{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_33160/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_33160","id":"gutenberg_33160","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/33160","summary":null,"tags":["Category: History - Religious","Category: Music","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Hymns -- History and criticism"],"text":"Produced by Stephen Hutcheson\n\n\n\n\n\n                     THE PAPERS OF THE HYMN SOCIETY\n\n\nCarl F. Price                                                   _Editor_\n\n\n\n\n                                   IX\n                            _Christian Hymns\n                     of the First Three Centuries_\n\n\n                                  _by_\n                      Ruth Ellis Messenger, Ph.D.\n\n                      THE HYMN SOCIETY OF AMERICA\n                             New York City\n                                  1942\n\n\n\n\n                       PAPERS OF THE HYMN SOCIETY\n\n\n                        Carl F. Price, _Editor_\n\n\n  I. \"The Hymns of John Bunyan.\"\n    By Louis F. Benson, D.D.\n  II. \"The Religious Value of Hymns.\"\n    By William P. Merrill, D.D.\n  III. \"The Praise of the Virgin in Early Latin Hymns.\"\n    By Ruth Ellis Messenger, Ph.D.\n  IV. \"The Significance of the Old French Psalter.\"\n    By Professor Waldo Selden Pratt, L.H.D., Mus.D.\n  V. Hymn Festival Programs.\n  VI. \"What Is a Hymn?\"\n    By Carl F. Price, M.A.\n  VII. \"An Account of the Bay Psalm Book.\"\n    By Henry Wilder Foote, D.D.\n  VIII. \"Lowell Mason: an Appreciation of His Life and Work.\"\n    By Henry Lowell Mason.\n  IX. \"Christian Hymns of the First Three Centuries.\"\n    By Ruth Ellis Messenger, Ph.D.\n  X. Addresses at the Twentieth Anniversary of the Hymn Society of\n          America.\n  XI. Hymns of Christian Patriotism.\n  XII. \"Luther and Congregational Song.\"\n    By Luther D. Reed, D.D., A.E.D.\n  XIII. \"Isaac Watts and his Contribution to English Hymnody.\"\n    By Norman Victor Hope, M.A., Ph.D.\n  XIV. \"Latin Hymns of the Middle Ages.\"\n    By Ruth Ellis Messenger, Ph.D.\n  XV. \"Revival of Gregorian Chant, Its Influence on English Hymnody.\"\n    By J. Vincent Higginson, Mus.B., M.A.\n\n\nCopies of these papers at _25 cents each_ may be obtained from the\nExecutive Secretary of the Hymn Society.\n\nNote: Inquire before ordering as some numbers are temporarily out of\nprint.\n\n                         Dr. Reginald L. McAll,\n                          2268 Sedgwick Avenue\n                           New York 53, N. Y.\n\n              Copyright, 1942, by Hymn Society of America\n                             Reprinted 1949\n\n\n\n\n             _Christian Hymns of the First Three Centuries_\n\n\n\n\n                            I. Introduction\n\n\nThere is no part of the general field of Christian hymnology so baffling\nto the student or so full of difficulties as the one under consideration\nin this paper. Many accounts of the subject are in existence but are far\nfrom conclusive. This is due, first of all, to the unexpected scarcity of\noriginal sources. When one views the rise of Christianity from its\ninception to the period of the Council of Nicaea, 325, its numerical\ngrowth from a handful of original adherents to millions of followers at\nthe time of the Edict of Milan, 313, its literary development from early\nscattered records to the works of the great Greek and Latin fathers, one\ncannot help inquiring, \"What has become of their hymns?\"\n\nAnother puzzling aspect of the study is the complex historical background\nagainst which the progress of Christianity appears. The peace and\nconstructive progress of the Augustan era, in which Christianity was\nfounded, have often been cited as factors contributing to its evolution\nand spread. But this is not the whole story. The civilization of that\nday, especially in the eastern Mediterranean lands most concerned, was\nlargely Hellenistic, of mingled Greek and oriental features which were\nnecessarily wrought into the fabric of the new religion. An understanding\nof pre-Augustan conditions, in which these diverse historical and\nliterary trends were merged, is essential, for without it the subject is\nunintelligible.\n\nA further problem which confronts the student is that of interpretation.\nIt is well known that any general treatment of early Christianity is apt\nto conform to the point of view of the author. The study of hymnology,\nlike that of other features of the early Church, is apt to be affected by\nthe opinion of the commentator.\n\nIt is no wonder that the field has been neglected and that the accounts\nof it are vague, incomplete and unsatisfactory. In fact, the task of\nre-examining the mass of extant records of early Christianity and other\nrelevant material, which might illuminate the subject of hymnology, seems\nnever to have been undertaken with this purpose in view. It is, actually,\ntoo vast a project for the casual student and certainly has not been\nattempted here. Our best accounts of early Christian hymnody are often\nsubordinated to a general history of Christian hymns. This is the case\nwith the article, entitled, Hymnes, by H. Leclercq, in the _Dictionnaire\nD' Archeologie Chretienne et de Liturgie_, probably the best short\naccount in any language, containing a section on the hymnology of the\nfirst three centuries.[1] Charles Stanley Phillips drew generously from\nthis source for the first chapter of _Hymnody, Past and Present_, which\nis written from the liturgical standpoint.[2] Independent studies are\nrare. Among them, _Die Hymnendichtung des fruehen Christentums_ by Josef\nKroll, a distinguished classical philologist, deserves a much wider\ncirculation and should be translated for the benefit of English\nreaders.[3]\n\nIn view of the dearth of available material in English, it has seemed\ntimely to approach the whole subject from a new standpoint. In this\nstudy, the extant hymnic sources will be presented objectively. Groups of\nhymns will be used to illustrate the types current in the period. In\nconnection with them, the related historical and literary influences will\nbe noted.\n\nLet us abandon at once our contemporary connotation of the word _hymn_\nwhich is derived ultimately from the hymns of Ambrose, 340-397, that is,\na metrical lyric constructed in stanzas. In the pre-Ambrosian period\nChristian hymns were largely of the psalm type, to be chanted in rhythmic\nperiods without rhyme. Not only should the word _hymn_ be conceived in\nterms of ancient thought, but also the futile attempt to differentiate\namong psalms, hymns and canticles should be avoided. Specialists in\nliturgical matters testify to the confusion existing among ancient\nwriters in the use of these words and to the uncertainty of definition\nwhich results.[4] It is better not to multiply difficulties but to hold\nfast to the actual texts which we know were used in Christian worship.\n\n\n\n\n                        II. Old Testament Hymns\n\n\nAt the threshold of Christianity the student crosses from the literary\nenvironment of the Old Testament into that of the New. But in actual\npractice the Hebrew psalms were never given up, and to this day are\ntreasured in every branch of the faith. In the early centuries they\nformed the bulk of Christian hymnody. References to their use appear\nthroughout the New Testament and are familiar to all. And, moreover, the\ninfluence of the Hebrew psalms upon the composition of new hymns is\napparent even in the Gospels.\n\nKeeping these important facts in mind regarding the psalms, the student\nmay pass on to other hymnic sources in the Old Testament. Many striking\nlyrical passages in the Hebrew scriptures, uttered or perhaps repeated in\nmoments of emotional fervor, were used by later worshippers to express a\nsimilar attitude toward the Divine.[5] Among these may be cited the Songs\nof Moses,\n\n    I will sing unto the Lord, for he hath triumphed gloriously (_Ex.\n      15:1-19_),\n\n    Give ear, O ye heavens, and I will speak; and hear, O earth, the words\n      of my mouth (_Deut. 32:1-43_);\n\nHannah's Song of Thanksgiving,\n\n    My heart rejoiceth in the Lord (_I Sam. 2:1-10_);\n\nthe great hymns in the Book of Isaiah,\n\n    Holy, holy, holy is the Lord of hosts (_Isa. 6:3_),\n\n    We have a strong city; salvation will God appoint for walls and\n      bulwarks (_Isa. 26:1-21_),\n\nthe second part of which begins,\n\n    With my soul have I desired thee in the night (_Isa. 26:9-21_);\n\nJonah's Song,\n\n    I cried by reason of my affliction unto the Lord (_Jonah 2:2-9_);\n\nthe Song of Habbakuk,\n\n    O Lord, I have heard thy speech, and was afraid (_Hab. 3:2-19_)\n\nThe apocryphal addition to the Book of Daniel, known as the Song of the\nThree Holy Children, may be considered with Old Testament lyrics.\nComprising sixty-seven verses, it was added to _Daniel 3:23_, but,\nstrictly speaking, its date, author and original language are unknown. It\nis probable that it is of Hebrew authorship and belongs to the first\ncentury, B. C. Its use, however, is unquestioned.[6] The first part,\n\n    Blessed art Thou, O Lord of our fathers,\n\nis the familiar _Benedictus es, Domine_; and the second part,\n\n    O all ye works of the Lord, bless ye the Lord,\n\nis the _Benedicite, omnia opera_.\n\nThe term _canticle_, mentioned above, has been applied in a general sense\nto such lyrics from the Old Testament and also from the New. \"In\npractice,\" says James Mearns, \"it means those Songs of Holy Scripture\nwhich have been selected for ecclesiastical use and are appended to, or\nincorporated with, the Psalter or other parts of the Divine Office.\"[7]\nBoth Eastern and Western Churches early made official use of the Old\nTestament canticles,[8] while the Greek Church elaborated upon them in\nformal metrical compositions, called _canons_, or groups of _odes_ based\nupon an acrostic structure, a distinctive feature of Greek hymnody from\nthe seventh century.[9]\n\nIt was only natural that the hymnody of the Old Testament should have\nexerted a marked influence upon Christian practice. The Old Testament\ntradition was very strong. Familiar phraseology was ready at hand for the\ncomposition of new canticles which were often mere centos from the Psalms\nor other portions of the Hebrew scriptures. It should be recalled that\nChristianity not only arose in the Semitic environment but also was for\nsome years localized chiefly in the oriental sections of the Roman\nEmpire, and that it was affected by oriental ideas and modes of\nexpression. Even after Greek and Roman influences were strongly felt,\nhymnology retained this traditional Semitic character and pagan lyrics\nwere held in suspicion.\n\n\n\n\n                        III. New Testament Hymns\n\n\nThe transition, therefore, to the canticles of the New Testament was easy\nand perhaps inevitable. The _Benedictus_,\n\n    Blessed be the Lord God of Israel (_Luke 1:68-79_),\n\nspoken by Zacharias, the _Nunc dimittis_,\n\n    Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace (_Luke 2:29-32_),\n\nby Simeon, and above all the _Magnificat_,\n\n    My soul doth magnify the Lord (_Luke 1:46-55_),\n\nfrom the lips of the Virgin Mother, are among the most famous of early\nChristian hymns, which, together with the song of the angelic host at the\nbirth of Jesus, the _Gloria in excelsis_,\n\n    Glory to God in the highest (_Luke 2:14_),\n\nappear within the Gospel narratives.\n\nIn the remaining portions of the New Testament other hymn fragments are\nfound. Some of these are direct quotations from known sources.[10] In the\n_Book of Revelation (4:8)_, reference is made to the words of _Isaiah\n(6:3)_,\n\n    Holy, holy, holy, Lord God Almighty,\n\na passage which has survived in the Western Church in the expanded form\nof the _Tersanctus_, and in the Eastern Church as the _Hymnus Angelicus_.\nIn the same Book (_Rev. 15:3_), the Song of Moses (_Ex. 15:1-10_) is\nrecalled. Some passages are considered parts of familiar pieces otherwise\nunknown. The quotation in the _Epistle to the Ephesians_,\n\n    Awake thou that sleepest (_Eph. 5:14_),\n\nmay fall into this group or be considered a free rendering of certain\npassages in Isaiah.[11] The \"faithful sayings\" from the Epistles to\nTimothy and to Titus have also been viewed in this light.[12] The passage\nopening\n\n    For if we be dead with him, we shall also live with him (_II Tim.\n      2:11-13_),\n\npossesses a marked lyrical character. The lines beginning\n\n    Who is the blessed and only Potentate, the King of kings and Lord of\n      lords (_I Tim. 6:15-16_),\n\nreveal poetic features of a generally oriental style, framing the Old\nTestament content. Certain digressions in the Epistles, in which formulas\nof belief or of praise rise to a sure and effective climax, have the\nqualities of sustained hymns:\n\n    God was manifest in the flesh,\n    justified in the Spirit,\n    seen of angels,\n    preached unto the Gentiles,\n    believed on in the world,\n    received up into glory (_I Tim. 3:16_),\n\n    Who did no sin, neither was guile found in his mouth:\n    who, when he was reviled, reviled not again;\n    when he suffered, he threatened not;-- -- -- --(_I Peter 2:22-25_),\n\nabove all,\n\n    Who, being in the form of God, thought it not robbery to be equal\n      with God;\n    But made himself of no reputation, and took upon him the form of a\n      servant-- -- -- --\n    That at the name of Jesus every knee should bow, of things in heaven,\n      and things in earth, and things under the earth;\n    And that every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to\n      the glory of God the Father (_Philippians 2: 6-11_).\n\nPoetic refrains are obvious in the following:\n\n    For of him, and through him, and to him, are all things: to whom be\n      glory for ever (_Rom. 11:36_),\n\n    Unto him be glory in the church by Christ Jesus, throughout all ages,\n      world without end (_Eph. 3:21_),\n\n    Now unto the King eternal, immortal, invisible, the only wise God, be\n      honour and glory for ever and ever (_1 Tim. 1:17_).\n\nThe Apostle Paul and other writers of the New Testament, who quote freely\nfrom a variety of sources, have used fragments of hymns to reinforce\ntheir teachings or with a devotional purpose. One gains from such\ncitations a text only, or a fragment of text. Singing is not implied. The\napocalyptic vision of the _Book of Revelation_, however, contains several\nmagnificent hymns of praise which testify not alone to the form and\ncontent of the early hymn but also to the practice of worship in song.\nThe praises of the heavenly host are mirrored in the praises of the\ncongregation upon earth.[13] \"And they sung a new song, saying,\"\n\n    Thou art worthy to take the book, and to open the seals thereof\n      (_Rev. 5:9-10_),\n\n    Worthy is the Lamb that was slain to receive power, and riches, and\n      wisdom, and strength, and honour, and glory, and blessing (_Rev.\n      5:12-14_),\n\n    Blessing, and glory, and wisdom, and thanksgiving, and honour, and\n      power, and might, be unto our God for ever and ever (_Rev. 7:12_),\n\n    Great and marvellous are thy works, Lord God Almighty; just and true\n      are thy ways, thou King of saints (_Rev. 15:3-4_),\n\n    Alleluia: for the Lord God omnipotent reigneth (_Rev. 19:6_).\n\nFrom the point of view of the evolution of Christian hymns, the hymns in\nthe _Book of Revelation_ are perhaps the most significant in the New\nTestament because they exhibit varied elements, from Judaism, from\nChristianity and from the mingling of the two.[14]\n\nIt is interesting to re-read the New Testament in the search for hymns,\nbut one should remember that the field is controversial. Some\ncommentators would suggest that the entire 13th chapter of _I\nCorinthians_ is a hymn, beginning,\n\n    Though I speak with the tongues of men and of angels.[15]\n\nA moderate rather than an extreme position, however, upon the identity of\nhymn sources in the New Testament seems more likely to be productive of a\ngenuine appreciation of the style, subject matter and number of primitive\nChristian hymns.\n\nTraces of poetic improvisation, which is so closely allied to hymnody,\nmust be seriously considered at this point. The art of improvisation\nbelongs to no one age or country. It happens that the Greeks had\npracticed it for centuries and that illustrations exist from the time of\nHomer. To the Hellenized orient it was familiar. \"The Greeks of Cilicia\nand of the region about Antioch and Tarsus,\" as Dr. George Dwight Kellogg\nreminds us, \"seem to have cultivated the art and become famous.\" He also\nsuggests that the \"gift of tongues\" refers to this art and that Paul\nhimself possessed the poetic talent in no small degree.[16] It is only\nnatural to assume that, among the early Christians, certain individuals\nwould react to the influence of heightened emotion in outbursts of poetic\nexpression. Passages in the _Book of Acts_ may refer to the use of such\nhymns, for example, in the case of the Gentiles at Caesarea, who \"speak\nwith tongues and magnify God\" (_Acts 10:45-46_), or the Ephesians who\n\"spake with tongues, and prophesied\" (_Acts 19:6_), or perhaps the\ndisciples on the Day of Pentecost (_Acts 2:4_). Irenaeus, a second\ncentury father of the Church and bishop of Lyons, referring to the scene\nat Pentecost, mentions the singing of a hymn on that occasion.[17] The\nnature of improvisations is fugitive. They arise from individual\ninspiration and, even if expressed in familiar phrases, are not\nremembered or recorded by the singer or hearer. To whatever degree\nimprovisation played a part in early Christian hymnody, to that same\ndegree we lack corresponding literary survivals. Possibly this is one\nexplanation of the dearth of sources which we now deplore.\n\nOn the whole, the hymnic evidence found in the New Testament points to a\npredominant Hebrew influence. Both in the use of psalms and other Old\nTestament hymns and in the phraseology of new hymns, the Christians found\nthemselves more at home in the traditional forms of expression. Features\nof style, such as parallelism, uniformity and the repetition of words or\nword order, were not necessarily restricted to Hebrew poetry but might be\nfound in other oriental sources--a consideration to which further\nattention will be given later.[18] Still we may assume that the influence\nof Judaism in form as well as subject matter was supreme.\n\n\n\n\n                          IV. Liturgical Hymns\n\n\nChristian practice reveals a third type of Hebrew influence, the\nliturgical, which brought about the use of the psalms in public worship,\ntogether with other elements familiar in the synagogue. At the close of a\nservice of this kind, made up of prayers, readings, psalms and preaching,\nthe eucharist was celebrated. Early writings, for example, the _Apologia_\nof Justin Martyr, 100?-165,[19] the _Didache_[20] and the _Apostolic\nConstitutions_,[21] testify to a somewhat fixed type of worship, which,\nvarying in details, seems to foreshadow the liturgical models of the\nfourth century.\n\nBriefly stated, the _Didache_, or _Teaching of the Twelve Apostles_, is a\nsecond century treatise, the second part of which includes a ritual of\nbaptism, fasting and the eucharist.[22] A series of eucharistic prayers\nis here recorded, beginning, {Eucharistoumen soi, pater hemon},\n\n    We thank Thee, our Father,\n\noffered at stages of the communion ritual where we approach the heart of\nChristian worship.[23] At this point, hymn and prayer origins merge. Many\nChristians of our own day, perhaps the majority, regard the true hymn as\na prayer offered in direct address to God. Throughout the history of\nChristian hymns the two forms of worship have overlapped or been\nidentical. Hymn and prayer were also associated in ancient cults, and the\nchorus of a Greek drama offers an illustration of the superb proportions\nwhich this act of worship may assume. Charles Stanley Phillips, who has\nrecently translated anew the eucharistic prayer of the _Didache_, thinks\nof it as not a true hymn, but a source and model of hymnody.[24]\nImprovised eucharistic prayer was interrupted by congregational refrains\nwhich provided another opportunity for the evolution of hymns. As a\nmatter of fact, in all ages, expressions of thanksgiving, attending the\ncelebration of the eucharist, have inspired many of the finest hymns of\nthe faith.\n\nThe _Apostolic Constitutions_ is a manual in eight books, of\necclesiastical discipline, doctrine and worship, including the\n_Didache_.[25] Dating from the fourth or fifth century, more probably the\nfourth, it represents the practice of an earlier period well within the\nscope of this study and, in the opinion of Brightman, was compiled in\nAntioch or its neighborhood.[26] Since Greek was the prevailing language\nin the Christian world of that day, it became the liturgical language of\nearly Christianity for the first three centuries. Even in Rome and other\nlarge cities of Italy, Greek was used. In Italy, with these exceptions\nand in the western provinces, Latin was employed, finally superseding\nGreek as the official language of the Western Church.[27]\n\nThe following hymns appear in the seventh book of the Apostolic\nConstitutions:\n\nA morning hymn, {Doxa en hypsistois theo}, _Gloria in excelsis_,\n\n    Glory to God in the highest;[28]\n\nan evening hymn, {Aineite paides},\n\n    Ye children praise the Lord,[29]\n\nwhich includes {Soi prepei ainos}, _Te decet laus_,\n\n    Praise becomes Thee,\n\nand {Nyn apolyeis ton doulon sou}, _Nunc dimittis_,\n\n    Now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace;\n\nand a prayer at dinner, {Eulogetos ei},\n\n    Thou art blessed, O Lord, who nourishest me from my youth.[30]\n\nIn the eighth book of the _Apostolic Constitutions_ and also in the\n_Liturgy of St. James_ we have the _Tersanctus_, {Hagios, hagios,\nhagios},\n\n    Holy, holy, holy.\n\nIn another part of the same _Liturgy_ the _Trisagion_ appears, {Ho\ntrisagios hymnos,},\n\n    Holy God, holy mighty, holy immortal,\n        Have mercy upon us.[31]\n\nAn evening hymn, {Phos hilaron}, Joyful light, is mentioned by Basil in\nthe fourth century as very old. It was sung at vespers in the Eastern\nChurch:[32]\n\n    O gladsome light, O grace\n    Of God the Father's face.[33]\n\nAmong ancient liturgical hymns the _Te deum_ should be mentioned. It is\nattributed to Nicetas, Bishop of Remesiana in Dacia, and dated from the\nend of the fourth century. It appears to be a combination of three\ndistinct parts. The first thirteen verses, or parts one and two, probably\noriginated earlier than the fourth century and may have been inspired by\nCyprian, Bishop of Carthage, 200-258, who wrote in terms almost identical\nwith the phrases of this early section, used of prophets, apostles and\nmartyrs.[34]\n\nBiblical sources, especially the canticles, now appear as liturgical\nhymns, either in their original form or in an enlarged version.[35] The\nuse of canticles, more particularly in their variations, is of supreme\ninterest to the hymnologist, because it offers a theory of the origin of\nChristian hymnody apart from liturgical interpolations or from the\npsalms. Clement of Rome urged the Corinthians to unite in the spirit of\npraise as expressed in the seraphic chorus of Isaiah's vision,\n\n    Holy, holy, holy is the Lord of Hosts:\n    the whole earth is full of his glory,\n\nassociating it with the praise of the angelic ministrants, \"ten thousand\ntimes ten thousand,\" beheld by Daniel (_Dan. 7:10_). The same hymn had\nbeen heard in the apocalyptic mysteries of the _Book of Revelation_. Very\nearly it was incorporated in the liturgy of the eucharist, continuing an\nageless form of the praise of God from the old dispensation into the new.\n\nThe evolution of the Great Doxology from the words of the angelic song,\n\n    Glory to God in the highest,\n\nto the _Gloria in excelsis_ illustrates the expanding thought of the\nChurch, corresponding to the growth of the Christian body within the\nculture of the Roman Empire. Again, the _Gloria_ illustrates Hellenistic\nfeatures of poetic style, bespeaking the oriental influences which had\nentered into Greek literature.[36] Note the repetition of the clauses,\n\n    We praise thee, we bless thee, we worship thee, we glorify thee, we\n      give thanks to thee for thy great glory,\n\nof the invocation,\n\n    O Lord God, heavenly King, God the Father almighty,\n    O Lord, the only-begotten Son, Jesus Christ;\n    O Lord God, Lamb of God, Son of the Father,\n\nof the relative clause,\n\n    That takest away the sins of the world, have mercy upon us.\n    Thou that takest away the sins of the world, receive our prayer.\n    Thou that sittest at the right hand of God the Father, have mercy\n      upon us,\n\nof the pronoun,\n\n    For thou only art holy; thou only art the Lord; thou only, O Christ,\n      with the Holy Ghost, art most high in the glory of God the Father.\n\nIt is quite superfluous to analyze further the values of a poetic form\nwhich has helped to make the _Gloria_ one of the truly magnificent\nChristian hymns of all ages.[37]\n\nPostponing for the present a more detailed inquiry into stylistic\norigins, we may regard the group of liturgical hymns here presented as a\nsource collection of the utmost importance. It reveals not only the\ncontinuity of the Old and New Testament hymnology but also the evolution\nof worship in song into the early Christian era. The fact that worship\nwas chiefly liturgical in this period and hymns were therefore liturgical\nappears an inevitable conclusion.\n\n\n\n\n               V. Contemporary Pagan and Heretical Hymns\n\n\nChristianity expanded, as we have seen, in the environment of eastern\nMediterranean culture. Its original heritage was that of Judaism, but\nwithin the first century it had entered upon the conquest of the Gentile\nworld. As that conquest proceeded and the penetration of new ideas into\npagan thought continued, a corresponding reaction of paganism upon the\nnew faith took place. With the general aspects of this phenomenon all are\nfamiliar. It is significant here only in the field of lyrical expression.\nThe period of pagan influence in the sense of an imprint from Greek and\nRoman literature is also the period of impact with pagan heretical ideas\nderived either from current philosophies or the practices of mystery\nreligions.\n\nOnce more the chart and compass offered by the direct extant sources are\nthe best guides through the cross currents of the literature in our\npossession. Representative pagan poetry must be examined, at least of a\nfew general types, in order to establish what influence, if any, was\nexerted upon contemporary Christian hymns.\n\nRegarding the classical influence, _per se_, a large number of Greek\nhymns were in existence when Christianity was founded,[38] and Roman\nlyrics were appearing in that very century. Paul was obviously acquainted\nwith the Hymn of Cleanthes, a Stoic writer of the third century, B.C.,\nfor he quoted his words on the Areopagus. The original passage to which\nPaul refers has been translated as follows:\n\n    Thee it is meet that mortals should invoke,\n    For we Thine offspring are and sole of all\n    Created things that live and move on earth\n    Receive from Thee the image of the One.[39]\n\nIt is evident that the Christian hymns embedded in the books of the New\nTestament were not constructed after a classical model of this type. The\ninfluence of Old Testament poetry was too strong, the associations of\npaganism repellant and, moreover, the Greek poetry, familiar to the\naverage man of that day, quite different. The older Greek hymns, such as\nthe _Homeric Hymns_, the _Odes_ of Pindar, the choruses of Greek tragedy,\nwere produced in the Hellenic or pre-Hellenic ages which had been\nfollowed by more than two centuries of Hellenistic culture. Dr. Edward\nDelavan Perry, writing of Hellenistic poetry, said, \"Other forms of\npoetry, particularly the lyric, both the choral and the 'individual,'\ndied out almost completely.\"[40]\n\nThere remain, then, only the extant hymns of the mystery cults. In spite\nof many references to the use of singing in connection with these\nreligions, very few specimens of their hymns actually survive. The\nmystery religion was a sacramental religion \"which stressed the approach\nto Deity through rite and liturgy after a severe probation and an oath\npledging to secrecy.\"[41] The leading cults were those associated with\nOrpheus, the Magna Mater (Cybele) and Attis, Mithra, Serapis, Isis,\nAdonis, and especially the Eleusinian Mysteries, which flourished for\ntwelve centuries, ending with their extinction by the Christians in\n397.[42]\n\nDuring the period under consideration in this study Isis was honored in\nall parts of the Graeco-Roman world. An authentic hymn to Isis appears in\nthe writings of Apuleius (b. 125), who describes a procession in honor of\nthe goddess and gives the words of the chorus, closing,\n\n    Thy divine countenance and most holy deity I shall guard and keep\n    forever in the secret place of my heart.\n\nVariants of the Isis cult hymn or hymns have been preserved in\ninscriptions; for example, a hymn of some fifty lines from Cyme in\nAeolia,\n\nI am Isis the sovereign of the whole land.[43]\n\nLiturgical survivals of the cult of Mithra are almost unknown. Franz\nCumont, the great student of Mithraism, quotes one hymn fragment only,\n\n    Hail bridegroom, hail thou new light![44]\n\nHe is of the opinion, however, that the Manichaean song mentioned by\nAugustine, 354-430, affords some idea of Mithraic poetry. The song or\nhymn in question represents a chief divinity surrounded by twelve minor\ndivinities, symbolizing the seasons, all clothed with floral\ntributes.[45] Cumont also suggests that hero hymns were in existence,\ncelebrating the exploits of the gods.[46] The so-called _Liturgy of\nMithra_, a magic formula not considered by Cumont, contains hymn\nfragments, one of which begins,\n\n    Lord, hail, potentate of the water,\n    hail, ruler of the earth,\n    hail, potentate of the spirit.[47]\n\nHippolytus, a presbyter of Rome who died in 236, in his _Refutation of\nall Heresies_, quotes certain hymns in praise of Attis:\n\n    Whether thou art the race of Saturn or happy Jupiter,\n\nand\n\n    I will hymn Attis, son of Rhea.[48]\n\nHere, as in so many cases, our information concerning pagan hymns is\nderived from an opponent, a Christian writer and defender of orthodox\nreligion, but this circumstance in no way affects the validity of the\ntext.\n\nFor the Orphic cult which had the longest period of influence, we possess\nwhat may be termed a hymn book containing eighty-seven hymns. It has been\nvariously dated from the third century, B.C., to the fourth or fifth\ncentury, A.D. With a mental reservation as to the relevancy of the\ncitations, we find that some of these hymns in praise of the gods are\nfull of dignity, for instance,\n\n    Mother of Gods, great nurse of all, draw near,\n    Divinely honored, and regard my prayer.[49]\n\nSo debatable is the subject of the Orphic hymns, both in respect to date\nand usage, that they offer little or no assistance to the student who is\ninterested in a possible influence upon Christian hymnology.[50]\n\nSooner or later, one must turn to the land of Egypt, if one desires a\ncomplete picture of early Christian culture. The mystery of the Egyptian\nIsis, mentioned above, was one element in the background of the times,\nillustrative of the religious syncretism which had been fostered\nthroughout the Ptolemaic period. The identification of the Egyptian Thot\nwith the Greek Hermes is reflected in the Hermetic literature of which\nthe _Poimandres_ is the oldest known writing.[51] From this source a hymn\nof praise is derived:\n\n    By thy blessing my spirit is illumined,\n\nand a thanksgiving hymn,\n\n    Holy is God, the Father of all the universe.[52]\n\nSummarizing the Greek influence, both Hellenic and Graeco-oriental, upon\nChristian hymnology, it is difficult, if not impossible, to trace any\nconnection between the classic Greek hymns or the hymns of mystery cults,\nand those of the new faith. If more sources were available, a valid\nconclusion might be reached. At present, a tentative conclusion involves\nthe recognition of the vigorous protest and revolt against pagan ideas\nrevealed in contemporary prose writings, in turn evoked by the actual\npressure which was exerted upon Christianity by alien cults. The\ntwentieth century has produced an impressive literature centered about\nthe mystery religions and the problem of their influence upon\nChristianity; but in the field of hymnology there have been discovered\nonly the faintest of traces. These are wholly stylistic. Christian hymns\nwhich reveal the characteristics of the repetition of direct address, or\nof relative clauses or predicates, previously mentioned, illustrate\npoetic forms which are, in the final analysis, oriental rather than\nGreek.[53]\n\nIt is a satisfaction to the classicist, who is interested in the history\nof this subject, that the classical meters, ignored at this period, were\ndestined to be revived at a later date. They were used to some extent\nfrom the fourth century. It was reserved for the court poets of the\nCarolingian circle of the ninth century to restore the old lyric meters.\nThe Sapphic meter in its Horatian form not only was a favorite among\nmedieval Latin hymn writers, but also it has found an occasional imitator\nin the course of the centuries even to modern times.[54]\n\nWhile hymn sources derived from oriental cults are extremely scanty,\nthose originating in Gnosticism are much more numerous and suggestive in\ntheir relation to Christian hymnology. Gnosticism is not so much the name\nof a particular philosophy or definite system of belief, as it is a point\nof view, which sought to harmonize the speculative achievement of Greek\nthought with the oriental myths and with Christian teachings. The\nphilosophical interpretation of pagan mythology was extended to Hebrew\nand Christian tradition. Thus, in accordance with the tenets of\nNeoplatonism, the primeval being has produced the universal mind and, in\nturn, mind has produced the soul which in contact with evil phases of\nmatter has lost its original purity. Therefore, the soul must retrace its\nsteps until it reaches the final stage of reunion with the origin of all\nbeing. It is easy to understand how a variety of meanings may be read\ninto a simple statement like the above. It is also easy to understand\nthat the possibilities of confusion arising in the first three centuries\nof Christian history were matters of the utmost concern to contemporary\nChristian writers and dogmatists. The period abounded in heresies and\nmisunderstandings, to the discussion of which the ablest minds of the\nChurch were devoted. Quotations from these authors furnish many of the\nextant hymns composed by Gnostics, either within or without the Christian\nfold. The range of literary excellence, of spiritual connotation and of\nintelligibility of subject matter in the so-called Gnostic hymns is so\nwide that it is difficult to evaluate them. To the modern reader they\nvary from the mere rigmarole to the genuinely inspiring hymn.\n\nPerhaps the best known and certainly one of the loftiest expressions of\nGnostic ideas is the _Hymn of the Soul_, which is found in the Apocryphal\n_Acts of Thomas_. Dating from the first half of the third century, the\n_Acts of Thomas_ recounts the missionary preaching of the Apostle Thomas\nin India. While in prison, he chants this hymn, beginning,\n\n    When I was an infant child in the palace of my father.[55]\n\nIt has no connection with the narrative but relates in allegorical\nfashion the return of the soul, which has been awakened from its\npreoccupation with earthly matters, to the higher state of heavenly\nexistence. Here is a theme congenial to Christian thought and orthodox in\nits theology when extricated from the popular concepts of the times.[56]\nThe actual authorship of the _Hymn of the Soul_, which is found in the\nSyriac version of the _Acts_ alone, is unknown, but it has been\nattributed to some disciple of the Syrian Bardesanes, a Christian Gnostic\nwho lived in the second half of the second century.[57] There seems to be\nno doubt that Bardesanes was himself influential as a hymn writer and\nthat he was representative of a group of poets who were beginning to\nemploy contemporary rhythms set to melodies familiar in daily secular\nlife.[58]\n\nThe _Acts of Thomas_ contains a second hymn,\n\n    The damsel is the daughter of light,\n\na poem of oriental imagery, personifying the divine wisdom as a\nbride.[59]\n\nThe apocryphal _Acts of John_, dating from the middle of the second\ncentury, yields a third hymn, the _Hymn of Jesus_. In the Gospel\nnarrative of the last supper, Jesus and his disciples, before going to\nthe Mount of Olives, sing a hymn together. It is not identified but is\ngenerally believed to be a part of the _Hallel_ or group of Passover\nPsalms, 113-118. The writer of the _Acts of John_ represents Jesus as\nusing a new hymn which opens,\n\n    Glory be to Thee, Father.\n\nIt contains a long series of antitheses, as follows:\n\n    I would be saved and I would save,\n    I would be loosed and I would loose,\n    I would be wounded and I would wound,\n    I would be borne and I would bear, etc.\n\nThe hymn concludes,\n\n    A way am I to thee, a wayfarer.[60]\n\nVariants of the _Hymn of Jesus_ are extant, one of which has been\npreserved by Augustine, the Hymn of the Priscillianists, which came to\nhim from a correspondent in Spain.[61]\n\nHippolytus, whose _Refutation of all Heresies_ has been mentioned in\nanother connection, discusses the Gnostic sect of the Naasenes. He quotes\none of their hymns, beginning,\n\n    The world's producing law was Primal Mind,\n\nin which Jesus is represented as the guide of mankind to the attainment\nof celestial knowledge.[62] The system of Valentinus, a Gnostic leader,\nis also discussed and a psalm of his authorship is quoted:\n\n    I behold all things suspended in air by spirit,\n\na didactic presentation of Gnostic thought.[63] It is composed in\ndactylic meter, affording another illustration of the adoption of popular\nrhythms in the hymnology of the heretical sects. A Gnostic hymn to the\nHighest God from a third century Coptic source may be cited:\n\n    Thou art alone the eternal and\n    thou art alone the deep and\n    thou art alone the unknowable, etc.[64]\n\nWhatever impression may be created upon the modern mind by the perusal of\nGnostic poetry, its influence was admitted by contemporary Christians and\ncombatted by every means in their power. The Gnostic leaders, unhampered\nby Hebrew traditions of religious poetry, were able to make use of\npopular forms and popular concepts. They met the trend of the times more\nthan halfway. Heretical groups of all varieties of opinion were using\nhymns as a means of expressing their beliefs and persuading possible\nadherents. At the opening of the fourth century, Arius appeared, the\nleader of the group whose theology was rejected at the Council of Nicaea,\n325, and whose hymns were met and overcome by the verses of Ambrose. Such\nwas the influence of heretical upon orthodox hymnody.\n\n\n\n\n                       VI. Early Christian Hymns\n\n\nTurning once more to the authentic Christian hymns of the first three\ncenturies and this time omitting those which appear in liturgical\nsources, we observe three distinct linguistic groups, the Syriac, the\nGreek and the Latin.\n\nThe most familiar of the Syriac hymns were written by Ephraem Syrus (b.\n307), who strove to counteract the influence of the Gnostic poets,\nespecially that of his countryman, Bardesanes. Strictly speaking, he\nbelongs to the first half of the fourth century but should be considered\nby the student who is tracing the continuity of this subject. His hymns\nare metrical in the sense of having lines with a fixed number of\nsyllables and strophic divisions. An Easter hymn opens thus:\n\n    Blessed be the Messiah\n    Who has given us a hope\n    That the dead shall rise again.\n\nA hymn for the Lord's Day begins,\n\n    Glory be to the good\n    Who hath honoured and exalted\n    The first day of the week.[65]\n\nIt is possible that the hymns of Ephraem were influenced by the Syriac\nOdes of Solomon, discovered in 1909, which were produced in the first\ncentury. Whether the _Odes_ themselves are of Gnostic or Christian origin\ncannot be definitely asserted but the probability of the latter is\nstrong. For a full discussion of this most interesting but highly\ncontroversial topic the work of special commentators must be\nconsulted.[66] The intrinsic interest of the collection demands more than\na passing comment. _Ode VI_ opens,\n\n    As the hand moves over the harp and the strings speak,\n    So speaks in my members the Spirit of the Lord, and I speak by His\n      love.[67]\n\n_Ode IX_,\n\n    Open your ears\n        And I will speak to you,\n    Give me your souls,\n        That I may also give you my soul.[68]\n\n_Ode XXIX_,\n\n    The Lord is my hope:\n    In Him I shall not be confounded\n    For according to His praise He made me,\n    And according to His goodness even so He gave unto me.[69]\n\n_Ode XXXI_, in which Jesus speaks,\n\n    6. Come forth, ye that have been afflicted\n            and receive joy\n    7. And possess your souls by grace;\n            and take to you immortal life.\n    8. And they condemned me when I rose up,\n            me who had not been condemned.\n    9. And they divided my spoil\n            though nothing was due to them.[70]\n\nForty-two in number, the _Odes_ reveal a true inspiration, novel and\nsignificant from the religious and the literary standpoint. They preserve\nthe tradition of the Old Testament hymns, yet breathe the spiritual life\nof the new revelation. Their chief interest lies in the possibility that\nthey illustrate a valid Christian poetry of a very early date. If it is\ntrue, as the editors suggest, that the _Odes_ emanate from Antioch,[71]\nwe have further evidence of the spirit of worship in that city with which\nearly Christian liturgical forms are so closely associated.\n\nThe tradition of Syriac hymnody, of which these illustrations alone may\nbe given from the early period, did not come to an end as Christianity\nmoved westward. It was continued through thirteen centuries and is\npreserved in the Nestorian and other branches of the Syrian Christian\nChurch.\n\nBefore the main stream of hymnody in the Greek language is traced, two\nsources from the second century will serve as an introduction. The first\nof these is the _Epistle to Diognetus_, by an unknown author, possibly a\ncatechumen of the Pauline group.[72] It contains four selections,\nbiblical in their phraseology, the first three of which express the\nredemptive mission of the Son of God:\n\n    As a king sends his son who is also a king, so sent He Him,\n    He did not regard us with hatred nor thrust us away,\n    He, being despised by the people.\n\nThe fourth admonishes the Christian to union with the mind of God,\n\n    Let your heart be your wisdom.[73]\n\nThe second source is a passage from a sermon on _The Soul and Body_,\nwritten by Melito of Sardis, a bishop and philosopher who was martyred in\n170. The author pictures all creation aghast at the crucifixion of Jesus,\nsaying,\n\n    What new mystery then is this?\n    The Judge is judged and holds his peace;\n    The Invisible one is seen and is not ashamed;\n                    . . .\n    The Celestial is laid in the grave, and endureth!\n    What new mystery is this?[74]\n\nWhether admissible as a hymn or not, this passage blends, in a most\nstriking way, oriental and Greek elements employed in the expression of\nChristian belief.\n\nAuthentic Greek hymnody begins with Clement of Alexandria, 170-220. He is\nthe author of a work of instruction for catechumens, the _Paedagogus_, to\nwhich is appended a _Hymn to Christ the Savior_, {Hymnos tou soteros\nChristou}, beginning, {Stomion polon}. It is a hymn of praise and\nthanksgiving on the part of those newly received into the Church. Christ\nis addressed in the familiar oriental imagery of the guide and shepherd,\nbut the theme is rendered in a poetic style, which, by the use of short\nlines and the anapest, heightens the effect of ecstatic devotion.\n\n    Bridle of colts untamed,\n        Over our wills presiding;\n    Flight of unwandering birds,\n        Our flight securely guiding,-- -- -- --[75]\n\nThe modern adaptation of Clement's hymn, _Shepherd of Tender Youth_, by\nHenry M. Dexter, 1846, while preserving in a measure the spirit of this\npiece, in no way reproduces the original. The {Stomion polon} of Clement\nis representative of a theme which pervades Christian hymnody in all\nages, the joy and enthusiasm of the initiate or the admonition and\nencouragement addressed to the Christian who stands upon the threshold of\na new life. The _Odes of Solomon_ have been interpreted in these\nterms.[76] Again, the theme is preserved in the so-called Amherst\npapyrus, which consists of a hymn of twenty-five tripartite lines, a\ncatechism or liturgy for the newly baptized. Originating in the third\ncentury, it appears in fragmentary form but sufficiently complete to make\nclear its language and purport, as illustrated in the following:[77]\n\n    That thou mayest receive life eternal\n        Thou hast escaped the hard law of the unjust ...\n                    . . .\n    Seek to live with the saints, seek to receive life,\n        Seek to escape the fire.\n    Hold the hope that thou hast learnt. The day that\n        the master has appointed for thee is known to no man.\n                    . . .\n    Tell the glad tidings unto children saying: the poor\n        have received the kingdom, the children are the inheritors.[78]\n\nThe Amherst papyrus is a part of the new store of knowledge from\nantiquity which has been opened up within recent years by the discovery\nand study of papyri. This branch of archaeology and palaeography has made\navailable new fields of research in the study of early Christianity\nhitherto unfamiliar. In 1920, among the Oxyrhynchus papyri was discovered\na fragment of a Christian hymn. It appears on the back of a strip which\nrecords a grain account of the first half of the third century. The hymn\nhas a musical setting, the earliest example of Christian church music\nextant. The fragment consists of the conclusion only, so that the length\nand subject matter of the hymn as a whole are unknown. Creation is\nenjoined to praise Father, Son and Holy Ghost, in the form of a doxology.\nThe meter is anapestic and purely quantitative.[79]\n\nThe _Hymn of Thekla_, {Anothen parthenoi}, appears in the _Banquet of the\nTen Virgins_, a work of Methodius, Bishop of Olympus and Patara in Lydia,\nwho was martyred at Chalcis in 312. It is a hymn of twenty-four stanzas\nsung by Thekla, each followed by a refrain sung by the chorus,\n\n    I keep myself pure for Thee, O Bridegroom, and holding a lighted\n      torch I go to meet Thee.[80]\n\nOnce more, a traditional theme in Christian hymnody is set forth,\nfamiliar from biblical as well as classical connotations and perpetuated\neither in the praise of virginity or in the form of the mystic union of\nChrist and the Church.\n\nIt is customary in presenting the subject of Greek hymn writers to pass\nfrom Clement of Alexandria to Gregory of Nanzianzus and Synesius of\nCyrene, poets of the fourth century who mark the beginning of a new era\nbeyond the limits of this study. They are mentioned here only as a\nreminder of the long succession of great poets who created and maintained\nGreek hymnody throughout the ancient and medieval centuries.\n\nContemporary with the development of Greek hymns, the literature of the\nChurch was moving toward its destination in Latin culture. As Latin\nbecame a liturgical language the service hymns, already cited, appeared\nin their Latin form. Perhaps this is one reason why the production of\noriginal Latin hymns was so long postponed. It was not until the middle\nof the fourth century that the hymns of Hilary of Poitiers, the first\nLatin hymn writer, appeared. His authentic hymns are three in number:\n\n    O Thou who dost exist before time\n\nis a hymn of seventy verses in honor of the Trinity,\n\n    The Incarnate Word hath deceived thee, (Death)\n\nan Easter hymn, and\n\n    In the person of the Heavenly Adam,\n\na hymn on the theme of the temptation of Jesus.[81] Hilary, like his\nGreek contemporaries, stands at the beginning of a new era, but it was\nAmbrose, and not he, who inaugurated the tradition of the medieval Latin\nhymn.\n\nSo far no mention has been made of the fact that the early period of\nChristian history was characterized by persecution. As a rule sporadic\nand intermittent, it was periodically severe. At all times Christians, if\nnot actually persecuted, were objects of suspicion to the Roman\ngovernment. We owe to the official zeal of Pliny the Younger, who was a\nproconsul in Bithynia in 112, our first glimpse of Christian worship from\nthe point of view of the outsider. In a letter to the Emperor Trajan on\nthe subject of the Christians, he says that, as a part of their service\nat sunrise, they chanted a hymn, antiphonally, to Christ as a God.[82]\nSpeculation as to the identity of this hymn has never ceased among\nstudents. Leclercq summarizes the theories as follows: It is a morning\nhymn later attributed to Hilary. It is the morning hymn of the Greek\nliturgy. It is the morning hymn of the _Apostolic Constitutions_. It is\nthe Great Doxology.[83] Since they are all unsatisfactory as\nidentifications, we remain in ignorance on this point. A recent study of\nPliny's letter by Casper J. Kraemer, a classicist, proposes the\ntranslation of the words _carmen dicere_, \"to chant a psalm.\"[84] This\nmost interesting suggestion is in thorough harmony with our knowledge of\nthe continuity of the use of the psalms in public worship at this time.\n\n\n\n\n                            VII. Conclusion\n\n\nReviewing the total pagan influence, both Greek and Latin, upon Christian\nhymnody, it must be understood that, in comparison with Semitic pressure\nin its wider implication, as well as the strictly Hebraic, pagan\ninfluence was relatively slight. It was a matter of centuries before the\nHebrew psalms were permitted any rivals whatever in the usage of worship,\nexcept other biblical citations or such poems as might be produced by\nunquestioned churchmen. Even these were sparingly used, for _psalmi\nidiotici_, as the novel and original compositions were called, were\nforbidden by the Church and a new hymnody was thus stifled at its very\nbirth. In a period of confusion marked by the rival use of hymns on the\npart of the orthodox and non-orthodox, it was felt that worship must be\nsafeguarded. Only after the appearance of the modern vernacular languages\nin Europe in the period of the ninth century, when the liturgy had been\nset apart in the Latin tongue, was any real freedom permitted in the\ncomposition of new hymns. By that time the clergy were the poets and\nLatin their chosen medium of expression.[85]\n\nBy the time of Ambrose in the fourth century, however, Greek and oriental\nelements had long since merged in other aspects of civilization and, in\nthe course of time, Christian hymns felt the effect of a universal\ndevelopment. There was a certain departure from biblical models and an\nemancipation from the old poetic forms in favor of the trend toward\naccent and rhyme. After all, a new religion had come into existence which\ndemanded an authentic expression of a spiritual aspiration beyond that of\nthe Old Testament models, just as Isaac Watts in the eighteenth century\nturned from the tradition of psalmody to an original presentment of the\nnew revelation in Christ.\n\nAre we to suppose that the Christians in the Mediterranean world of the\nfirst three centuries, representing the average inhabitant of these\nlands, had no hymns except those cited above? Or others like them? If\nthey had, we are unacquainted with them. It is fair to assume that\nsecular poetry and music eventually exerted an influence upon hymnody. At\nleast the beginning of such influence was apparent in the adoption of\npopular meters by heretical poets, as well as by the orthodox.[86] Later,\nAmbrose perpetuated aspects of popular verse and perhaps music as\nwell.[87] But there is no evidence at hand to support the assumption of a\npopular hymnody enjoyed either in connection with worship or\nindependently of it.\n\nThe problem of music is outside the province of this paper but is\ninvolved in any serious study of hymnology at any period of its\ndevelopment. Here the student is almost totally at a loss for manuscript\nevidence bearing musical notation from the primitive period. The\nOxyrhynchus hymn is a solitary example.[88] This does not mean that the\nsubject is altogether obscure. Many statements about Christian practice,\ninspired by biblical precedent, are found in patristic literature. The\ntraditions both of Hebrew music and of the early Church are well known.\nIt seems clear that melody only was employed and that it was, for the\nmost part, unaccompanied. Instrumentation was opposed and forbidden in\npublic worship of a liturgical nature.[89]\n\nNo student can leave the consideration of early Christian hymnology\nwithout a sense of defeat. The past cannot be forced to yield the hidden\nknowledge of which it is the custodian. Sources are very scanty,\nespecially in proportion to other literary remains of early Christianity.\nSpecifically, there is no collection of hymns in existence which might\ncorrespond to a modern hymnary. On the contrary, isolated examples or\ngroups appear from place to place and from time to time in varied forms.\nBut in one respect our evidence is sure, if not complete. Springing from\nthe culture and the vicissitudes of the age, Christian hymns of the early\nChurch, as in every other stage of its development, not only express the\nspiritual aspiration of the time but also respond to the challenge of a\nnew day.\n\n\n[1]H. LeClercq, \"Hymnes,\" _Dictionnaire D' Archeologie Chretienne, etc._\n    (Paris, Letouzey, 1925), vol. 16, 2826-2928; Part I, _Hymnographie\n    des trois premiers siecles_, 2826-2859.\n\n[2]C. S. Phillips, _Hymnody, Past and Present_ (London, S. P. C. K.,\n    1937).\n\n[3]J. Kroll, \"Die Hymnendichtung des fruehen Christentums,\" _Die Antike_,\n    2 (1926), 258-281.\n\n[4]J. Mearns, _Canticles of the Christian Church_ (Cambridge, Un. Press,\n    1914), 1; F. Cabrol, \"Cantiques,\" _Dictionnaire D' Archeologie\n    Chretienne, etc._, vol. 2 (2), 1976.\n\n[5]All biblical passages quoted in this paper are given in the _King\n    James Version_ of the English Bible.\n\n[6]R. H. Charles, _The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament_\n    (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1913), vol. I, 627-629.\n\n[7]J. Mearns, _op. cit._ (see note 4), 1.\n\n[8]F. Cabrol, _op. cit._ (see note 4), 1976-1977.\n\n[9]J. Julian, _Dictionary of Hymnology_ (London, John Murray, 1892),\n    \"Canons,\" 461, 463.\n\n[10]Quotations from the Psalms are not included in this paper.\n\n[11]C. H. Toy, _Quotations in the New Testament_ (New York, Scribners,\n    1884), 199-200.\n\n[12]E. F. Scott, _The Pastoral Epistles_ (New York, Harper, no date), 14.\n\n[13]J. Kroll, _op. cit._ (see note 3), 264.\n\n[14]M. Dibelius, _A Fresh Approach to the New Testament and Early\n    Christian Literature_ (New York, Scribners, 1936), 247.\n\n[15]R. Reitzenstein, _Die Hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen_ (Leipzig,\n    Teubner, 1927), 3rd edition, 385.\n\n[16]G. D. Kellogg, _The Ancient Art of Poetic Improvisation_, a paper\n    read at the meeting of the Classical Association of the Atlantic\n    States, April 26, 1940; J. Kroll, _op. cit._ (see note 3), 259.\n\n[17]_Contra Haereses_, III, xvii, 2; Migne (PG), VII, 929-930. For a\n    recent commentator, see F. J. Foakes-Jackson, _The Acts of the\n    Apostles_ (London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1931), 10-13.\n\n[18]Note the citation, _I Tim. 6:15-16_, _supra_, p. 7, in which the\n    repetition of the relative clause produces a stylistic effect.\n\n[19]Justin Martyr, _Apologia pro Christianis_, 67; Migne (PG), VI, 430.\n    Translation from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_ (New York, Scribners, 1899),\n    I, 14.\n\n[20]_Didache_, xiv; Translation from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, VII, 381.\n\n[21]_Apostolic Constitutions_, II, lvii; Translation from _Ante-Nicene\n    Fathers_, VII, 421-422.\n\n[22]_Ante-Nicene Fathers_, VII, 371-376; _Catholic Encyclopedia_, IV,\n    779f; _Encyclopedia Britannica_, eleventh edition, VII-VIII, 209f.\n\n[23]_Didache_, ix; Translation from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, VII, 380.\n\n[24]_Hymnody Past and Present_, 16-17.\n\n[25]F. E. Brightman, _Liturgies, Eastern and Western_ (Oxford, Clarendon\n    Press, 1896), vol. I, _Introduction_, xvii-xxix.\n\n[26]F. E. Brightman, _supra_, xxix; see also B. S. Easton, _The Apostolic\n    Tradition of Hippolytus_ (Cambridge, Un. Press, 1934), 12.\n\n[27]L. Eisenhofer, _Handbuch der katholischen Liturgik_, vol. I,\n    _Allgemeine Liturgik_ (Freiburg im B., Herder, 1932), 150-152.\n\n[28]_Apostolic Constitutions_, VII, 47.\n\n[29]_Supra_, VII, 48.\n\n[30]_Supra_, VII, 49.\n\n[31]Translations from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, VII, 538, 544.\n\n[32]_Liber de spiritu sancto_, xxix, 73; Migne (PG), XXXII, 205. See also\n    J. Mearns, _op. cit._ (see note 4), 16.\n\n[33]Translation by Robert Bridges, _Yattendon Hymnal_ (London, Oxford Un.\n    Press, 1920), no. 88.\n\n[34]R. M. Pope, \"Latin Hymns of the Early Period,\" _Theology_, 21 (1930),\n    159; _Catholic Encyclopedia_, \"Te deum,\" XIV, 468-470; C. W. Douglas,\n    _Church Music in History and Practice_ (New York, Scribners, 1937),\n    158-160.\n\n[35]F. Cabrol, _op. cit._ (see note 4), especially Part II, _Les\n    cantiques anciens_, 1976-1977.\n\n[36]E. Norden, _Agnostos Theos_ (Leipzig, Teubner, 1913), 276.\n\n[37]Translation from _Book of Common Prayer_ (Prot. Epis. Church, U. S.\n    A.), 84. Similar effects were apparent in _I Tim. 6:15-16_, _I Tim.\n    3:16_, _I Peter 2:22-25_, quoted above.\n\n[38]K. Keyssner, _Gottesvorstellung und Lebensauffassung in griechischen\n    Hymnus_ (Stuttgart, Kohlhammer, 1932). In his index Keyssner lists 72\n    known authors of all periods, 37 anonymous pieces (some fragments),\n    and 22 magical formulae or collections.\n\n[39]E. H. Blakeney, _Hymn of Cleanthes_ (London, S. P. C. K., 1921), 8.\n\n[40]E. D. Perry, Preface to A. Koerte, _Hellenistic Poetry_, translated by\n    J. Hammer and M. Hadas (New York, Col. Un. Press, 1929), vii.\n\n[41]S. Angus, _Religious Quests of the Graeco-Roman World_ (New York,\n    Scribners, 1929), 76.\n\n[42]_Supra_, 77, 86, 87.\n\n[43]_Metamorphoses_, xi, 25. Translation from S. Angus, _Mystery\n    Religions and Christianity_ (New York, Scribners, 1925), 240-241. For\n    the hymn from Cyme see P. Roussel, \"Un nouvel Hymne a Isis,\" _Revue\n    des Etudes grecques_, 42 (1929), 138.\n\n[44]Cited by Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 20;\n    Migne (PL), XII, 1025; F. Cumont, _Textes et Monuments Figures\n    relatifs aux Mysteres de Mithra_ (Bruxelles, Lamertin, 1899), vol. I,\n    313.\n\n[45]_Contra Faustum_, xv, 5; Migne (PL), xlii, 307.\n\n[46]Cumont, _op. cit._ (see note 44), 302.\n\n[47]A. Dieterich, _Eine Mithrasliturgie_ (Leipzig, Teubner, 1923), 14;\n    Translation from S. Angus, _op. cit._ (see note 43), 241.\n\n[48]_Philosophumena_, V, iv; _Die griechischen christlichen\n    Schriftsteller der ersten drei Jahrhunderte, Hippolytus_, vol. iii,\n    edited by Paul Wendland (Leipzig, Hinrich, 1916), 99-100. Translation\n    from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, V, 56-57.\n\n[49]T. Taylor, _The Mystical Hymns of Orpheus_ (London, Dobell and Reeves\n    & Turner, 1896), 63.\n\n[50]J. Geffeken, _Der Ausgang des griechisch-roemischen Heidentums_\n    (Heidelberg, Winter, 1929), 18; M. Hauck, _Die hymnorum Orphicorum\n    aetate_ (Dissertation, Breslau, 1911); O. Kern, _Die Herkunft des\n    Orphischen Hymnenbuch_ in _Carl Robert zum 8. Maerz 1910 Genethliakon_\n    (Berlin, Weidmann, 1910).\n\n[51]R. Reitzenstein, _Poimandres_ (Leipzig, Teubner, 1904), 59, 347f.\n\n[52]Translations from S. Angus, _Mystery Religions and Christianity_,\n    241-242.\n\n[53]Phillips, _Hymnody Past and Present_, 13.\n\n[54]_Ut queant laxis resonare fibris_ (Paulus Diaconus, d. 799);\n    _Herzliebster Jesu, was hast du verbrochen_ (Johann Heerman, 1630);\n    _Where is the Friend for whom I'm ever yearning_ (Johann Wallin,\n    1779-1839).\n\n[55]_Acts of Thomas_, IX, 108. Translation from M. R. James, _The\n    Apocryphal New Testament_ (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1924), 411. See\n    also B. Pick, _The Apocryphal Acts_ (Chicago, Open Court Pub. Co.,\n    1909), 312.\n\n[56]According to Pick _op. cit._ (see note 55), 312, it is a Gnostic\n    development of _Phil. 2:5-11_.\n\n[57]O. Bardenhewer, _Patrology_, translated from the 2nd edition by T. J.\n    Shahan (Freiburg im B., Herder, 1908), 107.\n\n[58]J. Kroll, _op. cit._ (see note 3), 270.\n\n[59]Acts of Thomas, I, 6. Translation from M. R. James, _op. cit._ (see\n    note 55), 367.\n\n[60]Acts of John, 94, 95. Translation from M. R. James, _op. cit._ (see\n    note 55), 228, 253.\n\n[61]Augustine, _Epistula_ ccxxxvii; Migne (PL), xxxiii, 1034. See also\n    Leclercq, _op. cit._ (see note 1), 2841.\n\n[62]_Philosophumena_, v, 5; Text, _op. cit._ (see note 48), 102.\n    Translation from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, V, 58.\n\n[63]_Philosophumena_, vi, 32; Text, _op. cit._ (see note 48), 167.\n    Translation from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, V, 91.\n\n[64]E. Norden, _op. cit._ (see note 36), 69.\n\n[65]H. Burgess, _Select Metrical Hymns and Homilies of Ephraem Syrus_\n    (London, Blackader, 1853), 77-83.\n\n[66]J. R. Harris & A. Mingana, _The Odes and Psalms of Solomon_, vol. I,\n    _Text_; II, _Translation_ (Manchester, Un. Press, 1916-1920), II, 69,\n    187-189, 197; J. R. Harris, _Odes and Psalms of Solomon_ (Cambridge,\n    Un. Press, 1909), 1-15; M. Dibelius, _op. cit._ (see note 14),\n    248-251; J. Kroll, _op. cit._ (see note 3), 265-268.\n\n[67]Harris & Mingana, _Odes and Psalms of Solomon_, II, 232.\n\n[68]_Supra_, 259.\n\n[69]_Supra_, 362.\n\n[70]_Supra_, 369.\n\n[71]_Supra_, 69.\n\n[72]_Ante-Nicene Fathers_, I, 23.\n\n[73]Chapters vii, ix, x, xii. Translation from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, I,\n    27, 28, 29, 30.\n\n[74]Translation from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, VIII, 756.\n\n[75]Poetical translation from _Ante-Nicene Christian Library_ (Edinburgh,\n    Clark, 1867), IV, 343, by William Wilson. A familiar poetical\n    translation is found in B. Pick, _Hymns and Poetry of the Eastern\n    Church_ (New York, Eaton & Mains, 1908), 21.\n\n[76]Harris & Mingana, _op. cit._ (see note 66), 187.\n\n[77]B. F. Grenfell & A. S. Hunt, _Amherst Papyri_ (London, Frowde,\n    1900-1901), 23; Leclercq, _op. cit._ (see note 1), 2853f.\n\n[78]Translation from P. D. Scott-Moncrieff, _Paganism and Christianity_\n    (Cambridge, Un. Press, 1913), 83-84.\n\n[79]B. F. Grenfell & A. S. Hunt, _Oxyrhynchus Papyri_, Pt. XV (London,\n    Oxford Un. Press, 1922), no. 1786, 21-22; also Preface.\n\n[80]{Symposion ton deka parthenon}, xi, 2; Migne (PG), XVIII, 207-214;\n    Translation from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, VI, 351.\n\n[81]W. N. Myers, _The Hymns of Saint Hilary of Poitiers in the Codex\n    Aretinus_ (Philadelphia, Un. of Penn., 1928), 12, 29, 53, 67. For a\n    discussion of other hymns attributed to Hilary see _supra_, p. 14 and\n    A. S. Walpole, _Early Latin Hymns_ (Cambridge, Un. Press, 1922), 1-4.\n\n[82]_Epistulae_, x, 96.\n\n[83]Leclercq, _op. cit._ (see note l), 2837-2838.\n\n[84]C. J. Kraemer, \"Pliny and the Early Church Worship,\" _Classical\n    Philology_ 29 (1934), 293-300.\n\n[85]H. F. Muller, \"Pre-History of the Mediaeval Drama,\" _Zeitschrift f.\n    romanische Philologie_ 44 (1924), 544-575.\n\n[86]J. Kroll, _op. cit._ (see note 3), 273-274.\n\n[87]E. Norden, \"Die Literatur,\" in _Vom Altertum zur Gegenwart_ (Leipzig,\n    Teubner, 1921), 41-49.\n\n[88]Grenfell & Hunt, _op. cit._ (see note 79), 22. There are 8\n    recognizable notes in the Diatonic Hypolydian key of Alypius. The\n    mode is Hypophrygian or Iastian.\n\n[89]J. Quasten, _Musik und Gesang in den Kulten der heidnischen Antike\n    und christlichen Fruehzeit_ (Muenster im W., Aschendorff, 1930), ch.\n    iv.\n\n\n\n\n                          Transcriber's Notes\n\n\n--In the text version, _italicized words_ are delimited by underscore\n  characters.\n\n--In the text versions, {Greek words} are delimited by curly brackets,\n  and transliterated according to Distributed Proofreaders conventions.\n  Note that circumflexes (which mark long vowels) appear in Latin-1 but\n  are lost in ASCII translation.","title":"Christian Hymns of the First Three Centuries","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":10063}