves at intervals\n and calling loudly upon the dead and tearing the ground with their\n hands. At no other time is the departed referred to, the very\n mention of his name being superstitiously avoided. Some tribes\n extend a thread from the house of death to the grave, carrying it in\n a straight line over every obstacle. Fr\u00f6ebel states that among the\n Woolwas all property of the deceased is buried with him, and that\n both husband and wife cut the hair and burn the hut on the death of\n either, placing a gruel of maize upon the grave for a certain time.\n\nBenson[5.89] gives the following account of the Choctaws\u2019 funeral\nceremonies, embracing the disposition of the body, mourning feast and\ndance:\n\n Their funeral is styled by them \u201cthe last cry.\u201d\n\n When the husband dies the friends assemble, prepare the grave, and\n place the corpse in it, but do not fill it up. The gun, bow and\n arrows, hatchet, and knife are deposited in the grave. Poles are\n planted at the head and the foot, upon which flags are placed; the\n grave is then inclosed by pickets driven in the ground. The funeral\n ceremonies now begin, the widow being the chief mourner. At night\n and morning she will go to the grave and pour forth the most piteous\n cries and wailings. It is not important that any other member of the\n family should take any very active part in the \u201ccry,\u201d though they do\n participate to some extent.\n\n The widow wholly neglects her toilet, while she daily goes to the\n grave during one entire moon from the date when the death occurred.\n On the evening of the last day of the moon the friends all assemble\n at the cabin of the disconsolate widow, bringing provisions for a\n sumptuous feast, which consists of corn and jerked beef boiled\n together in a kettle. While the supper is preparing the bereaved\n wife goes to the grave and pours out, with unusual vehemence, her\n bitter wailings and lamentations. When the food is thoroughly cooked\n the kettle is taken from the fire and placed in the center of the\n cabin, and the friends gather around it, passing the buffalo-horn\n spoon from hand to hand and from mouth to mouth till all have been\n bountifully supplied. While supper is being served, two of the\n oldest men of the company quietly withdraw and go to the grave and\n fill it up, taking down the flags. All then join in a dance, which\n not unfrequently is continued till morning; the widow does not fail\n to unite in the dance, and to contribute her part to the festivities\n of the occasion. This is the \u201c_last cry_,\u201d the days of mourning are\n ended, and the widow is now ready to form another matrimonial\n alliance. The ceremonies are precisely the same when a man has lost\n his wife, and they are only slightly varied when any other member of\n the family has died. (Slaves were buried without ceremonies.)\n\n\n_SACRIFICE._\n\nSome examples of human sacrifice have already been given in connection\nwith another subject, but it is thought others might prove interesting.\nThe first relates to the Natchez of Louisiana.[5.90]\n\n When their sovereign died he was accompanied in the grave by his\n wives and by several of his subjects. The lesser Suns took care to\n follow the same custom. The law likewise condemned every Natchez to\n death who had married a girl of the blood of the Suns as soon as she\n was expired. On this occasion I must tell you the history of an\n Indian who was noways willing to submit to this law. His name was\n _Elteacteal_; he contracted an alliance with the Suns, but the\n consequences which this honor brought along with it had like to have\n proved very unfortunate to him. His wife fell sick; as soon as he\n saw her at the point of death he fled, embarked in a piragua on the\n _Mississippi_, and came to New Orleans. He put himself under the\n protection of M. de Bienville, the then governor, and offered to be\n his huntsman. The governor accepted his services, and interested\n himself for him with the Natchez, who declared that he had nothing\n more to fear, because the ceremony was past, and he was accordingly\n no longer a lawful prize.\n\n _Elteacteal_, being thus assured, ventured to return to his nation,\n and, without settling among them, he made several voyages thither.\n He happened to be there when the Sun called the _Stung Serpent_,\n brother to the Great Sun, died. He was a relative of the late wife\n of _Elteacteal_, and they resolved to make him pay his debt. M. de\n Bienville had been recalled to France, and the sovereign of the\n Natchez thought that the protector\u2019s absence had annulled the\n reprieve granted to the protected person, and accordingly he caused\n him to be arrested. As soon as the poor fellow found himself in the\n hut of the grand chief of war, together with the other victims\n destined to be sacrificed to the _Stung Serpent_, he gave vent to\n the excess of his grief. The favorite wife of the late Son, who was\n likewise to be sacrificed, and who saw the preparations for her\n death with firmness, and seemed impatient to rejoin her husband,\n hearing _Elteacteal\u2019s_ complaints and groans, said to him: \u201cArt thou\n no warrior?\u201d He answered, \u201cYes: I\u00a0am one.\u201d \u201cHowever,\u201d said she,\n \u201cthou cryest; life is dear to thee, and as that is the case, it is\n not good that thou shouldst go along with us; go with the women.\u201d\n _Elteacteal_ replied: \u201cTrue; life is dear to me. It would be well if\n I walked yet on earth till to the death of the Great Sun, and I\n would die with him.\u201d \u201cGo thy way,\u201d said the favorite, \u201cit is not fit\n thou shouldst go with us, and that thy heart should remain behind on\n earth. Once more, get away, and let me see thee no more.\u201d\n\n _Elteacteal_ did not stay to hear this order repeated to him; he\n disappeared like lightning; three old women, two of which were his\n relatives, offered to pay his debt; their age and their infirmities\n had disgusted them of life; none of them had been able to use their\n legs for a great while. The hair of the two that were related to\n _Elteacteal_ was no more gray than those of women of fifty-five\n years in France. The other old woman was a hundred and twenty years\n old, and had very white hair, which is a very uncommon thing among\n the Indians. None of the three had a quite wrinkled skin. They were\n dispatched in the evening, one at the door of the _Stung Serpent_,\n and the other two upon the place before the temple. *\u00a0*\u00a0* A cord is\n fastened round their necks with a slip-knot, and eight men of their\n relations strangle them by drawing, four one way and four the other.\n So many are not necessary, but as they acquire nobility by such\n executions, there are always more than are wanting, and the\n operation is performed in an instant. The generosity of these women\n gave _Elteacteal_ life again, acquired him the degree of\n _considered_, and cleared his honor, which he had sullied by fearing\n death. He remained quiet after that time, and taking advantage of\n what he had learned during his stay among the French, he became a\n juggler and made use of his knowledge to impose upon his countrymen.\n\n The morning after this execution they made everything ready for the\n convoy, and the hour being come, the great master of the ceremonies\n appeared at the door of the hut, adorned suitably to his quality.\n The victims who were to accompany the deceased prince into the\n mansion of the spirits came forth; they consisted of the favorite\n wife of the deceased, of his second wife, his chancellor, his\n physician, his hired man, that is, his first servant, and of some\n old women.\n\n The favorite went to the Great Sun, with whom there were several\n Frenchmen, to take leave of him; she gave orders for the Suns of\n both sexes that were her children to appear, and spoke to the\n following effect:\n\n \u201cChildren, this is the day on which I am to tear myself from you\n (_sic_) arms and to follow your father\u2019s steps, who waits for me in\n the country of the spirits; if I were to yield to your tears I would\n injure my love and fail in my duty. I\u00a0have done enough for you by\n bearing you next to my heart, and by suckling you with my breasts.\n You that are descended of his blood and fed by my milk, ought you to\n shed tears? Rejoice rather that you are _Suns_ and warriors; you are\n bound to give examples of firmness and valor to the whole nation:\n go, my children, I\u00a0have provided for all your wants, by procuring\n you friends; my friends and those of your father are yours too;\n I\u00a0leave you amidst them; they are the French; they are\n tender-hearted and generous; make yourselves worthy of their esteem\n by not degenerating from your race; always act openly with them and\n never implore them with meanness.\n\n \u201cAnd you, Frenchmen,\u201d added she, turning herself towards our\n officers, \u201cI\u00a0recommend my orphan children to you; they will know no\n other fathers than you; you ought to protect them.\u201d\n\n After that she got up; and, followed by her troop, returned to her\n husband\u2019s hut with a surprising firmness.\n\n A noble woman came to join herself to the number of victims of her\n own accord, being engaged by the friendship she bore the _Stung\n Serpent_ to follow him into the other world. The Europeans called\n her the _haughty_ lady, on account of her majestic deportment and\n her proud air, and because she only frequented the company of the\n most distinguished Frenchmen. They regretted her much, because she\n had the knowledge of several simples with which she had saved the\n lives of many of our sick. This moving sight filled our people with\n grief and horror. The favorite wife of the deceased rose up and\n spoke to them with a smiling countenance: \u201cI\u00a0die without fear;\u201d said\n she, \u201cgrief does not embitter my last hours. I\u00a0recommend my children\n to you; whenever you see them, noble Frenchmen, remember that you\n have loved their father, and that he was till death a true and\n sincere friend of your nation, whom he loved more than himself. The\n disposer of life has been pleased to call him, and I shall soon go\n and join him; I\u00a0shall tell him that I have seen your hearts moved at\n the sight of his corps; do not be grieved; we shall be longer\n friends in the _country of the spirits_ than here, because we do not\n die there again.\u201d[5.91*]\n\n These words forced tears from the eyes of all the French; they were\n obliged to do all they could to prevent the Great Sun from killing\n himself, for he was inconsolable at the death of his brother, upon\n whom he was used to lay the weight of government, he being great\n chief of war of the Natches, _i.e._ generalissimo of their armies;\n that prince grew furious by the resistance he met with; he held his\n gun by the barrel, and the Sun, his presumptive heir, held it by the\n lock, and caused the powder to fall out of the pan; the hut was full\n of Suns, Nobles, and Honorables[5.92*] but the French raised their\n spirits again, by hiding all the arms belonging to the sovereign,\n and filling the barrel of his gun with water, that it might be unfit\n for use for some time.\n\n As soon as the Suns saw their sovereign\u2019s life in safety, they\n thanked the French, by squeezing their hands, but without speaking;\n a\u00a0most profound silence reigned throughout, for grief and awe kept\n in bounds the multitude that were present.\n\n The wife of the Great Sun was seized with fear during this\n transaction. She was asked whether she was ill, and she answered\n aloud, \u201cYes, I\u00a0am\u201d; and added with a lower voice, \u201cIf the Frenchmen\n go out of this hut, my husband dies and all the Natches will die\n with him; stay, then, brave Frenchmen, because your words are as\n powerful as arrows; besides, who could have ventured to do what you\n have done? But you are his true friends and those of his brother.\u201d\n Their laws obliged the Great Sun\u2019s wife to follow her husband in the\n grave; this was doubtless the cause of her fears; and likewise the\n gratitude towards the French, who interested themselves in behalf of\n his life, prompted her to speak in the above-mentioned manner.\n\n The Great Sun gave his hand to the officers, and said to them: \u201cMy\n friends, my heart is so overpowered with grief that, though my eyes\n were open, I\u00a0have not taken notice that you have been standing all\n this while, nor have I asked you to sit down; but pardon the excess\n of my affliction.\u201d\n\n The Frenchmen told him that he had no need of excuses; that they\n were going to leave him alone, but that they would cease to be his\n friends unless he gave orders to light the fires again,[5.93*]\n lighting his own before them; and that they should not leave him\n till his brother was buried.\n\n He took all the Frenchmen by the hands, and said: \u201cSince all the\n chiefs and noble officers will have me stay on earth, I\u00a0will do it;\n I\u00a0will not kill myself; let the fires be lighted again immediately,\n and I\u2019ll wait till death joins me to my brother; I\u00a0am already old,\n and till I die I shall walk with the French; had it not been for\n them I should have gone with my brother, and all the roads would\n have been covered with dead bodies.\u201d\n\nImprobable as this account may appear, it has nevertheless been credited\nby some of the wisest and most careful of ethnological writers, and its\nseeming appearance of romance disappears when the remembrance of similar\nceremonies among Old World peoples comes to our minds.\n\nAn apparently well-authenticated case of attempted burial sacrifice is\ndescribed by Miss A.\u00a0J. Allen,[5.94] and refers to the Wascopums, of\nOregon.\n\n At length, by meaning looks and gestures rather than words, it was\n found that the chief had determined that the deceased boy\u2019s friend,\n who had been his companion in hunting the rabbit, snaring the\n pheasant, and fishing in the streams, was to be his companion to the\n spirit land; his son should not be deprived of his associate in the\n strange world to which he had gone; that associate should perish by\n the hand of his father, and be conveyed with him to the dead-house.\n This receptacle was built on a long, black rock in the center of the\n Columbia River, around which, being so near the falls, the current\n was amazingly rapid. It was thirty feet in length, and perhaps half\n that in breadth, completely enclosed and sodded except at one end,\n where was a narrow aperture just sufficient to carry a corpse\n through. The council overruled, and little George, instead of being\n slain, was conveyed living to the dead-house about sunset. The dead\n were piled on each side, leaving a narrow aisle between, and on one\n of these was placed the deceased boy; and, bound tightly till the\n purple, quivering flesh puffed above the strong bark cords, that he\n might die very soon, the living was placed by his side, his face to\n his till the very lips met, and extending along limb to limb and\n foot to foot, and nestled down into his couch of rottenness, to\n impede his breathing as far as possible and smother his cries.\n\nBancroft[5.95] states that--\n\n The slaves sacrificed at the graves by the Aztecs and Tarascos were\n selected from various trades and professions, and took with them the\n most cherished articles of the master and the implements of their\n trade wherewith to supply his wants--\n\nwhile among certain of the Central American tribe death was voluntary,\nwives, attendants, slaves, friends, and relations sacrificing themselves\nby means of a vegetable poison.\n\nTo the mind of a savage man unimpressed with the idea that self-murder\nis forbidden by law or custom, there can seem no reason why, if he so\nwills, he should not follow his beloved chief, master, or friend to the\n\u201chappy other world;\u201d and when this is remembered we need not feel\nastonished as we read of accounts in which scores of self immolations\nare related. It is quite likely that among our own people similar\ncustoms might be followed did not the law and society frown down such\nproceedings. In fact the daily prints occasionally inform us,\nnotwithstanding the restraints mentioned, that sacrifices do take place\non the occasion of the death of a beloved one.\n\n\n_FEASTS._\n\nIn Beltrami[5.96] an account is given of the funeral ceremonies of one\nof the tribes of the west, including a description of the feast which\ntook place before the body was consigned to its final resting-place:\n\n I was a spectator of the funeral ceremony performed in honor of the\n manes of _Cloudy Weather\u2019s_ son-in-law, whose body had remained with\n the Sioux, and was suspected to have furnished one of their repasts.\n What appeared not a little singular and indeed ludicrous in this\n funeral comedy was the contrast exhibited by the terrific\n lamentations and yells of one part of the company while the others\n were singing and dancing with all their might.\n\n At another funeral ceremony for a member of the _Grand Medicine_,\n and at which as _a man of another world_ I was permitted to attend,\n the same practice occurred. But at the feast which took place on\n that occasion an allowance was served up for the deceased out of\n every article of which it consisted, while others were beating,\n wounding, and torturing themselves, and letting their blood flow\n both over the dead man and his provisions, thinking possibly that\n this was the most palatable seasoning for the latter which they\n could possibly supply. His wife furnished out an entertainment\n present for him of all her hair and rags, with which, together with\n his arms, his provisions, his ornaments, and his mystic medicine\n bag, he was wrapped up in the skin which had been his last covering\n when alive. He was then tied round with the bark of some particular\n trees which they use for making cords, and bonds of a very firm\n texture and hold (the only ones indeed which they have), and instead\n of being buried in the earth was hung up to a large oak. The reason\n of this was that, as his favorite Manitou was the eagle, his spirit\n would be enabled more easily from such a situation to fly with him\n to Paradise.\n\nHind[5.97] mentions an account of a burial feast by De Brebeuf which\noccurred among the Hurons of New York:\n\n The Jesuit missionary, P. de Brebeuf, who assisted at one of the\n \u201cfeasts of the dead\u201d at the village of Ossosane, before the\n dispersion of the Hurons, relates that the ceremony took place in\n the presence of 2,000 Indians, who offered 1,300 presents at the\n common tomb, in testimony of their grief. The people belonging to\n five large villages deposited the bones of their dead in a gigantic\n shroud, composed of forty-eight robes, each robe being made of ten\n beaver skins. After being carefully wrapped in this shroud, they\n were placed between moss and bark. A\u00a0wall of stones was built around\n this vast ossuary to preserve it from profanation. Before covering\n the bones with earth a few grains of Indian corn were thrown by the\n women upon the sacred relics. According to the superstitious belief\n of the Hurons the souls of the dead remain near the bodies until the\n \u201cfeast of the dead\u201d; after which ceremony they become free, and can\n at once depart for the land of spirits, which they believe to be\n situated in the regions of the setting sun.\n\nOssuaries have not been used by savage nations alone, for the custom of\nexhuming the bones of the dead after a certain period, and collecting\nthem in suitable receptacles, is well known to have been practiced in\nItaly, Switzerland, and France. The writer saw in the church-yard of\nZug, Switzerland, in 1857, a\u00a0slatted pen containing the remains of\nhundreds of individuals. These had been dug up from the grave-yard and\npreserved in the manner indicated. The catacombs of Naples and Paris\nafford examples of burial ossuaries.\n\n\n_SUPERSTITION REGARDING BURIAL FEASTS._\n\nThe following account is by Dr. S. G. Wright, acting physician to the\nLeech Lake Agency, Minnesota:--\n\n Pagan Indians or those who have not become Christians still adhere\n to the ancient practice of feasting at the grave of departed\n friends; the object is to feast with the departed; that is, they\n believe that while they partake of the visible material the departed\n spirit partakes at the same time of the spirit that dwells in the\n food. From ancient time it was customary to bury with the dead\n various articles, such especially as were most valued in lifetime.\n The idea was that there was a spirit dwelling in the article\n represented by the material article; thus the war-club contained a\n spiritual war-club, the pipe a spiritual pipe, which could be used\n by the departed in another world. These several spiritual implements\n were supposed, of course, to accompany the soul, to be used also on\n the way to its final abode. This habit has now ceased.\n\n\n_FOOD._\n\nThis subject has been sufficiently mentioned elsewhere in connection\nwith other matters and does not need to be now repeated. It has been an\nalmost universal custom throughout the whole extent of the country to\nplace food in or near the grave of deceased persons.\n\n\n_DANCES._\n\nGymnastic exercises, dignified with this name, upon the occasion of a\ndeath or funeral, were common to many tribes. It is thus described by\nMorgan:[5.98]\n\n An occasional and very singular figure was called the \u201cdance for the\n dead.\u201d It was known as the _O-h\u00e9-w\u00e4._ It was danced by the women\n alone. The music was entirely vocal, a\u00a0select band of singers being\n stationed in the center of the room. To the songs for the dead which\n they sang the dancers joined in chorus. It was plaintive and\n mournful music. This dance was usually separate from all councils\n and the only dance of the occasion. It was commenced at dusk or soon\n after and continued until towards morning, when the shades of the\n dead who were believed to be present and participate in the dance\n were supposed to disappear. The dance was had whenever a family\n which had lost a member called for it, which was usually a year\n after the event. In the spring and fall it was often given for all\n the dead indiscriminately, who were believed then to revisit the\n earth and join in the dance.\n\nThe interesting account which now follows is by Stephen Powers[5.99] and\nrelates to the Yo-ka\u00ed-a of California, containing other matters of\nimportance pertaining to burial:\n\n I paid a visit to their camp four miles below Ukiah, and finding\n there a unique kind of assembly-house, desired to enter and examine\n it, but was not allowed to do so until I had gained the confidence\n of the old sexton by a few friendly words and the tender of a silver\n half dollar. The pit of it was about 50 feet in diameter and 4 or 5\n feet deep, and it was so heavily roofed with earth that the interior\n was damp and somber as a tomb. It looked like a low tumulus, and was\n provided with a tunnel-like entrance about 10 feet long and 4 feet\n high, and leading down to a level with the floor of the pit. The\n mouth of the tunnel was closed with brush, and the venerable sexton\n would not remove it until he had slowly and devoutly paced several\n times to and fro before the entrance.\n\n Passing in I found the massive roof supported by a number of peeled\n poles painted white and ringed with black and ornamented with rude\n devices. The floor was covered thick and green with sprouting wheat,\n which had been scattered to feed the spirit of the captain of the\n tribe, lately deceased. Not long afterwards a deputation of the\n Sen\u00e8l come up to condole with the Yo-ka\u00ed-a on the loss of their\n chief, and a dance or series of dances was held which lasted three\n days. During this time of course the Sen\u00e8l were the guests of the\n Yo-ka\u00ed-a, and the latter were subjected to a considerable expense.\n I\u00a0was prevented by other engagements from being present, and shall\n be obliged to depend on the description of an eye-witness, Mr. John\n Tenney, whose account is here given with a few changes:\n\n There are four officials connected with the building, who are\n probably chosen to preserve order and to allow no intruders. They\n are the assistants of the chief. The invitation to attend was from\n one of them, and admission was given by the same. These four wore\n black vests trimmed with red flannel and shell ornaments. The chief\n made no special display on the occasion. In addition to these four,\n who were officers of the assembly-chamber, there were an old man and\n a young woman, who seemed to be priest and priestess. The young\n woman was dressed differently from any other, the rest dressing in\n plain calico dresses. Her dress was white covered with spots of red\n flannel, cut in neat figure, ornamented with shells. It looked\n gorgeous and denoted some office, the name of which I could not\n ascertain. Before the visitors were ready to enter, the older men of\n the tribe were reclining around the fire smoking and chatting. As\n the ceremonies were about to commence, the old man and young woman\n were summoned, and, standing at the end opposite the entrance, they\n inaugurated the exercises by a brief service, which seemed to be a\n dedication of the house to the exercises about to commence. Each of\n them spoke a few words, joined in a brief chant, and the house was\n thrown open for their visitors. They staid at their post until the\n visitors entered and were seated on one side of the room. After the\n visitors then others were seated, making about 200 in all, though\n there was plenty of room in the center for the dancing.\n\n Before the dance commented the chief of the visiting tribe made a\n brief speech in which he no doubt referred to the death of the chief\n of the Yo-ka\u00ed-a, and offered the sympathy of his tribe in this loss.\n As he spoke, some of the women scarcely refrained from crying out,\n and with difficulty they suppressed their sobs. I\u00a0presume that he\n proposed a few moments of mourning, for when he stopped the whole\n assemblage burst forth into a bitter wailing, some screaming as if\n in agony. The whole thing created such a din that I was compelled to\n stop my ears. The air was rent and pierced with their cries. This\n wailing and shedding of tears lasted about three or five minutes,\n though it seemed to last a half hour. At a given signal they ceased,\n wiped their eyes, and quieted down.\n\n Then preparations were made for the dance. One end of the room was\n set aside for the dressing-room. The chief actors wens five men, who\n were muscular and agile. They were profusely decorated with paint\n and feathers, while white and dark stripes covered their bodies.\n They were girt about the middle with cloth of bright colors,\n sometimes with variegated shawls. A\u00a0feather mantle hung from the\n shoulder, reaching below the knee; strings of shells ornamented the\n neck, while their heads were covered with a crown of eagle feathers.\n They had whistles in their months as they danced, swaying their\n heads, bending and whirling their bodies; every muscle seemed to be\n exercised, and the feather ornaments quivered with light. They were\n agile and graceful as they bounded about in the sinuous course of\n the dance.\n\n The five men were assisted by a semicircle of twenty women, who only\n marked time by stepping up and down with short step. They always\n took their places first and disappeared first, the men making their\n exit gracefully one by one. The dresses of the women were suitable\n for the occasion. They were white dresses, trimmed heavily with\n black velvet. The stripes were about three inches wide, some plain\n and others edged like saw teeth. This was an indication of their\n mourning for the dead chief, in whose honor they had prepared that\n style of dancing. Strings of haliotis and pachydesma shell beads\n encircled their necks, and around their waists were belts heavily\n loaded with the same material. Their head-dresses were more showy\n than those of the men. The head was encircled with a bandeau of\n otters\u2019 or beavers\u2019 fur, to which were attached short wires standing\n out in all directions, with glass or shell beads strung on them, and\n at the tips little feather flags and quail plumes. Surmounting all\n was a pyramidal plume of feathers, black, gray, and scarlet, the top\n generally being a bright scarlet bunch, waving and tossing very\n beautifully. All these combined gave their heads a very brilliant\n and spangled appearance.\n\n The first day the dance was slow and funereal, in honor of the\n Yo-ka\u00ed-a chief who died a short time before. The music was mournful\n and simple, being a monotonous chant in which only two tones were\n used, accompanied with a rattling of split sticks and stamping on a\n hollow slab. The second day the dance was more lively on the part of\n the men, the music was better, employing airs which had a greater\n range of tune, and the women generally joined in the chorus. The\n dress of the women was not so beautiful, as they appeared in\n ordinary calico. The third day, if observed in accordance with\n Indian custom, the dancing was still more lively and the proceedings\n more gay, just as the coming home from a Christian funeral is apt to\n be much more jolly than the going out.\n\n A Yo-ka\u00ed-a widow\u2019s style of mourning is peculiar. In addition to the\n usual evidences of grief, she mingles the ashes of her dead husband\n with pitch, making a white tar or unguent, with which she smears a\n band about two inches wide all around the edge of the hair (which is\n previously cut off close to the head), so that at a little distance\n she appears to be wearing a white chaplet.\n\n It is their custom to \u201cfeed the spirits of the dead\u201d for the space\n of one year by going daily to places which they were accustomed to\n frequent while living, where they sprinkle pinole upon the ground.\n A\u00a0Yo-ka\u00ed-a mother who has lost her babe goes every day for a year to\n some place where her little one played when alive, or to the spot\n where the body was burned, and milks her breasts into the air. This\n is accompanied by plaintive mourning and weeping and piteous calling\n upon her little one to return, and sometimes she sings a hoarse and\n melancholy chant, and dances with a wild static swaying of the body.\n\n\n_SONGS._\n\nIt has nearly always been customary to sing songs at not only funerals,\nbut for varying periods of time afterwards, although these chants may no\ndoubt occasionally have been simply wailing or mournful ejaculation.\nA\u00a0writer[5.100] mentions it as follows:\n\n At almost all funerals there is an irregular crying kind of singing,\n with no accompaniments, but generally all do not sing the same\n melody at the same time in unison. Several may sing the same song\n and at the same time, but each begins and finishes when he or she\n may wish. Often for weeks, or even months, after the decease of a\n dear friend, a\u00a0living one, usually a woman, will sit by her house\n and sing or cry by the hour, and they also sing for a short time\n when they visit the grave or meet an esteemed friend whom they have\n not seen since the decease. At the funeral both men and women sing.\n No. 11 I have heard more frequently some time after the funeral, and\n No. 12 at the time of the funeral, by the Twanas. (For song see\n p.\u00a0251 of the magazine quoted.) The words are simply an exclamation\n of grief, as our word \u201calas,\u201d but they also have other words which\n they use, and sometimes they use merely the syllable _la_. Often the\n notes are sung in this order, and sometimes not, but in some order\n the notes _do_ and _la_, and occasionally _mi_, are sung.\n\nSome pages back will be found a reference, and the words of a peculiar\ndeath dirge sung by the Sen\u00e8l of California, as related by Mr. Powers.\nIt is as follows:\n\n Hel-lel-li-ly,\n Hel-lel-lo,\n Hel-lel-lo.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 33.--Ghost Gamble.]\n\nMr. John Campbell, of Montreal, Canada, has kindly called the attention\nof the writer to death songs very similar in character; for instance,\nthe Basques of Spain ululate thus:\n\n Lelo il Lelo, Lelo dead Lelo,\n Lelo il Lelo,\n Lelo zarat, Lelo zara,\n Il Lelon killed Lelo.\n\nThis was called the \u201cululating Lelo.\u201d Mr. Campbell says:\n\n This again connects with the Linus or Ailinus of the Greeks and\n Egyptians *\u00a0*\u00a0* which Wilkinson connects with the Coptic \u201cya\n lay-lee-ya lail.\u201d The Alleluia which Lescarbot heard the South\n Americans sing must have been the same wail. The Greek verb\n \u1f40\u03bb\u03bf\u03bb\u03cd\u03b6\u03c9 and the Latin ululare, with an English howl and wail,\n are probably derived from this ancient form of lamentation.\n\nIn our own time a writer on the manner and customs of the Creeks\ndescribes a peculiar alleluia or hallelujah he heard, from which he\ninferred that the American Indians must be the descendants of the lost\ntribes of Israel.\n\n\n_GAMES._\n\nIt is not proposed to describe under this heading examples of those\nathletic and gymnastic performances following the death of a person\nwhich have been described by Lafitau, but simply to call attention to a\npractice as a secondary or adjunct part of the funeral rites, which\nconsists in gambling for the possession of the property of the defunct.\nDr. Charles E. McChesney, U.S.A., who for some time was stationed among\nthe Wahpeton and Sisseton Sioux, furnishes a detailed and interesting\naccount of what is called the \u201cghost gamble.\u201d This is played with marked\nwild-plum stones. So far as ascertained it is peculiar to the Sioux.\nFigure 33 appears as a fair illustration of the manner in which this\ngame is played.\n\n After the death of a wealthy Indian the near relatives take charge\n of the effects, and at a stated time--usually at the time of the\n first feast held over the bundle containing the lock of hair--they\n are divided into many small piles, so as to give all the Indians\n invited to play an opportunity to win something. One Indian is\n selected to represent the ghost and he plays against all the others,\n who are not required to stake anything on the result, but simply\n invited to take part in the ceremony, which is usually held in the\n lodge of the dead person, in which is contained the bundle inclosing\n the lock of hair. In cases where the ghost himself is not wealthy\n the stakes are furnished by his rich friends, should he have any.\n The players are called in one at a time, and play singly against the\n ghost\u2019s representative, the gambling being done in recent years by\n means of cards. If the invited player succeeds in beating the ghost,\n he takes one of the piles of goods and passes out, when another is\n invited to play, &c., until all the piles of goods are won. In cases\n of men only the men play, and in cases of women the women only take\n part in the ceremony.\n\n Before white men came among these Indians and taught them many of\n his improved vices, this game was played by means of figured\n plum-seeds, the men using eight and the women seven seeds, figured\n as follows, and shown in Figure\u00a034.\n\n Two seeds are simply blackened on one side, the reverse containing\n nothing. Two seeds are black on one side, with a small spot of the\n color of the seed left in the center, the reverse side having a\n black spot in the center, the body being plain. Two seeds have a\n buffalo\u2019s head on one side and the reverse simply two crossed black\n lines. There is but one seed of this kind in the set used by the\n women. Two seeds have half of one side blackened and the rest left\n plain, so as to represent a half moon; the reverse has a black\n longitudinal line crossed at right angles by six small ones. There\n are six throws whereby the player can win, and five that entitle him\n to another throw. The winning throws are as follows, each winner\n taking a pile of the ghost\u2019s goods:\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 45.--Auxiliary throw No 5.]\n\n Two plain ones up, two plain with black spots up, buffalo\u2019s head up,\n and two half moons up wins a pile. Two plain black ones up, two\n black with natural spots up, two longitudinally crossed ones up, and\n the transversely crossed one up wins a pile. Two plain black ones\n up, two black with natural spots up, two half moons up, and the\n transversely crossed one up wins a pile. Two plain black ones, two\n black with natural spots up, two half moons up, and the buffalo\u2019s\n head up wins a pile. Two plain ones up, two with black spots up, two\n longitudinally crossed ones up, and the transversely crossed one up\n wins a pile. Two plain ones up, two with black spots up, buffalo\u2019s\n head up, and two long crossed up wins a pile. The following\n auxiliary throws entitle to another chance to win: two plain ones\n up, two with black spots up, one half moon up, one longitudinally\n crossed one up, and buffalo\u2019s head up gives another throw, and on\n this throw, if the two plain ones up and two with black spots with\n either of the half moons or buffalo\u2019s head up, the player takes a\n pile. Two plain ones up, two with black spots up, two half moons up,\n and the transversely crossed one up entitles to another throw, when,\n if all of the black sides come up, excepting one, the throw wins.\n One of the plain ones up and all the rest with black sides up gives\n another throw, and the same then turning up wins. One of the plain\n black ones up with that side up of all the others having the least\n black on gives another throw, when the same turning up again wins.\n One half moon up, with that side up of all the others having the\n least black on gives another throw, and if the throw is then\n duplicated it wins. The eighth seed, used by the men, has its place\n in their game whenever its facings are mentioned above. I\u00a0transmit\n with this paper a set of these figured seeds, which can be used to\n illustrate the game if desired. These seeds are said to be nearly a\n hundred years old, and sets of them are now very rare.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 34.--Figured Plum Stones.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 35.--Winning Throw No. 1.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 36.--Winning Throw No. 2.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 37.--Winning Throw No. 3.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 38.--Winning Throw No. 4.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 39.--Winning Throw No. 5.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 40.--Winning Throw No. 6.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 41.--Auxiliary Throw No. 1.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 42.--Auxiliary Throw No. 2.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 43.--Auxiliary Throw No. 3.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 44.--Auxiliary Throw No. 4.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 46.--Grave Posts.]\n\nFor assisting in obtaining this account Dr. McChesney acknowledges his\nindebtedness to Dr. C.\u00a0C. Miller, physician to the Sisseton Indian\nAgency.\n\nFigures 35 to 45 represent the appearance of the plum stones and the\ndifferent throws; these have been carefully drawn from the set of stones\nsent by Dr. McChesney.\n\n\n_POSTS._\n\nThese are placed at the head or foot of the grave, or at both ends, and\nhave painted or carved on them a history of the deceased or his family,\ncertain totemic characters, or, according to Schoolcraft, not the\nachievements of the dead, but of those warriors who assisted and danced\nat the interment. The northwest tribes and others frequently plant poles\nnear the graves, suspending therefrom bite of rag, flags, horses\u2019 tails,\n&c. The custom among the present Indians does not exist to any extent.\nBeltrami[5.101] speaks of it as follows:\n\n Here I saw a most singular union. One of these graves was surmounted\n by a cross, whilst upon another close to it a trunk of a tree was\n raised, covered with hieroglyphics recording the number of enemies\n slain by the tenant of the tomb and several of his tutelary\n Manitous.\n\nThe following extract from Schoolcraft[5.102] relates to the burial\nposts used by the Sioux and Chippewas. Figure 46 is after the picture\ngiven by this author in connection with the account quoted:\n\n Among the Sioux and Western Chippewas, after the body had been\n wrapped in its best clothes and ornaments, it is then placed on a\n scaffold or in a tree until the flesh is entirely decayed, after\n which the bones are buried and grave-posts fixed. At the head of the\n grave a tubular piece of cedar or other wood, called the\n _adjedatig_, is set. This grave-board contains the symbolic or\n representative figure, which records, if it be a warrior, his totem,\n that is to say the symbol of his family, or surname, and such\n arithmetical or other devices as seem to denote how many times the\n deceased has been in war parties, and how many scalps he has taken\n from the enemy--two facts from which his reputation is essentially\n to be derived. It is seldom that more is attempted in the way of\n inscription. Often, however, distinguished chiefs have their war\n flag, or, in modern days, a\u00a0small ensign of American fabric,\n displayed on a standard at the head of their graves, which is left\n to fly over the deceased till it is wasted by the elements. Scalps\n of their enemies, feathers of the bald or black eagle, the\n swallow-tailed falcon, or some carnivorous bird, are also placed, in\n such instances, on the _adjedatig_, or suspended, with offerings of\n various kinds, on a separate staff. But the latter are\n superadditions of a religious character, and belong to the class of\n the Ke-ke-wa-o-win-an-tig (_ante_, No.\u00a04). The building of a funeral\n fire on recent graves is also a rite which belongs to the\n consideration of their religious faith.\n\n\n_FIRES._\n\nIt is extremely difficult to determine why the custom of building fires\non or near graves was originated, some authors stating that the soul\nthereby underwent a certain process of purification, others that demons\nwere driven away by them, and again that they were to afford light to\nthe wandering soul setting out for the spirit land. One writer states\nthat--\n\n The Algonkins believed that the fire lighted nightly on the grave\n was to light the spirit on its journey. By a coincidence to be\n explained by the universal sacredness of the number, both Algonkins\n and Mexicans maintained it for four nights consecutively. The former\n related the tradition that one of their ancestors returned from the\n spirit land and informed their nation that the journey thither\n consumed just four days, and that collecting fuel every night added\n much to the toil and fatigue the soul encountered, all of which\n could be spared\u00a0it.\n\nSo it would appear that the belief existed that the fire was also\nintended to assist the spirit in preparing its repast.\n\nStephen Powers[5.103] gives a tradition current among the Yurok of\nCalifornia as to the use of fires:\n\n After death they keep a fire burning certain nights in the vicinity\n of the grave. They hold and believe, at least the \u201cBig Indians\u201d do,\n that the spirits of the departed are compelled to cross an extremely\n attenuated greasy pole, which bridges over the chasm of the\n debatable land, and that they require the fire to light them on\n their darksome journey. A\u00a0righteous soul traverses the pole quicker\n than a wicked one, hence they regulate the number of nights for\n burning a light according to the character for goodness or the\n opposite which the deceased possessed in this world.\n\nDr. Emil Bessels, of the Polaris expedition, informs the writer that a\nsomewhat similar belief obtains among the Esquimaux.\n\nFigure 47 is a fair illustration of a grave-fire; it also shows one of\nthe grave-posts mentioned in a previous section.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 47.--Grave Fire.]\n\n\n_SUPERSTITIONS._\n\nAn entire volume might well be written which should embrace only an\naccount of the superstitious regarding death and burial among the\nIndians, so thoroughly has the matter been examined and discussed by\nvarious authors, and yet so much still remains to be commented on, but\nin this work, which is mainly tentative, and is hoped will be\nprovocative of future efforts, it is deemed sufficient to give only a\nfew accounts. The first is by Dr. W. Mathews, United States Army,[5.104]\nand relates to the Hidatsa:\n\n When a Hidatsa dies, his shade lingers four nights around the camp\n or village in which he died, and then goes to the lodge of his\n departed kindred in the \u201cvillage of the dead.\u201d When he has arrived\n there he is rewarded for his valor, self-denial, and ambition on\n earth by receiving the same regard in the one place as in the other,\n for there as here the brave man is honored and the coward despised.\n Some say that the ghosts of those that commit suicide occupy a\n separate part of the village, but that their condition differs in no\n wise from that of the others. In the next world human shades hunt\n and live in the shades of buffalo and other animals that have here\n died. There, too there are four seasons, but they come in an inverse\n order to the terrestrial seasons. During the four nights that the\n ghost is supposed to linger near his former dwelling, those who\n disliked or feared the deceased, and do not wish a visit from the\n shade, scorch with red coals a pair of moccasins which they leave at\n the door of the lodge. The smell of the burning leather they claim\n keeps the ghost out; but the true friends of the dead man take no\n such precautions.\n\nFrom this account it will be seen that the Hidatsa as well as the\nAlgonkins and Mexicans believed that four days were required before the\nspirit could finally leave the earth. Why the smell of burning leather\nshould be offensive to spirits it would perhaps be fruitless to\nspeculate\u00a0on.\n\nThe next account, by Keating,[5.105] relating to the Chippewas, shows a\nslight analogy regarding the slippery-pole tradition already alluded\u00a0to:\n\n The Chippewas believe that there is in man an essence entirely\n distinct from the body; they call it _Ochechag_, and appear to\n supply to it the qualities which we refer to the soul. They believe\n that it quits the body it the time of death, and repairs to what\n they term _Chekechekchekawe_; this region is supposed to be situated\n to the south, and on the shores of the great ocean. Previous to\n arriving there they meet with a stream which they are obliged to\n cross upon a large snake that answers the purpose of a bridge; those\n who die from drowning never succeed in crossing the stream; they are\n thrown into it and remain there forever. Some souls come to the edge\n of the stream, but are prevented from passing by the snake, which\n threatens to devour them; these are the souls of the persons in a\n lethargy or trance. Being refused a passage these souls return to\n their bodies and reanimate them. They believe that animals have\n souls, and even that inorganic substances, such as kettles, &c.,\n have in them a similar essence.\n\n In this land of souls all are treated according to their merits.\n Those who have been good men are free from pain; they have no duties\n to perform, their time is spent in dancing and singing, and they\n feed upon mushrooms, which are very abundant. The souls of bad men\n are haunted by the phantom of the persons or things that they have\n injured; thus, if a man has destroyed much property the phantoms of\n the wrecks of this property obstruct his passage wherever he goes;\n if he has been cruel to his dogs or horses they also torment him\n after death. The ghosts of those whom during his lifetime he wronged\n are there permitted to avenge their injuries. They think that when a\n soul has crossed the stream it cannot return to its body, yet they\n believe in apparitions, and entertain the opinion that the spirits\n of the departed will frequently revisit the abodes of their friends\n in order to invite them to the other world, and to forewarn them of\n their approaching dissolution.\n\nStephen Powers, in his valuable work so often quoted, gives a number of\nexamples of superstitions regarding the dead, of which the following\nrelates to the Karok of California:\n\n How well and truly the Karok reverence the memory of the dead is\n shown by the fact that the highest crime one can commit is the\n _pet-chi-\u00e9-ri_ the mere mention of the dead relative\u2019s name. It is a\n deadly insult to the survivors, and can be atoned for only by the\n same amount of blood-money paid for willful murder. In default of\n that they will have the villain\u2019s blood. *\u00a0*\u00a0* At the mention of his\n name the mouldering skeleton turns in his grave and groans. They do\n not like stragglers even to inspect the burial place. *\u00a0*\u00a0* They\n believe that the soul of a good Karok goes to the \u201chappy western\n land\u201d beyond the great ocean. That they have a well-grounded\n assurance of an immortality beyond the grave is proven, if not\n otherwise, by their beautiful and poetical custom of whispering a\n message in the ear of the dead. *\u00a0*\u00a0* Believe that dancing will\n liberate some relative\u2019s soul from bonds of death, and restore him\n to earth.\n\nAccording to the same author, when a Kelta dies a little bird flies away\nwith his soul to the spirit land. If he was a bad Indian a hawk will\ncatch the little bird and eat him up, soul and feathers, but if he was\ngood he will reach the spirit land. Mr. Powers also states that--\n\n The Tolowa share in the superstitious observance for the memory of\n the dead which is common to the Northern Californian tribes. When I\n asked the chief Tahhokolli to tell me the Indian words for \u201cfather\u201d\n and \u201cmother\u201d and certain others similar, he shook his head\n mournfully and said, \u201cAll dead,\u201d \u201cAll dead,\u201d \u201cNo good.\u201d They are\n forbidden to mention the name of the dead, as it is a deadly insult\n to the relatives, *\u00a0*\u00a0* and that the Mat-t\u00f3al hold that the good\n depart to a happy region somewhere southward in the great ocean, but\n the soul of a bad Indian transmigrates into a grizzly bear, which\n they consider, of all animals, the cousin-german of sin.\n\nThe same author who has been so freely quoted states as follows\nregarding some of the superstitions and beliefs of the Modocs:\n\n *\u00a0*\u00a0* It has always been one of the most passionate desires among\n the Modok, as well as their neighbors, the Shastika, to live, die,\n and be buried where they were born. Some of their usages in regard\n to the dead and their burial may be gathered from an incident that\n occurred while the captives of 1873 were on their way from the Lava\n Beds to Fort Klamath, as it was described by an eye-witness.\n Curly-headed Jack, a\u00a0prominent warrior, committed suicide with a\n pistol. His mother and female friends gathered about him and set up\n a dismal wailing; they besmeared themselves with his blood and\n endeavored by other Indian customs to restore his life. The mother\n took his head in her lap and scooped the blood from his ear, another\n old woman placed her hand upon his heart, and a third blew in his\n face. The sight of the group--these poor old women, whose grief was\n unfeigned, and the dying man--was terrible in its sadness. Outside\n the tent stood Bogus-Charley, Huka Jim, Shucknasty Jim, Steamboat\n Frank, Curly-headed Doctor, and others who had been the dying man\u2019s\n companions from childhood, all affected to tears. When he was\n lowered into the grave, before the soldiers began to cover the body,\n Huka Jim was seen running eagerly about the camp trying to exchange\n a two-dollar bill of currency for silver. He owed the dead warrior\n that amount of money, and he had grave doubts whether the currency\n would be of any use to him in the other world--sad commentary on our\n national currency!--and desired to have the coin instead. Procuring\n it from one of the soldiers he cast it in and seemed greatly\n relieved. All the dead man\u2019s other effects, consisting of clothing,\n trinkets, and a half dollar, were interred with him, together with\n some root-flour as victual for the journey to the spirit land.\n\nThe superstitious fear Indians have of the dead or spirit of the dead\nmay be observed from the following narrative by Swan.[5.106] It regards\nthe natives of Washington Territory:\n\n My opinion about the cause of these deserted villages is this: It is\n the universal custom with these Indians never to live in a lodge\n where a person has died. If a person of importance dies, the lodge\n is usually burned down, or taken down and removed to some other part\n of the bay; and it can be readily seen that in the case of the Palux\n Indians, who had been attacked by the Chehalis people, as before\n stated, their relatives chose at once to leave for some other place.\n This objection to living in a lodge where a person has died is the\n reason why their sick slaves are invariably carried out into the\n woods, where they remain either to recover or die. There is,\n however, no disputing the fact that an immense mortality has\n occurred among these people, and they are now reduced to a mere\n handful.\n\n The great superstitious dread these Indians have for a dead person,\n and their horror of touching a corpse, oftentimes give rise to a\n difficulty as to who shall perform the funeral ceremonies; for any\n person who handles a dead body must not eat of salmon or sturgeon\n for thirty days. Sometimes, in cases of small-pox, I\u00a0have known them\n leave the corpse in the lodge, and all remove elsewhere; and in two\n instances that came to my knowledge, the whites had to burn the\n lodges, with the bodies in them, to prevent infection.\n\n So, in the instances I have before mentioned, where we had buried\n Indians, not one of their friends or relatives could be seen. All\n kept in their lodges, singing and drumming to keep away the spirits\n of the dead.\n\nAccording to Bancroft[5.107]--\n\n The Tlascaltecs supposed that the common people were after death\n transformed into beetles and disgusting objects, while the nobler\n became stars and beautiful birds.\n\nThe Mosquito Indians of Central America studiously and superstitiously\navoid mentioning the name of the dead, in this regard resembling those\nof our own country.\n\nEnough of illustrative examples have now been given, it is thought, to\nenable observers to thoroughly comprehend the scope of the proposed\nfinal volume on the mortuary customs of North American Indians, and\nwhile much more might have been added from the stored-up material on\nhand, it has not been deemed advisable at this time to yield to a desire\nfor amplification. The reader will notice, as in the previous paper,\nthat discussion has been avoided as foreign to the present purpose of\nthe volume, which is intended, as has been already stated, simply to\ninduce further investigation and contribution from careful and\nconscientious observers. From a perusal of the excerpts from books and\ncorrespondence given will be seen what facts are useful and needed; in\nshort, most of them may serve as copies for preparation of similar\nmaterial.\n\nTo assist observers, the queries published in the former volume are also\ngiven.\n\n_1st._ NAME OF THE TRIBE; present appellation; former, if differing any;\nand that used by the Indians themselves.\n\n_2d._ LOCALITY, PRESENT AND FORMER.--The response should give the range\nof the tribe and be full and geographically accurate.\n\n_3d._ DEATHS AND FUNERAL CEREMONIES; what are the important and\ncharacteristic facts connected with these subjects? How is the corpse\nprepared after death and disposed of? How long is it retained? Is it\nspoken to after death as if alive? when and where? What is the character\nof the addresses? What articles are deposited with it; and why? Is food\nput in the grave, or in or near it afterwards? Is this said to be an\nancient custom? Are persons of the same gens buried together; and is the\nclan distinction obsolete, or did it ever prevail?\n\n_4th._ MANNER OF BURIAL, ANCIENT AND MODERN; STRUCTURE AND POSITION OF\nTHE GRAVES; CREMATION.--Are burials usually made in high and dry\ngrounds? Have mounds or tumuli been erected in modern times over the\ndead? How is the grave prepared and finished? What position are bodies\nplaced in? Give reasons therefor if possible. If cremation is or was\npracticed, describe the process, disposal of the ashes, and origin of\ncustom or traditions relating thereto. Are the dead ever eaten by the\nsurvivors? Are bodies deposited in springs or in any body of water? Are\nscaffolds or trees used as burial places; if so, describe construction\nof the former and how the corpse is prepared, and whether placed in\nskins or boxes. Are bodies placed in canoes? State whether they are\nsuspended from trees, put on scaffolds or posts, allowed to float on the\nwater or sunk beneath it, or buried in the ground. Can any reasons be\ngiven for the prevalence of any one or all of the methods? Are burial\nposts or slabs used, plain, or marked, with flags or other insignia of\nposition of deceased. Describe embalmment, mummification, desiccation,\nor if antiseptic precautions are taken, and subsequent disposal of\nremains. Are bones collected and reinterred; describe ceremonies, if\nany, whether modern or ancient. If charnel houses exist or have been\nused, describe them.\n\n_5th._ MOURNING OBSERVANCES.--Is scarification practiced, or personal\nmutilation? What is the garb or sign of mourning? How are the dead\nlamented? Are periodical visits made to the grave? Do widows carry\nsymbols of their deceased children or husbands, and for how long? Are\nsacrifices, human or otherwise, voluntary or involuntary, offered? Are\nfires kindled on graves; why, and at what time, and for how long?\n\n_6th._ BURIAL TRADITIONS AND SUPERSTITIONS.--Give in full all that can\nbe learned on these subjects, as they are full of interest and very\nimportant.\n\nIn short, every fact bearing on the disposal of the dead; and\ncorrelative customs are needed, and details should be as succinct and\nfull as possible.\n\nOne of the most important matters upon which information is needed is\nthe \u201cwhy\u201d and \u201cwherefore\u201d for every rite and custom; for, as a rule,\nobservers are content to simply state a certain occurrence as a fact,\nbut take very little trouble to inquire the reason for\u00a0it.\n\nAny material the result of careful observation will be most gratefully\nreceived and acknowledged in the final volume; but the writer must here\nconfess the lasting obligation he is under to those who have already\ncontributed, a\u00a0number so large that limited space precludes a mention of\ntheir individual names.\n\nCriticism and comments are earnestly invited from all those interested\nin the special subject of this paper and anthropology in general.\nContributions are also requested from persons acquainted with curious\nforms of burial prevailing among other tribes of savage men.\n\nThe lithographs which illustrate this paper have been made by Thos.\nSinclair & Son, of Philadelphia, Pa., after original drawings made by\nMr. W.\u00a0H. Holmes, who has with great kindness superintended their\npreparation.\n\n\n\n\n [Footnote 5.1: Hist. Ind. Tribes of U.S., 1853, pt. 3, p. 193.]\n\n [Footnote 5.2: Antiq. of Southern Indians, 1873, pp. 108-110.]\n\n [Footnote 5.3: Hist. of Carolina, 1714, p. 181.]\n\n [Footnote 5.4: Hist. Ind. Tribes of U.S., 1855, pt. 5, p. 270.]\n\n [Footnote 5.5: Rep. Smithsonian Institution, 1871, p. 407.]\n\n [Footnote 5.6: Voy. dans l\u2019Arizona, in Bull. Soc. de G\u00e9ographie,\n 1877.]\n\n [Footnote 5.7: Nat. Races Pacif. States 1874, vol. 1, p. 555.]\n\n [Footnote 5.8: Cont. to N. A. Ethnol., 1877, vol. iii, p. 133.]\n\n [Footnote 5.9: L\u2019incertitude des Signes de la Mort, 1749, t. 1,\n p.\u00a0439.]\n\n [Footnote 5.10: Rites of Funeral, Ancient and Modern, 1683,\n p. 45.]\n\n [Footnote 5.11: Schoolcraft Hist. Ind. Tribes of the United\n States, 1853, Pt. 3, p.\u00a0140.]\n\n [Footnote 5.12: U.S. Geol. Surv. of Terr. 1876, p. 473.]\n\n [Footnote 5.13: Life and adventures of Moses Van Campen, 1841,\n p.\u00a0252.]\n\n [Footnote 5.14: Trans. Amer. Antiq. Soc., 1830, vol i, p. 302.]\n\n [Footnote 5.15: Antiquities of Tennessee. Smith. Inst. Cont. to\n Knowledge. No. 259, 1876. Pp. 1, 8, 37, 52, 55,\u00a082.]\n\n [Footnote 5.16: Pop. Sc. Month., Sept., 1877, p. 577.]\n\n [Footnote 5.17: Nat. Races of the Pacific States, 1874, vol. i,\n p.\u00a0780.]\n\n [Footnote 5.18: A detailed account of this exploration, with many\n illustrations, will be found in the Eleventh Annual Report of the\n Peabody Museum, Cambridge, 1878.]\n\n [Footnote 5.19: Trans. Amer. Antiq. Soc., 1820, vol. i, p. 174 _et\n seq._]\n\n [Footnote 5.20: American Naturalist, 1877, xi, No. 11, p. 688.]\n\n [Footnote 5.21: Proc. Am. Ass. Adv. of Science, 1875, p. 288.]\n\n [Footnote 5.22: Bartram\u2019s Travels, 1791, p. 513.]\n\n [Footnote 5.23: Bartram\u2019s Travels, 1791, p. 515.]\n\n [Footnote 5.24: A Concise Nat. Hist. of East and West Florida,\n 1775.]\n\n [Footnote 5.25: Mem. Hist. sur la Louisiane, 1753, vol. i, pp.\n 241-243.]\n\n [Footnote 5.26: Uncivilized Races of the World, 1870, vol i,\n p.\u00a0464.]\n\n [Footnote 5.27: Rep. Smithsonian Inst., 1867, p. 406.]\n\n [Footnote 5.28: Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol., 1877, vol. 1, p. 62.]\n\n [Footnote 5.29: Hist. of Virginia, 1722, p. 185.]\n\n [Footnote 5.30: Collection of Voyages, 1812, vol. xiii, p. 39.]\n\n [Footnote 5.31: Hist. Ind. Tribes United States, 1854, Part IV,\n pp. 155 _et seq._]\n\n [Footnote 5.32: Trans. Amer. Antiq. Soc., 1820, vol. 1, p. 360.]\n\n [Footnote 5.33: Letter to Samuel M. Burnside, in Trans. and Coll.\n Amer. Antiq. Soc., 1820, vol.\u00a01, p.\u00a0318.]\n\n [Footnote 5.34: A mummy of this kind, of a person of mature age,\n discovered in Kentucky, is now in the cabinet of the American\n Antiquarian Society. It is a female. Several human bodies were\n found enwrapped carefully in skins and cloths. They were inhumed\n below the floor of the cave; _inhumed_, and not lodged in\n catacombs.]\n\n [Footnote 5.35: Cont. to N. A. Ethnol., 1877, vol. i, p. 89.]\n\n [Footnote 5.36: Billings\u2019 Exped., 1802, p. 161.]\n\n [Footnote 5.37: Pre-historic Races, 1873, p. 199.]\n\n [Footnote 5.38: Rawlinson\u2019s Herodotus, Book i, chap. 198, _note_.]\n\n [Footnote 5.39: Amer. Naturalist, 1876, vol. x, p. 455 et seq.]\n\n [Footnote 5.40: Manners, Customs, &c., of North American Indians,\n 1844, vol. ii, p.\u00a05.]\n\n [Footnote 5.41: Uncivilized Races of the World, 1870, vol. i,\n p.\u00a0483.]\n\n [Footnote 5.42: Hist. de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique Septentrionale, 1753, tome ii,\n p.\u00a043.]\n\n [Footnote 5.43: Pioneer Life, 1872.]\n\n [Footnote 5.44: I saw the body of this woman in the tree. It was\n undoubtedly an exceptional case. When I came here (Rock Island)\n the bluffs on the peninsula between Mississippi and Rock River\n (three miles distant) were thickly studded with Indian grave\n mounds, showing conclusively that subterranean was the usual mode\n of burial. In making roads, streets, and digging foundations,\n skulls, bones, trinkets, beads, etc., in great numbers, were\n exhumed, proving that many things (according to the wealth or\n station of survivors) were deposited in the graves. In 1836 I\n witnessed the burial of two chiefs in the manner stated.\n --P.\u00a0GREGG.]\n\n [Footnote 5.45: Tract No. 50, West. Reserve and North. Ohio Hist.\n Soc. (1879?), p.\u00a0107.]\n\n [Footnote 5.46: Hist. of Ft. Wayne, 1868, p. 284.]\n\n [Footnote 5.47: The Last Act, 1876.]\n\n [Footnote 5.48: Cont. to N. A. Ethnol., 1877, vol. iii, p. 341.]\n\n [Footnote 5.49: Hist. Indian Tribes of the United States, 1854,\n part IV, p.\u00a0224.]\n\n [Footnote 5.50: Adventures on the Columbia River, 1831, vol. ii,\n p.\u00a0387.]\n\n [Footnote 5.51: Trans. Am. Antiq. Soc., 1820, vol. i, p. 377.]\n\n [Footnote 5.52: Hist. Indian Tribes of the United States, 1853,\n part iii, p.\u00a0112.]\n\n [Footnote 5.53: Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol., 1877, vol iii, p. 169.]\n\n [Footnote 5.54: Amer. Naturalist, November, 1878, p. 753.]\n\n [Footnote 5.55: Proc. Dav. Acad. Nat. Sci., 1867-\u201976, p. 64.]\n\n [Footnote 5.56: Pre-historic Races, 1873, p. 149.]\n\n [Footnote 5.57: Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., Nov. 1874, p. 168.]\n\n [Footnote 5.58: Amer. Naturalist, Sept., 1878, p. 629.]\n\n [Footnote 5.59: Explorations of the Valley of the Great Salt Lake\n of Utah, 1852, p.\u00a043.]\n\n [Footnote 5.60: Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific, 1831,\n vol.\u00a0i, p.\u00a0332.]\n\n [Footnote 5.61: Nat. Races of Pac. States, 1871, vol. i, p. 780.]\n\n [Footnote 5.62: Am. Antiq. and Discov., 1838, p. 286.]\n\n [Footnote 5.63: Nat. Races of Pac. States, 1874 vol. i, p. 69.]\n\n [Footnote 5.64: Travels in Alaska, 1869, p. 100.]\n\n [Footnote 5.65: Alaska and its Resources, 1870, pp. 19, 132, 145.]\n\n [Footnote 5.66: Life on the Plains, 1854, p. 68.]\n\n [Footnote 5.67: Tour to the Lakes, 1827, p. 305.]\n\n [Footnote 5.68: Long\u2019s Exped. to the St. Peter\u2019s River, 1824,\n p.\u00a0332.]\n\n [Footnote 5.69: L\u2019incertitude des signes de la Mort, 1742, tome i,\n p.\u00a0475, _et seq._]\n\n [Footnote 5.70: The writer is informed by Mr. John Henry Boner\n that the custom still prevails not only in Pennsylvania, but at\n the Moravian settlement of Salem, N.C.]\n\n [Footnote 5.71: Rep. Smithsonian Inst., 1866, p. 319.]\n\n [Footnote 5.72: Uncivilized Races of the World, 1874, v. ii,\n p.\u00a0774, _et seq._]\n\n [Footnote 5.73: Hist. of Florida, 1775, p. 88.]\n\n [Footnote 5.74: Antiquities of the Southern Indians, 1873,\n p. 105.]\n\n [Footnote 5.75: Bartram\u2019s Travels, 1791, p. 516.]\n\n [Footnote 5.76: \u201cSome ingenious men whom I have conversed with\n have given it as their opinion that all those pyramidal artificial\n hills, usually called Indian mounds, were raised on this occasion,\n and are generally sepulchers. However, I\u00a0am of different\n opinion.\u201d]\n\n [Footnote 5.77: League of the Iroquois, 1851, p. 173.]\n\n [Footnote 5.78: Myths of the New World, 1868, p. 255.]\n\n [Footnote 5.79: Hist. N. A. Indians, 1844, i, p. 90.]\n\n [Footnote 5.80: Northwest Coast, 1857, p. 185.]\n\n [Footnote 5.81: Cont. N. A. Ethnol., 1877, i., p. 200.]\n\n [Footnote 5.82: Uncivilized Races of the World, 1870, vol. i,\n p.\u00a0483.]\n\n [Footnote 5.83: Exploration Great Salt Lake Valley, Utah, 1859,\n p.\u00a048.]\n\n [Footnote 5.84: Hist. North American Indians, 1844, vol. ii,\n p.\u00a0141.]\n\n [Footnote 5.85: M\u0153urs des Sauvages, 1724, tome ii, p. 406.]\n\n [Footnote 5.86: Autobiography of James Beckwourth, 1856, p. 269.]\n\n [Footnote 5.87: Tour to the Lakes, 1827, p. 292.]\n\n [Footnote 5.88: Nat. Races of Pacific States, 1874, vol. i,\n pp. 731, 744.]\n\n [Footnote 5.89: Life Among the Choctaws, 1860, p. 294.]\n\n [Footnote 5.90: Bossu\u2019s Travels (Forster\u2019s translation), 1771,\n p.\u00a038.]\n\n [Footnote 5.91: At the hour intended for the ceremony, they made\n the victims swallow little balls or pills of tobacco, in order to\n make them giddy, and as it were to take the sensation of pain from\n them; after that they were all strangled and put upon mats, the\n favorite on the right, the other wife on the left, and the others\n according to their rank.]\n\n [Footnote 5.92: The established distinctions among these Indians\n were as follows: The Suns, relatives of the Great Sun, held the\n highest rank; next come the Nobles; after them the Honorables; and\n last of all the common people, who were very much despised. As the\n nobility was propagated by the women, this contributed much to\n multiply\u00a0it.]\n\n [Footnote 5.93: The Great Sun had given orders to put out all the\n fires, which is only done at the death of the sovereign.]\n\n [Footnote 5.94: Ten Years in Oregon, 1850, p. 261.]\n\n [Footnote 5.95: Nat. Races of Pacif. States, 1875, vol iii,\n p. 513.]\n\n [Footnote 5.96: Pilgrimage, 1828, vol. ii, p. 443.]\n\n [Footnote 5.97: Canadian Red River Exploring Expedition, 1860, ii,\n p.\u00a0164.]\n\n [Footnote 5.98: League of the Iroquois, 1851, p. 287.]\n\n [Footnote 5.99: Cont. to North American Ethnol., 1878, iii,\n p. 164.]\n\n [Footnote 5.100: Am. Antiq., April, May, June, 1879, p. 251.]\n\n [Footnote 5.101: Pilgrimage, 1828, ii, p. 308.]\n\n [Footnote 5.102: Hist. Indian Tribes of the United States, 1851,\n part i, p.\u00a0356.]\n\n [Footnote 5.103: Cont. to N. A. Ethnol., 1877, vol. ii., p. 58.]\n\n [Footnote 5.104: Ethnol. and Philol. of the Hidatsa Indians. U.S.\n Geol. Surv. of Terr., 1877, p.\u00a0409.]\n\n [Footnote 5.105: Long\u2019s Exped., 1824, vol. ii, p. 158.]\n\n [Footnote 5.106: Northwest Coast, 1857, p. 212.]\n\n [Footnote 5.107: Nat. Races Pacif. States, 1875, vol. iii,\n p. 512.]\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n\n_Errors and Inconsistencies: Mortuary Customs_\n\n [List of Illustrations]\n 1.--Quiogozon or dead house [Quiogozeon]\n\n two small arroyas\n [_spelling \u201carroya\u201d consistent throughout the quoted passage_]\n chanting the following chorous:\n [_spelling in quoted passage unchanged_]\n the Colchians enveloped their dead [Colchiens]\n these are considered apochryphal [_spelling unchanged_]\n Horace and Tertullian both affirm [Tertulian]\n cum grana salis [_error unchanged: correct form is \u201cgrano\u201d_]\n the same _Dodem_ [_sic_] (family mark) of her husband.\n [_bracketed \u201csic\u201d in original_]\n Fr\u00f6ebel states that among the Woolwas\n [_spelling unchanged: apparent error for \u201cFroebel\u201d (two letters)\n or \u201cFr\u00f6bel\u201d (o-umlaut alone)_]\n tear myself from you (_sic_) arms\n [_error unchanged; parenthetical \u201csic\u201d in original_]\n\n [Footnote 5.54]\n Amer. Naturalist, November, 1878, p. 753. [1878.]\n\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n * * * * *\n\n\n SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION--BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.\n\n J. W. Powell, Director.\n\n\n STUDIES\n\n in\n\n CENTRAL AMERICAN PICTURE-WRITING.\n\n By\n\n EDWARD S. HOLDEN,\n\nProfessor Of Mathematics, U.S. Naval Observatory.\n\n\n\n\n [Transcriber\u2019s Note (Picture-Writing):\n\n In Plate numbers and glyph references, \u201ca\u201d and \u201cb\u201d were printed\n as superscripts. The notation has been omitted to reduce visual\n clutter. For the same reason, italic marking of the word \u201cSee\u201d in\n Plates has been left off.\n\n For this e-text, a few mechanical changes were made to the\n large diagrams (called Plates) on pages 214-220. Parenthetical\n notations such as (right-hand side) are in the original; bracketed\n and italicized notations such as [_left half_] were added by the\n transcriber.\n\n --Plate LII was printed as a single table, with each long line of\n the original shown as a pair of lines bracketed together. It has\n been separated into left and right halves.\n --Plates LIII and LIV were printed horizontally; each has been split\n in two.\n --Plates XXIV and LVI were each printed in two halves, left and\n right. They have been redivided into three segments. In Plate\n XXIV, the section headed \u201cIn the middle of the plate at the top\u201d\n was printed in the empty part of the \u201cleft-hand\u201d page; the top\n two rows are continuous across all segments.\n\n The forms /----\\ and \\----/ represent horizontal braces.]\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n\n List of illustrations 206\n Introductory 207\n Materials for the present investigation 210\n System of nomenclature 211\n In what order are the hieroglyphs read? 221\n The card catalogue of hieroglyphs 223\n Comparison of plates I and IV (Copan) 224\n Are the hieroglyphs of Copan and Palenque identical? 227\n Huitzilopochtli, Mexican god of war, etc. 229\n Tlaloc, or his Maya representative 237\n Cukulcan or Quetzalcoatl 239\n Comparison of the signs of the Maya months 243\n\n\n\n\nLIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS\n\n Figure 48.--The Palenquean Group of the Cross 221\n 49.--Statue at Copan 224\n 50.--Statue at Copan 225\n 51.--Synonymous Hieroglyphs from Copan and Palenque 227\n 52.--Yucatec Stone 229\n 53.--Huitzilopochtli (front) 232\n 54.--Huitzilopochtli (side) 232\n 55.--Huitzilopochtli (back) 232\n 56.--Miclantecutli 232\n 57.--Adoratorio 233\n 58.--The Maya War-God 234\n 59.--The Maya Rain-God 234\n 60.--Tablet at Palenque 234\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\n STUDIES IN CENTRAL AMERICAN PICTURE-WRITING.\n\n By Edward S. Holden.\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\nI.\n\n\nSince 1876 I have been familiar with the works of Mr. JOHN L. STEPHENS\non the antiquities of Yucatan, and from time to time I have read works\non kindred subjects with ever increasing interest and curiosity in\nregard to the meaning of the hieroglyphic inscriptions on the stones and\ntablets of Copan, Palenque, and other ruins of Central America. In\nAugust, 1880, I\u00a0determined to see how far the principles which are\nsuccessful when applied to ordinary cipher-writing would carry one in\nthe inscriptions of Yucatan. The difference between an ordinary\ncipher-message and these inscriptions is not so marked as might at first\nsight appear. The underlying principles of deciphering are quite the\nsame in the two cases.\n\nThe chief difficulty in the Yucatec inscriptions is our lack of any\ndefinite knowledge of the nature of the records of the aborigines. The\npatient researches of our arch\u00e6ologists have recovered but very little\nof their manners and habits, and one has constantly to avoid the\ntempting suggestions of an imagination which has been formed by modern\ninfluences, and to endeavor to keep free from every suggestion not\ninherent in the stones themselves. I\u00a0say the stones, for I have only\nused the Maya manuscripts incidentally. They do not possess, to me, the\nsame interest, and I think it may certainly be said that all of them are\nyounger than the Palenque tablets, and far younger than the inscriptions\nat Copan.\n\nI therefore determined to apply the ordinary principles of deciphering,\nwithout any bias, to the Yucatec inscriptions, and to go as far as I\ncould _certainly_. Arrived at the point where demonstration ceased, it\nwould be my duty to stop. For, while even the conjectures of a mind\nperfectly trained in arch\u00e6ologic research are valuable and may\nsubsequently prove to be quite right, my lack of familiarity with\nhistorical works forced me to keep within narrow and safe limits.\n\nMy programme at beginning was, _first_, to see if the inscriptions at\nCopan and Palenque were written in the same tongue. When I say \u201cto see,\u201d\nI\u00a0mean to definitely prove the fact, and so in other cases; _second_, to\nsee how the tablets were to be read. That is, in horizontal lines, are\nthey to be read from right to left, or the reverse? In vertical columns,\nare they to be read up or down? _Third_, to see whether they were\nphonetic characters, or merely ideographic, or a mixture of the\ntwo--rebus-like, in fact.\n\nIf the characters turned out to be purely phonetic, I had determined to\nstop at this point, since I had not the time to learn the Maya language,\nand again because I utterly and totally distrusted the methods which, up\nto this time, have been applied by BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG and others who\nstart, and must start, from the misleading and unlucky alphabet handed\ndown by LANDA. I believe that legacy to have been a positive misfortune,\nand I believe any process of the kind attempted by BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG\n(for example, in his essay on the _MS. Troano_) to be extremely\ndangerous and difficult in application, and to require a degree of\nscientific caution almost unique.\n\nDr. HARRISON ALLEN, in his paper, \u201cThe Life Form in Art,\u201d in the\n_Transactions of the American Philosophical Society_, is the only\ninvestigator who has applied this method to Central American remains\nwith success, so it seems to me; and even here errors have occurred.\n\nThe process I allude to is something like the following: A set of\ncharacters, say the alphabet of LANDA, is taken as a starting point. The\n_variants_ of these are formed. Then the basis of the investigation is\nready. From this, the interpretation follows by identifications of each\nnew character with one of the standard set or with one of its\n_variants_. Theoretically, there is no objection to this procedure.\nPractically, also, there is no objection if the work is done strictly in\nthe order named. In fact, however, the list of _variants_ is filled out\nnot before the work is begun, but during its progress, and in such a way\nas to satisfy the necessities of the interpreter in carrying out some\npreconceived idea. With a sufficient latitude in the choice of\n_variants_ any MS. can receive any interpretation. For example, the _MS.\nTroano_, which a casual examination leads me to think is a _ritual_, and\nan account of the adventures of several Maya gods, is interpreted by\nBRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG as a record of mighty geologic changes. It is next\nto impossible to avoid errors of this nature at least, and in fact they\nhave not been avoided, so far as I know, except by Dr. ALLEN in the\npaper cited.\n\nI, personally, have chosen the stones and not the manuscripts for study\nlargely because _variants_ do not exist in the same liberal degree in\nthe stone inscriptions as they have been supposed to exist in the\nmanuscripts.\n\nAt any one ruin the characters for the same idea are alike, and alike to\na marvelous degree. At another ruin the type is just a little different,\nbut the fidelity to this type is equally great. Synonyms exist; that is,\nthe same idea may be given by two or more utterly different signs. But a\ngiven sign is made in a fixed and definite way. Finally the MSS. are,\nI\u00a0think, later than the stones. Hence the root of the matter is the\ninterpretation of the stones, or not so much their full interpretation\nas the discovery of a _method of interpretation_, which shall be sure.\n\nSuppose, for example, that we know the meaning of a dozen characters\nonly, and the way a half dozen of these are joined together in a\nsentence. The _method_ by which these were obtained will serve to add\nothers to the list, and progress depends in such a case only on our\nknowledge of the people who wrote, and of the subjects upon which they\nwere writing. Such knowledge and erudition belongs to the arch\u00e6ologists\nby profession. A\u00a0step that might take me a year to accomplish might be\nmade in an instant by one to whom the Maya and Aztec mythology was\nfamiliar, if he were proceeding according to a sound method. At the\npresent time we know nothing of the meaning of any of the Maya\nhieroglyphs.\n\nIt will, therefore, be my object to go as far in the subject as I can\nproceed with certainty, every step being demonstrated so that not only\nthe arch\u00e6ologist but any intelligent person can follow. As soon as the\nborder-land is reached in which proof disappears and opinion is the only\nguide, the search must be abandoned except by those whose cultivated and\nscientific opinions are based on knowledge far more profound and various\nthan I can pretend or hope to have.\n\nIf I do not here push my own conclusions to their farthest limit, it\nmust not be assumed that I do not see, at least in some cases, the\ndirection in which they lead. Rather, let this reticence be ascribed to\na desire to lay the foundations of a new structure firmly, to prescribe\nthe method of building which my experience has shown to be adequate and\nnecessary, and to leave to those abler than myself the erection of the\nsuperstructure. If my methods and conclusions are correct (and I have no\ndoubts on this point, since each one has been reached in various ways\nand tested by a multiplicity of criteria) there is a great future to\nthese researches. It is not to be forgotten that here we have no Rosetta\nstone to act at once as key and criterion, and that instead of the\naccurate descriptions of the Egyptian hieroglyphics which were handed\ndown by the Greek cotemporaries of the sculptors of these inscriptions,\nwe have only the crude and brutal chronicles of an ignorant Spanish\nsoldiery, or the bigoted accounts of an unenlightened priesthood. To\nCORTEZ and his companions a memorandum that it took one hundred men all\nday to throw the idols into the sea was all-sufficient. To the Spanish\npriests the burning of all manuscripts was praiseworthy, since those\ndiffering from Holy Writ were noxious and those agreeing with it\nsuperfluous. It is only to the patient labor of the Maya sculptor who\ndaily carved the symbols of his belief and creed upon enduring stone,\nand to the luxuriant growths of semi-tropical forests which concealed\neven these from the passing Spanish adventurer, that we owe the\npreservation of the memorials of past beliefs and vanished histories.\n\nNot the least of the pleasures of such researches as these comes from\nthe recollection that they vindicate the patience and skill of forgotten\nmen, and make their efforts not quite useless. It was no rude savage\nthat carved the Palenque cross; and if we can discover what his efforts\nmeant, his labor and his learning have not been all in vain. It will be\none more proof that human effort, even misdirected, is not lost, but\nthat it comes, later or earlier, \u201cto forward the general deed of man.\u201d\n\n\n\n\nII.\n\nMATERIALS FOR THE PRESENT INVESTIGATION.\n\n\nMy examination of the works of Mr. J. L. STEPHENS has convinced me that\nin every respect his is the most trustworthy work on the _hieroglyphs_\nof Central America. The intrinsic evidence to this effect is very\nstrong, but when I first became familiar with the works of WALDECK I\nfound so many points of difference that my faith was for a time shaken,\nand I came to the conclusion that while the existing representations\nmight suffice for the study of the general forms of statues, tablets,\nand buildings, yet they were not sufficiently accurate in detail to\nserve as a basis for the deciphering I had in mind. I\u00a0am happy to bear\nwitness, however, that STEPHENS\u2019S work is undoubtedly amply adequate to\nthe purpose, and this fact I have laboriously verified by a comparison\nof it with various representations, as those of DESAIX and others, and\nalso with a few photographs. The drawings of WALDECK are very beautiful\nand artistic, but either the artist himself or his lithographers have\ntaken singular liberties in the published designs. STEPHENS\u2019S work is\nnot only accurate, but it contains sufficient material for my purpose\n(over 1,500 separate hieroglyphs), and, therefore, I\u00a0have based my study\nexclusively upon his earliest work, \u201c_Incidents of Travel in Central\nAmerica, Chiapas, and Yucatan_,\u201d 2 vols., 8vo. New York, 1842 (twelfth\nedition). I\u00a0have incidentally consulted the works on the subject\ncontained in the Library of Congress, particularly those of BRASSEUR DE\nBOURBOURG, KINGSBOROUGH, WALDECK, and others, but, as I have said, the\ntwo volumes above named contain all the material I have been able to\nutilize, and much more which is still under examination.\n\n * * * * *\n\nOne fact which makes the examination of the Central American antiquities\neasier than it otherwise would be, has not, I\u00a0think, been sufficiently\ndwelt upon by former writers. This is the remarkable faithfulness of the\nartists and sculptors of these statues and inscriptions to a standard.\nThus, at Copan, wherever the same kind of hieroglyph is to be\nrepresented, it will be found that the human face or other object\nemployed is almost identically the same in expression and character,\nwherever it is found. The same characters at different parts of a tablet\ndo not differ more than the same letters of the alphabet in two fonts of\ntype.\n\nAt Palenque the _type_ (font) changes, but the adherence to this is\nequally or almost equally rigid. It is to be presumed that in this\nlatter case, where work was done both in stone and stucco, the nature of\nthe material affected the portraiture more or less.\n\nThe stone statues at Copan, for example, could not all have been done by\nthe same artist, nor at the same time. I\u00a0have elsewhere shown that two\nof these statues are absolutely identical. How was this accomplished?\nWas one stone taken to the foot of the other and cut by it as a pattern?\nThis is unlikely, especially as in the case mentioned the _scale_ of the\ntwo statues is quite different. I\u00a0think it far more likely that each was\ncut from a drawing, or series of drawings, which must have been\npreserved by priestly authority. The work at any one place must have\nrequired many years, and could not have been done by a single man; nor\nis it probable that it was all done in one generation. Separate\nhieroglyphs must have been preserved in the same way. It is this rigid\nadherence to a type, and the banishment of artistic fancy, which will\nallow of progress in the deciphering of the inscriptions or the\ncomparison of the statues. Line after line, ornament after ornament, is\nrepeated with utter fidelity. The reason of this is not far to seek.\nThis, however, is not the place to explain it, but rather to take\nadvantage of the fact itself. We may fairly say that were it not so, and\nwith our present data, all advances would be tenfold more difficult.\n\n\n\n\nIII.\n\nSYSTEM OF NOMENCLATURE.\n\n\nIt is impossible without a special and expensive font of type to refer\npictorially to each character, and therefore some system of nomenclature\nmust be adopted. The one I employ I could now slightly improve, but it\nhas been used and results have been obtained by it. It is sufficient for\nthe purpose, and I will, therefore, retain it rather than to run the\nrisk of errors by changing it to a more perfect system. I\u00a0have numbered\nthe plates in STEPHENS\u2019S _Central America_ according to the following\nscheme:\n\nENGRAVINGS OF VOLUME I.\n\n Page.\n Stone Statue, front view, I have called Plate I _Frontispiece._\n Wall of Copan, Plate II 96\n Plan of Copan, Plate III 133\n Death\u2019s Head, Plate IIIa 135\n Portrait, Plate IIIb 136\n Stone Idol, Plate IV 138\n Portrait, Plate IVa 139\n Stone Idol, Plate V 140\n Tablet of Hieroglyphics, Plate Va 141\n No. 1, Sides of Altar, Plate VI 142\n No. 2, Sides of Altar, Plate VII 142\n Gigantic Head, Plate VIII 143\n No. 1, Stone Idol, front view, Plate IX 149\n No. 2, Stone Idol, back view, Plate X 150\n Idol half buried, Plate XI 151\n No. 1, Idol, Plate XII 152\n No. 2, Idol, Plate XIII 152\n No. 1, Idol, Plate XIV 153\n No. 2, Idol, Plate XV 153\n Idol and Altar, Plate XVI 154\n Fallen Idol, Plate XVII 155\n No. 1, Idol, front view, Plate XVIII 156\n No. 2, Idol, back view, Plate XIX 156\n No. 3, Idol, side view, Plate XX 156\n Fallen Idol, Plate XXa 157\n Circular Altar, Plate XXb 157\n No. 1, Stone Idol, front view, Plate XXI 158\n No. 2, Stone Idol, back view, Plate XXII 158\n No. 3, Stone Idol, side view, Plate XXIII 158\n Great Square of Antigua Guatimala, Plate XXIIIa 266\n Profile of Nicaragua Canal, Plate XXIIIb 412\n\n ENGRAVINGS OF VOLUME II.\n Page.\n Stone Tablet, Plate XXIV _Frontispiece._\n Idol at Quirigua, Plate XXV 121\n Idol at Quirigua, Plate XXVI 122\n Santa Cruz del Quich\u00e9, Plate XXVII 171\n Place of Sacrifice, Plate XXVIII 184\n Figures found at Santa Cruz del Quich\u00e9, Plate XXIX 185\n Plaza of Quezaltenango, Plate XXX 204\n Vases found at Gueguetenango, Plate XXXI 231\n Ocosingo, Plate XXXII 259\n Palace at Palenque, Plate XXXIII 309\n Plan of Palace, Plate XXXIV 310\n Stucco Figure on Pier, Plate XXXV 311\n Front Corridor of Palace, Plate XXXVI 313\n No. 1, Court-yard of Palace, Plate XXXVIII 314\n No. 2, Colossal Bas-reliefs in Stone, Plate XXXIX 314\n East side of Court-yard, Plate XXXVII 314\n No. 1, Bas-relief in Stucco, Plate XL 316\n No. 2, Bas-relief in Stucco, Plate XLI 316\n No. 3, Bas-relief in Stucco, Plate XLII 316\n Oval Bas-relief in Stone, Plate XLIII 318\n Bas-relief in Stucco, Plate XLIV 319\n General Plan of Palenque, Plate XLV 337\n Casa No. 1 in Ruins, Plate XLVI 338\n Casa No. 1 restored, Plate XLVII 339\n No. 1, Bas-relief in Stucco, Plate XLVIII 340\n No. 2, Bas-relief in Stucco, Plate XLIX 340\n No. 3, Bas-relief in Stucco, Plate L 340\n No. 4, Bas-relief in Stucco, Plate LI 340\n No. 1, Tablet of Hieroglyphics, Plate LII 342\n No. 2, Tablet of Hieroglyphics, Plate LIII 342\n Tablet on inner Wall, Plate LIV 343\n Casa di Piedras, No. 2, Plate LV 344\n Tablet on back Wall of Altar, Casa No. 2, Plate LVI 345\n Stone Statue, Plate LVII 349\n Casa No. 3, Plate LVIII 350\n Front Corridor, Plate LIX 351\n No. 1, Bas-reliefs in Front of Altar, Plate LX 353\n No. 2, Bas-reliefs in Front of Altar, Plate LXI 353\n Adoratorio or Altar, Plate LXII 354\n Casa No. 4, Plate LXIII 355\n House of the Dwarf, Plate LXIV 420\n Casa del Gobernador, Plate LXV 428\n Sculptured Front of Casa del Gobernador, Plate LXVI 443\n Egyptian Hieroglyphics, Plate LXVIII 441\n Top of Altar at Copan, Plate LXVIII = Va 454\n Mexican Hieroglyphical Writing, Plate LXIX 454\n\nIn each plate I have numbered the hieroglyphs, giving each one its own\nnumber. Thus the hieroglyphs of the Copan altar (vol.\u00a0i, p.\u00a0141) which I\nhave called plate Va, are numbered from 1 to 36 according to this\nscheme--\n\n 1 2 3 4 5 6\n 7 8 9 10 11 12\n 13 14 15 16 17 18\n 19 20 21 22 23 24\n 25 26 27 28 29 30\n 31 32 33 34 35 36\n\nAnd the right hand side of the Palenque Cross tablet, as given by RAU in\nhis memoir published by the Smithsonian Institution (1880), has the\nnumbers--\n\n 2020 2021 2022 2023 2024 2025\n 2030 2031 2032 2033 2034 2035\n 2040 2041 2042 2043 2044 2045\n 2050 2051 2052 2053 2054 2055\n * * * * * *\n * * * * * *\n 3080 3081 3082 3083 3084 3085\n\nThese are consecutive with the numbers which I have attached to the\nleft-hand side, as given by STEPHENS. Whenever I have stated any results\nhere, I\u00a0have also given the means by which any one can number a copy of\nSTEPHENS\u2019S work in the way which I have adopted, and thus the means of\ntesting my conclusions is in the hands of every one who desires to do\nso.\n\nIn cases where only a _part_ of a hieroglyphic is referred to, I\u00a0have\nplaced its number in a parenthesis, as 1826 _see_ (122), by which I mean\nthat the character 1826 is to be compared with a part of the character\n122. The advantages of this system are many: for example; a\u00a0memorandum\ncan easily be taken that two hieroglyphs are alike, thus 2072=2020 and\n2073 = 2021. Hence the _pair_ 2020--2021, read horizontally, occurs\nagain at the point 2072--2073, etc. _Horizontal pairs_ will be known by\ntheir numbers being consecutive, as 2020--2021; _vertical pairs_ will\nusually be known by their numbers differing by 10. Thus, 2075--2085 are\none above the other.\n\nThis method of naming the _chiffres_, then, is a quick and safe one, and\nwe shall see that it lends itself to the uses required of it.\n\nI add here the scheme according to which the principal plates at\nPalenque have been numbered.\n\n\nPLATE XXIV (left-hand side).\n\n /------------\\\n { 37 37 38 39\n {See 1800 See 1800 See 1806\n {\n { 40 40 41 42\n\n 43=1810 43a=46a 44 45\n\n 46=1810 46a=43a 47 48\n\n 49 50 51\n\n 52 52a=1820? 53 54\n\n 55 56=1840? 57 58\n See 1802\n\n 59 60 61 62=58?\n\n 63 64 65\u2020 66\n See 2025\n\n 67 68 69 70\n See 1911\n\n 71 72=281 73 74\n See 2020\n\n 75 76=67 77 78\n\n 79 80 81 82\n\n 83 84 85 86=56?\n\n 86* 86* 87 88\n\n 89 90 91 92\n\n 93\n\n [* Accidental error in numbering here.]\n\n [\u2020 Possibly Muluc--a Maya day; the meaning is \u201creunion.\u201d]\n\n\nPLATE XXIV. [_center_]\n\n 94 96 98 100 102 104 106\n\n 95 97 99=127 101 103 105 107\n\n 108\n See 91\n\n In the middle of the\n plate at the top.\n\n /-----------\\\n 109 115\n\n 110 116\n See 2020\n\n 111 117\n\n 112 118\n\n 113 119\n\n 114 120\n\n\nPLATE XXIV (right-hand side).\n\n /------------------------\\\n 121 122=86?\u2020 123=87 124=88\n See 74, 86* See 61, 1822\n\n 125 126\u2021 127=99 128\n See 1940 See 1940 See (44), 64\n\n 129 130 131=147 132\n See 50, 58, 62\n\n 133 134 135 136=47?\n\n 137 138 139 140\n See 39, 91 See 1811\n\n 141 142\u00a7 143 144\n See 54 See 50, 58, 62, 132\n\n 145 146 147=131 148\n See 71\n\n 149 150 151 152\n See 56, 1882\n\n 153 154 155 156\n See 53 See 50, 58, 132\n\n 157* 158 159 160\n See 68 See 38 See 46a, 49a, 52a\n\n /------------------------------------\\\n 161=50 162 \u2020163=1936 164\n See 58, 62, 132 See 56, 73, 1882 See 57 See 58, 62\n\n 165 166 167 168\n See 81?\n\n 169 170 171 172\n See 68?\n\n 173 174 175 176\n See 67, 76, 90, 1910 See 57 See 126\n\n 177 178 179 180\n See 43a See 50, 58, 62\n\n 181 182 183 184\n See 57, 163, 1936\n\n 185\n\n [* Possibly Ymix--a Maya day.]\n\n [\u2020 Possibly Chuen--a Maya day; meaning \u201ca board,\u201d \u201ca tree.\u201d]\n\n [\u2021 Possibly Ahau--a Maya day; meaning \u201cking.\u201d]\n\n [\u00a7 Possibly Ezanab--a Maya day.]\n\n\nPLATE LII. [_left half_]\n\n\n 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209\n\n 220 221 222 223 224=2060 225 226 227 228 229\n See 2030 See 2060 See\n 1811-2\n\n 240 241 242=2020 243=1951 244 245 246 247 248 249\n\n /-------------------\\\n 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269\n See See See 2022\n 2020 2021\n\n 280 281=72 282 283 284 285 286 287 288\n See 1820 See 385\n\n 300 301 302 303=360 304 305 306 307\n See 203\n\n /--------------\\\n 320 321 322 323 324=1824 325 326 327 328 329\n See See See See\n 203 204 285 305\n\n 340 341 342 343 344 345 346 347 348 349\n See 209 See 322\n\n 360=303 361 362 363 364 365 366 367 368 369\n See 351 See\n 303, 360\n\n 380 381 382 383 384 385 386 387 388 389\n See\n 286, 1822\n\n 400 401 402 403=360 404 405 406 407 408 409\n See 326 367 See 360\n\n 420 421 422 423 424 425 426 427\n See 324\n\n\n [_right half of Plate LII_]\n [_The 213 column is vacant._]\n\n 210 211 212 214 215 216 217 218 219\n See 2020\n\n 230 231 232 234 235 236 237 238 239\n See 1822\n\n 250 251 252 254 255 256 257 258 259=1943\n See 214\n\n 270 271 274=244 275 276 277 278 279\n See 204\n\n 290 294 295 296 297 298 299\n\n 310 311 314 315 316 317 318 319\n\n 330 331 332 334 335 336 337 338 339\n See 209\n\n 350 351 352 354 355 356=1822 357 358 359\n See See 230\n 267, 298\n\n 370 371 375 376 377 378 379\n\n 390 391 392 394 395 396 397 398 399\n\n 410 411 412 414 415 416 417 418 419\n See 326 See 324\n\n 430 432 434 435 436 437 438 439\n\n\nPLATE LIII.\n\n [Transcriber\u2019s Note:\n The following bracketed paragraph is in the original.]\n\n[The upper left-hand square is No. 500, the upper right is 519, the\nlower left-hand is 720, the lower right is 739. All the squares from 500\nto 508, 520 to 528, 530 to 538, etc., up to 720 to 728, are obliterated\n(and their numbers omitted here) except a few.]\n\n [_left half_]\n\n 509 510 511 512\n See 1967\n\n 529 530 531 532\n See 3012\n\n 549 550 551 552\n\n 570 571 572\n\n 589 590 591 592\n\n 604 605 609 610 611 612\n See 571\n\n 628 629 630 631 632\n\n 649 650 651 652\n\n 669 670 671=324 672=322?\n See 2042\n\n 688 689 690 691 692\n\n 708 709 710 711 712\n\n 729 730=1845 731 732\n\n\n [_right half of Plate LIII_]\n\n 513 514 515 516 517 518 519\n See 509 See 510\n\n 533 534 535 536 537 538 539\n\n 553 554 555 556 557 558 559\n See 162\n\n 573 574 575 576 577 578 579\n See 1823\n\n 593 594 595 596 597 598 599\n\n 613 614 615 616 617 618 619\n\n 633 634 635 636 637 638 639\n See 3054\n\n 653 654 655 656 657 658 659\n See\n 150, 1882\n\n 673=323? 674 675 676 677 678 679\n See 77 See 1802\n\n 693 694 695 696 697 698 699\n\n 713=1802 714 715 716 717 718 719\n See 439\n\n 733 734 735 736 737 738 739\n See 2020\n\n\nPLATE LIV. [_left half_]\n\n 800 801 802 803 804 805 806\n\n 900 901 902 903 904 905 906\n\n 1000 1001 1002 1003=907 1004 1005 1006\n\n /-----------------\\\n 1100 1101 1102=717 1103 1104 1105=2020 1106\n See 1820 See 2021\n\n 1200 1201 1202=1110 1203 1204=1008 1205 1206\n See 3054\n\n 1300 1301 1302 1303=1910 1304 1305 1306\n\n 1400=1823 1401 1402 1403 1404 1405 1406\n\n 1500 1501 1502=1010 1503 1504=717 1505 1506\n 1102\n\n 1600 1601 1602 1603 1604 1605 1606\n\n 1700 1701 1702=1911 1703 1704 1705 1706\n\n\n [_right half of Plate LIV_]\n\n /-------------\\\n 807 808 809 810 811 812 813\n See 1882 See 26 See See\n 1940 1941, 3011\n\n 907=1003 908 909 910 911 912 913\n See 2020 See 1310\n\n 1007 1008 1009 1010 1011 1012 1013\n See 2021 See 3054 See\n 1811-2\n\n 1107 1108 1109 1110=1209 1113 1114 1115\n See 1840 See 1841?\n\n 1207 1208 1209=1110 1210 1211 1212 1213\n\n 1307 1308 1309 1310 1311 1312 1313\n See 910\n\n 1407 1408 1409 1410 1411 1412 1413\n\n 1507 1508 1509 1510 1511 1512 1513\n\n /----------------------\\\n 1607 1608 1609=1304 1610=1305 1611=1010 1612 1613\n\n 1707 1708 1709 1710 1711=1702 1712=1708 1713\n 1911\n\n\nPLATE LVI (left-hand side--Palenque Cross).\n\n { 1801 1802 1803 1804\n { See\n { 163, 175\n 1800 {\n { 1805 1806 1807 1808\n { See 155 See 138\n {\n\n /------------------------\\\n *1810 1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816\n See 150 See See See See 126,\n 139, 179 (1852) 131, 146 127, 176\n\n 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826\n See 161 See 124 See\n 122, 160\n\n 1830=1820 1831 1832 1833 1834 1835 1836\n See 161 See See 121 See 163 See 182 See 123\n 123, 124\n\n 1840 1841 1842 1843 1844 1845=1822 1846\n See See See 124 See 179\n 1835 124, 1836\n\n 1850 1851 1852 1853 1854=1806 1855\n See 122\n\n 1860 1861 1862 1863 1864 1865=2021 1866\n See See 144 See\n 126, 127 136?, 184?\n\n 1870=1820 1871 1872=1842? 1873=1803 1874 1875 1876\n See See 182\n 160, 161\n\n 1880 1881 1882 1883 1884=1834 1885\n See See 124 See See\n 150, 162 163, 182 132, 144\n\n 1890 1891 1892 1893 1894=1822 1895\n See See See 132? See 124 See 144\n 130, 158 131?, 147?\n\n 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905=1803\n See 146 See\n 157, 182\n\n 1910 1911 1912 1913=1834 1914 1915\n See 174 See 174 See 141 1884\n\n /---------------\\\n 1920 1921 1922 1923 1924 1925\n See 123 See 124\n\n 1930 1931 1932=1811-2? 1933 1934 1935=1884\n See 182\n\n /---------------------\\\n 1940=1862 1941 1942 1943 1944=1922 1945=1923\n See See 123 See 124\n 126, 127\n\n 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955\n See 164\n\n [* At and after this place, in vertical columns, 1810-1-2, 1820-1-2,\n 1830-1-2, 1840-1-2, and 1860-1-2 may be taken as 2 or 3 symbols.\n I\u00a0have assumed them to be\u00a03.]\n\n\n [_center of Plate LVI_]\n\n 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1980 1981 1982\n\n 1966 1983\n\n 1967 1984\n See\n 131, 147\n\n 1968\n\n 1969\n\n 1970\n\n [_empty rows omitted from e-text_]\n\n { 1976 1978\n {\n { 1977 1979\n\n 1971\n See 1802\n\n 1972\n\n 1973\n\n 1975 1974\n\n\nPLATE LVI (right-hand side--Palenque Cross).\n\n 2020 2021 2022 2023 2024 2025=123\n See 131, See 144 See 163\n 147, 150\n\n 2030 2031 2032 2033 2034 2035\n See 132 See 134, See See 124\n\n 146, 149 1811, 1812\n\n /---------------\\\n 2040 2041 2042 2043=123 2044 2045\n See See\n 131, 147 132, 150\n\n 2000 2050 2051 2052 2053 2054 2055\n\n 2001 2060 2061 2062 2063 2064 2065\n See 182\n\n 2002=122 2070 2071 2072 2073 2074 2075\n\n 2003=2021 2080 2081 2082 2083 2084 2085\n See 130\n\n 2004 2090 2091 2092 2093 2094 2095\n\n 2005 3000 3001 3002 3003 3004 3005\n\n 2006 3010 3011 3012 3013 3014 3015\n See 1902,\n 1903\n\n 2007 3020 3021 3022 3023 3024 3025\n See 182?\n\n 2008 3030 3031 3032 3033 3034 3035\n\n 2009 3040 3041 3042 3043 3044 3045\n\n 2010 3050 3051 3052 3053 3054 3055\n See 184\n\n 2011 3060 3061 3062 3063 3064 3065\n See 131,\n 2020\n\n 2012 3070 3071 3072 3073 3074 3075\n\n 2013 3080 3081 3082 3083 3084 3085\n\n 2014\n\n [* These four each side of the main stem of the cross. 1976 =\n _Ezanab_--a Maya day.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 48.--The Palenquean Group of the Cross.]\n\n\n\n\nIV.\n\nIN WHAT ORDER ARE THE HIEROGLYPHS READ?\n\n\nBefore any advance can be made in the deciphering of the hieroglyphic\ninscriptions, it is necessary to know in what directions, along what\nlines or columns, the verbal sense proceeds.\n\nAll the inscriptions that I know of are in rectangular figures. At Copan\nthey are usually in squares. At Palenque the longest inscriptions are in\nrectangles. At Palenque again, there are some cases where there is a\nsingle horizontal line of hieroglyphs over a pictorial tablet. Here\nclearly the only question is, do the characters proceed from left to\nright, or from right to left? In other cases as in the tablet of the\ncross, there are vertical columns. The question here is, shall we read\nup or down?\n\nNow, the hieroglyphs must be phonetic or pictorial, or a mixture of the\ntwo. If they are phonetic, it will take more than one symbol to make a\nword, and we shall have groups of like characters when the same word is\nwritten in two places. If the signs are pictorial, the same thing will\nfollow; that is, we shall have groups recurring when the same idea\nrecurs. Further, we know that the subjects treated of in these tablets\nmust be comparatively simple, and that _names_, as of gods, kings, etc.,\nmust necessarily recur.\n\nThe _names_, then, will be the first words deciphered. At present no\nsingle name is known. These considerations, together with our system of\nnomenclature, will enable us to take some steps.\n\nTake, for example, the right-hand side of the Palenque cross tablet as\ngiven by RAU. _See_ our figure 48, which is Plate LVI of STEPHENS\n(vol.\u00a0ii, p.\u00a0345), with the addition of the part now in the National\nMuseum at Washington.\n\nOur system of numbering is here\n\n 2020 2021 2022 2023 2024 2025\n 2030 2031 2032 2033 2034 2035\n * * * * * *\n * * * * * *\n * * * * * *\n 3080 3081 3082 3083 3084 3085\n\nNow pick out the duplicate hieroglyphs in this; that is, run through the\ntablet, and wherever 2020 occurs erase the number which fills the place\nand write in 2020. Do the same for 2021, 2022, etc., down to 3084. The\nresult will be as follows:\n\nRIGHT-HAND SIDE OF PALENQUE CROSS TABLET (RAU).\n\n 2020 2021 2022 2023 2024 2025\n \\---------------/ \\-----------/\n\n 2030 2031 2032 2033 2034 2035\n \\---------------/\n\n 2040 2041 2042 { 2025 2020 2021\n { \\---------------/\n {\n 2050 2051 2034 { 2053 2054 2055\n \\---------------/\n\n 2053 2061 2062 2063 2064 2065\n\n 2070 2071 2020 2021 2022? 2024? }\n \\---------------/ } ?\n }\n 2053 2020 2082 2083 2025 2053 }\n\n 2021 2091 2092 { 2025 2094 2095\n {\n 3000 2023 2034 { 2053 2033 3005\n \\---------------/\n \\---------------/\n\n 3010 2083 3012 2024 3014 2091\n\n 2053 3021 2023 2020 3024 2024\n\n { 2024 2025 2021 3033 { 2025 2034*\n {\\---------------/ { \\------\n ? { {\n { 2053* 3021 3042 3043 { 2035 3045\n {-------/\n\n 3050 2083 { 2025 2034 3054 3055\n See 2082 {\n \\---------------/ {\n {\n 2024 2020 { 2035 3063 2024 2025\n \\--------------/\n\n 2021 2031 2020 2021 2035 3045\n \\---------------/\n\n 3080 3081 2091 2093 2020 2021\n \\---------------/\n\n 14 cases of horizontal pairs; 4\u00a0cases of vertical pairs; 102\n characters in all, of which 51 appear more than once, so that\n there are but 51 independent hieroglyphs.\n\nHere the first two lines are unchanged. In the third line we find that\n2043 is the same as 2025, 2044 = 2020, 2045 = 2021, and so on, and we\nwrite the smallest number in each case.\n\nAfter this is done, connect like pairs by braces whenever they are\nconsecutive, either vertical or horizontal. Take the pair 2020 and 2021\nfor example; 2020 occurs eight times in the tablet, viz, as 2020, 2044,\n2072, 2081, 3023, 3061, 3072, 3084. In five out of the eight cases, it\nis followed by 2021, viz, as 2021, 2045, 2073, 3073, 3085.\n\nIt is clear this is not the result of accident. The pair 2020 and 2021\nmeans something, and when the two characters occur together they must be\nread together. There is no point of punctuation between them. We also\nlearn that they are not inseparable. 2020 will make sense with 2082,\n3024 and 3062. Here it looks as if the writing must be read in _lines_\nhorizontally. We do not know yet in which direction.\n\nWe must examine other cases. This is to be noticed: If the reading is in\nhorizontal lines from left to right, then the progress is from top to\nbottom in columns, as the case of 3035 and 3040 shows. This occurs at\nthe end of a line, and the corresponding _chiffre_ required to make the\npair is at the other end of the next line. I\u00a0have marked this case with\nasterisks. If we must read in the lines from right to left we must\nnecessarily read in columns from bottom to top. Thus the _lines_ are\nconnected.\n\nA similar process with all the other tablets in STEPHENS leads to the\nconclusion that the reading is in lines horizontally and in columns\nvertically. The cases 1835-\u201945, 1885-\u201995, 1914-\u201924, and 1936-\u201946 should,\nhowever, be examined. We have now to decide at which end of the lines to\nbegin. The reasons given by Mr. BANCROFT (_Native Races_, vol.\u00a0ii,\np.\u00a0782) appeared to me sufficient to decide the question before I was\nacquainted with his statement of them.\n\nTherefore, the sum total of our present data, examined by a rational\nmethod, leads to the conclusion, so far as we can know from these data,\nthat the verbal sense proceeded in _lines_ from left to right, in\n_columns_ from top to bottom; just as the present page is written, in\nfact.\n\nFor the present, the introduction of the method here indicated is the\nimportant step. It has, as yet, been applied only to the plates of\nSTEPHENS\u2019 work. The definite conclusion should be made to rest on _all\npossible_ data, some of which is not at my disposition at present.\nTablets exist in great numbers at other points besides Palenque, and for\nthe final conclusion these must also be consulted. If each one is\nexamined in the way I have indicated, it will yield a certain answer.\nThe direction of reading for that plate can be thus determined. At\nPalenque the progress is in the order I have indicated.\n\n\n\n\nV.\n\nTHE CARD-CATALOGUE OF HIEROGLYPHS.\n\n\nIt has already been explained how a system of nomenclature was gradually\nformed. As I have said, this is not perfect, but it is sufficiently\nsimple and full for the purpose. By it, every plate in STEPHENS\u2019 work\nreceives a number and every hieroglyph in each plate is likewise\nnumbered.\n\nThis was first done in my private copy of the work. I then procured\nanother copy and duplicated these numbers both for plates and single\n_chiffres_. The plates of this copy were then cut up into single\nhieroglyphs and each single hieroglyph was mounted on a library card, as\nfollows:\n\n ___________________________________________\n | | | |\n | No. 2020. | Hieroglyph. | Plate LVI. |\n | |_______________| |\n |__________________________________________|\n | Same as Numbers. | Similar to Numbers. |\n | ................ | ................... |\n | ................ | ................... |\n | ................ | ................... |\n | ................ | ................... |\n | ................ | ................... |\n |__________________________________________|\n\nThe cards were 6.5 by 4.5 inches. The _chiffre_ was pasted on, in the\ncenter of the top space. Its number and the plate from which it came\nwere placed as in the cut. The numbers of hieroglyphs which resembled\nthe one in question could be written on the right half of the card, and\nthe numbers corresponding to different recurrences of this hieroglyph\noccupied the left half.\n\nAll this part of the work was most faithfully and intelligently\nperformed for me by Miss MARY LOCKWOOD, to whom I desire to express the\nfull amount of my obligations. A\u00a0mistake in any part would have been\nfatal. But no mistakes occurred.\n\nThese cards could now be arranged in any way I saw fit. The simple\n_chiffres_, for example, could be placed so as to bring like ones\ntogether. A\u00a0compound hieroglyph could be placed among simple ones\nagreeing with any one of its components, and so on.\n\nThe expense of forming this card catalogue of about 1,500 single\nhieroglyphs was borne by the Ethnological Bureau of the Smithsonian\nInstitution, and the catalogue is the property of that bureau, forming\nonly one of its many rich collections of American picture-writings.\n\n\n\n\nVI.\n\nCOMPARISON OF PLATES I AND IV (COPAN).\n\n\nIn examining the various statues at Copan, as given by STEPHENS, one\nnaturally looks for points of striking resemblance or striking\ndifference. Where all is unknown, even the smallest sign is examined, in\nthe hope that it may prove a clue. The Plate\u00a0I, Fig. 49, has a twisted\nknot (the \u201csquare knot\u201d of sailors) of cords over its head, and above\nthis is a _chiffre_ composed of ellipses, and above this again a sign\nlike a sea-shell. A\u00a0natural suggestion was that these might be the signs\nfor the name of the personage depicted in Plate\u00a0I. If this is so and we\nshould find the same sign elsewhere in connection with a figure, we\nshould expect to find this second figure like the first in every\nparticular. This would be a rigid test of the theory. After looking\nthrough the Palenque series, and finding no similar figure and sign,\nI\u00a0examined the Copan series, and in Plate\u00a0IV, our Fig. 50, I\u00a0found the\nsame signs exactly; _i.e._, the knot and the two _chiffres_.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 49.--Statue at Copan.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 50.--Statue at Copan.]\n\nAt first sight there is only the most general resemblance between the\npersonages represented in the two plates; as STEPHENS says in his\noriginal account of them, they are \u201cin many respects similar.\u201d If he had\nknown them to be the same, he would not have wasted his time in drawing\nthem. The scale of the two drawings and of the two statues is different;\nbut the two personages are the same identically. Figure for figure,\nornament for ornament, they correspond. It is unnecessary to give the\nminute comparison here in words. It can be made by any one from the two\nplates herewith. Take any part of Plate\u00a0I, find the corresponding part\nof Plate\u00a0IV, and whether it is human feature or sculptured ornament the\ntwo will be found to be the same.\n\nTake the middle face depending from the belt in each plate. The earrings\nare the same; the ornament below the chin, the knot above the head, the\ncomplicated beadwork on each side of this face, all are the same. The\nbracelets of the right arms of the main figures have each the forked\nserpent tongue, and the left-arm bracelets are ornamented alike. The\ncrosses with beads almost inclosed in the right hands are alike; the\nelliptic ornaments above each wrist, the knots and _chiffres_ over the\nserpent masks which surmount the faces, all are the same. In the steel\nplates given by STEPHENS there are even more coincidences to be seen\nthan in the excellent wood-cuts here given, which have been copied from\nthem.\n\nHere, then, is an important fact. The theory that the _chiffre_ over the\nforehead is characteristic, though it is not definitively proved,\nreceives strong confirmation. The parts which have been lost by the\neffects of time on one statue can be supplied from the other. Better\nthan all, we gain a test of the minuteness with which the sculptors\nworked, and an idea of how close the adherence to a type was required to\nbe. Granting once that the two personages are the same (a\u00a0fact about\nwhich I conceive there can be no possible doubt, since the chances in\nfavor are literally thousands to one), we learn what license was\nallowed, and what synonyms in stone might be employed. Thus, the\nornament suspended from the neck in Plate IV is clearly a tiger\u2019s skull.\nThat from the neck of Plate\u00a0I has been shown to be the derived form of a\nskull by Dr. HARRISON ALLEN,[6.1] and we now know that this common form\nrelates not to the human skull, as Dr. ALLEN has supposed, but to that\nof the tiger. We shall find this figure often repeated, and the\nidentification is of importance. This is a case in regard to synonyms.\nThe kind of symbolism so ably treated by Dr. ALLEN is well exemplified\nin the conventional sign for the _crotalus_ jaw at the mouth of the mask\nover the head of each figure. This is again found on the body of the\nsnake in Plate LX, and in other places. Other important questions can be\nsettled by comparison of the two plates. For example, at Palenque we\noften find a sign composed of a half ellipse, inside of which bars are\ndrawn. [Illustration (inline, unnumbered)] I\u00a0shall elsewhere show that\nthere is reason to believe the ellipse is to represent the concave of\nthe sky, its diameter to be the level earth, and in some cases at least\nthe bars to be the descending and fertilizing rain. The bars are\nsometimes two, three, and sometimes four in number. Are these variants\nof a single sign, or are they synonyms? Before the discovery of the\nidentity of the personages in these two plates, this question could not\nbe answered. Now we can say that they are not synonyms, or at least that\nthey must be considered separately. To show this, examine the bands just\nabove the wristlets of the two figures. Over the left hands of the\nfigures the bars are two in number; over the right hands there are four.\nThis exact similarity is not accidental; there is a meaning in it, and\nwe must search for its explanation elsewhere, but we now have a valuable\ntest of what needs to be regarded, and of what, on the other hand, may\nbe passed over as accidental or unimportant.\n\nOne other case needs mentioning here, as it will be of future use. From\nthe waist of each figure depend nine oval solids, six being hatched over\nlike pine cones and the three central ones having two ovals, one within\nthe other, engraved on them. In Plate IV the inner ovals are all on the\nright-hand side of the outer ovals. Would they mean the same if they\nwere on the left-hand side? Plate\u00a0I enables us to say that they would,\nsince one of these inner ovals has been put by the artist on that side\nby accident or by an allowed caprice. It is by furnishing us with tests\nand criteria like these that the proof of the identity of these two\nplates is immediately important. In other ways, too, the proof is\nvaluable and interesting, but we need not discuss them at this time.\n\nThese statues, then, are to us a dictionary of synonyms in stone--a test\nof the degree of adherence to a prototype which was exacted, and a\ncriterion of the kind of minor differences which must be noticed in any\nrigid study.\n\nI have not insisted more on the resemblances, since the accompanying\nfigures present a demonstration. Let those who wish to verify these\nresemblances compare minutely the ornaments above the knees of the two\nfigures, those about the waists, above the heads, and the square knots,\netc., etc.\n\n\n\n\nVII.\n\nARE THE HIEROGLYPHS OF COPAN AND PALENQUE IDENTICAL?\n\n\nOne of the first questions to be settled is whether the same system of\nwriting was employed at Palenque and at Copan. Before any study of the\nmeanings of the separate _chiffres_ can be made, we must have our\nmaterial properly assorted, and must not include in the figures we are\nexamining for the detection of a clue, any which may belong to a system\npossibly very different.\n\nThe opinion of STEPHENS and of later writers is confirmed by my\ncomparison of the Palenque and the Copan series; that is, it becomes\nevident that the latter series is far the older.\n\nIn Nicaragua and Copan the statues of gods were placed at the foot of\nthe pyramid; farther north, as at Palenque, they were placed in temples\nat the summit. Such differences show a marked change in customs, and\nmust have required much time for their accomplishment. In this time did\nthe picture-writing change, or, indeed, was it ever identical?\n\nTo settle the question whether they were written on the same system,\nI\u00a0give here the results of a rapid survey of the card-catalogue of\nhieroglyphs. A\u00a0more minute examination is not necessary, as the present\none is quite sufficient to show that the system employed at the two\nplaces was the same in its general character and almost identical even\nin details. The practical result of this conclusion is that similar\ncharacters of the Copan and Palenque series may be used interchangeably.\n\nA detailed study of the undoubted synonyms of the two places will afford\nmuch light on the manner in which these characters were gradually\nevolved. This is not the place for such a study, but it is interesting\nto remark how, even in unmistakable synonyms, the Palenque character is\nalways the most conventional, the least pictorial; that is, the latest.\nExamples of this are No.\u00a07, Plate\u00a0Va, and No. 1969, Plate LVI. The\n_mask_ in profile which forms the left-hand edge of No. 7\u00a0seems to have\nbeen conventionalized into the two hooks and the ball, which have the\nsame place in No. 1969.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 51.--Synonymous hieroglyphs from Copan and\n Palenque.]\n\nThe larger of these two was cut on stone, the smaller in stucco.\n\nThe mask has been changed into the ball and hooks; the angular nose\nornament into a single ball, easier to make and quite as significant to\nthe Maya priest. But to us the older (Copan) figure is infinitely more\nsignificant. The curious rows of little balls which are often placed at\nthe left-hand edge of the various _chiffres_ are also conventions for\nolder forms. It is to be noted that these balls always occur on the left\nhand of the hieroglyphs, except in one case, the _chiffre_ 1975 in the\nPalenque cross tablet, on which the left-hand acolyte stands.\n\nThe conclusion that the two series are both written on the same system,\nand that like _chiffres_ occurring at the two places are synonyms, will,\nI\u00a0think, be sufficiently evident to any one who will himself examine the\nfollowing cases. It is the _nature_ of the agreements which proves the\nthesis, and not the number of cases here cited. The reader will remember\nthat the Copan series comprises Plates I to XXIII, inclusive; the\nPalenque series, Plate XXIV and higher numbers.\n\nThe sign of the group of Mexican gods who relate to hell, _i.e._, a\ncircle with a central dot, and with four small segments cut out at four\nequally distant points of its circumference, is found in No. 4291, Plate\nXXII, and in many of the Palenque plates, as Plate LVI, Nos. 2090, 2073,\n2045, 2021, etc. In both places this sign is worn by human figures just\nbelow the ear.\n\nThe same sign occurs as an important part of No. 4271, Plate XXII, and\nNo. 4118, Plate XIII (Copan), and No. 2064, Plate LVI (Palenque), etc.\n\nNo. 7, Plate Va, and No. 1969, Plate LVI, I regard as absolutely\nidentical. These are both human figures. No. 12, Plate\u00a0Va, and No. 637,\nPlate LIII, are probably the same. These probably represent or relate to\nthe long-nosed divinity, YACATEUCTLI, the Mexican god of commerce, etc.,\nor rather to his Maya representative.\n\nThe sign of TLALOC, or rather the family of TLALOCS, the gods of rain,\nfloods, and waters, is an eye (or\u00a0sometimes a mouth), around which there\nis a double line drawn. I\u00a0take No. 26, Plate\u00a0Va, of the Copan series,\nand Nos. 154 and 165, Plate XXIV, to be corresponding references to\nmembers of this family. No.\u00a04, Plate\u00a0Va, and No. 155 also correspond.\n\nNo. 4242, Plate XXII, is probably related to No. 53, Plate XXIV, and its\ncongeners.\n\nNos. 14 and 34, Plate Va, are clearly related to No. 900, Plate LIV,\nNos. 127 and 176, Plate XXIV, No. 3010, Plate LVI, and many others.\n\nPlate IIIa of Copan is evidently identically the same as the No. 75 of\nthe Palenque Plate No. XXIV.\n\nThe right half of No. 27, Plate Va, is the same as the right half of\nNos. 3020, 3040, and many others of Plate LVI.\n\nNo. 17, Plate Va, is related to No. 2051, Plate LVI, and many others\nlike it.\n\nThe major part of No. 4105, Plate XIII, is the same as No. 124, Plate\nXXIV, etc.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 52.--Yucatec Stone.]\n\nIt is not necessary to add a greater number of examples here. The\ncard-catalogue which I have mentioned enables me to at once pick out all\nthe cases of which the above are specimens, taken just as they fell\nunder my eye in rapidly turning over the cards. They therefore represent\nthe _average_ agreement, neither more nor less. Taken together they show\nthat the same signs were used at Copan and at Palenque. As the same\nsymbols used at both places occur in like positions in regard to the\nhuman face, etc., I\u00a0conclude that not only were the same signs used at\nboth places, but that these signs had the same meaning; _i.e._, were\ntruly synonyms. In future I shall regard this as demonstrated.\n\n\n\n\nVIII.\n\nHUITZILOPOCHTLI (MEXICAN GOD OF WAR), TEOYAOMIQUI (MEXICAN GODDESS OF\nDEATH), MICLANTECUTLI (MEXICAN GOD OF HELL), AND TLALOC (MEXICAN\nRAIN-GOD), CONSIDERED IN RELATION TO CENTRAL AMERICAN DIVINITIES.\n\n\nIn the _Congr\u00e8s des Am\u00e9ricanistes, session de Luxembourg_, vol. ii,\np.\u00a0283, is a report of a memoir of Dr. LEEMANS, entitled \u201cDescription de\nquelques antiquit\u00e9s am\u00e9ricaines conserv\u00e9es dans le Mus\u00e9e royal\nn\u00e9erlandais d\u2019antiquit\u00e9s \u00e0 Leide.\u201d On page 299 we find--\n\n M. G.-H.-BAND, de Arnheim, a\u00a0eu la bont\u00e9 de me confier quelques\n antiquit\u00e9s provenant des anciens habitants du Yucatan et de\n l\u2019Am\u00e9rique Centrale, avec autorisation d\u2019en faire prendre des\n fac-similes pour le Mus\u00e9e, ce qui me permet de les faire conna\u00eetre\n aux membres du Congr\u00e8s. Elles ont \u00e9t\u00e9 trouv\u00e9es enfouies \u00e0 une grande\n profondeur dans le sol, lors de la construction d\u2019un canal, vers la\n rivi\u00e8re Gracioza, pr\u00e8s de San Filippo, sur la fronti\u00e8re du Honduras\n britannique et de la r\u00e9publique de Guat\u00e9mala par M.\u00a0S.-A.-van BRAAM,\n ing\u00e9nieur n\u00e9erlandais au service de la Guat\u00e9mala-Company.\n\nFrom the maps given in STIELER\u2019S Hand-Atlas and in BANCROFT\u2019S Native\nRaces of the Pacific States I find that these relics were found 308\nmiles from Uxmal, 207 miles from Palenque, 92 miles from Copan, and 655\nmiles from the city of Mexico, the distances being in a straight line\nfrom place to place.\n\nThe one of these objects with which we are now concerned is figured in\nPlate (63) of the work quoted, and is reproduced here as Fig. 52.\n\nDr. LEEMANS refers to a similarity between this figure and others in\nStephens\u2019 Travels in Central America, but gives no general comparison.\n\nI wish to direct attention to some of the points of this cut. The\n_chiffre_ or symbol of the principal figure is, perhaps, represented in\nhis belt, and is a St. Andrew\u2019s cross, with a circle at each end of it.\nInside the large circle is a smaller one. It may be said, in passing,\nthat the cross probably relates to the _air_ and the circle to the\n_sun_.\n\nThe main figure has two hands folded against his breast. Two other arms\nare extended, one in front, the other behind, which carry two birds.\nEach arm has a bracelet. This second pair of hands is not described by\nDr. LEEMANS. The two birds are exact duplicates, except that the eye of\none is shut, of the other open. Just above the bill of each bird is\nsomething which might be taken as a second bill (which probably is not,\nhowever), and on this and on the back of each bird are five spines or\nclaws. The corresponding claws are curved and shaped alike in the two\nsets. The birds are fastened to the neck of the person represented by\ntwo ornaments, which are alike, and which seem to be the usual\nhieroglyph of the _crotalus_ jaw. These jaws are placed similarly with\nrespect to each bird. In KINGSBOROUGH\u2019S Mexican Antiquities, vol.\u00a0I,\nPlate X, we find the parrot as the sign of TONATIHU, the sun, and in\nPlate XXV with NAOLIN, the sun. On a level with the nose of the\nprincipal figure are two symbols, one in front and one behind, each\ninclosing a St. Andrew\u2019s cross, and surmounted by what seems to be a\nflaming fire. It is probably the _chiffre_ of the wind, as the cross is\nof the rain. Below the rear one of these is a head with protruding\ntongue (the sign of QUETZALCOATL); below the other a hieroglyph (perhaps\na bearded face). Each of these is upborne by a hand. It is to be\nnoticed, also, that these last arms have bracelets different from the\npair on the breast.\n\nIn passing, it may be noted that the head in rear is under a cross, and\nhas on its cheek the symbol +U+. These are the symbols of the left-hand\nfigure in the Palenque cross tablet.\n\nThe head hanging from the rear of the belt has an _open_ eye (like that\nof the principal figure), and above it is a crotalus mask, with open\neye, and teeth, and forked fangs. The principal figure wears over his\nhead a mask, with open mouth, and with tusks, and above this mask is the\neagle\u2019s head. This eagle is a sign of TLALOC, at least in Yucatan. In\nMexico the eagle was part of the insignia of TETZCATLIPOCA, \u201cthe devil,\u201d\nwho overthrew the good QUETZALCOATL and reintroduced human sacrifice.\n\nThe characteristics of the principal figure, 63, are then briefly as\nfollows:\n\nI. His _chiffre_ is an air-cross with the sun-circle.\n\nII. He has four hands.\n\nIII. He bears two birds as a symbol.\n\nIV. The claws or spikes on the backs of these are significant.\n\nV. The mask with tusks over the head.\n\nVI. The head worn at the belt.\n\nVII. The captive trodden under foot.\n\nVIII. The chain from the belt attached to a kind of ornament or symbol.\n\nIX. The twisted flames (?) or winds (?) on each side of the figure.\n\nX. His association with QUETZALCOATL or CUKULCAN, as shown by the mouth\nwith protruding tongue, and with TLALOC or TETZCATLIPOCA, as shown by\nthe eagle\u2019s head.\n\nWe may note here for reference the signification of one of the\nhieroglyphs in the right-hand half of Fig. 52, _i.e._, in that half\nwhich contains only writing. The topmost _chiffre_ is undoubtedly the\nname, or part of the name, of the principal figure represented in the\nother half. It is in pure picture-writing; that is, it expresses the sum\nof his attributes. It has the crotalus mask, with nose ornament, which\nhe wears over his face; then the cross, with the \u201cfive feathers\u201d of\nMexico, and the sun symbol. These are in the middle of the _chiffre_.\nBelow these the oval may be, and probably is, heaven, with the rain\ndescending and producing from the surface of the earth (the long axis of\nthe ellipse), the seed, of which three grains are depicted.\n\nWe know by the occurrence of the hieroglyphs on the reverse side of the\nstone that this is not of Aztec sculpture. These symbols are of the same\nsort as those at Copan, Palenque, etc., and I shall show later that some\nof them occur in the Palenque tablets. Hence, we know this engraving to\nbe Yucatec and not Aztec in its origin. If it had been sculptured on one\nside only, and these hieroglyphs omitted, I\u00a0am satisfied that the facts\nwhich I shall point out in the next paragraphs would have led to the\nconclusion that this stone was Mexican in its origin. Fortunately the\nnative artist had the time to sculpture the Yucatec hieroglyphs, which\nare the proof of its true origin. It was not dropped by a traveling\nAztec; it was made by a Yucatec.\n\nIn passing, it may be said that the upper left-hand hieroglyph of Plate\nXIII most probably repeats this name.\n\nI collect from the third volume of BANCROFT\u2019S _Native Races_, chapter\nviii, such descriptions of HUITZILOPOCHTLI as he was represented among\nthe Mexicans as will be of use to us in our comparisons. No display of\nlearning in giving the references to the original works is necessary\nhere, since Mr. BANCROFT has placed all these in order and culled them\nfor a use like the present. It will suffice once for all to refer the\ncritical reader to this volume, and to express the highest sense of\nobligation to Mr. BANCROFT\u2019S compilation, which renders a survey of the\ncharacteristic features of the American divinities easy.\n\nIn Mexico, then, this god had, among other symbols, \u201cfive balls of\nfeathers arranged in the form of a cross.\u201d This was in reference to the\nmysterious conception of his mother through the _powers of the air_. The\nupper hieroglyph in Fig. 52, and one of the lower ones, contain this\nsign: \u201cIn his right hand he had an azured staff cutte in fashion of a\nwaving snake.\u201d (See Plate LXI of STEPHENS.) \u201cJoining to the temple of\nthis idol there was a piece of less work, where there was another idol\nthey called TLALOC. These two idolls were alwayes together, for that\nthey held them as companions and of equal power.\u201d\n\nTo his temple \u201cthere were foure gates,\u201d in allusion to the form of the\ncross. The temple was surrounded by rows of skulls (as\u00a0at Copan) and the\ntemple itself was upon a high pyramid. SOLIS says the war god sat \u201con a\nthrone supported by a blue globe.\u201d From this, supposed to represent the\nheavens, projected four staves with serpents\u2019 heads. (See Plate XXIV,\nSTEPHENS.) \u201cThe image bore on its head a bird of wrought plumes,\u201d \u201cits\nright hand rested upon a crooked serpent.\u201d \u201cUpon the left arm was a\nbuckler bearing five white plumes arranged in form of a cross.\u201d SAHAGUN\ndescribes his device as a dragon\u2019s head, \u201cfrightful in the extreme, and\ncasting fire out of his mouth.\u201d\n\nHERRARA describes HUITZILOPOCHTLI and TETZCATLIPOCA together, and says\nthey were \u201cbeset with pieces of gold wrought like birds, beasts, and\n_fishes_.\u201d \u201cFor collars, they had ten hearts of men,\u201d \u201cand in their\nnecks Death painted.\u201d\n\nTORQUEMADA derives the _name_ of the war god in two ways. According to\nsome it is composed of two words, one signifying \u201ca\u00a0humming bird\u201d and\nthe other \u201ca\u00a0sorcerer that spits fire.\u201d Others say that the last word\nmeans \u201cthe left hand,\u201d so that the whole name would mean \u201cthe shining\nfeathered left hand.\u201d\u00a0\u201cThis god it was that led out the Mexicans from\ntheir own land and brought them into An\u00e1huac.\u201d Besides his regular\nstatue, set up in Mexico, \u201cthere was another renewed every year, made of\ndifferent kinds of grains and seeds, moistened with the blood of\nchildren.\u201d This was in allusion to the nature-side of the god, as fully\nexplained by M\u00dcLLER (_Americanische Urreligionen_).\n\nNo description will give a better idea of the general features of this\ngod than the following cuts from BANCROFT\u2019S _Native Races_, which are\ncopied from LEON Y GAMA, _Las Dos Piedras_, etc. Figs. 53 and 54 are the\nwar god himself; Fig. 55 is the back of the former statue on a larger\nscale; Fig. 56 is the god of hell, and was engraved on the bottom of the\nblock.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 53.--HUITZILOPOCHTLI (front).]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 54.--HUITZILOPOCHTLI (side).]\n\nThese three were a trinity well nigh inseparable. It has been doubted\nwhether they were not different attributes of the same personage. In the\nnatural course of things the primitive idea would become differentiated\ninto its parts, and in process of time the most important of the parts\nwould each receive a separate pictorial representation.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 55.--HUITZILOPOCHTLI (back).]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 56.--MICLANTECUTLI.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 57.--Adoratorio.]\n\nBy referring back a few pages the reader will find summarized the\nprincipal characteristics of the Central American figure represented in\nFig. 52. He will also have noticed the remarkable agreement between the\nattributes of this figure and those contained in the cuts or in the\ndescriptions of the Mexican gods. Thus--\n\nI. The symbol of both was the cross.\n\nII. Fig. 52 and Fig. 55 each have four hands.[6.2]\n\nIII. Both have birds as symbols.\n\nIt is difficult to regard the bird of Fig. 52 as a humming bird, as it\nmore resembles the parrot, which, as is well known, was a symbol of some\nof the Central American gods. Its occurrence here in connection with the\nfour arms fixes it, however, as the bird symbol of HUITZILOPOCHTLI. In\nthe _MS. Troano_, plate xxxi (lower right-hand figure), we find this\nsame personage with his two parrots, along with TLALOC, the god of rain.\n\nIV. The claws of the Mexican statue may be symbolized by the spikes on\nthe back of the birds in Fig. 52, but these latter appear to me to\nrelate rather to the fangs and teeth of the various crotalus heads of\nthe statues.\n\nV. The mask, with tusks, of Fig. 52, is the same as that at the top of\nFig. 55, where we see that they represent the teeth of a serpent, and\nnot the tusks of an animal. This is shown by the forked tongue beneath.\nThe three groups of four dots each on HUITZILOPOCHTLI\u2019S statue are\nreferences to his relationship with TLALOC.\n\nWith these main and striking duplications, and with other minor and\ncorroborative resemblances, which the reader can see for himself, there\nis no doubt but that the two figures, Mexican and Yucatec, relate to the\nsame personage. The Yucatec figure combines several of the attributes of\nthe various members of the Mexican trinity named above, but we should\nnot be surprised at this, for, as has been said, some writers consider\nthat this trinity was one only of attributes and not of persons.\n\nWhat has been given above is sufficient to show that the personage\nrepresented in Fig. 52 is the Yucatec equivalent of HUITZILOPOCHTLI, and\nhas relations to his trinity named at the head of this section, and also\nto the family of TLALOC. I am not aware that the relationship of the\nYucatec and Aztec gods has been so directly shown, on evidence almost\npurely pictorial, and therefore free from a certain kind of bias.\n\nIf the conclusions above stated are true, there will be many\ncorroborations of them, and the most prominent of these I proceed to\ngive, as it involves the explanation of one of the most important\ntablets of Palenque, parts of which are shown in Plates XXIV, LX, LXI,\nand LXII, vol. ii, of STEPHENS.\n\nPlate LXII, Fig. 57, represents the \u201cAdoratorio or Alta Casa, No. 3\u201d of\nPalenque. This is nothing else than the temple of the god\nHUITZILOPOCHTLI and of his equal, TLALOC. The god of war is shown on a\nlarger scale in Plate LXI, Fig. 58, while TLALOC is given in Plate LX,\nFig. 59, and the tablet inside the temple in Plate XXIV, Fig. 60. The\nresemblances of Plate XXIV and of the Palenque cross tablet and their\nmeanings will be considered farther on.\n\nReturning to Plate LXII, the symbols of the roof and cornice refer to\nthese two divinities. The faces at the ends of the cornice, with the\ndouble lines for eye and mouth, are unmistakable TLALOC signs. The\nassociation of the two gods in one temple, as at Mexico, is a strong\ncorroboration.\n\nLet us now take Plate LXI, Fig. 58, which represents HUITZILOPOCHTLI, or\nrather, the Yucatec equivalent of this Aztec god. I\u00a0shall refer to him\nby the Aztec appelation, but I shall in future write it in italics; and\nin general the Yucatec equivalents of Aztec personages in italics, and\nthe Aztec names in small capitals.\n\nCompare Fig. 52 and the Plate LXI (Fig. 58). As the two plates are\nbefore the reader, I\u00a0need only point out the main resemblances, and,\nwhat is more important, the differences.\n\nThe sandals, the belt, its front pendant, the bracelets, the neck\nornament, the helmet, should be examined. The four hands of Fig. 52 are\nnot in LXI, nor the parrots; but if we refer to KINGSBOROUGH, Vol. II,\nPlates 6 and 7 of the LAUD manuscript, we shall find figures of\nHUITZILOPOCHTLI with a parrot, and of TLALOC with the stork with a fish\nin its mouth, as in the head-dress here. The prostrate figure of Fig. 52\nis here led by a chain. At Labphak (BANCROFT, Vol. iv., p.\u00a0251), he is\nheld aloft in the air, and he is on what _may be_ a sacrificial yoke.\nThe _Tlaloc_ eagle is in the head of the staff carried in the hand. This\neagle is found in the second line from the bottom of Fig. 52, we may\nremark in passing. Notice also the crescent moon in the ornament back of\nthe shoulders of the personage of Fig. 58. The twisted cords which form\nthe bottom of this ornament are in the hieroglyph No. 37, Plate XXIV\n(Fig.\u00a060).\n\nTurning now to Plate LX (Fig. 59).\n\nThis I take to be the sorcerer _Tlaloc_. He is blowing the wind from his\nmouth; he has the eagle in his head-dress, the jaw with grinders, the\npeculiar eye, the four TLALOC dots over his ear and on it, the snake\nbetween his legs, curved in the form of a yoke (this is known to be a\nserpent by the conventional crotalus signs of jaw and rattles on it in\nnine places), the four TLALOC dots again in his head-dress, etc. He has\na leopard skin on his back (the tiger was the earth in Mexico) and his\nnaked feet have peculiar anklets which should be noticed.\n\nAlthough I am deferring the examination of the hieroglyphs to a later\nsection, the _chiffre_ 3201 should be noticed. It is the TLALOC eye\nagain, and 3203 is the _chiffre_ of the Mexican gods of hell.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 58.--Maya War God.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 59.--Maya Rain God.]\n\nIn passing I may just refer the reader to p. 164, Vol. ii, of STEPHENS\u2019\nbook on Yucatan, where a figure occurring at Labphak is given. This I\ntake to be the same as _Huitzilopochtli_ of Plate LXI. Also in the MS.\n_Troano_, published by BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG, a figure in Plate XXV and\nin other plates sits on a hieroglyph like 3201, and is _Tlaloc_. This is\nknown by the head-dress, the teeth, the air-trumpet, the serpent symbol,\netc. In Plates XXVIII, XXXI, and XXXIII of the same work HUITZILOPOCHTLI\nand TLALOC are represented together, in various adventures.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 60.--Tablet at Palenque.]\n\nIn Plate LX (Fig. 59) notice also the _chiffre_ on the tassels before\nand behind the main personage.\n\nNow turn to the Plate XXIV (Fig. 60), which is the main object in the\n\u201cAdoratorio\u201d (Fig.\u00a057), where the human figures serve as flankers.\n\nFirst examine the caryatides who support the central structure. These\nare _Tlalocs_. Each has an eagle over his face, is clothed in leopard\nskin, has the characteristic eye and teeth, and the wristlets of Plate\nLX (Fig.\u00a059).\n\nA vertical line through the center of Plate XXIV (Fig. 60) would\nseparate the figures and ornaments into two groups. These groups are\nvery similar, but never identical, and this holds good down to the\nminutest particulars and is not the result of accident. One side (the\nright-hand) belongs to _Tlaloc_, the other to _Huitzilopochtli_.\n\nThe right-hand priest (let us call him, simply for a name and not to\ncommit ourselves to a theory) has the sandals of Plate LXI; the\nleft-hand priest the anklets of Plate LX.\n\nThe beast on which the first stands and the man who supports the other\nare both marked with the tassel symbol of Plate LX. There is a certain\nrude resemblance between the supplementary head of this beast and the\npendant in front of the belt of Fig. 52. Four of these beasts supply\nrain to the earth with _Tlaloc_ in Plate XXVI of the MS. _Troano_. The\ninfant offered by the right-hand priest has the _two_ curls on his\nforehead which was a necessary mark of the victims for TLALOC\u2019S\nsacrifices. The center of the whole plate is a horrid mask with an open\nmouth. Behind this are two staves with _different_ ornaments crossed in\nthe form of the air-cross. On either hand of this the ornaments are\ndifferent though similar.\n\nA curious resemblance may be traced between the positions, etc., of\nthese two staves and those of the figure on p.\u00a0563, vol. iv, of\nBANCROFT\u2019S _Native Races_, which is a Mexican stone. Again, this latter\nfigure has at its upper right-hand corner a crouching animal (?) very\nsimilar to the gateway ornament given in the same volume, p.\u00a0321. This\nlast is at Palenque. I\u00a0quote these two examples in passing simply to\nreinforce the idea of similarity between the sacred sculptures of\nYucatan and Mexico.\n\nI take it that the examination of which I have sketched the details will\nhave left no doubt but that the personage of Fig. 52 is truly\n_Huitzilopochtli_, the Yucatec representative of HUITZILOPOCHTLI; that\nPlate LXI (Fig.\u00a058) is the same personage; that Plate LX (Fig.\u00a059)\nrepresents TLALOC; and that Plate XXIV (Fig.\u00a060) is a tablet relating to\nthe service of these two gods.\n\nI have previously shown that the Palenque hieroglyphs are read in order\nfrom left to right. We should naturally expect, then, that the sign for\n_Tlaloc_ or for _Huitzilopochtli_ would occupy the upper left-hand\ncorner of Plate XXIV. In fact it does, and I was led to this discovery\nin the way I have indicated.\n\nNo. 37 is the Palenque manner of writing the top sign of Fig. 52.\nI\u00a0shall call the signs of Fig. 52 _a_, _b_, _c_, etc., in order\ndownwards.\n\nThe crouching face in _a_ occupies the lower central part of No. 37.\nNotice also that this face occurs below the small cross in the detached\nornament to the left of the central mask of Fig. 60. The crescent moon\nof Plate LXI (Fig.\u00a058) is on its cheek; back of this is the sun-sign;\nthe cross of _a_ is just above its eye; the three signs for the\ncelestial concave are at the top of 37, crossed with rain bands; the\nthree seeds (?) are below these. The feathers are in the lower\nright-hand two-thirds. This is the sign or part of the sign for\n_Huitzilopochtli_. If a Maya Indian had seen either of these signs a few\ncenturies ago, he would have had the successive ideas--a war-god, with a\nfeather-symbol, related to sun and moon, to fertilizing rain and\ninfluences, to clouds and seed; that is _Huitzilopochtli_, the companion\nof _Tlaloc_. Or if he had seen the upper left-hand symbol of the\nPalenque cross tablet (1800), he would have had _related_ ideas, and so\non.\n\nWhat I have previously said about the faithfulness with which the\nYucatec artist adhered to his prototypes in signs is perfectly true,\nalthough apparently partly contradicted by the identification I have\njust made. When a given attribute of a god (or\u00a0other personage) was to\nbe depicted, the _chiffres_ expressing this were marvellously alike.\nWitness the _chiffres_ Nos. 2090, 2073, 2021, 2045, 3085, 3073, 3070,\n3032 of the Palenque cross tablet. But directly afterwards some other\nattribute is to be brought out, and the _chiffre_ changes; thus the\nhieroglyph 1009 of Plate LIV, or 265, Plate LII, has the same protruding\ntongue as 2021, etc., and is the same personage, but the style is quite\nchanged. In Fig. 52, _Huitzilopochtli_ is the war-god, in Plate XXIV he\nis the rain-god\u2019s companion; and while every attribute is accounted for,\nprominence is given to the special ones worshipped or celebrated. Scores\nof instances of this have arisen in the course of my examination.\n\nAgain, we must remember that this was no source of ambiguity to the\nYucatecs, however much it may be to us. Each one of them, and specially\neach officiating priest, was entirely familiar with every attribute of\nevery god of the Yucatec pantheon. The sign of the attribute brought the\nidea of the power of the god in that special direction; the full idea of\nhis divinity was the integral of all these special ideas. The limits\nwere heaven and earth.\n\nThis, then, is the first step. I consider that it is securely based, and\nthat we may safely say that in proper names, at least, a\u00a0kind of picture\nwriting was used which was _not_ phonetic.\n\nFrom this point we may go on. I must again remark that great familiarity\nwith the literature of the Aztecs and Yucatecs is needed--a familiarity\nto which I personally cannot pretend--and that it is clear that the\nmethod to reach its full success must be applied by a true scholar in\nthis special field.\n\n\n\n\nIX.\n\nTLALOC, OR HIS MAYA REPRESENTATIVE.\n\n\nAlthough there is no personage of all the Maya pantheon more easy to\nrecognize in the form of a _statue_ than _Tlaloc_, there is great\ndifficulty in being certain of _all_ the hieroglyphs which relate to\nhim. There is every reason to believe that in Yucatan, as in Mexico,\nthere was a family of rain-gods, _Tlalocs_, and the distinguishing signs\nof the several members are almost impossible of separation, so long as\nwe know so little of the special functions of each member of this\nfamily.\n\nIn Yucatan, as in Mexico, _Tlaloc\u2019s_ main sign was a double line about\nthe eye or mouth, or about both; and further, some of the _Tlalocs_, at\nleast, were bearded.[6.3]\n\nCUKULCAN was also bearded, but we have separated out in the next section\nthe _chiffres_, or certainly most of them, that relate to him. Those\nthat are left remain to be distributed among the family of rain-gods;\nand this, as I have said, can only be done imperfectly, on account of\nour slight knowledge of the character of these gods.\n\nIf we examine the plates given by STEPHENS, we shall find many pictorial\nallusions to _Tlaloc_. These are often used as mere ornaments or\nembellishments, as in borders, etc., and probably served only to notify,\nin a general way, the fact of the relationship of the personage\nrepresented, to this family, and probably not to convey any specific\nmeaning.\n\nThus, in Plate XXXV of STEPHENS\u2019 work the upper left-hand ornament of\nthe border is a head of _Tlaloc_ with double lines about eye and mouth,\nand this ornament is repeated in a different form at the lower\nright-hand corner of the border just back of the right hand of the\nsitting figure, and also in the base of the border below the feet of the\nprincipal figure.\n\nPlate XLVIII (of STEPHENS\u2019) is probably CHALCHIHUITLICUE (that is, the\nYucatec equivalent of that goddess), who was the sister of _Tlaloc_. His\nsign occurs in the upper left-hand corner of the border, and in Plate\nXLIX the same sign occurs in a corresponding position.\n\nPlate XXIV (our Fig. 60) is full of _Tlaloc_ signs. The bottom of the\ntablet has a hieroglyph, 93 (_Huitzilopochtli_), at one end and 185\n(_Tlaloc_) at the other. The leopard skin, eagle, and the crouching\ntiger (?) under the feet of the priest of _Tlaloc_ (the right-hand\nfigure) are all given. The infant (?) offered by this priest has two\nlocks of curled hair at its forehead, as was prescribed for children\noffered to this god.\n\nIn Plate LVI (our Fig. 48) the mask at the foot of the cross is a human\nmask, and not a serpent mask, as has been ingeniously proved by Dr.\nHARRISON ALLEN in his paper so often quoted. It is the mask of _Tlaloc_,\nas shown by the teeth and corroborated (not proved) by the way in which\nthe eye is expressed. The curved hook within the eyeball here, as in\n185, stands for the air--the wind--of which _Tlaloc_ was also god. The\nMexicans had a similar sign for breath, message.\n\nThe _chiffre_ 1975, on which _Huitzilopochtli\u2019s_ priest is standing,\nI\u00a0believe to be the synonym of 185 in Plate XXIV. Just in front of\n_Tlaloc\u2019s_ priest is a sacrificial yoke (?), at the top of which is a\nface, with the eye of the _Tlalocs_, and various decorations. This face\nis to be found also at the lower left-hand corner of Plate XLI\n(of\u00a0STEPHENS\u2019), and also (?) in the same position in Plate XLII\n(of\u00a0STEPHENS\u2019). These will serve as subjects for further study.\n\nNotice in Plate LVI (our Fig. 48) how the ornaments in corresponding\npositions on either side of the central line are similar, yet never the\nsame. A\u00a0careful study of these pairs will show how the two gods\ncelebrated, differed. A\u00a0large part, at least, of the attributes of each\ngod is recorded in this way by antithesis. I\u00a0have not made enough\nprogress in this direction to make the very few conclusions of which I\nam certain worth recording. The general fact of such an antithesis is\nobvious when once it is pointed out, and it is in just such paths as\nthis that advances must be looked for.\n\nI have just mentioned, in this rapid survey of the plates of vol. ii of\nSTEPHENS\u2019 work, the principal pictorial signs relating to _Tlaloc_.\nThere are a number almost equally well marked in vol. i, in Plates VII,\nIX, X, XIII, and XV, but they need not be described. Those who are\nespecially interested can find them for themselves.\n\nThe following brief account and plate of a _Tlaloc_ inscription at Kabah\nwill be useful for future use, and is the more interesting as it is\ncomparatively unknown.\n\n\n_INSCRIPTION AT KABAH (Yucatan)._\n\nThis hitherto unpublished inscription on a rock at Kabah is given in\n_Archives pal\u00e9ographiques_, vol. i, part ii, Plate 20. It deserves\nattention on account of its resemblances, but still more on account of\nits differences, with certain other Yucatec glyphs.\n\nWe may first compare it with the Plate LX of STEPHENS (our Fig.\u00a059).\n\nThe head-dress in Plate 20 is quite simple, and presents no resemblance\nto the elaborate gear of Plate LX, in which the ornament of a leaf (?),\nor more probably feather, cross-hatched at the end and divided\nsymmetrically by a stem (?) or quill about which four dots are placed,\nseems characteristic.\n\n_Possibly_, and only possibly, the square in the rear of the head of\nPlate 20, which has two cross-hatchings, may refer to the elaborate\ncross-hatchings in Plate LX. The four dots are found twice, once in\nfront and once in rear of the figure. The heads of the two figures have\nonly one resemblance, but this is a very important one. The tusks belong\nto HUITZILOPOCHTLI and to his trinity, and specially to TLALOC, his\ncompanion.\n\nBoth Plate 20 and LX have the serpent wand or yoke clearly expressed. In\nLX the serpent is decorated with crotalus heads; in 20 by images of the\nsun (?), as in the FERJAVARY MS. (KINGSBOROUGH). The front apron or\nornament of Plate 20 is of snake skin, ornamented with sun-symbols.\nComparing Plate 20 with Fig. 52 (_ante_), we find quite other\nresemblances. The head-dress of 20 is the same as the projecting arm of\nthe head-dress of Fig. 52; and the tusks are found in the helmet or mask\nof Fig. 52.\n\nThese and other resemblances show the Kabah inscription to be a TLALOC.\nIt is interesting specially on account of its hieroglyphs, which I hope\nto examine subsequently. The style of this writing appears to be late,\nand may serve as a connecting link between the stones and the\nmanuscripts, and it is noteworthy that even the style of the drawing\nitself seems to be in the manner of the Mexican MS. of LAUD, rather than\nin that of the Palenque stone tablets.\n\nFrom the card catalogue I select the following _chiffres_ as\nappertaining to the family of the _Tlalocs_. As I have said, these must\nfor the present remain in a group, unseparated. Future studies will be\nnecessary to discriminate between the special signs which relate to\nspecial members of the family. The _chiffres_ are Nos. 3200; 1864; 1403;\n811; 1107?; 1943?; 4114??; _b_?; 1893 (bearded faces, or faces with\nteeth very prominent); 166?; 4??; 807?; 62?; 155?; 26; 154?; 165?; 164?;\n805; 4109; 1915?; 675??; 635?? (distinguished by the characteristic eye\nof the TLALOCS).\n\nHere, again, the writing is ideographic, and not phonetic.\n\n\n\n\nX.\n\nCUKULCAN OR QUETZALCOATL.\n\n\nThe character 2021 occurs many times in Plate LVI (Fig. 48), and\noccasionally elsewhere. The personage represented is distinguished by\nhaving a protruding tongue, and was therefore at once suspected to be\nQUETZALCOATL. (See BANCROFT\u2019S _Native Races_, vol. iii, p.\u00a0280.) The\nprotruding tongue is probably a reference to his introduction of the\nsacrificial acts performed by wounding that member.\n\nThe rest of the sign I suppose to be the rebus of his name,\n\u201cSnake-plumage\u201d; the part cross-hatched being \u201csnake,\u201d the feather-like\nornament at the upper left-hand corner being \u201cplumage.\u201d It is necessary,\nhowever, to prove this before accepting the theory. To do this I had\nrecourse to Plates I and IV (Figs. 49,\u00a050), my dictionary of synonyms.\n\nThis _cross-hatching_ occurs in Plate I. In the six tassels below the\nwaist, where the cross-hatching _might_ indicate the serpent skin,\nnotice the ends of the tassels; these are in a scroll-like form, and as\nif rolled or coiled tip. In Plate IV they are the same, naturally. So\nfar there is but little light.\n\nIn Plate IV, just above each wrist, is a sign composed of ellipse and\nbars; a\u00a0little above each of these signs, among coils which may be\nserpent coils, and on the horizontal line through the top of the\nnecklace pendant, are two surfaces cross-hatched all over. What do these\nmean? Referring to Plate\u00a0I, we find, in exactly the same relative\nsituation, the forked tongue and the rattles of the crotalus. These are,\nthen, synonyms, and the _guess_ is confirmed. The cross-hatching means\nserpent-skin. Is this _always_ so? We must examine other plates to\ndecide.\n\nThe same ornament is found in Plates IX, XIV, XVI, XVIII, XIX, XX, XXI,\nXXXV (of\u00a0STEPHENS\u2019), but its situation does not allow us to gain any\nadditional light.\n\nIn Plate XII (STEPHENS\u2019) none of the ornaments below the belt will help\nus. At the level of the mouth are four patches of it. Take the upper\nright-hand one of these. Immediately to its right is a serpent\u2019s head;\nbelow the curve and above the frog\u2019s (?) head are the rattles. Here is\nanother confirmation. In Plate XVIII I refer the cross-hatching to the\njaw of the crocodile. In Plate XXII I have numbered the _chiffres_ as\nfollows:\n\n 4201 4202 4203 4204.\n 4211 4212 4213 4214.\n * * * *\n * * * *\n * * * *\n 4311 4312 4313 4314.\n\n4204 has the cross-hatching at its top, and to its left in 4203 is the\nserpent\u2019s head. The same is true in 4233-4. In 4264 we have the same\nsymbol that we are trying to interpret; it is in its perfect form here\nand in No. 1865 of the Palenque series. In the caryatides of Plate XXIV\n(Fig.\u00a060) the cross-hatching is included in the spots of the leopard\u2019s\nskin; in the ornaments at the base, in and near the masks which they are\nsupporting, it is again serpent skin. Take the lower mask; its jaws,\nforked-tongue, and teeth prove it to be a serpent-mask, as well as the\nornament just above it. In Plate LX (Fig.\u00a059) it is to be noticed that\nthe leopard spots are not cross-hatched, but that this ornament is given\nat the lower end of the leopard robe, which ends moreover in a crotalus\ntongue marked with the sign of the jaw (near the top of this ornament)\nand of the rattles (near the bottom). This again confirms the theory of\nthe rebus meaning of the cross-hatching. In Plate XXIV (Fig.\u00a060) the\ncross-hatching on the leopard spots probably is meant to _add_ the\nserpent attribute to the leopard symbol, and not simply to denote the\nlatter.\n\nThus an examination of the _whole_ of the material available, shows that\nthe preceding half of the hieroglyph 2021 and its congeners is nothing\nbut the _rebus_ for QUETZALCOATL, or rather for CUKULCAN, the Maya name\nfor this god. BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG, as quoted in BANCROFT\u2019S _Native\nRaces_, vol. ii, p.\u00a0699, foot note, says CUKULCAN, comes from _kuk_ or\n_kukul_, a bird, which appears to be the same as the _quetzal_, and from\n_can_, serpent; so that CUKULCAN in Maya is the same as QUETZALCOATL in\nAztec. It is to be noticed how checks on the accuracy of any deciphering\nof hieroglyphs occur at every point, if we will only use them.\n\nThe Maya equivalents of HUITZILOPOCHTLI and TLALOC are undoubtedly\nburied in the _chiffres_ already deciphered, but we have no means of\ngetting their names in Maya from the rebus of the _chiffres_.\n\nIn the cases of these two gods we got the _chiffre_, and the rebus is\nstill to seek. In the case of _Quetzalcoatl_ or CUKULCAN, the rebus was\nthe means of getting the name; and if the names of this divinity had not\nbeen equivalent in the two tongues, our results would have led us to the\n(almost absurd) conclusion that a god of certain attributes was called\nby his Aztec name in the Maya nations.\n\nThus every correct conclusion confirms every former one and is a basis\nfor subsequent progress. The results of this analysis are that the Maya\ngod CUKULCAN is named in each one of the following _chiffres_, viz: Nos.\n1009, 265, 2090, 2073, 2021, 3085, 2045, 3073, 3070, 3032, 1865, 265,\n268?, 4291? 73?? I\u00a0give the numbers in the order in which they are\narranged in the card-catalogue. There is, of course, a\u00a0reason for this\norder.\n\nBANCROFT, vol. iii, p. 268, says of QUETZALCOATL that \u201chis symbols were\nthe bird, the serpent, the cross, and the flint, representing the\nclouds, the lightning, the four winds, and the thunderbolt.\u201d\n\nWe shall find all of his titles except one, the bird, in what follows.\nWe must notice here that in the _chiffre_ 2021 and its congeners the\nbird appears directly over the head of CUKULCAN. It is plainly shown in\nthe heliotype which accompanies Professor RAU\u2019S work on the Palenque\ncross, though not so well in our Fig. 48.\n\nIn what has gone before, we have seen that the characters 2021, 2045,\n2073, 3073, 3085, 265, etc., present the portrait and the rebus of\nCUKULCAN. It will not be forgotten that in the examination of the\nquestion as to the order in which the stone inscriptions were read we\nfound a number of _pairs_ in Plate LVI, Fig. 48; the characters 2021,\netc., being one member of each. The other members of the pairs in the\nPlate LVI were 2020, 2044, 2072, 3072, 3084, etc. 264-265 is another\nexample of the same pair elsewhere.\n\nI hoped to find that the name CUKULCAN, or 2021, was associated in these\npairs with some adjective or verb, and therefore examined the other\nmembers of the pair.\n\nIn a case like this the card-catalogue is of great assistance; for\nexample, I\u00a0wish to examine here the _chiffres_ Nos. 2020, 2044, 2072,\n3072, 3084, etc. In the catalogue their cards occur in the same\ncompartment, arranged so that two cards that are exactly alike are\ncontiguous. We can often know that two _chiffres_ are alike when one is\nin a far better state of preservation than the other. Hence we may\nselect for study that one in which the lines and figures are best\npreserved; or from several characters known to be alike, and of which no\none is entirely perfect, we may construct with accuracy the type upon\nwhich they were founded. In this case the hieroglyph 2020 is well\npreserved (see the right-hand side of Plate LVI, Fig. 48, the upper\nleft-hand glyph). It consists of a _human hand_, with the symbol of the\n_sun_ in it; above this is a sign similar to that of the Maya day\n_Ymix_; above this again, in miniature, is the rebus \u201csnake plumage\u201d or\n_Cukulcan_; and to the left of the hieroglyph are some curved lines not\nyet understood. No. 2003 of the same plate is also well preserved. It\nhas the hand as in 2020, the rebus also, and the sign for _Ymix_ is\nslightly different, being modified with a sign like the top of a cross,\nthe symbol of the _four winds_. The symbol _Ymix_ may be seen, by a\nreference to Plate XXVII (lower half) of the MS. _Troano_, to relate to\nthe _rain_. The figure of that plate is pouring rain upon the earth from\nthe orifices represented by _Ymix_. The cross of the _four winds_ is\nstill more plain in Nos. 2072, 3084, and 3072.\n\nThe part of this symbol 2020 and its synonyms which consists of curved\nlines occupying the left hand one-third of the whole _chiffre_ occurs\nonly in this set of characters, and thus I cannot say _certainly_ what\nthis particular part of the hieroglyph means; but if the reader will\nglance back over the last one hundred lines he will find that these\n_chiffres_ contain the _rebus_ CUKULCAN, the sign of a _human hand_, of\nthe _sun_, of the _rain_, and of the _four winds_.\n\nIn BANCROFT\u2019S _Native Races_, vol. iii, chapter vii, we find that the\ntitles of QUETZALCOATL (CUKULCAN) were the _air_, the _rattlesnake_, the\n_rumbler_ (in\u00a0allusion to thunder), the _strong hand_, the lord of the\n_four winds_. The bird symbol exists in 2021, etc. Now in 2020 and its\ncongeners we have found every one of these titles, save only that\nrelating to the _thunder_. And we have found a meaning for every part of\nthe hieroglyph 2020 save only one, viz, the left-hand one-third,\nconsisting of concentric half ellipses or circles. It may be said to be\nquite _probable_ that the unexplained part of the sign (2020)\ncorresponds to the unused title, \u201cthe rumbler.\u201d But it is not rigorously\nproved, although very probable. The thunder would be well represented by\nrepeating the sign for sky or heaven. This much seems to me certain. The\nsign is but another summing up of the attributes and titles of CUKULCAN.\n2021 gave his portrait, his bird symbol, made allusion to his\ninstitution of the sacrifice of wounding the tongue, and spelled out his\nname in rebus characters. 2020 repeats his name as a rebus and adds the\ntitles of lord of the four winds, of the sun, of rain, of the strong\nhand, etc. It is his biography, as it were.\n\nIn this connection, a passing reference to the characters 1810, etc.,\n1820, etc., 1830, etc., 1840, etc., 1850, etc., of the left-hand side of\nPlate LVI should be made. Among these, all the titles named above are to\nbe found. These are suitable subjects for future study.\n\nWe now see _why_ the pair 2020, 2021 occurs so many times in Plate LVI,\nand again as 264, 265, etc. The right-hand half of this tablet has much\nto say of CUKULCAN, and whenever his name is mentioned a brief list of\nhis titles accompanies it. Although it is disappointing to find _both_\nmembers of this well-marked pair to be proper names, yet it is\ngratifying to see that the theory of pairs, on which the proof of the\norder in which the tablets are to be read must rest, has received such\nunexpected confirmation.\n\nTo conclude the search for the hieroglyphs of CUKULCAN\u2019S name, it will\nbe necessary to collect all those faces with \u201c_round_ beards\u201d (see\nBANCROFT\u2019S _Native Races_, vol. iii, p.\u00a0250). TLALOC was also bearded,\nbut all the historians refer to QUETZALCOATL as above cited. I\u00a0refer\nhieroglyphs Nos. 658, 651?, 650?, and 249? to this category.\n\nPerhaps also the sign No. 153 is the sign of QUETZALCOATL, as something\nvery similar to it is given as his sign in the _Codex Telleriano\nRemensis_, KINGSBOROUGH, vol.\u00a0i, Plates I, II, and V (Plate\u00a0I the best),\nwhere he wears it at his waist.\n\nIn Plate LXIII of STEPHENS (vol. ii) is a small figure of CUKULCAN which\nhe calls \u201cBas Relief on Tablet.\u201d WALDECK gives a much larger drawing\n(incorrect, however, in many details), in which the figure, the \u201cBeau\nRelief,\u201d is seen to wear bracelets high up on the arm. This was a\ndistinguishing sign of QUETZALCOATL (see BANCROFT\u2019S _Native Races_, vol.\niii, pp. 249 and 250), and this figure probably is a representation of\nthe Maya divinity. He is on a stool with tigers for supports. The tiger\nbelongs to the attributes which he had in common with TLALOC, and we see\nagain the intimate connection of these divinities--a connection often\npointed out by BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG.\n\nThis is the third proper name which has been deciphered. All of them\nhave been pure picture-writing, except in so far as their rebus\ncharacter may make them in a sense phonetic.\n\n\n\n\nXI.\n\nCOMPARISON OF THE SIGNS OF THE MAYA MONTHS (LANDA) WITH THE TABLETS.\n\n\nWe have a set of signs for Maya months and days handed down to us by\nLANDA along with his phonetic alphabet. _A\u00a0priori_ these are more likely\nto represent the primitive forms as carved in stone than are the\nalphabetic hieroglyphs, which may well have been invented by the\nSpaniards to assist the natives to memorize religious formul\u00e6.[6.4]\n\nBRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG has analyzed the signs for the day and month in\nhis publication on the MS. _Troano_, and the strongest arguments which\ncan be given for their phonetic origin are given by him.\n\nI have made a set of MS. copies of these signs and included them in my\ncard-catalogue, and have carefully compared them with the tablets XXIV\nand LVI. My results are as follows:\n\nPLATE XXIV (our Fig. 60).\n\n No. 42 is the Maya month _Pop_, beginning July 16.\n No. 54 is _Zip_??, beginning August 25.\n No. 47 is _Tzoz_??, beginning September 14.\n No. 57 is _Tzec_? beginning October 4.\n No. 44-45 is _Mol_?, beginning December 3.\n No. 39 is _Yax_, _Zac_, or _Ceh_, beginning January 12, February\u00a01,\n February 21, respectively.\n\nPLATE LVI (our Fig. 48).\n\n No. 1804 is _Uo_????\n No. 1901 is _Zip_????\n No. 1816 is _Tzoz_??\n No. 1814 is _Tzec_?\n No. 1807 is _Mol_?\n No. 1855 is _Yax_, _Zac_, or _Ceh_.\n No. 1844 is _Mac_?\n\nThe only sign about which there is little or no doubt is No. 42, which\nseems pretty certainly to be the sign of the Maya month _Pop_, which\nbegan July 16.\n\nNo. 39, just above it, seems also to be _one_ of the months _Yax_,\n_Zac_, or _Ceh_, which began on January 12, February 1, and February 21,\nrespectively. Which one of these it corresponds to must be settled by\nother means than a direct comparison. The signs given by LANDA for these\nthree months all contain the same radical as No. 39, but it is\nimpossible to decide with entire certainty to which it corresponds. It,\nhowever, most nearly resembles the sign for _Zac_ (February\u00a01); and it\nis noteworthy that it was precisely in this month that the greatest\nfeast of TLALOC took place,[6.5] and its presence in this tablet, which\nrelates to _Tlaloc_, is especially interesting.\n\nIn connection with the counting of time, a reference to the bottom part\nof the _chiffre_ 3000 of the Palenque cross tablet should be made. This\nis a _knot_ tied up in a string or scarf; and we know this to have been\nthe method of expressing the expiration and completion of a cycle of\nyears. It occurs just above the symbol 3010, the _chiffre_ for a metal.\n\nAn examination of the original stone in the National Museum, Washington,\nwhich is now in progress, has already convinced me that the methods\nwhich I have described in the preceding pages promise other interesting\nconfirmations of the results I have reached. For the time, I must leave\nthe matter in its present state. I\u00a0think I am justified in my confidence\nthat suitable methods of procedure have been laid down, and that certain\nimportant results have already been reached.\n\nI do not believe that the conclusions stated will be changed, but I am\nconfident that a rich reward will be found by any competent person who\nwill continue the study of these stones. The proper names now known will\nserve as points of departure, and it is probable that some research will\ngive us the signs for verbs or adjectives connected with them.\n\nIt is an immense step to have rid ourselves of the phonetic or\nalphabetic idea, and to have found the manner in which the Maya mind\nrepresented attributes and ideas. Their method was that of all nations\nat the origin of written language; that is, pure picture-writing. At\nCopan this is found in its earliest state; at Palenque it was already\nhighly conventionalized. The step from the Palenque character to that\nused in the Kabah inscription is apparently not greater than the step\nfrom the latter to the various manuscripts. An important research would\nbe the application of the methods so ably applied by Dr. ALLEN to\ntracing the evolution of the latter characters from their earlier forms.\nIn this way it will be possible to extend our present knowledge\nmaterially.\n\n\n\n\n [Footnote 6.1: The Life Form in Art, Trans. Amer. Phil. Soc.,\n vol. xv, 1873, p.\u00a0325.]\n\n [Footnote 6.2: From KINGSBOROUGH, vol. i, plate 48, it appears\n that TLACLI TONATIO may have had four hands. His name meant\n (?) Let there be light.]\n\n [Footnote 6.3: See KINGSBOROUGH, vol. ii, Plate I, of the\n LAUD MS.]\n\n [Footnote 6.4: Since this was written I have seen a paper by Dr.\n VALENTINI, \u201cThe LANDA alphabet a Spanish fabrication\u201d (read\n before the American Antiquarian Society, April 28, 1880), and the\n conclusions of that paper seem to me to be undoubtedly correct.\n They are the same as those just given, but while my own were\n reached by a study of the stones and in the course of a general\n examination, Dr. VALENTINI has addressed himself successfully to\n the solution of a special problem.]\n\n [Footnote 6.5: See BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG, _Histoire du Mexique_,\n vol. i, p.\u00a0328.]\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n\n_Errors and Inconsistencies: Picture-Writing_\n\nThe variations between \u201c_MS. Troano_\u201d (wholly italicized) and\n\u201cMS. _Troano_\u201d (only title italicized), and between \u201cStephens\u2019s\u201d and\n\u201cStephens\u2019\u201d (with and without possessive \u201cs\u201d) are in the original.\n\n handed down by the Greek cotemporaries [_variant spelling unchanged_]\n contain all the material [all the the material]\n [Plate LIII, left half]\n 604 605 609 610 611 612\n [_number 605 printed and positioned as shown_]\n PLATE LVI... 1976 = _Ezanab_--a Maya day. [_final . missing_]\n there are even more coincidences [coindences]\n FIG. 51.--Synonymous hieroglyphs [Synonomous]\n probably related to No. 53, Plate XXIV, and [Plate XXIV and]\n M. G.-H.-BAND ... M.\u00a0S.-A.-van BRAAM ...\n [_hyphens in original (quoted passage)_]\n others in Stephens\u2019 Travels in Central America\n [_printed in plain text as shown: expected form is \u201cStephens\u201d\n in small capitals, book title in italics_]\n His association with QUETZALCOATL or CUKULCAN [CUCULKAN]\n the upper left-hand hieroglyph of Plate XIII [left-hand,]\n supported by a blue globe.\u201d [_close quote missing_]\n a buckler bearing five white plumes [plums]\n HERRARA describes HUITZILOPOCHTLI and TETZCATLIPOCA [TEZCATLIPOCA]\n In the _MS. Troano_, plate xxxi [Ms.]\n a figure occurring at Labphak is given [Labphax]\n I personally cannot pretend [pertend]\n\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n * * * * *\n\n\n SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION--BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.\n\n J. W. Powell, Director.\n\n\n CESSIONS OF LAND BY INDIAN TRIBES\n\n to the\n\n UNITED STATES:\n\n Illustrated by Those in the State of Indiana.\n\n By\n\n C. C. ROYCE.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n Character of the Indian title 249\n Indian boundaries 253\n Original and secondary cessions 256\n\n\n\n\n [Illustration: Map of the State of Indiana]\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\n CESSIONS OF LAND BY INDIAN TRIBES\n\n TO THE UNITED STATES:\n\n ILLUSTRATED BY THOSE IN THE STATE OF INDIANA.\n\n By C. C. Royce.\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\nCHARACTER OF THE INDIAN TITLE.\n\n\nThe social and political relations that have existed and still continue\nbetween the Government of the United States and the several Indian\ntribes occupying territory within its geographical limits are, in many\nrespects, peculiar.\n\nThe unprecedentedly rapid increase and expansion of the white population\nof the country, bringing into action corresponding necessities for the\nacquisition and subjection of additional territory, have maintained a\nconstant straggle between civilization and barbarism. Involved as a\nfactor in this social conflict, was the legal title to the land occupied\nby Indians. The questions raised were whether in law or equity the\nIndians were vested with any stronger title than that of mere tenants at\nwill, subject to be dispossessed at the pleasure or convenience of their\nmore civilized white neighbors, and, if so, what was the nature and\nextent of such stronger title?\n\nThese questions have been discussed and adjudicated from time to time by\nthe executive and judicial authorities of civilized nations ever since\nthe discovery of America.\n\nThe discovery of this continent, with its supposed marvelous wealth of\nprecious metals and commercial woods, gave fresh impetus to the ambition\nand cupidity of European monarchs.\n\nSpain, France, Holland, and England each sought to rival the other in\nthe magnitude and value of their discoveries. As the primary object of\neach of these European potentates was the same, and it was likely to\nlead to much conflict of jurisdiction, the necessity of some general\nrule became apparent, whereby their respective claims might be\nacknowledged and adjudicated without resort to the arbitrament of arms.\nOut of this necessity grew the rule which became a part of the\nrecognized law of nations, and which gave the preference of title to the\nmonarch whose vessels should be the first to discover, rather than to\nthe one who should first enter upon the possession of new lands. The\nexclusion under this rule of all other claimants gave to the discovering\nnation the sole right of acquiring the soil from the natives and of\nplanting settlements thereon. This was a right asserted by all the\ncommercial nations of Europe, and fully recognized in their dealings\nwith each other; and the assertion, of such a right necessarily carried\nwith it a modified denial of the Indian title to the land discovered. It\nrecognized in them nothing but a possessory title, involving a right of\noccupancy and enjoyment until such time as the European sovereign should\npurchase it from them. The ultimate fee was held to reside in such\nsovereign, whereby the natives were inhibited from alienating in any\nmanner their right of possession to any but that sovereign or his\nsubjects.\n\nThe recognition of these principles seems to have been complete, as is\nevidenced by the history of America from its discovery to the present\nday. France, England, Portugal, and Holland recognized them\nunqualifiedly, and even Catholic Spain did not predicate her title\nsolely upon the grant of the Holy See.\n\nNo one of these countries was more zealous in her maintenance of these\ndoctrines than England. In 1496 King Henry VII commissioned John and\nSebastian Cabot to proceed upon a voyage of discovery and to take\npossession of such countries as they might find which were then unknown\nto Christian people, in the name of the King of England. The results of\ntheir voyages in the next and succeeding years laid the foundation for\nthe claim of England to the territory of that portion of North America\nwhich subsequently formed the nucleus of our present possessions.\n\nThe policy of the United States since the adoption of the Federal\nConstitution has in this particular followed the precedent established\nby the mother country. In the treaty of peace between Great Britain and\nthe United States following the Revolutionary war, the former not only\nrelinquished the right of government, but renounced and yielded to the\nUnited States all pretensions and claims whatsoever to all the country\nsouth and west of the great northern rivers and lakes as far as the\nMississippi.\n\nIn the period between the conclusion of this treaty and the year 1789 it\nwas undoubtedly the opinion of Congress that the relinquishment of\nterritory thus made by Great Britain, without so much as a saving clause\nguaranteeing the Indian right of occupancy, carried with it an absolute\nand unqualified fee-simple title unembarrassed by any intermediate\nestate or tenancy. In the treaties held with the Indians during this\nperiod--notably those of Fort Stanwix, with the Six Nations, in 1784,\nand Fort Finney, with the Shawnees, in 1786--they had been required to\nacknowledge the United States as the sole and absolute sovereign of all\nthe territory ceded by Great Britain.\n\nThis claim, though unintelligible to the savages in its legal aspects,\nwas practically understood by them to be fatal to their independence and\nterritorial rights. Although in a certain degree the border tribes had\nbeen defeated in their conflicts with the United States, they still\nretained sufficient strength and resources to render them formidable\nantagonists, especially when the numbers and disposition of their\nadjoining and more remote allies were taken into consideration. The\nbreadth, and boldness of the territorial claims thus asserted by the\nUnited States were not long in producing their natural effect. The\nactive and sagacious Brant succeeded in reviving his favorite project of\nan alliance between the Six Nations and the northwestern tribes. He\nexperienced but little trouble in convening a formidable assemblage of\nIndians at Huron Village, opposite Detroit, where they held council\ntogether from November 28 to December 18, 1786.\n\nThese councils resulted in the presentation of an address to Congress,\nwherein they expressed an earnest desire for peace, but firmly insisted\nthat all treaties carried on with the United States should be with the\ngeneral voice of the whole confederacy in the most open manner; that the\nUnited States should prevent surveyors and others from crossing the Ohio\nRiver; and they proposed a general treaty early in the spring of 1787.\nThis address purported to represent the Five Nations, Hurons, Ottawas,\nTwichtwees, Shawanese, Chippewas, Cherokees, Delawares, Pottawatomies,\nand the Wabash Confederates, and was signed with the totem of each\ntribe.\n\nSuch a remonstrance, considering the weakness of the government under\nthe old Articles of Confederation, and the exhausted condition\nimmediately following the Revolution, produced a profound sensation in\nCongress. That body passed an act providing for the negotiation of a\ntreaty or treaties, and making an appropriation for the purchase and\nextinguishment of the Indian claim to certain lands. These preparations\nand appropriations resulted in two treaties made at Fort Harmar, January\n9, 1789, one with the Six Nations, and the other with the Wiandot,\nDelaware, Ottawa, Chippewa, Pottawatima, and Sac Nations, wherein the\nIndian title of occupancy is clearly acknowledged. That the government\nso understood and recognized this principle as entering into the text of\nthose treaties is evidenced by a communication bearing date June 15,\n1789, from General Knox, then Secretary of War, to President Washington,\nand which was communicated by the latter on the same day to Congress, in\nwhich it is declared that--\n\n The Indians, being the prior occupants, possess the right of soil.\n It cannot be taken from them, unless by their free consent, or by\n right of conquest in case of a just war. To dispossess them on any\n other principle would be a gross violation of the fundamental laws\n of nature, and of that distributive justice which is the glory of a\n nation.\n\nThe principle thus outlined and approved by the administration of\nPresident Washington, although more than once questioned by interested\nparties, has almost, if not quite, invariably been sustained by the\nlegal tribunals of the country, at least by the courts of final resort;\nand the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States bear\nconsistent testimony to its legal soundness. Several times has this\nquestion in different forms appeared before the latter tribunal for\nadjudication, and in each case has the Indian right been recognized and\nprotected. In 1823, 1831, and 1832, Chief Justice Marshall successively\ndelivered the opinion of the court in important cases involving the\nIndian status and rights. In the second of these cases (The Cherokee\nNation _vs._ The State of Georgia) it was maintained that the Cherokees\nwere a state and had uniformly been treated as such since the settlement\nof the country; that the numerous treaties made with them by the United\nStates recognized them as a people capable of maintaining the relations\nof peace and war; of being responsible in their political character for\nany violation of their engagements, or for any aggression committed on\nthe citizens of the United States by any individual of their community;\nthat the condition of the Indians in their relations to the United\nStates is perhaps unlike that of any other two peoples on the globe;\nthat, in general, nations not owing a common allegiance are foreign to\neach other, but that the relation of the Indians to the United States is\nmarked by peculiar and cardinal distinctions which exist nowhere else;\nthat the Indians were acknowledged to have an unquestionable right to\nthe lands they occupied until that right should be extinguished by a\nvoluntary cession to our government; that it might well be doubted\nwhether those tribes which reside within the acknowledged boundaries of\nthe United States could with strict accuracy be denominated foreign\nnations, but that they might more correctly perhaps be denominated\ndomestic dependent nations; that they occupied a territory to which we\nasserted a title independent of their will, but which only took effect\nin point of possession when their right of possession ceased.\n\nThe Government of the United States having thus been committed in all of\nits departments to the recognition of the principle of the Indian right\nof possession, it becomes not only a subject of interest to the student\nof history, but of practical value to the official records of the\ngovernment, that a carefully compiled work should exhibit the boundaries\nof the several tracts of country which have been acquired from time to\ntime, within the present limits of the United States, by cession or\nrelinquishment from the various Indian tribes, either through the medium\nof friendly negotiations and just compensation, or as the result of\nmilitary conquest. Such a work, if accurate, would form the basis of any\ncomplete history of the Indian tribes in their relations to, and\ninfluence upon the growth and diffusion of our population and\ncivilization. Such a contribution to the historical collections of the\ncountry should comprise:\n\n1st. A series of maps of the several States and Territories, on a scale\nranging from ten to sixteen miles to an inch, grouped in atlas form,\nupon which should be delineated in colors the boundary lines of the\nvarious tracts of country ceded to the United States from time to time\nby the different Indian tribes.\n\n2d. An accompanying historical text, not only reciting the substance of\nthe material provisions of the several treaties, but giving a history of\nthe causes leading to them, as exhibited in contemporaneous official\ncorrespondence and other trustworthy data.\n\n3d. A chronologic list of treaties with the various Indian tribes,\nexhibiting the names of tribes, the date, place where, and person by\nwhom negotiated.\n\n4th. An alphabetic list of all rivers, lakes, mountains, villages, and\nother objects or places mentioned in such treaties, together with their\nlocation and the names by which they are at present known.\n\n5th. An alphabetic list of the principal rivers, lakes, mountains, and\nother topographic features in the United States, showing not only their\npresent names but also the various names by which they have from time to\ntime been known since the discovery of America, giving in each case the\ndate and the authority therefor.\n\n\n\n\nINDIAN BOUNDARIES.\n\n\nThe most difficult and laborious feature of the work is that involved\nunder the first of these five subdivisions. The ordinary reader in\nfollowing the treaty provisions, in which the boundaries of the various\ncessions are so specifically and minutely laid down, would anticipate\nbut little difficulty in tracing those boundaries upon the modern map.\nIn this he would find himself sadly at fault. In nearly all of the\ntreaties concluded half a century or more ago, wherein cessions of land\nwere made, occur the names of boundary points which are not to be found\non any modern map, and which have never been known to people of the\npresent generation living in the vicinity.\n\nIn many of the older treaties this is the case with a large proportion\nof the boundary points mentioned. The identification and exact location\nof these points thus becomes at once a source of much laborious\nresearch. Not unfrequently weeks and even months of time have been\nconsumed, thousands of old maps and many volumes of books examined, and\na voluminous correspondence conducted with local historical societies or\nold settlers, in the effort to ascertain the location of a single\nboundary point.\n\nTo illustrate this difficulty, the case of \u201cHawkins\u2019 line\u201d may be cited,\na\u00a0boundary line mentioned in the cession by the Cherokees by treaty of\nOctober 2, 1798. An examination of more than four thousand old and\nmodern maps and the scanning of more than fifty volumes failed to show\nits location or to give even the slightest clue to it. A\u00a0somewhat\nextended correspondence with numerous persons in Tennessee, including\nthe veteran annalist, Ramsey, also failed to secure the desired\ninformation. It was not until months of time had been consumed and\nprobable sources of information had been almost completely exhausted\nthat, through the persevering inquiries of Hon. John M. Lea, of\nNashville, Tenn., in conjunction with the present writer\u2019s own\ninvestigations, the line was satisfactorily identified as being the\nboundary line mentioned in the Cherokee treaty of July 2, 1791, and\ndescribed as extending from the North Carolina boundary \u201cnorth to a\npoint from which a line is to be extended to the river Clinch that shall\npass the Holston at the ridge which divides the waters running into\nLittle River from those running into the Tennessee.\u201d\n\nIt gained the title of \u201cHawkins\u2019 line\u201d from the fact that a man named\nHawkins surveyed it.\n\nThat this is not an isolated case, and as an illustration of the number\nand frequency of changes in local geographical names in this country, it\nmay be remarked that in twenty treaties concluded by the Federal\nGovernment with the various Indian tribes prior to the year 1800, in an\naggregate of one hundred and twenty objects and places therein recited,\nseventy-three of them are wholly ignored in the latest edition of\nColton\u2019s Atlas; and this proportion will hold with but little diminution\nin the treaties negotiated during the twenty years immediately\nsucceeding that date.\n\nAnother and most perplexing question has been the adjustment of the\nconflicting claims of different tribes of Indians to the same territory.\nIn the earlier days of the Federal period, when the entire country west\nof the Alleghanies was occupied or controlled by numerous contiguous\ntribes, whose methods of subsistence involved more or less of nomadic\nhabit, and who possessed large tracts of country then of no greater\nvalue than merely to supply the immediate physical wants of the hunter\nand fisherman, it was not essential to such tribes that a careful line\nof demarkation should define the limits of their respective territorial\nclaims and jurisdiction. When, however, by reason of treaty negotiations\nwith the United States, with a view to the sale to the latter of a\nspecific area of territory within clearly-defined boundaries, it became\nessential for the tribe with whom the treaty was being negotiated to\nmake assertion and exhibit satisfactory proof of its possessory title to\nthe country it proposed to sell, much controversy often arose with other\nadjoining tribes, who claimed all or a portion of the proposed cession.\nThese conflicting claims were sometimes based upon ancient and\nimmemorial occupancy, sometimes upon early or more recent conquest, and\nsometimes upon a sort of wholesale squatter-sovereignty title whereby a\nwhole tribe, in the course of a sudden and perhaps forced migration,\nwould settle down upon an unoccupied portion of the territory of some\nless numerous tribe, and by sheer intimidation maintain such occupancy.\n\nIn its various purchases from the Indians, the Government of the United\nStates, in seeking to quiet these conflicting territorial claims, have\nnot unfrequently been compelled to accept from two, and even three,\ndifferent tribes separate relinquishments of their respective rights,\ntitles, and claims to the same section of country. Under such\ncircumstances it can readily be seen, what difficulties would attend a\nclear exhibition upon a single map of these various coincident and\noverlapping strips of territory. The State of Illinois affords an\nexcellent illustration. The conflicting cessions in that State may be\nbriefly enumerated as follows:\n\n1. The cession at the mouth of Chicago River, by treaty of August 3,\n1795, was also included within the limits of a subsequent cession made\nby treaty of August 24, 1816, with the Ottawas, Chippewas, and\nPottawatomies.\n\n2. The cession at the mouth of the Illinois River, by treaty of 1795,\nwas overlapped by the Kaskaskia cession of 1803, again by the Sac and\nFox cession of 1804, and a third time by the Kickapoo cession of 1819.\n\n3. The cession at \u201cOld Peoria Fort, or village,\u201d by treaty of 1795, was\nalso overlapped in like manner with the last preceding one.\n\n4. The cessions of 1795 at Fort Massac and at Great Salt Spring are\nwithin the subsequent cession by the Kaskaskias of 1803.\n\n5. The cession of August 13, 1803, by the Kaskaskias, as ratified and\nenlarged by the Kaskaskias and Peorias September 25, 1818, overlaps the\nseveral sessions by previous treaty of 1795 at the mouth of the Illinois\nRiver, at Great Salt Spring, at Fort Massac, and at Old Peoria Fort, and\nis in turn overlapped by subsequent cessions of July 30, and August 30,\n1819, by the Kickapoos and by the Pottawatomie cession of October 20,\n1832.\n\n6. The Sac and Fox cession of November 3, 1804 (partly in Missouri and\nWisconsin) overlaps the cessions of 1795 at the mouth of the Illinois\nRiver and at Old Peoria Fort. It is overlapped by two Chippewa, Ottawa,\nand Pottawatomie cessions of July 29, 1829, the Winnebago cessions of\nAugust 1, 1829, and September 1, 1832, and by the Chippewa, Ottawa, and\nPottawatomie cession of September 26, 1833.\n\n7. The Piankeshaw cession of December 30, 1805, is overlapped by the\nKickapoo cession of 1819.\n\n8. The Ottawa, Chippewa, and Pottawatomie cession of August 24, 1816,\noverlaps the cession of 1795 around Chicago.\n\n9. The cession of October 2, 1818, by the Pottawatomies (partly in\nIndiana), is overlapped by the subsequent cession of 1819, by the\nKickapoos.\n\n10. The combined cessions of July 30, and August 30, 1819, by the\nKickapoos (partly in Indiana), overlap the cessions of 1795 at the mouth\nof the Illinois River and at Old Fort Peoria; also the Kaskaskia and\nPeoria cessions of 1803 and 1818, the Piankeshaw cession of 1805, and\nthe Pottawatomie cession of October 2, 1818, and are overlapped by the\nsubsequent Pottawatomie cession of October 20, 1832.\n\n11. Two cessions were made by the Chippewas, Ottawas and Pottawatomies\nby treaty of July 29, 1829 (partly located in Wisconsin), one of which\nis entirely and the other largely within the limits of the country\npreviously ceded by the Sacs and Foxes, November 3, 1804.\n\n12. The Winnebago cession of August 1, 1829 (which is partly in\nWisconsin), is also wholly within the limits of the aforesaid Sac and\nFox cession of 1804.\n\n13. Cession by the Winnebagoes September 15, 1832, which is mostly in\nthe State of Wisconsin and which was also within the limits of the Sac\nand Fox cession of 1804.\n\n14. Pottawatomie cession of October 20, 1832, which overlaps the\nKaskaskia and Peoria cession of August 13, 1803, as confirmed and\nenlarged September 25, 1818, and also the Kickapoo cession by treaties\nof July 30 and August 30, 1819.\n\nFrom this it will be seen that almost the entire country comprising the\npresent State of Illinois was the subject of controversy in the matter\nof original ownership, and that the United States, in order fully to\nextinguish the Indian claim thereto, actually bought it twice, and some\nportions of it three times. It is proper, however, to add in this\nconnection that where the government at the date of a purchase from one\ntribe was aware of an existing claim to the same region by another\ntribe, it had the effect of diminishing the price paid.\n\n\n\n\nORIGINAL AND SECONDARY CESSIONS.\n\n\nAnother difficulty that has arisen, and one which, in order to avoid\nconfusion, will necessitate the duplication in the atlas of the maps of\nseveral States, is the attempt to show not only original, but also\nsecondary cessions of land. The policy followed by the United States for\nmany years in negotiating treaties with the tribes east of the\nMississippi River included the purchase of their former possessions and\ntheir removal west of that river to reservations set apart for them\nwithin the limits of country purchased for that purpose from its\noriginal owners, and which were in turn retroceded to the United States\nby its secondary owners. This has been largely the case in Missouri,\nArkansas, Kansas, Nebraska, and Indian Territory. The present State of\nKansas, for instance, was for the most part the inheritance of the\nKansas and Osage tribes. It was purchased from them by the provisions of\nthe treaties of June 2, 1825, with the Osage, and June 3, 1825, with the\nKansas tribe, they, however, reserving in each case a tract sufficiently\nlarge for their own use and occupancy. These and subsequent cessions of\nthese two tribes must be shown upon a map of \u201coriginal cessions.\u201d\n\nAfter securing these large concessions from the Kansas and Osages, the\ngovernment, in pursuance of the policy above alluded to, sought to\nsecure the removal of the remnant of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois tribes\nto this region by granting them, in part consideration for their eastern\npossessions, reservations therein of size and location suitable to their\nwishes and necessities. In this way homes were provided for the\nWyandots, Delawares, Shawnees, Pottawatomies, Sacs and Foxes of the\nMississippi, Kickapoos, the Confederated Kaskaskias, Peorias,\nPiankeshaws, and Weas, the Ottawas of Blanchard\u2019s Fork and Roche de\nBoeuf, and the Chippewas and Munsees. A\u00a0few years of occupation again\nfound the advancing white settlements encroaching upon their domain,\nwith the usual accompanying demand for more land. Cessions, first; of a\nportion and finally of the remnant, of these reservations followed,\ncoupled with the removal of the Indians to Indian Territory. These\nseveral reservations and cessions must be indicated upon a map of\n\u201csecondary cessions.\u201d\n\nObject illustration is much more striking and effective than mere\nverbal description. In order, therefore, to secure to the reader the\nclearest possible understanding of the subject, there is herewith\npresented as an illustration a map of the State of Indiana, upon which\nis delineated the boundaries of the different tracts of land within that\nState ceded to the United States from time to time by treaty with the\nvarious Indian tribes.\n\nThe cessions are as follows:\n\nNo. 1. A tract lying east of a line running from opposite the mouth of\nKentucky River, in a northerly direction, to Fort Recovery, in Ohio, and\nwhich forms a small portion of the western end of the cession made by\nthe first paragraph of article 3, treaty of August 3, 1795, with the\nWyandots, Delawares, Miamis, and nine other tribes. Its boundaries are\nindicated by scarlet lines. The bulk of the cession is in Ohio.\n\nNo. 2. Six miles square at confluence of Saint Mary\u2019s and Saint Joseph\u2019s\nRivers, including Fort Wayne; also ceded by treaty of August 3, 1795,\nand bounded on the map by scarlet lines.\n\nNo. 3. Two miles square on the Wabash, at the end of the Portage of the\nMiami of the Lake; also ceded by treaty of August 3, 1795, and bounded\non the map by scarlet lines.\n\nNo. 4. Six miles square at Outatenon, or Old Wea Towns, on the Wabash;\nalso ceded by treaty of August 3, 1795, and bounded on the map by\nscarlet lines. This tract was subsequently retroceded to the Indians by\narticle 8, treaty of September 30, 1809, and finally included within the\nPottawatomie session of October 2, 1818, and the Miami cession of\nOctober 6, 1818.\n\nNo. 5. Clarke\u2019s grant on the Ohio River; stipulated in deed from\nVirginia to the United States in 1784 to be granted to General George\nRogers Clarke and his soldiers. This tract was specially excepted from\nthe limits of the Indian country by treaty of August 3, 1795, and is\nbounded on the map by scarlet lines.\n\nNo. 6. \u201cPost of Vincennes and adjacent country, to which the Indian\ntitle has been extinguished.\u201d This tract was specially excluded from the\nlimits of the Indian country by treaty of August 3, 1795. Doubt having\narisen as to its proper boundaries, they were specifically defined by\ntreaty of June 7, 1803. It is known as the \u201cVincennes tract\u201d; is partly\nin Illinois, and is bounded on the map by scarlet lines.\n\nNo. 7. Tract ceded by the treaties of August 18, 1804, with the\nDelawares, and August 27, 1804, with the Piankeshaws. In the southern\npart of the State, and bounded on the map by green lines.\n\nNo. 8. Cession by the treaty of August 21, 1805, with the Miamis, Eel\nRivers, and Weas, in the southeastern part of the State, and designated\nby blue lines.\n\nNo. 9. Cession by treaty of September 30, 1809, with the Miami, Eel\nRiver, Delaware, and Pottawatomie tribes, adjoining \u201cVincennes tract\u201d\n(No.\u00a09) on the north, and designated by yellow lines. This cession was\nconcurred in by the Weas in the treaty of October 26, 1809.\n\nNo. 10. Cession by the same treaty of September 30, 1809; in the\nsoutheastern portion of the State; bounded on the map by yellow lines.\n\nNo. 11. Cession also by the treaty of September 30, 1809; marked by\ncrimson lines, and partly in Illinois. This cession was conditional upon\nthe consent of the Kickapoos, which was obtained by the treaty with them\nof December 9, 1809.\n\nNo. 12. Cession by the Kickapoos, December 9, 1809, which was\nsubsequently reaffirmed by them June 4, 1816. It was also assented to by\nthe Weas October 2, 1818, and by the Miamis October 6, 1818. It is\npartly in Illinois, and is bounded on the map by green lines. The\nKickapoos also assented to the cession No. 11 by the Miamis _et al._, of\nSeptember 30, 1809.\n\nNo. 13. Cession by the Wyandots, September 29, 1817. This is mostly in\nOhio, and is bounded on the map by yellow lines.\n\nNo. 14. Cession by the Pottawatomies, October 2, 1818; partly in\nIllinois, and is denoted by brown lines. A\u00a0subsequent treaty of August\n30, 1819, with the Kickapoos, cedes a tract of country (No.\u00a016) which\noverlaps this cession, the overlap being indicated by a dotted blue\nline.\n\nBy the treaty of October 2, 1818, the Weas ceded all the land claimed by\nthem in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, except a small reserve on the\nWabash River. Their claim was of a general and indefinite character, and\nis fully covered by more definite cessions by other tribes.\n\nBy the treaty of October 3, 1818, the Delawares ceded all their claim to\nland in Indiana. This claim, which they held in joint tenancy with the\nMiamis, was located on the waters of White River, and it is included\nwithin the tract marked 15, ceded by the Miamis October 6, 1818.\n\nNo. 15. Cession by the Miamis, October 6, 1818; bounded on the map by\npurple lines. Its general boundaries cover all of Central Indiana and a\nsmall portion of Western Ohio, but within its limits were included the\nWea Reservation of 1818 (No.\u00a017), and six tracts of different dimensions\nwere reserved for the future use of the Miamis [Nos. 21, 29 (30\u00a0and\u00a050),\n(31,\u00a048, 53, and\u00a054), 49, and 51]. The Miamis also assented to the\nKickapoo cession of December 9, 1809 (No.\u00a012). The Kickapoos in turn, by\ntreaty of July 30, 1819, relinquished all claim to country southeast of\nthe Wabash, which was an indefinite tract, and is covered by the\nforegoing Miami cession of 1818.\n\nNo. 16. Cession by the Kickapoos, August 30, 1819. This cession is\nbounded on the map by blue lines, and is largely in Illinois. It\noverlaps the Pottawatomie cession of October 2, 1818 (No.\u00a014), the\noverlap being indicated by a dotted blue line. It is inborn overlapped\nby the Pottawatomie cession (No.\u00a023) of October 26, 1832.\n\nNo. 17. Cession by the Weas, August 11, 1820, of the tract reserved by\nthem October 2, 1818. It is on the Wabash River, in the western part of\nthe State, and is indicated by blue lines. It is within the general\nlimits of the Miami cession (No.\u00a015) of October 6, 1818.\n\nNo. 18. Cession of August 29, 1821, by the Ottowas, Chippewas, and\nPottawatomies, indicated by green lines, and mostly in Michigan.\n\nNo. 19. Cession by the Pottawatomies, by first clause of first article\nof the treaty of October 16, 1826. It lies north of Wabash River, and is\nbounded on the map by blue lines. This and an indefinite extent of\nadjoining country was also claimed by the Miamis, who ceded their claim\nthereto October 23, 1826, with the exception of sundry small\nreservations, four of which [Nos. 26, 27, 32, and 52] were partially or\nentirely within the general limits of the Pottawatomie.\n\nNo. 20. Cession by the last clause of the first article of the\nPottawatomie treaty of October 16, 1826; in the northwest corner of the\nState, and bounded on the map by scarlet lines.\n\nAs above stated, the Miamis, by treaty of October 23, 1826, ceded all\ntheir claim to land in Indiana lying north and west of the Wabash and\nMiami (Maumee) Rivers, except six small tribal, and a number of\nindividual reserves and grants. These six tribal, reserves were numbers\n23, 27, 32, 52, 25, and 28, the first four of which, as above remarked,\nwere either partially or entirely within the Pottawatomie cession by the\nfirst clause of the first article of the treaty of October 16, 1826, and\nthe other two within the Pottawatomie cession of October 27, 1832.\n\nNo. 21. Cession by the Eel River Miamis, February 11, 1828, bounded on\nthe map by green lines. This tract is within the general limits of the\nMiami cession (No.\u00a015) of 1818, and was reserved therefrom.\n\nNo. 22. Cession by the second clause of the first article of the\nPottawatomie treaty of September 20, 1828, designated by brown lines.\n\nNo. 23. Cession by the Pottawatomies, October 26, 1832, is in the\nnorthwest portion of the State, and is indicated by yellow lines. Near\nthe southwest corner it overlaps the Kickapoo cession (No.\u00a016) of August\n30, 1819. Within the general limits of this cession seven tracts were\nreserved for different bands of the tribe, which will be found on the\nmap numbered as follows: 33, 34, 39, 40 (two reserves), 41, and 42.\n\nNo. 24. Cession by the Pottawatomies of Indiana and Michigan, October\n27, 1832, which in terms is a relinquishment of their claim to any\nremaining lands in the States of Indiana and Illinois, and in the\nTerritory of Michigan south of Grand River. The cession thus made in\nIndiana is bounded on the map by scarlet lines. Within the general\nlimits of this cession, however, they reserved for the use of various\nbands of the tribe eleven tracts of different areas, and which are\nnumbered as follows: 35, 36, 37, 38, 43 (two reserves), 44 (two\nreserves), 45, 46, and 47.\n\nNos. 25 to 32, inclusive. Cession of October 23, 1834, by the Miamis, of\neight small tracts previously reserved to them, all bounded on the map\nby green lines. These are located as follows:\n\n No. 25. Tract of thirty-six sections at Flat Belly\u2019s village,\n reserved by treaty of 1826; in townships 33 and 34 north, ranges 7\n and 8 east.\n\n No. 26. Tract of five miles in length on the Wabash, extending back\n to Eel River, reserved by treaty of 1826; in townships 27 and 28\n north, ranges 4 and 5 east.\n\n No. 27. Tract of ten sections at Raccoon\u2019s Village, reserved by the\n treaty of 1826; in townships 29 and 30 north, ranges 10 and 11 east.\n\n No. 28. Tract of ten sections on Mud Creek, reserved by the treaty\n of 1826; in township 28 north, range 4 east. The treaty of October\n 27, 1832, with the Pottawatomies, established a reserve of sixteen\n sections for the bands of Ash-kum and Wee-si-o-nas (No.\u00a046), and one\n of five sections for the band of Wee-sau (No.\u00a047), which overlapped\n and included nearly all the territory comprised in the Mud Creek\n reserve.\n\n No. 29. Tract of two miles square on Salamanie River, at the mouth\n of At-che-pong-quawe Creek, reserved by the treaty of 1818; in\n township 23 north, ranges 13 and 14 east.\n\n No. 30. A\u00a0portion of the tract opposite the mouth of Aboutte River,\n reserved by the treaty of 1818; in townships 29 and 30 north, ranges\n 10, 11, and 12 east.\n\n No. 31. A\u00a0portion of the tract known as the \u201cBig Reserve,\u201d\n established by the treaty of 1818; in townships 21 to 27, inclusive,\n ranges 1 and 2 east.\n\n No. 32. Tract of ten sections at the Forks of the Wabash, reserved\n by the treaty of 1826. This cession provides for the relinquishment\n of the Indian title and the issuance of a patent to John B.\n Richardville therefor. In township 28 north, ranges 8 and 9 east.\n\nNo. 33. Cession of December 4, 1834, by Com-o-za\u2019s band of\nPottawatomies, of a tract of two sections reserved for them on the\nTippecanoe River by the treaty of October 26, 1832.\n\nNo. 34. Cession of December 10, 1834, by Mau-ke-kose\u2019s (Muck-rose) band\nof Pottawatomies, of six sections reserved to them by the treaty of\nOctober 26, 1832; in township 32 north, range 2 east, and bounded on the\nmap by crimson lines.\n\nNo. 35. Cession of December 16, 1834, by the Pottawatomies, of two\nsections reserved by the treaty of October 27, 1832, to include their\nmills on the Tippecanoe River.\n\nNo. 36. Cession of December 17, 1834, by Mota\u2019s band of Pottawatomies,\nof four sections reserved for them by the treaty of October 27, 1832; in\ntownships 32 and 33 north, range 5 east, indicated by blue lines.\n\nNo. 37. Cession of March 26, 1836, by Mes-quaw-buck\u2019s band of\nPottawatomies, of four sections reserved to them by the treaty of\nOctober 27, 1832; in township 33 north, range 6 east, indicated by\ncrimson lines.\n\nNo. 38. Cession of March 29, 1836, by Che-case\u2019s band of Pottawatomies,\nof four sections reserved for them by the treaty of October 27, 1832; in\ntownships 32 and 33 north, ranges 5 and 6 east, bounded on the map by\nyellow lines.\n\nNo. 39. Cession of April 11, 1836, by Aub-ba-naub-bee\u2019s band of\nPottawatomies, of thirty-six sections reserved for them, by the treaty\nof October 26, 1832. In townships 31 and 32 north, ranges 1 and 2 east,\nbounded on the map by blue lines.\n\nNo. 40. Cession of April 22, 1836, by the bands of O-kaw-mause,\nKee-waw-nee, Nee-boash, and Ma-che-saw (Mat-chis-jaw), of ten sections\nreserved to them by the Pottawatomie treaty of October 26, 1832.\n\nNo. 41. Cession of April 22, 1836, by the bands of Nas-waw-kee\n(Nees-waugh-gee) and Quash-quaw, of three sections reserved for them by\nthe treaty of October 26, 1832; in township 32 north, range 1 east,\nbounded on the map by scarlet lines.\n\nNo. 42. Cession of August 5, 1836, by the bands of Pee-pin-ah-waw,\nMack-kah-tah-mo-may, and No-taw-kah (Pottawatomies), of twenty-two\nsections reserved for them and the band of Menom-i-nee (the latter of\nwhich does not seem to be mentioned in the treaty of cession), by treaty\nof October 26, 1832; in township 33 north, ranges 1 and 2 east, bounded\non the map by green lines.\n\nNo. 43. Cession of September 20, 1836, by the bands of To-i-sas brother\nMe-mot-way, and Che-quaw-ka-ko, of ten sections reserved for them by the\nPottawatomie treaty of October 27, 1832, and cession of September 22,\n1836, by Ma-sac\u2019s band of Pottawatomies, of four sections reserved for\nthem by the treaty of October 27, 1832; in township 31 north, range 3\neast, bounded on the map by crimson lines.\n\nNos. 44 to 47, inclusive. Cessions of September 23, 1836, by various\nbands of Pottawatomies, of lands reserved for them by the treaty of 1832\n(being all of their remaining lands in Indiana), as follows:\n\n No. 44. Four sections each for the bands of Kin-kash and Men-o-quet;\n in township 33 north, ranges 5 and 6 east, bounded on the map by\n crimson lines.\n\n No. 45. Ten sections for the band of Che-chaw-kose; in township 32\n north, range 4 east, designated by scarlet lines.\n\n No. 46. Sixteen sections for the bands of Ash-kum and Wee-si-o-nas;\n in townships 28 and 29 north, range 4 east, bounded on the map by a\n dotted black line, and overlapping No. 28.\n\n No. 47. Five sections for the band of Wee-sau; in township 28 north,\n range 4 east, adjoining No. 46, bounded on the map by a dotted black\n line, and overlapping Nos. 19 and 28.\n\nA cession for the second time is also made by this treaty of the four\nsections reserved for the band of Mota (No.\u00a035), by the treaty of\nOctober 27, 1832.\n\nNos. 48 to 52, inclusive. Cessions of November 6, 1838, by the Miamis,\nas follows:\n\n No. 48. A\u00a0portion of the \u201cBig Reserve,\u201d in townships 25, 26, and 27\n north, ranges 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7 east, bounded on the map by\n crimson lines, within the limits of which is reserved a tract for\n the band of Me-to-sin-ia, numbered 54.\n\n No. 49. The reservation by the treaty of 1818, on the Wabash River,\n below the forks thereof; in townships 27 and 28 north, ranges 8 and\n 9 east, bounded on the map by scarlet lines.\n\n No. 50. The remainder of the tract reserved by the treaty of 1818,\n opposite the mouth of Abouette River; in townships 28 and 29 north,\n ranges 10, 11, and 12 east, denoted by crimson lines.\n\n No. 51. The reserve by the treaty of 1818 at the mouth of Flat Rock\n Creek; in township 27 north, ranges 10 and 11 east, bounded on the\n map by crimson lines.\n\n No. 52. The reserve at Seek\u2019s Village by the treaty of 1826; in\n townships 31 and 32 north, ranges 9 and 10 east, marked by yellow\n lines.\n\nNo. 53. Cession of November 28, 1840, of the residue of the \u201cBig\nReserve\u201d (except the grant to Me-to-sin-ia\u2019s band No.\u00a054); in townships\n21 to 26 north, ranges 2 to 7 east, designated by yellow lines.\n\nNo. 54. By the Miami treaty of November 6, 1838, a reserve of ten miles\nsquare was made (out of the general cession) for the band of\nMe-to-sin-ia. By the treaty of November 28, 1840, the United States\nagreed to convey this tract to Me-shing-go-me-sia, son of Me-to-sin-ia,\nin trust for the band.\n\nBy act of Congress approved June 10, 1872, this reserve was partitioned\namong the members of the band, 63 in number, and patents issued to each\nof them for his or her share. It is in townships 25 and 26 north, ranges\n6 and 7 east, and is bounded on the map by green lines.\n\nThis ended all Indian tribal title to lands within the State of Indiana.\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe results to accrue from the researches contemplated under the 2d, 3d,\n4th, and 5th subdivisions of the work suggested have already been\noutlined with sufficient clearness, and need not be farther elaborated\nhere.\n\nA source of much delay in the collection of facts essential to the\ncompletion of the work is the apparent indifference of librarians and\nothers in responding to letters of inquiry. Some, however, have entered\nmost zealously and intelligently into the work of searching musty\nrecords and interviewing the traditional \u201coldest inhabitant\u201d for light\non these dark spots. Thanks are especially due in this regard to Hon.\nJohn M. Lea, Nashville, Tenn.; William Harden, librarian State\nHistorical Society, Savannah, Ga.; K.\u00a0A. Linderfelt, librarian Public\nLibrary, Milwaukee, Wis.; Dr. John A. Rice, Merton, Wis.; Hon. John\nWentworth, Chicago, Ill.; A.\u00a0Cheesebrough and Hon. J.\u00a0N. Campbell, of\nDetroit, Mich.; D.\u00a0S. Durrie, librarian State Historical Society,\nMadison, Wis.; H.\u00a0M. Robinson, Milwaukee, Wis.; Andrew Jackson, Sault\nSte. Marie, Mich.; A.\u00a0W. Rush, Palmyra, Mo.; H.\u00a0C. Campbell,\nCentreville, Mich., and others.\n\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n * * * * *\n\n\n SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION--BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.\n\n J. W. Powell, Director.\n\n\n SIGN LANGUAGE\n\n among\n\n NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS\n\nCompared With That Among Other Peoples And Deaf-Mutes.\n\n By\n\n GARRICK MALLERY.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n Introductory 269\n Divisions of gesture speech 270\n The origin of sign language 273\n Gestures of the lower animals 275\n Gestures of young children 276\n Gestures in mental disorder 276\n Uninstructed deaf-mutes 277\n Gestures of the blind 278\n Loss of speech by isolation 278\n Low tribes of man 279\n Gestures as an occasional resource 279\n Gestures of fluent talkers 279\n Involuntary response to gestures 280\n Natural pantomime 280\n Some theories upon primitive language 282\n Conclusions 284\n History of gesture language 285\n Modern use of gesture speech 293\n Use by other peoples than North American Indians 294\n Use by modern actors and orators 308\n Our Indian conditions favorable to sign language 311\n Theories entertained respecting Indian signs 313\n Not correlated with meagerness of language 314\n Its origin from one tribe or region 316\n Is the Indian system special and peculiar? 319\n To what extent prevalent as a system 323\n Are signs conventional or instinctive? 340\n Classes of diversities in signs 341\n Results sought in the study of sign language 346\n Practical application 346\n Relations to philology 349\n Sign language with reference to grammar 359\n Gestures aiding arch\u00e6ologic research 368\n Notable points for further researches 387\n Invention of new signs 387\n Danger of symbolic interpretation 388\n Signs used by women and children 391\n Positive signs rendered negative 391\n Details of positions of fingers 392\n Motions relative to parts of the body 393\n Suggestions for collecting signs 394\n Mode in which researches have been made 395\n List of authorities and collaborators 401\n Algonkian 403\n Dakotan 404\n Iroquoian 405\n Kaiowan 406\n Kutinean 406\n Panian 406\n Piman 406\n Sahaptian 406\n Shoshonian 406\n Tinnean 407\n Wichitan 407\n Zu\u00f1ian 407\n Foreign correspondence 407\n Extracts from dictionary 409\n Tribal signs 458\n Proper names 476\n Phrases 479\n Dialogues 486\n Tendoy-Huerito Dialogue. 486\n Omaha Colloquy. 490\n Brul\u00e9 Dakota Colloquy. 491\n Dialogue between Alaskan Indians. 492\n Ojibwa Dialogue. 499\n Narratives 500\n N\u00e1tci\u2019s Narrative. 500\n Patricio\u2019s Narrative. 505\n Na-wa-gi-jig\u2019s Story. 508\n Discourses 521\n Address of Kin Ch\u0113-\u0114ss. 521\n Tso-di-a\u00b4-ko\u2019s Report. 524\n Lean Wolf\u2019s Complaint. 526\n Signals 529\n Signals executed by bodily action 529\n Signals in which objects are used in connection with\n personal action 532\n Signals made when the person of the signalist\n is not visible 536\n Scheme of illustration 544\n Outlines for arm positions in sign language 545\n Types of hand positions in sign language 547\n Examples 550\n\n\n\n\nLIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.\n PAGE\n\nFig. 61. Affirmation, approving. Old Roman 286\n 62. Approbation. Neapolitan 286\n 63. Affirmation, approbation. N.A. Indian 286\n 64. Group. Old Greek. Facing 289\n 65. Negation. Dakota 290\n 66. Love. Modern Neapolitan 290\n 67. Group. Old Greek. Facing 290\n 68. Hesitation. Neapolitan 291\n 69. Wait. N.A. Indian 291\n 70. Question, asking. Neapolitan 291\n 71. Tell me. N.A. Indian 291\n 72. Interrogation. Australian 291\n 73. Pulcinella 292\n 74. Thief. Neapolitan 292\n 75. Steal. N.A. Indian 293\n 76. Public writer. Neapolitan group. Facing 296\n 77. Money. Neapolitan 297\n 78. \u201cHot Corn.\u201d Neapolitan Group. Facing 297\n 79. \u201cHorn\u201d sign. Neapolitan 298\n 80. Reproach. Old Roman 298\n 81. Marriage contract. Neapolitan group. Facing 298\n 82. Negation. Pai-Ute sign 299\n 83. Coming home of bride. Neapolitan group. Facing 299\n 84. Pretty. Neapolitan 300\n 85. \u201cMano in fica.\u201d Neapolitan 300\n 86. Snapping the fingers. Neapolitan 300\n 87. Joy, acclamation 300\n 88. Invitation to drink wine 300\n 89. Woman\u2019s quarrel. Neapolitan Group. Facing 301\n 90. Chestnut vender. Facing 301\n 91. Warning. Neapolitan 302\n 92. Justice. Neapolitan 302\n 93. Little. Neapolitan 302\n 94. Little. N.A. Indian 302\n 95. Little. N.A. Indian 302\n 96. Demonstration. Neapolitan 302\n 97. \u201cFool.\u201d Neapolitan 303\n 98. \u201cFool.\u201d _Ib._ 303\n 99. \u201cFool.\u201d _Ib._ 303\n 100. Inquiry. Neapolitan 303\n 101. Crafty, deceitful. Neapolitan 303\n 102. Insult. Neapolitan 304\n 103. Insult. Neapolitan 304\n 104. Silence. Neapolitan 304\n 105. Child. Egyptian hieroglyph 304\n 106. Negation. Neapolitan 305\n 107. Hunger. Neapolitan 305\n 108. Mockery. Neapolitan 305\n 109. Fatigue. Neapolitan 305\n 110. Deceit. Neapolitan 305\n 111. Astuteness, readiness. Neapolitan 305\n 112. Tree. Dakota, Hidatsa 343\n 113. To grow. N.A. Indian 343\n 114. Rain. Shoshoni, Apache 344\n 115. Sun. N.A. Indian 344\n 116. Sun. Cheyenne 344\n 117. Soldier. Arikara 345\n 118. No, negation. Egyptian 355\n 119. Negation. Maya 356\n 120. Nothing. Chinese 356\n 121. Child. Egyptian figurative 356\n 122. Child. Egyptian linear 356\n 123. Child. Egyptian hieratic 356\n 124. Son. Ancient Chinese 356\n 125. Son. Modern Chinese 356\n 126. Birth. Chinese character 356\n 127. Birth. Dakota 356\n 128. Birth, generic. N.A. Indians 357\n 129. Man. Mexican 357\n 130. Man. Chinese character 357\n 131. Woman. Chinese character 357\n 132. Woman. Ute 357\n 133. Female, generic. Cheyenne 357\n 134. To give water. Chinese character 357\n 135. Water, to drink. N.A. Indian 357\n 136. Drink. Mexican 357\n 137. Water. Mexican 357\n 138. Water, giving. Egypt 358\n 139. Water. Egyptian 358\n 140. Water, abbreviated 358\n 141. Water. Chinese character 358\n 142. To weep. Ojibwa pictograph 358\n 143. Force, vigor. Egyptian 358\n 144. Night. Egyptian 358\n 145. Calling upon. Egyptian figurative 359\n 146. Calling upon. Egyptian linear 359\n 147. To collect, to unite. Egyptian 359\n 148. Locomotion. Egyptian figurative 359\n 149. Locomotion. Egyptian linear 359\n 150. Shu\u207f\u00b4-ka Lu\u00b4-ta. Dakota 365\n 151. \u201cI am going to the east.\u201d Abnaki 369\n 152. \u201cAm not gone far.\u201d Abnaki 369\n 153. \u201cGone far.\u201d Abnaki 370\n 154. \u201cGone five days\u2019 journey.\u201d Abnaki 370\n 155. Sun. N.A. Indian 370\n 156. Sun. Egyptian 370\n 157. Sun. Egyptian 370\n 158. Sun with rays. _Ib._ 371\n 159. Sun with rays. _Ib._ 371\n 160. Sun with rays. Moqui pictograph 371\n 161. Sun with rays. _Ib._ 371\n 162. Sun with rays. _Ib._ 371\n 163. Sun with rays. _Ib._ 371\n 164. Star. Moqui pictograph 371\n 165. Star. Moqui pictograph 371\n 166. Star. Moqui pictograph 371\n 167. Star. Moqui pictograph 371\n 168. Star. Peruvian pictograph 371\n 169. Star. Ojibwa pictograph 371\n 170. Sunrise. Moqui _do._ 371\n 171. Sunrise. _Ib._ 371\n 172. Sunrise. _Ib._ 371\n 173. Moon, month. Californian pictograph 371\n 174. Pictograph, including sun. Coyotero Apache 372\n 175. Moon. N.A. Indian 372\n 176. Moon. Moqui pictograph 372\n 177. Moon. Ojibwa pictograph 372\n 178. Sky. _Ib._ 372\n 179. Sky. Egyptian character 372\n 180. Clouds. Moqui pictograph 372\n 181. Clouds. _Ib._ 372\n 182. Clouds. _Ib._ 372\n 183. Cloud. Ojibwa pictograph 372\n 184. Rain. New Mexican pictograph 373\n 185. Rain. Moqui pictograph 373\n 186. Lightning. Moqui pictograph 373\n 187. Lightning. _Ib._ 373\n 188. Lightning, harmless. Pictograph at Jemez, N.M. 373\n 189. Lightning, fatal. _Do._ 373\n 190. Voice. \u201cThe-Elk-that-hollows-walking\u201d 373\n 191. Voice. Antelope. Cheyenne drawing 373\n 192. Voice, talking. Cheyenne drawing 374\n 193. Killing the buffalo. Cheyenne drawing 375\n 194. Talking. Mexican pictograph 376\n 195. Talking, singing. Maya character 376\n 196. Hearing ears. Ojibwa pictograph 376\n 197. \u201cI hear, but your words are from a bad heart.\u201d Ojibwa 376\n 198. Hearing serpent. Ojibwa pictograph 376\n 199. Royal edict. Maya 377\n 200. To kill. Dakota 377\n 201. \u201cKilled Arm.\u201d Dakota 377\n 202. Pictograph, including \u201ckill.\u201d Wyoming Ter. 378\n 203. Pictograph, including \u201ckill.\u201d Wyoming Ter. 378\n 204. Pictograph, including \u201ckill.\u201d Wyoming Ter. 379\n 205. Veneration. Egyptian character 379\n 206. Mercy. Supplication, favor. Egyptian 379\n 207. Supplication. Mexican pictograph 380\n 208. Smoke. _Ib._ 380\n 209. Fire. _Ib._ 381\n 210. \u201cMaking medicine.\u201d Conjuration. Dakota 381\n 211. Meda. Ojibwa pictograph 381\n 212. The God Knuphis. Egyptian 381\n 213. The God Knuphis. _Ib._ 381\n 214. Power. Ojibwa pictograph 381\n 215. Meda\u2019s Power. _Ib._ 381\n 216. Trade pictograph 382\n 217. Offering. Mexican pictograph 382\n 218. Stampede of horses. Dakota 382\n 219. Chapultepec. Mexican pictograph 383\n 220. Soil. _Ib._ 383\n 221. Cultivated soil. _Ib._ 383\n 222. Road, path. _Ib._ 383\n 223. Cross-roads and gesture sign. Mexican pictograph 383\n 224. Small-pox or measles. Dakota 383\n 225. \u201cNo thoroughfare.\u201d Pictograph 383\n 226. Raising of war party. Dakota 384\n 227. \u201cLed four war parties.\u201d Dakota drawing 384\n 228. Sociality. Friendship. Ojibwa pictograph 384\n 229. Peace. Friendship. Dakota 384\n 230. Peace. Friendship with whites. Dakota 385\n 231. Friendship. Australian 385\n 232. Friend. Brul\u00e9 Dakota 386\n 233. Lie, falsehood. Arikara 393\n 234. Antelope. Dakota 410\n 235. Running Antelope. Personal totem 410\n 236. Bad. Dakota 411\n 237. Bear. Cheyenne 412\n 238. Bear. Kaiowa, etc. 413\n 239. Bear. Ute 413\n 240. Bear. Moqui pictograph 413\n 241. Brave. N.A. Indian 414\n 242. Brave. Kaiowa, etc. 415\n 243. Brave. Kaiowa, etc. 415\n 244. Chief. Head of tribe. Absaroka 418\n 245. Chief. Head of tribe. Pai-Ute 418\n 246. Chief of a band. Absaroka and Arikara 419\n 247. Chief of a band. Pai-Ute 419\n 248. Warrior. Absaroka, etc. 420\n 249. Ojibwa gravestone, including \u201cdead\u201d 422\n 250. Dead. Shoshoni and Banak 422\n 251. Dying. Kaiowa, etc. 424\n 252. Nearly dying. Kaiowa 424\n 253. Log house. Hidatsa 428\n 254. Lodge. Dakota 430\n 255. Lodge. Kaiowa, etc. 431\n 256. Lodge. Sahaptin 431\n 257. Lodge. Pai-Ute 431\n 258. Lodge. Pai-Ute 431\n 259. Lodge. Kutchin 431\n 260. Horse. N.A. Indian 434\n 261. Horse. Dakota 434\n 262. Horse. Kaiowa, etc. 435\n 263. Horse. Caddo 435\n 264. Horse. Pima and Papago 435\n 265. Horse. Ute 435\n 266. Horse. Ute 435\n 267. Saddling a horse. Ute 437\n 268. Kill. N.A. Indian 438\n 269. Kill. Mandan and Hidatsa 439\n 270. Negation. No. Dakota 441\n 271. Negation. No. Pai-Ute 442\n 272. None. Dakota 443\n 273. None. Australian 444\n 274. Much, quantity. Apache 447\n 275. Question. Australian 449\n 276. Soldier. Dakota and Arikara 450\n 277. Trade. Dakota 452\n 278. Trade. Dakota 452\n 279. Buy. Ute 453\n 280. Yes, affirmation. Dakota 456\n 281. Absaroka tribal sign. Shoshoni 458\n 282. Apache tribal sign. Kaiowa, etc. 459\n 283. Apache tribal sign. Pima and Papago 459\n 284. Arikara tribal sign. Arapaho and Dakota 461\n 285. Arikara tribal sign. Absaroka 461\n 286. Blackfoot tribal sign. Dakota 463\n 287. Blackfoot tribal sign. Shoshoni 464\n 288. Caddo tribal sign. Arapaho and Kaiowa 464\n 289. Cheyenne tribal sign. Arapaho and Cheyenne 464\n 290. Dakota tribal sign. Dakota 467\n 291. Flathead tribal sign. Shoshoni 468\n 292. Kaiowa tribal sign. Comanche 470\n 293. Kutine tribal sign. Shoshoni 471\n 294. Lipan tribal sign. Apache 471\n 295. Pend d\u2019Oreille tribal sign. Shoshoni 473\n 296. Sahaptin or Nez Perc\u00e9 tribal sign. Comanche 473\n 297. Shoshoni tribal sign. Shoshoni 474\n 298. Buffalo. Dakota 477\n 299. Eagle Tail. Arikara 477\n 300. Eagle Tail. Moqui pictograph 477\n 301. Give me. Absaroka 480\n 302. Counting. How many? Shoshoni and Banak 482\n 303. I am going home. Dakota 485\n 304. Question. Apache 486\n 305. Shoshoni tribal sign. Shoshoni 486\n 306. Chief. Shoshoni 487\n 307. Cold, winter, year. Apache 487\n 308. \u201cSix.\u201d Shoshoni 487\n 309. Good, very well. Apache 487\n 310. Many. Shoshoni 488\n 311. Hear, heard. Apache 488\n 312. Night. Shoshoni 489\n 313. Rain. Shoshoni 489\n 314. See each other. Shoshoni 490\n 315. White man, American. Dakota 491\n 316. Hear, heard. Dakota 492\n 317. Brother. Pai-Ute 502\n 318. No, negation. Pai-Ute 503\n 319. Scene of Na-wa-gi-jig\u2019s story. Facing 508\n 320. We are friends. Wichita 521\n 321. Talk, talking. Wichita 521\n 322. I stay, or I stay right here. Wichita 521\n 323. A long time. Wichita 522\n 324. Done, finished. _Do._ 522\n 325. Sit down. Australian 523\n 326. Cut down. Wichita 524\n 327. Wagon. Wichita 525\n 328. Load upon. Wichita 525\n 329. White man; American. Hidatsa 526\n 330. With us. Hidatsa 526\n 331. Friend. Hidatsa 527\n 332. Four. Hidatsa 527\n 333. Lie, falsehood. Hidatsa 528\n 334. Done, finished. Hidatsa 528\n 335. Peace, friendship. Hualpais. Facing 530\n 336. Question, ans\u2019d by tribal sign for Pani. Facing 531\n 337. Buffalo discovered. Dakota. Facing 532\n 338. Discovery. Dakota. Facing 533\n 339. Success of war party. Pima. Facing 538\n 340. Outline for arm positions, full face 545\n 341. Outline for arm positions, profile 545\n 342a. Types of hand positions, A to L 547\n 342b. Types of hand positions, M to Y 548\n 343. Example. To cut with an ax 550\n 344. Example. A lie 550\n 345. Example. To ride 551\n 346. Example. I am going home 551\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\n SIGN LANGUAGE\n\n among\n\n NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS\n\nCompared With That Among Other Peoples And Deaf-Mutes.\n\n\n By Garrick Mallery.\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\nINTRODUCTORY.\n\n\nDuring the past two years the present writer has devoted the intervals\nbetween official duties to collecting and collating materials for the\nstudy of sign language. As the few publications on the general subject,\npossessing more than historic interest, are meager in details and vague\nin expression, original investigation has been necessary. The high\ndevelopment of communication by gesture among the tribes of North\nAmerica, and its continued extensive use by many of them, naturally\ndirected the first researches to that continent, with the result that a\nlarge body of facts procured from collaborators and by personal\nexamination has now been gathered and classified. A\u00a0correspondence has\nalso been established with many persons in other parts of the world\nwhose character and situation rendered it probable that they would\ncontribute valuable information. The success of that correspondence has\nbeen as great as could have been expected, considering that most of the\npersons addressed were at distant points sometimes not easily accessible\nby mail. As the collection of facts is still successfully proceeding,\nnot only with reference to foreign peoples and to deaf-mutes everywhere,\nbut also among some American tribes not yet thoroughly examined in this\nrespect, no exposition of the subject pretending to be complete can yet\nbe made. In complying, therefore, with the request to prepare the\npresent paper, it is necessary to explain to correspondents and\ncollaborators whom it may reach, that this is not the comprehensive\npublication by the Bureau of Ethnology for which their assistance has\nbeen solicited. With this explanation some of those who have already\nforwarded contributions will not be surprised at their omission, and\nothers will not desist from the work in which they are still kindly\nengaged, under the impression that its results will not be received in\ntime to meet with welcome and credit. On the contrary, the urgent appeal\nfor aid before addressed to officers of the Army and Navy of this and\nother nations, to missionaries, travelers, teachers of deaf-mutes, and\nphilologists generally, is now with equal urgency repeated. It is,\nindeed, hoped that the continued presentation of the subject to persons\neither having opportunity for observation or the power to favor with\nsuggestions may, by awakening some additional interest in it, secure new\ncollaboration from localities still unrepresented.\n\nIt will be readily understood by other readers that, as the limits\nassigned to this paper permit the insertion of but a small part of the\nmaterial already collected and of the notes of study made upon that\naccumulation, it can only show the general scope of the work undertaken,\nand not its accomplishment. Such extracts from the collection have been\nselected as were regarded as most illustrative, and they are preceded by\na discussion perhaps sufficient to be suggestive, though by no means\nexhaustive, and designed to be for popular, rather than for scientific\nuse. In short, the direction to submit a progress-report and not a\nmonograph has been complied with.\n\n\n\n\nDIVISIONS OF GESTURE SPEECH.\n\n\nThese are corporeal motion and facial expression. An attempt has been\nmade by some writers to discuss these general divisions separately, and\nits success would be practically convenient if it were always understood\nthat their connection is so intimate that they can never be altogether\nsevered. A\u00a0play of feature, whether instinctive or voluntary,\naccentuates and qualifies all motions intended to serve as signs, and\nstrong instinctive facial expression is generally accompanied by action\nof the body or some of its members. But, so far as a distinction can be\nmade, expressions of the features are the result of emotional, and\ncorporeal gestures, of intellectual action. The former in general and\nthe small number of the latter that are distinctively emotional are\nnearly identical among men from physiological causes which do not affect\nwith the same similarity the processes of thought. The large number of\ncorporeal gestures expressing intellectual operations require and admit\nof more variety and conventionality. Thus the features and the body\namong all mankind act almost uniformly in exhibiting fear, grief,\nsurprise, and shame, but all objective conceptions are varied and\nvariously portrayed. Even such simple indications as those for \u201cno\u201d and\n\u201cyes\u201d appear in several differing motions. While, therefore, the terms\nsign language and gesture speech necessarily include and suppose facial\nexpression when emotions are in question, they refer more particularly\nto corporeal motions and attitudes. For this reason much of the valuable\ncontribution of DARWIN in his _Expression of the Emotions in Man and\nAnimals_ is not directly applicable to sign language. His analysis of\nemotional gestures into those explained on the principles of serviceable\nassociated habits, of antithesis, and of the constitution of the nervous\nsystem, should, nevertheless, always be remembered. Even if it does not\nstrictly embrace the class of gestures which form the subject of this\npaper, and which often have an immediate pantomimic origin, the earliest\ngestures were doubtless instinctive and generally emotional, preceding\npictorial, metaphoric, and, still subsequent, conventional gestures\neven, as, according to DARWIN\u2019S cogent reasoning, they preceded\narticulate speech.\n\nWhile the distinction above made between the realm of facial play and\nthat of motions of the body, especially those of the arms and hands, is\nsufficiently correct for use in discussion, it must be admitted that the\nfeatures do express intellect as well as emotion. The well-known saying\nof Charles Lamb that \u201cjokes came in with the candles\u201d is in point, but\nthe most remarkable example of conveying detailed information without\nthe use of sounds, hands, or arms, is given by the late President T.\u00a0H.\nGallaudet, the distinguished instructor of deaf-mutes, which, to be\nintelligible, requires to be quoted at length:\n\n\u201cOne day, our distinguished and lamented historical painter, Col. John\nTrumbull, was in my school-room during the hours of instruction, and, on\nmy alluding to the tact which the pupil referred to had of reading my\nface, he expressed a wish to see it tried. I\u00a0requested him to select any\nevent in Greek, Roman, English, or American history of a scenic\ncharacter, which would make a striking picture on canvas, and said I\nwould endeavor to communicate it to the lad. \u2018Tell him,\u2019 said he, \u2018that\nBrutus (Lucius Junius) condemned his two sons to death for resisting his\nauthority and violating his orders.\u2019\n\n\u201cI folded my arms in front of me, and kept them in that position, to\npreclude the possibility of making any signs or gestures, or of spelling\nany words on my fingers, and proceeded, as best I could, by the\nexpression of my countenance, and a few motions of my head and attitudes\nof the body, to convey the picture in my own mind to the mind of my\npupil.\n\n\u201cIt ought to be stated that he was already acquainted with the fact,\nbeing familiar with the leading events in Roman history. But when I\nbegan, he knew not from what portion of history, sacred or profane,\nancient or modern, the fact was selected. From this wide range, my\ndelineation on the one hand and his ingenuity on the other had to bring\nit within the division of Roman history, and, still more minutely, to\nthe particular individual and transaction designated by Colonel\nTrumbull. In carrying on the process, I\u00a0made no use whatever of any\narbitrary, conventional look, motion, or attitude, before settled\nbetween us, by which to let him understand what I wished to communicate,\nwith the exception of a single one, if, indeed, it ought to be\nconsidered such.\n\n\u201cThe usual sign, at that time, among the teachers and pupils, for a\nRoman, was portraying an aquiline nose by placing the fore-finger,\ncrooked, in front of the nose. As I was prevented from using my finger\nin this way, and having considerable command over the muscles of my\nface, I\u00a0endeavored to give my nose as much of the aquiline form as\npossible, and succeeded well enough for my purpose. * * *\n\n\u201cThe outlines of the process were the following:\n\n\u201cA stretching and stretching gaze eastward, with an undulating motion of\nthe head, as if looking across and beyond the Atlantic Ocean, to denote\nthat the event happened, not on the western, but eastern continent. This\nwas making a little progress, as it took the subject out of the range of\nAmerican history.\n\n\u201cA turning of the eyes upward and backward, with frequently-repeated\nmotions of the head backward, as if looking a great way back in past\ntime, to denote that the event was one of ancient date.\n\n\u201cThe aquiline shape of the nose, already referred to, indicating that a\nRoman was the person concerned. It was, of course, an old Roman.\n\n\u201cPortraying, as well as I could, by my countenance, attitude, and manner\nan individual high in authority, and commanding others, as if he\nexpected to be obeyed.\n\n\u201cLooking and acting as if I were giving out a specific order to many\npersons, and threatening punishment on those who should resist my\nauthority, even the punishment of death.\n\n\u201cHere was a pause in the progress of events, which I denoted by sleeping\nas it were during the night and awakening in the morning, and doing this\nseveral times, to signify that several days had elapsed.\n\n\u201cLooking with deep interest and surprise, as if at a single person\nbrought and standing before me, with an expression of countenance\nindicating that he had violated the order which I had given, and that I\nknew it. Then looking in the same way at another person near him as also\nguilty. Two offending persons were thus denoted.\n\n\u201cExhibiting serious deliberation, then hesitation, accompanied with\nstrong conflicting emotions, producing perturbation, as if I knew not\nhow to feel or what to do.\n\n\u201cLooking first at one of the persons before me, and then at the other,\nand then at both together, _as a father would look_, indicating his\ndistressful parental feelings under such afflicting circumstances.\n\n\u201cComposing my feelings, showing that a change was coming over me, and\nexhibiting towards the imaginary persons before me the decided look of\nthe inflexible commander, who was determined and ready to order them\naway to execution. Looking and acting as if the tender and forgiving\nfeelings of _the father_ had again got the ascendency, and as if I was\nabout to relent and pardon them.\n\n\u201cThese alternating states of mind I portrayed several times, to make my\nrepresentations the more graphic and impressive.\n\n\u201cAt length the father yields, and the stern principle of justice, as\nexpressed in my countenance and manners, prevails. My look and action\ndenote the passing of the sentence of death on the offenders, and the\nordering them away to execution.\n\n * * * * * * *\n\n\u201cHe quickly turned round to his slate and wrote a correct and complete\naccount of this story of Brutus and his two sons.\u201d\n\nWhile it appears that the expressions of the features are not confined\nto the emotions or to distinguishing synonyms, it must be remembered\nthat the meaning of the same motion of hands, arms, and fingers is often\nmodified, individualized, or accentuated by associated facial changes\nand postures of the body not essential to the sign, which emotional\nchanges and postures are at once the most difficult to describe and the\nmost interesting when intelligently reported, not only because they\ninfuse life into the skeleton sign, but because they may belong to the\nclass of innate expressions.\n\n\n\n\nTHE ORIGIN OF SIGN LANGUAGE.\n\n\nIn observing the maxim that nothing can be thoroughly understood unless\nits beginning is known, it becomes necessary to examine into the origin\nof sign language through its connection with that of oral speech. In\nthis examination it is essential to be free from the vague popular\nimpression that some oral language, of the general character of that now\nused among mankind, is \u201cnatural\u201d to mankind. It will be admitted on\nreflection that all oral languages were at some past time far less\nserviceable to those using them than they are now, and as each\nparticular language has been thoroughly studied it has become evident\nthat it grew out of some other and less advanced form. In the\ninvestigation of these old forms it has been so difficult to ascertain\nhow any of them first became a useful instrument of inter-communication\nthat many conflicting theories on this subject have been advocated.\n\nOral language consists of variations and mutations of vocal sounds\nproduced as signs of thought and emotion. But it is not enough that\nthose signs should be available as the vehicle of the producer\u2019s own\nthoughts. They must be also efficient for the communication of such\nthoughts to others. It has been, until of late years, generally held\nthat thought was not possible without oral language, and that, as man\nwas supposed to have possessed from the first the power of thought, he\nalso from the first possessed and used oral language substantially as at\npresent. That the latter, as a special faculty, formed the main\ndistinction between man and the brutes has been and still is the\nprevailing doctrine. In a lecture delivered before the British\nAssociation in 1878 it was declared that \u201canimal intelligence is unable\nto elaborate that class of abstract ideas, the formation of which\ndepends upon the faculty of speech.\u201d If instead of \u201cspeech\u201d the word\n\u201cutterance\u201d had been used, as including all possible modes of\nintelligent communication, the statement might pass without criticism.\nBut it may be doubted if there is any more necessary connection between\nabstract ideas and sounds, the mere signs of thought, that strike the\near, than there is between the same ideas and signs addressed only to\nthe eye.\n\nThe point most debated for centuries has been, not whether there was any\nprimitive oral language, but what that language was. Some literalists\nhave indeed argued from the Mosaic narrative that because the Creator,\nby one supernatural act, with the express purpose to form separate\npeoples, had divided all tongues into their present varieties, and\ncould, by another similar exercise of power, obliterate all but one\nwhich should be universal, the fact that he had not exercised that power\nshowed it not to be his will that any man to whom a particular speech\nhad been given should hold intercourse with another miraculously set\napart from him by a different speech. By this reasoning, if the study of\na foreign tongue was not impious, it was at least clear that the\nprimitive language had been taken away as a disciplinary punishment, as\nthe Paradisiac Eden had been earlier lost, and that, therefore, the\nsearch for it was as fruitless as to attempt the passage of the flaming\nsword. More liberal Christians have been disposed to regard the Babel\nstory as allegorical, if not mythical, and have considered it to\nrepresent the disintegration of tongues out of one which was primitive.\nIn accordance with the advance of linguistic science they have\nsuccessively shifted back the postulated primitive tongue from Hebrew to\nSanscrit, then to Aryan, and now seek to evoke from the vasty deeps of\nantiquity the ghosts of other rival claimants for precedence in\ndissolution. As, however, the languages of man are now recognized as\nextremely numerous, and as the very sounds of which these several\nlanguages are composed are so different that the speakers of some are\nunable to distinguish with the ear certain sounds in others, still less\nable to reproduce them, the search for one common parent language is\nmore difficult than was supposed by medi\u00e6val ignorance.\n\nThe discussion is now, however, varied by the suggested possibility that\nman at some time may have existed without any oral language. It is\nconceded by some writers that mental images or representations can be\nformed without any connection with sound, and may at least serve for\nthought, though not for expression. It is certain that concepts, however\nformed, can be expressed by other means than sound. One mode of this\nexpression is by gesture, and there is less reason to believe that\ngestures commenced as the interpretation of, or substitute for words\nthan that the latter originated in, and served to translate gestures.\nMany arguments have been advanced to prove that gesture language\npreceded articulate speech and formed the earliest attempt at\ncommunication, resulting from the interacting subjective and objective\nconditions to which primitive man was exposed. Some of the facts on\nwhich deductions have been based, made in accordance with\nwell-established modes of scientific research from study of the lower\nanimals, children, idiots, the lower types of mankind, and deaf-mutes,\nwill be briefly mentioned.\n\n\n_GESTURES OF THE LOWER ANIMALS._\n\nEmotional expression in the features of man is to be considered in\nreference to the fact that the special senses either have their seat in,\nor are in close relation to the face, and that so large a number of\nnerves pass to it from the brain. The same is true of the lower animals,\nso that it would be inferred, as is the case, that the faces of those\nanimals are also expressive of emotion. There is also noticed among them\nan exhibition of emotion by corporeal action. This is the class of\ngestures common to them with the earliest made by man, as above\nmentioned, and it is reasonable to suppose that those were made by man\nat the time when, if ever, he was, like the animals, destitute of\narticulate speech. The articulate cries uttered by some animals,\nespecially some birds, are interesting as connected with the principle\nof imitation to which languages in part owe their origin, but in the\ncases of forced imitation, the mere acquisition of a vocal trick, they\nonly serve to illustrate that power of imitation, and are without\nsignificance. Sterne\u2019s starling, after his cage had been opened, would\nhave continued to complain that he could not get out. If the bird had\nuttered an instinctive cry of distress when in confinement and a note of\njoy on release, there would have been a nearer approach to language than\nif it had clearly pronounced many sentences. Such notes and cries of\nanimals, many of which are connected with reproduction and nutrition,\nare well worth more consideration than can now be given, but regarding\nthem generally it is to be questioned if they are so expressive as the\ngestures of the same animals. It is contended that the bark of a dog is\ndistinguishable into fear, defiance, invitation, and a note of warning,\nbut it also appears that those notes have been known only since the\nanimal has been domesticated. The gestures of the dog are far more\nreadily distinguished than his bark, as in his preparing for attack, or\ncaressing his master, resenting an injury, begging for food, or simply\nsoliciting attention. The chief modern use of his tail appears to be to\nexpress his ideas and sensations. But some recent experiments of Prof.\nA.\u00a0GRAHAM BELL, no less eminent from his work in artificial speech than\nin telephones, shows that animals are more physically capable of\npronouncing articulate sounds than has been supposed. He informed the\nwriter that he recently succeeded by manipulation in causing an English\nterrier to form a number of the sounds of our letters, and particularly\nbrought out from it the words \u201cHow are you, Grandmamma?\u201d with\ndistinctness. This tends to prove that only absence of brain power has\nkept animals from acquiring true speech. The remarkable vocal instrument\nof the parrot could be used in significance as well as in imitation, if\nits brain had been developed beyond the point of expression by gesture,\nin which latter the bird is expert.\n\nThe gestures of monkeys, whose hands and arms can be used, are nearly\nakin to ours. Insects communicate with each other almost entirely by\nmeans of the antenn\u00e6. Animals in general which, though not deaf, can not\nbe taught by sound, frequently have been by signs, and probably all of\nthem understand man\u2019s gestures better than his speech. They exhibit\nsigns to one another with obvious intention, and they also have often\ninvented them as a means of obtaining their wants from man.\n\n\n_GESTURES OF YOUNG CHILDREN._\n\nThe wishes and emotions of very young children are conveyed in a small\nnumber of sounds, but in a great variety of gestures and facial\nexpressions. A\u00a0child\u2019s gestures are intelligent long in advance of\nspeech; although very early and persistent attempts are made to give it\ninstruction in the latter but none in the former, from the time when it\nbegins _risu cognoscere matrem_. It learns words only as they are\ntaught, and learns them through the medium of signs which are not\nexpressly taught. Long after familiarity with speech, it consults the\ngestures and facial expressions of its parents and nurses as if seeking\nthus to translate or explain their words. These facts are important in\nreference to the biologic law that the order of development of the\nindividual is the same as that of the species.\n\nAmong the instances of gestures common to children throughout the world\nis that of protruding the lips, or pouting, when somewhat angry or\nsulky. The same gesture is now made by the anthropoid apes and is found\nstrongly marked in the savage tribes of man. It is noticed by\nevolutionists that animals retain during early youth, and subsequently\nlose, characters once possessed by their progenitors when adult, and\nstill retained by distinct species nearly related to them.\n\nThe fact is not, however, to be ignored that children invent words as\nwell as signs with as natural an origin for the one as for the other. An\ninteresting case was furnished to the writer by Prof. BELL of an infant\nboy who used a combination of sounds given as \u201cnyum-nyum,\u201d an evident\nonomatope of gustation, to mean \u201cgood,\u201d and not only in reference to\narticles of food relished but as applied to persons of whom the child\nwas fond, rather in the abstract idea of \u201cniceness\u201d in general. It is a\nsingular coincidence that a bright young girl, a\u00a0friend of the writer,\nin a letter describing a juvenile feast, invented the same expression,\nwith nearly the same spelling, as characteristic of her sensations\nregarding the delicacies provided. The Papuans met by Dr. Comrie also\ncalled \u201ceating\u201d _nam-nam_. But the evidence of all such cases of the\nvoluntary use of articulate speech by young children is qualified by the\nfact that it has been inherited from very many generations, if not quite\nso long as the faculty of gesture.\n\n\n_GESTURES IN MENTAL DISORDER._\n\nThe insane understand and obey gestures when they have no knowledge\nwhatever of words. It is also found that semi-idiotic children who\ncannot be taught more than the merest rudiments of speech, can receive a\nconsiderable amount of information through signs, and can express\nthemselves by them. Sufferers from aphasia continue to use appropriate\ngestures after their words have become uncontrollable. It is further\nnoticeable in them that mere ejaculations, or sounds which are only the\nresult of a state of feeling, instead of a desire to express thought,\nare generally articulated with accuracy. Patients who have been in the\nhabit of swearing preserve their fluency in that division of their\nvocabulary.\n\n\n_UNINSTRUCTED DEAF-MUTES._\n\nThe signs made by congenital and uninstructed deaf-mutes to be now\nconsidered are either strictly natural signs, invented by themselves, or\nthose of a colloquial character used by such mutes where associated. The\naccidental or merely suggestive signs peculiar to families, one member\nof which happens to be a mute, are too much affected by the other\nmembers of the family to be of certain value. Those, again, which are\ntaught in institutions have become conventional and designedly adapted\nto translation into oral speech, although founded by the abb\u00e9 de l\u2019\u00c9p\u00e9e,\nfollowed by the abb\u00e9 Sicard, in the natural signs first above mentioned.\n\nA great change has doubtless occurred in the estimation of congenital\ndeaf-mutes since the Justinian Code, which consigned them forever to\nlegal infancy, as incapable of intelligence, and classed them with the\ninsane. Yet most modern writers, for instance Archbishop Whately and Max\nM\u00fcller, have declared that deaf-mutes could not think until after having\nbeen instructed. It cannot be denied that the deaf-mute thinks after his\ninstruction either in the ordinary gesture signs or in the finger\nalphabet, or more lately in artificial speech. By this instruction he\nhas become master of a highly-developed language, such as English or\nFrench, which he can read, write, and actually talk, but that foreign\nlanguage he has obtained through the medium of signs. This is a\nconclusive proof that signs constitute a real language and one which\nadmits of thought, for no one can learn a foreign language unless he had\nsome language of his own, whether by descent or acquisition, by which it\ncould be translated, and such translation into the new language could\nnot even be commenced unless the mind had been already in action and\nintelligently using the original language for that purpose. In fact the\nuse by deaf-mutes of signs originating in themselves exhibits a creative\naction of mind and innate faculty of expression beyond that of ordinary\nspeakers who acquired language without conscious effort. The thanks of\nstudents, both of philology and psychology, are due to Prof. SAMUEL\nPORTER, of the National Deaf Mute College, for his response to the\nquestion, \u201cIs thought possible without language?\u201d published in the\n_Princeton Review_ for January, 1880.\n\nWith regard to the sounds uttered by deaf-mutes, the same explanation of\nheredity may be made as above, regarding the words invented by young\nchildren. Congenital deaf-mutes at first make the same sounds as hearing\nchildren of the same age, and, often being susceptible to vibrations of\nthe air, are not suspected of being deaf. When that affliction is\nascertained to exist, all oral utterances from the deaf-mute are\nhabitually repressed by the parents.\n\n\n_GESTURES OF THE BLIND._\n\nThe facial expressions and gestures of the congenitally blind are worthy\nof attention. The most interesting and conclusive examples come from the\ncase of Laura Bridgman, who, being also deaf, could not possibly have\nderived them by imitation. When a letter from a beloved friend was\ncommunicated to her by gesture-language, she laughed and clapped her\nhands. A\u00a0roguish expression was given to her face, concomitant with the\nemotion, by her holding the lower lip by the teeth. She blushed,\nshrugged her shoulders, turned in her elbows, and raised her eye-brows\nunder the same circumstances as other people. In amazement, she rounded\nand protruded the lips, opened them, and breathed strongly. It is\nremarkable that she constantly accompanied her \u201cyes\u201d with the common\naffirmative nod, and her \u201cno\u201d with our negative shake of the head, as\nthese gestures are by no means universal and do not seem clearly\nconnected with emotion. This, possibly, may be explained by the fact\nthat her ancestors for many generations had used these gestures.\nA\u00a0similar curious instance is mentioned by Cardinal Wiseman (_Essays_,\nIII, 547, _London_, 1853) of an Italian blind man, the appearance of\nwhose eyes indicated that he had never enjoyed sight, and who yet made\nthe same elaborate gestures made by the people with whom he lived, but\nwhich had been used by them immemorially, as correctly as if he had\nlearned them by observation.\n\n\n_LOSS OF SPEECH BY ISOLATION._\n\nWhen human beings have been long in solitary confinement, been\nabandoned, or otherwise have become isolated from their fellows, they\nhave lost speech either partially or entirely, and required to have it\nrenewed through gestures. There are also several recorded cases of\nchildren, born with all their faculties, who, after having been lost or\nabandoned, have been afterwards found to have grown up possessed of\nacute hearing, but without anything like human speech. One of these was\nPeter, \u201cthe Wild Boy,\u201d who was found in the woods of Hanover in 1726,\nand taken to England, where vain attempts were made to teach him\nlanguage, though he lived to the age of seventy. Another was a boy of\ntwelve, found in the forest of Aveyron, in France, about the beginning\nof this century, who was destitute of speech, and all efforts to teach\nhim failed. Some of these cases are to be considered in connection with\nthe general law of evolution, that in degeneration the last and highest\nacquirements are lost first. When in these the effort at acquiring or\nre-acquiring speech has been successful, it has been through gestures,\nin the same manner as missionaries, explorers, and shipwrecked mariners\nhave become acquainted with tongues before unknown to themselves and\nsometimes to civilization. All persons in such circumstances are obliged\nto proceed by pointing to objects and making gesticulations, at the same\ntime observing what articulate sounds were associated with those motions\nby the persons addressed, and thus vocabularies and lists of phrases\nwere formed.\n\n\n_LOW TRIBES OF MAN._\n\nApart from the establishment of a systematic language of signs under\nspecial circumstances which have occasioned its development, the\ngestures of the lower tribes of men may be generally classed under the\nemotional or instinctive division, which can be correlated with those of\nthe lower animals. This may be illustrated by the modes adopted to show\nfriendship in salutation, taking the place of our shaking hands. Some\nPacific Islanders used to show their joy at meeting friends by sniffing\nat them, after the style of well-disposed dogs. The Fuegians pat and\nslap each other, and some Polynesians stroke their own faces with the\nhand or foot of the friend. The practice of rubbing or pressing noses is\nvery common. It has been noticed in the Lapland Alps, often in Africa,\nand in Australia the tips of the noses are pressed a long time,\naccompanied with grunts of satisfaction. Patting and stroking different\nparts of the body are still more frequent, and prevailed among the North\nAmerican Indians, though with the latter the most common expression was\nhugging. In general, the civilities exchanged are similar to those of\nmany animals.\n\n\n_GESTURES AS AN OCCASIONAL RESOURCE._\n\nPersons of limited vocabulary, whether foreigners to the tongue employed\nor native, but not accomplished in its use, even in the midst of a\ncivilization where gestures are deprecated, when at fault for words\nresort instinctively to physical motions that are not wild nor\nmeaningless, but picturesque and significant, though perhaps made by the\ngesturer for the first time. An uneducated laborer, if good-natured\nenough to be really desirous of responding to a request for information,\nwhen he has exhausted his scanty stock of words will eke them out by\noriginal gestures. While fully admitting the advice to Coriolanus--\n\n Action is eloquence, and the eyes of the ignorant\n More learned than the ears--\n\nit may be paraphrased to read that the hands of the ignorant are more\nlearned than their tongues. A\u00a0stammerer, too, works his arms and\nfeatures as if determined to get his thoughts out, in a manner not only\nsuggestive of the physical struggle, but of the use of gestures as a\nhereditary expedient.\n\n\n_GESTURES OF FLUENT TALKERS._\n\nThe same is true of the most fluent talkers on occasions when the exact\nvocal formula desired does not at once suggest itself, or is\nunsatisfactory without assistance from the physical machinery not\nembraced in the oral apparatus. The command of a copious vocabulary\ncommon to both speaker and hearer undoubtedly tends to a phlegmatic\ndelivery and disdain of subsidiary aid. An excited speaker will,\nhowever, generally make a free use of his hands without regard to any\neffect of that use upon auditors. Even among the gesture-hating English,\nwhen they are aroused from torpidity of manner, the hands are\ninvoluntarily clapped in approbation, rubbed with delight, wrung in\ndistress, raised in astonishment, and waved in triumph. The fingers are\nsnapped for contempt, the forefinger is vibrated to reprove or threaten,\nand the fist shaken in defiance. The brow is contracted with\ndispleasure, and the eyes winked to show connivance. The shoulders are\nshrugged to express disbelief or repugnance, the eyebrows elevated with\nsurprise, the lips bitten in vexation and thrust out in sullenness or\ndispleasure, while a higher degree of anger is shown by a stamp of the\nfoot. Quintilian, regarding the subject, however, not as involuntary\nexhibition of feeling and intellect, but for illustration and\nenforcement, becomes eloquent on the variety of motions of which the\nhands alone are capable, as follows:\n\n\u201cThe action of the other parts of the body assists the speaker, but the\nhands (I\u00a0could almost say) speak themselves. By them do we not demand,\npromise, call, dismiss, threaten, supplicate, express abhorrence and\nterror, question and deny? Do we not by them express joy and sorrow,\ndoubt, confession, repentance, measure, quantity, number, and time? Do\nthey not also encourage, supplicate, restrain, convict, admire, respect?\nand in pointing out places and persons do they not discharge the office\nof adverbs and of pronouns?\u201d\n\nVoss adopts almost the words of Quintilian, \u201c_Manus non modo loquentem\nadjuvant, sed ips\u00e6 pene loqui videntur_,\u201d while Cresollius calls the\nhand \u201cthe minister of reason and wisdom * * * without it there is no\neloquence.\u201d\n\n\n_INVOLUNTARY RESPONSE TO GESTURES._\n\nFurther evidence of the unconscious survival of gesture language is\nafforded by the ready and involuntary response made in signs to signs\nwhen a man with the speech and habits of civilization is brought into\nclose contact with Indians or deaf-mutes. Without having ever before\nseen or made one of their signs, he will soon not only catch the meaning\nof theirs, but produce his own, which they will likewise comprehend, the\npower seemingly remaining latent in him until called forth by necessity.\n\n\n_NATURAL PANTOMIME._\n\nIn the earliest part of man\u2019s history the subjects of his discourse must\nhave been almost wholly sensuous, and therefore readily expressed in\npantomime. Not only was pantomime sufficient for all the actual needs of\nhis existence, but it is not easy to imagine how he could have used\nlanguage such as is now known to us. If the best English dictionary and\ngrammar had been miraculously furnished to him, together with the art of\nreading with proper pronunciation, the gift would have been valueless,\nbecause the ideas expressed by the words had not yet been formed.\n\nThat the early concepts were of a direct and material character is shown\nby what has been ascertained of the roots of language, and there does\nnot appear to be much difficulty in expressing by other than vocal\ninstrumentality all that could have been expressed by those roots. Even\nnow, with our vastly increased belongings of external life, avocations,\nand habits, nearly all that is absolutely necessary for our physical\nneeds can be expressed in pantomime. Far beyond the mere signs for\neating, drinking, sleeping, and the like, any one will understand a\nskillful representation in signs of a tailor, shoemaker, blacksmith,\nweaver, sailor, farmer, or doctor. So of washing, dressing, shaving,\nwalking, driving, writing, reading, churning, milking, boiling, roasting\nor frying, making bread or preparing coffee, shooting, fishing, rowing,\nsailing, sawing, planing, boring, and, in short, an endless list.\n\nMax M\u00fcller properly calls touch, scent, and taste the palaioteric, and\nsight and hearing the neoteric senses, the latter of which often require\nto be verified by the former. Touch is the lowest in specialization and\ndevelopment, and is considered to be the oldest of the senses, the\nothers indeed being held by some writers to be only its modifications.\nScent, of essential importance to many animals, has with man almost\nceased to be of any, except in connection with taste, which he has\ndeveloped to a high degree. Whether or not sight preceded hearing in\norder of development, it is difficult, in conjecturing the first\nattempts of man or his hypothetical ancestor at the expression either of\npercepts or concepts, to connect vocal sounds with any large number of\nobjects, but it is readily conceivable that the characteristics of their\nforms and movements should have been suggested to the eye--fully\nexercised before the tongue--so soon as the arms and fingers became free\nfor the requisite simulation or portrayal. There is little distinction\nbetween pantomime and a developed sign language, in which thought is\ntransmitted rapidly and certainly from hand to eye as it is in oral\nspeech from lips to ear; the former is, however, the parent of the\nlatter, which is more abbreviated and less obvious. Pantomime acts\nmovements, reproduces forms and positions, presents pictures, and\nmanifests emotions with greater realization than any other mode of\nutterance. It may readily be supposed that a troglodyte man would desire\nto communicate the finding of a cave in the vicinity of a pure pool,\ncircled with soft grass, and shaded by trees bearing edible fruit. No\nsound of nature is connected with any of those objects, but the position\nand size of the cave, its distance and direction, the water, its\nquality, and amount, the verdant circling carpet, and the kind and\nheight of the trees could have been made known by pantomime in the days\nof the mammoth, if articulate speech had not then been established, as\nIndians or deaf-mutes now communicate similar information by the same\nagency.\n\nThe proof of this fact, as regards deaf-mutes, will hardly be demanded,\nas their expressive pantomime has been so often witnessed. That of the\nNorth American Indians, as distinct from the signs which are generally\nits abbreviations, has been frequently described in general terms, but\nit may be interesting to present two instances from remote localities.\n\nA Maricopa Indian, in the present limits of Arizona, was offered an\nadvantageous trade for his horse, whereupon he stretched himself on his\nhorse\u2019s neck, caressed it tenderly, at the same time shutting his eyes,\nmeaning thereby that no offer could tempt him to part with his charger.\n\nAn A-tco-m\u00e2-wi or Pit River Indian, in Northeastern California, to\nexplain the cause of his cheeks and forehead being covered with tar,\nrepresented a man falling, and, despite his efforts to save him,\ntrembling, growing pale (pointing from his face to that of a white man),\nand sinking to sleep, his spirit winging its way to the skies, which he\nindicated by imitating with his hands the flight of a bird upwards, his\nbody sleeping still upon the river bank, to which he pointed. The tar\nupon his face was thus shown to be his dress of mourning for a friend\nwho had fallen and died.\n\nSeveral descriptions of pure pantomime, intermixed with the more\nconventionalized signs, will be found in the present paper. In especial,\nreference is made to the Address of Kin Ch\u0113-\u0115ss, N\u00e1tci\u2019s Narrative, the\nDialogue between Alaskan Indians, and Na-wa-gi-jig\u2019s Story.\n\n\n\n\nSOME THEORIES UPON PRIMITIVE LANGUAGE.\n\n\nCresollius, writing in 1620, was strongly in favor of giving precedence\nto gesture. He says, \u201cMan, full of wisdom and divinity, could have\nappeared nothing superior to a naked trunk or block had he not been\nadorned with the hand as the interpreter and messenger of his thoughts.\u201d\nHe quotes with approval the brother of St. Basil in declaring that had\nmen been formed without hands they would never have been endowed with an\narticulate voice, and concludes: \u201cSince, then, nature has furnished us\nwith two instruments for the purpose of bringing into light and\nexpressing the silent affections of the mind, language and the hand, it\nhas been the opinion of learned and intelligent men that the former\nwould be maimed and nearly useless without the latter; whereas the hand,\nwithout the aid of language, has produced many and wonderful effects.\u201d\n\nRabelais, who incorporated into his satirical work much true learning\nand philosophy, makes his hero announce the following opinion:\n\n\u201cNothing less, quoth Pantagruel [Book iii, ch. xix], do I believe than\nthat it is a mere abusing of our understandings to give credit to the\nwords of those who say that there is any such thing as a natural\nlanguage. All speeches have had their primary origin from the arbitrary\ninstitutions, accords, and agreements of nations in their respective\ncondescendments to what should be noted and betokened by them. An\narticulate voice, according to the dialecticians, hath naturally no\nsignification at all; for that the sense and meaning thereof did totally\ndepend upon the good will and pleasure of the first deviser and imposer\nof it.\u201d\n\nMax M\u00fcller, following Professor Heyse, of Berlin, published an ingenious\ntheory of primitive speech, to the effect that man had a creative\nfaculty giving to each conception, as it thrilled through his brain for\nthe first time, a\u00a0special phonetic expression, which faculty became\nextinct when its necessity ceased. This theory, which makes each radical\nof language to be a phonetic type rung out from the organism of the\nfirst man or men when struck by an idea, has been happily named the\n\u201cding-dong\u201d theory. It has been abandoned mainly through the destructive\ncriticisms of Prof. W.\u00a0D. WHITNEY, of Yale College. One lucid\nexplanation by the latter should be specially noted: \u201cA\u00a0word is a\ncombination of sounds which by a series of historical reasons has come\nto be accepted and understood in a certain community as the sign of a\ncertain idea. As long as they so accept and understand it, it has\nexistence; when everyone ceases to use and understand it, it ceases to\nexist.\u201d\n\nSeveral authors, among them Kaltschmidt, contend that there was but one\nprimitive language, which was purely onomatop\u0153ic, that is, imitative of\nnatural sounds. This has been stigmatized as the \u201cbow-wow\u201d theory, but\nits advocates might derive an argument from the epithet itself, as not\nonly our children, but the natives of Papua, call the dog a \u201cbow-wow.\u201d\nThey have, however, gone too far in attempting to trace back words in\ntheir shape as now existing to any natural sounds instead of confining\nthat work to the roots from which the words have sprung.\n\nAnother attempt has been made, represented by Professor Noir\u00e9, to\naccount for language by means of interjectional cries. This Max M\u00fcller\nrevengefully styled the \u201cpooh-pooh\u201d theory. In it is included the\nrhythmical sounds which a body of men make seemingly by a common impulse\nwhen engaged in a common work, such as the cries of sailors when hauling\non a rope or pulling an oar, or the yell of savages in an attack. It\nalso derives an argument from the impulse of life by which the child\nshouts and the bird sings. There are, however, very few either words or\nroots of words which can be proved to have that derivation.\n\nProfessor SAYCE, in his late work, _Introduction to the Science of\nLanguage_, _London_, 1880, gives the origin of language in gestures, in\nonomatop\u0153ia, and to a limited extent in interjectional cries. He\nconcludes it to be the ordinary theory of modern comparative\nphilologists that all languages are traced back to a certain number of\nabstract roots, each of which was a sort of sentence in embryo, and\nwhile he does not admit this as usually presented, he believes that\nthere was a time in the history of speech, when the articulate or\nsemi-articulate sounds uttered by primitive men were made the\nsignificant representations of thought by the gestures with which they\nwere accompanied. This statement is specially gratifying to the present\nwriter as he had advanced much the same views in his first publication\non the subject in the following paragraph, now reproduced with greater\nconfidence:\n\n\u201cFrom their own failures and discordancies, linguistic scholars have\nrecently decided that both the \u2018bow-wow\u2019 and the \u2018ding-dong\u2019 theories\nare unsatisfactory; that the search for imitative, onomatop\u0153ic, and\ndirectly expressive sounds to explain the origin of human speech has\nbeen too exclusive, and that many primordial roots of language have been\nfounded in the involuntary sounds accompanying certain actions. As,\nhowever, the action was the essential, and the consequent or concomitant\nsound the accident, it would be expected that a representation or\nfeigned reproduction of the action would have been used to express the\nidea before the sound associated with that action could have been\nseparated from it. The visual onomatop\u0153ia of gestures, which even yet\nhave been subjected to but slight artificial corruption, would therefore\nserve as a key to the audible. It is also contended that in the pristine\ndays, when the sounds of the only words yet formed had close connection\nwith objects and the ideas directly derived from them, signs were as\nmuch more copious for communication than speech, as the sight embraces\nmore and more distinct characteristics of objects than does the sense of\nhearing.\u201d\n\n\n_CONCLUSIONS._\n\nThe preponderance of authority is in favor of the view that man, when in\nthe possession of all his faculties, did not choose between voice and\ngesture, both being originally instinctive, as they both are now, and\nnever, with those faculties, was in a state where the one was used to\nthe absolute exclusion of the other. The long neglected work of\nDalgarno, published in 1661, is now admitted to show wisdom when he\nsays: \u201c_non minus naturale fit homini communicare in _Figuris_ quam\n_Sonis_: quorum utrumque dico homini _naturale_._\u201d With the voice man at\nfirst imitated the few sounds of nature, while with gesture he exhibited\nactions, motions, positions, forms, dimensions, directions, and\ndistances, and their derivatives. It would appear from this unequal\ndivision of capacity that oral speech remained rudimentary long after\ngesture had become an art. With the concession of all purely imitative\nsounds and of the spontaneous action of the vocal organs under\nexcitement, it is still true that the connection between ideas and words\ngenerally depended upon a compact between the speaker and hearer which\npresupposes the existence of a prior mode of communication. That was\nprobably by gesture, which, in the apposite phrase of Professor SAYCE,\n\u201clike the rope-bridges of the Himalayas or the Andes, formed the first\nrude means of communication between man and man.\u201d At the very least it\nmay be gladly accepted provisionally as a clue leading out of the\nlabyrinth of philologic confusion.\n\nFor the purpose of the present paper there is, however, no need of an\nabsolute decision upon the priority between communication of ideas by\nbodily motion and by vocal articulation. It is enough to admit that the\nconnection between them was so early and intimate that gestures, in the\nwide sense indicated of presenting ideas under physical forms, had a\ndirect formative effect upon many words; that they exhibit the earliest\ncondition of the human mind; are traced from the remotest antiquity\namong all peoples possessing records; are generally prevalent in the\nsavage stage of social evolution; survive agreeably in the scenic\npantomime, and still adhere to the ordinary speech of civilized man by\nmotions of the face, hands, head, and body, often involuntary, often\npurposely in illustration or for emphasis.\n\nIt may be unnecessary to explain that none of the signs to be described,\neven those of present world-wide prevalence, are presented as precisely\nthose of primitive man. Signs as well as words, animals, and plants have\nhad their growth, development, and change, their births and deaths, and\ntheir struggle for existence with survival of the fittest. It is,\nhowever, thought probable from reasons hereinafter mentioned that their\nradicals can be ascertained with more precision than those of words.\n\n\n\n\nHISTORY OF GESTURE LANGUAGE.\n\n\nThere is ample evidence of record, besides that derived from other\nsources, that the systematic use of gesture speech was of great\nantiquity. Livy so declares, and Quintilian specifies that the \u201c_lex\ngestus * * * ab illis temporibus heroicis orta est_.\u201d Plato classed its\npractice among civil virtues, and Chrysippus gave it place among the\nproper education of freemen. Athen\u00e6us tells that gestures were even\nreduced to distinct classification with appropriate terminology. The\nclass suited to comedy was called Cordax, that to tragedy Eumelia, and\nthat for satire Sicinnis, from the inventor Sicinnus. Bathyllus from\nthese formed a fourth class, adapted to pantomime. This system appears\nto have been particularly applicable to theatrical performances.\nQuintilian, later, gave most elaborate rules for gestures in oratory,\nwhich are specially noticeable from the importance attached to the\nmanner of disposing the fingers. He attributed to each particular\ndisposition a significance or suitableness which are not now obvious.\nSome of them are retained by modern orators, but without the same, or\nindeed any, intentional meaning, and others are wholly disused.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 61.]\n\nThe value of these digital arrangements is, however, shown by their use\namong the modern Italians, to whom they have directly descended. From\nmany illustrations of this fact the following is selected. Fig. 61 is\ncopied from Austin\u2019s _Chironomia_ as his graphic execution of the\ngesture described by Quintilian: \u201cThe fore finger of the right hand\njoining the middle of its nail to the extremity of its own thumb, and\nmoderately extending the rest of the fingers, is graceful in\n_approving_.\u201d Fig. 62 is taken from De Jorio\u2019s plates and descriptions\nof the gestures among modern Neapolitans, with the same idea of\napprobation--\u201cgood.\u201d Both of these may be compared with Fig. 63,\na\u00a0common sign among the North American Indians to express affirmation\nand approbation. With the knowledge of these details it is possible to\nbelieve the story of Macrobius that Cicero used to vie with Roscius, the\ncelebrated actor, as to which of them could express a sentiment in the\ngreater variety of ways, the one by gesture and the other by speech,\nwith the apparent result of victory to the actor who was so satisfied\nwith the superiority of his art that he wrote a book on the subject.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 62.]\n\nGestures were treated of with still more distinction as connected with\npantomimic dances and representations. \u00c6schylus appears to have brought\ntheatrical gesture to a high degree of perfection, but Telestes,\na\u00a0dancer employed by him, introduced the dumb show, a\u00a0dance without\nmarked dancing steps, and subordinated to motions of the hands, arms,\nand body, which is dramatic pantomime. He was so great an artist, says\nAthen\u00e6us, that when he represented the _Seven before Thebes_ he rendered\nevery circumstance manifest by his gestures alone. From Greece, or\nrather from Egypt, the art was brought to Rome, and in the reign of\nAugustus was the great delight of that Emperor and his friend M\u00e6cenas.\nBathyllus, of Alexandria, was the first to introduce it to the Roman\npublic, but he had a dangerous rival in Pylades. The latter was\nmagnificent, pathetic, and affecting, while Bathyllus was gay and\nsportive. All Rome was split into factions about their respective\nmerits. Athen\u00e6us speaks of a distinguished performer of his own time\n(he\u00a0died A.D. 194) named Memphis, whom he calls the \u201cdancing\nphilosopher,\u201d because he showed what the Pythagorean philosophy could do\nby exhibiting in silence everything with stronger evidence than they\ncould who professed to teach the arts of language. In the reign of Nero,\na\u00a0celebrated pantomimist who had heard that the cynic philosopher\nDemetrius spoke of the art with contempt, prevailed upon him to witness\nhis performance, with the result that the cynic, more and more\nastonished, at last cried out aloud, \u201cMan, I\u00a0not only see, but I hear\nwhat you do, for to me you appear to speak with your hands!\u201d\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 63.]\n\nLucian, who narrates this in his work _De Saltatione_, gives another\ntribute to the talent of, perhaps, the same performer. A\u00a0barbarian\nprince of Pontus (the story is told elsewhere of Tyridates, King of\nArmenia), having come to Rome to do homage to the Emperor Nero, and been\ntaken to see the pantomimes, was asked on his departure by the Emperor\nwhat present he would have as a mark of his favor. The barbarian begged\nthat he might have the principal pantomimist, and upon being asked why\nhe made such an odd request, replied that he had many neighbors who\nspoke such various and discordant languages that he found it difficult\nto obtain any interpreter who could understand them or explain his\ncommands; but if he had the dancer he could by his assistance easily\nmake himself intelligible to all.\n\nWhile the general effect of these pantomimes is often mentioned, there\nremain but few detailed descriptions of them. Apuleius, however, in the\ntenth book of his _Metamorphosis_ or \u201cGolden Ass,\u201d gives sufficient\ndetails of the performance of the Judgment of Paris to show that it\nstrongly resembled the best form of ballet opera known in modern times.\nThese exhibitions were so greatly in favor that, according to Ammianus\nMarcellinus, there were in Rome in the year 190 six thousand persons\ndevoted to the art, and that when a famine raged they were all kept in\nthe city, though besides all the strangers all the philosophers were\nforced to leave. Their popularity continued until the sixth century, and\nit is evident from a decree of Charlemagne that they were not lost, or\nat least, had been revived in his time. Those of us who have enjoyed the\nperformance of the original Ravel troupe will admit that the art still\nsurvives, though not with the magnificence or perfection, especially\nwith reference to serious subjects, which it exhibited in the age of\nimperial Rome.\n\nEarly and prominent among the post-classic works upon gesture is that of\nthe venerable Bede (who flourished A.D. 672-735) _De Loquel\u00e2 per Gestum\nDigitorum, sive de Indigitatione_. So much discussion had indeed been\ncarried on in reference to the use of signs for the desideratum of a\nuniversal mode of communication, which also was designed to be occult\nand mystic, that Rabelais, in the beginning of the sixteenth century,\nwho, however satirical, never spent his force upon matters of little\nimportance, devotes much attention to it. He makes his English\nphilosopher, Thaumast \u201cThe Wonderful\u201d declare, \u201cI\u00a0will dispute by signs\nonly, without speaking, for the matters are so abstruse, hard, and\narduous, that words proceeding from the mouth of man will never be\nsufficient for unfolding of them to my liking.\u201d\n\nThe earliest contributions of practical value connected with the subject\nwere made by George Dalgarno, of Aberdeen, in two works, one published\nin London, 1661, entitled _Ars Signorum, vulgo character universalis et\nlingua philosophica_, and the other printed at Oxford, 1680, entitled,\n_Didascalocophus, or the Deaf and Dumb Man\u2019s Tutor_. He spent his life\nin obscurity, and his works, though he was incidentally mentioned by\nLeibnitz under the name of \u201cM.\u00a0Dalgarus,\u201d passed into oblivion. Yet he\nundoubtedly was the precursor of Bishop Wilkins in his _Essay toward a\nReal Character and a Philosophical Language_, published in London, 1668,\nthough indeed the first idea was far older, it having been, as reported\nby Piso, the wish of Galen that some way might be found out to represent\nthings by such peculiar signs and names as should express their natures.\nDalgarno\u2019s ideas respecting the education of the dumb were also of the\nhighest value, and though they were too refined and enlightened to be\nappreciated at the period when he wrote, they probably were used by Dr.\nWallis if not by Sicard. Some of his thoughts should be quoted: \u201cAs I\nthink the eye to be as docile as the ear; so neither see I any reason\nbut the hand might be made as tractable an organ as the tongue; and as\nsoon brought to form, if not fair, at least legible characters, as the\ntongue to imitate and echo back articulate sounds.\u201d A\u00a0paragraph\nprophetic of the late success in educating blind deaf-mutes is as\nfollows: \u201cThe soul can exert her powers by the ministry of any of the\nsenses: and, therefore, when she is deprived of her principal\nsecretaries, the eye and the ear, then she must be contented with the\nservice of her lackeys and scullions, the other senses; which are no\nless true and faithful to their mistress than the eye and the ear; but\nnot so quick for dispatch.\u201d\n\nIn his division of the modes of \u201cexpressing the inward emotions by\noutward and sensible signs\u201d he relegates to physiology cases \u201cwhen the\ninternal passions are expressed by such external signs as have a natural\nconnection, by way of cause and effect, with the passion they discover,\nas laughing, weeping, frowning, &c., and this way of interpretation\nbeing common to the brute with man belongs to natural philosophy. And\nbecause this goes not far enough to serve the rational soul, therefore,\nman has invented Sematology.\u201d This he divides into Pneumatology,\ninterpretation by sounds conveyed through the ear; Schematology, by\nfigures to the eye, and Haptology, by mutual contact, skin to skin.\nSchematology is itself divided into Typology or Grammatology, and\nCheirology or Dactylology. The latter embraces \u201cthe transient motions of\nthe fingers, which of all other ways of interpretation comes nearest to\nthat of the tongue.\u201d\n\nAs a phase in the practice of gestures in lieu of speech must be\nmentioned the code of the Cistercian monks, who were vowed to silence\nexcept in religious exercises. That they might literally observe their\nvows they were obliged to invent a system of communication by signs,\na\u00a0list of which is given by Leibnitz, but does not show much ingenuity.\n\nA curious description of the speech of the early inhabitants of the\nworld, given by Swedenborg in his _Arcana C\u0153lestia_, published\n1749-1756, may be compared with the present exhibitions of deaf-mutes in\ninstitutions for their instruction. He says it was not articulate like\nthe vocal speech of our time, but was tacit, being produced not by\nexternal respiration, but by internal. They were able to express their\nmeaning by slight motions of the lips and corresponding changes of the\nface.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 64.--Group from an ancient Greek vase.]\n\nAustin\u2019s comprehensive work, _Chironomia, or a Treatise on Rhetorical\nDelivery_, _London_, 1806, is a repertory of information for all writers\non gesture, who have not always given credit to it, as well as on all\nbranches of oratory. This has been freely used by the present writer, as\nhas also the volume by the canon Andrea de Jorio, _La Mimica degli\nAntichi investigata nel Gestire Napoletano_, _Napoli_, 1832. The canon\u2019s\nchief object was to interpret the gestures of the ancients as shown in\ntheir works of art and described in their writings, by the modern\ngesticulations of the Neapolitans, and he has proved that the general\nsystem of gesture once prevailing in ancient Italy is substantially the\nsame as now observed. With an understanding of the existing language of\ngesture the scenes on the most ancient Greek vases and reliefs obtain a\nnew and interesting significance and form a connecting link between the\npresent and prehistoric times. Two of De Jorio\u2019s plates are here\nreproduced, Figs. 64 and 67, with such explanation and further\nillustration as is required for the present subject.\n\nThe spirited figures upon the ancient vase, Fig. 64, are red upon a\nblack ground and are described in the published account in French of the\ncollection of Sir John Coghill, Bart., of which the following is a free\ntranslation:\n\nDionysos or Bacchus is represented with a strong beard, his head girt\nwith the credemnon, clothed in a long folded tunic, above which is an\nample cloak, and holding a thyrsus. Under the form of a satyr, Comus, or\nthe genius of the table, plays on the double flute and tries to excite\nto the dance two nymphs, the companions of Bacchus--Galen\u00e9, Tranquility,\nand Eudia, Serenity. The first of them is dressed in a tunic, above\nwhich is a fawn skin, holding a tympanum or classic drum on which she is\nabout to strike, while her companion marks the time by a snapping of the\nfingers, which custom the author of the catalogue wisely states is still\nkept up in Italy in the dance of the tarantella. The composition is said\nto express allegorically that pure and serene pleasures are benefits\nderived from the god of wine.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 65.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 66.]\n\nThis is a fair example of the critical acumen of art-commentators. The\ngestures of the two nymphs are interesting, but on very slight\nexamination it appears that those of Galen\u00e9 have nothing to do with beat\nof drum, nor have those of Eudia any connection with music, though it is\nnot so clear what is the true subject under discussion. Aided, however,\nby the light of the modern sign language of Naples, there seems to be by\nno means serenity prevailing, but a quarrel between the ladies, on a\nspecial subject which is not necessarily pure. The nymph at the reader\u2019s\nleft fixes her eyes upon her companion with her index in the same\ndirection, clearly indicating, _thou_. That the address is reproachful\nis shown from her countenance, but with greater certainty from her\nattitude and the corresponding one of her companion, who raises both her\nhands in surprise accompanied with negation. The latter is expressed by\nthe right hand raised toward the shoulder, with the palm opposed to the\nperson to whom response is made. This is the rejection of the idea\npresented, and is expressed by some of our Indians, as shown in Fig. 65.\nA\u00a0sign of the Dakota tribe of Indians with the same signification is\ngiven in Fig. 270, page 441, _infra_. At the same time the upper part of\nthe nymph\u2019s body is drawn backward as far as the preservation of\nequilibrium permits. So a reproach or accusation is made on the one\npart, and denied, whether truthfully or not, on the other. Its subject\nalso may be ascertained. The left hand of Eudia is not mute; it is held\ntowards her rival with the balls of the index and thumb united, the\nmodern Neapolitan sign for _love_, which is drawn more clearly in Fig.\n66. It is called the kissing of the thumb and finger, and there is ample\nauthority to show that among the ancient classics it was a sign of\nmarriage. St. Jerome, quoted by Vincenzo Requena, says: \u201c_Nam et ipsa\ndigitorum conjunctio, et quasi molli osculo se complectans et f\u0153derans,\nmaritum pingit et conjugem_;\u201d and Apuleius clearly alludes to the same\ngesture as used in the adoration of Venus, by the words \u201c_primore digito\nin erectum pollicem residente_.\u201d The gesture is one of the few out of\nthe large number described in various parts of Rabelais\u2019 great work, the\nsignificance of which is explained. It is made by Naz-de-cabre or Goat\u2019s\nNose (_Pantagruel_, Book III, Ch.\u00a0XX), who lifted up into the air his\nleft hand, the whole fingers whereof he retained fistways closed\ntogether, except the thumb and the forefinger, whose nails he softly\njoined and coupled to one another. \u201cI\u00a0understand, quoth Pantagruel, what\nhe meaneth by that sign. It denotes marriage.\u201d The quarrel is thus\nestablished to be about love; and the fluting satyr seated between the\ntwo nymphs, behind whose back the accusation is furtively made by the\njealous one, may well be the object concerning whom jealousy is\nmanifested. Eudia therefore, instead of \u201cserenely\u201d marking time for a\n\u201ctranquil\u201d tympanist, appears to be crying, \u201cGalen\u00e9! you bad thing! you\nare having, or trying to have, an affair with my Comus!\u201d--an accusation\nwhich this writer verily believes to have been just. The lady\u2019s attitude\nin affectation of surprised denial is not that of injured innocence.\n\n * * * * *\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 67.--Group from a vase in the Homeric Gallery.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 68.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 69.]\n\nFig. 67, taken from a vase in the Homeric Gallery, is rich in natural\ngestures. Without them, from the costumes and attitudes it is easy to\nrecognize the protagonist or principal actor in the group, and its\ngeneral subject. The warrior goddess Athen\u00e9 stands forth in the midst of\nwhat appears to be a council of war. After the study of modern gesture\nspeech, the votes of each member of the council, with the degree of\npositiveness or interest felt by each, can be ascertained. Athen\u00e9 in\nanimated motion turns her eyes to the right, and extends her left arm\nand hand to the left, with her right hand brandishing a lance in the\nsame direction, in which her feet show her to be ready to spring. She is\nurging the figures on her right to follow her at once to attempt some\ndangerous enterprise. Of these the elderly man, who is calmly seated,\nholds his right hand flat and reversed, and suspended slightly above his\nknee. This probably is the ending of the modern Neapolitan gesture, Fig.\n68, which signifies hesitation, advice to pause before hasty action, \u201cgo\nslowly,\u201d and commences higher with a gentle wavering movement downward.\nThis can be compared with the sign of some of our Indians, Fig. 69, for\n_wait!_ _slowly!_ The female figure at the left of the group, standing\nfirmly and decidedly, raises her left hand directed to the goddess with\nthe palm vertical. If this is supposed to be a stationary gesture it\nmeans, \u201c_wait!_ _stop!_\u201d It may, however, be the commencement of the\nlast mentioned gesture, \u201c_go slow_.\u201d\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 70.]\n\nBoth of these members of the council advise delay and express doubt of\nthe propriety of immediate action.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 71.]\n\nThe sitting warrior on the left of Athen\u00e9 presents his left hand flat\nand carried well up. This position, supposed to be stationary, now means\nto _ask, inquire_, and it may be that he inquires of the other veteran\nwhat reasons he can produce for his temporizing policy. This may be\ncollated with the modern Neapolitan sign for _ask_, Fig. 70, and the\ncommon Indian sign for \u201c_tell me!_\u201d Fig. 71. In connection with this it\nis also interesting to compare the Australian sign for interrogation,\nFig. 72, and also the Comanche Indian sign for _give me_, Fig. 301, page\n480, _infra_. If, however, the artist had the intention to represent the\nflat hand as in motion from below upward, as is probable from the\nconnection, the meaning is _much, greatly_. He strongly disapproves the\ncounsel of the opposite side. Our Indians often express the idea of\nquantity, _much_, with the same conception of comparative height, by an\nupward motion of the extended palm, but with them the palm is held\ndownward. The last figure to the right, by the action of his whole body,\nshows his rejection of the proposed delay, and his right hand gives the\nmodern sign of combined surprise and reproof.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 72.]\n\nIt is interesting to note the similarity of the merely emotional\ngestures and attitudes of modern Italy with those of the classics. The\nPulcinella, Fig. 73, for instance, drawn from life in the streets of\nNaples, has the same pliancy and _abandon_ of the limbs as appears in\nthe supposed foolish slaves of the Vatican Terence.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 73.]\n\nIn close connection with this branch of the study reference must be made\nto the gestures exhibited in the works of Italian art only modern in\ncomparison with the high antiquity of their predecessors. A\u00a0good\ninstance is in the Last Supper of Leonardo da Vinci, painted toward the\nclose of the fifteenth century, and to the figure of Judas as there\nportrayed. The gospel denounces him as a thief, which is expressed in\nthe painting by the hand extended and slightly curved; imitative of the\npilferer\u2019s act in clutching and drawing toward him furtively the stolen\nobject, and is the same gesture that now indicates _theft_ in Naples,\nFig. 74, and among some of the North American Indians, Fig. 75. The\npictorial propriety of the sign is preserved by the apparent desire of\nthe traitor to obtain the one white loaf of bread on the table (the\nremainder being of coarser quality) which lies near where his hand is\ntending. Raffaelle was equally particular in his exhibition of gesture\nlanguage, even unto the minutest detail of the arrangement of the\nfingers. It is traditional that he sketched the Madonna\u2019s hands for the\nSpasimo di Sicilia in eleven different positions before he was\nsatisfied.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 74.]\n\nNo allusion to the bibliography of gesture speech, however slight,\nshould close without including the works of Mgr. D.\u00a0De Haerne, who has,\nas a member of the Belgian Chamber of Representatives, in addition to\nhis rank in the Roman Catholic Church, been active in promoting the\ncause of education in general, and especially that of the deaf and dumb.\nHis admirable treatise _The Natural Language of Signs_ has been\ntranslated and is accessible to American readers in the _American Annals\nof the Deaf and Dumb_, 1875. In that valuable serial, conducted by Prof.\nE.\u00a0A. FAY, of the National Deaf Mute College at Washington, and now in\nits twenty-sixth volume, a\u00a0large amount of the current literature on the\nsubject indicated by its title can be found.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 75.]\n\n\n\n\nMODERN USE OF GESTURE SPEECH.\n\n\nDr. TYLOR says (_Early History of Mankind_, 44): \u201cWe cannot lay down as\na rule that gesticulation decreases as civilization advances, and say,\nfor instance, that a Southern Frenchman, because his talk is illustrated\nwith gestures as a book with pictures, is less civilized than a German\nor Englishman.\u201d This is true, and yet it is almost impossible for\npersons not accustomed to gestures to observe them without associating\nthe idea of low culture. Thus in Mr. Darwin\u2019s summing up of those\ncharacteristics of the natives of Tierra del Fuego, which rendered it\ndifficult to believe them to be fellow-creatures, he classes their\n\u201cviolent gestures\u201d with their filthy and greasy skins, discordant\nvoices, and hideous faces bedaubed with paint. This description is\nquoted by the Duke of Argyle in his _Unity of Nature_ in approval of\nthose characteristics as evidence, of the lowest condition of humanity.\n\nWhether or not the power of the visible gesture relative to, and its\ninfluence upon the words of modern oral speech are in inverse proportion\nto the general culture, it seems established that they do not bear that\nor any constant proportion to the development of the several languages\nwith which gesture is still more or less associated. The statement has\nfrequently been made that gesture is yet to some highly-advanced\nlanguages a necessary modifying factor, and that only when a language\nhas become so artificial as to be completely expressible in written\nsigns--indeed, has been remodeled through their long familiar use--can\nthe bodily signs be wholly dispensed with. The evidence for this\nstatement is now doubted, and it is safer to affirm that a common use of\ngesture depends more upon the sociologic conditions of the speakers than\nupon the degree of copiousness of their oral speech.\n\n\n_USE BY OTHER PEOPLES THAN NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS._\n\nThe nearest approach to a general rule which it is now proposed to\nhazard is that where people speaking precisely the same dialect are not\nnumerous, and are thrown into constant contact on equal terms with\nothers of differing dialects and languages, gesture is necessarily\nresorted to for converse with the latter, and remains for an indefinite\ntime as a habit or accomplishment among themselves, while large bodies\nenjoying common speech, and either isolated from foreigners, or, when in\ncontact with them, so dominant as to compel the learning and adoption of\ntheir own tongue, become impassive in its delivery. The ungesturing\nEnglish, long insular, and now rulers when spread over continents, may\nbe compared with the profusely gesticulating Italians dwelling in a maze\nof dialects and subject for centuries either to foreign rule or to the\ninflux of strangers on whom they depended. So common is the use of\ngestures in Italy, especially among the lower and uneducated classes,\nthat utterance without them seems to be nearly impossible. The driver or\nboatman will often, on being addressed, involuntarily drop the reins or\noars, at the risk of a serious accident, to respond with his arms and\nfingers in accompaniment of his tongue. Nor is the habit confined to the\nuneducated. King Ferdinand returning to Naples after the revolt of 1821,\nand finding that the boisterous multitude would not allow his voice to\nbe heard, resorted successfully to a royal address in signs, giving\nreproaches, threats, admonitions, pardon, and dismissal, to the entire\nsatisfaction of the assembled lazzaroni. The medium, though probably not\nthe precise manner of its employment, recalls Lucan\u2019s account of the\nquieting of an older tumult--\n\n tumultum\n Composuit vultu, dextraque silentia fecit.\n\nThis rivalry of Punch would, in London, have occasioned measureless\nridicule and disgust. The difference in what is vaguely styled\ntemperament does not wholly explain the contrast between the two\npeoples, for the performance was creditable both to the readiness of the\nKing in an emergency and to the aptness of his people, the main\ndistinction being that in Italy there was in 1821, and still is,\na\u00a0recognized and cultivated language of signs long disused in Great\nBritain. In seeking to account for this it will be remembered that the\nItalians have a more direct descent from the people who, as has been\nabove shown, in classic times so long and lovingly cultivated gesture as\na system. They have also had more generally before their eyes the\nartistic relics in which gestures have been preserved.\n\nIt is a curious fact that some English writers, notably Addison\n(_Spectator_, 407), have contended that it does not suit the genius of\nthat nation to use gestures even in public speaking, against which\ndoctrine Austin vigorously remonstrates. He says: \u201cThere may possibly be\nnations whose livelier feelings incline them more to gesticulation than\nis common among us, as there are also countries in which plants of\nexcellent use to man grow spontaneously; these, by care and culture, are\nfound to thrive also in colder countries.\u201d\n\nIt is in general to be remarked that as the number of dialects in any\ndistrict decreases so will the gestures, though doubtless there is also\nweight in the fact not merely that a language has been reduced to and\nmodified by writing, but that people who are accustomed generally to\nread and write, as are the English and Germans, will after a time think\nand talk as they write, and without the accompaniments still persistent\namong Hindus, Arabs, and the less literate of European nations.\n\nThe fact that in the comparatively small island of Sicily gesture\nlanguage has been maintained until the present time in a perfection not\nobserved elsewhere in Europe must be considered in connection with the\nabove remark on England\u2019s insularity, and it must also be admitted that\nseveral languages have prevailed in the latter, still leaving dialects.\nThis apparent similarity of conditions renders the contrast as regards\nuse of gestures more remarkable, yet there are some reasons for their\npersistence in Sicily which apply with greater force than to Great\nBritain. The explanation, through mere tradition, is that the common\nusage of signs dates from the time of Dionysius, the tyrant of Syracuse,\nwho prohibited meetings and conversation among his subjects, under the\ndirest penalties, so that they adopted that expedient to hold\ncommunication. It would be more useful to consider the peculiar history\nof the island. The Sicanians being its aborigines it was colonized by\nGreeks, who, as the Romans asserted, were still more apt at gesture than\nthemselves. This colonization was also by separate bands of adventurers\nfrom several different states of Greece, so that they started with\ndialects and did not unite in a common or national organization, the\nseparate cities and their territories being governed by oligarchies or\ntyrants frequently at war with each other, until, in the fifth century\nB.C., the Carthaginians began to contribute a new admixture of language\nand blood, followed by Roman, Vandal, Gothic, Herulian, Arab, and Norman\nsubjugation. Thus some of the conditions above suggested have existed in\nthis case, but, whatever the explanation, the accounts given by\ntravelers of the extent to which the language of signs has been used\neven during the present generation are so marvelous as to deserve\nquotation. The one selected is from the pen of Alexandre Dumas, who, it\nis to be hoped, did not carry his genius for romance into a professedly\nsober account of travel:\n\n\u201cIn the intervals of the acts of the opera I saw lively conversations\ncarried on between the orchestra and the boxes. Arami, in particular,\nrecognized a friend whom he had not seen for three years, and who\nrelated to him, by means of his eyes and his hands, what, to judge by\nthe eager gestures of my companion, must have been matters of great\ninterest. The conversation ended, I\u00a0asked him if I might know without\nimpropriety what was the intelligence which had seemed to interest him\nso deeply. \u2018O,\u00a0yes,\u2019 he replied, \u2018that person is one of my good friends,\nwho has been away from Palermo for three years, and he has been telling\nme that he was married at Naples; then traveled with his wife in Austria\nand in France; there his wife gave birth to a daughter, whom he had the\nmisfortune to lose; he arrived by steamboat yesterday, but his wife had\nsuffered so much from sea-sickness that she kept her bed, and he came\nalone to the play.\u2019 \u2018My dear friend,\u2019 said I to Arami, \u2018if you would\nhave me believe you, you must grant me a favor.\u2019 \u2018What is it?\u2019 said he.\n\u2018It is, that you do not leave me during the evening, so that I may be\nsure you give no instructions to your friend, and when we join him, that\nyou ask him to repeat aloud what he said to you by signs.\u2019 \u2018That I\nwill,\u2019 said Arami. The curtain then rose; the second act of Norma was\nplayed; the curtain falling, and the actors being recalled, as usual, we\nwent to the side-room, where we met the traveler. \u2018My dear friend,\u2019 said\nArami, \u2018I\u00a0did not perfectly comprehend what you wanted to tell me; be so\ngood as to repeat it.\u2019 The traveler repeated the story word for word,\nand without varying a syllable from the translation, which Arami had\nmade of his signs; it was marvelous indeed.\n\n\u201cSix weeks after this, I saw a second example of this faculty of mute\ncommunication. This was at Naples. I\u00a0was walking with a young man of\nSyracuse. We passed by a sentinel. The soldier and my companion\nexchanged two or three grimaces, which at another time I should not even\nhave noticed, but the instances I had before seen led me to give\nattention. \u2018Poor fellow,\u2019 sighed my companion. \u2018What did he say to you?\u2019\nI\u00a0asked. \u2018Well,\u2019 said he, \u2018I\u00a0thought that I recognized him as a\nSicilian, and I learned from him, as we passed, from what place he came;\nhe said he was from Syracuse, and that he knew me well. Then I asked him\nhow he liked the Neapolitan service; he said he did not like it at all,\nand if his officers did not treat him better he should certainly finish\nby deserting. I\u00a0then signified to him that if he ever should be reduced\nto that extremity, he might rely upon me, and that I would aid him all\nin my power. The poor fellow thanked me with all his heart, and I have\nno doubt that one day or other I shall see him come.\u2019 Three days after,\nI\u00a0was at the quarters of my Syracusan friend, when he was told that a\nman asked to see him who would not give his name; he went out and left\nme nearly ten minutes. \u2018Well,\u2019 said he, on returning, \u2018just as I said.\u2019\n\u2018What?\u2019 said\u00a0I. \u2018That the poor fellow would desert.\u2019\u201d\n\nAfter this there is an excuse for believing the tradition that the\nrevolt called \u201cthe Sicilian Vespers,\u201d in 1282, was arranged throughout\nthe island without the use of a syllable, and even the day and hour for\nthe massacre of the obnoxious foreigners fixed upon by signs only.\nIndeed, the popular story goes so far as to assert that all this was\ndone by facial expression, without even manual signs.\n\nNEAPOLITAN SIGNS.\n\nIt is fortunately possible to produce some illustrations of the modern\nNeapolitan sign language traced from the plates of De Jorio, with\ntranslations, somewhat condensed, of his descriptions and remarks.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 76.--Neapolitan public letter-writer and\n clients.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 77.]\n\nIn Fig. 76 an ambulant secretary or public writer is seated at his\nlittle table, on which are the meager tools of his trade. He wears\nspectacles in token that he has read and written much, and has one seat\nat his side to accommodate his customers. On this is seated a married\nwoman who asks him to write a letter to her absent husband. The\nsecretary, not being told what to write about, without surprise, but\nsomewhat amused, raises his left hand with the ends of the thumb and\nfinger joined, the other fingers naturally open, a\u00a0common sign for\n_inquiry_. \u201cWhat shall the letter be about?\u201d The wife, not being ready\nof speech, to rid herself of the embarrassment, resorts to the mimic\nart, and, without opening her mouth, tells with simple gestures all that\nis in her mind. Bringing her right hand to her heart, with a\ncorresponding glance of the eyes she shows that the theme is to be\n_love_. For emphasis also she curves the whole upper part of her body\ntowards him, to exhibit the intensity of her passion. To complete the\nmimic story, she makes with her left hand the sign of _asking_ for\nsomething, which has been above described (see page 291). The letter,\nthen, is to assure her husband of her love and to beg him to return it\nwith corresponding affection. The other woman, perhaps her sister, who\nhas understood the whole direction, regards the request as silly and\nfruitless and is much disgusted. Being on her feet, she takes a step\ntoward the wife, who she thinks is unadvised, and raises her left hand\nwith a sign of disapprobation. This position of the hand is described in\nfull as open, raised high, and oscillated from right to left. Several of\nthe Indian signs have the same idea of oscillation of the hand raised,\noften near the head, to express _folly, fool_. She clearly says, \u201cWhat a\nthing to ask! what a fool you are!\u201d and at the same time makes with the\nright hand the sign of _money_. This is made by the extremities of the\nthumb and index rapidly rubbed against each other, and is shown more\nclearly in Fig. 77. It is taken from the handling and counting of coin.\nThis may be compared with an Indian sign, see Fig. 115, page 344.\n\nSo the sister is clearly disapproving with her left hand and with her\nright giving good counsel, as if to say, in the combination, \u201cWhat a\nfool you are to ask for his love; you had better ask him to send you\nsome money.\u201d\n\n * * * * *\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 78.--Neapolitan hot-corn vender.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 79.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 80.]\n\nIn Naples, as in American cities, boiled ears of green corn are vended\nwith much outcry. Fig. 78 shows a boy who is attracted by the local cry\n\u201c_Pollanchelle tenerelle!_\u201d and seeing the sweet golden ears still\nboiling in the kettle from which steams forth fragrance, has an ardent\ndesire to taste the same, but is without a _soldo_. He tries begging.\nHis right open hand is advanced toward the desired object with the sign\nof _asking_ or _begging_, and he also raises his left forefinger to\nindicate the number _one_--\u201cPretty girl, please only give me one!\u201d The\npretty girl is by no means cajoled, and while her left hand holds the\nladle ready to use if he dares to touch her merchandise, she replies by\ngesture \u201c_Te voglio d\u00e0 no cuorno!_\u201d freely translated, \u201cI\u2019ll give you\none _in a horn!_\u201d This gesture is drawn, with clearer outline in Fig.\n79, and has many significations, according to the subject-matter and\ncontext, and also as applied to different parts of the body. Applied to\nthe head it has allusion, descending from high antiquity, to a marital\nmisfortune which was probably common in prehistoric times as well as the\npresent. It is also often used as an amulet against the _jettatura_ or\nevil eye, and misfortune in general, and directed toward another person\nis a prayerful wish for his or her preservation from evil. This use is\nancient, as is shown on medals and statues, and is supposed by some to\nrefer to the horns of animals slaughtered in sacrifice. The position of\nthe fingers, Fig. 80, is also given as one of Quintilian\u2019s oratorical\ngestures by the words \u201c_Duo quoque medii sub pollicem veniunt_,\u201d and is\nsaid by him to be vehement and connected with reproach or argument. In\nthe present case, as a response to an impertinent or disagreeable\npetition, it simply means, \u201cinstead of giving what you ask, I\u00a0will give\nyou nothing but what is vile and useless, as horns are.\u201d\n\n * * * * *\n\nFig. 81 tells a story which is substantially the foundation of the\nslender plot of most modern scenic pantomimes preliminary to the\nbursting forth from their chrysalides of Harlequin, Columbine,\nPantaloon, and company. A\u00a0young girl, with the consent of her parents,\nhas for some time promised her hand to an honest youth. The old mother,\nin despite of her word, has taken a caprice to give her daughter to\nanother suitor. The father, though much under the sway of his spouse, is\nin his heart desirous to keep his engagement, and has called in the\nnotary to draw the contract. At this moment the scene begins, the actors\nof which, for greater perspicuity and brevity, may be provided with\nstage names as follows:\n\n Cecca, diminutive for Francisca, the mother of--\n Nanella, diminutive of Antoniella, the betrothed of--\n Peppino, diminutive of Peppe, which is diminutive of Giuseppe.\n Pasquale, husband of Cecca and father of Nanella.\n Tonno, diminutive of Antonio, favored by Cecca.\n D. Alfonso, notary.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 81.--Disturbance at signing of Neapolitan\n marriage contract.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 82.]\n\nCecca tries to pick a quarrel with Peppino, and declares that the\ncontract shall not be signed. He reminds her of her promise, and accuses\nher of breach of faith. In her passion she calls on her daughter to\nrepudiate her lover, and casting her arms around her, commands her to\nmake the sign of breaking off friendship--\u201c_scocchiare_\u201d--which she has\nherself made to Peppino, and which consists in extending the hand with\nthe joined ends of finger and thumb before described, see Fig. 66, and\nthen separating them, thus breaking the union. This the latter\nreluctantly pretends to do with one hand, yet with the other, which is\nconcealed from her irate mother\u2019s sight, shows her constancy by\ncontinuing with emphatic pressure the sign of _love_. According to the\ngesture vocabulary, on the sign _scocchiare_ being made to a person who\nis willing to accept the breach of former affection, he replies in the\nsame manner, or still more forcibly by inserting the index of the other\nhand between the index and thumb of the first, thus showing the\nseparation by the presence of a material obstacle. Simply refraining\nfrom holding out the hand in any responsive gesture is sufficient to\nindicate that the breach is not accepted, but that the party addressed\ndesires to continue in friendship instead of resolving into enmity. This\nweak and inactive negative, however, does not suit Peppino\u2019s vivacity,\nwho, placing his left hand on his bosom, makes, with his right, one of\nthe signs for emphatic negation. This consists of the palm turned to the\nperson addressed with the index somewhat extended and separated from the\nother fingers, the whole hand being oscillated from right to left. This\ngesture appears on ancient Greek vases, and is compound, the index being\ndemonstrative and the negation shown by the horizontal oscillation, the\nwhole being translatable as, \u201cThat thing I want not, won\u2019t have,\nreject.\u201d The sign is virtually the same as that made by Arapaho and\nCheyenne Indians (see EXTRACTS FROM DICTIONARY, page 440, _infra_). The\nconception of oscillation to show negation also appears with different\nexecution in the sign of the Jicarilla Apaches and the Pai-Utes, Fig.\n82. The same sign is reported from Japan, in the same sense.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 83.--Coming home of Neapolitan bride.]\n\nTonno, in hopes that the quarrel is definitive, to do his part in\nstopping the ceremony, proceeds to blow out the three lighted candles,\nwhich are an important traditional feature of the rite. The good old man\nPasquale, with his hands extended, raised in surprised displeasure and\ndirected toward the insolent youth, stops his attempt. The veteran\nnotary, familiar with such quarrels in his experience, smiles at this\none, and, continuing in his quiet attitude, extends his right hand\nplacidly to Peppino with the sign of _adagio_, before described, see\nFig. 68, advising him not to get excited, but to persist quietly, and\nall would be well.\n\n * * * * *\n\nFig. 83 portrays the first entrance of a bride to her husband\u2019s house.\nShe comes in with a tender and languid mien, her pendent arms indicating\nsoft yielding, and the right hand loosely holds a handkerchief, ready to\napply in case of overpowering emotion. She is, or feigns to be, so timid\nand embarrassed as to require support by the arm of a friend who\nintroduces her. She is followed by a male friend of the family, whose\njoyful face is turned toward supposed by-standers, right hand pointing\nto the new acquisition, while with his left he makes the sign of horns\nbefore described, see Fig. 79, which in this connection is to wish\nprosperity and avert misfortune, and is equivalent to the words in the\nNeapolitan dialect, \u201c_Mal\u2019uocchie non nce pozzano_\u201d--may evil eyes never\nhave power over her.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 84.]\n\nThe female confidant, who supports and guides her embarrassed friend\nwith her right arm, brings her left hand into the sign of\n_beautiful_--\u201cSee what a beauty she is!\u201d This sign is made by the thumb\nand index open and severally lightly touching each side of the lower\ncheek, the other fingers open. It is given on a larger scale and\nslightly varied in Fig. 84, evidently referring to a fat and rounded\nvisage. Almost the same sign is made by the Ojibwas of Lake Superior,\nand a mere variant of it is made by the Dakotas--stroking the cheeks\nalternately down to the tip of the chin with the palm or surface of the\nextended fingers.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 85.]\n\nThe mother-in-law greets the bride by making the sign _mano in fica_\nwith her right hand. This sign, made with the hand clenched and the\npoint of the thumb between and projecting beyond the fore and middle\nfingers, is more distinctly shown in Fig. 85. It has a very ancient\norigin, being found on Greek antiques that have escaped the destruction\nof time, more particularly in bronzes, and undoubtedly refers to the\n_pudendum muliebre_. It is used offensively and ironically, but\nalso--which is doubtless the case in this instance--as an invocation or\nprayer against evil, being more forcible than the horn-shaped gesture\nbefore described. With this sign the Indian sign for _female_, see Fig.\n132, page 357, _infra_, may be compared.\n\nThe mother-in-law also places her left hand hollowed in front of her\nabdomen, drawing with it her gown slightly forward, thereby making a\npantomimic representation of the state in which \u201cwomen wish to be who\nlove their lords\u201d; the idea being plainly an expressed hope that the\nhousehold will be blessed with a new generation.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 86.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 87.]\n\nNext to her is a hunchback, who is present as a familiar clown or\nmerrymaker, and dances and laughs to please the company, at the same\ntime snapping his fingers. Two other illustrations of this action, the\nmiddle finger in one leaving and in the other having left the thumb and\npassed to its base, are seen in Figs. 86, 87. This gesture by itself\nhas, like others mentioned, a\u00a0great variety of significations, but here\nmeans _joy_ and acclamation. It is frequently used among us for subdued\napplause, less violent than clapping the two hands, but still oftener to\nexpress negation with disdain, and also carelessness. Both these uses of\nit are common in Naples, and appear in Etruscan vases and Pompeian\npaintings, as well as in the classic authors. The significance of the\naction in the hand of the contemporary statue of Sardanapalus at\nAnchiale is clearly _worthlessness_, as shown by the inscription in\nAssyrian, \u201cSardanapalus, the son of Anacyndaraxes, built in one day\nAnchiale and Tarsus. Eat, drink, play; the rest is not worth _that!_\u201d\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 88.]\n\nThe bridegroom has left his mother to do the honors to the bride, and\nhimself attends to the rest of the company, inviting one of them to\ndrink some wine by a sign, enlarged in Fig. 88, which is not merely\npointing to the mouth with the thumb, but the hand with the incurved\nfingers represents the body of the common glass flask which the\nNeapolitans use, the extended thumb being its neck; the invitation is\ntherefore specially to drink wine. The guest, however, responds by a\nvery obvious gesture that he don\u2019t wish anything to drink, but he would\nlike to eat some macaroni, the fingers being disposed as if handling\nthat comestible in the fashion of vulgar Italians. If the idea were only\nto eat generally, it would have been expressed by the fingers and thumb\nunited in a point and moved several times near and toward the mouth, not\nraised above it, as is necessary for suspending the strings of macaroni.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 89.--Quarrel between Neapolitan women.]\n\nIn Fig. 89 the female in the left of the group is much disgusted at\nseeing one of her former acquaintances, who has met with good fortune,\npromenade in a fine costume with her husband. Overcome with jealousy,\nshe spreads out her dress derisively on both sides, in imitation of the\nhoop-skirts once worn by women of rank, as if to say \u201cSo you are playing\nthe great lady!\u201d The insulted woman, in resentment, makes with both\nhands, for double effect, the sign of horns, before described, which in\nthis case is done obviously in menace and imprecation. The husband is a\npacific fellow who is not willing to get into a woman\u2019s quarrel, and is\nvery easily held back by a woman and small boy who happen to join the\ngroup. He contents himself with pretending to be in a great passion and\nbiting his finger, which gesture may be collated with the emotional\nclinching of the teeth and biting the lips in anger, common to all\nmankind.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 90.--The cheating Neapolitan chestnut huckster.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 91.]\n\nIn Fig. 90 a contadina, or woman from the country, who has come to the\ncity to sell eggs (shown to be such by her head-dress, and the form of\nthe basket which she has deposited on the ground), accosts a vender of\nroast chestnuts and asks for a measure of them. The chestnut huckster\nsays they are very fine and asks a price beyond that of the market; but\na boy sees that the rustic woman is not sharp in worldly matters and\ndesires to warn her against the cheat. He therefore, at the moment when\nhe can catch her eye, pretending to lean upon his basket, and moving\nthus a little behind the huckster, so as not to be seen, points him out\nwith his index finger, and lays his left forefinger under his eye,\npulling down the skin slightly, so as to deform the regularity of the\nlower eyelid. This is a _warning against a cheat_, shown more clearly in\nFig. 91. This sign primarily indicates a squinting person, and\nmetaphorically one whose looks cannot be trusted, even as in a squinting\nperson you cannot be certain in which direction he is looking.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 92.]\n\nFig. 92 shows the extremities of the index and thumb closely joined in\nform of a cone, and turned down, the other fingers held at pleasure, and\nthe hand and arm advanced to the point and held steady. This signifies\n_justice_, a just person, that which is just and right. The same sign\nmay denote friendship, a\u00a0menace, which specifically is that of being\nbrought to justice, and snuff, _i.e._ powdered tobacco; but the\nexpression of the countenance and the circumstance of the use of the\nsign determine these distinctions. Its origin is clearly the balance or\nemblem of justice, the office of which consists in ascertaining physical\nweight, and thence comes the moral idea of distinguishing clearly what\nis just and accurate and what is not. The hand is presented in the usual\nmanner of holding the balance to weigh articles.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 93.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 94.]\n\nFig. 93 signifies _little, small_, both as regards the size of physical\nobjects or figuratively, as of a small degree of talent, affection, or\nthe like. It is made either by the point of the thumb placed under the\nend of the index (_a_), or _vice vers\u00e2_ (_b_), and the other fingers\nheld at will, but separated from those mentioned. The intention is to\nexhibit a small portion either of the thumb or index separated from the\nrest of the hand. The gesture is found in Herculanean bronzes, with\nobviously the same signification. The signs made by some tribes of\nIndians for the same conception are very similar, as is seen by Figs. 94\nand 95.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 95.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 96.]\n\nFig. 96 is simply the index extended by itself. The other fingers are\ngenerally bent inwards and pressed down by the thumb, as mentioned by\nQuintilian, but that is not necessary to the gesture if the forefinger\nis distinctly separated from the rest. It is most commonly used for\nindication, pointing out, as it is over all the world, from which comes\nthe name index, applied by the Romans as also by us, to the forefinger.\nIn different relations to the several parts of the body and arm\npositions it has many significations, _e.g._, attention, meditation,\nderision, silence, number, and demonstration in general.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 97.]\n\nFig. 97 represents the head of a jackass, the thumbs being the ears, and\nthe separation of the little from the third fingers showing the jaws.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 98.]\n\nFig. 98 is intended to portray the head of the same animal in a front\nview, the hands being laid upon each other, with thumbs extending on\neach side to represent the ears. In each case the thumbs are generally\nmoved forward and back, in the manner of the quadruped, which, without\nmuch apparent reason, has been selected as the emblem of stupidity. The\nsign, therefore, means _stupid, fool_. Another mode of executing the\nsame conception--the ears of an ass--is shown in Fig. 99, where the end\nof the thumb is applied to the ear or temple and the hand is wagged up\nand down. Whether the ancient Greeks had the same low opinion of the ass\nas is now entertained is not clear, but they regarded long ears with\nderision, and Apollo, as a punishment to Midas for his foolish decision,\nbestowed on him the lengthy ornaments of the patient beast.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 99.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 100.]\n\nFig. 100 is the fingers elongated and united in a point, turned upwards.\nThe hand is raised slightly toward the face of the gesturer and shaken a\nfew times in the direction of the person conversed with. This is\n_inquiry_, not a mere interrogative, but to express that the person\naddressed has not been clearly understood, perhaps from the vagueness or\ndiffusiveness of his expressions. The idea appears to suggest the\ngathering of his thoughts together into one distinct expression, or to\nbe _pointed_ in what he wishes to say.\n\n_Crafty, deceitful_, Fig. 101. The little fingers of both reversed hands\nare hooked together, the others open but slightly curved, and, with the\nhands, moved several times to the right and left. The gesture is\nintended to represent a crab and the tortuous movements of the\ncrustacean, which are likened to those of a man who cannot be depended\non in his walk through life. He is not straight.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 101.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 102.]\n\nFigs. 102 and 103 are different positions of the hand in which the\napproximating thumb and forefinger form a circle. This is the direst\ninsult that can be given. The amiable canon De Jorio only hints at its\nspecial significance, but it may be evident to persons aware of a\npractice disgraceful to Italy. It is very ancient.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 104.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 103.]\n\nFig. 104 is easily recognized as a request or command to be _silent_,\neither on the occasion or on the subject. The mouth, supposed to be\nforcibly closed, prevents speaking, and the natural gesture, as might be\nsupposed, is historically ancient, but the instance, frequently adduced\nfrom the attitude of the god Harpokrates, whose finger is on his lips,\nis an error. The Egyptian hieroglyphists, notably in the designation of\nHorus, their dawn-god, used the finger in or on the lips for \u201cchild.\u201d It\nhas been conjectured in the last instance that the gesture implied, not\nthe mode of taking nourishment, but inability to speak--_in-fans_. This\nconjecture, however, was only made to explain the blunder of the Greeks,\nwho saw in the hand placed connected with the mouth in the hieroglyph of\nHorus (the) son, \u201cHor-(p)-chrot,\u201d the gesture familiar to themselves of\na finger on the lips to express \u201csilence,\u201d and so, mistaking both the\nname and the characterization, invented the God of Silence, Harpokrates.\nA\u00a0careful examination of all the linear hieroglyphs given by Champollion\n(_Dictionnaire \u00c9gyptien_) shows that the finger or the hand to the mouth\nof an adult (whose posture is always distinct from that of a child) is\nalways in connection with the positive ideas of voice, mouth, speech,\nwriting, eating, drinking, &c., and never with the negative idea of\nsilence. The special character for _child_, Fig. 105, always has the\nabove-mentioned part of the sign with reference to nourishment from the\nbreast.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 105.]\n\nFig. 106 is a forcible _negation_. The outer ends of the fingers united\nin a point under the chin are violently thrust forward. This is the\nrejection of an idea or proposition, the same conception being executed\nin several different modes by the North American Indians.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 106.]\n\nFig. 107 signifies _hunger_, and is made by extending the thumb and\nindex under the open mouth and turning them horizontally and vertically\nseveral times. The idea is emptiness and desire to be filled. It is also\nexpressed by beating the ribs with the flat hands, to show that the\nsides meet or are weak for the want of something between them.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 107.]\n\nFig. 108 is made in mocking and ridicule. The open and oscillating hand\ntouches the point of the nose with that of the thumb. It has the\nparticular sense of stigmatizing the person addressed or in question as\na dupe. A\u00a0credulous person is generally imagined with a gaping mouth and\nstaring eyes, and as thrusting forward his face, with pendant chin, so\nthat the nose is well advanced and therefore most prominent in the\nprofile. A\u00a0dupe is therefore called _naso lungo_ or long-nose, and with\nItalian writers \u201c_restare con un palmo di naso_\u201d--to be left with a\npalm\u2019s length of nose--means to have met with loss, injury, or\ndisappointment.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 108.]\n\nThe thumb stroking the forehead from one side to the other, Fig. 109, is\na natural sign of _fatigue_, and of the physical toil that produces\nfatigue. The wiping off of perspiration is obviously indicated. This\ngesture is often used ironically.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 109.]\n\nAs a _dupe_ was shown above, now the _duper_ is signified, by Fig. 110.\nThe gesture is to place the fingers between the cravat and the neck and\nrub the latter with the back of the hand. The idea is that the deceit is\nput within the cravat, taken in and down, similar to our phrase to\n\u201cswallow\u201d a\u00a0false and deceitful story, and a \u201ccram\u201d is also an English\nslang word for an incredible lie. The conception of the slang term is\nnearly related to that of the Neapolitan sign, viz., the artificial\nenlargement of the \u0153sophagus of the person victimized or on whom\nimposition is attempted to be practiced, which is necessary to take it\ndown.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 110.]\n\nFig. 111 shows the ends of the index and thumb stroking the two sides of\nthe nose from base to point. This means _astute, attentive, ready_.\nSharpness of the nasal organ is popularly associated with subtlety and\nfinesse. The old Romans by _homo emunct\u00e6 naris_ meant an acute man\nattentive to his interests. The sign is often used in a bad sense, then\nsignifying _too_ sharp to be trusted.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 111.]\n\nThis somewhat lengthy but yet only partial list of Neapolitan\ngesture-signs must conclude with one common throughout Italy, and also\namong us with a somewhat different signification, yet perhaps also\nderived from classic times. To express suspicion of a person the\nforefinger of the right hand is placed upon the side of the nose. It\nmeans _tainted_, not sound. It is used to give an unfavorable report of\na person inquired of and to warn against such.\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe Chinese, though ready in gesticulation and divided by dialects, do\nnot appear to make general use of a systematic sign language, but they\nadopt an expedient rendered possible by the peculiarity of their written\ncharacters, with which a large proportion of their adults are\nacquainted, and which are common in form to the whole empire. The\ninhabitants of different provinces when meeting, and being unable to\nconverse orally, do not try to do so, but write the characters of the\nwords upon the ground or trace them on the palm of the hand or in the\nair. Those written characters each represent words in the same manner as\ndo the Arabic or Roman numerals, which are the same to Italians,\nGermans, French, and English, and therefore intelligible, but if\nexpressed in sound or written in full by the alphabet, would not be\nmutually understood. This device of the Chinese was with less apparent\nnecessity resorted to in the writer\u2019s personal knowledge between a\nHungarian who could talk Latin, and a then recent graduate from college\nwho could also do so to some extent, but their pronunciation was so\ndifferent as to occasion constant difficulty, so they both wrote the\nwords on paper, instead of attempting to speak them.\n\nThe efforts at intercommunication of all savage and barbarian tribes,\nwhen brought into contact with other bodies of men not speaking an oral\nlanguage common to both, and especially when uncivilized inhabitants of\nthe same territory are separated by many linguistic divisions, should in\ntheory resemble the devices of the North American Indians. They are not\nshown by published works to prevail in the Eastern hemisphere to the\nsame extent and in the same manner as in North America. It is, however,\nprobable that they exist in many localities, though not reported, and\nalso that some of them survive after partial or even high civilization\nhas been attained, and after changed environment has rendered their\nsystematic employment unnecessary. Such signs may be, first, unconnected\nwith existing oral language, and used in place of it; second, used to\nexplain or accentuate the words of ordinary speech, or third, they may\nconsist of gestures, emotional or not, which are only noticed in oratory\nor impassioned conversation, being, possibly, survivals of a former\ngesture language.\n\nFrom correspondence instituted it may be expected that a considerable\ncollection of signs will be obtained from West and South Africa, India,\nArabia, Turkey, the Fiji Islands, Sumatra, Madagascar, Ceylon, and\nespecially from Australia, where the conditions are similar in many\nrespects to those prevailing in North America prior to the Columbian\ndiscovery. In the _Aborigines of Victoria_, _Melbourne_, 1878, by\nR.\u00a0Brough Smythe, the author makes the following curious remarks: \u201cIt is\nbelieved that they have several signs, known only to themselves, or to\nthose among the whites who have had intercourse with them for lengthened\nperiods, which convey information readily and accurately. Indeed,\nbecause of their use of signs, it is the firm belief of many (some\nuneducated and some educated) that the natives of Australia are\nacquainted with the secrets of Freemasonry.\u201d\n\nIn the _Report of the cruise of the United States Revenue steamer Corwin\nin the Arctic Ocean_, _Washington_, 1881, it appears that the Innuits of\nthe northwestern extremity of America use signs continually. Captain\nHooper, commanding that steamer, is reported by Mr. Petroff to have\nfound that the natives of Nunivak Island, on the American side, below\nBehring Strait, trade by signs with those of the Asiatic coast, whose\nlanguage is different. Humboldt in his journeyings among the Indians of\nthe Orinoco, where many small isolated tribes spoke languages not\nunderstood by any other, found the language of signs in full operation.\nSpix and Martius give a similar account of the Puris and Coroados of\nBrazil.\n\n * * * * *\n\nIt is not necessary to enlarge under the present heading upon the signs\nof deaf-mutes, except to show the intimate relation between sign\nlanguage as practiced by them and the gesture signs, which, even if not\n\u201cnatural,\u201d are intelligible to the most widely separated of mankind.\nA\u00a0Sandwich Islander, a\u00a0Chinese, and the Africans from the slaver Amistad\nhave, in published instances, visited our deaf-mute institutions with\nthe same result of free and pleasurable intercourse; and an English\ndeaf-mute had no difficulty in conversing with Laplanders. It appears,\nalso, on the authority of Sibscota, whose treatise was published in\n1670, that Cornelius Haga, ambassador of the United Provinces to the\nSublime Porte, found the Sultan\u2019s mutes to have established a language\namong themselves in which they could discourse with a speaking\ninterpreter, a\u00a0degree of ingenuity interfering with the object of their\nselection as slaves unable to repeat conversation. A\u00a0curious instance\nhas also been reported to the writer of operatives in a large mill where\nthe constant rattling of the machinery rendered them practically deaf\nduring the hours of work and where an original system of gestures was\nadopted.\n\nIn connection with the late international convention, at Milan, of\npersons interested in the instruction of deaf-mutes which, in the\nenthusiasm of the members for the new system of artificial articulate\nspeech, made war upon all gesture-signs, it is curious that such\nprohibition of gesture should be urged regarding mutes when it was\nprevalent to so great an extent among the speaking people of the country\nwhere the convention was held, and when the advocates of it were\nthemselves so dependent on gestures to assist their own oratory if not\ntheir ordinary conversation. Artificial articulation surely needs the\naid of significant gestures more, when in the highest perfection to\nwhich it can attain, than does oral speech in its own high development.\nThe use of artificial speech is also necessarily confined to the oral\nlanguage acquired by the interlocutors and throws away the advantage of\nuniversality possessed by signs.\n\n\n_USE BY MODERN ACTORS AND ORATORS._\n\nLess of practical value can be learned of sign language, considered as a\nsystem, from the study of gestures of actors and orators than would\nappear without reflection. The pantomimist who uses no words whatever is\nobliged to avail himself of every natural or imagined connection between\nthought and gesture, and, depending wholly on the latter, makes himself\nintelligible. On the stage and the rostrum words are the main reliance,\nand gestures generally serve for rhythmic movement and to display\npersonal grace. At the most they give the appropriate representation of\nthe general idea expressed by the words, but do not attempt to indicate\nthe idea itself. An instance is recorded of the addition of significance\nto gesture when it is employed by the gesturer, himself silent, to\naccompany words used by another. Livius Andronicus, being hoarse,\nobtained permission to have his part sung by another actor while he\ncontinued to make the gestures, and he did so with much greater effect\nthan before, as Livy, the historian, explains, because he was not\nimpeded by the exertion of the voice; but the correct explanation\nprobably is, because his attention was directed to ideas, not mere\nwords.\n\nGESTURES OF ACTORS.\n\nTo look at the performance of a play through thick glass or with closed\nears has much the same absurd effect that is produced by also stopping\nthe ears while at a ball and watching the apparently objectless capering\nof the dancers, without the aid of musical accompaniment. Diderot, in\nhis _Lettre sur les sourds muets_, gives his experience as follows:\n\n\u201cI used frequently to attend the theater and I knew by heart most of our\ngood plays. Whenever I wished to criticise the movements and gestures of\nthe actors I went to the third tier of boxes, for the further I was from\nthem the better I was situated for this purpose. As soon as the curtain\nrose, and the moment came when the other spectators disposed themselves\nto listen, I\u00a0put my fingers into my ears, not without causing some\nsurprise among those who surrounded me, who, not understanding, almost\nregarded me as a crazy man who had come to the play only not to hear it.\nI\u00a0was very little embarrassed by their comments, however, and\nobstinately kept my ears closed as long as the action and gestures of\nthe players seemed to me to accord with the discourse which I\nrecollected. I\u00a0listened only when I failed to see the appropriateness of\nthe gestures. * * * There are few actors capable of sustaining such a\ntest, and the details into which I could enter would be mortifying to\nmost of them.\u201d\n\nIt will be noticed that Diderot made this test with regard to the\nappropriate gestural representation of plays that he knew by heart, but\nif he had been entirely without any knowledge of the plot, the\ndifficulty in his comprehending it from gestures alone would have been\nenormously increased. When many admirers of Ristori, who were wholly\nunacquainted with the language in which her words were delivered,\ndeclared that her gesture and expression were so perfect that they\nunderstood every sentence, it is to be doubted if they would have been\nso delighted if they had not been thoroughly familiar with the plots of\nQueen Elizabeth and Mary Stuart. This view is confirmed by the case of a\ndeaf-mute, told to the writer by Professor FAY, who had prepared to\nenjoy Ristori\u2019s acting by reading in advance the advertised play, but on\nhis reaching the theater another play was substituted and he could\nderive no idea from its presentation. The experience of the present\nwriter is that he could gain very little meaning in detail out of the\nperformance at a Chinese theater, where there is much more true\npantomime than in the European, without a general notion of the subject\nas conveyed from time to time by an interpreter. A\u00a0crucial test on this\nsubject was made at the representation at Washington, in April, 1881, of\n_Frou-Frou_ by Sarah Bernhardt and the excellent French company\nsupporting her. Several persons of special intelligence and familiar\nwith theatrical performances, but who did not understand spoken French,\nand had not heard or read the play before or even seen an abstract of\nit, paid close attention to ascertain what they could learn of the plot\nand incidents from the gestures alone. This could be determined in the\nspecial play the more certainly as it is not founded on historic events\nor any known facts. The result was that from the entrance of the heroine\nduring the first scene in a peacock-blue riding habit to her death in a\nblack walking-suit, three hours or five acts later, none of the students\nformed any distinct conception of the plot. This want of apprehension\nextended even to uncertainty whether _Gilberte_ was married or not; that\nis, whether her adventures were those of a disobedient daughter or a\nfaithless wife, and, if married, which of the half dozen male personages\nwas her husband. There were gestures enough, indeed rather a profusion\nof them, and they were thoroughly appropriate to the words (when those\nwere understood) in which fun, distress, rage, and other emotions were\nexpressed, but in no cases did they interpret the motive for those\nemotions. They were the dressing for the words of the actors as the\nsuperb millinery was that of their persons, and perhaps acted as varnish\nto bring out dialogues and soliloquies in heightened effect. But though\nvarnish can bring into plainer view dull or faded characters, it cannot\nintroduce into them significance where none before existed. The simple\nfact was that the gestures of the most famed histrionic school, the\nCom\u00e9die Fran\u00e7aise, were not significant, far less self-interpreting, and\nthough praised as the perfection of art, have diverged widely from\nnature. It thus appears that the absence of absolute self-interpretation\nby gesture is by no means confined to the lower grade of actors, such as\nare criticised in the old lines:\n\n When to enforce some very tender part\n His left hand sleeps by instinct on the heart;\n His soul, of every other thought bereft,\n Seems anxious only--where to place the left!\n\nWithout relying wholly upon the facts above mentioned, it will be\nadmitted upon reflection that however numerous and correct may be the\nactually significant gestures made by a great actor in the\nrepresentation of his part, they must be in small proportion to the\nnumber of gestures not at all significant, and which are no less\nnecessary to give to his declamation precision, grace, and force.\nSignificant gestures on the stage may be regarded in the nature of high\nseasoning and ornamentation, which by undue use defeat their object and\ncreate disgust. Histrionic perfection is, indeed, more shown in the\nslight shades of movement of the head, glances of the eye, and poises of\nthe body than in violent attitudes; but these slight movements are\nwholly unintelligible without the words uttered with them. Even in the\nexpression of strong emotion the same gesture will apply to many and\nutterly diverse conditions of fact. The greatest actor in telling that\nhis father was dead can convey his grief with a shade of difference from\nthat which he would use if saying that his wife had run away, his son\nbeen arrested for murder, or his house burned down; but that shade would\nnot without words inform any person, ignorant of the supposed event,\nwhich of the four misfortunes had occurred. A\u00a0true sign language,\nhowever, would fully express the exact circumstances, either with or\nwithout any exhibition of the general emotion appropriate to them.\n\nEven among the best sign-talkers, whether Indian or deaf-mute, it is\nnecessary to establish some _rapport_ relating to theme or\nsubject-matter, since many gestures, as indeed is the case in a less\ndegree with spoken words, have widely different significations,\naccording to the object of their exhibition, as well as the context.\nPanurge (_Pantagruel_, Book III, ch. xix) hits the truth upon this\npoint, however ungallant in his application of it to the fair sex. He is\ndesirous to consult a dumb man, but says it would be useless to apply to\na woman, for \u201cwhatever it be that they see they do always represent unto\ntheir fancies, and imagine that it hath some relation to love. Whatever\nsigns, shows, or gestures we shall make, or whatever our behavior,\ncarriage, or demeanor shall happen to be in their view and presence,\nthey will interpret the whole in reference to androgynation.\u201d A\u00a0story is\ntold to the same point by Guevara, in his fabulous life of the Emperor\nMarcus Aurelius. A\u00a0young Roman gentleman encountering at the foot of\nMount Celion a beautiful Latin lady, who from her very cradle had been\ndeaf and dumb, asked her in gesture what senators in her descent from\nthe top of the hill she had met with, going up thither. She straightway\nimagined that he had fallen in love with her and was eloquently\nproposing marriage, whereupon she at once threw herself into his arms in\nacceptance. The experience of travelers on the Plains is to the same\ngeneral effect, that signs commonly used to men are understood by women\nin a sense so different as to occasion embarrassment. So necessary was\nit to strike the mental key-note of the spectators by adapting their\nminds to time, place, and circumstance, that even in the palmiest days\nof pantomime it was customary for the crier to give some short\npreliminary explanation of what was to be acted, which advantage is now\nretained by our play-bills, always more specific when the performance is\nin a foreign language, unless, indeed, the management is interested in\nthe sale of librettos.\n\nGESTURES OF OUR PUBLIC SPEAKERS.\n\nIf the scenic gestures are so seldom significant, those appropriate to\noratory are of course still less so. They require energy, variety, and\nprecision, but also a degree of simplicity which is incompatible with\nthe needs of sign language. As regards imitation, they are restrained\nwithin narrow bounds and are equally suited to a great variety of\nsentiments. Among the admirable illustrations in Austin\u2019s _Chironomia_\nof gestures applicable to the several passages in Gay\u2019s \u201cMiser and\nPlutus\u201d one is given for \u201cBut virtue\u2019s sold\u201d which is perfectly\nappropriate, but is not in the slightest degree suggestive either of\nvirtue or of the transaction of sale. It could be used for an indefinite\nnumber of thoughts or objects which properly excited abhorrence, and\ntherefore without the words gives no special interpretation. Oratorical\ndelivery demands general grace--cannot rely upon the emotions of the\nmoment for spontaneous appropriateness, and therefore requires\npreliminary study and practice, such as are applied to dancing and\nfencing with a similar object; indeed, accomplishment in both dancing\nand fencing has been recommended as of use to all orators. In reference\nto this subject a quotation from Lord Chesterfield\u2019s letters is in\nplace: \u201cI\u00a0knew a young man, who, being just elected a member of\nParliament, was laughed at for being discovered, through the key-hole of\nhis chamber door, speaking to himself in the glass and forming his looks\nand gestures. I\u00a0could not join in that laugh, but, on the contrary,\nthought him much wiser than those that laughed at him, for he knew the\nimportance of those little graces in a public assembly and they did\nnot.\u201d\n\n\n\n\nOUR INDIAN CONDITIONS FAVORABLE TO SIGN LANGUAGE.\n\n\nIn no other thoroughly explored part of the world has there been found\nspread over so large a space so small a number of individuals divided by\nso many linguistic and dialectic boundaries as in North America. Many\nwholly distinct tongues have for an indefinitely long time been confined\nto a few scores of speakers, verbally incomprehensible to all others on\nthe face of the earth who did not, from some rarely operating motive,\nlaboriously acquire their language. Even when the American race, so\nstyled, flourished in the greatest population of which we have any\nevidence (at\u00a0least according to the published views of the present\nwriter, which seem to have been generally accepted), the immense number\nof languages and dialects still preserved, or known by early recorded\nfragments to have once existed, so subdivided it that only the dwellers\nin a very few villages could talk together with ease. They were all\ninterdistributed among unresponsive vernaculars, each to the other being\n_bar-bar-ous_ in every meaning of the term. The number of known stocks\nor families of Indian languages within the territory of the United\nStates amounts now to sixty-five, and these differ among themselves as\nradically as each differs from the Hebrew, Chinese, or English. In each\nof these linguistic families there are several, sometimes as many as\ntwenty, separate languages, which also differ from each other as much as\ndo the English, French, German, and Persian divisions of the Aryan\nlinguistic stock.\n\nThe use of gesture-signs, continued, if not originating, in necessity\nfor communication with the outer world, became entribally convenient\nfrom the habits of hunters, the main occupation of all savages,\ndepending largely upon stealthy approach to game, and from the sole form\nof their military tactics--to surprise an enemy. In the still expanse of\nvirgin forests, and especially in the boundless solitudes of the great\nplains, a\u00a0slight sound can be heard over a large area, that of the human\nvoice being from its rarity the most startling, so that it is now, as it\nprobably has been for centuries, a\u00a0common precaution for members of a\nhunting or war party not to speak together when on such expeditions,\ncommunicating exclusively by signs. The acquired habit also exhibits\nitself not only in formal oratory and in impassioned or emphatic\nconversation, but also as a picturesque accompaniment to ordinary social\ntalk. Hon. LEWIS H. MORGAN mentions in a letter to this writer that he\nfound a silent but happy family composed of an Atsina (commonly called\nGros Ventre of the Prairie) woman, who had been married two years to a\nFrenchman, during which time they had neither of them attempted to learn\neach other\u2019s language; but the husband having taken kindly to the\nlanguage of signs, they conversed together by that means with great\ncontentment. It is also often resorted to in mere laziness, one gesture\nsaving many words. The gracefulness, ingenuity, and apparent spontaneity\nof the greater part of the signs can never be realized until actually\nwitnessed, and their beauty is much heightened by the free play to which\nthe arms of these people are accustomed, and the small and well-shaped\nhands for which they are remarkable. Among them can seldom be noticed in\nliteral fact--\n\n The graceless action of a heavy hand--\n\nwhich the Bastard metaphorically condemns in King John.\n\nThe conditions upon which the survival of sign language among the\nIndians has depended is well shown by those attending its discontinuance\namong certain tribes.\n\nMany instances are known of the discontinuance of gesture speech with no\ndevelopment in the native language of the gesturers, but from the\ninvention for intercommunication of one used in common. The Kalapuyas of\nSouthern Oregon until recently used a sign language, but have gradually\nadopted for foreign intercourse the composite tongue, commonly called\nthe Tsinuk or Chinook jargon, which probably arose for trade purposes on\nthe Columbia River before the advent of Europeans, founded on the\nTsinuk, Tsihali, Nutka, &c., but now enriched by English and French\nterms, and have nearly forgotten their old signs. The prevalence of this\nmongrel speech, originating in the same causes that produced the\npigeon-English or _lingua-franca_ of the Orient, explains the marked\nscantiness of sign language among the tribes of the Northwest coast.\n\nWhere the Chinook jargon has not extended on the coast to the North, the\nRussian language commences, used in the same manner, but it has not\nreached so deeply into the interior of the continent as the Chinook,\nwhich has been largely adopted within the region bounded by the eastern\nline of Oregon and Washington, and has become known even to the Pai-Utes\nof Nevada. The latter, however, while using it with the Oregonian tribes\nto their west and north, still keep up sign language for communication\nwith the Banaks, who have not become so familiar with the Chinook. The\nAlaskan tribes on the coast also used signs not more than a generation\nago, as is proved by the fact that some of the older men can yet\nconverse by this means with the natives of the interior, whom they\noccasionally meet. Before the advent of the Russians the coast tribes\ntraded their dried fish and oil for the skins and paints of the eastern\ntribes by visiting the latter, whom they did not allow to come to the\ncoast, and this trade was conducted mainly in sign language. The\nRussians brought a better market, so the travel to the interior ceased,\nand with it the necessity for the signs, which therefore gradually died\nout, and are little known to the present generation on the coast, though\nstill continuing in the interior, where the inhabitants are divided by\ndialects.\n\nNo explanation is needed for the disuse of a language of signs for the\nspecial purpose now in question when the speech of surrounding\ncivilization is recognized as necessary or important to be acquired, and\ngradually becomes known as the best common medium, even before it is\nactually spoken by many individuals of the several tribes. When it has\nbecome general, signs, as systematically employed before, gradually fade\naway.\n\n\n\n\nTHEORIES ENTERTAINED RESPECTING INDIAN SIGNS.\n\n\nIn this paper it is not designed to pronounce upon theories, and\ncertainly none will be advocated in a spirit of dogmatism. The writer\nrecognizes that the subject in its novelty specially requires an\nobjective and not a subjective consideration. His duty is to collect the\nfacts as they are, and this as soon as possible, since every year will\nadd to the confusion and difficulty. After the facts are established the\ntheories will take care of themselves, and their final enunciation will\nbe in the hands of men more competent than the writer will ever pretend\nto be, although his knowledge, after careful study of all data\nattainable, may be considerably increased. The mere collection of facts,\nhowever, cannot be prosecuted to advantage without predetermined rules\nof judgment, nor can they be classified at all without the adoption of\nsome principle which involves a tentative theory. More than a generation\nago Baader noticed that scientific observers only accumulated great\nmasses of separate facts without establishing more connection between\nthem than an arbitrary and imperfect classification; and before him\nGoethe complained of the indisposition of students of nature to look\nupon the universe as a whole. But since the great theory of evolution\nhas been brought to general notice no one will be satisfied at knowing a\nfact without also trying to establish its relation to other facts.\nTherefore a working hypothesis, which shall not be held to with\ntenacity, is not only allowable but necessary. It is also important to\nexamine with proper respect the theories advanced by others. Some of\nthese, suggested in the few publications on the subject and also by\ncorrespondents, will be mentioned.\n\n\n_NOT CORRELATED WITH MEAGERNESS OF LANGUAGE._\n\nThe story has been told by travelers in many parts of the world that\nvarious languages cannot be clearly understood in the dark by their\npossessors, using their mother tongue between themselves. The evidence\nfor this anywhere is suspicious; and when it is asserted, as it often\nhas been, in reference to some of the tribes of North American Indians,\nit is absolutely false, and must be attributed to the error of travelers\nwho, ignorant of the dialect, never see the natives except when trying\nto make themselves intelligible to their visitors by a practice which\nthey have found by experience to have been successful with strangers to\ntheir tongue, or perhaps when they are guarding against being overheard\nby others. Captain Burton, in his _City of the Saints_, specially states\nthat the Arapahos possess a very scanty vocabulary, pronounced in a\nquasi-unintelligible way, and can hardly converse with one another in\nthe dark. The truth is that their vocabulary is by no means scanty, and\nthey do converse with each other with perfect freedom without any\ngestures when they so please. The difficulty in speaking or\nunderstanding their language is in the large number of guttural and\ninterrupted sounds which are not helped by external motions of the mouth\nand lips in articulation, and the light gives little advantage to its\ncomprehension so far as concerns the vocal apparatus, which, in many\nlanguages, can be seen as well as heard, as is proved by the modern\ndeaf-mute practice of artificial speech. The corresponding story that no\nwhite man ever learned Arapaho is also false. A\u00a0member of Fr\u00e9mont\u2019s\nparty so long ago as 1842 spoke the language. Burton in the same\nconnection gives a story \u201cof a man who, being sent among the Cheyennes\nto qualify himself for interpreting, returned in a week and proved his\ncompetency; all he did, however, was to go through the usual pantomime\nwith a running accompaniment of grunts.\u201d And he might as well have\nomitted the grunts, for he obviously only used sign language. Lieutenant\nAbert, in 1846-\u201947, made much more sensible remarks from his actual\nobservation than Captain Burton repeated at second-hand from a Mormon\nmet by him at Salt Lake. He said: \u201cSome persons think that it [the\nCheyenne language] would be incomplete without gesture, because the\nIndians use gestures constantly. But I have been assured that the\nlanguage is in itself capable of bodying forth any idea to which one may\nwish to give utterance.\u201d\n\nIn fact, individuals of those American tribes specially instanced in\nthese reports as unable to converse without gesture, often, in their\ndomestic _abandon_, wrap themselves up in robes or blankets with only\nbreathing holes before the nose, so that no part of the body is seen,\nand chatter away for hours, telling long stories. If in daylight they\nthus voluntarily deprive themselves of the possibility of making signs,\nit is clear that their preference for talks around the fire at night is\nexplicable by very natural reasons wholly distinct from the one\nattributed. The inference, once carelessly made from the free use of\ngesture by some of the Shoshonian stock, that their tongue was too\nmeager for use without signs, is refuted by the now ascertained fact\nthat their vocabulary is remarkably copious and their parts of speech\nbetter differentiated than those of many people on whom no such stigma\nhas been affixed. The proof of this was seen in the writer\u2019s experience,\nwhen Ouray, the head chief of the Utes, was at Washington, in the early\npart of 1880, and after an interview with the Secretary of the Interior\nmade report of it to the rest of the delegation who had not been\npresent. He spoke without pause in his own language for nearly an hour,\nin a monotone and without a single gesture. The reason for this\ndepressed manner was undoubtedly because he was very sad at the result,\ninvolving loss of land and change of home; but the fact remains that\nfull information was communicated on a complicated subject without the\naid of a manual sign, and also without even such change of inflection of\nvoice as is common among Europeans. All theories based upon the supposed\npoverty of American languages must be abandoned.\n\nThe grievous accusation against foreign people that they have no\nintelligible language is venerable and general. With the Greeks the\nterm \u1f04\u03b3\u03bb\u03c9\u03c3\u03c3\u03bf\u03c2, \u201ctongueless,\u201d was used synonymous with \u03b2\u03ac\u03c1\u03b2\u03b1\u03c1\u03bf\u03c2,\n\u201cbarbarian\u201d of all who were not Greek. The name \u201cSlav,\u201d assumed by a\ngrand division of the Aryan family, means \u201cthe speaker,\u201d and is\ncontradistinguished from the other peoples of the world, such as the\nGermans, who are called in Russian \u201cNjemez,\u201d that is, \u201cspeechless.\u201d In\nIsaiah (xxxiii,\u00a019) the Assyrians are called a people \u201cof a stammering\ntongue, that one cannot understand.\u201d The common use of the expression\n\u201ctongueless\u201d and \u201cspeechless,\u201d so applied, has probably given rise, as\nTYLOR suggests, to the mythical stories of actually speechless tribes of\nsavages, and the considerations and instances above presented tend to\ndiscredit the many other accounts of languages which are incomplete\nwithout the help of gesture. The theory that sign language was in whole\nor in chief the original utterance of mankind would be strongly\nsupported by conclusive evidence to the truth of such travelers\u2019 tales,\nbut does not depend upon them. Nor, considering the immeasurable period\nduring which, in accordance with modern geologic views, man has been on\nthe earth, is it probable that any existing races can be found in which\nspeech has not obviated the absolute necessity for gesture in\ncommunication among themselves. The signs survive for convenience, used\ntogether with oral language, and for special employment when language is\nunavailable.\n\nA comparison sometimes drawn between sign language and that of our\nIndians, founded on the statement of their common poverty in abstract\nexpressions, is not just to either. This paper will be written in vain\nif it shall not suggest the capacities of gesture speech in that regard,\nand a deeper study into Indian tongues has shown that they are by no\nmeans so confined to the concrete as was once believed.\n\n\n_ITS ORIGIN FROM ONE TRIBE OR REGION._\n\nCol. Richard I. Dodge, United States Army, whose long experience among\nthe Indians entitles his opinion to great respect, says in a letter:\n\n\u201cThe embodiment of signs into a systematic language is, I believe,\nconfined to the Indians of the Plains. Contiguous tribes gain, here and\nthere, a\u00a0greater or less knowledge of this language; these again extend\nthe knowledge, diminished and probably perverted, to their neighbors,\nuntil almost all the Indian tribes of the United States east of the\nSierras have some little smattering of it. The Plains Indians believe\nthe Kiowas to have invented the sign language, and that by them its use\nwas communicated to other Plains tribes. If this is correct, analogy\nwould lead us to believe that those tribes most nearly in contact with\nthe Kiowas would use it most fluently and correctly, the knowledge\nbecoming less as the contact diminishes. Thus the Utes, though nearly\ncontiguous (in\u00a0territory) to the Plains Indians, have only the merest\n\u2018picked up\u2019 knowledge of this language, and never use it among\nthemselves, simply because, they and the Plains tribes having been,\nsince the memory of their oldest men, in a chronic state of war, there\nhas been no social contact.\u201d\n\nIn another communication Colonel Dodge is still more definite:\n\n\u201cThe Plains Indians themselves believe the sign language was invented by\nthe Kiowas, who holding an intermediate position between the Comanches,\nTonkaways, Lipans, and other inhabitants of the vast plains of Texas,\nand the Pawnees, Sioux, Blackfeet, and other northern tribes, were the\ngeneral go-betweens, trading with all, making peace or war with or for\nany or all. It is certain that the Kiowas are at present more\nuniversally proficient in this language than any other Plains tribe. It\nis also certain that the tribes farthest away from them and with whom\nthey have least intercourse use it with least facility.\u201d\n\nDr. William H. Corbusier, assistant surgeon United States Army, a\u00a0valued\ncontributor, gives information as follows:\n\n\u201cThe traditions of the Indians point toward the south as the direction\nfrom which the sign language came. They refer to the time when they did\nnot use it; and each tribe say they learned it from those south of them.\nThe Comanches, who acquired it in Mexico, taught it to the Arapahoes and\nKiowas, and from these the Cheyennes learned it. The Sioux say that they\nhad no knowledge of it before they crossed the Missouri River and came\nin contact with the Cheyennes, but have quite recently learned it from\nthem. It would thus appear that the Plains Indians did not invent it,\nbut finding it adapted to their wants adopted it as a convenient means\nof communicating with those whose language they did not understand, and\nit rapidly spread from tribe to tribe over the Plains. As the sign\nlanguage came from Mexico, the Spaniards suggest themselves as the\nintroducers of it on this continent. They are adepts in the use of\nsigns. Cortez as he marched through Mexico would naturally have resorted\nto signs in communicating with the numerous tribes with which he came in\ncontract. Finding them very necessary, one sign after another would\nsuggest itself and be adopted by Spaniards and Indians, and, as the\nformer advanced, one tribe after another would learn to use them. The\nIndians on the Plains, finding them so useful, preserved them and each\ntribe modified them to suit their convenience, but the signs remained\nessentially the same. The Shoshones took the sign language with them as\nthey moved northwest, and a few of the Piutes may have learned it from\nthem, but the Piutes as a tribe do not use it.\u201d\n\nMr. Ben. Clarke, the respected and skillful interpreter at Fort Reno\nwrites to the same general effect:\n\n\u201cThe Cheyennes think that the sign language used by the Cheyennes,\nArapahoes, Ogallala and Brul\u00e9 Sioux, Kiowas, and Comanches originated\nwith the Kiowas. It is a tradition that, many years ago, when the\nNorthern Indians were still without horses, the Kiowas often raided\namong the Mexican Indians and captured droves of horses on these trips.\nThe Northern Plains Indians used to journey to them and trade for\nhorses. The Kiowas were already proficient in signs, and the others\nlearned from them. It was the journeying to the South that finally\ndivided the Cheyennes, making the Northern and Southern Cheyennes. The\nsame may be said of the Arapahoes. That the Kiowas were the first sign\ntalkers is only a tradition, but as a tribe they are now considered to\nbe the best or most thorough of the Plains Indians.\u201d\n\nWithout engaging in any controversy on this subject it may be noticed\nthat the theory advanced supposes a comparatively recent origin of sign\nlanguage from one tribe and one region, whereas, so far as can be\ntraced, the conditions favorable to a sign language existed very long\nago and were co-extensive with the territory of North America occupied\nby any of the tribes. To avoid repetition reference is made to the\ndiscussion below under the heads of universality, antiquity, identity,\nand permanence. At this point it is only desired to call attention to\nthe ancient prevalence of signs among tribes such as the Iroquois,\nWyandot, Ojibwa, and at least three generations back among the Crees\nbeyond our northern boundary and the Mandans and other far-northern\nDakotas, not likely at that time to have had communication, even through\nintertribal channels, with the Kaiowas. It is also difficult to\nunderstand how their signs would have in that manner reached the Kutchin\nof Eastern Alaska and the Kutine and Selish of British Columbia, who use\nsigns now. At the same time due consideration must be given to the great\nchange in the intercommunication of tribes, produced by the importation\nof the horse, by which the habits of those Indians now, but not very\nanciently, inhabiting the Plains were entirely changed. It is probable\nthat a sign language before existing became, contemporaneously with\nnomadic life, cultivated and enriched.\n\nAs regards the Spanish origin suggested, there is ample evidence that\nthe Spaniards met signs in their early explorations north of and in the\nnorthern parts of Mexico, and availed themselves of them but did not\nintroduce them. It is believed also that the elaborate picture writing\nof Mexico was founded on gesture signs.\n\nWith reference to the statement that the Kaiowas are the most expert\nsign talkers of the Plains, a\u00a0number of authorities and correspondents\ngive the precedence to the Cheyennes, and an equal number to the\nArapahos. Probably the accident of meeting specially skillful talkers in\nthe several tribes visited influences such opinions.\n\nThe writer\u2019s experience, both of the Utes and Pai-Utes, is different\nfrom the above statement respecting the absence of signs among them.\nThey not only use their own signs but fully understand the difference\nbetween the signs regarded as their own and those of the Kaiowas. On\nspecial examination they understood some of the latter only as words of\na foreign language interpolated in an oral conversation would be\ncomprehended from the context, and others they would recognize as having\nseen before among other tribes without adoption. The same is true\nregarding the Brul\u00e9 Sioux, as was clearly expressed by Medicine Bull,\ntheir chief. The Pimas, Papagos, and Maricopas examined had a copious\nsign language, yet were not familiar with many Kaiowa signs presented to\nthem.\n\nInstead of referring to a time past when they did not use signs, the\nIndians examined by the writer and by most of his correspondents speak\nof a time when they and their fathers used it more freely and copiously\nthan at present, its disuse being from causes before mentioned. It,\nhowever, may be true in some cases that a tribe, having been for a long\ntime in contact only with others the dialect of which was so nearly akin\nas to be comprehensible, or from any reason being separated from those\nof a strange speech, discontinued sign language for a time, and then\nupon migration or forced removal came into circumstances where it was\nuseful, and revived it. It is asserted that some of the Muskoki and the\nPonkas now in the Indian Territory never saw sign language until they\narrived there. Yet there is some evidence that the Muskoki did use signs\na century ago, and some of the Ponkas still remaining on their old homes\non the Missouri remember it and have given their knowledge to an\naccurate correspondent, Rev. J.\u00a0O. Dorsey, though for many years they\nhave not been in circumstances to require its employment.\n\nPerhaps the most salutary criticism to be offered regarding the theory\nwould be in the form of a query whether sign language has ever been\ninvented by any one body of people at any one time, and whether it is\nnot simply a phase in evolution, surviving and reviving when needed.\nCriticism on this subject is made reluctantly, as it would be highly\ninteresting to determine that sign language on this continent came from\na particular stock, and to ascertain that stock. Such research would be\nsimilar to that into the Aryan and Semitic sources to which many modern\nlanguages have been traced backwards from existing varieties, and if\nthere appear to be existing varieties in signs their roots may still be\nfound to be _sui generis_. The possibility that the discrepancy between\nsigns was formerly greater than at present will receive attention in\ndiscussing the distinction between the identity of signs and their\ncommon use as an art. It is sufficient to add now that not only does the\nburden of proof rest unfavorably upon the attempt to establish one\nparent stock for sign language in North America, but it also comes under\nthe stigma now fastened upon the immemorial effort to name and locate\nthe original oral speech of man. It is only next in difficulty to the\nold persistent determination to decide upon the origin of the whole\nIndian \u201crace,\u201d in which most peoples of antiquity in the eastern\nhemisphere, including the lost tribes of Israel, the Gipsies, and the\nWelsh, have figured conspicuously as putative parents.\n\n\n_IS THE INDIAN SYSTEM SPECIAL AND PECULIAR?_\n\nThis inquiry is closely connected with the last. If the system of signs\nwas invented here in the correct sense of that term, and by a known and\nexisting tribe, it is probable that it would not be found prevailing in\nany important degree where the influence of the inventors could not\nreadily have penetrated. An affirmative answer to the question also\npresupposes the same answer to another question, viz, whether there is\nany one uniform system among the North American Indians which can\ntherefore be compared with any other system. This last inquiry will be\nconsidered in its order. In comparing the system as a whole with others,\nthe latter are naturally divided into signs of speaking men foreign to\nAmerica and those of deaf-mutes.\n\nCOMPARISONS WITH FOREIGN SIGNS.\n\nThe generalization of TYLOR that \u201cgesture language is substantially the\nsame among savage tribes all over the world,\u201d interpreted by his remarks\nin another connection, is understood as referring to their common use of\nsigns, and of signs formed on the same principles, but not of precisely\nthe same signs to express the same ideas. In this sense of the\ngeneralization the result of the writer\u2019s study not only sustains it,\nbut shows a surprising number of signs for the same idea which are\nsubstantially identical, not only among savage tribes, but among all\npeoples that use gesture signs with any freedom. Men, in groping for a\nmode of communication with each other, and using the same general\nmethods, have been under many varying conditions and circumstances which\nhave determined differently many conceptions and their semiotic\nexecution, but there have also been many of both which were similar. Our\nIndians have no special superstition concerning the evil-eye like the\nItalians, nor have they been long familiar with the jackass so as to\nmake him emblematical of stupidity; therefore signs for these concepts\nare not cisatlantic, but even in this paper many are shown which are\nsubstantially in common between our Indians and Italians. The large\ncollection already obtained, but not now published, shows many others\nidentical, not only with those of the Italians and the classic Greeks\nand Romans, but of other peoples of the Old World, both savage and\ncivilized. The generic uniformity is obvious, while the occasion of\nspecific varieties can be readily understood.\n\nCOMPARISON WITH DEAF-MUTE SIGNS.\n\nThe Indians who have been shown over the civilized East have often\nsucceeded in holding intercourse, by means of their invention and\napplication of principles in what may be called the voiceless mother\nutterance, with white deaf-mutes, who surely have no semiotic code more\nnearly connected with that attributed to the plain-roamers than is\nderived from their common humanity. They showed the greatest pleasure in\nmeeting deaf-mutes, precisely as travelers in a foreign country are\nrejoiced to meet persons speaking their language, with whom they can\nhold direct communication without the tiresome and often suspected\nmedium of an interpreter. When they met together they were found to\npursue the same course as that noticed at the meeting of deaf-mutes who\nwere either not instructed in any methodical dialect or who had received\nsuch instruction by different methods. They often disagreed in the signs\nat first presented, but soon understood them, and finished by adopting\nsome in mutual compromise, which proved to be those most strikingly\nappropriate, graceful, and convenient; but there still remained in some\ncases a plurality of fitting signs for the same idea or object. On one\nof the most interesting of these occasions, at the Pennsylvania\nInstitution for the Deaf and Dumb, in 1873, it was remarked that the\nsigns of the deaf-mutes were much more readily understood by the\nIndians, who were Absaroka or Crows, Arapahos, and Cheyennes, than were\ntheirs by the deaf-mutes, and that the latter greatly excelled in\npantomimic effect. This need not be surprising when it is considered\nthat what is to the Indian a mere adjunct or accomplishment is to the\ndeaf-mute the natural mode of utterance, and that there is still greater\nfreedom from the trammel of translating words into action--instead of\nacting the ideas themselves--when, the sound of words being unknown,\nthey remain still as they originated, but another kind of sign, even\nafter the art of reading is acquired, and do not become entities as with\nus. The \u201caction, action, action,\u201d of Demosthenes is their only oratory,\nnot the mere heightening of it, however valuable.\n\nOn March 6, 1880, the writer had an interesting experience in taking to\nthe National Deaf-Mute College at Washington seven Utes (which tribe,\naccording to report, is unacquainted with sign language), among whom\nwere Augustin, Alejandro, Jakonik, Severio, and Wash. By the kind\nattention of President GALLAUDET a thorough test was given, an equal\nnumber of deaf-mute pupils being placed in communication with the\nIndians, alternating with them both in making individual signs and in\ntelling narratives in gesture, which were afterwards interpreted in\nspeech by the Ute interpreter and the officers of the college. Notes of\na few of them were taken, as follows:\n\nAmong the signs was that for _squirrel_, given by a deaf-mute. The right\nhand was placed over and facing the left, and about four inches above\nthe latter, to show the height of the animal; then the two hands were\nheld edgewise and horizontally in front, about eight inches apart\n(showing _length_); then imitating the grasping of a small object and\nbiting it rapidly with the incisors, the extended index was pointed\nupward and forward (_in\u00a0a tree_).\n\nThis was not understood, as the Utes have no sign for the tree squirrel,\nthe arboreal animal not being now found in their region.\n\nDeaf-mute sign for _jack-rabbit_: The first two fingers of each hand\nextended (the remaining fingers and thumbs closed) were placed on either\nside of the head, pointing upward; then arching the hands, palm down,\nquick, interrupted, jumping movements forward were made.\n\nThis was readily understood.\n\nThe signs for the following narrative were given by a deaf-mute: When he\nwas a boy he mounted a horse without either bridle or saddle, and as the\nhorse began to go he grasped him by the neck for support; a\u00a0dog flew at\nthe horse, began to bark, when the rider was thrown off and considerably\nhurt.\n\nIn this the sign for _dog_ was as follows: Pass the arched hand forward\nfrom the lower part of the face, to illustrate elongated nose and mouth,\nthen with both forefingers extended, remaining fingers and thumbs\nclosed, place them upon either side of the lower jaw, pointing upward,\nto show lower canines, at the same time accompanying the gesture with an\nexpression of withdrawing the lips so as to show the teeth snarling;\nthen, with the fingers of the right hand extended and separated throw\nthem quickly forward and slightly upward (_voice_ or _talking_).\n\nThis sign was understood to mean _bear_, as that for _dog_ is different\namong the Utes, _i.e._, by merely showing the height of the dog and\npushing the flat hand forward, finger-tips first.\n\nAnother deaf-mute gestured to tell that when he was a boy he went to a\nmelon-field, tapped several melons, finding them to be green or unripe;\nfinally reaching a good one he took his knife, cut a slice, and ate it.\nA\u00a0man made his appearance on horseback, entered the patch on foot, found\nthe cut melon, and detecting the thief, threw the melon towards him,\nhitting him in the back, whereupon he ran away crying. The man mounted\nand rode off in an opposite direction.\n\nAll of these signs were readily comprehended, although some of the\nIndians varied very slightly in their translation.\n\nWhen the Indians were asked whether, if they (the deaf-mutes) were to\ncome to the Ute country they would be scalped, the answer was given,\n\u201cNothing would be done to you; but we would be friends,\u201d as follows:\n\nThe palm of the right hand was brushed toward the right over that of the\nleft (_nothing_), and the right hand made to grasp the palm of the left,\nthumbs extended over and lying upon the back of the opposing hand.\n\nThis was readily understood by the deaf-mutes.\n\nDeaf-mute sign of milking a cow and drinking the milk was fully and\nquickly understood.\n\nThe narrative of a boy going to an apple-tree, hunting for ripe fruit\nand filling his pockets, being surprised by the owner and hit upon the\nhead with a stone, was much appreciated by the Indians and completely\nunderstood.\n\nA deaf-mute asked Alejandro how long it took him to come to Washington\nfrom his country. He replied by placing the index and second finger of\nthe right hand astride the extended forefinger (others closed) of the\nleft; then elevating the fingers of the left hand (except thumb and\nforefinger) back forward (_three_); then extending the fingers of both\nhands and bringing them to a point, thumbs resting on palmar sides and\nextended, placing the hands in front of the body, the tips opposite the\nopposing wrist, and about four inches apart; then, revolving them in\nimitation of _wheels_, he elevated the extended forefinger of the left\nhand (_one_); then placing the extended flat hands, thumbs touching, the\nbacks sloping downward towards the respective right and left sides, like\nthe roof of a house; then repeating the sign of wheels as in the\npreceding, after which the left hand was extended before the body,\nfingers toward the right, horizontal, palm down and slightly arched, the\nright wrist held under it, the fingers extending upward beyond it, and\nquickly and repeatedly snapped upward (_smoke_); the last three signs\nbeing _covered_--_wagon_--_smoke_, _i.e._, _cars_; then elevating four\nfingers of the left hand (_four_).\n\n_Translation._--Traveled three days on horseback, one in a wagon, and\nfour in the cars.\n\nThe deaf-mutes understood all but the sign for wheel, which they make as\na large circle, with _one_ hand.\n\nAnother example: A deaf-mute pretended to hunt something; found birds,\ntook his bow and arrows and killed several.\n\nThis was fully understood.\n\nA narrative given by Alejandro was also understood by the deaf-mutes, to\nthe effect that he made search for deer, shot one with a gun, killed and\nskinned it, and packed it up.\n\nIt will be observed that many of the above signs admitted of and were\nexpressed by pantomime, yet that was not the case with all that were\nmade. President GALLAUDET made also some remarks in gesture which were\nunderstood by the Indians, yet were not strictly pantomimic.\n\nThe opinion of all present at the test was that two intelligent mimes\nwould seldom fail of mutual understanding, their attention being\nexclusively directed to the expression of thoughts by the means of\ncomprehension and reply equally possessed by both, without the mental\nconfusion of conventional sounds only intelligible to one.\n\nA large collection has been made of natural deaf-mute signs, and also of\nthose more conventional, which have been collated with those of the\nseveral tribes of Indians. Many of them show marked similarity, not only\nin principle but often in detail.\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe result of the studies so far as prosecuted is that what is called\n_the_ sign language of Indians is not, properly speaking, one language,\nbut that it and the gesture systems of deaf-mutes and of all peoples\nconstitute together one language--the gesture speech of mankind--of\nwhich each system is a dialect.\n\n\n_TO WHAT EXTENT PREVALENT AS A SYSTEM._\n\nThe assertion has been made by many writers, and is currently repeated\nby Indian traders and some Army officers, that all the tribes of North\nAmerica have long had and still use a _common_ and _identical_ sign\nlanguage, in which they can communicate freely without oral assistance.\nAlthough this remarkable statement is at variance with some of the\nprinciples of the formation and use of signs set forth by Dr. E.\u00a0B.\nTYLOR, whose admirable chapters on gesture speech in his _Researches\ninto the Early History of Mankind_ have in a great degree prompted the\npresent inquiries, that eminent authority did not see fit to discredit\nit. He repeats the report as he received it, in the words that \u201cthe same\nsigns serve as a medium of converse from Hudson Bay to the Gulf of\nMexico.\u201d Its truth or falsity can only be established by careful\ncomparison of lists or vocabularies of signs taken under test conditions\nat widely different times and places. For this purpose lists have been\ncollated by the writer, taken in different parts of the country at\nseveral dates, from the last century to the last month, comprising\ntogether several thousand signs, many of them, however, being mere\nvariants or synonyms for the same object or quality, some being\nrepetitions of others and some of small value from uncertainty in\ndescription or authority, or both.\n\nONCE PROBABLY UNIVERSAL IN NORTH AMERICA.\n\nThe conclusion reached from the researches made is to the effect that\nbefore the changes wrought by the Columbian discovery the use of gesture\nillustrated the remark of Quintilian upon the same subject (l.\u00a0xi, c.\u00a03)\nthat \u201c_In tanta per omnes gentes nationesque lingu\u00e6 diversitate hic mihi\nomnium hominum communis sermo videatur._\u201d\n\nQuotations may be taken from some old authorities referring to widely\nseparated regions. The Indians of Tampa Bay, identified with the\nTimucua, met by Cabe\u00e7a de Vaca in 1528, were active in the use of signs,\nand in his journeying for eight subsequent years, probably through Texas\nand Mexico, he remarks that he passed through many dissimilar tongues,\nbut that he questioned and received the answers of the Indians by signs\n\u201cjust as if they spoke our language and we theirs.\u201d Micha\u00eblius, writing\nin 1628, says of the Algonkins on or near the Hudson River: \u201cFor\npurposes of trading as much was done by signs with the thumb and fingers\nas by speaking.\u201d In Bossu\u2019s _Travels through that part of North America\nformerly called Louisiana_, _London_, 1771 (Forster\u2019s translation), an\naccount is given of Monsieur de Belle-Isle some years previously\ncaptured by the Atak-apa, who remained with them two years and\n\u201cconversed in their pantomimes with them.\u201d He was rescued by Governor\nBienville and was sufficiently expert in the sign language to interpret\nbetween Bienville and the tribe. In Bushmann\u2019s _Spuren_, p.\u00a0424, there\nis a reference to the \u201cAccocessaws on the west side of the Colorado, two\nhundred miles southwest of Nacogdoches,\u201d who use thumb signs which they\nunderstand: \u201c_Theilen sich aber auch durch Daum-Zeichen mit, die sie\nalle verstehen._\u201d\n\nOmitting many authorities, and for brevity allowing a break in the\ncontinuity of time, reference may be made to the statement in Major\nLong\u2019s expedition of 1819, concerning the Arapahos, Kaiowas, Ietans, and\nCheyennes, to the effect that, being ignorant of each other\u2019s languages,\nmany of them when they met would communicate by means of signs, and\nwould thus maintain a conversation without the least difficulty or\ninterruption. A\u00a0list of the tribes reported upon by Prince Maximilian\nvon Wied-Neuweid, in 1832-\u201934, appears elsewhere in this paper. In\nFr\u00e9mont\u2019s expedition of 1844 special and repeated allusion is made to\nthe expertness of the Pai-Utes in signs, which is contradictory to the\nstatement above made by correspondents. The same is mentioned regarding\na band of Shoshonis met near the summit of the Sierra Nevada, and one of\n\u201cDiggers,\u201d probably Chemehuevas, encountered on a tributary of the Rio\nVirgen.\n\nRuxton, in his _Adventures in Mexico and the Rocky Mountains_, _New\nYork_, 1848, p.\u00a0278, sums up his experience with regard to the Western\ntribes so well as to require quotation: \u201cThe language of signs is so\nperfectly understood in the Western country, and the Indians themselves\nare such admirable pantomimists, that, after a little use, no difficulty\nwhatever exists in carrying on a conversation by such a channel; and\nthere are few mountain men who are at a loss in thoroughly understanding\nand making themselves intelligible by signs alone, although they neither\nspeak nor understand a word of the Indian tongue.\u201d\n\nPassing to the correspondents of the writer from remote parts of North\nAmerica, it is important to notice that Mr. J.\u00a0W. Powell, Indian\nsuperintendent, reports the use of sign language among the Kutine, and\nMr. James Lenihan, Indian agent, among the Selish, both tribes of\nBritish Columbia. The Very Rev. Edward Jacker, while contributing\ninformation upon the present use of gesture language among the Ojibwas\nof Lake Superior, mentions that it has fallen into comparative neglect\nbecause for three generations they had not been in contact with tribes\nof a different speech. Dr. Francis H. Atkins, acting assistant surgeon,\nUnited States Army, in forwarding a contribution of signs of the\nMescalero Apaches remarks: \u201cI\u00a0think it probable that they have used sign\nlanguage rather less than many other Indians. They do not seem to use it\nto any extent at home, and abroad the only tribes they were likely to\ncome into contact with were the Navajos, the Lipans of old Mexico, and\nthe Comanches. Probably the last have been almost alone their visiting\nneighbors. They have also seen the Pueblos a little, these appearing to\nbe, like the Ph\u0153nicians of old, the traders of this region.\u201d He also\nalludes to the effect of the Spanish, or rather _lingua Mexicana_, upon\nall the Southern tribes and, indeed, upon those as far north as the\nUtes, by which recourse to signs is now rendered less necessary.\n\nBefore leaving this particular topic it is proper to admit that, while\nthere is not only recorded testimony to the past use of gesture signs by\nseveral tribes of the Iroquoian and Algonkian families, but evidence\nthat it still remains, it is, however, noticeable that these families\nwhen met by their first visitors do not appear to have often impressed\nthe latter with their reliance upon gesture language to the same extent\nas has always been reported of the tribes now and formerly found farther\ninland. An explanation may be suggested from the fact that among those\nfamilies there were more people dwelling near together in communities\nspeaking the same language, though with dialectic peculiarities, than\nbecame known later in the farther West, and not being nomadic their\nintercourse with strange tribes was less individual and conversational.\nSome of the tribes, in especial the Iroquois proper, were in a\ncomparatively advanced social condition. A\u00a0Mohawk or Seneca would\nprobably have repeated the arrogance of the old Romans, whom in other\nrespects they resembled, and compelled persons of inferior tribes to\nlearn his language if they desired to converse with him, instead of\nresorting to the compromise of gesture speech, which he had practiced\nbefore the prowess and policy of the confederated Five Nations had\ngained supremacy and which was still used for special purposes between\nthe members of his own tribe.\n\nThe studies thus far pursued lead to the conclusion that at the time of\nthe discovery of North America all its inhabitants practiced sign\nlanguage, though with different degrees of expertness, and that while\nunder changed circumstances it was disused by some, others, in especial\nthose who after the acquisition of horses became nomads of the Great\nPlains, retained and cultivated it to the high development now attained,\nfrom which it will surely and speedily decay.\n\nMISTAKEN DENIAL THAT SIGN LANGUAGE EXISTS.\n\nThe most useful suggestion to persons interested in the collection of\nsigns is that they shall not too readily abandon the attempt to discover\nrecollections of them even among tribes long exposed to European\ninfluence and officially segregated from others. The instances where\ntheir existence, at first denied, has been ascertained are important\nwith reference to the theories advanced.\n\nRev. J. Owen Dorsey has furnished a considerable vocabulary of signs\nfinally procured from the Poncas, although, after residing among them\nfor years, with thorough familiarity with their language, and after\nspecial and intelligent exertion to obtain some of their disused gesture\nlanguage, he had before reported it to be entirely forgotten. A\u00a0similar\nreport was made by two missionaries among the Ojibwas, though other\ntrustworthy authorities have furnished a copious list of signs obtained\nfrom that tribe. This is no imputation against the missionaries, as in\nOctober, 1880, five intelligent Ojibwas from Petoskey, Mich., told the\nwriter that they had never heard of gesture language. An interesting\nletter from Mr. B.\u00a0O. Williams, sr., of Owasso, Mich., explains the\ngradual decadence of signs used by the Ojibwas in his recollection,\nembracing sixty years, as chiefly arising from general acquaintance with\nthe English language. Further discouragement came from an Indian agent\ngiving the decided statement, after four years of intercourse with the\nPai-Utes, that no such thing as a communication by signs was known or\neven remembered by them, which, however, was less difficult to bear\nbecause on the day of the receipt of that well-intentioned missive some\nofficers of the Bureau of Ethnology were actually talking in signs with\na delegation of that very tribe of Indians then in Washington, from one\nof whom, N\u00e1tci, a\u00a0narrative printed in this paper (page 500), was\nreceived.\n\nThe report from missionaries, army officers, and travelers in Alaska was\nunanimous against the existence of a sign language there until Mr. Ivan\nPetroff, whose explorations had been more extensive, gave the excellent\nexposition and dialogue now produced (see page 492). Collections were\nalso obtained from the Apaches and Zu\u00f1i, Pimas, Papagos, and Maricopas,\nafter agents and travelers had denied them to be possessed of any\nknowledge on the subject.\n\nFor the reasons mentioned under the last heading, little hope was\nentertained of procuring a collection from any of the Iroquoian stock,\nbut the intelligent and respectable chief of the Wyandots, H\u00e9nto (Gray\nEyes), came to the rescue. His tribe was moved from Ohio in July, 1843,\nto the territory now occupied by the State of Kansas, and then again\nmoved to Indian Territory, in 1870. He asserts that about one-third of\nthe tribe, the older portion, know many signs, a\u00a0partial list of which\nhe gave with their descriptions. He was sure that those signs were used\nbefore the removal from Ohio, and he saw them used also by Shawnees,\nDelawares, and Senecas there.\n\nUnanimous denial of any existence of sign language came from the British\nprovinces of Ontario and Quebec, and was followed by the collection\nobtained by the Hon. Horatio Hale. His statement of the time and manner\nof its being procured by him is not only interesting but highly\ninstructive:\n\n\u201cThe aged Mohawk chief, from whom the information on this subject\nhas been obtained, is commonly known by his English name of John\nSmoke Johnson. \u2018Smoke\u2019 is a rude version of his Indian name,\n_Sakayenkwaraton_, which may be rendered \u2018Disappearing Mist.\u2019 It is the\nterm applied to the haze which rises in the morning of an autumn day,\nand gradually passes away. Chief Johnson has been for many years\n\u2018speaker\u2019 of the great council of the Six Nations. In former times he\nwas noted as a warrior, and later has been esteemed one of the most\neloquent orators of his race. At the age of eighty-eight years he\nretains much of his original energy. He is considered to have a better\nknowledge of the traditions and ancient customs of his people than any\nother person now living. This superior knowledge was strikingly apparent\nin the course of the investigations which were made respecting the sign\nlanguage. Two other members of his tribe, well-educated and very\nintelligent men of middle age, the one a chief and government\ninterpreter, the other a clergyman now settled over a white\ncongregation, had both been consulted on the subject and both expressed\nthe opinion that nothing of the sign language, properly speaking, was\nknown among the Six Nations. They were alike surprised and interested\nwhen the old chief, in their presence, after much consideration,\ngradually drew forth from the stores of his memory the proofs of an\naccomplishment which had probably lain unused for more than half a\ncentury.\u201d\n\nOne of the most conclusive instances of the general knowledge of sign\nlanguage, even when seldom used, was shown in the visit of five\nJicarilla Apaches to Washington in April, 1880, under the charge of Dr.\nBenjamin Thomas, their agent. The latter said he had never heard of any\nuse of signs among them. But it happened that there was a delegation of\nAbsaroka (Crows) at the same hotel, and the two parties from such widely\nseparated regions, not knowing a word of each other\u2019s language,\nimmediately began to converse in signs, resulting in a decided\nsensation. One of the Crows asked the Apaches whether they ate horses,\nand it happening that the sign for _eating_ was misapprehended for that\nknown by the Apaches for _many_, the question was supposed to be whether\nthe latter had many horses, which was answered in the affirmative.\nThence ensued a misunderstanding on the subject of hippophagy, which was\ncurious both as showing the general use of signs as a practice and the\ndiversity in special signs for particular meanings. The surprise of the\nagent at the unsuspected accomplishment of his charges was not unlike\nthat of a hen who, having hatched a number of duck eggs, is perplexed at\nthe instinct with which the brood takes to the water.\n\nThe denial of the use of signs is often faithfully though erroneously\nreported from the distinct statements of Indians to that effect. In\nthat, as in other matters, they are often provokingly reticent about\ntheir old habits and traditions. Chief Ouray asserted to the writer, as\nhe also did to Colonel Dodge, that his people, the Utes, had not the\npractice of sign talk, and had no use for it. This was much in the proud\nspirit in which an Englishman would have made the same statement, as the\nidea involved an accusation against the civilization of his people,\nwhich he wished to appear highly advanced. Still more frequently the\nIndians do not distinctly comprehend what is sought to be obtained.\nSometimes, also, the art, abandoned in general, only remains in the\nmemories of a few persons influenced by special circumstances or\nindividual fancy.\n\nIn this latter regard a comparison may be made with the old science of\nheraldry, once of practical use and a necessary part of a liberal\neducation, of which hardly a score of persons in the United States have\nany but the vague knowledge that it once existed; yet the united\nmemories of those persons could, in the absence of records, reproduce\nall essential points on the subject.\n\nAnother cause for the mistaken denial in question must be mentioned.\nWhen travelers or sojourners have become acquainted with signs in any\none place they may assume that those signs constitute _the_ sign\nlanguage, and if they afterwards meet tribes not at once recognizing\nthose signs, they remove all difficulty about the theory of a \u201cone and\nindivisible\u201d sign language by simply asserting that the tribes so met do\nnot understand _the_ sign language, or perhaps that they do not use\nsigns at all. This precise assertion has, as above mentioned, been made\nregarding the Utes and Apaches. Of course, also, Indians who have not\nbeen brought into sufficient contact with certain tribes using different\nsigns, for the actual trial which would probably result in mutual\ncomprehension, tell the travelers the same story. It is the venerable\none of \u201c\u1f04\u03b3\u03bb\u03c9\u03c3\u03c3\u03bf\u03c2,\u201d \u201cNjemez,\u201d \u201cbarbarian,\u201d and \u201cstammering,\u201d above\nnoted, applied to the hands instead of the tongue. Thus an observer\npossessed by a restrictive theory will find no signs where they are in\nplenty, while another determined on the universality and identity of\nsign language can, as elsewhere explained, produce, from perhaps the\nsame individuals, evidence in his favor from the apparently conclusive\nresult of successful communication.\n\nPERMANENCE OF SIGNS.\n\nIn connection with any theory it is important to inquire into the\npermanence of particular gesture signs to express a special idea or\nobject when the system has been long continued. Many examples have been\ngiven above showing that the gestures of classic times are still in use\nby the modern Italians with the same signification; indeed that the\nformer on Greek vases or reliefs or in Herculanean bronzes can only be\ninterpreted by the latter. In regard to the signs of instructed\ndeaf-mutes in this country there appears to be a permanence beyond\nexpectation. Mr. Edmund Booth, a\u00a0pupil of the Hartford Institute half a\ncentury ago, and afterwards a teacher, says in the \u201c_Annals_\u201d for April,\n1880, that the signs used by teachers and pupils at Hartford,\nPhiladelphia, Washington, Council Bluffs, and Omaha were nearly the same\nas he had learned. \u201cWe still adhere to the old sign for President from\nMonroe\u2019s three-cornered hat, and for governor we designate the cockade\nworn by that dignitary on grand occasions three generations ago.\u201d\n\nThe specific comparisons made, especially by Dr. Washington Matthews and\nDr. W.\u00a0C. Boteler, of the signs reported by the Prince of Wied in 1832\nwith those now used by the same tribes from whom he obtained them, show\na remarkable degree of permanency in many of those that were so clearly\ndescribed by the Prince as to be proper subjects of any comparison. If\nthey have persisted for half a century their age is probably much\ngreater. In general it is believed that signs, constituting as they do a\nnatural mode of expression, though enlarging in scope as new ideas and\nnew objects require to be included and though abbreviated as hereinafter\nexplained, do not readily change in their essentials.\n\nThe writer has before been careful to explain that he does not present\nany signs as precisely those of primitive man, not being so carried away\nby enthusiasm as to suppose them possessed of immutability and\nimmortality not found in any other mode of human utterance. Yet such\nsigns as are generally prevalent among Indian tribes, and also in other\nparts of the world, must be of great antiquity. The use of derivative\nmeanings to a sign only enhances this presumption. At first there might\nnot appear to be any connection between the ideas of _same_ and _wife_,\nexpressed by the sign of horizontally extending the two forefingers side\nby side. The original idea was doubtless that given by the Welsh captain\nin Shakspere\u2019s Henry\u00a0V: \u201c\u2019Tis so like as my fingers is to my fingers,\u201d\nand from this similarity comes \u201cequal,\u201d \u201ccompanion,\u201d and subsequently\nthe close life-companion \u201cwife.\u201d The sign is used in each of these\nsenses by different Indian tribes, and sometimes the same tribe applies\nit in all of the senses as the context determines. It appears also in\nmany lands with all the significations except that of \u201cwife.\u201d It is\nproper here to mention that the suggestion of several correspondents\nthat the Indian sign as applied to \u201cwife\u201d refers to \u201clying together\u201d is\nrendered improbable by the fact that when the same tribes desire to\nexpress the sexual relation of marriage it is gestured otherwise.\n\nMany signs but little differentiated were unstable, while others that\nhave proved the best modes of expression have survived as definite and\nestablished. Their prevalence and permanence being mainly determined by\nthe experience of their utility, it would be highly interesting to\nascertain how long a time was required for a distinctly new conception\nor execution to gain currency, become \u201cthe fashion,\u201d so to speak, over a\nlarge part of the continent, and to be supplanted by a new \u201cmode.\u201d\nA\u00a0note may be made in this connection of the large number of diverse\nsigns for _horse_, all of which must have been invented within a\ncomparatively recent period, and the small variation in the signs for\n_dog_, which are probably ancient.\n\nSURVIVAL IN GESTURE.\n\nEven when the specific practice of sign language has been generally\ndiscontinued for more than one generation, either from the adoption of a\njargon or from the common use of the tongue of the conquering English,\nFrench, or Spanish, some of the gestures formerly employed as\nsubstitutes for words may survive as a customary accompaniment to\noratory or impassioned conversation, and, when ascertained, should be\ncarefully noted. An example, among many, may be found in the fact that\nthe now civilized Muskoki or Creeks, as mentioned by Rev. H.\u00a0F. Buckner,\nwhen speaking of the height of children or women, illustrate their words\nby holding their hands at the proper elevation, palm up; but when\ndescribing the height of \u201csoulless\u201d animals or inanimate objects, they\nhold the palm downward. This, when correlated with the distinctive signs\nof other Indians, is an interesting case of the survival of a practice\nwhich, so far as yet reported, the oldest men of the tribe, now living\nonly remember to have once existed. It is probable that a collection of\nsuch distinctive gestures among the most civilized Indians would\nreproduce enough of their ancient system to be valuable, while possibly\nthe persistent inquirer might in his search discover some of its\nsurviving custodians even among Chabta or Cheroki, Innuit or Abnaki,\nKlamath or Nutka.\n\nDISTINCTION BETWEEN IDENTITY OF SIGNS AND THEIR USE AS AN ART.\n\nThe general report that there is but one sign language in North America,\nany deviation from which is either blunder, corruption, or a dialect in\nthe nature of provincialism, may be examined in reference to some of the\nmisconceived facts which gave it origin and credence. It may not appear\nto be necessary that such examination should be directed to any mode of\ncollecting and comparing signs which would amount to their distortion.\nIt is useful, however, to explain that distortion would result from\nfollowing the views of a recent essayist, who takes the ground that the\ndescription of signs should be made according to a \u201cmean\u201d or average.\nThere can be no philosophic consideration of signs according to a \u201cmean\u201d\nof observations. The proper object is to ascertain the radical or\nessential part as distinct from any individual flourish or mannerism on\nthe one hand, and from a conventional or accidental abbreviation on the\nother; but a mere average will not accomplish that object. If the hand,\nbeing in any position whatever, is, according to five observations,\nmoved horizontally one foot to the right, and, according to five other\nobservations, moved one foot horizontally to the left, the \u201cmean\u201d or\nresultant will be that it is stationary, which sign does not correspond\nwith any of the ten observations. So if six observations give it a rapid\nmotion of one foot to the right and five a rapid motion of the same\ndistance to the left, the mean or resultant would be somewhat difficult\nto express, but perhaps would be a slow movement to the right for an\ninch or two, having certainly no resemblance either in essentials or\naccidents to any of the signs actually observed. In like manner the tail\nof the written letter \u201c_y_\u201d (which, regarding its mere formation, might\nbe a graphic sign) may have in the chirography of several persons\nvarious degrees of slope, may be a straight line, or looped, and may be\ncurved on either side; but a \u201cmean\u201d taken from the several manuscripts\nwould leave the unfortunate letter without any tail whatever, or\ntravestied as a \u201c_u_\u201d with an amorphous flourish. A\u00a0definition of the\nradical form of the letter or sign by which it can be distinguished from\nany other letter or sign is a very different proceeding. Therefore, if a\n\u201cmean\u201d or resultant of any number of radically different signs to\nexpress the same object or idea, observed either among several\nindividuals of the same tribe or among different tribes, is made to\nrepresent those signs, they are all mutilated and ignored as distinctive\nsigns, though the result may possibly be made intelligible in practice,\naccording to principles mentioned in the present paper. The expedient of\na \u201cmean\u201d may be practically useful in the formation of a mere\ninterpreter\u2019s jargon, but it elucidates no principle. It is also\nconvenient for any one determined to argue for the uniformity of sign\nlanguage as against the variety in unity apparent in all the realms of\nnature. On the \u201cmean\u201d principle, he only needs to take his two-foot rule\nand arithmetical tables and make all signs his signs and his signs all\nsigns. Of course they are uniform, because he has made them so after the\nbrutal example of Procrustes.\n\nIn this connection it is proper to urge a warning that a mere sign\ntalker is often a bad authority upon principles and theories. He may not\nbe liable to the satirical compliment of Dickens\u2019s \u201cbrave courier,\u201d who\n\u201cunderstood all languages indifferently ill\u201d; but many men speak some\none language fluently, and yet are wholly unable to explain or analyze\nits words and forms so as to teach it to another person, or even to give\nan intelligent summary or classification of their own knowledge. What\nsuch a sign talker has learned is by memorizing, as a child may learn\nEnglish, and though both the sign talker and the child may be able to\ngive some separate items useful to a philologist or foreigner, such\nitems are spoiled when colored by the attempt of ignorance to theorize.\nA German who has studied English to thorough mastery, except in the mere\nfacility of speech, may in a discussion upon some of its principles be\ncontradicted by any mere English speaker, who insists upon his superior\nknowledge because he actually speaks the language and his antagonist\ndoes not, but the student will probably be correct and the talker wrong.\nIt is an old adage about oral speech that a man who understands but one\nlanguage understands none. The science of a sign talker possessed by a\nrestrictive theory is like that of Mirabeau, who was greater as an\norator than as a philologist, and who on a visit to England gravely\nargued that there was something seriously wrong in the British mind\nbecause the people would persist in saying \u201cgive me some bread\u201d instead\nof \u201c_donnez-moi du pain_,\u201d which was so much easier and more natural.\nA\u00a0designedly ludicrous instance to the same effect was Hood\u2019s\narraignment of the French because they called their mothers \u201cmares\u201d and\ntheir daughters \u201cfillies.\u201d It is necessary to take with caution any\nstatement from a person who, having memorized or hashed up any number of\nsigns, large or small, has decided in his conceit that those he uses are\nthe only genuine Simon Pure, to be exclusively employed according to his\ndirection, all others being counterfeits or blunders. His vocabulary has\nceased to give the signs of any Indian or body of Indians whatever, but\nbecomes his own, the proprietorship of which he fights for as if secured\nby letters-patent. When a sign is contributed by one of the present\ncollaborators, which such a sign talker has not before seen or heard of,\nhe will at once condemn it as bad, just as a United States Minister to\nVienna, who had been nursed in the mongrel Dutch of Berks County,\nPennsylvania, declared that the people of Germany spoke very bad German.\n\nAn argument for the uniformity of the signs of our Indians is derived\nfrom the fact that those used by any of them are generally understood by\nothers. But signs may be understood without being identical with any\nbefore seen. The entribal as well as intertribal exercise of Indians for\ngenerations in gesture language has naturally produced great skill both\nin expression and reception, so as to render them measurably independent\nof any prior mutual understanding, or what in a system of signals is\ncalled preconcert. Two accomplished army signalists can, after\nsufficient trial, communicate without having any code in common between\nthem, one being mutually devised, and those specially designed for\nsecrecy are often deciphered. So, if any one of the more conventional\nsigns is not quickly comprehended, an Indian skilled in the principle of\nsigns resorts to another expression of his flexible art, perhaps\nreproducing the gesture unabbreviated and made more graphic, perhaps\npresenting either the same or another conception or quality of the same\nobject or idea by an original portraiture.\n\nAn impression of the community of signs is the more readily made because\nexplorers and officials are naturally brought into contact more closely\nwith those individuals of the tribes visited who are experts in sign\nlanguage than with their other members, and those experts, on account of\ntheir skill as interpreters, are selected as guides to accompany the\nvisitors. The latter also seek occasion to be present when signs are\nused, whether with or without words, in intertribal councils, and then\nthe same class of experts comprises the orators, for long exercise in\ngesture speech has made the Indian politicians, with no special effort,\nmasters of the art acquired by our public speakers only after laborious\napprenticeship. The whole theory and practice of sign language being\nthat all who understand its principles can make themselves mutually\nintelligible, the fact of the ready comprehension and response among all\nthe skilled gesturers gives the impression of a common code.\nFurthermore, if the explorer learn to employ with ingenuity the signs\nused by any of the tribes, he will probably be understood in any other\nby the same class of persons who will surround him in the latter,\nthereby confirming him in the \u201ccommon\u201d theory. Those of the tribe who\nare less skilled, but who are not noticed, might be unable to catch the\nmeaning of signs which have not been actually taught to them, just as\nignorant persons among us cannot derive any sense from newly-coined\nwords or those strange to their habitual vocabulary, which, though never\nbefore heard, linguistic scholars would instantly understand and might\nafterward adopt.\n\nIt is also common experience that when Indians find that a sign which\nhas become conventional among their tribe is not understood by an\ninterlocutor, a\u00a0self-expressive sign is substituted for it, from which a\nvisitor may form the impression that there are no conventional signs. It\nmay likewise occur that the self-expressive sign substituted will be met\nwith by a visitor in several localities, different Indians, in their\ningenuity, taking the best and the same means of reaching the exotic\nintelligence.\n\nThere is some evidence that where sign language is now found among\nIndian tribes it has become more uniform than ever before, simply\nbecause many tribes have for some time past been forced to dwell near\ntogether at peace. A\u00a0collection was obtained in the spring of 1880, at\nWashington, from a united delegation of the Kaiowa, Comanche, Apache,\nand Wichita tribes, which was nearly uniform, but the individuals who\ngave the signs had actually lived together at or near Anadarko, Indian\nTerritory, for a considerable time, and the resulting uniformity of\ntheir signs might either be considered as a jargon or as the natural\ntendency to a compromise for mutual understanding--the unification so\noften observed in oral speech, coming under many circumstances out of\nformer heterogeneity. The rule is that dialects precede languages and\nthat out of many dialects comes one language. It may be found that other\nindividuals of those same tribes who have from any cause not lived in\nthe union explained may have signs for the same ideas different from\nthose in the collection above mentioned. This is probable, because\nsome signs of other representatives of one of the component\nbodies--Apache--have actually been reported differing from those for the\nsame ideas given by the Anadarko group. The uniformity of the signs of\nthose Arapahos, Cheyennes, and Sioux who have been secluded for years at\none particular reservation, so far as could be done by governmental\npower, from the outer world, was used in argument by a correspondent;\nbut some collected signs of other Cheyennes and Sioux differ, not only\nfrom those on the reservation, but among each other. Therefore the signs\nused in common by the tribes at the reservation seem to have been\nmodified and to a certain extent unified.\n\nThe result of the collation and analysis of the large number of signs\ncollected is that in numerous instances there is an entire discrepancy\nbetween the signs made by different bodies of Indians to express the\nsame idea, and that if any of these are regarded as rigidly determinate,\nor even conventional with a limited range, and used without further\ndevices, they will fail in conveying the desired impression to any one\nunskilled in gesture as an art, who had not formed the same precise\nconception or been instructed in the arbitrary motion. Few of the\ngestures that are found in current use are, in their origin,\nconventional. They are only portions, more or less elaborate, of obvious\nnatural pantomime, and those proving efficient to convey most\nsuccessfully at any time the several ideas became the most widely\nadopted, liable, however, to be superseded by more appropriate\nconceptions and delineations. The skill of any tribe and the copiousness\nof its signs are proportioned first to the necessity for their use, and\nsecondly to the accidental ability of the individuals in it who act as\ncustodians and teachers, so that the several tribes at different times\nvary in their degree of proficiency, and therefore both the precise mode\nof semiotic expression and the amount of its general use are always\nfluctuating. Sign language as a product of evolution has been developed\nrather than invented, and yet it seems probable that each of the\nseparate signs, like the several steps that lead to any true invention,\nhad a definite origin arising out of some appropriate occasion, and the\nsame sign may in this manner have had many independent origins due to\nidentity in the circumstances, or if lost, may have been reproduced.\n\nThe process is precisely the same as that observed among deaf-mutes. One\nof those unfortunate persons, living with his speaking relatives, may\ninvent signs which the latter are taught to understand, though strangers\nsometimes will not, because they may be by no means the fittest\nexpressions. Should a dozen or more deaf-mutes, possessed only of such\ncrude signs, come together, they will be able at first to communicate\nonly on a few common subjects, but the number of those and the general\nscope of expression will be continually enlarged. Each one commences\nwith his own conception and his own presentment of it, but the\nuniversality of the medium used makes it sooner or later understood.\nThis independent development, thus creating diversity, often renders the\nfirst interchange of thought between strangers slow, for the signs must\nbe self-interpreting. There can be no natural universal language which\nis absolute and arbitrary. When used without convention, as sign\nlanguage alone of all modes of utterance can be, it must be tentative,\nexperimental, and flexible. The mutes will also resort to the invention\nof new signs for new ideas as they arise, which will be made\nintelligible, if necessary, through the illustration and definition\ngiven by signs formerly adopted, so that the fittest signs will be\nevolved, after rivalry and trial, and will survive. But there may not\nalways be such a preponderance of fitness that all but one of the rival\nsigns shall die out, and some, being equal in value to express the same\nidea or object, will continue to be used indifferently, or as a matter\nof individual taste, without confusion. A\u00a0multiplication of the numbers\nconfined together, either of deaf-mutes or of Indians whose speech is\ndiverse, will not decrease the resulting uniformity, though it will\nincrease both the copiousness and the precision of the vocabulary. The\nIndian use of signs, though maintained by linguistic diversities, is not\ncoincident with any linguistic boundaries. The tendency is to their\nuniformity among groups of people who from any cause are brought into\ncontact with each other while still speaking different languages. The\nlonger and closer such contact, while no common tongue is adopted, the\ngreater will be the uniformity of signs.\n\nColonel Dodge takes a middle ground with regard to the identity of the\nsigns used by our Indians, comparing it with the dialects and\nprovincialisms of the English language, as spoken in England, Ireland,\nScotland, and Wales. But those dialects are the remains of actually\ndiverse languages, which to some speakers have not become integrated. In\nEngland alone the provincial dialects are traceable as the legacies of\nSaxons, Angles, Jutes, and Danes, with a varying amount of Norman\ninfluence. A\u00a0thorough scholar in the composite tongue, now called\nEnglish, will be able to understand all the dialects and provincialisms\nof English in the British Isles, but the uneducated man of Yorkshire is\nnot able to communicate readily with the equally uneducated man of\nSomersetshire. This is the true distinction to be made. A\u00a0thorough sign\ntalker would be able to talk with several Indians who have no signs in\ncommon, and who, if their knowledge of signs were only memorized, could\nnot communicate together. So also, as an educated Englishman will\nunderstand the attempts of a foreigner to speak in very imperfect and\nbroken English, a\u00a0good Indian sign expert will apprehend the feeble\nefforts of a tyro in gestures. But Colonel Dodge\u2019s conclusion that there\nis but one true Indian sign language, just as there is but one true\nEnglish language, is not proved unless it can be shown that a much\nlarger proportion of the Indians who use signs at all, than present\nresearches show to be the case, use identically the same signs to\nexpress the same ideas. It would also seem necessary to the parallel\nthat the signs so used should be absolute, if not arbitrary, as are the\nwords of an oral language, and not independent of preconcert and\nself-interpreting at the instant of their invention or first exhibition,\nas all true signs must originally have been and still measurably remain.\nAll Indians, as all gesturing men, have many natural signs in common and\nmany others which are now conventional. The conventions by which the\nlatter were established occurred during long periods, when the tribes\nforming them were so separated as to have established altogether diverse\ncustoms and mythologies, and when the several tribes were with such\ndifferent environment as to have formed varying conceptions needing\nappropriate sign expression. The old error that the North American\nIndians constitute one homogeneous race is now abandoned. Nearly all the\ncharacteristics once alleged as segregating them from the rest of\nmankind have proved not to belong to the whole of the pre-Columbian\npopulation, but only to those portions of it first explored. The\npractice of scalping is not now universal, even among the tribes least\ninfluenced by civilization, if it ever was, and therefore the\ncultivation of the scalp-lock separated from the rest of the hair of the\nhead, or with the removal of all other hair, is not a general feature of\ntheir appearance. The arrangement of the hair is so different among\ntribes as to be one of the most convenient modes for their pictorial\ndistinction. The war paint, red in some tribes, was black in others; the\nmystic rites of the calumet were in many regions unknown, and the use of\nwampum was by no means extensive. The wigwam is not the type of native\ndwellings, which show as many differing forms as those of Europe. In\ncolor there is great variety, and even admitting that the term \u201crace\u201d is\nproperly applied, no competent observer would characterize it as red,\nstill less copper-colored. Some tribes differ from each other in all\nrespects nearly as much as either of them do from the lazzaroni of\nNaples, and more than either do from certain tribes of Australia. It\nwould therefore be expected, as appears to be the case, that the\nconventional signs of different stocks and regions differ as do the\nwords of English, French, and German, which, nevertheless, have sprung\nfrom the same linguistic roots. No one of those languages is a dialect\nof any of the others; and although the sign systems of the several\ntribes have greater generic unity with less specific variety than oral\nlanguages, no one of them is necessarily the dialect of any other.\n\nInstead, therefore, of admitting, with present knowledge, that the signs\nof our Indians are \u201cidentical\u201d and \u201cuniversal,\u201d it is the more accurate\nstatement that the systematic attempt to convey meaning by signs is\nuniversal among the Indians of the Plains, and those still comparatively\nunchanged by civilization. Its successful execution is by an _art_,\nwhich, however it may have commenced as an instinctive mental process,\nhas been cultivated, and consists in actually pointing out objects in\nsight not only for designation, but for application and predication, and\nin suggesting others to the mind by action and the airy forms produced\nby action. To insist that sign language is uniform were to assert that\nit is perfect--\u201cThat faultless monster that the world ne\u2019er saw.\u201d\n\nFORCED AND MISTAKEN SIGNS.\n\nExamination into the identity of signs is complicated by the fact that\nin the collection and description of Indian signs there is danger lest\nthe civilized understanding of them may be mistaken or forced. The\nliability to those errors is much increased when the collections are not\ntaken directly from the Indians themselves, but are given as obtained at\nsecond-hand from white traders, trappers, and interpreters, who, through\nmisconception in the beginning and their own introduction or\nmodification of gestures, have produced a jargon in the sign, as well as\nin the oral intercourse. An Indian talking in signs, either to a white\nman or to another Indian using signs which he never saw before, catches\nthe meaning of that which is presented and adapts himself to it, at\nleast for the occasion. Even when he finds that his interlocutor insists\nupon understanding and presenting a certain sign in a manner and with a\nsignificance widely different from those to which he has been\naccustomed, it is within the very nature, tentative and elastic, of the\ngesture art--both performers being on an equality--that he should adopt\nthe one that seems to be recognized or that is pressed upon him, as with\nmuch greater difficulty he has learned and adopted many foreign terms\nused with whites before attempting to acquire their language, but never\nwith his own race. Thus there is now, and perhaps always has been, what\nmay be called a _lingua-franca_, in the sign vocabulary. It is well\nknown that all the tribes of the Plains having learned by experience\nthat white visitors expect to receive certain signs really originating\nwith the latter, use them in their intercourse just as they sometimes do\nthe words \u201csquaw\u201d and \u201cpapoose,\u201d corruptions of the Algonkian, and once\nas meaningless in the present West as the English terms \u201cwoman\u201d and\n\u201cchild,\u201d but which the first pioneers, having learned them on the\nAtlantic coast, insisted upon treating as generally intelligible.\n\nThe perversity in attaching through preconceived views a wrong\nsignificance to signs is illustrated by an anecdote found in several\nversions and in several languages, but repeated as a veritable Scotch\nlegend by Duncan Anderson, esq., Principal of the Glasgow Institution\nfor the Deaf and Dumb, when he visited Washington in 1853.\n\nKing James I. of England, desiring to play a trick upon the Spanish\nambassador, a\u00a0man of great erudition, but who had a crotchet in his head\nupon sign language, informed him that there was a distinguished\nprofessor of that science in the university at Aberdeen. The ambassador\nset out for that place, preceded by a letter from the King with\ninstructions to make the best of him. There was in the town one Geordy,\na\u00a0butcher, blind of one eye, a\u00a0fellow of much wit and drollery. Geordy\nis told to play the part of a professor, with the warning not to speak a\nword; is gowned, wigged, and placed in a chair of state, when the\nambassador is shown in and they are left alone together. Presently the\nnobleman came out greatly pleased with the experiment, claiming that his\ntheory was demonstrated. He said: \u201cWhen I entered the room I raised one\nfinger to signify there is one God. He replied by raising two fingers to\nsignify that this Being rules over two worlds, the material and the\nspiritual. Then I raised three fingers, to say there are three persons\nin the Godhead. He then closed his fingers, evidently to say these three\nare one.\u201d After this explanation on the part of the nobleman the\nprofessors sent for the butcher and asked him what took place in the\nrecitation room. He appeared very angry and said: \u201cWhen the crazy man\nentered the room where I was he raised one finger, as much as to say I\nhad but one eye, and I raised two fingers to signify that I could see\nout of my one eye as well as he could out of both of his. When he raised\nthree fingers, as much as to say there were but three eyes between us,\nI\u00a0doubled up my fist, and if he had not gone out of that room in a hurry\nI would have knocked him down.\u201d\n\nThe readiness with which a significance may be found in signs when none\nwhatever exists is also shown in the great contest narrated by Rabelais\nbetween Panurge and the English philosopher, Thaumast, commencing as\nfollows:\n\n\u201cEverybody then taking heed in great silence, the Englishman lifted his\ntwo hands separately, clinching the ends of his fingers in the form that\nat Chion they call the fowl\u2019s tail. Then he struck them together by the\nnails four times. Then he opened them and struck one flat upon the other\nwith a clash once; after which, joining them as above, he struck twice,\nand four times afterwards, on opening them. Then he placed them, joined\nand extended the one above the other, seeming to pray God devoutly.\n\n\u201cPanurge suddenly moved his right hand in the air, placed the right-hand\nthumb at the right-hand nostril, holding the four fingers stretched out\nand arrayed in parallel lines with the point of the nose; shutting the\nleft eye entirely, and winking with the right, making a profound\ndepression with eyebrow and eyelid. Next he raised aloft the left with a\nstrong clinching and extension of the four fingers and elevation of the\nthumb, and held it in line directly corresponding with the position of\nthe right, the distance between the two being a cubit and a half. This\ndone, in the like manner he lowered towards the ground both hands, and\nfinally held them in the midst as if aiming straight at the Englishman\u2019s\nnose.\u201d\n\nAnd so on at great length. The whole performance of Panurge was to save\nthe credit of Pantagruel by making fantastic and mystic motions in\npretended disputation with the signs given by Thaumast in good faith.\nYet the latter confessed himself conquered, and declared that he had\nderived inestimable information from the purposely meaningless gestures.\nThe satire upon the diverse interpretations of the gestures of\nNaz-de-cabre (_Pantagruel_, Book III, chap.\u00a0xx) is to the same effect,\nshowing it to have been a favorite theme with Rabelais.\n\nABBREVIATIONS.\n\nA lesson was learned by the writer as to the abbreviation of signs, and\nthe possibility of discovering the original meaning of those most\nobscure, from the attempts of a Cheyenne to convey the idea of _old\nman_. He held his right hand forward, bent at elbow, fingers and thumb\nclosed sidewise. This not conveying any sense, he found a long stick,\nbent his back, and supported his frame in a tottering step by the stick\nheld, as was before only imagined. Here at once was decrepit age\ndependent on a staff. The principle of abbreviation or reduction may be\nillustrated by supposing a person, under circumstances forbidding the\nuse of the voice, seeking to call attention to a particular bird on a\ntree, and failing to do so by mere indication. Descriptive signs are\nresorted to, perhaps suggesting the bill and wings of the bird, its\nmanner of clinging to the twig with its feet, its size by seeming to\nhold it between the hands, its color by pointing to objects of the same\nhue; perhaps by the action of shooting into a tree, picking up the\nsupposed fallen game, and plucking feathers. These are continued until\nunderstood, and if one sign or combination of signs proves to be\nsuccessful it will be repeated on the next occasion by both persons\nengaged, and after becoming familiar between them and others will be\nmore and more abbreviated. Conventionality in signs largely consists in\nthe form of abbreviation which is agreed upon. When the signs of the\nIndians have from ideographic form thus become demotic, they may be\ncalled conventional, but still not arbitrary. In them, as in all his\nactions, man had at the first a definite meaning or purpose, together\nwith method in their subsequent changes or modifications.\n\nColonel Dodge gives a clear account of the manner in which an\nestablished sign is abbreviated in practice, as follows: \u201cThere are an\nalmost infinite number and variety of abbreviations. For instance, to\ntell a man to \u2018talk,\u2019 the most common formal sign is made thus: Hold the\nright hand in front of, the back near, the mouth, end of thumb and\nindex-finger joined into an \u2018O,\u2019 the outer fingers closed on the palm;\nthrow the hand forward sharply by a quick motion of the wrist, and at\nthe same time flip forward the index-finger. This may be done once or\nseveral times.\n\n\u201cThe formal sign to \u2018cease\u2019 or \u2018stop doing\u2019 anything is made by bringing\nthe two hands open and held vertically in front of the body, one behind\nthe other, then quickly pass one upward, the other downward, simulating\nsomewhat the motion of the limbs of a pair of scissors, meaning \u2018cut it\noff.\u2019 The latter sign is made in conversation in a variety of ways, but\nhabitually with one hand only.\n\n\u201cThe formal sign to \u2018stop talking\u2019 is first to make the formal sign for\n\u2018talk,\u2019 then the formal sign for \u2018cut;\u2019 but this is commonly abbreviated\nby first making the formal sign for \u2018talk\u2019 with the right hand, and then\nimmediately passing the same hand, open, fingers extended, downward\nacross and in front of the mouth, \u2018talk, cut.\u2019\n\n\u201cBut though the Plains Indian, if asked for the sign to \u2018stop talking,\u2019\nwill properly give the sign either in its extended or abbreviated form\nas above, he in conversation abbreviates it so much further that the\nsign loses almost all resemblance to its former self. Whatever the\nposition of the hand, a\u00a0turn of the wrist, a\u00a0flip of the forefinger, and\na turn of the wrist back to its original position is fully equivalent to\nthe elaborate signs.\u201d\n\nIt may be added that nearly every sign which to be intelligibly\ndescribed and as exhibited in full requires the use of both hands, is\noutlined, with one hand only, by skillful Indians gesturing between\nthemselves, so as to be clearly understood between them. Two Indians,\nwhose blankets are closely held to their bodies by the left hand, which\nis necessarily rendered unavailable for gesture, will severally thrust\nthe right from beneath the protecting folds and converse freely. The\nsame is true when one hand of each holds the bridle of a horse.\n\nThe Italian signs are also made in such abbreviated forms as to be\nlittle more than hinted at, requiring a perfect knowledge of the full\nand original form before the slight and often furtive suggestion of it\ncan be understood. Deaf-mutes continually seek by tacit agreement to\nshorten their signs more and more. While the original of each may be\npreserved in root or stem, it is only known to the proficient, as the\nroot or stem of a plant enables botanists, but no others, to distinguish\nit. Thus the natural character of signs, the universal significance\nwhich is their peculiarly distinctive feature, may and often does become\nlost. From the operation of the principle of independent and individual\nabbreviation inherent in all sign language, without any other cause,\nthat of the Indians must in one or two generations have become diverse,\neven if it had in fact originated from one tribe in which all\nconceptions and executions were absolute.\n\n\n_ARE SIGNS CONVENTIONAL OR INSTINCTIVE?_\n\nThere has been much discussion on the question whether gesture signs\nwere originally invented, in the strict sense of that term, or whether\nthey result from a natural connection between them and the ideas\nrepresented by them, that is whether they are conventional or\ninstinctive. Cardinal Wiseman (_Essays_, III, 537) thinks that they are\nof both characters; but referring particularly to the Italian signs and\nthe proper mode of discovering their meaning, observes that they are\nused primarily with words and from the usual accompaniment of certain\nphrases. \u201cFor these the gestures become substitutes, and then by\nassociation express all their meaning, even when used alone.\u201d This would\nbe the process only where systematic gestures had never prevailed or had\nbeen so disused as to be forgotten, and were adopted after elaborate\noral phrases and traditional oral expressions had become common. In\nother parts of this paper it is suggested that conventionality chiefly\nconsists in abbreviation, and that signs are originally\nself-interpreting, independent of words, and therefore in a certain\nsense instinctive.\n\nAnother form of the above query, having the same intent, is whether\nsigns are arbitrary or natural. The answer will depend upon what the\nobserver considers to be natural to himself. A\u00a0common sign among both\ndeaf-mutes and Indians for _woman_ consists in designating the\narrangement of the hair, but such a represented arrangement of hair\nfamiliar to the gesturer as had never been seen by the person addressed\nwould not seem \u201cnatural\u201d to the latter. It would be classed as\narbitrary, and could not be understood without context or explanation,\nindeed without translation such as is required from foreign oral speech.\nSigns most naturally, that is, appropriately, expressing a conception of\nthe thing signified, are first adopted and afterwards modified by\ncircumstances of environment, so as to appear, without full\nunderstanding, conventional and arbitrary, yet they are as truly\n\u201cnatural\u201d as the signs for hearing, seeing, eating, and drinking, which\ncontinue all over the world as they were first formed because there is\nno change in those operations.\n\n\n_CLASSES OF DIVERSITIES IN SIGNS._\n\nWhile there is not sufficient evidence that any exhibition of sign\nlanguage in any tribe is a dialect derived or corrupted from an\nascertained language in any other tribe, it still is convenient to\nconsider the different forms appearing in different tribes as several\ndialects (in\u00a0the usual mode of using that term) of a common language.\nEvery sign talker necessarily has, to some extent, a\u00a0dialect of his own.\nNo one can use sign language without original invention and without\nmodification of the inventions of others; and all such new inventions\nand modifications have a tendency to spread and influence the production\nof other variations. The diversities thus occasioned are more distinct\nthan that mere individuality of style or expression which may be likened\nto the differing chirography of men who write, although such individual\ncharacteristics also constitute an important element of confusion to the\ninexperienced observer. In differing handwriting there is always an\nattempt or desire to represent an alphabet which is essentially\ndeterminate, but no such fixedness or limited condition of form\nrestricts gesture speech.\n\nThose variations and diversities of form and connected significance\nspecially calling for notice may be: 1st.\u00a0In the nature of synonyms.\n2d.\u00a0Substantially the same form with such different signification as not\nto be synonymous. 3d.\u00a0Difference in significance produced by such slight\nvariation in form as to be, to a careless observer, _symmorphic_.\n\nSYNONYMS.\n\nIn this division are placed signs of differing forms which are used in\nsenses so nearly the same as to have only a slight shade of distinction,\nor sometimes to be practically interchangeable. The comprehensive and\nmetaphorical character of signs renders more of them interchangeable\nthan is the case with words; still, like words, some signs with\nessential resemblance of meaning have partial and subordinate\ndifferences made by etymology or usage. Doubtless signs are purposely\nselected as delineating the most striking outlines of an object, or the\nmost characteristic features of an action; but different individuals,\nand likewise different bodies of people, would not always agree in the\nselection of those outlines and features. Taking the illustration of the\nattempt to invent a sign for _bird_, before used, any one of a dozen\nsigns might have been agreed upon with equal appropriateness, and, in\nfact, a\u00a0number have been so selected by several individuals and tribes,\neach one, therefore, being a synonym of the other. Another example of\nthis is in the signs for _deer_, designated by various modes of\nexpressing fleetness, by his gait when not in rapid motion, by the shape\nof his horns, by the color of his tail, and sometimes by combinations of\nseveral of those characteristics. Each of these signs may be\nindefinitely abbreviated, and therefore create indefinite diversity.\nAnother illustration, in which an association of ideas is apparent, is\nin the upward raising of the index in front of and above the head, which\nmeans _above_ (sometimes containing the religious conception of _heaven,\ngreat spirit_, &c.), and also _now, to-day_. Not unfrequently these\nseveral signs to express the same ideas are used interchangeably by the\nsame people, and some one of the duplicates or triplicates may have been\nnoticed by separate observers to the exclusion of the others. On the\nother hand, they might all have been noticed, but each one among\ndifferent bodies. Thus confusing reports would be received, which might\neither be erroneous in deducing the prevalence of particular signs or\nthe opposite. Sometimes the synonym may be recognized as an imported\nsign, used with another tribe known to affect it. Sometimes the diverse\nsigns to express the same thing are only different trials at reaching\nthe intelligence of the person addressed. An account is given by Lieut.\nHeber M. Creel, Seventh Cavalry, U.S.A., of an old Cheyenne squaw, who\nmade about twenty successive and original signs to a recruit of the\nFourth Cavalry to let him know that she wanted to obtain out of a wagon\na piece of cloth belonging to her, to wipe out an oven preparatory to\nbaking bread. Thus by tradition, importation, recent invention, or from\nall these causes together, several signs entirely distinct are produced\nfor the same object or action.\n\nTHE SAME SIGN WITH DIVERSE MEANINGS.\n\nThis class is not intended to embrace the cases common both to sign and\noral language where the same sign has several meanings, according to the\nexpression, whether facial or vocal, and the general manner accompanying\nits delivery. The sign given, for \u201cstop talking\u201d on page 339 may be used\nin simple acquiescence, \u201cvery well,\u201d \u201call right!\u201d or for comprehension,\n\u201cI\u00a0understand;\u201d or in impatience, \u201cyou have talked enough!\u201d which may be\ncarried further to express actual anger in the violent \u201cshut up!\u201d But\nall these grades of thought accompany the idea of a cessation of talk.\nIn like manner an acquaintance of the writer asking the same favor\n(a\u00a0permission to go through their camp) of two chiefs, was answered by\nboth with the sign generally used for repletion after eating, viz., the\nindex and thumb turned toward the body, passed up from the abdomen to\nthe throat; but in the one case, being made with a gentle motion and\npleasant look, it meant, \u201cI\u00a0am satisfied,\u201d and granted the request; in\nthe other, made violently, with the accompaniment of a truculent frown,\nit read, \u201cI\u00a0have had enough of that!\u201d But these two meanings might also\nhave been expressed by different intonations of the English word\n\u201cenough.\u201d The class of signs now in view is better exemplified by the\nFrench word _souris_, which is spelled and pronounced precisely the same\nwith the two wholly distinct and independent significations of _smile_\nand _mouse_. From many examples may be selected the Omaha sign for\n_think, guess_, which is precisely the same as that of the Absaroka,\nShoshoni and Banak for _brave_, see page 414. The context alone, both of\nthe sign and the word, determines in what one of its senses it is at the\ntime used, but it is not discriminated merely by a difference in\nexpression.\n\nIt would have been very remarkable if precisely the same sign were not\nused by different or even the same persons or bodies of people with\nwholly distinct significations. The graphic forms for objects and ideas\nare much more likely to be coincident than sound is for similar\nexpressions, yet in all oral languages the same precise sound is used\nfor utterly diverse meanings. The first conception of many different\nobjects must have been the same. It has been found, indeed, that the\nhomophony of words and the homomorphy of ideographic pictures is\nnoticeable in opposite significations, the conceptions arising from the\nopposition itself. The differentiation in portraiture or accent is a\nsubsequent and remedial step not taken until after the confusion has\nbeen observed and become inconvenient. Such confusion and contradiction\nwould only be eliminated if sign language were absolutely perfect as\nwell as absolutely universal.\n\nSYMMORPHS.\n\nIn this class are included those signs conveying different ideas, and\nreally different in form of execution as well as in conception, yet in\nwhich the difference in form is so slight as practically to require\nattention and discrimination. An example from oral speech may be found\nin the English word \u201cdesert,\u201d which, as pronounced \u201cdes\u00b4-ert\u201d or\n\u201cdesert\u00b4,\u201d and in a slightly changed form, \u201cdessert,\u201d has such widely\nvarying significations. These distinctions relating to signs require\ngraphic illustration.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 112.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 113.]\n\nThe sign made by the Dakota, Hidatsa, and several other tribes, for\n_tree_ is made by holding the right hand before the body, back forward,\nfingers and thumb separated, then pushing it slightly upward, Fig. 112.\nThat for _grass_ is the same made near the ground; that for _grow_ is\nmade like _grass_, though instead of holding the back of the hand near\nthe ground the hand is pushed upward in an interrupted manner, Fig. 113.\nFor _smoke_, the hand (with the back down, fingers pointing upward as in\n_grow_) is thrown upward several times from the same place instead of\ncontinuing the whole motion upward. Frequently the fingers are thrown\nforward from under the thumb with each successive upward motion. For\n_fire_, the hand is employed as in the gesture for _smoke_, but the\nmotion is frequently more waving, and in other cases made higher from\nthe ground.\n\nThe sign for _rain_, made by the Shoshoni, Apache, and other Indians, is\nby holding the hand (or\u00a0hands) at the height of and before the shoulder,\nfingers pendent, palm down, then pushing it downward a short distance,\nFig. 114. That for _heat_ is the same, with the difference that the hand\nis held above the head and thrust downward toward the forehead; that for\n_to weep_ is made by holding the hand as in _rain_, and the gesture made\nfrom the eye downward over the cheek, back of the fingers nearly\ntouching the face.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 114.]\n\nThe common sign for _sun_ is made by bringing the tips of the thumb and\nindex together so as to form a circle; remaining fingers closed. The\nhand is then held toward the sky, Fig. 115. The motion with the same\ncircular position of index and thumb is for _want_, by bringing the hand\nbackward toward the mouth, in a curve forming a short arch between the\norigin and termination of the gesture.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 115.]\n\nFor _drink_ the gesture by several tribes is the same as for _want_,\nwith the slight difference in the position of the last three fingers,\nwhich are not so tightly clinched, forming somewhat the shape of a cup;\nand that for _money_ is made by holding out the hand with the same\narrangement of fingers in front of the hips, at a distance of about\ntwelve or fifteen inches.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 116.]\n\nAnother sign for _sun_, made by the Cheyennes, is by placing the tips of\nthe partly separated thumb and index of one hand against those of the\nother, approximating a circle, and holding them toward the sky, Fig.\n116, and that for _various things_, observed among the Brul\u00e9 Sioux with\nthe same position of the hands, is made by placing the circle\nhorizontal, and moving it interruptedly toward the right side, each\nmovement forming a short arch. Compare also the sign for _village_,\ndescribed on page 386.\n\nThe Arikara sign for _soldier_ is by placing the clinched hands together\nbefore the breast, thumbs touching, then drawing them horizontally\noutward toward their respective sides, Fig. 117. That for _done_, made\nby the Hidatsa, is shown below in this paper, see Fig. 334, page 528.\nThat for _much_ (_Cheyenne_\u00a0I, _Comanche_ III), see Fig. 274, page 447,\nis to be correlated with the above.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 117.]\n\nThe sign for _to be told_ or _talked to_, and for the reception of\nspeech, by the tribes generally, is made by placing the flat right hand,\npalm upward, about fifteen inches in front of the right side of the face\nor breast, fingers pointing to the left, then drawing the hand toward\nthe bottom of the chin, and is illustrated in Fig. 71, page 291. The\nComanche sign for _give_ or _asking_ is shown in Fig. 301, page 480\n(_Comanche_ III), and is made by bringing the hand toward the body but a\nshort distance, and the motion repeated, the tips of the fingers\nindicating the outline of a circle.\n\nThe tribal sign for _Kaiowa_, illustrated in its place among the TRIBAL\nSIGNS, is made by holding the hand with extended and separated fingers\nand thumb near the side of the head, back outward, and giving it a\nrotary motion. This gesture is made in front of the face by many tribes.\nThe generic sign for _deer_, made by the Dakota and some others, is by\nholding the hand motionless at the side of the head, with extended and\nseparated thumb and fingers, representing the branched antlers. That for\n_fool_, reported from the same Indians, is the same as above described\nfor _Kaiowa_, which it also signifies, though frequently only one or two\nfingers are used.\n\nThe tribal sign both for the _Sahaptin_ or _Nez Perc\u00e9s_ and for _Caddo_\n(see TRIBAL SIGNS) is made by passing the extended index, pointing under\nthe nose from right to left. When the second finger is not tightly\nclosed it strongly resembles the sign often made for _lie, falsehood_,\nby passing the extended index and second fingers separated toward the\nleft, over the mouth.\n\nThe tribal sign for Cheyenne (see TRIBAL SIGNS) differs from the sign\nfor _spotted_ only in the finger (or\u00a0hand) in the latter being\nalternately passed across the upper and lower sides of the left forearm.\n\nThe sign for _steal, theft_, see Fig. 75, page 293, is but slightly\ndifferent from that for _bear_, see Fig. 239, page 413, especially when\nthe latter is made with one hand only. The distinction, however, is that\nthe grasping in the latter sign is not followed by the idea of\nconcealment in the former, which is executed by the right hand, after\nthe motion of grasping, being brought toward and sometimes under the\nleft armpit.\n\n_Cold_ and _winter_, see Tendoy-Huerito Dialogue, page 486, may be\ncompared with _love_, see Kin Ch\u0113-\u0115ss\u2019 speech, page 521, and with\n_prisoner_. In these the difference consists in that _cold_ and _winter_\nare represented by crossing the arms with clinched hands before the\nbreast; _love_ by crossing the arms so as to bring the fists more under\nthe chin, and _prisoner_ by holding the crossed wrists a foot in front\nof the breast.\n\n_Melon, squash, muskmelon_, used by the Utes and Apaches, is made by\nholding the hand arched, fingers separated and pointing forward, and\npushing the hand forward over a slight curve near the ground, and the\ngeneric sign for _animals_ by the Apaches is made in the same manner at\nthe height intended to represent the object.\n\nThe sign for _where?_, and _to search, to seek for_, made by the Dakota\n(IV), is by holding the back of the hand upward, index pointing forward,\nand carrying it from left to right about eight inches, raising and\nlowering it several times while so doing, as if quickly pointing at\ndifferent objects. That for _some of them_, a part of a number of things\nor persons, made by the Kaiowa, Comanche, Wichita, and Apache Indians is\nnearly identical, the gesture being made less rapidly.\n\n\n\n\nRESULTS SOUGHT IN THE STUDY OF SIGN LANGUAGE.\n\n\nThese may be divided into (1) its practical application, (2) its aid to\nphilologic researches in general with (3)\u00a0particular reference to the\ngrammatic machinery of language, and (4)\u00a0its arch\u00e6ologic relations.\n\n\n_PRACTICAL APPLICATION._\n\nThe most obvious application of Indian sign language will for its\npractical utility depend, to a large extent, upon the correctness of the\nview submitted by the present writer that it is not a mere semaphoric\nrepetition of motions to be memorized from a limited traditional list,\nbut is a cultivated art, founded upon principles which can be readily\napplied by travelers and officials, so as to give them much independence\nof professional interpreters--as a class dangerously deceitful and\ntricky. This advantage is not merely theoretical, but has been\ndemonstrated to be practical by a professor in a deaf-mute college who,\nlately visiting several of the wild tribes of the plains, made himself\nunderstood among all of them without knowing a word of any of their\nlanguages; nor would it only be experienced in connection with American\ntribes, being applicable to intercourse with savages in Africa and Asia,\nthough it is not pretended to fulfill by this agency the schoolmen\u2019s\ndream of an ecumenical mode of communication between all peoples in\nspite of their dialectic divisions.\n\nIt must be admitted that the practical value of signs for intercourse\nwith the American Indians will not long continue, their general progress\nin the acquisition of English or of Spanish being so rapid that those\nlanguages are becoming, to a surprising extent, the common medium, and\nsigns are proportionally disused. Nor is a systematic use of signs of so\ngreat assistance in communicating with foreigners, whose speech is not\nunderstood, as might at first be supposed, unless indeed both parties\nagree to cease all attempt at oral language, relying wholly upon\ngestures. So long as words are used at all, signs will be made only as\ntheir accompaniment, and they will not always be ideographic.\n\nAn amusing instance in which savages showed their preference to signs\ninstead of even an onomatope may be quoted from Wilfred Powell\u2019s\n_Observations on New Britain and neighboring Islands during Six Years\u2019\nExploration_, in _Proc. Roy. Geog. Soc._, vol. iii, No.\u00a02 (new monthly\nseries), February, 1881, p.\u00a089, 90: \u201cOn one occasion, wishing to\npurchase a pig, and not knowing very well how to set about it, being\nignorant of the dialect, which is totally different from that of the\nnatives in the north, I\u00a0asked Mr. Brown how I should manage, or what he\nthought would be the best way of making them understand. He said, \u2018Why\ndon\u2019t you try grunting?\u2019 whereupon I began to grunt most vociferously.\nThe effect was magical. Some of them jumped back, holding their spears\nin readiness to throw; others ran away, covering their eyes with their\nhands, and all exhibited the utmost astonishment and alarm. In fact, it\nwas so evident that they expected me to turn into a pig, and their alarm\nwas so irresistibly comic, that Mr. Brown and I both burst out laughing,\non which they gradually became more reassured, and those that had run\naway came back, and seeing us so heartily amused, and that I had not\nundergone any metamorphosis, began to laugh too; but when I drew a pig\non the sand with a piece of stick, and made motions of eating, it\nsuddenly seemed to strike them what was the matter, for they all burst\nout laughing, nodding their heads, and several of them ran off,\nevidently in quest of the pig that was required.\u201d\n\nPOWERS OF SIGNS COMPARED WITH SPEECH.\n\nSign language, being the mother utterance of nature, poetically styled\nby Lamartine the visible attitudes of the soul, is superior to all\nothers in that it permits every one to find in nature an image to\nexpress his thoughts on the most needful matters intelligently to any\nother person. The direct or substantial natural analogy peculiar to it\nprevents a confusion of ideas. It is to some extent possible to use\nwords without understanding them which yet may be understood by those\naddressed, but it is hardly possible to use signs without full\ncomprehension of them. Separate words may also be comprehended by\npersons hearing them without the whole connected sense of the words\ntaken together being caught, but signs are more intimately connected.\nEven those most appropriate will not be understood if the subject is\nbeyond the comprehension of their beholders. They would be as\nunintelligible as the wild clicks of his instrument, in an electric\nstorm, would be to the telegrapher, or as the semaphore, driven by wind,\nto the signalist. In oral speech even onomatopes are arbitrary, the most\nstrictly natural sounds striking the ear of different individuals and\nnations in a manner wholly diverse. The instances given by SAYCE are in\npoint. Exactly the same sound was intended to be reproduced in the\n\u201c_bilbit_ amphora\u201d of N\u00e6vius, the \u201c_glut glut_ murmurat unda sonans\u201d of\nthe Latin Anthology, and the \u201c_puls_\u201d of Varro. The Persian \u201c_bulbul_,\u201d\nthe \u201c_jugjug_\u201d of Gascoigne, and the \u201c_whitwhit_\u201d of others are all\nattempts at imitating the note of the nightingale. Successful signs must\nhave a much closer analogy and establish a _consensus_ between the\ntalkers far beyond that produced by the mere sound of words.\n\nGestures, in the degree of their pantomimic character, excel in graphic\nand dramatic effect applied to narrative and to rhetorical exhibition,\nand beyond any other mode of description give the force of reality.\nSpeech, when highly cultivated, is better adapted to generalization and\nabstraction; therefore to logic and metaphysics. The latter must ever\nhenceforth be the superior in formulating thoughts. Some of the\nenthusiasts in signs have contended that this unfavorable distinction is\nnot from any inherent incapability, but because their employment has not\nbeen continued unto perfection, and that if they had been elaborated by\nthe secular labor devoted to spoken language they might in resources and\ndistinctiveness have exceeded many forms of the latter. Gallaudet, Peet,\nand others maybe right in asserting that man could by his arms, hands,\nand fingers, with facial and bodily accentuation, express any idea that\ncould be conveyed by words.\n\nThe combinations which can be made with corporeal signs are infinite. It\nhas been before argued that a high degree of culture might have been\nattained by man without articulate speech and it is but a further step\nin the reasoning to conclude that if articulate speech had not been\npossessed or acquired, necessity would have developed gesture language\nto a degree far beyond any known exhibition of it. The continually\nadvancing civilization and continually increasing intercourse of\ncountless ages has perfected oral speech, and as both civilization and\nintercourse were possible with signs alone it is to be supposed that\nthey would have advanced in some corresponding manner. But as sign\nlanguage has been chiefly used during historic time either as a\nscaffolding around a more valuable structure to be thrown aside when the\nlatter was completed, or as an occasional substitute, such development\nwas not to be expected.\n\nThe process of forming signs to express abstract ideas is only a variant\nfrom that of oral speech, in which the words for the most abstract\nideas, such as law, virtue, infinitude, and immortality, are shown by\nMax M\u00fcller to have been derived and deduced, that is, abstracted, from\nsensuous impressions. In the use of signs the countenance and manner as\nwell as the tenor decide whether objects themselves are intended, or the\nforms, positions, qualities, and motions of other objects which are\nsuggested, and signs for moral and intellectual ideas, founded on\nanalogies, are common all over the world as well as among deaf-mutes.\nConcepts of the intangible and invisible are only learned through\npercepts of tangible and visible objects, whether finally expressed to\nthe eye or to the ear, in terms of sight or of sound.\n\nSign language is so faithful to nature, and so essentially living in its\nexpression, that it is not probable that it will ever die. It may become\ndisused, but will revert. Its elements are ever natural and universal,\nby recurring to which the less natural signs adopted dialectically or\nfor expedition can always, with some circumlocution, be explained. This\npower of interpreting itself is a peculiar advantage, for spoken\nlanguages, unless explained by gestures or indications, can only be\ninterpreted by means of some other spoken language. When highly\ncultivated, its rapidity on familiar subjects exceeds that of speech and\napproaches to that of thought itself. This statement may be startling to\nthose who only notice that a selected spoken word may convey in an\ninstant a meaning for which the motions of even an expert in signs may\nrequire a much longer time, but it must be considered that oral speech\nis now wholly conventional, and that with the similar development of\nsign language conventional expressions with hands and body could be made\nmore quickly than with the vocal organs, because more organs could be\nworked at once. Without such supposed development the habitual\ncommunication between deaf-mutes and among Indians using signs is\nperhaps as rapid as between the ignorant class of speakers upon the same\nsubjects, and in many instances the signs would win at a trial of speed.\nAt the same time it must be admitted that great increase in rapidity is\nchiefly obtained by the system of preconcerted abbreviations, before\nexplained, and by the adoption of arbitrary forms, in which naturalness\nis sacrificed and conventionality established, as has been the case with\nall spoken languages in the degree in which they have become copious and\nconvenient.\n\nThere is another characteristic of the gesture speech that, though it\ncannot be resorted to in the dark, nor where the attention of the person\naddressed has not been otherwise attracted, it has the countervailing\nbenefit of use when the voice could not be employed. This may be an\nadvantage at a distance which the eye can reach, but not the ear, and\nstill more frequently when silence or secrecy is desired. Dalgarno\nrecommends it for use in the presence of great people, who ought not to\nbe disturbed, and curiously enough \u201cDisappearing Mist,\u201d the Iroquois\nchief, speaks of the former extensive use of signs in his tribe by women\nand boys as a mark of respect to warriors and elders, their voices, in\nthe good old days, not being uplifted in the presence of the latter. The\ndecay of that wholesome state of discipline, he thinks, accounts partly\nfor the disappearance of the use of signs among the modern impudent\nyouth and the dusky claimants of woman\u2019s rights.\n\nAn instance of the additional power gained to a speaker of ordinary\nlanguage by the use of signs, impressed the writer while dictating to\ntwo amanuenses at the same moment, to the one by signs and the other by\nwords, on different subjects, a\u00a0practice which would have enabled C\u00e6sar\nto surpass his celebrated feat. It would also be easy to talk to a deaf\nand blind man at once, the latter being addressed by the voice and the\nformer in signs.\n\n\n_RELATIONS TO PHILOLOGY._\n\nThe aid to be derived from the study of sign language in prosecuting\nresearches into the science of language was pointed out by LEIBNITZ, in\nhis _Collectanea Etymologica_, without hitherto exciting any thorough or\nscientific work in that direction, the obstacle to it probably being\nthat scholars competent in other respects had no adequate data of the\ngesture speech of man to be used in comparison. The latter will, it is\nhoped, be supplied by the work now undertaken.\n\nIn the first part of this paper it was suggested that signs played an\nimportant part in giving meaning to spoken words. Philology, comparing\nthe languages of earth in their radicals, must therefore include the\ngraphic or manual presentation of thought, and compare the elements of\nideography with those of phonics. Etymology now examines the ultimate\nroots, not the fanciful resemblances between oral forms, in the\ndifferent tongues; the internal, not the mere external parts of\nlanguage. A\u00a0marked peculiarity of sign language consists in its limited\nnumber of radicals and the infinite combinations into which those\nradicals enter while still remaining distinctive. It is therefore a\nproper field for etymologic study.\n\nFrom these and other considerations it is supposed that an analysis of\nthe original conceptions of gestures, studied together with the\nholophrastic roots in the speech of the gesturers, may aid in the\nascertainment of some relation between concrete ideas and words. Meaning\ndoes not adhere to the phonic presentation of thought, while it does to\nsigns. The latter are doubtless more flexible and in that sense more\nmutable than words, but the ideas attached to them are persistent, and\ntherefore there is not much greater metamorphosis in the signs than in\nthe cognitions. The further a language has been developed from its\nprimordial roots, which have been twisted into forms no longer\nsuggesting any reason for their original selection, and the more the\nprimitive significance of its words has disappeared, the fewer points of\ncontact can it retain with signs. The higher languages are more precise\nbecause the consciousness of the derivation of most of their words is\nlost, so that they have become counters, good for any sense agreed upon\nand for no other.\n\nIt is, however, possible to ascertain the included gesture even in many\nEnglish words. The class represented by the word _supercilious_ will\noccur to all readers, but one or two examples may be given not so\nobvious and more immediately connected with the gestures of our Indians.\n_Imbecile_, generally applied to the weakness of old age, is derived\nfrom the Latin _in_, in the sense of on, and _bacillum_, a staff, which\nat once recalls the Cheyenne sign for _old man_, mentioned above, page\n339. So _time_ appears more nearly connected with \u03c4\u03b5\u03af\u03bd\u03c9 to stretch,\nwhen information is given of the sign for _long time_, in the Speech of\nKin Ch\u0113-\u0115ss, in this paper, viz., placing the thumbs and forefingers in\nsuch a position as if a small thread was held between the thumb and\nforefinger of each hand, the hands first touching each other, and\nthen moving slowly from each other, as if _stretching_ a piece of\ngum-elastic.\n\nIn the languages of North America, which have not become arbitrary to\nthe degree exhibited by those of civilized man, the connection between\nthe idea and the word is only less obvious than that still unbroken\nbetween the idea and the sign, and they remain strongly affected by the\nconcepts of outline, form, place, position, and feature on which gesture\nis founded, while they are similar in their fertile combination of\nradicals.\n\nIndian language consists of a series of words that are but slightly\ndifferentiated parts of speech following each other in the order\nsuggested in the mind of the speaker without absolute laws of\narrangement, as its sentences are not completely integrated. The\nsentence necessitates parts of speech, and parts of speech are possible\nonly when a language has reached that stage where sentences are\nlogically constructed. The words of an Indian tongue, being synthetic or\nundifferentiated parts of speech, are in this respect strictly analogous\nto the gesture elements which enter into a sign language. The study of\nthe latter is therefore valuable for comparison with the words of the\nformer. The one language throws much light upon the other, and neither\ncan be studied to the best advantage without a knowledge of the other.\n\nSome special resemblances between the language of signs and the\ncharacter of the oral languages found on this continent may be\nmentioned. Dr. J.\u00a0HAMMOND TRUMBULL remarks of the composition of their\nwords that they were \u201cso constructed as to be thoroughly self-defining\nand immediately intelligible to the hearer.\u201d In another connection the\nremark is further enforced: \u201cIndeed, it is a requirement of the Indian\nlanguages that every word shall be so framed as to admit of immediate\nresolution to its significant elements by the hearer. It must be\nthoroughly _self-defining_, for (as\u00a0Max M\u00fcller has expressed\u00a0it) \u2018it\nrequires tradition, society, and literature to maintain words which can\nno longer be analyzed at once.\u2019 * * * In the ever-shifting state of a\nnomadic society no debased coin can be tolerated in language, no obscure\nlegend accepted on trust. The metal must be pure and the legend\ndistinct.\u201d\n\nIndian languages, like those of higher development, sometimes exhibit\nchanges of form by the permutation of vowels, but often an incorporated\nparticle, whether suffix, affix, or infix, shows the etymology which\noften, also, exhibits the same objective conception that would be\nexecuted in gesture. There are, for instance, different forms for\nstanding, sitting, lying, falling, &c., and for standing, sitting, lying\non or falling from the same level or a higher or lower level. This\nresembles the pictorial conception and execution of signs.\n\nMajor J. W. POWELL, with particular reference to the disadvantages of\nthe multiplied inflections in Indian languages, alike with the Greek and\nLatin, when the speaker is compelled, in the choice of a word to express\nhis idea, to think of a great multiplicity of things, gives the\nfollowing instance:\n\n\u201cA Ponca Indian in saying that a man killed a rabbit, would have to say:\nthe man, he, one, animate, standing, in the nominative case, purposely\nkilled, by shooting an arrow, the rabbit, he, the one, animate, sitting,\nin the objective case; for the form of a verb to kill would have to be\nselected, and the verb changes its form by inflection and incorporated\nparticles to denote person, number, and gender as animate or inanimate,\nand gender as standing, sitting, or lying, and case; and the form of the\nverb would also express whether the killing was done accidentally or\npurposely, and whether it was by shooting or by some other process, and,\nif by shooting, whether by bow and arrow, or with a gun; and the form of\nthe verb would in like manner have to express all of these things\nrelating to the object; that is, the person, number, gender, and case of\nthe object; and from the multiplicity of paradigmatic forms of the verb\nto kill, this particular one would have to be selected.\u201d This is\nsubstantially the mode in which an Indian sign talker would find it\nnecessary to tell the story, as is shown by several examples given below\nin narratives, speeches, and dialogues.\n\nIndian languages exhibit the same fondness for demonstration which is\nnecessary in sign language. The two forms of utterance are alike in\ntheir want of power to express certain words, such as the verb \u201cto be,\u201d\nand in the criterion of organization, so far as concerns a high degree\nof synthesis and imperfect differentiation, they bear substantially the\nsame relation to the English language.\n\nIt may finally be added that as not only proper names but nouns,\ngenerally in Indian languages are connotive, predicating some attribute\nof the object, they can readily be expressed by gesture signs, and\ntherefore among them, if anywhere, it is to be expected that relations\nmay be established between the words and the signs.\n\nETYMOLOGY OF WORDS FROM GESTURES.\n\nThere can be no attempt in the present limits to trace the etymology of\nany large number of words in the several Indian languages to a gestural\norigin, nor, if the space allowed, would it be satisfactory. The signs\nhave scarcely yet been collected, verified, and collated in sufficient\nnumbers for such comparison, even with the few of the Indian languages\nthe radicals of which have been scientifically studied. The signs will,\nin a future work, be frequently presented in connection with the\ncorresponding words of the gesturers, as is done now in a few instances\nin another part of this paper. For the present the subject is only\nindicated by the following examples, introduced to suggest the character\nof the study in which the students of American linguistics are urgently\nrequested to assist:\n\nThe Dakota word _Sha\u207fte-suta_--from _sha\u207fte_, heart, and _suta_,\nstrong--_brave_, not cowardly, literally strong-hearted, is made by\nseveral tribes of that stock, and particularly by the Brul\u00e9 Sioux, in\ngestures by collecting the tips of the fingers and thumb of the right\nhand to a point, and then placing the radial side of the hand over the\nheart, finger tips pointing downward--_heart_; then place the left fist,\npalm inward, horizontally before the lower portion of the breast, the\nright fist back of the left, then raise the right and throw it forcibly\nover and downward in front of the left--_brave, strong_. See Fig. 242,\npage 415.\n\nThe Arikaras make the sign for _brave_ by striking the clinched fist\nforcibly toward the ground in front of and near the breast.\n\nBrave, or \u201cstrong-hearted,\u201d is made by the Absaroka, Shoshoni, and Banak\nIndians by merely placing the clinched fist to the breast, the latter\nhaving allusion to the heart, the clinching of the hand to strength,\nvigor, or force.\n\nAn Ojibwa sign for _death, to die_, is as follows:\n\nPlace the palm of the hand at a short distance from the side of the\nhead, then withdraw it gently in an oblique downward direction,\ninclining the head and upper part of the body in the same direction.\n\nThe same authority, The Very Rev. E. Jacker, who contributes it, notes\nthat there is an apparent connection between this conception and\nexecution and the etymology of the corresponding terms in Ojibwa. \u201cHe\ndies,\u201d is _nibo_; \u201che sleeps,\u201d is _niba_. The common idea expressed by\nthe gesture is a sinking to rest. The original significance of the root\n_nib_ seems to be \u201cleaning;\u201d _anibeia_, \u201cit is leaning\u201d; _anibekweni_,\n\u201che inclines the head sidewards.\u201d The word _niba_ or _nibe_ (only in\ncompounds) conveys the idea of \u201cnight,\u201d perhaps as the falling over, the\ngoing to rest, or the death of the day.\n\n_Ogima_, the Ojibwa term for _chief_, is derived from a root which\nsignifies \u201cabove\u201d (_Ogidjaii_, upon; _ogidjina_, above; _ogidaki_, on a\nhill or mountain, etc.). _Ogitchida_, a brave, a\u00a0hero (Otawa, _ogida_),\nis probably from the same root.\n\n_Sagima_, the Ojibwa form of sachem, is from the root _sag_, which\nimplies a coming forth, or stretching out. These roots are to be\nconsidered in connection with several gestures described under the head\nof _Chief_, in EXTRACTS FROM DICTIONARY, _infra_.\n\n_Onijishin_, it is _good_ (_Ojibwa_), originally signifies \u201cit lies\nlevel.\u201d This may be compared with the sign for _good_, in the\nTendoy-Huerito Dialogue, Fig. 309, page 487, and also that for _happy,\ncontentment_, in the Speech of Kin Ch\u0113-\u0115ss, page 523.\n\nIn Klamath the radix _lam_ designates a whirling motion, and appears in\nthe word _l\u00e1ma_, \u201cto be crazy, mad,\u201d readily correlated with the common\ngesture for _madman_ and _fool_, in which the hand is rotated above and\nnear the head.\n\n_Evening_, in Klamath, is _litkh\u00ed_, from _luta_, to hang down, meaning\nthe time when the sun hangs down, the gesture for which, described\nelsewhere in this paper (see N\u00e1tci\u2019s Narrative, page 503), is executive\nof the same conception, which is allied to the etymology usually given\nfor _eve, even_, \u201cthe decline of the day.\u201d These Klamath etymologies\nhave been kindly contributed by Mr. A.\u00a0S. Gatschet.\n\nThe Very Rev. E. Jacker also communicates a suggestive _excursus\nexegeticus_ upon the probable gestural origin of the Ojibwa word\n_tibishko_, \u201copposite in space; just so; likewise:\u201d\n\n\u201cThe adverb _tibishko_ (or _dibishko_) is an offshoot of the root _tib_\n(or\u00a0_dib_), which in most cases conveys the idea of measuring or\nweighing, as appears from the following samples: _dibaige_, he measures;\n_dibowe_, he settles matters by his speech or word, _e.g._, as a\njuryman; _dibaamage_, he pays out; _dibakonige_, he judges;\n_dibabishkodjige_, he weighs; _dibamenimo_, he restricts himself,\n_e.g._, to a certain quantity of food; _dibissitchige_, he fulfills a\npromise; _dibijigan_, a pattern for cutting clothes.\n\n\u201cThe original meaning of _tib_, however, must be supposed to have been\nmore comprehensive, if we would explain other (apparent) derivatives,\nsuch as: _tibi_, \u2018I don\u2019t know where, where to, where from,\u2019 &c.;\n_tibik_, night; _dibendjige_, he is master or owner; _titibisse_, it\nrolls (as\u00a0a ball), it turns (as\u00a0a wheel); _dibaboweigan_, the cover of a\nkettle. The notion of measuring does not very naturally enter into the\nideas expressed by these terms.\n\n\u201cThe difficulty disappears if we assume the root _tib_ or _dib_ to have\nbeen originally the phonetic equivalent of a _gesture_ expressive of the\nnotion of covering as well as of that of measuring. This gesture would\nseem to be the holding of one hand above the other, horizontally, at\nsome distance, palms opposite or both downwards. This, or some similar\ngesture would most naturally accompany the above terms. As for _tibik_,\nnight, compare (_Dunbar_): \u2018The two hands open and extended, crossing\none another horizontally.\u2019 The idea of covering evidently enters into\nthis conception. The strange adverb _tibi_ (\u2018I don\u2019t know where,\u2019 &c.,\nor \u2018in a place unknown to\u00a0me\u2019), if derived from the same root, would\noriginally signify \u2018covered.\u2019 In _titibisse_, or _didibisse_ (it\u00a0rolls,\nit turns), the reduplication of the radical syllable indicates the\nrepetition of the gesture, by holding the hands alternately above one\nanother, palms downwards, and thus producing a rotary motion.\n\n\u201cIn German, the clasping of the hands in a horizontal position,\nexpressive of a promise or the conclusion of a bargain, is frequently\naccompanied by the interjection _top!_ the same radical consonants as\nin _tib_. Compare also the English _tap_, the French _tape_, the Greek\n\u03c4\u03cd\u03c0\u03c4\u03c9, the Sanscrit _tup_ and _tub_, &c.\u201d\n\nGESTURES CONNECTED WITH THE ORIGIN OF WRITING.\n\nThough written characters are generally associated with speech, they are\nshown, by successful employment in hieroglyphs and by educated\ndeaf-mutes to be representative of ideas without the intervention of\nsounds, and so also are the outlines of signs. This will be more\napparent if the motions expressing the most prominent feature,\nattribute, or function of an object are made, or supposed to be made, so\nas to leave a luminous track impressible upon the eye separate from the\nmembers producing it. The actual result is an immateriate graphic\nrepresentation of visible objects and qualities which, invested with\nsubstance, has become familiar to us as the _rebus_, and also appears in\nthe form of heraldic blazonry styled punning or \u201ccanting.\u201d\n\nGesture language is, in fact, not only a picture language, but is actual\nwriting, though dissolving and sympathetic, and neither alphabetic nor\nphonetic.\n\nDalgarno aptly says: \u201c_Qui enim caput nutat, oculo connivet, digitum\nmovet in a\u00ebre, &c., (ad\u00a0mentis cogitata exprimendum); is non minus vere\nscribit, quam qui Literas pingit in Charta, Marmore, vel \u00e6re._\u201d\n\nIt is neither necessary nor proper to enter now upon any prolonged\naccount of the origin of alphabetic writing. There is, however,\npropriety, if not necessity, for the present writer, when making any\nremarks under this heading and under some others in this paper\nindicating special lines of research, to disclaim all pretension to\nbeing a Sinologue or Egyptologist, or even profoundly versed in Mexican\nantiquities. His partial and recently commenced studies only enable him\nto present suggestions for the examination of scholars. These\nsuggestions may safely be introduced by the statement that the common\nmodern alphabetic characters, coming directly from the Romans, were\nobtained by them from the Greeks, and by the latter from the Ph\u0153nicians,\nwhose alphabet was connected with that of the old Hebrew. It has also\nbeen of late the general opinion that the whole family of alphabets to\nwhich the Greek, Latin, Gothic, Runic, and others belong, appearing\nearlier in the Ph\u0153nician, Moabite, and Hebrew, had its beginning in the\nideographic pictures of the Egyptians, afterwards used by them to\nexpress sounds. That the Chinese, though in a different manner from the\nEgyptians, passed from picture writing to phonetic writing, is\nestablished by delineations still extant among them, called _ku-w\u0103n_, or\n\u201cancient pictures,\u201d with which some of the modern written characters can\nbe identified. The ancient Mexicans also, to some extent, developed\nphonetic expressions out of a very elaborate system of ideographic\npicture writing. Assuming that ideographic pictures made by ancient\npeoples would be likely to contain representations of gesture signs,\nwhich subject is treated of below, it is proper to examine if traces of\nsuch gesture signs may not be found in the Egyptian, Chinese, and Aztec\ncharacters. Only a few presumptive examples, selected from a\nconsiderable number, are now presented in which the signs of the North\nAmerican Indians appear to be included, with the hope that further\ninvestigation by collaborators will establish many more instances not\nconfined to Indian signs.\n\nA typical sign made by the Indians for _no, negation_, is as follows:\nThe hand extended or slightly curved is held in front of the body,\na\u00a0little to the right of the median line; it is then carried with a\nrapid sweep a foot or more farther to the right. (_Mandan and\nHidatsa_\u00a0I.)\n\nOne for _none, nothing_, sometimes used for simple negation, is also\ngiven: Throw both hands outward toward their respective sides from the\nbreast. (_Wyandot_\u00a0I.)\n\nWith these compare the two forms of the Egyptian character for _no,\nnegation_, Fig. 118, taken from Champollion, _Grammaire \u00c9gyptienne_,\n_Paris_, 1836, p.\u00a0519.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 118.]\n\nNo vivid fancy is needed to see the hands indicated at the extremities\nof arms extended symmetrically from the body on each side.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 119.]\n\nAlso compare the Maya character for the same idea of negation, Fig. 119,\nfound in Landa, _Relation des Choses de Yucatan_, _Paris_, 1864, 316.\nThe Maya word for negation is \u201c_ma_,\u201d and the word \u201c_mak_,\u201d a six-foot\nmeasuring rod, given by Brasseur de Bourbourg in his dictionary,\napparently having connection with this character, would in use separate\nthe hands as illustrated, giving the same form as the gesture made\nwithout the rod.\n\nAnother sign for _nothing, none_, made by the Comanches, is: Flat hand\nthrown forward, back to the ground, fingers pointing forward and\ndownward. Frequently the right hand is brushed over the left thus thrown\nout.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 120.]\n\nCompare the Chinese character for the same meaning, Fig. 120. This will\nnot be recognized as a hand without study of similar characters, which\ngenerally have a cross-line cutting off the wrist. Here the wrist bones\nfollow under the cross cut, then the metacarpal bones, and last the\nfingers, pointing forward and downward.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 121.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 122.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 123.]\n\nThe Arapaho sign for _child, baby_, is the forefinger in the mouth,\n_i.e._, a nursing child, and a natural sign of a deaf-mute is the same.\nThe Egyptian figurative character for the same is seen in Fig. 121. Its\nlinear form is Fig. 122, and its hieratic is Fig. 123 (Champollion,\n_Dictionnaire \u00c9gyptien_, _Paris_, 1841, p.\u00a031).\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 124.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 125.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 126.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 127.]\n\nThese afford an interpretation to the ancient Chinese form for _son_,\nFig. 124, given in _Journ. Royal Asiatic Society_, I, 1834, p.\u00a0219, as\nbelonging to the Shang dynasty, 1756, 1112 B.C., and the modern Chinese\nform, Fig. 125, which, without the comparison, would not be supposed to\nhave any pictured reference to an infant with hand or finger at or\napproaching the mouth, denoting the taking of nourishment. Having now\nsuggested this, the Chinese character for _birth_, Fig. 126, is\nunderstood as the expression of a common gesture among the Indians,\nparticularly reported from the Dakota, for _born, to be born_, viz:\nPlace the left hand in front of the body, a\u00a0little to the right, the\npalm downward and slightly arched, then pass the extended right hand\ndownward, forward, and upward, forming a short curve underneath the\nleft, as in Fig. 127 (_Dakota_\u00a0V). This is based upon the curve followed\nby the head of the child during birth, and is used generically. The same\ncurve, when made with one hand, appears in Fig. 128.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 128.]\n\nIt may be of interest to compare with the Chinese _child_ the Mexican\nabbreviated character for _man_, Fig. 129, found in Pipart in _Compte\nRendu Cong. Inter. des Am\u00e9ricanistes, 2^me Session_, _Luxembourg_,\n1877, 1878, II, 359. The figure on the right is called the abbreviated\nform of that by its side, yet its origin may be different.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 129.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 130.]\n\nThe Chinese character for _man_ is Fig. 130, and may have the same\nobvious conception as a Dakota sign for the same signification: \u201cPlace\nthe extended index, pointing upward and forward before the lower portion\nof the abdomen.\u201d\n\nThe Chinese specific character for _woman_ is Fig. 131, the cross mark\ndenoting the wrist, and if the remainder be considered the hand, the\nfingers may be imagined in the position made by many tribes, and\nespecially the Utes, as depicting the _pudendum muliebre_, Fig. 132.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 131.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 132.]\n\nThe Egyptian generic character for _female_ is [Symbol: semicircle]\n(Champollion, _Dict._), believed to represent the curve of the mamm\u00e6\nsupposed to be cut off or separated from the chest, and the gesture with\nthe same meaning was made by the Cheyenne Titchkematski, and\nphotographed, as in Fig. 133. It forms the same figure as the Egyptian\ncharacter as well as can be done by a position of the human hand.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 133.]\n\nThe Chinese character for _to give water_ is Fig. 134, which may be\ncompared with the common Indian gesture _to drink, to give water_, viz:\n\u201cHand held with tips of fingers brought together and passed to the\nmouth, as if scooping up water\u201d, Fig. 135, obviously from the primitive\ncustom, as with Mojaves, who still drink with scooped hands.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 134.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 135.]\n\nAnother common Indian gesture sign for _water to drink, I want to\ndrink_, is: \u201cHand brought downward past the mouth with loosely extended\nfingers, palm toward the face.\u201d This appears in the Mexican character\nfor _drink_, Fig. 136, taken from Pipart, _loc. cit._, p.\u00a0351. _Water_,\n_i.e._, the pouring out of water with the drops falling or about to\nfall, is shown in Fig. 137, taken from the same author (p.\u00a0349), being\nthe same arrangement of them as in the sign for _rain_, Fig. 114,\np.\u00a0344, the hand, however, being inverted. _Rain_ in the Mexican picture\nwriting is shown by small circles inclosing a dot, as in the last two\nfigures, but not connected together, each having a short line upward\nmarking the line of descent.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 136.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 137.]\n\nWith the gesture for _drink_ may be compared Fig. 138, the Egyptian\nGoddess Nu in the sacred sycamore tree, pouring out the water of life to\nthe Osirian and his soul, represented as a bird, in Amenti (Sharpe, from\na funereal stel\u0113 in the British Museum, in _Cooper\u2019s Serpent Myths_,\np.\u00a043).\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 138.]\n\nThe common Indian gesture for _river_ or _stream, water_, is made by\npassing the horizontal flat hand, palm down, forward and to the left\nfrom the right side in a serpentine manner.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 139.]\n\nThe Egyptian character for the same is Fig. 139 (Champollion, _Dict._,\np.\u00a0429). The broken line is held to represent the movement of the water\non the surface of the stream. When made with one line less angular and\nmore waving it means _water_. It is interesting to compare with this the\nidentical character in the syllabary invented by a West African negro,\nMormoru Doalu Bukere, for _water_, [Symbol: water, represented by a wavy\nline], mentioned by TYLOR in his _Early History of Mankind_, p.\u00a0103.\n\nThe abbreviated Egyptian sign for _water_ as a stream is Fig. 140\n(Champollion, _loc. cit._), and the Chinese for the same is as in Fig.\n141.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 140.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 141.]\n\nIn the picture-writing of the Ojibwa the Egyptian abbreviated character,\nwith two lines instead of three, appears with the same signification.\n\nThe Egyptian character for _weep_, Fig. 142, an eye, with tears falling,\nis also found in the pictographs of the Ojibwa (Schoolcraft, I, pl. 54,\nFig.\u00a027), and is also made by the Indian gesture of drawing lines by the\nindex repeatedly downward from the eye, though perhaps more frequently\nmade by the full sign for _rain_, described on page 344, made with the\nback of the hand downward from the eye--\u201ceye rain.\u201d\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 142.]\n\nThe Egyptian character for _to be strong_ is Fig. 143 (Champollion,\n_Dict._, p.\u00a091), which is sufficiently obvious, but may be compared with\nthe sign for _strong_, made by some tribes as follows: Hold the clinched\nfist in front of the right side, a\u00a0little higher than the elbow, then\nthrow it forcibly about six inches toward the ground.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 143.]\n\nA typical gesture for _night_ is as follows: Place the flat hands,\nhorizontally, about two feet apart, move them quickly in an upward curve\ntoward one another until the right lies across the left. \u201cDarkness\ncovers all.\u201d See Fig. 312, page 489.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 144.]\n\nThe conception of covering executed by delineating the object covered\nbeneath the middle point of an arch or curve, appears also clearly in\nthe Egyptian characters for _night_, Fig. 144 (Champollion, _Dict._,\np.\u00a03).\n\nThe upper part of the character is taken separately to form that for\n_sky_ (see page 372, _infra_).\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 145.]\n\nThe Egyptian figurative and linear characters, Figs. 145 and 146\n(Champollion, _Dict._, p.\u00a028), for _calling upon_ and _invocation_, also\nused as an interjection, scarcely require the quotation of an Indian\nsign, being common all over the world.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 146.]\n\nThe gesture sign made by several tribes for _many_ is as follows: Both\nhands, with spread and slightly curved fingers, are held pendent about\ntwo feet apart before the thighs; then bring them toward one another,\nhorizontally, drawing them upward as they come together. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I;\n_Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I; _Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II;\n_Wichita_\u00a0II.) \u201cAn accumulation of objects.\u201d This may be the same motion\nindicated by the Egyptian character, Fig. 147, meaning to _gather\ntogether_ (Champollion, _Dict._, p.\u00a0459).\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 147.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 148.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 149.]\n\nThe Egyptian character, Fig. 148, which in its linear form is\nrepresented in Fig. 149, and meaning to _go_, to _come, locomotion_, is\npresented to show readers unfamiliar with hieroglyphics how a corporeal\naction may be included in a linear character without being obvious or at\nleast certain, unless it should be made clear by comparison with the\nfull figurative form or by other means. This linear form might be\nnoticed many times without certainty or perhaps suspicion that it\nrepresented the human legs and feet in the act of walking. The same\ndifficulty, of course, as also the same prospect of success by careful\nresearch, attends the tracing of other corporeal motions which more\nproperly come under the head of gesture signs.\n\n\n_SIGN LANGUAGE WITH REFERENCE TO GRAMMAR._\n\nApart from the more material and substantive relations between signs and\nlanguage, it is to be expected that analogies can by proper research be\nascertained between their several developments in the manner of their\nuse, that is, in their grammatic mechanism, and in the genesis of the\nsentence. The science of language, ever henceforward to be studied\nhistorically, must take account of the similar early mental processes in\nwhich the phrase or sentence originated, both in sign and oral\nutterance. In this respect, as in many others, the North American\nIndians may be considered to be living representatives of prehistoric\nman.\n\nSYNTAX.\n\nThe reader will understand without explanation that there is in the\ngesture speech no organized sentence such as is integrated in the\nlanguages of civilization, and that he must not look for articles or\nparticles or passive voice or case or grammatic gender, or even what\nappears in those languages as a substantive or a verb, as a subject or a\npredicate, or as qualifiers or inflexions. The sign radicals, without\nbeing specifically any of our parts of speech, may be all of them in\nturn. There is, however, a grouping and sequence of the ideographic\npictures, an arrangement of signs in connected succession, which may be\nclassed under the scholastic head of syntax. This subject, with special\nreference to the order of deaf-mute signs as compared with oral speech,\nhas been the theme of much discussion, some notes of which, condensed\nfrom the speculations of M.\u00a0R\u00e9mi Valade and others, follow in the next\nparagraph without further comment than may invite attention to the\nprofound remark of LEIBNITZ.\n\nIn mimic construction there are to be considered both the order in which\nthe signs succeed one another and the relative positions in which they\nare made, the latter remaining longer in the memory than the former, and\nspoken language may sometimes in its early infancy have reproduced the\nideas of a sign picture without commencing from the same point. So the\norder, as in Greek and Latin, is very variable. In nations among whom\nthe alphabet was introduced without the intermediary to any impressive\ndegree of picture-writing, the order being (1)\u00a0language of signs, almost\nsuperseded by (2)\u00a0spoken language, and (3)\u00a0alphabetic writing, men would\nwrite in the order in which they had been accustomed to speak. But if at\na time when spoken language was still rudimentary, intercourse being\nmainly carried on by signs, figurative writing had been invented, the\norder of the figures would be the order of the signs, and the same order\nwould pass into the spoken language. Hence LEIBNITZ says truly that \u201cthe\nwriting of the Chinese might seem to have been invented by a deaf\nperson.\u201d The oral language has not known the phases which have given to\nthe Indo-European tongues their formation and grammatical parts. In the\nlatter, signs were conquered by speech, while in the former, speech\nreceived the yoke.\n\nSign language cannot show by inflection the reciprocal dependence of\nwords and sentences. Degrees of motion corresponding with vocal\nintonation are only used rhetorically or for degrees of comparison. The\nrelations of ideas and objects are therefore expressed by placement, and\ntheir connection is established when necessary by the abstraction of\nideas. The sign talker is an artist, grouping persons and things so as\nto show the relations between them, and the effect is that which is seen\nin a picture. But though the artist has the advantage in presenting in a\npermanent connected scene the result of several transient signs, he can\nonly present it as it appears at a single moment. The sign talker has\nthe succession of time at his disposal, and his scenes move and act, are\nlocalized and animated, and their arrangement is therefore more varied\nand significant.\n\nIt is not satisfactory to give the order of equivalent words as\nrepresentative of the order of signs, because the pictorial arrangement\nis wholly lost; but adopting this expedient as a mere illustration of\nthe sequence in the presentation of signs by deaf-mutes, the following\nis quoted from an essay by Rev. J.\u00a0R. Keep, in _American Annals of the\nDeaf and Dumb_, vol. xvi, p.\u00a0223, as the order in which the parable of\nthe Prodigal Son is translated into signs:\n\n\u201cOnce, man one, sons two. Son younger say, Father property your divide:\npart my, me give. Father so.--Son each, part his give. Days few after,\nson younger money all take, country far go, money spend, wine drink,\nfood nice eat. Money by and by gone all. Country everywhere food little:\nson hungry very. Go seek man any, me hire. Gentleman meet. Gentleman son\nsend field swine feed. Son swine husks eat, see--self husks eat\nwant--cannot--husks him give nobody. Son thinks, say, father my,\nservants many, bread enough, part give away can--I none--starve, die.\nI\u00a0decide: Father I go to, say I bad, God disobey, you disobey--name my\nhereafter _son_, no--I unworthy. You me work give servant like. So son\nbegin go. Father far look: son see, pity, run, meet, embrace. Son father\nsay, I\u00a0bad, you disobey, God disobey--name my hereafter _son_, no--I\nunworthy. But father servants call, command robe best bring, son put on,\nring finger put on, shoes feet put on, calf fat bring, kill. We all eat,\nmerry. Why? Son this my formerly dead, now alive: formerly lost, now\nfound: rejoice.\u201d\n\nIt may be remarked, not only from this example, but from general study,\nthat the verb \u201cto be\u201d as a copula or predicant does not have any place\nin sign language. It is shown, however, among deaf-mutes as an assertion\nof presence or existence by a sign of stretching the arms and hands\nforward and then adding the sign of affirmation. _Time_ as referred to\nin the conjunctions _when_ and _then_ is not gestured. Instead of the\nform, \u201cWhen I have had a sleep I will go to the river,\u201d or \u201cAfter\nsleeping I will go to the river,\u201d both deaf-mutes and Indians would\nexpress the intention by \u201cSleep done, I\u00a0river go.\u201d Though time present,\npast, and future is readily expressed in signs (see page 366), it is\ndone once for all in the connection to which it belongs, and once\nestablished is not repeated by any subsequent intimation, as is commonly\nthe case in oral speech. Inversion, by which the object is placed before\nthe action, is a striking feature of the language of deaf-mutes, and it\nappears to follow the natural method by which objects and actions enter\ninto the mental conception. In striking a rock the natural conception is\nnot first of the abstract idea of striking or of sending a stroke into\nvacancy, seeing nothing and having no intention of striking anything in\nparticular, when suddenly a rock rises up to the mental vision and\nreceives the blow; the order is that the man sees the rock, has the\nintention to strike it, and does so; therefore he gestures, \u201cI\u00a0rock\nstrike.\u201d For further illustration of this subject, a\u00a0deaf-mute boy,\ngiving in signs the compound action of a man shooting a bird from a\ntree, first represented the tree, then the bird as alighting upon it,\nthen a hunter coming toward and looking at it, taking aim with a gun,\nthen the report of the latter and the falling and the dying gasps of the\nbird. These are undoubtedly the successive steps that an artist would\nhave taken in drawing the picture, or rather successive pictures, to\nillustrate the story. It is, however, urged that this pictorial order\nnatural to deaf-mutes is not natural to the congenitally blind who are\nnot deaf-mute, among whom it is found to be rhythmical. It is asserted\nthat blind persons not carefully educated usually converse in a metrical\ncadence, the action usually coming first in the structure of the\nsentence. The deduction is that all the senses when intact enter into\nthe mode of intellectual conception in proportion to their relative\nsensitiveness and intensity, and hence no one mode of ideation can be\ninsisted on as normal to the exclusion of others.\n\nWhether or not the above statement concerning the blind is true, the\nconceptions and presentations of deaf-mutes and of Indians using sign\nlanguage because they cannot communicate by speech, are confined to\noptic and, therefore, to pictorial arrangement.\n\nThe abb\u00e9 Sicard, dissatisfied with the want of tenses and conjunctions,\nindeed of most of the modern parts of speech, in the natural signs, and\nwith their inverted order, attempted to construct a new language of\nsigns, in which the words should be given in the order of the French or\nother spoken language adopted, which of course required him to supply a\nsign for every word of spoken language. Signs, whatever their character,\ncould not become associated with words, or suggest them, until words had\nbeen learned. The first step, therefore, was to explain by means of\nnatural signs, as distinct from the new signs styled methodical, the\nmeaning of a passage of verbal language. Then each word was taken\nseparately and a sign affixed to it, which was to be learned by the\npupil. If the word represented a physical object, the sign would be the\nsame as the natural sign, and would be already understood, provided the\nobject had been seen and was familiar; and in all cases the endeavor was\nto have the sign convey as strong a suggestion of the meaning of the\nword as was possible. The final step was to gesticulate these signs,\nthus associated with words, in the exact order in which the words were\nto stand in a sentence. Then the pupil would write the very words\ndesired in the exact order desired. If the previous explanation in\nnatural signs had not been sufficiently full and careful, he would not\nunderstand the passage. The methodical signs did not profess to give him\nthe ideas, except in a very limited degree, but only to show him how to\nexpress ideas according to the order and methods of spoken language. As\nthere were no repetitions of time in narratives in the sign language, it\nbecame necessary to unite with the word-sign for verbs others, to\nindicate the different tenses of the verbs, and so by degrees the\nmethodical signs not only were required to comprise signs for every\nword, but also, with every such sign, a\u00a0grammatical sign to indicate\nwhat part of speech the word was, and, in the case of verbs, still other\nsigns to show their tenses and corresponding inflections. It was, as Dr.\nPeet remarks, a\u00a0cumbrous and unwieldly vehicle, ready at every step to\nbreak down under the weight of its own machinery. Nevertheless, it was\nindustriously taught in all our schools from the date of the founding of\nthe American Asylum in 1817 down to about the year 1835, when it was\nabandoned.\n\nThe collection of narratives, speeches, and dialogues of our Indians in\nsign language, first systematically commenced by the present writer,\nseveral examples of which are in this paper, has not yet been\nsufficiently complete and exact to establish conclusions on the subject\nof the syntactic arrangement of their signs. So far as studied it seems\nto be similar to that of deaf-mutes and to retain the characteristic of\npantomimes in figuring first the principal idea and adding the\naccessories successively in the order of importance, the ideographic\nexpressions being in the ideologic order. If the examples given are not\nenough to establish general rules of construction, they at least show\nthe natural order of ideas in the minds of the gesturers and the several\nmodes of inversion by which they pass from the known to the unknown,\nbeginning with the dominant idea or that supposed to be best known. Some\nspecial instances of expedients other than strictly syntactic coming\nunder the machinery broadly designated as grammar may be mentioned.\n\nDEGREES OF COMPARISON.\n\nDegrees of comparison are frequently expressed, both by deaf-mutes and\nby Indians, by adding to the generic or descriptive sign that for \u201cbig\u201d\nor \u201clittle.\u201d _Damp_ would be \u201cwet--little\u201d; _cool_, \u201ccold--little\u201d;\n_hot_, \u201cwarm--much.\u201d The amount or force of motion also often indicates\ncorresponding diminution or augmentation, but sometimes expresses a\ndifferent shade of meaning, as is reported by Dr. Matthews with\nreference to the sign for _bad_ and _contempt_, see page 411. This\nchange in degree of motion is, however, often used for emphasis only, as\nis the raising of the voice in speech or italicizing and capitalizing in\nprint. The Prince of Wied gives an instance of a comparison in his sign\nfor _excessively hard_, first giving that for _hard_, viz: Open the left\nhand, and strike against it several times with the right (with the backs\nof the fingers). Afterwards he gives _hard, excessively_, as follows:\nSign for _hard_, then place the left index-finger upon the right\nshoulder, at the same time extend and raise the right arm high,\nextending the index-finger upward, perpendicularly.\n\nRev. G. L. Deffenbaugh describes what may perhaps be regarded as an\nintensive sign among the Sahaptins in connection with the sign for\n_good_; _i.e._, _very good_. \u201cPlace the left hand in position in front\nof the body with all fingers closed except first, thumb lying on second,\nthen with forefinger of right hand extended in same way point to end of\nforefinger of left hand, move it up the arm till near the body and then\nto a point in front of breast to make the sign _good_.\u201d For the latter\nsee EXTRACTS FROM DICTIONARY page 487, _infra_. The same special motion\nis prefixed to the sign for _bad_ as an intensive.\n\nAnother intensive is reported by Mr. Benjamin Clark, interpreter at the\nKaiowa, Comanche, and Wichita agency, Indian Territory, in which after\nthe sign for _bad_ is made, that for _strong_ is used by the Comanches\nas follows: Place the clinched left fist horizontally in front of the\nbreast, back forward, then pass the palmar side of the right fist\ndownward in front of the knuckles of the left.\n\nDr. W. H. Corbusier, assistant surgeon U.S.A., writes as follows in\nresponse to a special inquiry on the subject: \u201cBy carrying the right\nfist from behind forward over the left, instead of beginning the motion\nsix inches above it, the Arapaho sign for _strong_ is made. For _brave_,\nfirst strike the chest over the heart with the right fist two or three\ntimes, and then make the sign for _strong_.\n\n\u201cThe sign for _strong_ expresses the superlative when used with other\nsigns; with coward it denotes a base coward; with hunger, starvation;\nand with sorrow, bitter sorrow. I\u00a0have not seen it used with the sign\nfor pleasure or that of hunger, nor can I learn that it is ever used\nwith them.\u201d\n\nOPPOSITION.\n\nThe principle of opposition, as between the right and left hands, and\nbetween the thumb and forefinger and the little finger, appears among\nIndians in some expressions for \u201cabove,\u201d \u201cbelow,\u201d \u201cforward,\u201d \u201cback,\u201d but\nis not so common as among the methodical, distinguished from the\nnatural, signs of deaf-mutes. It is also connected with the attempt to\nexpress degrees of comparison. _Above_ is sometimes expressed by holding\nthe left hand horizontal, and in front of the body, fingers open, but\njoined together, palm upward. The right hand is then placed horizontal,\nfingers open but joined, palm downward, an inch or more above the left,\nand raised and lowered a few inches several times, the left hand being\nperfectly still. If the thing indicated as \u201cabove\u201d is only a _little_\nabove, this concludes the sign, but if it be _considerably_ above, the\nright hand is raised higher and higher as the height to be expressed is\ngreater, until, if _enormously_ above, the Indian will raise his right\nhand as high as possible, and, fixing his eyes on the zenith, emit a\nduplicate grunt, the more prolonged as he desires to express the greater\nheight. All this time the left hand is held perfectly motionless.\n_Below_ is gestured in a corresponding manner, all movement being made\nby the left or lower hand, the right being held motionless, palm\ndownward, and the eyes looking down.\n\nThe code of the Cistercian monks was based in large part on a system of\nopposition which seems to have been wrought out by an elaborate process\nof invention rather than by spontaneous figuration, and is more of\nmnemonic than suggestive value. They made two fingers at the right side\nof the nose stand for \u201cfriend,\u201d and the same at the left side for\n\u201cenemy,\u201d by some fanciful connection with right and wrong, and placed\nthe little finger on the tip of the nose for \u201cfool\u201d merely because it\nhad been decided to put the forefinger there for \u201cwise man.\u201d\n\nPROPER NAMES.\n\nIt is well known that the names of Indians are almost always connotive,\nand particularly that they generally refer to some animal, predicating\noften some attribute or position of that animal. Such names readily\nadmit of being expressed in sign language, but there may be sometimes a\nconfusion between the sign expressing the animal which is taken as a\nname-totem, and the sign used, not to designate that animal, but as a\nproper name. A\u00a0curious device to differentiate proper names was observed\nas resorted to by a Brul\u00e9 Dakota. After making the sign of the animal he\npassed his index forward from the mouth in a direct line, and explained\nit orally as \u201cthat is his name,\u201d _i.e._, the name of the person referred\nto. This approach to a grammatic division of substantives maybe\ncorrelated with the mode in which many tribes, especially the Dakotas,\ndesignate names in their pictographs, _i.e._, by a line from the mouth\nof the figure drawn representing a man to the animal, also drawn with\nproper color or position. Fig. 150 thus shows the name of Shu\u207f-ka Luta,\nRed Dog, an Ogallalla chief, drawn by himself. The shading of the dog by\nvertical lines is designed to represent red, or _gules_, according to\nthe heraldic scheme of colors, which is used in other parts of this\npaper where it seemed useful to designate particular colors. The writer\npossesses in painted robes many examples in which lines are drawn from\nthe mouth to a name-totem.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 150.]\n\nIt would be interesting to dwell more than is now allowed upon the\npeculiar objectiveness of Indian proper names with the result, if not\nthe intention, that they can all be signified in gesture, whereas the\nbest sign-talker among deaf-mutes is unable to translate the proper\nnames occurring in his speech or narrative and, necessarily ceasing\nsigns, resorts to the dactylic alphabet. Indians are generally named at\nfirst according to a clan or totemic system, but later in life often\nacquire a new name or perhaps several names in succession from some\nexploit or adventure. Frequently a sobriquet is given by no means\ncomplimentary. All of the subsequently acquired, as well as the original\nnames, are connected with material objects or with substantive actions\nso as to be expressible in a graphic picture, and, therefore, in a\npictorial sign. The determination to use names of this connotive\ncharacter is shown by the objective translation, whenever possible, of\nthose European names which it became necessary to introduce into their\nspeech. William Penn was called \u201cOnas,\u201d that being the word for\nfeather-quill in the Mohawk dialect. The name of the second French\ngovernor of Canada was \u201cMontmagny\u201d which was translated by the Iroquois\n\u201cOnontio\u201d--\u201cGreat Mountain,\u201d and becoming associated with the title, has\nbeen applied to all successive Canadian governors, though the origin\nbeing generally forgotten, it has been considered as a metaphorical\ncompliment. It is also said that Governor Fletcher was not named by the\nIroquois \u201cCajenquiragoe,\u201d \u201cthe great swift arrow,\u201d because of his speedy\narrival at a critical time, but because they had somehow been informed\nof the etymology of his name--\u201carrow maker\u201d (_Fr._ _fl\u00e9chier_).\n\nGENDER.\n\nThis is sometimes expressed by different signs to distinguish the sex of\nanimals, when the difference in appearance allows of such varied\nportraiture. An example is in the signs for the male and female buffalo,\ngiven by the Prince of Wied. The former is, \u201cPlace the tightly closed\nhands on both sides of the head, with the fingers forward;\u201d the latter\nis, \u201cCurve the two forefingers, place them on the sides of the head and\nmove them several times.\u201d The short stubby horns of the bull appear to\nbe indicated, and the cow\u2019s ears are seen moving, not being covered by\nthe bull\u2019s shock mane. Tribes in which the hair of the women is\ndifferently arranged from that of men often denote their females by\ncorresponding gesture. In many cases the sex of animals is indicated by\nthe addition of a generic sign for male or female.\n\nTENSE.\n\nWhile it has been mentioned that there is no inflection of signs to\nexpress tense, yet the conception of present, past, and future is\ngestured without difficulty. A\u00a0common mode of indicating the present\ntime is by the use of signs for _to-day_, one of which is, \u201c(1)\u00a0both\nhands extended, palms outward; (2)\u00a0swept slowly forward and to each\nside, to convey the idea of openness.\u201d (_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.) This may combine\nthe idea of _now_ with _openness_, the first part of it resembling the\ngeneral deaf-mute sign for _here_ or _now_.\n\nTwo signs nearly related together are also reported as expressing the\nmeaning _now, at once_, viz.: \u201cForefinger of the right hand extended,\nupright, &c. (J), is carried upward in front of the right side of the\nbody and above the head so that the extended finger points toward the\ncenter of the heavens, and then carried downward in front of the right\nbreast, forefinger still pointing upright.\u201d (_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cPlace the\nextended index, pointing upward, palm to the left, as high as and before\nthe top of the head; push the hand up and down a slight distance several\ntimes, the eyes being directed upward at the time.\u201d (_Hidatsa_\u00a0I;\n_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Arikara_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\nTime past is not only expressed, but some tribes give a distinct\nmodification to show a short or long time past. The following are\nexamples:\n\n_Lately, recently_.--Hold the left hand at arm\u2019s length, closed, with\nforefinger only extended and pointing in the direction of the place\nwhere the event occurred; then hold the right hand against the right\nshoulder, closed, but with index extended and pointing in the direction\nof the left. The hands may be exchanged, the right extended and the left\nretained, as the case may require for ease in description.\n(_Absaroka_\u00a0I; _Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.)\n\n_Long ago_.--Both hands closed, forefingers extended and straight; pass\none hand slowly at arm\u2019s length, pointing horizontally, the other\nagainst the shoulder or near it, pointing in the same direction as the\nopposite one. Frequently the tips of the forefingers are placed\ntogether, and the hands drawn apart, until they reach the positions\ndescribed. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I; _Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.)\n\nThe Comanche, Wichita, and other Indians designate a _short time ago_ by\nplacing the tips of the forefinger and thumb of the left hand together,\nthe remaining fingers closed, and holding the hand before the body with\nforefinger and thumb pointing toward the right shoulder; the index and\nthumb of the right hand are then similarly held and placed against those\nof the left, when the hands are slowly drawn apart a short distance. For\na _long time ago_ the hands are similarly held, but drawn farther apart.\nEither of these signs may be and frequently is preceded by those for\n_day, month_, or _year_, when it is desired to convey a definite idea of\nthe time past.\n\nA sign is reported with the abstract idea of _future_, as follows: \u201cThe\narms are flexed and hands brought together in front of the body as in\ntype-position (W). The hands are made to move in wave-like motions up\nand down together and from side to side.\u201d (_Oto_\u00a0I.) The authority gives\nthe poetical conception of \u201cFloating on the tide of time.\u201d\n\nThe ordinary mode of expressing future time is, however, by some\nfigurative reference, as the following: Count off fingers, then shut all\nthe fingers of both hands several times, and touch the hair and tent or\nother white object. (_Apache_ III.) \u201cMany years; when I am old\n(whitehaired).\u201d\n\nCONJUNCTIONS.\n\nAn interesting instance where the rapid connection of signs has the\neffect of the conjunction _and_ is shown in N\u00c1TCI\u2019S NARRATIVE, _infra_.\n\nPREPOSITIONS.\n\nIn the TENDOY-HUERITO DIALOGUE (page 489) the combination of gestures\nsupplies the want of the proposition _to_.\n\nPUNCTUATION.\n\nWhile this is generally accompanied by facial expression, manner of\naction, or pause, instances have been noticed suggesting the device of\ninterrogation points and periods.\n\n_Mark of interrogation._\n\nThe Shoshoni, Absaroka, Dakota, Comanche, and other Indians, when\ndesiring to ask a question, precede the gestures constituting the\ninformation desired by a sign intended to attract attention and \u201casking\nfor,\u201d viz., by holding the flat right hand, with the palm down, directed\nto the individual interrogated, with or without lateral oscillating\nmotion; the gestural sentence, when completed, being closed by the same\nsign and a look of inquiry. This recalls the Spanish use of the\ninterrogation points before and after the question.\n\n_Period._\n\nA Hidatsa, after concluding a short statement, indicated its conclusion\nby placing the inner edges of the clinched hands together before the\nbreast, and passing them outward and downward to their respective sides\nin an emphatic manner, Fig. 334, page 528. This sign is also used in\nother connections to express _done_.\n\nThe same mode of indicating the close of a narrative or statement is\nmade by the Wichitas, by holding the extended left hand horizontally\nbefore the body, fingers pointing to the right, palm either toward the\nbody or downward, and cutting edgewise downward past the tips of the\nleft with the extended right hand. This is the same sign given in the\nADDRESS OF KIN CH\u0112-\u0114SS as _cut off_, and is illustrated in Fig. 324,\npage 522. This is more ideographic and convenient than the device of the\nAbyssinian Galla, reported by M.\u00a0A. d\u2019Abbadie, who denoted a comma by a\nslight stroke of a leather whip, a\u00a0semicolon by a harder one, and a full\nstop by one still harder.\n\n\n_GESTURES AIDING ARCH\u00c6OLOGIC RESEARCH._\n\nThe most interesting light in which the Indians of North America can be\nregarded is in their present representation of a stage of evolution once\npassed through by our own ancestors. Their signs, as well as their myths\nand customs, form a part of the paleontology of humanity to be studied\nin the history of the latter as the geologist, with similar object,\nstudies all the strata of the physical world. At this time it is only\npossible to suggest the application of gesture signs to elucidate\npictographs, and also their examination to discover religious,\nsociologic, and historic ideas preserved in them, as has been done with\ngreat success in the radicals of oral speech.\n\nSIGNS CONNECTED WITH PICTOGRAPHS.\n\nThe picture writing of Indians is the sole form in which they recorded\nevents and ideas that can ever be interpreted without the aid of a\ntraditional key, such as is required for the signification of the wampum\nbelts of the Northeastern tribes and the _quippus_ of Peru. Strips of\nbark, tablets of wood, dressed skins of animals, and the smooth surfaces\nof rock have been and still are used for such records, those most\nancient, and therefore most interesting, being of course the rock\netchings; but they can only be deciphered, if at all, by the ascertained\nprinciples on which the more modern and the more obvious are made. Many\nof the numerous and widespread rock carvings are mere idle sketches of\nnatural objects, mainly animals, and others are as exclusively mnemonic\nas the wampum above mentioned. Even since the Columbian discovery some\ntribes have employed devices yet ruder than the rudest pictorial attempt\nas markers for the memory. An account of one of these is given in\nE.\u00a0Winslow\u2019s Relation (A.D. 1624), _Col. Mass. Hist. Soc._, 2d series,\nix, 1822, p.\u00a099, as follows:\n\n\u201cInstead of records and chronicles they take this course: Where any\nremarkable act is done, in memory of it, either in the place or by some\npathway near adjoining, they make a round hole in the ground about a\nfoot deep, and as much over, which, when others passing by behold, they\ninquire the cause and occasion of the same, which being once known, they\nare careful to acquaint all men as occasion serveth therewith. And lest\nsuch holes should be filled or grown over by any accident, as men pass\nby they will often renew the same; by which means many things of great\nantiquity are fresh in memory. So that as a man traveleth, if he can\nunderstand his guide, his journey will be the less tedious, by reason of\nthe many historical discourses which will be related unto him.\u201d\n\nGregg, in _Commerce of the Prairies_, _New York_, 1844, II, 286, says of\nthe Plains tribes: \u201cWhen traveling, they will also pile heaps of stones\nupon mounds or conspicuous points, so arranged as to be understood by\ntheir passing comrades; and sometimes they set up the bleached buffalo\nheads, which are everywhere scattered over those plains, to indicate the\ndirection of their march, and many other facts which may be communicated\nby those simple signs.\u201d\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 151.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 152.]\n\nA more ingenious but still arbitrary mode of giving intelligence is\npracticed at this day by the Abnaki, as reported by H.\u00a0L. Masta, chief\nof that tribe, now living at Pierreville, Quebec. When they are in the\nwoods, to say \u201cI\u00a0am going to the east,\u201d a\u00a0stick is stuck in the ground\npointing to that direction, Fig. 151. \u201cAm not gone far,\u201d another stick\nis stuck across the former, close to the ground, Fig. 152. \u201cGone far\u201d is\nthe reverse, Fig. 153. The number of days journey of proposed absence is\nshown by the same number of sticks across the first; thus Fig. 154\nsignifies five days\u2019 journey. Cutting the bark off from a tree on one,\ntwo, three or four sides near the butt means \u201cHave had poor, poorer,\npoorest luck.\u201d Cutting it off all around the tree means \u201cI\u00a0am starving.\u201d\nSmoking a piece of birch bark and hanging it on a tree means \u201cI\u00a0am\nsick.\u201d\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 153.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 154.]\n\nWhere there has existed any form of artistic representation, however\nrude, and at the same time a system of ideographic gesture signs\nprevailed, it would be expected that the form of the latter would appear\nin the former. The sign of _river_ and _water_ mentioned on page 358\nbeing established, when it became necessary or desirable to draw a\ncharacter or design to convey the same idea, nothing would be more\nnatural than to use the graphic form of delineation which is also above\ndescribed. It was but one more and an easy step to fasten upon bark,\nskins, or rocks the evanescent air pictures that still in pigments or\ncarvings preserve their skeleton outline, and in their ideography\napproach, as has been shown above, the rudiments of the phonetic\nalphabets that have been constructed by other peoples. A\u00a0transition\nstage between gestures and pictographs, in which the left hand is used\nas a supposed drafting surface upon which the index draws lines, is\nexhibited in the DIALOGUE BETWEEN ALASKAN INDIANS, _infra_, page 498.\nThis device is common among deaf-mutes, without equal arch\u00e6ologic\nimportance, as it may have been suggested by the art of writing, with\nwhich they are generally acquainted, even if not instructed in it.\n\nThe reproduction of apparent gesture lines in the pictographs made by\nour Indians has, for obvious reasons, been most frequent in the attempt\nto convey those subjective ideas which were beyond the range of an\nartistic skill limited to the direct representation of objects, so that\nthe part of the pictographs which is still the most difficult of\ninterpretation is precisely the one which the study of sign language is\nlikely to elucidate. The following examples of pictographs of the\nIndians, in some cases compared with those from foreign sources, have\nbeen selected because their interpretation is definitely known and the\ngestures corresponding with or suggested by them are well determined.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 155.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 156.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 157.]\n\nThe common Indian gesture sign for _sun_ is: \u201cRight hand closed, the\nindex and thumb curved, with tips touching, thus approximating a circle,\nand held toward the sky,\u201d the position of the fingers of the hand\nforming a circle being shown in Fig. 155. Two of the Egyptian characters\nfor _sun_, Figs. 156 and 157, are plainly the universal conception of\nthe disk. The latter, together with indications of rays, Fig. 158, and\nin its linear form, Fig. 159, (Champollion, _Dict._,\u00a09), constitutes the\nEgyptian character for _light_. The rays emanating from the whole disk\nappear in Figs. 160 and 161, taken from a MS. contributed by Mr. G.\u00a0K.\nGILBERT of the United States Geological Survey, from the rock etchings\nof the Moqui pueblos in Arizona. The same authority gives from the same\nlocality Figs. 162 and 163 for _sun_, which may be distinguished from\nseveral other similar etchings for _star_ also given by him, Figs. 164,\n165, 166, 167, by always showing some indication of a face, the latter\nbeing absent in the characters denoting _star_.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 158.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 159.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 160.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 161.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 162.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 163.]\n\nWith the above characters for sun compare Fig. 168, found at Cuzco,\nPeru, and taken from Wiener\u2019s _P\u00e9rou et Bolivie_, _Paris_, 1880, p.\u00a0706.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 164.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 165.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 166.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 167.]\n\nThe Ojibwa pictograph for sun is seen in Fig. 169, taken from\nSchoolcraft, _loc. cit._, v. 1, pl. 56, Fig. 67.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 168.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 169.]\n\nA gesture sign for _sunrise, morning_, is: Forefinger of right hand\ncrooked to represent half of the sun\u2019s disk and pointed or extended to\nthe left, then slightly elevated. (_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.) In this connection it\nmay be noted that when the gesture is carefully made in open country the\npointing would generally be to the east, and the body turned so that its\nleft would be in that direction. In a room in a city, or under\ncircumstances where the points of the compass are not specially attended\nto, the left side supposes the east, and the gestures relating to sun,\nday, &c., are made with such reference. The half only of the disk\nrepresented in the above gesture appears in the following Moqui pueblo\netchings for _morning_ and _sunrise_, Figs. 170, 171, and 172. (Gilbert,\n_MS._)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 170.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 171.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 172.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 173.]\n\nA common gesture for _day_ is when the index and thumb form a circle\n(remaining fingers closed) and are passed from east to west.\n\nFig. 173 shows a pictograph found in Owen\u2019s Valley, California,\na\u00a0similar one being reported in the _Ann. Rep. Geog. Survey west of the\n100th Meridian for 1876_, _Washington_, 1876, pl. opp. p.\u00a0326, in which\nthe circle may indicate either _day_ or _month_ (both these gestures\nhaving the same execution), the course of the sun or moon being\nrepresented perhaps in mere contradistinction to the vertical line, or\nperhaps the latter signifies _one_.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 174.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 175.]\n\nFig. 174 is a pictograph of the Coyotero Apaches, found at Camp Apache,\nin Arizona, reported in the _Tenth Ann. Rep. U.S. Geolog. and Geograph.\nSurvey of the Territories for 1876_, _Washington_, 1878, pl. lxxvii. The\nsun and the ten spots of approximately the same shape represent the\ndays, eleven, which the party with five pack mules passed in traveling\nthrough the country. The separating lines are the nights, and may\ninclude the conception of covering over and consequent obscurity above\nreferred to (page 354).\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 176.]\n\nA common sign for _moon, month_, is the right hand closed, leaving the\nthumb and index extended, but curved to form a half circle and the hand\nheld toward the sky, in a position which is illustrated in Fig. 175, to\nwhich curve the Moqui etching, Fig. 176, and the identical form in the\nancient Chinese has an obvious resemblance.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 177.]\n\nThe crescent, as we commonly figure the satellite, appears also in the\nOjibwa pictograph, Fig. 177 (Schoolcraft, I, pl.\u00a058), which is the same,\nwith a slight addition, as the Egyptian figurative character.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 178.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 179.]\n\nThe sign for _sky_, also _heaven_, is generally made by passing the\nindex from east to west across the zenith. This curve is apparent in the\nOjibwa pictograph Fig. 178, reported in Schoolcraft, I, pl. 18, Fig. 21,\nand is abbreviated in the Egyptian character with the same meaning, Fig.\n179 (Champollion, _Dict._, p.\u00a01).\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 180.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 181.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 182.]\n\nA sign for _cloud_ is as follows: (1) Both hands partially closed, palms\nfacing and near each other, brought up to level with or slightly above,\nbut in front of the head; (2)\u00a0suddenly separated sidewise, describing a\ncurve like a scallop; this scallop motion is repeated for \u201cmany clouds.\u201d\n(_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.) The same conception is in the Moqui etchings, Figs.\n180, 181, and 182 (Gilbert _MS._)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 183.]\n\nThe Ojibwa pictograph for _cloud_ is more elaborate, Fig. 183, reported\nin Schoolcraft, I, pl. 58. It is composed of the sign for _sky_, to\nwhich that for _clouds_ is added, the latter being reversed as compared\nwith the Moqui etchings, and picturesquely hanging from the sky.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 184.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 185.]\n\nThe gesture sign for _rain_ is described and illustrated on page 344.\nThe pictograph, Fig. 184, reported as found in New Mexico by Lieutenant\nSimpson (_Ex.\u00a0Doc. No. 64, Thirty-first Congress, first session_, 1850,\npl.\u00a09) is said to represent Montezuma\u2019s adjutants sounding a blast to\nhim for rain. The small character inside the curve which represents the\nsky, corresponds with the gesturing hand. The Moqui etching (Gilbert\n_MS._) for _rain_, _i.e._, a cloud from which the drops are falling, is\ngiven in Fig. 185.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 186.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 187.]\n\nThe same authority gives two signs for _lightning_, Figs. 186 and 187.\nIn the latter the sky is shown, the changing direction of the streak,\nand clouds with rain falling. The part relating specially to the streak\nis portrayed in a sign as follows: Right hand elevated before and above\nthe head, forefinger pointing upward, brought down with great rapidity\nwith a sinuous, undulating motion; finger still extended diagonally\ndownward toward the right. (_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 188.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 189.]\n\nFigs. 188 and 189 also represent _lightning_, taken by Mr. W.\u00a0H.\nJackson, photographer of the late U.S. Geolog. and Geog. Survey, from\nthe decorated walls of an estufa in the Pueblo de Jemez, New Mexico. The\nformer is blunt, for harmless, and the latter terminating in an arrow or\nspear point, for destructive or fatal, lightning.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 190.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 191.]\n\nA common sign for _speech, speak_, among the Indians is the repeated\nmotion of the index in a straight line forward from the mouth. This\nline, indicating the voice, is shown in Fig. 190, taken from the\n_Dakota Calendar_, being the expression for the fact that\n\u201cthe-Elk-that-hollows-walking,\u201d a\u00a0Minneconjou chief, \u201cmade medicine.\u201d\nThe ceremony is indicated by the head of an albino buffalo. A\u00a0more\ngraphic portraiture of the conception of _voice_ is in Fig. 191,\nrepresenting an antelope and the whistling sound produced by the animal\non being surprised or alarmed. This is taken from MS. drawing book of an\nIndian prisoner at Saint Augustine, Fla., now in the Smithsonian\nInstitution, No. 30664.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 192.]\n\nFig. 192 is the exhibition of wrestling for a turkey, the point of\ninterest in the present connection being the lines from the mouth to the\nobjects of conversation. It is taken from the above-mentioned MS.\ndrawing book.\n\nThe wrestlers, according to the foot prints, had evidently come\ntogether, when, meeting the returning hunter, who is wrapped in his\nblanket with only one foot protruding, they separated and threw off\ntheir blankets, leggings, and moccasins, both endeavoring to win the\nturkey, which lies between them and the donor.\n\nIn Fig. 193, taken from the same MS. drawing book, the conversation is\nabout the lassoing, shooting, and final killing of a buffalo which has\nwandered to a camp. The dotted lines indicate footprints. The Indian\ndrawn under the buffalo having secured the animal by the fore feet, so\ninforms his companions, as indicated by the line drawn from his mouth to\nthe object mentioned; the left-hand figure, having also secured the\nbuffalo by the horns, gives his nearest comrade an opportunity to strike\nit with an ax, which he no doubt announces that he will do, as the line\nfrom his mouth to the head of the animal suggests. The Indian in the\nupper left-hand corner is told by a squaw to take an arrow and join his\ncompanions, when he turns his head to inform her that he has one\nalready, which fact he demonstrates by holding up the weapon.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 193.]\n\nThe Mexican pictograph, Fig. 194, taken from Kingsborough, II, pt. 1,\np.\u00a0100, is illustrative of the sign made by the Arikara and Hidatsa for\n_tell_ and _conversation_. _Tell me_ is: Place the flat right hand, palm\nupward, about fifteen inches in front of the right side of the face,\nfingers pointing to the left and front; then draw the hand inward toward\nand against the bottom of the chin. For _conversation_, talking between\ntwo persons, both hands are held before the breast, pointing forward,\npalms up, the edges being moved several times toward one another.\nPerhaps, however, the picture in fact only means the common poetical\nimage of \u201cflying words.\u201d\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 194.]\n\nFig. 195 is one of Landa\u2019s characters, found in _Rel. des choses de\nYucatan_ p.\u00a0316, and suggests one of the gestures for _talk_ and more\nespecially that for _sing_, in which the extended and separated fingers\nare passed forward and slightly downward from the mouth--\u201cmany voices.\u201d\nAlthough the last opinion about the bishop is unfavorable to the\nauthenticity of his work, yet even if it were prepared by a Maya, under\nhis supervision, the latter would probably have given him some genuine\nnative conceptions, and among them gestures would be likely to occur.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 195.]\n\nThe natural sign for _hear_, made both by Indians and deaf-mutes,\nconsisting in the motion of the index, or the index and thumb joined, in\na straight line to the ear, is illustrated in the Ojibwa pictograph Fig.\n196, \u201chearing ears,\u201d and those of the same people, Figs. 197 and 198,\nthe latter of which is a hearing serpent, and the former means \u201cI\u00a0hear,\nbut your words are from a bad heart,\u201d the hands being thrown out as in\nthe final part of a gesture for _bad heart_, which is made by the hand\nbeing closed and held near the breast, with the back toward the breast,\nthen as the arm is suddenly extended the hand is opened and the fingers\nseparated from each other. (_Mandan and Hidatsa_\u00a0I.) The final part of\nthe gesture, representing the idea of _bad_, not connected with heart,\nis illustrated in Fig. 236 on page 411.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 196.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 197.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 198.]\n\nThe above Ojibwa pictographs are taken from Schoolcraft, _loc. cit._ I,\nplates 58, 53, 59.\n\nFig. 199, a bas-relief taken from Dupaix\u2019s Monuments of New Spain, in\nKingsborough, _loc. cit._ IV, pt. 3, p.\u00a031, has been considered to be a\nroyal edict or command. The gesture _to hear_ is plainly depicted, and\nthe right hand is directed to the persons addressed, so the command\nappears to be uttered with the preface of _Hear Ye! Oyez!_\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 199.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 200.]\n\nThe typical sign for _kill_ or _killed_ is: Right hand clinched, thumb\nlying along finger tips, elevated to near the shoulder, strike downward\nand outward vaguely in the direction of the object to be killed. The\nabbreviated sign is simply to clinch the right hand in the manner\ndescribed and strike it down and out from the right side.\n(_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.) This gesture also appears among the Dakotas and is\nillustrated in Fig. 200.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 201.]\n\nFig. 201, taken from the _Dakota Calendar_, illustrates this gesture. It\nrepresents the year in which a Minneconjou chief was stabbed in the\nshoulder by a Gros Ventre, and afterwards named \u201cDead Arm\u201d or \u201cKilled\nArm.\u201d At first the figure was supposed to show the permanent drawing up\nof the arm by anchylosis, but that would not be likely to be the result\nof the wound described, and with knowledge of the gesture the meaning is\nmore clear.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 202.]\n\nFig. 202, taken from _Report upon the Reconnaissance of Northwestern\nWyoming, &c._, _Washington_, 1875, p.\u00a0207, Fig. 53, found in the Wind\nRiver Valley, Wyoming Territory, was interpreted by members of a\nShoshoni and Banak delegation to Washington in 1880 as \u201can Indian killed\nanother.\u201d The latter is very roughly delineated in the horizontal\nfigure, but is also represented by the line under the hand of the\nupright figure, meaning the same individual. At the right is the scalp\ntaken and the two feathers showing the dead warrior\u2019s rank. The arm\nnearest the prostrate foe shows the gesture for _killed_.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 203.]\n\nThe same gesture appears in Fig. 203, from the same authority and\nlocality. The scalp is here held forth, and the numeral _one_ is\ndesignated by the stroke at the bottom.\n\nFig. 204, from the same locality and authority, was also interpreted by\nthe Shoshoni and Banak. It appears from their description that a\nBlackfoot had attacked the habitation of some of his own people. The\nright-hand upper figure represents his horse with the lance suspended\nfrom the side. The lower figure illustrates the log house built against\na stream. The dots are the prints of the horse\u2019s hoofs, while the two\nlines running outward from the upper inclosure show that two thrusts of\nthe lance were made over the wall of the house, thus killing the\noccupant and securing two bows and five arrows, as represented in the\nleft-hand group. The right-hand figure of that group shows the hand\nraised in the attitude of making the gesture for _kill_.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 204.]\n\nAs the Blackfeet, according to the interpreters, were the only Indians\nin the locality mentioned who constructed log houses, the drawing\nbecomes additionally interesting, as an attempt appears to have been\nmade to illustrate the crossing of the logs at the corners, the gesture\nfor which (_log-house_) will be found on page 428.\n\nFig. 205 is the Egyptian character for _veneration, to glorify_\n(Champollion, _Dict._,\u00a029), the author\u2019s understanding being that the\nhands are raised in surprise, astonishment.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 205.]\n\nThe Menomoni Indians now begin their prayers by raising their hands in\nthe same manner. They may have been influenced in this respect by the\nattitudes of their missionaries in prayer and benediction. The Apaches,\nwho have received less civilized tuition, in a religious gesture\ncorresponding with prayer spread their hands opposite the face, palms up\nand backward, apparently expressing the desire to _receive_.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 206.]\n\nFig. 206 is a copy of an Egyptian tablet reproduced from Cooper\u2019s\n_Serpent Myths_, page 28. A\u00a0priest kneels before the great goddess\nRanno, while supplicating her favor. The conception of the author is\nthat the hands are raised by the supplicant to shield his face from the\nglory of the divinity. It may be compared with signs for asking for\n_mercy_ and for giving mercy to another, the former being: Extend both\nforefingers, pointing upward, palms toward the breast, and hold the\nhands before the chest; then draw them inward toward their respective\nsides, and pass them upward as high as the sides of the head by either\ncheek. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.) The\nlatter, _to have mercy on another_, as made by the same tribes, is: Hold\nboth hands nearly side by side before the chest, palms forward,\nforefinger only extended and pointing upward; then move them forward and\nupward, as if passing them by the cheeks of another person from the\nbreast to the sides of the head.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 207.]\n\nA similar gesture for _supplication_ appears in Fig. 207, taken from\nKingsborough, _loc. cit._, III, pt. I, p.\u00a024.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 208.]\n\nAn Indian gesture sign for _smoke_, and also one for _fire_, has been\ndescribed above, page 344. With the former is connected the Aztec design\n(Fig. 208) taken from Pipart, _loc. cit._, II, 352, and the latter\nappears in Fig. 209, taken from Kingsborough, III, pt. I, p.\u00a021.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 209.]\n\nA sign for _medicine-man, shaman_, is thus described: \u201cWith its\nindex-finger extended and pointing upward, or all the fingers extended,\nback of hand outward, move the right hand from just in front of the\nforehead, spirally upward, nearly to arm\u2019s length, from left to right.\u201d\n(_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 210.]\n\nFig. 210, from the _Dakota Calendar_, represents the making of medicine\nor conjuration. In that case the head and horns of a white buffalo cow\nwere used.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 211.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 212.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 213.]\n\nFig. 211 is an Ojibwa pictograph taken from Schoolcraft, _loc. cit._,\nrepresenting _medicine-man, meda_. With these horns and spiral may be\ncollated Fig. 212 which portrays the ram-headed Egyptian god Knuphis, or\nChnum, the spirit, in a shrine on the boat of the sun, canopied by the\nserpent-goddess Ranno, who is also seen facing him inside the shrine.\nThis is reproduced from Cooper\u2019s _Serpent Myths_, p.\u00a024. The same deity\nis represented in Champollion, _Gram._, p.\u00a0113, as reproduced in Fig.\n213.\n\nFig. 214 is an Ojibwa pictograph found in Schoolcraft, I, pl. 58, and\ngiven as _power_. It corresponds with the sign for _doctor_, or\n_medicine-man_, made by the Absarokas by passing the extended and\nseparated index and second finger of the right hand upward from the\nforehead, spirally, and is considered to indicate \u201csuperior knowledge.\u201d\nAmong the Otos, as part of the sign with the same meaning, both hands\nare raised to the side of the head, and the extended indices pressing\nthe temples.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 214.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 215.]\n\nFig. 215 is also an Ojibwa pictograph from Schoolcraft I, pl. 59, and is\nsaid to signify _Meda\u2019s power_. It corresponds with another sign made\nfor _medicine-man_ by the Absarokas and Comanches, viz, The hand passed\nupward before the forehead, with index loosely extended. Combined with\nthe sign for _sky_, before given, page 372, it means knowledge of\nsuperior matters; spiritual power.\n\nThe common sign for _trade_ is made by extending the forefingers,\nholding them obliquely upward, and crossing them at right angles to one\nanother, usually in front of the chest. This is often abbreviated by\nmerely crossing the forefingers, see Fig. 278, page 452. It is\nillustrated in Fig. 216, taken from the Prince of Wied\u2019s _Travels in the\nInterior of North America_, _London_, 1843, p.\u00a0352.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 216.]\n\nTo this the following explanation is given: \u201cThe cross signifies,\n\u2018I\u00a0will barter or trade.\u2019 Three animals are drawn on the right hand of\nthe cross; one is a buffalo; the two others, a\u00a0weasel (_Mustela\nCanadensis_) and an otter. The writer offers in exchange for the skins\nof these animals (probably meaning that of a white buffalo) the articles\nwhich he has drawn on the left side of the cross. He has, in the first\nplace, depicted a beaver very plainly, behind which there is a gun; to\nthe left of the beaver are thirty strokes, each ten separated by a\nlonger line; this means, I\u00a0will give thirty beaver skins and a gun for\nthe skins of the three animals on the right hand of the cross.\u201d\n\nFig. 217 is from Kingsborough, III, pt. 1, p. 25, and illustrates the\nsign for _to give_ or _to present_, made by the Brul\u00e9-Dakotas by holding\nboth hands edgewise before the breast, pointing forward and upward, the\nright above the left, then throwing them quickly downward until the\nforearms reach a horizontal position.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 217.]\n\nFig. 218 is taken from the _Dakota Calendar_, representing a successful\nraid of the Absarokas or Crows upon the Brul\u00e9-Sioux, in which the\nvillage of the latter was surprised and a large number of horses\ncaptured. That capture is exhibited by the horse-tracks moving from the\n_village_, the gesture sign for which is often made by a circle formed\neither by the opposed thumbs and forefingers of both hands or by a\ncircular motion of both hands, palms inward, toward each other. In some\ncases there is a motion of the circle, from above downward, as formed.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 218.]\n\nFig. 219, from Kingsborough I, pt. 3, p. 10, represents _Chapultepec_,\n\u201cMountain of the Locust,\u201d by one enormous locust on top of a hill. This\nshows the mode of augmentation in the same manner as is often done by an\nexaggerated gesture. The curves at the base of the mountain are\nintelligible only as being formed in the sign for _many_, described on\npages 359 and 488.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 219.]\n\nFig. 220, taken from Pipart, _loc. cit._, is the Mexican pictograph for\n_soil cultivated_, _i.e._, tilled and planted. Fig. 221, from the same\nauthority, shows the sprouts coming from the cultivated soil, and may be\ncompared with the signs for _grass_ and _grow_ on page 343.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 220.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 221.]\n\nThe gesture sign for _road, path_, is sometimes made by indicating two\nlines forward from the body, then imitating walking with the hands upon\nthe imaginary road. The same natural representation of road is seen in\nFig. 222, taken from Pipart, _loc. cit._, page 352. A\u00a0place where two\nroads meet--cross-roads--is shown in Fig. 223, from Kingsborough. Two\npersons are evidently having a chat in sign language at the cross-roads.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 222.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 223.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 224.]\n\nIf no gesture is actually included in all of the foregoing pictographs,\nit is seen that a gesture sign is made with the same conception which is\nobvious in the ideographic pictures. They are selected as specially\ntransparent and clear. Many others less distinct are now the subject of\nexamination for elucidation. The following examples are added to show\nthe ideographic style of pictographs not connected with gestures, lest\nit may be suspected that an attempt is made to prove that gestures are\nalways included in or connected with them. Fig. 224, from the _Dakota\nCalendar_, refers to the small-pox which broke out in the year (1802)\nwhich it specifies. Fig. 225 shows in the design at the left, a\u00a0warning\nor notice, that though a goat can climb up the rocky trail a horse will\ntumble--\u201cNo Thoroughfare.\u201d This was contributed by Mr. J.\u00a0K. Hillers,\nphotographer of the United States Geological Survey, as observed by him\nin Ca\u00f1on De Chelly, New Mexico, in 1880.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 225.]\n\nSIGNS CONNECTED WITH ETHNOLOGIC FACTS.\n\nThe present limits permit only a few examples of the manner in which the\nsigns of Indians refer to sociologic, religious, historic, and other\nethnologic facts. They may incite research to elicit further information\nof the same character.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 226.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 227.]\n\nThe Prince of Wied gives in his list of signs the heading _Partisan_, a\nterm of the Canadian voyageurs, signifying a leader of an occasional or\nvolunteer war party, the sign being reported as follows: Make first the\nsign of the pipe, afterwards open the thumb and index-finger of the\nright hand, back of the hand outward, and move it forward and upward in\na curve. This is explained by the author\u2019s account in a different\nconnection, that to become recognized as a leader of such a war party as\nabove mentioned, the first act among the tribes using the sign was the\nconsecration, by fasting succeeded by feasting, of a medicine pipe\nwithout ornament, which the leader of the expedition afterward bore\nbefore him as his badge of authority, and it therefore naturally became\nan emblematic sign. This sign with its interpretation supplies a meaning\nto Fig. 226 from the _Dakota Calendar_ showing \u201cOne Feather,\u201d a\u00a0Sioux\nchief who raised in that year a large war party against the Crows, which\nfact is simply denoted by his holding out demonstratively an\nunornamented pipe. In connection with this subject, Fig. 227, drawn and\nexplained by Two Strike, an Ogalala Dakota, relating to his own\nachievements, displays four plain pipes to exhibit the fact that he had\nled four war parties.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 228.]\n\nThe sign of the pipe or of smoking is made in a different manner, when\nused to mean _friend_, as follows: (1)\u00a0Tips of the two first fingers of\nthe right hand placed against or at right angles to the mouth;\n(2)\u00a0suddenly elevated upward and outward to imitate smoke expelled.\n(_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.) \u201cWe two smoke together.\u201d This is illustrated in the\nOjibwa pictograph, Fig. 228, taken from Schoolcraft\u00a0I, pl. 59.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 229.]\n\nA ceremonial sign for _peace, friendship_, is the extended fingers,\nseparated (R), interlocked in front of the breast, hands horizontal,\nbacks outward. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.) Fig. 229 from the _Dakota Calendar_\nexhibits the beginning of this gesture. When the idea conveyed is peace\nor friendship with the whites, the hand shaking of the latter is adopted\nas in Fig. 230, also taken from the _Dakota Calendar_, and referring to\nthe peace made in 1855 by General Harney, at Fort Pierre, with a number\nof the tribes of the Dakotas.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 230.]\n\nIt is noticeable that while the ceremonial gesture of uniting or linking\nhands is common and ancient in token of peace, the practice of shaking\nhands on meeting, now the annoying etiquette of the Indians in their\nintercourse with whites, was not until very recently and is even now\nseldom used by them between each other, and is clearly a foreign\nimportation. Their fancy for affectionate greeting was in giving a\npleasant bodily sensation by rubbing each other on the breast, abdomen,\nand limbs, or by a hug. The senseless and inconvenient custom of shaking\nhands is, indeed, by no means general throughout the world, and in the\nextent to which it prevails in the United States is a subject of\nridicule by foreigners. The Chinese, with a higher conception of\npoliteness, shake their own hands. The account of a recent observer of\nthe meeting of two polite Celestials is: \u201cEach placed the fingers of one\nhand over the fist of the other, so that the thumbs met, and then\nstanding a few feet apart raised his hands gently up and down in front\nof his breast. For special courtesy, after the foregoing gesture, they\nplace the hand which had been the actor in it on the stomach of its\nowner, not on that part of the interlocutor, the whole proceeding being\nsubjective, but perhaps a relic of objective performance.\u201d In Miss\nBird\u2019s _Unbeaten Trades in Japan_, _London_, 1880, the following is\ngiven as the salutatory etiquette of that empire: \u201cAs acquaintances come\nin sight of each other they slacken their pace and approach with\ndowncast eyes and averted faces as if neither were worthy of beholding\neach other; then they bow low, so low as to bring the face, still kept\ncarefully averted, on a level with the knees, on which the palms of the\nhands are pressed. Afterwards, during the friendly strife of each to\ngive the _pas_ to the other, the palms of the hands are diligently\nrubbed against each other.\u201d\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 231.]\n\nThe interlocking of the fingers of both hands above given as an Indian\nsign (other instances being mentioned under the head of SIGNALS,\n_infra_) is also reported by R.\u00a0Brough Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_,\n_loc. cit._, Vol. II, p.\u00a0308, as made by the natives of Cooper\u2019s Creek,\nAustralia, to express the highest degree of friendship, including a\nspecial form of hospitality in which the wives of the entertainer\nperformed a part. Fig. 231 is reproduced from a cut in the work referred\nto.\n\nBut besides this interlocked form of signifying the union of friendship\nthe hands are frequently grasped together. Sometimes the sign is\nabbreviated by simply extending the hand as if about to grasp that of\nanother, and sometimes the two forefingers are laid side by side, which\nlast sign also means, _same, brother_ and _companion_. For description\nand illustration of these three signs, see respectively pages 521, 527,\nand 317. A\u00a0different execution of the same conception of union or\nlinking to signify _friend_ is often made as follows: Hook the curved\nindex over the curved forefinger of the left hand, the palm of the\nlatter pointing forward, the palm of the right hand being turned toward\nthe face; remaining fingers and thumbs being closed. (_Dakota_ VIII.)\nFig. 232.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 232.]\n\nWied\u2019s sign for medicine is \u201cStir with the right hand into the left, and\nafterward blow into the latter.\u201d All persons familiar with the Indians\nwill understand that the term \u201cmedicine,\u201d foolishly enough adopted by\nboth French and English to express the aboriginal magic arts, has no\ntherapeutic significance. Very few even pretended remedies were\nadministered to the natives and probably never by the professional\nshaman, who worked by incantation, often pulverizing and mixing the\nsubstances mystically used, to prevent their detection. The same\nmixtures were employed in divination. The author particularly mentions\nMandan ceremonies, in which a white \u201cmedicine\u201d stone, as hard as\npyrites, was produced by rubbing in the hand snow or the white feathers\nof a bird. The blowing away of the disease, considered to be introduced\nby a supernatural power foreign to the body, was a common part of the\njuggling performance.\n\nA sign for _stone_ is as follows: With the back of the arched right hand\n(H) strike repeatedly in the palm of the left, held horizontal, back\noutward, at the height of the breast and about a foot in front; the ends\nof the fingers point in opposite directions. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.) From its use\nwhen the stone was the only hammer.\n\nA suggestive sign for _knife_ is reported, viz: Cut past the mouth with\nthe raised right hand. (_Wied_.) This probably refers to the general\npractice of cutting off food, as much being crammed into the mouth as\ncan be managed and then separated from the remaining mass by a stroke of\na knife. This is specially the usage with fat and entrails, the Indian\ndelicacies.\n\nAn old sign for _tomahawk, ax_, is as follows: Cross the arms and slide\nthe edge of the right hand, held vertically, down over the left arm.\n(_Wied_.) This is still employed, at least for a small hatchet, or\n\u201cdress tomahawk,\u201d and would be unintelligible without special knowledge.\nThe essential point is laying the extended right hand in the bend of the\nleft elbow. The sliding down over the left arm is an almost unavoidable\nbut quite unnecessary accompaniment to the sign, which indicates the way\nin which the hatchet is usually carried. Pipes, whips, bows and arrows,\nfans, and other dress or emblematic articles of the \u201cbuck\u201d are seldom or\nnever carried in the bend of the left elbow as is the ax. The pipe is\nusually held in the left hand.\n\nThe following sign for _Indian village_ is given by Wied: Place the open\nthumb and forefinger of each hand opposite to each other, as if to make\na circle, but leaving between them a small interval; afterward move them\nfrom above downward simultaneously. The villages of the tribes with\nwhich the author was longest resident, particularly the Mandans and\nArikaras, were surrounded by a strong circular stockade, spaces or\nbreaks in the circle being left for entrance or exit.\n\nSigns for _dog_ are made by some of the tribes of the plains essentially\nthe same as the following: Extend and spread the right, fore, and middle\nfingers, and draw the hand about eighteen inches from left to right\nacross the front of the body at the height of the navel, palm downward,\nfingers pointing toward the left and a little downward, little and ring\nfingers to be loosely closed, the thumb against the ring-finger.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0IV.) The sign would not be intelligible without knowledge of\nthe fact that before the introduction of the horse, and even yet, the\ndog has been used to draw the tent- or lodge-poles in moving camp, and\nthe sign represents the trail. Indians less nomadic, who built more\nsubstantial lodges, and to whom the material for poles was less precious\nthan on the plains, would not have comprehended this sign without such\nexplanation as is equivalent to a translation from a foreign language,\nand the more general one is the palm lowered as if to stroke gently in a\nline conforming to the animal\u2019s head and neck. It is abbreviated by\nsimply lowering the hand to the usual height of the wolfish aboriginal\nbreed, and suggests _the_ animal _par excellence_ domesticated by the\nIndians and made a companion.\n\nSeveral examples connected with this heading may be noticed under the\npreceding head of gestures connected with pictographs, and others of\nhistoric interest will be found among the TRIBAL SIGNS, _infra_.\n\n\n\n\nNOTABLE POINTS FOR FURTHER RESEARCHES.\n\n\nIt is considered desirable to indicate some points to which for special\nreasons the attention of collaborators for the future publication on the\ngeneral subject of sign language may be invited. These now follow:\n\n\n_INVENTION OF NEW SIGNS._\n\nIt is probable that signs will often be invented by individual Indians\nwho may be pressed for them by collectors to express certain ideas,\nwhich signs of course form no part of any current language; but while\nthat fact should, if possible, be ascertained and reported, the signs so\ninvented are not valueless merely because they are original and not\ntraditional, if they are made in good faith and in accordance with the\nprinciples of sign formation. Less error will arise in this direction\nthan from the misinterpretation of the idea intended to be conveyed by\nspontaneous signs. The process resembles the coining of new words to\nwhich the higher languages owe their copiousness. It is observed in the\nsigns invented by Indians for each new product of civilization brought\nto their notice.\n\nAn interesting instance is in the sign for _steamboat_, made at the\nrequest of the writer by White Man (who, however, did not like that\nsobriquet and announced his intention to change his name to Lean Bear),\nan Apache, in June, 1880, who had a few days before seen a steamboat for\nthe first time. After thinking a moment he gave an original sign,\ndescribed as follows:\n\nMake the sign for _water_, by placing the flat right hand before the\nface, pointing upward and forward, the back forward, with the wrist as\nhigh as the nose; then draw it down and inward toward the chin; then\nwith both hands indicate the outlines of a horizontal oval figure from\nbefore the body back to near the chest (being the outline of the deck);\nthen place both flat hands, pointing forward, thumbs higher than the\nouter edges, and push them forward to arms\u2019-length (illustrating the\npowerful forward motion of the vessel).\n\nAn original sign for _telegraph_ is given in NATCI\u2019S NARRATIVE, _infra_.\n\nAn Indian skilled in signs, as also a deaf-mute, at the sight of a new\nobject, or at the first experience of some new feeling or mental\nrelation, will devise some mode of expressing it in pantomimic gesture\nor by a combination of previously understood signs, which will be\nintelligible to others, similarly skilled, provided that they have seen\nthe same objects or have felt the same emotions. But if a number of such\nIndians or deaf-mutes were to see an object--for instance an\nelephant--for the first time, each would perhaps hit upon a different\nsign, in accordance with the characteristic appearance most striking to\nhim. That animal\u2019s trunk is generally the most attractive lineament to\ndeaf-mutes, who make a sign by pointing to the nose and moving the arm\nas the trunk is moved. Others regard the long tusks as the most\nsignificant feature, while others are struck by the large head and small\neyes. This diversity of conception brings to mind the poem of \u201cThe Blind\nMen and the Elephant,\u201d which with true philosophy in an amusing guise\nexplains how the sense of touch led the \u201csix men of Indostan\u201d severally\nto liken the animal to a wall, spear, snake, tree, fan, and rope.\nA\u00a0consideration of invented or original signs, as showing the operation\nof the mind of an Indian or other uncivilized gesturer, has a\npsychologic interest, and as connected with the vocal expression, often\nalso invented at the same time, has further value.\n\n\n_DANGER OF SYMBOLIC INTERPRETATION._\n\nIn the examination of sign language it is important to form a clear\ndistinction between signs proper and symbols. The terms signs and\nsymbols are often used interchangeably, but with liability to\nmisconstruction, as many persons, whether with right or wrong lexical\ndefinition, ascribe to symbols an occult and mystic signification. All\ncharacters in Indian picture-writing have been loosely styled symbols,\nand, as there is no logical distinction between the characters impressed\nwith enduring form and when merely outlined in the ambient air, all\nIndian gestures, motions, and attitudes might with equal appropriateness\nbe called symbolic. While, however, all symbols come under the generic\nhead of signs, very few signs are in accurate classification symbols.\nS.\u00a0T. Coleridge has defined a symbol to be a sign included in the idea\nit represents. This may be intelligible if it is intended that an\nordinary sign is extraneous to the concept and, rather than suggested by\nit, is invented to express it by some representation or analogy, while a\nsymbol may be evolved by a process of thought from the concept itself;\nbut it is no very exhaustive or practically useful distinction. Symbols\nare less obvious and more artificial than mere signs, require\nconvention, are not only abstract, but metaphysical, and often need\nexplanation from history, religion, and customs. They do not depict but\nsuggest subjects; do not speak directly through the eye to the\nintelligence, but presuppose in the mind knowledge of an event or fact\nwhich the sign recalls. The symbols of the ark, dove, olive branch, and\nrainbow would be wholly meaningless to people unfamiliar with the Mosaic\nor some similar cosmology, as would be the cross and the crescent to\nthose ignorant of history. The last named objects appeared in the class\nof _emblems_ when used in designating the conflicting powers of\nChristendom and Islamism. Emblems do not necessarily require any analogy\nbetween the objects representing, and the objects or qualities\nrepresented, but may arise from pure accident. After a scurrilous jest\nthe beggar\u2019s wallet became the emblem of the confederated nobles, the\nGueux of the Netherlands; and a sling, in the early minority of Louis\nXIV, was adopted from the refrain of a song by the Frondeur opponents of\nMazarin. The portraiture of a fish, used, especially by the early\nChristians, for the name and title of Jesus Christ was still more\naccidental, being, in the Greek word \u1f30\u03c7\u03b8\u03cd\u03c2, an acrostic composed of\nthe initials of the several Greek words signifying that name and title.\nThis origin being unknown to persons whose religious enthusiasm was as\nusual in direct proportion to their ignorance, they expended much\nrhetoric to prove that there was some true symbolic relation between an\nactual fish and the Saviour of men. Apart from this misapplication,\nthe fish undoubtedly became an emblem of Christ and of Christianity,\nappearing frequently on the Roman catacombs and at one time it was used\nhermeneutically.\n\nThe several tribal signs for the Sioux, Arapahos, Cheyennes, &c., are\ntheir emblems precisely as the star-spangled flag is that of the United\nStates, but there is nothing symbolic in any of them. So the signs for\nindividual chiefs, when not merely translations of their names, are\nemblematic of their family totems or personal distinctions, and are no\nmore symbols than are the distinctive shoulder-straps of army officers.\nThe _crux ansata_ and the circle formed by a snake biting its tail are\nsymbols, but _consensus_ as well as invention was necessary for their\nestablishment, and the Indians have produced nothing so esoteric,\nnothing which they intended for hermeneutic as distinct from descriptive\nor mnemonic purposes. Sign language can undoubtedly be and is employed\nto express highly metaphysical ideas, but to do that in a symbolic\nsystem requires a development of the mode of expression consequent upon\na similar development of the mental idiocrasy of the gesturers far\nbeyond any yet found among historic tribes north of Mexico. A\u00a0very few\nof their signs may at first appear to be symbolic, yet even those on\ncloser examination will probably be relegated to the class of emblems.\n\nThe point urged is that while many signs can be used as emblems and both\ncan be converted by convention into symbols or be explained as such by\nperverted ingenuity, it is futile to seek for that form of psychologic\nexuberance in the stage of development attained by the tribes now under\nconsideration. All predetermination to interpret either their signs or\ntheir pictographs on the principles of symbolism as understood or\npretended to be understood by its admirers, and as are sometimes\nproperly applied to Egyptian hieroglyphs, results in mooning mysticism.\nThis was shown by a correspondent who enthusiastically lauded the\n_Dakota Calendar_ (edited by the present writer, and which is a mere\nfiguration of successive occurrences in the history of the people), as a\nnumerical exposition of the great doctrines of the Sun religion in the\nequations of time, and proved to his own satisfaction that our Indians\npreserved hermeneutically the lost geometric cultus of pre-Cushite\nscientists.\n\nAnother exhibition of this vicious practice was recently made in the\ninterpretation of an inscribed stone alleged to have been unearthed\nnear Zanesville, Ohio. Two of the characters were supposed, in liberal\nexercise of the imagination, to represent the \u0391 and \u03a9 of the Greek\nalphabet. At the comparatively late date when the arbitrary arrangement\nof the letters of that alphabet had become fixed, the initial and\nconcluding letters might readily have been used to represent\nrespectively the beginning and the end of any series or number of\nthings, and this figure of speech was employed in the book of\nRevelations. In the attempted interpretation of the inscription\nmentioned, which was hawked about to many scientific bodies, and\npublished over the whole country, the supposed alpha and omega were\nassumed to constitute a universal as well as sacred symbol for the\neverlasting Creator. The usual _menu_ of Roman feasts, commencing with\neggs and ending with apples, was also commonly known at the time when\nthe book of Revelations was written, and the phrase \u201c_ab ovo usque ad\nmala_\u201d was as appropriate as \u201cfrom alpha to omega\u201d to express \u201cfrom the\nbeginning to the end.\u201d In deciphering the stone it would, therefore, be\nas correct in principle to take one of its oval and one of its round\nfigures, call them egg and apple, and make them the symbols of eternity.\nIn fact, not depending wholly for significance upon the order of courses\nof a feast or the accident of alphabetical position, but having\nintrinsic characteristics in reference to the origin and fruition of\nlife, the egg and apple translation would be more acceptable to the\ngeneral judgment, and it is recommended to enthusiasts who insist on\nfinding symbols where none exist.\n\n\n_SIGNS USED BY WOMEN AND CHILDREN._\n\nFor reasons before given it is important to ascertain the varying extent\nof familiarity with sign language among the members of the several\ntribes, how large a proportion possesses any skill in it, and the\naverage amount of their vocabulary. It is also of special interest to\nlearn the degree to which women become proficient, and the age at which\nchildren commence its practice; also whether they receive systematic\ninstruction in it. The statement was made by Titchkem\u00e1tski that the\nKaiowa and Comanche women know nothing of sign language, while the\nCheyenne women are versed in it. As he is a Cheyenne, however, he may\nnot have a large circle of feminine acquaintances beyond his own tribe,\nand his negative testimony is not valuable. Rev. A.\u00a0J. Holt, from large\nexperience, asserts that the Kaiowa and Comanche women do know and\npractice sign language, though the Cheyenne either are more familiar\nwith it than the Kaiowa or have a greater degree of expertness. The\nComanche women, he says, are the peers of any sign-talkers. Colonel\nDodge makes the broad assertion that even among the Plains tribes only\nthe old, or at least middle-aged, men use signs properly, and that he\nhas not seen any women or even young men who were at all reliable in\nsigns. He gives this statement to show the difficulty in acquiring sign\nlanguage; but it is questionable if the fact is not simply the result of\nthe rapid disuse of signs, in many tribes, by which cause women, not so\nfrequently called upon to employ them, and the younger generation, who\nhave had no necessity to learn them, do not become expert. Disappearing\nMist, as before mentioned, remembers a time when the Iroquois women and\nchildren used signs more than the men.\n\nIt is also asserted, with some evidence, that the signs used by males\nand females are different, though mutually understood, and some minor\npoints for observation may be indicated, such as whether the\ncommencement of counting upon the fingers is upon those of the right or\nthe left hand, and whether Indians take pains to look toward the south\nwhen suggesting the course of the sun, which would give the motion from\nleft to right.\n\n * * * * *\n\nA suggestion has been made by a correspondent that some secret signs\nof affiliation are known and used by the members of the several\nassociations, religious and totemic, which have been often noticed among\nseveral Indian tribes. No evidence of this has been received, but the\npoint is worth attention.\n\n\n_POSITIVE SIGNS RENDERED NEGATIVE._\n\nIn many cases positive signs to convey some particular idea are not\nreported, and in their place a sign with the opposite signification is\ngiven, coupled with the sign of negation. In other words, the only mode\nof expressing the intended meaning is supposed to be by negation of the\nreverse of what it is desired to describe. In this manner \u201cfool--no,\u201d\nwould be \u201cwise,\u201d and \u201cgood--no,\u201d would be \u201cbad.\u201d This mode of expression\nis very frequent as a matter of option when the positive signs are in\nfact also used. The reported absence of positive signs for the ideas\nnegatived is therefore often made with as little propriety as if when an\nordinary speaker chose to use the negative form \u201cnot good,\u201d it should be\ninferred that he was ignorant of the word \u201cbad.\u201d It will seldom prove,\non proper investigation, that where sign language has reached and\nretained any high degree of development it will show such poverty as to\nrequire the expedient of negation of an affirmative to express an idea\nwhich is intrinsically positive.\n\n\n_DETAILS OF POSITIONS OF FINGERS._\n\nThe signs of the Indians appear to consist of motions more often than of\npositions--a fact enhancing the difficulty both of their description and\nillustration--and the motions when not designedly abbreviated are\ngenerally large, free, and striking, seldom minute. It seems also to be\nthe general rule among Indians as among deaf-mutes that the point of the\nfinger is used to trace outlines and the palm of the hand to describe\nsurfaces. From an examination of the identical signs made to each other\nfor the same object by Indians of the same tribe and band, they appear\nto make many gestures with little regard to the position of the fingers\nand to vary in such arrangement from individual taste. Some of the\nelaborate descriptions, giving with great detail the attitude of the\nfingers of any particular gesturer and the inches traced by his motions,\nare of as little necessity as would be, when quoting a written word,\na\u00a0careful reproduction of the flourishes of tailed letters and the\nthickness of down-strokes in individual chirography. The fingers must be\nin _some_ position, but that is frequently accidental, not contributing\nto the general and essential effect. An example may be given in the sign\nfor _white man_ which Medicine Bull, _infra_, page 491, made by drawing\nthe palmar surface of the extended index across the forehead, and in\nLEAN WOLF\u2019S COMPLAINT, _infra_, page 526, the same motion is made by the\nback of the thumb pressed upon the middle joint of the index, fist\nclosed. The execution as well as the conception in both cases was the\nindication of the line of the hat on the forehead, and the position of\nthe fingers in forming the line is altogether immaterial. There is often\nalso a custom or \u201cfashion\u201d in which not only different tribes, but\ndifferent persons in the same tribe, gesture the same sign with\ndifferent degrees of beauty, for there is calligraphy in sign language,\nthough no recognized orthography. It is nevertheless better to describe\nand illustrate with unnecessary minuteness than to fail in reporting a\nreal distinction. There are, also, in fact, many signs formed by mere\npositions of the fingers, some of which are abbreviations, but in others\nthe arrangement of the fingers in itself forms a picture. An instance of\nthe latter is one of the signs given for the _bear_, viz.: Middle and\nthird finger of right hand clasped down by the thumb, fore and little\nfinger extended crooked downward. See EXTRACTS FROM DICTIONARY, _infra_.\nThis reproduction of the animal\u2019s peculiar claws, with the hand and in\nany position relative to the body, would suffice without the pantomime\nof scratching in the air, which is added only if the sign without it\nshould not be at once comprehended.\n\n\n_MOTIONS RELATIVE TO PARTS OF THE BODY._\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 233.]\n\nThe specified relation of the positions and motions of the hands to\ndifferent parts of the body is essential to the formation and\ndescription of many signs. Those for _speak_, _hear_, and _see_, which\nmust be respectively made relative to the mouth, ear and eye, are\nmanifest examples; and there are others less obviously dependent upon\nparts of the body, such as the heart or head, which would not be\nintelligible without apposition. There are also some directly connected\nwith height from the ground and other points of reference. In, however,\na\u00a0large proportion of the signs noted the position of the hands with\nreference to the body can be varied or disregarded. The hands making the\nmotions can be held high or low, as the gesturer is standing or sitting,\nor the person addressed is distant or near by. These variations have\nbeen partly discussed under the head of abbreviations. While\ndescriptions made with great particularity are cumbrous, it is desirable\nto give the full detail of that gesture which most clearly carries out\nthe generic conception, with, if possible, also the description of such\ndeviations and abbreviations as are most confusing. For instance, it is\nwell to explain that signs for _yes_ and _no_, described with precise\ndetail as in EXTRACTS FROM DICTIONARY, _infra_, are also often made by\nan Indian when wrapped in his blanket with only a forefinger protruding,\nthe former by a mere downward and the latter by a simple outward bend of\nthat finger. An example may be also taken from the following sign for\n_lie, falsehood_, made by an Arikara, Fig. 233. in which the separated\nindex and second fingers are moved sidewise in a downward line near but\nbelow the mouth, which may be compared with other executions of the\nmotion with the same position of the fingers directly forward from the\nmouth, and with that given in LEAN WOLF\u2019S COMPLAINT, illustrated on page\n528, in which the motion is made carelessly across the body. The\noriginal sign was undoubtedly made directly from the mouth, the\nconception being \u201ctwo tongues,\u201d two accounts or opposed statements, one\nof which must be false, but the finger-position coming to be established\nfor two tongues has relation to the original conception whether or not\nmade near or in reference to the mouth, the latter being understood.\n\nIt will thus be seen that sometimes the position of the fingers is\nmaterial as forming or suggesting a figure without reference to motion,\nwhile in other cases the relative position of the hands to each other\nand to parts of the body are significant without any special arrangement\nof the fingers. Again, in others, the lines drawn in the air by the hand\nor hands execute the conception without further detail. In each case\nonly the essential details, when they can be ascertained, should be\nminutely described.\n\n\n_SUGGESTIONS FOR COLLECTING SIGNS._\n\nThe object always should be, not to translate from English into signs,\nbut to ascertain the real signs and their meaning. By far the most\nsatisfactory mode of obtaining this result is to induce Indians or other\ngesturers observed to tell stories, make speeches, or hold talks in\ngesture, with one of themselves as interpreter in his own oral language\nif the latter is understood by the observer, and, if not, the words, not\nthe signs, should be translated by an intermediary linguistic\ninterpreter. It will be easy afterward to dissect and separate the\nparticular signs used. This mode will determine the genuine shade of\nmeaning of each sign, and corresponds with the plan now adopted by the\nBureau of Ethnology for the study of the tribal vocal languages, instead\nof that arising out of exclusively missionary purposes, which was to\nforce a translation of the Bible from a tongue not adapted to its terms\nand ideas, and then to compile a grammar and dictionary from the\nartificial result. A\u00a0little ingenuity will direct the more intelligent\nor complaisant gesturers to the expression of the thoughts, signs for\nwhich are specially sought; and full orderly descriptions of such tales\nand talks with or even without analysis and illustration are more\ndesired than any other form of contribution.\n\nThe original authorities, or the best evidence, for Indian\nsigns--_i.e._, the Indians themselves--being still accessible, the\ncollaborators in this work should not be content with secondary\nauthority. White sign talkers and interpreters may give some genuine\nsigns, but they are very apt to interpolate their own improvements.\nExperience has led to the apparently paradoxical judgment that the\ndirect contribution of signs purporting to be those of Indians, made by\na habitual practitioner of signs who is not an Indian, is less valuable\nthan that of a discriminating observer who is not himself an actor in\ngesture speech. The former, being to himself the best authority,\nunwittingly invents and modifies signs, or describes what he thinks they\nought to be, often with a very different conception from that of an\nIndian. Sign language not being fixed and limited, as is the case with\noral languages, expertness in it is not necessarily a proof of accuracy\nin anyone of its forms. The proper inquiry is not what a sign might,\ncould, would, or should be, or what is the best sign for a particular\nmeaning, but what is any sign actually used for such meaning. If any one\nsign is honestly invented or adopted by any one man, whether Indian,\nAfrican, Asiatic, or deaf-mute, it has its value, but it should be\nidentified to be in accordance with the fact and should not be subject\nto the suspicion that it has been assimilated or garbled in\ninterpretation. Its prevalence and special range present considerations\nof different interest and requiring further evidence.\n\nThe genuine signs alone should be presented to scholars, to give their\nstudies proper direction, while the true article can always be\nadulterated into a composite jargon by those whose ambition is only to\nbe sign talkers instead of making an honest contribution to ethnologic\nand philologic science. The few direct contributions of interpreters to\nthe present work are, it is believed, valuable, because they were made\nwithout expression of self-conceit or symptom of possession by a pet\ntheory.\n\n\n\n\nMODE IN WHICH RESEARCHES HAVE BEEN MADE.\n\n\nIt is proper to give to all readers interested in the subject, but\nparticularly to those whose collaboration for the more complete work\nabove mentioned is solicited, an account of the mode in which the\nresearches have thus far been conducted and in which it is proposed to\ncontinue them. After study of all that could be obtained in printed\nform, and a considerable amount of personal correspondence, the results\nwere embraced in a pamphlet issued by the Bureau of Ethnology in the\nearly part of 1880, entitled \u201c_Introduction to the Study of Sign\nLanguage among the North American Indians as Illustrating the Gesture\nSpeech of Mankind._\u201d In this, suggestions were made as to points and\nmanner of observation and report, and forms prepared to secure\nuniformity and accuracy were explained, many separate sheets of which\nwith the pamphlet were distributed, not only to all applicants, but to\nall known and accessible persons in this country and abroad who, there\nwas reason to hope, would take sufficient interest in the undertaking to\ncontribute their assistance. Those forms, TYPES OF HAND POSITIONS,\nOUTLINES OF ARM POSITIONS, and EXAMPLES, thus distributed, are\nreproduced at the end of this paper.\n\nThe main object of those forms was to eliminate the source of confusion\nproduced by attempts of different persons at the difficult description\nof positions and motions. The comprehensive plan required that many\npersons should be at work in many parts of the world. It will readily be\nunderstood that if a number of persons should undertake to describe in\nwords the same motions, whether of pantomimists on the stage or of other\ngesturers, even if the visual perception of all the observers should be\nthe same in the apprehension of the particular gestures, their language\nin description might be so varied as to give very diverse impressions to\na reader who had never seen the gestures described. But with a set form\nof expressions for the typical positions, and skeleton outlines to be\nfilled up and, when necessary, altered in a uniform style, this source\nof confusion is greatly reduced. The graphic lines drawn to represent\nthe positions and motions on the same diagrams will vary but little in\ncomparison with the similar attempt of explanation in writing. Both\nmodes of description were, however, requested, each tending to\nsupplement and correct the other, and provision was also made for the\nnotation of such striking facial changes or emotional postures as might\nindividualize or accentuate the gestures. It was also pointed out that\nthe prepared sheets could be used by cutting and pasting them in the\nproper order, for successive signs forming a speech or story, so as to\nexhibit the semiotic syntax. Attention was specially directed to the\nimportance of ascertaining the intrinsic idea or conception of all\nsigns, which it was urged should be obtained directly from the persons\nusing them and not by inference.\n\nIn the autumn of 1880 the prompt and industrious co-operation of many\nobservers in this country, and of a few from foreign lands, had supplied\na large number of descriptions which were collated and collected into a\nquarto volume of 329 pages, called \u201c_A\u00a0Collection of Gesture Signs and\nSignals of the North American Indians, with some comparisons_.\u201d\n\nThis was printed on sized paper with wide margins to allow of convenient\ncorrection and addition. It was not published, but was regarded as\nproof, a\u00a0copy being sent to each correspondent with a request for his\nannotations, not only in revision of his own contribution, but for its\ncomparison with those made by others. Even when it was supposed that\nmistakes had been made in either description or reported conception, or\nboth, the contribution was printed as received, in order that a number\nof skilled and disinterested persons might examine it and thus ascertain\nthe amount and character of error. The attention of each contributor was\ninvited to the fact that, in some instances, a\u00a0sign as described by one\nof the other contributors might be recognized as intended for the same\nidea or object as that furnished by himself, and the former might prove\nto be the better description. Each was also requested to examine if a\npeculiar abbreviation or fanciful flourish might not have induced a\ndifference in his own description from that of another contributor with\nno real distinction either in conception or essential formation. All\ncollaborators were therefore urged to be candid in admitting, when such\ncases occurred, that their own descriptions were mere unessential\nvariants from others printed, otherwise to adhere to their own and\nexplain the true distinction. When the descriptions showed substantial\nidentity, they were united with the reference to all the authorities\ngiving them.\n\nMany of these copies have been returned with valuable annotations, not\nonly of correction but of addition and suggestion, and are now being\ncollated again into one general revision.\n\nThe above statement will, it is hoped, give assurance that the work of\nthe Bureau of Ethnology has been careful and thorough. No scheme has\nbeen neglected which could be contrived and no labor has been spared to\nsecure the accuracy and completeness of the publication still in\npreparation. It may also be mentioned that although the writer has made\npersonal observations of signs, no description of any sign has been\nprinted by him which rests on his authority alone. Personal controversy\nand individual bias were thus avoided. For every sign there is a special\nreference either to an author or to some one or more of the\ncollaborators. While the latter have received full credit, full\nresponsibility was also imposed, and that course will be continued.\n\nNo contribution has been printed which asserted that any described sign\nis used by \u201call Indians,\u201d for the reason that such statement is not\nadmissible evidence unless the authority had personally examined all\nIndians. If any credible person had affirmatively stated that a certain\nidentical, or substantially identical, sign had been found by him,\nactually used by Abnaki, Absaroka, Arikara, Assiniboins, etc., going\nthrough the whole list of tribes, or any definite portion of that list,\nit would have been so inserted under the several tribal heads. But the\nexpression \u201call Indians,\u201d besides being insusceptible of methodical\nclassification, involves hearsay, which is not the kind of authority\ndesired in a serious study. Such loose talk long delayed the recognition\nof Anthropology as a science. It is true that some general statements of\nthis character are made by some old authors quoted in the Dictionary,\nbut their descriptions are reprinted, as being all that can be used of\nthe past, for whatever weight they may have, and they are kept separate\nfrom the linguistic classification given below.\n\nRegarding the difficulties met with in the task proposed, the same motto\nmight be adopted as was prefixed to Austin\u2019s _Chironomia_: \u201c_Non sum\nnescius, quantum susceperim negotii, qui motus corporis exprimere\nverbis, imitari scriptura conatus sim voces._\u201d _Rhet. ad Herenn._,\nl.\u00a03. If the descriptive recital of the signs collected had been\nabsolutely restricted to written or printed words the work would have\nbeen still more difficult and the result less intelligible. The\nfacilities enjoyed of presenting pictorial illustrations have been of\ngreat value and will give still more assistance in the complete work\nthan in the present paper.\n\nIn connection with the subject of illustrations it may be noted that a\nwriter in the _Journal of the Military Service Institution of the United\nStates_, Vol. II, No. 5, the same who had before invented the mode of\ndescribing signs by \u201cmeans\u201d mentioned on page 330 _supra_, gives a\ncurious distinction between deaf-mute and Indian signs regarding their\nrespective capability of illustration, as follows: \u201cThis French system\nis taught, I\u00a0believe, in most of the schools for deaf-mutes in this\ncountry, and in Europe; but so great has been the difficulty of fixing\nthe hands in space, either by written description or illustrated cuts,\nthat no text books are used. I\u00a0must therefore conclude that the Indian\nsign language is not only the more natural, but the more simple, as the\ngestures can be described quite accurately in writing, and I think can\nbe illustrated.\u201d The readers of this paper will also, probably, \u201cthink\u201d\nthat the signs of Indians can be illustrated, and as the signs of\ndeaf-mutes are often identical with the Indian, whether expressing the\nsame or different ideas, and when not precisely identical are always\nmade on the same principle and with the same members, it is not easy to\nimagine any greater difficulty either in their graphic illustration or\nin their written description. The assertion is as incorrect as if it\nwere paraphrased to declare that a portrait of an Indian in a certain\nattitude could be taken by a pencil or with the camera while by some\noccult influence the same artistic skill would be paralysed in\nattempting that of a deaf-mute in the same attitude. In fact, text books\non the \u201cFrench system\u201d are used and one in the writer\u2019s possession\npublished in Paris twenty-five years ago, contains over four hundred\nillustrated cuts of deaf-mute gesture signs.\n\nThe proper arrangement and classification of signs will always be\ntroublesome and unsatisfactory. There can be no accurate translation\neither of sentences or of words from signs into written English. So far\nfrom the signs representing words as logographs, they do not in their\npresentation of the ideas of actions, objects, and events, under\nphysical forms, even suggest words, which must be skillfully fitted to\nthem by the glossarist and laboriously derived from them by the\nphilologer. The use of words in formulation, still more in terminology,\nis so wide a departure from primitive conditions as to be incompatible\nwith the only primordial language yet discovered. No vocabulary of signs\nwill be exhaustive for the simple reason that the signs are exhaustless,\nnor will it be exact because there cannot be a correspondence between\nsigns and words taken individually. Not only do words and signs both\nchange their meaning from the context, but a single word may express a\ncomplex idea, to be fully rendered only by a group of signs, and, _vice\nvers\u00e2_, a single sign may suffice for a number of words. The elementary\nprinciples by which the combinations in sign and in the oral languages\nof civilization are effected are also discrepant. The attempt must\ntherefore be made to collate and compare the signs according to general\nideas, conceptions, and, if possible, the ideas and conceptions of the\ngesturers themselves, instead of in order of words as usually arranged\nin dictionaries.\n\nThe hearty thanks of the writer are rendered to all his collaborators,\na\u00a0list of whom is given below, and will in future be presented in a\nmanner more worthy of them. It remains to give an explanation of the\nmode in which a large collection of signs has been made directly by the\nofficers of the Bureau of Ethnology. Fortunately for this undertaking,\nthe policy of the government brought to Washington during the year 1880\ndelegations, sometimes quite large, of most of the important tribes.\nThus the most intelligent of the race from many distant and far\nseparated localities were here in considerable numbers for weeks, and\nindeed, in some cases, months, and, together with their interpreters and\nagents, were, by the considerate order of the honorable Secretary of the\nInterior, placed at the disposal of this Bureau for all purposes of\ngathering ethnologic information. The facilities thus obtained were much\ngreater than could have been enjoyed by a large number of observers\ntraveling for a long time over the continent for the same express\npurpose. The observations relating to signs were all made here by the\nsame persons, according to a uniform method, in which the gestures were\nobtained directly from the Indians, and their meaning (often in itself\nclear from the context of signs before known) was translated sometimes\nthrough the medium of English or Spanish, or of a native language known\nin common by some one or more of the Indians and by some one of the\nobservers. When an interpreter was employed, he translated the words\nused by an Indian in his oral paraphrase of the signs, and was not\nrelied upon to explain the signs according to his own ideas. Such\ntranslations and a description of minute and rapidly-executed signs,\ndictated at the moment of their exhibition, were sometimes taken down by\na phonographer, that there might be no lapse of memory in any\nparticular, and in many cases the signs were made in successive motions\nbefore the camera, and prints secured as certain evidence of their\naccuracy. Not only were more than one hundred Indians thus examined\nindividually, at leisure, but, on occasions, several parties of\ndifferent tribes, who had never before met each other, and could not\ncommunicate by speech, were examined at the same time, both by inquiry\nof individuals whose answers were consulted upon by all the Indians\npresent, and also by inducing several of the Indians to engage in talk\nand story-telling in signs between themselves. Thus it was possible to\nnotice the difference in the signs made for the same objects and the\ndegree of mutual comprehension notwithstanding such differences. Similar\nstudies were made by taking Indians to the National Deaf Mute College\nand bringing them in contact with the pupils.\n\nBy far the greater part of the actual work of the observation and record\nof the signs obtained at Washington has been ably performed by Dr. W.\u00a0J.\nHOFFMAN, the assistant of the present writer. When the latter has made\npersonal observations the former has always been present, taking the\nnecessary notes and sketches and superintending the photographing. To\nhim, therefore, belongs the credit for all those references in the\nfollowing \u201cLIST OF AUTHORITIES AND COLLABORATORS,\u201d in which it is stated\nthat the signs were obtained at Washington from Indian delegations. Dr.\nHOFFMAN acquired in the West, through his service as acting assistant\nsurgeon, United States Army, at a large reservation, the indispensable\nadvantage of becoming acquainted with the Indian character so as to\nconduct skillfully such researches as that in question, and in addition\nhas the eye and pencil of an artist, so that he seizes readily,\ndescribes with physiological accuracy, and reproduces in action and in\npermanent illustration all shades of gesture exhibited. Nearly all of\nthe pictorial illustrations in this paper are from his pencil. For the\nremainder, and for general superintendence of the artistic department of\nthe work, thanks are due to Mr. W.\u00a0H. HOLMES, whose high reputation\nneeds no indorsement here.\n\n\n\n\nLIST OF AUTHORITIES AND COLLABORATORS.\n\n\n1. A list prepared by WILLIAM DUNBAR, dated Natchez, June 30, 1800,\ncollected from tribes then \u201cwest of the Mississippi,\u201d but probably not\nfrom those very far west of that river, published in the _Transactions\nof the American Philosophical Society_, vol. vi, pp. 1-8, as read\nJanuary 16, 1801, and communicated by Thomas Jefferson, president of the\nsociety.\n\n2. The one published in _An Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to\nthe Rocky Mountains, performed in the years 1819-1820_, _Philadelphia_,\n1823, vol. i, pp. 378-394. This expedition was made by order of the Hon.\nJ.\u00a0O. Calhoun, Secretary of War, under the command of Maj. S.\u00a0H. LONG,\nof the United States Topographical Engineers, and is commonly called\nJames\u2019 Long\u2019s Expedition. This list appears to have been collected\nchiefly by Mr. T.\u00a0Say, from the Pani, and the Kansas, Otos, Missouris,\nIowas, Omahas, and other southern branches of the great Dakota family.\n\n3. The one collected by Prince MAXIMILIAN VON WIED-NEUWIED in _Reise in\ndas Innere Nord-America in den Jahren 1832 bis 1834_. _Coblenz_, 1839\n[--1841], vol. ii, pp. 645-653. His statement is, \u201cthe Arikaras,\nMandans, Minnitarris [Hidatsa], Crows [Absaroka], Cheyennes, Snakes\n[Shoshoni], and Blackfeet [Satsika] all understand certain signs, which,\non the contrary, as we are told, are unintelligible to the Dakotas,\nAssiniboins, Ojibwas, Krihs [Crees], and other nations. The list gives\nexamples of the sign language of the former.\u201d From the much greater\nproportion of time spent and information obtained by the author among\nthe Mandans and Hidatsa then and now dwelling near Port Berthold, on the\nUpper Missouri, it might be safe to consider that all the signs in his\nlist were in fact procured from those tribes. But as the author does not\nsay so, he is not made to say so in this work. If it shall prove that\nthe signs now used by the Mandans and Hidatsa more closely resemble\nthose on his list than do those of other tribes, the internal evidence\nwill be verified. This list is not published in the English edition,\n_London_, 1843, but appears in the German, above cited, and in the\nFrench, _Paris_, 1840. Bibliographic reference is often made to this\ndistinguished explorer as \u201cPrince Maximilian,\u201d as if there were but one\npossessor of that Christian name among princely families. For brevity\nthe reference in this paper will be _Wied_.\n\nNo translation of this list into English appears to have been printed in\nany shape before that recently published by the present writer in the\n_American Antiquarian_, vol. ii, No. 3, while the German and French\neditions are costly and difficult of access, so the collection cannot\nreadily be compared by readers with the signs now made by the same\ntribes. The translation now presented is based upon the German original,\nbut in a few cases where the language was so curt as not to give a clear\nidea, was collated with the French edition of the succeeding year,\nwhich, from some internal evidence, appears to have been published with\nthe assistance or supervision of the author. Many of the descriptions\nare, however, so brief and indefinite in both their German and French\nforms that they necessarily remain so in the present translation. The\nprincely explorer, with the keen discrimination shown in all his work,\ndoubtless observed what has escaped many recent reporters of Indian\nsigns, that the latter depend much more upon motion than mere position,\nand are generally large and free, seldom minute. His object was to\nexpress the general effect of the motion rather than to describe it with\nsuch precision as to allow of its accurate reproduction by a reader who\nhad never seen it. To have presented the signs as now desired for\ncomparison, toilsome elaboration would have been necessary, and even\nthat would not in all cases have sufficed without pictorial\nillustration.\n\nOn account of the manifest importance of determining the prevalence and\npersistence of the signs as observed half a century ago, an exception is\nmade to the general arrangement hereafter mentioned by introducing after\nthe _Wied_ signs remarks of collaborators who have made special\ncomparisons, and adding to the latter the respective names of those\ncollaborators--as, (_Matthews_), (_Boteler_). It is hoped that the work\nof those gentlemen will be imitated, not only regarding the _Wied_\nsigns, but many others.\n\n4. The signs given to publication by Capt. R. F. BURTON, which, it would\nbe inferred, were collected in 1860-\u201961, from the tribes met or learned\nof on the overland stage route, including Southern Dakotas, Utes,\nShoshoni, Arapahos, Crows, Pani, and Apaches. They are contained in _The\nCity of the Saints_, _New York_, 1862, pp. 123-130.\n\nInformation has been recently received to the effect that this\ncollection was not made by the distinguished English explorer from his\npersonal observation, but was obtained by him from one man in Salt Lake\nCity, a\u00a0Mormon bishop, who, it is feared, gave his own ideas of the\nformation and use of signs rather than their faithful description.\n\n5. A list read by Dr. D. G. MACGOWAN, at a meeting of the American\nEthnological Society, January 23, 1866, and published in the _Historical\nMagazine_, vol. x, 1866, pp. 86, 87, purporting to be the signs of the\nCaddos, Wichitas, and Comanches.\n\n6. Annotations by Lieut. HEBER M. CREEL, Seventh United States Cavalry,\nreceived in January, 1881. This officer is supposed to be specially\nfamiliar with the Cheyennes, among whom he lived for eighteen months;\nbut his recollection is that most of the signs described by him were\nalso observed among the Arapaho, Sioux, and several other tribes.\n\n7. A special contribution from Mr. F. F. GERARD, of Fort A.\u00a0Lincoln,\nD.\u00a0T., of signs obtained chiefly from a deaf-mute Dakota, who has\ntraveled among most of the Indian tribes living between the Missouri\nRiver and the Rocky Mountains. Mr. Gerard\u2019s own observations are based\nupon the experience of thirty-two years\u2019 residence in that country,\nduring which long period he has had almost daily intercourse with\nIndians. He states that the signs contributed by him are used by the\nBlackfeet, (Satsika), Absaroka, Dakota, Hidatsa, Mandan, and Arikara\nIndians, who may in general be considered to be the group of tribes\nreferred to by the Prince of Wied.\n\nIn the above noted collections the generality of the statements as to\nlocality of the observation and use of the signs rendered it impossible\nto arrange them in the manner considered to be the best to study the\ndiversities and agreements of signs. For that purpose it is more\nconvenient that the names of the tribe or tribes among which the\ndescribed signs have been observed should catch the eye in immediate\nconnection with them than that those of the observers only should\nfollow. Some of the latter indeed have given both similar and different\nsigns for more than one tribe, so that the use of the contributor\u2019s name\nalone would create confusion. To print in every case the name of the\ncontributor, together with the name of the tribe, would seriously burden\nthe paper and be unnecessary to the student, the reference being readily\nmade to each authority through this LIST which also serves as an index.\nThe seven collections above mentioned will therefore be referred to by\nthe names of the authorities responsible for them. Those which now\nfollow are arranged alphabetically by tribes, under headings of\nLinguistic Families according to Major J.\u00a0W. POWELL\u2019S classification,\nwhich are also given below in alphabetic order. Example: The first\nauthority is under the heading ALGONKIAN, and, concerning only the\nAbnaki tribe, is referred to as (_Abnaki_\u00a0I), Chief MASTA being the\npersonal authority.\n\n\n_ALGONKIAN._\n\n_Abnaki_ I. A letter dated December 15, 1879, from H.\u00a0L. MASTA, chief of\nthe Abnaki, residing near Pierreville, Quebec.\n\n_Arapaho_ I. A contribution from Lieut. H. B. LEMLY, Third United States\nArtillery, compiled from notes and observations taken by him in 1877,\namong the Northern Arapahos.\n\n_Arapaho_ II. A list of signs obtained from O-QO-HIS\u00b4-SA (the Mare,\nbetter known as Little Raven) and NA\u00b4-WATC (Left Hand), members of a\ndelegation of Arapaho and Cheyenne Indians, from Darlington, Ind.\u00a0T.,\nwho visited Washington during the summer of 1880.\n\n_Cheyenne_ I. Extracts from the _Report of Lieut. J.\u00a0W. ABERT, of his\nExamination of New Mexico in the years 1846-\u201947_, in Ex. Doc. No. 41,\nThirtieth Congress, first session, Washington, 1848, p.\u00a0417, _et seq._\n\n_Cheyenne_ II. A list prepared in July, 1879, by Mr. FRANK H. CUSHING,\nof the Smithsonian Institution, from continued interviews with\nTITC-KE-MA\u00b4-TSKI (Cross-Eyes), an intelligent Cheyenne, then employed at\nthat Institution.\n\n_Cheyenne_ III. A special contribution with diagrams from Mr. BEN CLARK,\nscout and interpreter, of signs collected from the Cheyennes during his\nlong residence among that tribe.\n\n_Cheyenne_ IV. Several communications from Col. RICHARD\u00a0I. DODGE,\nA.D.C., United States Army, author of _The Plains of the Great West and\ntheir Inhabitants_, _New York_, 1877, relating to his large experience\nwith the Indians of the prairies.\n\n_Cheyenne_ V. A list of signs obtained from WA-U\u207f\u00b4 (Bob-tail) and\nMO-HI\u00b4NUK-MA-HA\u00b4-IT (Big Horse), members of a delegation of Arapaho and\nCheyenne Indians from Darlington, Ind.\u00a0T., who visited Washington during\nthe summer of 1880.\n\n_Ojibwa_ I. The small collection of J. G. KOHL, made about the middle of\nthe present century, among the Ojibwas around Lake Superior. Published\nin his _Kitchigami. Wanderings Around Lake Superior_, _London_, 1860.\n\n_Ojibwa_ II. Several letters from the Very Rev. EDWARD JACKER, Pointe\nSt. Ignace, Mich., respecting the Ojibwas.\n\n_Ojibwa_ III. A communication from Rev. JAMES A. GILFILLAN, White Earth,\nMinn., relating to signs observed among the Ojibwas during his long\nperiod of missionary duty, still continuing.\n\n_Ojibwa_ IV. A list from Mr. B. O. WILLIAMS, Sr., of Owosso, Mich., from\nrecollection of signs observed among the Ojibwas of Michigan sixty years\nago.\n\n_Ojibwa_ V. Contributions received in 1880 and 1881 from Mr. F.\u00a0JACKER,\nof Portage River, Houghton County, Michigan, who has resided many years\namong and near the tribe mentioned.\n\n_Sac, Fox, and Kickapoo_ I. A list from Rev. H. F. BUCKNER, D.D., of\nEufaula, Ind.\u00a0T., consisting chiefly of tribal signs observed by him\namong the Sac and Fox, Kickapoos, &c., during the early part of the year\n1880.\n\n\n_DAKOTAN._\n\n_Absaroka_ I. A list of signs obtained from DE-E\u00b4-KI-TCIS (Pretty\nEagle), \u00c9-TCI-DI-KA-H\u0102TC\u00b4-KI (Long Elk), and PE-RI\u00b4-TCI-KA\u00b4-DI-A (Old\nCrow), members of a delegation of Absaroka or Crow Indians from Montana\nTerritory, who visited Washington during the months of April and May,\n1880.\n\n_Dakota_ I. A comprehensive list, arranged with great care and skill,\nfrom Dr. CHARLES E. MCCHESNEY, acting assistant surgeon, United States\nArmy, of signs collected among the Dakotas (Sioux) near Fort Bennett,\nDakota, during the year 1880. Dr. McChesney requests that recognition\nshould be made of the valuable assistance rendered to him by Mr. WILLIAM\nFIELDEN, the interpreter at Cheyenne Agency, Dakota Territory.\n\n_Dakota_ II. A short list from Dr. BLAIR D. TAYLOR, assistant surgeon,\nUnited States Army, from recollection of signs observed among the Sioux\nduring his late service in the region inhabited by that tribe.\n\n_Dakota_ III. A special contribution from Capt. A. W. CORLISS, Eighth\nUnited States Infantry, of signs observed by him during his late service\namong the Sioux.\n\n_Dakota_ IV. A copious contribution with diagrams from Dr. WILLIAM H.\nCORBUSIER, assistant surgeon, United States Army, of signs obtained from\nthe Ogalala Sioux at Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota Territory, during\n1879-\u201980.\n\n_Dakota_ V. A report of Dr. W. J. HOFFMAN, from observations among the\nTeton Dakotas while acting assistant surgeon, United States Army, and\nstationed at Grand River Agency, Dakota, during 1872-\u201973.\n\n_Dakota_ VI. A list of signs obtained from PE-ZHI\u00b4 (Grass), chief of the\nBlackfoot Sioux; NA-ZU\u00b4-LA-TA\u207f-KA (Big Head), chief of the Upper\nYanktonais; and CE-TA\u207f\u00b4-KI\u207f-YA\u207f (Thunder Hawk), chief of the Uncpapas,\nTeton Dakotas, located at Standing Rock, Dakota Territory, while at\nWashington in June, 1880.\n\n_Dakota_ VII. A list of signs obtained from SHUN\u00b4-KA LU-TA (Red Dog), an\nOgalala chief from the Red Cloud Agency, who visited Washington in\ncompany with a large delegation of Dakotas in June, 1880.\n\n_Dakota_ VIII. A special list obtained from TA-TA\u207f\u00b4KA WA-KA\u207f (Medicine\nBull), and other members of a delegation of Lower Brul\u00e9 Dakotas, while\nat Washington during the winter of 1880-\u201981.\n\n_Hidatsa_ I. A list of signs obtained from TCE-CAQ\u00b4-A-DAQ-A-QIC (Lean\nWolf), chief of the Hidatsa, located at Fort Berthold, Dakota Territory,\nwhile at Washington with a delegation of Sioux Indians, in June, 1880.\n\n_Mandan and Hidatsa_ I. A valuable and illustrated contribution from Dr.\nWASHINGTON MATTHEWS, assistant surgeon, United States Army, author of\n_Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indians_, _Washington_, 1877,\n&c., lately prepared from his notes and recollections of signs observed\nduring his long service among the Mandan and Hidatsa Indians of the\nUpper Missouri.\n\n_Omaha_ I. A special list from Rev. J. OWEN DORSEY, lately missionary at\nOmaha Agency, Nebraska, from observations made by him at that agency in\n1880.\n\n_Oto_ I. An elaborate list, with diagrams, from Dr. W.\u00a0G. BOTELER,\nUnited States Indian service, collected from the Otos at the Oto Agency,\nNebraska, during 1879-\u201980.\n\n_Oto and Missouri_ I. A similar contribution by the same authority\nrespecting the signs of the Otos and Missouris, of Nebraska, collected\nduring the winter of 1879-\u201980, in the description of many of which he\nwas joined by Miss KATIE BARNES.\n\n_Ponka_ I. A short list from Rev. J. OWEN DORSEY, obtained by him in\n1880 from the Ponkas in Nebraska.\n\n_Ponka_ II. A short list obtained at Washington from KHI-DHA-SK\u0102, (White\nEagle), and other chiefs, a\u00a0delegation from Kansas in January, 1881.\n\n\n_IROQUOIAN._\n\n_Iroquois_ I. A list of signs contributed by the Hon. HORATIO HALE,\nauthor of \u201cPhilology\u201d of the Wilkes Exploring Expedition, &c., now\nresiding at Clinton, Ontario, Canada, obtained in June, 1880, from\nSAKAYENKWARATON (Disappearing Mist), familiarly known as John Smoke\nJohnson, chief of the Canadian division of the Six Nations, or Iroquois\nproper, now a very aged man, residing at Brantford, Canada.\n\n_Wyandot_ I. A list of signs from HEN\u00b4-TO (Gray Eyes), chief of the\nWyandots, who visited Washington during the spring of 1880, in the\ninterest of that tribe, now dwelling in Indian Territory.\n\n\n_KAIOWAN._\n\n_Kaiowa_ I. A list of signs from SITTIMGEA (Stumbling Bear), a\u00a0Kaiowa\nchief from Indian Territory, who visited Washington in June, 1880.\n\n\n_KUTINEAN._\n\n_Kutine_ I. A letter from J. W. POWELL, Esq., Indian superintendent,\nBritish Columbia, relating to his observations among the Kutine and\nothers.\n\n\n_PANIAN._\n\n_Arikara_ I. A list of signs obtained from KUA-NUQ\u00b4-KNA-UI\u00b4-UQ (Son of\nthe Star), chief of the Arikaras, residing at Fort Berthold, Dakota\nTerritory, while at Washington with a delegation of Indians, in June,\n1880.\n\n_Pani_ I. A short list obtained from \u201cESAU,\u201d a Pani Indian, acting as\ninterpreter to the Ponka delegation at Washington, in January, 1881.\n\n\n_PIMAN._\n\n_Pima and Papago_ I. A special contribution obtained from ANTONITO, son\nof the chief of the Pima Indians in Arizona Territory, while on a visit\nto Washington in February, 1881.\n\n\n_SAHAPTIAN._\n\n_Sahaptian_ I. A list contributed by Rev. G. L. DEFFENBAUGH, of Lapwai,\nIdaho, giving signs obtained at Kamiah, Idaho, chiefly from FELIX, chief\nof the Nez Perc\u00e9s, and used by the Sahaptin or Nez Perc\u00e9s.\n\n\n_SHOSHONIAN._\n\n_Comanche_ I. Notes from Rev. A. J. HOLT, Denison, Texas, respecting the\nComanche signs, obtained at Anadarko, Indian Territory.\n\n_Comanche_ II. Information obtained at Washington, in February, 1880,\nfrom Maj. J.\u00a0M. HAWORTH, Indian inspector, relating to signs used by the\nComanches of Indian Territory.\n\n_Comanche_ III. A list of signs obtained from KOBI (Wild Horse),\na\u00a0Comanche chief from Indian Territory, who visited Washington in June,\n1880.\n\n_Pai-Ute_ I. Information obtained at Washington from NA\u00b4TCI, a\u00a0Pai-Ute\nchief, who was one of a delegation of that tribe to Washington in\nJanuary, 1880.\n\n_Shoshoni and Banak_ I. A list of signs obtained from TENDOY (The\nClimber), TISIDIMIT, PETE, and WI\u2019AGAT, members of a delegation of\nShoshoni and Banak chiefs from Idaho, who visited Washington during the\nmonths of April and May, 1880.\n\n_Ute_ I. A list of signs obtained from ALEJANDRE, GA-LO-TE, AUGUSTIN,\nand other chiefs, members of a delegation of Ute Indians of Colorado,\nwho visited Washington during the early months of the year 1880.\n\n\n_TINNEAN._\n\n_Apache_ I. A list of signs obtained from HUERITO (Little Blonde),\nAGUSTIN VIJEL, and SANTIAGO LARGO (James Long), members of a delegation\nof Apache chiefs from Tierra Amarilla, New Mexico, who were brought to\nWashington in the months of March and April, 1880.\n\n_Apache_ II. A list of signs obtained from NA\u00b4-KA\u00b4-NA\u00b4-NI-TEN (White\nMan), an Apache chief from Indian Territory, who visited Washington in\nJune, 1880.\n\n_Apache_ III. A large collection made during the summer of 1880, by Dr.\nFRANCIS H. ATKINS, acting assistant surgeon, United States Army, from\nthe Mescalero Apaches, near South Fork, N.\u00a0Mex.\n\n_Kutchin_ I. A communication, received in 1881, from Mr. IVAN PETROFF,\nspecial agent United States census, transmitting a dialogue, taken down\nby himself in 1866, between the Kenaitze Indians on the lower Kinnik\nRiver, in Alaska, and some natives of the interior who called themselves\n_Tennanah_ or _Mountain-River-Men_, belonging to the Tinne Kutchin\ntribe.\n\n\n_WICHITAN._\n\n_Wichita_ I. A list of signs from Rev. A. J. HOLT, missionary, obtained\nfrom KIN CH\u0112-\u0114SS (Spectacles), medicine-man of the Wichitas, at the\nWichita Agency, Indian Territory, in 1879.\n\n_Wichita_ II. A list of signs from TSODI\u00c1KO (Shaved Head Boy), a\u00a0Wichita\nchief, from Indian Territory, who visited Washington in June, 1880.\n\n\n_ZU\u00d1IAN._\n\n_Zu\u00f1i_ I. Some preliminary notes received in 1880 from Rev. TAYLOR F.\nEALY, missionary among the Zu\u00f1i, upon the signs of that body of Indians.\n\n\n_FOREIGN CORRESPONDENCE._\n\nValuable contributions have been received in 1880-\u201981 and collated under\ntheir proper headings, from the following correspondents in distant\ncountries:\n\nRev. HERMAN N. BARNUM, D.D., of Harpoot, Turkey, furnishes a list of\nsigns in common use among Turks, Armenians, and Koords in that region.\n\nMiss L. O. LLOYD, Charleton House, Mowbray, near Cape Town, Africa,\ngives information concerning the gestures and signals of the Bushmen.\n\nRev. LORIMER FISON, Navuloa, Fiji, notes in letters comparisons between\nthe signs and gestures of the Fijians and those of the North American\nIndians. As this paper is passing through the press a _Collection_ is\nreturned with annotations by him and also by Mr. WALTER CAREW,\nCommissioner for the Interior of Navitilevu. The last named gentleman\ndescribes some signs of a Fijian uninstructed deaf-mute.\n\nMr. F. A. VON RUPPRECHT, Kepahiang, Sumatra, supplies information and\ncomparisons respecting the signs and signals of the Redjangs and\nLelongs, showing agreement with some Dakota, Comanche, and Ojibwa signs.\n\nLetters from Mr. A. W. HOWITT, F.G.S., Sale, Gippsland, Victoria, upon\nAustralian signs, and from Rev. JAMES SIBREE, jr., F.R.G.S., relative to\nthe tribes of Madagascar, are gratefully acknowledged.\n\nMany other correspondents are now, according to their kind promises,\nengaged in researches, the result of which have not yet been received.\nThe organization of those researches in India and Ceylon has been\naccomplished through the active interest of Col. H.\u00a0S. OLCOTT, U.S.\nCommissioner, Breach Candy, Bombay.\n\nGrateful acknowledgment must be made to Prof. E. A. FAY, of the National\nDeaf Mute College, through whose special attention a large number of the\nnatural signs of deaf-mutes, remembered by them as having been invented\nand used before instruction in conventional signs, indeed before\nattending any school, was obtained. The gentlemen who made the\ncontributions in their own MS., and without prompting, are as follows:\nMessrs. M. BALLARD, R.\u00a0M. ZIEGLER, J.\u00a0CROSS, PHILIP J. HASENSTAB, and\nLARS LARSON. Their names respectively follow their several descriptions.\nMr. BALLARD is an instructor in the college, and the other gentlemen\nwere pupils during the session of 1880.\n\nSimilar thanks are due to Mr. J. L. NOYES, superintendent of the\nMinnesota Institution for the education of the Deaf and Dumb, Faribault,\nMinn., and to Messrs. GEORGE WING and D.\u00a0H. CARROLL, teachers in that\ninstitution, for annotations and suggestions respecting deaf-mute signs.\nThe notes made by the last named gentlemen are followed by their\nrespective names in reference.\n\nSpecial thanks are also rendered to Prof. JAMES D. BUTLER, of Madison,\nWis., for contribution of Italian gesture-signs, noted by him in 1843,\nand for many useful suggestions.\n\nOther Italian signs are quoted from the Essay on Italian gesticulations\nby his eminence Cardinal WISEMAN, in his _Essays on Various Subjects_,\n_London_, 1855, Vol. III, pp. 533-555. Many Neapolitan signs are\nextracted from the illustrated work of the canon ANDREA DE JORIO, _La\nMimica degli Antichi investigata nel gestire Napoletano_, _Napoli_,\n1832.\n\nA small collection of Australian signs has been extracted from R.\u00a0BROUGH\nSMYTH\u2019S _The Aborigines of Victoria_, _London_, 1878.\n\n\n\n\nEXTRACTS FROM DICTIONARY.\n\n\nIn the printed but unpublished _Collection_ before mentioned, page 396,\nnearly three hundred quarto pages are devoted to descriptions of signs\narranged in alphabetic order. A\u00a0few of these are now presented to show\nthe method adopted. They have been selected either as having connection\nwith the foregoing discussion of the subject or because for some of them\npictorial illustrations had already been prepared. There is propriety in\ngiving all the signs under some of the title words when descriptions of\nonly one or two of those signs have been used in the foregoing remarks.\nThis prevents an erroneous inference that the signs so mentioned are the\nonly or the common or the generally prevailing signs for the idea\nconveyed. This course has involved some slight repetition both of\ndescriptions and of illustrations, as it seemed desirable that they\nshould appear to the eye in the several connections indicated. The\nextracts are rendered less interesting and instructive by the necessity\nfor omitting cross-references which would show contrasts and\nsimilarities for comparison, but would require a much larger part of the\ncollected material to be now printed than is consistent with the present\nplan. Instead of occupying in this manner the remaining space allotted\nto this paper, it was decided to present, as of more general interest,\nthe descriptions of TRIBAL SIGNS, PROPER NAMES, PHRASES, DIALOGUES,\nNARRATIVES, DISCOURSES, and SIGNALS, which follow the EXTRACTS.\n\nIt will be observed that in the following extracts there has been an\nattempt to supply the conceptions or origin of the several signs. When\nthe supposed conception, obtained through collaborators, is printed\nbefore the authority given as reference, it is understood to have been\ngathered from an Indian as being his own conception, and is therefore of\nspecial value. When printed after the authority and within quotation\nmarks it is in the words of the collaborator as offered by himself. When\nprinted after the authority and without quotation marks it is suggested\nby this writer.\n\nThe letters of the alphabet within parentheses, used in some of the\ndescriptions, refer to the corresponding figures in TYPES OF HAND\nPOSITIONS at the end of this paper. When such letters are followed by\nArabic numerals it is meant that there is some deviation, which is\ndescribed in the text, from that type of hand position corresponding\nwith the letter which is still used as the basis of description.\nExample: In the first description from (_Sahaptin_\u00a0I) for _bad, mean_,\npage 412, (G)\u00a0refers to the type of hand position so marked, being\nidentically that position, but in the following reference, to (R\u00a01), the\ntype referred to by the letter R has the palm to the front instead of\nbackward, being in all other respects the position which it is desired\nto illustrate; (R), therefore, taken in connection with the description,\nindicates that change, and that alone. This mode of reference is farther\nexplained in the EXAMPLES at the end of this paper.\n\nReferences to another title word as explaining a part of a description\nor to supply any other portions of a compound sign will always be\nunderstood as being made to the description by the same authority of the\nsign under the other title-word. Example: In the second description by\n(_Sahaptin_\u00a0I) for _bad, mean_, above mentioned, the reference to GOOD\nis to that sign for _good_ which is contributed by Rev. G.\u00a0L.\nDEFFENBAUGH, and is referred to as (_Sahaptin_\u00a0I.).\n\n\nANTELOPE.\n\nPass the open right hand outward from the small of the back. (_Wied_.)\nThis, as explained by Indians lately examined, indicates the lighter\ncoloration upon the animal\u2019s flanks. A\u00a0Ute who could speak Spanish\naccompanied it with the word _blanco_, as if recognizing that it\nrequired explanation.\n\nWith the index only extended, hold the hand eighteen or twenty inches\ntransversely in front of the head, index pointing to the left, then rub\nthe sides of the body with the flat hands. (_Cheyenne_\u00a0IV; _Dakota_\u00a0VI.)\n\u201cThe latter sign refers to the white sides of the animal; the former\ncould not be explained.\u201d\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 234.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 235.]\n\nExtend and separate the forefingers and thumbs, nearly close all the\nother fingers, and place the hands with backs outward above and a little\nin front of the ears, about four inches from the head, and shake them\nback and forth several times. Antelope\u2019s horns. This is an Arapaho sign.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0I, II,\u00a0IV.)\n\nClose the right hand, leaving the end of the index in the form of a\nhook, and the thumb extended as in Fig. 234; then wave the hand quickly\nback and forth a short distance, opposite the temple. (_Hidatsa_\u00a0I;\n_Arikara_\u00a0I.) \u201cRepresents the pronged horn of the animal. This is the\nsign ordinarily used, but it was noticed that in conversing with one of\nthe Dakotas the sign of the latter (_Dakota_\u00a0VI) was used several times,\nto be more readily understood.\u201d\n\nPlace both hands, fingers fully extended and spread, close to the sides\nof the head. _Wied\u2019s_ sign was readily understood as signifying the\nwhite flanks. (_Apache_\u00a0I.)\n\nIn connection with the above signs Fig. 235 is presented, which was\ndrawn by Running Antelope, an Uncpapa Dakota, as his personal totem, or\nproper name.\n\n\nBAD, MEAN.\n\nMake the sign for GOOD and then that of NOT. (_Long_.)\n\nClose the hand, and open it whilst passing it downward. (_Wied_.) This\nis the same as my description; but differently worded, possibly notes a\nless forcible form. I\u00a0say, however, that the arm is \u201cextended.\u201d The\nprecise direction in which the hand is moved is not, I\u00a0think, essential.\n(_Matthews_.) This sign is invariably accompanied by a countenance\nexpressive of contempt. (_F.\u00a0Jacker_.)\n\nScatter the dexter fingers outward, as if spurting away water from them.\n(_Burton_.)\n\n(1) Right hand partially elevated, fingers closed, thumb clasping the\ntips; (2)\u00a0sudden motion downward and outward accompanied by equally\nsudden opening of fingers and snapping of the fingers from the thumb.\n(_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.)\n\nRight hand closed back to front is moved forcibly downward and forward,\nthe fingers being violently opened at instant of stopping the motion of\nhand. (_Cheyenne_\u00a0IV.)\n\nRight hand closed (B) carried forward in front of the body toward the\nright and downward, during which the hand is opened, fingers downward,\nas if dropping out the contents. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cNot worth keeping.\u201d\n\nHalf close the fingers of the right hand, hook the thumb over the fore\nand middle fingers; move the hand, back upward, a\u00a0foot or so toward the\nobject referred to, and suddenly let the fingers fly open. Scattered\naround, therefore bad. An Arapaho sign. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\nClose the fingers of the right hand, resting the tips against the thumb,\nthen throw the hand downward and outward toward the right to arm\u2019s\nlength, and spring open the fingers. Fig. 236. (_Dakota_\u00a0VI, VII, VIII;\n_Ponka_\u00a0II; _Pani_\u00a0I.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 236.]\n\nThe sign most commonly used for this idea is made by the hand being\nclosed near the breast, with the back toward the breast, then as the arm\nis suddenly extended the hand is opened and the fingers separated from\neach other. (_Mandan and Hidatsa_\u00a0I.)\n\nHands open, palms turned in; move one hand toward, and the other from,\nthe body; then _vice vers\u00e2_. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nThrow the clinched right hand forward, downward, and outward, and when\nnear at arm\u2019s length, suddenly snap the fingers from the thumb as if\nsprinkling water. (_Wyandot_\u00a0I.) \u201cTo throw away contemptuously; not\nworth keeping.\u201d\n\nRaise hand in front of breast, fingers hooked, thumb resting against\nsecond finger, palm downward (G), then with a nervous movement throw the\nhand downward to the right and a little behind the body, with an\nexpression of disgust on the face. During motion of hand the fingers are\nsuddenly extended as though throwing something out of the hand, and in\nfinal position the fingers and thumb are straight and separated, palm\nbackward (R\u00a01). (_Sahaptin_\u00a0I.) \u201cAway with it!\u201d\n\nAnother: Same motion of arm and hand as in _good_. But in the first\nposition fingers are closed, and as the hand moves to the right they are\nthrown open, until in final position all are extended as in final for\n_good_. (_Sahaptin_\u00a0I.)\n\nExtend the right hand, palm downward, and move it in a horizontal line\nfrom the body, then suddenly turn the hand over as if throwing water\nfrom the back of it or the index. (_Comanche_\u00a0I.) \u201cGood, no.\u201d\n\nPass the flat right hand, interruptedly, downward and backward past the\nright side. (_Pima and Papago_\u00a0I.) \u201cPutting aside.\u201d\n\n_Deaf-mute natural signs:_\n\nHold forward the closed hand with the little finger up, at the same time\nnodding the head. (_Ballard_.)\n\nDraw the tongue out a little and then shake the head with a displeased\nlook. (_Larson_.)\n\nUse the sign for _handsome_ (see first part of the sign for GOOD), at\nthe same time shake the head as if to say \u201cno.\u201d (_Ziegler_.)\n\n_Deaf-mute signs:_\n\nThe hand closed (except the little finger which is extended and raised),\nand held forward with the fingers to the front is the sign for _bad_\nillustrated in the Report for 1879 of the Ohio Institution for the Deaf\nand Dumb. This sign is used among the deaf-mutes in England.\n\n\nBEAR, animal.\n\nPass the hand before the face to mean ugliness, at the same time\ngrinning and extending the fingers like claws. (_Burton_.)\n\nHands in front of and about eight inches above the elbows, fingers\nslightly bent and open, thumbs and palms to the front to represent\nclaws,--or bear in standing position. Sometimes accompanied by clawing\nmotion. (_Creel_.)\n\n(1) Middle and third finger of right hand clasped down by the thumb,\nforefinger and little finger extended, crooked downward; (2)\u00a0the motion\nof scratching made in the air. (_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.) Fig. 237.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 237.]\n\nFingers of both hands closed, except the thumb and little finger, which\nare extended, and point straight toward the front, hands horizontal,\nbacks upward, are held in front of their respective sides near the body,\nand then moved directly forward with short, sharp jerking motions.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cFrom the motion of the bear in running.\u201d This is also\nreported as an Arapaho sign. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.) The paws and claws are\nrepresented.\n\nSeize a short piece of wood, say about two feet long, wave in the right\nhand, and strike a blow at an imaginary person. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nAnother: Seize a short thing about six inches long, hold it as dagger,\npretend to thrust it downward under the breast-bone repeatedly, and each\ntime farther, grunting or gasping in doing so; withdraw the stick,\nholding it up, and, showing the blood, point to the breast with the left\nforefinger, meaning to say _so do thou when you meet the bear_.\n(_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nAnother: Pretend to stab yourself with an arrow in various parts of the\nbody, then point towards the body with the left-hand forefinger.\n(_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nArms are flexed and hands clasped about center of breast; then slowly\nfall with arms pendulous and both hands in type-position (Q). The sign\nis completed by slowly lifting the hands and arms several times in\nimitation of the animal\u2019s locomotion. Movement and appearance of\nanimal\u2019s front feet. (_Oto_\u00a0I.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 238.]\n\nHold the closed right hand at the height of the elbow before the right\nside, palm downward, extend and curve the thumb and little finger so\nthat their tips are nearly directed toward one another before the\nknuckles of the closed fingers; then push the hand forward several\ntimes. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.) \u201cPaw and\nlong claws.\u201d Fig. 238.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 239.]\n\nHold both closed hands before the body, palms down, and about eight\ninches apart; reach forward a short distance, relaxing the fingers as if\ngrasping something with them, and draw them back again as the hands are\nwithdrawn to their former position. Ordinarily but one hand is used, as\nin Fig. 239. (_Ute_\u00a0I.) \u201cScratching, and grasping with the claws.\u201d\n\nThe right hand thrown in the position as for _horse_, as follows:\nElevate the right-hand, extended, with fingers joined, outer edge toward\nthe ground, in front of the body or right shoulder, and pointing\nforward, resting the curved thumb against the palmar side of the index,\nthen extend both hands with fingers extended and curved, separated,\npalms down, and push them forward several times, making a short arch.\n(_Apache_\u00a0I.) \u201cThe animal that scratches with long claws.\u201d\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 240.]\n\nFig. 240 is from a Moqui rock etching, contributed by Mr. G. K. Gilbert,\nshowing the pictorial mode of representing the animal.\n\n_Deaf-mute sign:_\n\nClaw both shoulders with the fingers. (_Wing_.)\n\n---- Grizzly.\n\nRight hand flat and extended, held at height of shoulder, palm forward,\nthen bring the palm to the mouth, lick it with the tongue, and return it\nto first position. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.) \u201cShowing blood on the paw.\u201d\n\nOther remarks upon the signs for _bear_ are made on pages 293 and 345.\n\n\nBRAVE.\n\nClose the fists, place the left near the breast, and move the right over\nthe left toward the left side. (_Wied_.) A motion something like this,\nwhich I do not now distinctly recall--a short of wrenching motion with\nthe fists in front of the chest--I have seen used for _strong_. If\n_Wied\u2019s_ sign-maker\u2019s hand first struck the region over the heart (as\u00a0he\nmay have done) he would then have indicated a \u201cstrong heart,\u201d which is\nthe equivalent for _brave_. (_Matthews_.) This sign is used by the Sioux\nat the present day to denote _small_. (_McChesney_.) I have seen a\nsimilar sign repeatedly, the only variation being that the right fist is\npassed over and downward, in front of the left, instead of toward the\nleft side. (_Hoffman_.) Fig. 241.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 241.]\n\nClinch the right fist, and place it to the breast. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I;\n_Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.)\n\nBoth hands fists, backs outward, obliquely upward, near together, right\ninside of left, are moved forward from in front of the chest, two or\nthree times and back again to original position and then the right-hand\nfist is thrown with some force over the left on a curve. _Endurance_ is\nexpressed by this sign, and it is connected with the sun-dance trials of\nthe young man in testing his bravery and powers of endurance before\nadmission to the ranks of the warriors. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\nPush the two fists forward about a foot, at the height of the breast,\nthe right about two inches behind the left, palms inward. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\u201cThe hands push all before them.\u201d\n\nHold the left arm in front as if supporting a shield, and the right\ndrawn back as if grasping a weapon. Close the fists, lower the head,\nmoving it a little forward (with a \u201clunge\u201d) as well as the arms and\nfists. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.) \u201cI\u00a0am brave.\u201d\n\nAnother: Index and thumb extended parallel, palm to left, the other\nfingers bent. Shake the open fingers several times at the person\nreferred to, the forearm being held at an angle of about 20\u00b0.\n(_Omaha_\u00a0I.) \u201cYou are very brave; you do not fear death when you see the\ndanger.\u201d\n\nStrike the breast gently with the palmar side of the right fist.\n(_Wyandot_\u00a0I.)\n\nPlace the left clinched hand horizontally before the breast, palm toward\nthe body, and at the same time strike forcibly downward in front of it\nwith the right fist, as in Fig. 242. Sometimes the right fist is placed\nback of the left, then thrown over the latter toward the front and\ndownward, as in Fig. 241 above. The same gesture has also been made by\nthrowing the palmar side of the right fist edgewise downward in front of\nthe knuckles of the left, as in Fig. 243. In each instance the left fist\nis jerked upward very perceptibly as the right one is thrust downward.\n(_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 242.]\n\nStrike the clinched fist forcibly toward the ground in front of and near\nthe breast. (_Arikara_\u00a0I.)\n\n---- He is the bravest of all.\n\nMake the sign for BRAVE and then the left forefinger, upright, back\ninward about twelve inches in front of left breast, right index\nsimilarly held near the right breast, move them at the same time outward\nor forward, obliquely to the left. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 243.]\n\nRaise right hand, fingers extended, palm downward (W 1), swing it around\n\u201cover all,\u201d then point to the man, raise left fist (A\u00a01, changed to left\nand palm inward) to a point in front of and near the body, close fingers\nof right hand and place the fist (A\u00a02, palm inward) between left fist\nand body and then with violent movement throw it over left fist, as\nthough breaking something, and stop at a point in front of and a little\nbelow left fist, and lastly point upward with right hand.\n(_Sahaptin_\u00a0I.) \u201cOf all here he is strongest.\u201d\n\nThe right fist, palm downward, is struck against the breast several\ntimes, and the index is then quickly elevated before the face, pointing\nupward. (_Apache_\u00a0I.)\n\nMove the fist, thumb to the head, across the forehead from right to\nleft, and cast it toward the earth over the left shoulder. (_Apache_\nIII.)\n\n_Deaf-mute natural signs:_\n\nRun forward with a bold expression of the countenance. (_Larson_.)\n\nNot to run back but to run forward. (_Ziegler_.)\n\n_Deaf-mute sign:_\n\nLeft hand held as if pressing a loaf against the chest. Make a motion\nwith the right hand, palm upward as if cutting through the fingers of\nthe left with a sawing motion. (_Wing_.)\n\nOther remarks connected with the signs for _brave_ appear on pages 352,\n353, and 358, _supra_.\n\n\nCHIEF.\n\nThe forefinger of the right hand extended, pass it perpendicularly\ndownward, then turn it upward, and raise it in a right line as high as\nthe head. (_Long_.) \u201cRising above others.\u201d\n\nRaise the index finger of the right hand, holding it straight upward,\nthen turn it in a circle and bring it straight down, a\u00a0little toward the\nearth. (_Wied_.) The right hand is raised, and in position (J) describes\na semicircle as in beginning the act of throwing. The arm is elevated\nperfectly erect aside of the head, the palm of the index and hand should\nbe outward. There is an evident similarity in both execution and\nconception of this sign and _Wied\u2019s_; the little variation may be the\nresult of different interpretation. The idea of superiority is most\nprominent in both. (_Boteler_.) \u201cA prominent one before whom all\nsuccumb.\u201d The Arikaras understood this sign, and they afterwards used it\nin talking to me. (_Creel_.) _Wied\u2019s_ air-picture reminds of the royal\nscepter with its sphere.\n\nRaise the forefinger, pointed upwards, in a vertical direction, and then\nreverse both finger and motion; the greater the elevation the \u201cbigger\u201d\nthe chief. (_Arapaho_\u00a0I.)\n\nPlace the closed hand, with the index extended and pointing upward, near\nthe right cheek, pass it upward as high as the head, then turn it\nforward and downward toward the ground, the movement terminating a\nlittle below the initial point. See Fig. 306 in TENDOY-HUERITO DIALOGUE,\np.\u00a0487. (_Arapaho_\u00a0II; _Cheyenne_\u00a0V; _Ponka_\u00a0II; _Shoshoni_\u00a0I.)\n\n(1) Sign for MAN, as follows: Right hand, palm inward, elevated to about\nthe level of the breast, index carelessly pointing upward, suddenly\npointed straight upward, and the whole hand moved a little forward, at\nthe same time taking care to keep the back of the hand toward the person\naddressed; (2)\u00a0middle, third, little finger, and thumb slightly closed\ntogether, forefinger pointing forward and downward; (3)\u00a0curved motion\nmade forward, outward, and downward. (_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.) \u201cHe who stands\nstill and commands,\u201d as shown by similarity of signs to _sit here_ or\n_stand here_.\n\nExtend the index, remaining fingers closed, and raise it to the right\nside of the head and above it as far as the arm can reach. Have also\nseen the sign given by _Wyandot_\u00a0I. (_Ojibwa_\u00a0V.)\n\nThe extended forefinger of the right hand (J), of which the other\nfingers are closed, is raised to the right side of the head and above it\nas far as the arm can be extended, and then the hand is brought down in\nfront of the body with the wrist bent, the back of hand in front and the\nextended forefinger pointing downward. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cRaised above\nothers.\u201d\n\nMove the upright and extended right index, palm forward, from the\nshoulder upward as high as the top of the head, then forward six inches\nthrough a curve, and move it forward six inches, and then downward, its\npalm backward, to the height of the shoulder. An Arapaho sign, Above all\nothers. He looks over or after us. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\nElevate the extended index before the shoulder, palm forward, pass it\nupward as high as the head, and forming a short curve to the front, then\ndownward again slightly to the front to before the breast and about\nfifteen inches from it. (_Dakota_\u00a0VI, VII, VIII; _Hidatsa_\u00a0I;\n_Arikara_\u00a0I.)\n\nRight hand closed, forefinger pointing up, raise the hand from the waist\nin front of the body till it passes above the head. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nAnother: Bring the closed right hand, forefinger pointing up, on a level\nwith the face; then bring the palm of the left hand with force against\nthe right forefinger; next send up the right hand above the head,\nleaving the left as it is. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nThe right arm is extended by side of head, with the hand in position\n(J). The arm and hand then descend, the finger describing a semicircle\nwith the arm as a radius. The sign stops with arm hanging at full\nlength. (_Oto_\u00a0I.) \u201cThe arm of authority before whom all must fall.\u201d\n\nBoth hands elevated to a position in front of and as high as the\nshoulders, palms facing, fingers and thumbs spread and slightly curved;\nthe hands are then drawn outward a short distance towards their\nrespective sides and gently elevated as high as the top of the head.\n(_Wyandot_\u00a0I.) \u201cOne who is elevated by others.\u201d\n\nElevate the closed hand--index only extended and pointing upward--to the\nfront of the right side of the face or neck or shoulder; pass it quickly\nupward, and when as high as the top of the head, direct it forward and\ndownward again toward the ground. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III;\n_Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\nClose the right hand, index raised, extended, and placed before the\nbreast, then move it forward from the mouth, pointing forward, until at\narm\u2019s length. (_Ute_\u00a0I.)\n\n----, Head, of tribe.\n\nPlace the extended index, pointing upward, at some distance before the\nright shoulder, then place the left hand, with fingers and thumb\nextended and separated, just back of the index; then in passing the\nindex upward as high as the head, draw the left hand downward a short\ndistance, as in Fig. 244. Superior to others. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I;\n_Arikara_\u00a0I.)\n\nPlace both flat hands before the body, palms down, and pass them\nhorizontally outward toward their respective sides, then make the sign\nfor CHIEF. (_Arikara_\u00a0I.) \u201cChief of the wide region and those upon it.\u201d\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 244.]\n\nAfter pointing out the man, point to the ground, all fingers closed\nexcept first (J\u00a01, pointing downward in stead of upward), then point\nupward with same hand (J\u00a02), then move hand to a point in front of body,\nfingers extended, palm downward (W\u00a01), and move around horizontally.\n(_Sahaptin_\u00a0I.) \u201cIn this place he is head over all.\u201d\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 245.]\n\nGrasp the forelock with the right hand, palm backward, pass the hand\nupward about six inches and hold it in that position a moment.\n(_Pai-Ute_\u00a0I.) Fig. 245.\n\nElevate the extended index vertically above and in front of the head,\nholding the left hand, forefinger pointing upward, from one to two feet\nbelow and underneath the right, the position of the left, either\nelevated or depressed, also denoting the relative position of the second\nindividual to that of the chief. (_Apache_\u00a0I.)\n\n----, War. Head of a war party; Partisan.\n\nFirst make the sign of the _pipe_; then open the thumb and index finger\nof the right hand, back of the hand outward, moving it forward and\nupward in a curve. (_Wied_.) For remarks upon this sign see page 384.\n\nPlace the right hand, index only extended and pointing forward and\nupward, before the right side of the breast nearly at arm\u2019s length, then\nplace the left hand, palm forward with fingers spread and extended,\nmidway between the breast and the right hand. (_Arapaho_\u00a0II;\n_Cheyenne_\u00a0V; _Ponka_\u00a0II; _Pani_\u00a0I.)\n\nFirst make the sign for BATTLE, viz: Both hands (A 1) brought to the\nmedian line of the body on a level with the breast and close together;\ndescribe with both hands at the same time a series of circular movements\nof small circumference; and then add the sign for CHIEF, (_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\u201cFirst in battle.\u201d\n\n---- of a band.\n\nPoint toward the left and front with the extended forefinger of the left\nhand, palm down; then place the extended index about twelve inches\nbehind the left hand, pointing in the same direction. (_Arapaho_\u00a0II;\n_Cheyenne_\u00a0V; _Ponka_\u00a0II; _Pani_\u00a0I.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 246.]\n\nPlace the extended index at some distance before the right shoulder,\npointing forward and slightly upward, then place the left hand with\nfingers and thumb extended and separated over the index, and while\npushing the index to the front, draw the left hand backward toward body\nand to the left. Ahead of others. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I; _Arikara_\u00a0I.) Fig. 246.\n\nPoint the extended index forward and upward before the chest, then place\nthe spread fingers of the left hand around the index, but at a short\ndistance behind it, all pointing the same direction. Ahead of the\nremainder. (_Arikara_\u00a0I.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 247.]\n\nGrasp the forelock with the right hand, palm backward, and pretend to\nlay the hair down over the right side of the head by passing the hand in\nthat direction. (_Pai-Ute_\u00a0I.) Fig. 247.\n\nThe French deaf-mute sign for _order, command_, may be compared with\nseveral of the above signs. In it the index tip first touches the lower\nlip, then is raised above the head and brought down with violence.\n(_L\u2019enseignment primaire des sourds-muets; par M.\u00a0P\u00e9lissier_. _Paris_,\n1856.)\n\nNot only in Naples, but, according to De Jorio, in Italy generally the\nconception of _authority_ in gesture is by pressing the right hand on\nthe flank, accompanied by an erect and squared posture of the bust with\nthe head slightly inclined to the right. The idea of _substance_ is\nconveyed.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 248.]\n\n----, Warrior lower than actual, but distinguished for bravery.\n\nPlace the left forefinger, pointing toward the left and front, before\nthe left side of the chest, then place the extended index near\n(or\u00a0against) the forefinger, and, while passing the latter outward\ntoward the left, draw the index toward the right. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I;\n_Arikara_\u00a0I; _Shoshoni_\u00a0I.) Fig. 248.\n\n\nDEAD, DEATH.\n\nThrow the forefinger from the perpendicular into a horizontal position\ntoward the earth, with the back downward. (_Long_.)\n\nHold the left hand flat over the face, back outward, and pass with the\nsimilarly held right hand below the former, gently striking or touching\nit. (_Wied_.) The sign given (_Oto and Missouri_\u00a0I) has no similarity in\nexecution or conception with _Wied\u2019s_. (_Boteler_.) This sign may convey\nthe idea of _under_ or _burial_, quite differently executed from most\nothers reported. Dr. McChesney conjectures this sign to be that of\nwonder or surprise at hearing of a death, but not a distinct sign for\nthe latter.\n\nThe finger of the right hand passed to the left hand and then cast down.\n(_Macgowan_.)\n\nHold the left hand slightly arched, palm down, fingers pointing toward\nthe right about fifteen inches before the breast, then place the\nextended index nearer the breast, pointing toward the left, pass it\nquickly forward underneath the left hand and in an upward curve to\ntermination. (_Arapaho_\u00a0II; _Cheyenne_\u00a0V; _Ponka_\u00a0II; _Pani_\u00a0I.)\n\nPlace the palm of the hand at a short distance from the side of the\nhead, then withdrawing it gently in an oblique downward direction and\ninclining the head and upper part of the body in the same direction.\n(_Ojibwa_\u00a0II.) See page 353 for remarks upon this sign.\n\nHold both hands open, with palms over ears, extend fingers back on\nbrain, close eyes, and incline body a little forward and to right or\nleft very low, and remain motionless a short time, pronouncing the word\n_Ke-nee-boo_ slowly. (_Ojibwa_\u00a0IV.)\n\nLeft hand flattened and held back upward, thumb inward in front of and a\nfew inches from the breast. Right hand slightly clasped, forefinger more\nextended than the others, and passed suddenly under the left hand, the\nlatter being at the same time gently moved toward the breast.\n(_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.) \u201cGone under.\u201d\n\nBoth hands horizontal in front of body, backs outward, index of each\nhand alone extended, the right index is passed under the left with a\ndownward, outward and then upward and inward curved motion at the same\ntime that the left is moved inward toward the body two or three inches,\nthe movements being ended on the same level as begun. \u201cUpset, keeled\nover.\u201d For _many deaths_ repeat the sign many times. The sign of\n(_Cheyenne_\u00a0II) expresses \u201cgone under,\u201d but is not used in the sense of\n_death, dead_, but _going under a cover_, as entering a lodge, under a\ntable, &c. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\nMake the sign for ALIVE, viz.: The right hand, back upward, is to be at\nthe height of the elbow and forward, the index extended and pointing\nforward, the other fingers closed, thumb against middle finger; then,\nwhile rotating the hand outward, move it to a position about four inches\nin front of the face, the back looking forward and the index pointing\nupward; then the sign for NO. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\nAnother: Hold the left hand pointing toward the right, palm obliquely\ndownward and backward, about a foot in front of the lower part of the\nchest, and pass the right hand pointing toward the left, palm downward,\nfrom behind forward underneath it. Or from an upright position in front\nof the face, back forward, index extended and other fingers closed,\ncarry the right hand downward and forward underneath the left and about\nfour inches beyond it, gradually turning the right hand until its back\nis upward and its index points toward the left. An Arapaho sign. Gone\nunder or buried. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\nHold the left hand slightly bent with the palm down, before the breast,\nthen pass the extended right hand, pointing toward the left, forward\nunder and beyond the left. (_Dakota_\u00a0VI, VII.)\n\nHold the right hand, flat, palm downward, before the body; then throw it\nover on its back to the right, making a curve of about fifteen inches.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0VI; _Hidatsa_\u00a0I; _Arikara_\u00a0I.) The gesture of reversal in this\nand other instances may be compared with picture-writings in which the\nreversed character for the name or totem of a person signifies his\ndeath. One of these is given in Fig. 249, taken from Schoolcraft\u2019s\n_Hist. Am. Tribes_, I, p.\u00a0356, showing the cedar burial post or\n_adjedatig_ of Wabojeeg, an Ojibwa war chief, who died on Lake Superior\nabout 1793. He belonged to the deer clan of his tribe and the animal is\ndrawn reversed on the post.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 249.]\n\nExtend right hand, palm down, hand curved. Turn the palm up in moving\nthe hand down towards the earth. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nThe countenance is brought to a sleeping composure with the eyes closed.\nThis countenance being gradually assumed, the head next falls toward\neither shoulder. The arms having been closed and crossed upon the chest\nwith the hands in type positions (B\u00a0B) are relaxed and drop\nsimultaneously towards the ground, with the fall of the head. This\nattitude is maintained some seconds. (_Oto and Missouri_\u00a0I.) \u201cThe bodily\nappearance at death.\u201d\n\nPlace the open hand, back upward, fingers a little drawn together, at\nthe height of the breast, pointing forward; then move it slowly forward\nand downward, turning it over at the same time. (_Iroquois_\u00a0I.) \u201cTo\nexpress \u2018gone into the earth, face upward.\u2019\u201d\n\nThe flat right hand is waved outward and downward toward the same side,\nthe head being inclined in the same direction at the time, with eyes\nclosed. (_Wyandot_\u00a0I.)\n\nHold the left hand loosely extended about fifteen inches in front of the\nbreast, palm down, then pass the index, pointing to the left, in a short\ncurve downward, forward, and upward beneath the left palm. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I;\n_Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 250.]\n\nBring the left hand to the left breast, hand half clinched (H), then\nbring the right hand to the left with the thumb and forefinger in such a\nposition as if you were going to take a bit of string from the fingers\nof the left hand, and pull the right hand off in a horizontal line as if\nyou were stretching a string out, extend the hand to the full length of\nthe arm from you and let the index finger point outward at the\nconclusion of the sign. (_Comanche_\u00a0I.) \u201cSoul going to happy\nhunting-grounds.\u201d\n\nThe left hand is held slightly arched, palm down, nearly at arm\u2019s length\nbefore the breast; the right extended, flat, palm down, and pointing\nforward, is pushed from the top of the breast, straightforward,\nunderneath, and beyond the left. (_Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.) Fig. 250.\n\nClose both eyes, and after a moment throw the palm of the right hand\nfrom the face downward and outward toward the right side, the head being\ndropped in the same direction. (_Ute_\u00a0I.)\n\nTouch the breast with the extended and joined fingers of the right hand,\nthen throw the hand, palm to the left, outward toward the right, leaning\nthe head in that direction at the same time. (_Apache_\u00a0I.)\n\nClose the eyes with the tips of the index and second finger,\nrespectively, then both hands are placed side by side, horizontally,\npalms downward, fingers extended and united; hands separated by slow\nhorizontal movement to right and left. (_Kutchin_\u00a0I.)\n\nPalm of hand upward, then a wave-like motion toward the ground.\n(_Zu\u00f1i_\u00a0I.)\n\n_Deaf-mute natural signs:_\n\nPlace the hand upon the cheek, and shut the eyes, and move the hand\ndownward toward the ground. (_Ballard_.)\n\nLet your head lie on the open hand with eyes shut. (_Cross_.)\n\nUse the right shut hand as if to draw a screw down to fasten the lid to\nthe coffin and keep the eyes upon the hand. (_Hasenstab_.)\n\nMove the head toward the shoulder and then close the eyes. (_Larson_.)\n\n_Deaf-mute signs:_\n\nThe French deaf-mute conception is that of gently falling or sinking,\nthe right index falling from the height of the right shoulder upon the\nleft forefinger, toward which the head is inclined.\n\nThe deaf-mute sign commonly used in the United States is the same as\n_Dakota_\u00a0VI; _Hidatsa_\u00a0I; _Arikara_\u00a0I; above. Italians with obvious\nconception, make the sign of the cross.\n\n---- To Die.\n\nRight hand, forefinger extended, side up, forming with the thumb a +U+;\nthe other fingers slightly curved, touching each other, the little\nfinger having its side toward the ground. Move the hand right and left\nthen forward, several times; then turn it over suddenly, letting it fall\ntoward the earth. (_Ojibwa_\u00a0V; _Omaha_\u00a0I.) \u201cAn animal wounded, but\nstaggering a little before it falls and dies.\u201d\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 251.]\n\n---- Dying.\n\nHold the left hand as in _dead_; pass the index in the same manner\nunderneath the left, but in a slow, gentle, interrupted movement.\n(_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.) \u201cStep by step;\ninch by inch.\u201d Fig. 251.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 252.]\n\n---- Nearly, but recovers.\n\nHold the left hand as in _dead_; pass the index with a slow, easy,\ninterrupted movement downward, under the left palm, as in _dying_, but\nbefore passing from under the palm on the opposite side return the index\nin the same manner to point of starting; then elevate it. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I;\n_Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.) Fig. 252.\n\nOther remarks upon the signs for _dead_ are given on page 353.\n\n\nGOOD.\n\nThe hand held horizontally, back upward, describes with the arm a\nhorizontal curve outward. (_Long_.) This is like the Eurasian motion of\nbenediction, but may more suggestively be compared with several of the\nsigns for _yes_, and in opposition to several of those for _bad_ and\n_no_, showing the idea of acceptance or selection of objects presented,\ninstead of their rejection.\n\nPlace the right hand horizontally in front of the breast and move it\nforward. (_Wied_.) This description is essentially the same as the one I\nfurnished. (_Mandan and Hidatsa_\u00a0I.) I\u00a0stated, however, that the hand\nwas moved outward (_i.e._, to the right). I\u00a0do not remember seeing it\nmoved directly forward. In making the motion as I have described it the\nhand would have to go both outward and forward. (_Matthews_.) The left\narm is elevated and the hand held in position (W). The arm and hand are\nthus extended from the body on a level with the chest; the elbow being\nslightly bent, the arm resembles a bent bow. The right arm is bent and\nthe right hand, in position (W), sweeps smoothly over the left arm from\nthe biceps muscle over the ends of the fingers. This sign and _Wied\u2019s_\nare noticeably similar. The difference is, the _Oto_ sign uses the left\narm in conjunction and both _more to the left_. The conception is of\nsomething that easily passes; smoothness, evenness, etc., in both.\n(_Boteler_.)\n\nWave the hand from the mouth, extending the thumb from the index and\nclosing the other three fingers. This sign also means _I know_.\n(_Burton_.)\n\n(1) Right-hand fingers pointing to the left placed on a level with\nmouth, thumb inward; (2)\u00a0suddenly moved with curve outward so as to\npresent palm to person addressed. (_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.)\n\nPass the open right hand, palm downward, from the heart, twenty-four\ninches horizontally forward and to the right through an arc of about\n90\u00b0. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.) \u201cHeart easy or smooth.\u201d\n\nAnother: Gently strike the chest two or three times over the heart with\nthe radial side of the right hand, the fingers partly flexed and\npointing downward. An Arapaho sign. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\nPlace the flat right hand, palm down, thumb touching the breast, then\nmove it forward and slightly upward and to the right. (_Arapaho_\u00a0II;\n_Cheyenne_\u00a0V; _Ojibwa_\u00a0V; _Dakota_\u00a0VI, VII, VIII; _Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_\nIII; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\nPass the flat hand, palm down, from the breast forward and in a slight\ncurve to the right. (_Dakota_\u00a0VI; _Hidatsa_\u00a0I; _Ankara_\u00a0I.)\n\nThe extended right hand, palm downward, thumb backward, fingers pointing\nto the left, is held nearly or quite in contact with the body about on a\nlevel with the stomach; it is then carried outward to the right a foot\nor two with a rapid sweep, in which the forearm is moved but not\nnecessarily the humerus. (_Mandan and Hidatsa_\u00a0I.)\n\nMove right hand, palm down, over the blanket, right and left, several\ntimes. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nAnother: Hit the blanket, first on the right, then on the left, palm\ndown, several times. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nAnother: Point at the object with the right forefinger, shaking it a\nlittle up and down, the other fingers being closed. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nAnother: Same as preceding, but with the hand open, the thumb crooked\nunder and touching the forefinger; hand held at an angle of 45\u00b0 while\nshaking a little back and forth. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nAnother: Hold the closed hands together, thumbs up; separate by turning\nthe wrists down, and move the fists a little apart; then reverse\nmovements till back to first position. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nAnother: Hold the left hand with back toward the ground, fingers and\nthumb apart, and curved; hold the right hand opposite it, palm down,\nhands about six inches apart; shake the hands held thus, up and down,\nkeeping them the same distance apart. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nAnother: Hold the hands with the palms in, thumbs up, move hands right\nand left, keeping them about six inches apart. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nAnother: Look at the right hand, first on the back, then on the palm,\nthen on the back again. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nThe flat right hand, palm down, is moved forward and upward, starting at\na point about twelve inches before the breast. (_Wyandot_\u00a0I.)\n\nHold the flat right hand forward and slightly outward from the shoulder,\npalm either upward or downward, and pass it edgewise horizontally to the\nright and left. This sign was made when no personality was involved. The\nsame gesturer when claiming for himself the character of goodness made\nthe following: Rapidly pat the breast with the flat right hand. (_Pima\nand Papago_\u00a0I.)\n\nThrow right hand from front to side, fingers extended and palm down,\nforearm horizontal. (_Sahaptin_\u00a0I.)\n\nMake an inclination of the body forward, moving at the same time both\nhands forward from the breast, open, with the palm upward, and gradually\nlowering them. This is also used for _glad, pleased_. (_Iroquois_\u00a0I.)\n\nBring both hands to the front, arms extended, palms outward; elevate\nthem upward and slightly forward; the face meanwhile expressive of\nwonder. (_Comanche_\u00a0I.)\n\nBring the hand opposite the breast, a little below, hand extended, palm\ndownward (W), and let it move off in a horizontal direction. If it be\nvery good, this may be repeated. If comparatively good, repeat it more\nviolently. (_Comanche_\u00a0I.)\n\nHold the right hand palm down, pointing to the left, and placed\nhorizontally before the breast, then raise it several times slightly.\nGood and glad. (_Kutchin_\u00a0I.)\n\n_Deaf-mute natural signs:_\n\nSmack the lips. (_Ballard_.)\n\nClose the hand while the thumb is up, and nod the head and smile as if\nto approve of something good. (_Hasenstab_.)\n\nPoint the forefinger to the mouth and move the lips with a pleased look\nas if tasting sweet fruit. (_Larson_.)\n\nUse the sign for _handsome_ by drawing the outstretched palm of the\nright hand down over the right cheek; at the same time nod the head as\nif to say \u201cyes.\u201d (_Ziegler_.)\n\n_Deaf-mute signs:_\n\nSome of the Indian signs appear to be connected with a pleasant taste in\nthe month, as is the sign of the French and American deaf-mutes, waving\nthence the hand, either with or without touching the lips, back upward,\nwith fingers straight and joined, in a forward and downward curve. They\nmake nearly the same gesture with hand sidewise for general assent:\n\u201cVery well!\u201d\n\nThe conventional sign for _good_, given in the illustration to the\nreport of the Ohio Institution for the education of the deaf and dumb,\nis: The right hand raised forward and closed, except the thumb, which is\nextended upward, held vertically, its nail being toward the body; this\nis in opposition to the sign for _bad_ in the same illustration, the one\nbeing merely the exhibition of the thumb toward and the other of the\nlittle finger away from the body. They are English signs, the\ntraditional conception being acceptance and rejection respectively.\n\n_Italian signs:_\n\nThe fingers gathered on the mouth, kissed and stretched out and spread,\nintimate a dainty morsel. The open hand stretched out horizontally, and\ngently shaken, intimates that a thing is so-so, not good and not bad.\n(_Butler_.) Compare also the Neapolitan sign given by De Jorio, see Fig.\n62, p.\u00a0286, _supra_. Cardinal Wiseman gives as the Italian sign for\n_good_ \u201cthe hand thrown upwards and the head back with a prolonged ah!\u201d\n_Loc. cit._, p.\u00a0543.\n\n---- Heart is.\n\nStrike with right hand on the heart and make the sign for GOOD from the\nheart outward. (_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.)\n\nTouch the left breast over the heart two or three times with the ends of\nthe fingers of the right hand; then make the sign for GOOD.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\nPlace the fingers of the flat right hand over the breast, then make the\nsign for GOOD. (_Dakota_ VII.)\n\nMove hand to position in front of breast, fingers extended, palm\ndownward (W), then with quick movement throw hand forward and to the\nside to a point 12 or 15 inches from body, hand same as in first\nposition. (_Sahaptin_\u00a0I.)\n\nFor further remarks on the signs for _good_, see page 286.\n\n\nHABITATION, including HOUSE, LODGE, TIPI, WIGWAM.\n\n---- HOUSE.\n\nThe hand half open and the forefinger extended and separated; then raise\nthe hand upward and give it a half turn, as if screwing something.\n(_Dunbar_.)\n\nCross the ends of the extended fingers of the two hands, the hands to be\nnearly at right angle, radial side up, palms inward and backward, thumbs\nin palms. Represents the logs at the end of a log house. (_Creel_;\n_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\nPartly fold the hands; the fingers extended in imitation of the corner\nof an ordinary log house. (_Arapaho_\u00a0I.)\n\nBoth hands outspread near each other, elevated to front of face;\nsuddenly separated, turned at right angles, palms facing; brought down\nat right angles, suddenly stopped. Representing square form of a house.\n(_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.)\n\nThe fingers of both hands extended and slightly separated, then those of\nthe right are placed into the several spaces between those of the left,\nthe tips extending to about the first joints. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I.) \u201cFrom the\narrangement of the logs in a log building.\u201d\n\nBoth hands extended, fingers spread, place those of the right into the\nspaces between those of the left, then move the hands in this position a\nshort distance upward. (_Wyandot_\u00a0I.) \u201cArrangement of logs and\nelevation.\u201d\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 253.]\n\nBoth hands are held edgewise before the body, palms facing, spread the\nfingers, and place those of one hand into the spaces between those of\nthe other, so that the tips of each protrude about an inch beyond.\n(_Hidatsa_\u00a0I; _Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Arikara_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II;\n_Wichita_\u00a0II.) \u201cThe arrangement of logs in a frontier house.\u201d Fig. 253.\nIn connection with this sign compare the pictograph, Fig. 204, page 379,\n_supra_. In ordinary conversation the sign for _white man\u2019s house_ is\noften dropped, using instead the generic term employed for _lodge_, and\nthis in turn is often abbreviated, as by the Kaiowas, Comanches,\nWichitas, and others, by merely placing the tips of the extended\nforefingers together, leaving the other fingers and thumbs closed, with\nthe wrists about three or four inches apart.\n\nBoth hands held pointing forward, edges down, fingers extended and\nslightly separated, then place the fingers of one hand into the spaces\nbetween the fingers of the other, allowing the tips of the fingers of\neither hand to protrude as far as the first joint, or near it.\n(_Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.) \u201cFrom the appearance of a corner of a log\nhouse--protruding and alternate layers of logs.\u201d\n\nFingers of both hands interlaced at right angles several times; then the\nsign for LODGE. (_Kutchin_\u00a0I.)\n\n_Deaf-mute natural signs:_\n\nDraw the outlines of a house in the air with hands tip to tip at a right\nangle. (_Ballard_.)\n\nPut the open hands together toward the face, forming a right angle with\nthe arms. (_Larson_.)\n\n----, Stone; Fort.\n\nStrike the back of the right fist against the palm of the left hand, the\nleft palm backward, the fist upright (\u201cidea of resistance or strength\u201d);\nthen with both hands opened, relaxed, horizontal, and palms backward,\nplace the ends of the right fingers behind and against the ends of the\nleft; then separate them, and moving them backward, each through a\nsemicircle, bring their bases together. The latter sign is also that of\nthe Arapahos for _house_. An inclosure. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.) The first part of\nthis sign is that for _stone_.\n\n---- LODGE, TIPI, WIGWAM.\n\nThe two hands are reared together in the form of the roof of a house,\nthe ends of the fingers upward. (_Long_.)\n\nPlace the opened thumb and forefinger of each hand opposite each other,\nas if to make a circle, but leaving between them a small interval;\nafterward move them from above downward simultaneously (which is the\nsign for _village_); then elevate the finger to indicate the\nnumber--one. (_Wied_.) Probably he refers to an earthen lodge. I\u00a0think\nthat the sign I have given you is nearly the same with all the Upper\nMissouri Indians. (_Matthews_.)\n\nPlace the fingers of both hands ridge-fashion before the breast.\n(_Burton_.)\n\nIndicate outlines (an inverted +V+, thus +\u039b+), with the forefingers\ntouching or crossed at the tips, the other fingers closed. (_Creel_;\n_Arapaho_\u00a0I.)\n\nBoth hands open, fingers upward, tips touching, brought downward, and at\nsame time separated to describe outline of a cone, suddenly stopped.\n(_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.)\n\nBoth hands approximated, held forward horizontally, fingers joined and\nslightly arched, backs upward, withdraw them in a sideward and downward\ndirection, each hand moving to its corresponding side, thus combinedly\ndescribing a hemisphere. Carry up the right and, with its index pointing\ndownward indicate a spiral line rising upward from the center of the\npreviously formed arch. (_Ojibwa_\u00a0V.) \u201cFrom the dome-shaped form of the\nwigwam, and the smoke rising from the opening in the roof.\u201d\n\nBoth hands flat and extended, placing the tips of the fingers of one\nagainst those of the other, leaving the palms or wrists about four\ninches apart. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I; _Wyandot_\u00a0I; _Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.) \u201cFrom\nits exterior outline.\u201d\n\nBoth hands carried to the front of the breast and placed +V+-shaped,\ninverted, thus +\u039b+, with the palms looking toward each other, edge of\nfingers outward, thumbs inward. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cFrom the outline of the\ntipi.\u201d\n\nWith the hands nearly upright, palms inward, cross the ends of the\nextended forefingers, the right one either in front or behind the left,\nor lay the ends together; resting the ends of the thumbs together side\nby side, the other fingers to be nearly closed, and resting against each\nother, palms inward. Represents the tipi poles and the profile of the\ntipi. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 254.]\n\nPlace the tips of the fingers of both hands together in front of the\nbreast, with the wrists some distance apart. (_Dakota_\u00a0V.) Fig. 254.\n\nFingers of both hands extended and separated; then interlace them so\nthat the tips of the fingers of one hand protrude beyond the backs of\nthose of the opposing one; hold the hands in front of the breast,\npointing upward, leaving the wrists about six inches apart. (_Dakota_\nVII, VIII; _Hidatsa_\u00a0I; _Ponka_\u00a0II; _Arikara_\u00a0I; _Pani_\u00a0I.)\n\nThe extended hands, with finger tips upward and touching, the palms\nfacing one another, and the wrists about two inches apart, are held\nbefore the chest. (_Mandan and Hidatsa_\u00a0I.)\n\nPlace the tip of the index against the tip of the forefinger of the left\nhand, the remaining fingers and thumbs closed, before the chest, leaving\nthe wrists about six inches apart. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III;\n_Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.) \u201cOutline of lodge.\u201d This is an abbreviated\nsign, and care must be taken to distinguish it from _to meet_, in which\nthe fingers are brought from their respective sides instead of upward to\nform the gesture.\n\nAnother: Place the tips of the fingers of the flat extended hands\ntogether before the breast, leaving the wrists about six inches apart.\n(_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 255.]\n\nAnother: Both hands flat and extended, fingers slightly separated; then\nplace the fingers of the right hand between the fingers of the left as\nfar as the second joints, so that the fingers of one hand protrude about\nan inch beyond those of the other; the wrists must be held about six\ninches apart. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\u201cOutline of Indian lodge and crossing of tent-poles above the covering.\u201d\nFig. 255.\n\nFig. 256 represents a Sahaptin sign given to the writer by a gentleman\nlong familiar with the northwestern tribes of Indians. The conception is\nthe same union of the lodge poles at the top, shown in several other\nsigns, differently executed.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 256.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 257.]\n\nPlace the tips of the spread fingers of both hands against one another\npointing upward before the body, leaving a space of from four to six\ninches between the wrists. Fig. 257. The fingers are sometimes bent so\nas to more nearly represent the outline of a house and roof. Fig. 258.\nThis, however, is accidental. (_Pai-Ute_\u00a0I.) \u201cRepresents the boughs and\nbranches used in the construction of a Pai-Ute \u2018wik-i-up.\u2019\u201d\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 258.]\n\nPlace the tips of the two flat hands together before the body, leaving a\nspace of about six inches between the wrists. (_Ute_\u00a0I.) \u201cOutline of the\nshape of the lodge.\u201d\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 259.]\n\nLeft hand and right hand put together in shape of sloping shelter\n(_Kutchin_\u00a0I). Fig. 259.\n\n---- Great Council House.\n\nPlace both flat and extended hands in front of the shoulders, pointing\nforward, palms facing; then pass them straight upward and slightly\ninward near the termination of the gesture. This appears to combine the\ngestures for _much_, _large_, and _lodge_. (_Arikara_\u00a0I.)\n\n----, Coming or going out of a.\n\nSame as the sign for _entering a lodge_, only the fingers of the right\nhand point obliquely upward after passing under the left hand.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cComing out from under cover.\u201d\n\nHold the open left hand a foot or eighteen inches in front of the\nbreast, palm downward or backward, fingers pointing toward the right and\npass the right, back upward, with index extended, or all of the fingers\nextended, and pointing forward, about eighteen inches forward underneath\nthe left through an arc from near the mouth. Some at the same time move\nthe left hand toward the breast. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\n----, Entering a.\n\nThe left hand is held with the back upward, and the right hand also with\nthe back up is passed in a curvilinear direction down under the other,\nso as to rub against its palm, then up on the other side of it. The left\nhand here represents the low door of the skin lodge and the right the\nman stooping down to pass in. (_Long_.)\n\nPass the flat right hand in short curves under the left, which is held a\nshort distance forward. (_Wied_.) I have described the same sign. It is\nnot necessary to pass the hand more than once. By saying curves, he\nseems to imply many passes. If the hand is passed more than once it\nmeans repetition of the act. (_Matthews_; _McChesney_.) The conception\nis of the stooping to pass through the low entrance, which is often\ncovered by a flap of skin, sometimes stretched on a frame, and which\nmust be shoved aside, and the subsequent rising when the entrance has\nbeen accomplished. A\u00a0distinction is reported by a correspondent as\nfollows: \u201cIf the intention is to speak of a person entering the\ngesturer\u2019s own lodge, the right hand is passed under the left and toward\nthe body, near which the left hand is held; if of a person entering the\nlodge of another, the left hand is held further from the body and the\nright is passed under it and outward. In both cases both hands are\nslightly curved and compressed.\u201d As no such distinction is reported by\nothers it may be an individual invention or peculiarity.\n\nA gliding movement of the extended hand, fingers joined, backs up,\ndownward, then ascending, indicative of the stooping and resumption of\nthe upright position in entering the same. (_Arapaho_\u00a0I.)\n\n(1) Sign for LODGE, the left hand being still in position used in making\nsign for LODGE; (2)\u00a0forefinger and thumb of right hand brought to a\npoint and thrust through the outline of an imaginary lodge represented\nby the left hand. (_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.)\n\nFirst make the sign for LODGE, then place the left hand, horizontal and\nslightly arched, before the body, and pass the right hand with extended\nindex underneath the left--forward and slightly upward beyond it.\n(_Absaroka_\u00a0I; _Dakota_\u00a0V; _Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I; _Wyandot_\u00a0I.)\n\nLeft hand (W), ends of fingers toward the right, stationary in front of\nthe left breast; pass the right hand directly and quickly out from the\nbreast under the stationary left hand, ending with the extended fingers\nof the right hand pointing outward and slightly downward, joined, palm\ndownward flat, horizontal (W). (_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cGone under; covered.\u201d\n\nHold the open left hand a foot or eighteen inches in front of the\nbreast, palm downward or backward, fingers pointing toward the right,\nand pass the right hand, palm upward, fingers bent sidewise and pointing\nbackward, from before backward underneath it, through a curve until near\nthe mouth. Some at the same time move the left hand a little forward.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\nThe left hand, palm downward, finger-tips forward, either quite extended\nor with the fingers slightly bent, is held before the body. Then the\nright hand nearly or quite extended, palm downward, finger-tips near the\nleft thumb, and pointing toward it, is passed transversely under the\nleft hand and one to four inches below it. The fingers of the right hand\npoint slightly upward when the motion is completed. This sign usually,\nbut not invariably, refers to entering a house. (_Mandan and\nHidatsa_\u00a0I.)\n\nPlace the slightly curved left hand, palm down, before the breast,\npointing to the right, then pass the flat right hand, palm down, in a\nshort curve forward, under and upward beyond the left. (_Ute_\u00a0I.)\n\u201cEvidently from the manner in which a person is obliged to stoop in\nentering an ordinary Indian lodge.\u201d\n\n\nHORSE.\n\nThe right hand with the edge downward, the fingers joined, the thumb\nrecumbent, extended forward. (_Dunbar_.)\n\nPlace the index and middle finger of the right hand astraddle the index\nfinger of the left. [In the original the expression \u201cthird\u201d finger is\nused, but it is ascertained in another connection that the author counts\nthe thumb as the first finger and always means what is generally styled\nmiddle finger when he says third. The alteration is made to prevent\nconfusion.] (_Wied_.) I have described this sign in words to the same\neffect. (_Matthews_.) The right arm is raised, and the hand, opened\nedgewise, with fingers parallel and approximated, is drawn from left to\nright before the body at the supposed height of the animal. There is no\nconceivable identity in the execution of this sign and _Wied\u2019s_, but his\nsign for _horse_ is nearly identical with the sign for _ride a horse_\namong the Otos. (_Boteler_.) This sign is still used by the Cheyennes.\n(_Dodge_.)\n\nA hand passed across the forehead. (_Macgowan_.)\n\nLeft-hand thumb and forefinger straightened out, held to the level of\nand in front of the breast; right-hand forefinger separated from the\nmiddle finger and thrown across the left hand to imitate the act of\nbestriding. They appear to have no other conception of a horse, and have\nthus indicated that they have known it only as an animal to be ridden.\n(_Creel_; _Cheyenne_\u00a0II.)\n\nDraw the right hand from left to right across the body about the heart,\nthe fingers all closed except the index. This is abbreviated by making a\ncircular sweep of the right open hand from about the left elbow to the\nfront of the body, probably indicating the mane. A\u00a0Pani sign.\n(_Cheyenne_\u00a0IV.)\n\nPlace the first two fingers of the right hand, thumb extended (N\u00a01),\ndownward, astraddle the first two joined and straight fingers of the\nleft hand (T\u00a01), sidewise to the right. Many Sioux Indians use only the\nforefinger straightened. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cHorse mounted.\u201d\n\nThe first and second fingers extended and separated, remaining fingers\nand thumb closed; left forefinger extended, horizontal, remaining\nfingers and thumb closed; place the right-hand fingers astride of the\nforefinger of the left, and both hands jerked together, up and down, to\nrepresent the motion of a horse. (_Dakota_ III.)\n\nThe two hands being clinched and near together, palms downward, thumbs\nagainst the forefingers, throw them, each alternately, forward and\nbackward about a foot, through an ellipsis two or three times, from\nabout six inches in front of the chest, to imitate the galloping of a\nhorse, or the hands may be held forward and not moved. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 260.]\n\nPlace the extended and separated index and second fingers of the right\nhand astraddle of the extended forefinger of the left. Fig. 260.\nSometimes all the fingers of the left hand are extended in making this\nsign, as in Fig. 261, though this may be the result of carelessness.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0VI, VII, VIII; _Hidatsa_\u00a0I; _Ponka_\u00a0II; _Arikara_\u00a0I;\n_Pani_\u00a0I.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 261.]\n\nThe left hand is before the chest, back upward in the position of an\nindex-hand pointing forward; then the first and second fingers of the\nright hand only being extended, separated and pointing downward, are set\none on each side of the left forefinger, the interdigital space resting\non the forefinger. The palm faces downward and backward. This represents\na rider astride of a horse. (_Mandan and Hidatsa_\u00a0I.)\n\nClose hands, except forefingers, which are curved downward; move them\nforward in rotation, imitating the fore feet of the horse, and make\npuffing sound of \u201cUh, uh\u201d! (_Omaha_\u00a0I.) \u201cThis sign represents the horse\nracing off to a safe distance, and puffing as he tosses his head.\u201d\n\nThe arm is flexed and the hand extended is brought on a level with the\nmouth. The hand then assumes the position (W\u00a01), modified by being held\nedges up and down, palm toward the chest, instead of flat. The arm and\nhand being held thus about the usual height of a horse are made to pass\nin an undulating manner across the face or body about one foot distant\nfrom contact. The latter movements are to resemble the animal\u2019s gait.\n(_Oto_\u00a0I.) \u201cHeight of animal and movement of same.\u201d\n\nThe index and second fingers of the right hand are placed astraddle the\nextended forefinger of the left. (_Wyandot_\u00a0I.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 262.]\n\nPlace the flat right hand, thumb down, edgewise before the right side of\nthe shoulder, pointing toward the right. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III;\n_Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.) Fig. 262.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 263.]\n\nAnother: Hold the right hand flat, extended, with fingers joined, the\nthumb extended upward, then pass the hand at arm\u2019s length before the\nface from left to right. This is said by the authorities cited below to\nbe also the Caddo sign, and that the other tribes mentioned originally\nobtained it from that tribe. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_\u00a0I, III;\n_Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.) Fig. 263.\n\nAnother: Place the extended and separated index and second fingers\nastraddle the extended and horizontal forefinger of the left hand. This\nsign is only used when communicating with uninstructed white men, or\nwith other Indians whose sign for horse is specifically distinct.\n(_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.).\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 264.]\n\nPlace the extended index and second fingers of the right hand across the\nextended first two fingers of the left. Fig. 264. Size of the animal is\nindicated by passing the right hand, palm down, with fingers loosely\nseparated, forward from the right side, at any height as the case may\nnecessitate, after which the sign for HORSE may be made. (_Pima and\nPapago_\u00a0I.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 265.]\n\nPlace the right hand, palm down, before the right side of the chest;\nplace the tips of the second and third fingers against the ball of the\nthumb, allowing the index and little fingers to project to represent the\nears. Fig. 265. Frequently the middle fingers extend equally with and\nagainst the thumb, forming the head of the animal, the ears always being\nrepresented by the two outer fingers, viz, the index and little finger.\nFig. 266. (_Ute_\u00a0I.) A\u00a0similar sign is reported by Colonel Dodge as used\nby the Utes.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 266.]\n\nElevate the right hand, extended, with fingers joined, outer edge toward\nthe ground, in front of the body or right shoulder, and pointing\nforward, resting the curved thumb against the palmar side of the index.\nThis sign appears also to signify _animal_ generically, being frequently\nemployed as a preliminary sign when denoting other species.\n(_Apache_\u00a0I.)\n\n_Deaf-mute natural signs:_\n\nImitate the motion of the elbows of a man on horseback. (_Ballard_.)\n\nAct in the manner of a driver, holding the lines in his hands and\nshouting to the horse. (_Cross_.)\n\nMove the hands several times as if to hold the reins. (_Larson_.)\n\n_Deaf-mute signs:_\n\nThe French deaf-mutes add to the straddling of the index the motion of a\ntrot. American deaf-mutes indicate the ears by placing two fingers of\neach hand on each side of the head and moving them backward and forward.\nThis is sometimes followed by straddling the left hand by the fore and\nmiddle fingers of the right.\n\n----, A man on a.\n\nSame sign as for HORSE, with the addition of erecting the thumb while\nmaking the gesture. (_Dodge_.)\n\n----, Bay.\n\nMake the sign for HORSE, and then rub the lower part of the cheek back\nand forth. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\n----, Black.\n\nMake the sign for HORSE, and then point to a black object or rub the\nback of the left hand with the palmar side of the fingers of the right.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\n----, Bronco. An untamed horse.\n\nMake the sign TO RIDE by placing the extended and separated index and\nsecond fingers of the right hand astraddle the extended forefinger of\nthe left hand, then with both hands retained in their relative positions\nmove them forward in high arches to show the bucking of the animal.\n(_Ute_\u00a0I.)\n\n----, Grazing of a.\n\nMake the sign for HORSE, then lower the hand and pass it from side to\nside as if dipping it upon the surface. (_Ute_\u00a0I.)\n\n----, Packing a.\n\nHold the left hand, pointing forward, palm inward, a foot in front of\nthe chest and lay the opened right hand, pointing forward, first\nobliquely along the right side of the upper edge of the left hand, then\non top, and then obliquely along the left side. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\n----, Racing, Fast horse.\n\nThe right arm is elevated and bent at right angle before the face; the\nhand, in position (S\u00a01) modified by being horizontal, palm to the face,\nis drawn across edgewise in front of the face. The hand is then closed\nand in position (B) approaches the mouth from which it is opened and\nclosed successively forward several times, finally it is suddenly thrust\nout in position (W\u00a01) back concave. (_Oto and Missouri_\u00a0I.) \u201cIs\nexpressed in the (_Oto_\u00a0I) sign for HORSE, then the motion for quick\nrunning.\u201d\n\n---- Racing.\n\nExtend the two forefingers and after placing them parallel near together\nin front of the chest, backs upward, push them rapidly forward about a\nfoot. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\nPlace both hands, with the forefingers only extended and pointing\nforward side by side with the palms down, before the body; then push\nthem alternately backward and forward, in imitation of the movement of\nhorses who are running \u201cneck and neck.\u201d (_Ute_\u00a0I; _Apache_ I,\u00a0II.)\n\n----, Saddling a.\n\nHold the left hand as in the sign for HORSE, _Packing a_, and lay the\nsemiflexed right hand across its upper edge two or three times, the ends\nof the right fingers toward the left. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 267.]\n\nPlace the extended and separated fingers rapidly with a slapping sound\nastraddle the extended fore and second fingers of the left hand. The\nsound is produced by the palm of the right hand which comes in contact\nwith the upper surface of the left. (_Ute_\u00a0I.) Fig. 267.\n\n----, Spotted; pied.\n\nMake the sign for HORSE, then the sign for SPOTTED, see page 345.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\n\nKILL, KILLING.\n\nThe hands are held with the edge upward, and the right hand strikes the\nother transversely, as in the act of chopping. This sign seems to be\nmore particularly applicable to convey the idea of death produced by a\nblow of the tomahawk or war-club. (_Long_.)\n\nClinch the hand and strike from above downward. (_Wied_.) I do not\nremember this. I\u00a0have given you the sign for killing with a stroke.\n(_Matthews_.) There is an evident similarity in conception and execution\nbetween the (_Oto and Missouri_\u00a0I) sign and _Wied\u2019s_. (_Boteler_.) I\nhave frequently seen this sign made by the Arikara, Gros Ventre, and\nMandan Indians at Fort Berthold Agency. (_McChesney_.) This motion,\nwhich maybe more clearly expressed as the downward thrust of a knife\nheld in the clinched hand, is still used by many tribes for the general\nidea of \u201ckill,\u201d and illustrates the antiquity of the knife as a weapon.\n_Wied_ does not say whether the clinched hand is thrust downward with\nthe edge or the knuckles forward. The latter is now the almost universal\nusage among the same tribes from which he is supposed to have taken his\nlist of signs, and indicates the thrust of a knife more decisively than\nif the fist were moved with the edge in advance. The actual employment\nof arrow, gun, or club in taking life, is, however, often specified by\nappropriate gesture.\n\nSmite the sinister palm earthward with the dexter fist sharply, in sign\nof \u201cgoing down\u201d; or strike out with the dexter fist toward the ground,\nmeaning to \u201cshut down\u201d; or pass the dexter under the left forefinger,\nmeaning to \u201cgo under.\u201d (_Burton_.)\n\nRight hand cast down. (_Macgowan_.)\n\nHold the right fist, palm down, knuckles forward, and make a thrust\nforward and downward. (_Arapaho_\u00a0II; _Cheyenne_\u00a0V; _Dakota_\u00a0VI, VII,\nVIII; _Hidatsa_\u00a0I; _Ponka_\u00a0II; _Arikara_\u00a0I; _Pani_\u00a0I.) Fig. 268.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 268.]\n\nRight hand clinched, thumb lying along the finger tips, elevated to near\nthe shoulder, strike downward and out vaguely in the direction of the\nobject to be killed. The abstract sign for _kill_ is simply to clinch\nthe right hand in the manner described and strike it down and out from\nthe right side. (_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.)\n\nClose the right hand, extending the forefinger alone; point toward the\nbreast, then throw from you forward, bringing the hand toward the\nground. (_Ojibwa_\u00a0V; _Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nBoth hands clinched, with the thumbs resting against the middle joints\nof the forefingers, hold the left transversely in front of and as high\nas the breast, then push the right, palm down, quickly over and down in\nfront of the left. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I; _Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.) \u201cTo force\nunder--literally.\u201d\n\nWith the dexter fist carried to the front of the body at the right side,\nstrike downward and outward several times, with back of hand upward,\nthumb toward the left, several times. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cStrike down.\u201d\n\nWith the first and second joints of the fingers of the right hand bent,\nend of thumb against the middle of the index, palm downward, move the\nhand energetically forward and downward from a foot in front of the\nright breast. Striking with a stone--man\u2019s first weapon. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\nThe left hand, thumb up, back forward, not very rigidly extended, is\nheld before the chest and struck in the palm with the outer edge of the\nright hand. (_Mandan and Hidatsa_\u00a0I.) \u201cTo kill with a blow; to deal the\ndeath blow.\u201d Fig. 269.\n\nRight hand, fingers open but slightly curved, palm to the left; move\ndownward, describing a curve. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 269.]\n\nAnother: Similar to the last, but the index finger is extended, pointing\nin front of you, the other fingers but half open. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nPlace the flat right hand, palm down, at arm\u2019s length to the right,\nbring it quickly, horizontally, to the side of the head, then make the\nsign for DEAD. (_Ojibwa_\u00a0V; _Wyandot_\u00a0I.) \u201cTo strike with a club, dead.\u201d\n\nBoth hands, in positions (AA), with arms semiflexed toward the body,\nmake the forward rotary sign with the clinched fists as in fighting; the\nright hand is then raised from the left outward, as clutching a knife\nwith the blade pointing downward and inward toward the left fist; the\nleft fist, being held _in situ_, is struck now by the right, edgewise as\nabove described, and both suddenly fall together. (_Oto and\nMissouri_\u00a0I.) \u201cTo strike down in battle with a knife. Indians seldom\ndisagree or kill another in times of tribal peace.\u201d\n\n_Deaf-mute natural signs:_\n\nStrike a blow in the air with the clinched fist, and then incline the\nhead to one side, and lower the open hand, palm upward. (_Ballard_.)\n\nStrike the other hand with the fist, or point a gun, and, having shot,\nsuddenly point to your breast with the finger, and hold your head\nsidewise on the hand. (_Cross_.)\n\nUse the closed hand as if to strike, and then move back the head with\nthe eyes shut and the mouth opened. (_Hasenstab_.)\n\nPut the head down over the breast, and then move down the stretched hand\nalong the neck. (_Larson_.)\n\n_Turkish sign:_\n\nDraw finger across the throat like cutting with a knife. (_Barnum_.)\n\n---- In battle, To.\n\nMake the sign for BATTLE by placing both hands at the height of the\nbreast, palms facing, the left forward from the left shoulder, the right\noutward and forward from the right, fingers pointing up and spread, move\nthem alternately toward and from one another; then strike the back of\nthe fingers of the right hand into the slightly curved palm of the left,\nimmediately afterward throwing the right outward and downward toward the\nright. (_Ute_\u00a0I.) \u201cKilled and falling over.\u201d\n\n---- You; I will kill you.\n\nDirect the right hand toward the offender and spring the finger from the\nthumb, as in the act of sprinkling water. (_Long_.) The conception is\nperhaps \u201ccausing blood to flow,\u201d or, perhaps, \u201csputtering away the\nlife,\u201d though there is a strong similarity to the motion used for the\n_discharge of a gun or arrow_.\n\nRemarks and illustrations connected with the signs for _kill_ appear on\npages 377 and 378, _supra_.\n\n----, to, with a knife.\n\nClinch the right hand and strike forcibly toward the ground before the\nbreast from the height of the face. (_Ute_\u00a0I.) \u201cAppears to have\noriginated when flint knives were still used.\u201d\n\n\nNO, NOT. (Compare NOTHING.)\n\nThe hand held up before the face, with the palm outward and vibrated to\nand fro. (_Dunbar_.)\n\nThe right hand waved outward to the right with the thumb upward.\n(_Long_; _Creel_.)\n\nWave the right hand quickly by and in front of the face toward the\nright. (_Wied_.) Refusing to accept the idea or statement presented.\n\nMove the hand from right to left, as if motioning away. This sign also\nmeans \u201cI\u2019ll have nothing to do with you.\u201d (_Burton_.)\n\nA deprecatory wave of the right hand from front to right, fingers\nextended and joined. (_Arapaho_\u00a0I; _Cheyenne_\u00a0V.)\n\nRight-hand fingers extended together, side of hand in front of and\nfacing the face, in front of the mouth and waved suddenly to the right.\n(_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.)\n\nPlace the right hand extended before the body, fingers pointing upward,\npalm to the front, then throw the hand outward to the right, and\nslightly downward. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I; _Hidatsa_\u00a0I; _Arikara_\u00a0I.) See Fig.\n65, page 290.\n\nThe right hand, horizontal, palm toward the left, is pushed sidewise\noutward and toward the right from in front of the left breast. _No_,\n_none_, _I have none_, etc., are all expressed by this sign. Often these\nIndians for _no_ will simply shake the head to the right and left. This\nsign, although it may have originally been introduced from the white\npeople\u2019s habit of shaking the head to express \u201cno,\u201d has been in use\namong them for as long as the oldest people can remember, yet they do\nnot use the variant to express \u201cyes.\u201d (_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cDismissing the\nidea, etc.\u201d\n\nPlace the opened relaxed right hand, pointing toward the left, back\nforward, in front of the nose or as low as the breast, and throw it\nforward and outward about eighteen inches. Some at the same time turn\nthe palm upward. Or make the sign at the height of the breast with both\nhands. Represents the shaking of the head. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.) The shaking of\nthe head in negation is not so universal or \u201cnatural\u201d as is popularly\nsupposed, for the ancient Greeks, followed by the modern Turks and\nrustic Italians, threw the head back, instead of shaking it, for \u201cno.\u201d\nRabelais makes Pantagruel (Book\u00a03) show by many quotations from the\nancients how the shaking of the head was a frequent if not universal\nconcomitant of oracular utterance--not connected with negation.\n\nHold the flat hand edgewise, pointing upward before the right side of\nthe chest, then throw it outward and downward to the right.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0VI, VII.) Fig. 270.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 270.]\n\nThe hand, extended or slightly curved, is held in front of the body a\nlittle to the right of the median line; it is then carried with a rapid\nsweep a foot or more farther to the right. (_Mandan and Hidatsa_\u00a0I.)\n\nPlace the hand as in _yes_, as follows: The hand open, palm downward, at\nthe level of the breast, is moved forward with a quick downward motion\nfrom the wrist, imitating a bow of the head; then move it from side to\nside. (_Iroquois_\u00a0I.) \u201cA\u00a0shake of the head.\u201d\n\nThrow the flat right hand forward and outward to the right, palm to the\nfront. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\nQuick motion of open hand from the mouth forward, palm toward the mouth.\n(_Sahaptin_\u00a0I.)\n\nPlace hand in front of body, fingers relaxed, palm toward body (Y\u00a01),\nthen with easy motion move to a point, say, a\u00a0foot from the body,\na\u00a0little to right, fingers same, but palm upward. (_Sahaptin_\u00a0I.) \u201cWe\ndon\u2019t agree.\u201d To express _All gone_, use a similar motion with both\nhands. \u201cEmpty.\u201d\n\nThe hand waved outward with the thumb upward in a semi-curve.\n(_Comanche_\u00a0I; _Wichita_\u00a0I.)\n\nElevate the extended index and wave it quickly from side to side before\nthe face. This is sometimes accompanied by shaking the head.\n(_Pai-Ute_\u00a0I.) Fig. 271.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 271.]\n\nExtend the index, holding it vertically before the face, remaining\nfingers and thumb closed; pass the finger quickly from side to side a\nfoot or so before the face. (_Apache_\u00a0I.) This sign, as also that of\n(_Pai-Ute_\u00a0I), is substantially the same as that with the same\nsignificance reported from Naples by De Jorio.\n\nAnother: The right hand, naturally relaxed, is thrown outward and\nforward toward the right. (_Apache_\u00a0I.)\n\nWave extended index before the face from side to side. (_Apache_ III.)\n\nAnother: Wave the index briskly before the right shoulder. This appears\nto be more common than the preceding. (_Apache_ III.)\n\nRight hand extended at the height of the eye, palm outward, then moved\noutward a little toward the right. (_Kutchin_\u00a0I.)\n\nExtend the palm of the right hand horizontally a foot from the waist,\npalm downward, then suddenly throw it half over from the body, as if\ntossing a chip from the back of the hand. (_Wichita_\u00a0I.)\n\n_Deaf-mute natural signs:_\n\nShake the head. (_Ballard_.)\n\nMove both hands from each other, and, at the same time, shake the head.\n(_Hasenstab_.)\n\n_Deaf-mute signs:_\n\nFrench deaf-mutes wave the hand to the right and downward, with the\nfirst and second fingers joined and extended, the other fingers closed.\nThis position of the fingers is that for the letter N in the finger\nalphabet, the initial for the word _non_. American deaf-mutes for\nemphatic negative wave the right hand before the face.\n\n_Turkish sign:_\n\nThrowing head back or elevating the chin and partly shutting the eyes.\nThis also means, \u201cBe silent.\u201d (_Barnum_.)\n\n_Japanese sign:_\n\nMove the right hand rapidly back and forth before the face. Communicated\nin a letter from Prof. E.\u00a0S. MORSE, late of the University of Tokio,\nJapan. The same correspondent mentions that the Admiralty Islanders pass\nthe forefinger across the face, striking the nose in passing, for\nnegation. If the _no_ is a doubtful one they _rub_ the nose in passing,\na\u00a0gesture common elsewhere.\n\nFor further illustrations and comparisons see pp. 290, 298, 299, 304,\n355, and 356, _supra_.\n\n\nNONE, NOTHING; I HAVE NONE.\n\nMotion of rubbing out. (_Macgowan_.)\n\n_Little_ or _nothing_ is signified by passing one hand over the other.\n(_Creel_; _Ojibwa_\u00a0I.)\n\nMay be signified by smartly brushing the right hand across the left from\nthe wrist toward the fingers, both hands extended, palms toward each\nother and fingers joined. (_Arapaho_\u00a0I.)\n\nIs included in _gone, destroyed_. (_Dakota_ I.)\n\nPlace the open left hand about a foot in front of the navel, pointing\nobliquely forward toward the right, palm obliquely upward and backward,\nand sweep the palm of the open right hand over it and about a foot\nforward and to the right through a curve. All bare. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\nAnother: Pass the ulnar side of the right index along the left index\nseveral times from tip to base, while pronating and supinating the\nlatter. Some roll the right index over on its back as they move it along\nthe left. The hands are to be in front of the navel, backs forward and\noutward, the left index straight and pointing forward toward the right,\nthe right index straight and pointing forward and toward the left; the\nother fingers loosely closed. Represents a bush bare of limbs.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\nAnother: With the light hand pointing obliquely forward to the left, the\nleft forward to the right, palms upward, move them alternately several\ntimes up and down, each time striking the ends of the fingers. Or, the\nleft hand being in the above position, rub the right palm in a circle on\nthe left two or three times, and then move it forward and to the right.\nRubbed out; that is all; it is all gone. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\nPass the palm of the flat right hand over the left from the wrist toward\nand off of the tips of the fingers. (_Dakota_\u00a0VI, VII, VIII; _Ponka_\u00a0II;\n_Pani_\u00a0I.) Fig. 272.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 272.]\n\nBrush the palm of the left hand from wrist to finger tips with the palm\nof the right. (_Wyandot_\u00a0I.)\n\nAnother: Throw both hands outward toward their respective sides from the\nbreast. (_Wyandot_\u00a0I.)\n\nPass the flat right palm over the palm of the left hand from the wrist\nforward over the fingers. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II;\n_Wichita_\u00a0II.) \u201cWiped out.\u201d\n\nHold the left hand open, with the palm upward, at the height of the\nelbow and before the body; pass the right quickly over the left, palms\ntouching, from the wrist toward the tips of the left, as if brushing off\ndust. (_Apache_\u00a0I.)\n\n_Deaf-mute natural signs:_\n\nPlace the hands near each other, palms downward, and move them over and\napart, bringing the palms upward in opposite directions. (_Ballard_.)\n\nMake a motion as in picking up something between the thumb and finger,\ncarry it to the lips, blow it away, and show the open hand. (_Wing_.)\n\n_Australian sign:_\n\n_Pannie_ (none or nothing). For instance, a native says _Bomako ingina_\n(give a tomahawk). I\u00a0reply by shaking the hand, thumb, and all fingers,\nseparated and loosely extended, palm down. (_Smyth_, _loc. cit._) Fig.\n273.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 273.]\n\n_Turkish sign:_\n\nBlowing across open palm as though blowing off feathers; also means\n\u201cNothing, nothing left.\u201d (_Barnum_.)\n\n----, I have none.\n\n_Deaf-mute natural signs:_\n\nExpressed by the signs for none, after pointing to one\u2019s self.\n(_Ballard_.)\n\nStretch the tongue and move it to and fro like a pendulum, then shake\nthe head as if to say \u201cno.\u201d (_Ziegler_.)\n\n---- Left. Exhausted for the present.\n\nHold both hands naturally relaxed nearly at arm\u2019s length before the\nbody, palms toward the face, move them alternately to and fro a few\ninches, allowing the fingers to strike those of the opposite hand each\ntime as far as the second joint. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III;\n_Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.) Cleaned out.\n\n\nQUANTITY, LARGE; MANY; MUCH.\n\nThe flat of the right hand patting the back of the left hand, which is\nrepeated in proportion to the greater or lesser quantity. (_Dunbar_.)\nSimple repetition.\n\nThe hands and arms are passed in a curvilinear direction outward and\ndownward, as if showing the form of a large globe; then the hands are\nclosed and elevated, as if something was grasped in each hand and held\nup about as high as the face. (_Long_; _Creel_.)\n\nClutch at the air several times with both hands. The motion greatly\nresembles those of danseuses playing the castanets. (_Ojibwa_\u00a0I.)\n\nIn the preceding signs the authorities have not distinguished between\nthe ideas of \u201cmany\u201d and \u201cmuch.\u201d In the following there appears by the\nexpressions of the authorities to be some distinction intended between a\nnumber of objects and a quantity in volume.\n\n\n---- MANY.\n\nA simultaneous movement of both hands, as if gathering or heaping up.\n(_Arapaho_\u00a0I.) Literally \u201ca\u00a0heap.\u201d\n\nBoth hands, with spread and slightly curved fingers, are held pendent\nabout two feet apart before the thighs; then draw them toward one\nanother, horizontally, drawing them upward as they come together.\n(_Absaroka_\u00a0I; _Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I; _Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III;\n_Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.) \u201cAn accumulation of objects.\u201d\n\nHands about eighteen inches from the ground in front and about the same\ndistance apart, held scoop-fashion, palms looting toward each other,\nfingers separated; then, with a diving motion, as if scooping up corn\nfrom the ground, bring the hands nearly together, with fingers nearly\nclosed, as though holding the corn, and carry upward to the height of\nthe breast, where the hands are turned over, fingers pointing downward,\nseparated, as though the contents were allowed to drop to the ground.\n(_Dakota_ I,\u00a0II.)\n\nOpen the fingers of both hands, and hold the two hands before the\nbreast, with the fingers upward and a little apart, and the palms turned\ntoward each other, as if grasping a number of things. (_Iroquois_\u00a0I.)\n\nPlace the hands on either side of and as high as the head, then open and\nclose the fingers rapidly four or five times. (_Wyandot_\u00a0I.) \u201cCounting\n\u2018tens\u2019 an indefinite number of times.\u201d\n\nClasp the hands effusively before the breast. (_Apache_ III.)\n\n_Deaf-mute natural signs:_\n\nPut the fingers of the two hands together, tip to tip, and rub them with\na rapid motion. (_Ballard_.)\n\nMake a rapid movement of the fingers and thumbs of both hands upward and\ndownward, and at the same time cause both lips to touch each other in\nrapid succession, and both eyes to be half opened. (_Hasenstab_.)\n\nMove the fingers of both hands forward and backward. (_Ziegler_.) Add to\n_Ziegler\u2019s_ sign: slightly opening and closing the hands. (_Wing_.)\n\n---- Horses.\n\nRaise the right arm above the head, palm forward, and thrust forward\nforcibly on a line with the shoulder. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\n---- Persons, etc.\n\nHands and fingers interlaced. (_Macgowan_.)\n\nTake up a bunch of grass or a clod of earth; place it in the hand of the\nperson addressed, who looks down upon it. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.) \u201cRepresents as\nmany or more than the particles contained in the mass.\u201d\n\n---- MUCH.\n\nMove both hands toward one another and slightly upward. (_Wied_.) I have\nseen this sign, but I think it is used only for articles that may be\npiled on the ground or formed into a heap. The sign most in use for the\ngeneral idea of _much_ or _many_ I have given. (_Matthews_.)\n\nBring the hands up in front of the body with the fingers carefully kept\ndistinct. (_Cheyenne_\u00a0I.)\n\nBoth hands closed, brought up in a curved motion toward each other to\nthe level of the neck or chin. (_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.)\n\nBoth hands and arms are partly extended; each hand is then made to\ndescribe, simultaneously with the other, from the head downward, the arc\nof a circle curving outward. This is used for _large_ in some senses.\n(_Ojibwa_\u00a0V; _Mandan and Hidatsa_\u00a0I.)\n\nBoth hands flat and extended, placed before the breast, finger tips\ntouching, palms down; then separate them by passing outward and downward\nas if smoothing the outer surface of a globe. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I; _Shoshoni\nand Banack_\u00a0I; _Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\u201cA\u00a0heap.\u201d\n\n_Much_ is included in _many_ or _big_, as the case may require.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\nThe hands, with fingers widely separated, slightly bent, pointing\nforward, and backs outward, are to be rapidly approximated through\ndownward curves, from positions twelve to thirty-six inches apart, at\nthe height of the navel, and quickly closed. Or the hands may be moved\nuntil the right is above the left. So much that it has to be gathered\nwith both hands. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\nHands open, palms turned in, held about three feet apart and about two\nfeet from the ground. Raise them about a foot, then bring in an upward\ncurve toward each other. As they pass each other, palms down, the right\nhand is about three inches above the left. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nPlace both hands flat and extended, thumbs touching, palms downward, in\nfront of and as high as the face; then move them outward and downward a\nshort distance toward their respective sides, thus describing the upper\nhalf of a circle. (_Wyandot_\u00a0I.) \u201cA\u00a0heap.\u201d\n\nBoth hands clinched, placed as high as and in front of the hips, palms\nfacing opposite sides and about a foot apart, then bring them upward and\ninward, describing an arc, until the thumbs touch. (_Apache_\u00a0I.) Fig.\n274.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 274.]\n\nSweep out both hands as if inclosing a large object; wave the hands\nforward and somewhat upward. (_Apache_ III.) \u201cSuggesting immensity.\u201d\n\n_Deaf-mute sign:_\n\nThe French deaf-mutes place the two hands, with fingers united and\nextended in a slight curve, nearly together, left above right, in front\nof the body, and then raise the left in a direct line above the right,\nthus suggesting the idea of a large and slightly-rounded object being\nheld between the two palms.\n\n---- And heavy.\n\nHands open, palms turned in, held about three feet apart, and about two\nfeet from the ground, raise them about a foot; close the fists, backs of\nhands down, as if lifting something heavy; then move a short distance up\nand down several times. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nRemarks connected with the signs for _quantity_ appear on pages 291,\n359, and 382, _supra_.\n\n\nQUESTION; INQUIRY; INTERROGATION.\n\nThe palm of the hand upward and carried circularly outward, and\ndepressed. (_Dunbar_.)\n\nThe hand held up with the thumb near the face, and the palm directed\ntoward the person of whom the inquiry is made; then rotated upon the\nwrist two or three times edgewise, to denote uncertainty. (_Long_;\n_Comanche_\u00a0I; _Wichita_\u00a0I.) The motion might be mistaken for the\nderisive, vulgar gesture called \u201ctaking a sight,\u201d \u201c_donner un pied de\nnez_,\u201d descending to our small boys from antiquity. The separate motion\nof the fingers in the vulgar gesture as used in our eastern cities is,\nhowever, more nearly correlated with some of the Indian signs for\n_fool_, one of which is the same as that for _Kaiowa_, see TRIBAL SIGNS.\nIt may be noted that the Latin \u201c_sagax_,\u201d from which is derived\n\u201csagacity,\u201d was chiefly used to denote the keen scent of dogs, so there\nis a relation established between the nasal organ and wisdom or its\nabsence, and that \u201c_suspendere naso_\u201d was a classic phrase for hoaxing.\nThe Italian expressions \u201c_restare con un palmo di naso_,\u201d \u201c_con tanto di\nnaso_,\u201d etc., mentioned by the canon De Jorio, refer to the same vulgar\ngesture in which the face is supposed to be thrust forward sillily.\nFurther remarks connected with this sign appear on pp. 304, 305,\n_supra_.\n\nExtend the open hand perpendicularly with the palm outward, and move it\nfrom side to side several times. (_Wied_.) This sign is still used. For\n\u201coutward,\u201d however, I\u00a0would substitute \u201cforward.\u201d The hand is usually,\nbut not always, held before the face. (_Matthews_.) This is not the sign\nfor _question_, but is used to attract attention before commencing a\nconversation or any other time during the talk, when found necessary.\n(_McChesney_.) With due deference to Dr. McChesney, this is the sign for\n_question_, as used by many tribes, and especially Dakotas. The Prince\nof Wied probably intended to convey the motion of _forward, to the\nfront_, when he said _outward_. In making the sign for _attention_ the\nhand is held more nearly horizontal, and is directed toward the\nindividual whose attention is desired. (_Hoffman_.)\n\nRight hand in front of right side of body, forearm horizontal, palm of\nhand to the left, fingers extended, joined and horizontal, thumb\nextending upward naturally, turn hand to the left about 60\u00b0, then resume\nfirst position. Continue this motion for about two to four seconds,\ndepending on earnestness of inquiry. (_Creel_.)\n\nRight hand, fingers pointing upward, palm outward, elevated to the level\nof the shoulder, extended toward the person addressed, and slightly\nshaken from side to side. (_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.)\n\nHold the elbow of the right arm against the side, extending the right\nhand, palm inward, with all the fingers straight joined, as far as may\nbe, while the elbow remains fixed against the side; then turn the\nextended hand to the right and left, repeating this movement several\ntimes, being performed by the muscles of the arm. (_Sac, Fox, and\nKickapoo_\u00a0I.)\n\nPlace the flat and extended right hand, palm forward, about twelve\ninches in front of and as high as the shoulder, then shake the hand from\nside to side as it is moved upward and forward. (_Apache_\u00a0I.) See Fig.\n304, in TENDOY-HUERITO DIALOGUE, p.\u00a0486. This may be compared with the\nancient Greek sign, Fig. 67, and with the modern Neapolitan sign, Fig.\n70, both of which are discussed on p.\u00a0291, _supra_.\n\n_Deaf-mute natural sign:_\n\nA quick motion of the lips with an inquiring look. (_Ballard_.)\n\n_Deaf-mute sign:_\n\nThe French deaf-mutes for _inquiry_, \u201c_qu\u2019est-ce que c\u2019est?_\u201d bring the\nhands to the lower part of the chest, with open palms about a foot\nseparate and diverging outward.\n\n_Australian sign:_\n\nOne is a sort of note of interrogation. For instance, if I were to meet\na native and make the sign: Hand flat, fingers and thumb extended, the\ntwo middle fingers touching, the two outer slightly separated from the\nmiddle by turning the hand palm upward as I met him, it would mean:\n\u201cWhere are you going?\u201d In other words I should say \u201c_Minna?_\u201d (what\nname?). (_Smyth_.) Fig. 275.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 275.]\n\nSome comparisons and illustrations connected with the signs for\n_question_ appear on pages 291, 297, and 303, _supra_, and under\nPHRASES, _infra_. Quintilian remarks upon this subject as follows: \u201cIn\nquestioning, we do not compose our gesture after any single manner; the\nposition of the hand, for the most part is to be changed, however\ndisposed before.\u201d\n\n\nSOLDIER.\n\n----, American.\n\nThe upright nearly closed hands, thumbs against the middle of the\nforefingers, being in front of the body, with their thumbs near\ntogether, palms forward, separate them about two feet horizontally on\nthe same line. All in a line in front. (_Cheyenne_ III; _Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\nPass each hand down the outer seam of the pants. (_Sac, Fox, and\nKickapoo_\u00a0I.) \u201cStripes.\u201d\n\nSign for WHITE MAN as follows: The extended index (M\u00a0turned inward) is\ndrawn from the left side of the head around in front to the right side,\nabout on a line with the brim of the hat, with the back of the hand\noutward; and then for FORT, viz, on level of the breasts in front of\nbody, both hands with fingers turned inward, straight, backs joined,\nbacks of hands outward, horizontal, turn outward the hands until the\nfingers are free, curve them, and bring the wrists together so as to\ndescribe a circle with a space left between the ends of the curved\nfingers. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cFrom his fortified place of abode.\u201d\n\nAnother: Both hands in front of body, fists, backs outward, hands in\ncontact, draw them apart on a straight line right to right, left to left\nabout two feet, then draw the index, other fingers closed, across the\nforehead above the eyebrows. This is the sign preferred by the Sioux.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\nExtend the fingers of the right hand; place the thumb on the same plane\nclose beside them, and then bring the thumb side of the hand\nhorizontally against the middle of the forehead, palm downward and\nlittle finger to the front. (_Dakota_\u00a0II; _Ute_\u00a0I.) \u201cVisor of forage\ncap.\u201d\n\nFirst make the sign for SOLDIER substantially the same as (_Dakota_\u00a0VI)\nbelow, then that for WHITE MAN, viz.: Draw the opened right hand\nhorizontally from left to right across the forehead a little above the\neyebrows, the back of the hand to be upward and the fingers pointing\ntoward the left; or, close all the fingers except the index and draw it\nacross the forehead in the same manner. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.) For illustrations\nof other signs for white man see Figs 315 and 329, _infra_.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 276.]\n\nPlace the radial sides of the clinched hands together before the chest,\nthen draw them horizontally apart. (_Dakota_\u00a0VI; _Arikara_\u00a0I.) \u201cAll in a\nline.\u201d Fig. 276.\n\nPut thumbs to temples, and forefingers forward, meeting in front, other\nfingers closed. (_Apache_ III.) \u201cCap-visor.\u201d\n\n----, Arikara.\n\nMake the sign for ARIKARA (see TRIBAL SIGNS) and that for BRAVE.\n(_Arikara_\u00a0I.)\n\n----, Dakota.\n\nMake the sign for DAKOTA (see TRIBAL SIGNS) and that for SOLDIER.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0VI.)\n\n----, Indian.\n\nBoth fists before the body, palms down, thumbs touching, then draw them\nhorizontally apart to the right and left. (_Arapaho_\u00a0II; _Cheyenne_\u00a0V;\n_Ponka_\u00a0II; _Pani_\u00a0I.) This is the same sign illustrated in Fig. 276,\nabove, as given by tribes there cited for _white_ or _American soldier_.\nThe tribes now cited use it for _a soldier_ of the same tribe as the\ngesturer, or perhaps for _soldier_ generically, as they subjoin a tribal\nsign or the sign for _white man_, when desiring to refer to any other\nthan their own tribe.\n\n\nTRADE or BARTER; EXCHANGE.\n\n---- TRADE.\n\nFirst make the sign of EXCHANGE (see below), then pat the left arm with\nthe right finger, with a rapid motion from the hand passing it toward\nthe shoulder. (_Long_.)\n\nStrike the extended index finger of the right hand several times upon\nthat of the left. (_Wied_.) I have described the same sign in different\nterms and at greater length. It is only necessary, however, to place the\nfingers in contact once. The person whom the prince saw making this sign\nmay have meant to indicate something more than the simple idea of trade,\n_i.e._, trade often or habitually. The idea of frequency is often\nconveyed by the repetition of a sign (as\u00a0in some Indian languages by\nrepetition of the root). Or the sign-maker may have repeated the sign to\ndemonstrate it more clearly. (_Matthews_.) Though some difference exists\nin the motions executed in _Wied\u2019s_ sign and that of (_Oto and\nMissouri_\u00a0I), there is sufficient similarity to justify a probable\nidentity of conception and to make them easily understood. (_Boteler_.)\nIn the author\u2019s mind _exchange_ was probably intended for one\ntransaction, in which each of two articles took the place before\noccupied by the other, and _trade_ was intended for a more general and\nsystematic barter, indicated by the repetition of strokes. Such\ndistinction would not perhaps have occurred to most observers, but as\nthe older authorities, such as Long and Wied, give distinct signs under\nthe separate titles of _trade_ and _exchange_ they must be credited with\nhaving some reason for so doing. A\u00a0pictograph connected with this sign\nis shown on page 381, _supra_.\n\nCross the forefingers of both hands before the breast. (_Burton_.)\n\u201cDiamond cut diamond.\u201d This conception of one smart trader cutting into\nthe profits of another is a mistake arising from the rough resemblance\nof the sign to that for _cutting_. Captain Burton is right, however, in\nreporting that this sign for _trade_ is also used for _white man,\nAmerican_, and that the same Indians using it orally call white men\n\u201cshwop,\u201d from the English or American word \u201cswap\u201d or \u201cswop.\u201d This is a\nlegacy from the early traders, the first white men met by the Western\ntribes, and the expression extends even to the Sahaptins on the Yakama\nRiver, where it appears incorporated in their language as _swiapoin_. It\nmust have penetrated to them through the Shoshoni.\n\nCross the index fingers. (_Macgowan_.)\n\nCross the forefingers at right angles. (_Arapaho_ I.)\n\nBoth hands, palms facing each other, forefingers extended, crossed right\nabove left before the breast. (_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.)\n\nThe left hand, with forefinger extended, pointing toward the right (rest\nof fingers closed), horizontal, back outward, otherwise as (M), is held\nin front of left breast about a foot; and the right hand, with\nforefinger extended (J), in front of and near the right breast, is\ncarried outward and struck over the top of the stationary left (+)\ncrosswise, where it remains for a moment. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\nHold the extended left index about a foot in front of the breast,\npointing obliquely forward toward the right, and lay the extended right\nindex at right angles across the left, first raising the right about a\nfoot above the left, palms of both inward, other fingers half closed.\nThis is also an Arapaho sign as well as Dakota. Yours is there and mine\nis there; take either. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 277.]\n\nPlace the first two fingers of the right hand across those of the left,\nboth being slightly spread. The hands are sometimes used, but are placed\nedgewise. (_Dakota_\u00a0V.) Fig. 277.\n\nAnother: The index of the right hand is laid across the forefinger of\nthe left when the transaction includes but two persons trading single\narticle for article. (_Dakota_\u00a0V.)\n\nStrike the back of the extended index at a right angle against the\nradial side of the extended forefinger of the left hand. (_Dakota_\u00a0VI,\nVII.) Fig. 278.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 278.]\n\nThe forefingers are extended, held obliquely upward, and crossed at\nright angles to one another, usually in front of the chest. (_Mandan and\nHidatsa_\u00a0I.)\n\nBring each hand as high as the breast, forefinger pointing up, the other\nfingers closed, then move quickly the right hand to the left, the left\nto the right, the forefingers making an acute angle as they cross.\n(_Omaha_\u00a0I; _Ponka_\u00a0I.)\n\nThe palm point of the right index extended touches the chest; it is then\nturned toward the second individual interested, then touches the object.\nThe arms are now drawn toward the body, semiflexed, with the hands, in\ntype-positions (W\u00a0W), crossed, the right superposed to the left. The\nindividual then casts an interrogating glance at the second person.\n(_Oto and Missouri_\u00a0I.) \u201cTo cross something from one to another.\u201d\n\nClose the hands, except the index fingers and the thumbs; with them\nopen, move the hands several times past one another at the height of the\nbreast; the index fingers pointing upward and the thumbs outward.\n(_Iroquois_\u00a0I.) \u201cThe movement indicates \u2018exchanging.\u2019\u201d\n\nHold the left hand horizontally before the body, with the forefinger\nonly extended and pointing to the right, palm downward; then, with the\nright hand closed, index only extended, palm to the right, place the\nindex at right angles on the forefinger of the left, touching at the\nsecond joints. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\nPass the hands in front of the body, all the fingers closed except the\nforefingers. (_Sahaptin_\u00a0I.)\n\nClose the fingers of both hands (K); bring them opposite each shoulder;\nthen bring the hands across each other\u2019s pathway, without permitting\nthem to touch. At the close of the sign the left hand will be near and\npointing at the right shoulder; right hand will be near and pointing at\nthe left shoulder. (_Comanche_\u00a0I.)\n\nClose both hands, leaving the forefingers only extended; place the right\nbefore and several inches above the left, then pass the right hand\ntoward the left elbow and the left hand toward the right elbow, each\nhand following the course made by a flourishing cut with a short sword.\nThis sign, according to the informant, is also employed by the Banak and\nUmatilla Indians. (_Comanche_\u00a0II; _Pai-Ute_\u00a0I.)\n\nThe forefingers of both hands only extended, pass the left from left to\nright, and the right at the same time crossing its course from the tip\ntoward the wrist of the left, stopping when the wrists cross. (_Ute_\u00a0I.)\n\u201cExchange of articles.\u201d\n\nRight hand carried across chest, hand extended, palm upward, fingers and\nthumb closed as if holding something; left hand, in same position,\ncarried across the right, palm downward. (_Kutchin_\u00a0I.)\n\nHands pronated and forefingers crossed. (_Zu\u00f1i_ I.)\n\n_Deaf-mute natural sign:_\n\nClose the hand slightly, as if taking something, and move it forward and\nopen the hand as if to drop or give away the thing, and again close and\nwithdraw the hand as if to take something else. (_Ballard_.)\n\nAmerican instructed deaf-mutes use substantially the sign described by\n(_Mandan and Hidatsa_\u00a0I).\n\n---- To buy.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 279.]\n\nHold the left hand about twelve inches before the breast, the thumb\nresting on the closed third and fourth fingers; the fore and second\nfingers separated and extended, palm toward the breast; then pass the\nextended index into the crotch formed by the separated fingers of the\nleft hand. This is an invented sign, and was given to illustrate the\ndifference between buying and trading. (_Ute_\u00a0I.) Fig. 279.\n\n_Deaf-mute natural sign:_\n\nMake a circle on the palm of the left hand with the forefinger of the\nright hand, to denote _coin_, and close the thumb and finger as if to\ntake the money, and put the hand forward to signify giving it to some\none, and move the hand a little apart from the place where it left the\nmoney, and then close and withdraw the hand, as if to take the thing\npurchased. (_Ballard_.)\n\n_Italian sign:_\n\nTo indicate paying, in the language of the fingers, one makes as though\nhe put something, piece after piece, from one hand into the other--a\ngesture, however, far less expressive than that when a man lacks money,\nand yet cannot make up a face to beg it; or simply to indicate want of\nmoney, which is to rub together the thumb and forefinger, at the same\ntime stretching out the hand. (_Butler_.) An illustration from De Jorio\nof the Neapolitan sign for _money_ is given on page 297, _supra_.\n\n---- EXCHANGE.\n\nThe two forefingers are extended perpendicularly, and the hands are then\npassed by each other transversely in front of the breast so as nearly to\nexchange positions. (_Long_.)\n\nPass both hands, with extended forefingers, across each other before the\nbreast. (_Wied_.) See remarks on this author\u2019s sign for TRADE, _supra_.\n\nHands brought up to front of breast, forefingers extended and other\nfingers slightly closed; hands suddenly drawn toward and past each other\nuntil forearms are crossed in front of breast. (_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.)\n\u201cExchange; right hand exchanging position with the left.\u201d\n\nLeft hand, with forefinger extended, others closed (M, except back of\nhand outward), is brought, arm extended, in front of the left breast,\nand the extended forefinger of the right hand, obliquely upward, others\nclosed, is placed crosswise over the left and maintained in that\nposition for a moment, when the fingers of the right hand are relaxed\n(as\u00a0in\u00a0Y), brought near the breast with hand horizontal, palm inward,\nand then carried out again in front of right breast twenty inches, with\npalm looking toward the left, fingers pointing forward, hand horizontal,\nand then the left hand performs the same movements on the left side of\nthe body. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cYou give me, I\u00a0give you.\u201d\n\nThe hands, backs forward, are held as index hands, pointing upward, the\nelbows being fully bent; each hand is then, simultaneously with the\nother, moved to the opposite shoulder, so that the forearms cross one\nanother almost at right angles. (_Mandan and Hidatsa_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nYES; AFFIRMATION; IT IS SO. (Compare GOOD.)\n\nThe motion is somewhat like _truth_, viz: The forefinger in the attitude\nof pointing, from the mouth forward in a line curving a little upward,\nthe other fingers being carefully closed; but the finger is held rather\nmore upright, and is passed nearly straightforward from opposite the\nbreast, and when at the end of its course it seems gently to strike\nsomething, though with rather a slow and not suddenly accelerated\nmotion. (_Long_.)\n\nWave the hand straight forward from the face. (_Burton_.) This may be\ncompared with the forward nod common over most of the world for assent,\nbut that gesture is not universal, as the New Zealanders elevate the\nhead and chin, and the Turks are reported by several travelers to shake\nthe head somewhat like our negative. Rev. H.\u00a0N. Barnum denies that\nreport, giving below the gesture observed by him. He, however, describes\nthe Turkish gesture sign for _truth_ to be \u201cgently bowing with head\ninclined to the right.\u201d This sidewise inclination may be what has been\ncalled the shake of the head in affirmation.\n\nAnother: Wave the hand from the mouth, extending the thumb from the\nindex and closing the other three fingers. (_Burton_.)\n\nGesticulate vertically downward and in front of the body with the\nextended forefinger (right hand usually), the remaining fingers and\nthumb closed, their nails down. (_Creel_; _Arapaho_\u00a0I.)\n\nRight hand elevated to the level and in front of the shoulder, two first\nfingers somewhat extended, thumb resting against the middle finger;\nsudden motion in a curve forward and downward. (_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.) It has\nbeen suggested that the correspondence between this gesture and the one\ngiven by the same gesturer for _sitting_ (made by holding the right hand\nto one side, fingers and thumb drooping, and striking downward to the\nground or object to be sat upon) seemingly indicates that the origin of\nthe former is in connection with the idea of \u201cresting,\u201d or \u201csettling a\nquestion.\u201d It is however at least equally probable that the forward and\ndownward curve is an abbreviation of the sign for _truth, true_, a\ntypical description of which follows given by (_Dakota_\u00a0I). The sign for\n_true_ can often be interchanged with that for _yes_, in the same manner\nas the several words.\n\nThe index of the horizontal hand (M), other fingers closed, is carried\nstraight outward from the mouth. This is also the sign for _truth_.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cBut one tongue.\u201d\n\nExtend the right index, the thumb against it, nearly close the other\nfingers, and holding it about a foot in front of the right breast, bend\nthe hand from the wrist downward until the end of the index has passed\nabout six inches through an arc. Some at the same time move the hand\nforward a little. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.) \u201cA\u00a0nod; the hand representing the head\nand the index the nose.\u201d\n\nHold the naturally closed hand before the right side of the breast, or\nshoulder, leaving the index and thumb extended, then throw the hand\ndownward, bring the index against the inner side of the thumb.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0VI, VII, VIII.) Fig. 280. Compare also Fig. 61, p.\u00a0286,\n_supra_, Quintilian\u2019s sign for approbation.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 280.]\n\nThe right hand, with the forefinger only extended and pointing forward,\nis held before and near the chest. It is then moved forward one or two\nfeet, usually with a slight curve downward. (_Mandan and Hidatsa_\u00a0I.)\n\nBend the right arm, pointing toward the chest with the index finger;\nunbend, throwing the hand up and forward. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nAnother: Close the three fingers, close the thumb over them, extend\nforefinger, and then shake forward and down. This is more emphatic than\nthe preceding, and signifies, _Yes, I\u00a0know_. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\nThe right arm is raised to head with the index finger in type-position\n(I\u00a01), modified by being more opened. From aside the head the hands\nsweep in a curve to the right ear as of something entering or hearing\nsomething; the finger is then more open and carried direct to the ground\nas something emphatic or direct. (_Oto and Missouri_\u00a0I.) \u201c\u2018I\u00a0hear,\u2019\nemphatically symbolized.\u201d It is doubted if this sign is more than an\nexpression of understanding which may or may not imply positive assent.\nIt would not probably be used as a direct affirmative, for instance, in\nresponse to a question.\n\nThe hand open, palm downward, at the level of the breast, is moved\nforward with a quick downward motion from the wrist, imitating a bow of\nthe head. (_Iroquois_\u00a0I.)\n\nThrow the closed right hand, with the index extended and bent, as high\nas the face, and let it drop again naturally; but as the hand reaches\nits greatest elevation the index is fully extended and suddenly drawn\ninto the palm, the gesture resembling a beckoning from above toward the\nground. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\nQuick motion of the right hand forward from the mouth; first position\nabout six inches from the mouth and final as far again away. In first\nposition the index finger is extended, the others closed; in final, the\nindex loosely closed, thrown in that position as the hand is moved\nforward, as though hooking something with it; palm of hand out.\n(_Sahaptin_\u00a0I.)\n\nAnother: Move right hand to a position in front of the body, letting arm\nhang loosely at the side, the thumb standing alone, all fingers hooked\nexcept forefinger, which is partially extended (E\u00a01, palm upward). The\nsign consists in moving the forefinger from its partially extended\nposition to one similar to the others, as though making a sly motion for\nsome one to come to you. This is done once each time the assent is made.\nMore emphatic than the preceding. (_Sahaptin_\u00a0I.) \u201cWe are together,\nthink alike.\u201d\n\n_Deaf-mute natural sign:_\n\nIndicate by nodding the head. (_Ballard_.)\n\n_Deaf-mute sign:_\n\nThe French mutes unite the extremities of the index and thumb so as to\nform a circle and move the hand downward with back vertical and turned\noutward. It has been suggested in explanation that the circle formed and\nexhibited is merely the letter O, the initial of the word _oui_.\n\n_Fiji sign:_\n\nAssent is expressed, not by a downward nod as with ourselves, but by an\nupward nod; the head is jerked backward. Assent is also expressed by\nuplifting the eyebrows. (_Fison_.)\n\n_Turkish sign:_\n\nOne or two nods of the head forward. (_Barnum_.)\n\nOther remarks and illustrations upon the signs for _yes_ are given on\npage 286, _supra_.\n\n\n\n\nTRIBAL SIGNS.\n\n\nABSAROKA or CROW.\n\nThe hands held out each side, and striking the air in the manner of\nflying. (_Long_.)\n\nImitate the flapping of the bird\u2019s wings with the two hands, palms\ndownward, brought close to the shoulder. (_Burton_.)\n\nImitate the flapping of a bird\u2019s wings with the two hands, palms to the\nfront and brought close to the shoulder. (_Creel_.)\n\nPlace the flat hand as high as and in front or to the side of the right\nshoulder, move it up and down, the motion occurring at the wrist. For\nmore thorough representation both hands are sometimes employed.\n(_Arapaho_\u00a0II; _Cheyenne_\u00a0V; _Dakota_\u00a0V, VI, VIII; _Ponka_\u00a0II;\n_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Pani_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\u201cBird\u2019s wing.\u201d\n\nBoth hands extended, with fingers joined (W), held near the shoulders,\nand flapped to represent the wings of a crow. (_Dakota_\u00a0II, III.)\n\nAt the height of the shoulders and a foot outward from them, move the\nupright hands forward and backward twice or three times from the wrist,\npalms forward, fingers and thumbs extended and separated a little; then\nplace the back or the palm of the upright opened right hand against the\nupper part of the forehead; or half close the fingers, placing the end\nof the thumb against the ends of the fore and middle fingers, and then\nplace the back of the hand against the forehead. This sign is also made\nby the Arapahos. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.) \u201cTo imitate the flying of a bird, and\nalso indicate the manner in which the Absaroka wear their hair.\u201d\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 281.]\n\nMake with the arms the motion of flapping wings. (_Kutine_\u00a0I.)\n\nThe flat right hand, palm outward to the front and right, is held in\nfront of the right shoulder, and quickly waved back and forth a few\ntimes. When made for the information of one ignorant of the common sign,\nboth hands are used, and the hands are moved outward from the body,\nthough still near the shoulder. (_Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.) \u201cWings,\n_i.e._, of a crow.\u201d Fig. 281.\n\n\nAPACHE.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 282.]\n\nMake either of the signs for POOR, IN PROPERTY, by rubbing the index\nback and forth over the extended left forefinger; or, by passing the\nextended index alternately along the upper and lower sides of the\nextended left forefinger from tip to base. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III;\n_Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.) Fig. 282. \u201cIt is said that when the first\nApache came to the region they now occupy he was asked who or what he\nwas, and not understanding the language he merely made the sign for\n_poor_, which expressed his condition.\u201d\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 283.]\n\nRub the back of the extended left forefinger from end to end with the\nextended index. (_Comanche_\u00a0II; _Ute_\u00a0I.) \u201cPoor, poverty-stricken.\u201d\n\n----, Coyotero.\n\nPlace the back of the right hand near the end of the foot, the fingers\ncurved upward, to represent the turned-up toes of the moccasins. (_Pima\nand Papago_\u00a0I; _Apache_\u00a0I.) Fig. 283.\n\n----, Mescalero.\n\nSame sign as for LIPAN _q.v._ (_Kaiowa_ I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II;\n_Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\n----, Warm Spring.\n\nHand curved (Y, more flexed) and laid on its back on top of the foot\n(_moccasins much curved up at toe_); then draw hands up legs to near\nknee, and cut off with edges of hands (_boot tops_). (_Apache_ III.)\n\u201cThose who wear booted moccasins with turn-up toes.\u201d\n\n\nARAPAHO.\n\nThe fingers of one hand touch the breast in different parts, to indicate\nthe tattooing of that part in points. (_Long_.)\n\nSeize the nose with the thumb and forefinger. (Randolph B. Marcy,\ncaptain United States Army, in _The Prairie Traveler_. _New York_, 1859,\np.\u00a0215.)\n\nRub the right side of the nose with the forefinger: some call this tribe\nthe \u201cSmellers,\u201d and make their sign consist of seizing the nose with the\nthumb and forefinger. (_Burton_.)\n\nFinger to side of nose. (_Macgowan_.)\n\nTouch the left breast, thus implying what they call themselves, viz: the\n\u201cGood Hearts.\u201d (_Arapaho_\u00a0I.)\n\nRub the side of the extended index against the right side of the nose.\n(_Arapaho_\u00a0II; _Cheyenne_\u00a0V; _Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II;\n_Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\nHold the left hand, palm down, and fingers extended; then with the right\nhand, fingers extended, palm inward and thumb up, make a sudden stroke\nfrom left to right across the back of the fingers of the left hand, as\nif cutting them off. (_Sac, Fox, and Kickapoo_\u00a0I.) This is believed to\nbe an error of the authority, and should apply to the CHEYENNE tribal\nsign.\n\nJoin the ends of the fingers (the thumb included) of the right hand,\nand, pointing toward the heart near the chest, throw the hand forward\nand to the right once, twice, or many times, through an arc of about six\ninches. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.) \u201cSome say they use this sign because these\nIndians tattoo their breasts.\u201d\n\nCollect the fingers and thumb of the right hand to a point, and tap the\ntips upon the left breast briskly. (_Comanche_\u00a0II; _Ute_\u00a0I.)\n\u201cGoodhearted.\u201d It was stated by members of the various tribes at\nWashington, in 1880, that this sign is used to designate the Northern\nArapahos, while that in which the index rubs against or passes upward\nalongside of the nose refers to the Southern Arapahos.\n\nAnother: Close the right hand, leaving the index only extended; then rub\nit up and down, held vertically, against the side of the nose where it\njoins the cheek. (_Comanche_\u00a0II; _Ute_\u00a0I.)\n\nThe fingers and thumb of the right hand, are brought to a point, and\ntapped upon the right side of the breast. (_Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nARIKARA. (Corruptly abbreviated REE.)\n\nImitate the manner of shelling corn, holding the left hand stationary,\nthe shelling being done with the right. (_Creel_.) Fig. 284.\n\nWith the right hand closed, curve the thumb and index, join their tips\nso as to form a circle, and place to the lobe of the ear. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I;\n_Hidatsa_\u00a0I.) \u201cBig ear-rings.\u201d Fig. 285.\n\nBoth hands, fists, (B, except thumbs) in front of body, backs looking\ntoward the sides of the body, thumbs obliquely upward, left hand\nstationary, the backs of the fingers of the two hands touching, carry\nthe right thumb forward and backward at the inner side of the left thumb\nand without moving the hand from the left, in imitation of the act of\nshelling corn. (_Dakota_\u00a0I, VII, VIII.)\n\nCollect the fingers and thumb of the right hand nearly to a point, and\nmake a tattooing or dotting motion toward the upper portion of the\ncheek. This is the old sign, and was used by them previous to the\nadoption of the more modern one representing \u201ccorn-eaters.\u201d\n(_Arikara_\u00a0I.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 284.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 285.]\n\nPlace the back of the closed right hand transversely before the mouth,\nand rotate it forward and backward several times. This gesture may be\naccompanied, as it sometimes is, by a motion of the jaws as if eating,\nto illustrate more fully the meaning of the rotation of the fist.\n(_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Wichita_\u00a0II; _Apache_\u00a0I.) \u201cCorn-eater;\neating corn from the ear.\u201d\n\nSignified by the same motions with the thumbs and forefingers that are\nused in shelling corn. The dwarf Ree (Arikara) corn is their peculiar\npossession, which their tradition says was given to them by a superior\nbeing, who led them to the Missouri River and instructed them how to\nplant it. (Rev. C.\u00a0L. Hall, in _The Missionary Herald_, April, 1880.)\n\u201cThey are the corn-shellers.\u201d Have seen this sign used by the Arikaras\nas a tribal designation. (_Dakota_\u00a0II.)\n\n\nASSINABOIN.\n\nHands in front of abdomen, horizontal, backs outward, ends of fingers\npointing toward one another, separated and arched (H), then moved up and\ndown and from side to side as though covering a corpulent body. This\nsign is also used to indicate the Gros Ventres of the Prairie or Atsina.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\nMake the sign of _cutting the throat_. (_Kutine_ I.) As the Assinaboins\nbelong to the Dakotan stock, the sign generally given for the Sioux may\nbe used for them also.\n\nWith the right hand flattened, form a curve by passing it from the top\nof the chest to the pubis, the fingers pointing to the left, and the\nback forward. (_Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.) \u201cBig bellies.\u201d\n\n\nATSINA, LOWER GROS VENTRE.\n\nBoth hands closed, the tips of the fingers pointing toward the wrist and\nresting upon the base of the joint, the thumbs lying upon and extending\nover the middle joint of the forefingers; hold the left before the\nchest, pointing forward, palm up, placing the right, with palm down,\njust back of the left, and move as if picking small objects from the\nleft with the tip of the right thumb. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I; _Shoshoni and\nBanak_\u00a0I.) \u201cCorn-shellers.\u201d\n\nBring the extended and separated fingers and thumb loosely to a point,\nflexed at the metacarpal joints; point them toward the left clavicle,\nand imitate a dotting motion as if tattooing the skin. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I;\n_Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.) \u201cThey used to tattoo\nthemselves, and live in the country south of the Dakotas.\u201d\n\nSee also the sign of (_Dakota_ I) under ASSINABOIN.\n\n\nBANAK.\n\nMake a whistling sound \u201cphew\u201d (beginning at a high note and ending about\nan octave lower); then draw the extended index across the throat from\nthe left to the right and out to nearly at arm\u2019s length. They used to\ncut the throats of their prisoners. (_Pai-Ute_\u00a0I.)\n\nMajor Haworth states that the _Banaks_ make the following sign for\nthemselves: Brush the flat right hand backward over the forehead as if\nforcing back the hair. This represents the manner of wearing the tuft of\nhair backward from the forehead. According to this informant, the\nShoshoni use the same sign for BANAK as for themselves.\n\n\nBLACKFEET. (This title refers to the Algonkian Blackfeet, properly\ncalled SATSIKA. For the Dakota Blackfeet, or Sihasapa, see under head of\nDAKOTA.)\n\nThe finger and thumb encircle the ankle. (_Long_.)\n\nPass the right hand, bent spoon-fashion, from the heel to the little toe\nof the right foot. (_Burton_.)\n\nThe palmar surfaces of the extended fore and second fingers of the right\nhand (others closed) are rubbed along the leg just above the ankle. This\nwould not seem to be clear, but these Indians do not make any sign\nindicating _black_ in connection with the above. The sign does not,\nhowever, interfere with any other sign as made by the Sioux. (_Creel_;\n_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cBlack feet.\u201d\n\nPass the flat hand over the outer edge of the right foot from the heel\nto beyond the toe, as if brushing off dust. (_Dakota_\u00a0V, VII, VIII.)\nFig. 286.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 286.]\n\nTouch the right foot with the right hand. (_Kutine_ I.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 287.]\n\nClose the right hand, thumb resting over the second joint of the\nforefinger, palm toward the face, and rotate over the cheek, though an\ninch or two from it. (_Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.) \u201cFrom manner of painting\nthe cheeks.\u201d Fig. 287.\n\n\nCADDO.\n\nPass the horizontally extended index from right to left under the nose.\n(_Arapaho_\u00a0II; _Cheyenne_\u00a0V; _Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_\u00a0I, II, III;\n_Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_ I,\u00a0II.) \u201c\u2018Pierced noses,\u2019 from former custom of\nperforating the septum for the reception of rings.\u201d Fig. 288. This sign\nis also used for the Sahaptin. For some remarks see page 345.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 288.]\n\n\nCALISPEL. See PEND D\u2019OREILLE.\n\n\nCHEYENNE.\n\nDraw the hand across the arm, to imitate cutting it with a knife.\n(_Marcy_ in _Prairie Traveller_, _loc. cit._, p.\u00a0215.)\n\nDraw the lower edge of the right hand across the left arm as if gashing\nit with a knife. (_Burton_.)\n\nWith the index-finger of the right hand proceed as if cutting the left\narm in different places with a sawing motion from the wrist upward, to\nrepresent the cuts or burns on the arms of that nation. (_Long_.)\n\nBridge palm of left hand with index-finger of right. (_Macgowan_.)\n\nDraw the extended right hand, fingers joined, across the left wrist as\nif cutting it. (_Arapaho_\u00a0I.)\n\nPass the ulnar side of the extended index repeatedly across the extended\nfinger and back of the left hand. Frequently, however, the index is\ndrawn across the wrist or forearm. (_Arapaho_\u00a0II; _Cheyenne_\u00a0V;\n_Ponka_\u00a0II; _Pani_\u00a0I.) Fig. 289. See p.\u00a0345 for remarks.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 289.]\n\nThe extended index, palm upward, is drawn across the forefinger of the\nleft hand (palm inward), several times, left hand stationary, right hand\nis drawn toward the body until the index is drawn clear off; then\nrepeat. Some Cheyennes believe this to have reference to the former\ncustom of cutting the arm as offerings to spirits, while others think it\nrefers to a more ancient custom of cutting off the enemy\u2019s fingers for\nnecklaces. (_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.)\n\nPlace the extended index at the right side of the nose, where it joins\nthe face, the tip reaching as high as the forehead, and close to the\ninner corner of the eye. This position makes the thumb of the right hand\nrest upon the chin, while the index is perpendicular. (_Sac, Fox, and\nKickapoo_\u00a0I.) It is considered that this sign, though given to the\ncollaborator as expressed, was an error. It applies to the Southern\nArapahos. Lieutenant Creel states the last remark to be correct, the\ngesture having reference to the Southern bands.\n\nAs though sawing through the left forearm at its middle with the edge of\nthe right held back outward, thumb upward. Sign made at the left side of\nthe body. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cSame sign as for a _saw_. The Cheyenne Indians\nare known to the Sioux by the name of \u2018The Saws.\u2019\u201d\n\nRight-hand fingers and thumb extended and joined (as in S), outer edge\ndownward, and drawn sharply across the other fingers and forearm as if\ncutting with a knife. (_Dakota_ III.)\n\nDraw the extended right index or the ulnar (inner) edge of the open\nright hand several times across the base of the extended left index, or\nacross the left forearm at different heights from left to right. This\nsign is also made by the Arapahos. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.) \u201cBecause their arms\nare marked with scars from cuts which they make as offerings to\nspirits.\u201d\n\nDraw the extended index several times across the extended forefinger\nfrom the tip toward the palm, the latter pointing forward and slightly\ntoward the right. From the custom of striping arms transversely with\ncolors. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_\u00a0II, III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Ute_\u00a0I;\n_Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\nAnother: Make the sign for DOG, viz: Close the right hand, leaving the\nindex and second fingers only extended and joined, hold it forward from\nand lower than the hip and draw it backward, the course following the\noutline of a dog\u2019s form from head to tail; then add the sign TO EAT, as\nfollows: Collect the thumb, index, and second fingers to a point, hold\nthem above and in front of the mouth and make a repeated dotting motion\ntoward the mouth. This sign is generally used, but the other and more\ncommon one is also employed, especially so with individuals not fully\nconversant with the sign language as employed by the Comanches, &c.\n(_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.) \u201cDog-eaters.\u201d\n\nDraw the extended index across the back of the left hand and arm as if\ncutting it. The index does not touch the arm as in signs given for the\nsame tribe by other Indians, but is held at least four or five inches\nfrom it. (_Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nCHIPEWAY. See OJIBWA.\n\n\nCOMANCHE.\n\nImitate, by the waving of the hand or forefinger, the forward crawling\nmotion of a snake. (_Burton_, also _Blackmore_ in introduction to\nDodge\u2019s _Plains of the Great West_. _New York_, 1877, p.\u00a0xxv.) The same\nsign is used for the Shoshoni, more commonly called \u201cSnake\u201d, Indians,\nwho as well as the Comanches belong to the Shoshonian linguistic family.\n\u201cThe silent stealth of the tribe.\u201d (_Dodge_; _Marcy_ in _Thirty Years of\nArmy Life on the Border_. _New York_, 1866, p.\u00a033.) Rev. A.\u00a0J. Holt\nremarks, however, that among the Comanches themselves the conception of\nthis sign is the trailing of a rope, or lariat. This refers probably to\ntheir well-known horsemanship.\n\nMotion of a snake. (_Macgowan_.)\n\nHold the elbow of the right arm near the right side, but not touching\nit; extend the forearm and hand, palm inward, fingers joined on a level\nwith the elbow, then with a shoulder movement draw the forearm and hand\nback until the points of the fingers are behind the body; at the same\ntime that the hand is thus being moved back, turn it right and left\nseveral times. (_Creel_; _Sac, Fox, and Kickapoo_\u00a0I.) \u201cSnake in the\ngrass. A\u00a0snake drawing itself back in the grass instead of crossing the\nroad in front of you.\u201d\n\nAnother: The sign by and for the Comanches themselves is made by holding\nboth hands and arms upward from the elbow, both palms inward, and\npassing both hands with their backs upward along the lower end of the\nhair to indicate _long hair_, as they never cut it. (_Sac, Fox, and\nKickapoo_\u00a0I.)\n\nRight hand horizontal, flat, palm downward (W), advanced to the front by\na motion to represent the crawling of a snake. (_Dakota_ III.)\n\nExtend the closed right hand to the front and left; extend the index,\npalm down, and rotate from side to side while drawing it back to the\nright hip. (_Arapaho_\u00a0II; _Cheyenne_\u00a0V; _Dakota_\u00a0VI, VII, VIII;\n_Ponka_\u00a0II; _Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Pani_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II;\n_Wichita_\u00a0II.) This motion is just the reverse of the sign for\n_Shoshoni_, see Fig. 297 _infra_.\n\nMake the reverse gesture for _Shoshoni_, _i.e._, begin away from the\nbody, drawing the hand back to the side of the right hip while rotating\nit. (_Comanche_\u00a0II.)\n\n\nCREE, KNISTENO, KRISTENEAUX.\n\nSign for WAGON and then the sign for MAN. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cThis indicates\nthe Red River half-breeds, with their carts, as these people are so\nknown from their habit of traveling with carts.\u201d\n\nPlace the first and second fingers of the right hand in front of the\nmouth. (_Kutine_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nCROW. See ABSAROKA.\n\n\nDAKOTA, or SIOUX.\n\nThe edge of the hand passed across the throat, as in the act of cutting\nthat part. (_Long_; _Marcy_ in _Army Life_, p.\u00a033.)\n\nDraw the lower edge of the hand across the throat. (_Burton_.)\n\nDraw the extended right hand across the throat. (_Arapaho_\u00a0I.) \u201cThe\ncut-throats.\u201d\n\nPass the flat right hand, with palm down, from left to right across the\nthroat. (_Arapaho_\u00a0II; _Cheyenne_\u00a0V; _Dakota_\u00a0VI, VIII; _Ponka_\u00a0II;\n_Pani_\u00a0I.)\n\nDraw the forefinger of the left hand from right to left across the\nthroat. (_Sac, Fox, and Kickapoo_\u00a0I.) \u201cA\u00a0cut-throat.\u201d\n\nForefinger and thumb of right hand extended (others closed) is drawn\nfrom left to right across the throat as though cutting it. The Dakotas\nhave been named the \u201ccut-throats\u201d by some of the surrounding tribes.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cCut-throats.\u201d\n\nRight hand horizontal, flat, palm downward (as in W), and drawn across\nthe throat as if cutting with a knife. (_Dakota_\u00a0II, III.)\n\nDraw the open right hand, or the right index, from left to right\nhorizontally across the throat, back of hand upward, fingers pointing\ntoward the left. This sign is also made by the Arapahos. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\u201cIt is said that after a battle the Utes took many Sioux prisoners and\ncut their throats; hence the sign \u2018cut-throats\u2019.\u201d\n\nDraw the extended right hand, palm downward, across the throat from left\nto right. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_\u00a0II, III; _Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I;\n_Ute_\u00a0I; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.) \u201cCut-throats.\u201d Fig. 290.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 290.]\n\n----, Blackfoot (Sihasapa).\n\nPass the flat right hand along the outer edge of the foot from the heel\nto beyond the toes. (_Dakota_ VIII; _Hidatsa_\u00a0I; _Ponka_\u00a0II;\n_Arikara_\u00a0I; _Pani_\u00a0I.) Same as Fig. 286, above.\n\nPass the right hand quickly over the right foot from the great toe\noutward, turn the heel as if brushing something therefrom. (_Dakota_\u00a0V.)\n\nPass the widely separated thumb and index of the right hand over the\nlower leg, from just below the knee nearly down to the heel.\n(_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\n----, Brul\u00e9.\n\nRub the upper and outer part of the right thigh in a small circle with\nthe open right hand, fingers pointing downward. This sign is also made\nby the Arapahos. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.) \u201cThese Indians were once caught in a\nprairie fire, many burned to death, and others badly burned about the\nthighs; hence the name Si-ca\u207f-gu \u2018burnt thigh\u2019 and the sign. According\nto the Brul\u00e9 chronology, this fire occurred in 1763, which they call\n\u2018The-People-were-burned-winter.\u2019\u201d\n\nPass the flat right hand quickly over the thigh from near the buttock\nforward, as if brushing dust from that part. (_Dakota_\u00a0V, VI, VII,\nVIII.)\n\nBrush the palm of the right hand over the right thigh, from near the\nbuttock toward the front of the middle third of the thigh. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I;\n_Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\n----, Ogalala.\n\nFingers and thumb separated, straight (as in R), and dotted about over\nthe face to represent the marks made by the small-pox. (_Arapaho_\u00a0II;\n_Cheyenne_\u00a0V; _Dakota_ III, VI, VII, VIII.) \u201cThis band suffered from the\ndisease many years ago.\u201d\n\nWith the thumb over the ends of the fingers, hold the right hand\nupright, its back forward, about six inches in front of the face, or on\none side of the nose near the face, and suddenly extend and spread all\nthe fingers, thumb included. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.) \u201cThe word _Ogalala_ means\nscattering or throwing at, and the name was given them, it is said,\nafter a row in which they threw ashes into one another\u2019s faces.\u201d\n\n\nFLATHEAD, or SELISH.\n\nOne hand placed on the top of the head, and the other on the back of the\nhead. (_Long_.)\n\nPlace the right hand to the top of the head. (_Kutine_ I.)\n\nPat the right side of the head above and back of the ear with the flat\nright hand. (_Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.) From the elongation of the\nocciput. Fig. 291.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 291.]\n\n\nFOX, or OUTAGAMI.\n\nSame sign as for SAC. (_Sac, Fox, and Kickapoo_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nGROS VENTRE. See HIDATSA.\n\n\nHIDATSA, GROS VENTRE, or MINITARI.\n\nBoth hands flat and extended, palms toward the body, with the tips of\nthe fingers pointing toward one another; pass from the top of the chest\ndownward, outward, and inward toward the groin. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I;\n_Dakota_\u00a0V, VI, VII, VIII; _Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.) \u201cBig belly.\u201d\n\nLeft and right hands in front of breast, left placed in position first,\nseparated about four or five inches, left hand outside of the right,\nhorizontal, backs outward, fingers extended and pointing left and right;\nstrike the back of the right against the palm of the left several times,\nand then make the sign for GO, GOING, as follows: Both hands (A\u00a01)\nbrought to the median line of body on a level with the breast, some\ndistance apart, then describe a series of half circles or forward\narch-like movements with both hands. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cThe Gros Ventre\nIndians, Minitaris (the Hidatsa Indians of _Matthews_), are known to the\nSioux as the Indians who went to the mountains to kill their enemies;\nhence the sign.\u201d\n\nExpress with the hand the sign of a big belly. (_Dakota_ III.)\n\nPass the flat right hand, back forward, from the top of the breast,\ndownward, outward, and inward to the pubis. (_Dakota_\u00a0VI; _Hidatsa_\u00a0I;\n_Arikara_\u00a0I.) \u201cBig belly.\u201d\n\n\nINDIAN (generically).\n\nHand in type-position K, inverted, back forward, is raised above the\nhead with forefinger directed perpendicularly to the crown. Describe\nwith it a short gentle curve upward and backward in such a manner that\nthe finger will point upward and backward, back outward, at the\ntermination of the motion. (_Ojibwa_\u00a0V.) \u201cIndicates a feather planted\nupon the head--the characteristic adornment of the Indian.\u201d\n\nMake the sign for WHITE MAN, viz: Draw the open right hand horizontally\nfrom left to right across the forehead a little above the eyebrows, the\nback of the hand to be upward and the fingers pointing toward the left,\nor close all the fingers except the index, and draw it across the\nforehead in the same manner; then make the sign for NO; then move the\nupright index about a foot from side to side, in front of right\nshoulder, at the same time rotating the hand a little. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\nRub the back of the extended left hand with the palmar surfaces of the\nextended fingers of the right. (_Comanche_\u00a0II.) \u201cPeople of the same\nkind; dark-skinned.\u201d\n\nRub the back of the left hand with the index of the right. (_Pai-Ute_\u00a0I;\n_Wichita_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nKAIOWA.\n\nMake the signs of the PRAIRIE and of DRINKING WATER. (_Burton_;\n_Blackmore_ in Dodge\u2019s _Plains of the Great West_. _New York_, 1877,\np.\u00a0xxiv.)\n\nCheyennes make the same sign as (_Comanche_ II), and think it was\nintended to convey the idea of cropping the hair. The men wear one side\nof the hair of the head full length and done up as among the Cheyennes,\nthe other side being kept cropped off about even with the neck and\nhanging loose. (_Cheyenne_\u00a0II.)\n\nRight-hand fingers and thumb, extended and joined (as in W), placed in\nfront of right shoulder, and revolving loosely at the wrist. (_Dakota_\nIII.)\n\nPlace the flat hand with extended and separated fingers before the face,\npointing forward and upward, the wrist near the chin; pass it upward and\nforward several times. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II;\n_Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 292.]\n\nPlace the right hand a short distance above the right side of the head,\nfingers and thumb separated and extended; shake it rapidly from side to\nside, giving it a slight rotary motion in doing so. (_Comanche_\u00a0II.)\n\u201cRattle-brained.\u201d Fig. 292. See p.\u00a0345 for remarks upon this sign.\n\nSame sign as (_Comanche_ II), with the exception that both hands are\ngenerally used instead of the right one only. (_Ute_\u00a0I.)\n\nMake a rotary motion of the right hand, palm extended upward and outward\nby the side of the head. (_Wichita_\u00a0I.) \u201cCrazy heads.\u201d\n\n\nKICKAPOO.\n\nWith the thumb and finger go through the motion of clipping the hair\nover the ear; then with the hand make a sign that the borders of the\nleggings are wide. (_Sac, Fox, and, Kickapoo_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nKNISTENO or KRISTENEAUX. See CREE.\n\n\nKUTINE.\n\nPlace the index or second finger of the right hand on each side of the\nleft index finger to imitate riding a horse. (_Kutine_\u00a0I.)\n\nHold the left fist, palm upward, at arm\u2019s length before the body, the\nright as if grasping the bowstring and drawn back. (_Shoshoni and\nBanak_\u00a0I.) \u201cFrom their peculiar manner of holding the long bow\nhorizontally in shooting.\u201d Fig. 293.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 293.]\n\n\nLIPAN.\n\nWith the index and second fingers only extended and separated, hold the\nhand at arm\u2019s length to the front of the left side; draw it back in\ndistinct jerks; each time the hand rests draw the fingers back against\nthe inside of the thumb, and when the hand is again started on the next\nmovement backward snap the fingers to full length. This is repeated five\nor six times during the one movement of the hand. The country which the\nLipans at one time occupied contained large ponds or lakes, and along\nthe shores of these the reptile was found which gave them this\ncharacteristic appellation. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_ III;\n_Wichita_\u00a0II.) \u201cFrogs.\u201d Fig. 294.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 294.]\n\n\nMANDAN.\n\nThe first and second fingers of the right hand extended, separated,\nbacks outward, other fingers and thumb closed, are drawn from the left\nshoulder obliquely downward in front of the body to the right hip.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cThe Mandan Indians are known to the Sioux as \u2018The people\nwho wear a scarlet sash, with a train,\u2019 in the manner above described.\u201d\n\n\nMINITARI. See HIDATSA.\n\n\nNEZ PERC\u00c9S. See SAHAPTIN.\n\n\nOJIBWA, or CHIPPEWA.\n\nRight hand horizontal, back outward, fingers separated, arched, tips\npointing inward, is moved from right to left breast and generally over\nthe front of the body with a trembling motion and at the same time a\nslight outward or forward movement of the hand as though drawing\nsomething out of the body, and then make the sign for MAN, viz: The\nright-hand is held in front of the right breast with the forefinger\nextended, straight upright (J), with the back of the hand outward; move\nthe hand upward and downward with finger extended. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\u201cPerhaps the first Chippewa Indian seen by a Sioux had an eruption on\nhis body, and from that his people were given the name of the \u2018People\nwith a breaking out,\u2019 by which name the Chippewas have ever been known\nby the Sioux.\u201d\n\n\nOSAGE, or WASAJI.\n\nPull at the eyebrows over the left eye with the thumb and forefinger of\nthe left hand. This sign is also used by the Osages themselves. (_Sac,\nFox, and Kickapoo_\u00a0I.)\n\nHold the flat right hand, back forward, with the edge pointing backward,\nagainst the side of the head, then make repeated cuts, and the hand is\nmoved backward toward the occiput. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III;\n_Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.) \u201cFormer custom of shaving the hair from the\nsides of the head, leaving but an occipito-frontal ridge.\u201d\n\nPass the flat and extended right hand backward over the right side of\nthe head, moving the index against the second finger in imitation of\ncutting with a pair of scissors. (_Comanche_\u00a0II.) \u201cRepresents the manner\nof removing the hair from the sides of the head, leaving a ridge only\nfrom the forehead to the occiput.\u201d\n\n\nOUTAGAMI. See FOX.\n\n\nPANI (PAWNEE).\n\nImitate a wolf\u2019s ears with the two forefingers of the right hand\nextended together, upright, on the left side of the head. (_Burton_.)\n\nPlace a hand on each side of the forehead, with two fingers pointing to\nthe front to represent the narrow, sharp ears of the wolf. (_Marcy_ in\n_Prairie Traveler_, p.\u00a0215.)\n\nExtend the index and second fingers of the right hand upward from the\nright side of the head. (_Arapaho_\u00a0II; _Cheyenne_\u00a0V; _Dakota_ VII, VIII;\n_Ponka_\u00a0II; _Pani_\u00a0I; _Comanche_\u00a0II.)\n\nRight hand, as (N), is passed from the back part of the right side of\nthe head, forward seven or eight inches. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cThe Pani Indians\nare known as the _Shaved-heads_, _i.e._, leaving only the scalp locks on\nthe head.\u201d\n\nFirst and second fingers of right hand, straight upward and separated,\nremaining fingers and thumb closed (as\u00a0in\u00a0N), like the ears of a small\nwolf. (_Dakota_ III.)\n\nPlace the closed right hand to the side of the temple, palm forward\nleaving the index and second fingers extended and slightly separated,\npointing upward. This is ordinarily used, though, to be more explicit,\nboth hands may be used. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Ute_\u00a0I;\n_Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.) For illustration see Fig. 336, facing page\n531.\n\n\nPEND D\u2019OREILLE, or CALISPEL.\n\nMake the motion of paddling a canoe. (_Kutine_ I.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 295.]\n\nBoth fists are held as if grasping a paddle vertically downward and\nworking a canoe. Two strokes are made on each side of the body from the\nside backward. (_Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.) Fig. 295.\n\n\nPUEBLO.\n\nPlace the clinched hand back of the occiput as if grasping the queue,\nthen place both fists in front of the right shoulder, rotating them\nslightly to represent a loose mass of an imaginary substance. Represents\nthe large mass of hair tied back of the head. (_Arapaho_\u00a0II;\n_Cheyenne_\u00a0V.)\n\n\nREE. See ARIKARA.\n\n\nSAC, or SAUKI.\n\nPass the extended palm of the right hand over the right side of the head\nfrom front to back, and the palm of the left hand in the same manner\nover the left side of the head. (_Sac, Fox, and Kickapoo_\u00a0I.)\n\u201cShaved-headed Indians.\u201d\n\n\nSAHAPTIN, or NEZ PERC\u00c9S.\n\nThe right index, back outward, passed from right to left under the nose.\nPiercing the nose to receive the ring. (_Creel_; _Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\nPlace the thumb and forefinger to the nostrils. (_Kutine_\u00a0I.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 296.]\n\nClose the right hand, leaving the index straight but flexed at right\nangles with the palm; pass it horizontally to the left by and under the\nnose. (_Comanche_\u00a0II.) \u201cPierced nose.\u201d Fig. 296. This sign is made by\nthe Nez Perc\u00e9s for themselves, according to Major Haworth. Information\nwas received from Arapaho and Cheyenne Indians, who visited Washington\nin 1880, that this sign is also used to designate the _Caddos_, who\npracticed the same custom of perforating the nasal septum. The same\ninformants also state that the _Shawnees_ are sometimes indicated by the\nsame sign.\n\nPass the extended index, pointing toward the left, remaining fingers and\nthumb closed, in front of and across the upper lip, just below the nose.\nThe second finger is also sometimes extended. (_Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.)\n\u201cFrom the custom of piercing the noses for the reception of ornaments.\u201d\n\nSee p. 345 for remarks upon the signs for _Sahaptin._\n\n\nSATSIKA. See BLACKFEET.\n\n\nSELISH. See FLATHEAD.\n\n\nSHEEPEATER. See under SHOSHONI.\n\n\nSHAWNEE. See remarks under SAHAPTIN.\n\n\nSHOSHONI, or SNAKE.\n\nThe forefinger is extended horizontally and passed along forward in a\nserpentine line. (_Long_.)\n\nRight hand closed, palm down, placed in front of the right hip; extend\nthe index and push it diagonally toward the left front, rotating it\nquickly from side to side in doing so. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I; _Shoshoni and\nBanak_\u00a0I.) \u201cSnake.\u201d Fig. 297.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 297.]\n\nRight hand, horizontal, flat, palm downward (W), advanced to the front\nby a motion to represent the crawling of a snake. (_Dakota_ III.)\n\nWith the right index pointing forward, the hand is to be moved forward\nabout a foot in a sinuous manner, to imitate the crawling of a snake.\nAlso made by the Arapahos. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\nPlace the closed right hand, palm down, in front of the right hip;\nextend the index, and move it forward and toward the left, rotating the\nhand and finger from side to side in doing so. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I;\n_Comanche_\u00a0II, III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\nMake the motion of a serpent with the right finger. (_Kutine_\u00a0I.)\n\nClose the right hand, leaving the index only extended and pointing\nforward, palm to the left, then move it forward and to the left.\n(_Pai-Ute_\u00a0I.) The rotary motion of the hand does not occur in this\ndescription, which in this respect differs from the other authorities.\n\n----, Sheepeater. Tukuarikai.\n\nBoth hands, half closed, pass from the top of the ears backward,\ndownward, and forward, in a curve, to represent a ram\u2019s horns; then,\nwith the index only extended and curved, place the hand above and in\nfront of the mouth, back toward the face, and pass it downward and\nbackward several times. (_Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.) \u201cSheep,\u201d and \u201cto eat.\u201d\n\n\nSIHASAPA. See under DAKOTA.\n\n\nSIOUX. See DAKOTA.\n\n\nTENNANAH.\n\nRight hand hollowed, lifted to mouth, and describing waving line\ngradually descending from right to left; left hand describing\nmountainous outline, one peak rising above the other. (_Kutchin_\u00a0I.)\n\u201cMountain-river-men.\u201d\n\n\nUTE.\n\n\u201cThey who live on mountains\u201d have a complicated sign which denotes\n\u201cliving in mountains,\u201d and is composed of the signs SIT and MOUNTAIN.\n(_Burton_.)\n\nRub the back of the extended flat left hand with the extended fingers of\nthe right, then touch some black object. Represents black skin. Although\nthe same sign is generally used to signify _negro_, an addition is\nsometimes made as follows: place the index and second fingers to the\nhair on the right side of the head, and rub them against each other to\nsignify _curly hair_. This addition is only made when the connection\nwould cause a confusion between the \u201cblack skin\u201d Indian (_Ute_) and\nnegro. (_Arapaho_\u00a0II; _Cheyenne_\u00a0V.)\n\nLeft hand horizontal, flat, palm downward, and with the fingers of the\nright hand brush the other toward the wrist. (_Dakota_ III.)\n\nPlace the flat and extended left hand at the height of the elbow before\nthe body, pointing to the front and right, palm toward the ground; then\npass the palmar surface of the flat and extended fingers of the right\nhand over the back of the left from near the wrist toward the tips of\nthe fingers. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\u201cThose who use sinew for sewing, and for strengthening the bow.\u201d\n\nIndicate the color _black_, then separate the thumbs and forefingers of\nboth hands as far as possible, leaving the remaining fingers closed, and\npass upward over the lower part of the legs. (_Shoshoni_ and _Banak_\u00a0I.)\n\u201cBlack or dark leggings.\u201d\n\n\nWASAJI. See OSAGE.\n\n\nWICHITA.\n\nIndicate a circle over the upper portion of the right cheek, with the\nindex or several fingers of the right hand. The statement of the Indian\nauthorities for the above is that years ago the Wichita women painted\nspiral lines on the breasts, starting at the nipple and extending\nseveral inches from it; but after an increase in modesty or a change in\nthe upper garment, by which the breast ceased to be exposed, the cheek\nhas been adopted as the locality for the sign. (_Creel_; _Kaiowa_\u00a0I;\n_Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\nExtend the fingers and thumb of the right hand, semi-closed, and bring\nthe hand toward the face nearly touching it, repeating this several\ntimes as if going through the motion of tattooing. The Comanches call\nthe Wichitas \u201cPainted Faces\u201d; Caddos call them \u201cTattooed Faces,\u201d both\ntribes using the same sign. (_Comanche_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nWYANDOT.\n\nPass the flat right hand from the top of the forehead backward over the\nhead and downward and backward as far as the length of the arm.\n(_Wyandot_\u00a0I.) \u201cFrom the manner of wearing the hair.\u201d\n\n\n\n\nPROPER NAMES.\n\n\nWASHINGTON, CITY OF.\n\nThe sign for _go_ by closing the hand (as in type position B\u00a01) and\nbending the arm; the hand is then brought horizontally to the\nepigastrium, after which both the hand and arm are suddenly extended;\nthe sign for _house_ or _lodge_; the sign for _cars_, consisting of the\nsign for _go_ and _wagon_, _e.g._, both arms are flexed at a right angle\nbefore the chest; the hands then assume type position (L) modified by\nthe index being hooked and the middle finger partly opened and hooked\nsimilarly; the hands are held horizontally and rotated forward side by\nside to imitate two wheels, palms upward; and the sign for _council_ as\nfollows: The right arm is raised, flexed at elbow, and the hand brought\nto the mouth (in\u00a0type position G 1, modified by being inverted), palm\nup, and the index being more open. The hand then passes from the mouth\nin jerks, opening and closing successively; then the right hand\n(in\u00a0position S\u00a01), horizontal, marks off divisions on the left arm\nextended. The sign for _father_ is briefly executed by passing the open\nhand down and from the loins, then bringing it erect before the body;\nthen the sign for _cars_, making with the mouth the noise of an engine.\nThe hands then raised before the eyes and approximated at points, as in\nthe sign for _lodge_; then diverge to indicate _extensive_; this being\nfollowed by the sign for _council_. (_Oto and Missouri_\u00a0I.) \u201cThe home of\nour father, where we go on the puffing wagon to council.\u201d\n\n\nMISSOURI RIVER.\n\nMake the sign for _water_ by placing the right hand upright six or eight\ninches in front of the mouth, back outward, index and thumb crooked, and\ntheir ends about an inch apart, the other fingers nearly closed; then\nmove it toward the mouth, and then downward nearly to the top of the\nbreast-bone, at the same time turning the hand over toward the mouth\nuntil the little finger is uppermost; and the sign for _large_ as\nfollows: The opened right hands, palms facing, fingers relaxed and\nslightly separated, being at the height of the breast and about two feet\napart, separate them nearly to arm\u2019s length; and then rapidly rotate the\nright hand from right to left several times, its back upward, fingers\nspread and pointing forward to show that it is stirred up or muddy.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 298.]\n\n\nEAGLE BULL, a Dakota chief.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 299.]\n\nPlace the clinched fists to either side of the head with the forefingers\nextended and curved, as in Fig. 298; then extend the left hand, flat,\npalm down, before the left side, fingers pointing forward; the outer\nedge of the flat and extended right hand is then laid transversely\nacross the back of the left hand, and slid forward over the fingers as\nin Fig. 299. (_Dakota_\u00a0VI; _Arikara_\u00a0I.) \u201cBull and eagle--\u2018_Halia\u00ebtus\nleucocephalus, (Linn.) Sav._\u2019\u201d In the picture-writing of the Moquis,\nFig. 300 represents the eagle\u2019s tail as showing the difference of color\nwhich is indicated in the latter part of the above gesture.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 300.]\n\n\nRUSHING BEAR, an Arikara chief.\n\nPlace the right fist in front of the right side of the breast, palm\ndown; extend and curve the thumb and little finger so that their tips\npoint toward one another before the knuckles of the remaining closed\nfingers, then reach forward a short distance and pull toward the body\nseveral times ratter quickly; suddenly push the fist, in this form,\nforward to arm\u2019s length twice. (_Dakota_\u00a0VI; _Arikara_\u00a0I.) \u201cBear, and\nrushing.\u201d\n\n\nSPOTTED TAIL, a Dakota chief.\n\nWith the index only of the right hand extended, indicate a line of curve\nfrom the sacrum (or\u00a0from the right buttock) downward, backward, and\noutward toward the right; then extend the left forefinger, pointing\nforward from the left side, and with the extended index draw imaginary\nlines transversely across the left forefinger. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I;\n_Shoshoni_\u00a0I; _Dakota_\u00a0VI, VII; _Arikara_\u00a0I.) \u201cTail, and spotted.\u201d\n\n\nSTUMBLING BEAR, a Kaiowa chief.\n\nPlace the right fist in front of the right side of the breast, palm\ndown; extend and curve the thumb and little finger so that their tips\npoint toward one another before the knuckles of the remaining closed\nfingers; then place the left flat hand edgewise before the breast,\npointing to the right; hold the right hand flat pointing down nearer the\nbody; move it forward toward the left, so that the right-hand fingers\nstrike the left palm and fall downward beyond the left. (_Kaiowa_\u00a0I.)\n\u201cBear, and stumble or stumbling.\u201d\n\n\nSWIFT RUNNER, a Dakota warrior.\n\nPlace the right hand in front of the right side, palm down; close all\nthe fingers excepting the index, which is slightly curved, pointing\nforward; then push the hand forward to arm\u2019s length twice, very quickly.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0VI; _Arikara_\u00a0I.) \u201cMan running rapidly or swiftly.\u201d\n\n\nWILD HORSE, a Comanche chief.\n\nPlace the extended and separated index and second fingers of the right\nhand astraddle the extended forefinger of the left hand. With the right\nhand loosely extended, held as high as and nearly at arm\u2019s length before\nthe shoulder, make several cuts downward and toward the left.\n(_Comanche_ III.) \u201cHorse, and prairie or wild.\u201d\n\n\n\n\nPHRASES.\n\n\nPRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES; SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR.\n\nClose the right hand, leaving the thumb and index fully extended and\nseparated; place the index over the forehead so that the thumb points to\nthe right, palm toward the face; then draw the index across the forehead\ntoward the right; then elevate the extended index, pointing upward\nbefore the shoulder or neck; pass it upward as high as the top of the\nhead; make a short turn toward the front and pass it pointing downward\ntoward the ground, to a point farther to the front and a little lower\nthan at the beginning. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I; _Dakota_\u00a0VI, VII; _Shoshoni and\nBanak_\u00a0I; _Ute_\u00a0I; _Apache_\u00a0I.) \u201cWhite man and chief.\u201d\n\nMake the sign for _white man_ (American), by passing the palmar surface\nof the extended index and thumb of the right hand across the forehead\nfrom left to right, then that for _chief_, and conclude by making that\nfor _parent_ by collecting the fingers and thumb of the right hand\nnearly to a point and drawing them forward from the left breast.\n(_Kaiowa_\u00a0I; _Comanche_ III; _Apache_\u00a0II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.) \u201cWhite man;\nchief; father.\u201d\n\n\nSECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR.\n\nDraw the palmar side of the index across the forehead from left to\nright, resting the thumb upon the right temple, then make the sign for\n_chief_--the white chief, \u201cSecretary;\u201d then make the sign for _great\nlodge, council house_, by making the sign for _lodge_, then placing both\nhands somewhat bent, palms facing, about ten inches apart, and passing\nthem upward from the waist as high as the face. (_Arikara_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nWHERE IS YOUR MOTHER?\n\nAfter placing the index into the mouth--_mother_, point the index at the\nindividual addressed--_your_, then separate and extend the index and\nsecond fingers of the right hand; hold them, pointing forward, about\ntwelve or fifteen inches before the face, and move them from side to\nside, eyes following the same direction--_I see_, then throw the flat\nright hand in a short curve outward to the right until the back points\ntoward the ground--_not_, and look inquiringly at the individual\naddressed. (_Ute_\u00a0I.) \u201cMother your I see not; where is she?\u201d\n\nARE YOU BRAVE?\n\nPoint to the person and make sign for _brave_, at same time looking with\nan inquiring expression. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I; _Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nBISON, I HAVE SHOT A.\n\nMove the open left hand, palm to the front, toward the left and away\nfrom the body slowly (motion of the buffalo when chased). Move right\nhand on wrist as axis, rapidly (man on pony chasing buffalo); then\nextend left hand to the left, draw right arm as if drawing a bow, snap\nthe forefinger and middle finger of left hand, and thrust the right\nforefinger over the left hand. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 301.]\n\n\nGIVE ME SOMETHING TO EAT.\n\nBring the thumb, index and second fingers to a point as if grasping a\nsmall object, the remaining fingers naturally extended, then place the\nhand just above the mouth and a few inches in front of it, and make\nrepeated thrusts quickly toward the mouth several times; then place the\nnaturally extended right hand nearly at arm\u2019s length before the body,\npalm up, fingers pointing toward the front and left, and make a short\ncircular motion with the hand, as in Fig. 301, bringing the outer edge\ntoward the body as far as the wrist will permit, throwing the hand\nforward again at a higher elevation. The motion being at the wrist only.\n(_Absaroka_\u00a0I; _Dakota_ VII, VIII; _Comanche_ III.)\n\n\nI WILL SEE YOU HERE AFTER NEXT YEAR.\n\nRaise the right hand above the head (J 2), palm to the front, all the\nfingers closed except the index, hand slanting a little to backward,\nthen move forward and downward toward the person addressed, describing a\ncurve. (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nYOU GAVE US MANY CLOTHES, BUT WE DON\u2019T WANT THEM.\n\nLean forward, and, holding the hands concavo-convex, draw them up over\nthe limbs severally, then cross on the chest as wrapping a blanket. The\narms are then extended before the body, with the hands in type-position\n(W), to a height indicating a large pile. The right hand then sweeps\noutward, showing a negative state of mind. The index of right hand\nfinally touches the chest of the second party and approaches the body,\nin position (I), horizontal. (_Oto and Missouri_\u00a0I.) \u201cSomething to put\non that I don\u2019t want from you.\u201d\n\n\nQUESTION. See also this title in EXTRACTS FROM DICTIONARY.\n\nHold the extended and flattened right hand, palm forward, at the height\nof the shoulder or face, and about fifteen inches from it, shaking the\nhand from side to side (at\u00a0the wrist) as the arm is slightly raised,\nresembling the outline of an interrogation mark (_?_) made from below\nupward. (_Absaroka_\u00a0I; _Dakota_\u00a0V, VI, VII; _Hidatsa_\u00a0I; _Kaiowa_\u00a0I;\n_Arikara_\u00a0I; _Comanche_\u00a0II, III; _Pai-Ute_\u00a0I; _Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I;\n_Ute_\u00a0I; _Apache_\u00a0I, II; _Wichita_\u00a0II.)\n\n---- What? What is it?\n\nFirst attract the person\u2019s notice by the sign for _attention_, viz: The\nright hand (T) carried directly out in front of the body, with arm fully\nextended and there moved sidewise with rapid motions; and then the right\nhand, fingers extended, pointing forward or outward, fingers joined,\nhorizontal, is carried outward, obliquely in front of the right breast,\nand there turned partially over and under several times. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\n---- What are you doing? What do you want?\n\nThrow the right hand about a foot from right to left several times,\ndescribing an arc with its convexity upward, palm inward, fingers\nslightly bent and separated, and pointing forward. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\n---- When?\n\nWith its index extended and pointing forward, back upward, rotate the\nright hand several times to the right and left, describing an arc with\nthe index. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\n---- What are you? _i.e._, What tribe do you belong to?\n\nShake the upright open right hand four to eight inches from side to side\na few times, from twelve to eighteen inches in front of the chin, the\npalm forward, fingers relaxed and a little separated. (_Dakota_\u00a0IV.)\n\nIt must be remarked that in the three preceding signs there is no\nessential difference, either between themselves or between them and the\ngeneral sign for QUESTION above given, which can be applied to the\nseveral special questions above mentioned. A\u00a0similar remark may be made\nregarding several signs given below, which are printed in deference to\ncollaborators.\n\nPass the right hand from left to right across the face. (_Kutine_\u00a0I.)\n\n---- What do you want?\n\nThe arm is drawn to front of chest and the hand in position (N\u00a01),\nmodified by palms being downward and hand horizontal. From the chest\ncenter the hand is then passed spirally forward toward the one\naddressed; the hand\u2019s palm begins the spiral motion with a downward and\nends in an upward aspect. (_Oto_\u00a0I.) \u201cTo unwind or open.\u201d\n\n---- Whence come you?\n\nFirst the sign for _you_, viz: The hand open, held upward obliquely, and\npointing forward; then the hand extended open and drawn to the breast,\nand lastly the sign for _bringing_, as follows: The hand half shut, with\nthe thumb pressing against the forefinger, being first moderately\nextended either to the right or left, is brought with a moderate jerk to\nthe opposite side, as if something was pulled along by the hand.\n(_Dunbar_.)\n\n---- Who are you? or what is your name?\n\nThe right or left hand approximates close to center of the body; the arm\nis flexed and hand in position (D), or a little more closed. From\ninception of sign near center of body the hand slowly describes the arc\nof a quadrant, and fingers unfold as the hand recedes. We think the\nproper intention is for the inception of sign to be located at the\nheart, but it is seldom truly, anatomically thus located. (_Oto_\u00a0I.) \u201cTo\nunfold one\u2019s self or make known.\u201d\n\n---- Are you through?\n\nWith arms hanging at the side and forearms horizontal, place the fists\nnear each other in front of body; then with a quick motion separate them\nas though breaking something asunder. (_Sahaptin_\u00a0I.)\n\n---- Do you know?\n\nShake the right hand in front of the face, a little to the right, the\nwhole arm elevated so as to throw the hand even with the face, and the\nforearm standing almost perpendicular. Principal motion with hand,\nslight motion of forearm, palm out. (_Sahaptin_\u00a0I.)\n\n---- How far is it?\n\nSign for DO YOU KNOW? followed with a precise movement throwing right\nhand (palm toward face) to a position as far from body as convenient,\nsignifying _far_; then with the same quick, precise motion, bring the\nhand to a position near the face--_near_. (_Sahaptin_\u00a0I.)\n\n---- How will you go--horseback or in wagon?\n\nFirst make the sign for DO YOU KNOW? then throw right hand forward--_go_\nor _going_; then throw fore and middle fingers of right astride the\nforefinger of the left hand, signifying, _will you ride?_; then swing\nthe forefingers of each hand around each other, sign of _wheel running_,\nsignifying, _or will you go in wagon?_ (_Sahaptin_\u00a0I.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 302.]\n\n---- How many?\n\nAfter making the sign for _question_, touch the tips of as many of the\nextended and separated fingers of the left hand held in front of the\nbody upright, with back outward, with the right index as may be\nnecessary. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.) \u201cCount them off to me--how many?\u201d\n\nPlace the left hand carelessly before the breast, fingers extended and\nslightly separated, back to the front, then count off a few with the\nextended index, by laying down the fingers of the left, beginning at the\nlittle finger, as in Fig. 302. In asking the question, the sign for\n_question_ must precede the sign for _many_, the latter being also\naccompanied by a look of interrogation. (_Shoshoni and Banak_\u00a0I.)\n\n---- Has he?\n\n_Deaf-mute natural sign:_\n\nMove to and fro the finger several times toward the person spoken of\n(_Larson_.)\n\n---- Have you?\n\n_Deaf-mute natural sign:_\n\nMove the finger to and fro several times toward the person to whom the\none is speaking. (_Larson_.)\n\n---- Are you?\n\n_Deaf-mute natural signs:_\n\nPoint to the person spoken to and slightly nod the head, with an\ninquiring look. (_Ballard_.)\n\nPoint with the forefinger, as if to point toward the second person, at\nthe same time nod the head as if to say \u201cyes.\u201d (_Ziegler_.)\n\nThe following was obtained at Washington during the winter of 1880-\u201981\nfrom Ta-ta\u207f-ka Wa-ka\u207f (Medicine Bull), a\u00a0Brul\u00e9 Dakota chief, by Dr.\nW.\u00a0J. HOFFMAN.\n\n\nI AM GOING HOME IN TWO DAYS.\n\n(1) Place the flat hands in front of and as high as the elbows, palms\ndown, pass each hand across to the opposite side of the body, the right\nabove the left crossing near the wrist at the termination of the gesture\n(_night_), repeat in quick succession--_nights_, (2)\u00a0elevate the\nextended index and second finger of the right hand, backs to the\nfront--_two_, (3)\u00a0place the tips of the extended and joined fingers of\nthe right hand against the breast--_I_, (4)\u00a0after touching the breast as\nin the preceding, pass the extended index from the breast, pointing\ndownward, forward nearly to arm\u2019s length, and terminating by holding the\nhand but continuing the motion of the index until it points forward and\nupward--_am going to_, (5)\u00a0throw the clinched right fist about six\ninches toward the earth at arm\u2019s length after the completion of the\npreceding gesture--_my home_.\n\nANALYSIS.\n\n Ha\u207f-he\u00b4-pi | no\u207f\u00b4-pa | mi\u00b4-ye | ti-ya\u00b4-ta | wa-gle\u00b4-kta.\n (1) | (2) | (3) | (5) | (4)\n nights | two | I | my home | am going to.\n\nIt will be noticed that the gesture No. 4, \u201cam going to,\u201d was made\nbefore the gesture No. 5, \u201cmy home,\u201d although the Dakota words\npronounced were in the reverse order, showing a difference in the syntax\nof the gestures and of the oral speech in this instance. The other\ngestures, 1, 2, and 3, had been made deliberately, the Dakota word\ntranslating each being in obvious connection with the several gestures,\nbut the two final words were pronounced rapidly together as if they\ncould not in the mind of the gesturer be applied separately to the\nreversed order of the signs for them.\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe same authority obtained the above sentence in Ponka and Pani,\ntogether with the following signs for it, from individuals of those\ntribes. Those signs agreed between each other, but differed from the\nDakota, as will be observed, in the signs _to my house_, as signifying\n_to my home_.\n\n(1) Touch the breast with the tips of the extended fingers--_I_. This\nprecedes the signs for Nos. 2, 3, 4, and 5, which correspond to Nos. 1,\n2, 3, and 4 of the Dakota; then follows: (6)\u00a0place the tips of the\nextended fingers of the flat hands together, leaving the wrists about\nsix inches apart--_lodge_, (7)\u00a0and conclude by placing the clinched\nfists nearly at arm\u2019s length before the body, the right several inches\nabove the left, then throw them toward the ground--about six or eight\ninches--the fists retaining their relative positions--_my, mine_.\n\nANALYSIS.\n\nThe following is the Ponka sentence as given by the gesturer in\nconnection with the several gestures as made:\n\n .... | Na\u207f\u00b4-ba | ja\u207f \u029ei | a-g\u00a2e\u00b4 | ta mi\u00f1\u00b4-ke | \u0287i | wi\u00b4-wi-a t\u0115\u00b4-\u0287a.\n (1) | (3) | (2) | (4) | (5) |(6) | (7)\n\nThe following is the full sentence as spoken by Ponkas without regard to\ngesture, and its literal translation:\n\n Na\u207f\u00b4-ba| ja\u207f | \u029e\u012d | a-g\u00a2e\u00b4 | ta\u00b4 | mi\u00f1\u00b4-ke|\n Two | night, sleep | if, when | I go homeward | will | I who |\n\n \u0287i | wi\u00b4-wi-\u0287a | t\u00e8\u00b4-\u0287a. | ..\n lodge | my own | the, one, standing object, | to.\n\nThe Pani gestures were given with the accompanying words, viz:\n\n | Pit\u00b4 ku-r\u0115t\u00b4 | ka\u00b4-ha | wi | ta-tukh\u00b4-ta\n (1) | (3) | (2) | (4) | (5)\n I | (In) two | nights | I | am going\n\n a-ka\u00b4-ru | ru-r\u0115t\u00b4-i-ru.\n (6) | (7)\n house | to my.\n\nThe orthography in the above sentences, as in others where the original\ntext is given (excepting the Dakota and Ojibwa), is that adopted by Maj.\nJ.\u00a0W. POWELL in the second edition of the _Introduction to the Study of\nIndian Languages_. _Washington_, 1880. The characters more particularly\nrequiring explanation are the following, viz:\n\n_\u00a2_, as _th_ in _then_, _though_.\n\n_\u00f1_, as _ng_ in _sing_, _singer_; Sp. _luengo_.\n\n_\u029e_, an intermediate sound between _k_ and _g_ in _gig_.\n\n_kh_, as the German _ch_, in _nacht_.\n\n_\u0287_, an intermediate sound between _t_ and _d_.\n\nNasalized vowels are written with a superior _n_, thus: _a\u207f_, _e\u207f_.\n\nThe following phrases were obtained by the same authority from Antonito,\nson of Antonio Azul, chief of the Pimas in Arizona.\n\n\nI AM HUNGRY, GIVE ME SOMETHING TO EAT.\n\n(1) Touch the breast with the tips of the extended fingers of the right\nhand--_I_, (2)\u00a0place the outer edge of the flat and extended right hand\nagainst the pit of the stomach, palm upward, then make a sawing motion\nfrom side to side with the hand--_hunger_, (3)\u00a0place the right hand\nbefore the face, back upward, and fingers pointing toward the mouth,\nthen thrust the fingers rapidly to and from the mouth several\ntimes--_eat_.\n\nANALYSIS.\n\n A\u207f-an\u00b4-t | pi\u00b4-hu-ki\u2019um | .....\n (1) | (2) | (3)\n I (have) | hunger | eat.\n\nThe last sign is so intimately connected with that for hunger, that no\ntranslation can be made.\n\n\nGIVE ME A DRINK OF WATER.\n\n(1) Place the tips of the index and thumb together, the remaining\nfingers curved, forming a cup, then pass it from a point about six\ninches before the chin, in a curve upward, backward and downward past\nthe mouth--_water_, (2)\u00a0then place the flat right hand at the height of\nthe elbow in front of or slightly to the right of the body, palm up, and\nin passing it slowly from left to right, give the hand a lateral motion\nat the wrist--_give me_.\n\nANALYSIS.\n\n Shu\u00b4-wu-to | do\u00b4-i\u2019.\n (1) | (2)\n water | give me.\n\nThe following was also obtained by Dr. W. J. HOFFMAN from Ta-ta\u207f-ka\nWa-ka\u207f, before referred to, at the time of his visit to Washington.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 303.]\n\n\nI AM GOING HOME.\n\n(1) Touch the breast with the extended index--_I_, (2) then pass it in a\ndownward curve, outward and upward toward the right nearly to arm\u2019s\nlength, as high as the shoulder--_am going (to)_, (3)\u00a0and when at that\npoint suddenly clinch the hand and throw it edgewise a short distance\ntoward the ground--_my country_, _my home_. Fig. 303.\n\nANALYSIS.\n\n Ma-ko\u00b4-ce mi-ta\u00b4-wa kin e-kta\u00b4 wa-gle\u00b4 kta.\n (3) (2) (1)\n Country \u2016 my own \u2016 the \u2016 to \u2016 I go home \u2016 will.\n\n\n\n\nDIALOGUES.\n\n\n_TENDOY-HUERITO DIALOGUE._\n\nThe following conversation took place at Washington in April, 1880,\nbetween TENDOY, chief of the Shoshoni and Banak Indians of Idaho, and\nHUERITO, one of the Apache chiefs from New Mexico, in the presence of\nDr. W.\u00a0J. HOFFMAN. Neither of these Indians spoke any language known to\nthe other, or had ever met or heard of one another before that occasion:\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 304.]\n\n_Huerito._--WHO ARE YOU?\n\nPlace the flat and extended right hand, palm forward, about twelve\ninches in front of and as high as the shoulder, then shake the hand from\nside to side as it is moved forward and upward--_question, who are you?_\nFig. 304.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 305.]\n\n_Tendoy._--SHOSHONI CHIEF.\n\nPlace the closed right hand near the right hip leaving the index only\nextended, palm down; then pass the hand toward the front and left,\nrotating it from side to side--_Shoshoni_, Fig. 305; then place the\nclosed hand, with the index extended and pointing upward, near the right\ncheek, pass it upward as high as the head, then turn it forward and\ndownward toward the ground, terminating with the movement a little below\nthe initial point--_chief_. Fig. 306.\n\n_Huerito._--HOW OLD ARE YOU?\n\nClinch both hands and cross the forearms before the breast with a\ntrembling motion--_cold_--_winter, year_, Fig. 307; then elevate the\nleft hand as high as the neck and about twelve or fifteen inches before\nit, palm toward the face, with fingers extended and pointing upward;\nthen, with the index, turn down one finger after another slowly,\nbeginning at the little finger, until three or four are folded against\nthe palm, and look inquiringly at the person addressed--_how many?_ See\nFig. 302.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 306.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 307.]\n\n_Tendoy._--FIFTY-SIX.\n\nClose and extend the fingers and thumbs of both hands, with the palms\nforward, five times--_fifty_; then extend the fingers and thumb of the\nleft hand, close the right, and place the extended thumb alongside of\nand near the left thumb--_six_. Fig. 308.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 308.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 309.]\n\n_Huerito._--VERY WELL. ARE THERE ANY BUFFALO IN YOUR COUNTRY?\n\nPlace the flat right hand, pointing to the left, with the palm down,\nagainst the breast-bone; then move it forward and slightly to the right\nand in an upward curve; make the gesture rather slow and nearly to arm\u2019s\nlength (otherwise, _i.e._, if made hastily and but a short distance, it\nwould only mean _good_)--_very good_, Fig. 309; place both closed hands\nto their respective sides of the head, palms toward the hair, leaving\nthe forefingers curved--_buffalo_, see Fig. 298, p.\u00a0477; then reach out\nthe fist to arm\u2019s length toward the west, and throw it forcibly toward\nthe ground for a distance of about six inches, edge downward--_country,\naway to the west_; then point the curved index rather quickly and\ncarelessly toward the person addressed--_your_.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 310.]\n\n_Tendoy._--YES; MANY BLACK BUFFALO.\n\nPass the closed right hand, with the index partly flexed, to a position\nabout eight inches before the right collar-bone, and, as the hand\nreaches that elevation, quickly close the index--_yes_; then make the\nsame sign as in the preceding question for _buffalo_; touch the hair on\nthe right side of the head with the palms of the extended fingers of the\nright hand--_black_; spread the curved fingers and thumbs of both hands,\nplace them before either thigh, pointing downward; then draw them toward\none another and upward as high as the stomach, so that the fingers will\npoint toward one another, or may be interlaced--_many_. Fig. 310.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 311.]\n\n_Tendoy._--DID YOU HEAR ANYTHING FROM THE SECRETARY? IF SO, TELL ME.\n\nClose the right hand, leaving the index and thumb widely separated, pass\nit by the ear from the back of the ear downward and toward the chin,\npalm toward the head--_hear_, see Fig. 316, p.\u00a0492; point to the\nindividual addressed--_you_; close the hand again, leaving the index and\nthumb separated as in the sign for _hear_ and placing the palmar surface\nof the finger horizontally across the forehead, pointing to the left,\nallow the thumb to rest against the right temple; then draw the index\nacross the forehead from left to right, leaving the thumb touching the\nhead--_white man_; then place the closed hand, with elevated index,\nbefore the right side of the neck or in front of the top of the\nshoulder; pass the index, pointing upward, as high as the top of the\nhead; turn it forward and downward as far as the breast--_chief_; pass\nthe extended index, pointing up ward and forward, forward from the mouth\ntwice--_talk_; then open and flatten the hand, palm up, outer edge\ntoward the face, place it about fifteen inches in front of the chin, and\ndraw it horizontally inward until the hand nearly touches the\nneck--_tell me_.\n\n_Huerito._--HE TOLD ME THAT IN FOUR DAYS I WOULD GO TO MY COUNTRY.\n\nClose the right hand, leaving the index curved; place it about six\ninches from the ear and move it in toward the external meatus--_told me,\nhear, I\u00a0heard_, Fig. 311; with the right hand still closed, form a\ncircle with the index and thumb by allowing their tips to touch; pass\nthe hand from east to west at arm\u2019s length--_day_; place the left hand\nbefore the breast, the fingers extended, and the thumb resting against\nthe palm, back forward, and, with the index, turn down one finger after\nanother, beginning at the little finger--_four_; touch the breast with\nthe tips of the finger and thumb of the left hand collected to a\npoint--_I_; drop the hand a short distance and move it forward to arm\u2019s\nlength and slightly upward until it points above the horizon--_go to_*;\nthen as the arm is extended, throw the fist edgewise toward the\nground--_my country_.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 312.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 313.]\n\n_Tendoy._--IN TWO DAYS I GO TO MY COUNTRY JUST AS YOU GO TO YOURS. I\u00a0GO\nTO MINE WHERE THERE IS A GREAT DEAL OF SNOW, AND WE SHALL SEE EACH OTHER\nNO MORE.\n\nPlace the flat hands horizontally, about two feet apart, move them\nquickly in an upward curve toward one another until the right lies\nacross the left--_night_, Fig. 312, repeat this sign--_two nights_\n(literally _two sleeps hence_); point toward the individual addressed\nwith the right hand--_you_; and in a continuous movement pass the hand\nto the right, _i.e._, toward the south, nearly to arm\u2019s length--_go_;\nthen throw the fist edgewise toward the ground at that distance--_your\ncountry_; then touch the breast with the tips of the fingers of the left\nhand--_I_; move the hand off slowly toward the left, _i.e._, toward the\nnorth to arm\u2019s length--_go to_*; and throw the clinched hand toward the\nground--_my country_; then hold both hands toward the left as high as\nthe head, palms down, with fingers and thumbs pendent and separated;\nmove them toward the ground two or three times--_rain_, Fig. 313; then\nplace the flat hands horizontally to the left of the body about two feet\nfrom the ground--_deep_; (literally, _deep rain_) _snow_--and raise them\nuntil about three feet from the ground--_very deep--much_; place the\nhands before the body about twelve inches apart, palms down, with\nforefingers only extended and pointing toward one another; push them\ntoward and from one another several times--_see each other_, Fig. 314;\nthen hold the flat right hand in front of the breast, pointing forward,\npalm to the left, and throw it over on its back toward the right--_not,\nno more_.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 314.]\n\nEXPLANATORY NOTE.--Where the asterisks appear in the above dialogue the\npreposition _to_ is included in the gesture. After touching the breast\nfor _I_, the slow movement forward signifies _going to_, and _country_\nis signified by locating it at arm\u2019s length toward the west, to the left\nof the gesturer, as the stopping-place, also _possession_ by the\nclinched fist being directed toward the ground. It is the same as for\n_my_ or _mine_, though made before the body in the latter signs. The\ndirection of Tendoy\u2019s hands, first to the south and afterwards to the\nnorth, was understood not as pointing to the exact locality of the two\nparts of the country, but to the difference in their respective\nclimates.\n\n\n_OMAHA COLLOQUY._\n\nThe following is contributed by Rev. J. OWEN DORSEY:\n\n_Question._ FROM WHAT QUARTER IS THE WIND?\n\nRaise the curved right hand, palm in, in front of the left shoulder.\nDraw in toward the body a little, then from the body several times in\ndifferent directions.\n\n_Answer._ FROM THAT QUARTER.\n\nHand as above; draw in towards the body _once_, and _farther_ with\n_emphasis_, according to the direction of the wind.\n\n\n_BRUL\u00c9 DAKOTA COLLOQUY._\n\nThe following signs, forming a question and answer, were obtained by Dr.\nW.\u00a0J. HOFFMAN, from Ta-ta\u207f-ka Wa-ka\u207f (Medicine Bull), a\u00a0Brul\u00e9 Dakota\nchief who visited Washington during the winter of 1880-\u201981:\n\n_Question._ WE WENT TO THE DEPARTMENT [OF THE INTERIOR], SHOOK HANDS\nWITH THE SECRETARY AND HAD A CONVERSATION WITH HIM, DID YOU HEAR OF IT?\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 315.]\n\n(1) Extend and separate the thumb and index, leaving the remaining\nfingers closed, place the ball of the thumb against the temple above the\nouter corner of the eye, and the index across the forehead, the tip\nresting on the left temple, then draw the index across to the right\nuntil its tip touches the thumb--_white man_, Fig. 315; (2)\u00a0Elevate the\nextended index before the shoulder, palm forward, pass it upward, as\nhigh as the head, and forming a short curve to the front, then downward\nagain slightly to the front to before the breast and about fifteen\ninches from it--_chief_; (3)\u00a0Fingers of both hands extended and\nseparated; then interlace them so that the tips of the fingers of one\nhand protrude beyond the backs of those of the opposing one; hold the\nhands in front of the breast, pointing upward, leaving the wrists about\nsix inches apart--_lodge_; (4)\u00a0Place the left hand a short distance\nbefore the breast, palm down and slightly arched, fingers directed\ntoward the right and front, then pass the flat and extended right hand\nforward, under and beyond the left, forming a downward curve, the right\nhand being as high as the left at the commencement and termination of\nthe gesture--_enter, entered_; (5)\u00a0Clasp the hands before the body, left\nuppermost--_shook hands, friendly_; (6)\u00a0Place the flat right hand before\nthe chin, palm up with fingers directed to the left, then pass the hand\nforward several times--_talk, talked to him_; (7)\u00a0Reverse this motion,\nbeginning away from the body, drawing the hand edgewise toward the chin\nseveral times--_talked to me_; (8)\u00a0Separate the extended thumb and index\nas far as possible, leaving the remaining fingers closed, place the hand\nabout six inches opposite the right ear, palm toward the head, then pass\nit in a curve forward and downward, terminating at the height of the\nelbow--_hear, heard_; (9)\u00a0then in a continuous movement direct the\nextended index at the individual addressed, the face expressing a look\nof inquiry--_you_.\n\nANALYSIS.\n\n Wa-\u015bi\u00b4-\u0107u\u207f i-ta\u207f-ca\u207f ti-el\u00b4 ti\u00b4-ma-hel\n (1) \u2016 (2) \u2016 (3) \u2016\n White man | chief | lodge in | lodge within |\n\n unk-i\u00b4-pi na\n (4) \u2016\n we were at that place | and |\n\n na\u00b4-pe-u\u207f-za-pi na ki-ci wo-un-gla-ka-pi\n (5) \u2016 (6,7) \u2016\n hand we hold it, | and | to each other | we talk |\n take hold of\n\n ki\u207f | na-ya-\u1e23o\u207f-hu-o\n (8,9)\n the thing | you hear it ?\n\nIt will be observed that the interrogation point is placed under the\nlast syllable, hu-o, the latter implying a question, though the gesture\nwas not made to accompany it, the gestures for _hear_ and _you_, with a\nlook of inquiry, being deemed sufficient to express the desire on the\npart of the speaker.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 316.]\n\n_Answer._ YES, I HEARD OF IT, BUT DID NOT SEE IT.\n\n(1) Hold the naturally closed hand before the right side of the breast\nor shoulder, leaving the index and thumb loosely extended, then, as the\nhand is thrown downward and forward, bring the index against the inner\nside of the thumb--_yes_. (2)\u00a0Repeat gesture No. 8--_heard_, Fig. 316;\n(3)\u00a0pass the extended index forward from the right eye--_saw_; (4)\u00a0then\nin a continuous motion extend all the fingers so as to place the flat\nhand edgewise, and pointing forward about twelve inches before the right\nside of the breast, and throw it outward and slightly downward--_no,\nnot_.\n\nANALYSIS.\n\n Ha-u | na-wa\u00b4-\u1e23o\u207f | tka | wa\u207f-mla\u00b4-ke | \u015bni\n (1) | (2) | | (3) | (4)\n Yes, | I heard | (but) | I saw it. | not.\n\n\n_DIALOGUE BETWEEN ALASKAN INDIANS._\n\nThe following introductory notes are furnished by Mr. IVAN PETROFF, who\ncontributes the Dialogue:\n\nIt has been repeatedly stated that among the natives of Alaska no trace\nof gesture or sign language can be found. The universal spread of the\nRussian language in former times as a medium of trade and general\nintercourse has certainly prevented observations of this primitive\nlinguistic feature in all the vast regions visited by the Russians. On\nthe other hand, the homogeneous elements of the Innuit tongue, spoken\nalong the whole seacoast from the Arctic to the Alaskan Peninsula, and\nthe Island of Kadiak, has, to a great extent, abolished all causes for\nthe employment of sign language between tribes in their mutual\nintercourse. Basing their opinions upon what they saw while touching\nupon the coast here and there, even the acknowledged authorities on\nAlaskan matters have declared that sign language did not and could not\nexist in all that country. Without entering into any lengthened dispute\nupon this question, I\u00a0venture to present in the subjoined pages a\nsuccinct account of at least one instance where I saw natives of\ndifferent tribes converse with each other only by means of signs and\ngestures within the boundaries of Alaska.\n\nIn the month of September, 1866, there arrived on the Lower Kinnik\nRiver, a\u00a0stream emptying its waters into Cook\u2019s Inlet, two Indians from\na distant region, who did not speak the Kenaitze language. The people of\nthe settlement at which the strangers made their first appearance were\nequally at a loss to understand the visitors. At last a chief of great\nage, bearing the name of Chatidoolts (mentioned by Vancouver as a\nyouth), was found to be able to interpret some of the signs made by the\nstrangers, and after a little practice he entered into a continued\nconversation with them in rather a roundabout way, being himself blind.\nHe informed me that it was the second or third time within his\nrecollection that strangers like those then present had come to Kinnik\nfrom the northeast, but that in his youth he had frequently \u201ctalked with\nhis hands\u201d to their visitors from the west and east. He also told me\nthat he had acquired this art from his father, who, as the old man\nexpressed himself, had \u201cseen every country, and spoken to all the tribes\nof the earth.\u201d The conversation was carried on with the help of the old\nman\u2019s sons, who described to their blind parent the gestures of the\nstrangers, and were instructed in turn by him with what gestures to\nreply.\n\nThis being an entirely new experience to me I at once proceeded to\ncarefully make notes of the desultory talk, extending over several days.\nMy object, primarily, was to make use of the signs for purposes of trade\nin the future.\n\nThe notes thus obtained contain a narrative of the two strangers,\ninterpreted to me at the time by Chatidoolts. I\u00a0shall present each sign\nor sentence as I noted it at the time, with only casual reference to\nthat incomplete and frequently erroneous interpretation.\n\nThe two Indians wore the pointed hunting shirt of tanned moose-skin,\nornamented with beads and fringes which is still common to the Kutchin\ntribes. They were not tattooed, but ears and noses were encumbered with\npendants of dentalium and a small red glass bead. Their feet were\nclothed in moccasins. One of them had a rifle of English manufacture,\nand his companion carried two huge knives, one of them of copper\nevidently of native manufacture.\n\n(1) _Kenaitze._--Left hand raised to height of eye, palm outward, moved\nseveral times from right to left rapidly; fingers extended and closed;\npointing to strangers with left hand. Right hand describes a curve from\nnorth to east--_Which of the northeastern tribes is yours?_\n\n(2) _Tennanah._--Right hand, hollowed, lifted to mouth, then extended\nand describing waving line gradually descending from right to left. Left\nhand describing mountainous outline, apparently one peak rising above\nthe other, said by Chatidoolts to mean--_Tenan-tnu-kohtana_,\n_Mountain-river-men_.\n\n(3) _K._--Left hand raised to height of eye, palm outward, moved from\nright to left, fingers extended. Left index describes curve from east to\nwest. Outline of mountain and river as in preceding sign.--_How many\ndays from Mountain-river?_\n\n(4) _T._--Right hand raised toward sky, index and thumb forming first\ncrescent and then ring. This repeated three times--_moon, new and full\nthree times_.\n\n(5) Right hand raised, palm to front, index raised and lowered at\nregular intervals--_walked_. Both hands imitating paddling of canoe,\nalternately right and left--_traveled three months on foot and by\ncanoe_.\n\n(6) Both arms crossed over breast, simulating shivering--_cold, winter_.\n\n(7) Right index pointing toward speaker--_I_. Left hand pointing to the\nwest--_traveled westward_.\n\n(8) Right hand lifted cup-shaped to mouth--_water_. Right hand\ndescribing waving line from right to left gradually descending, pointing\nto the west--_river running westward_.\n\n(9) Right hand gradually pushed forward, palm upward, from height of\nbreast. Left hand shading eyes; looking at great distance--_very wide_.\n\n(10) Left and right hands put together in shape of sloping\nshelter--_lodge, camp_. See Fig. 259, on p.\u00a0431.\n\n(11) Both hands lifted, height of eye, palm inward, fingers\nspread--_many times_.\n\n(12) Both hands closed, palm outward, height of hips--_surprised_.\n\n(13) Index pointing from eye forward--_see_.\n\n(14) Right hand held up, height of shoulder, three fingers extended,\nleft hand pointing to me--_three white men_.\n\n(15) _K._--Right hand pointing to me, left hand held up, three fingers\nextended--_three white men_.\n\n(16) Making Russian sign of cross--_Russians. Were the three white men\nRussians?_\n\n(17) _T._--Left hand raised, palm inward, two fingers extended, sign of\ncross with right--_two Russians_.\n\n(18) Right hand extended, height of eye, palm outward, moved outward a\nlittle to right--_no_.\n\n(19) One finger of left hand raised--_one_.\n\n(20) Sign of cross with right--_Russian_.\n\n(21) Right hand height of eye, fingers closed and extended, palm outward\na little to right--_no_.\n\n(22) Right hand carried across chest, hand extended, palm upward,\nfingers and thumb closed as if holding something. Left hand in same\nposition carried across the right, palm downward--_trade_.\n\n(23) Left hand upholding one finger, right pointing to me--_one white\nman_.\n\n(24) Right hand held horizontally, palm downward, about four feet from\nground--_small_.\n\n(25) Forming rings before eyes with index and thumb--_eye-glasses_.\n\n(26) Right hand clinched, palm upward, in front of chest, thumb pointing\ninward--_gave one_.\n\n(27) Forming cup with right hand, simulating drinking--_drink_.\n\n(28) Right hand grasping chest repeatedly, fingers curved and\nspread--_strong_.\n\n(29) Both hands pressed to temple and head moved from side to\nside--_drunk, headache_.\n\n(30) Both index fingers placed together, extended, pointing\nforward--_together_.\n\n(31) Fingers interlaced repeatedly--_build_.\n\n(32) Left hand extended, fingers closed, pointing outward (vertically),\nright hand extended, fingers closed, placed slopingly against\nleft--_camp_.\n\n(33) Both wrists placed against temples, hands curved upward and\noutward, fingers spread--_horns_.\n\n(34) Both hands horizontally lifted to height of shoulder, right arm\nextended gradually full length to the right, hand drooping a little at\nthe end--_long back, moose_.\n\n(35) Both hands upright, palm outward, fingers extended and spread,\nplacing one before the other alternately--_trees, forest, dense forest_.\n\n(36) Sign of cross--_Russian_.\n\n(37) Motions of shooting a gun--_shot_.\n\n(38) Sign for _moose_ (Nos. 33, 34), showing two fingers of left\nhand--_two_.\n\n(39) Sign for _camp_ as before (No. 10)--_camp_.\n\n(40) Right hand describing curve from east to west, twice--_two days_.\n\n(41) Left hand lifted height of mouth, back outward, fingers closed as\nif holding something; right hand simulating motion of tearing off and\nplacing in mouth--_eating moose meat_.\n\n(42) Right hand placed horizontally against heart, fingers closed, moved\nforward a little and raised a little several times--_glad at heart_.\n\n(43) Fingers of left hand and index of right hand extended and placed\ntogether horizontally, pointing forward, height of chest. Hands\nseparated, right pointing eastward and left westward--_three men and\nspeaker parted, going west and east_.\n\n(44) Pressing both arms against chest and shivering--_very cold_.\n\n(45) Drawing index of each hand around corresponding legs below the\nknee--_deep snow_.\n\n(46) Drawing imaginary line with index of right hand across each foot,\njust behind the toes--_snow shoes_.\n\n(47) Head lowered to right side into palm of hand three times--_slept\nthree times_.\n\n(48) Sign for _camp_, as before (No. 10)--_camp_.\n\n(49) Pointing to speaker--_I_.\n\n(50) Fingers of right hand extended and joined and pointed forward from\nmouth, left hand lowered horizontally to a foot from the ground--_fox_.\n\n(51) Left hand raised height of eye, back to the left, fingers closed,\nwith exception of middle finger held upright; then middle finger\nsuddenly closed--_trap_.\n\n(52) Both hands lifted height of eye, palm inward, fingers\nspread--_many_.\n\n(53) Right hand pointing to speaker--_I_.\n\n(54) Sign for _trap_ (No. 51), as above--_trap_.\n\n(55) Right hand lowered to within a few inches of the ground and moved\nfrom left to right about two feet. Motions of both hands descriptive of\nplayful jumping of marten around a tree or stump--_marten_.\n\n(56) Holding up the fingers of both hands three times until aggregating\nthirty--_thirty_.\n\n(57) Left forearm held up vertically, palm to front, fingers\nspread--_tree_.\n\n(58) Motion of chopping with hatchet--_cut_.\n\n(59) Driving invisible wedge around small circle--_peeling birch bark_.\n\n(60) Right hand, fingers extended and joined, moved slowly from left to\nright horizontally while blowing upon it with mouth--_pitching seams of\ncanoe_.\n\n(61) Motions of using paddle very vigorously--_paddle up stream_.\n\n(62) Lifting both arms above head on respective sides, hands closed as\nif grasping something and lifting the body--_poling canoe_.\n\n(63) Sign for _moon_ (No. 4), (crescent and ring) once--_one month_.\n\n(64) Right hand vertically, height of chest, palm to left, fingers\nextended, closed. Left hand horizontally, palm downward, pushed against\nright--_stopped_.\n\n(65) Right hand, index extended, drawing outline of mountains, one above\nother--_high mountains_.\n\n(66) Left hand lifted to left shoulder, back to front, fingers bent and\nclosed. Right hand, fingers bent and closed, placed over left and then\nslowly drawn across chest to right shoulder. Motion with both hands as\nif adjusting pack--_pack, knapsack_.\n\n(67) Sign for _water_ as before (No. 8). Both hands brought forward,\npalms down, arms passed outward horizontally to respective sides, palms\ndown--_lake_. Both hands describing circular line backward until\ntouching collar bone--_big and deep_.\n\n(68) Left hand raised slightly about height of nipple, three fingers\nclosed; index and thumb holding tip of index of right hand. Both hands\nmoved across chest from left to right--_beaver_.*\n\n(69) Previous sign for _many_ (No. 52) repeated several times--_very\nplentiful_.\n\n(70) Both hands held up with fingers spread, palm forward, twice and\nleft hand once--height of eye--_twenty-five_.\n\n(71) Pointing to himself--_I_.\n\n(72) Sign for _trap_ as before (No. 51)--_trapped_.\n\n(73) Sign for temporary _shelter_ (No. 10)--_camped_.\n\n(74) Sign for new and full moon (No. 4), once--_one month_.\n\n(75) Right hand passed slowly over the hair and chin. Left hand touching\na pendant of white beads--_old man_.\n\n(76) Index of right hand held up--_one_.\n\n(77) Both hands partially closed and placed against breast, back of\nhands to front, a\u00a0few inches apart--_women_.\n\n(78) Index and middle finger of right hand held up, palm forward; eyes\ndirected as if counting--_two_.\n\n(79) Sign for _trap_ as before (No. 51)--_trapping_.\n\n(80) Left forearm vertically in front of chest, palm of hand to front,\nfingers spread, elbow resting upon the back of the right hand--_tree_.\n\n(81) Arms and hands spanning imaginary tree of some size--_big_.\n\n(82) Sign for _tree_ as before (No. 57), left forearm suddenly brought\ndown across extended right hand--_fell_.\n\n(83) Right hand laid on top of head, then passed over the hair and chin,\nleft hand touching white beads--_on the head of the old man_.\n\n(84) Sign for _old man_ as before (No. 75)--_old man_.\n\n(85) Closing both eyes with fore and middle finger of right hand; both\nhands placed side by side, horizontally, palms downward, fingers\nextended and united, hands separated by slow horizontal movement to\nright and left--_dead_.\n\n(86) Sign for _women_ as before (No. 77)--_women_.\n\n(87) Fingers of both hands interlaced at right angles several\ntimes--_built_.\n\n(88) Sign for _lodge_ as before (No. 10)--_lodge_.\u2020\n\n(89) Right index describing circle around the head, height of eye\n(cutting hair). Right hand passed over forehead and face. Left index\npointing to black scabbard (blacking faces)--_mourning_.\n\n(90) Index and middle finger of right hand passed from eyes downward\nacross cheeks--_weeping_.\n\n(91) Pointing to himself--_I_.\n\n(92) Make the signs for _shoot_ (Nos. 33, 34), and _moose_\n(No.\u00a037)--_shot a moose_.\n\n(93) Left hand extended horizontally, palm upward, right hand placed\nacross left vertically, about the middle--_divided in two_.\n\n(94) Right hand closed, palm downward, moved forward from right breast\nthe length of the arm and then opened--_I gave_.\n\n(95) Sign for _women_, (No. 77)--_to women_.\n\n(96) Right hand, palm down, pointing to left, placed horizontally before\nheart and slightly raised several times--_good and glad_.\n\n(97) Pointing to his companion--_he_.\n\n(98) Motion of _paddling--in canoe_.\n\n(99) Right arm and hand extended in N.E. direction, gradually curved\nback until index touches speaker--_came to me from the northeast_.\n\n(100) Sign for _together_ as above (No. 30)--_together_.\n\n(101) Motion of _paddling--paddled_.\n\n(102) Pointing to ground--_to this place_.\n\n(103) _K._ Motion of drinking water out of hand--_water_.\n\n(104) Describing circle with right index on palm of left hand extended\nhorizontally--_lake_.\n\n(105) Left hand raised to height of eye, palm to front, fingers leaning\nslightly backward. Fingers of left hand closed alternately--_how many?_\n\n(106) _T._ Holding up right hand back to front, showing four fingers,\neyes looking at them as if counting--_four_.\n\n(107) Sign for packing with wooden breast-brace as above; three fingers\nof right hand shown as above--_three portages_.\n\n(108) _K._ Right hand pointing to gun of stranger--_gun_. Left hand\nraised height of eye, palm to front, and moved rapidly several times to\nright and left--_interrogation_.\n\n(109) Sign for _trade_ as before (No. 22)--_trade_; _i.e._, _where did\nyou buy the gun?_\n\n(110) _T._ Sign for _Mountain-river_ as above (No. 2). Pointing\neastward--_from the eastward_.\n\n(111) Pointing to sun and then raising both hands, backs to front,\nfingers spread--_ten days_.\n\n(112) Pointing to me--_white man_.\n\n(113) Left hand held up vertically, palm outward, fingers joined. Right\nindex placed horizontally across fingers of left hand in front, about\nthe middle joint--_pallisaded_.\n\n(114) Describing square with right index on flat palm of left\nhand--_building_.\n\n(115) Pointing to his gun, powder-horn, blanket, and beads--_trading\ngoods_.\n\n(116) Both hands horizontal, brought forward and upward from chest and\nthen downward--_plenty_.\n\n [* Chatidoolts explained this to his sons as well as to me, saying\n that the mountain men had a peculiar mode of catching beavers with\n long sticks.]\n\n [\u2020 They never occupy a house in which one of the other Indians\n died.]\n\nIn giving this narrative I have observed the original sequence, but\nthere were frequent interruptions, caused by consultation between\nChatidoolts and his sons, and before the strangers departed again they\nhad obtained a knowledge of some words of the Kenaitze language.\n\n\n_OJIBWA DIALOGUE._\n\n[Communicated by the Very Rev. EDWARD JACKER.]\n\nThe following short dialogue forms part of the scanty tradition the\ncivilized Ojibwas possess regarding their ancestors\u2019 sign language:\n\nTwo Indians of different tongue meet on a journey. First Indian points\nto second Indian with the outstretched forefinger of the right hand,\nbringing it within a few inches of his breast; next he extends both\nforearms horizontally, clinches all but the forefingers, and bends the\nhands inward; then he brings them slowly and in a straight line\ntogether, until the tips of the outstretched forefingers meet. This\ngesture is accompanied with a look of inquiry--_You met somebody?_\n\nSecond Indian, facing the south, points to the east, and with the\noutstretched hand forms a half-circle from east to west (corresponding\nto the daily course of the sun); then he raises the arm and points to a\ncertain height above the southern horizon. Then the sign for _meeting_\n(as\u00a0above) may be made, or omitted. After this he bends the right hand\ndownward, and repeatedly moves the outstretched forefinger and middle\nfinger in opposite directions (in\u00a0imitation of the motion of the legs in\nthe act of walking). Finally he raises the right hand and stretches up\nthe forefinger (or\u00a0several fingers). _To-day, when the sun stood at such\na height, I\u00a0met one (or\u00a0several) persons traveling on foot._ If the\ntravelers met were on horseback he makes the sign for _horse_ as\ndescribed by (_Dakota_ III), see EXTRACTS FROM DICTIONARY, or the\nidentical one for _going_ given by (_Ojibwa_\u00a0I), which is as follows: To\ndescribe a journey on horseback the first two fingers of the right hand\nare placed astride of the forefinger of the left hand, and both\nrepresent the galloping movement of a horse. If it is a foot journey,\nwave the two fingers several times through the air.\n\n\n\n\nNARRATIVES.\n\n\nThe following, which is presented as a good descriptive model, was\nobtained by Dr. W.\u00a0J. HOFFMAN, of the Bureau of Ethnology, from Natci,\na\u00a0Pai-Ute chief connected with the delegation of that tribe to\nWashington in January, 1880, and refers to an expedition made by him by\ndirection of his father, Winnimukka, Head Chief of the Pai-Utes, to the\nnorthern camp of his tribe, partly for the purpose of preventing the\nhostile outbreak of the Banaks which occurred in 1878, and more\nparticularly to prevent those Pai-Utes from being drawn into any\ndifficulty with the United States by being leagued with the Banaks.\n\n\n_N\u00c1TCI\u2019S NARRATIVE._\n\n(1) Close the right hand, leaving the index extended, pointed westward\nat arm\u2019s length a little above the horizon, head thrown back with the\neyes partly closed and following the direction--_Away to the west_,\n(2)\u00a0indicate a large circle on the ground with the forefinger of the\nright hand pointing downward--_place_ (locative), (3)\u00a0the tips of the\nspread fingers of both hands placed against one another, pointing upward\nbefore the body, leaving a space of four or five inches between the\nwrists--_house_ (brush tent or wik\u00b4-i-up), see Fig. 257, p.\u00a0431,\n(4)\u00a0with the right hand closed, index extended or slightly bent, tap the\nbreast several times--_mine_. (5)\u00a0Draw an imaginary line, with the right\nindex toward the ground, from some distance in front of the body to a\nposition nearer to it--_from there I came_, (6)\u00a0indicate a spot on the\nground by quickly raising and depressing the right hand with the index\npointing downward--_to a stopping place_, (7)\u00a0grasp the forelock with\nthe right hand, palm to the forehead, and raise it about six inches,\nstill holding the hair upward--_the chief of the tribe_ (Winnimukka),\nsee Fig. 245, p.\u00a0418, (8)\u00a0touch the breast with the index--_me_, (9)\u00a0the\nright hand held forward from the hip at the level of the elbow, closed,\npalm downward, with the middle finger extended and quickly moved up and\ndown a short distance--_telegraphed_, (10) head inclined toward the\nright, at the same time making movement toward and from the ear with the\nextended index pointing toward it--_I heard_, _i.e._, understood.\n\n(11) An imaginary line indicated with the extended and inverted index\nfrom a short distance before the body to a place on the right--_I\u00a0went_,\n(12) repeat gesture No. 6--_a stopping place_, (13) inclining the head,\nwith eyes closed, toward the right, bring the extended right hand, palm\nup, to within six inches of the right ear--_where I slept_. (14) Place\nthe spread and extended index and thumb of the right hand, palm\ndownward, across the right side of the forehead--_white man_ (American),\n(15) elevating both hands before the breast, palms forward, thumbs\ntouching, the little finger of the right hand closed--_nine_, (16) touch\nthe breast with the right forefinger suddenly--_and myself_, (17)\nlowering the hand, and pointing downward and forward with the index\nstill extended (the remaining fingers and thumb being loosely closed)\nindicate an imaginary line along the ground toward the extreme\nright--_went_, (18) extend the forefinger of the closed left hand, and\nplace the separated fore and second fingers of the right astraddle the\nforefinger of the left, and make a series of arched or curved movements\ntoward the right--_rode horseback_, (19) keeping the hands in their\nrelative position, place them a short distance below the right ear, the\nhead being inclined toward that side--_sleep_, (20) repeat the signs for\n_riding_ (No.\u00a018) and _sleeping_ (No.\u00a019) three times--_four days and\nnights_, (21) make sign No. 18, and stopping suddenly point toward the\neast with the extended index-finger of the right (others being closed)\nand follow the course of the sun until it reaches the zenith--_arrived\nat noon of the fifth day_.\n\n(22) Indicate a circle as in No. 2--_a camp_, (23) the hands then placed\ntogether as in No. 3, and in this position, both moved in short\nirregular upward and downward jerks from side to side--_many\nwik\u00b4-i-ups_, (24) then indicate the chief of the tribe as in No.\n7--meaning that _it was one of the camps of the chief of the tribe_.\n(25) Make a peculiar whistling sound of \u201cphew\u201d and draw the extended\nindex of the right hand across the throat from left to right--_Banak_,\n(26) draw an imaginary line with the same extended index, pointing\ntoward the ground, from the right to the body--_came from the north_,\n(27) again make gesture No. 2--_camp_, (28) and follow it twice by sign\ngiven as No. 18 (forward from the body, but a short distance)--_two\nrode_. (29) Rub the back of the right hand with the extended index of\nthe left--_Indian_, _i.e._, the narrator\u2019s own tribe, Pai-Ute, (30)\nelevate both hands side by side before the breast, palms forward, thumbs\ntouching, then, after a short pause, close all the fingers and thumbs\nexcept the two outer fingers of the right hand--_twelve_, (31) again\nplace the hands side by side with fingers all spread or separated, and\nmove them in a horizontal curve toward the right--_went out of camp_,\n(32) and make the sign given as No. 25--_Banak_, (33) that of No.\n2--_camp_, (34) then join the hands as in No. 31, from the right toward\nthe front--_Pai-Utes returned_, (35) close the right hand, leaving the\nindex only extended, move it forward and downward from the mouth three\nor four times, pointing forward, each time ending the movement at a\ndifferent point--_I talked to them_, (36) both hands pointing upward,\nfingers and thumbs separated, palms facing and about four inches apart,\nheld in front of the body as far as possible in that position--_the men\nin council_, (37) point toward the east with the index apparently\ncurving downward over the horizon, then gradually elevate it to an\naltitude of 45\u00b0--_talked all night and until nine o\u2019clock next morning_,\n(38) bring the closed hands, with forefingers extended, upward and\nforward from their respective sides, and place them side by side, palms\nforward, in front--_my brother_, Fig. 317, (39) (see also pp. 385, 386)\nfollowed by the gesture, No. 18, directed toward the left and\nfront--_rode_, (40) by No. 7--_the head chief_, (41) and No. 2--_camp_.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 317.]\n\n(42) Continue by placing the hands, slightly curved, palm to palm,\nholding them about six inches below the right ear, the head being\ninclined considerably in that direction--_one sleep (night)_, (43) make\nsign No. 14--_white man_, (44) raise the left hand to the level of the\nelbow forward from the left hip, fingers pointing upward, thumb and\nforefinger closed--_three_, (45) and in this position draw them toward\nthe body and slightly to the right--_came_, (46) then make gesture No.\n42--_sleep_; (47) point with the right index to the eastern horizon--_in\nthe morning_, (48) make sign No. 14--_white man_, (49) hold the left\nhand nearly at arm\u2019s length before the body, back up, thumb and\nforefinger closed, the remaining fingers pointing downward--_three_,\n(50) with the right index finger make gesture No. 35, the movement being\ndirected towards the left hand--_talked to them_, (51) motion along the\nground with the left hand, from the body toward the left and front,\nretaining the position of the fingers just stated (in\u00a0No.\u00a049)--_they\nwent_, (52) tap toward the ground, as in gesture No. 6, with the left\nhand nearly at arm\u2019s length--_to their camp_.\n\n(53) Make gesture No. 18 toward the front--_I rode_, (54) extend the\nright hand to the left and front, and tap towards the earth several\ntimes as in sign No. 6, having the fingers and thumb collected to a\npoint--_camp of the white men_. (55) Close both hands, with the\nforefingers of each partly extended and crooked, and place one on either\nside of the forehead, palms forward--_cattle_ (a\u00a0steer), (56) hold the\nleft hand loosely extended, back forward, about twenty inches before the\nbreast, and strike the back of the partly extended right hand into the\nleft--_shot_, (57) make a short upward curved movement with both hands,\ntheir position unchanged, over and downward toward the right--_fell\nover, killed_, (58) then hold the left hand a short distance before the\nbody at the height of the elbow, palm downward, fingers closed, with the\nthumb lying over the second joint of the forefinger, extend the\nflattened right hand, edge down, before the body, just by the knuckles\nof the left, and draw the hand towards the body, repeating the\nmovement--_skinned_, (59) make the sign given in No. 25--_Banak_, (60)\nplace both hands with spread fingers upward and palms forward, thumb to\nthumb, before the right shoulder, moving them with a tremulous motion\ntoward the left and front--_came in_, (61) make three short movements\ntoward the ground in front, with the left hand, fingers loosely curved,\nand pointing downward--_camp of the three white men_, (62) then with the\nright hand open and flattened, edge down, cut towards the body as well\nas to the right and left--_cut up the meat_, (63) and make the\npantomimic gesture of _handing it around to the visitors_.\n\n(64) Make sign No. 35, the movement being directed to the left hand, as\nheld in No. 49--_told the white men_, (65) grasping the hair on the\nright side of the head with the left hand, and drawing the extended\nright hand with the edge towards and across the side of the head from\nbehind forward--_to scalp_; (66) close the right hand, leaving the index\npartly extended, and wave it several times quickly from side to side a\nshort distance before the face, slightly shaking the head at the same\ntime--_no_, Fig. 318, (67) make gesture No. 4--_me_, (68) repeat No.\n65--_scalp_, (69) and raising the forelock high with the left hand,\nstraighten the whole frame with a triumphant air--_make me a great\nchief_. (70) Close the right hand with the index fully extended, place\nthe tip to the mouth and direct it firmly forward and downward toward\nthe ground--_stop_, (71) then placing the hands, pointing upward, side\nby side, thumbs touching, and all the fingers separated, move them from\nnear the breast outward toward the right, palms facing that direction at\ntermination of movement--_the Banaks went to one side_, (72) with the\nright hand closed, index curved, palm downward, point toward the western\nhorizon, and at arm\u2019s length dip the finger downward--_after sunset_,\n(73) make the gesture given as No. 14--_white men_, (74) pointing to the\nheart as in No. 4--_and I_, (75) conclude by making gesture No. 18 from\nnear body toward the left, four times, at the end of each movement the\nhands remaining in the same position, thrown slightly upward--_we four\nescaped on horseback_.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 318.]\n\nThe above was paraphrased orally by the narrator as follows: \u201cHearing of\nthe trouble in the north, I\u00a0started eastward from my camp in Western\nNevada, when, upon arriving at Winnemucca Station, I\u00a0received\ntelegraphic orders from the head chief to go north to induce our bands\nin that region to escape the approaching difficulties with the Banaks.\nI\u00a0started for Camp McDermit, where I remained one night. Leaving next\nmorning in company with nine others, we rode on for four days and a\nhalf. Soon after our arrival at the Pai-Ute camp, two Banaks came in,\nwhen I sent twelve Pai-Utes to their camp to ask them all to come in to\nhold council. These messengers soon returned, when I collected all the\nPai-Utes ands talked to them all night regarding the dangers of an\nalliance with the Banaks and of their continuance in that locality. Next\nmorning I sent my brother to the chief, Winnimukka, with a report of\nproceedings.\n\n\u201cOn the following day three white men rode into camp, who had come up to\naid in persuading the Pai-Utes to move away from the border. Next\nmorning I consulted with them respecting future operations, after which\nthey went away a short distance to their camp. I\u00a0then followed them,\nwhere I shot and killed a steer, and while skinning it the Banaks came\nin, when the meat was distributed. The Banaks being disposed to become\nviolent at any moment, the white men became alarmed, when I told them\nthat rather than allow them to be scalped I would be scalped myself in\ndefending them, for which action I would be considered as great a chief\nas Winnemukka by my people. When I told the Banaks to cease threatening\nthe white men they all moved to one side a short distance to hold a war\ncouncil, and after the sun went down the white men and I mounted our\nhorses and fled toward the south, whence we came.\u201d\n\nSome of the above signs seem to require explanation. Natci was facing\nthe west during the whole of this narration, and by the right he\nsignified the north; this will explain the significance of his gesture\nto the right in Nos. 11 and 17, and to the left in No. 75.\n\nNo. 2 (repeated in Nos. 22, 27, 33, and 41) designates an Indian brush\nlodge, and although Natci has not occupied one for some years, the\ngesture illustrates the original conception in the round form of the\nfoundation of poles, branches, and brush, the interlacing of which in\nthe construction of the _wik\u00b4-i-up_ has survived in gestures Nos. 3\u00a0and\n23 (the latter referring to more than one, _i.e._, an encampment).\n\nThe sign for Banak, No. 25 (also 32 and 59), has its origin from the\ntradition among the Pai-Utes that the Banaks were in the habit of\ncutting the throats of their victims. This sign is made with the index\ninstead of the similar gesture with the flat hand, which among several\ntribes denotes the Sioux, but the Pai-Utes examined had no specific sign\nfor that body of Indians, not having been in sufficient contact with\nthem.\n\n\u201cA stopping place,\u201d referred to in Nos. 6, 12, 52, and 54, represents\nthe temporary station, or camp of white men, and is contradistinguished\nfrom a village, or perhaps from any permanent encampment of a number of\npersons, by merely dotting toward the ground instead of indicating a\ncircle.\n\nIt will also be seen that in several instances, after indicating the\nnationality, the fingers previously used in representing the number were\nrepeated without its previously accompanying specific gesture, as in No.\n61, where the three fingers of the left hand represented the men\n(white), and the three movements toward the ground signified the camp or\ntents of the three (white) men.\n\nThis also occurs in the gesture (Nos. 59, 60, and 71) employed for the\nBanaks, which, having been once specified, is used subsequently without\nits specific preceding sign for the tribe represented.\n\nThe rapid connection of the signs Nos. 57 and 58 and of Nos. 74 and 75\nindicates the conjunction, so that they are severally readily understood\nas \u201cshot _and_ killed,\u201d and \u201cthe white men _and_\u00a0I.\u201d The same remark\napplies to Nos. 15 and 16, \u201cthe nine _and_\u00a0I.\u201d\n\n\n_PATRICIO\u2019S NARRATIVE._\n\nThis narrative was obtained in July, 1880, by Dr. FRANCIS H. ATKINS,\nacting assistant surgeon, United States Army, at South Fork, New Mexico,\nfrom TI-PE-BES-TLEL (Sheepskin-leggings), habitually called Patricio, an\nintelligent young Mescalero Apache. It gives an account of what is\nlocally termed the \u201cApril Round-up,\u201d which was the disarming and\nimprisoning by a cavalry command of the United States Army, of the small\nApache subtribe to which the narrator belonged.\n\n(1) Left hand on edge, curved, palm forward, extended backward length of\narm toward the West (_far westward_).\n\n(2) Arm same, turned hand, tips down, and moved it from north to south\n(_river_).\n\n(3) Dipped same hand several times above and beyond last line\n(_beyond_).\n\n(4) Hand curved (Y, more flexed) and laid on its back on top of his foot\n(_moccasins much curved up at toe_); then drew hands up legs to near\nknee, and cut off with edges of hands (_boot tops_), (_Warm Spring\nApaches_, who wear booted moccasins with turn-up toes).\n\n(5) Hands held before him, tips near together, fingers gathered (U);\nthen alternately opened and gathered fingers of both hands (P\u00a0to\u00a0U,\nU\u00a0to\u00a0P), and thrusting them toward each other a few times (_shot or\nkilled many_).\n\n(6) Held hands six inches from side of head, thumbs and forefingers\nwidely separated (_Mexican_, _i.e._, wears a broad hat).\n\n(7) Held right hand on edge, palm toward him, threw it on its back\nforward and downward sharply toward earth (T\u00a0on edge to\u00a0X), (_dead, so\nmany dead_).\n\n(8) Put thumbs to temples and indexes forward, meeting in front, other\nfingers closed (_soldiers_, _i.e._, cap-visor).\n\n(9) Repeated No. 5 and No. 7 (_were also shot dead_).\n\n(10) Placed first and second fingers of right hand, others closed,\nastride of left index, held horizontally (_horses_).\n\n(11) Held hands on edge and forward (T on edge forward), pushed them\nforward, waving vertically (_marching_, _i.e._, _ran off with soldiers\u2019\nhorses or others_). N.B.--Using both hands indicates double ranks of\ntroops marching also.\n\n(12) Struck right fist across in front of chin from right to left\nsharply (_bad_).\n\n(13) Repeated No. 4 (_Warm Spring Apache_).\n\n(14) Moved fist, thumb to head, from center of forehead to right temple\nand a little backward (_fool_).\n\n(15) Repeated No. 8 and No. 11 (_soldiers riding in double column_).\n\n(16) Thrust right hand down over and beyond left, both palms down (W)\n(_came here_).\n\n(17) Repeated No. 8 (_soldier_).\n\n(18) Touched hair (_hair_).\n\n(19) Touched tent (_quite white_).\n\n(20) Touched top of shoulder (_commissioned officer_, _i.e._,\nshoulder-straps).\n\n(21) Thrust both hands up high (_high rank_).\n\n(22) Right forefinger to forehead; waved it about in front of face and\nrolled head about (primarily _fool_, but qualified in this case by the\ninterpreter as _no sabe much_).\n\n(23) Drew hands up his thighs and body and pointed to himself\n(_Mescalero Indian_).\n\n(24) Approximated hands before him, palms down, with thumbs and indexes\nwidely separated, as if inclosing a circle (_captured_, _i.e._,\n_corralled, surrounded_).\n\n(25) Placed tips of hands together, wrists apart, held them erect\n(T,\u00a0both hands inclined), (_house_; in this case _the agency_).\n\n(26) Threw both hands, palms back, forward and downward, moving from\nknuckles (metacarpo-phalangeal joint) only, several times (_issuing\nrations_).\n\n(27) Thrust two fingers (N) toward mouth and downward (_food_).\n\n(28) Repeated No. 25 (_house_); outlined a hemispherical object\n(wik-i-up); repeated these several times, bringing the hands with\nemphasis several times down toward the earth (_village permanently\nhere_).\n\n(29) Repeated No. 25 several times and pointed to a neighboring hillside\n(_village over there_).\n\n(30) Repeated Nos. 17 to 21, inclusive (_General X_).\n\n(31) Thrust two fingers forward from his eyes (primarily _I see_; also\n_I saw_, or _there were_).\n\n(32) Repeated No. 11 (_toward said hillside_), (_troops went over there\nwith General\u00a0X_).\n\n(33) Repeated No. 4, adding, swept indexes around head and touched red\npaper on a tobacco wrapper (_San Carlos Apaches_, scouts especially\ndistinguished by wearing a red fillet about the head); also added, drew\nindexes across each cheek from nose outward (_were much painted_).\n\n(34) Repeated No. 24 and No. 23 (_to capture the Mescalero Indians_).\n\n(35) Repeated No. 31 (_there were_).\n\n(36) Repeated No. 33 (_San Carlos scouts_).\n\n(37) Repeated No. 8 (_and soldiers_).\n\n(38) Clasped his hands effusively before his breast (_so many!_ _i.e._,\n_a great many_).\n\n(39) Repeated No. 31 (_I saw_).\n\n(40) Repeated No. 23 (_my people_).\n\n(41) Brought fists together under chin, and hugged his arms close to his\nbreast, with a shrinking motion of body (_afraid_).\n\n(42) Struck off half of left index with right index (_half_, or _a\nportion_).\n\n(43) Waved off laterally and upward with both hands briskly (_fled_).\n\n(44) Projected circled right thumb and index to eastern horizon, thence\nto zenith (_next morning_, _i.e._, sunrise to noon).\n\n(45) Repeated No. 23 (_the Mescaleros_).\n\n(46) Held hands in position of aiming a gun--left oblique--(_shoot_).\n\n(47) Waved right index briskly before right shoulder (_no, did not;\nnegation_).\n\n(48) Swept his hand from behind forward, palm up (Y) (_the others\ncame_).\n\n(49) Repeated No. 5 (_and shot_).\n\n(50) Repeated No. 23 (_the Mescaleros_).\n\n(51) Repeated No. 7 (_many dead_).\n\n(52) Repeated No. 8 (_soldiers_).\n\n(53) Repeated No. 10 (_horse, mounted_).\n\n(54) Hand forward, palm down (W) moved forward and up and down\n(_walking_, _i.e._, _infantry_).\n\n(55) Beckoned with right hand, two fingers curved (N horizontal and\ncurved) (_came_).\n\n(56) Repeated No. 11 (_marching_).\n\n(57) Repeated No. 28 (_to this camp_, or _village_).\n\n(58) Repeated No. 23 (_with Mescaleros_).\n\n(59) Repeated No. 24 (_as prisoners, surrounded_).\n\n(60) Repeated No. 33 (_San Carlos scouts_).\n\n(61) Placed hands, spread out (R inverted), tips down, about waist\n(_many cartridges_).\n\n(62) Repeated No. 46 (_and guns_).\n\n(63) Repeated No. 5 (_shot many_).\n\n(64) Repeated No. 4 (_Warm Spring Apaches_).\n\n(65) Repeated No. 23 (_and Mescaleros_).\n\n(66) Moved fist--thumb to head--across his forehead from right to left,\nand cast it toward earth over left shoulder (_brave_, _i.e._, _the San\nCarlos scouts are brave_).\n\nCONTINUOUS TRANSLATION OF THE ABOVE.\n\nFar westward beyond the Rio Grande are the Warm Spring Apaches, who\nkilled many Mexicans and soldiers and stole their horses. They (the Warm\nSpring Apaches) are bad and fools.\n\nSome cavalry came here under an aged officer of high rank, but of\ninferior intelligence, to capture the Mescalero Indians.\n\nThe Mescaleros wished to have their village permanently here by the\nagency, and to receive their rations, _i.e._, were peacefully inclined.\n\nOur village was over there. I saw the general come with troops and San\nCarlos scouts to surround (or\u00a0capture) the Mescalero Indians. There were\na great many San Carlos scouts and soldiers.\n\nI saw that my people were afraid, and half of them fled.\n\nNext morning the Mescaleros did not shoot (were not hostile). The others\ncame and killed many Mescaleros. The cavalry and infantry brought us\n(the Mescaleros) to this camp as prisoners.\n\nThe San Carlos scouts were well supplied with ammunition and guns, and\nshot many Warm Spring Indians and Mescaleros.\n\nThe San Carlos scouts are brave men.\n\n\n_NA-WA-GI-JIG\u2019S STORY._\n\nThe following is contributed by Mr. FRANCIS JACKER:\n\nThis narrative was related to me by _John Na-wa-gi-jig_ (literally\n\u201cnoon-day sky\u201d), an aged Ojibwa, with whom I have been intimately\nconnected for a long period of years. He delivered his story, referring\nto one of the many incidents in his perilous life, orally, but with\npantomimes so graphic and vivid that it may be presented truly as a\nspecimen of gesture language. Indeed, to any one familiar with Indian\nmimicry, the story might have been intelligible without the expedient of\nverbal language, while the oral exposition, incoherent as it was, could\nhardly be styled anything better than the subordinate part of the\ndelivery. I\u00a0have endeavored to reproduce these gestures in their\noriginal connections from memory, omitting the verbal accompaniment as\nfar as practicable. In order to facilitate a clear understanding it is\nstated that the gesturer was in a sitting posture before a camp fire by\nthe lake shore, and facing the locality where the event referred to had\nactually occurred, viz, a\u00a0portion of Keweenaw Bay, Lake Superior, in the\nneighborhood of Portage Entry, as seen by the annexed diagram, Fig. 319.\nThe time of the relation (latter part of April) also coincided with the\n_actual_ time. In speaking of \u201carm,\u201d \u201chand,\u201d \u201cfinger,\u201d &c., the \u201cright\u201d\nis understood if not otherwise specified. \u201cFinger\u201d stands for\n\u201cforefinger.\u201d\n\n(1) With the exclamation \u201c_me-wi-ja_\u201d (a long time ago), uttered in a\nslow and peculiarly emphatic manner, he elevated the arm above and\ntoward the right at the head, accompanying the motion with an upward\nwave of the hand and held it thus suspended a moment--_a long time ago_.\n(This gesture resembles sign for _time, a\u00a0long_, of which it seems to be\nan abbreviation, and it is not sufficiently clear without the\naccompanying exclamation.) Withdrawing it slowly, he placed the hand\nback upon his knee.\n\n(2) He then brought up the left hand toward the temple and tapped his\nhair, which was gray, with the finger--_hair gray_.\n\n(3) From thence he carried it down upon the thigh, placing the extended\nfinger perpendicularly upon a fold of his trousers, which the thumb and\nfinger of the right held grasped in such a manner as to advantageously\npresent the smooth black surface of the cloth--_of that color_, _i.e._,\n_black_.\n\n [Illustration: Fig. 319.--Scene of Na-wa-gi-jig\u2019s story.]\n\n(4) Next, with a powerful strain of the muscles, he slowly stretched out\nthe right arm and fist and grasping the arm about the elbow with the\nleft, he raised the forearm perpendicularly upward, then brought it down\nwith force, tightening the grasp in doing so (fingers pressing upon\nknuckle, thumb against pit of elbow)--_strength_.\n\n(5) Pointing first at me--_you_.\n\n(6) He next held out the hand horizontally and flat, palm downward,\nabout four feet above the ground, correcting the measure a moment\nafterward by elevating hand a few inches higher, and estimated the\nheight thus indicated with a telling look, leaning the head toward the\nside--_about that height_, _i.e._, _a youth of about that size_.\n\n(7) He then rapidly extended the arm about two-thirds of its length\nforward and toward the right, terminating the motion with a jerk of the\nhand upward, palm turned outward, and accompanied the motion with a nod\nof the head, the hand in its downfall closing and dropping upon\nknee--_very well_.\n\n(8) Musing a few moments, he next slowly extended the arm and pointed\nwith the fingers toward and along the surface of the frozen bay--_out\nthere_.\n\n(9) In an easterly direction--_eastward_.\n\n(10) Thence turning the arm to the right he nodded the finger toward a\nprojection of land southward at a distance of about two miles--following\nin each case the direction of the finger with the eyes--and immediately\nafter placed the hand again eastward, indicating the spot with the same\nemphatic nod of the finger as though carrying the visible distance to a\nspot upon the expanse of the bay, which, bearing no object, could not be\nmarked otherwise--_two miles out there_.\n\n(11) Carrying the finger toward the body, he touched his breast--_I\nmyself_.\n\n(12) Thence erected the hand, turning its palm forward, forefinger\nperpendicularly extended, others slightly closed, and nodded it downward\nin an explanatory manner, all in an uninterrupted movement--_one_,\nmeaning in connection with the preceding gesture--_I for one_.\n\n(13) Again, with an emphatic movement, he turned the hand upward,\nslightly erecting the index, thumb pointing forward, remaining\nfingers partially and naturally opened and more or less\nseparated--_furthermore_.\n\n(14) Then quickly and after a moment\u2019s stop brought down the hand to a\nhorizontal position, first and second fingers joining and fully\nextending during the movement, and pointing forward--_another_, _i.e._,\n_joined by another_. Repeating this motion, he at the same time called\nout the name _Ga-bi-wa-bi-ko-ke_.\n\n(15) Following the exclamation with a repetition of No. 2--_gray\nhair_--repeatedly touching the hair, meaning in this case--_an old man_.\n\n(16) Pointed with the finger toward the right, directing it obliquely\ntoward the ground--_at a short distance toward my right_.\n\n(17) Repeated No. 13--_furthermore_.\n\n(18) Repeated No. 14, adding the third finger to joined fore and middle\nfingers, thumb resting upon tip of fourth--_another_, _i.e._, _joined by\na third_, and pronounced the words \u201c_o-gwis-san Sa-ba-dis_\u201d (this is a\ncorruption of the French \u201cJean Baptiste,\u201d a\u00a0favorite name among\nChristianized Indians)--_John Baptist, his son_, while repeating the\nmovement.\n\n(19) Held up the three separated fingers perpendicularly in front of the\nface, pushing the hand forward a little--_three in all_.\n\n(20) Presently lowered the hand, fingers relaxing, and carried it a\nshort distance toward the left, thence back to the right, fingers\npointing obliquely toward the ground in each case--_placed to the right\nand left of me at a short distance_.\n\n(21) He then brought the hand--back toward the right, index horizontally\nextended, remaining fingers closed, thumb placed against second\nfinger--in front of abdomen, and moved it slowly up and down two or\nthree times, giving it a slight jerk at the upward motion, and raising\nthe arm partially in doing so. At the same time he inclined the body\nforward a little, eyes looking down--_fishing_. This refers to fishing\non the ice, and, as may be inferred from it, to the use of hook and\nline. A\u00a0short stick to which the line is attached serves as a rod and is\nmoved up and down in the manner described.\n\n(22) After a short pause he elevated the hand, directing the index\ntoward that point of the meridian which the sun passes at about the\ntenth hour of the day, and following the direction with the eye--_about\nten o\u2019clock_.\n\n(23) Turning his face toward the southwest and holding up the flat and\nextended hand some distance in front of it, back outward, he waved it\nbriskly and several times toward the face--_fresh breeze from the\nsouthwest_.\n\n(24) Repeated No. 21 (_fishing_), playing the imaginary fish-line up and\ndown regularly for a while, till all at once he changed the movement by\nraising the hand in an oblique course, which movement he repeated\nseveral times, each time increasing the divergence and the length of the\nmotion--_the fish-hook don\u2019t sink perpendicularly any longer_, _i.e._,\n_it is moving_.\n\n(25) Quickly erecting his body he looked around him with\nsurprise--_looking with surprise_.\n\n(26) Shading his eyes with the hand, gazed intensively toward the\nsouth--_fixedly gazing toward the south_.\n\n(27) Threw up his arm almost perpendicularly the next moment--_greatly\nastonished_.\n\n(28) Extended and slowly moved the arm from southeast to northwest as\nfar as he could reach, at the same time exclaiming \u201c_mig-wam_\u201d\n\u201cice\u201d--_the ice from shore to shore_.\n\n(29) Approximated the flat and horizontally extended hands, backs\nupward, with their inner edges touching, whereupon, suddenly turning the\nedges downward, he withdrew them laterally, backs nearly opposed to each\nother--_parting_.\n\n(30) Pushed the left hand, palm outward, fingers joined, edges up and\ndown, forward and toward its side with a full sweep of the arm, head\nfollowing the movement--_pushed in that direction_, _i.e._,\n_northeastward_.\n\n(31) Repeated No. 23, but waved the hand only once and with a quick and\nmore powerful movement toward the face--_by the force of the wind_.\n\n(32) Rotated hands in front of body, rolling them tips over tips very\nrapidly, fingers with thumbs nearly collected to a point--_winding up\nthe hook-line in a hurry_.\n\n(33) Quickly passed the hand toward the left breast of his\ncoat--_putting it in pocket_.\n\n(34) And bending the body forward made motion as if picking up\nsomething--_picking up_.\n\n(35) Raised the hand closed to fist, arm elevated so as to form a right\nangle with elbow, and made a short stroke downward and toward the\nleft--_hatchet_.\n\n(36) Thence moved the hand to side of breast and pushed it down the\nwaist--_putting it into belt_.\n\n(37) Placed the closed hands to each side of the waist (thumbs upward\nwith tips facing each other) and approximated them rapidly and with a\njerk in front of navel--_tightening the belt_.\n\n(38) With both hands lowered to the ground, he described an elongated\noval around his foot by placing tips of forefingers together in front of\nthe toes and passing them around each side, meeting the fingers behind\nthe heel and running them jointly backward a few inches to indicate a\ntail--_snow-shoe_.\n\n(39) Raised up the heel, resting the foot on the toes and turning it a\nlittle toward the right, brought it back in a downward movement with a\njerk--_putting it on_.\n\n(40) Waved the left hand emphatically forward, palm backward, fingers\njoined and pointing downward, extending them forward at termination of\nmotion, at the same time pushing forward the head--_starting_.\n\n(41) Directed the finger of the same hand toward the\nlight-house--_toward that point_.\n\n(42) Pointed with extended first two fingers of the same hand, thumb\nwith remaining fingers partially extended to right and to\nleft--_companions_.\n\n(43) Repeated No. 40 (_starting_) less emphatically.\n\n(44) Made several very quick jumping movements forward with the extended\nleft fingers, joined, back upward--_going very fast_.\n\n(45) Repeated No. 23 (_wind_), increasing the force of the movement and\nterminating the sign with the second repetition (wave)--_wind\nincreasing_.\n\n(46) Raised up the hand in front of head and then arrested it a moment,\npalm outward, fingers extended, upward and forward--_halt_.\n\n(47) Partially turning the body toward the north he lowered the extended\nhand, back forward, fingers joined and pointing downward toward the left\nof his feet and moved it closely in front of them, and with a cutting\nmotion toward the right, following the movement with the eye--_cut off\nright before feet_, _i.e._, _standing on the very edge_.\n\n(48) Still facing the north, he carried the hand, back upward, fingers\njoined and extended, from left side of body outward and toward the right\nhorizontally, indicating the rippled surface of turbulent water by an\nappropriate motion, and extending the arm to full length, fingers\npointing northeastward (toward the right) at termination of motion, and\naccompanied the movement with a corresponding turn of the head, eyes\ngazing far into distance--_water all along the shore_.\n\n(49) Pushed the extended finger, back upward, forward (_i.e._,\nnorthward) in a slightly arched movement--_across_.\n\n(50) Directing it toward an object (tree) at a distance of about one\nhundred yards the next moment--_a distance of about one hundred yards_.\n\n(51) Repeated No. 49 (_across_) without interrupting the motion--_that\ndistance placed across_.\n\n(52) Motions as follows: Hands naturally relaxed, edges up and down,\nbacks outward, are with a quick movement and simultaneously carried from\nthe epigastrium forward and toward their sides, arms being extended from\nelbows only. The hands change their position during the movement and are\nultimately placed palms upward, thumbs and fingers extended and widely\nseparated, pointing forward. This is the general sign for _doubt_. He\nalso turned the face from one side to the other as though interrogating\nhis companions--_what are we to do?_\n\n(53) Repeated No. 35 (_hatchet_).\n\n(54) Raised up the finger perpendicularly, other fingers closed, thumb\nresting against second, and emphatically inclined it forward--_only\none_.\n\n(55) Elevated the arm from the elbow toward the head, hand naturally\nrelaxed, back obliquely upward, inclining the face sideward with a look\nof consternation, simultaneously, and again mechanically lowered it,\ndropping palm of hand heavily upon the knee--\u201c_bad fix_.\u201d\n\n(56) Placed the hand to his hip and raised it up, closed to fist, by a\nrapid and very energetic movement, ejaculating _haw!--quick to the work_\n(referring to the ax or hatchet).\n\n(57) Turning the body downward, he passed the hand, with forefinger\ndirected toward the ground, forward, sideward, and backward, in three\nmovements, each time turning at a right angle--_measuring off a square\npiece on the ground_, _i.e._, _on the ice_.\n\n(58) Looked and pointed toward an object some twenty feet off, then\nopposed palms of hands horizontally, and at a short distance from each\nother, connecting both movements in such a manner as to clearly\nillustrate their meaning--_about twenty feet wide_.\n\n(59) Moved the hand--fist, thumb upward--several times quickly up and\ndown a few inches, the arm progressing forward at every stroke--_cutting\nit off_.\n\n(60) Repeated No. 55 (_bad fix_), meaning in this case--_bad job_.\n\n(61) Opposed the palms of both hands, vertically, at a distance of eight\ninches, holding them thus steady a moment and estimating the thus\nindicated measure with the eyes--_eight inches thick_.\n\n(62) Then struck the palm of left with the back of arched right\nforcibly--_solid ice_.\n\n(63) Laid the joined and extended first two fingers, palm up, across\nside of leg, a\u00a0foot above heel, accompanying the movement with the\neye--_one foot deep_.\n\n(64) Pushed downward perpendicularly and from same point the flat,\nextended hand--_sinking_, or _giving in_--and turning the hand upward at\nwrist, back downward, he flirted up the fingers several times\nquickly--_water--slush and water_.\n\n(65) Passed one hand over the other as in the act of pulling off\nmittens--_mittens_.\n\n(66) Made the motion of wringing out a wet piece of cloth--_wringing\nwet_.\n\n(67) Grasped a fold of his trowsers (below the knee) and wrung\nit--_trowsers also wet_.\n\n(68) Placed palms of both hands upon legs, near to the ankles, and\ndragged them up to the knees--_up to the knees_.\n\n(69) Shivered--_feeling cold_.\n\n(70) Pointed with thumb backward and toward the right (designating his\ncompanion) and repeated No. 2\u00a0(_hair gray_)--_my old companion_, _i.e._,\n_Ga-bi-wa-bi-ko-ke_.\n\n(71) Repeated No. 69 (_feeling cold_) more emphatically--_more so_,\n_i.e._, _suffering worse from the cold_.\n\n(72) Repeated No. 59 (_cutting the ice_).\n\n(73) Made sign for _tired--getting tired_, as follows: The left arm is\npartly extended forward, and is gently struck near the bend of the\nelbow, usually above it, with the palm of the right hand, at the same\ntime the head is usually inclined to the left side, then in similar\nmanner the right arm is extended and struck by the left hand, and the\nhead in turn inclined to the right.\n\n(74) Repeated No. 35--(_hatchet_).\n\n(75) Turned the slightly closed left (thumb obliquely upward) over to\nits side, partially opening it in so doing, fingers pointing to\nleft--_passing it over to his companion at the left_, _i.e._, _Sabadis_.\n\n(76) Flung forefingers of both hands, backs forward, thumbs upward,\nremaining fingers partially closed, toward their respective sides\nalternately--_by turns_.\n\n(77) Repeated No. 59 (_cutting the ice_).\n\n(78) Elevated the hand above head, thumb and first two fingers extended\nand directed toward the western meridian, and shook it emphatically and\nwith a tremulous motion up and down while thus suspended--_at a late\nhour_.\n\n(79) Followed with the sign for _done, finished_, as follows: Left hand,\nwith forearm horizontally extended toward the right, is held naturally\nrelaxed, back outward, a\u00a0few inches in front of body and at a right\nangle with opposite hand, which is placed on a higher level, slightly\narched, edge downward, fingers joined and extended forward. Pass the\nright quickly and with a cutting motion downward and toward its side, at\nthe same time withdraw the left a few inches toward the opposite\ndirection--_finished our work_.\n\n(80) Quickly threw up his arm, ejaculating \u201chaw!\u201d--_let us start_.\n\n(81) Passed both hands approximated in front of body, naturally relaxed,\nbacks outward, forward and toward their respective sides, extending and\nwidely separating the fingers during the movement, and again\napproximating them with quickly accelerated speed and arresting them,\nclosed to fists, in front of body and with a jerk upward--_with united\nefforts_.\n\n(82) Placing the fists, thumbs upward, pointing forward and placed upon\nside of forefingers, with their wrists against the breast, he pushed\nthem forward and downward a few inches, head slightly participating in\nthe movement--_pushing off_.\n\n(83) Repeated No. 38 (_snow-shoe_)--_with snow-shoes_.\n\n(84) Immediately reassumed the position of \u201cpushing off\u201d as in No. 82,\nslowly passing forward the fists further and further--_pushing and\ngradually moving off_.\n\n(85) Quickly passed and turned the closed left forward, upward, and\nbackward, opening and again closing the fingers in so doing, and\nexecuting at almost the same instant a similar, but smaller, revolution\nwith the right--_turning over the snow-shoe, tail up_.\n\n(86) With both hands closed to fists, left obliquely over the right and\non the right side of the body, made motion as if paddling--_paddling_.\n\n(87) Moved and pointed finger of left towards its side, _i.e._,\nnorthward--_toward the shore_.\n\n(88) Moved both hands, flat and extended, backs upward, toward the left\nside, by an even and very slow movement--_moving along very slowly\ntoward that direction_.\n\n(89) Repeated No. 23--_southwest wind_.\n\n(90) Repeated No. 30--_pushing northeastward_.\n\n(91) Turned the thumb of left over to the left--_Sabadis._\n\n(92) Repeated No. 32 (_winding up_), reversing the motion--_winding off\nthe hook-line_.\n\n(93) Approximated both hands with their tips horizontally in front of\nbody, first two fingers with thumb collected to a point, and moving the\nfingers as in the act of twisting a cord, gradually receded the\nhands--_twisting_.\n\n(94) Thrust forward three fingers of the right--_three_, _i.e._,\n_hook-lines_.\n\n(95) Repeated No. 93, then rubbed palm of flat and extended right\nforward over the thigh repeatedly and with a slight pressure--_twisting\nthem tightly_.\n\n(96) Approximated both hands closed to fists, thumbs upward, in front of\nbody and pulled them asunder repeatedly by short, quick, and sudden\njerks--_proving strength of line_.\n\n(97) Hooked the forefinger, hand turned downward at wrist, remaining\nfingers closed, thumb resting upon first--_fish-hook_.\n\n(98) Raised and curved three fingers and thrust them forward a little\nseparated, back to the front--_three_, _i.e._, _hooks_.\n\n(99) Collecting fore and middle fingers of each hand to a point with\nthumb, he opposed tips of both hands, vertically describing with the\nupper hand several short circular movements around the tip of the\nlower--_tying together_.\n\n(100) Hooked the separated fore and middle fingers of the right,\npointing upward, back forward, and placed the hooked finger of the left,\npalm forward, in front and partially between the fork of the first--_in\nthe shape of an anchor_.\n\n(101) Thrust both hands, backs upward, fingers extended and separated,\nforward (_i.e._, northward), vigorously, left being foremost--_throwing\ntoward the shore_.\n\n(102) Thence elevating the right toward the head, he thrust it downward\nin an oblique direction, fore and middle fingers extended and joined\nwith the thumb--_sinking_.\n\n(103) Placing hands in the position attained last in No. 100 (_throwing\nout toward shore_), he closed the fingers, drawing the hands back toward\nthe body and leaning backward simultaneously--_hauling in_.\n\n(104) Elevated the naturally closed hand to side of head, fingers\nopening and separating during the movement--at the same time and with a\nslight jerk of the shoulders inclining the head sideward--and again\nclosed and slowly dropped it upon knee--_in vain_.\n\n(105) Dropped the finger perpendicularly downward, following the\nmovement with the eye--_bottom_.\n\n(106) Passed the flat hand, palm down, from side to side in a smooth and\nhorizontal movement--_smooth_.\n\n(107) Made the sign for _stone, rock_, as follows: With the back of the\narched right hand (H) strike repeatedly in the palm of the left, held\nhorizontal, back outward, at the height of the breast and about a foot\nin front, the ends of the fingers pointing in opposite directions.\n\n(108) Repeated No. 100--_anchor_.\n\n(109) Dragged the curved fore and middle fingers over the back of the\nextended left--_dragging_.\n\n(110) Waved the left--bent at the wrist, back outward--forward and\nupward from body, extending the arm to full length, at the same time\ninclining and pushing forward the head, and repeated the gesture more\nemphatically--_trying again and again_.\n\n(111) Waved both hands--backs outward, fingers slightly joined, tips\nfacing each other and closely approximated in front of breast--forward\nand toward their respective sides a short distance, turning the palms\nupward during the movement, thumb and fingers being extended and widely\nseparated toward the last. At the same time he inclined the head to one\nside, face expressing disappointment--_all in vain_.\n\n(112) Repeated No. 80--_Let us start anew!_\n\n(113) Repeated No. 86--_paddling_.\n\n(114) Repeated the preceding gesture, executing the movement only once\nvery emphatically--_vigorously_.\n\n(115) Waved the finger toward the place of the setting sun, following\nthe direction with the eye--_day is near its close_.\n\n(116) Repeated No. 69, more emphatically--_feeling very cold_.\n\n(117) Repeated No. 70--_Ga-bi-wa-bi-ko-ke_.\n\n(118) Made sign for _without_, dropping the hands powerless at the\nsides, with a corresponding movement of head--_exhausted_.\n\n(119) Pointed with finger toward the light-house and drawing back the\nfinger a little, pushed it forward in the same direction, fully\nextending the arm--_that distance_, _i.e._, _one mile beyond\nlight-house_.\n\n(120) Elevated both hands to height of shoulder, fingers extended toward\nthe right, backs upward, moving them horizontally forward--left\nforemost--with an impetuous motion toward the last--_drifted out_.\n\n(121) Repeated No. 86, executing the movement a series of times without\ninterruption and very energetically--_paddling steadily and vigorously_.\n\n(122) Pointed with the left forefinger to his breast--_I myself_.\n\n(123) Waved the thumb of the same hand over to left side without\ninterrupting motion of hand--_and Sabadis_.\n\n(124) Moved the extended left--back upward, fingers slightly\njoined--toward left side, and downward a few inches--_shore_.\n\n(125) Elevated it to level of eyes, fingers joined and extended, palm\ntoward the right, approaching it toward the face by a slow interrupted\nmovement--_drawing nearer and nearer_.\n\n(126) Drawing a deep breath--_relieved_.\n\n(127) Repeated No. 86 very emphatically--_paddling with increased\ncourage and vigor_.\n\n(128) Gazed and pointed northeastward, shading the eyes with the hand,\nat the same time pushing the left--bent downward at wrist, palm\nbackward--forward in that direction, arm fully extended, fingers\nseparated and pointing ahead at termination of motion--_out there at a\ngreat distance_.\n\n(129) Made a lateral movement with the hand flat and extended over the\nfield of ice in front of him--_the ice-field_.\n\n(130) Described a series of waves with the flat and extended left, back\nupward, horizontally outward--_sea getting turbulent_.\n\n(131) Joyously flourished the hand above head, while pronouncing the\nword _ke-ya-bi_--_only yet_.\n\n(132) Pointed the finger toward the upturned root of a tree a few yards\noff, thence carrying it forward directed it toward the shore in\nfront--_a few yards from shore_.\n\n(133) Pointing toward the sun first, he placed palms of both hands in\nopposition vertically, a\u00a0space of only an inch or two intervening, with\na glance sideways at the height thus indicated--_the sun just setting_.\n\n(134) Made three vigorous strokes with the imaginary paddle--_three more\npaddle-strokes_.\n\n(135) Moved both hands (flat and extended, backs upward) evenly and\nhorizontally toward the left, terminating the movement by turning hands\nalmost perpendicularly upward at wrist, thus arresting them\nsuddenly--_the ice-raft runs up against the shore_.\n\n(136) Lastly threw up the hand perpendicularly above head, and bringing\nit down, placed the palm gently over the heart with an air of\nsolemnity--_we are saved_.\n\n_Free translation of the story._\n\nMany years ago--my hair, then black and smooth, has since turned gray;\nI\u00a0was then in the prime of life; you, I\u00a0suppose, were a young lad at\nthat time--the following incident occurred to me:\n\nYonder on the ice, two miles eastward, I was one day fishing in company\nwith two others, the old Gabiwabikoke and his son John Baptist. It was\nabout ten o\u2019clock in the morning--a fresh breeze from the southwest had\npreviously been getting up--when the hook-line which I was playing up\nand down began to take an oblique course as though it were moved by a\ncurrent. Surprised, I\u00a0looked up and around me. When glancing toward the\nsouth I saw a dark streak stretching from shore to shore across the bay;\nthe ice had parted and the wind was carrying it out toward the open\nlake. In an instant I had wound up my hook-line, picked up my hatchet\nand snow-shoes, which I put on my feet, and hurried--the others\nfollowing my example--toward the nearest point of land, yonder where the\nlight-house stands. The wind was increasing and we traveled as fast as\nwe could. There we arrived at the very edge of the ice, a\u00a0streak of\nwater about one hundred yards in width extending northward along the\nshore as far as we could see. What to begin with, nothing but a single\nhatchet? We were in a bad situation. Well, something had to be done.\nI\u00a0measured off a square piece on the ice and began cutting it off with\nthe hatchet, a\u00a0hard and tedious labor. The ice was only eight inches\nthick, but slush and water covered it to the depth of a foot. I\u00a0soon had\nmy mittens and trowsers wringing wet and began to feel cold and tired.\nThe old Gabiwabikoke was in a worse state than\u00a0I. His son next took the\nhatchet and we all worked by turns. It was about two o\u2019clock in the\nafternoon when we finished our work. With the help of our snow-shoes\n(stemming their tail-ends against the edge of the solid ice), we\nsucceeded in pushing off our raft. Turning our snow-shoes the other way\n(using their tails as handles), we commenced paddling with them toward\nthe shore. It was a very slow progress, as the wind drifted us outward\ncontinually. John Baptist managed to twist our three hook-lines into a\nstrong cord, and tying the hooks together in the shape of an anchor, he\nthrew it out toward the shore. Hauling in the line the hooks dragged\nover the smooth rock bottom and would not catch. Repeated trials were of\nno avail. We all resumed our former attempt and paddled away with\nincreased energy. The day was drawing near its close, and we began to\nfeel the cold more bitterly. Gabiwabikoke was suffering badly from its\neffects and was entirely played out. We had already drifted more than a\nmile beyond the light-house point. John Baptist and I continued paddling\nsteadily and vigorously, and felt relieved and encouraged when we saw\nthe shore draw near and nearer. The ice-field, by this time, was miles\naway to the northeast, and a sea was getting up. At last, just when the\nsun was setting, only a few yards separated us from the shore; three\nmore paddle-strokes and our raft ran up against the beach. We were safe.\n\n_The oral part of the story in the language of the narrator, with a\nliteral translation into English._\n\n (1) _Me\u207f\u00b4wija_\n a long time ago\n\n (2) _aw ninisis\u00b4san_\n this my hair\n\n (3) _me\u00b4gwa giijina\u00b4gwak tibi\u00b4shko aw_\n while it looked like that\n\n (4) _me\u00b4gwa gimashkaw\u00b4isian_\n while I possessed strength\n\n (5) _kin dash_\n you and (_i.e._, and you)\n\n (6) _ga\u00b4nabatch kikwiwi\u00b4se\u207fsiwina\u00b4ban_\n perhaps (probably) were a boy\n\n (7) _mi\u00b4iw_\n very well\n\n (8)-(10) _iwe\u00b4di_\n there\n\n (11)(12) _nin be\u00b4jig_\n I one\n\n (13) _mi\u00b4nawa_\n again (furthermore)\n\n (14) _Gabiwa\u00b4bikoke_\n \u201cThe Miner\u201d\n\n (15) _akiwe\u207f\u00b4si_\n old man\n\n (16) Expressed by gesture only.\n\n (17) The same as No. 13.\n\n (18) _ogwis\u00b4san ga\u00b4ie, Sabadis_\n his son too, John Baptist.\n\n (19) _mi minik\u00b4_\n so many\n\n (20)(21) Gestures only.\n\n (22) _mi wa\u00b4pi_\n thus far, _i.e._, at that time.\n\n (23) _we\u00b4ai gion\u00b4din_\n then the wind blew from\n\n (24) _me\u00b4gwa nin wewe\u00b4banabina\u00b4ban_\n while I was (in the act of) fishing with the hook\n\n _nin\u00b4goting gonin\u00b4gotchi_\n at one time somewhere (out of its course)\n\n _oda\u00b4bigamo nimigis\u00b4skane\u00b4ab_\n was drawn my hook line\n\n (25) _a\u00b4nin ejiwe\u00b4bak?_\n how it happens?\n\n (26) Gesture only.\n\n (27) _taai\u00b4!_\n ho!\n\n (28) _mi\u00b4gwam_\n the ice\n\n (29) _ma\u00b4dja_\n goes\n\n (30)(31) Gestures only.\n\n (32) _we\u00b4wib_\n quickly\n\n (33)(34) Gestures only.\n\n (35) _wagak\u00b4wad\u014f\u207fs_\n hatchet\n\n (36) (37) Gestures only.\n\n (38) (39) _nin bita\u00b4gime_\n I put on snowshoes\n\n (40) _win madja\u00b4min_\n we go (start)\n\n (41) Gestures only.\n\n (42) (43) _mamaw\u00b4e_\n together\n\n (44) Gesture only.\n\n (45) _esh\u00b4kam ki\u00b4tchi no\u00b4din_\n more big wind\n\n (46) Gesture only.\n\n (47) _mi ja\u00b4igwa gima\u00b4djishkad_ (_i.e._, _mi\u00b4gwam_)\n already has moved off (_i.e._, the ice)\n\n (48) (49) Gestures only.\n\n (50) _mi\u00b4wapi_\n thus far, _i.e._, at such a distance\n\n (51) Gesture only.\n\n (52) _a\u00b4nin dash gediji\u00b4tehigeiang?_\n how (_i.e._, what) shall we do?\n\n (53) (54) _mi e\u00b4ta be\u00b4jigwang wagak\u00b4wad\u014f\u207fs_\n only one hatchet\n\n (55) _ge\u00b4get gisan\u00b4agissimin_\n indeed we are badly off.\n\n (56) _haw! bak\u00b4wewada mi\u00b4gwam!_\n well! (hallo!) let us cut the ice!\n\n (57) (58) (59) Gestures only.\n\n (60) _sa\u00b4nagad_\n it is bad (hard)\n\n (61) _mi epi\u00b4tading_\n so it is thick (so thick is it)\n\n (62) Gesture only.\n\n (63) _mi dash mi\u00b4nawa minik\u00b4_\n that again much (that much again)\n\n (64) _nibi\u00b4 gon ga\u00b4ie_\n water snow too (water and snow)\n\n (65) _nimidjik a\u00b4wanag_\n my mittens\n\n (66) _a\u00b4pitchi_\n very much\n\n (67) _nindas\u00b4san gaie_\n my trowsers two\n\n (68) Gestures only.\n\n (69) _nin gi\u00b4katch ja\u00b4igwa_\n I feel cold already\n\n (70) _aw sa kiwe\u207f\u00b4si_\n the old man\n\n (71) _nawatch\u00b4 win\u00b4_\n more yet he\n\n (72) Gesture only.\n\n (73) _nind aie\u00b4kos ja\u00b4igwa_\n I am tired already\n\n (74) Gesture only.\n\n (75) _Sa\u00b4badis_\n John Baptist\n\n (76) _memesh\u00b4kwat kaki\u00b4na_\n by turns all\n\n (77) Gesture only.\n\n (78) _wi\u00b4ka ga\u00b4ishkwanawo\u00b4kweg_\n late in the afternoon\n\n (79) _mi gibakwewangid_\n now it is cut loose\n\n (80) _haw!_\n well! (ho!)\n\n (81) _mama\u00b4we_\n together\n\n (82) Gesture only.\n\n (83) _a\u00b4gimag_\n snowshoes\n\n (84) _ma\u00b4djishka_\n it is moving\n\n (85)-(87) Gestures only.\n\n (88) _aga\u00b4wa ma\u00b4djishkca_\n scarcely it moves (very little)\n\n (89) _no\u00b4din_\n wind\n\n (90) Gesture only.\n\n (91) _Sa\u00b4badis_\n John Baptist\n\n (92) _migiss\u00b4kaneyab_\n hook-line\n\n (93) (94) _oginisswa\u00b4biginan_\n he twisted three cords together\n\n (95)-(98) Gestures only.\n\n (99) _oginisso\u00b4bidonan_ (_i.e._, _migaskanan_)\n he tied together three (_i.e._, hooks)\n\n (100) Gesture only.\n\n (101) _ogiaba\u00b4gidonan dash_\n he threw it out\n\n (102) Gesture only.\n\n (103) _owikobi\u00b4donan_\n he wants to draw it in\n\n (104) _kawes\u00b4sa_\n in vain (\u201cno go\u201d)\n\n (105)-(108) Gestures only.\n\n (109) _ka\u00b4win sagakwidis\u00b4sinon_\n (not) it don\u2019t catch on the rock-bottom\n\n (110) _mi\u00b4nawa--mo\u00b4jag_\n again--often (repeatedly)\n\n (111) The same as No. 104.\n\n (112) The same as No. 80.\n\n (113) Gesture only.\n\n (114) _e\u00b4nigok_\n vigorously\n\n (115) _ja\u00b4igwa ona\u00b4kwishi_\n already evening\n\n (116) _esh\u00b4kam kis\u00b4sina_\n more cold (getting colder)\n\n (117) The same as No. 70.\n\n (118) _mi ja\u00b4igwa gianiji\u00b4tang_\n already he has given up\n\n (119) _was\u00b4sa ja\u00b4igwa_\n far already\n\n (120) _niwebas\u00b4himin_\n we have drifted out\n\n (121) Gesture only.\n\n (122) (123) _mi\u00b4sa e\u00b4ta mij\u00b4iang_\n (now) only we are two\n\n (124) Gesture only.\n\n (125) _ja\u00b4igwa tehi\u00b4gibig_\n already near to shore\n\n (126) _mi ja\u00b4igwa anibonen\u00b4damang_\n now we catch new spirits\n\n (127) _esh\u00b4kam nigijijaw\u00b4isimin_\n more we are strong\n (_i.e._, our strength and courage increases)\n\n (128) (129) _e-eh! was\u00b4sa ja\u00b4igwa\u00b4 mi\u00b4gwam!_\n oh! far already the ice!\n\n (130) _ja\u00b4igwa_\n already\n\n (131) _ke\u00b4abi_\n yet\n\n (132) _go\u00b4mapi_\n so far perhaps\n\n (133) _ge\u00b4ga bangi\u00b4shimo_\n nearly sundown\n\n (134) Gesture only.\n\n (135) _mi gibima\u00b4jagang_\n we have landed\n\n (136) _mi gibima\u00b4disiang_\n we have saved our lives.\n\n\n\n\nDISCOURSES.\n\n\n_ADDRESS OF KIN CH\u0112-\u0114SS._\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 320.]\n\nThe following is the farewell address of KIN CH\u0112-\u0114SS (Spectacles),\nmedicine-man of the Wichitas, to Rev. A.\u00a0J. HOLT, missionary, on his\ndeparture from the Wichita Agency, in the words of the latter:\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 321.]\n\nHe placed one hand on my breast, the other on his own, then clasped his\ntwo hands together after the manner of our congratulations--_We are\nfriends_, Fig. 320. He placed one hand on me, the other on himself, then\nplaced the first two fingers of his right hand between his lips--_We are\nbrothers_. He placed his right hand over my heart, his left hand over\nhis own heart, then linked the first fingers of his right and left\nhands--_Our hearts are linked together_. See Fig. 232, p.\u00a0386. He laid\nhis right hand on me lightly, then put it to his mouth, with the\nknuckles lightly against his lips, and made the motion of flipping water\nfrom the right-hand forefinger, each flip casting the hand and arm from\nthe mouth a foot or so, then bringing it back in the same position.\n(This repeated three or more times, signifying _talk_ or _talking_.)\nFig. 321. He then made a motion with his right hand as if he were\nfanning his right ear; this repeated. He then extended his right hand\nwith his index finger pointing upward, his eyes also being turned\nupward--_You told me of the Great Father_. Pointing to himself, he\nhugged both hands to his bosom, as if he were affectionately clasping\nsomething he loved, and then pointed upward in the way before\ndescribed--_I love him_ (the Great Father). Laying his right hand on me,\nhe clasped his hands to his bosom as before--_I love you_. Placing his\nright hand on my shoulder, he threw it over his own right shoulder as if\nhe were casting behind him a little chip, only when his hand was over\nhis shoulder his index finger was pointing behind him--_You go away_.\nPointing to his breast, he clinched the same hand as if it held a stick,\nand made a motion as if he were trying to strike something on the ground\nwith the bottom of the stick held in an upright position--_I stay_, or\n_I stay right here_, Fig. 322.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 322.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 323.]\n\nPlacing his right hand on me, he placed both his hands on his breast and\nbreathed deeply two or three times, then using the index finger and\nthumb of each hand as if he were holding a small pin, he placed the two\nhands in this position as if he were holding a thread in each hand and\nbetween the thumb and forefinger of each hand close together, and then\nlet his hands recede from each other, still holding his fingers in the\nsame position, as if he were letting a thread slip between them until\nhis hands were two feet apart--_You live long time_, Fig. 323. Laying\nhis right hand on his breast, then extending his forefinger of the same\nhand, holding it from him at half-arm\u2019s length, the finger pointing\nnearly upward, then moving his hand, with the finger thus extended, from\nside to side about as rapidly as a man steps in walking, each time\nletting his hand get farther from him for three or four times, then\nsuddenly placing his left hand in a horizontal position with the fingers\nextended and together so that the palm was sidewise, he used the\nright-hand palm extended, fingers together, as a hatchet, and brought it\ndown smartly, just missing the ends of the fingers of the left hand,\nFig. 324. Then placing his left hand, with the thumb and forefinger\nclosed, to his heart, he brought his right hand, fingers in the same\nposition, to his left, then, as if he were holding something between his\nthumb and forefinger, he moved his right hand away as if he were slowly\ncasting a hair from him, his left hand remaining at his breast, and his\neyes following his right--_I go about a little while longer, but will be\ncut off shortly and my spirit will go away_ (or\u00a0will die). Placing the\nthumbs and forefingers again in such a position as if he held a small\nthread between the thumb and forefinger of each hand, and the hands\ntouching each other, he drew his hands slowly from each other, as if he\nwere stretching a piece of gum-elastic; then laying his right hand on\nme, he extended the left hand in a horizontal position, fingers extended\nand closed, and brought down his right hand with fingers extended and\ntogether, so as to just miss the tips of the fingers of his left hand;\nthen placing his left forefinger and thumb against his heart, he acted\nas if he took a hair from the forefinger and thumb of his left hand with\nthe forefinger and thumb of the right, and slowly cast it from him, only\nletting his left hand remain at his breast, and let the index finger of\nthe right hand point outward toward the distant horizon--_After a long\ntime you die_. When placing his left hand upon himself and his right\nhand upon me, he extended them upward over his head and clasped them\nthere--_We then meet in heaven_. Pointing upward, then to himself, then\nto me, he closed the third and little finger of his right hand, laying\nhis thumb over them, then extending his first and second fingers about\nas far apart as the eyes, he brought his hand to his eyes, fingers\npointing outward, and shot his hand outward--_I see you up there_.\nPointing to me, then giving the last above-described sign of _look_,\nthen pointing to himself, he made the sign as if stretching out a piece\nof gum-elastic between the fingers of his left and right hands, and then\nmade the sign of _cut-off_ before described, and then extended the palm\nof the right hand horizontally a foot from his waist, inside downward,\nthen suddenly threw it half over and from him, as if you were to toss a\nchip from the back of the hand (this is the negative sign everywhere\nused among these Indians)--_I would see him a long time, which should\nnever be cut off_, _i.e._, _always._\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 324.]\n\nPointing upward, then rubbing the back of his left hand lightly with the\nforefinger of his right, he again gave the negative sign--_No Indian\nthere_ (in\u00a0heaven). Pointing upward, then rubbing his forefinger over\nthe back of my hand, he again made the negative sign--_No white man\nthere_. He made the same sign again, only he felt his hair with the\nforefinger and thumb of his right hand, rolling the hair several times\nbetween the fingers--_No black man in heaven_. Then rubbing the back of\nhis hand and making the negative sign, rubbing the back of my hand and\nmaking the negative sign, feeling of one of his hairs with the thumb and\nforefinger of his right hand, and making the negative sign, then using\nboth hands as if he were reaching around a hogshead, he brought the\nforefinger of his right hand to the front in an upright position after\ntheir manner of counting, and said thereby--_No Indian, no white man, no\nblack man, all one_. Making the \u201chogshead\u201d sign, and that for _look_, he\nplaced the forefinger of each hand side by side pointing upward--_All\nlook the same_, or _alike_. Running his hands over his wild Indian\ncostume and over my clothes, he made the \u201chogshead\u201d sign, and that for\n_same_, and said thereby--_All dress alike there_. Then making the\n\u201chogshead\u201d sign, and that for _love_, (hugging his hands), he extended\nboth hands outward, palms turned downward, and made a sign exactly\nsimilar to the way ladies smooth a bed in making it; this is the sign\nfor _happy_--_All will be happy alike there_. He then made the sign for\n_talk_ and for _Father_, pointing to himself and to me--_You pray for\nme_. He then made the sign for _go away_, pointing to me, he threw right\nhand over his right shoulder so his index finger pointed behind\nhim--_You go away_. Calling his name he made the sign for _look_ and the\nsign of _negation_ after pointing to me--_Kin Ch\u0113-\u0115ss see you no more_.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 325.]\n\nFig. 322, an illustration in the preceding address, also represents a\ncommon gesture for _sit down_, if made to the right of the hip, toward\nthe locality to be occupied by the individual invited. The latter\nclosely corresponds to an Australian gesture described by Smyth (_The\nAborigines of Victoria_, _London_, 1878, Vol. II, p.\u00a0308, Fig. 260), as\nfollows: \u201c_Minnie-minnie_ (wait a little). It is shaken downwards\nrapidly two or three times. Done more slowly towards the ground, it\nmeans \u2018Sit down.\u2019\u201d This is reproduced in Fig. 325.\n\n\n_TSO-DI-A\u00b4-KO\u2019S REPORT._\n\nThe following statement was made to Dr. W. J. HOFFMAN by TSO-DI-A\u00b4-KO\n(Shaved-head Boy), chief of the Wichitas in Indian Territory, while on a\nvisit to Washington, D.C., in June 1880.\n\nThe Indian being asked whether there was any timber in his part of the\nTerritory, replied in signs as follows:\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 326.]\n\n(1) Move the right hand, fingers loosely extended, separated and\npointing upward, back to the front, upward from the height of the waist\nto the front of the face--_tree_ (for illustration see Fig. 112,\np.\u00a0343); repeat this two or three times--_trees_; (2)\u00a0then hold the\nhand, fingers extended and joined, pointing upward, with the back to the\nfront, and push it forward toward different points on a level with the\nface--_standing at various places_; (3)\u00a0both hands, with spread and\nslightly curved fingers, are held about two feet apart, before the\nthighs, palms facing, then draw them toward one another horizontally and\ngradually upward until the wrists cross, as if grasping a bunch of grass\nand pulling it up--_many_; (4)\u00a0point to the southwest with the index,\nelevating it a little above the horizon--_country_; (5)\u00a0then throw the\nfist edgewise toward the surface, in that direction--_my, mine_;\n(6)\u00a0place both hands, extended, flat, edgewise before the body, the left\nbelow the right, and both edges pointing toward the ground a short\ndistance to the left of the body, then make repeated cuts toward that\ndirection from different points, the termination of each cut ending at\nnearly the same point--_cut down_, Fig. 326; (7)\u00a0hold the left hand with\nthe fingers and thumb collected to a point, directed horizontally\nforward, and make several cutting motions with the edge of the flat\nright hand transversely by the tips of the left, and upon the\nwrist--_cut off the ends_; (8)\u00a0then cut upon the left hand, still held\nin the same position, with the right, the cuts being parallel to the\nlongitudinal axis of the palm--_split_; (9)\u00a0both hands closed in front\nof the body, about four inches apart, with forefingers and thumbs\napproximating half circles, palms toward the ground, move them forward\nso that the back of the hand comes forward and the half circles imitate\nthe movement of wheels--_wagon_, Fig. 327; (10) hold the left flat hand\nbefore the body, pointing horizontally forward, with the palm down, then\nbring the right flat hand from the right side and slap the palm upon the\nback of the left several times--_load upon_, Fig. 328; (11) partly close\nthe right hand as if grasping a thick rod, palm toward the ground, and\npush it straight forward nearly to arm\u2019s length--_take_; (12) hold both\nhands with fingers naturally extended and slightly separated nearly at\narm\u2019s length before the body, palms down, the right lying upon the left,\nthen pass the upper forward and downward from the left quickly, so that\nthe wrist of the right is raised and the fingers point earthward--_throw\noff_; (13) cut the left palm repeatedly with the outer edge of the\nextended right hand--_build_; (14) hold both hands edgewise before the\nbody, palms facing, spread the fingers and place those of one hand into\nthe spaces between those of the left, so that the tips of one protrude\nbeyond the backs of the fingers of the other--_log house_, see Fig. 253,\np.\u00a0428; (15) then place the flat right hand, palm down and fingers\npointing to the left, against the breast and move it forward, and\nslightly upward and to the right--_good_.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 327.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 328.]\n\nANALYSIS OF THE FOREGOING.\n\n [There is] much | timber | [in] my | country |\n (3) (1,2) (5) (4)\n\n [of which I] cut down [some], | trimmed, | split, |\n (6) (7) (8)\n\n loaded it upon | a wagon [and] | took it away, |\n (10) (9) (11)\n\n [where I] threw [it] off | [and] built | [a] good | house | .\n (12) (13) (15) (14)\n\nNOTES.--As will be seen, the word _timber_ is composed of signs No.\n1\u00a0and 2, signifying _trees standing_. Sign No. 3, for _many_, in this\ninstance, as in similar other examples, becomes _much_. The word \u201cin,\u201d\nin connection with _country_ and _my_, is expressed by the gesture of\npointing (passing the hand less quickly than in ordinary sign language)\nbefore making sign No.\u00a05. That sign commonly given for _possession_,\nwould, without the prefix of indication, imply _my country_, and with\nthat prefix signifies _in my country_. Sign No.\u00a07, _trimmed_, is\nindicated by chopping off the ends, and facial expression denoting\n_satisfaction_. In sign Nos. 11 and 12 the gestures were continuous, but\nat the termination of the latter the narrator straightened himself\nsomewhat, denoting that he had overcome the greater part of the labor.\nSign No. 14 denotes _log-house_, from the manner of interlacing the\nfinger-ends, thus representing the corner of a log-house, and the\narrangement of the ends of the same. _Indian lodge_ would be indicated\nby another sign, although the latter is often used as an abbreviation\nfor the former, when the subject of conversation is known to all\npresent.\n\n\n_LEAN WOLF\u2019S COMPLAINT._\n\nThe following remarks were obtained by Dr. W. J. HOFFMAN from\nTCE-CAQ-A-DAQ-A-QIC (Lean Wolf), chief of the Hidatsa Indians of Dakota\nTerritory, who visited Washington in 1880:\n\nFOUR YEARS AGO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE AGREED TO BE FRIENDS WITH US, BUT\nTHEY LIED. THAT IS ALL.\n\n(1) Place the closed hand, with the thumb resting over the middle of the\nindex, on the left side of the forehead, palmar side down, then draw the\nthumb across the forehead to the right, a\u00a0short distance beyond the\nhead--_white man_, American, Fig. 329.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 329.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 330.]\n\n(2) Place the naturally extended hand, fingers and thumb slightly\nseparated and pointing to the left, about fifteen inches before the\nright side of the body, bringing it to within a short distance--_with\nus_, Fig. 330.\n\n(3) Extend the flat right hand to the front and right as if about to\ngrasp the hand of another individual--_friend, friends_, Fig. 331. For\nremarks connected with this sign see pp. 384-386.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 331.]\n\n(4) Place the flat right hand, with fingers only extended, back to the\nfront, about eighteen inches before the right shoulder--_four_ [years],\nFig. 332.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 332.]\n\n(5) Close the right hand, leaving the index and second fingers extended\nand slightly separated, place it, back forward, about eight inches\nbefore the right side of the body, and pass it quickly to the left in a\nslightly downward curve--_lie_, Fig. 333.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 333.]\n\n(6) Place the clinched fists together before the breast, palms down,\nthen separate them in a curve outward and downward to their respective\nsides--_done, finished, \u201cthat is all\u201d_, Fig. 334.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 334.]\n\n\n\n\nSIGNALS.\n\n\nThe collaborators in the work above explained have not generally\nresponded to the request to communicate material under this head. It is,\nhowever, hoped that by now printing some extracts from published works\nand the few contributions recently procured, the attention of observers\nwill be directed to the prosecution of research in this direction.\n\nThe term \u201csignal\u201d is here used in distinction from the signs noted in\nthe DICTIONARY, extracts from which are given above, as being some\naction or manifestation intended to be seen at a distance, and not\nallowing of the minuteness or detail possible in close converse. Signals\nmay be executed, first, exclusively by bodily action; second, by action\nof the person in connection with objects, such as a blanket, or a lance,\nor the direction imparted to a horse; third, by various devices, such as\nsmoke, fire or dust, when the person of the signalist is not visible.\nWhen not simply intended to attract attention they are generally\nconventional, and while their study has not the same kind of importance\nas that of gesture signs, it possesses some peculiar interest.\n\n\nSIGNALS EXECUTED BY BODILY ACTION.\n\nSome of these are identical, or nearly so, with the gesture signs used\nby the same people.\n\n\nALARM. See NOTES ON CHEYENNE AND ARAPAHO SIGNALS, _infra_.\n\n\nANGER.\n\nClose the hand, place it against the forehead, and turn it back and\nforth while in that position. (Col. R.\u00a0B. Marcy, U.S.A., _Thirty Years\nof Army Life on the Border_, _New York_, 1866, p.\u00a034.)\n\n\nCOME HERE.\n\nThe right hand is to be advanced about eighteen inches at the height of\nthe navel, horizontal, relaxed, palm downward, thumb in the palm; then\ndraw it near the side and at the same time drop the hand to bring the\npalm backward. The farther away the person called is, the higher the\nhand is raised. If very far off, the hand is raised high up over the\nhead and then swung forward, downward, and backward to the side.\n(_Dakota_ I,\u00a0IV.)\n\n\nDANGER.\n\n_There is something dangerous in that place._--Right-hand index-finger\nand thumb forming a curve, the other fingers closed; move the right hand\nforward, pointing in the direction of the dangerous place or animal.\n(_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nDEFIANCE.\n\nRight-hand index and middle fingers open; motion toward the enemy\nsignifies \u201cI\u00a0do not fear you.\u201d Reverse the motion, bringing the hand\ntoward the subject, means \u201cDo your worst to me.\u201d (_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nDIRECTION.\n\n_Pass around that object or place near you_--she-\u00ed-he ti-dh\u00e1-ga.--When a\nman is at a distance, I\u00a0say to him \u201cGo around that way.\u201d Describe a\ncurve by raising the hand above the head, forefinger open, move to right\nor left according to direction intended and hand that is used, _i.e._,\nmove to the left, use right hand; move to the right, use left hand.\n(_Omaha_\u00a0I; _Ponka_\u00a0I.)\n\nHALT!\n\n---- To inquire disposition.\n\nRaise the right hand with the palm in front and gradually push it\nforward and back several times; if they are not hostile it will at once\nbe obeyed. (Randolph B. Marcy, _The Prairie Traveler_. _New York_, 1859,\np.\u00a0214.)\n\n---- Stand there! He is coming to you.\n\nRight hand extended, flat, edgewise, moved downward several times.\n(_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\n---- Stand there! He is going toward you.\n\nHold the open right hand, palm to the left, with the tips of the fingers\ntoward the person signaled to; thrust the hand forward in either an\nupward or downward curve. (_Omaha_\u00a0I; _Ponka_\u00a0I.)\n\n---- Lie down flat where you are--she-dhu bis-p\u00e9 zha\u207f\u00b4-ga.\n\nExtend the right arm in the direction of the person signaled to, having\nthe palm down; move downward by degrees to about the knees. (_Omaha_\u00a0I;\n_Ponka_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nPEACE; FRIENDSHIP.\n\nHold up palm of hand.--Observed as made by an Indian of the Kansas tribe\nin 1833. (John T. Irving, _Indian Sketches_. _Philadelphia_, 1835, vol.\nii, p.\u00a0253.)\n\nElevate the extended hands at arm\u2019s length above and on either side of\nthe head. Observed by Dr. W.\u00a0J. Hoffman, as made in Northern Arizona in\n1871 by the Apaches, Mojaves, Hualpais, and Seviches. \u201cNo\narms\u201d--corresponding with \u201chands up\u201d of road-agents. Fig. 335.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 335.--A signal of peace.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 336.--Signal, \u201cWho are you?\u201d Answer, \u201cPani.\u201d]\n\nThe right hand held aloft, empty. (General G. A. Custer, _My Life on the\nPlains_, _New York_, 1874, p.\u00a0238.) This may be collated with the lines\nin Walt Whitman\u2019s _Salut au Monde_--\n\n Toward all\n I raise high the perpendicular hand,--I make the signal.\n\nThe Natchez in 1682 made signals of friendship to La Salle\u2019s party by\nthe joining of the two hands of the signalist, much embarrassing Tonty,\nLa Salle\u2019s lieutenant, in command of the advance in the descent of the\nMississippi, who could not return the signal, having but one hand. His\nmen responded in his stead. (Margry, _Decouvertes et \u00c9tablissments des\nFran\u00e7ais dans l\u2019ouest et dans le sud de l\u2019Am\u00e9rique Septentrionale, &c._)\n\n\nQUESTION.\n\n---- I do not know you. Who are you?\n\nAfter halting a party coming: Right hand raised, palm in front and\nslowly moved to the right and left. [Answered by tribal sign.] (Marcy\u2019s\n_Prairie Traveler_, _loc. cit._, 214.) Fig. 336. In this illustration\nthe answer is made by giving the tribal sign for Pani.\n\n---- To inquire if coming party is peaceful.\n\nRaise both hands, grasped in the manner of shaking hands, or by locking\nthe two forefingers firmly while the hands are held up. If friendly they\nwill respond with the same signal. (Marcy\u2019s _Prairie Traveler_, _loc.\ncit._, 214.)\n\n\nSUBMISSION.\n\nThe United States steamer Saranac in 1874, cruising in Alaskan waters,\ndropped anchor in July, 1874, in Freshwater Harbor, back of Sitka, in\nlatitude 59\u00b0 north. An armed party landed at a T\u2019linkit village,\ndeserted by all the inhabitants except one old man and two women, the\nlatter seated at the feet of the former. The man was in great fear,\nturned his back and held up his hands as a sign of utter helplessness.\n(Extract from notes kindly furnished by Lieutenant-Commander WM.\nBAINBRIDGE HOFF, U.S.N., who was senior aid to Rear-Admiral Pennock, on\nthe cruise mentioned.)\n\n\nSURRENDER.\n\nThe palm of the hand is held toward the person [to whom the surrender is\nmade]. (_Long_.)\n\nHold the palm of the hand toward the person as high above the head as\nthe arm can be raised. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nSIGNALS IN WHICH OBJECTS ARE USED IN CONNECTION WITH PERSONAL ACTION.\n\nBUFFALO DISCOVERED. See also NOTES ON CHEYENNE AND ARAPAHO SIGNALS.\n\nWhen the Ponkas or Omahas discover buffalo the watcher stands erect on\nthe hill, with his face toward the camp, holding his blanket with an end\nin each hand, his arms being stretched out (right and left) on a line\nwith shoulders. (_Dakota_ VIII; _Omaha_\u00a0I; _Ponka_\u00a0I.) See Fig. 337.\n\nSame as (_Omaha_ I), and (_Ponka_ I); with the addition that after the\nblanket is held out at arm\u2019s length the arms are crossed in front of the\nbody. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\nCAMP!\n\nWhen it is intended to encamp, a blanket is elevated upon a pole so as\nto be visible to all the individuals of a moving party. (_Dakota_ VIII.)\n\n\nCOME! TO BECKON TO A PERSON.\n\nHold out the lower edge of the robe or blanket, then wave it in to the\nlegs. This is made when there is a desire to avoid general observation.\n(_Matthews_.)\n\n\nCOME BACK!\n\nGather or grasp the left side of the unbuttoned coat (or blanket) with\nthe right hand, and, either standing or sitting in position so that the\nsignal can be seen, wave it to the left and right as often as may be\nnecessary for the sign to be recognized. When made standing the person\nshould not move his body. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nDANGER. See also NOTES ON CHEYENNE AND ARAPAHO SIGNALS.\n\n---- Horseman at a distance, galloping, passing and repassing, and\ncrossing each other--_enemy comes_. But for notice of herd of buffalo,\nthey gallop back and forward abreast--do not cross each other. (H.\u00a0M.\nBrackenridge\u2019s _Views of Louisiana_. _Pittsburgh_, 1814, p.\u00a0250.)\n\n---- Riding rapidly round in a circle, \u201cDanger! Get together as quickly\nas possible.\u201d (Richard Irving Dodge, lieutenant-colonel United States\nArmy, _The Plains of the Great West_. _New York_, 1877, p.\u00a0368.)\n\n---- Point the right index in the direction of the danger, and then\nthrow the arm over the front of the body diagonally, so that the hand\nrests near the left shoulder, back outward. If the person to be notified\nof the danger should be in the rear precede the above signal with that\nfor \u201c_Attention_.\u201d This signal can also be made with a blanket, properly\ngrasped so as to form a long narrow roll. Perhaps this signal would more\nproperly belong under \u201c_Caution_,\u201d as it would be used to denote the\npresence of a dangerous beast or snake, and not that of a human enemy.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 337.--Signal for \u201cbuffalo discovered.\u201d]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 338.--Signal of discovery or alarm.]\n\n---- Passing and repassing one another, either on foot or\nmounted, is used as a war-signal; which is expressed in the\nHidatsa--m\u1ea1kimak\u0103\u00b4da-halidi\u00e9. (_Mandan and Hidatsa_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nDIRECTION.\n\n---- Pass around that place.\n\nPoint the folded blanket in the direction of the object or place to be\navoided, then draw it near the body, and wave it rapidly several times\nin front of the body only, and then throwing it out toward the side on\nwhich you wish the person to approach you, and repeat a sufficient\nnumber of times for the signal to be understood. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nDISCOVERY.\n\nThe discovery of enemies, game, or anything else, is announced by riding\nrapidly to and fro, or in a circle. The idea that there is a difference\nin the signification of these two directions of riding appears,\naccording to many of the Dakota Indians of the Missouri Valley, to be\nerroneous. Parties away from their regular encampment are generally in\nsearch of some special object, such as game, or of another party, either\nfriendly or hostile, which is generally understood, and when that object\nis found, the announcement is made to their companions in either of the\nabove ways. The reason that a horseman may ride from side to side is,\nthat the party to whom he desires to communicate may be at a particular\nlocality, and his movement--at right angles to the direction to the\nparty--would be perfectly clear. Should the party be separated into\nsmaller bands, or have flankers or scouts at various points, the only\nway in which the rider\u2019s signal could be recognized as a motion from\nside to side, by all the persons to whom the signal was directed, would\nbe for him to ride in a circle, which he naturally does. (_Dakota_\u00a0VI,\nVII, VIII.) Fig. 338.\n\nThe latter was noticed by Dr. Hoffman in 1873, on the Yellowstone River,\nwhile attached to the Stanley Expedition. The Indians had again\nconcentrated after their first repulse by General Custer, and taken\npossession of the woods and bluffs on the opposite side of the river. As\nthe column came up, one Indian was seen upon a high bluff to ride\nrapidly round in a circle, occasionally firing off his revolver. The\nsignal announced the discovery of the advancing force, which had been\nexpected, and he could be distinctly seen from the surrounding region.\nAs many of the enemy were still scattered over the neighborhood, some of\nthem would not have been able to recognize this signal had he ridden to\nand from an observer, but the circle produced a lateral movement visible\nfrom any point.\n\n---- Of enemies, or other game than Buffalo. See also NOTES ON CHEYENNE\nAND ARAPAHO SIGNALS.\n\nThe discovery of enemies is indicated by riding rapidly around in a\ncircle, so that the signal could be seen by their friends, but out of\nsight of the discovered enemy. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\nWhen enemies are discovered, or other game than buffalo, the sentinel\nwaves his blanket over his head up and down, holding an end in each\nhand. (_Omaha_\u00a0I; _Ponka_\u00a0I.)\n\n---- Of game, wood, water, &c.\n\nThis is communicated by riding rapidly forward and backward on the top\nof the highest hill. The same would be communicated with a blanket by\nwaving it right and left, and then directly toward the game or whatever\nthe party might be searching for, indicating that it is not to the right\nor to the left, but directly in front. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nDRILL, MILITARY.\n\n\u201cIt is done by signals, devised after a system of the Indian\u2019s own\ninvention, and communicated in various ways.\n\n\u201cWonderful as the statement may appear, the signaling on a bright day,\nwhen the sun is in the proper direction, is done with a piece of\nlooking-glass held in the hollow of the hand. The reflection of the\nsun\u2019s rays thrown on the ranks communicates in some mysterious way the\nwishes of the chief. Once standing on a little knoll overlooking the\nvalley of the South Platte, I\u00a0witnessed almost at my feet a drill of\nabout one hundred warriors by a Sioux chief, who sat on his horse on a\nknoll opposite me, and about two hundred yards from his command in the\nplain below. For more than half an hour he commanded a drill, which for\nvariety and promptness of action could not be equaled by any civilized\ncavalry of the world. All I could see was an occasional movement of the\nright arm. He himself afterwards told me that he used a looking-glass.\u201d\n(Dodge\u2019s _Plains of the Great West_, _loc. cit._, pp. 307, 308.)\n\n\nFRIENDSHIP.\n\nIf two Indians [of the plains] are approaching one another on horseback,\nand they may, for instance, be one mile apart, or as far as they can see\neach other. At that safe distance one wants to indicate to the other\nthat he wishes to be friendly. He does this by turning his horse around\nand traveling about fifty paces back and forth, repeating this two or\nthree times; this shows to the other Indian that he is not for\nhostility, but for friendly relations. If the second Indian accepts this\nproffered overture of friendship, he indicates the same by locking the\nfingers of both hands as far as to the first joints, and in that\nposition raises his hands and lets them rest on his forehead with the\npalms either in or out, indifferently, as if he were trying to shield\nhis eyes from the excessive light of the sun. This implies, \u201cI, too, am\nfor peace,\u201d or \u201cI\u00a0accept your overture.\u201d (_Sac, Fox, and Kickapoo_\u00a0I.)\nIt is interesting in this connection to note the reception of Father\nMarquette by an Illinois chief who is reported to have raised his hands\nto his eyes as if to shield them from overpowering splendor. That action\nwas supposed to be made in a combination of humility and admiration, and\na pretended inability to gaze on the face of the illustrious guest has\nbeen taken to be the conception of the gesture, which in fact was\nprobably only the holding the interlocked hands in the most\ndemonstrative posture. An oriental gesture in which the flat hand is\nactually interposed as a shield to the eyes before a superior is\nprobably made with the poetical conception erroneously attributed to the\nIndian.\n\nThe display of green branches to signalize friendly or pacific\nintentions does not appear to have been noticed among the North American\nIndians by trustworthy observers. Captain Cook makes frequent mention of\nit as the ceremonial greeting among islands he visited. See his _Voyage\ntoward the South Pole_. _London_, 1784, Vol. II, pp. 30 and 35. Green\nbranches were also waved in signal of _friendship_ by the natives of the\nisland of New Britain to the members of the expedition in charge of Mr.\nWilfred Powell in 1878. _Proceedings of the Royal Geological Society_,\nFebruary, 1881, p.\u00a089.\n\n\nHALT!\n\n---- Stand there! he is coming this way.\n\nGrasp the end of the blanket or robe; wave it downward several times.\n(_Omaha_\u00a0I.)\n\n---- To inquire disposition.\n\nWave the folded blanket to the right and left in front of the body, then\npoint toward the person or persons approaching, and carry it from a\nhorizontal position in front of the body rapidly downward and upward\nseveral times. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nMANY.\n\nWave the blanket directly in front of the body upward and downward\nseveral times. Many of _anything_. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nPEACE, COUPLED WITH INVITATION.\n\nMotion of spreading a real or imaginary robe or skin on the ground.\nNoticed by Lewis and Clark on their first meeting with the Shoshoni in\n1805. (_Lewis and Clark\u2019s Travels_, &c., London, 1817, vol. ii, p.\u00a074.)\nThis signal is more particularly described as follows: Grasp the blanket\nby the two corners with the hands, throw it above the head, allowing it\nto unfold as it falls to the ground as if in the act of spreading it.\n\n\nQUESTION.\n\nThe ordinary manner of opening communication with parties known or\nsupposed to be hostile is to ride toward them in zigzag manner, or to\nride in a circle. (Custer\u2019s _My Life on the Plains_, _loc. cit._,\np.\u00a058.)\n\nThis author mentions (p. 202) a systematic manner of waving a blanket,\nby which the son of Satana, the Kaiowa chief, conveyed information to\nhim, and a similar performance by Yellow Bear, a\u00a0chief of the Arapahos\n(p.\u00a0219), neither of which he explains in detail.\n\n---- I do not know you. Who are you?\n\nPoint the folded blanket at arm\u2019s length toward the person, and then\nwave it toward the right and left in front of the face. You--I don\u2019t\nknow. Take an end of the blanket in each hand, and extend the arms to\nfull capacity at the sides of the body, letting the other ends hang down\nin front of the body to the ground, means, Where do you come from? or\nwho are you? (_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nSAFETY. ALL QUIET. See NOTES ON CHEYENNE AND ARAPAHO SIGNALS.\n\n\nSURRENDER.\n\nHold the folded blanket or a piece of cloth high above the head. \u201cThis\nreally means \u2018I\u00a0want to die right now.\u2019\u201d (_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nSURROUNDED, We are.\n\nTake an end of the blanket in each hand, extend the arms at the sides of\nthe body, allowing the blanket to hang down in front of the body, and\nthen wave it in a circular manner. (_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nSIGNALS MADE WHEN THE PERSON OF THE SIGNALIST IS NOT VISIBLE.\n\nThose noted consist of SMOKE, FIRE, or DUST signals.\n\n\n_SMOKE SIGNALS GENERALLY._\n\nThey [the Indians] had abandoned the coast, along which bale-fires were\nleft burning and sending up their columns of smoke to advise the distant\nbands of the arrival of their old enemy. (Schoolcraft\u2019s _History_, &c.,\nvol. iii, p.\u00a035, giving a condensed account of De Soto\u2019s expedition.)\n\n\u201cTheir systems of telegraphs are very peculiar, and though they might\nseem impracticable at first, yet so thoroughly are they understood by\nthe savages that it is availed of frequently to immense advantage. The\nmost remarkable is by raising smokes, by which many important facts are\ncommunicated to a considerable distance and made intelligible by the\nmanner, size, number, or repetition of the smokes, which are commonly\nraised by firing spots of dry grass.\u201d (Josiah Gregg\u2019s _Commerce of the\nPrairies_. _New York_, 1844, vol. ii, p.\u00a0286.)\n\nThe highest elevations of land are selected as stations from which\nsignals with smoke are made. These can be seen at a distance of from\ntwenty to fifty miles. By varying the number of columns of smoke\ndifferent meanings are conveyed. The most simple as well as the most\nvaried mode, and resembling the telegraphic alphabet, is arranged by\nbuilding a small fire, which is not allowed to blaze; then by placing an\narmful of partially green grass or weeds over the fire, as if to smother\nit, a\u00a0dense white smoke is created, which ordinarily will ascend in a\ncontinuous vertical column for hundreds of feet. Having established a\ncurrent of smoke, the Indian simply takes his blanket and by spreading\nit over the small pile of weeds or grass from which the smoke takes its\nsource, and properly controlling the edges and corners of the blanket,\nhe confines the smoke, and is in this way able to retain it for several\nmoments. By rapidly displacing the blanket, the operator is enabled to\ncause a dense volume of smoke to rise, the length or shortness of which,\nas well as the number and frequency of the columns, he can regulate\nperfectly, simply by a proper use of the blanket. (Custer\u2019s _My Life on\nthe Plains_, _loc. cit._, p.\u00a0187.)\n\nThey gathered an armful of dried grass and weeds, which were placed and\ncarried upon the highest point of the peak, where, everything being in\nreadiness, the match was applied close to the ground; but the blaze was\nno sooner well lighted and about to envelop the entire amount of grass\ncollected than it was smothered with the unlighted portion. A\u00a0slender\ncolumn of gray smoke then began to ascend in a perpendicular column.\nThis was not enough, as it might be taken for the smoke rising from a\nsimple camp-fire. The smoldering grass was then covered with a blanket,\nthe corners of which were held so closely to the ground as to almost\ncompletely confine and cut off the column of smoke. Waiting a few\nmoments, until the smoke was beginning to escape from beneath, the\nblanket was suddenly thrown aside, when a beautiful balloon-shaped\ncolumn puffed upward like the white cloud of smoke which attends the\ndischarge of a field-piece. Again casting the blanket on the pile of\ngrass, the column was interrupted as before, and again in due time\nreleased, so that a succession of elongated, egg-shaped puffs of smoke\nkept ascending toward the sky in the most regular manner. This bead-like\ncolumn of smoke, considering the height from which it began to ascend,\nwas visible from points on the level plain fifty miles distant. (_Ib._,\np.\u00a0217.)\n\n * * * * *\n\nThe following extracts are made from Fremont\u2019s _First and Second\nExpeditions_, 1842-3-4, Ex. Doc., 28th Cong. 2d Session, Senate,\nWashington, 1845:\n\n\u201cColumns of smoke rose over the country at scattered intervals--signals\nby which the Indians here, as elsewhere, communicate to each other that\nenemies are in the country,\u201d p.\u00a0220. This was January 18, 1844, in the\nvicinity of Pyramid Lake, and perhaps the signalists were Pai-Utes.\n\n\u201cWhile we were speaking, a smoke rose suddenly from the cottonwood grove\nbelow, which plainly told us what had befallen him [Tabeau]; it was\nraised to inform the surrounding Indians that a blow had been struck,\nand to tell them to be on their guard,\u201d p.\u00a0268, 269. This was on May 5,\n1844, near the Rio Virgen, Utah, and was narrated of \u201cDiggers,\u201d probably\nChemehuevas.\n\n\nARRIVAL OF A PARTY AT AN APPOINTED PLACE, WHEN ALL IS SAFE.\n\nThis is made by sending upward one column of smoke from a fire partially\nsmothered by green grass. This is only used by previous agreement, and\nif seen by friends of the party, the signal is answered in the same\nmanner. But should either party discover the presence of enemies, no\nsignal would be made, but the fact would be communicated by a runner.\n(_Dakota_\u00a0I.)\n\n\nSUCCESS OF A WAR PARTY.\n\nWhenever a war party, consisting of either Pima, Papago, or Maricopa\nIndians, returned from an expedition into the Apache country, their\nsuccess was announced from the first and most distant elevation visible\nfrom their settlements. The number of scalps secured was shown by a\ncorresponding number of columns of smoke, arranged in a horizontal line,\nside by side, so as to be distinguishable by the observers. When the\nreturning party was unsuccessful, no such signals were made. (_Pima and\nPapago_\u00a0I.) Fig. 339. A\u00a0similar custom appears to have existed among the\nPonkas, although the custom has apparently been discontinued by them, as\nshown in the following proper name: C\u00fa-de g\u00e1-xe, Smoke maker: He who\nmade a smoke by burning grass returning from war.\n\n\n_SMOKE SIGNALS OF THE APACHES._\n\nThe following information was obtained by Dr. W. J. HOFFMAN from the\nApache chiefs named on page 407, under the title of TINNEAN,\n(_Apache_\u00a0I):\n\nThe materials used in making smoke of sufficient density and color\nconsist of pine or cedar boughs, leaves and grass, which can nearly\nalways be obtained in the regions occupied by the Apaches of Northern\nNew Mexico. These Indians state that they employ but three kinds of\nsignals, each of which consists of columns of smoke, numbering from one\nto three or more.\n\n\nALARM.\n\nThis signal is made by causing three or more columns of smoke to ascend,\nand signifies danger or the approach of an enemy, and also requires the\nconcentration of those who see them. These signals are communicated from\none camp to another, and the most distant bands are guided by their\nlocation. The greater the haste desired the greater the number of\ncolumns of smoke. These are often so hastily made that they may resemble\npuffs of smoke, and are caused by throwing heaps of grass and leaves\nupon the embers again and again.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 339.--Signal of successful war-party.]\n\n\nATTENTION.\n\nThis signal is generally made by producing one continuous column, and\nsignifies attention for several purposes, viz, when a band had become\ntired of one locality, or the grass may have been consumed by the\nponies, or some other cause necessitated removal, or should an enemy be\nreported, which would require farther watching before a decision as to\nfuture action would be made. The intention or knowledge of anything\nunusual would be communicated to neighboring bands by causing one column\nof smoke to ascend.\n\n\nESTABLISHMENT OF A CAMP; QUIET; SAFETY.\n\nWhen a removal of camp has been made, after the signal for ATTENTION has\nbeen given, and the party have selected a place where they propose to\nremain until there may be a necessity or desire for their removal, two\ncolumns of smoke are made, to inform their friends that they propose to\nremain at that place. Two columns are also made at other times during a\nlong continued residence, to inform the neighboring bands that a camp\nstill exists, and that all is favorable and quiet.\n\n\n_FOREIGN SMOKE SIGNALS._\n\nThe following examples of smoke signals in foreign lands are added for\ncomparison.\n\nMiss Haigh, speaking of the Guanches of the Canary Islands at the time\nof the Spanish conquest, says: \u201cWhen an enemy approached, they alarmed\nthe country by raising a thick smoke or by whistling, which was repeated\nfrom one to another. This latter method is still in use among the people\nof Teneriffe, and may be heard at an almost incredible distance.\u201d\n(_Trans. Eth. Soc. Lond._ vii, 1869, sec. ser., pp. 109, 110.)\n\n\u201cThe natives have an easy method of telegraphing news to their distant\nfriends. When Sir Thomas Mitchell was traveling through Eastern\nAustralia he often saw columns of smoke ascending through the trees in\nthe forests, and he soon learned that the natives used the smoke of\nfires for the purpose of making known his movements to their friends.\nNear Mount Frazer he observed a dense column of smoke, and subsequently\nother smokes arose, extending in a telegraphic line far to the south,\nalong the base of the mountains, and thus communicating to the natives\nwho might be upon his route homeward the tidings of his return.\n\n\u201cWhen Sir Thomas reached Portland Bay he noticed that when a whale\nappeared in the bay the natives were accustomed to send up a column of\nsmoke, thus giving timely intimation to all the whalers. If the whale\nshould be pursued by one boat\u2019s crew only it might be taken; but if\npursued by several, it would probably be run ashore and become food for\nthe blacks.\u201d (Smyth, _loc. cit._, vol. 1, pp. 152, 153, quoting Maj.\nT.\u00a0L. Mitchell\u2019s _Eastern Australia_, vol. ii, p.\u00a0241.)\n\nJardine, writing of the natives of Cape York, says that a \u201ccommunication\nbetween the islanders and the natives of the mainland is frequent; and\nthe rapid manner in which news is carried from tribe to tribe, to great\ndistances, is astonishing. I\u00a0was informed of the approach of Her\nMajesty\u2019s Steamer Salamander, on her last visit, two days before her\narrival here. Intelligence is conveyed by means of fires made to throw\nup smoke in different forms, and by messengers who perform long and\nrapid journeys.\u201d (Smyth, _loc. cit._, vol. 1, p.\u00a0153, quoting from\n_Overland Expedition_, p.\u00a085.)\n\nMessengers in all parts of Australia appear to have used this mode of\nsignaling. In Victoria, when traveling through the forests, they were\naccustomed to raise smoke by filling the hollow of a tree with green\nboughs and setting fire to the trunk at its base; and in this way, as\nthey always selected an elevated position for the fire when they could,\ntheir movements were made known.\n\nWhen engaged in hunting, when traveling on secret expeditions, when\napproaching an encampment, when threatened with danger, or when foes\nmenaced their friends, the natives made signals by raising a smoke. And\ntheir fires were lighted in such a way as to give forth signals that\nwould be understood by people of their own tribe and by friendly tribes.\nThey exhibited great ability in managing their system of telegraphy; and\nin former times it was not seldom used to the injury of the white\nsettlers, who at first had no idea that the thin column of smoke rising\nthrough the foliage of the adjacent bush, and raised perhaps by some\nfeeble old woman, was an intimation to the warriors to advance and\nattack the Europeans. (R.\u00a0Brough Smyth, F.L.S., F.G.S., _The Aborigines\nof Victoria_. _Melbourne_, 1878, vol. i, pp. 152, 153.)\n\n\n_FIRE ARROWS._\n\n\u201cTravelers on the prairie have often seen the Indians throwing up signal\nlights at night, and have wondered how it was done. * * * They take off\nthe head of the arrow and dip the shaft in gunpowder, mixed with glue.\n*\u00a0*\u00a0* The gunpowder adheres to the wood, and coats it three or four\ninches from its end to the depth of one-fourth of an inch. Chewed bark\nmixed with dry gunpowder is then fastened to the stick, and the arrow is\nready for use. When it is to be fired, a\u00a0warrior places it on his\nbowstring and draws his bow ready to let it fly; the point of the arrow\nis then lowered, another warrior lights the dry bark, and it is shot\nhigh in the air. When it has gone up a little distance, it bursts out\ninto a flame, and burns brightly until it falls to the ground. Various\nmeanings are attached to these fire-arrow signals. Thus, one arrow\nmeant, among the Santees, \u2018The enemy are about\u2019; two arrows from the\nsame point, \u2018Danger\u2019; three, \u2018Great danger\u2019; many, \u2018They are too strong,\nor we are falling back\u2019; two arrows sent up at the same moment, \u2018We will\nattack\u2019; three, \u2018Soon\u2019; four, \u2018Now\u2019; if shot diagonally, \u2018In that\ndirection.\u2019 These signals are constantly changed, and are always agreed\nupon when the party goes out or before it separates. The Indians send\ntheir signals very intelligently, and seldom make mistakes in\ntelegraphing each other by these silent monitors. The amount of\ninformation they can communicate by fires and burning arrows is\nperfectly wonderful. Every war party carries with it bundles of signal\narrows.\u201d (_Belden_, _The White Chief; or Twelve Years among the Wild\nIndians of the Plains_. _Cincinnati and New York_, 1871, pp. 106, 107.)\n\nWith regard to the above, it is possible that white influence has been\nfelt in the mode of signaling as well as in the use of gunpowder, but it\nwould be interesting to learn if any Indians adopted a similar expedient\nbefore gunpowder was known to them. They frequently used arrows, to\nwhich flaming material was attached, to set fire to the wooden houses of\nthe early colonists. The Caribs were acquainted with this same mode of\ndestruction as appears by the following quotation:\n\n\u201cTheir arrows were commonly poisoned, except when they made their\nmilitary excursions by night; on these occasions they converted them\ninto instruments of still greater mischief; for, by arming the points\nwith pledgets of cotton dipped in oil, and set on fire, they fired whole\nvillages of their enemies at a distance.\u201d (_Alcedo_. _The Geograph. and\nHist. Dict. of America and the West Indies_. Thompson\u2019s trans. _London_,\n1812, Vol. I, p.\u00a0314.)\n\n\n_DUST SIGNALS._\n\nWhen an enemy, game, or anything else which was the special object of\nsearch is discovered, handfulls of dust are thrown into the air to\nannounce that discovery. This signal has the same general signification\nas when riding to and fro, or, round in a circle on an elevated portion\nof ground, or a bluff. (_Dakota_ VII, VII.)\n\nWhen any game or any enemy is discovered, and should the sentinel be\nwithout a blanket, he throws a handful of dust up into the air. When the\nBrul\u00e9s attacked the Ponkas, in 1872, they stood on the bluff and threw\nup dust. (_Omaha_\u00a0I; _Ponka_\u00a0I.)\n\nThere appears to be among the Bushmen a custom of throwing up sand or\nearth into the air when at a distance from home and in need of help of\nsome kind from those who were there. (_Miss L.\u00a0C. Lloyd_, _MS. Letter_,\ndated July 10, 1880, from Charlton House, Mowbray, near Cape Town,\nAfrica.)\n\n\n_NOTES ON CHEYENNE AND ARAPAHO SIGNALS._\n\nThe following information was obtained from WA-U\u207f\u00b4 (_Bobtail_),\nMO-HI\u00b4-NUK\u00b4-MA-HA\u00b4-IT (_Big Horse_), Cheyennes, and O-QO-HIS\u00b4-SA (_The\nMare_, better known as \u201cLittle Raven\u201d), and NA\u00b4-WATC (_Left Hand_),\nArapahos, chiefs and members of a delegation who visited Washington,\nD.C., in September, 1880, in the interest of their tribes dwelling in\nIndian Territory:\n\nA party of Indians going on the war-path leave camp, announcing their\nproject to the remaining individuals and informing neighboring friends\nby sending runners. A\u00a0party is not systematically organized until\nseveral days away from its headquarters, unless circumstances should\nrequire immediate action. The pipe-bearers are appointed, who precede\nthe party while on the march, carrying the pipes, and no one is allowed\nto cross ahead of these individuals, or to join the party by riding up\nbefore the head of the column, as it would endanger the success of the\nexpedition. All new arrivals fall in from either side or the rear. Upon\ncoming in sight of any elevations of land likely to afford a good view\nof the surrounding country the warriors come to a halt and secrete\nthemselves as much as possible. The scouts who have already been\nselected, advance just before daybreak to within a moderate distance of\nthe elevation to ascertain if any of the enemy has preceded them. This\nis only discovered by carefully watching the summit to see if any\nobjects are in motion; if not, the flight of birds is observed, and if\nany should alight upon the hill or butte it would indicate the absence\nof anything that might ordinarily scare them away. Should a large bird,\nas a raven, crow, or eagle, fly toward the hill-top and make a sudden\nswerve to either side and disappear, it would indicate the presence of\nsomething sufficient to require further examination. When it is learned\nthat there is reason to suspect an enemy the scout, who has all the time\nbeen closely watched by the party in the rear, makes a signal for them\nto lie still, signifying _danger or caution_. It is made by grasping the\nblanket with the right hand and waving it earthward from a position in\nfront of and as high as the shoulder. This is nearly the same as\ncivilized Americans use the hand for a similar purpose in battle or\nhunting to direct \u201clie quiet\u201d!\n\nShould the hill, however, be clear of any one, the Indian will ascend\nslowly, and under cover as much as possible, and gain a view of the\ncountry. If there is no one to be seen, the blanket is grasped and waved\nhorizontally from right to left and back again repeatedly, showing a\nclear surface. If the enemy is discovered, the scout will give the\n_alarm_ by running down the hill, upon a side visible to the watchers,\nin a zigzag manner, which communicates the state of affairs.\n\nShould any expedition or advance be attempted at night, the same signals\nas are made with the blanket are made with a firebrand, which is\nconstructed of a bunch of grass tied to a short pole.\n\nWhen a war party encamps for a night or a day or more, a piece of wood\nis stuck into the ground, pointing in the direction pursued, with a\nnumber of cuts, notches, or marks corresponding to the number of days\nwhich the party spent after leaving the last camp until leaving the\npresent camp, serving to show to the recruits to the main party the\ncourse to be followed, and the distance.\n\nA hunting party in advancing takes the same precautions as a war party,\nso as not to be surprised by an enemy. If a scout ascends a prominent\nelevation and discovers no game, the blanket is grasped and waved\nhorizontally from side to side at the height of the shoulders or head;\nand if game is discovered the Indian rides back and forth (from left to\nright) a\u00a0short distance so that the distant observers can view the\nmaneuver. If a large herd of buffalo is found, the extent traveled over\nin going to and fro increases in proportion to the size of the herd.\nA\u00a0quicker gait is traveled when the herd is very large or haste on the\npart of the hunters is desired.\n\nIt is stated that these Indians also use mirrors to signal from one\nelevation to another, but the system could not be learned, as they say\nthey have no longer use for it, having ceased warfare (?).\n\n\n\n\nSCHEME OF ILLUSTRATION.\n\n\nIn the following pages the scheme of graphic illustration, intended both\nto save labor and secure accuracy, which was presented in the\n_Introduction to the Study of Sign Language_, is reproduced with some\nimprovements. It is given for the use of observers who may not see that\npublication, the material parts of which being included in the present\npaper it is not necessary that the former should now be furnished. The\nTYPES OF HAND POSITIONS were prepared for reference by the corresponding\nletters of the alphabet to avoid tedious description, should any of them\nexactly correspond, or by alteration, as suggested in the note following\nthem. These, as well as the OUTLINES OF ARM POSITIONS, giving front and\nside outlines with arms pendant, were distributed in separate sheets to\nobservers for their convenience in recording, and this will still be\ncheerfully done when request is made to the present writer. When the\nsheets are not accessible the TYPES can be used for graphic changes by\ntracing the one selected, or by a few words indicating the change, as\nshown in the EXAMPLES. The OUTLINES OF ARM POSITIONS can also be readily\ntraced for the same use as if the sheets had been provided. It is hoped\nthat this scheme, promoting uniformity in description and illustration,\nwill be adopted by all observers who cannot be specially addressed.\n\nCollaborators in the gestures of foreign uncivilized peoples will confer\na favor by sending at least one photograph or sketch in native costume\nof a typical individual of the tribe, the gestures of which are reported\nupon, in order that it may be reproduced in the complete work. Such\nphotograph or sketch need not be made in the execution of any particular\ngesture, which can be done by artists engaged on the work, but would be\nstill more acceptable if it could be so made.\n\n\n\n\nOUTLINES FOR ARM POSITIONS IN SIGN LANGUAGE.\n\n\nThe gestures, to be indicated by corrected positions of arms and by\ndotted lines showing the motion from the initial to the final positions\n(which are severally marked by an arrow-head and a cross--see EXAMPLES),\nwill always be shown as they appear to an observer facing the gesturer,\nthe front outline, Fig. 340, or side, Fig. 341, or both, being used as\nmost convenient. The special positions of hands and fingers will be\ndesignated by reference to the TYPES OF HAND POSITIONS. For brevity in\nthe written description, \u201chand\u201d may be used for \u201cright hand,\u201d when that\none alone is employed in any particular gesture. When more convenient to\nuse the profile figure in which the right arm is exhibited for a gesture\nactually made by the left hand and arm it can be done, the fact,\nhowever, being noted.\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 340.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 341.]\n\nIn cases where the conception or origin of any sign is ascertained or\nsuggested it should be annexed to the description, and when obtained\nfrom the gesturer will be so stated affirmatively, otherwise it will be\nconsidered to be presented by the observer. The graphic illustration of\nassociated facial expression or bodily posture which may accentuate or\nqualify a gesture is necessarily left to the ingenuity of the\ncontributor.\n\n\n_ORDER OF ARRANGEMENT._\n\nThe following order of arrangement for written descriptions is\nsuggested. The use of a separate sheet or part sheet of paper for each\nsign described and illustrated would be convenient in the collation. It\nshould always be affirmatively stated whether the \u201cconception or origin\u201d\nof the sign was procured from the sign-maker, or is suggested or\ninferred by the observer.\n\n _Word or idea expressed by Sign:_ __________________\n\n\n DESCRIPTION:\n\n ____________________________________________________\n\n ____________________________________________________\n\n ____________________________________________________\n\n\n CONCEPTION OR ORIGIN:\n\n ____________________________________________________\n\n\n _Tribe:_ ________________________________\n\n _Locality:_ ______________________________\n\n\n _Date:_ _____________________ 188_.\n\n __________________________\n _Observer._\n\n\n\n\nTYPES OF HAND POSITIONS IN SIGN LANGUAGE.\n\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 342a.\n\nA--Fist, palm outward, horizontal.\n\nB--Fist, back outward, oblique upward.\n\nC--Clinched, with thumb extended against forefinger, upright, edge\noutward.\n\nD--Clinched, ball of thumb against middle of forefinger, oblique,\nupward, palm down.\n\nE--Hooked, thumb against end of forefinger, upright, edge outward.\n\nF--Hooked, thumb against side of forefinger, oblique, palm outward.\n\nG--Fingers resting against ball of thumb, back upward.\n\nH--Arched, thumb horizontal against end of forefinger, back upward.\n\nI--Closed, except forefinger crooked against end of thumb, upright, palm\noutward.\n\nJ--Forefinger straight, upright, others closed, edge outward.\n\nK--Forefinger obliquely extended upward, others closed, edge outward.\n\nL--Thumb vertical, forefinger horizontal, others closed, edge outward.]\n\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 342b.\n\nM--Forefinger horizontal, fingers and thumb closed, palm outward.\n\nN--First and second fingers straight upward and separated, remaining\nfingers and thumb closed, palm outward.\n\nO--Thumb, first and second fingers separated, straight upward, remaining\nfingers curved edge outward.\n\nP--Fingers and thumb partially curved upward and separated, knuckles\noutward.\n\nQ--Fingers and thumb, separated, slightly curved, downward.\n\nR--Fingers and thumb extended straight, separated, upward.\n\nS--Hand and fingers upright, joined, back outward.\n\nT--Hand and fingers upright, joined, palm outward.\n\nU--Fingers collected to a point, thumb resting in middle.\n\nV--Arched, joined, thumb resting near end of forefinger, downward.\n\nW--Hand horizontal, flat, palm downward.\n\nX--Hand horizontal, flat, palm upward.\n\nY--Naturally relaxed, normal; used when hand simply follows arm with no\nintentional disposition.]\n\n\nNOTE CONCERNING THE FOREGOING TYPES.\n\nThe positions are given as they appear to an observer facing the\ngesturer, and are designed to show the relations of the fingers to the\nhand rather than the positions of the hand relative to the body, which\nmust be shown by the outlines (see OUTLINES OF ARM POSITIONS) or\ndescription. The right and left hands are figured above without\ndiscrimination, but in description or reference the right hand will be\nunderstood when the left is not specified. The hands as figured can also\nwith proper intimation be applied with changes either upward, downward,\nor inclined to either side, so long as the relative positions of the\nfingers are retained, and when in that respect no one of the types\nexactly corresponds with a sign observed, modifications may be made by\npen or pencil on that one of the types, or a tracing of it, found most\nconvenient, as indicated in the EXAMPLES, and referred to by the letter\nof the alphabet under the type changed, with the addition of a\nnumeral--_e.g._, A\u00a01, and if that type, _i.e._, A, were changed a second\ntime by the observer (which change would necessarily be drawn on another\nsheet of types or another tracing of a type selected when there are no\nsheets provided), it should be referred to as A\u00a02.\n\n\n\n\nEXAMPLES.\n\n\n_Word or idea expressed by sign: To cut, with an ax._\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 343.]\n\nDESCRIPTION.\n\nWith the right hand flattened (X changed to right instead of left), palm\nupward, move it downward to the left side repeatedly from different\nelevations, ending each stroke at the same point. Fig. 343.\n\nCONCEPTION OR ORIGIN.\n\nFrom the act of felling a tree.\n\n\n_Word or idea expressed by sign: A lie._\n\n [Illustration: L 1, FIG. 344a.]\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 344.]\n\nDESCRIPTION.\n\nTouch the left breast over the heart, and pass the hand forward from the\nmouth, the two first fingers only being extended and slightly separated\n(L,\u00a01--with thumb resting on third finger, Fig. 344a). Fig. 344.\n\nCONCEPTION OR ORIGIN.\n\nDouble-tongued.\n\n\n_Word or idea expressed by sign: To ride._\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 345.]\n\n [Illustration: N 1, FIG. 345a.]\n\n [Illustration: T 1, FIG. 345b.]\n\nDESCRIPTION.\n\nPlace the first two fingers of the right hand, thumb extended (N\u00a01, Fig.\n345a) downward, astraddle the first two joined and straight fingers of\nthe left (T\u00a01, Fig. 345b), sidewise, to the right, then make several\nshort, arched movements forward with hands so joined. Fig. 345.\n\nCONCEPTION OR ORIGIN.\n\nThe horse mounted and in motion.\n\n\n_Word or idea expressed by signs: I am going home._\n\n [Illustration: FIG. 346.]\n\nDESCRIPTION.\n\n(1) Touch the middle of the breast with the extended index (K), then\n(2)\u00a0pass it slowly downward and outward to the right, and when the hand\nis at arm\u2019s length, at the height of the shoulder, (3)\u00a0clinch it (A)\nsuddenly and throw it edgewise toward the ground. Fig. 346.\n\nCONCEPTION OR ORIGIN.\n\n(1) I, personality; (2) motion and direction; (3) locality of my\npossessions--home.\n\n\nEXPLANATION OF MARKS.\n\nThe following indicative marks are used in the above examples:\n\n........... Dotted lines indicate movements to place the hand and arm in\nposition to commence the sign and not forming part of it.\n\n- - - - - - Short dashes indicate the course of hand employed in the\nsign, when made rapidly.\n\n-- -- -- -- Longer dashes indicate a less rapid movement.\n\n---- ---- Broken lines represent slow movement.\n\n> Indicates commencement of movement in representing sign, or part of\nsign.\n\n\u00d7 Represents the termination of movements.\n\n\u2609 Indicates the point in the gesture line at which the hand position is\nchanged.\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n\n_Errors and Inconsistencies: Sign Language_\n\n --Missing or misplaced periods adjoining a close parenthesis were\n silently regularized.\n --In the List of Illustrations, \u201cIb.\u201d and \u201cDo.\u201d/\u201cdo.\u201d were\n consistently printed without final period; it has been supplied\n by the transcriber.\n --Inconsistent accentuation of \u201cNatci\u201d/\u201cN\u00e1tci\u201d is unchanged, as is\n the variable punctuation (comma or period) between a book\u2019s title\n and place of publication.\n --The terms \u201cjr.\u201d and \u201csr.\u201d are always printed in lower case.\n\nThe verses in the section on Gestures of Actors are loosely quoted from\n\u201cThe Rosciad\u201d by Charles Churchill, which more accurately reads:\n\n \u201cWhen to enforce some very tender part,\n The right hand slips by instinct on the heart,\n His soul, of every other thought bereft,\n Is anxious only where to place the left;\u201d\n\n on my alluding to the tact which the pupil ... had\n [_text unchanged: error for \u201ctalent\u201d?_]\n \u201cHe quickly turned round...\n [_preceding row of asterisks is printed in the original_]\n diminutive of Peppe, which is diminutive of Guiseppe [Guiseppe]\n linear hieroglyphs given by Champollion (_Dictionnaire \u00c9gyptien_)\n [Egyptien]\n His left hand sleeps by instinct on the heart;\n [_obvious error for \u201cright\u201d; see full passage quoted above_]\n The Arikara sign for _soldier_ is by placing\n [_text unchanged: \u201cis made by\u201d?_]\n the Greek \u03c4\u03cd\u03c0\u03c4\u03c9, [the Greek, \u03c4\u03cd\u03c0\u03c4\u03c9]\n The Chinese character for _man_ is Fig. 130, [_man_, is]\n The Egyptian generic character for _female_ is [Symbol: semicircle]\n (Champollion, _Dict._), [(Champollion, _Dict._,)]\n I\u00a0have not seen it used with the sign for pleasure or that of hunger,\n [_obvious error unchanged: see beginning of paragraph_]\n _Travels in the Interior of North America_, _London_\n [_... North America_;]\n Extend and spread the right, fore, and middle fingers\n [_punctuation unchanged_]\n described with precise detail as in EXTRACTS FROM DICTIONARY\n [_text unchanged: superfluous \u201cas\u201d?_]\n _Rhet. ad Herenn._, l.\u00a03 [_Rhet. ad Herenn_,]\n is commonly called James\u2019 Long\u2019s Expedition\n [_not an error: \u201cJames\u201d is the author\u2019s surname_]\n The one collected by Prince MAXIMILIAN VON WIED-NEUWIED\n [_\u201cvon\u201d printed in plain text_]\n Apache chiefs from Tierra Amarilla, New Mexico [chief]\n Elevate the right-hand, extended, with fingers joined\n [_anomalous hyphen in original_]\n a short of wrenching motion [_error for \u201ca sort of\u201d?_]\n the same movements on the left side of the body. [the body,]\n lower sides of the extended left forefinger [_final \u201cr\u201d invisible_]\n from right to left under the nose. (_Arapaho_\u00a0II...)\n [_opening parenthesis missing_]\n \u201cIt is said that after a battle the Utes took many Sioux prisoners\n and cut their throats; hence the sign \u2018cut-throats\u2019.\u201d\n [_inner quotes missing:\n \u201cIt is said that after a battle the Utes took many Sioux prisoners\n and cut their throats; hence the sign \u201ccut-throats.\u201d]\n \u201cCut-throats.\u201d Fig. 290. [Fig 290.]\n along the shores of these the reptile was found [_text unchanged_]\n throw right hand forward--_go_ or _going_ [forward--\u201c_go_]\n (39) Sign for _camp_ as before (No. 10)--_camp_. [(No. 10) _camp_]\n (117) Repeated No. 70--_Ga-bi-wa-bi-ko-ke_. [Ga-bi-wa bi-ko-ke]\n my trowsers two [_error for \u201ctoo\u201d?_]\n he again gave the negative sign--_No Indian there_\n [negative sign.--]\n pointing upward--_All look the same_, or _alike_.\n [_\u201calike\u201d printed in plain (not Italic) type_]\n m\u1ea1kimak\u0103\u00b4da-halidi\u00e9 [_hyphen at line break may not be needed_]\n _Miss L.\u00a0C. Lloyd_, _MS. Letter_ [_Miss L.\u00a0C. Lloyd_,,]\n\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n * * * * *\n\n\n SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION--BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.\n\n J. W. Powell, Director.\n\n\n Catalogue\n\n of\n\n LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS\n\n in the\n\n Library of the Bureau of Ethnology.\n\n By\n\n JAMES C. PILLING.\n\n\n\n\n [Transcriber\u2019s Note (Linguistic Manuscripts):\n\n Book sizes printed as 4^o, 8^o, 12^o with superscript \u201co\u201d have been\n written out as 4to, 8vo, 12mo.]\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n Introductory 555\n List of manuscripts 562\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\n CATALOGUE OF LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS\n\n IN THE LIBRARY OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\nMr. Henry R. Schoolcraft, while engaged in the preparation of his\nwork--\u201cInformation respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of\nthe Indian Tribes of the United States\u201d--sent to various persons\nresiding among the Indians a \u201cComparative Vocabulary of the Languages of\nthe Indian Tribes of the United States,\u201d a\u00a0quarto paper of 25 pages,\ncomprising 350 words, and the numerals one to one billion. The returns\nfrom this were for the most part incorporated in his work; a\u00a0few,\nhowever, found their way into the collection of the Smithsonian\nInstitution.\n\nIn 1853-\u201954, Mr. George Gibbs, while engaged under Gov. Isaac I. Stevens\nin \u201cExplorations for a route for the Pacific Railroad near the 47th and\n49th parallels of north latitude,\u201d became interested in the study of the\nlanguages of the Indians inhabiting the Northwest, and collected many\nvocabularies. To further extend this work, he prepared and had printed a\nfolio paper of three leaves entitled \u201cA\u00a0vocabulary of 180 words which it\nis desired to collect in the different languages and dialects throughout\nthe Pacific Coast for publication by the Smithsonian Institute at\nWashington.\u201d\n\nThese were sent to such persons as, in his judgment, were competent to\nfurnish the material desired, and many of them, filled or partly filled,\nwere returned to him. A\u00a0second edition of this vocabulary, 6\u00a0ll., folio,\nwas issued.\n\nIn 1863 there was published by the Smithsonian Institution a pamphlet\nwith the following title:\n\n Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections. | --160-- | Instructions |\n for research relative to the | Ethnology and Philology | of |\n America. | Prepared for the Smithsonian Institution. | By | George\n Gibbs. | Washington: | Smithsonian Institution: | March, 1863.\n\n2 p. ll., pp. 1-51. 8vo.\n\nIn his introductory remarks, Professor Henry thus states the object of\nthe paper:\n\n\u201cThe Smithsonian Institution is desirous of extending and completing its\ncollections of facts and materials relative to the Ethnology,\nArch\u00e6ology, and Philology of the races of mankind inhabiting, either now\nor at any previous period, the continent of America, and earnestly\nsolicits the co\u00f6peration in this object of all officers of the United\nStates Government, and travellers or residents who may have it in their\npower to render any assistance.\u201d\n\nUnder the head of Philology, Mr. Gibbs gave a brief account of some of\nthe peculiarities of Indian languages, with general directions for the\nbest method of collecting certain words; a\u00a0simple and practical\nalphabet; and a vocabulary in English, Spanish, French, and Latin of 211\nwords. Speaking of the latter, he says:\n\n\u201cIn view of the importance of a uniform system in collecting words of\nthe various Indian languages of North America, adapted to the use of\nofficers of the government, travellers, and others, the following is\nrecommended as a STANDARD VOCABULARY. It is mainly the one prepared by\nthe late Hon. Albert Gallatin, with a few changes made by Mr. Hale, the\nEthnologist of the United States Exploring Expedition, and is adopted as\nthat upon which nearly all the collections hitherto made for the purpose\nof comparison have been based. For the purpose of ascertaining the more\nobvious relations between the various members of existing families this\nnumber is deemed sufficient. The remote affinities must be sought in a\nwider research, demanding a degree of acquaintance with their languages\nbeyond the reach of transient visitors.\u201d\n\nThe vocabulary given in this paper was separately printed on writing\npaper, 10 ll., 4to, and reprinted, 6\u00a0ll., folio, and was distributed\nwidely among the missionaries, Indian agents, travelers, and local\ncollectors in ethnology, and has served a valuable purpose, resulting in\nthe collection by the Smithsonian Institution of a large number of\nvocabularies, comprising many of the languages and dialects of the\nIndian tribes of the United States, British America, and Mexico.\n\nThis material, as it was received, was placed in the hands of Mr. Gibbs\nfor revision and classification--a work in which he was engaged at the\ntime of his death, which occurred before any of it was published.\n\nIn 1876, Professor Henry turned this material over to Maj. J.\u00a0W. Powell,\nthen in charge of the United States Geographical and Geological Survey\nof the Rocky Mountain Region, to be consolidated and published in\nconnection with like material collected by himself and his assistants\nwhile among the Indians of the western portion of the United States.\nA\u00a0number were accordingly published in the \u201cContributions to North\nAmerican Ethnology,\u201d Vols. I\u00a0and III, a\u00a0quarto series issued by the\nSurvey.\n\nWishing to extend the work already begun by the Smithsonian Institution,\nMajor Powell, in 1877, prepared the following paper:\n\n Introduction | to the | Study of Indian Languages, | with words,\n phrases, and sentences to be collected. | By J.\u00a0W. Powell. |\n Washington: | Government Printing Office. | 1877.\n\nPp. 1-104, 10 ruled ll., 4to.\n\nIn his opening remarks, referring to the manuscripts derived from the\ndistribution of Mr. Gibbs\u2019 paper, the author says: \u201cIt has, in fact,\ngreatly stimulated investigation, giving wiser direction to inquiry, and\nthe results have abundantly proved the value of the \u2018Instructions\u2019 and\nthe wisdom of its publication; and it serves to mark an epoch in the\nhistory of ethnographic investigation in America. The material which has\nthus been accumulated is of great amount, and its study has led to such\nimportant conclusions that it is deemed wise to prepare a new system of\ninstruction, more comprehensive in plan and more elaborate in detail.\nFirst, it is found necessary to enlarge the alphabet so as to include a\ngreater number of sounds, which have been discovered in the North\nAmerican languages, and to mark other letters with greater precision.\nSecond, it is necessary to enlarge the vocabulary so as to modify it\nsomewhat, as experience has dictated, so that new words may be\ncollected. Third, it is desirable that many simple phrases and sentences\nshould be given--so chosen as to bring out the more important\ncharacteristics of grammatic structure.\u201d\n\nIn the preparation of this paper, the alphabet was considered to be of\nprime importance. Concerning it, the author says: \u201cAfter devoting much\ntime to the consideration of the subject, and the examination of many\nalphabets devised by scholars and linguists, none was found against\nwhich there was not serious objections, and the author attempted to\ndevise an alphabet which would contain all the supposed requirements;\nbut there were many difficulties in the way, and many compromises to be\nmade in weighing the various considerations. At this stage of the work\nhe applied to the eminent philologist, Prof. W.\u00a0D. Whitney, for\nassistance. After much consultation and the weighing of the many\nconsiderations arising from the large amount of manuscript material in\nthe author\u2019s hands, Professor Whitney kindly prepared the following\npaper on the alphabet.\u201d\n\nThe words, phrases, and sentences to be collected are arranged in\nschedules, each preceded by instructions, and followed by blanks for\nadditions, as follows:\n\n I. Persons, 15 words.\n\n II. Parts of the body, 103 words.\n\n III. Relationships:\n Relationships arising from the first and second generations,\n 58 words.\n Relationships arising from the third generation, 224 words.\n Relationships arising from the fourth generation, 24 words.\n Names of children in order of birth, 26 words.\n\n IV. Social organization.\n\n V. Governmental organization, 22 words.\n\n VI. Religion, 6 words.\n\n VII. Disposal of the dead, 8 words.\n\nVIII. Dress and ornaments, 39 words.\n\n IX. Dwellings, 26 words.\n\n X. Implements and utensils, 36 words.\n Basket-ware, 15 words.\n Woodenware, 7 words.\n Utensils of shell, horn, bone, &c., 5 words.\n Stone implements, 13 words.\n Pottery, &c., 11 words.\n\n XI. Food, 6 words.\n\n XII. Games and sports, 5 words.\n\n XIII. Animals:\n Mammals, 91 words.\n Parts of the body, &c., of mammals, 36 words.\n Birds, 192 words.\n Parts of the body, &c., of birds, 26 words.\n Fish, 12 words.\n Parts of the body, &c., of fish, 12 words.\n Reptiles, 6 words.\n Insects, 11 words.\n\n XIV. Trees, shrubs, fruits, &c., 8 words.\n\n XV. The firmament, meteorologic and other physical phenomena\n and objects, 41 words.\n\n XVI. Geographic terms, 8 words.\n\n XVII. Geographic names.\n\nXVIII. Colors, 13 words.\n\n XIX. Numerals:\n Cardinal numbers, 58 words (1-1000).\n Ordinal numbers, 30 words.\n Numeral adverbs denoting repetition of action, 23 words.\n Multiplicatives, 22 words.\n Distributives, 23 words.\n\n XX. Measures.\n\n XXI. Divisions of time, 29 words.\n\n XXII. Standard of value.\n\nXXIII. New words, 84 words.\n\n XXIV. Phrases and sentences, 545 phrases, &c.\n\nThis paper was prepared with special reference to the wants of the\ncollector, being printed on bond paper and bound in flexible cloth. It\nwas widely distributed and, like that of Mr. Gibbs, resulted in the\ncollection of valuable linguistic material.\n\nIn 1879 Congress consolidated the various surveys, including that of the\nRocky Mountain Region, into the United States Geological Survey, but\nmade provision for continuing the publication of the Contributions to\nNorth American Ethnology under the direction of the Secretary of the\nSmithsonian Institution, and directed that the ethnologic material in\nMajor Powell\u2019s hands be turned over to the Institution. Thus the Bureau\nof Ethnology of the Smithsonian Institution was organized, and Major\nPowell was placed at its head.\n\nBy this time the growing interest manifested in the study of North\nAmerican linguistics rendered necessary the preparation of a new edition\nof the Introduction. In the words of the author:\n\n\u201cThe progress made by various students, and the studies made by the\nauthor, alike require that a new edition be prepared to meet the more\nadvanced wants and to embody the results of wider studies. Under these\ncircumstances the present edition is published. It does not purport to\nbe a philosophic treatment of the subject of language; it is not a\ncomparative grammar of Indian tongues; it is simply a series of\nexplanations of certain characteristics almost universally found by\nstudents of Indian languages--the explanations being of such a character\nas experience has shown would best meet the wants of persons practically\nat work in the field on languages with which they are unfamiliar. The\nbook is a body of directions for collectors.\n\n\u201cIt is believed that the system of schedules, followed _seriatim_, will\nlead the student in a proper way to the collection of linguistic\nmaterials; that the explanations given will assist him in overcoming the\ndifficulties which he is sure to encounter; and that the materials when\ncollected will constitute valuable contributions to philology. It has\nbeen the effort of the author to connect the study of language with the\nstudy of other branches of anthropology, for a language is best\nunderstood when the habits, customs, institutions, philosophy--the\nsubject-matter of thought embodied in the language--are best known. The\nstudent of language should be a student of the people who speak the\nlanguage; and to this end the book has been prepared, with many hints\nand suggestions relating to other branches of anthropology.\u201d\n\nThe title of this publication is as follows:\n\n Smithsonian Institution--Bureau of Ethnology | J.\u00a0W. Powell Director\n | Introduction | to the | Study of Indian Languages | with | Words\n Phrases and Sentences to be Collected | By J.\u00a0W. Powell | Second\n edition--with charts | Washington | Government Printing Office |\n 1880\n\nPp. i-xii, 1-228, and 8 ruled leaves. 4to.\n\nThe following is the\n\nTABLE OF CONTENTS.\n\nCHAPTER I.--On the Alphabet.\n\n Page.\n Vowels 4\n Diphthongs 5\n Consonants 6\n Mutes 6\n Nasals 7\n Spirants 8\n Sibilants 9\n W, Y, R, L, and H 9\n Interrupted sounds 11\n Synthetic sounds 12\n Complex combinations 13\n Alphabet 14\n\nCHAPTER II.--Hints and Explanations.\n\n \u00a7 1.--Persons 18\n \u00a7 2.--Parts of the body 18\n \u00a7 3.--Dress and ornaments 18\n \u00a7 4.--Dwellings 20\n \u00a7 5.--Implements and utensils 23\n \u00a7 6.--Food 24\n \u00a7 7.--Colors 25\n \u00a7 8.--Numerals 25\n \u00a7 9.--Measures 26\n \u00a7 10.--Division of time 27\n \u00a7 11.--Standards of value 27\n \u00a7 12.--Animals 28\n \u00a7 13.--Plants, &c. 29\n \u00a7 14.--Geographic terms 29\n \u00a7 15.--Geographic names 30\n \u00a7 16.--The firmament, meteorologic and other physical\n phenomena and objects 30\n \u00a7 17.--Kinship 30\n \u00a7 18.--Social organization 38\n \u00a7 19.--Government 40\n \u00a7 20.--Religion 41\n \u00a7 21.--Mortuary customs 42\n \u00a7 22.--Medicine 43\n \u00a7 23.--Amusements 44\n \u00a7 24.--New words 45\n Remarks on nouns 46\n \u00a7 25.--Accidents of nouns--demonstrative and adjective\n pronouns 46\n \u00a7 26.--Personal and article pronouns--transitive verbs 47\n \u00a7 27.--Possession 49\n \u00a7 28.--Intransitive verbs--adjectives, adverbs, prepositions,\n and nouns used as verbs 49\n \u00a7 29.--Voice, mode, and tense 51\n \u00a7 30.--Additional investigations suggested 55\n \u00a7 31.--On the best method of studying materials collected 59\n \u00a7 32.--The rank of Indian languages 69\n\nCHAPTER III.--Schedules.\n\n Schedule 1.--Persons 77\n 2.--Parts of the body 78\n 3.--Dress and ornaments 82\n 4.--Dwellings 84\n 5.--Implements and utensils 88\n Wooden ware 90\n Stone implements 91\n Shell, horn, bone, &c. 92\n Basket ware 93\n Pottery 94\n 6.--Food 95\n 7.--Colors 96\n 8.--Numerals--Cardinal numbers 97\n Ordinal numbers 98\n Numeral adverbs, &c. 100\n Multiplicatives 101\n Distributives 102\n 9.--Measures 103\n 10.--Division of time 105\n 11.--Standards of value 107\n 12.--Animals--Mammals 109\n Parts of body, &c., of mammals 113\n Birds 115\n Parts of body, &c., of birds 121\n Fish 122\n Parts of the body, &c., of fish 123\n Reptiles 124\n Insects 125\n 13.--Plants 127\n 14.--Geographic terms 129\n 15.--Geographic names 131\n 16.--The firmament, meteorologic and other physical\n phenomena and objects 132\n 17.--Kinship.--Relatives.--Lineal descendants of self,\n male speaking 134\n Lineal ascendants of self, male speaking 135\n First collateral line, male speaking 136\n Second collateral line, male speaking 137\n Third collateral line, male speaking 139\n Fourth collateral line (male branch), male speaking 146\n Fourth collateral line (female branch), male speaking 147\n Lineal descendants of self, female speaking 148\n Lineal ascendants of self, female speaking 149\n First collateral line, female speaking 150\n Second collateral line, female speaking 151\n Third collateral line, female speaking 153\n Fourth collateral line (male branch), female speaking 160\n Fourth collateral line (female branch), female speaking 161\n Affinities through relatives--Descendants of self,\n male speaking 162\n First collateral line, male speaking 163\n Second collateral line, male speaking 164\n Third collateral line, male speaking 166\n Affinities through the marriage of self, male speaking 171\n Affinities through relatives--Descendants of self,\n female speaking 172\n First collateral line, female speaking 173\n Second collateral line, female speaking 174\n Third collateral line, female speaking 176\n Affinities through the marriage of self, female speaking 181\n Ordinal names of children 182\n 18.--Social organization 183\n 19.--Government 185\n 20.--Religion 186\n 21.--Mortuary customs 187\n 22.--Medicine 189\n 23.--Amusements 191\n 24.--New words 192\n 25.--Number and gender of nouns--Demonstrative and\n adjective pronouns 196\n 26.--Personal and article pronouns--Transitive verbs 200\n 27.--Possession 206\n 28.--Intransitive verbs, adjectives, adverbs, prepositions,\n and nouns used as verbs 210\n 29.--Voice, mode and tense 221\n 30.--Additional investigations suggested 228\n\nExperience had demonstrated the propriety of some changes in the\nalphabet and a considerable enlargement of the scheme as given in the\nfirst edition of the work, and in the second Major Powell has made many\nmodifications. The schedule of relationship was so large that graphic\nrepresentation was considered necessary, and charts were prepared which\nit was thought both the student and the Indian could follow it with\ncomparative ease. Experience has shown that the idea was well founded.\n\nAs in the first edition, blank spaces were given after each schedule for\nsuch additions as might suggest themselves to the collector; and to\nfurther facilitate the work separate alphabet cards of convenient size\naccompanied the volume.\n\nThis publication has not been long enough in the hands of collectors to\nmeet with great returns, though a sufficient number have been received,\nfilled or partly filled, to justify the Bureau in anticipating, in the\nnot distant future, the receipt of a body of material prepared according\nto scientific methods which, when published, will prove a valuable\ncontribution to this branch of ethnologic research.\n\n * * * * *\n\n+Abbott+ (G. H.). Vocabulary of the Coquille; 180 words.\n\n 3 ll. folio. Collected in 1858, at the Silets Indian Agency.\n\n+Anderson+ (Alexander C.). Concordance of the Athabascan Languages, with\nNotes.\n\n 12 ll. folio. Comparative vocabulary of 180 words of the following\n dialects: Chipwyan, Tacully, Klatskanai, Willopah, Upper Umpqua,\n Tootooten, Applegate Creek, Hopah Haynarger.\n\n---- Notes on the Indians of the Northwest Coast.\n\n 12 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Klatskanai Dialect of the Tahculli, Athabasca;\n180 words.\n\n 3 ll. folio.\n\n+Arny+ (_Gov._ W. F. M.). Vocabulary of the Navajo Indians.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1874. Governor Arny\n was assisted by Prof. Valentine Friese and Rev. W.\u00a0B. Forrey.\n\n+Arroyo de la Cuesta+ (_P._ Felipe). Idiomas Californios.\n\n 32 pp. folio. This manuscript, containing 12 short vocabularies,\n was copied from the original in Santa Barbara, Cal., by Mr. E.\u00a0T.\n Murray. The following are the vocabularies: Esselen, or\n Huelel--Mutsun; San Antonio y San Miguel; San Luis Obispo;\n Nopthrinthres of San Juan Baptista--Yokuts; Canal de Santa Barbara;\n San Luis Rey; Karkin--Mutsun; Tuichun--Mutsun(?); Saclan;\n Suisun--Wintun; Hluimen, or Uhimen--Mutsun; Lathruunun--Yokuts.\n\n+Azpell+ (_Assist. Surg._ Thos. F.). Vocabulary of the Hoopa, and\nKlamath; 200 words each.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected in California in 1870.\n\n+Baer+ (John). Vocabularies of the Yerigen (Tchuktchi), 250 words; and\nof the Chaklock, 100 words.\n\n 10 ll. folio. Mr. Baer accompanied the Rogers Ex. Ex. The Yerigen\n words were collected in Glasenep Harbor, Straits of Seniavine, west\n side of Behring Straits. The Chaklock words from the inhabitants of\n the island of Chaklock, about two miles to the southward.\n\n+Balitz+ (Antoine). Vocabulary of the Aleuts; 211 words.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected in the Aleutian Islands\n in 1868.\n\n+Ballou+ (E.). Words, Phrases, and Sentences in the Shoshone Language.\n\n 162 pp. 4to. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 2\u00a0ed.\n Collected at the Shoshone and Bannock Agency, Wyoming Territory,\n 1880-1881. None of the schedules are neglected, and many are filled\n and additions made. Mr. Ballou has added much to the value of his\n manuscript by copious ethnologic notes.\n\n+Bannister+ (Henry M.). Vocabulary of the Malimoot, Kotzebue Sound; 200\nwords.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form.\n\n+Barnhardt+ (W. H.). Comparative Vocabulary of the Languages spoken by\nthe Umpqua, Lower Rogue River, and Calapooa Indians; 160 words.\n\n 4 ll. folio.\n\n+Barnhart+ (--.). Vocabulary of the Kalapuya; 211 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Lower Rogue River Indians; 211 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form.\n\n+Barker+ (J. C.). Vocabulary of the Indians of Santa Tomas Mission,\nLower California; 150 words.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1876.\n\n+Bartlett+ (John Russell). Vocabularies of the Cahita, Opate, and\nTarahumara; 200 words each.\n\n 7 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Ceris; 180 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. Taken by Mr. Bartlett from Hermosillo, a\u00a0native,\n January, 1852.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Cochimi; 180 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Coco Maricopa; 180 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Coppermine Apaches; 150 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. Obtained by Mr. Bartlett from Mancus Colorado, a\u00a0chief\n of the Coppermine Apaches, July, 1851.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Diegeno; 150 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Dieguina; 180 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. These Indians resided for 20 miles along the coast in\n the neighborhood of San Diego.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Hum-mock-a-ha-vi; 180 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Kioway; 200 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collected from Esteban, a\u00a0Mexican\n in the service of the Mexican Boundary Commission, who had been a\n captain seven years among the Comanches and Kioways in Texas.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Piro.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collected from two of the\n principal men of the pueblo of Sineca, a\u00a0few miles below El Paso del\n Norte.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Tigua.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collected from Santiago Ortiz\n (Ahebatu), head chief of Sineca, Isleta, &c.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Yaqui of Sonora.\n\n 6 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Yuma or Cuchan; 180 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. The above material was collected by Mr. Bartlett while\n on the Mexican Boundary Commission.\n\n+Belden+ (_Lieut._ George P.). Vocabulary of the Chinook Jargon.\n\n 27 ll. 12mo. Alphabetically arranged.\n\n---- Dictionary of the Snake, Crow, and Sioux, alphabetically arranged.\n\n 182 pp. 8vo. Collected in 1868.\n\n+Bennett+ (_Lieut. Col._ Clarence B.). Vocabulary of the Yuma; 211\nwords.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected at Fort Yuma, 1864.\n\n+Berendt+ (_Dr._ Carl Herman). Vocabulary of the Maya; 200 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio.\n\n---- Comparative Vocabulary of the Mexican or Nahuatl and Maya\nLanguages.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form, with a few additions.\n\n+Berson+ (F.). Vocabulary of the Clear Lake Indians, California.\n\n 8 ll. sm. 4to. Collected in November, 1851. Copy of the original\n furnished by M.\u00a0Alex. Pinart.\n\n---- Yuki-English and English-Yuki Dictionary.\n\n 45 pp. sm. 4to Collected in 1851 from a band of Indians fifty miles\n south of Clear Lake, California. Copy of the original furnished by\n M.\u00a0Alex. Pinart.\n\n+Bierstadt+ (Albert). Vocabulary of the Sioux.\n\n 6 pp. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collected, 1863.\n\n+Bissell+ (George P.). Vocabulary of the Coos, or Kusa, Oregon.\n\n 46 pp. 4to. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 1st\n ed.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Umpqua.\n\n 5 ll. 4to. Collected in 1876.\n\n+Brackett+ (_Col._ A. G.). Vocabulary of the Absaraka, or Crow.\n\n 11 pp. folio. Collected at Fort Laramie, Wyoming, 1879.\n\n+Butcher+ (_Dr._ H. B.) _and_ +Leyendecher+ (John). Vocabulary of the\nComanche Indians; 200 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. Collected April, 1867.\n\n+Chamberlain+ (Montague). Words, Phrases, and Sentences in the Melicite\n(Malisit) Language, River St. John, New Brunswick.\n\n In Introduction to Study of Indian Languages, 1st ed. Collected\n December, 1880.\n\n+Chapin+ (_Col._ G.). Vocabulary of the Sierra Blanco Apaches.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1867, Camp Goodwin,\n Arizona.\n\n+Cheroki.+ Vocabulary of the Cherokee, or Tseloge; 88 words.\n\n 3 ll. folio. Collector unknown.\n\n+Cooper+ (_Dr._ J. G.). Vocabulary of the Gros Ventres and Blackfoot.\n\n 6 pp. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collected 1861.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Siksikh\u014d\u00e4, or Blackfoot; 180 words.\n\n 7 pp. folio. Recorded March, 1861.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Tshihalish; 180 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio.\n\n+Corbusier+ (William H.). Vocabulary of the Apache-Mojave, or Yavape;\nand Apache-Yuma, or Tulkepa, with ethnopaphic notes.\n\n 54 pp. 4to. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages--nearly\n complete. Collected at the Rio Verde Agency, Arizona, 1873, \u201974,\n \u201975.\n\n+Corliss+ (_Capt._ A. W.). Vocabulary of the Lacotah, or Sioux, Brul\u00e8\nband.\n\n 50 pp. 4to. \u201cNotes made while at Spotted Tail\u2019s Agency of Brul\u00e8\n Sioux Indians on the White River, in Dakota and Nebraska, in 1874.\u201d\n In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 1st ed. Copied\n from original manuscript loaned by Captain Corliss.\n\n+Clark+ (W. C.). Vocabulary of the Modoc of Southern Oregon.\n\n 12 pp. 4to. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 1st\n ed. Collected in 1878 at Y\u00e1neks.\n\n+Craig+ (R. O.). Vocabulary of the Skagit and Snohomish.\n\n 4 ll. 4to. Collected in 1858.\n\n+Cremony+ (John C.). Vocabulary of the Mescalero Apaches.\n\n 6 ll. folio. Obtained by Captain Cremony at Fort Sumner, Bosque\n Redondo, on the Pecos River, N.\u00a0Mex., in 1863.\n\n+Crook+ (_Gen._ George). Vocabulary of the Hoopah of the Lower Trinity\nRiver, California; 180 words.\n\n 2 ll. 4to.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Tahluwah; 180 words.\n\n 3 ll. folio.\n\n+Denig+ (E. T.). Vocabulary of the Blackfoot, by E. T. Denig, Indian\nagent, Fort Union.\n\n 6 pp. folio.\n\n+Diezman+ (F. J.). Grammar of the Mosquito Indian Language, prepared by\nF.\u00a0J. Diezman, of San Juan del Norte, Nicaragua.\n\n 16 ll. 4to. Prepared in 1865.\n\n+Dorsey+ (James Owen). Myths, Stories, and Letters in the [\u00a2]egiha\nLanguage.\n\n 750 pp. folio. This material is in hands of the printer, and will\n form Part\u00a0I, Vol.\u00a06, Contributions to North American Ethnology. It\n comprises 70 stories and myths and 300 letters, each with\n interlinear translation, explanatory notes, and free translation.\n\n---- Grammar of the [\u00a2]egiha Language.\n\n 800 pp. folio. Will form Part 2 of Vol.\u00a06, Contributions to North\n American Ethnology.\n\n---- [\u00a2]egiha Dictionary--[\u00a2]egiha-English and English-[\u00a2]egiha,\nalphabetically arranged; contains 20,000 words.\n\n 22,000 slips. Will form Part 3 of Vol. 6, Contributions to North\n American Ethnology.\n\n---- Linguistic Material of the Iowas, Otos, and Missouris.\n\n 1,000 pp. folio. Consists of myths, stories, and letters, with\n interlinear translation, a\u00a0dictionary of 9,000 words, and a grammar.\n\n---- Linguistic Material of the Winnebago Language.\n\n 75 pp. folio and 2,100 slips. Consists of a letter, grammatic notes,\n and dictionary of 2,000 words.\n\n---- Kansas and Omaha Words and Phrases.\n\n 5 pp. folio.\n\n+Eels+ (_Rev._ Myron). Words, Phrases, and Sentences in Chemakum.\n\n 37 ll. 4to. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 1st\n ed. Collected at the Skokomish Reservation, Washington Territory,\n 1878.\n\n---- Words, Phrases, and Sentences in the S\u2019klallam or Sclallam.\n\n 52 ll. 4to. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 1st\n ed., complete. Collected at the Skokomish Reservation in 1878.\n Includes plural forms and possessive cases of nouns and pronouns and\n the partial conjugation of the verb \u201cto eat\u201d.\n\n---- Words, Phrases, and Sentences in the Skw\u00e2ksin Dialect of the\nNiskwall\u00ee Language.\n\n 52 ll. 4to. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 1st\n ed., complete. Collected in 1878. Includes plural forms, possessive\n cases and diminutives of nouns, comparison of adjectives, cases of\n pronouns, and partial conjugation of the verbs \u201cto eat\u201d and \u201cto\n drink\u201d.\n\n---- Words, Phrases, and Sentences in the Twana Language.\n\n 52 ll. 4to. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 1st\n ed., complete. Collected in 1878. Includes plural forms, possessive\n cases and gender of nouns, comparison of adjectives, possessive case\n of pronouns, and partial conjugation of the verbs \u201cto eat\u201d and \u201cto\n drink\u201d.\n\n+Eskimo.+ Vocabularies (60 words each) of the Asiagmut, of Norton Bay;\nKuskokvims, of Norton Bay; of the Indians near Mount St. Elias; of\nKadiak Island; and of the Indians of Bristol Bay.\n\n 5 ll. folio.\n\n+Euphrasia+ (_Sister_ M.). Exercises in the Papago Language, by Sister\nM.\u00a0Euphrasia, St. Xavier\u2019s Convent, Arizona.\n\n 6 ll. folio. Twenty-seven exercises, and phrases and sentences.\n\n+Everett+ (William E.). Vocabulary of the Sioux, alphabetically\narranged; by Will. E. Everett, Government Scout.\n\n 91 pp. folio.\n\n+Flachenecker+ (_Rev._ George). Notes on the Shyenne Language, by Rev.\nGeo. Flachenecker, Lutheran Missionary, Deer Creek, Nebraska, September,\n1862.\n\n 7 pp. folio.\n\n+Fletcher+ (Robert H.). Vocabulary of the Nez Perc\u00e9s.\n\n 10 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1873 in Idaho.\n\n+Fuertes+ (E. A.). Vocabularies of the Chimalapa, or Zoque;\nGuichicovian, or Mixe; Zapoteco; and Maya; 200 words each.\n\n 17 ll. 4to. In parallel columns, accompanied by grammatic notes.\n\n+Gabb+ (_Dr._ William M.). Vocabularies of the Cochimi and Kiliwee; 211\nwords each.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected April, 1867. The Cochimi\n vocabulary collected in the center of the peninsula of Lower\n California, in the vicinity of San Borja and Santa Gertrude; the\n Kiliwee 150 miles farther north.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Klamath of Southern Oregon; 150 words.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1864.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Yuma; 186 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. Collected in the vicinity of Fort Yuma.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Yuma and H\u2019t\u00e4\u00e4m.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1867.\n\n+Galbraith+ (F. G.). Vocabulary of the Indians of the Pueblo of Santa\nClara, New Mexico.\n\n 14 ll. folio. Collected in 1880.\n\n+Gardiner+ (_Bishop_ --.). Some forms of the Chipewyan verb.\n\n 5 ll. folio.\n\n+Gardiner+ (W. H.). Vocabulary of the Sisseton Dakotas, by W.\u00a0H.\nGardiner, Assistant Surgeon, U.\u00a0S.\u00a0A.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1868.\n\n+Gatschet+ (Albert Samuel). Vocabulary of the Achom\u00e2wi, Pit River,\nNortheast California.\n\n 11 pp. folio. Includes dialects of Big Valley, Hot Springs, and\n Goose Lake.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Ara (Karok), Klamath River, California, from Red\nCaps to Clear Creek, near mouth of Scott River; 211 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form.\n\n---- Cheroki Linguistic Material obtained from Richard M. Wolfe,\nDelegate of the Cherokee Nation to the United States Government.\n\n 5 ll. folio. Principally phrases and sentences.\n\n---- Words, Phrases, and Sentences in Clackama.\n\n In Introduction to Study of Indian Languages, 1st ed. The Clackamas\n belong to the Chinuk family. Material collected at Grande Ronde\n Reservation, Yamhill County, Oregon, December, 1877.\n\n---- Creek or Maskoki Linguistic Material obtained from General Pleasant\nPorter and Mr. R.\u00a0Hodge, Delegates of the Creek Nation to the United\nStates Government, 1879-\u201980.\n\n 4 ll. folio. Principally phrases and sentences.\n\n---- K\u00e1yow\u0113 Linguistic Material.\n\n 10 pp. folio. Composed principally of sentences with translation.\n Collected February and March, 1880, from It\u00e1li Du\u207fmoi, or \u201cHunting\n Boy\u201d, a\u00a0young pupil of the Hampton, Va., school, employed at the\n Smithsonian Institution, and afterwards sent to the Indian School at\n Carlisle, Pa.\n\n---- Linguistic Material of the Kalapuya family, Atf\u00e1lati dialect.\n\n Pp. 1-399. sm. 4to, in five blank books. Consists of texts with\n interlinear translation, grammatic notes, words, phrases, and\n sentences.\n\n---- List of Suffixes of the Tualati or Atf\u00e1lati Dialect of the Kalapuya\nof Oregon.\n\n Blank book, sm. 4to. Arranged in 1878.\n\n---- Words, Phrases, and Sentences of the Atf\u00e1lati or W\u00e1patu Lake\nLanguage.\n\n In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 1st ed.--nearly\n complete. Collected at Grande Ronde Agency, 1877.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the L\u00fakamiute and Ah\u00e1ntchuyuk Dialects of the\nKalapuya Family.\n\n 16 pp. 4to. In Introduction to de Study of Indian Languages, 1st\n ed., incomplete. Collected at Grande Ronde Indian Agency, 1877.\n\n---- Words, Phrases, and Sentences of the Yamhill Dialect of the\nKalapuya Family.\n\n 9 pp. 4to. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 1st\n ed., incomplete. Collected at the Grande Ronde Agency, 1877.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Kansas or Kaw.\n\n 12 pp. 4to. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 1st\n ed., incomplete.\n\n---- Linguistic Material collected at the Chico Rancheria of the\nMichopdo Indians (Maidu family), Sacramento Valley, California.\n\n 84 pp. sm. 4to, blank book. Text with interlinear translation,\n phrases, and sentences. Collected in 1877.\n\n---- Words, Phrases, and Sentences in the M\u00f3lale Language.\n\n 30 ll. 4to. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 1st\n ed. Collected at the Grande Ronde Agency, Oregon, in 1877.\n\n---- Texts in the M\u00f3lale Language with Interlinear Translation.\n\n 12 ll. folio. Consists of a short description of marriage\n ceremonies, the \u201cMyth of the Coyote\u201d, and a \u201cRaid of the Cayuse\n Indians\u201d. Collected at the Grande Ronde Reserve in 1877, from\n Stephen Savage.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Mohawk.\n\n 7 ll. folio. Collected from Charles Carpenter, an Iroquois of\n Brantford, in 1876.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the N\u00f6nst\u00f6ki or Nestuccas Dialect of the Selish\nfamily.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. Collected in 1877 from an Indian called \u201cJack\u201d, of\n Salmon River, Oregonian Coast. On Smithsonian form.\n\n---- Sasti-English and English-Sasti Dictionary.\n\n 84 ll. sm. 4to. Alphabetically arranged from materials collected at\n Dayton, Polk County, Oregon, in November, 1877. The informants were\n two young men, the brothers Leonard and Willie Smith, pure blood\n Shasti (or\u00a0S\u00e1sti) Indians, who had come from the Grande Ronde Indian\n Agency, a\u00a0distance of 25 miles. Their old home is the Shasti Valley,\n near Yreka, Cal.\n\n---- Shasti-English and English-Shasti Dictionary.\n\n 69 ll. sm. 4to. Obtained from \u201cWhite Cynthia\u201d, a\u00a0Klamath woman\n living at Klamath Lake Reservation, Williamson River, Lake County,\n Oregon, in September, 1877. Dialect spoken at Crescent City, Cal.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the S\u00e1w\u0103no or Shawnee.\n\n 7 pp. folio. Collected in 1879 from Bluejacket. Includes clans of\n the Shawnees with their totems.\n\n---- Sh\u00e1wano Linguistic Material.\n\n 24 pp. folio. Texts with interlinear translation, grammatic forms,\n phrases, and sentences. Collected February and March, 1880, from\n Charles Bluejacket, delegate of Shawano tribe to the United States\n Government.\n\n---- Tonkawa-English and English-Tonkawa Dictionary.\n\n 52 pp. sm. 4to.\n\n---- Words, Phrases, and Sentences in the Umpkwa Language.\n\n 22 ll. 4to. In Introduction to Study of Indian Languages, 1st ed.\n Collected at Grande Ronde Agency, 1877.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Warm Spring Indians, Des Chutes, Oreg.; 200\nwords.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1875.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Wasco and Waccan\u00e9ssisi Dialects of the Chinuk\nFamily.\n\n 7 pp. folio. Taken at the Klamath Lake Agency, Oregon, 1877.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Zu\u00f1ian Language, with grammatic remarks.\n\n 10 ll. folio. Obtained from a Zu\u00f1i boy about 10 years old, who was\n attending the Indian school at Carlisle, Pa., in 1880.\n\n+Geisdorff+ (_Dr._ Francis). Vocabulary of the Mountain Crows.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form.\n\n+Gibbs+ (George). Account of Indian Tribes upon the Northwest Coast of\nAmerica.\n\n 10 ll. folio.\n\n---- Comparisons of the Languages of the Indians of the Northwest.\n\n 23 ll. 8vo and folio.\n\n---- Miscellaneous Notes on the Eskimo, Kenai, and Atna Languages.\n\n 25 ll. 4to in folio.\n\n---- Notes on the Language of the Selish Tribes.\n\n 10 ll. folio.\n\n---- Notes to the Vocabularies of the Klamath Languages.\n\n 7 ll. folio.\n\n---- Indian Nomenclature of Localities, Washington and Oregon\nTerritories.\n\n 7 ll. folio.\n\n---- Observations on the Indians of the Klamath River and Humboldt Bay,\naccompanying Vocabularies of their Languages.\n\n 25 ll. folio.\n\n---- Principles of Algonquin Grammar.\n\n 5 pp. 4to.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Chemakum and Mooksahk; 180 words.\n\n 3 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Chikasaw; 200 words.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1866.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Clallam; 180 words.\n\n 3 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Cowlitz; 200 words.\n\n 10 ll. 4to.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Creek; 200 words.\n\n 10 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1866.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Eskimo of Davis Strait; 211 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Hitchittie, or Mikasuki; 200 words.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1866.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Hoopah; 180 words.\n\n 4 ll. folio. Collected at the mouth of the Trinity River, in 1852.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Indians of the Pueblo of Ysletta.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1868.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Klikatat; 150 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. Obtained from Yahtowet, a\u00a0subchief, in 1854.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Kwantlen of Fraser\u2019s River; 180 words.\n\n 5 ll. folio. Collected in 1858.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Makah; 200 words.\n\n 4 ll. 4to.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Makah; 180 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Molele, Santiam Band.\n\n 3 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Toanhootch of Port Gambol; 180 words.\n\n 3 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Willopah Dialect of the Tahcully, Athapasca; 100\nwords.\n\n 6 ll. folio.\n\n---- Observations on the Indians of the Colorado River, California,\naccompanying Vocabularies of the Yuma and Mohave Tribes.\n\n 7 pp. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Mohave; 180 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. Obtained from a chief, Iritaba, in New York, 1863.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Sawanwan; 211 words.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Yamhill Dialect of the Kalapuya; 211 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form.\n\n+Grossman+ (_Capt._ F. E.). Some Words of the Languages of the Pimo and\nPapago Indians of Arizona Territory.\n\n 80 pp. 4to. English-Pimo and Pimo-English, alphabetically arranged.\n Accompanied by a few grammatic notes and three stories with\n interlinear English translation. Collected at the Gila River\n Reservation during 1871.\n\n+Gilbert+ (Grove Karl). Vocabulary of the Wallapai; 411 words.\n\n 23 ll. 4to. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 1st\n ed. Collected in 1878.\n\n+Hale+ (Horatio). Vocabulary of the Tutelo, with remarks on the same.\n\n 30 pp. 4to.\n\n+Hamilton+ (A. S.). Vocabulary of the Haynarger Dialect of the Tahcully,\nAthapasca; 180 words.\n\n 5 ll. folio.\n\n+Hamilton+ (S. M.). Chippewa Vocabulary; 180 words.\n\n 20 pp. folio.\n\n+Hamilton+ (_Rev._ William). Vocabulary of the Iowa and Omaha; 112\nwords.\n\n 12 ll. oblong folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Omaha, alphabetically arranged.\n\n 33 ll. 4to.\n\n+Hazen+ (_Gen._ W. B.). Vocabulary of the Takilma; 211 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form.\n\n---- Vocabularies of the Upper Rogue River Languages--Applegate\n(Umpkwa), Takilma, and Shasta; 180 words each.\n\n 3 ll. folio.\n\n+Heintzelman+ (_Gen._ --.). Vocabulary of the Cocopa; 100 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. Copy of a MS. furnished Hon. John P. Bartlett by\n General Heintzelman.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Hum-mock-a-ha-vi; 180 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. Copy of a MS. furnished Hon. John P. Bartlett by\n General Heintzelman.\n\n+Helmsing+ (J. S.). Vocabulary of the M\u2019mat of Southwest Arizona and\nSoutheast California; 211 words.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form.\n\n+Henderson+ (Alexander). Grammar and Dictionary of the Karif Language of\nHonduras (from Belize to Little Rock). Belize, 1872.\n\n Pp. 1-340. 12mo in eight blank books.\n\n+Higgins+ (N. S.). Notes on the Apaches of Arizona.\n\n 30 pp. folio. Includes a vocabulary of 200 words, names of tribes,\n etc.\n\n+Husband+ (Bruce). Vocabulary of the Sioux.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collected at Fort Laramie, 1849.\n\n+Jones+ (J. B.). Vocabulary of the Cherokee; mountain dialect; 200\nwords.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1866.\n\n+Jordan+ (_Capt._ Thomas). Vocabulary of the Cayuse; 180 words.\n\n 3 ll. folio.\n\n+Kantz+ (August V.). Vocabulary of the Indians of the Pueblo of Isleta,\nN.\u00a0Mex.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1869.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Too-too-ten; 180 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio.\n\n+Kirk+ (Charles W.). Hymns in the Wyandot Language.\n\n 24 ll. 4to.\n\n+Kenicott+ (Robert). Vocabulary of the Chipewyan of Slave Lake.\n\n 6 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Hare Indians, of Fort Good Hope, Mackenzie River.\n\n 6 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Nahawny Indians of the Mountains west of Fort\nLiard.\n\n 6 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Tsuhtyuh (Beaver People)--Beaver Indians of Peace\nRiver west of Lake Athabasca; and of the Thekenneh (People of the Rocks)\nSiccanies of the Mountains, south of Fort Liard.\n\n 6 ll. folio.\n\n+Kent+ (--.). List of names of Iowa Indians, with English translation.\n\n 8 pp. folio. Accompanied by a similar list revised by Rev. William\n Hamilton. 7\u00a0pp. folio.\n\n+Keres.+ Vocabulary of the Keres; 175 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collector unknown.\n\n+Knipe+ (C.). Nootka or Tahkahh Vocabulary; 250 words.\n\n 7 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form.\n\n+Leyendecher+ (John Z.). _See_ +Butcher+ (_Dr._ H.\u00a0B.) _and_\n+Leyendecher+ (John\u00a0Z.).\n\n+MacGowan+ (_Dr._ D. J.). Vocabulary of the Caddo, with Linguistic\nnotes.\n\n 8 pp. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Comanches; 200 words.\n\n 6 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1865.\n\n+McBeth+ (S. L.). Vocabulary of the Nez Perc\u00e9; 211 words.\n\n 7 ll. folio.\n\n---- Grammar of the Nez Perc\u00e9 Language.\n\n 66 ll. folio.\n\n+McDonald+ (Angus). Vocabulary of the Kootenay; 200 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form.\n\n+McElroy+ (Patrick D.). Vocabulary of the Jicarilla Apache; 275 words.\n\n 15 ll. 4to. Compiled at Cimarron, Colfax County, N. Mex., in 1875.\n\n+Mahan+ (I. L.). Words, Phrases, and Sentences in Odjibwe.\n\n Pp. 8-102. 4to. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages,\n 1st ed.--nearly complete. Collected at Bayfield, Wis., in 1879. Mr.\n Mahan is the Indian agent at Red Cliff Reserve, Wis.\n\n+Meulen+ (_Lieut._ E. de). Vocabulary of the Kenay of Cook\u2019s Inlet.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1870.\n\n+Milhau+ (_Dr._ John J.). Vocabulary of the Anasitch (Coos Bay, No.\u00a01);\n211 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form.\n\n---- Vocabulary of Coos Bay, No. 2; 211 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Coast Indians living on the streams emptying\nbetween Umpqua Head and Cape Perpetua, Oregon, and on the Umpqua River\nfor twenty miles above the mouth.\n\n 3 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Hewut, Upper Umpqua, Umpqua Valley, Oregon. 180\nwords.\n\n 6 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Umpqua, Umpqua Valley, Oregon; 180 words.\n\n 3 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Yakona; 180 words.\n\n 3 ll. folio. Language of the Coast Indians lying between Cape\n Perpetua and Cape Foulweather, and up the Alseya and Yakona Rivers.\n\n+Mowry+ (_Lieut._ Sylvester). Vocabulary of the Diegano; 175 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. Taken from the interpreter at Fort Yuma--an intelligent\n Diegano who spoke Spanish fluently.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Mohave; 180 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. Collected from Miss Olive Oatman, who was for years a\n prisoner among these Indians.\n\n+Muskoki.+ Hymn: What a Friend we have in Jesus.\n\n 1 sheet folio. Translator unknown.\n\n---- Vocabularies of the Creek and Cherokee; 211 words in parallel\ncolumns.\n\n 10 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1867. Collector\n unknown.\n\n+Nichols+ (A. Sidney). Vocabulary of the Navajo.\n\n 10 ll. folio. Collected in 1868.\n\n+Noosoluph.+ Vocabularies of the Noosoluph, or Upper Chihalis, and\nKwinaiutl.\n\n 11 pp. 4to. Collector unknown.\n\n+Ober+ (Frederick A.). Vocabulary of the Carib; Islands of Dominica and\nSt. Vincent; 211 words.\n\n 10 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form.\n\n+Packard+ (Robert L.). Terms of relationship used by the Navajo Indians.\n\n 4 ll. folio. Collected at the Navajo Reservation, New Mexico, in\n 1881.\n\n+Palmer+ (_Dr._ Edward). Vocabulary of the Indians of the Pueblo of\nTaowa; 40 words.\n\n 2 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Pinale\u00f1o and Arivaipa Apache; 200 words.\n\n 3 ll. 4to.\n\n+Parry+ (_Dr._). Vocabulary of the Pima Indians; 150 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form. Forwarded by Maj. W.\u00a0H. Emory,\n 1852.\n\n+P\u00e2ni.+ Vocabulary of the Hueco or Waco; 50 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collector unknown.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Kichai; 30 words.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collector unknown.\n\n+Pike+ (_Gen._ Albert). Verbal forms in the Muscoki Language.\n\n 20 ll. folio. Seven verbs run through various tenses and modes.\n\n---- Verbal forms of the Muscoki and Hichitathli.\n\n 27 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabularies of the Creek or Muscogee, Uchee, Hitchita, Natchez,\nCo-os-au-da or Co-as-sat-te, Alabama, and Shawnee.\n\n 56 ll. folio. These vocabularies are arranged in parallel columns\n for comparative purposes, and contain from 1,500 to 1,700 words\n each. The manuscript was submitted to Mr. J.\u00a0H. Trumbull, of\n Hartford, Conn., for examination, and was by him copied on slips,\n each containing one English word and its equivalent in the dialects\n given above, spaces being reserved for other dialects. They were\n then sent to Mrs. A.\u00a0E.\u00a0W. Robertson, of Tullahassee, Ind. T., who\n inserted the Chickasaw. These cards are also in the possession of\n the Bureau of Ethnology.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Osage; 200 words.\n\n 11 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Toncawe; 175 words.\n\n 10 ll. 4to.\n\n+Pilling+ (James C.). Words and Phrases in the Wund\u00e1t or Wyandot\nLanguage.\n\n 36 ll. folio. In Introduction to Study of Indian Languages, 1st ed.,\n incomplete. Collected from John Grayeyes, a\u00a0Wyandot Chief, 1880.\n\n+Pope+ (_Maj._ F. L.). Vocabulary of Words from the Siccany Language.\n\n 14 pp. 4to. \u201cThe tribe known as the Sicannies inhabit the tract of\n country lying to the northwest of Lake Tatla, in British Columbia,\n and their language is nearly the same as that spoken by the\n Connenaghs, or Nahonies, of the Upper Stikine.\u201d\n\n+Poston+ (Charles D.). Vocabulary of the Pima Indians of Arizona; 180\nwords.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form.\n\n+Powell+ (John Wesley). Conjugation of Ute Verbs.\n\n 438 ll. 4to.\n\n---- Miscellaneous Linguistic Notes on the Utes and Pai-Utes of Colorado\nand Utah.\n\n 120 ll. 4to.\n\n---- Notes on the Shinumo Language.\n\n 44 pp. 4to. Collected at Oraibi, N. Mex., in 1870.\n\n---- Notes on the Songs, Mythology, and Language of the Pai-Utes,\n1871-\u201972.\n\n 194 pp. folio.\n\n---- Ute Vocabulary.\n\n 11 ll. 4to. Contains also a brief list of duals and plurals of\n nouns, adjectives, pronouns, and verbs.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Gosi-Ute.\n\n 71 ll. 4to. Collected from an Indian named Seguits, from Skull\n Valley, Nev., 1873.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Hu-muk-a-h\u00e1-va (Mojaves); 55 words.\n\n 4 ll. 4to. Collected in Las Vegas Valley, Nev., October, 1873.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Indians of Las Vegas, Nev.\n\n 93 ll. 4to. Contains conjugation of the verbs \u201cto strike\u201d and \u201cto\n eat.\u201d\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Navajo.\n\n 8 ll. folio. Collected in 1870 at Fort Defiance.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Noje.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. Collected in 1881.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Pavants of Utah.\n\n 17 ll. 4to. Obtained from Kanosh, a\u00a0chief of the Pavants, in 1873.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Paviotso.\n\n 61 ll. 4to. Collected from Naches, Salt Lake City, Utah, 1873.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Paviotso.\n\n 77 ll. 4to. Collected in Humboldt Valley, Nevada, 1880.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Paviotso, Western Nevada.\n\n 25 pp. 4to. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 2d\n ed., incomplete. Collected in 1880.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Shoshoni of Nevada.\n\n 9 ll. 4to.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Shoshoni of Western Nevada.\n\n 37 ll. 4to and folio. Collected in 1880.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Tabuat Utes, Grand River, Colorado.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1868.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Tantawaits (Shimawiva).\n\n 18 ll. 4to. Obtained from an Indian at Las Vegas, Nev., 1873.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Tosauwihi--Shoshoni of Eastern Nevada.\n\n 56 ll. 4to. Collected from an Indian called Captain Johnson, in\n 1873.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Uchi; 50 words.\n\n 2 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Ute Indians of Utah.\n\n 16 ll. 4to. Obtained of an Indian named Pompuwar, in 1873.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Utes of Weber River, Utah.\n\n 23 pp. 8vo and 4to. Collected in 1877.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Utes of the White and Uinta Rivers, Utah.\n\n 62 ll. 4to.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Wintu\u00b4n.\n\n 40 ll. 4to. Collected in 1880.\n\n---- Words, Phrases, and Sentences in the Kaivavwit Dialect of the\nShoshoni Language.\n\n 103 ll. 4to. Obtained from a band of Indians living on Kaibab Creek,\n Southern Utah.\n\n---- Words, Phrases, and Sentences of the Ute Indians of Utah Territory.\n\n 487 ll. 4to.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Kootenay; 185 words.\n\n 2 ll. folio. Mr. Powell is Superintendent of Indian Affairs, Canada.\n\n+Powers+ (Stephen). Vocabulary of the Modoc; 31 words.\n\n 1 sheet folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Tolowa; 10 words.\n\n 1 l. folio.\n\n---- Vocabularies of the Wailakki and Hup\u00e2 Languages; 211 words each.\n\n 6 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Washo; 211 words.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected at Carson City, Nev.,\n 1876.\n\n+Preston+ (_Capt._ William). Vocabulary of the Delewes.\n\n 1 p.\u00a0folio. This and the three following vocabularies were taken in\n 1796 by Capt. William Preston, Fourth United States Regulars, and\n found in a memorandum book originally belonging to him, but now in\n the possession of his grandson, Prof. William P. Johnson, of the\n Washington and Lee University.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Potawatomy; 50 words.\n\n 1 p.\u00a0folio.\n\n---- Words and Sentences in Miami.\n\n 6 pp. folio.\n\n---- Words, Phrases, and Sentences in Shawannee.\n\n 7 pp. folio.\n\n+Renshawe+ (John Henry). Vocabulary of the Hualapi.\n\n 21 ll. 4to. In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 1st\n ed. Collected in 1878 on the Colorado Plateau, Arizona.\n\n+Ridgway+ (Robert). Vocabulary of the Washo; 75 words.\n\n 5 ll. folio. Collected at Carson City, Nev.\n\n+Riggs+ (_Rev._ Alfred Longley). Language of the Dakotas and cognate\ntribes; by Alfred L. Riggs, A.B., B.D., Missionary of the American\nBoard.\n\n 24 ll. 8vo.\n\n+Riggs+ (_Rev._ Stephen Return). Comparative Vocabulary of the Dakota,\nWinnebago, Omaha, and Ponka.\n\n 9 ll. folio. Includes a few grammatic forms.\n\n---- Dictionary of the Santee Dakota--Dakota-English and English-Dakota.\n\n 820 pp. folio. This material is in the hands of the printer, and\n will form Part 2 of Vol. 7, Contributions to North American\n Ethnology. Part 1 will consist of myths and stories with interlinear\n translation, and a Grammar of this dialect. It is in an advanced\n stage of preparation.\n\n+Robertson+ (_Mrs._ Ann Eliza Worcester). Vocabulary of the Chickasaw.\n\n On slips. _See_ Pike (_Gen._ Albert).\n\n+Roehrig+ (F. L. O.) Comparative Vocabulary of the Selish Languages.\n\n 50 pp. folio. Includes words in Selish proper, or Flathead;\n Kalispelm; Spokan; Skoyelpi; Okinaken; S\u2019chitsui; Shiwapmuth;\n Piskwaus.\n\n---- Comparative Vocabulary of the Selish Languages, second series.\n\n 42 ll. 4to. Includes words of the following dialects: Clallam,\n Lummi, Nooksahk, Nanaimook, Kwantlen, and Tait.\n\n+Ross+ (R. B.). Vocabulary of a Dialect of the Tinnean Language.\n\n 6 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Chipewyan.\n\n 6 ll. folio.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Natsit Kutchin (Strong Men).\n\n 6 ll. folio. Procured from an Indian who had been several years in\n the Hudson Bay Company\u2019s service.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Nehaunay of Nehaunay River.\n\n 6 ll. folio. Collected from a member of one of the tribes residing\n in the mountainous country between the Liard and Mackenzie Rivers.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Kutcha Kutchin, Yukon River.\n\n 6 ll. folio. Procured from Mr. Hardesty, who had resided among these\n Indians for about ten years.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Sikani.\n\n 6 ll. folio.\n\n+Semple+ (J. E.). Vocabulary of the Clatsop Language; 35 words.\n\n 1 l. 4to. Collected in 1870, near Fort Stevens, Oregon.\n\n+Sherwood+ (_Lieut._ W. L.). Vocabulary of the Sierra Blanco and\nCoyotero Apaches, with notes.\n\n 7 ll. folio.\n\n+Shortess+ (Robert). Vocabulary of the Chinook.\n\n 5 pp. folio.\n\n+Smart+ (_Capt._ Charles). Vocabulary of the Coyotero Apaches, with\nnotes.\n\n 8 ll. folio. Collected in 1866 at Fort McDowell, Arizona.\n\n+Smith+ (E. Everett). Vocabulary of the Malemute, Kotzebue Sound; 190\nwords.\n\n 10 pp. 4to. On Smithsonian form.\n\n+Stubbs+ (A. W.). Vocabulary of the Kansas or Kaw.\n\n In Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, 1st ed.--not\n complete.\n\n+Sutter+ (Emil V.). Maidu Vocabulary; 60 words.\n\n 2 ll. folio. Collected from the Indians of Feather and Yuba Rivers.\n\n+Swan+ (James G.). A Criticism on the Linguistic Portion of Vol.\u00a0I,\nContributions to North American Ethnology.\n\n 4 ll. folio.\n\n---- A Vocabulary of the Language of the Haida Indians of Prince of\nWales Archipelago.\n\n 19 pp. 8vo.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Makah.\n\n 21 ll. folio. Alphabetically arranged.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Makah.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form.\n\n+Tassin+ (_Lieut._ A. G.). Vocabulary of the Arrapaho; 60 words.\n\n 1 l. folio.\n\n+Thomas+ (_Gen._ George H.). Vocabulary of the Navajo and Yuma\nLanguages.\n\n 8 ll. 4to. 35 Navajo words; 100 of the Yuma.\n\n+Thompson+ (Almond Harris). Vocabulary of the Navajo.\n\n 5 ll. 12mo and 8 ll. 4to.\n\n+Tinn\u00e9an.+ Vocabulary of the Hong Kutchin.\n\n 4 ll. folio. Collector unknown.\n\n+Tolmie+ (_Dr._ William F.). Vocabulary of the Cootonais or Cuttoonasha;\n75 words.\n\n 1 l. folio.\n\n+Tolmie+ (_Dr._ William F.). Vocabulary of the Kootnay; 165 words.\n\n 3 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Tahko Tinneh; 60 words.\n\n 1 l. folio.\n\n+Vetromile+ (_Rev._ Eugene). A Dictionary of the Abnaki\nLanguage--English-Abnaki and Abnaki-English.\n\n 3 vols. folio. Material collected by Father Vetromile while\n missionary among the Abnakis during the years 1855 to 1873. Volume\n 1, pp. 1-573 contains prefatory remarks, description of the alphabet\n used, synopsis of the Abnaki language, including brief grammatic\n remarks, a\u00a0table of abbreviations, and the Abnaki-English dictionary\n from A to H, inclusive. Volume 2, pp. 3-595, contains further\n remarks on the grammar, and a continuation of the Abnaki-English\n dictionary, I\u00a0to Z, inclusive. The dictionary in each of these\n volumes is divided into four columns; the first containing words\n from the Abnaki dictionary of the Rev. Father Rasles; the second,\n words in the Penobscot; the third, Mareschit; and the fourth,\n Micmac. Volume 3, pp., 1-791, contains the Abnaki-English\n dictionary, A\u00a0to Z, and includes words in the Penobscot, Etchimin,\n Mareschit, Micmac, Montagnie, and Passamaquoddy dialects.\n\n+Wabass+ (--.). Vocabularies of the Chinook and Cowlitz Languages.\n\n 1 l. folio. Collected in 1858.\n\n+White+ (Ammi M.). Vocabulary of the Pima and Papago Indians; 200 words.\n\n 10 ll. 4to. On Smithsonian form. Collected at the Pima and Maricopa\n Agency, Arizona, 1864.\n\n+White+ (_Dr._ John B.). Classified List of the Prepositions, Pronouns,\n&c., of the Apache Language.\n\n 2 ll. 4to.\n\n---- Degrees of Relationship in the Language of the Apache.\n\n 2 ll. 4to.\n\n---- Names of the different Indian Tribes in Arizona, and the Names by\nwhich they are called by the Apaches.\n\n 5 ll. 4to.\n\n---- Remarks on the General Relations of the Apache Language.\n\n 7 ll. 4to.\n\n---- Sentences in Apache, with a classification of men, women, and\nchildren with the Apache names.\n\n 15 pp. 12mo. Collected in 1873 at the Apache Reservation in Arizona.\n\n---- Vocabulary of the Apache and Tonto Languages.\n\n 110 pp. 12mo. Collected at San Carlos Reservation in 1873, \u201974, \u201975.\n\n---- Sentences in the Tonto Language.\n\n 5 pp. 4to.\n\n+Willard+ (Celeste N.). Vocabulary of the Navajo.\n\n 10 ll. folio. Collected in 1869.\n\n+Williamson+ (_Rev._ Thomas S.). Comparative Vocabulary of the\nWinnebago, Omaha, Ponka, and Dakota, with remarks on the same.\n\n 38 pp. 4to.\n\n+Wowodsky+ (_Gov._ --.). Vocabulary of the Keni of Cook\u2019s Inlet Bay.\n\n 2 ll. folio.\n\n+Wright+ (_Rev._ Allen). Vocabulary of the Chahta or Choctaw; 211 words.\n\n 10 ll. folio. On Smithsonian form. Collected in 1866.\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n\n_Errors and Inconsistencies: Linguistic Manuscripts_\n\n none was found against which there was not serious objections\n [_text unchanged_]\n Vocabulary of the Kioway ... On Smithsonian form. [Smithonian]\n +Corbusier+ (William H.) ... with ethnopaphic notes.\n [_text unchanged: error for \u201cethnographic\u201d in original?_]\n Sasti-English and English-Sasti Dictionary ... who had come from the\n Grand Ronde Indian Agency [Grand]\n\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n * * * * *\n\n\n SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION--BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.\n\n J. W. Powell, Director.\n\n\n Illustration Of The Method\n\n of\n\n RECORDING INDIAN LANGUAGES.\n\n From the Manuscripts of\n\n Messrs. J. O. Dorsey, A. S. Gatschet,\n and S. R. Riggs.\n\n\n\n\n [Transcriber\u2019s Note (Recording Indian Languages):\n\n In this article, the plus sign + is part of the printed text.\n It is not used for any other purpose. Bracketed numbers are line\n numbers, used in the Notes; they were printed at the end of every\n third line. When a narrative spans two pages, the new page number\n is shown on a line by itself. There are no footnotes.\n\n The following special characters appear primarily in this article:\n\n \u03c7 (Greek chi)\n \u014b (eng, here equivalent to small raised n)\n \u015a \u015b \u0107 \u017a (s, c, z with \"acute\")\n \u0107\u0323 (c with \"acute\" and under-dot)\n \u1e34 \u1e35 \u1e33 (k with underline, under-dot)\n \u0121 \u1e23 (g, h with dot over)]\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n How the rabbit caught the sun in a trap, by J. O. Dorsey 581\n Details of a conjurer\u2019s practice, by A. S. Gatschet 583\n The relapse, by A. S. Gatschet 585\n Sweat-Lodges, by A. S. Gatschet 586\n A dog\u2019s revenge, by S. R. Riggs 587\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\n ILLUSTRATION OF THE METHOD\n\n OF RECORDING INDIAN LANGUAGES.\n\n\n * * * * *\n\n\nHOW THE RABBIT CAUGHT THE SUN IN A TRAP.\n\nAn Omaha Myth, obtained from F. LaFl\u00e8che by J. Owen Dorsey.\n\n\n Egi\u00a2e mactci\u00f1\u00b4ge ak\u00e1 i\u029ea\u207f\u00b4\n It came to pass rabbit the sub. his grandmother\n\n \u00a2i\u00f1k\u00e9 en\u00e1-qtci \u0287ig\u00a2e j\u00fagig\u00a2\u00e1-biam\u00e1.\n the st. ob. only dwelt with his own, they say.\n\n K\u012d ha\u207f\u00b4ega\u207ftc\u0115\u00b4-qtci-hna\u207f\u00b4 \u2018\u00e1bae ah\u00ed-biam\u00e1.\n And morning very habitually hunting went thither they say.\n\n Ha\u207fega\u207ftc\u0115\u00b4-qtci a\u00a2\u00e1-bi\n morning very went, they say\n\n ct\u0115wa\u207f\u00b4 n\u00edkaci\u207fga wi\u207f\u00b4 s\u00ed sned\u0115\u00b4-qti-hna\u207f\n notwithstanding person one foot long very as a rule\n\n s\u00edg\u00a2e a\u00a2\u00e1-bit\u00e9am\u00e1. K\u012d \u00edbaha\u207f [3] ga\u207f\u00a2\u00e1-biam\u00e1.\n trail had gone, they say. And to know him wished they say.\n\n N\u00edaci\u207fga \u00a2i\u207f\u00b4 \u012d\u207f\u00b4ta\u207f w\u00edta\u207f\u00a2i\u207f b\u00a2\u00e9 t\u00e1 mi\u00f1ke,\n Person the mv. ob. now I-first I go will I who,\n\n e\u00a2\u00e9ga\u207f-biam\u00e1.\n thought they say.\n\n Ha\u207f\u00b4ega\u207fc\u0115\u00b4-qtci p\u00e1ha\u207f-bi ega\u207f\u00b4 a\u00a2\u00e1-biam\u00e1.\n Morning very arose they say having went they say.\n\n C\u012d \u00e9gi\u00a2e n\u00edkaci\u207fga am\u00e1 s\u00edg\u00a2e\n Again it happened person the mv. sub. trail\n\n a\u00a2\u00e1-bit\u00e9am\u00e1. \u00c9gi\u00a2e ak\u00ed-biam\u00e1.\n had gone, they say. It came to pass he reached home, they say.\n\n G\u00e1-biam\u00e1: \u029ea\u207fh\u00e1, w\u00edta\u207f\u00a2i\u207f b\u00a2\u00e9 [6]\n Said as follows, they say: grandmother, I--first I go\n\n a\u029e\u00eddaxe ct\u0115wa\u207f\u00b4 n\u00edkaci\u207fga w\u00ed\u207f\u00b4\u00a2e\n I make for myself in spite of it person one\n\n a\u207f\u00b4aqai a\u00a2a\u00ed te a\u207f\u00b4. [K]a\u207fh\u00e1, u\u029e\u00eda\u207f\u00a2e\n getting ahead of me he has gone. Grandmother snare\n\n d\u00e1xe t\u00e1 minke, k\u012d b\u00a2\u00edze t\u00e1 mi\u00f1ke h\u0103.\n I make it will I who, and I take him will I who .\n\n \u00c1ta\u207f ja\u207f\u00b4 tada\u207f\u00b4, \u00e1-biam\u00e1 wa\u2018\u00faji\u00f1ga aka.\n Why you do it should? said, they say old woman the sub.\n\n N\u00edaci\u207fga i\u00a2\u00e1t\u00b4ab\u00a2\u00e9 h\u0103, \u00e1-biam\u00e1.\n Person I hate him . said, they say.\n\n K\u012d mactci\u00f1\u00b4ge a\u00a2\u00e1-biam\u00e1. [9]\n And rabbit went they say.\n\n A\u00a2\u00e1-bi \u029e\u012d c\u012d s\u00edg\u00a2e \u00a2\u00e9t\u00e9am\u00e1.\n Went they say when again trail had gone.\n\n [K]\u012d ha\u207f\u00b4 t\u0115 i\u00a2\u00e1pe ja\u207f\u00b4-biam\u00e1.\n And night the waiting for lay they say.\n\n Man\u00b4d\u0115-\u029ea\u207f \u00a2a\u207f uk\u00ednacke gax\u00e1-biam\u00e1,\n bow string the ob. noose he made it they say,\n\n k\u012d s\u00edg\u00a2e \u00a2\u00e9-hna\u207f t\u0115 \u0115\u00b4di i\u00a2a\u207f\u00b4\u00a2a-biam\u00e1.\n and trail went habitually the there he put it they say.\n\n \u00c9gi\u00a2e ha\u207f\u00b4+ega\u207f-tc\u0115\u00b4-qtci u\u029e\u00eda\u207f\u00a2e \u00a2a\u207f\n It came to pass morning very snare the ob.\n\n gi\u0287a\u207f\u00b4be ah\u00ed-biam\u00e1.\n to see his own arrived they say.\n\n \u00c9gi\u00a2e [12] mi\u207f\u00b4 \u00a2a\u207f \u00a2iz\u00e9 ak\u00e1ma.\n It came to pass sun the cv. ob. taken he had, they say.\n\n Ta\u207f\u00b4\u00a2i\u207f-qtci\u207f u\u00a2\u00e1 ag\u00a2\u00e1-biam\u00e1.\n Running very to tell went homeward, they say.\n\n [K]a\u207fh\u00e1 \u012dnd\u00e1da\u207f \u00e9i\u207fte b\u00a2\u00edze\n Grandmother, what it may be I took\n\n \u00e9dega\u207f a\u207f\u00b4baaze-hna\u207f\u00b4 h\u0103, \u00e1-biam\u00e1.\n but me it scared habitually . said they say.\n\n [K]a\u207fh\u00e1, man\u00b4de-\u029ea\u207f \u00a2a\u207f ag\u00a2\u00edze\n Grandmother, bow string the ob. I took my own\n\n ka\u207fbd\u00e9dega\u207f a\u207f\u00b4baaze-hna\u207f\u00b4i h\u0103, \u00e1-biam\u00e1.\n I wished, but me it scared habitually . said they say.\n\n M\u00e1hi\u207f a\u00a2i\u207f\u00b4-bi ega\u207f\u00b4 [15]\n Knife had they say having\n\n[582]\n\n \u0115\u00b4di a\u00a2\u00e1-biam\u00e1. K\u012d eca\u207f\u00b4-qtci ah\u00ed-biam\u00e1.\n there went, they say. And near very arrived they say.\n\n P\u00ed\u00e4j\u012d ck\u00e1xe. E\u00e1ta\u207f \u00e9ga\u207f ck\u00e1xe \u0103.\n Bad you did. Why so you did ?\n\n \u0114\u00b4di g\u00ed-ada\u207f\u00b4 i\u207f\u00a2ick\u00e1-g\u0103 h\u0103,\n Hither come and for me untie it ,\n\n \u00e1-biam\u00e1 mi\u207f\u00b4 ak\u00e1. Mactci\u00f1\u00b4ge ak\u00e1\n said, they say sun the sub. Rabbit the sub.\n\n \u0115\u00b4di a\u00a2\u00e1-bi ct\u0115wa\u207f\u00b4 na\u207f\u00b4pa-bi\n there went they say notwithstanding feared they say\n\n ega\u207f\u00b4 h\u00e9be \u00edhe a\u00a2\u00e9-hna\u207f\u00b4-biam\u00e1.\n having partly passed by went habitually they say.\n\n K\u012d [3] \u029eu\u2018\u0115\u00b4 a\u00a2\u00e1-bi ega\u207f\u00b4\n And rushed went they say having\n\n m\u00e1sa-biam\u00e1 man\u00b4d\u0115-\u029ea\u207f \u00a2a\u207f\u00b4.\n cut with a knife they say bow string the ob.\n\n Ga\u00f1\u00b4ki mi\u207f\u00b4 \u00a2a\u207f ma\u207f\u00b4-ci\u00e1ha \u00e1i\u00e1\u00a2a-biam\u00e1.\n And sun the cv. ob. on high had gone, they say.\n\n K\u012d mactci\u00f1\u00b4ge ak\u00e1 \u00e1b\u00e1\u029eu\n And Rabbit the sub. space bet. the shoulders\n\n hi\u207f\u00b4 \u00a2a\u207f n\u00e1zi-biam\u00e1\n hair the ob. burnt yellow they say\n\n \u00e1nakad\u00e1-bi ega\u207f\u00b4.\n it was hot on it, they say having.\n\n (Mactci\u00f1\u00b4ge am\u00e1 ak\u00ed-biam\u00e1.)\n (Rabbit the mv. sub. reached home, they say.)\n\n \u012ctcitci+, \u029ea\u207fh\u00e1, [6] n\u00e1\u00a2i\u00f1g\u0115-qti-ma\u207f\u00b4 h\u0103,\n Itcitci+!! grandmother, burnt to nothing very I am .\n\n \u00e1-biam\u00e1. [T]\u00facpa\u00a2a\u207f+,\n said, they say. Grandchild!!\n\n i\u207f\u00b4na\u00a2i\u00f1g\u0115\u00b4-qti-ma\u207f\u00b4 eska\u207f\u00b4+, \u00e1-biam\u00e1.\n burnt to nothing very I am I think, said, they say.\n for me\n\n Ceta\u207f\u00b4.\n So far.\n\n\nNOTES.\n\n581, 1. Mactci\u00f1ge, the Rabbit, or Si\u00a2e-maka\u207f (meaning uncertain), is the\nhero of numerous myths of several tribes. He is the deliverer of mankind\nfrom different tyrants. One of his opponents is Ictinike, the maker of\nthis world, according to the Iowas. The Rabbit\u2019s grandmother is Mother\nEarth, who calls mankind her children.\n\n581, 7. a\u00a2ai te a\u207f. The conclusion of this sentence seems odd to the\ncollector, but its translation given with this myth is that furnished by\nthe Indian informant.\n\n581, 12. ha\u207f+ega\u207ftc\u0115-qtci, \u201cve--ry early in the morning.\u201d The\nprolongation of the first syllable adds to the force of the adverb\n\u201cqtci,\u201d _very_.\n\n582, 3. hebe ihe a\u00a2e-hna\u207f-biama. The Rabbit tried to obey the Sun; but\neach time that he attempted it, he was so much afraid of him that he\npassed by a little to one side. He could not go directly to him.\n\n582, 4. 5. ma\u207fciaha aia\u00a2a-biama. When the Rabbit rushed forward with\nbowed head, and cut the bow-string, the Sun\u2019s departure was so rapid\nthat \u201che had _already_ gone on high.\u201d\n\n\nABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS MYTH.\n\n cv. curvilinear.\n mv. moving.\n st. sitting.\n sub. subject.\n ob. object.\n\n\nTRANSLATION.\n\nOnce upon a time the Rabbit dwelt in a lodge with no one but his\ngrandmother. And it was his custom to go hunting very early in the\nmorning. No matter how early in the morning he went, a\u00a0person with very\nlong feet had been along, leaving a trail. And he (the Rabbit), wished\nto know him. \u201cNow,\u201d thought he, \u201cI\u00a0will go in advance of the person.\u201d\nHaving arisen very early in the morning, he departed. Again it happened\nthat the person had been along, leaving a trail. Then he (the Rabbit)\nwent home. Said he, \u201cGrandmother, though I arrange for myself to go\nfirst, a\u00a0person anticipates me (every time). Grandmother, I\u00a0will make a\nsnare and catch him.\u201d \u201cWhy should you do it?\u201d said she. \u201cI\u00a0hate the\nperson,\u201d he said. And the Rabbit departed. When he went, the foot-prints\nhad been along again. And he lay waiting for night (to\u00a0come). And he\nmade a noose of a bow-string, putting it in the place where the\nfoot-prints used to be seen. And he reached there very early in the\nmorning for the purpose of looking at his trap. And it happened that he\nhad caught the Sun. Running very fast, he went homeward to tell it.\n\u201cGrandmother, I\u00a0have caught something or other, but it scares me.\nGrandmother, I\u00a0wished to take my bow-string, but I was scared every\ntime,\u201d said he. He went thither with a knife. And he got very near it.\n\u201cYou have done wrong; why have you done so? Come hither and untie me,\u201d\nsaid the Sun. The Rabbit, although he went thither, was afraid, and kept\non passing partly by him (or,\u00a0continued going by a little to one side).\nAnd making a rush, with his head bent down (and his arm stretched out),\nhe cut the bow-string with the knife. And the Sun had already gone on\nhigh. And the Rabbit had the hair between his shoulders scorched yellow,\nit having been hot upon him (as\u00a0he stooped to cut the bow-string). (And\nthe Rabbit arrived at home.) \u201cItcitci+!! O grandmother, the heat has\nleft nothing of me,\u201d said he. She said, \u201cOh! my grandchild! I\u00a0think that\nthe heat has left nothing of him for me.\u201d (From that time the rabbit has\nhad a singed spot on his back, between the shoulders.)\n\n\n\n\nDETAILS OF A CONJURER\u2019S PRACTICE.\n\nIn the Klamath Lake Dialect. Obtained from Minnie Froben, by A.\u00a0S.\nGatschet.\n\n\n M\u00e1\u1e35laks shu\u00e1kiuk k\u00eduksash \u1e35\u00e1-i g\u00fb\u00b4l\u2019hi\n Indians in calling the conjurer not enter\n\n h\u00fank\u0115lam l\u00e1dshashtat, nd\u00e9na sha\u2019hm\u00f3knok;\n his into lodge, they halloo to call (him) out;\n\n k\u00eduksh toks w\u00e1n kiuk\u00e1yank\n the conjurer red fox hanging out on a pole\n\n m\u00fb\u00b4luash m\u2019na kan\u00edta p\u00ee\u00b4sh.\n as sign his outside \u201cof him.\u201d\n\n Kuk\u00edaks tch\u00fb\u00b4tanish g\u00e1tp\u2019nank wig\u00e1ta\n Conjurers when treating approaching close by\n\n tch\u00e9l\u03c7a m\u0101\u00b4shipksh. [3]\n sit down the patient.\n\n L\u00fatatkish wig\u00e1ta k\u00eduksh\u0115sh tcha\u2019hl\u00e1nshna.\n The expounder close to the conjurer sits down.\n\n Shuy\u00e9ga k\u00eduks, w\u00e9wanuish tch\u012bk win\u00f3ta\n Starts choruses the conjurer, females then join in singing\n\n liuki\u00e1mnank nadsh\u0101\u00b4shak tch\u00fbtchtn\u00edshash.\n crowding around him simultaneously while he treats (the sick).\n\n H\u00e1nshna\n He sucks\n\n[584]\n\n m\u0101\u00b4shish h\u00fb\u00b4nk hishu\u00e1kshash,\n diseased that man,\n\n t\u00e1tktish \u00ee\u00b4shkuk, hantch\u00edpka tch\u012b\u00b4k kuku\u00e1ga,\n the disease to extract, he sucks out then a small frog,\n\n wishink\u00e1ga, m\u00fb\u00b4lkaga, \u1e35\u00e1\u1e35o g\u00ee\u00b4ntak,\n small snake, small insect, bone afterwards,\n\n k\u00e1haktok n\u00e1nuktua nshendshk\u00e1ne.\n whatsoever anything small.\n\n Ts\u2019\u00fb\u00b4ks toks k\u00e9-usht tch\u00e9k\u0115le \u00edtkal;\n A leg being fractured the (bad) blood he extracts;\n\n l\u00falp toks m\u0101\u00b4shisht [3]\n eyes but being sore\n\n tch\u00e9k\u0115litat lg\u00fb\u00b4m sh\u00fb\u00b4k\u0115lank \u1e35\u00ee\u00b4tua l\u00fb\u00b4lpat,\n into blood coal mixing he pours into the eyes,\n\n k\u00fb\u00b4tash tchish ksh\u00e9wa l\u00falpat p\u00fb\u00b4klash\n a louse too introduces into the eye the white of eye\n\n tui\u03c7\u00e1mpgatk lt\u00fai\u03c7aktgi g\u00edug.\n protruding for eating out.\n\n\nNOTES.\n\n583, 1. shu\u00e1kia does not mean to \u201c_call on somebody_\u201d generally, but\nonly \u201c_to call on the conjurer_ or medicine man\u201d.\n\n583, 2. w\u00e1n stands for w\u00e1nam n\u012b\u00b4l: the fur or skin of a red or silver\nfox; kan\u00edta p\u00ee\u00b4sh stands for kan\u00edtana l\u00e1tchash m\u2019n\u00e1lam: \u201coutside of his\nlodge or cabin\u201d. The meaning of the sentence is: they raise their voices\nto call him out. Conjurers are in the habit of fastening a fox-skin\noutside of their lodges, as a business sign, and to let it dangle from a\nrod stuck out in an oblique direction.\n\n583, 3. tch\u00e9l\u03c7a. During the treatment of a patient, who stays in a\nwinter house, the lodge is often shut up at the top, and the people sit\nin a circle inside in utter darkness.\n\n583, 5. liuki\u00e1mnank. The women and all who take a part in the chorus\nusually sit in a circle around the conjurer and his assistant; the\nsuffix -mna indicates close proximity. Nadsh\u0101\u00b4shak qualifies the verb\nwin\u00f3ta.\n\n583, 5. tch\u00fbtchtn\u00edshash. The distributive form of tch\u00fb\u00b4t\u2019na refers to\neach of the _various_ manipulations performed by the conjurer on the\npatient.\n\n584, 1. m\u0101\u00b4shish, shortened from m\u0101sh\u00edpkash, m\u0101\u00b4shipksh, like \u1e35\u2019l\u00e4\u00b4ksh\nfrom k\u2019l\u00e4k\u00e1pkash.\n\n584, 2. 3. There is a stylistic incongruity in using the distributive\nform, only in kuku\u00e0ga (k\u00fae, _frog_), k\u00e1haktok, and in nshendshk\u00e1ne\n(nshek\u00e1ni, npsh\u00e9kani, ts\u00e9kani, tch\u00e9k\u0115ni, _small_), while inserting the\nabsolute form in wishink\u00e1ga (w\u00edshink, _garter-snake_) and in \u1e35\u00e1\u1e35o;\nm\u00fb\u00b4lkaga is more of a generic term and its distributive form is\ntherefore not in use.\n\n584, 2. k\u00e1haktok for k\u00e1-akt ak; k\u00e1-akt being the transposed distributive\nform k\u00e1kat, of k\u00e1t, which, what (pron. relat.).\n\n584, 4. lg\u00fb\u00b4m. The application of remedial _drugs_ is very unfrequent in\nthis tribe; and this is one of the reasons why the term \u201cconjurer\u201d or\n\u201cshaman\u201d will prove to be a better name for the medicine man than that\nof \u201cIndian doctor\u201d.\n\n584, 4. k\u00fb\u00b4tash etc. The conjurer introduces a louse into the eye to\nmake it eat up the protruding white portion of the sore eye.\n\n\n\n\nK\u00c1LAK.\n\nTHE RELAPSE.\n\nIn the Klamath Lake Dialect by Dave Hill. Obtained by A. S. Gatschet.\n\n\n H\u00e4 n\u00e1y\u00e4ns hissu\u00e1ksas m\u0101\u00b4shitk k\u00e1lak,\n When another man fell sick as relapsed,\n\n ts\u00fai k\u00eduks n\u00e4\u00b4-ulakta tchut\u00e1nuapkuk.\n then the conjurer concludes to treat (him).\n\n Tch\u00fai tch\u00fata; tch\u00fai y\u00e1-uks huk\n And he treats; and remedy this\n\n shl\u00e4\u00e1 k\u00e1lak a g\u0113k.\n finds out (that) relapsed he.\n\n Tch\u00ed huk shu\u00ee\u00b4sh s\u00e1pa. Ts\u00fai n\u0101\u00b4sh shu\u012b\u00b4sh\n Thus the song-remedy indicates. And one song-remedy\n\n s\u00e1yuaks h\u00fb\u00b4mtcha k\u00e1lak,\n having found out (that) of the kind of relapsed (he is),\n\n tch\u00fai [3] n\u00e1nuk h\u00fbk shu\u012b\u00b4sh tp\u00e4\u00b4wa\n then all those remedies indicate\n\n h\u00fb\u00b4nksht kaltchitch\u00edkshash heshuamp\u0115l\u00edtki g\u00edug.\n (that) him the spider (-remedy) would cure.\n\n Tch\u00fai h\u00fb\u00b4k k\u00e1ltchitchiks y\u00e1-uka;\n Then the spider treats him;\n\n ub\u00e1-us h\u00fbk k\u00e1ltchitchiksam tchut\u0115n\u014d\u00b4tkish.\n a piece of deer-skin of the spider (is) the curing-tool.\n\n Ts\u00fai h\u00fakantka ub\u00e1-ustka tchut\u00e1;\n Then by means of that deer-skin he treats (him);\n\n t\u00e4t\u00e1ktak huk [6] k\u00e1lak m\u0101\u00b4sha,\n just the size of the spot that relapse is infected,\n\n g\u00e4\u00b4tak ub\u00e1-ush kt\u00fb\u00b4shka t\u00e4\u00b4tak huk m\u0101\u00b4sha.\n so much of deer-skin he cuts out as where he is suffering.\n\n Ts\u00fai h\u00fbk k\u00e1ltchitchiks siun\u00f3ta\n Then the \u201cspider\u201d song is started\n\n n\u00e4\u00b4ds\u1e35ank h\u00fb\u00b4nk ub\u00e1-osh.\n while applying that skin piece.\n\n Tch\u00fb\u00b4yuk p\u2019la\u00edta n\u00e9tatka sk\u00fatash,\n And he over it he stretches a blanket,\n\n ts\u00fai sha h\u00fb\u00b4nk ud\u00fb\u00b4pka h\u00e4n\u00e4\u00b4shishtka,\n and they it strike with conjurer\u00b4s arrows,\n\n ts\u00fai h\u00fb\u00b4k [9] gut\u00e4\u00b4ga tsul\u00e4\u00b4kshtat;\n then it enters into the body;\n\n g\u00e4\u00b4tsa l\u00fb\u00b4p\u00ed kiat\u00e9ga, ts\u00fai tsul\u0113\u00b4ks \u1e35\u2019l\u00e4k\u00e1,\n a particle firstly enters, then (it) body becomes,\n\n tch\u00fai at pushp\u00fashuk shl\u0113\u00b4sh h\u00fbk ub\u00e1-ush.\n and now dark it to look at that skin-piece.\n\n Ts\u00fai m\u0101\u00b4ns t\u00e1nk\u0115ni ak wa\u00edtash\n Then after a while after so and so many days\n\n h\u00fb\u00b4k p\u00fbshp\u00fashli at m\u0101\u00b4ns=g\u00eetk tsul\u00e4\u00b4ks=sitk shl\u00e4\u00b4sh.\n that black (thing) at last (is) flesh-like to look at.\n\n Ts\u00ed n\u00ed s\u00e1yuakta; [12] t\u00fami h\u00fb\u00b4nk sh\u00e1yuakta\n Thus I am informed; many men know\n\n h\u00fb\u00b4masht=g\u00eesht tchut\u012b\u00b4sht;\n (that) in this manner were effected cures;\n\n ts\u00fayuk ts\u00fashni w\u00e4\u00b4mp\u0115le.\n and he then always was well again.\n\n\nNOTES.\n\n585, 1. n\u00e1y\u00e4ns hissu\u00e1ksas: another man than the conjurers of the tribe.\nThe objective case shows that m\u0101\u00b4shitk has to be regarded here as the\nparticiple of an impersonal verb: m\u0101\u00b4sha n\u00fbsh, and m\u0101\u00b4sha n\u00fb, it ails\nme, I\u00a0am sick.\n\n585, 2. y\u00e1-uks is remedy in general, spiritual as well as material. Here\na tam\u00e1nuash song is meant by it, which, when sung by the conjurer, will\nfurnish him the certainty if his patient is a relapse or not. There are\nseveral of these medicine-songs, but all of them (n\u00e1nuk h\u00fb\u00b4k shu\u012b\u00b4sh)\nwhen consulted point out the spider-medicine as the one to apply in this\ncase. The spider\u2019s curing-instrument is that small piece of buckskin\n(ub\u00e1-ush) which has to be inserted under the patient\u2019s skin. It is\ncalled the spider\u2019s medicine because the spider-song is sung during its\napplication.\n\n585, 10. gut\u00e4\u00b4ga. The whole operation is concealed from the eyes of\nspectators by a skin or blanket stretched over the patient and the hands\nof the operator.\n\n585, 10. kiat\u00e9ga. The buckskin piece has an oblong or longitudinal shape\nin most instances, and it is passed under the skin sideways and very\ngradually.\n\n585, 11. t\u00e1nk\u0115ni ak wa\u00edtash. Dave Hill gave as an approximate limit five\ndays\u2019 time.\n\n\n\n\nSWEAT-LODGES.\n\nIn the Klamath Lake Dialect by Minnie Froben. Obtained by A.\u00a0S.\nGatschet.\n\n\n \u00c9-ukshkni l\u00e1pa sp\u00fb\u00b4klish g\u00edtko.\n The lake people two (kinds of) sweat-lodges have.\n\n \u1e34\u00fa\u1e35iuk \u1e35\u0115lekapkash sp\u00fb\u00b4klishla\n To weep over the deceased they build sweat-lodges\n\n y\u00e9pank k\u00e4\u00edla;\n digging up the ground;\n\n stut\u00edlantko sp\u00fb\u00b4klish, k\u00e4\u00edla waltch\u00e1tko.\n are roofed (these) sweat-lodges with earth covered.\n\n Sp\u00fb\u00b4klish a sha sh\u00fb\u00b4ta ku\u00e9-utch,\n (Another) sweat-lodge they build of willows,\n\n k\u00edtchikan\u2019sh stin\u00e1ga=sh\u00edtko; sk\u00fb\u00b4tash a w\u00e1ldsha [3]\n a little cabin looking like blankets they spread\n\n sp\u00fb\u00b4klishtat tatat\u00e1k s\u0115 spukli\u00e1.\n over the sweating-lodge when in it they sweat.\n\n T\u00e1tataks a h\u00fb\u00b4nk w\u00e9as l\u00fala, tat\u00e1taks\n Whenever children died, or when\n\n a h\u00edshuaksh tch\u00edm\u0115na, sn\u00e1wedsh w\u00e9nuitk,\n a husband became widower, (or) the wife (is) widowed,\n\n \u1e35\u00fb\u00b4\u1e35i \u1e35\u0115lek\u00e1tko, sp\u00fb\u00b4klitcha\n they weep for cause of death go sweating\n\n t\u00fami shash\u00e1moks=l\u00f3latko;\n many relatives who have lost;\n\n t\u00fanepni wa\u00edtash tch\u00edk sa h\u00fb\u00b4uk sp\u00fb\u00b4klia. [6]\n five days then they sweat.\n\n Shi\u00falakiank a sha kt\u00e1i h\u00fayuka\n Gathering they stones (they) heat (them)\n\n skoilaku\u00e1pkuk;\n to heap them up (after use);\n\n h\u00fatoks kt\u00e1i \u1e35\u00e1-i tat\u00e1 spukli\u00fb\u00b4t\u2019hu\u012bsh.\n those stones never having been used for sweating.\n\n Sp\u00faklish l\u00fap\u012da h\u00fayuka;\n Sweat lodge in front of they heat (them);\n\n \u1e35\u00e9lpka a \u00e1t, \u00edlhiat \u00e1tui,\n heated (being) when, they bring (them) inside at once,\n\n \u1e35\u00eddshna ai \u00ee \u00e1mbu, kliul\u00e1la.\n pour on them water, sprinkle.\n\n Sp\u00fb\u00b4kli a sha t\u00fam\u0115ni \u201chours\u201d; \u1e35\u00e9lpkuk [9]\n Sweat then they several hours; being quite warmed up\n\n g\u00e9ka shualk\u00f3ltchuk p\u00e9niak \u1e35\u014d\u00b4\u1e35sh\n they leave (and) to cool themselves off without dress\n\n p\u00e9pe-udshak \u00e9wagatat, \u1e35\u00f3\u1e35etat, \u00e9-ush wig\u00e1ta.\n only to go bathing in a spring, river, lake close by.\n\n Spukli-u\u00e1pka m\u0101\u00b4ntch.\n They will sweat for long hours.\n\n Shp\u00f3tuok i-ak\u00e9wa k\u00e1pka,\n To make themselves strong they bend down young pine-trees\n\n sk\u00fb\u00b4tawia sha w\u00e9wakag kn\u00fb\u00b4kstga.\n (they) tie together they small brushwood with ropes.\n\n Ndshi\u00e9tchatka kn\u00fb\u00b4ks a sha sh\u00fashata. [12]\n Of (willow-)bark the ropes they make.\n\n G\u00e1tpamp\u0115lank shkoshk\u00ee\u00b4l\u03c7a kt\u00e1ktiagi\n On going home they heap up into cairns small stones\n\n h\u00fb\u00b4shkankok \u1e35\u0115lek\u00e1pkash, kt\u00e1-i sh\u00fashuankaptcha \u00ee\u00b4hiank.\n in remembrance of the dead, stones of equal size selecting.\n\n\nNOTES.\n\nNo Klamath or Modoc sweat-lodge can be properly called a sweat-_house_,\nas is the custom throughout the West. One kind of these lodges, intended\nfor the use of mourners only, are solid structures, almost underground;\nthree of them are now in existence, all believed to be the gift of the\nprincipal national deity. Sudatories of the other kind are found near\nevery Indian lodge, and consist of a few willow-rods stuck into the\nground, both ends being bent over. The process gone through while\nsweating is the same in both kinds of lodges, with the only difference\nas to time. The ceremonies mentioned 4-13. all refer to sweating in the\nmourners\u2019 sweat-lodges. The sudatories of the Oregonians have no analogy\nwith the _estufas_ of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, as far as their\nconstruction is concerned.\n\n586, 1. l\u00e1pa sp\u00fb\u00b4klish, two sweat-lodges, stands for two _kinds_ of\nsweat-lodges.\n\n586, 5. shash\u00e1moks=l\u00f3latko forms _one_ compound word: one who, or: those\nwho have lost relatives by death; cf. pt\u00edsh=l\u00fblsh, pg\u00edsh=l\u00fblsh;\nhishu\u00e1kga pt\u00edsh=l\u00falatk, male orphan whose father has died. In the same\nmanner, \u1e35\u0115lek\u00e1tko stands here as a participle referring simultaneously\nto h\u00edshuaksh and to sn\u00e1wedsh w\u00e9nuitk, and can be rendered by\n\u201c_bereaved_\u201d. Shash\u00e1moks, distr. form of sh\u00e1-amoks, is often pronounced\nshesh\u00e1maks. T\u00fami etc. means, that many others accompany to the\nsweat-lodge, into which about six persons can crowd themselves, bereaved\nhusbands, wives or parents, because the deceased were related to them.\n\n586, 7. Shi\u00falakiank etc. For developing steam the natives collect only\nsuch stones for heating as are neither too large nor too small; a\u00a0medium\nsize seeming most appropriate for concentrating the largest amount of\nheat. The old sweat-lodges are surrounded with large accumulations of\nstones which, to judge from their blackened exterior, have served the\npurpose of generating steam; they weigh not over 3 to 5 pounds in the\naverage, and in the vicinity travelers discover many small cairns, not\nover four feet high, and others lying in ruins. The shrubbery around the\nsudatory is in many localities tied up with willow wisps and ropes.\n\n586, 11. Spukli-u\u00e1pka m\u0101\u00b4ntch means that the sweating-process is\nrepeated many times during the five days of observance; they sweat at\nleast twice a day.\n\n\n\n\nA DOG\u2019S REVENGE.\n\nA Dakota Fable, by Michel Renville. Obtained by Rev. S. R. Riggs.\n\n\n \u015au\u014bka wa\u014b; \u1e33a waka\u014bka wa\u014b wa\u1e33i\u014b wa\u014b ta\u014bka hnaka.\n Dog a; and old-woman a pack a large laid away.\n\n U\u014bkan \u015bu\u014bka \u1e33o\u014b he sdonya.\n And dog the that knew.\n\n U\u014bka\u014b wa\u014bna ha\u014byetu, u\u014bka\u014b waka\u014bka i\u015bti\u014bma\u014b ke\u0107i\u014b\n And now night, and old-woman asleep he thought\n\n \u1e33a en ya: tuka waka\u014bka ki\u014b sdonkiye\n and there went: but old woman the knew\n\n \u0107\u0323a kiktaha\u014b [3] wa\u014bke,\n and awake lay,\n\n \u0107\u0323a ite hdaki\u014bya\u014b ape \u0107\u0323a ki\u0107akse,\n and face across struck and gashed,\n\n \u0107\u0323a nina po, keyapi.\n and much swelled, they say.\n\n[588]\n\n U\u014bka\u014b ha\u014b\u1e23a\u014bna heha\u014b \u015bu\u014bka toke\u0107a wa\u014b en hi,\n And morning then dog another a there came,\n\n \u1e33a okiya ya.\n and to-talk-with went.\n\n Tuka pamahdeda\u014b ite mahen inina ya\u014bka.\n But head-down face within silent was.\n\n U\u014bka\u014b taku i\u0107ante ni\u015bi\u0107a heci\u014bha\u014b omakiyaka wo, eya.\n And what of-heart you-bad if me-tell, he-said.\n\n U\u014bka\u014b, Inina ya\u014bka wo, waka\u014bka [3] wa\u014b\n And, still be-you, old-woman a\n\n te\u1e23iya omaki\u1e23a\u014b do, eya, keyapi.\n hardly me-dealt-with, he-said, they say.\n\n U\u014bka\u014b, Toke\u014b ni\u0107i\u1e23a\u014b he, eya.\n And, How to-thee-did-she, he-said.\n\n U\u014bka\u014b, Wa\u1e33in wa\u014b ta\u014bka hnaka e wa\u014bmdake\n And, Pack a large she-laid-away I-saw\n\n \u0107\u0323a heo\u014b otpa awape:\n and therefore to-go-for I waited:\n\n k\u0307a wa\u014bna ha\u014b teha\u014b k\u0307ehan, i\u015bti\u014bbe se\u0107a e\n and now night far then, she-asleep probably\n\n en mde \u0107\u0323a pa timahe\u014b [6] yewaya,\n there I went and head house-in I-poked,\n\n u\u014bka\u014b kiktaha\u014b wa\u014bke \u015bta he\u0107amo\u014b:\n and awake lay although this-I-did:\n\n k\u0307a, \u015ai, de tukten yau he,\n and, shoo, this where you-come,\n\n eye, \u0107\u0323a itohna amape,\n she-said, and face-on smote-me,\n\n \u0107\u0323a de\u0107en iyemaya\u014b ce, eye \u0107\u0323a kipazo.\n and thus she-me-left he-said and showed-him.\n\n U\u014bka\u014b, Hu\u014bhu\u014bhe! te\u1e23iya e\u0107ani\u0107o\u014b do,\n And, Alas! alas! hardly she-did-to-you,\n\n ihome\u0107a wa\u1e33i\u014b ki\u014b u\u014btapi [9] kta ce,\n therefore pack the we-eat will,\n\n eye \u0107\u0323a, Mni\u0107iya wo, eya, keyapi.\n he-said and, Assemble, he-said, they say.\n\n Ito, Miniboza\u014bna ki\u0107o wo,\n Now, Water-mist call,\n\n \u1e33a, Yaksa ta\u014bi\u014b \u015bni kico wo,\n and Bite off not manifest call,\n\n Tahu wa\u015baka kico wo, \u1e33a, Taisa\u014bpena kico wo,\n Neck strong invite, and, His-knife-sharp call,\n\n eya, keyapi. U\u014bka\u014b owasi\u014b wi\u0107aki\u0107o:\n he-said, they-say. And all them-he-called:\n\n \u1e33a wa\u014bna owasi\u014b en [12] hipi heha\u014b\n and now all there came then\n\n heya, keyapi:\n this-he-said, they-say:\n\n Ihopo, waka\u014bka de te\u1e23iya e\u0107aki\u0107o\u014b \u0107e;\n Come-on, old-woman this hardly dealt-with;\n\n minihei\u0107\u0323iyapo, ha\u014byetu hepiya wa\u0107oni\u0107a waki\u014b wa\u014b\n bestir-yourselves, night during dried-meat pack a\n\n te\u1e23i\u014bda \u1e33a on te\u1e23iya e\u0107aki\u0107o\u014b tuka,\n she-forbid and for hardly dealt-with-him but,\n\n ehae\u015b untapi kta \u0107e, eya, keyapi. [15]\n indeed we eat will he-said, they say.\n\n U\u014bka\u014b Miniboza\u014bna e\u0107iyapi \u1e33o\u014b he wa\u014bna ma\u0121a\u017aukiye\n Then Water-mist called the that now rain-made,\n\n \u0107\u0323a, a\u014bpetu osa\u014b ma\u0121a\u017au e\u0107en otpaza;\n and, day all-through rained until dark;\n\n \u1e33a wakeya owasi\u014b nina spaya,\n and tent all very wet,\n\n wihutipaspe olidoka owasi\u014b ta\u014bya\u014b \u1e23pan.\n tent-pin holes all well soaked.\n\n U\u014bka\u014b heha\u014b Yaksa ta\u014bi\u014b \u015bni wihutipaspe [18] ki\u014b\n And then Bite-off-manifest-not tent-fastenings the\n\n owasi\u014b yakse, tuka ta\u014bi\u014b \u015bni ya\u014b yakse\n all bit-off, but slyly bit-off\n\n nakae\u015b waka\u014bka ki\u014b sdonkiye \u015bni.\n so that old-woman the knew not.\n\n U\u014bka\u014b Tahuwa\u015baka he wa\u1e33i\u014b \u1e33o\u014b yape \u0107\u0323a mani\u014bkiya\n And Neck-strong he pack the seized, and away off\n\n yapa iyeya, \u1e33a teha\u014b e\u1e23peya. He\u0107en\n holding-in-mouth-carried and far threw-it. So\n\n Taisa\u014bpena wa\u1e33i\u014b \u1e33o\u014b [21] \u0107okaya kiyaksa-iyeya.\n His-knife-sharp pack the in-middle tore-it-open.\n\n He\u0107e\u014b wa\u1e33i\u014b \u1e33o\u014b ha\u014byetu hepiyana temyaiyeyapi,\n Hence pack the night during they-ate-all-up,\n\n keyapi.\n they say.\n\n He\u0107en tuwe wamano\u014b ke\u015b,\n So that who steals although,\n\n sa\u014bpa iwa\u1e23a\u014bi\u0107\u0323ida wamano\u014b wa\u014b hduze, [24]\n more haughty thief a marries,\n\n eyapi e\u0107e; de hu\u014bkaka\u014bpi do.\n they-say always; this they-fable.\n\n\nNOTES.\n\n588, 24. This word \u201chduze\u201d means _to take_ or _hold one\u2019s own_; and is\nmost commonly applied to a man\u2019s taking a wife, or a woman a husband.\nHere it may mean either that one who starts in a wicked course consorts\nwith others \u201cmore wicked than himself,\u201d or that he himself grows in the\nbad and takes hold of the greater forms of evil--_marries_ himself to\nthe wicked one.\n\nIt will be noted from this specimen of Dakota that there are some\nparticles in the language which cannot be represented in a translation.\nThe \u201cdo\u201d used at the end of phrases or sentences is only for emphasis\nand to round up a period. It belongs mainly to the language of young\nmen. \u201cWo\u201d and \u201cpo\u201d are the signs of the imperative.\n\n\nTRANSLATION.\n\nThere was a dog; and there was an old woman who had a pack of dried meat\nlaid away. This the dog knew; and, when he supposed the old woman was\nasleep, he went there at night. But the old woman was aware of his\ncoming and so kept watch, and, as the dog thrust his head under the\ntent, she struck him across the face and made a great gash, which\nswelled greatly.\n\nThe next morning a companion dog came and attempted to talk with him.\nBut the dog was sullen and silent. The visitor said: \u201cTell me what makes\nyou so heart-sick.\u201d To which he replied: \u201cBe still, an old woman has\ntreated me badly.\u201d \u201cWhat did she do to you?\u201d He answered: \u201cAn old woman\nhad a pack of dried meat; this I saw and went for it; and when it was\nnow far in the night, and I supposed she was asleep, I\u00a0went there and\npoked my head under the tent. But she was lying awake and cried out:\n\u2018Shoo! what are you doing here?\u2019 and struck me on the head and wounded\nme as you see.\u201d\n\nWhereupon the other dog said: \u201cAlas! Alas! she has treated you badly,\nverily we will eat up her pack of meat. Call an assembly: call\n_Water-mist_ (_i.e._, rain); call _Bite-off-silently_; call\n_Strong-neck_; call _Sharp-knife_.\u201d So he invited them all. And when\nthey had all arrived, he said: \u201cCome on! an old woman has treated this\nfriend badly; bestir yourselves; before the night is past, the pack of\ndried meat which she prizes so much, and on account of which she has\nthus dealt with our friend, that we will eat all up\u201d.\n\nThen the one who is called _Rain-mist_ caused it to rain, and it\nrained all the day through until dark; and the tent was all drenched,\nand the holes of the tent-pins were thoroughly softened. Then\n_Bite-off-silently_ bit off all the lower tent-fastenings, but he did\nit so quietly that the old woman knew nothing of it. Then _Strong-neck_\ncame and seized the pack with his mouth, and carried it far away.\nWhereupon _Sharp-knife_ came and ripped the pack through the middle; and\nso, while it was yet night, they ate up the old woman\u2019s pack of dried\nmeat.\n\n_Moral._--A common thief becomes worse and worse by attaching himself to\nmore daring companions. This is the myth.\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n\n_Errors and Inconsistencies: Recording_\n\n 583, 2. [583, 2.]\n those / stones / never / having been used for sweating.\n [_final . missing_]\n\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n * * * * *\n\n\nINDEX.\n\n Page.\n Abbreviations in signs 338\n Abiquiu, Ancient cemetery of 111\n Abnaki, Intelligence communicated by 369\n Absaroka, Tribal signs for 458\n Abstract ideas expressed in signs 348\n Acaxers and Yaquis, cairn burial 143\n Actors, modern, Use of gestures by 308\n Addison, Gestures of orators 294\n Adjective, The, in Indian tongues 10\n \u201cAdjedatig\u201d 197\n Adultery, Wyandot law for 66\n Adverbial particles 13\n Adverbs in Indian tongues 10, 11, 13\n Aerial burial in canoes, Chinooks 171\n sepulture 152\n \u00c6schylus, Theatrical gestures 286\n Affirmation, Sign for 286, 454\n Agglutination in language 4\n Alaric\u2019s burial 181\n Alarm, Signs for 529, 538\n Alaska cave burial 129\n Alaskan Indians, Dialogue between 492\n mummies 134, 135\n Alaskans, Sign language of the 313\n Alden, E. H., Scaffold burial 161\n Aleutian Islanders, embalmment 135, 136\n Algonkian myth 27\n Algonkins, Burial fires of the 198\n Alibamans, Aquatic burial of suicides by 180\n Alive, Sign for 421\n All together, Sign for 523\n Allen, Dr. Harrison 208, 225, 238, 245\n , Miss A. J., Burial sacrifice 189\n Ancient burial customs of barbaric tribes 152\n cemetery of Abiquiu 111\n nations, Tree burial of 165, 166\n Ancientism defined 33, 39\n Ancients, Curious mourning observances 165, 166\n Anger, Sign for 301\n , Signal for 529\n Antelope, Signs for 410\n Anthropologic arch\u00e6ology 73, 74\n data, limitation of use of 73-86\n ethnic characteristics 76, 77\n history, customs 76, 77\n language 78-81\n mythology 81, 82\n origin of man 77, 78\n picture writing 75\n psychology 83, 86\n sociology 83\n Antiquity of cremation 143\n of gesture speech 285\n Apache pictographs connected with signs 372\n , Tribal signs for 459\n Apaches, Smoke signals of the 538\n Aphasia, Gestures in 276\n Apingi burial 125, 126\n Applause, Signs for 300\n Application, Practical, of sign language 346\n Approbation, Sign for 286\n Aquatic burial, Alibamans, of suicides 180\n , Cherokees 180\n , Chinooks 180\n , Gosh-Utes 181\n , Hyperboreans 180\n , Ichthyophagi 180\n , Itzas 180\n , Kavague 180\n , Lotophagians 180\n , Obongo 180\n Arapaho, Tribal signs for 460\n Arbitrary signs 340\n Arch\u00e6ologic research connected with sign language 368\n Arch\u00e6ology, Limitations to the Use of,\n in study of anthropology 73, 74\n Argyle, Duke of, Gestures of Fuegans 293\n Ankara, Tribal signs for 461\n Arm positions, Outlines of, in sign language 545\n Arrangement in descriptions of signs 546\n Art, Modern Italian, exhibiting gestures 292\n Article pronouns in Indian languages 9, 10\n Articulate speech, preceded by gesture 274, 284\n Artificial articulation 275, 307\n Ascena or Timber Indians 103\n Asking, Signs for 291, 297\n Assinaboin, Tribal signs for 461\n Astute, Sign for 305\n Athen\u00e6us, Account of Telestes 286\n , Classification of gestures 285\n Atkins, Dr. Francis H., Signs of Apaches 325\n Atlas showing cessions of land 252\n Atsina, Tribal signs for 462\n Attention, Signal for 539\n Atwater, Caleb, Burial mounds 117\n Austin, Rev. Gilbert, Chironomia 289\n Australian scaffold burial 167\n Australians, Gestures of 306\n Authorities in sign language, List of 401\n Ax, Sign for 380\n Aztecs and Taracos, Burial sacrifice 190\n\n Bad, Signs for 411\n Baldwin, C. C., Pottawatomie surface burial 141\n Balearic Islanders, Cairn burial 143\n Banak, Tribal signs for 462\n Bancroft, H. H., Burial sacrifice 190\n , Canoe burial in ground 112\n , Costa Rica hut burial 154\n , Doracho cist burial 115\n , Esquimaux burial boxes 155\n , Huitzilopochtli, description of 231\n , Maya hieroglyphics, mode of reading 223\n , Mourning, Central Americans 185\n , Pima burial 98\n , Superstitions regarding dead 201\n Band, G. H. 229\n Barbaric tribes, Ancient burial customs of 152\n Barber, E. A., Burial urns 138\n , Partial cremation 151\n Bari of Africa, burial 125\n Bartram, John, Cabin burial 122\n , Choctaw ossuary 120\n , Partial scaffold burial 169\n Battle, Sign for 419\n Bear, Signs for 412\n Bechuana burial 126\n Beckwourth, James, Crow mourning 183\n Bede, The venerable, Treatise on gestures 287\n Beechey, Capt. F. W., Lodge burial 154\n Bell, Prof. A. Graham, Vocal articulation of dogs 275\n Beltrami, J. C., Burial feast 190\n , Burial posts 197\n Benson, H. C., Choctaw burial 186\n Bessels, Dr. Emil, Esquimaux superstition 198\n Beverly, Robert, Virginia mummies 131\n Bibliography of North American Philology xv\n Birgan, Meaning of word 93\n Blackbird\u2019s burial 139\n Blackfeet burial lodges 154\n cairn burial 143\n tree burial 161\n , Tribal signs for 462\n Blind, Gestures of the 278\n Bonaks, Cremation 144\n Bone cleaning of the dead 168\n Boner, J. H., Moravian mourning 166\n Born, Signs for 356\n Bossu, M., Burial denied to suicides 180\n , Signs of the Atakapa 324\n Boteler, Dr. W. C., Oto burial ceremonies 96\n Boundaries, Indian 253\n Box burial, Creek, Choctaw, and Cherokee 155\n , Esquimaux 155, 156\n , Indians of Talomeco River 155\n , Innuits and Ingaliks 156, 158\n , Kalosh 156\n Braam, S. A. van 229\n Bransford, Dr. J. C., U.S.N., Burial urns discovered by 138\n Brasseur de Bourbourg, C. E. 208, 210, 243, 244\n Brave, Signs for 352, 364, 414\n Brebeuf, Pere de, Burial feast 191\n Brice, W. A., Surface burial 141\n Brinton, Dr. D. G., Burial of collected bones 170\n Brother, Sign for 521\n Bruhier, J. J., Corsican customs 147\n , Persian burial 103\n Brul\u00e9 Dakota colloquy in signs 491\n Sioux, tree and scaffold burial 158, 160\n Buffalo, Sign for 488\n , Signals for, discovered 532\n Burchard, J. L., Pit burial 124\n Bushmann, J. C. E, Signs of Accocessaws 324\n Butler, Prof. James D., Italian signs 408\n Butterfield, H., Shoshone cairn burial 143\n Burial, Apingi 125, 126\n , Aquatic 180\n canoes and houses 177-179\n , Bari of Africa 125\n , Bechuanas 126\n beneath or in cabins, wigwams, or houses 122\n , Box 155\n , Carolina tribes 93\n , Caddos 103\n , Cairn 142\n , Cairn, Ute 142\n case, Cheyenne 162, 163\n , Cave 126\n , Chieftain, of the 110, 111\n , Classification of 92-93\n , Damara 126\n dance, Yo-ka\u00ed-a 192, 194\n dances 193\n feast, Description of, by Beltrami 190, 191\n , Hurons, of the 191\n feasts 190\n , superstitions regarding 191\n fires, Algonkins 198\n , Yurok 198\n , Esquimaux 198\n food 192\n games 195\n , Grave 101\n , Ground, in canoes 112\n in logs 138, 139\n in mounds 115\n in standing posture 151, 152\n , Indians of Virginia 125\n , Iroquois 140\n , Kaffir 126\n , Klamath and Trinity Indians 106, 107\n , Latookas 126\n , Lodge 152\n lodges, Blackfeet 154\n , Cheyenne 154\n , Shoshone 153, 154\n , Muscogulges 122, 123\n , Meaning and derivation of word 93\n , Moquis 114\n , Navajo 123\n , Obongo 139, 140\n of Alaric 181\n of Blackbird 139\n of De Soto 181\n of Long Horse 153\n of Ouray 128\n , Parsee 105, 106\n , Pit 93\n , Pitt River Indians 151\n posts, Sioux and Chippewa 197, 198\n , Round Valley Indians 124\n sacrifice, Aztecs and Tarascos 190\n , Indians of Northwest 180\n , Indians of Panama 180\n , Natchez 187, 189\n , Tsin\u016bk 179\n , Wascopums 189, 190\n , Sacs and Foxes 94, 95\n scaffolds 162\n song, Schiller\u2019s 110, 111\n of Basques and others 195\n superstitions, Chippewas 199, 200\n , Indians of Washington Territory 201\n , Karok 200\n , Kelta 200\n , Modocs 200, 201\n , Mosquito Indians 201\n , Tlascaltecs 201\n , Tolowa 200\n , Surface 138, 139\n , Urn 137\n and cover, Georgia 138\n , New Mexico 138\n Burton, Capt. R. F., Arapaho language 314\n\n Cab\u00e9\u00e7a de Vaca, Signs of Timucuas 324\n Cabins, wigwams, or houses, Burial beneath or in 122\n Cabot, John 250\n , Sebastian 250\n Caddo, Tribal sign for 464\n Caddos, Burial 103\n Cairn burial, Acaxers and Yaquis 143\n , Balearic Islanders 143\n , Blackfeet 143\n , Esquimaux 143\n , Kiowas and Comanches 142, 143\n , Pi-Utes 143\n , Reasons for 143\n , Shoshonis 143\n Calaveras Cave 128, 129\n California steatite burial urn 138\n Camp, Signals for 532, 539\n Campbell, John, Burial songs 195\n Canes sepulchrales 104\n Canoe burial in ground 112\n , Mosquito Indians 112, 113\n , Santa Barbara 112\n , Clallam 173, 174\n , Twana 171, 173\n Canoes and houses, Burial 177-179\n Canoes, Superterrene and aerial burial in 171\n Capture, Sign for 506\n Caraibs, Verification of death 146\n Card catalogue of hieroglyphs 223\n Carolina tribes, Burial among 93\n Catlin, George, Burial of Blackbird 139\n , Golgotha of Mandans 170\n , Mourning cradle 181\n Cave burial 126\n , Alaska 129\n , Calaveras 128, 129\n , Utes 127, 128\n Cessions of land, xxvii, 249\n by the Indians, in Indiana 257\n original and secondary 256\n Chalchihuitlicue 237\n Cherokee aquatic burial 180\n Chesterfield, Lord, Gestures of orators 311\n Cheyenne burial case 162, 163\n lodges 154\n , Tribal signs for 464\n Chief, Signs for 353, 416\n Chiefs, Wyandot, Election of 61, 62\n Child, Signs for 304, 356\n Children, Gestures of young 276\n Chillicothe mound 117, 118\n Chinese characters connected with signs 356, 357\n , Expedient of the, in place of signs 306\n Chinook aerial burial in canoes 171\n aquatic burial 180\n jargon 313\n mourning cradle 181, 182\n Chippewa burial superstitions 199, 200\n mourning 184\n scaffold burial 161, 162\n widow 184, 185\n Chironomia, by Rev. Gilbert Austin 289\n Choctaw mound burial 120\n scaffold burial 169\n Choctaws funeral ceremonies 186\n C\u012dn-au\u00b4-\u00e4v brothers, a Shoshoni myth 44, 45\n Cist burial, Doracho 115\n graves, Kentucky 114, 115\n , Indians of Illinois 114\n Cistercian monks, Gestures of the 288, 364\n Cists or stone graves 113\n , Solutr\u00e9 113\n , Tennessee 113\n Clallam canoe burial 173, 174\n house burial 175\n Clarke, Mr. Ben., Local source of sign language 317\n Classic pantomimes 286\n Classification of burial 92\n Cleveland, Wm. J., Tree and scaffold burial 158\n Codex Telleriano Remensis 243\n Cold, Signs for 345, 486\n Collaborators in sign language, List of 401\n Collected bones, Interment of 170\n Collecting signs, Suggestions for 394\n Comanche inhumation 99, 100\n , Tribal signs for 466\n Combination in Indian tongues 7\n language, Process of 3, 7\n Come here, Signals for 529, 532\n Com\u00e9die Fran\u00e7aise, Gestures of the 309\n Comparison, Degrees of, in sign language 363\n of English with Indian 15\n Compounding in language 3\n Congaree and Santee Indians, embalmment 132, 133\n Conjunctions in sign language 367\n Conjurers\u2019 practice 583\n Connotation of Indian nouns 8\n Conventionality of signs 333, 336, 340\n Copan, Statues of 207, 224, 227, 228, 229, 245\n Corbusier, Dr. William H., local source of sign language 317\n , Sign for strong 304\n Corporeal gestures generally 270, 273\n Correspondents, Foreign, on sign language 407\n Corsican funeral custom 147\n Cortez, H. 209\n Council, Indian, at Huron village 251\n Cox, Ross, Cremation 144\n Coyotero Apaches, Inhumation 111, 112\n Cradle, mourning, Illustration of 181\n Crafty, Sign for 303\n Cree, Tribal signs for 466\n Crock, Choctaw, and Cherokee box burial 155\n Creeks and Seminoles, Inhumation 95, 96\n \u201cHallelujah\u201d of the 195\n Cremation, Antiquity of 143\n , Bonaks 144\n furnace 149\n , Indians of Clear Lake 147\n , Indians of Southern Utah 149\n mound, Florida 148, 149\n , Nishinams 144\n , Partial 150, 151\n , Se-n\u00e9l 147, 148\n , Tolkotins 144-146\n Cresollius, Precedence of gestures 282\n , Value of gestures 280\n Crimes, Wyandot laws for 66, 67\n Crow lodge burial 153\n mourning 183, 184\n Cuculkan. (_See_ Quetzalcoatl.)\n Curious mourning observances of ancients 165, 166\n Curtiss, E., Exploration by 115, 116\n Cut with an ax, Sign for 550\n\n Dakhnias 104\n Dakota calendar 373, 377, 382, 384\n , Tribal signs for 467\n Dalgarno, George, Gestures real writing 355\n , Works of 284, 287\n Dall, W. H., Burial boxes 156\n , Cave burial 129\n , Mummies 134\n Damara burial 126\n Dance for the dead 192\n Dances, Burial 192\n Danger, Signals for 529, 532\n Danish burial logs 139\n Darwin, Charles, Analysis of emotional gestures 270\n , Gestures of Fuegans 293\n Day, Signs for 371\n Dead, Dance for the 192\n Deaf and dumb, American annals of the 293\n Deaf-Mute College, National, Test of signs at the 321\n Deaf-mutes, Methodical signs of 362\n , Milan Convention on instruction of 307\n , Signs of instructed 362, 397\n , Signs of uninstructed 277\n , Sounds uttered by uninstructed 277\n Death, Signs for 353, 420, 497\n Deceit, Signs for 303\n Deciphering, Principles of 207\n Defiance, Signals for 530\n Delano, A., Tree burial 161\n Denial of the existence of sign language, Mistaken 326\n Derision, Sign for 301\n Derivation, how accomplished 7\n Desaix, le Capitaine 210\n Description of burial feast 190, 191\n De Soto\u2019s burial 181\n Devilism defined 32\n Devouring the dead, Fans of Africa 182\n , Indians of South America 182, 183\n , Massageties, Pad\u00e6ns, and others 182\n Dialects, Numerous, connected with gesture language 294, 306\n Dialogues in sign language 486\n Dictionary of sign language, Extracts from 409\n Differentiation of parts of speech 8\n Disappearing Mist, Account of 327\n Discontinuance of sign language, Circumstances\n connected with the 312\n Discourses in signs 521\n Discovery, Signals for 533\n Diversities in signs, Classes of 341\n Diversity of language 28\n Divisions of sign language 270\n Dodge, Col. Richard I., Abbreviations of signs 339\n , Identity of sign language 316, 335\n Dog, Signs for 321, 387\n Dog\u2019s revenge, a Dakota fable 587\n Dolmens in Japan 115\n Done, finished, Sign for 513, 522, 528\n Doracho cist burial 115\n Dorsey, Rev. J. Owen, linguistic researches xvii\n , Mistaken denial of signs 326\n Doubt, Sign for 512\n Drew, Benjamin, Schiller\u2019s burial song 110\n Drink, Sign for 301, 344, 357\n Dumas, Alexandra, Sicilian signs 295\n Dumont, M. Butel de, House burial 124\n Dupe, Sign for 305\n Dust signals 541\n\n Eat, Sign for 301, 480\n Echo, Origin of; a Shoshoni myth 45-47\n Ecstasism defined 36\n Eells, Rev. M., Canoe burial 171\n Egyptian characters connected with signs 304, 355, 357, 358,\n 359, 370, 379, 380\n Embalmment, Aleutian Islanders 135, 136\n , Congaree and Santee Indians 132, 133\n or mummification 130\n Emblems distinguished from signs 389\n Encampment regulations (Wyandot) 64\n Engelhardt, Prof. C. 139\n Esquimaux box burial 155, 156\n burial fires 198\n cairn burial 143\n lodge burial 154\n Ethnic characteristics, Limitations to the use of,\n in study of anthropology 76\n Ethnologic facts connected with signs 384\n Etymology of words from gestures 352\n European ossuaries 191\n Evening, Signs for 353\n Evolution, distinguished from invention of sign language 319, 388\n of language 3\n Excavation of Indian mound, North Carolina 120-122\n Exchange, Signs for 454\n Explorations in Southwest xxx\n\n Facial expression generally 270, 273\n play, giving detailed information 271\n Falling Star (myth) 27\n Family, The term, defined 59\n Fans of Africa devour the dead 182\n Fatigue, Sign for 305\n Fay, Prof. E. A., contributions on signs 309, 408\n Fear, Sign for 506\n Feasts, Burial 190\n Fellowhood, Wyandot institution of 68\n Female, Signs for 300, 357\n Ferdinand, King of Naples, speech in signs 294\n Fetichism, The term, defined 32, 41\n Fingers, Details of position of, in sign language 392\n , Special significance in disposition of, by Italians 285\n Fire arrows, Signals by 540\n , Signs for 344, 380\n Fires, Burial 198\n Fiske, Moses, Cists 113\n Flathead, Tribal signs for 468\n Florida cremation mound 148, 149\n mound burial 119, 120\n Food, Burial 192\n Fool, Signs for 297, 303, 345, 505, 506\n Ford, Lieut. Geo. E., U.S.A., Cabin burial 123\n Foreign correspondents on sign language 407\n Foreman, Dr. E., Burial urns 138\n , Cremation 149\n Foster, J. W., Urn burial 137\n , Cremation 150\n Fox, Tribal sign for 468\n Fr\u00e9mont, General J. C., Signs of Pai-Utes and Shoshonis 324\n Friend, friendship, Signs for 384, 491, 527\n Funeral ceremonies, Choctaws 186\n , Twanas and Clallams 176\n custom, Corsican 147\n Furnace, Cremation 149\n\n Gageby, Capt. J. H., U.S.A., Box burial 155\n Gallaudet, President T. H., Facial expression 271\n , President E. M., Test of Utes in signs 321, 323\n Games, Burial 195\n Gardner, Dr. W., U.S.A., Theory of scaffold burial 167\n Gatschet, A. S., Linguistic and general researches\n among the Klamaths 19\n Gender in Indian languages 9\n in sign language 366\n Genesis of philosophy 19\n Gens, The term, defined 59\n Gesture language and gesture speech. (_See_ Sign language.)\n Gesture speech, Study of xxxiii\n Gestures as an occasional resource 279\n as survival of a sign language 330\n , blind, of the 278\n , Etymology of words from 352\n in mental disorder 276\n , Involuntary response to 280\n , fluent talkers, of 279\n , Language not proportionate to development of 293, 314\n low tribes of men, of 279\n lower animals, of 275\n modern actors, used by 308\n modern orators, used by 311\n young children, of 276\n Ghost gamble 195-197\n Gianque, Florian, Mound burial 120\n Gibbs, George 106\n , Burial canoes and houses 177\n , Comparative vocabulary 555\n Gilbert, G. K., Klamath burial 147\n , Moquis burial 114\n , Pueblo etchings 371, 372, 373\n Gillman, Henry, Exploration of mound 148\n Given, Dr. O. G., Cairn burial 142\n Glad, Sign for 495\n \u201cGolgothas,\u201d Mandans 170\n Good, Signs for 424\n Gosh-Utes, Aquatic burial amongst 181\n Government, Wyandot civil 61\n , Functions of 63\n Grammar, Sign language with reference to 359\n Grammatic processes, agglutination 4\n , combination 3\n , compounding 3\n , inflection 4\n , intonation 6\n , juxtaposition 3\n , placement 7, 8\n , vocalic mutation 5\n Grass, Sign for 343\n Grave burial 101\n Greek vases, Figures on, explained by modern\n , Italian gestures 289, 290\n Gregg, Dr. P., Surface burial 140\n Grinnell, Dr. Fordyce, Comanche inhumation 99\n , Wichita burial customs 102\n Grossman, Capt. F. E., Pima burial 98\n Gros Ventres and Mandans, Scaffold burial 161\n Grow, Sign for 343\n\n Habitation, Signs for 427\n Haerne, Mgr. D. de, Works on sign language 292\n Hale, Horatio, Mohawk signs 327\n \u201cHallelujah\u201d of the Creeks 195\n Halt! Signals for 530, 535\n Hammond, Dr. J. F., Burial lodges 154\n Hand positions, Types of 547\n Hand-shaking, connected with signs 385\n Hardisty, W. L., Log burial in trees 166\n Harpokrates, Erroneous character for 304\n Hawkins Line (boundary) 253\n Hear, Signs for 376\n Hecastotheism, The term, defined 30, 32\n H\u00e9nto (Gray Eyes), Wyandot signs 327\n Heredity, Cases of, in speech 276, 277\n Herrera 232\n Hesitation, Signs for 291\n Hidatsa superstitions 199\n , Tribal signs for 469\n Hieratic art 210\n Hieroglyphs 210\n are read in a certain order. 223\n (_See_ Egyptian characters.)\n Hind, Henry Youle, Burial feast 191\n History of sign language 285\n and customs, Limitations to the use of,\n in study of anthropology 76, 77\n Hoffman, Dr. W. J. 99\n , Collaboration of, in sign language 399\n , Drawing of Pima burial 111, 153\n Holbrook, W. C., Burial mounds 118\n Holden, Prof. E. S., Studies on Central American\n picture writing xxv\n Holmes, W. H., Artistic aid of 400\n , Drawings by 106, 203\n Home, Signs for 483, 485\n Homomorphy of signs with diverse meanings 342\n Horn sign, Italian 298, 299\n Horse, Signs for 433\n Hough, Franklin B., Canoe burial in the ground 112\n House, Signs for 427\n burial, Clallams 175\n , Paskagoulas and Billoxis 124, 125\n Huitzilopochtli 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234,\n 235, 236, 238, 239, 241\n Humboldt, Signs of South Americans 307\n Hunger, Signs for 304, 485\n Hurons, Burial feast of 191\n Hyperboreans, aquatic burial 180\n\n Ichthyophagi, aquatic burial 180\n Illinois mounds 118\n , Purchase of land for Indians in 254\n Illustration, Scheme of, in sign language 544\n Illustrations, Examples of, for collaboration\n on sign language 550\n Indian, generically, Signs for 469\n languages, Discussion of 516\n mound in North Carolina, Excavation of 120-122\n title, Character of 249\n tongues, Relative position of 15\n Indiana, Cession of land by the Indians 257\n Indians, Condition of the, favorable to sign language 311\n of Bellingham Bay, lodge burial 154\n of Clear Lake, cremation 147\n of Costa Rica, lodge burial 154\n of Illinois, cist burial 114\n of Northwest, burial sacrifice 180\n of Panama, burial sacrifice 180\n of South America devour the dead 182, 183\n of Southern Utah, cremation 149\n of Talomeco River, box burial 155\n of Taos, inhumation 101, 102\n of Virginia, burial 125\n of Washington Territory, burial superstition 201\n , Theories respecting the signs of 313\n Inflection in English language 14\n in language 4\n , Paradigmatic 7, 15\n Inhumation 93\n , Comanches 99, 100\n , Coyotero Apaches 111, 112\n , Creeks and Seminoles 95, 96\n , Indians of Taos 101, 102\n , Mohawks 93\n , Otoe and Missouri Indians 96, 97, 98\n , Pimas 98, 99\n , Wah-peton and Sisseton Sioux 107-110\n , Wichitas 102, 103\n , Yuki 99\n Innuit and Ingalik box burial 156-158\n Innuits, Sign language of 307\n Inquiry, Signs for 291, 297, 303, 447, 480, 486, 494\n , Signals for 531, 536\n Insult, Sign of 304\n Interjectional cries 283\n Interment of collected bones 170\n Interrogation, Mark of, in sign language 367\n Intonation, Process of 6, 7\n Invention of new signs in sign language 387\n Involuntary response to gestures 280\n Iroquois scaffold burial 169, 170\n surface burial 140\n , Studies among xxii\n Isolation, Loss of speech by 278\n Italians, Modern, Signs of 285, 305\n Itzas, Aquatic burial 180\n\n Jacker, Very Rev. Edward, Disuse of signs 325\n Japan dolmens 115\n Jenkes, Col. C. W., Partial cremation 150\n Johnston, Adam, Cremation myth 144\n Jones, Dr. Charles C., Stone graves of Tennessee 114\n , Natchez burial 169\n Jorio, The canon Andrea de, Works on sign language 289\n Joseph, Judge Anthony, Inhumation of Taos Indians 101\n Joy, Signs for 300\n Justice, Sign for 302\n Juxtaposition in language 3\n\n Kaffir burial 126\n Kaibabit myth 28\n Kaiowa, Tribal signs for 470\n Kalosh box burial 156\n Karok burial superstition 200\n Kavague aquatic burial 180\n Kaw-a-w\u0101h 142\n Keating, William H., Burial scaffolds 162\n , Burial superstitions 199\n Keep, Rev. J. R., Syntax of Sign language 360\n \u201cKeeping the Ghost\u201d 160\n Kelta burial superstition 200\n Kent, M. B., Sac and Fox burial 94\n Kentucky cist graves 114, 115\n mummies 133\n Kickapoo, Tribal signs for 470\n Kill, Signs for 377, 437\n Kin ch\u0113-\u0115ss, Address of 521\n Kingsborough, Lord 210\n Kinship society 68, 69\n Kiowa and Comanche cairn burial 142, 143\n Kitty-ka-tats 102\n Klamath and Trinity Indians, burial 106, 107\n Indians, General researches among xix\n Klingbeil, William, Partial cremation 151\n Knife, Sign for 386\n Kutine, Tribal signs for 470\n\n Lafitau, J. F. 182\n Land cessions 249\n Language, Diversity of 28\n , Evolution of 3-16\n , Limitations to the use of, in study of anthropology 78, 81\n , Primitive, theories upon 282\n , Processes of 3-8\n \u201cLast cry\u201d 186\n Lately, Signs for 366\n Latookas burial 126\n Landa, Bishop 208, 243\n Landa\u2019s hieroglyphic alphabet 208\n Lawson, John, Partial embalmment 132\n , Pit burial 93\n Lea, John M. 253\n Lean Wolf\u2019s Complaint, in signs 526\n Leemans, Dr. 229\n Leibnitz, Signs connected with philology 349\n syntax 360\n Leonardo da Vinci 292\n Leon y Gama 232\n Letter of transmittal iii\n Lie, falsehood, Signs for 345, 393, 550\n Lightning, Signs for 373\n Linguistic researches xvii, xviii\n among the Klamaths xix\n Lipan, Tribal sign for 471\n List of illustrations, Burial customs 87\n , Sign language 265\n Living sepulchers 182\n Lockwood, Miss Mary 224\n Lodge burial 152\n , Crow 153\n , Esquimaux 154\n , Indians of Bellingham Bay 154\n , Indians of Costa Rica 154\n , Sioux 152, 153\n Log burial 138, 139\n , Danish 139\n in trees, Loucheux 166\n Long Horse, burial of 153\n Loss of speech by isolation 278\n Lotophagians, Aquatic burial 180\n Loucheux, log burial in trees 166\n Love, Signs for 345, 521\n Low tribes of men, Gestures of 279\n Lower animals, Gestures of 275\n Lucian, de saltatione 287\n\n McChesney, Dr. Charles E. 107-111\n \u201cGhost gamble\u201d 195\n McDonald, Dr. A. J., Rock fissure burial 127\n McKenney, Thomas L., Scaffold burial 161\n , Chippewa widow 184\n McKinley, William, Burial urns 13\n Macrobrian Ethiopians, Preservation of the dead 136, 137\n Mahan, I. L., Chippewa mourning 184\n Maiming, Wyandot law for 66\n Man, Origin of, in connection with\n the study of anthropology 77, 78\n , Sign for 416\n Mandan \u201cGolgothas\u201d 170\n , Tribal sign for 471\n Mano in fica, Neapolitan sign 300\n Manuals, Preparation of, for use in original research xxxii\n Manuscript Troano 234\n Many, Signs for 445, 496, 524, 535\n Marriage regulations (Wyandot) 63, 64\n , Signs for 290\n Mason, Prof. O. T., Work of xxii\n Matthews, Dr. Washington, U.S.A., Hidatsa superstition 199\n , Tree burial 161\n Maya characters connected with signs 356, 376\n Medicine, Signs for 386\n Medicine-man, Signs for 380\n Menard, Dr. John, Navajo burial 123\n Mental disorder, Gestures in 276\n Methodical signs of deaf-mutes 362\n Mexican characters connected with signs 357, 375, 377, 380, 382\n Miami Valley mound burial 120\n Micha\u00eblius, Algonkin signs 324\n Michaux, R. V., Exploration of mound on farm of 12\n Miclantecutli 229, 232\n Midawan, a ceremony of initiation 122\n Migration regulations (Wyandot) 64\n Milan convention on instruction of deaf-mutes 307\n Military government (Wyandot) 68\n Miller, Dr. C. C., Assistance from 197\n Missouri River, Sign for 477\n Mitchell, Dr. Samuel L., Kentucky mummies 133, 134\n Modal particles 13\n Mode in Indian tongues 12\n Modern use of sign language 293\n Modification, how accomplished 7\n Modoc burial superstition 200, 201\n Mohawks, Inhumation 93\n Money, Sign for 297\n Monotheism defined 30, 32, 142\n Months, their hieroglyphs 243\n Moon, Indian explanation of 24\n myth 25\n Moose, Sign for 495\n Moqui pictographs connected with signs 371, 373\n Moquis burial 114\n Moravian mourning 166\n Morgan, Lewis H., Atsina signs 312\n , Burial dance 192\n , Partial scaffold burial 169\n Morse, E. S., Dolmens in Japan 115\n , Japanese signs 442\n Mortuary customs of North American Indians xxvi\n Parthians, Medes, etc. 104\n Persians 103, 104\n Mosquito Indians, Burial superstition of 201\n , canoe burial in ground 112, 113\n Mother, Sign for 479\n Motions relative to parts of body in sign language 393\n Mound burial 115\n , Choctaws 120\n , Florida 119, 120\n , Miami Valley 120\n , Ohio 117, 118\n Mounds, Illinois 118, 119\n of stone 118\n Mourning ceremonies, Sioux 109, 110\n , Chippewa 184\n cradle, Chinook 181, 182\n engraving of 181\n , Crows 183, 184\n customs of widows 185, 186\n , Indians of Northwest 179\n , Moravian 166\n observances, Twana and Clallams 176\n sacrifice, feasts, food, etc 183\n MS. Troano 234\n Much, Signs for 446\n M\u00fcller, J. G., Mexican gods 232\n M\u00fcller, Max, Theories relating to language 277, 281, 283\n Mummies, Alaskan 134, 135\n , Kentucky 133\n , Northwest coast 135\n , Virginia 131, 132\n Mummification or embalmment 130\n Mummification, Theories regarding 130\n Murder, Wyandot law for 66\n Muret, Pierre, Living sepulchres 182\n , Persian mortuary customs 103\n Muscogulge burial 122, 123\n Mutation, Vocalic 5\n Myth, Rain (Hindoo) 27\n , Falling stars (Ute) 27\n , Migration of birds (Algonkian) 27\n , Moon (Ute) 25\n , Norse 26\n , Oraibi 25, 27\n , Rain (Shoshoni) 26, 27\n , Rainbow (Shoshoni) 27\n , Sun (Ute) 24\n Mythic tales 43-56\n C\u012dn-a\u00fa-\u00e4v brothers 44, 45\n , Origin of 37\n Origin of the echo 45-47\n The so-pus wai-un-\u00e4ts 47-51\n Ta-wots has a fight with the sun 52, 56\n Mythologic philosophy, Course of evolution of 38-43\n , Devilism 32\n , Fetichism 32, 41\n , Four stages of 29, 33\n , Hecastotheism 30, 32\n , Monotheism 30, 32\n , Outgrowth from 33, 38\n , Physitheism 30, 32\n , Psychotheism 30, 32\n , Zootheism 30, 32\n Mythology, Indian 19-56\n , Limitations to the use of, in study of anthropology 81, 82\n Myths, language, Hebrew 28\n , Kaibabit 28\n\n Name regulations of the Wyandot tribe 64\n Naolin 230\n Narratives in sign language 500\n Natchez burial sacrifice 187-189\n scaffold burial 169\n Natci\u2019s narrative in signs 500\n National Deaf-Mute College 321, 408\n Natural pantomime 280\n signs 307, 340\n Navajo burial 123\n Na-wa-gi-jig\u2019s story in signs 508\n Neapolitan gestures and signs 289, 296-305\n Negation of affirmative in sign language 391\n , Signs for 290, 299, 300, 304, 355, 440, 494\n Norm 142\n New Mexico burial urn 138\n Night, Signs for 358\n Nishinams, Cremation among the 144\n Nomenclature 211, 220\n Norris, P. W., lodge burial 153\n Norse rain myth 26\n North Carolina Indians, Partial cremation 150, 151\n Northwest coast mummies 135\n , Indians of, mourning 179\n Nothing, none, Signs for 322, 355, 356, 443\n Nouns in Indian tongues 11\n Now, Signs for 366\n\n Obongo aquatic burial 180\n surface burial 139, 140\n Observers, Queries for, regarding burial 202, 203\n Occasional resource, Gestures as an 279\n Ohio mound burial 117\n Oh-sah-ke-uck 94\n Ojibwa and Cree surface burial 141\n dialogue in signs 499\n pictographs connected with signs 371, 372, 376, 380, 381\n , Tribal sign for 472\n Old man, Sign for 338\n Omaha colloquy in signs 490\n myth 581\n Onomatopeia 283\n Opposite, Signs for 353\n Opposition in sign language 364\n Oraibi myth 27\n Oral language defined 273\n , primitive 274\n Orators, modern, Gestures used by 311\n Origin of man, in connection with the study\n of anthropology 77, 78\n sign language 273\n Original and secondary cessions 256\n Osage, Tribal signs for 472\n Ossuaries, European 191\n Otis, Dr. George A., U.S.A., Burial case 162\n Oto and Missouri Indians, Inhumation 96-98\n Ouray, Burial of 128\n , head chief of Utes 315, 328\n Outlawry, Wyandot institution of 67\n Owsley, Dr. W. J., Cist graves 114\n\n Palenque, Statues of 207, 224, 237-239, 245\n Pani, Tribal signs for 472\n Pantomime, Natural 280\n Pantomimes, Classic 286\n Paradigmatic inflection 7, 15\n Partial cremation 150\n , North Carolina Indians 150, 151\n scaffold burial and ossuaries 168\n Particles, Adverbial 13\n , Modal 13\n , Pronominal 13\n , Tense 13\n Parsee burial 105, 106\n Partisan, Signs for 384, 418\n Paskagoulas and Billoxis, House burial 124, 125\n Patricio\u2019s narrative in signs 505\n Peace, Signals for 530, 534, 535\n , Signs for 438\n Pend d\u2019Oreille, Tribal sign for 473\n Period, Mark of, in sign language 368\n Permanence of signs 329\n Persians, Mortuary customs of the 103, 104\n Personal adornment regulations (Wyandot) 64\n Peruvian characters connected with signs 371\n \u201cPet-chi-\u00e9-ri\u201d 200\n Philology, Relation of sign language to 349\n Philosophy, Genesis of 19\n , Mythologic, Ancientism 33\n , Course of evolution of 38-43\n , Ecstasism 36\n , Mythic tales 37\n , Monotheism 42\n , Outgrowth from 33-38\n , Physitheism 42\n , Psychotheism 42\n , Religion 37, 38\n , Spiritism 35, 36\n , Thaumaturgics 37\n , Theistic society 35\n , Tutelarism 41\n , Zo\u00f6theism 38, 39, 40\n of civilization 21\n of savagery 21\n , Stages of 21\n Phrases in sign language 479\n Phratry defined 60, 61\n Physitheism defined 30, 32\n Pictographs connected with sign language 368\n Picture writing, Central American 25\n , Limitations to the use of, in study of anthropology 75\n Pilling, J. C., Bibliography of North American Philology xv\n Pimas, Inhumation among 98, 99\n Pinart, M. Alphonse, Pima burial 98\n Pinkerton, John, Virginia mummies 131\n Piros 101\n Pit burial 93\n Pitt River Indians, Burial and cremation 151\n Pi-Ute cairn burial 143\n Placement, Process of 6-8\n Porter, Prof. Samuel, Thought without language 277\n Possession, Right of 252\n , Sign for 484, 524\n Posts, Burial 197\n Potherie, De la M., Surface burial 140\n Powell, J. W., Indian orthography 484\n , Inflexions in Indian languages 351\n , Linguistic classification 403\n , Stone graves or cists 113\n Powers, Stephen, Burial dance 192\n , Burial song 194\n , Burial superstition 200\n , Origin of cremation 144\n , Se-n\u00e9l cremation 147\n , Yuki burial 99\n Preparation of dead, Similarity of, between Comanches\n and African tribes 100\n Prepositions in Indian tongues 11\n sign language 367\n Preservation of dead, Macrobrian Ethiopians 136, 137\n , Werowance of Virginia 131, 132\n Pretty, Signs for 300\n Priest, Josiah, Box burial 155\n Primitive language, Theories upon 282\n oral language 274\n Prisoner, Sign for 345\n Processes of language 3-8\n Pronominal particles 13\n Pronouns in Indian languages 9-10\n Proper names in sign language 364, 476\n Psychology, Limitations to the use of,\n in the study of anthropology 83, 86\n Psychotheism defined 30, 32\n Pueblo pictographs connected with signs 373\n , Tribal sign for 473\n Punctuation in sign language 367\n Purchases of land from Indians in Illinois 254\n Putnam, F. W., Stone graves or cists 115, 116\n\n Quantity, Signs for 291, 359, 445\n Queries for observers regarding burial 202, 203\n Question, Signs for 291, 297, 303, 447, 480, 486, 494\n , Signals for 531, 536\n Quetzalcoatl 230, 237, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243\n Quintilian, Antiquity of gesture language 285\n , Powers of gesture 280\n , Questioning by gesture 449\n , Rules for gesture 285\n Quiogozon or ossuary 94\n\n Rabbit, Sign for 321\n Rabelais, Forced and mistaken signs 338\n , Head shaking 441\n , Primitive language 282\n , Sign for marriage 290\n , Signs addressed to women 310\n , Universal language 287\n Raffaelle, Attention to gestures 292\n Railroad cars, Sign for 322\n Rain myth, Hindoo 27\n , Oraibi 26\n , Shoshone 26, 27\n , Signs for 344, 357, 372\n Rainbow myth (Shoshoni) 27\n Rapport necessary in gestures 310\n Ran, Dr. 221\n Reason for cairn burial 143\n Rejection, Signs for 298, 299\n Religion, Origin of 37, 38\n Remarks, Final 203\n Researches in sign language, how made 395\n Results sought in study of sign language 346\n Revenge, A dog\u2019s; a Dakota fable 587\n Review of Turner\u2019s narrative 165\n Ride, Sign for 551\n Riggs, S. R., Linguistic researches xviii\n Robertson, R. S., Surface burial 139\n Roman, Bernard, Choctaw hone houses 168\n , Funeral customs of Chickasaws 123\n Round Valley Indians, burial among 124\n Royce, C. C., Cessions of land xxvii\n Ruxton 324\n\n Sac, or Sanki, Tribal sign for 473\n Sacrifice 187\n Sacs and Foxes, burial among 94, 95\n , surface burial 140, 141\n Safety, Signals for 536\n Sahaptin, Tribal sign, for 473\n Same, similar, Sign for 385\n Sauer, Martin, Aleutian mummies 135\n Sauks, Foxes, and Pottawatomies, surface burial among 151\n Sayce, Prof. A. H., Origin of language in gestures 283, 284\n Scaffold burial, Australia 167\n , Chippewas 161, 162\n , Choctaw 169\n , Gros-Ventres and Mandans 161\n , Iroquois 169, 170\n , Natchez 169\n , Sioux 163, 164\n , Tent burial on 174\n Scaffolds, Theory regarding 167, 168\n Schiller\u2019s burial song 110\n Schoolcraft, Henry R., Burial posts 197\n , Comparative vocabulary 555\n , Cremation myth 144\n , Mohawk burial 93, 95\n , Partial embalmment 132\n Scocciare, Italian sign for 298\n Seechaugas 158\n Sellers, George Escoll, Cist burial 114\n Se-n\u00e9l, Cremation among the 147, 148\n Sepulture, Aerial 152\n Seraglio, mutes of the, Gestures of the 307\n Shawnee, Tribal sign for 474\n Sheepeater, Tribal signs for 474\n Sheldon, William, Caraib burial customs 146\n Shoshone burial lodges 153, 154\n cairn burial 143\n myth 26, 27\n , Tribal signs for 474\n Sibscota, Mutes of Seraglio 307\n Sicard, Abb\u00e9, Deaf mute signs 277, 288, 362\n Sicaugu 158\n Sicily, Gesture language in 295\n Sign language, Abstract ideas expressed in 348\n , Alaskans, of the 513\n , Antiquity of 285\n , Apache pictographs connected with 372\n , Arch\u00e6ologic research connected with 368\n , Arrangement in description of signs in 546\n , Australian 306\n , Authorities in, list of 401\n , Chinese characters connected with 356, 357\n , Cistercian monks, of 283, 364\n , collaborators in, List of 401\n , comparison, Degrees of, in 363\n , Conjunctions in 367\n , Convention, not requiring 334\n , Corporeal gestures in 270, 273\n , correspondents, Foreign, on 407\n , deaf-mutes, of uninstructed 277\n , dialects, numerous, connected with 294\n , Dialogues in 486\n , Dictionary of, Extracts from 409\n , Discontinuance of 312\n , Discourses in 521\n , Egyptian characters connected with 304, 355, 357-359,\n 370, 379, 380\n , Emotional gestures in 270\n , Ethnologic facts connected with 384\n evolved rather than invented 319\n , Facial expression in 270, 273\n , fingers, Details of position of, in 392, 547\n , Gender in 366\n , Grammar connected with 359\n , hand positions, Types of, in 547\n , History of 285\n , illustration, Scheme of, in 544\n , Indian and deaf-mute, compared 320\n and foreign, compared 319\n , Special and peculiar is the 319\n , Indians, North American, Once universal among 324-326\n , Conditions favorable to 311\n , Innuits, of the 307\n , interrogation, Mark of, in 367\n , Invention of new signs in 387\n , Italians, modern, of 285, 305\n , Languages, Indian, compared with 351\n , Maya characters connected with 356, 376\n , Mexican characters connected with 357, 375, 377, 380, 382\n , Mistaken denial of existence of 326\n , Modern use of 293\n , Modern use of, by other than North American Indians 320\n , Motions relative to parts of body in 393, 545\n , Narratives in 500\n , Negation or affirmative in 391\n , Ojibwa pictographs connected with 371, 372, 380, 381\n , Opposition in 364\n , Oral language not proportioned to development of 293, 314\n , Origin of 273\n , Origin of, from a particular tribe 316\n , Outlines of arm positions in 545\n , period, Mark of, in 368\n , Peruvian characters connected with 371\n , Phrases in 479\n , Pictographs connected with 368\n , Practical application of 346\n preceded articulate speech 274, 284\n , Prepositions in 367\n , Prevalence of Indian system of 323\n , Proper names in 364, 476\n , Pueblo pictographs connected with 373\n , Punctuation, in 367\n , Philology, relation of, to 349\n , Researches, Mode in which made on 395\n , Resemblance to Indian languages 351\n , Results sought in the study of 346\n , Seraglio, of the mutes of the 307\n , Sicilian 295\n , Sociologic conditions connected with 293, 294\n , South American 307\n , Survival of 306\n , Syntax connected with 359\n , Tense in 366\n , Time in 366\n , Tribal signs in 458\n , writing, Origin of, connected with 354\n Signals, Apache 534\n bodily action, Executed by 529\n , Cheyenne and Arapaho 542\n , Dust 541\n , Fire arrows used in 540\n , Foreign 549\n , Smoke 536\n when person signaling is not seen 536\n with objects in connection with personal action 532\n Signs, Abbreviation in 338\n , Arbitrary 340\n , Conventional 333, 336, 340\n , deaf-mutes, of uninstructed 277\n , diversities in, Classes of 341\n , Forced 336\n , Homomorphy of, with diverse meanings 342\n , Mistaken 336\n , Natural 307, 340\n , Oral language, not proportioned to development of 293, 314\n , Permanence of 329\n , Power of, compared with speech 347, 349\n , Surviving in gesture 330\n , Symmorphs in 343\n , Synonyms in 341\n , Systematic use of, distinguished from uniformity of 330\n , Theories of Indians, respecting the 313\n Silence, Sign for 304\n Simpson, Capt. J. H., U.S.A., Aquatic burial 181\n Sioux and Chippewa burial posts 197, 198\n lodge burial 152, 153\n mourning ceremonies 109, 110\n scaffold burial of the 163, 164\n tree burial of the 161\n Small, Sign for 302\n Smoke, Sign for 343, 380\n signals 536\n , Foreign 539\n Smyth, R. Brough, Australian, signs 306, 408\n Society, Kinship 68, 69\n Sociologic conditions connected with use of gestures 293\n Sociology, Limitations to the use of,\n in study of anthropology 83\n So\u00b4-kus wai\u00b4-un-\u00e4ts, a Shoshoni myth 47-51\n Soldier, Signs for 344, 449, 505\n Solutr\u00e9 cists 113\n Songs, Burial 194\n , of Basques and others 195\n South Americans, Signs of 307\n Southern Indians, Urn burial among 137\n Spainhour, Dr. J. Mason, Curious burial 120\n Speak, speech, Signs for 345, 373\n Speech, Differentiation of parts of 8\n Spencer, J. W., Partial surface burial 140\n Spiritism defined 35, 36\n Squirrel, Sign for 321\n Standing posture, Burial in 151, 152\n Stansbury, Capt. H., U.S.A., Lodge burial 152\n Steamboat, Sign for 388\n Steatite burial urn, California 138\n Stephens, John L. 207-210\n Sternberg, Dr. George M., U.S.A., Grave mounds 119\n , Burial case discovered 162\n Stevenson, James, Exploration by xxx\n Stone graves or cists 113\n mounds 118\n , Signs for 386, 515\n Stupidity, Signs for 303\n Submission, Signals for 531\n Suggestions for collecting signs 394\n Sun, Indian explanation of 24\n , moon, star myth (Oraibi) 25\n myth (Ute) 24\n , Signs for 344, 370\n Sunrise, Sign for 371\n Superstition, Hidatsa 199\n regarding burial feasts 191\n Superstitions, Burial 199\n Superterrene and aerial burial in canoes 171\n Surface burial 138, 139\n , Ojibways and Crees 141\n , Sacs and Foxes 140, 141\n , Sauks, Foxes, and Pottawatomies 141\n Surrender, Signals for 531, 536\n Surrounded, Signal for 536\n Suspicion, Sign for 306\n Swan, James G., Canoe burial 171\n , Klamath burial 106\n , Superstitions 201\n Sweat lodges 586\n Swedenborg, Primitive language 288\n Symbols, distinguished from signs 388\n Symmorphs in signs 343\n Synonyms in signs 341\n Syntactic relation, how accomplished 7\n Syntax, Sign language with reference to 359\n\n T\u0101h-zee 142\n Talkers, fluent, Gestures of 279\n Ta-vwots\u00b4 fights the sun; a Shoshoni myth 52, 56\n Tegg, William, Antiquity of cremation 143\n , Towers of silence 104\n Tendoy-Huerito dialogue in signs 486\n Tennanah, Tribal sign for 475\n Tennessee cists 113\n Tense in Indian tongues 12\n in sign language 336\n particles 13\n Tent burial on scaffold 174\n Teoyaomiqui 229\n Tetzcatlipoca 230\n Thaumaturgics 37\n Theft, Signs for 292, 345\n , Wyandot law for 66\n Theistic society defined 35\n Theories regarding mummification or embalmment 130\n regarding use of scaffolds 176, 168\n Tiffany, A. S., Cremation furnace 149\n Timberlake, H., Aquatic burial 180\n Time, in sign language 386\n , long, Sign for 522\n , Signs for 350, 508\n Title, Indian, Character of 249\n inheres in discoverer 249\n Tlaloc 229, 230, 231, 233-239, 241, 244\n Tlascaltecs, burial superstition 201\n To-day, Signs for 386\n Tolkotin cremation 144, 146\n Tolow burial superstition 200\n Tompkins, Gen. Chas. H., U.S.A., Partial cremation 151\n Torquemada 232\n Touatihu 230\n Towers of silence, Description of 104-106\n Trade, Signs for 381, 450, 495\n Treason, Wyandot law for 67\n Treaties at Fort Harmar 251\n Tree and scaffold burial 158\n , Brul\u00e9 Sioux 158, 160\n burial, ancient nations 165, 166\n , Blackfeet 101\n , Sioux 101\n , Signs for 343, 496, 524\n Tribal government based on kinship 68, 69\n signs 458\n society, A study of (Wyandot) 59-69\n Troano, Manuscript 234\n Trumbull, Dr. J. Hammond, Composition of Indian words 351\n Tsin\u016bk burial sacrifice 179\n Tso-di-\u00e1-ko\u2019s Report, in signs 524\n Turner, Dr. L. S., Scaffold burial 163\n Turner\u2019s narrative, Review of 165\n Tutelarism defined 41\n Twana and Clallam mourning observances 176\n canoe burial 171-173\n Twanas and Clallams, funeral ceremonies 176\n Tylor, Dr. E. B, Sign language 293, 320, 323\n\n Uniformity of signs distinguished from their systematic use 330\n Urn burial by Southern Indians 137\n Ute cairn burial 142\n cave burial 127, 128\n myth 23, 24, 22\n , Tribal signs for 475\n\n Valentini 243\n Van Camper, Moses. Mode of burial of Indians\n inhabiting Pennsylvania 112\n Van Vliet, Gen. Stewart, U.S.A., Tree and scaffold burial 153\n Variank 208\n Verbs in English language 14\n Indian tongues 10, 11\n Verification of death, Caraibs 146\n Village, Signs for 386\n Vinci, Leonardo da, use of gestures 292\n Virginia mummies 131, 132\n Vocalic mutation in language, Process of 7\n\n Wagon, Sign for 322\n Wah-peton and Sisseton Sioux, Inhumation among 107-110\n Wait, Signs for 201, 299\n Waldeck 210, 243\n Want, Sign for 344\n Warning, Sign for 301, 302\n Wascopums, Burial sacrifice of 189, 190\n Washington, City of, Sign for 470\n Water, Signs for 357, 494\n Wee-ka-nahs 101\n Welch, H., Surface burial 141\n Werowance of Virginia, preservation of the dead 131, 132\n White man, Signs for 450, 469, 491, 500, 526\n Whitney, J. D., alphabet, on the 557\n burial cave, Description of a 128\n , Prof. W. D., Primitive speech 283\n Whymper, Frederic, Burial boxes 156\n Wichita, Tribal signs for 476\n Wichitas, Inhumation among the 102, 103\n Widow, Chippewa 184, 185\n Widows, Mourning customs of 185, 186\n Wilcox, E., Partial cremation 150\n Wilkins, Bishop, Philosophic language 288\n Wilkins, Charles, Kentucky mummies 133\n Williams, Mr. B. O. 326\n , Monier, Parsee burial 104\n Wind, Greek idea of 24\n , Indian explanation of 23\n , Norse idea of 24\n Wiseman, Cardinal, Gesture of blind man 278\n , Italian signs 408\n Witchcraft, Wyandot law for 67\n Woman, Sign for 497\n Wood, Rev. J. G., African surface burial 139\n , Bari burial 125\n , Fans of Africa devour the dead 182\n , Obongo aquatic burial 180\n Worthlessness, Sign for 301\n Wright, Dr. S. G., Superstitions regarding burial feasts 191\n Writing, origin of, Gestures connected with the 354\n Wyandot criminal laws 66, 67\n for adultery 66\n for maiming 66\n murder 66\n of outlawry 67\n for theft 66\n for treason 67\n for witchcraft 67\n government 59-69\n military government 68\n regulations 63, 64\n of encampment 64\n of migration 64\n of name 64\n of personal adornment 64\n rights 65\n of community 65\n of person 65\n of religion 65\n , Tribal sign for 476\n\n Yo-ka\u00ed-a burial dance 192-194\n Young, John, Tree burial 161\n Yuki inhumation 99\n Yurok burial fires 198\n\n Zo\u00f6theism defined 30-32\n\n * * * * *\n * * * *\n\n_Errors and Inconsistencies: Index_\n\nMissing commas within or before entries have been silently supplied.\n\n Actors, modern, Use of gestures by [_f in \u201cof\u201d invisible_]\n Allen, Dr. Harrison [Dr Harrison]\n Brul\u00e9 Dakota colloquy in signs [Brule]\n Darwin, Charles, Analysis of emotional gestures\n [_syllable \u201cges\u201d invisible_]\n Denial of the existence of sign language, Mistaken [existince]\n Gibbs, George / Comparative vocabulary [comparative]\n Intonation, Process of 6, 7 [617]\n Landa, Bishop [Lauda]\n Landa\u2019s hieroglyphic alphabet [Lauda\u2019s]\n Letter of transmittal iii [_page number given as 89_]\n McKenney, Thomas L., Scaffold burial [Scafford]\n Myth, Rain (Hindoo) [Bain]\n\n Pronouns in Indian languages 9-10\n Syntactic relation, how accomplished 7\n Vocalic mutation in language, Process of 7\n [_page numbers in these three items are conjectural;\n all are missing from the Index_]","title":"First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology: to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1879-1880, Government Printing Office 1881","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":283969}