{"collection":"philosophy-ethics","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_35790/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_35790","id":"gutenberg_35790","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/35790","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Essays, Letters & Speeches","Category: History - Modern (1750+)","Category: Philosophy & Ethics","Japan -- Civilization"],"text":"</pre>\nA FANTASY OF FAR JAPAN\n\nor\n\nSummer Dream Dialogues\n\n\nBy\n\nBARON SUYEMATSU\n\nAuthor of 'THE RISEN SUN'\n\n\nLondon\n\nARCHIBALD CONSTABLE AND COMPANY, LTD.\n\n1905\n\n\n\n\n\n                  _LE SAMURAI_\n\n                   _C'\u00e9tait un homme \u00e0 deux sabres._\n\n     _D'un doigt distrait fr\u00f4lant la sonore b\u00eeva,_\n     _A travers les bambous tress\u00e9s en fine latte,_\n     _Elle a vu, par la plage \u00e9blouissante et plate,_\n     _S'avancer le vainqueur que son amour r\u00eava._\n\n     _C'est lui. Sabres au flanc, l'\u00e9ventail haut, il va._\n     _La cordeli\u00e8re rouge et le gland \u00e9carlate_\n     _Coupent l'armure sombre, et, sur l'\u00e9paule, \u00e9clate_\n     _Le blason de Hizen et de Tokugawa._\n\n     _Ce beau guerrier v\u00eatu de lames et de plaques_\n     _Sous le bronze, la soie et les brillantes laques_\n     _Semble un crustac\u00e9 noir, gigantesque et vermeil._\n\n     _Il l'a vue. Il sourit dans la barbe du masque,_\n     _Et son pas plus h\u00e2tif fait reluire au soleil_\n     _Les deux antennes d'or qui tremblent \u00e0 son casque._\n\n                               JOS\u00c9-MARIA DE HEREDIA.\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE\n\n\nIn the following pages I have depicted certain Japanese ideals and\nnotions, as well as some historical facts which seemed likely to\ninterest those of the sympathetic Western public who may be inclined to\nstudy the mental side of Japan.\n\nThe dialogues are founded upon actual conversations, not indeed always\nin exactly the same phraseology, nor under exactly the same\ncircumstances, but something very like. The questions put into the\nmouths of the characters in the book are the kind of questions which are\nbeing constantly put to me, and my answers are always on the same lines;\nso that my readers may regard the book as a serious treatise so far as\nthe materials are concerned. This is the reason why I have written this\nbook in a light, conversational style, and not in the form of an\nordinary critical or expository treatise. Besides, I thought that more\nlucidity of exposition and more penetration into the inner views could\nbe achieved by writing in the way I have done.\n\nThe period to which these conversations relate is chiefly the summer of\nthe present year, 1905, and the greater part of this book was written\nbefore peace was concluded, and therefore there may be occasionally some\ndicta which sound somewhat polemic. On that point I can request my\nreaders to show leniency.\n\nI have appended to the dialogues a few papers on various subjects. They\ndeal with subjects germane to those treated in the body of the work, and\nit is hoped that they will afford the reader first aid in acquiring\ninformation relative to the analysis of Japanese social life which has\nhere, however imperfectly, been attempted.\n\nI may add a few words. In publishing this volume, I am not in the least\ndegree actuated by a desire to exalt my country unduly,--still less to\nboast about her achievements. My sole object has been to show Japan as\nshe is, and to claim Occidental sympathy to such a degree as she may\ndeserve.\n\nK.S.\n\nPARIS, _November 1905_.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\nI\n\nThe issue of the war--Some Forecasts--English and French papers\n--Political situation in the summer of 1905--Beaconsfield--Japanese\nfictions and their plots--Some similarities between the customs of\nGreece, Rome, and Japan--Love stories--A Japanese love tale--Custom\nof adoption--_Jane Eyre_ and Japan--Japanese art--Japanese\ngardening--Full description of marriage ceremonies--Preliminary\ninquiries--Description of the rooms, and decorations--Butterflies\n--The banquet--Wedding presents--Position of the women in Japan\n--Japanese mothers and wives--A Samurai mother illustrated by a\ndrama--Lays of Ancient Rome and Commandant Hiros\u00e9--Japanese notions\nof pardon and forgiving--Trip to Japan\n\n\nII\n\nGreek inspiration--Semitic sympathy--Religion--Difference between\nJapanese and European chivalry--What is the Bushi?--The weakest point\nof a hereditary military organisation--Introduction of the new\nsystem--New commoners and the history of their emancipation--Combination\nof democratic ideas and conservative traditions--Old bottles and new\nwine--The Great Change of 1867--Napoleon--Negligence of a proper\nestimation--Scenery of Japan---History of Tokio--European and Japanese\nmethod of dwelling--President Roosevelt and jiujitsu\n\n\nIII\n\nJapanese art and the West--Night-f\u00eates--Sale of flowers and\nplants--Singing Insects--A discussion on the moon, flowers, snow,\netc.--Music of snow and rain--Lines on hailstones--A particular evening\nfor lunar perspective--A blind scholar and his wife--The deaf, dumb, and\nblind of Japan--The calendar and its radical change in Japan--Calumnies\non Japan, and an anonymous letter--Japanese ways of counting ages--The\nquestion of women and a lady's opinion on Japanese women--Lafcadio\nHearn--Japanese names--Difficulty of distinguishing between 'L' and\n'R'--Discussion on pronunciation--London and Tokio patois--Japanese\nnobility and the method of addressing nobility--Books on Japan--Once\nmore on Lafcadio Hearn--Discussion on women's education--_The Risen\nSun_\n\n\nIV\n\nA talk on brackens--Eating of fruits without peeling--A pet\ntortoise--Remarks on languages--Discourses on jiujitsu--Comparison of\njiujitsu and wrestling--Japanese art and the Kokkwa--Pictures in the\nGospel--Discourse on Bushido, its history and the origin of the\nterm--Explanation of the terms Daimio, Samurai, and Bushi--Its\nliterature--Japanese revenge and European duel--Japanese sword--Soul of\nSamurai--General Stoessel and a broken sword--Discussion on Japanese\nsocial morality--Japan far cleaner than any other nation--The condition\nat the time of the transition--General view of the westernised\nJapan--Occidental vulgarity\n\n\nV\n\nSome observations on peace prospects--Discussion on\nAnglo-French-Russo-Japanese _entente_--Russian views of the\nJapanese--Discussion on religion and Japan--Japan and the International\nConventions--The meaning of religion--General Nogi--A high-priest on\nJapan and Russia--The Japanese conception of death--A quotation from an\nold book on Bushido--The notion of the name--Further remarks on the\nRussian views of the Japanese--England and America--The outbreak of the\nwar--A wanton project of the Russian admiral restrained by the French\nadmiral--Discussion on the Yellow Peril and Pan-Asiatic ambition--Japan\nnot a small country--French poor in the caves--Paris by night--Sir\nStamford Raffles and his appreciation of Japan ninety years ago\n--Patriotism and France--_La France, c'est le pays de mon c\u0153ur_--A\nromantic and tragical story--Discussion on Socialism and Japan--England\nand America--Discussion on the word 'Revolution'--The Great Change of\nJapan in 1867--Its political and social effects--A comparison with the\nFrench Revolution--Discussion on unity and continuity of authority--An\nanonymous pamphlet--Discussion on the relative position of the French\nNationalists and Socialists with regard to Japan--French thrift\n\n\nVI\n\nThe age of the Japanese--Ito and Inouy\u00e9--Intermarriages--Commander\nHiros\u00e9--Some abuse of the Japanese nationality--The climate of\nJapan--Chrysanthemums--Japanese rain--The two great currents--How Japan\ndeveloped--Summer resorts of foreigners--Spring and autumn\n--Picnics--Sports--A letter by an American--Pastimes of the\nJapanese gentry--Description of the Japanese chess and the game of\n'Go'--Description of Japanese cards--Poem cards--Flower cards--Pierre\nLoti--Public baths--An interview on common and military education in\nJapan--George Washington and Nelson--The cause of Russian defeats\naccording to the wounded\n\n\nVII\n\nSome talk on superstition--A remark on earrings--Japanese troops after\nthe war; no fear of Chauvinism--Generals and officers--How the system of\nthe hereditary military service was abolished and the new system was\nintroduced--Its history--Japan after the war--Views given to the\nAmerican press--Mr. Seppings-Wright and his views on the Japanese\ncharacter--The Japanese navy and its history--Origin of the shipbuilding\nyards--The difficulty of a thorough reform in China and Russia--How\nJapan managed to bring about the consummation of the great reform--The\nfeudal system was a great help--Explanation of the Japanese feudal\nsystem and the clans--The re-shuffling of the feudatories under the\nTokugawa r\u00e9gime--Difference of grandeur of the feudatories--Exceptional\nformation of the Satsuma clan--Financial system of the Shogunate\n--Finance of the Imperial Government at the beginning of the Great\nChange--How the affairs of the governments of the feudatories were\nwound up--The old system of taxation--Thorough reform--The old notion of\nland tenure\n\nVIII\n\nCommerce and industry--Old methods of communication--Roads and\nships--How they have been improved--Railways, post, telegraphs, and\ntelephones--Progress of the financial system--The Satsuma war--The Bank\nof Japan--The National banks--The monetary system one of the causes of\nJapan's success--Further remarks on the military reforms--Evolution of\nthe mode of fighting--All reforms at much cost of blood and money--The\ncause of the Satsuma war--Saigo the Elder--Social condition of Japan\nto-day--Evolution of legislation--Chinese jurisprudence--The Japanese\nare not good correspondents--My future--An operatic singer--Japanese\nstages--Danjiuro and Irving--The old school and the new one--Kawakami\nand Sada Yakko--The opera _Maritana_--The end of the dream\n\n\nAPPENDICES\n\n\nI. Political Organism of Japan\n\nII. Japanese Education\n\nIII. Anglo-French Diplomacy in Japan Forty Years ago\n\nIV. Sketches of some chief Figures of Actual Japan (Ito, Yamagata,\nInouy\u00e9, Matsukata, Katsura, Okuma, Saionji)\n\nV. An old Speech by Marquis Ito\n\nVI. The Commercial Morality of the Japanese\n\nVII. Japan and Foreign Capital\n\nVIII. The Languages of China and Japan\n\nIX. Once more on Japan and France\n\nX. Japan and Europe\n\nXI. The Indo-China Question\n\nXII. The Australian Question\n\nXIII. The Anglo-Japanese Alliance and America\n\nNotes to Dialogues V. and VIII., and to the Paper on 'Commercial\nMorality'\n\n\n\n\nA FANTASY OF FAR JAPAN:\n\nSUMMER DREAM DIALOGUES\n\n\n\n\nI\n\nThe issue of the war--Some Forecasts--English and French papers\n--Political situation in the summer of 1905--Beaconsfield--Japanese\nfictions and their plots--Some similarities between the customs of\nGreece, Rome, and Japan--Love stories--A Japanese love tale--Custom\nof adoption--_Jane Eyre_ and Japan--Japanese art--Japanese\ngardening--Full description of marriage ceremonies--Preliminary\ninquiries--Description of the rooms, and decorations--Butterflies\n--The banquet--Wedding presents--Position of the women in Japan\n--Japanese mothers and wives--A Samurai mother illustrated by a\ndrama--Lays of Ancient Rome and Commandant Hiros\u00e9--Japanese notions\nof pardon and forgiving--Trip to Japan\n\nIt was a cool summer afternoon in a quiet hotel in a quiet part of\nParis. I threw myself lazily into an easy-chair on the balcony and began\nreading _Le Journal_. I was somewhat tired and soon felt myself drowsily\nwandering into dreamland as the breeze lulled me soothingly. I felt\nmyself, as it were, wafted through the air. Soon I found myself in the\ncompany of a friend of mine and his wife, though I do not know how all\nthat came about. We passed together through the Bois de Boulogne, now\namidst tall, green forests, now along the turfy shores of mirror-like\nlakes. We arrived at last before the entrance of a large house. It was\nthe residence of the Duke of Fairfield. His wife, the Duchess of\nFairfield, is a star in Parisian society and a great hostess. Her salon\nis periodically filled with politicians, savants, great artists, and the\nmost fashionable ladies and belles of the day. Her forte is politics,\nand indeed she is no mean politician in her way. It was in that lady's\ndrawing-room that we in no time found ourselves.\n\n--'I am so glad that you were able to come here to-day,' said the\nduchess. 'I was very anxious to make your acquaintance, and so asked\nyour friend to bring you. I have known you long by \"interviews\" and\narticles. We all read them with delight. They are read on the Continent\nfar more than you imagine.'\n\n--'Don't mention it, madam,' said I. 'It is a great honour, I feel, to\nhave access here. As to my articles, I am highly flattered to hear they\nhave any interest for you.'\n\nThere were already many people in the salon. I was naturally introduced\nto some of the ladies and gentlemen present. In a few moments I found\nmyself talking with the duchess on some questions of the day.\n\n--She said, 'Some people foresaw, even before the war had began, what\nthe issue would be. General Penetrator, for instance, I learned a good\ndeal from him,--and also from my own observations.'\n\n--'May I add,' said I, 'General Foresight also? I have heard some\nincidents about him quite lately. But I am glad to see you take so much\ninterest in our affairs.'\n\n--'No!' said the duchess, 'they are not exclusively your affairs. We are\nalso much concerned in the matter, as you know. But let us stop a\nmoment. Baron,--won't you have a cup of tea? Do take one.'\n\n--'If you please.'\n\nThe duchess had already risen and was proceeding towards a table where\nthe tea was laid out. I stood up also and followed her, saying, 'Allow\nme, madam, I will help myself, I'm troubling you too much'; but the\nduchess taking no notice of my words prepared a cup of tea and gave it\nto me where I stood; she was assisted by one of her daughters who\noffered me some cakes. I noticed that the tea was poured out of a pot\nmade in the shape of a beautiful waterfowl, its beak forming the spout.\n\n--'It is very artistic,' I said, pointing to the tea-pot.\n\n--'It is Japanese ware,' said the duchess. 'This kind of ware is, I\nsuppose, only made for the foreign markets, and not used in Japan, and\nso probably you have not seen it before. We think it rather nice. You\nsee our taste has little depth.'\n\n--'Well! madam, I must apologise to you for carelessly expressing\napprobation of an article coming from my own country. I would not have\ndone so if I had carefully examined it and had made sure that it was\nJapanese, but it certainly looks charming.'\n\nWe sat down again and resumed our conversation.\n\n--'Do you read our papers much?' said the duchess.\n\n--'Not much, madam, only those parts which interest me particularly--the\nwar, for instance.'\n\n--'Then you speak French, of course,' said she.\n\n--'Only a very, very little, madam, and unless spoken very slowly, I do\nnot understand at all,' I replied. 'People in society generally do not\ncare to take that trouble.'\n\n--'Very true, indeed,' she said, 'one often forgets that one is speaking\nto a foreigner while actually doing so. But what do you think of our\npapers?'\n\n--'They seem generally good,' I answered, 'though not perhaps as good as\nthose of England, for there, far more money is spent in obtaining good\nitems of news from all parts of the world. But this is too trite, I\nthink, to speak to you about.'\n\n--'I am sorry for it,' she said, 'but I must say that most of our\njournals appear not to have done sufficient justice to your country, in\nregard to the present war.'\n\n--'To be frank, madam, I must say that they generally were not quite\nfair. I am afraid they have done more harm than good to the country\nwhich they meant to befriend, for if they had not given so much\nencouragement to that country, much misfortune which has overtaken it\nmight have been evaded or at least lessened. It may have been only due\nto a pacing mistake. The press is much better now, and is beginning to\nrepresent more truthfully the sentiment of the people, I think.'\n\n--'It is very true,' she said; 'at the same time, I must say that the\naggressive attitude of that country could not have been created by our\njournals, however partial they may have been. In that respect, there may\nbe another country which is more responsible.'\n\nAll the while other guests and members of the house were carrying on\nconversation in a very lively manner, in twos, threes, or fours.\n\n--'But, baron, what do you think of the present political situation?'\nshe said. 'What is the real sentiment of England?'\n\n--'You must know such things better than I. To me, however, it seems\nEngland is perfectly sincere in her good wishes towards France. She has\nno _arri\u00e8re pens\u00e9e_.'\n\n--'But some people say she wants war with our neighbour,' said she.\n\n--'No! decidedly not,' I said. 'I know there are many people in England\nwho have no confidence in German policy; but \"want war,\" \"provoke war,\"\ndecidedly not!'\n\n--'That's my opinion too,' said she quickly.\n\nHereupon a few gentlemen joined in our discussion. We went over the\ninternational situation of the day from many points, with many\nhypotheses and conjectures. We thought the discussion both interesting\nand beneficial; the trend of the conversation naturally turned upon the\nbearing of the international relationship in the Far East. A rumour\nrecently circulated was mentioned by one of those present, to the effect\nthat German policy was to draw France into some sort of 'combination'\nsimilar to that which took place after the Sino-Japanese war. A\ngentleman who is senator and an ex-minister said that it was, of course,\nnecessary to watch what the Premier was going to do, but that he trusted\nthe Premier would not be so imprudent. If ever, he added, he were to be\ndrawn into such an unjust and imprudent action, he would at once revolt\nall statesmen, indeed all the French public, and, moreover, the rumour\nwas more likely unfounded than true. To this opinion all present\nexpressed an assent.\n\nAt this point some more visitors arrived, and the duchess left us to\nwelcome them. I also rose, and slowly went into the next room, which was\nthe study of the duke, but its sliding door was opened and formed with\nthe drawing-room one long salon. The other daughter--the duchess has two\ndaughters only, and no sons--was there, together with a few young folk.\nShe observed me at once, and we were soon talking together. There was a\nbook lying on a table beside us. Opening it at random, a picture of a\nwarrior appeared before us.\n\n--'It is Cond\u00e9,' she said.\n\n--'Yes, so I see,' I replied; 'he was a great general. I admire him very\nmuch. His splendid career, which I read many years ago in history, is\nstill vividly impressed on my memory!'\n\n--'And Jeanne d'Arc too, I suppose,' she said.\n\n--'Of course, mademoiselle.'\n\n--'Women sometimes do fine things, don't they! but Japan is a country of\nheroes and heroines.'\n\n--'I dare say, but Jeanne d'Arc especially appeals to one's\nimagination.'\n\n--'I admire your Bushido so much,' said she.\n\n--'Do you? I am glad to hear you say so.'\n\nLooking up, my eyes caught sight of many pictures hanging on the walls:\nfor the most part they seemed family portraits, and most of them men in\nmilitary uniform. I was tempted to make some observations, and\nunconsciously stood up to approach nearer to them. She followed my\nexample and walked by my side. Pointing to them, one after another, she\ntold me this was her grandfather, that her great-grandfather, these were\nthis one's sons or daughters, those that one's, etc. Amongst them, no\ndoubt, there were some who had done noble service for their country;\nthat fact was evident from the pedigree of her family. But, unlike\nordinary people, she had neither the necessity nor desire to glorify her\nancestors, but for my part I wished she had explained a little more of\ntheir history. Finally, she pointed out a picture as that of her mother,\nsaying she did not like it, and that it did not resemble her.\n\n--'Why not? One cannot expect a portrait to be like the original at\nevery stage of life,' I remarked.\n\n--'No! I did not mean exactly in that way,' she answered.\n\nWe were now at the end of the room leading on to a balcony. We stepped\non to it. I leaned on the railing; she stood not far off from me. The\ngarden was not very large, but neat and clean. Now I looked down at the\ngarden, now I turned towards Lady Modestina, which is her Christian\nname, exchanging some remarks about flowers and trees. Her sister now\njoined us coming forth from the drawing-room. Dulciana is her name. Our\nconversation somehow or other turned on works of fiction.\n\n--'Do you read fiction much, baron?' asked Lady Dulciana.\n\n--'No; not much. But I have read nearly all Beaconsfield.'\n\n--'I understand,' said she, 'his books are always full of spirit and\naspiration. _Incidents d'amour_ are only secondary, and that suits your\ntaste, I suppose--I mean, your countrymen in general.'\n\n--'Just so, the majority of our works of fiction are stories of heroic\ncharacters--stories of the _Alroy_ type, perhaps, with a little more\ndefinite morals, and something more of loyalty or patriotism.'\n\n--'I can understand that, too, from what I have heard and seen of late,'\nsaid she.\n\n--'But have you not in your country,' interposed Lady Modestina, 'any\nworks of fiction solely based on romantic incidents? Western fictions\nare, I am afraid, too full of such.'\n\n--'Well, we also have one kind of literature which may be called \"love\nstories.\" They are mostly written in an easy style, more for the less\neducated portion of the public.'\n\n--'Are they read much?' she asked.\n\n--'Not very much,' I answered; 'with us those books do not hold a high\nposition.'\n\n--'And the plots. What are they like?' she asked.\n\n--'Perhaps you know,' I answered, 'we have had certain customs which\nresembled those of Greece and Rome. Consequently the plots of such\nbooks, like the Greek and Roman comedies, are much influenced by those\ncustoms and do not suit the tastes of modern refinement.'\n\n--'Am I too curious if I ask the nature of those customs and manners?'\n\n--'Oh no! In Greece and Rome there was, perhaps you know, a certain\nclass of females called Hetaira, also a class of males called parasites.\nThey mixed pretty freely with men of good standing, and, of course, are\nnot to be judged by the same standard as the disreputable of modern\ndays. In Japan, also, there existed an almost identical class. I am\nreferring to those females known to the occidental races by the name of\nGeishas, and the men we call Taiko-Mochi, _i.e._ 'tam-bour,' though the\nlatter were comparatively few in number. The chief profession of the\nGeisha was music. Indeed, the books I have just referred to are peopled\nwith this class. Novelists in those days were never recognised as\nlegitimate _literati_, and were quite content to be associated with the\nso-called town people, and to write chiefly about their surroundings.\nThe very condition of the higher classes supplied but few subjects for\nromance, and the altered social conditions of present-day Japan clearly\nshows the reason why their works do not suit the modern taste.'\n\n--'I suppose that sort of people, I mean the class resembling those of\nGreece and Rome, exists no more.'\n\n--'Yes, they still exist. The modern Geisha, as a rule, are the same in\nkind, but not in quality. In the days gone by, that is, during the\nfeudal period, social discipline was very rigid, and the occasional\nadventures of those people were regarded as good subjects for Romancers,\nwhilst the modern ones are far too degraded--they have either no\nromance, or too much, to be made the subject of romance. Excuse my\ntelling you such things, I only do so from a sociological point of\nview.'\n\n--'Science will cry out, if you make use of her name in such a place.'\n\n--'Never mind, but listen! The fiction written in the new era differs,\nwidely differs, in the selection of subjects, from that of the old. Only\nremember! Even those books, I mean the old love stories, portrayed a\ngreat deal of female chivalry and heroism. Indeed, a spirit of chivalry\nwas the forte of the period. I can tell you, if you like, one plot which\nI recollect.'\n\n--'Do, please.'\n\n--'There was a young Samurai, X., and a maiden, Y., who loved each\nother. They were not decreed by fate to marry. X., the young Samurai,\nwas the second son of his father, and, therefore, not the heir. He was\nadopted by another Samurai, and eventually marries Z., the daughter of\nthe house. Now, in Japan adoption is, as it was with the Romans, a\ncommon custom; it was more so in days gone by. This was natural enough\nbecause, apart from other reasons, every Samurai was a retainer of a\nfeudal lord from whom he received a certain allowance annually for his\nservices, and his family depended upon him. In default of a male heir,\nthe house, in other words the family, lost every privilege and\nemolument. The succession, however, could be made good by an heir,\nadopted from a blood relation, or even from a totally strange family. On\nthe other hand, the second or third son of a Samurai had no legal status\nas a Samurai, and was vulgarly called \"Cold Rice Meals\" or \"Back Room\nResident.\" Personal service of a Samurai house to its lord was only\nrequired of its head. Succession of Samurai--the title as well as\nemolument--was according to primogeniture, and, therefore, a second or\nthird son could scarcely get a livelihood, unless adopted by another\nSamurai, or unless a totally different kind of profession be adopted, or\nelse he was made, by some lord, head of a new Samurai house, by virtue\nof some well-merited distinction, which was a matter of rare occurrence.\nWell, X. was adopted by the family of Z., his future wife according to\nthat custom.\n\n'Misfortune fell upon the family of Y., the maiden, and she became a\nGeisha, an actress, if you like, not from levity on her part, but from a\nsense of duty, which caused her to sacrifice herself to the occupation\njust mentioned--a sentiment which is unintelligible in the West. The\nstory proceeds to narrate how X., the young Samurai, and Y., his former\nsweetheart, meet each other after a long lapse of time by pure accident,\nand how their love of days gone by revived in their hearts, especially\nfrom the pity which the young Samurai felt for her misfortune and her\ncorresponding responsiveness. Further, how the young Samurai began to\nneglect his official duties and to incur the displeasure of the\ncouncillors of his lord, and was on the brink of becoming a Ronin--a\nmasterless Samurai, the greatest shame of a Samurai, if incurred by his\nown dishonourable conduct.\n\n'In those days, it must be remembered, the moral discipline of the\nSamurai was very rigid. The conduct of our young Samurai involved not\nonly the ruin of himself but also the destruction of the family as a\nSamurai, a matter most lamentable to the house of a knight. At last Z.,\nthe despairing wife, takes the matter very seriously to heart, not so\nmuch from jealousy as from a sense of duty to her house and a desire to\nsave her lord and husband from disgrace. She forms a bold plan, and\npersonally visits her rival to obtain her confidence. She persuades her,\nnot by any vulgar quarrel, but by serious reasoning and rational appeal,\nto put a stop to all connection with her husband. The rival assents and\ngives her promise. Then comes the climax. After a great struggle between\nlove and reason, and hampered by several circumstances which made her\nunable to fulfil her promise, the rival puts an end to her own life,\ncommitting jigai, which is equivalent to Seppuku--vulgarly called\nHarakiri--in the case of a man, leaving some touching and well-meant\nletters behind her. What became of the young Samurai and his wife after\nthat I scarcely need to relate here. Such, then, is the kind of plot we\nfind in that class of books.'\n\nWhile discoursing in this strain, a young lady--an English\nmaiden--joined us.\n\n--'Your plot seems not altogether like ours,' said the English lady. 'I\ndare say you have read some of our everyday novels?'\n\n--'Well, I have read some, but it is now so many years ago that I do not\nremember them, with one exception, and that is _Jane Eyre_. Years ago I\nread some chapters of it, and those are enough. The general contents of\nthose chapters remained ever in my memory. A little time ago I was\nstaying at Folkestone. One gloomy afternoon, when I was intent over many\nthings, that memory recurred to me all of a sudden. I went to a\nbookseller and bought a copy of the book: I read through once more some\nof the earlier chapters, and it created a great impression on me.'\n\n--'What caused that impression, I should like to know?' interposed Lady\nModestina.\n\n--'Well, I cannot explain the reason very well,' I answered.\n\n--'I can see it very well,' said the English lady; 'you are too proud\nto explain the reason,' Turning to the Ladies Modestina and Dulciana,\nshe continued. 'Perhaps you have not read, or do not remember well, the\nstory of our English novel. The story is this: Jane Eyre, a young girl,\nsuffers every torture in the house of her uncle at the hands of young\nJohn Reed and his sisters, and indeed of Mrs. Reed also. You know Jane\nEyre was the orphan child of a sister of Mr. Reed. He had taken her into\nhis family in order to bring her up with his own children. He died some\ntime after, enjoining his wife on his deathbed to look after her kindly.\nYou see, therefore, though Jane Eyre was not properly a member of the\nfamily, some of the same blood ran in her veins as in theirs. In spite\nof that fact, and in spite of the injunction of Mr. Reed, her uncle,\nand, above all, in spite of all the modesty and good behaviour she\nshowed, Jane was tormented by every member of the family. That is no\ndoubt the point which has impressed the baron so much to think of----'\n\n--'Perhaps,' I said smilingly.\n\n--'Never mind, baron, Jane was of strong enough character to emerge from\nthe trouble, and so will Japan, in spite of all the calumnies, if indeed\nshe has not done so already.'\n\nAt this point a bustle was heard in another part of the room. Lady\nModestina cast her eyes in that direction and said: 'Here comes a lady,\na friend of ours, a star in our society, we think much of her--I must go\nto her.' And as she was moving away slowly, remarked to me, 'I will\nintroduce you to her.' To which I replied, 'I shall be delighted.'\n\nWe went together towards the lady mentioned, to whom I was duly\nintroduced. She was the Marchioness de Vivastine, and was extremely\nbeautiful, looking far younger than her age must be, for I afterwards\nheard that she is the mother of a married daughter.\n\nHer face was covered by a veil, but her round and brilliant eyes\nsparkled through it. Her beauty, however, was not the point of my\nappreciation, but her vivacity and frankness. I soon entered into\nconversation with her. She spoke fluently and unhesitatingly. We\ncommenced to speak on art.\n\n--'I admire Japanese art very highly: it is so natural and vivid,\nflowers and animals and what-not.'\n\n--'May be, but our human figures are very bad,' said I.\n\n--'Perhaps so,' said she, 'in the later productions, but not in antique\nworks. I think there has been no nation which has produced such striking\nrepresentation of nature as your country. Curiously enough, one\nsometimes notices very close representations of nature in the carvings\nor the inscriptions of very primitive tribes. Don't misunderstand me. I\ndo not mean that yours are of that kind.'\n\n--'You must be, madam, very well acquainted with our arts. Whence have\nyou acquired that taste?'\n\n--'From the time of the last Great Exhibition here, when your country\nsent so many valuable specimens of art.'\n\n--'You must yourself be an artist. I can see it from your observations.'\n\n--'Yes, she is an artist, although an amateur,' interposed Lady\nModestina.\n\n--'No, don't say that,' interrupted the marchioness.\n\n--'I dare say you paint much,' said I.\n\n--'No, not at all,' replied the marchioness, and continued as she\nlaughed slightly, 'except, perhaps, that I used to paint occasionally my\nown portrait, of course after the style of the _chef-d'\u0153uvre_ of your\n\"literary picture\" in the faintest and lightest colours. By the way, I\nalso like Japanese methods of gardening. I once had a Japanese gardener\nfor three years at my country seat.'\n\n--'Really,' said I, 'you interest me very much.'\n\n--'He was very clever; far more so than any European, any Frenchman, in\nthe same calling of life could ever possibly be.'\n\n--'With us,' said I, 'it is very common. Every gardener understands the\nordinary art of \"garden-making,\" though, of course, there are only a few\nreal experts. But let me tell you that it comes more from the general\natmosphere and surroundings in which they grow up. There is nothing\nsurprising in it to our eyes.'\n\n--'May be. But to us it seems extraordinary. After three years, during\nwhich he served me very faithfully, I transferred him to a Frenchman,\nMr. Canny by name.'\n\n--'Is that so? I have seen his Japanese gardens.'\n\n--'Then you know him?'\n\n--'Yes, I first came to know him when he visited my country some years\nago. The other day I made a great circuit round Paris in his motor: we\nleft Paris by the Bois, then St. Cloud, Versailles, on to Fontainebleau,\nmaking a large circuit through Cagny, Surveilliers, Beaumont, Pointoise,\nthus reaching St. Germain, thence on to St Cloud and back to Paris by\nthe same route. We must have travelled three or four hundred\nkilometres.'\n\n--'Then you must have passed through the forests of Fontainebleau. Are\nnot the trees and rocks there splendid?'\n\n--'Yes, that is just what struck me very much, but I am most interested\nto hear that you appreciate the value of natural rocks. They are very\nimportant elements in our Japanese gardens.'\n\n--'I cannot understand how so great a number of rocks could have been\nheaped up there in that peculiar way. Some people imagine that at one\ntime they formed the bottom of the sea.'\n\n--'Oh! but if so, it must have been a very long time ago. At all events,\nbefore we came into existence,' said I, laughing, and added, 'I should\nlike to get a concession from the government to take those rocks,\nbecause the time will certainly come when they will be wanted for French\ngardens, and perhaps I could then become a millionaire.'\n\nThereupon we all broke out into laughter. The marchioness still\ncontinued to talk on different subjects. She had no affectation: she\nsaid boldly just what she thought with all the sparkle of her\nintelligence. I tried not to be overwhelmed by her eloquence, and the\nconsequence was that we had a very heated discussion on the customs and\nmanners of different countries. Reverting to Japan she said:\n\n--'I hear one can marry for two months in Japan. Is that true?'\n\n--'I beg your pardon?'\n\n--'Well, that is what I have heard,' she said, 'from an acquaintance. He\nsaid that he himself had married when he was staying in Japan, having\ngone through the requisite wedding ceremony--partaking of sak\u00e9 cups with\nthe bride.'\n\n--'Well, madam,' I said, 'I must say it is possible. Nay, more than\npossible. I can go further and tell you that such things may occur even\nfor much shorter times than that. But similar customs! Is it not the\nsame all over the world?--even in Paris itself, I am afraid. However, I\nmust say the nuptials of that particular kind are far less in number in\nmy country than in most of the civilised countries.'\n\nThereupon she burst into great laughter, as also did the others, and she\nsaid:\n\n--'I should like to hear something of your marriage ceremony. Is it a\ncivil or religious one?'\n\n--'Entirely civil, madam,' I replied. 'We hear now and then of people\ncelebrating a religious marriage after the fashion of the West, but it\nis very rare, as rare as one or two stars in a cloudy sky.'\n\n--'You seem to imitate the West in everything,' said she; 'but what I\nwould like to know of is your national ceremony.'\n\n--'Our marriage ceremony is a time-honoured one and entirely civil,' I\nsaid. 'There is always an officiating person or a witness or an\nassistant, if you like. He is the person who is responsible for the\ncompletion of a marriage. Generally he is the person who arranges the\nmatter from the very beginning--I mean, from the time when the\nengagement is formally made between the parties and, therefore, he is\ncalled a Nakaodo, a middle-man, or a go-between, as you like. Even when\nall the preliminary arrangements have been made by a second person, and\nanother person, for some reason, is preferred to officiate, the latter\nis called theoretically, or, as it were, officially, a Nakaodo, and he\nis considered as being responsible for all. A middle-man must be\nmarried, for his function must be shared by his wife, especially when\nthe essential part of the ceremony is performed; besides, a bachelor or\nwidower would never be considered a fit person for such an occasion. But\ndo you mean to make me give you the whole history of a wedding?'\n\n--'Of course! Your story is just beginning to be most interesting,' said\nshe.\n\n--'Very well! The ceremony is very elaborate and solemn, though the\nscale differs, or rather is magnified or simplified, according to\ncircumstances. To begin with, when the engagement is formally made,\ncertain presents called \"Yuino\" are at once exchanged simultaneously\nbetween the families of the bride and bridegroom elect--there are\ncertain usages in the selection of these presents.'\n\n--'What kind of things, for instance?' she asked.\n\n--'A staff for ceremonial \"onna-obi\" (a sort of a broad sash for women)\nfor the bride, and a staff for a ceremonial \"hakama\" (a sort of long\nkilt) and an \"otoko-obi\" (a sort of sash for men) for the bridegroom.\nThey are invariably accompanied by \"noshi\" and \"katsuo.\"'\n\n--'What are they?'\n\n--'They are things which you have not got in Europe. One made of\nseaweed and the other of dried fish meat, but it is waste of time to\ndescribe them, for you would hardly realise them if I did so. Suffice it\nto say that they are of little value intrinsically, but they are used in\nJapan to signify felicity. Remember, practical people sometimes\nsubstitute cash and a list of presents: the conventionality of the world\nis apt to take this form. These presents correspond to your giving an\nengagement ring, only ours are more solemn and, moreover, not\none-sided.'\n\n--'And what next?'\n\n--'Pray be patient. There is no fixed usage as to the length of the\ninterval between the engagement and wedding, but some months usually\nintervene. Nevertheless, we are not so patient, like many Occidentals,\nas to let it stand over for many years. When the time which is\nconvenient for both parties approaches, the date is fixed, a selection\nbeing made of a day of happy omen, as is also the case when the\nengagement presents are made. You see, there exists more or less a sort\nof superstition in every country.'\n\n--'Let us suppose that day arrived. What takes place then?'\n\n--'Wedding ceremonies are generally performed in the evening and at the\nhouse of the bridegroom. But remember, here again a restaurant or some\nother place is sometimes substituted for the residence, if the latter is\nnot suitable for the occasion.'\n\n--'Naturally.'\n\n--'All the paraphernalia and suchlike of the bride are sent to her\nfuture home some days previously. They are generally packed up in boxes\nin such a way that each box can be carried on the shoulders of two\npersons by poles. They are not packed and sent by carts, as when moving\nthe place of one's residence. The escort and carriers receive good tips\non arriving at their destination, so that those who happen to perform\nthat duty are only too glad to do so. The quantity and quality of the\narticles thus sent, of course, vary according to the conditions and\npositions of the parties.'\n\n--'As ours do, I presume.'\n\n--'But there are certain articles which are most usually prepared for\nthe bride.'\n\n--'As ours are also.'\n\n--'Previously to the departure of the bride from her home, some\nentertainments are generally given to her near relations, intimate\nfriends, and also to the servants for a farewell, or at least all the\nmembers of the family gather together and make some merriment. This\ngenerally takes place on the previous evening. On the day of her\ndeparture, the officiating person and his wife go to her parents' home\nand accompany her to her future home. Her parents, brothers, and sisters\nalso accompany, nay more, all her near relations and those of the\nbridegroom also are invited, in order to be formally introduced to each\nother and be present at the wedding banquet. In China the character\nwhich means \"to return\" is generally used also to signify the act of a\nbride leaving her home and going to the home of her future husband to be\nmarried to him. The idea is that her future home, to which she is now\ngoing, is imagined to be her real home, where she is now going back, and\nshe is not expected to return to her previous home for good, or rather\nfor any permanent purpose, for such a thing is considered out of the\nquestion altogether. This notion is also the same with us Japanese;\nconsequently in Samurai families the same formality as that of the\ndeparture of the dead is generally performed at the departure of the\nbride. I wonder if the Western custom of throwing slippers has any\nsimilar origin!'\n\n--'Very likely!' the marchioness interposed.\n\n--'And yet,' interrupted Lady Modestina, 'girls, and indeed young men,\ntoo, are compelled to marry without knowing and seeing each other at all\nbefore the wedding, as people say. Poor girls! Poor young men, too!'\n\n'Not exactly,' I answered; 'remember, Napoleon and the Archduchess of\nAustria had never seen each other before her state entry into the French\nterritory. The duchess, it is said, heaved deep sighs of relief at the\nfirst sight of Napoleon, who was not after all a monstrous creature, as\nshe had fancied from the stories she had heard of the sanguinary battles\nhe had fought everywhere. Such things--at least, similar things--often\ntake place even in Europe. So with us, too, in former days, marriages of\ngreat feudal lords were generally not unlike Napoleon's second marriage.\nBut with the people in general the matter was different. In these cases\nMiai, which literally means to see each other, was essential and almost\nthe formal part of the ceremony. When \"preliminary inquiries,\" so to\nsay, had turned out satisfactory, the so-called seeing each other took\nplace, that is to say, a rendezvous was arranged in one way or the\nother, say, at a flower garden or a theatre, in such a manner that\nneither of the parties felt any discomfort, and it did not become an\nobligation to either of them. Remember there was nothing indiscreet in\nthe affair, as both of the parties were always accompanied by some near\nrelatives or trustworthy friends. In nuptial affairs, parental authority\nwas much exercised, as in this country, it is true; but the power of\nvetoing was always reserved by the would-be bride, and still more by the\nbridegroom, especially after the rendezvous. It was, however, thought\nadvisable that as full preliminary inquiries as possible should be made\nbefore the rendezvous, in order that one side might not inconsiderately\ndisappoint the other.'\n\n--'But what do you mean by preliminary inquiries?'\n\n--'It means obtaining as much information as possible with regard to\nfamily affairs, family traditions, the character and attainments, even\nhabits and tastes of the would-be bride or bridegroom as the case may\nbe, and I dare say the faces also, even the number of the black spots on\nit.'\n\n--'Please be serious.'\n\n--'I don't think private detectives were employed, as in the Slater\ncase.'\n\n--'No joking, please.'\n\n--'But nearly similar things used to be done. Friends and schoolmates,\nservants, ex-servants, teachers of music, jewellers, fishmongers,\ngrocers, tailors, dress-makers, or anybody who had any connection with\nthe family whatever, were one and all an object from whom as much\ninformation as possible was extracted directly or indirectly; above all,\nMrs. Hairdresser, who knows such matters best. You know, our ladies\narrange their hair in all sorts of very complicated forms, and\nhairdressers make it a regular profession, paying professional visits\nconstantly to ladies' homes, and our ladies do not mind wasting time in\nsuch matters any more than their sisters of other countries.'\n\n--'Please to the point.'\n\n--'I am to the point. It was only after these inquiries that, to use a\ndiplomatic phrase, _pourparler_ for negotiations began. Of course all\nthe inquiries were done by some one else on behalf of the would-be bride\nor bridegroom. They would certainly be too delicate for a girl of, say,\n\"sweet seventeen,\" to carry them out for herself. Don't you agree with\nme on that point?'\n\n--'Life is short. Please don't spin out webs too long. But how do\nmatters stand nowadays?'\n\n--'Much the same,' I replied. 'But in our own days society gives much\nmore facility for young people to see and know each other. And I may add\nthat nowadays photos play a great part in the first stage of the\ninquiries. They say photos are for studying physiognomy in order to\ndiscern the character and intellectual capabilities, but I am afraid it\nis also to study the looks as well, or rather chiefly. Human nature is\nweak after all.'\n\n--'Still spinning out.'\n\n--'Oh no! I am only giving out the essence.'\n\n--'Let us then proceed with the ceremony.'\n\n--'Very well, the essential part of the ceremony consists in the bride\nand bridegroom partaking sak\u00e9 cups, as you know, but perhaps not exactly\nas your acquaintance did,' said I teasingly. 'The room wherein that part\nof the ceremony is performed is kept sacred for the occasion. The\nbridegroom is led to that room by the officiating person, and the bride\nby his wife. In our rooms there is a small part, a little elevated,\ncalled Toko-no-ma (alcove): it is the place of honour in the room, and\nit is there that the Kakemono (hanging picture or writing) is\nhung--sometimes a single one, sometimes a pair, or a series of three. We\ndo not hang up pictures all over the walls like a picture exhibition;\nand it is also there that we arrange flowers and plants in vases. The\nKakemono would be the chosen ones having some signification of felicity.\nThere are many subjects for such purposes, for instance, the landscape\nof the mythological island of Mount Horai, where immortals are said to\nreside, or cranes and long hair-tailed mythical tortoises, or the three\ntwin plants of pine, plum, and bamboo. All of these objects are\npopularly viewed as emblems of longevity. The flowers or plants arranged\nin the vase for the occasion would also be of the same nature.'\n\n--'And you have a special art in the arrangement of flowers, I\nunderstand, not as we do in the West by simply putting bunches into the\nvase without any discrimination.'\n\n--'Just so!' I answered, 'and there would be a Shimadai on Toko-no-ma.'\n\n--'What's that?'\n\n--'Shimadai is a representation of the Mount Horai which I have just\nmentioned. In later days Jo-tom-ba, more correctly Jo-to-uba, that is,\nthe old couple of Takasago, came to be usually to be represented with it\nas well Jo-tom-ba were mythical man and wife who lived very long and\nhappy lives. They are supposed to have dwelt in the beautiful pine\nforests on the lovely seashore of Takasago, where they spent their days\nin gathering pine needles. Small artificial mounts and pine forests and\nfigures of the aged couple are tastefully arranged on a clean tray of\nwhite wood, the edges of the tray being indented in order to represent\nan idea of the sea-coast, with some cranes on the branches of the pine,\ngenerally with a nest and young ones, as well as the hair-tailed\ntortoise on the seashore. Cranes and tortoises play their part in our\nceremonies so often, you see. I will here tell you the gist of a common\nsong. Once a crane married a tortoise. Now, cranes are supposed to live\none thousand years and tortoises ten thousand years. In the course of a\nduet pouring forth their touching sentiments, the wife gives vent to her\nthought to this effect: she feels sad at the idea that after a happy\nlife of nigh a thousand years she would have to lead a young widow's\nlife for nine thousand years.'\n\n--'For us mankind a thousand years is long enough. But please proceed\nwith the main story.'\n\n--'Very well,' said I: 'the bridegroom and bride are seated _vis-\u00e0-vis_\nbefore the Toko-no-ma at a distance, with the officiating person next\nthe bridegroom, and his wife next the bride, each giving assistance to\nthe bridegroom and bride respectively. The me-cho (she-butterfly) and\no-cho (he-butterfly) enter.'\n\n--'What's that?'\n\n--'Well, you see, butterflies are very beautiful, and when in couples\nare very amiable to each other. If you see them flying about in the\nfields, now touching the flowers, now playing with each other, you can\nwell imagine what happy lives they lead. At the wedding two virgins are\nchosen to represent a male and a female butterfly. They each hold a\n'choshi,' a vessel with a long handle for holding sak\u00e9. To one of the\nvessels a male butterfly made of paper is fastened, and to the other a\nfemale. They both, simultaneously, pour out a few drops for the bride\nand bridegroom successively, the idea being that two butterflies help\nthe rites.'\n\n--'Your idea of butterflies seems to be different from ours.'\n\n--'Well, we do not attach to them the sense of frivolity. At all events,\nin case of wedding the point taken into consideration is different. They\nare also pictured as a symbol of Dream based upon a discourse of an\nancient Chinese philosopher, who said that when he became a butterfly in\na dream he had no other notion than being a real butterfly, and\ntherefore he could not vouchsafe that his present _ego_ was not\nsimilarly a phenomenon of a greater Dream.'\n\n--'But you haven't yet explained where and how the cups are brought in.'\n\n--'The cups generally consist of a set of three, usually of plain,\nclean earthenware. They are put on a tray of pure white wood with legs\ncalled Sambo--a dumb waiter, if you like. They are generally placed\ntogether with the sak\u00e9 vase at the Toko-no-ma before the ceremony\nbegins, and are taken out at the bidding of the officiating person by\nthe butterflies. The exchanging of cups between the bride and bridegroom\nis rather complicated. Each time the bride or bridegroom holds up the\ncup, three drops of sak\u00e9 are poured into it by each butterfly, and this\nis repeated three times, and therefore this part is called San-san-kudo,\nthat is, three threes making nine, and that phrase is commonly used to\nsignify a marriage ceremony. This part of the ceremony requires much\nformality. People concerned have to take some lessons beforehand. But\nremember people generally do not indulge on such occasions in swallowing\ntoo great a quantity, whatever their capacities may be.'\n\n--'No joking, please.'\n\n--'Very well. When this part of the ceremony is over, the officiating\nperson, or a special person who is called into the next room for the\npurpose, sings a short song called Takasago (one of the classical\nJapanese songs called \"utai\"). The song is founded upon the story of the\naged couple of whom I spoke, and is regarded as a contribution of good\npresage. But remember, officiating persons are often indifferent\nsingers, consequently they often merely utter in tone a few words of the\nsong. I remember a very amusing incident. It was told me by the\nMarchioness Ito. At the wedding of Isaburo Yamagata, son of Marquis\nYamagata, Marquis Ito was the officiating person. He was unable to sing,\nso he said when the moment for singing came, \"Isa, let us suppose I have\nsung. If father asks you what I have done, tell him I have sung all\nright.\" The marchioness restrained herself with great difficulty from\nbursting into laughter. That kind of incident sometimes occurs in\nreality.'\n\n--'No wonder: people are not always singers. But pray proceed.'\n\n--'The banquet now begins: bride and bridegroom now appear as a married\ncouple, ceremonial cups are exchanged as a token of the cementing of the\nnew relationship of those present, and after a good deal of merriment\nthe couple retire and the guests disperse. On that day the bride and\nbridegroom wear ceremonial dress as a matter of course. It being a grand\nday for a woman, it is natural enough that the bride should get herself\nup as well as she can. I dare say the Western bride does the same, is it\nnot so, madam?'\n\n--'I hear, but please proceed,' said the marchioness.\n\n--'The bride generally wears a dress with bright designs and very long\nsleeves. But it would be somewhat different if the bride were an old\nmaid or an aged widow, don't you think so?'\n\n--'Please really no more joking. What elderly widow could dress like a\nyoung bride?'\n\n--'Very well. The bride often keeps on her head a white headgear called\n\"boshi\" until the end of the first part of the ceremony. It answers the\npurpose of your veil. I think it is used for hiding the blushes. Is it\nalso so here in the West?'\n\n--'I don't remember.'\n\n--'Then also the bride changes her dress several times, twice, thrice,\nor even four times in the course of the evening, which is quietly made\nan opportunity for displaying female vanity. Oh, I beg your pardon.'\n\n--'Never mind, but continue.'\n\n--'Very well. After a few days the newly married couple, together with\nthe near relations of the husband, go to the bride's former home and are\nthere entertained at a banquet. It is called a \"Satobiraki.\" At the\nwedding some suitable presents to each member of the husband's family\nare made by the bride as a token of the new affection arising between\nthem, so also does the husband on the day of Satobiraki. After a\nsuitable lapse of time all the relatives and friends are invited to a\nbanquet, or some sort of entertainment, at a convenient place, at which\nthe formal announcement of the marriage is personally given to the\nguests. The invitations are generally issued in common by the fathers of\nthe bride and bridegroom, and thus is concluded the whole wedding\nceremony.'\n\n--'And the wedding presents?'\n\n--'Yes, we also make wedding presents, but perhaps there is a slight\ndifference. In the West the presents are on account of individual\nfriendship, but in Japan more on account of family intercourse, that is\nto say, in Japan such presents would be made by a family if the family\nof the bride or bridegroom, as the case may be, were in intimate\nintercourse, even though no particular friendship exists between any\nparticular member of that family and the bride or bridegroom.'\n\n--'I see the ceremony is really very elaborate, but when does the\nlegality of marriage begin?'\n\n--'The ceremony is elaborate, as you see, but it counts for nothing in\nthe eyes of the law: the heart of the law is cold in every country. The\nlegality of a marriage begins in the eyes of the law only when a proper\nform of it is filled at the office of the registry of \"l'\u00e9tat civil.\" It\nis desirable that a marriage should be reported in the form thus filed\nand duly registered as soon as possible after the ceremony. Otherwise,\nwhatever ceremony you may have undergone, the marriage is not recognised\nin the eyes of the law. But mind! if you ask me what a marriage is, I\ndon't think I can explain it to you. From the Athenian republic down to\nthe twentieth century all philosophers and jurists have been trying to\ndefine the exact signification of that word marriage; none of them have\never succeeded. On hearing that fact a peasant exclaimed: \"What fools\nare these mountain-dwellers; every one on earth knows what a marriage\nis!\"'\n\n--'No joking, please,' said the marchioness.\n\n--'But it is a tale I was taught by my teacher when I was studying the\nlaw at Cambridge,' said I.\n\n--'Anyhow, I now see very well that all that I was told about the two\nmonths' marriage must have been a joke,' said the marchioness. 'There\nare some more points I should like to ask you, but I will let them stand\nover until some future occasion.'\n\nThe marchioness was originally born of a very high noble family of a\nneighbouring country, and France is her adopted home by marriage. Her\nsister, Countess de Daisyland, who had been staying at her sister's, as\nis her custom from time to time, was also present. I noticed some\ndifference of character between them. While I was speaking with the\nmarchioness, the countess was chiefly talking with Madame Matoni, wife\nof my friend, though she turned to us occasionally and interposed some\nlaconic remarks. Monsieur Matoni was then engaged in a conversation with\nthe duchess. By shifting seats, so to say, almost unconsciously to one\nanother, the duchess and Madame Matoni now began to converse, and\nMonsieur Matoni and the marchioness, who turned towards him without\nmoving, did the same. The countess, who spoke less than her sister, and\nwhose eloquence was of a totally different style, now began to put\nseveral questions to me.\n\n--'There is one thing,' said she, 'which has been puzzling me very much\nof late, and that is, some people speak of the Spartan character of the\nJapanese women in general, basing their observations upon deeds\ndisplayed during the present war. But on the other hand there are many\nwriters who tell us that Japanese women are mere domestic servants. Of\ncourse I do not believe that, but there seems too much margin between\nthese observations. If I am not too curious, will you give me your\nopinion.'\n\n--'With pleasure, countess,' said I. 'Without giving excessive credit\nto our women, which I do not dare, I can assure you that the Western\nestimation of our women is generally incorrect. It is perhaps beyond\nyour conception how great an influence a Japanese mother or wife has\nover her family. I will give you an instance of a mother illustrated in\na well-known drama. The scene is a summer evening. The aged mother of\nMiura Yoshimura (a hero having a real existence in history) lay on her\ndeathbed within a mosquito netting, depending from the four corners of\nthe room. Our mosquito nettings are very large and spacious. A young\nlady, the hero's fianc\u00e9e, is waiting upon her as nurse. Here the hero\nsuddenly returns home from the battlefield clad in full armour. He makes\ninquiry of the young lady about his mother's condition. She tells him\nthat the aged lady's condition has not presented any marked difference,\nthat she often falls into a drowsy state, and is calmly sleeping at that\nmoment. A cough is heard from the room which is separated by paper\nscreens and where the aged mother lay; in fact she had just awoke. She\nperceives the hero has returned, and with a few terse and killing\nsentences she admonishes him from where she lay for his conduct. To her\nit was cowardly to leave the battlefield at that juncture. It was\ncontrary to a warrior's honour and an infringement of loyalty. She will\nnot see him face to face. Her last words are, \"If thou darest to\napproach me, dare to break this net. It is an iron castle of mine.\"\nHaving thus denounced her beloved son, she falls into a calm slumber\nagain. As a matter of fact, the hero's mind is already made up to\nsacrifice his life in battle to the cause he was supporting. He merely\nreturned home to bid his last farewell to his dying mother, and to\nintrust her to the care of his fianc\u00e9e. His helmet is perfumed with the\nbest kind of incense--an act common to a warrior of distinguished\nposition--the idea being that a hero's head should not be exposed to\nodious odour after death. The young lady discovers it, and, as is\nnatural in a drama, a bit of love-scene follows. She would not stop him,\nbut at least he might wait until his aged mother awakes again and spend\na single night by her bedside. The stay of a single eve, she says, would\nmake no material difference to chivalry and loyalty. He does not listen\nto her, and shaking her off dashes back to the field, where he meets\nwith an honourable death. The point I wish to lay stress upon is not the\nlast part, but the part where the aged mother speaks of the \"iron\ncastle.\" Does that not show you the kind of authority a Japanese mother\nwields over her children? Is it any way inferior to that of Coriolanus's\nmother, before whom that brave Roman warrior had to cry out, \"O mother!\nyou have prevailed.\" It is, of course, a scene in fiction, but with us\nit is an incident quite imaginable in real life. Indeed, there are\nseveral instances of similar nature recorded in history. A Japanese wife\nhas an influence far greater than any outsider can imagine. I can only\nsay, so far as domestic affairs are concerned, she is far more a master\nof the house than her husband. Think for a moment! If the wife were a\nmere servant of the house, as is represented by many Western writers,\nhow could it possibly happen that, as a mother, she exercises such\naustere authority, as the mother of the hero just mentioned did, over\nher son after her husband's death?'\n\nThe countess listened to me very attentively; my long explanation did\nnot appear to weary her. When I had finished it she smiled and said:\n\n--'Then in your country also mothers play a great r\u00f4le in the family.\nWould you also say like Napoleon, \"Women are the mothers of the nation\"?\nBut won't tell us a dramatic illustration of a wife?'\n\n--'\"Too many dishes spoil the appetite,\" as our saying goes,' I\nanswered, 'so I must not go on endlessly,--but _\u00e0propos_ to the Roman\nmatron, I will tell you an incident which will illustrate that Japanese\nwomen, too, do not limit their activity to indoor affairs. You have, no\ndoubt, heard something about Commandant Hiros\u00e9, one of our great heroes\nof Port Arthur. It was in the summer of last year that an eminent\nEnglish admiral, whom I know very well, wished me to forward to the\nhero's family a copy of Macaulay's _Lays of Ancient Rome_ as a token of\nhis admiration. He said he thought that Japanese warriors bore a great\nresemblance to Roman warriors, even to Horatius himself, and Hiros\u00e9 was\nthe most conspicuous among them. Now Hiros\u00e9 was a bachelor; his brother,\nwho was his senior, is married, and was also at the front. When I\nforwarded the book to Tokio, Mrs. Hiros\u00e9, in the absence of her husband,\ntook the matter in her own hands and wrote a letter of thanks in English\nto the admiral, accompanying it with a likeness and facsimile of the\nlast poem of the deceased, all of which she forwarded to me, asking me\nto send on to the admiral. People might think she was audacious, but the\nfact was she did not shrink from taking the entire responsibility of the\nmatter. I approve of it. The letter ran thus.'\n\nSo saying, I recited the letter. It is strange, but in dreamland one\noften remembers by heart that which it is impossible to do when awake.\n\n     'I tender my sincere thanks to you for your very kind present of a\n     beautiful edition of Macaulay's _Lays of Ancient Rome_, forwarded\n     to me by Baron Suyematsu.\n\n     'The book is so much esteemed in Japan that it is used as a\n     text-book in some schools where English is taught, and part of it\n     was annotated in Japanese in a magazine devoted to the study of\n     English.\n\n     'I beg to assure you how much I feel the honour done to my deceased\n     brother-in-law by a renowned admiral of a great and glorious\n     nation, in comparing him with a Roman hero, who is said to have\n     defended the Sublician Bridge against the whole Etruscan army under\n     Porsena, while the Romans broke down the bridge behind him.\n\n     'I am happy to say that as a reward for the deed of the late\n     Commander Hiros\u00e9, the people of Japan are going to erect his bronze\n     statue to his memory in Tokio, as the Romans did in Comitium.\n\n     'May I be permitted to make you a present of the deceased's latest\n     photograph and a facsimile of his autograph poem, which was\n     composed by him just before his departure for the second blocking\n     attempt.\n\n     'The poem was intended by him to be the final expression of his\n     desires, and it is sad it proved to be such.\n\n     'Literally translated, it runs as follows:\n\n         \"Would that I could be born seven times\n          And sacrifice my life for my country!\n          Resolved to die, my mind is firm,\n          And again expecting to win success,\n          Smiling I go on board!\"\n\n     'I will take the earliest opportunity to refer to your inestimable\n     present in my letter to my husband, the elder brother of the\n     deceased, who is now in the front, commanding the gunboat _Chokai_,\n     by whom, needless to say, your kindness will be most highly\n     appreciated.'\n\n--'I do not see,' observed the countess, 'much in the mere act of\nwriting a letter, but the letter itself is interesting enough, and,\nbesides, I must say I am much amused at the manner in which you manage\nto bring out things to suit your purpose, just indeed as though you are\nwriting a novel and would make us serve you as materials.'\n\n--'Not at all, but just a little bit of a Summer Dream,' I said.\n\n--'What!'\n\n--'Nothing, I beg your pardon.'\n\n--'But, baron, I should like to ask you another question. With us,\npardon, or an act of forgiving, is considered a great virtue. It is an\nact of courage, and, at the same time, it contains in it delicacy and\ntenderness; especially when the subject is a woman, that virtue\nsometimes amounts to nobleness, or even sublimity. It is, therefore,\nregarded in the West as one of the greatest elements of ethics; but some\npeople I hear say that that idea is wanting in oriental ethics, though\nthe notion of pity exists. Is that correct?'\n\n--'No, not exactly,' I answered, 'but you interest me by putting such a\nquestion. However, it requires some explanation. I am afraid I weary\nyou.'\n\n--'No, not at all; go on, if you please.'\n\n--'Perhaps you know that the fundamental idea in Buddhism is mercy and\nforbearance. These attributes would already suggest an idea of forgiving\nand of not taking offence. Then, again, in Japan there are several new\nBuddhist sects, which are very much like Protestantism in Europe. In\nfact, some of them go so far as to allow priests to marry. I say new\nsects, but not so new as you may imagine, because they are as old as\neight hundred years. The essence of the tenets held by them is that the\ngreat Budha Amida is the very embodiment of mercy and forgiveness, and\ntherefore, if one devoutly throws oneself upon him and asks his\nsalvation, all sins committed by the suppliant would be at once forgiven\nand salvation granted. Theologically speaking, there is much room for\ndiscussion about this, but it is not the point which I have in view. I\nonly mean to say that this theory is nothing else than a great example\nof pardon. In Confucian ethics there are more names given to different\nkinds of virtues than in the West. The word \"Jen\" is the name of a\nvirtue most comprehensive. There is no word corresponding to it in the\nWest. There are some who translate it as \"humanity,\" others\n\"benevolence,\" some even as \"charity\" in its broadest sense, but all\nthese only represent a part of the original meaning. In that word the\nidea of pardoning and forgiving is amply implied. A lord who pardons an\noffender magnanimously is a lord rich in the virtue of \"Jen,\" There is\nalso one classification of virtues, comprised in two words, \"chung,\"\n\"shu.\" The first word is generally translated as loyalty, but in this\ninstance it is not necessarily loyalty to a master, but faithfulness and\ntruthfulness in general. The second word, \"shu,\" has no equivalent in\nthe Western language. It means this: We should put ourselves in the\nposition of any one who has done wrong against us or otherwise committed\nsome error, and we view the matter with the greatest leniency, and thus\ngive the most favourable consideration. The Chinese ideograph of it is\ncomposed of two other ideographs, \"like\" and \"mind,\" that is to say,\n\"like one's own mind,\" meaning--consider the matter as your own, and act\ntoward him in such a way as your own mind would like him to act toward\nyou under the same circumstances if he were in your place. This\nideograph is often used for the very purpose of an action which cannot\nbe any other than the equivalent of pardoning and forgiving. Are you not\nbecoming a little wearied?'\n\n--'Oh, no! Go on.'\n\n--'Very well! In our Bushido, that is the teaching of chivalry, of which\nyou must have heard, \"pardoning\" and \"forgiving\" is the important\nelement. We have a proverb saying, \"When the helpless bird takes refuge\nin the breast of the hunter, he would not kill it.\" This proverb is very\nwell known and is considered as the embodiment of a warrior's\nmagnanimity. From all that I have just said you will understand that the\ncriticism which says oriental ethics lack notions of pardon and\nforgiving is incorrect.'\n\n--'Thank you very much,' said the countess. 'In such matters one\nrequires much study of and penetration into the very depths of thought\nand reasoning of a people. One certainly ought not to come to a hasty\nconclusion. Japan is a country which I am so anxious to see.'\n\n--'Go, or rather, come, by all means, you will be most welcome,' I said.\n\n--'But it is so far off and travelling will take such a long time,' said\nshe.\n\n--'No, it will not take so long a time as you imagine. Means of\ncommunication are so quick nowadays. The quickest route is through\nAmerica by the Canadian Pacific via Vancouver. Another route is via San\nFrancisco, which takes a few days longer. If you go by the Canadian\nPacific, like a letter in a postbag, it takes only a few days over three\nweeks. When I came to Europe last year I left Yokohama on the 10th of\nFebruary. Having arrived at Victoria, in the island of Vancouver, I made\nmy way to Seattle, where I disembarked. I took thence the Great Northern\nRailway down to St. Paul and Chicago, a route which runs between the\nCanadian and San Francisco lines, and on to New York. I spent a day at\nSeattle. I had to stop at the summit of the Rockies for five hours, on\naccount of an accident which happened to a train in front of ours. It\nmade me miss the junction, so that I lost more than one day on the way.\nI spent two days in New York, and one in Washington. The mail steamer in\nwhich I crossed the Atlantic was not the quickest one. And yet on the\nmorning of the 13th March I was quietly taking tea at an hotel in\nLiverpool. Last year was a leap year, but counting by days, inclusive\none extra, the whole journey took thirty-two days in all. You see the\nglobe is like an egg--the higher the latitude, the shorter the\ndistance.'\n\n--'That looks long enough.'\n\n--'Well, but one cannot jump over from one side of the world to the\nother in one leap.'\n\n--'Supposing the Trans-Siberian Railway free again, what do you think of\nit?'\n\n--'Well, a friend of mine who took that route took twenty days from\nPetersburg to the Pacific Coast. It is, of course, shorter; but you see\ntravelling continuously by train is not very agreeable. I believe that\nthe railway services in those quarters will be much improved and made\nquicker, but at present, that is to say, judging from experience before\nthe war, the service is said to be very irregular and long. I should\nprefer a sea-voyage. The direct service between Europe and Japan on\nboard the German or French mail ships through the Indian Ocean seems to\nbe most agreeable. Of course it takes a longer time: it takes from\nforty-four to forty-seven days from Marseilles or Genoa to Yokohama. I\nhave twice taken that route on a French mail ship and liked the voyage\nvery much.'\n\n--'But one would be killed by sea-sickness.'\n\n--'Not at all. The sea is not always calm in the Mediterranean, so also\nbetween Hong Kong and Japan. But all the other parts are usually very\ncalm. Besides, one soon gets accustomed to the sea, after two or three\ndays, excepting some few persons who are by nature averse to the sea\naltogether.'\n\n--'I cannot believe it.'\n\n--'You must believe it, it is a fact, and moreover, on mail steamers\nthere is much fun and pleasure; dances and concerts are given on board\nfrom time to time. The meals are splendid and plentiful. Passengers soon\nbecome friendly.'\n\n--'Ah! that's too good to hear, but I wonder if it is always so,' she\nsaid.\n\nA lady, who had travelled in the Far East, joined us a few minutes\nsince. She spent two months in Japan, she said, and supported my views\nabout the voyage, and talked of the pleasure of the trips somewhat in\nopposition to the observations of the countess.\n\nThe marchioness now turned to me and said, 'I have just been talking to\nyour friend Monsieur Matoni about the new invention of Monsieur Blanry.\nA long account of it was given in _Le Matin_ the other day. It is an\nimprovement on the wireless telegraphy. Guns may be fired, wheels may be\nturned by electricity produced by wireless apparatus. He is going to\ngive a lecture illustrated by practical experiments. Would you like to\ngo? If so, I would send you a ticket for a box for yourself and\nfriends.'\n\n--'I shall be delighted,' I answered.\n\n--'Marchioness patronises science,' said Monsieur Matoni to me, as\nthough he only meant me to hear him, and in a further subdued voice\nwhispered, 'Her tastes differ from the ordinary tastes of ladies.'\n\nThe visitors were now gradually dispersing. The marchioness and her\nsister also rose to take their leave, asking us, as they did so, to\nvisit them on the marchioness's next reception day. We had stopped for\nlonger than we anticipated, despite an appointment I had at my hotel.\nSoon after the departure of those ladies, however, we also said our\ngoodbyes to the duchess and her daughters, and to the few people who had\nstill remained.\n\nWe were again wafted through the air, and were once more moving over\nthe tops of countless houses on the way. On reaching my hotel, I shook\nhands with my friend and his wife on the tops of the beautiful\navenue-trees in front of the hotel.\n\n\n\n\nII\n\nGreek inspiration--Semitic sympathy--Religion--Difference between\nJapanese and European chivalry--What is the Bushi?--The weakest point\nof a hereditary military organisation--Introduction of the new\nsystem--New commoners and the history of their emancipation--Combination\nof democratic ideas and conservative traditions--Old bottles and new\nwine--The Great Change of 1867--Napoleon--Negligence of a proper\nestimation--Scenery of Japan---History of Tokio--European and Japanese\nmethod of dwelling--President Roosevelt and jiujitsu\n\n\nIt seems my young secretary, noticing I was asleep, and fearing that I\nmight catch cold, brought a rug and covered me, which action roused me\nfor a moment, but I soon returned to the same dreamland again.\n\nOnce more I was wafted through the air, and found myself in a large\nentrance-hall with gilded ceiling and walls painted with pictures. It\nwas brilliantly lighted, and in one corner a band was playing. A broad\nstaircase, the upper part of which branched off into two, led to the\nupper part of the house, numerous men in livery lined both sides of the\npassage, displaying the sure sign of aristocracy. There were balconies,\nor rather corridors all round overlooking the hall. I ascended the\nstaircase, and, passing along one side of the corridors, entered a large\nchamber which was evidently the reception-room. But seeing but few\npeople there, proceeded to an open window at the end of the room and\nlooked down into the garden, which was brilliantly illuminated. In a few\nmoments I moved, almost unconsciously, into a further room. It was the\nstudy of the host, who with his wife was showing the room to a group of\nguests. The host, noticing me, made me welcome, and introduced me to one\nof the guests in particular. It was the Prince Royal of Greece. I\nexchanged some words with him, in the course of which I remarked that\nGreece was the country which I was most anxious to see, inasmuch as it\nteemed with historical interest. As I did so, the scene of many heroic\nactions, above all, those of Salamis and Marathon, together with the\nglory which Byron sung for her freedom in the recent century vividly\narose before my mental eyes.\n\nIt was then announced that the music was about to commence, and the\nparty moved on. I was with a charming lady. She was of Semitic blood.\nHer complexion was snow white, her eyes were dark, as also her hair,\nwhich was surmounted by a coronet of pearls, and round her throat was a\nnecklace of the same. She happened to know me already by name, through\nher relatives whom I met in England. This naturally afforded us a\nsubject of conversation as we proceeded. On arriving at one end of the\ncorridors we stood, still conversing, and looking down into the hall,\nwhile the other people moved on the further end of the corridor where\nmany more guests gradually arrived. While thus conversing, a nobleman\npassing us was introduced to me.\n\n--'All the generals are gone to the Front,' he said, rather suddenly.\n\nAt first I thought he was referring to the war in the Far East, though I\nsoon realised what he meant. He appeared a little excited.\n\n--'There is more exaggeration than fact,' said I. 'I am quite confident\nthat there will be no rupture.'\n\nAt that moment some one persuaded my fair companion to go over to where\nthe prince was sitting. I followed at a distance, and took my seat in an\nobscure place in the corridor. From the corridor of the other side, an\noperatic singer, accompanied by a pianist, rendered the choicest of his\nsongs, and the bands played in the intervals.\n\nI listened to the songs and the music and watched the people. Sitting\nalone I am sure I must have looked awkward and stupid; which, however,\nis a thing I do not much mind. Now and then the host came and exchanged\nsome words with me. He was busy looking after his guests generally, but\nmanaged to tell me he would invite me to a special dinner very soon to\nwhich also the Duchess Fairfield would be asked. The hostess was\nsimilarly occupied, and I did not converse much with her, except to pass\na few remarks about music. She said she preferred vocal music to\ninstrumental. The music over, all went down to the garden. It was\ndelightful: the open air on a summer's night is always so. Light but\nchoice refreshments were served there. The guests, partaking of them as\nthey wished, chatted here and there in groups of two and three.\n\nThe night was far advanced and the guests began to disperse one after\nanother. I also left, but without bidding adieu either to the host or\nhostess lest I might disturb them. On my way out I saw the lady with\nwhom I had talked in the corridor still sitting on a bench chatting with\na few gentlemen. She seemed to notice me, but I merely bowed and passed\non, though I fancied she had some sympathy for us Japanese. She did not,\nneither does any member of her community, say anything about the hard\nfate of her race or the countless hardships which they are suffering,\nespecially of late, in certain quarters of the globe. In this world, we\nknow there are many matters in which silence speaks more than words.\n\nTime and space, and indeed, sequence of events, are incongruous in\nDreamland. One flits from place to place. I now found myself in a large\nmansion. It was the residence of the Marchioness Vivastine. I was of the\nfew early arrivals. The salon was rather dark, but cool and spacious.\nThe marchioness was not yet down, but the valet told me she would soon\nappear. In a minute or two she entered accompanied by her sister, asking\nas they greeted us our pardon for keeping us waiting. More people now\narrived one after the other. The marchioness proceeded to make tea and\ndistributed it, assisted by her sister, much in the same way as did the\nDuchess of Fairfield and her daughters. I was naturally introduced to\nmany of the visitors, Princess A., Countess B., Baron C., Monsieur D.,\netc., but for me, a foreigner, it is impossible to remember their names.\nThe Duchess of Fairfield and the Lady Dulciana were among the new\narrivals.\n\n--'Baron and I had a very heated discussion the other day,' remarked the\nmarchioness. Then turning to me, she said, 'Did we not?' To which I\nreplied, 'If you please, it was indeed interesting.'\n\n--'Did you go to the Trocadero the other evening?' said the marchioness.\n\n--'Yes! we did. Thank you very much for sending the box. And the duchess\nand her party were there too,--in a box close by ours,' I added.\n\n--'Did the lecture interest you?' asked the marchioness.\n\n--'Oh yes! the experiments were all very interesting, but I hardly\nunderstood a single sentence of the lecture,' I answered.\n\n--'No wonder! for no one else understood it, at least, I did not. It was\nso scientific,' interposed Baron C.\n\n'Ah! you were there too, of course,' said I. 'And the best fun of the\nevening was that there was a man distributing hand-bills. At first we\nall thought it was a kind of syllabus of the lecture, but in reality it\nwas the advertisement of a competitor stating that he was an earlier\ninventor.'\n\nThe marchioness and her sister, being the hostesses, were unable to talk\nlong to each guest. I soon found myself sitting next to the duchess on a\nsofa, with Baron C. in front of us on a chair. Our conversation having\nturned upon the question of the separation of state and religion, Baron\nC., who was keen on the subject, being a Deputy, said:\n\n--'With us it is a very interesting question. There are many points to\nbe thought of and discussed, but I think it interests outsiders very\nlittle, especially a person like yourself, a Japanese, for I understand\nthe Japanese gentry have very little religion.'\n\n--'And yet,' said the duchess, 'in my opinion there is scarcely a single\npeople who have no religion at all. Bushido is the creed of the Japanese\ngentry, as I understand, and in truth it is nothing else than a\nreligion. The Latin _religio_, from which the term religion is derived,\ncomes from the verb _religere_ to hold tight. In that sense, at least,\nBushido must also be taken for a religion. I know something about it,\nespecially through your writings. But, baron, will you please explain to\nme something about the points of resemblance and difference between our\nancient chivalry and your Bushido?'\n\n--'I am not, madam, well acquainted with your chivalry, and, therefore,\nI cannot pretend to hit the mark. But I know that one of the ideals of\nyour chivalry was \"bravery\" to the point of being fearless of death; in\nthat there is certainly a great resemblance. Another of your ideals was\nloyalty and truthfulness. Always ready to render assistance to one\nweaker; in that also there is a great resemblance. The third ideal was:\na great devotion to religion. On this point I must admit there is some\ndifference. I do not say our Bushi despised the idea of supernatural\nbeings, but you see our Bushi had more faith in their own spirit of\nself-reliance, therefore religion governed their thoughts to no such\ndegree as it did in the West. Then comes a great difference between\nthem,--I mean their attitudes as regards the fair sex. But have you no\nobjection to my proceeding further?'\n\n--'Not at all,' said the duchess.\n\n--'Very well,' said I. 'With your chivalry the custom of rendering\nrespect to the fair sex had been carried to such a high pitch that it\nwas nothing less than adoration or worship. I do not say the motive was\noriginally bad, because it came no doubt from the idea of helping the\nweaker. But, remember, it often happened that too much prominence was\ngiven to keeping faithfulness to women, even where one had some higher\nduty which ought to have claimed the whole loyalty of his heart. The\nsubject is rather too delicate for me to describe minutely, but you can\nsee what I mean. In the days of your chivalry faithfulness in\nlove-affairs was looked upon in general as gallantry, no matter whether\nthe affair was honourable or otherwise, but with the Japanese Bushido it\nwas very different. It was not because a Bushi was heartless toward the\nweaker sex, but effeminacy was a thing which he despised most. In the\ndays gone by in Japan, if a Bushi had been found paying too much\nattention to a lady, and making himself a slave to her, to the neglect\nof his duty, he would have been hooted out of society. With European\nchivalry, therefore, the tendency of desire was to be noticed by others\nfor his actions performed in homage to a lady, whilst with our chivalry\none would try to do his utmost to conceal his emotion and even to look\ncold. In the West, therefore, the word \"gallantry,\" which was originally\nused more for \"dashing and noble bravery\" came in common parlance to\nhave quite a different meaning, as you know. Nothing of the sort has\never taken place with us.'\n\n--'But I thought your Samurai also had love-affairs--I was at least made\nto understand so from your story of the other day about a young\nSamurai,' interrupted Lady Dulciana.\n\n--'Yes, that is true, but our Samurai is not \"trees and stones\" as we\nsay, and you must know there are exceptions to every rule,' I replied\nand continued.\n\n--'There was also another great difference. In the West chivalry had\ngrown and decayed, traversing always pretty much the same line; I mean\nit had undergone no great transformation. But in Japan the case was\nsomewhat different. There it became united with the art of intellectual\nlearning, and has made Bushido, that is, the ways of Bushi, more\nsystematic and ethical.'\n\n--'What you have just told us,' said Baron C., 'seems to explain some\ndifference which is said to exist in the attitudes of men towards women\nin your country and ours.'\n\n--'Perhaps so,' I answered, 'where a gentleman approaches a lady and\nkisses her hand, as one sees commonly in the best Parisian society, a\nJapanese would stand at a distance and make a respectful bow. There is\nno doubt, it seems to me, that a great many of the customs which\nprevailed in the feudal period are still influencing your modern\nsociety, and ours also in Japan; hence the difference which still exists\nbetween the customs of Japan and Western nations. Broadly speaking, I\ncan say that in the West friendship or affection moved more towards\nintimacy, whilst in the East it moved more towards respect.'\n\n--'Ah, I remember one thing. Some years ago there was a smart American\nwho was a keen observer of different customs and manners. He said, \"the\nJapanese hit their wives before strangers, and caress them in private,\nwhilst the Occidentals worship their wives before strangers, and beat\nthem in private.\" I beg your pardon, I must not tell you such a thing, I\nwithdraw it at once; but I can say this, it is dangerous to gauge the\ncustoms and manners of other countries only by the measure of one's own\ncountry. The position of our women is not so low as represented by those\nwho look through the colour of their own glass.'\n\n--'Very true,' said Baron C. 'Such things often occur. One ought always\nto be on guard, lest one commit unaccountable errors quite\ninadvertently. But what do you mean by saying your Bushido has become\nsystematic and ethical. Let us have a little more light on the subject.'\n\n--'Quite so,' said the duchess. 'I should also like to be more informed\non that subject. One never gets tired of things Japanese, especially in\nthese days.'\n\n--'I am afraid I shall appear somewhat dogmatic, but if you have enough\npatience I will explain. In the Far East, Bun and Bu, that is to say\nmatters pertaining to Intellectual culture and matters pertaining to\nmilitary training, were always regarded, at least in theory, as\nco-existent and of equal importance. They were compared to the wings of\na bird, or to the two wheels of a cart. The generals who were held in\nthe highest esteem were those who were efficient in both. The same\nesteem was held for all warriors, no matter their degree or rank;\nthough, of course, the higher the rank the greater the excellence\nexpected. They all became imbued with a desire for literary and ethical\neducation, and thus civil elements were introduced into military\ntraining. The best ideas and notions of chivalry were ethically\nsystematised, and these ideas and notions came to be nurtured and\ndeveloped according to the normal roots of ethics. We were fortunate in\narriving at this solution, for the country had enjoyed a long peaceful\nepoch, and the Bushi had therefore sufficient time to give their\nattention to both subjects. Besides the policy of the country had been\ndirected to that end. Moreover, four hundred thousand families of Bushi,\nhaving enjoyed their position by hereditary succession, and having no\nneed to labour for existence, all that they had to do was to make\nthemselves as much \"a gentleman\" as possible. Of course, there were some\nwho became outcasts and some who were newly enrolled, and some who were\ndegraded, and some who were promoted from various causes, but these were\nexceptions. As a general rule they succeeded to their father's position\nand handed it down to their own successors. Colleges were established by\ntheir lords where they received intellectual education side by side with\nfencing, riding, the use of spears or the art of jiujitsu.'\n\n--'You mentioned just now,' said the duchess, 'four hundred thousand\nfamilies of Bushi, and of the heredity of their service. That seems to\nbe somewhat different from our knighthood, which was more of the nature\nof personal distinction, and its ranks were filled by personal\nenlistment, although naturally they came from the same class of people.'\n\n--'Well,' said I, 'our term Bushi, otherwise called Samurai, is a\ncomprehensive one. It comprised all the retainers of the feudal lords.\nThey generally lived, with their families, in the capital town of the\nlords under whom they served. There was generally a quarter in these\ntowns where the Samurai lived quite apart from other people. Under some\nlords, there were Samurai who lived in the country, but they were\nexceptions. By Bushi then we understand those retainers in general, and\nas I said the service usually became hereditary. It was the strong point\nof our military men and also their weakest point, or at least it became\nso in the course of time.'\n\n--'What do you mean by weak point? Tell me, please,' said Baron C.\n\n--'I say \"weak point,\" because that system as an organisation for\nfighting purposes became inefficient: the reason is almost plain without\nsaying. You see the hereditary system has one advantage: respect and\naffection increase from generation to generation. Personal intelligence\nwas also acquired under that system so long as the training and\ninstruction were well attended to, but the descendant of a warrior who\nhad led, for instance, one thousand or one hundred men with great\nability, could not always be expected to do as well as his ancestor.\nThis is so from the very fact that ability and skill for qualifying one\nfor a higher position is not a thing which is hereditary. This is the\nweakest point of an hereditary military organisation. \"Ministership and\ngeneralship are no inherited stocks\" is our old saying. Napoleon's\neighteen marshals were, one and all, children of the time. Even before\nthe restoration of the present Imperial r\u00e9gime we perceived this weak\npoint, and that was one of the reasons we made a radical change in our\nmilitary system and adopted the system of universal service. One might\nthink that, by doing so, the spirit of respect and affection, in other\nwords, loyalty and patriotism, might be lessened in the ranks of the\ntroops; but that is not so, for with us the spirit of loyalty to and\npatriotism for the Emperor and country is very strong among all the\npeople. And because the feudal system had been abolished and the whole\nnation came to owe no other allegiance than that which is direct to the\nEmperor, there is no necessity of making any difference among the\ndifferent classes of the people in regard to those services. As to\nintelligence, we do not leave the children without education, whatever\nclass they may belong to, I mean to say, we have adopted a system of\nuniversal education which gives sufficient knowledge and therefore\nintelligence to the men enlisted in the ranks from all classes. As to\nthe officers, we take in any candidates who are willing to be suitably\neducated as such, provided they show sufficient capacity, without any\ndistinction of class or family. It seems to us the only way to procure\nthe most efficient officers. We are very radical in these matters. One\ncan see in the Japanese army or navy sons of noblemen or rich merchants\nbeing commanded and led by an officer who has risen from the lowest\nclass of the people. There may even be officers whose origin, if\nscrutinised minutely, belonged to a class vulgarly called \"New\nCommoners.\"'\n\n--'I think I understand now,' said Baron C. 'But do you mean to say\nBushido is a thing of the past? We are made to understand that the whole\nJapanese army and navy, indeed the whole nation, are animated with the\nspirit of Bushido at this very moment.'\n\n--'No, I did not say Bushido was a thing of the past. Bushi exists no\nmore, it is true, except that those who belonged to that class still\nenjoy the privilege of being called Shizoku (knight family), which,\nhowever, has no legal signification, and therefore is only an empty\ntitle. There may be a Shizoku driving a carriage or earning a living by\nselling trifles. It is sad to think of the fact, as far as personal\nconsideration is concerned, but they have given their benefits and\nprivileges for the general good of the country, and I am glad to say\nthat the spirit of Bushido is now made the common property of the whole\nnation. It has been spread throughout every rank of the Japanese.'\n\n--'It seems sad when we think about Bushi, as you say, from a personal\npoint of view,' said the duchess; 'but when a country makes such a great\nchange as your country has done, some great sacrifice on the part of\nsome portion of the community is inevitable.'\n\n--'And especially so with our Bushi,' said I, 'because they were in\nfact the chief instruments by which the present great change has been\nbrought about. When we view things in this way, we can say that our\nBushi fought and sacrificed their lives in order to destroy their own\norder.'\n\n--'But what do you mean by the \"New Commoners,\" which you mentioned just\na minute ago?' asked Baron C.\n\n--'By \"New Commoners\" is meant those who have been newly made\nordinary commoners by emancipation. There was in Japan a class of people\nbelow the class of the common subjects of the empire; they neither\nenjoyed the rights of ordinary Japanese nor owed any duty similar to\nothers. I mean to say, they enjoyed no citizenship, but, on the other\nhand, they had in most cases not to pay taxes for the lands they tilled\nor dwelt on. Their position may be in one way compared with the slavery\nwhich existed in the West from the Roman period onward. But there were\ntwo points of a great difference. In the West the slaves had their\nmasters whom they served, and it seems that no personal pollution in our\nsense was attached to them. In Japan, those people had no masters to\nserve, and earned their living by their own labour. At the same time,\nhowever, they were regarded as having personal pollution, so much so\nindeed, that they were not allowed, nor did they themselves dare, to\nenter within the door of an ordinary Japanese, still less could they\nintermarry or indeed hold any social intercourse with them. A\nlove-affair like that of A\u00efda, a slave girl, and Ardam\u00e8s in the opera\n\"A\u00efda,\" which I had the pleasure of seeing in your company the other\nevening, is a thing almost unimaginable in Japan between a girl\nbelonging to the class I have just spoken of, and a man of any other\nclass. The number of these people was only a very small minority of the\nwhole population. But they were to be found in all parts of Japan. In\nthe country they formed here and there small villages. They were also to\nbe found in the vicinity of towns, but always having separate\ncommunities. They were the only people who dealt with dead oxen and\nhorses, and even dogs, and also were the only people who dressed the\nskins of those animals. In former days in Japan no beef was eaten but by\nthose people. Horse flesh was not eaten even by them. The common notion\nwas that horse flesh was sour and inedible, but I am sorry to say that,\nof late years, it is eaten by the poorer classes to some extent. The\ndealers in it insist on continuing the trade on the ground that the same\nbusiness is carried on in the midst of the most enlightened nations in\nthe West. I do not like the idea at all. However, to proceed with my\nstory. When a cow, a horse, or a bullock belonging to a commoner died,\nit was notified to a community of those people, who in a group came and\ncarried the carcase to a convenient place, where they skinned it and\nburied the rest; and in the case of a cow or a bullock, if it had not\ndied from any infectious disease, they took away its flesh to their\nhomes, as well as the skin and horns. It was the occupation of those\ncommunities who lived in the vicinity of a town to prepare the skins\nsent to them from all parts of the country. Their lot was not,\ntherefore, an enviable one, as you may perceive. This class of people\nwas called \"Yeta,\" which is represented, though by corruption, by the\nChinese ideographs meaning \"much pollution.\" No one knows exactly what\ntheir origin was; some say they were the remnants of Mongolian troops\nwho remained in the land after the total destruction of Mongolian\narmada, while some say they might have been prisoners from Corea; but\nall these conjectures are not satisfactory. There was another portion of\nthe people very much akin to those just described. They were known by\nthe name of \"Hinin,\" a term which is represented by two Chinese\nideographs, meaning \"not-man,\" which suggests a similarity of notion to\nthe European term \"outlaw.\" This class was in number even less than the\nformer. Their occupation was also very different. They chiefly lived by\nfishing or by making some trifling articles, and, therefore, no such\ndeep stigma of personal pollution was attached to them as to the other\nones. In fact, it was supposed that among this class of men there were\nsometimes to be found a Samurai declassed from one cause or another. In\nYedo, now Tokio, homeless destitutes were known by that name. One must\nnot suppose, however, that either class was unprotected by law, for\ntheir lives and properties were respected just as those of ordinary\npeople; and, moreover, they were not necessarily poor people, because\nsome of them, especially those who lived near towns, were very well off.\nA characteristic of these people was that they had a certain sentiment\nof community throughout their own class without distinction of locality.\nThey had no privilege of attending a \"Shinto\" or Buddhist temple\nbelonging to the citizen classes, but they had here and there their own\nBuddhist temple and priests. I have never seen any instance of their\npossessing any Shinto temples; this fact arises from the very nature of\nShintoism, which is most sensitive of anything unclean, in other words,\nmost opposed to any pollution. The Imperial r\u00e9gime was inaugurated with\nmost enlightened notions, especially in the matter of personal freedom.\nAt the very beginning of the Imperial r\u00e9gime, the present Marquis Ito\nwas governor of the prefecture of Hiogo-Kobe, and he emancipated, on his\nown initiative, the Yeta and Hinin under his government, and made them\nordinary commoners. There was little formality in such matters in those\ndays. A governor of a province sometimes took such measures on his own\nresponsibility. In the course of a few years the Imperial Government\nemancipated all of those people throughout the whole empire, and the\npeople thus emancipated came to be vulgarly called \"New Commoners.\" That\nterm, however, is fast losing its significance, inasmuch as those people\nare daily acquiring common intercourse with the ordinary people; this is\nespecially the case with those who transfer their abodes to other parts\nof the country, where their identity is not known. I am even told there\nare one or two deputies in the House of Representatives who originally\nbelonged to that class.'\n\n--'It shows a very bold and enlightened policy on the part of your\nGovernment,' said the duchess. 'From all that you have said, it appears\nthat the success of the great changes in your country is due to the\ncombination of democratic ideas with conservative traditions; in other\nwords, you seem to have well succeeded in \"putting new wine into old\nbottles.\"'\n\n--'If you please, you may think so,' I said; 'that phrase describes\nour situation very aptly. You see, the present r\u00e9gime of our Imperial\nGovernment is, after all, a restoration to its ancient form, animated by\nmodern spirits. Our change has not taken place through any uprising of\nthe people at large. Before the Restoration, European notions of\n\"Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity\" had not been much developed, it is\ntrue, but then the people had not been labouring under any great\noppression and destitution. They were not rich, as a rule, but they were\nmostly happy, and not in an extreme condition of misery, as was the case\nin Europe when the popular movements based on those notions commenced,\nor as is the case in a certain country now before our eyes. The\nmovements which caused our great change were due almost entirely to\naspirations of a political nature, that is to say, for the bettering of\nthe political organism of the country. The matter was taken up by the\nupper classes, and was fought out chiefly by them, and, therefore, when\nthe strife came to an end there existed no more class animosity, and the\npeople, both high and low, devoted their energy to the common good which\nthey held in view. It is true that at one time their views of the right\nmethods to attain the end were not altogether unanimous. Some of the\nfeudal lords and their retainers fought against other feudal lords and\nretainers. One side espoused the Imperial cause, and the other opposed,\nbut those who opposed bore no opposition to the Imperial house itself.\nIt was more an opposition to the lords and their clansmen who stood on\nthe other side. You know that, after the submission of the Shogun\nhimself to the emperor, the great majority of the feudal lords in the\nnorth and the east of Japan effected a combination among themselves and\nopposed the troops on the Imperial side. What I said just now was\nchiefly in reference to that occurrence. The nature of our civil war\nbeing such, it was not a matter of surprise that the country should be\nreconciled and conciliated under the new r\u00e9gime. I may here mention an\ninstance, trifling as it is, to show how it has operated even in\nordinary social matters. Marshal Oyama, who is now commanding our armies\nin Manchuria, is a Satsuma man, and he fought as a young officer of the\nImperialists in the east. His wife is a daughter of a Samurai of an\neastern feudal lord, one of the staunchest opponents to the Imperial\ntroops, I mean the Lord of Aizu, whose castle was besieged and taken\nafter a long resistance. A sister of Madame Oyama is a lady in our\nImperial courts, and her brother, who had been a leader of the troops of\nhis clan, was afterwards a general of the Imperial army, and died in\nthat capacity recently. We have a nobility of five grades, almost\nidentical with the European system. The origin of our noble families is\nvarious, but their broad distinctions are: Noblemen who were formerly\nfeudal lords; noblemen who were formerly court nobles attached direct to\nthe Imperial courts before the Restoration, and those who have been\nnewly made nobles by virtue of their meritorious services rendered to\nthe new Government. But in the eyes of the law, or rather in the\ntreatment of them by the Imperial court, there is no difference, nor is\nthere any confliction of interest or sentiment existing between them.\nNapoleon was a great ruler, there is no doubt, but his one misfortune\nwas that the very nature of his origin was not sufficiently potent to\nreconcile and harmonise all the difference of this kind in which\nsentiments go a long way. Supposing he had been a direct scion of the\nBourbons, and supposing the general condition of the French people of\nthose days had not been such as it was, and supposing that the great\nRevolution had been effected by the movements of the aristocracy itself\nwith Napoleon at its head, the course of the history of France might\nhave been very different, although, in spite of that, France has always\nbeen a remarkable nation.'\n\nThe marchioness seems to have noticed that our conversation was becoming\nanimated and stepped towards us, evidently to take part in it. At this\njuncture, an elderly gentleman and his wife were ushered into the room.\nThey were duly introduced to us. He was an astronomer. He said that he\nand his wife had been in Japan years ago when a transit of Venus across\nthe sun was taking place. But their observation of the transit was a\nfailure owing to bad weather. They stayed eight years, and waited for\nanother transit, but again he was disappointed; because a sudden change\nin the weather obscured the heavens.\n\n--'That must have been a great disappointment,' I said. 'As to myself,\nI have seen one such transit very well at a temporary observatory\nerected at Yokohama. It was very interesting to me, unscientific as I\nam, to see the sun reflected in white on the prepared ground, and the\nplanet, a small black spot, traversing slowly across the white surface.\nOf course, one could also see the actual sun and planet through a smoked\nglass. The transit I refer to might have been a different one, or else\nthe locality where I saw it from was not the same. I will tell you a\nstupid experience of mine,' said I, turning to others present. 'There\nwas a total eclipse of the sun, some eighteen years ago. I was on a\ntrip, and had to cross over a high mountain pass. I, and a few\ncompanions, thought it would be great fun to see an eclipse from the\nsummit of the mountain and observe all the changing phenomena of nature\nfrom there. So we hurried on our way, but by the time we reached the\nsummit the sky was very cloudy, it even showered, and the consequence\nwas that we did not see much and regretted that we had not stayed a\nlittle longer on the lower grounds, from where the people saw the\neclipse very well. Fancy the height of a mountain,--however high it may\nbe, it is only an infinitesimal part of the distance between the earth\nand the sun. To think that we would be nearer to the sun if we climbed\nto the summit of the mountain was an act of great stupidity; but such\nthings often occur in actual life. We often forget to think about the\nrelative situation between ourselves and others, and make our\ncalculations according to fancy. Thus great errors are often committed.\nSuch is the case when we play at games, say at chess. We make our moves,\nthinking that our opponent would make his move just as we ourselves\nwould do, but the probability is that he makes a move totally different\nto our anticipation, much to our chagrin and surprise. All this arises\nfrom our negligence of making a proper estimate of the relative position\noccupied by both sides.'\n\n--'You seem to have some special reference in what you say,' said the\nmarchioness. 'By the bye, Madame P. says she likes Japan very much.'\n\n--'Yes, I do,' said the professor's wife. 'I can never forget it.\nMiyanoshita, Nikko, Chiuzenzi, and above all, the scenery of the inland\nsea, are superb.'\n\n--'Yes, those are the places which foreign travellers are fond of and\ntalk about the most. The accommodation of the warm spring of Miyanoshita\nand the sights of the artistic buildings of the Nikko temples seem to be\nthought much of. Chiuzenzi, with its calm, mirror-like lake, is\ncertainly an excellent summer resort,--no wonder most of the corps\ndiplomatic in Japan betake themselves thereto every summer. But from our\nown point of view the Nikko temples are new and consequently the arts\ndisplayed there are only of modern type, elaborate but not deep. They\nare not quite three hundred years old. In fact,--Tokio itself is only a\nnew town, being scarcely three hundred years old. One must go to Kioto\nand Nara if one wishes to see the real classical Japan. Those are places\nwhere there are so many spots of historical and artistic interest, not\nonly in the towns themselves, but also in the surrounding localities.'\n\n--'Yes, my husband and I had opportunities of visiting those places, and\nwe made very pleasant and interesting trips.'\n\n--'But how is it that Tokio is such an important town in these days, as\nI understand?' asked the marchioness.\n\n--'I will explain,' said I. 'Tokio is situated on both banks of the\nmouth of a river called Sumida, about the same size as the Seine,\nrunning through the middle of a large flat land and flowing into the bay\nof Tokio. That flat land was formerly called \"Musashi-no,\" that is to\nsay, plain of \"Musashi,\"--from the fact that the greater parts of it\nbelong to the province of Musashi (we call it a large plain because\nJapan is so mountainous and flat plains are so rare). It is the plain\nwhich was sung of by a poet as one where the moon rises and sinks from\ngrass to grass, there being no mountain for her to seek shelter. When\nTokugawa, that is to say, the family of the last Shogunate, became a\npowerful feudal lord about three hundred years ago, it made the site of\nthe present Tokio its seat and built its castle on the spot where a\nsmall old castle had stood some time before. Towns had arisen around the\ncastle, which came to be known as Yedo until it was changed into Tokio\nthirty-eight years ago. The town, and, indeed, the castle itself, had\nbeen gradually enlarged from time to time. It is well known that, not\nlong after Yedo was made the seat of Tokugawa, the house of Tokugawa\nbecame the Shogunate, that is to say, the military and administrative\ngovernment of the empire which used to be called by foreigners the\ntemporary chief of Japan. For nearly three hundred years the Shogunate\nexercised great power. All the feudal lords were obliged to reside in\nYedo every other year. Their families, I mean wives and children, had to\nlive permanently in their mansions at Yedo all the year round as a kind\nof hostage. Great lords usually had three mansions, the upper, the\nmiddle, and the lower ones as they were called; even small lords had\ntwo. It was almost necessary for them to have several mansions because\nYedo was so famous for fire--fire was called the flowers of Yedo--and\nthey had to move their residence from one to the other in case of fire.\nOf course, the magnitude of these mansions differed according to the\nrank and position of the owners, but were mostly very large, and a large\nnumber of retainers also resided in surrounding buildings, though the\nexact number of the retainers also varied according to the ranks of the\nlords. You may well imagine how expensive such establishments must have\nbeen. Hence also the flourishing condition of the town itself, and thus\nYedo had become the largest town of the Empire. When the Shogunate came\nto an end, the emperor removed his residence to Yedo and re-named it\nTokio, that is to say, the eastern capital in contrast to Kioto, which\nis also known as Saikio, _i.e._ the western capital. It was a\nmasterstroke of the bold policy of the new Government. The removal went\na long way in facilitating the renovation of Japan, for it helped the\ngetting rid of old notions and introducing new ideas. Besides, by\nassuming a commanding position over the whole country, and having been\nthus made the new Imperial capital, Tokio continues to maintain, even\nadvances in, its prosperity. _Voila!_ the answer to your question.'\n\n--'I suppose Tokio is much changed, as people say?' asked the\nmarchioness.\n\n--'Yes, it is so,' I answered. 'One can no longer see the Tokio of\nthirty years ago. The residences of the feudal lords in former days were\nvery grand, especially the parts just beyond the inner moats surrounding\nthe castle, where stood the residential mansions of great lords, called\nDaimio-Koji, _i.e._ broad way of the Grand Seigneurs. The premises of\nthese mansions generally formed a square, the main building stood in the\nmiddle, the four sides of the square were generally occupied by long\nlines of buildings in which the retainers lived. There were several\ngateways, the main entrance, of course, being the largest. Some great\nlords spent a good deal more money than necessary in making their\nmansions appear grand in order to efface any suspicion of their\nunfaithfulness to the Shogunate--in other words, they showed by so doing\nthat they had no idea of accumulating wealth for secret designs. I well\nremember those buildings, but nothing is left of them now. The very\ncentre of the place where those houses stood is now a park. The gates,\nwhich were constructed of wood, were very elaborate and imposing. There\nare only three or four of them left in Tokio, but not on their old\nsites. They are but reminiscences of old ones, and reconstructed\nelsewhere by private persons as curiosities. The streets where the great\nlords once marched in grand state are now crossed in all directions by\nelectric tramways. But we are not sorry for all that.'\n\n--'People say there will soon be no more old Japan to be seen in Japan,'\nsaid Lady Dulciana, 'unless one visits her without delay.'\n\n--'That is not likely,' I said. 'A nation cannot completely\nmetamorphosise itself at a moment's notice. Despite all those changes,\nJapan is still Japan, especially in the interior. The old Japan will not\ndisappear during the lifetime of either you or me. However, we have a\nsaying, \"For good things let us hurry.\" If you have any idea of going to\nsee Japan, which I consider a good thing, hurry by all means.'\n\n--'I suppose the style of residence in Japan differed, and still\ndiffers, from ours?' asked the duchess.\n\n--'Yes, very much; and not only the grand residences, but also the\nhouses of all classes. If you allow me to be candid, I will tell you a\nconversation I had with a Frenchman a little time ago on the very\nsubject. He asked me what I thought of the appearance of Paris, and if I\ndid not think the rows of grand, lofty houses which form the avenues and\nstreets magnificent. \"They are magnificent for sights,\" I answered. The\nlast part of my remark made him a little suspicious, and he pressed me\nto explain my meaning, and I did so. Can you guess my answer?'\n\n--'No, I cannot.'\n\n--'My answer was to the following effect. You see, here in Paris,\npeople who dwell in a building generally occupy only one part of it.\nThey share a house and live in different flats and corners of the same\nbuilding; and yet the people, who meet every day at their very door, do\nnot know each other. Their rooms are generally dark, because the\nbuildings overshadow each other. They cannot move out of their rooms\nwithout putting on hat and jacket, and generally have no spare ground\nattached to the house where they can rest or promenade. They seldom see\nthe moon or the beautiful morning and evening sun, being buried in deep\nvalleys of houses. For practical purposes, therefore, my preference is\nfor the style of my country--I mean houses detached, though not grand\nand lofty, so that one can use every part of the building, from the\nbasement to the roof, with some ground, around the building, be it large\nor small, tastefully laid out into a garden. I say, therefore, people\nwho live in magnificent, high buildings may not necessarily be happier\nthan those who live in smaller and humbler dwellings. This is what I\nsaid to that French friend of mine. Please excuse my making such\nremarks: I have no thought of running down your style of living, but\nhave only been tempted to say what little good I can of my country.'\n\n--'When spaces are available,' said Baron C, 'we also attach gardens to\nour houses. _Apropos_, you were at the matin\u00e9e dance at the Palais\nElys\u00e9e, were you not?'\n\n--'Yes, I had the pleasure of being invited by Monsieur le President and\nMadame Loubet.'\n\n--'The trees there are fine, are they not?' said Baron C.\n\n--'Yes, they are very fine, and the gathering was fine also. An\nincident which I experienced there was rather unique. I was walking with\nMadame Matoni in the crowd. We encountered two gentlemen clad in\nfashionable attire. Somehow or other, Madame Matoni began conversing\nwith one of them. At the same time I heard a female voice echoing in my\nears--I could not imagine where it came from, except from the gentleman\nwith whom madame was talking. I thought it very queer, but presently I\nwas introduced to them: they were announced as Monsieur and Madame\nEcrivan. Then it occurred to me that the person whom I thought a\ngentleman was in reality a lady of whom I had heard something before.\nShe was an author attired like a man.'\n\n--'Yes, she is an author, and a clever one too,' said the duchess. 'But\nwhat did you think of the whole reception?'\n\n--'Simplicity was, I thought, its features as compared with similar\noccasions in monarchical countries, but it was in unison with the\nconstitution of the country. Then, too, although somehow or other I\nmissed entering into the dancing pavilion, I understood the matin\u00e9e\ndance there was customarily given chiefly for the entertainment of the\norphan daughters of army and naval officers. The idea is pleasant.'\n\n--'And what of the President?' inquired one young lady.\n\n--'A fine old gentleman, I thought, and kind-hearted too. I was\nspecially introduced to him, in the garden, after the formal reception.\nHe repeatedly pressed me to put my hat on while talking with him,\nbecause the sun's rays glanced on my head through the foliage.'\n\n--'You met with many fashionable belles there, too, I suppose,' remarked\nanother.\n\n--'There were Madame Riviera, who is so very vivacious, and several\nother ladies; I mean the wives of cabinet ministers and other high\npersonages. But on the whole, I did not think the gathering was\nparticularly unique for Paris, with regard to beauty.'\n\n--'By the bye, have you ever seen Mr. Roosevelt?' asked the duchess.\n\n--'Yes, I have. He impresses one at first sight with his enormous\nenergy and intellectual power. He likes Japan. He was taking lessons in\njiujitsu under a Japanese master when I was at Washington early last\nyear. He told me he had been practising it three times a week.'\n\n--'Yes,' said the duchess, 'I understand jiujitsu is much in vogue in\nEngland and America just at present.'\n\n--'It seems so. In New York and Washington some ladies are also taking\nlessons, I am told; so also in England, as you know.'\n\n--'But I suppose even in Japan it is only studied something like fencing\nis in our fencing schools, not as a part of the universal education.'\n\n--'Just so,' I answered. 'It does not form a part of the general\neducation, though it is very extensively studied in the higher colleges\nand schools.'\n\n--'It looks certainly like an art worth paying attention to,' said the\nduchess.\n\n--'Here, too, some time ago,' said Baron C., 'a Japanese jiujitsu master\nonce came to Paris and gave an exhibition at a theatre, challenging,\nwith the offer of a prize, any Frenchman who would combat with him. No\nFrenchman won. They were beaten one after the other. The people did not\nlike so much humiliation, and the audience decreased, so the master had\nto go back to London; such is the Frenchman.'\n\n--'Well,' said I, 'it might have been only a momentary caprice, perhaps\nbecause Japan is not your ally, but the audience could not have been\ndiminished for such a cause as you say. There can be no notion of\nhumiliation, because it is a question of art. However, if the\nOccidentals, with their natural strength and physique, become well\nequipped with that art, we the small Japs shall never be a match for\nthem; so I would rather wish you Occidentals do not learn the art.'\n\nAll present broke into laughter, and in a minute or two I was once more\nwafted through the air and making my way elsewhere.\n\n\n\n\nIII\n\nJapanese art and the West--Night-f\u00eates--Sale of flowers and\nplants--Singing Insects--A discussion on the moon, flowers,\nsnow, etc.--Music of snow and rain--Lines on hailstones--A\nparticular evening for lunar perspective--A blind scholar\nand his wife--The deaf, dumb, and blind of Japan--The calendar\nand its radical change in Japan--Calumnies on Japan, and an\nanonymous letter--Japanese ways of counting ages--The question\nof women and a lady's opinion on Japanese women--Lafcadio\nHearn--Japanese names--Difficulty of distinguishing between\n'L' and 'R'--Discussion on pronunciation--London and Tokio\npatois--Japanese nobility and the method of addressing nobility\n--Books on Japan--Once more on Lafcadio Hearn--Discussion on\nwomen's education--_The Risen Sun_\n\n\nTime and space in dreamland have become more inconsecutive, and events\nhave crowded rapidly one on another. In dreamland, moreover, one\nfrequently sees in an incongruous group people who in ordinary life\nseldom come into contact with one another. Such is my experience.\n\nNow I found myself guest at a reception given by a lady whose residence\nwas in the neighbourhood of the Grand Opera, where I met a number of\nauthors and critics of both sexes. Then at our Legation, near the l'Arc\nde Triomphe, where I was spending the evening in a large company, which\nincluded several ladies of my own country. Again at the soir\u00e9e of an\nassociation interested in things Japanese, where also were members of\nboth sexes, and then, hey presto! all these events and places would\ntransform themselves into one single scene, as though they had been but\none and the same gathering.\n\nI remember well that at the meeting of the association a special toast\nwas proposed after dinner by the president in my honour, to which I\nresponded, saying how much I thanked its members for their sympathy for\nJapan. The little which Japan had been made known to France, or perhaps\nto Europe, was largely due to the appreciation of the Japanese arts by\nthose present, and some others who had preceded them, such as MM. Bing\nand Guimet. I also said that a nation having an art such as ours, though\nperhaps not equal to the best arts of Europe, could not be so savage and\nwild as many calumniators represent, and further, that I wished\nFrenchmen, and indeed Europeans generally, would study and examine Japan\na little more, and cast away their prejudices. I also remarked _en\npassant_ that the oriental section of the Louvre was anything but strong\nin Japanese _objets d'art_, Japanese painting was scarcely represented\nat all. Other conversations that I had were an agglomeration, so that I\ncannot remember where and with whom they were held.\n\n--'By the bye, have you seen the f\u00eates of Neuilly?' asked a lady.\n\n--'Yes, I have seen them,' I answered; 'but the place was so crowded, I\ncould scarcely stand. It was interesting to watch the common people\nenjoy themselves. One thing which struck me most in the f\u00eate was that\nthere were so many _m\u00e9nage aux chevaux_ (roundabouts) without any horses\nat all. All the objects on which people were riding were other\nanimals--even pigs, the dirtiest animal on earth.'\n\n--'But pigs are considered objects of luck.'\n\n--'Ah! that's an ideal notion of the civilised people, I presume.'\n\n--'Have you any similar f\u00eates in your country?'\n\n--'Yes, we have. In Tokio, especially, we have f\u00eates very similar\nalmost all the year round, though not on so large a scale as your\nnight-f\u00eates of Neuilly. In Tokio there are one or two f\u00eates in the same\nnight in some quarters of the town. There are many small shrines in\ndifferent parts of Tokio, and the f\u00eates are nominally in their honour. I\nsay nominally, because most people who go there, go to see the sights or\nthe pretty things rather than to do homage to the shrines. Each of these\nshrines has a certain day which is kept in its honour. In our f\u00eates the\nthings most sold are small plants and flowers with their roots, so that\nthey may be planted as they are! They are taken to the f\u00eates by\ngardeners living in the suburbs, who make this kind of business their\nregular occupation, and therefore the occasion is more properly\nconsidered as the gardeners' evening. Sweets, toys, and small light\nobjects for domestic use are sold, and there are different kinds of\nentertainments as well. The nature of your evening f\u00eates seems very\ndifferent. In fact, I have not seen any plants or flowers sold there.'\n\n--'The difference seems remarkable; but what do you do with those plants\nand flowers?'\n\n--'There is a difference between our common people and yours. You see\nthe bulk of those who frequent the f\u00eate in Tokio are ordinary\ntownspeople. They buy the plants or flowers for a small sum of money;\nwhen first offered for sale a high price is asked, but it is quite an\nunderstood thing to bargain and at last to buy at a very low price. The\nmore advanced the evening, the cheaper one can get them. The bargaining\nat these f\u00eates is so lively that it has become proverbial, and people\noften say, this or that is not like buying night-f\u00eate plants. It is,\nhowever, a mistake if one were to suppose bargaining is a common thing\nat every shop in Japan, as in Italy or Egypt. Well, these people,\nhowever moderate their means, purchase one or other of the plants or\nflowers and take them home, and plant them either in their small gardens\nor in pots and vessels, and place them in their rooms. Some plants or\nflowers are already planted in a tasteful manner in pots or vessels of\ndifferent shapes, so that they may be used as they are. The people are\nvery happy with these objects. In summer and autumn all sorts of singing\ninsects[1] are sold in pretty little cages. In the Orient, unlike in the\nOccident, the term insect itself is very poetic, and conveys more of the\nsignificance of the singing than of the object itself.'\n\n--'I have always heard that your people in general are very artistic,'\nsaid she. 'I should like to follow their sentiments in regard to nature.\nFor instance, when we look at the moon we sometimes become very\nsentimental.'\n\n--'You mean in such cases as the night-scene where sweet Jessica and her\nlover Lorenzo sang \"In such a night, in such a night as this.\"'\n\n--'Exactly.'\n\n--'Well, in that respect,' I answered, 'we are perhaps more developed\nthan other peoples. Even the etymology of our language proves it. We\nhave such terms as Hanami, that is a flower-seeing; Tsukimi, that is\nmoon-seeing; and Yukimi, that is, snow-seeing. You have phrases such as\n\"to see the flowers,\" \"to see the moon,\" and \"to see the snow,\" but\nthese are hardly an equivalent. Our phrases imply a deeper feeling, both\npoetical and artistic; may even imply an act of seeing those objects in\nthe company of congenial friends. The snow is, as I indicated, one of\nthese sights. _Apropos_ of snow, I went to Richmond once in company with\na few compatriots, to see the snow-scene in the park there, whence one\ncommands a beautiful view of the river Thames. Many years afterwards I\nwas asked if we had snow in my country (you know this kind of question\nis asked of us very often). I answered \"Yes.\" Thereupon a lady, who\nhappened to remember that I had gone to Richmond to see the snow there\nyears ago, abruptly remarked, \"Oh! I thought you had no snow in your\ncountry.\" When I replied, \"What makes you think so,\" she said, \"Because\nyou went to Richmond on purpose to see the snow.\" I had then to explain\nthat our excursion to Richmond was not because we did not know what snow\nwas, but because we liked to see the sight. We do not get tired of\nseeing such scenes any more than you Europeans get tired of going to the\nopera, to see, or rather to hear the same opera over and over again, as\nfor instance _Faust_.'\n\n--'But at the opera we can satisfy our sense of sight as well as that of\nhearing,' said a young lady, 'but what of the snow! It has no colour,\nbeing white,--it has no sound: besides, the season must be cold and the\nvery sight of it must be chilling.'\n\n--'You are partly right, I admit, but is not white the very ideal of\npurity? Are you not very fond of it? Do not you ladies like wearing pure\nwhite dresses? Are you not wearing one at this very moment? We Japanese\nare very fond of white. The ideal colour of Shintoism is white.\nAccording to that creed, even for mourning, white is preferred to black.\nIt suggests a notion of cleanliness, which is the essence of the creed.\nBesides, you cannot surely say opera boxes are ideally comfortable. They\nare not cold, it is true, but certainly they are generally stifling. One\nsees there scenery, but what is it compared with the grandeur of nature.\nThen again, you cannot exactly say snow has no sound. We, in our poetry,\nspeak of the music of falling snow, or the music of dropping rain. Those\nsounds are considered especially musical in the depth of night: we even\npoetise the sounds of falling hailstones. There is a well-known poem on\na hailstorm composed some seven centuries ago. It is a short poem, as\nours usually are, but to us it gives a deep impression, and animates a\nmartial spirit. It is difficult to translate, but it runs somewhat like\nthis:\n\n     \"Oh see in this wilderness of vast Nasu\n      How the hailstones dash on the frozen ground!\n      And ring on the gauntlets of hunters bold\n      As they draw their arrows from leathern fold!\"\n\n--'Many hundred years after this poem was composed, when our country was\nenjoying a perfect peace, a well-known statesman, reflecting on that\npoem, gave his own bent of thought, as follows:\n\n     \"Not knowing the age when hailstones rang\n      On the gauntlets of warriors' hands;\n      Warmly enveloped I lay me down,\n      Listening all night to their dropping sound.\"\n\n--'_Apropos_ of hailstones, what a strange occurrence it was the other\nday, when hailstones ravaged the vicinity of Paris, and that too in the\nheight of summer. I met a compatriot and his wife, now staying near St.\nGermain, at a small gathering on the evening of the same day, and they\ndescribed the size of the stones and the damage done to the glass of the\ndifferent houses. At first no one present believed them, but my friends\ndid their best to explain that some of the stones they picked up and put\non a tray were still large when they had left their home several hours\nafterwards. What they said was perfectly true, for I read in the papers\nnext morning that in some places the hailstones were like eggs and\nweighed on an average from twenty to forty grammes; some even two\nhundred grammes. But ah! how silly I am to tell you all this, as you\nmust all be well aware of it.'\n\n--'Never mind,' said those present, 'but please proceed with your\ndiscourse.'\n\n--'Well, there is a particular night of the year which is considered the\nbest for the moon-scene; the 15th of August by the Lunar Calendar. The\npeople generally get up a small social gathering to celebrate that\nevening. It was on one of those occasions that Hanawa, the celebrated\nblind scholar of Japan, gently sang as he sighed:\n\n     \"If it were a flower, I might touch it.\"\n\n'The line does not sound very sympathetic when translated into a foreign\nlanguage, but in the original Japanese it is full of poetry, and the\nmeaning is understood that he could not even console himself by the\nsense of touch. The remark was overheard by his wife, who pathetically\njoined him by singing:\n\n     \"This Moon! 'tis the night that makes blind men's wives weep.\"\n\n--'Very fine and pathetic; but you said just now \"celebrated blind\nscholar,\"' remarked a lady. 'What do you mean by that? Do you mean to\nsay he was a blind poet like Homer?'\n\n--'No, he was not exactly a poet, but a great scholar. In England there\nwas a celebrated blind scholar, Fawcett, and Hanawa was our Fawcett. He\nwas a Professor under the Shogunate Government, and one of the best and\nlargest collections of rare old Japanese books made by him was his\ncrowning achievement, and we are all much indebted to him.'\n\n--'I suppose there are as many blind, deaf, and dumb in your country as\nin any other?' asked another; 'and what do they do, or rather, what do\nyou do with them?'\n\n--'There are some deaf, dumb, and blind schools at present, and those,\namong them, who are fortunate, are educated there as in Europe. There\nwas no such school in former days, but much care was taken of the blind,\neven more than at present.'\n\n--'In what way?' asked she.\n\n--'In former days the blind had several privileges. In the first place,\nthere was a special order consisting of several degrees, which was\nbestowed on meritorious blind people; next, there was a law which\nprotected blind men when lending money, so that they had great facility\nin getting their dues paid, inasmuch as a lay debtor was summarily\nordered to pay any claim raised by a blind man. Then the musical\nprofession was generally assigned to them, thus, the professors of the\nKoto, a stringed instrument, were generally blind men, and they had the\nprivilege of giving out diplomas to their pupils. In the country parts,\nblind men were allowed to make a round of visits to the different houses\nof the gentry, singing a particular kind of war-song, called \"Heike,\" to\nthe accompaniment of the Biwa, another kind of stringed instrument. Then\nagain, the Amma, the Japanese \"massage\" was mostly the profession of\nblind men.'\n\n'You say \"blind men,\" but what of blind women?' asked another.\n\n--'Ah! I was wrong, for I have only spoken of blind men, but blind\nwomen were accounted much the same. But that Japanese Amma, I can never\nforget it, especially after hard work when one's muscles have become\nstiffened. It is such a soothing remedy. In Europe massage is used only\nfor people who have some ailment, but in Japan ordinary people very\ncommonly make use of it, and consequently a large number of blind people\nfollow that occupation. The protection of the blind under the old r\u00e9gime\nwas, of course, good in its aim, but it produced some abuse, and,\nbesides, the great change of all methods of administration also affected\nthe privileges given them. There is no longer any order bestowed on\nthem, nor any special protection given to blind money-lenders, but in\nother respects their occupations remain pretty much the same.'\n\n--'You have just spoken of lunar months of August,' said another: 'here\nin Paris the Russian Embassy and the Chinese Legation celebrate their\nNew Year each differently from ours. Russia still sticks to the old\nstyle of calendar though solar; and China seems to hold to the lunar.\nHow is it with you? Your calendar does not seem to differ from ours.'\n\n--'Yes, our calendar at present is exactly the same as yours,' I\nanswered. 'It used to be lunar, as is the Chinese, but it is now\nthirty-four years since we adopted the solar by a stroke of the pen,\nthat is to say, by an edict of the Emperor. We thought in this world of\ncosmopolitanism that it was rather inconvenient for the different\nnations to have different calendars, and that it would be expedient to\nfollow the example of the majority of the nations. We considered it a\nbold stroke of policy, but you see all such changes are made subjects of\nridicule, and the Japanese are called mere imitators.'\n\n--'Oh no, you go too far,' said another. 'No one ridicules Japan for\nthat kind of change. It was excellent.'\n\n--'And yet,' said I, 'all other changes are exactly the same in our eyes\nas that one.'\n\n--'People are now beginning to understand Japan,' said she.\n\n--'May be,' I said. 'I am very glad of it, but, you see, our\ncalumniators even now make very unjust accusations against us, and still\nspeak of us as monkeys. Since my arrival in Europe, not only have I\nnoticed that these things have been written in newspapers, but I have\nmyself received many letters of that kind. I cannot think what good they\ncan do by sending me such letters and wasting stamps. I suppose they are\nbut an infinitesimal part of the money spent for such purposes by our\nopponents. This very day, when I was coming out of the hotel, I received\none of those letters: the postmark is Paris. I read it through on the\nway, and I have it still here. It is this: you may read it.'\n\nSo saying, I handed the letter to the lady, and she read it out as\nfollows:\n\n     'MON CHER SINGE JAUNE,--Vous singes jaunes, voulez avoir beaucoup\n     de pi\u00e8ces jaunes--travaillez--vous les aurez; mais avec votre\n     tuerie--vous n'arriverez pas \u00e0 les avoir--je vous assure. Fichez le\n     camp--allez habiter aux Philipines. L'Europe et l'Am\u00e9rique sont\n     ferm\u00e9es aux singes jaunes sauvages. Vous martirisez chez vous les\n     femmes! Votre meilleur homme Yoma (_sic_)--en a tu\u00e9 plusieurs. Vous\n     \u00eates singes jaunes tr\u00e8s m\u00e9prisables--oh, bient\u00f4t l'or aura raison\n     de vos hordes ... Souvenez-vous de mes singes. Singes jaunes\n     sauvages d\u00e9goutants.\n\n                                            MISS NELLY.\n\n     'Qui ne vous aime pas: oh du tout....'\n\nFinishing the reading, the lady exclaimed, 'What a shame!' in which all\nthose listening joined.\n\nSaid I,--'The letter evidently refers to the question of indemnity. You\nsee, it is written on a telegraph-form, and the article and the song,\nboth equally disgusting, pasted purposely for me to read, are cuttings\nfrom Russophile papers: you can pretty well surmise from what source it\ncame; the signature is also amusing!'\n\n--'Shame!' they all exclaimed once more, but we all soon burst into\nlaughter. When the laughter, whereby the peace of my dreamland had been\na trifle disturbed, subsided, a lady present said:\n\n--'You have a peculiar way of counting one's age, have you not? Has\nthat anything to do with the calendar? Don't you say, for instance, a\nbaby born the year before the last, three years old?'\n\n--'Yes,' I answered, 'we still do so in ordinary conversation. But it\nhas nothing to do with the calendar; it is only a matter of usage. You\nsee the year in which one is born is counted as one year, and the year\nin which one is counting is counted as another, and therefore, a child\nborn the year before last is reckoned as three years old. In the case of\na dead person, the year in which he died is counted as one year;\ntherefore, when you read of the age of our heroes or statesmen in\nhistory, you have always to take that into account. In former days,\nyoung ladies born late in the year used to complain to their mothers\nthat they had a disadvantage in point of age. Young ladies like to\nminimise their age all over the world. Don't they?'\n\n--'No joking, please.'\n\n--'Very well! since the alteration of the calendar we have adopted your\nmode of reckoning for legal purposes, and we say in that case, \"full so\nmany years.\" It is therefore rather strange in actual society to hear\npeople often speaking of so many years of age according to the new\nstyle, and so many years according to the old style.'\n\n--'It must sound very odd. _Apropos_ of ladies, I adore Japanese\nladies,' said a lady.\n\n--'Ah! that's too much: surely you do not think so,' I remarked.\n\nThe lady just referred to was an American by birth, who came to France\nwhen a mere child, and having grown up in this country had married a\nFrenchman. The couple were out in Japan for many years. They had several\nchildren, the majority of whom were born there. She had resided in one\nof the most populous towns, her husband having been attached to a\ncertain public function. She seemed not entirely to approve of the\nsocial condition of France.\n\n--'France will be ruined by her women. Look, for instance, at the\ncondition of Paris,' she said.\n\n--'You jest. I imagine your ideal of women must be very different from\nours,' I said.\n\n--'No! Not at all,' she answered.\n\n--'And yet,' said I, 'the question of the status of women is becoming\nmore keen, far more keen in America than in this country. I have\nobserved it in many writings.'\n\n--'That's true, I dare say,' she said.\n\n--'A little time ago,' I continued, 'I read an article describing the\ninfluence of American wives and daughters over their husbands and\nparents. I remember one instance mentioned in that article. The daughter\nof a well-to-do business man took a fancy to live in a town where she\nhad been on a visit for a little time. She prevailed on her father to\nremove their home to that town. He did so, and the result was his total\nruin in consequence of losing old customers and not obtaining new. The\nstory may be a little exaggerated.'\n\n--'No, it is quite possible,' she said. 'I like Japanese ladies and\ntheir children. The Japanese ladies I met with were so sweet and gentle\nand real models of women. I came to know them very intimately in this\nway. You see, in the town where I lived there is an association for the\npromotion of the mutual interests of France and Japan, the members being\nmostly Frenchmen. No lady was admitted into membership at first. I\ninsisted on having it done. I was the first lady member. I induced many\nJapanese ladies to become members. The views I held were that mutual\nunderstanding could only be promoted by both sexes associating with each\nother. We found the innovation work very satisfactory. I often invited\nJapanese ladies to my home to spend an afternoon or evening. I usually\ncaused them to bring their children, and made them play with mine. I did\nall this with as little ceremony as possible, because only by doing so\ncan real friendship be brought about. I, of course, returned the visits\nand took my children with me. During that intercourse I naturally came\nto know a great deal about the Japanese ladies, and for that reason I\nthink so much of them. They are real ideals of women. Perhaps a little\nmore freedom for them might be good, but on the whole nothing more could\nbe desired. Don't let them get spoilt by the evil influence of the\nWest.'\n\n--'I think I must reserve my remarks, either pro or con,' I said, 'but\nit is curious to notice what divergence of opinion there is relating to\nthe condition of Japanese women. Perusing casually a book by Lafcadio\nHearn a little time ago, I came across a passage where he speaks of\nJapanese women as being the most artistic objects, as it were, of the\nmost artistic nation of the world, and laments that this perfection will\nbe deteriorated by the influence of time. There is a lady of good birth\nin London whom I know very well, who admires Japanese ladies very much,\nthough I am not quite sure that she herself would like to live like a\nJapanese lady. She told me that when the time came for her two boys to\nmarry she would send them to Japan in order to be married out there. Her\nwords may not have been mere passing compliments, for she has\ncontributed to a monthly an article under the title of the \"True\nChrysanthemum,\" which pays a very high tribute to the Japanese women. On\nthe other hand, however, few Occidentals know what the Japanese women\nare, and writers are not wanting who cast upon them sweeping\ncondemnation. They even say that Japanese women know not what is\nchastity, and even that no such word exists in the Jananese language.'\n\n--'What nonsense!'\n\n--'Excuse me for pushing my remarks to such a point as this,' I\ncontinued, 'but you see I am so blunt in expression, and I cannot make\nmy meaning plain unless I use such cut-and-dry phrases. In my own\nopinion, without any partiality for my own country, I think I can\nconfidently say that chastity is far more practised in Japan than in any\nother nation.'\n\n--'Hearn's books, which you have just mentioned, are charming,' said\nanother lady. 'I have read some of them. They go, I think, a long way in\ncontradicting those unfair charges.'\n\n--'Yes, I think so too,' said I. 'But, you know, one tongue is nothing\nagainst a hundred, as we say. However that may be, he was a fine writer.\nIt is sad that he died last year. He made, as he said, the study of the\nJapanese heart and thought his special subject. All his books,\ntherefore, are concerned with some sort of Japanese psychology. They are\ngenerally so full of pathos and feeling that even Japanese readers are\noften moved to tears.'\n\n--'Then you have read all his books. I should like you to give me the\noutline of them at your leisure,' she said.\n\n--'I don't think that would be possible, because I don't know them all.'\n\n--'But you have just now said \"all his books,\" as though you knew all,'\nshe said.\n\n--'No!' I answered, 'I have not read _all_. I have seen most of the\ntitles, and some pages here and there, and guessed all the rest. You\nsee, nowadays, printing is comparatively so cheap and people are so fond\nof writing, and further, nine-tenths of the writers have their books\nprinted at their own expense, so that the publishers run no, risk. If,\ntherefore, one tries to read all books, one would become a mere bookworm\nand a good-for-nothing fellow. Once a compatriot of mine, when in\nGermany, was admitted into the study of a great professor. The four\nwalls were covered with nothing but shelves of books. The professor said\nthat all those books were sent to him by writers of all nations who were\nengaged in the same pursuits as himself. As a matter of fact he was a\njurist, and all those books were on law. The visitor asked if he had\nread all of them, to which the professor answered \"Yes.\" Thereupon he\nobserved, \"Impossible, you could not have had time to read them all.\"\nThe professor then explained that the essential points of any book were\nall known to experts, so that a few pages on those points, which could\neasily be found by index, were sufficient to know all that was contained\nin a book. In that way, he said, \"he read all the books which had come\nto him.\"'\n\n--'What a joke!' said the lady. 'But what kind of man was he? I mean Mr.\nHearn. His life seems to have been much in the clouds.'\n\n--'So far as I am aware of,' said I, 'he was born in Lafcadi, one of the\nIonian Islands, when it was under English occupation, having an Irish\nfather, I believe, and a Greek mother. He passed his early years in\nEngland until he became a youth, when he went to America, where he\nremained until after the prime of life. He then went to Japan, and in\ncourse of time married a Japanese lady and became a naturalised subject\nthere. So he was a regular cosmopolitan. He always occupied some\nposition as teacher, and was much liked by his numerous pupils. His\nJapanese name was Koizumi Yakumo. Technically speaking, he caused\nhimself to be adopted by the family of his wife, and so took their\nfamily name \"Koizumi\" for his surname, and Yakumo for his personal name,\nor, as you call it, Christian name.'\n\n--'What you have just said somewhat strikes me,' remarked the lady.\n'You have put the Christian name after the surname.'\n\n--'Ah!' said I, that's a reasonable question. Perhaps you don't know\nthat in Japan we put our family name first. That is to say Gambetta L\u00e9on\ninstead of L\u00e9on Gambetta, if he were a Japanese. It is so with the\nChinese; it is also so with the Hungarians. It is one of the proofs\nwhich the Hungarians produce as being descendants of the same stock as\nthe Orientals. When, however, we are in Europe, or write with European\nletters, we generally reverse the order and make it agree with the\nEuropean method. Well, unless we do that, we are liable to be called\nwrongly by having our names reversed, in such a fashio as Monsieur L\u00e9on,\nor Monsieur G. L\u00e9on, instead of Monsieur Gambetta, or Monsieur L.\nGambetta. Such absurdities often occur in reality, and it is very\ninconvenient.\n\n--'I see: that accounts for many discrepancies which exist in writing\nsom well-known Japanese names, as I occasionally notice in books or\npapers written in a foreign language; but it is no use to refer to the\nJapanese by name, their names are too difficult for us to remember--it\ntook me weeks to remember your name correctly.'\n\n--'Just so,' I answered, 'It is equally difficult for us to remember\nEuropean names. It is the reason why I do not recollect many people to\nwhom I am continually introduced; to confess, I do not remember your\nname correctly. Russian names are particularly difficult to remember,\nnot only to us Orientals, but to Anglo-Saxons, even to you, the French.\nDo you know that in England Rodjestvensky, before he became famous and\nwell known, was called simply \"Roj\" very often, and aliens sometimes\ncalled him \"Rotten-cheese-sky.\" Poor admiral! Witte is simple enough to\nremember. We Japanese remember and often write General Kuropatkin as\nKurobato, that is to say, \"black pigeon.\"\n\nOf course, association is the best means of remembrance. We remember\nyour words \"Salle-\u00e0-manger\" by _Sara-mongi_, that is, a \"plate and\nwritten characters,\" and the English word \"Minister\" as _me-no-shita_,\nthat is, \"below the eyes.\" In fact, _me-no-shita_ is used very commonly\nin corrupt English at the open ports of Japan. _Frans-Me-no-shita_ is\n\"French Minister,\" and _Igiris-Me-no-Shita_ is \"English Minister.\" A\ndozen years ago there was in Japan an enterprising man who advertised\nthat he had invented a good system of memory, and even opened a school.\nIt was no other than remembering things by association, and I think\nthere is a good deal in it. A little time ago, as you know, their\nHighnesses Prince and Princess Arisugawa were on a visit to Europe. Lord\nLansdowne had great difficulty in remembering the name. Our\n_Me-no-shita_ in London asked him if there were not a Princess Alice in\nEngland, to which his Lordship replied \"Yes.\" He then asked if there\nwere not a street called \"Gower Street,\" to which his Lordship similarly\nanswered \"Yes.\" Thereupon our minister said: \"Very well, Princess Alice\nand Gower Street, that makes Arisugawa.\" After that his lordship, the\nForeign Secretary of Great Britain, remembered the name of our Prince\nand Princess very well.'\n\n--'That's all very well,' said she: 'but you mix up _r_ and _l_\naltogether.'\n\n--'That's true,' I answered, 'it is the weakest point for us in\nspeaking European tongues. We cannot, or at least without the greatest\ndifficulty, make any difference in pronouncing _r_ and _l_. Thus \"right\"\nand \"light\" become alike when we speak. It is very necessary to think of\nthat fact when you talk with a Japanese. All this arises from the fact\nthat in the Chinese and Japanese tongues there are not two different\nsounds of _r_ and _l_; those sounds in Japanese are more like your _ra_,\n_ri_, _ru_, _re_, _ro_, whilst they are _la_, _li_, _lu_, _le_, _lo_ in\nChinese.'\n\n--'I have noticed it very often,' she said, 'even while you talk you do\nthe same. Your allusion to remembering things by association is very\ntrue; we do the same very often. But it often produces curious errors.'\n\n--'True,' I said, 'I know a few instances. In Japan there is a kind of\ncloth, mostly used for n\u00e9glig\u00e9es, called _Yukata_, a bath-cloth, so\ncalled because it was originally used after the bath. We call the\n\"evening\" _Yiukata_, the only difference being the \"u\" in one case being\npronounced longer than in the other. We call \"shower\" _Yiudachi_. A\nEuropean lady married to a Japanese appears to have tried to remember\nthe bath-cloth by association. She went to a draper's and asked for a\n_Yiudachi_ (shower) in place of _Yiukata_ (evening). No one understood\nit. She was speaking of \"shower\" instead of \"evening,\" the result of\ntrying to speak by association. We have two ways of counting, and we\ncall the number \"ten\" either _jiu_ or _to_. We have a certain kind of\nboxes which are made to fit one on top of the other, and only the\ntopmost box has a lid. They are called _jiu-bako_, which means piling\nboxes. They are used in households very commonly. The same lady appears\nto have remembered that name by _jiu_, that is, ten of the number\naccording to one of two ways, and _Hako_, a box. One day she called her\nservant to bring _to-bako_ instead of _jiu-bako_. The servants, of,\ncourse, did not understand her. The lady misused the association of\ncounting ten in one way instead of the other.'\n\n--'You said you had no difference between _r_ and _l_, but I suppose you\nhave almost all sounds of our tongue.'\n\n--'No,' I answered, 'we have not. We have, for instance, no sound of\n_f_ or _v_. In some parts of the country people pronounce _ha_, _hi_,\n_he_, _ho_ like _fa_, _fi_, _fe_, _fo_, but it is considered bad\ndialect. The want of _v_ and _f_ in our letters is a point of great\ndifficulty in transcribing foreign words into our writing, but we employ\na new method for doing so. On the other hand, our _h_ is pronounced very\nacutely. You say you have _h_ mute and _h_ aspirate, but in practice I\nnever see, or rather hear, any aspiration at all. Hence, Count\n\"Hisamatsu,\" our actual military attach\u00e9, is always called by the\nFrench, as he complains, \"Isamatsu,\" which is not his Japanese name at\nall. This fact reminds me of a similar matter concerning our own Tokio.\nThe genuine Tokio people generally pronounce _Hi_ as _shi_. It is\ncurious, but it is a fact. This often causes comical mistakes to be made\nby servant-girls who are told by their mistresses to pronounce it\ncorrectly, for they often mix up and use _hi_ in place of _shi_ and\n_vice versa_. Mind! Tokio is the capital of Japan, but its language is\nnot the purest of the Japanese language. The same holds good in London.\nIt is rather strange for us to notice that in London the _h_ is so\ncommonly misused. I once went to a master, or rather mistress, as she\nwas a woman, of elocution, or at least she advertised herself as such,\nand she told me that one must be very careful not to be corrupted by the\nLondon patois, and that one must not say \"am and hegg\" for \"ham and\negg,\" but while she was telling me those things she herself was making\nan awful mangling of the _h_. No wonder! She was a pure Londoner. I went\nto her no more.'\n\n--'That's too awful! She could not have been a well-educated woman, or\nyou are telling us an exaggerated story.'\n\n--'Maybe she was not well educated,' said I, 'but my story is a plain,\nnaked fact. It is very difficult, I think, to get rid of colloquial\ncorruption when once thoroughly imbued with it, even with all the aids\nof education. I can relate an incident bearing on the point. There is,\nin Japan, far away from Tokio, a district where people in common\nparlance can make no difference between _shi_ and _su_. Once I went to\nthat district and gave a lecture to a large gathering of students\nbelonging to the higher schools of the district. Seven or eight of the\nmost capable students took down my speech, and a complete draft of it\nwas made by them, the defective parts having been supplied by one from\nthe other. It was published in the local papers. It was most perfect, as\nthough taken by shorthand, except in one respect, and it was that _shi_\nand _su_ had been intermingled, as though I had spoken in the local\ndialect. It seems that not only are they unable to distinguish the\ndifference when they themselves speak, but also when they hear other\npeople speak. It is a great drawback to the development of the district.\nThe local authorities hire teachers from other districts and try to\ncorrect this defect, but with little success. The function of our ears\nis strange. Sounds which are quite distinct to some people are quite\nindistinct to others. Our music has not so high a variation of tune as\nthe Western music, but it has sufficient variation to please our ears;\nbut the Occidentals compare our music to the beating of a drum by a\nchild--no tune and no variation, the reason being, I think, because our\ntunes and variations are quite inaudible to the Western ear. From the\nsame point of view, crows or cows, and, indeed, all living animals have\ntheir own language, only our ears cannot distinguish the difference of\ntheir words one from another.'\n\n--'Another pleasantry, I perceive,' remarked a lady. 'But tell me,\nbaron, how do you pronounce the name of your great statesman, \"Ito\"? Is\nit pronounced like _a-i-t-o-_, that is to say, _i_ in the English way of\npronouncing Ireland?'\n\n--'No,' I said, 'like _a-i-t-o-_ without _a_, that is to say, _i_ in\nyour own French way of pronouncing Ireland. I will once for all give you\na good clue how to pronounce Japanese names, which you must come across\nvery often nowadays in the newspapers. _I_ is pronounced always like _i_\nin your _il_ or English _ill_. Our _E_ is always like _e_ in French\n\"\u00e9tat\" or \"\u00e9t\u00e9.\" _G_ is always hard gutteral, that is to say, _ga_ like\n_g_ in \"Gambetta,\" _ge_ like _ge_ in English \"get,\" and _ge_ in German,\nand your _gue_. _Gi_ like _gi_ in the English \"gift,\" and your _gui_ in\n\"Guillaume,\" and, therefore, you must pronounce General \"Nogi\" like\nGeneral \"Nogui\" in the French way, and not like \"Noji\" or \"Nozi\" as you\ngenerally do. Our _go_ is always _go_, in English \"got,\" unless the _o_\nis a long one as in T\u00f4g\u00f4, and our _gu_ is always like a simple _g_ in\nGladstone and Grant.'\n\n--'But how do you then account for _u_?' interposed she.\n\n--'Our _u_ preceded by a consonant,' I answered, 'is generally sounded\nvery, very slightly--almost inaudibly, in fact--so much so that you need\ntake no notice of it. Therefore _ku_, _su_, _mu_, etc., are like simple\n_k_, _s_, _m_, etc. There is another secret in pronouncing our names,\nand it is this: when a consonant is followed by a vowel, pronounce it\nalways together with the vowel. Thus _yoritomo_ should be pronounced\n_yo-ri-to-mo_, and not _yor-i-tom-o_, and pronounce it without putting\nany accent: if you follow this rule, you will get nearer to the right\npronunciation.'\n\nThere was among those present the daughter of Prince Ichijo, naval\nattach\u00e9 to the Japanese Legation. She was addressed by a person present\nas Miss Ichijo. This appears to have struck a lady present, who was at a\nlittle distance from her. She said to me:\n\n--'Is not that young lady of very high birth?'\n\n--'Yes, she is. Her parentage is very high, though not of the Imperial\nblood.'\n\n--'Is she not a daughter of Prince Ichijo?'\n\n--'Yes, she is the daughter by his first wife, who is no more; the\npresent princess is his second wife, also of high birth, being a\ndaughter of one of our former great feudal lords.'\n\n--'How is it, then, that the young lady is addressed as \"Miss.\" If she\nwere a European, she would certainly be addressed as princess, or by\nsome other title?'\n\n--'You are right in thinking so,' I answered; 'but in Japan the titles\nof nobility are only borne personally by the chief of the family and his\nwife. All the other members of the family differ in no way from ordinary\npeople, except that they share the membership of the family. In this\nrespect our system totally differs from that of Continental Europe. The\nEnglish system is like ours as far as law goes, but there also the\nyounger members of noble families enjoy some distinction by courtesy.\nThis is the reason why one hears of a marquis, an earl, or a viscount\nspeaking in the House of Commons as an M.P.'\n\n--'I suppose your system of nobility is pretty much the same as the\nWestern ones in other respects,' said she.\n\n--'Yes, our titles of nobility are divided into five grades,\ncorresponding, for example, to the English duke, marquis, earl,\nviscount, and baron. The first grade, which corresponds to the English\nduke, is generally translated as prince; I don't know who began it but\nit is so. In Germany the highest title of nobility is \"F\u00fcrst,\" as you\nknow, and it is translated as \"prince\" in English or French. I believe\nthe analogy is taken from that fact. It must not, however, be confounded\nwith the princes of Imperial blood, for in Japanese the two titles in\nquestion are absolutely distinct, though, translated into the European\nlanguages, they sound very much alike.'\n\n--'What books written in English on Japan would you recommend me to\nread?' asked one lady.\n\n--'I cannot say with much authority, because naturally I have not spent\nmuch time over those books, but began it from what I have observed and\nfrom what I have heard from other people Lafcadio Hearn's are the best\nto study the Japanese character, but his books are generally collections\nof different essays, so that they do not give a panoramic survey of\nJapan. In that respect _Advance Japan_, by J. Morris, is said to be very\nhandy and good. Concerning that book, I may mention a rather commendable\nincident which took place last year. A Russian lady, a lover of her own\ncountry, I presume, lamented the great lack of knowledge of Japan among\nher country people, which was, as she thought, the cause of the many\nmisfortunes to her country. She wrote to an English friend of hers\nasking what book written in English on Japan she would recommend her to\ntranslate into Russian. The English lady recommended the book just\nmentioned, and it was translated and published in Russia. I have myself\nseen the Russian edition of it, neatly printed and beautifully\nillustrated. The Rev. William E. Griffis, of America, has written\nseveral books on Japan. His _Mikado's Empire_ gives a most excellent\ngeneralisation of Japanese history. A new book on Japan, entitled\n_Imperial Japan_ by Knox, another American, is very good. I have read it\nthrough. The only chapter in it which I think very unfair is one\nrelating to Japanese women. Of course, even in the best books there are\nsome points which are not quite exact, and they contain many amusing\nmistakes when scrutinised from our point of view.'\n\n--'What is then your opinion about Lafcadio Hearn's books, for\ninstance? I would like to know your opinion,' said another lady.\n\n--'You make me traverse almost the same field over again,' I said.\n\n--'Never mind! The points are different,' she said.\n\n--'Well, I need not speak of his occasional mistranslations of\nJapanese words or some small technical errors, but I can say that, in my\nopinion, he sometimes goes a little too far in giving reasons to matters\nconcerning feeling and sentiment. For instance, he raises the question,\nif a soul be something concrete and suppose it is gone somewhere--heaven\nor Paradise, as one may term it--how would it be possible to be present\nsimultaneously at the place where it is enshrined, or where offerings\nare made, and he tries to solve the difficulty philosophically and\nlogically. He seems to place too much stress on our notions of ancestral\nworship. We practise it, we like it, and we think it fine and noble, and\nyet we do so from a spirit of feeling and sentiment. Many things in\nconnection therewith are done by us, not always with conclusive, logical\nreasoning. In this respect many Europeans often misjudge us, forgetting\nthat they themselves do the same at home. They canonise meritorious\npersons, sometimes only legendary; they have their wayside shrines of\nMadonna; they celebrate All Souls' Day, when the whole town or village\nflocks to the cemetery; they set up statues of great men,--a statesman,\na warrior, a writer, a philanthropist, a musical composer, a sculptor, a\nscientist, and what not. They construct a grand pantheon or cathedral\nand consecrate the remains of their distinguished dead therein. They\neven erect colossal figures of an ideal personification, such as\n\"Liberty\" standing on high at the Place de la R\u00e9publique, and other\nfigures representing great cities, as at the Place de la Concorde. They\nsometimes decorate such figures on certain days with flowers, as is the\ncase with the statue of Beaconsfield, which is covered with primroses on\nPrimrose League Day, nay, sometimes a figure is decorated with wreaths\nall the year round, like Strasbourg at the Place de la Concorde. Mind,\nwith regard to this last, I am not speaking of any political aspect of\nthe matter. All this to my mind is very fine in idea. All this, I think,\nis not done for mere play, nor are those objects set up for mere\nornament. The notion contained therein is, I think, intended to\nperpetuate and sanctify the memory of the person, or of an idea in the\nminds of the people. If any stranger, for instance, approach any of\nthese objects and insult it in any gross manner, he would be sure to be\nmuch hissed, or even punished. From this, it is certain that these\nmatters belong to the sphere of feeling and sentiment and are not\nexactly within the limits of strict philosophical and logical reasoning.\nOur ancestral worship and things connected with it are of the same kind.\nAnd yet those Occidentals who have themselves very similar things look\nupon such institutions in Japan with amazement or curiosity, or even\nwith contempt, or else like Lafcadio Hearn, try to reason out some\npoints which are not altogether soluable by ordinary reasoning. A\nConfucian saying has this: \"When you perform a commemoration in honour\nof your dead parents, do it as though their spirit is present before\nyou.\" And I think it quite right; it is no honour to the dead if one\nmake an offering and reasons in his mind at the same time that the dead\nis nothing more than dust, or that its spirit could not be in existence,\nor at all events, far away from us in an unknown region. When a\nforeigner sees the shrine erected in Tokio where men, generals and\nsoldiers alike, who died for their country, are consecrated as a sort of\ndeity, he is apt to think it a peculiar custom. But what difference is\nthere between our observance of the illustrious dead and that of burying\na distinguished statesman or soldier in the Pantheon or Westminster\nAbbey? The only difference in all such matters seems to me to amount to\nthis: the feeling and sentiment of the preservation of the memory of the\ndeserving men is more intent and more general in one case than in the\nother.'\n\n--'I cannot agree with you altogether in your philosophy,' said a young\nlady.\n\n--'That may be,' said I. 'You shut your eyes to things near; we have a\nsaying, \"A lighthouse does not see its own base.\" Oh! I beg your pardon.\nI must not make such remarks; you see, too great a freedom of speech is\napt to produce an abuse; nay, that very freedom sometimes even wrecks a\ngrand army on an expedition.'\n\n--'I see. That is the reason why you muzzled all the newspaper\ncorrespondents who purposely went out to the Far East, and, by doing so,\nyou have nearly wrecked your own country.'\n\n--'Yes, nearly,' I answered, 'but we happily managed to escape their\nvindictiveness, and won our battles. No one in the world knew that Togo\nwas quietly waiting with his fleets for the ever-memorable Armada behind\nthe islands of Tsushima, almost on the same spot where the great\nMongolian Armada was annihilated some six hundred years ago.'\n\n--'And yet you yourself are rather voluble. You are always talking about\nsomething: you talk a good deal more than any ordinary person.'\n\n--'Excuse me,' I retorted, 'I don't think I am voluble at all. By\nnature I prefer listening to others than talking to them, for in\nlistening to others one can learn something, but nothing when talking to\nthem. I prefer still more to be alone, than either to be listening or\ntalking, for then the waste of time is still less. I only talk when it\nis absolutely necessary. You know, of course, that from Pythagoras down\nto Spencer and Huxley, extending, over some four or five thousand years,\nthousands of philosophers have written books, millions of books,\nspinning out their thoughts or rather conjectures, like spiders webs,\nbut the essence of it all is summed up in only these few words, \"I don't\nknow.\"'\n\n--'Ah! I see,' cried she, 'you talk nowadays so much, because you think\nit necessary for the good of your country. Do you know you are generally\ncalled the \"Japanese Mentor,\" or the \"Missionary of things Japanese.'\"\n\n--'I don't mind by what name they call me. Don't you remember: \"That\nwhich we call a rose, by any other name would smell as sweet.\"'\n\n--'And yet you must not monopolise the time; I must now have my turn of\nfreedom of speech.'\n\nThe lady thus claiming her turn of speech was a lively, vigorous,\nenergetic young lady, capable of talking and writing in several\nlanguages, confident of herself and of her sex, as confident as though\nshe were carrying on her shoulders the responsibility of half mankind,\nthat is, the whole of womankind. She takes, of course, great interest in\nwomen's education and the promotion of women's rights in all matters.\nShe began by saying, with her face turned towards me:\n\n--'In the letter you have just read--'\n\n--'I did not read it,' I interposed; 'it was that lady.'\n\n--'Well, then,' she said, 'in the letter you have brought in your pocket\nand have made one of the ladies read to us. In that letter mention is\nmade of Japanese ladies--'\n\n--'Oh, no more of the ladies,' I interrupted; 'I have spoken so much of\nthem, that if I repeat too often, I shall weary my readers of _A Summer\nDream_.'\n\n--'What!' she said, 'I do not mind if you read or copy the _Midsummer\nNight's Dream_, or the _Winters Tale_, but I must have my turn of\nspeech. In that letter, the writer speaks of the Japanese killing their\nmothers, wives, and sisters: by that the writer, no doubt, means the\naffliction which is put upon them by the death of so many men on the\nbattlefields. But in my opinion, it is not only in Japan that women are\nkilled, but in all countries, in England, in France, in America and\neverywhere else! Man everywhere despises women's education and deprives\nwomen of their lives.'\n\n--'Of course, you take great interest in women's education,' I\ninterposed.\n\n--'Not only,' she continued, 'they despise women's education, but they\nemploy every machination to hinder women from developing brain power,\nwhich is their only life.'\n\n--'You are too harsh,' I remarked.\n\n--'No, not at all,' she continued. 'People talk about American girls\ngetting the upper hand of their elders, as though they were not capable\nof giving advice to their somewhat belated relatives. The younger we\nare, the older and wiser we deem ourselves: such are the real facts of\nthe world, don't you think so, baron?'\n\n--'Well, not exactly,' I replied.\n\n--'I don't think you take much interest in women's education. You are\nintelligent, but you are, all the same, a man. You men have all one\ntrait in common, and that is, a desire to exclude women from every\nsphere of action politically and socially.'\n\n--'No, far from it,' I answered. 'I am a great advocate of the mental\nand physical development of women. My only desire as man is that the\ntime should soon arrive when we could elect women as deputies to the\nChamber; send them to the barracks and ships as soldiers and sailors,\nand to the field of campaign in time of emergency; select the most\nbeautiful as our ambassadors and ministers to the courts of different\ncountries and win over the hearts of the nation to which they are sent,\nwhile all this time we men might stay at home and calmly nurse the\nbabies or indulge in a quiet smoke, of which I am very fond.'\n\n--'Let's have some more serious talk,' remarked another lady. 'You have\nnot yet told us of the foundation of Bushido and its ethics. Let us hear\nsomething of that.'\n\n--'It is rather complicated. It will take much time. It won't do for my\n_Summer Dream_.'\n\n--'What?' she asked.\n\n--'Nothing. I mean it is too complicated and serious to tell you in this\nplace. On those points, I must refer you to my book entitled _The Risen\nSun_, published by Archibald Constable, the best publisher in London. It\nis one of the most important books published in the twentieth century;\notherwise Archibald Constable would never have published it.'\n\n--'I see a Japanese gentleman is sometimes capable of indulging in a\nlittle bluff.'\n\n--'But the twentieth century has only just begun: besides, this kind of\nbluff is quite harmless. It is very different from that which some\npeople are fond of indulging in, and, above all, it cannot bring about a\nnational catastrophe.'\n\n--'Enough, we all see what you mean. \"Their rising senses,\" as the poet\nsays, will soon \"begin to chase the ignorant fumes that mantle their\nclearer reason.\" Let us go now,' said one of them, and they all\ndispersed.\n\nThereupon I also having left the room, sprang into the air, and once\nmore floated away like a sprite, humming as I did so:--\n\n     '... I do fly\n      After summer, merrily:\n      Merrily, merrily, shall I live now,\n      Under the blossom that hangs on the bough.'\n\n[1] For these 'singing insects,' which are a distinctive feature in the\nFar East, see Lafcadio Hearn on 'Insect-Musicians' in his _Exotics and\nRetrospectives_ (1898), pp. 39-80. The practice of caging them dates at\nleast from 1095 A.D. Insects are now bred for this purpose in enormous\nnumbers.\n\n\n\n\nIV\n\nA talk on brackens--Eating of fruits without peeling--A pet\ntortoise--Remarks on languages--Discourses on jiujitsu--Comparison of\njiujitsu and wrestling--Japanese art and the Kokkwa--Pictures in the\nGospel--Discourse on Bushido, its history and the origin of the\nterm--Explanation of the terms Daimio, Samurai, and Bushi--Its\nliterature--Japanese revenge and European duel--Japanese sword--Soul of\nSamurai--General Stoessel and a broken sword--Discussion on Japanese\nsocial morality--Japan far cleaner than any other nation--The condition\nat the time of the transition--General view of the westernised\nJapan--Occidental vulgarity\n\n\nI was at the luncheon table of the Duke and Duchess of Fairfield: quite\n_en famille_, there being present only a young nobleman of Italian\ndescent besides the duke and duchess and their two daughters.\n\nIn the course of luncheon, casual mention was made by one of the young\nladies of the fronds of bracken, called _warabi_ in Japan, regarding\nwhich I had made some remarks in England as to its edible properties.\n\n--'I have read in some English papers all that you said about it,' said\nthe young nobleman; 'and, indeed, most of the French journals have also\nreported it since.'\n\n--'Yes, after I had initiated the matter, almost all the English\npapers, both in town and country, made some comments. I have even read\nthat a philanthropic gentleman had reproduced the necessary information\nin leaflet form, for distribution amongst the needy people in some parts\nof Wales, where there is often a scarcity of food. The starch made from\nthe roots of bracken is considered in Japan the best, and is used very\nwidely. There is a similar vegetable called _jemmai_; it is larger than\nbracken and used in a dried form. It is very soft and palatable, and is\nvery extensively used in Japanese cookery. I do not know for certain if\nthe latter kind exists in Europe, though I believe it does. As to\nbracken, it grows everywhere. I am, however, but little sanguine that my\nrecommendation will be utilised in England, though the method of\npreparation is very simple. The secret of the preliminary preparation\nlies in soaking it, from ten to fifteen hours in water with soda. I\nrevealed it from a philanthropic motive. But, you see, the British are\nso conservative in such matters. I even noticed, in a newspaper, a\nletter wherein the writer stated that he had cooked some bracken, but it\nturned out unpalatable, although quite tender. He did not wait to find\nout if there might not be room for improvement in his method of cooking:\npeople are so apt to discredit others before they make sure of a fact.'\n\n--'That is generally the case in this world,' said the duchess; 'but I\nwonder if French bracken is equally good.'\n\n--'Surely it is,' I replied, 'even that in the neighbourhood of Paris:\nthe bracken in Fontainebleau forests is said to be very fine. Only in\nMay last, a number of Japanese ladies in Paris made a special excursion\nthere, and brought back bunches of it. I was one of those who enjoyed\nthe dishes resulting.'\n\n--'You may be sure it is a subject that will be taken up, when the\nsemi-famine days come, and then, perhaps, your name will be remembered,'\nremarked one of the young ladies.\n\n--'No, I think not,' I replied. 'I believe, I shall be buried long\nbefore that, and my name too.'\n\n--'Oh, don't say that,' broke in another of the young ladies.\n\nDessert was now served, in the course of which I remarked:\n\n--'I will tell you an incident which will probably interest you. I was\nspending a week-end with the Dake and Duchess of Hamilton, who have\nalways been very courteous to me. One morning, at the breakfast table, I\nnoticed the duchess cut an apple, and gave it to her young son without\npeeling. This rather struck me, so I asked her reason, when she told me\nthat her medical adviser had instructed her to do so, because the\nessence of the nourishing part of the fruit was contained just under the\nskin, so that it was better not to remove the skin. It was quite a\nrelief to me (for we men, and especially myself, often find it\ntroublesome to pare fruit). Now I could eat fruit without paring the\nskin unconcernedly, and should any onlooker laugh at me, or ask the\nreason, I could lecture him from the point of medical science.'\n\n--'You always view things from a point of vantage,' interposed the\nyounger daughter.\n\nWe went into the garden, and took our coffee there in a shaded corner.\nMeanwhile I noticed a little puppy looking up at us from a corner of the\nturf. It did not move, and I soon discovered it was porcelain.\n\n--'Ah, I see, I thought it was a live dog when I was here last. It was\ntowards evening, just as I was leaving when I noticed it.'\n\nAt this moment a servant brought in a tortoise: it was a very large one\nand quite tame. The duchess fed it with lettuce, saying:\n\n--'This is my pet, and I am very fond of it. It prefers lettuce to any\nother vegetable.'\n\n--'I have seen many tortoises,' I said, 'but this is the first time I\nhave seen one as a pet. In Japan, one sees in the ponds or small lakes\nround the temples, hundreds, nay, thousands, floating in the water, or\nlying on rocks or boards basking in the sun. Their preservation is\nchiefly due to the customary kindness and religious sentiment of the\nJapanese.'\n\nI then told the duchess what I knew of tortoises and their habits,\nremarking that those amphibians lived more in the water than on land,\nand it was necessary for them to be put in the water at least\noccasionally.\n\nAnd so the soft summer evening glided away as we passed from one topic\nof conversation to another.\n\n--'Do you find European languages very difficult to learn?' asked one of\nthe young ladies. 'I suppose there is no similarity between our language\nand yours?'\n\n--'None whatever,' I replied, 'and we certainly find them very\ndifficult to acquire. The difference between the various European\nlanguages might perhaps be compared to the difference between a horse\nand a mule, while the difference between Japanese and the European\nlanguages would certainly not be closer in comparison than a horse to an\nox. That is to say, the former differs only in species, and the latter\nin kind. Hence you can easily see how much more difficult it is for an\nOriental to learn any European language, than a European to learn a\nsecond European language. Even amongst the European languages, there\nare, as you know, many idioms differing one from the other, and\nconsequently difficult to understand. Only the other day I was not a\nlittle amused at a French translation of the English sentence \"hold\ngood\" in the sense that \"one thing had an advantage over another.\" You\ncan imagine how much more difficult it is for a Japanese to know the\nvalue of every word, not to say an idiom, of a European language. Once\nin Japan, I was watching some European and Japanese children playing\nHide-and-Seek together. The European children were making use of the\nJapanese words meaning \"Hot and Cold\" in place of \"Far and Near.\" I\ncould only make out what they meant after I had carefully watched the\ngame. I am sure we commit similar errors every day when speaking in a\nforeign language. More than thirty years ago a party of Japanese\nambassadors, including the present Marquis Ito, whom you know, and their\nsuites, made a round trip through America and Europe: perhaps the duke\nremembers it. The mayor of a large manufacturing town in England, which\na portion of the party were visiting, invited the visitors to the play.\nThe party was divided into two and occupied two boxes opposite each\nother. The mayor and his wife were in a box and their daughter in the\nother. An Englishman who was in the mayor's box remarked to a Japanese\nguest, of an eminent fellow-guest seated beside the young lady opposite,\n\"Monsieur K. must be very happy,\" meaning, no doubt, to pay a compliment\nindirectly to the mayor and his wife; but the Japanese to whom the\nremark was addressed understood but little English and replied: \"K. must\nbe quite ashamed.\"\n\n--'It spoilt everything. In our language the word meaning \"shame\" and\n\"bashfulness\" are identical and the sense is only modified by a slight\ndifference in construction. A somewhat similar example is the great\ndifference in the meaning between the phrases _f\u00e2ch\u00e9 contre_ and _f\u00e2ch\u00e9\nde_. The results of the misconstruction, as may be imagined, were rather\nserious. It was only made good by another Japanese who made a timely\nexplanation. I heard this incident direct from that gentleman who made\nthe explanation. That incident clearly demonstrates how difficult and\ndelicate it is to express oneself in a tongue other than one's own.'\n\n--'Exactly,' interposed the young nobleman. 'It is always necessary to\nmake much allowance for a foreigner, and to make a guess at his\nmeaning.'\n\n--'The jiujitsu is being exhibited once more in France,' said the\nduchess. 'I have seen several advertisements in to-day's papers, one of\nwhich states that a physician asked the exhibitor to demonstrate on him,\nand afterwards declared it quite scientific. People in France know very\nlittle of that art.'\n\n--'No wonder,' I answered; 'even in England, where jiujitsu is so much\nspoken of, it was very little known until quite recently. Not many years\nago a lecture on the subject, accompanied by some practical\ndemonstrations, was delivered at a literary society, by a Japanese\ngentleman, assisted by another Japanese. On that occasion a weekly paper\nof high reputation commented upon the art, saying that there was nothing\nin it. The writer added that jiujitsu was exactly the same as the\nEnglish wrestling, with a few different tricks.'\n\n--'Is there much difference between the two?'\n\n--'Yes, there is a great difference. Of course the combatants in both\nexercises strive to get the upper hand of each other, but the great\ndifference is that the wrestling relies chiefly on strength, whilst\njiujitsu depends on all sorts of tricks, based upon a careful study of\nphysical organism, and therefore physical strength may be said to be of\nlittle value, nay, in truth, it uses the strength of the opponent\nagainst himself. We, in Japan, have also a method of competition\nresembling the wrestling of the West, and we apply to that the Western\nname \"wrestling.\" We do not like our jiujitsu to be confounded with it,\nthough Western people sometimes call it by that name. When our jiujitsu\nis called \"wrestling,\" it hurts our feelings a little.'\n\n--'Why, how is that?' demanded the duchess.\n\n--'Well, nothing very serious, but the reason is this: jiujitsu has\nalways been regarded in Japan as an art chiefly practised by men of the\nhigher classes. It has never been a profession, still less a public\nshow, and the reason why now and then the art is made an object of\nexhibition in a public hall of the Western towns, is only an outcome of\nthe altered conditions of the time. On the other hand, the wrestling\nwhich we call Sumoo has always been a profession and for public\nentertainment for many centuries.'\n\n--'I see.'\n\n--'It must, however, be understood that even wrestling is not\nconsidered a low profession, and though it is exhibited to the public,\nis very different from other kinds of shows--those, for instance, given\nat a f\u00eate. Wrestling in Japan has a very remote origin. In its earlier\nstage it was not a profession, it was one of the military sports, but as\ntime went on it became a regular profession. Tokio is the centre of the\nWrestling Association, and therefore it has the best wrestlers. Osaka\ncomes next. The wrestlers are brought up and trained from boyhood:\npromising youths are picked up from all parts of the country by the\nprincipal wrestlers and taken into their private halls. There are two\nprincipal exhibitions of ten days, one early in the year and the other\nearly in the summer, held in Tokio, when the rank and order of every\nmember of the association is determined by competition. In the intervals\nthey subdivide themselves into several parties and go about the country\nexhibiting their art. Men are very fond of seeing the wrestling, though\nvery few women care to see it; in fact, it is only of recent date that\none observes any women at all at such exhibitions, and those only of\nindifferent standing. It is not considered good taste. The last point\nexcepted, wrestling in Japan resembles somewhat a bull-fight in Spain. I\ndo not mean the sport itself, but in the sense of its being a national\ninstitution. From this fact you may see that we have more and better\nwrestlers than you in the West. Sometimes Western wrestlers come to\nJapan and challenge our wrestlers, but they are no match for ours. It is\nnot worth boasting about, I merely state the fact. Of course, there is\nalso much wrestling in country parts, and young people often perform,\nbut they are, after all, only amateurs. As to jiujitsu, the art has been\nstudied by the Samurai in a similar manner to fencing, with no\nprofessional performance or public show. Hence a great difference in the\nsocial position of jiujitsu experts and wrestlers. Nevertheless, the\nwrestlers maintain some trace of their ancient standing, for their\nposition even now is regarded as superior to actors or the geisha,\nthough good actors are rapidly gaining a social position.'\n\n--'Is jiujitsu as old as wrestling?'\n\n--'No, it is not. Jiujitsu is not quite three hundred years old, since\nit has been systematised into an art. There are many schools, I mean\nstyles, of jiujitsu, and naturally some are older than others. They\ndiffer somewhat from one another, the difference having arisen chiefly\nfrom the endeavour of the founders to make improvements.'\n\n--'But what is the real purport of jiujitsu?'\n\n--'The masters call it an art of self-defence. You see, our Samurai do\nnot like to be arrogant or offensive to other people, and therefore they\nprofess to use jiujitsu only when attacked, hence the name of\nself-defence, and this point is one of their ideals; but as a matter of\nfact, it is an art that can be used for attack equally well, and\ntherefore may be called an art both offensive and defensive. The\nadvantage of knowing this art is that we can throw an opponent without\nhurting or killing him, because it requires no weapons, not even a\nstick. It is done by catching hold of various parts of the opponent by\nthe hands. Of course, there are many tricks, and therefore, if both\nparties be equally efficient in the art, the combat becomes very\ncomplicated. The term jiujitsu literally means \"soft art,\" or an art\naccomplished by \"sleight of body,\" as some people put it, so much so\nthat one school is called \"The Willow Mind Style.\" We have a saying, \"A\nwillow knows not a breaking by snow,\" meaning that a slender branch of a\nwillow is stronger than a branch of a robust tree like the pine, an\nanalogy showing that flexibility is often stronger than stubbornness.\n\n'From all this it may well be imagined that a slender and small man,\nwithout any perceptible physical strength, can often become a great\nmaster of the art. Once at Shanghai, a Japanese who understood jiujitsu\nwell was attacked by a group of Chinese roughs in the middle of a\nbridge, but he threw them all, one after the other, since when no\nChinaman attempts to attack a Japanese, concluding wisely that we may\nall be masters of the art. Once in England--I believe it was in\nNewcastle--a number of roughs attacked a Japanese; he threw them all,\none after the other, and went off. The roughs were taken into custody by\nconstables, when they confessed that they would not have attacked the\nman had they known he was a Japanese, and they believed that all\nJapanese knew the \"devilish trick of wrestling,\" as they called it. You\nnow see the nature of our jiujitsu, I suppose.'\n\n--'And suppose your best wrestler and a jiujitsu man encountered?' asked\none of the young ladies.\n\n--'A wrestler is no match for a jiujitsu man. A wrestler who can lift\nup a big stone, or catch hold of a bull by its horns, would be easily\nbeaten by a youth of fourteen scarcely able to lift a small cannon ball,\nprovided the boy were well trained in jiujitsu. In wrestling, therefore,\nall jiujitsu tricks are forbidden. This will explain why no Occidental,\neven a champion wrestler, has ever succeeded in defeating a Japanese\njiujitsu man. Perhaps you remember one of our jiujitsu men, who is in\nEngland, won the Gold Championship Cup last year, and yet in Japan he is\nnot considered a first-class man in the art. I do not, however, wish to\nboast of the matter. Even amongst the most undeveloped tribes one\nsometimes sees the greatest possible skill shown in such matters,\nespecially in the use of the bow and arrow. I hear American Indians\nshoot fishes in the rivers with arrows, and that too not by aiming\ndirect, but by sending arrows up in the air and letting them fall in the\nwater. They do not shoot direct, because, as you know, the curve of\nsight in water is very different from that in plain air.'\n\n--'I understand that,' said the duchess, 'but your jiujitsu seems to be\nvery different from mere skill. It is the result of a long and\ndeliberate study of physical organism, systematised upon a scientific\nbasis, as the physician in the paper says.'\n\n--'Maybe,' I answered.\n\n--'But what is that book which you have brought with you?' asked the\nduchess.\n\n--'It is the book I promised you the other day. It is the _Kokkwa_, a\nmonthly on art. It contains, as you see, very good photogravures and\nchromographs of our old _objets d'art_.'\n\nSo saying, I handed the book to the duchess, and continued:\n\n--'You told me the other day, _apropos_ of the conversation of the\nMarchioness Vivastine and myself, that you were also an admirer of our\nart, and that you appreciated Utamaro and Hokusai. No doubt they were\ngreat artists, and I am delighted, of course, with your appreciation,\nbut we should be sorry if they stood to you for the best that we can do\nin art. This monthly will give you a good idea why I say so.'\n\nAll present were interested in the book, and its pages were gently\nturned over one by one. Presently the duchess remarked:\n\n--'Do you mean to say that the originals of these illustrations date\nback thirteen centuries?'\n\n--'Indeed, I do,' I replied.\n\n--'And that these prints were really made in Japan?' said another.\n\n--'Yes, surely.'\n\n--'What a softness and feeling here! Look!' the duchess went on; 'and\nhow this part resembles classic Italian.'\n\n--'The art of printing,' I said, 'is well developed in Japan. The other\nday I showed a copy of the _Financial and Economical Annual_ of Japan to\na Frenchman, and he thought the printing was very neat and clear, and\ncould scarcely believe that the book had been printed in my country.'\n\n--'I can quite realise the scepticism of that person; but can you give\nme a rough idea of your ideal of pictures?'\n\n--'That's a rather difficult question. In your sacred book you have a\npicture where Christ talks about \"lilies.\" He stands in a field, utters\nHis words, pointing to some pure white lilies blooming, but not in\nabundance, in the field. There is a perfect picture, the symbolic\nmeaning of the pure white flowers standing out vividly before your eyes.\nIn another place you see Christ entering a boat on a lake. There is\nanother picture. A lake calm and serene, surrounded by undulating hills,\nperhaps with the shadow of the hills and trees reflected on the surface\nof the water. There one or two fishermen handle oars in a fantastic\nboat. A sage calls them from the shore to come to Him. A perfect\nlandscape! An immense expanse and an eternal stillness of the universe\nalmost unconsciously arises before the mind's eye of the onlooker. Such\nis, then, a type of the ideals of our pictorial worlds.'\n\n--'I can well imagine it,' said the young nobleman. 'Your chromographs\nof even small objects, such as picture postcards, are very fine and\nartistic and, at the same time, so simple. Look at ours: they have\nneither feeling nor taste, and usually are showy and gorgeous, and,\nindeed, often vulgar.'\n\n--'I must say I agree with you to some extent. I am rather sorry that\nsuch monthly publications as _Kokkwa_ do not pay well in Japan. The\npresent publisher of the journal is the proprietor of a large newspaper,\nand not a regular book publisher. He is himself a great collector of our\n_objets d'art_, of which he is very fond, and this is the sole reason\nwhy he took up the publication after it had been nearly discontinued by\nits former publisher. He is now trying to see if an English edition of\nit will pay, although the end he has in view is to make Japan known to\nthe West, rather than any pecuniary personal gain. Indeed, it is for\nthat reason he has sent me this copy, asking me to show it to those who\nhave a taste for such things. I really think that, for the general good,\nthe publication is worth continuing.'\n\n--'Certainly,' said the duchess. 'Let me see, it is only two yen per\nnumber, that is five francs per month; cheap enough. I will subscribe at\nonce.'\n\nThe young nobleman now left our party, for he had another engagement. He\nhas a talent for music, and when a private concert was given only a few\nweeks ago in the garden of an aristocratic family which I know, he was\nthe conductor, although only an amateur. This the young ladies told me,\nand the circumstance led me to ask if they also were not musical. One of\nthem, she told me, played the piano, and the other the violin, and I\nsaid I hoped that one day they would let me have the pleasure of hearing\nthem. I further said that the piano was only known in Japan to a slight\ndegree, and that only recently; but that we had always had an instrument\nmuch resembling the violin.\n\n\nThe duke held in his hand an English literary weekly of the highest\nrepute. Turning to me he said:\n\n--'Look! here is a review of two new books, one on the Bushido by a\nJapanese writer, and the other on Japan in general by an American, I\nsuppose. It is a subject that interests me, as, indeed, it does many\npeople nowadays. I have read it through and noticed that the reviewer\nspeaks of Bushido very sarcastically. He says, among other things, that\nthe discovery of Bushido is of quite recent date, and continues; but\nlisten, I will read it:\n\n     'Neither Sir E. Satow nor Dr. Aston even mentions the word Bushido;\n     Prof. Chamberlain in his _Things Japanese_ (1898) does not refer to\n     it; the word is not contained in the admirable dictionary prepared\n     by Captain Brinkley, the able but intensely Japanicised\n     correspondent of the _Times_; nor is it to be found in the\n     principal native dictionary, the _Kotoba no Izumi_ (\"Source of\n     Language\").'\n\n--'What nonsense,' I interrupted; 'by the same analogy one might say,\nbecause there is no compound noun Christian-morality in an English\ndictionary, there is no such thing as Christian morality.'\n\n     'Bushido, in literal Chinese,' continued the duke, reading, 'is the\n     way of the executioner, and those who were eye-witnesses of the\n     tyranny of the Samurai, in the last three years of the Bakufu\n     [Shogunate], will not regard the name as altogether inappropriate.\n     The Bushi (a Japano-Chinese, but not Chineseform), or Samurai, were\n     neither knights nor knightly; they were \"followers\" merely; many,\n     if not most of them, petty officials, few of them for two hundred\n     and fifty years possessed any military experience whatever.'\n\n--'How ridiculous,' I interrupted; 'but I cannot make out what the\nreviewer could have got into his head to make him translate the term\nBushi as \"executioner.\" It is an insult to Bushi, of whom we have the\noft-quoted saying, \"Hana wa sakura ni hitowa bushi\": \"As the cherry\nblossoms are the prime of the flowers, so the Bushi is the flower of\nman.\" We have a popular drama in which there is a scene where a female\nprisoner is brought out under the superintendence of a common Bushi; and\nthere the phrase \"Keigo-no-Bushi\" occurs, meaning, the Bushi who guards.\nPerhaps the reviewer remembered it, and concluded that Bushi meant an\nexecutioner, because he had charge of a prisoner. If this is so, by the\nsame analogy we might say the \"Knight of the Garter\" is a domestic\nservant who looks after his mistress's garter. Ah! there is another\nthing which occurs to me. In China, where military men are little\nthought of, they are often used for such duties as those of an\nexecutioner; some foreigners, who had seen the fact whereby those men\nwere called Bushi, perhaps thought that the term meant \"executioners\"\nwithout knowing its primary meaning. By that analogy one might say that\ngentlemen belonging to the honourable guild known as \"The Worshipful\nCompany of Grocers of the City of London\" were common dealers in tea and\nsugar, because they are called grocers, without knowing the origin of\nthe term. The passages in that review accidentally caught my sight too,\nand out of curiosity I looked the matter up in a few books which I\nhappened to have by me. It is a little technical, but if you do not\nmind, I will explain it to you in detail.'\n\n--'Please do,' said the duke.\n\n--'The word Bushi is a noun composed of two Chinese characters, _bu_\nand _shi_, both having a distinct meaning. _Bu_ means military or\nmartial when used as an adjective, but it is also very commonly used as\na concrete noun; and in that case it may be translated as martialism.\nWhen used as a noun it is used in contradistinction to _bun_. The last\nword may be translated as \"civil,\" but I am unable to find out an exact\nequivalent in the Western terms, because the Western term \"civil,\" still\nless the term \"civism,\" does not convey the true idea of the word. It\nmay, however, be taken to signify things or affairs on civil lines, as\ncontrasting with those on military lines. _Shi_ means a man of position\nor a gentleman, which came by evolution to mean a military man rather\nthan a civilian. These two words, _bu_ and _shi_, were put together and\nmade a compound noun, signifying professional military people. The term\nhas been most commonly used in Japan for over ten centuries. There are\ntwo other terms, Bundo and Budo, the former means principle, or\ndoctrine, or teaching, or ways of affairs on civil lines, and the latter\nmeans the same on martial lines. They are very antique terms,\ncontradistinguishing each other. The term Bushido is not so ancient as\nthose two, but still it is by no means modern. The term Budo is used\nwhen one wishes to refer the matter more to the system or the principle\nas a unit; and the term Bushido is used when one wishes to designate\nmore the individuals. In China the term Bushi had existed, as is natural\nfrom the antiquity of her history, many centuries before it did in\nJapan; I have seen it used in the history of the Hung dynasty. The term\nof course signifies military men; nevertheless, it has not acquired so\nmuch prominence as it has done in Japan, because in China military men\nhave never attained the same importance and organisation as in Japan,\nand naturally enough there exists in China no such term as Bushido in\nits concrete sense, Bushido being peculiarly unique to the Japanese.\nBushido consists of three Chinese characters, as the reviewer says. In\nthe colloquial Japanese it is read as Bushi-no-michi, _do_ being the\nChinese way of pronunciation, and _michi_ being the colloquial Japanese\npronunciation of the one and the same character; and therefore _do_ and\n_michi_ are both the same thing. In _Hogen Monogatari_, an historical\nrecord of the events which took place in the middle of the twelfth\ncentury A.D., and written not longer after that period, a great hero,\nTametomo, is represented to have said, in the course of a speech, as\nfollows:\n\n     'For a Bushi, an act of killing is inevitable. Nevertheless\n     Bushi-no-michi [_i.e._ Bushido] forbids to kill an unfit object,\n     and therefore, though I have fought more than twenty battles, and\n     put an end to countless lives, I have always fought legitimate\n     foes, and not illegitimate foes [in modern phraseology combatants\n     and non-combatants]. And more! I have neither killed a deer nor\n     fished a fish.\n\n'In the fourteenth century A.D., a book called _Chiku-ba-sho_ (the\nreminiscence of the bamboo-horse), which is ethical teaching for Bushi,\nwas written by Shiwa Yoshimasa, a Japanese general, born 1349, died 1410\nA.D.\n\n'Within the last three hundred years, when Bushido has made a great\nsystematic progress on its literary and intellectual side, many\ntreatises on the subject have been written by eminent scholars and\nexpounders of that doctrine. Nakaye-toju, born in 1608 A.D., wrote a\nbook called _Questions and Answers on Bun and Bu_, in which the terms\nBundo and Budo are used. In the collection of the epistles of Kumazawa\nBanzan, born 1619 A.D., the same terms are much used. In _Lectures by\nYamaga Soko_, who was born in 1622, and was the founder of a school of\nour military science, there is one part called Shido. Shido and Bushido\nare one and the same thing, for the term _bu_ is added to _shi_ when one\nparticularly wishes to denote the idea of the military profession. Thus,\nfor instance, the old class of Samurai is now known as Shizoku, and not\nas Bushi-Zoku. Kaibara Yekken, born 1630 A.D., wrote a book called\n_Bukum_, namely, \"Instructions on Bu,\" in which the term Bushi-no-michi\nis freely used. The _Elementary Lessons on Budo_ is a book written by\nDaidoji Yiuzan, born 1639. In that book the term Bushido is freely used,\nand we see therein such phrases: \"What is most important in Bushido is\nthe three conceptions of loyalty, justice, and bravery\"; and \"if a Bushi\ncomprehend the two opposing notions of justice and injustice, and\nendeavour to do justice and refrain from doing injustice, Bushido will\nbe attained.\" Izawa Hanrioshi, born 1711 A.D., published a book called\n_Bushikun_, namely, \"Instructions for Bushi.\" In that book, also, the\nterm Bushi-no-michi is repeatedly used, and at the end of the fourth\nvolume of it there is a short postscript in which he says:\n\n     'These four volumes have been written to record the outlines of\n     Bushido, in order to supplement the points left untouched in books\n     published in recent generations, such as ... so that one must not\n     say after reading this book that it is not minute.\n\n'I could mention several more books, but I might weary you. The names I\nhave just cited are, in Japan, no less household words than Voltaire or\nRousseau in France, and Johnson or Goldsmith in England. Satow, Aston,\nChamberlain, or Brinkley might not have had time enough to touch upon\nthe Bushido, but if one says that because they have not touched upon it\nthere is no such thing as Bushido in Japan, it is tantamount to saying\nthat there is no such thing as a diamond in South Africa because some\ntravellers have not mentioned it in their diaries.'\n\n--'You appear always to be making use of the names Bushi and Samurai\nindiscriminately. No doubt they signify one and the same category of\npeople. But what is the difference?'\n\n--'You are right in raising that question. The term Samurai is a pure\nand simple Japanese word, derived from a verb meaning \"to wait\" or \"to\nserve.\" In ancient times military men on guard at the Imperial palace\nwere called by that name; but when one wished to make the appellation\nmore concise and appear more scholastic, the term Bushi was used. The\nChinese character Shi is uniformly translated in Japanese as Samurai,\nbut one preferred to employ the term Bushi more commonly because it gave\nmore prominence to the military calling. At first the guards were\nrecruited from ordinary people, but in course of time the recruiting\nbecame hereditary in certain families. They also began gradually to form\na sort of class in different provinces, having their leaders, and at\nlast formed a regular class of military men. Those men were universally\ncalled Bushi, and their families, when collectively spoken of, were\ncalled _Buke_ namely, \"Houses of Bu.\"'\n\n--'I understand. But what is the difference between Daimio and Samurai?'\n\n--'A Daimio is the lord under whom the Samurai served. There were nearly\nthree hundred feudal lords of different standing in Japan. And the\nnumber of them therefore, when spoken of roughly, was called \"three\nhundred.\" In the broad signification the lords were also included in the\ncategory of Samurai. In a popular drama, in which a child lord is\nrepresented as being in want of food on account of an intrigue, he\npathetically says, \"A Samurai does not feel hungry even with an empty\nstomach.\" Feudal lords belonged to the category of Buke, in\ncontradistinction to _Kuge_, namely, noble families attached direct to\nthe Imperial courts. At present, of course, there is no such\ndistinction, all former feudal lords and court nobles form the Japanese\nnobility as one class.'\n\n--'I see, it is quite plain,' said the duke. 'The reviewer appears to\nhave some knowledge of Japan, but judging from what I have just heard\nfrom you, I am more convinced than ever of the saying that \"a little\nknowledge is a dangerous thing.\" One is apt to commit errors on account\nof such knowledge, especially if he has any feeling of spite and tries\nto find fault with others. It amuses me all the more, because he further\nsays:\n\n     'If one ignored history, it would be easy to draw a picture of\n     Napoleon as a good-natured man of genius who was kind to his\n     relations, and evolved order out of chaos;\n\nand he himself ignores all the history of Bushido, which you have just\ngiven me.'\n\n--'I do not think,' I said, 'the reviewer could have any spite against\nus, nor do I think he has intentionally committed the error you have\njust mentioned, but it is unfortunate that it has that appearance.'\n\n--'Again,' said the duke, 'what does this mean? The reviewer says here:\n\n     'The meaningless quasi-military formalism of the Bakufu, under\n     which the sword, undrawn from its scabbard, came to be almost\n     worshipped, a system of merciless vendetta, often based upon\n     trivial forms of injury, was established.'\n\n--'Well, I will begin with answering the second point first. In thus\ngiving vent to his vindictiveness, the reviewer seems to have forgotten,\nfor instance, how few decades ago it was that in England a personage no\nless eminent than the prime minister was engaged, if not killed, in a\nduel. He forgets how widely duels are practised and connived at even now\nby the law on the Continent, and that men die, conceivably, in\nconsequence of a sword-thrust or a pistol-shot. In Japan duels have been\naltogether forbidden by the law, as there were signs of duelling being\nintroduced with European customs, and the prohibition has proved to be\nvery effective. In the feudal period a custom similar to duelling, which\nthe reviewer calls vendetta, existed, as he says; but its purport was\nvery different from what he describes. The act was called Kataki-uchi,\nthat is, \"revenge.\" When a man lost his life on account of an unlawful\nand malicious injury, the children of the deceased regarded it as\nincumbent on them to take the matter in their hands, if no legal\nadjustments could be obtained. In the feudal times redress in such\nmatters was not always easy, because the different clans had autonomy;\nand the Samurai's fighting generally originated from some quarrel of a\npolitical nature, and not from robbery or any other felonious act. On\nthe other hand, Confucian ethics held it unworthy of a pious son to\n\"share the same heaven\" with a person who wrongfully murdered his\nfather. From these circumstances arose the notion of the necessary\nvindication of the father's wrongs by the hands of the son. Thus the\nJapanese vendetta (Kataki-uchi) came to be officially recognised--a step\nfurther than the official connivance of the Western duels. As a matter\nof fact, our Kataki-uchi was of a far more serious nature, but of much\nrarer occurrence, than the Western duels. The same sentiments and\npractices were applicable to a lord and his retainers, though in a\nlesser degree, as in the case of blood relations. With us the avenger\nhad always to stake much on his own part--life, position, and\nfortune--for although the principle of revenge was recognised in a\nmeasure, the avenger seldom got off scot-free from the responsibility of\nhis act, which by the technical points of law was generally amenable to\npunishment. Thus you will see in the case of the famous forty-seven\n\"Ronin,\" they avenged the death of their lord, because the latter had\nhad to put an end to his own life, which was accompanied by an order for\nthe total extinction of his house and clan, the cause of all of which\nwas the injurious acts of the wrongdoer. The action of the forty-seven\nRonin was morally approved by public sentiment, but they had to commit\nsuicide because they were offenders in the eyes of the law. How, then,\ncan one say that the Japanese Kataki-uchi was a merciless system, based\nupon trivial forms of injury, as the reviewer pleases to put it.'\n\n--'But,' said the duke, 'suppose the revenge went on endlessly, to be\nhanded down from generation to generation, as it was with the Scottish\nclans, that would be awful.'\n\n--'No, in that respect, there was a limit. No second revenge was\nrecognised in any form whatever. Thus, if A. murdered B. and B.'s son\nkilled A. in revenge, A.'s son had no claim legally or morally to avenge\nhis fathers death. I may also add that under the new Imperial r\u00e9gime\nKataki-uchi has been totally discountenanced by law. There is no\nconnivance of it at all. The law promises redress to every wrong, and\nevery possible care is taken to protect the sufferers. Therefore,\nnowadays, if one kills another in revenge, he would be accounted an\nordinary murderer in the eyes of the law.'\n\n--'What about the sword?' interposed the duke.\n\n--'The sword,' I answered, 'was considered the soul of Samurai. They\nregarded it as the symbol,--nay, the very embodiment of noble sentiment\nand spirit. It has been so more or less with almost every nation, but it\nwas especially so with us Japanese. The Japanese swords are known to be\nunrivalled by those of any other nation. Our sword was the envy of all\nthe continental peoples of the Far East. There is a famous poem composed\nby a great Chinese statesman and scholar, in which he pays high tribute\nnot only to the sword itself, but to the nation which produces it. Even\nfrom a merely artistic point of view, our swords deserve to rank high;\nbut that is not all. A latter-day author writes as follows:\n\n     The sword-smith was not a mere artisan, but an inspired artist, and\n     his workshop his sanctuary. Daily he commences his craft with\n     prayer and purification, or, as was said, he committed his soul and\n     spirit into the forging and tempering of the steel. Every swing of\n     the sledge-hammer, every plunge into the water, every friction on\n     the stone, was a religious act of no slight import. Was it the\n     spirit of the master or his tutelary deity that cast such a spell\n     over our sword? Perfect as a work of art, setting at defiance its\n     Toledo and Damascus rivals, there was more than art could impart.\n     Its cold blade collecting on its surface, the moment it is drawn,\n     the vapours of the atmosphere: its immaculate texture, flashing\n     light of bluish hue; its matchless edge, upon which histories and\n     possibilities hang, the curve of its back uniting exquisite grace\n     with utmost strength--all these fill us with mixed feelings of\n     power and beauty, of awe and terror.\n\n'Such was, then, the \"sword\" which our Samurai adored. There were two\nor three at least of such swords, which were heirlooms of a Samurai\nfamily. Just imagine a Samurai going forth to the battlefield and\nreflecting what a distinction his ancestors had made in similar\nbattlefields, or what devotions he had displayed to his lord by that\nvery sword, now being borne in his hand or in his girdle: why! the very\nthought would fire his soul and make him emulate the deeds of his\nancestors and despise cowardice. No mean thought could enter his mind;\nthe spirit of the sword radiating from the pure cold lustre of the blade\nhanded down by his ancestors could not but thrust such thought from his\nmind. Such would at least be the sentiments of a real Samurai. The sword\nwas not unsheathed wantonly, but when drawn it was a maxim that it\nshould not be sheathed until its legitimate mission had been fulfilled.\nNo wonder, then, that a Samurai should almost have worshipped his sword,\neven when undrawn from its scabbard, as the reviewer sarcastically\ndescribes. The sword of a Samurai, even when in the scabbard, was not a\nthing to be trifled with. A Samurai worshipped sword, but not\nmoney-bags. If they had worshipped the latter instead of the former,\nthey might have met with the approval of the reviewer. From the\nutilitarian point of view, if they had done so, it might have benefited\ntheir country more materially, and, therefore, their worshipping a sword\nmight have been the weakest point of their ideals, but we do not see\ncause for regret for all that. The tide of time has brought changes on\nall such matters. The Government has forbidden not only Samurai, but\nalso all others who were privileged, to wear swords in their girdles.\nHundreds and thousands of our best blades have left the houses of\nSamurai and been either exported, or turned into other implements, for\nmere trifling sums, often for the gold and silver used for the ornaments\nof the scabbard. For us, it is sad to think of, though it is of course a\nnecessary outcome of the great changes which have passed over us. It is,\nhowever, my earnest desire that the spirit of devotion to the swords\nwith which the Samurai was animated may always be preserved. The same\nfeeling explains why some of our officers carry with them their heirloom\nswords, even in the present war, as you must have noticed now and then\nin the press. The traditions of the sword, I am glad to say, have not as\nyet died in the breasts of the Japanese. There is an association in\nTokio, the members of which meet periodically, bringing their own choice\nswords, and offering their comments on those of others. It may be\ndifficult to appreciate how one can enjoy oneself looking at the blades\nof swords, but with us it gives great pleasure, if only from an artistic\npoint of view. There have been many different schools of swordsmiths,\nand even amongst the workers of one school there is some special\ncharacteristics of their work. It is the pleasure of the Japanese who\nare fond of good sword blades to judge of the school and maker by\ninspecting the blades only. It pleases me to tell you of a gentleman in\nEngland who has made the study of Japanese swords a special subject, and\nhis attainment of knowledge in the subject has been recognised by the\nassociation in Tokio, which has cheerfully elected him its honorary\nmember. I may add a word or two. When Port Arthur was on the brink of\nfalling, a cartoon was published in the London _Punch_ representing\nGeneral Stoessel standing at the top of a fortified hill under a\nhalf-torn Russian flag. He was holding up a broken sword and uttering a\nfew words of devotion to the Emperor of Russia. That cartoon took the\nEnglish public very much, and was reproduced on the pages of many\npapers. It appealed very deeply to the imagination of the Japanese, in\nparticular, though I am not quite sure if Stoessel deserved such\nsympathy at the last stage of the siege.'\n\n--'That cartoon was very good,' said Lady Modestina. 'I have seen it.'\n\n--'So have I too,' chimed in Lady Dulciana.\n\n--'Let us proceed to the latter part of the review,' said the duke. 'The\nreviewer says of the author of the other book that \"he takes rather a\npessimistic view of Japan,\" and proceeds to say:\n\n     'Professor S. takes rather a pessimistic view of Japan. He admits\n     to the full, as every one must, the five noble qualities of\n     Japanese character, viz. bravery, loyalty, alertness, thoroughness,\n     and self-control, to which list courtesy should be added.\n\nBut he goes on to quote from the author:\n\n     'The two cancers at the core of Japanese character are deep-set\n     dishonesty and abandoned impurity; either would be sufficient to\n     wreck the life of any nation.\n\nAnd it seems, according to the reviewer, the author tells us that Japan\nis still a country where the word lie is not a term of reproach, but\nrather implies a jocular compliment, and then dilates upon the\nundesirable occupations of some females. The words employed are very\nstrong. Let us have your opinion.'\n\n--'We are at times vexed with some of the occidental writers,' I\nreplied, 'even with Anglo-Saxon writers occasionally, who write in such\na strain as though they lived high in the pure air, while we Japanese\nlive in the muddy marshes. They pick out some dark spots in our customs,\nand magnify them to suit their own purpose, as though for all the world\nthey had nothing similar, or even worse, in their own countries. Some of\nthem do this from an excess of zeal which they display in their\nparticular calling, without any particular bad intention of defaming\nJapan; but the results are the same. My answer to your question is very\nsimple. The Yellow Peril alarmists may rest assured, for, according to\nthe author, Japan must die a natural death. What an idea, to indict a\nwhole nation as a den of liars! Does he not know that truthfulness and\nhonesty is the highest ideal of our ethical notions? The commonest of\nour ethical sayings is: \"Shozikino atama ni kami yadoru\" (Deity rests on\nthe heads that are honest). The commonest of the ethical poems is:\n\n     'Kokoro dani makoto no michi ni kanai naba\n      Inorazu totemo kami ya mamoran.\n\n     (If only one's thoughts be in accord\n      With the way of truthfulness,\n      Deity will protect him, though he may not pray.)\n\n'Does he not know another forcible and common saying of Bushido:\n\"Bushi no ichigon\" (One word of a Bushi), which means that a word\nuttered by a Bushi shall never be idle; or, expressed otherwise--\"A word\nis sufficient; he will remain faithful to it\"? It is the watchword of\nBushi, and if ever a Bushi were doubted, that phrase sufficed for an\nanswer. And it still governs our social ideal of truthfulness. \"Yes\" or\n\"No,\" when once definitely uttered by a Bushi, was no more alterable\nthan the ebb and flow of the tide. Does he not know another of our\nsayings? \"Ichidaku senkin\" (One \"Yes\" is equal to a thousand pieces of\ngold). Does he not know \"Usotsuki\" (a liar) is with us an everyday word\nof scathing contempt? Does he not know an \"untruthful word,\" namely, a\nlie, is accounted a great sin in the Ten Commandments of Buddhism? Does\nhe not know \"Yamashi\" (a speculator), a term akin to \"a liar,\" is with\nus a common word of contempt? Does he not know that in large European\ntowns waiters and drivers are constantly cheating strangers by giving\nwrong change or bad money? I particularly mention these incidents\nbecause I myself have often been a victim. Fancy the idea of saying that\nthe word _lie_ is not a term of reproach in Japan! I would feign go a\nstep further. This kind of charge is the commonest method which the\nOccidentals employ when they talk about the character of other races\nwhich they generally regard as inferior to themselves. But mere\ncommon-sense will tell them that there can be no human community, even\namongst undeveloped tribes, where the word _lie_ is not a word of\nreproach, if only the smallest element of a moral notion exist, and\nthere can hardly be any human community where there is no such moral\nnotion at all. Such, at least, is my sociological view. With regard to\nthe second accusation, the refutation I am going to make may not be\nquite in unison with social delicacy, but for that I ask your pardon.\nYou say the author speaks of the undesirable life of some females. The\nmatter is ugly enough, we admit. Of course, metaphorically speaking, we\ncould restore by explanation the paint which had been blackened to its\noriginal colour, but still it would not be snow-white. Pure such matters\ncannot be, we admit, but is there any nation on earth which has no dark\nspot at all? I ask the author: Does he not know the real condition of\nthe Western countries, whence he springs? How is it with Paris, London,\nBerlin, or Vienna? Pick, for instance, one hundred pedestrians at\nrandom, one afternoon or evening, in Regent Street, or on the\nBoulevards, the best thoroughfares of London and Paris. What percentage\nof them can be held up as the ideals of \"purity\" the writer seems to\nimagine them to be? I might go much further if I wished, but I prefer\nnot. Taken as a whole, I venture to think that the social structure of\nJapan is in reality far cleaner than that of most countries. Of course,\nI do not say \"two wrongs make a right,\" but I do say this: It is na\u00efve\nto accuse us in such harsh terms, as though believing that we Japanese\nhave no idea of the dark spots of other nations. Men after the style of\nthis writer admit such of our noble characteristics as those enumerated\nby the writer because they have become manifest, not during an epoch of\npeace, but in the time of war. Could any one say that they were\nmanufactured specially for the war--at a minute's notice? Did not the\ngreatest error of our opponents lie in the fact that they had not\nperceived these qualities in the time of peace? It saddens us to think\nthat such a writer either cannot see, or intentionally ignores, some of\nthe essential points of our character, unless they are incontestably\ndemonstrated by incessant slaughter.\n\n--'Pardon me,--I have been a little excited, and have spoken, perhaps,\nmore than I should. Once a Frenchman told Lord Palmerston that English\nthieves were cleverer than Continental ones; whereupon Palmerston\nanswered: \"I am glad of that, for it shows that our intellectual faculty\nis more developed all round.\" That is one way of looking at things. At\nany rate, I have no intention of attacking any occidental vices: our\nwriters do not indulge in writing on these matters either. I rather\nbelieve that vices are necessary outcomes of modern progress. Every\nnation has its virtues and vices. I dare say we shall have to add more\nvices as we make further progress. Cards, for instance, are much played\nnowadays among our people, since we have learned that they are played\ngenerally among our occidental benefactors. Ah! but I must not forget to\nmention that there are in the West, especially in England and America,\nmany writers for whose fairness we have much gratitude. One does not\nlike to see, still less to acknowledge, any point of superiority in a\nfellow-creature or a fellow-nation one has been accustomed to look down\nupon: such is human nature. Our sense of gratitude is, therefore, all\nthe more due to those unbiassed writers.\n\n'Japan is cleaner than most countries,' I continued, 'but she was even\nbetter in that respect in the days gone by. Conversely, therefore, the\ngeneral atmosphere of social morality, I confess, became somewhat\ntarnished at the time of the great transition, as is bound at such\nperiod. There are two reasons for that. In the first place, in the\nfeudal days social discipline was very strict in general, and tranquil\nenjoyment of the positions of Samurai--above all, those holding official\npositions--depended a great deal upon their private conduct; but with\nthe introduction of occidental ideas, the private affairs of individuals\nhave come to be viewed very leniently under the name of personal\nfreedom. In the second place, the general condition of society has\noccasioned laxity in moral discipline almost unavoidably and of\nnecessity. I mean to say that, during the last years of the Shogunate,\nwhen the country was in a state of effervescence, and when freedom of\nspeech and meeting had no existence in the modern sense--nay, when any\nmeetings or speeches having a political nature were most rigidly watched\nand pursued by emissaries, it was almost a matter of necessity that\ncountless young patriots whose lives were as precarious as candle-lights\nin the wind, as we have it, should resort to a restaurant or tavern,\nwhere they could exchange and communicate thought and schemes under the\ncover of merriment and jocularity. Nay, more: there were not wanting\nyoung patriots, who in after years became famous, who owed their lives\nand success to the heroic assistance rendered by women of uncertain\nposition, to whom they had to repay their indebtedness by personal\nconsideration rather than yield to social scruples.\n\n'The women also were heroic in those days, as is generally the case at\nthe time of revolution in most countries. Add to this the general\ndisruption and transformation, unknown in our previous history, of the\nwhole structure of society, both political and social, and it will be no\nmatter of surprise that a certain relaxation in the usual moral\ndiscipline of the people was the result. The Japan which foreigners have\nseen is _that_ Japan and not the Japan of her normal days. The effect of\nthat great change of 1867--I say \"Great Change,\" because we do not like\nto apply the term \"revolution\"--has been subsiding for many years, and\nnow Japan is fast returning to her normal state. I am, therefore, not at\nall pessimistic in regard to the future of our national life, though the\nauthor may be.'\n\n--'And besides,' interposed the duchess, 'foreigners themselves are also\nspoiling your manners, according to your remarks which I read in one of\nthe English periodicals you gave me. Dulcy, will you bring the English\nperiodical I mean? It is on the small table in my boudoir: I should like\nto read it once more.'\n\nIn a few moments the periodical in question was brought by Lady\nDulciana. The duchess took it in her hand, saying, 'Here are the baron's\nremarks. Listen, I will read aloud.' She read as follows:--\n\n\n\n     'OCCIDENTAL CIVILISATION IN JAPAN\n\n     '\"Do you really think,\" I asked, \"that, generally speaking,\n     occidental civilisation is beneficial to Japan?\"\n\n     '\"Well,\" slowly replied the baron, \"that is a question which\n     requires very careful answering. I am certainly of opinion that,\n     from the purely material point of view, this invasion of Western\n     thought and methods has done us the greatest possible good. I refer\n     especially, of course, to science and mechanics. And as to the\n     mental part of it, the influence also is distinctly good--but\n     still, is not so beneficial as from the material point of view.\n\n     '\"Remember that for centuries we have had our own way of thinking\n     and reasoning, and so, to a great extent, we are not convinced by\n     Western thought. We keep to our old ways, to our old methods,\n     though the trend of our ideas is slightly altered by European\n     thought. Let me give you an illustration of what I mean, for it is\n     rather a difficult point to explain. For instance, we have always\n     been humane and charitable to our fellow-creatures, but in the old\n     days there was no form of public charity. It was not much needed,\n     as a matter of fact, but now you will find that we are everywhere\n     establishing hospitals on the European system. So you see only the\n     old mode of our charity is changed. It is rather a delicate point\n     to say how far Western thought has impregnated our own. The\n     opinions of Darwin, Huxley, and Spencer, as well as the views of\n     Catholic and Protestant Missions, are spread all over Japan; but\n     our ethical sense is such that it does not allow us easily to adopt\n     the dogmatic points of foreign religions, and though many Japanese\n     have adopted Christianity, yet they are, after all, in a vast\n     minority. But that does not signify that we are averse to religion;\n     on the contrary, I am glad to say we extend the greatest tolerance\n     to all kinds of religionists. I am not a Christian myself, but I\n     know, perhaps, more of the essence of Christianity than some of my\n     fellow-countrymen who profess it, for I had to study the Greek\n     Testament in my Cambridge days. I am always amused when the people\n     here imagine I know nothing about that religion. The Missionary\n     question is always a very delicate one. I am sure missionaries mean\n     well, but sometimes they are very indiscreet. For instance, Miss\n     M'Caul, writing the other day from the front, says that one of her\n     escorts was a Japanese lady of position, who had been specially\n     attached to her by the Japanese Government. One day a missionary\n     went up to this lady and asked her if she was married. 'Oh yes,'\n     she replied, 'and I have three children.' 'But were you married in\n     church?' 'No,' 'Then, of course, you are not really married!' Well\n     such narrow minds do real harm. The missionary did not mean to be\n     offensive, but as your proverb has it--'Evil is often wrought by\n     want of thought.'\"\n\n     '\"Has Occidentalism spoiled your art, baron, do you think?\"\n\n     '\"To a certain extent the Western civilisation has damaged the\n     artistic side of our life. I don't think that your oil-paintings\n     will ever supersede our own light sketches. Our houses are not made\n     for elaborate picture frames, and the price of your pictures is\n     much greater than the price of ours. And why should we pay a large\n     sum when we can get as much happiness and pleasure for a small sum?\n     But undoubtedly the European style is influencing ours, as ours is\n     influencing yours. Although our pictures, as a rule, are excellent\n     on the side of idealism, they are very often defective from a\n     technical point of view. Our perspective can certainly be improved\n     by the European method. Some people are of opinion that European\n     methods will spoil our characteristics. But in my opinion it will\n     be so only while the artists are in a transitory state; if they\n     excel they will be all right. I don't see any reason to reject that\n     kind of improvement. Let me give you a plain and simple example of\n     what I mean. Take that square box, for instance. Now, a Japanese\n     artist, owing to his inefficiency in perspective, would so draw it\n     as to make it appear triangular; well, what harm could be done by\n     showing him how to draw it properly.\n\n     '\"The people generally move with the upper classes, and all our\n     upper classes in Japan are in favour of Western modes of thought\n     and life. People generally are delighted with the Westernisation of\n     Japan, and especially grateful for the improvement in political and\n     civic conditions. We have now the representative system in\n     Parliament; our Courts of Law are modelled on yours; and alas! the\n     increase of Courts has increased litigation, yet justice can be\n     obtained, and appeal can be made against injustice, easier than\n     under the old feudal system. The general condition of the lower\n     classes is far better than in the days of the feudal daimios. Then\n     every locality differed. In some places, if the daimio was a good\n     man, the poor were happy; in others they were less happy, but on\n     the whole there was not extreme poverty. The same condition is\n     continued and somewhat improved. I fear, however, that the relative\n     position of the poor has a tendency to degenerate as in Europe.\"\n\n\n     'THE STANDARD OF LIVING\n\n     '\"Are the people generally better off as regards money?\"\n\n     '\"Well, they make more money, but \u00a310 now is only equal to \u00a31, or\n     less, in the old days. But one thing is certain, they have better\n     food. There is one thing, however, in which Western methods have\n     not benefited us--the demarcation between rich and poor is becoming\n     more marked with the new civilisation. And that is a bad sign,\n     though it can't be helped. Education, I am glad to say, is much\n     more general than it was. In former days the Samurai class were\n     well educated, and there were several very good schools, but\n     education was not so general as it is now, when every community has\n     its elementary schools, although we are still far from well off in\n     the way of universities. However, they will come.\"\n\n     '\"In speaking to me of the new civilisation, for which he is mainly\n     responsible, the Marquis Ito told me he was afraid that the\n     reverence of the young for the old, and of children for their\n     parents, which was so much a feature of old Japan, appeared to be\n     dying out.\"\n\n     '\"I quite agree with him,\" replied the baron, \"and if the\n     individualistic ideas of Western nations continue to increase in\n     Japan, the old family feeling of reverence is sure to decline. That\n     is our great problem of the future. Young Japan in some ways is\n     departing from the ways of its ancestors, and it is a thing to be\n     very greatly feared and deplored.\"\n\n     '\"Do you think that, speaking generally, character is improved in\n     Japan by the Western influence?\"\n\n     '\"Speaking of individuals,\" replied my host, with great vehemence,\n     \"no, it is not. On the contrary, I notice great deterioration from\n     association with foreigners. Take, for instance, our ports, where\n     there are mainly houses of ill-fame, mainly supported by European\n     sailors, who have introduced vices and vulgarities of which old\n     Japan was absolutely ignorant. But, of course, I do not consider\n     that the Western influence is wholly bad merely because certain\n     very low-class foreigners come to our country and behave badly. The\n     general good of the community has been greatly advanced by our\n     contact with the West. Trades-unions, for instance, and the\n     formation of great business companies, which were quite unknown in\n     the old days, have helped greatly to raise the commerical status of\n     our people, both employers and employed. You ask me as to\n     individual morality under modern influences. Well, it is difficult\n     to define. On the whole, I think the morality of the individual was\n     higher in the old days, because those days were more simple and the\n     community was more sober. The more primitive a land is, the better\n     it is morally. But I fear we must move with modern times.\"\n\n     '\"And which do you prefer--the quiet feudal days of old Japan, or\n     the modern push and worry and hustle and bustle?\"\n\n     '\"It all depends on the point of view,\" was my host's reply.\n     \"Competition with the world is absolutely necessary. But there were\n     many good points about the old days. Although they involved a\n     r\u00e9gime of restriction and there was very little chance of\n     individual development (though not so little as Lafcadio Hearn\n     would make out), men of ability could always push their way to the\n     front even in the days of feudalism.\"\n\n     '\"The Marquis Ito, for instance?\"\n\n     '\"Don't speak of him. He, Marquis Yamagata, and many others, have\n     arisen from an obscure position, but, they belong more to our own\n     time, I am speaking of older days. Take, for instance, Arai\n     Hakuseki, who, born in humble circumstances, became the chief\n     adviser of the Shogun. Many a farmer's son who joined the\n     priesthood rose to greater power and position than that of a\n     middle-class daimio.\"\n\n     '\"And do you think that the general level of happiness in Japan is\n     as high as it was in the old days of romance?\"\n\n     '\"Yes,\" smiled the baron. \"But people were happy in former days\n     because they did not know what freedom meant, still less the\n     enjoyment of the luxuries to which they are now accustomed. To them\n     ignorance was literally bliss. But the idea of happiness nowadays\n     differs in kind and character, and it is difficult to say if modern\n     Japan is as happy as the ancient Japan. One thing, I hope, will\n     always remain with us, and that is our patriotism and loyalty. A\n     country is in a good way which puts loyalty to the sovereign and\n     love of country before all private and meaner considerations.\"'\n\nFinishing the reading, the duchess continued, 'I suppose you are\ncorrectly reported?'\n\n--'Yes, in the main,' I answered.\n\n--'I was reading,' said the duchess, 'the other day, the chapter on\nJapan in the _Far East_, by Archibald Little, just issued from the\nClarendon Press, which, I think, is the best topographical description\nof Japan written in a popular style. In it I came across a passage to\nthis effect:\n\n     'Whether increased intercourse with the essentially vulgar West\n     will, as many well-wishers fear, at the same time destroy the old\n     simplicity of living, the future will show.\n\n'The Occidentals seem to have begun to perceive vulgarity in things\nEuropean. There is really vulgarity in many things, I fear. But, baron,\nhad you any particular idea when you spoke about the vulgarity\nintroduced into your open ports?'\n\n--'I am afraid not,' I answered; 'it would be difficult for me to\nexplain it to you, and you would not appreciate it if I did. Look! the\nlast ray of the sun is glittering in the foliage. Time has flown\nwonderfully quick: I must say _au revoir_'\n\n\n\n\nV\n\nSome observations on peace prospects--Discussion on\nAnglo-French-Russo-Japanese _entente_--Russian views of the\nJapanese--Discussion on religion and Japan--Japan and the International\nConventions--The meaning of religion--General Nogi--A high-priest on\nJapan and Russia--The Japanese conception of death--A quotation from an\nold book on Bushido--The notion of the name--Further remarks on the\nRussian views of the Japanese--England and America--The outbreak of the\nwar--A wanton project of the Russian admiral restrained by the French\nadmiral--Discussion on the Yellow Peril and Pan-Asiatic ambition--Japan\nnot a small country--French poor in the caves--Paris by night--Sir\nStamford Raffles and his appreciation of Japan ninety years ago\n--Patriotism and France--_La France, c'est le pays de mon c\u0153ur_--A\nromantic and tragical story--Discussion on Socialism and Japan--England\nand America--Discussion on the word 'Revolution'--The Great Change of\nJapan in 1867--Its political and social effects--A comparison with the\nFrench Revolution--Discussion on unity and continuity of authority--An\nanonymous pamphlet--Discussion on the relative position of the French\nNationalists and Socialists with regard to Japan--French thrift\n\n\nI was once more partaking of tea _en famille_ in the Duchess of\nFairfield's garden. She, like myself, prefers to be unceremonious, as\nthere is then so much more possibility of a quiet conversation.\n\n--'What do you think of the prospect of peace?' said the duke. 'The war\nmust surely now cease.'\n\n--'Yes, I should think so too,' I replied. 'Enough blood has already\nbeen shed; but, you know, our opponents are such that they do not see\nthings in the same light as other people.'\n\n--'But they must do so now,' was the reply. 'Every one has known for a\nlong time that it is of no use for them to carry on the war. The issue\nis clear.'\n\n--'Well, we shall see what will happen.'\n\n--'The justice of the cause and the singleness of the aim of Japan are\nnow widely recognised by the thinking people of the whole world,' said\nthe duchess, 'and the part you have played in it is not small.'\n\n--'I thank you very much for your sympathetic words,' I answered. 'On\nthe morrow of the battle of Tsu-shima I received a telegram from a\nwell-known English writer in which he congratulated me on the brilliant\nvictory, as he said, of our fleets, adding thereto \"only equalled by\nyour success in Europe.\" That that victory was brilliant I cannot deny,\nthough the honour belongs to my own country, but as to the part of the\ntelegram concerning myself, it is an exaggeration. The only thing which\nis true, however, is that I have worked hard all this time--I may say,\nharder than I have in all my life. I have done so, as every Japanese\nought to do, having in view the fact that my fatherland has been engaged\nin the most gigantic struggle since the famous invasion of the Mongolian\nArmada, or even more momentous than that. I merely mention this incident\nto you because you are so sympathetic: I have never told it to any one\nelse.'\n\n--'I can quite understand your feelings,' said the duchess, and\ncontinued after a little pause--\n\n'The whole world knows the chivalrous character of the Japanese.\nRemember, however, I am a friend of Russia, and that is the reason why I\nam all the more anxious that Russia should recognise the situation as it\nis.'\n\n--'Yes, I know your views very well. There are many Frenchmen who hold\nsimilar views. Some of them sincerely wished to save the Baltic Fleet\nand advocated peace, as they were sure all the ships would go to the\nbottom of the sea if they ventured to the Far East, which would leave\nthe Baltic defenceless, and would thus deprive France of the usefulness\nof the Dual Alliance. But those friendly counsels were not heeded by the\nRussians; on the contrary, as you know, some insinuations were made\nregarding the press which had published them. We have a saying: \"Good\nmedicine is bitter to the mouth, and faithful counsel is averse to the\near.\" This is a case in point.'\n\n--'It is often so, I fear,' said the duke. 'But, baron, I must now leave\nyou. I have an engagement to-day, and have to take my daughters with me.\nThe duchess studies diplomacy and politics more than I, so please stay\nand talk with her.'\n\nThe Duke of Fairfield is a typical aristocrat: although not a great\ntalker, he is eminently sensible, unostentatious, and dignified. France\nof to-day is not for the aristocracy, but the duke is resigned to the\ncircumstance. He has always been as cordial and kind to me as the other\nmembers of his family. He now left the duchess and me to our\nconversation, and went out with his two daughters.\n\n--'I am an advocate of an _entente_ Anglo-French as well as\nRusso-Japanese: we all four ought to keep on well together, that you\nknow very well,' said the duchess. 'Of course I do not sympathise with\nthe way in which the Russian bureaucracy carries on the administration\nof that country: that is understood. But what is your opinion of the\nRussians in general? Do you think you can ever be friendly with them?'\n\n--'Yes, I think so: on our part there is no reason why we should not be\nfriendly with the Russians. I can even say we like them individually.\nBut, you see, they have some deep-rooted prejudices against us which\nstand in the way. Only some weeks ago, I read a letter written and\nwidely circulated by Countess Sophie, the wife of Count Leo Tolstoy. She\nis an advocate of peace, and abhors war in general, as does her husband.\nWe have no objection to her, so far as her conviction is concerned\nregarding war, but in that letter she is pleased to write:\n\n     'A spiritually undeveloped, unchristian nation, such as the\n     Japanese, is bound to conquer, for among them is rife the principle\n     of patriotism, which is opposed to the Christian principle of love\n     to one's neighbour, and, therefore, of aversion to war. Russians\n     have not yet grown to this stage, but they are on the way to it.\n\n'You see, the countess says we are not Christians, and therefore cannot\nlove our neighbours: it is a calumny. The great bulk of the Japanese are\nnot Christians in religion, it is true, but we know how to love our\nneighbours all the same. It is a point of our ethics. For all that, we\ncannot give up our patriotism. Patriotism is not irreconcilable with the\nlove of one's neighbour. If Christianity is such as the countess\nrepresents it to be, then I am fain to think that the less it influences\nour people the better. Besides, to say that the Russians are defeated by\nthe Japanese because they love their neighbours more than the Japanese\ndo theirs, is a proposition which, however religious it may be, cannot\nconvince us in the least degree.'\n\n--'Neither does it give me a shadow of conviction,' said the duchess.\n'On the contrary, I know that intense belief in Christianity has often\nproduced the best soldiers. Think of the Spanish army of Charles V., for\ninstance. They were intensely religious, and at the same time intensely\npatriotic, and fought well. People often say the Japanese have no\nreligion, but I do not believe it. They have a religion unique to\nthemselves.'\n\n--'Such views as those of the countess,' said I, 'are entertained not\nonly by women like herself, but even by serious men, holding high\npositions. Only in the autumn of last year, a letter from one who signed\nhimself \"A Russian Statesman,\" and spoken of by the Editor as \"A\nprominent Russian statesman, about whose love of peace there is no\ndoubt,\" appeared in the _Deutsche Revue_, stating Russian views which to\nour eyes were of the most fantastic character. My answer to it was\npublished in the same _Revue_, when the writer retaliated by another\nletter expounding notions even more extraordinary. I answered him once\nmore, and there the matter ended. In the course of the controversy he\nspoke of the difference between the Russian religious views of life and\nthose of the Japanese, and insinuated that our conception of justice and\nmorality was inferior to that of his country. He abused our law-courts\nand legislation. Fancy! a Russian statesman boasting of the matters\nrelating to laws.\n\n'He even went on to say,' I continued, 'that Japan has not been doing\nher duty according to the Convention agreed upon at The Hague\nConference, whereas Russia (according to his view) had been doing hers\nfor months. But the truth is, Japan has been most scrupulous in those\nmatters from the very beginning of the war; the prisoners' treatment\nregulations were promulgated within a week's time after the outbreak of\nthe war, and the Prisoners' Intelligence Board was instituted seven days\nlater. The whole world knows the excellent working of the Japanese Red\nCross Society, and, I may add, the defectiveness of Russia in similar\nrespects. Yet the so-called Russian statesman can make an assertion of\nthis kind, not in his own country, but in a foreign press, unchecked.\nHis statement regarding the difference in moral thought, and cognate\nsubjects, may be partly due to some political motive, but the fact\nremains that he circulates false ideas.'\n\n--'I, for one, agree with you that the charge is certainly unfair,'\nsaid the duchess, 'and besides, I repeat I do not agree with those who\nsay that the Japanese have no religion. The very ideals which they hold\nup as models for their soldiers cannot but be a religion, as I said the\nother day. What does a \"religion\" mean? It means a conscientious\npreparedness and practice for the suppression of one's lower nature. Man\nhas all sorts of wishes and desires, temptations and tendencies, which\nthe experience of generations knows must be restrained. Wisdom comes in\nand teaches him to control such weakness, and the teaching, if\nsystematised at all, becomes a \"religion,\" a cult, if one prefers to\ncall it by that appellation. For instance, man likes to live (what\ncreature likes to die if left to his natural desire), and if he prefers\nto give up his life for some ideal, is it not an act of self-repression,\nor indeed of self-sacrifice, and if it forms a characteristic of a\nnation, does it not become the \"religion\" of that nation? Some say the\nJapanese despise life, because they like death for its own sake: I call\nthat a nonsensical observation. On the contrary, I see a religion in the\nvery fact of the Japanese being so patriotic as to so cheerfully\nsacrifice their lives for their country and for their emperor. A remark\nwhich I have read in a paper as having been uttered by General Nogi\ncertainly contains, to my idea, a strong religious strain. It was:\n\n     '\"Now that my two sons have sacrificed their lives and I am a\n     childless man, I may with an easier conscience face the parents of\n     those thousands of young men who have likewise offered up their\n     lives under my command.\"\n\n'The expression may be simple,' continued the duchess, 'but\nnevertheless, it is possible to discern in it a touch of feeling, which\nto me has a strong religious element. In truth, I must confess that I\nhave noticed more deeds worthy of religion manifested by your country\nthan any nation professing a religion can lay claim to. Some time ago, a\npriest of very high standing returned from the Far East. He made an\napplication while out there to be allowed to visit the Russian prisoners\nin order to see how they were treated by the Japanese authorities. He\ngot the permission at once, and saw everything, to his great personal\nsatisfaction. He then made a similar application to the Russian\nauthorities, but was refused. He had some ground to suspect that the\nRussian treatment of the prisoners was not quite satisfactory. To begin\nwith, he said, Japan, who is not our ally, had given him every facility,\nand Russia, who is, refused to do so. He almost wept at the thought that\na non-Christian nation had more of the essence of a religion than\nanother who professed Christianity. I should not have told you all this,\nwere I not moved by the current of events, which have left a deep\nimpression on my mind. I have no thoughts of being unfriendly to Russia,\nbut I cannot help appreciating Japan all the same.'\n\n--'I thank you very much,' I said.\n\n--'I know the horror of war very well,' continued the duchess, 'and what\nlamentable incidents occur when the wild, warlike spirit prevails.\nDuring our last great war, I was but a girl of thirteen, and I was\nnaturally with my mother. We had to quarter the wounded; I remember how\nI used to carry about a small table from one to another, writing short\nnotes for them. Little as I was, many awful tales reached my ear during\nthat war, wherein our priests, and our women too, were sufferers. I can\nnever forget them. Compared to it the present war is a lesson; the\nso-called civilised world has to learn much from the Japanese, not only\non points of courage and devotion, but also in regard to _morale_.'\n\nA little pause, and the duchess went on--\n\n--'Stoical imperturbability appears to be a marked feature in your\nheroes. There are many people who have seen the character of the\nJapanese in many lights and appreciate it, and yet are unable to\nperceive their feelings, or I might rather say, sentimental qualities.\nThey are curious to know if the Japanese nature is much developed in\nthat respect.'\n\n--'Well, I can tell you, as far as I may be permitted to judge my own\ncountrymen, we have much feeling and sentimental elements. At the very\nbottom of the stoicism of Bushi there flows hidden streams of feeling\nand sentimentality, often imperceptible to the onlooker. In one way, I\nam of opinion that our heart is filled with even too much feeling and\nsentimentality, and I am inclined to believe it is our weak point, for\nfeeling and sentimentality are often accompanied by over-scrupulousness\nand over-sensitiveness, and with us this disposition exercises much\ninfluence, not only in our private affairs, but also in politics and\ndiplomacy. In this world, in which some people say that politics, still\nmore international diplomacy, knows not morality, the fact that we are\nso scrupulous often hinders our politics and diplomacy, and yet we do\nnot regret it, for the time may come when the just traits of our\ncharacter will be discovered by the world at large, and receive its\napproval.'\n\n--'You are,' said the duchess, 'well acquainted with our common saying,\n\"Honesty is the best policy,\" and my earnest hope is that your country\nwill never imitate some of the European politics. But, baron, let me ask\nanother question: Granted that the moral and ethical training of Japan\nis a religion, as I do, yet I cannot entirely see how that training\ncould have been instilled in the minds of millions of men so deeply.\nWhen one hears of thousands rushing on to certain death at a word of\ncommand (as we have often heard of the Japanese troops), one is almost\ntempted to think there may be something in it which promises a reward in\nthe future life for such a death, as is the case with the Mohammedan\ncreed; but I understand that there is nothing of the sort in your\ntraining, and that the fact of your soldiers being so fearless of death\nhas nothing to do with religion in its ordinarily accepted sense. I can\nvery well imagine that this or that group of honourable men, picked out\nof multitudes, could be of that type, but it almost amazes me when we\nsee hundreds of thousands of men, one and all, being animated by the\nsame spirit, without any exception.'\n\n--'I cannot,' I answered, 'profess that every man of our troops is so\nhigh-minded as you say, or at least, I cannot say so myself, being\nJapanese; but assuming it to be the case, the kind of doubt to which you\ngive expression is entertained by many Occidentals, and questions to\nthat effect have often been put to me. I can, however, give no other\nanswer than to repeat that there is no such religious belief in our\ncase, as there is in Mohammedanism. In Europe one often engages in a\ndeadly duel on account of some dispute, sometimes for public reasons,\nbut often for other reasons which do not appear commendable to\noutsiders: those who fight surely do not risk their lives from any\nreligious belief in their cause. They do so because, as far as they\nthemselves are concerned, a consideration of honour demands. This\nsentiment is exactly similar to our sense of honour, only in our case we\nhave, perhaps, made it more rational and more general. To attain this\nideal, a long training and preparation is necessary, but when once\nattained, there is nothing to wonder at. If one imagined that a man\nkilled in a duel on account of a quarrel over a woman sacrificed his\nlife because he believed he would be happy in a future life,--if he died\nin that fashion, every one else would laugh at him. Why, then, is there\nanything to wonder at when we say that we Japanese can be fearless of\ndeath without connecting it with a religious belief of the future life,\nfor a cause which is far nobler than that of the ordinary Western custom\nof sacrificing one's life in a duel. The _morale_ of our troops is the\nresult purely of ordinary ethical training and diffusion of national\ntraditions. Loyalty and patriotism are the highest ideals of the\nJapanese nation. Japanese ethics have taught for centuries how to die an\nhonourable death, and yet one must not think that Japanese ethics teach\nonly how to die: they also teach how to live.'\n\n--'What do you mean by that?'\n\n--'I mean to say, in Bushido, death was not valued for its own sake,\neven in a battle, for if one died a useless or dishonourable death, it\nwas called a dog's death, which, of course, is a term of contempt. We\nstill have the same notion of death. In a book on Bushido, entitled\n_Chiku-ba-sho_, written in the fourteenth century A.D., by\nShiwa-Yoshimasa, as I mentioned the other day, we have in the very\nopening page, as follows:\n\n     'Men who handle bows and arrows [military men] should do their\n     part, thinking not only of their own persons, but of the names of\n     their descendants. They should not incur a perpetually irksome name\n     [permanent bad reputation] on account of a greed for life, which is\n     after all of short duration. But, on the other hand, if they cast\n     away their lives when they ought not to die, they will also incur a\n     discreditable name. The chief point is that life should be\n     sacrificed when it is honourable to do so, in behalf of the supreme\n     lord [the emperor], or on account of an affair which is of great\n     importance to the generalissimo of their bows and arrows [the\n     Shogun]. Only by thus behaving can the famous names of the\n     descendants be secured and perpetuated. As a Bushi, one should\n     never be light-minded; on the contrary, he should always be\n     thoughtful and meditative. The majority of men pass their time\n     saying they would behave aptly when time and circumstances\n     requiring it arrive. Such people generally experience great\n     difficulty when any emergency unexpectedly arises, and generally\n     regret afterwards that they had missed the opportunity when they\n     ought to have died. The training of the mind of the best\n     bow-handlers [warriors] and of Buddhists is said to be identical.\n     In all cases, restlessness of mind is deplorable.'\n\n--'The term \"name\" plays a great part in your ethical notions, as I see\nfrom the quotation you have just given,' said the duchess. 'You yourself\nhave also spoken about it in your peroration to the article on Japanese\neducation, which you published in the _Independent Review_. I was\nreading that article this very morning, and had intended to ask you for\na further explanation about it, but I think I have now caught the idea,\nthough it is somewhat vague to me still. The idea of doing one's part,\nthinking of the names of one's descendants, as the book you have just\nquoted speaks about, sounds somewhat odd to our ears. It will be always\npuzzling to the generality of the Occidentals.'\n\n--'Why so,' I answered; 'you Occidentals seem always to make simple\nmatters difficult to comprehend, when they would be quite clear if only\nviewed in a light, not deep, philosophical manner. The spirit of the\ndictum I have just quoted has always been maintained in our ethics,\nunder all circumstances. As you say, no human creature can love death;\nit is against nature, and, therefore, we Japanese value life no less\nthan other races; but we study how to live and how to die, and when\ncircumstances require, we value our life lighter than the proverbial\nfeather: that's all.'\n\n--'And yet it is a problem for us,' said the duchess.\n\n--'And it is plain to us who have grown up in such an atmosphere,\nalthough it may be somewhat difficult for foreigners to understand.'\n\n--'Do you think those noble characteristics will last long under the\ninfluence of modern civilisation?' asked the duchess.\n\n--'It is a question,' I answered, 'but I hope and believe it will last;\nindeed, we must make it do so.'\n\n--'But now, to take up the thread of our original conversation,' said\nthe duchess. 'Politically speaking, I am of the opinion that Russia\nought to make friends with you, and that my long, endearing hope for an\n_entente_ between England, France, Russia, and your country ought to be\neffected for the security of peace at large and for the benefit of\nhumanity.'\n\n--'I appreciate,' I answered, 'the general trend of your discourse, and\nI know it has been your line of politics for many years, and not a view\ninvented merely to please me. I sympathise with you all the more when I\nhear you confessing the weak points of an ally and paying high tribute\nto my country. The time may come when your cherished idea may be\nrealised, but at present the prospects do not look bright. The greatest\nobstacle in the path is the pretensions of the Russians. They will not\nreconcile themselves to the idea that we Japanese are also a nation\nwhich deserves the name of a civilised race.'\n\n--'They will and must do so in time,' said the duchess.\n\n--'We Japanese are modest. We do not give ourselves airs. I say this\nfrankly and sincerely. It is neither presumption nor self-conceit, it is\nmy pure conviction; but we like to be treated with proper consideration.\nA few days ago an interview which I gave to a French weekly was\npublished. The subject was somewhat akin to our present conversation. A\ntelegram from Washington, which was published in some journals, stated\nthat the Russians in America were irritated because President Roosevelt\nhad given an informal reception to Baron Komura. It also stated that the\nRussians were inspiring the impression that Mr. Roosevelt was annoyed\nwith Great Britain because she had refused to put pressure on Japan to\nbe moderate, and so on. The gist of my observation on the telegram\nwas:--\n\n     'It was understood that the plenipotentiaries of both countries\n     should arrive in Washington before the first part of August. The\n     Japanese plenipotentiaries arrived punctually at the prearranged\n     date, but the Russian plenipotentiaries were belated, as we all\n     know, and yet complaints are made that it was Mr. Roosevelt's\n     partiality towards Japan which made him receive the Japanese\n     plenipotentiaries informally. I cannot see why the president should\n     not offer cordiality to his distinguished guests, be they Japanese\n     or Russian, on their arrival. England is not less anxious to see\n     the termination of the present war than any other nation, but I do\n     not see why England should put pressure upon Japan to give\n     advantage to Russia, inasmuch as she knows that Japan is not a\n     nation to make any unreasonable demand upon her worsted foe.\n     President Roosevelt knows all this. I also believe that while the\n     president is determined to be quite impartial in the matter, he is\n     not inclined to oppress Japan in order to give any unreasonable\n     advantage to Russia, nor does he expect to see England do so\n     either.\n\n--'You see, such sentiments as those expressed in the telegram, which I\ndo not consider a misrepresentation, cannot but arise from some idea of\nprestige, with which the Russians imagine they have been endowed to a\nmuch higher degree by nature than Japan has been. There is another point\nthey have made a great deal of fuss about, and which they cannot get out\nof their heads. It is the first torpedoing of the Russian fleets at the\nentrance of Port Arthur, which took place, as you know, on the night of\nthe 8-9th of February last year. They always speak of it as a\ntreacherous attack. As a matter of fact, however, it was nothing of the\nsort, as may be seen from all the circumstances which forced us into the\nwar, and which are known to all the world. Our justification has become\nmore evident since the revelation of the secret history of the Russian\npolitics of the time. There even exists a secret treaty between China\nand Russia, made at the time when Russia obtained a concession from\nChina for the construction of the Manchurian railways. The purport of\nthe treaty, which is now no longer a secret, is no other than that\nRussia and China were to regard Japan as their enemy, and to menace her\nby the use of that railway. China soon discovered the fallacy: she soon\nsaw that Japan had not the disposition represented by the Russians.\nRussia would perhaps now say that the treaty was only made for the\npurpose of obtaining the concession: I hope it was so, but who knows\nthat it had been so from the beginning? In spite of all this, Japan had\nalways adopted a conciliatory attitude before the outbreak of the war--a\nwar in which, to use a phrase of President Roosevelt's memorable message\nto the American Congress, \"it was necessary for the aggrieved nation\nvaliantly to stand up for its rights.\" Remember, I do not quote this in\nany vainglory. Moreover, when the war became inevitable, we gave a clear\nnotice of war to our opponents (on the 6th of that month). Perhaps you\nhave seen the White Book of Japan relating to the subject.'\n\n--'I saw a French translation of it,' said the duchess, 'and it has\nmodified considerably the early impressions, not only of myself, but of\nmost people.'\n\n--'I am glad of that,' I said. 'It is true that the Emperor of Japan\nissued on the 10th of that month a formal declaration of war, but it was\naddressed to his own subjects, and its aim was to make the actual\nsituation known to them and also indirectly to the neutrals. As far as\nRussia and Japan are concerned, the notice of the 6th, whereby Japan\nannounced to Russia that she would take an \"independent action,\" was\nnothing else than a declaration of war. It is, therefore, unfair to\nstate that the first attack on Port Arthur was a \"treacherous attack\" or\n\"an attack by surprise,\" even if there were no other reasons which\njustify Japan's action.'\n\n--'And yet the Russian statesman, for instance, wrote in the same\nremarkable letters that \"the whole world knows that Japan and not Russia\nhas provoked the present war,\" and spoke of Japan, in reference to the\nfirst battle of Port Arthur, as \"guilty of a criminal breach of peace,\"\nand of that battle as a \"piratical night attack.\" He went on so far as\nto stigmatise Japan as \"this bullying and bellicose nation.\" It is the\nmore remarkable that all this had been done after the plain facts of the\ntruth had come into the possession of the world. In the course of my\nrefutation I stated that torpedoing was not a surprise attack in the\nsense of International Law, as the Russian statesman affirms; at the\nmost it could only be construed as a tactical surprise, but in reality\nit was not even of that nature. I gave my reason therefor, to which the\nRussian statesman replied, that \"a Japanese is the only person who can\nmake any difference between a surprise and a tactical surprise, and no\neducated European can make such a difference.\" The difference itself is\nplain enough. Tactical surprises come under no sphere of international\nquestion. The Russian troops themselves are daily practising them in the\nwar. In spite of it, he feigns his ignorance. In my reply I had to\ndetail and to develop my argument a step further. If you are not already\nwearied, I will recall a passage of my letter in question:\n\n     'With regard to the Port Arthur question, I should like in the\n     first place to ask the Russian statesman as to what Russia herself\n     did in all warlike engagements before the battle of Narva, and also\n     when the army of his country entered Poland in 1733; when it\n     entered Moldavia and took possession of Chotsin, Bender, and Jassi\n     in 1806; when the Russian ships fired into, and sunk or captured,\n     some Greek ships and made an attack upon Poros in 1831? Further,\n     how was it when the Russian troops made raids on the coasts of the\n     northern islands of Japan unexpectedly and repeatedly in the\n     beginning of the nineteenth century, on which occasions they\n     slaughtered our innocent villagers and burned our villages, or when\n     they attacked and occupied our Island of Tsushima in 1861?--in all\n     these cases there having been no cause or reason whatever for the\n     hostility perpetrated, and that, too, without the slightest\n     warning. Above all, I should like to call his attention to the\n     proposal which his country made through its ambassador, Baron\n     Brunnow, to the Diplomatique Corps of the Great Powers at\n     Constantinople in 1840, concerning Egypt. The Russian ambassador\n     offered various schemes for action, the pith of which was to be\n     found in the following words:\n\n     '\"To execute all these measures with the greatest promptitude, and\n     with the greatest secrecy,--promptitude, because it is the only\n     means of ensuring their success; secrecy, because the blow must\n     first be struck before it is announced.\"'\n\nHaving read so far, I continued: 'After I had thus written, I proceeded\nto elucidate that, \"with these facts in view, the Russians had no right\nto calumniate Japan, even if their country were attacked by surprise,\"\nand that, \"nevertheless, Japan had done nothing of the sort, as is plain\nfrom other facts.\" Such is the case on our side.'\n\n--'That point is now wholly cleared up in the eyes of the world,' said\nthe duchess. 'The Russians certainly ought not to grumble endlessly over\nthe milk which they themselves spilled!'\n\n--'I may remind you of a still more fresh instance of the\nunscrupulousness of the Russians themselves. At the time of the\nratification of the treaty of Simonoseki, did not the Russian admiral\ncommanding the Pacific fleet propose to the French admiral commanding\nthe French fleet in the same water to attack and destroy the Japanese\nfleet by a deliberate surprise! Was it not only restrained from being\ncarried out by the judicious refusal of the French admiral on the ground\nthat he had received no such instruction from his government! We cannot,\nof course, be thankful to France for joining the memorable combination\nof the three powers, but we remember with pleasant recollection the\nnoble determination of her admiral.'\n\n--'Thank God! our action was correct, at least in that respect.'\n\n--'You must be quite sickened,' I said, 'of the hackneyed talk of the\n\"Yellow Peril\" cry, and the \"Pan-Asiatic\" ambition attributed to Japan,\nbecause you know they are all groundless. The same Russian statesman\ndilated on them also: if he really entertains any belief in them his\nconception is erroneous; if he does not, and still says so, it is most\nunfair. I assured him that Japan knew no such ambition, and gave vent to\nmy conviction in this manner. I hope you will kindly listen to me.\n\n     'There is no possibility of \"Panasianism\" even if Japan had dreamed\n     of it, nor is there any likelihood of the Western powers being\n     endangered by the ascendency of Japan. The insinuation of your\n     writer that the English and American commerce would be jeopardised\n     by Japan's victory, and, therefore, Japan ought to be thoroughly\n     defeated, is a most absurd proposition. To begin with, Japan's\n     victory would never prejudice the commercial interests of those\n     countries; on the contrary, they would be more safeguarded. But\n     suppose it did, it would be for England and America to look after\n     those matters before the Russians did for them. England and\n     America, however, are amongst those countries which are most\n     sympathetic with Japan. I can put it in another way. Suppose, after\n     Japan's success in this war, Japan's industry should be more\n     developed, it would only serve more to stimulate the commerce\n     between the East and West. Supposing, however, that the development\n     of Japan's industry be more or less detrimental to the Western\n     commerce, is it just and humane--let me repeat, is it just and\n     humane, to formulate a doctrine that she is to be crushed because\n     there is a fear that her industry might be developed? It would be\n     like a rich person formulating the doctrine that a poor neighbour\n     of his ought to be murdered for no other reason than a vague\n     apprehension that he might possibly become a prosperous man.\n\n'That is what I answered the Russian statesman. But even at this moment\nsuch speculative opinions are widespread. I can only hope that Japan's\nreal motive and aspiration for emulating occidental civilisation is now\nbecoming better known to the Western nations, at all events to the bulk\nof the French people.'\n\n--'I believe so, too,' said the duchess. 'But one thing which strikes me\nis that, while on the one hand many people depict Japan by her huge\nshadow, even a greater number of people speak of Japan as a small\ncountry, as though she were no more than Belgium, Holland, or Denmark. A\ncountry which competes with the United Kingdom of Great Britain and\nIreland, France, or even Germany, in the size of her territory and\nnumber of population, cannot be a small country.'\n\n--'It is perhaps because we Japanese do not parade ourselves. We prefer\nto speak of ourselves as small in deference to the modern civilisation\nof the Western nations. Besides, we are not so wealthy as the occidental\nnations. We always feel it. It often prevents us from doing better\nthings.'\n\n--'But your country is not poor.'\n\n--'We are not poor. I am only speaking comparatively with the great\npowers of the West. The volume of our commerce has risen from a few\nmillions to six or seven hundred million yens in less than forty years.\nIn a way we ought to be satisfied.'\n\n--'I suppose the people are happy.'\n\n--'Well, I may say so. We have no very rich classes, but at the same\ntime we have no extreme poverty as yet. Only the other evening a\ncompatriot of mine who had travelled in the country near Tours told me\nthat the common people there lived in small caves in the cliffs, or on\nthe slopes of the hills, and they were all barefooted when they were at\nhome, or were at work in the vintage. I hear there are many such in\nBritain also. It sounds rather odd for France. And more! Paris is a\nwonderful town. It is a place of the agglomeration of everything\nextreme. A little time ago, accompanied by a few Frenchmen, I made a\nround of visits to all sorts of places through the whole night in order\nto see Paris by night. I saw many night shows to begin with: I saw many\ngay places: I saw several dens of the poor. Among the shows, that of\nNiente struck me most. It seemed so strange to entertain visitors with\nbeer at tables which are coffins, and in a room lighted by a chandelier\nconstructed of human bones. A small cave tavern made right in the\nground, where the poor were enjoying bocks of beer, and listening to\nsome indifferent musical performance, was also interesting. I asked from\nwhere they got the air into the place. The answer was \"nowhere.\" But\nwhat impressed me most was a den of the destitute, where the poor get\npermission to sleep for one night, and to receive a basin of soup, at a\ntotal cost of twopence. When I visited the dens, it was far on in the\nnight. I saw some four or five hundred men, clad in rags most of them,\nleaning on tables, asleep, in different cellars connected by narrow\npassages, right deep in the ground. Naturally also many were lying on\nthe ground, and several on the stone staircases. These cellars could not\nhave been made for such a purpose, and I was unable to divine for what\nthey had been originally used. Perhaps they had been the cellars of some\ngreat wine merchant. I don't think you yourself can have seen such a\nplace, but you can imagine the awfulness of the sight. Indeed, the\nFrench gentleman who was with me said he began to feel upset. I am happy\nto say that we have not such extreme cases of poverty in our country up\nto the present generation.'\n\n--'I am afraid it is such cases as these that give good pretext to the\nsocialistic movement,' said the duchess. 'It is a great problem. But to\nreturn to our subject, you have no embassy in Europe, as all other great\npowers have. You have only legations, with ordinary ministers, like\nsecondary powers. It might have been one cause why ordinary people think\nJapan is such a small country.'\n\n--'It may be so,' I answered, 'in one way; but you see we have not had\nany particular reason to make ourselves ostentatious, and besides, the\nmatter does not rest with one side only.'\n\n--'It is rather singular,' said the duchess, 'that the world has not\ndiscovered the real character of the Japanese for so long a time. But\nyet there was at least one man who realised it ninety years ago. I have\nread an account about him in a recent issue of the English press. It was\nin the year 1813, and, therefore, at the time when Java was under\nEnglish occupation. Lord Minto (ancestor of the new viceroy) was then\nViceroy of India, and it seems Sir Stamford Raffles was the chief\nrepresentative of the British East India Company out in the East. The\nlatter sent in that year an Englishman, Dr. Daniel Ainslie, to whom was\nattached a Dutchman, Wardenaar by name, to Nagasaki on a mission to look\nafter English interests, and to make a confidential report on the\nsituation in Japan. The mission was a failure; the time was not ripe\nenough. But the impression Sir Stamford obtained through Dr. Ainslie is\ninteresting. It reads as fresh as though it had been brought back from\nJapan only yesterday, and speaks for itself:\n\n     'The refusal of the Japanese, instigated by the prejudiced and\n     stiff-necked Dutchman, Hendrik Doeff, to trade with the English,\n     did not bias Sir Stamford's mind against them. Dr. Ainslie, in whom\n     he had implicit confidence, sent him voluminous reports, and on\n     them he formed a judgment most favourable to the Japanese in every\n     respect. Expression was given to these opinions in Sir Stamford's\n     presidential address to the Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences\n     on September 11, 1815. The following extracts are those of the most\n     direct importance; \"I need only offer a few notices on the\n     character which they appeared to Dr. Ainslie to display during a\n     residence of four months, and as far as he had the opportunity of\n     judging. They are represented to be a nervous, vigorous people,\n     whose bodily and mental powers assimilate much nearer to those of\n     Europe than what is attributed to Asiatics in general. Their\n     features are masculine and perfectly European, with the exception\n     of the small, lengthened Tartar eye, which almost universally\n     prevails, and is the only feature of resemblance between them and\n     the Chinese. The complexion is perfectly fair, and indeed blooming,\n     the women of the higher classes being equally fair with Europeans,\n     and having the bloom of health more generally prevalent among them\n     than is usually found in Europe. For a people who have had very\n     few, if any, external aids, the Japanese cannot but rank high in\n     the scale of civilisation....\n\n     '\"The Chinese have been stationary, at least as long as we have\n     known them, but the slightest impulse seems sufficient to give a\n     determination to the Japanese character which would progressively\n     improve until it attained the same height of civilisation with the\n     European....\n\n     '\"The Japanese, with an apparent coldness like the stillness of the\n     Spanish character, and derived nearly from the same causes--that\n     system of espionage and that principle of disunion dictated by the\n     principles of both Governments--are represented to be eager of\n     novelty and warm in their attachments, open to strangers, and,\n     hating the restrictions of their political institutions, a people\n     who seem inclined to throw themselves into the hands of any nation\n     of superior intelligence. They have, at the same time, a great\n     contempt and disregard of everything below their own standard of\n     morals and habits, as instanced in the case of the Chinese.\"\n\n     'These remarks, uttered ninety years ago, show that at least one\n     discerning mind had appreciated all the difference between the\n     Japanese and other Asiatics, judged according to the accepted views\n     among Europeans. It was the apathy of the home authorities that\n     alone prevented the establishment nearly a century ago of an\n     _entente cordiale_ between England and Japan as the consequence of\n     the strenuous effort of Sir Stamford Raffles to promote commercial\n     relations at Nagasaki.'\n\nAt this juncture the duke returned with his two daughters; joining us\nvery soon, he said to me:\n\n--'Have you noticed the controversy about French patriotism waging in\nthe papers just now? I wish all Frenchmen were as patriotic as your\ncountrymen.'\n\n--'I have noticed,' I said, 'but I believe that whatever opinion one may\nentertain, or whatever views one may express, in the innermost shrine of\nthe heart of every Frenchman there is treasured a phrase, \"La France:\nc'est le pays de mon c\u0153ur.\" It cannot be otherwise.'\n\n--'I hope so,' rejoined the duke. 'To love one's own country, which is\npatriotism, is almost a natural instinct. The only difference is the\ndegree of intensity.'\n\n--'Let me tell you,' I proceeded, 'how I came to remember that phrase,\nand excuse me if my talk is somewhat delicate. It is now more than\ntwenty years ago, perhaps you remember, when a young cantatrice,\ntogether with her companion-maid, put an end to their lives, under\nromantic but tragic circumstances, beneath the windows of the chateau of\na young foreign nobleman in his country. It created a great sensation at\nthe time. I was then staying in England. She left a letter in which she\nexpressed her desire that her _enfant d'amour_ should be brought up and\neducated in France, adding thereto the phrase I have just quoted. We\nhave a saying, \"Do not cast away good dictum on account of the person\nwho uttered it.\" Those words--I mean \"La France,\" etc.--though uttered\nby a female of her type, left a deep impression in my mind. They are so\nfine and touching. I dare say many a Frenchman has used, and still uses,\nthat phrase, at least in his mind. _Apropos_ to that story, I will tell\nyou an incident. Several years after that event I was in Japan, and\ndined one evening with some friends, the party including a few\nforeigners. There were no ladies present. As is usual, a good deal of\nmerry chatting went on among us after dinner. On that occasion I\nnarrated to them the story of the event just mentioned, and, of course,\nrecalled that phrase to their remembrance. One of the foreigners\nsuddenly said, \"I was the man concerned in it--I was the man.\" You can\nimagine how awkward I felt. It is always necessary to be on one's guard\nin society. One never knows who a person may be. The incident, however,\nwill serve to show how vividly the phrase remained in my memory.'\n\n--'Now, baron,' interposed the duchess, 'permit me to ask you to explain\na problem which I am unable to solve myself.'\n\n--'What is it?' I replied. 'I am always ready to answer your questions\nas far as possible.'\n\n--'The ideals as well as the whole structure, both political and social,\nof your country,' continued the duchess, 'seem to differ, as far as I\ncan judge, from the ideals and doctrines of some of the Socialists of\nthe West. According to these latter, there can be no patriotism, as the\nessence of their teaching is cosmopolite and not national, and there can\nbe no such social and political structure as, for instance, those which\nyour country adores. And yet, on the Continent, the Socialists are\ndisposed to be more friendly to your country than the other sections of\nthe communities. On your part, also, you appear to be more intimate, or\nat least more acquainted, with people belonging to that class. Excuse me\nif my remarks are too personal.'\n\n--'I am not intimate,' I interposed, 'nor am I even acquainted with\nmany. But please continue.'\n\n--'Well, in England, for instance, it is the Conservatives who are more\nenthusiastic about your country, and the Liberals only rank second. I\ncannot make out how all that comes about on the Continent.'\n\n--'I do not think English sympathy for Japan has anything to do with\ntheir home politics. Look at America! The form of the government and\ntheir political ideas are totally different from ours, and yet they have\nshown great sympathy to us, as you must have observed.'\n\n--'American democracy, nevertheless, is more apparent than real,' said\nthe duchess. 'Their methods are more monarchical than republican. When\nonce a man is elected President, he is like a monarch. He has a wide\nscope for political movement in his hands. He chooses his ministers\nindependently of the Congress, and the ministry is not dependent on the\nCongress; in other words, there is a concentration of power and also the\ncontinuity of it, though the person of the President may change after a\ncertain lapse of time. Look at Mr. Roosevelt, what a position he\noccupies in his country.'\n\n--'For all that,' I said, 'America is a republic. American sympathy for\nJapan cannot be explained by the theory you put upon the American\npolity. The sympathy of the Anglo-Saxons arises, in my opinion, chiefly\nfrom their perception of the justice of our cause, and from their\nappreciation of the humane and enlightened behaviour of the Japanese.\nThis is my plain opinion. No one can fail to perceive a great contrast\nin these respects between the two countries engaged in the war. The\nsympathy of the European Socialists is somewhat similar, I believe. The\nconditions of Japan are much nearer to their own ideals than are those\nof our opponents.'\n\n--'That is very likely,' said the duchess, 'but Japan as she is cannot\nbe an ideal object of admiration to them; their sympathy appears only to\nbe based on comparison. Why, there was even an assertion by some\nSocialists that Japan was liked only because the autocracy of the other\nside was disliked. By the bye, you said the other day, that you did not\nlike to apply the term \"revolution\" to your great change of 1867.'\n\n--'Yes, I said so.'\n\n--'And I agree with you,' continued the duchess. '\"Revolution\" means\nupsetting and destroying everything, but you never had anything of that\nkind. Your emperor assumed a new authority, but it was only a\nrestoration, or, in other words, unification of power; then, too, the\nsovereignty of his majesty's family is so antique that there is again a\ngreat continuity of power: those are the points which make Japan so fine\na nation.\n\n--'Well,' I continued, 'we do not like to apply the term \"revolution\"\nto our great change, because that term is usually applied to a big,\npopular movement against established governments, which, while\ndestroying one, sets up another. That is to say, the term is generally\nused in a political sense. The history of our great change differs from\nthat, because, although the Shogunate Government was upset, the other\nGovernment, namely, the Imperial, which was reinvigorated and had come\nto exercise again its full authority, had always existed, and the\nsovereignty had continued to rest with the heads of that Government,\nnamely, the emperors; that you know very well. Nevertheless, with regard\nto the social aspects of the change, one cannot say there has been no\nupsetting of things. As a matter of fact, almost everything has been\nupset; restoration and innovation were the two currents of thought then\nprevailing. The main work was restoration, but almost everything else\nwas innovation, or at least renovation. Hence, almost every institution\nand material object which was old was destroyed, or nearly destroyed,\nbeyond all necessary limit, almost in the same way as was experienced by\nEngland under the Long Parliament, and France in 1789. I don't mean\nthere was in Japan any such sanguinary deeds perpetrated as those by the\nJacobins, but the general social currents of events were something like\nthose of French and English experience. There was even a suggestion made\nby serious people of cutting down the big trees of a fine park in the\nmiddle of Tokio and turning it into mulberry fields, on the argument\nthat the latter would be beneficial to the nation, whilst the former was\na useless luxury. At one time, indeed, even the word civilisation was\nmuch abused: of course, not in such a way as Madame Roland lamented the\nabuse of the term \"liberty,\" because our abuse of the word\n\"civilisation\" was neither political nor serious. It was chiefly so with\nsmall social matters. For instance, when one wished to dispense with\nsome of the old customs and manners, which he deemed too rigid and\ninconvenient, he would cast them away light-heartedly, with the remark\nthat \"it was not a civilised method.\" Of course, a great change like the\none we have made can only be carried out under such circumstances as\nthose, accompanied necessarily by great sacrifices. Without doubt, it\nwould not do if the same thing went on endlessly. Fortunately we have\nmanaged to tide over that transitory state, and have produced the Japan\nof the present day.'\n\n--'Whatever may have been the social aspects of your great change,'\nsaid the duchess, 'one thing is undeniable, and that is, that its best\nresults have been brought about by the unification and continuity of the\n_pouvoir_--I mean, authority. But by saying this, I must not be\nmisunderstood, especially in this country, as saying that a continuity\nof authority is necessarily to be connected with heredity, for I\nmaintain, for instance, that the Catholic religion is a specimen of\ncontinuity in the person of the Pope. But, baron, was there any outcry\nfor \"Libert\u00e9, Egalit\u00e9, and Fraternit\u00e9\" at the time of your great\nchange?'\n\n--'No, not exactly,' I replied. 'Our struggle was not one of the lower\nclasses _en masse_ against the upper classes. Besides, our lower classes\nwere not in such a desperate condition as those of France in her\ntroubled days.'\n\n--'You know already,' proceeded the duchess, 'that those three terms\ncontradict each other if carried out literally.'\n\n--'That is true. But by similar reasoning, all terms of virtue are\ncontradictory if carried out to the letter. Thus, the extremity of\npatience makes one a fool; that of bravery, foolhardy; that of charity,\nlavish; and that of extensive love of all things, makes one a\nsentimental weeper. Forgive me if I am a little polemic. However, there\nis one thing that I think I have not told you, and that is this:\nAlthough there was no definite cry for the three \"t\u00e9's\" during our great\nchange, some vague notion of them was observable during that event and\nsome time after. It was during that transition period that the French\nnotion of personal right based upon the civil law got into the Japanese\nmind a little too strongly in opposition to the idea of public laws\nbased upon the principles of State and common good. Thus, for instance,\na man did not scruple to cut down whatever forests belonged to him, no\nmatter whether or not by doing so irreparable public injury should be\noccasioned; his notion being that his proprietary right of the forests\nstood over any other right. In other words, the notion of private laws\nwas not reconciled with that of public laws. We have had to bring about\nan amelioration, and to enact fresh laws to regulate the forest\nquestion, much on the same lines as the old regulations which had\npreviously existed in many parts of the country. There have been many\nother matters much similar to this. I may also add that proper respect\nbetween inferior and superior, and younger and elder, was also slackened\nat one time, which is a sort of misuse of equality and fraternity.\n\n'But to return to our discourse: all the arguments I have heard from you\nto-day remind me of an anonymous political pamphlet which I happened to\nglance at. It speaks of the necessity of unification and continuation of\nauthority. It speaks of the advisability of non-dependency of the\nMinistry on the Chamber, and it speaks of the self-contradiction of the\nthree terms. I almost suspect that the writer of the pamphlet is\ninfluenced by you, or you by him, or is it a coincidence?'\n\n--'No matter,' said the duchess lightly, and continued; 'I think there\nare no Socialists in Japan--at all events, not worth speaking of, as a\nparty?'\n\n--'Very true,' I interposed.\n\n--'I thought so,' continued the duchess; 'Japan is not a country\ncompatible with the ideas and doctrines of Socialism: she does not want\nit.'\n\n--'And yet, some points of her aspirations,' I said, 'deserve attention.\nIt is the duty of an enlightened Government to anticipate the legitimate\nrequirements of the lower classes, and to make the spread of dangerous\ndoctrines useless.'\n\n--'And Japan does so, I suppose,' said the duchess.\n\n--'Well, we are doing our best,' I answered, 'more especially because\nthe introduction of Western methods of progress tend to produce all\nsorts of evils, though, of course, the benefit derived therefrom is\ncomparatively far greater in its way.'\n\n--'The freer a country is, the less it is likely to be disturbed by\nsocialistic or nihilistic movements, you mean, I suppose,' said the\nduchess.\n\n--'It is not all, but something like it,' I said. 'England and America\nare free from those movements.'\n\n--'France is a free country,' said the duchess, 'and yet she labours\nunder an overpowering influence of Socialism.'\n\n--'It seems true,' I said.\n\n--'You might say because she is too free, perhaps,' said the duchess.\n\n--'Or, rather,' I replied, 'she might be paying the penalty incurred\nduring the ancient monarchy of the misuse of its power.'\n\n--'Maybe,' she answered. 'But I am far from believing in real power of\nthat party. It is, of course, foolish to ignore an existence of such an\nelement. They have, however, never been in office. Suppose they have\nformed a Government, what do you think will come out of it? At all\nevents, I can never agree with some of their extreme views which, if\ncarried out literally, would mean an abolition of the army and navy, the\nGovernment, even the State.'\n\n--'The subject is too intricate for me,' I said; 'I give it up.'\n\n--'At all events,' she replied, 'there being no socialistic party in\nJapan, as you say, is it not all the more strange that no cordiality\nseems to exist between Japan and the French Nationalists, whose notions\nand ideas resemble those of the Japanese.'\n\n--'We can have no sympathy, still less concern, with any political\naspiration of a section of other people as far as their domestic\npolitics are concerned. But I do not see why the Japanese should not be\nwilling to be friendly with the Nationalist section of the French\npeople. Of late, the Japanese have not seemed to be _persona grat\u00e6_ with\nyour Nationalists, if there be any such section. But it is not our\nfault. They have shown through their partiality to our opponents much\nantipathy to Japan. It is another reason why the contrast between the\nSocialists and other sections of the French people has become, or\nrather, once became, so manifest as regards their attitude to my\ncountry.'\n\n--'But the Nationalists are not enemies of Japan. In fact, it was the\nNationalists who disapproved ten years ago the action of the Government,\nwhich joined in the combination of the three powers against Japan.'\n\n--'Maybe,' I said, 'but the general tendency of that section, since the\noutbreak of the present war, has not been so favourable to us as you\nwould have liked.'\n\n--'But you must make some allowance for the fact that France is the ally\nof the other side.'\n\n--'I do so, but the contrast in tone between different journals is so\nmarked, and the papers which are most bitter against us, at one time\nwere those reputed as the organs of the Nationalists.'\n\n--'That may have been so,' said the duchess, 'and there have even been\nsome which were rather misleading. I confess I was rather surprised when\nonce asked by a member of a respectable family, \"how it was that the\nJapanese were near Moukden, whilst we had been informed by the press all\nthese months that the Russians had been constantly gaining victories.\"\nProbably that family happened to take in some exceptional journal, and\nperhaps only one. But you cannot read journalistic opinions only and\nregard them as the real views of the Nationalists. They have, in\nreality, very little influence over the papers; I wish they had more.\nJournals generally go their own way: I cannot and must not explain why.\nBesides, the socialist journals also have not been friendly to Japan\nfrom the very beginning. They became so only when the contrasts between\nthe belligerents had become somewhat manifest. They were shrewd in the\nmatter: the Nationalists were slow; one had to awake them.'\n\n--'I was not here at that time,' said I, 'so I cannot offer any\nobservation thereon. But, madam, is it too impertinent for me to ask if\nFrench interest in Russian bonds are much in the hands of Nationalists?'\n\n--'Oh no,' answered the duchess. 'I wish they were; but you see our old\nfamilies are not like those of some other countries. The interest of the\nRussian bonds mostly concerns petty people who have invested in them\ntheir hard-earned savings. It is, therefore, all the more unfortunate\nthat the present war should be protracted.'\n\n--'I envy France,' I said, 'that she has such a saving people: it is in\nconsequence of this that she has, as I am told, some billions of surplus\nfrancs every year.'\n\n--'That, I believe, is the case,' said the duchess.\n\n--'As to the friendly relations between your country and mine, let us\nhope that a time happier than the present may arrive soon, and the\nsooner the better.'\n\n--'I hope so, too,' said the duchess, 'and we must try to make it so.'\n\n\n\n\nVI\n\nThe age of the Japanese--Ito and Inouy\u00e9--Intermarriages--Commander\nHiros\u00e9--Some abuse of the Japanese nationality--The climate of\nJapan--Chrysanthemums--Japanese rain--The two great currents--How Japan\ndeveloped--Summer resorts of foreigners--Spring and autumn--\nPicnics--Sports--A letter by an American--Pastimes of the\nJapanese gentry--Description of the Japanese chess and the game of\n'Go'--Description of Japanese cards--Poem cards--Flower cards--Pierre\nLoti--Public baths--An interview on common and military education in\nJapan--George Washington and Nelson--The cause of Russian defeats\naccording to the wounded\n\n\nI found myself once more in a group of people, including some ladies.\nThe group was very incongruous, as is usual in dreamland. The\nconversation went on merrily and very light-heartedly.\n\n--'Now, baron, it is your turn. You must now tell us something\ninteresting,' said one of those present.\n\n--'I have nothing worth telling,' I answered.\n\n--'But you must: you were in Europe for many years, when quite young, I\nhave heard. You must have had some experiences to interest us.'\n\n--'Well, I can remember only one or two amusing incidents. I once knew\na charming young lady, called by her friends \"the modest Violet.\" She\nlived with her mother and sisters in a country home near London. I was\noften invited there to take tea and play tennis, or accompany them for a\ndrive. On one occasion, I was walking with her round the garden, when we\ncame to a nook where there was a garden seat. We sat down. But the seat,\nbeing old, the part on which I sat gave way all of a sudden, and I found\nmyself flat on the ground, the other part of the seat remaining intact.'\n\n--'Does she still remember you, or rather, have you seen her since your\narrival in Europe this time?' asked another.\n\n--'Yes! I have seen her, and I noticed when I visited her she was still\nusing on her table a silver trinket, of which I made her a present years\nago, on the occasion of her wedding.'\n\n--'That is one--and another.'\n\n--'Well, I was at Brighton one summer, and met there a young lady with\nwhom I was acquainted. We went for a walk together on the Parade one\nbright afternoon and then went down to the beach. She sat on a small\nrock and leaned against the stone wall. She had a book of select poems\nin her hand and read a good many of them while I reclined on the sand by\nher side. When she rose from her seat, I noticed that the back of her\nwhite summer dress was stained green by the moss on the stone against\nwhich she had leaned, and she was obliged to go home with her sunshade\nopen over her back.'\n\n--'Let me again ask if you have met her since?'\n\n--'No, I have lost trace of her altogether. She was the daughter of an\nastronomer. If she is still living, she will remember me when she sees\nmy _Summer Dream_.'\n\n--'What?'\n\n--'I don't know.'\n\n--'But I have heard you utter those words once or twice. Surely they\nmust have a meaning.'\n\n--'No! I think not. You must know that I was formerly a Deputy of the\nJapanese Diet.'\n\n--'What has that to do with the subject?'\n\n--'Well! Deputies often talk about things which they know nothing\nabout. Just observe the deputies who talk most in the chamber. They are\nsure to be those who have never read through the documents they hold in\ntheir hands.'\n\n--'What a pleasantry! However, we have had the second tale. What next?'\n\n--'No more amusing ones. But I remember another which was somewhat\nchivalrous. In a large town in the north of France, there was a group of\nrich manufacturers belonging to the same family, originally English,\nthough some of the younger members had been born in France. A bosom\nfriend of mine, and another compatriot, were staying there, and they\nwere both on intimate terms with all the members of the family. I spent\nseveral summer days in that town, and also in Dunkirk and Ostend, with\nmy friends and most of the people I am referring to. They were all very\ncordial, and it goes without saying that I spent a very jolly time.\nThere was a young lady belonging to one branch of the family, who in\nage, to say the least of it, was past the first bloom of youth. I\nnoticed that she and the members of another branch of the family never\nspoke together, which aroused my curiosity, and as a result of discreet\ninquiry, I found that some discord existed between them, the cause of\nwhich was she had not married the man of her choice on account of the\ninterference of an uncle, who was the head of the other branch of the\nfamily. I felt rather sorry about the matter, for it was the only rift\nin the family lute, otherwise most happy and harmonious. A strong desire\ncame over me to bring about a reconciliation. One day at Dunkirk, I\naccompanied the young lady to the sea-coast, where, after a long\npersuasion, I obtained her consent to be reconciled. The chief\nindividual having been won over, I had no great difficulty in persuading\nthe others; and peace was proclaimed then and there at Dunkirk.'\n\n--'But you were only a young man, then.'\n\n--'Certainly I was younger than I am now, but I am not quite so young\nas you may imagine. The Japanese, as a rule, appear to European eyes\nmany years younger than they are in reality. Thus, for instance, when\nMarquis Ito and Count Inouy\u00e9 came over to England as students for the\nfirst time, they were both \"over twenty,\" and Count Inouy\u00e9 was older\nthan the Marquis Ito by some years.'\n\n--'Their relative ages, however, must have remained the same always,'\nsaid one jestingly.\n\n--'That is so: but that is not my point. They were then considered as\nyoung students of seventeen or eighteen. When, therefore, they told\ntheir teacher that they would return to Japan and counsel their Prince\nto change his anti-foreign policy into a pro-foreign policy, he laughed\nat them, saying, \"You boys, what can you do?\" And Ito and Inouy\u00e9 only\nsucceeded, after great perseverance, to obtain the necessary consent.\nHowever that may be, I am glad to have heard since that the lady in\nquestion was happily married.'\n\n--'Allow me to ask a very delicate question. Have you never fallen in\nlove, or something like it, with any European lady during your long stay\nin Europe?'\n\n--'Well, I have always preferred to keep my heart well in hand, so as\nnot to be hampered in the more serious duties of life; and, moreover, I\ndo not believe in the desirability of intermarriage between foreigners.\nThere have, of course, been many intermarriages between the Japanese and\nthe occidental races, and the results of some of them have been\napparently very good, but there have also been many failures, and I do\nnot think, in general, happiness can be secured in intermarriages of\nthis kind, so much as those between people who have greater resemblance\nin customs and manners and everything else to each other. Even if the\ncouple are happy, it often happens that it is not so between them and\ntheir relations. You know, perhaps, that the late Commander Hiros\u00e9 was a\nbachelor. He was a man of stoical character. There is, however, a rumour\nabout him that while he was staying over here he met a young European\nlady whom he liked very much. He did not propose to her but for one\nreason, and that was because he was afraid she might feel unhappy when\ntaken to Japan for the reason I have just mentioned, in addition to the\nfact that he was a naval officer, in consequence of which he would have\nto leave her to herself more than ordinary married women--and that in a\ncountry to which she was a stranger in many things!'\n\n--'But your success in the war will make your countrymen very popular\namong young ladies,' interposed another laughingly.\n\n--'I have no fear. Western young ladies are cautious enough. But,\nnevertheless, there is a slight danger of the name of Japan being taken\nadvantage of. I heard a story only the other day that in California some\nChinese cut off their plaits and dressed in European costumes while they\nwere staying at an hotel, and were passing themselves off as Japanese.\nThey were discovered when a real Japanese addressed them in his\nlanguage, to which they were unable to reply. I have heard of another\nincident which took place in a town in the north of England. A\nforeigner, professing himself to be a Japanese, tried to take an\napartment. The landlady, who had had some Japanese lodgers before,\nsomewhat suspected the nationality of the man from his way of bargaining\nfor the rent. She asked a Japanese to call in on her, and the foreigner\nwas soon discovered to be a European whose nationality belonged to a\ncountry where the climate is very hot, and whose complexion alone bore\nresemblance to the Japanese.'\n\n--'What is the Japanese climate like?' asked another.\n\n--'Well, that is a question I am asked so often. You see Japan is a\nlong, narrow country running from north to south-west; therefore, if you\ntake the northern and southern extremities, there is much difference of\nclimate, but as to Japan proper, that is to say, the middle part, the\nclimate does not much differ from yours. The latitude there is much\nlower than England or France. The latitude of London is fifty-one\ndegrees, one minute north; that of Paris, forty-eight degrees, fifty\nminutes north; whilst that of Yokohama, which is the port of Tokio, and\nabout twenty miles south of the latter, is thirty-five degrees,\ntwenty-six minutes; and, therefore, people taking an analogy from Egypt\nor Algeria often wrongly imagine that Japan is a tropical land, but it\nis not so. We have our seasons: spring, summer, autumn, and winter, at\nthe same time as you. We have snow, frost, even hailstones, much similar\nto you. We have occasional rain and showers also, as you have, or\nperhaps a little more frequent. We have a rainy season in June, although\nwe do not have so much fog as in England. The weather is generally fine;\nour summer lasts longer than yours, and is somewhat hotter, but not so\nhot as people generally imagine. Our autumn lasts longer and is finer\nthan yours, because you seem to jump almost from summer to winter, and\nwinter to summer. In fact, in Japan, we almost doubt which is the better\nseason of the year, spring or autumn. In autumn, in many parts of the\ncountry, almost all the foliage, as well as the maples, turn to all\nshades of red and scarlet intermingled with yellow. It is the result of\nthe brilliant sun shining on the frosted leaves--a grand sight, which\nyou seem not to have in this quarter of the world.'\n\n--'The chrysanthemums are also very fine too, I think,' said another.\n\n--'Yes, but in that respect we cannot now boast so much, as it is\ncultivated so extensively in the West, and the blossoms are, as a rule,\nmuch bigger than ours. Everywhere in society nowadays chrysanthemums are\nplentifully used for table decorations. Indeed, people say the\nintroduction of that flower was a great boon to the florists of Europe,\nas the chrysanthemum season happens to fall just at a time when the\nscarcity of flowers is most felt. There is, however, one difference in\nits cultivation between the Occidental and Japanese horticulturists. The\nlatter strive to keep all the leaves fresh and green from the bottom of\nthe stalk to the top, which is no easy matter, and do not trouble to\nproduce very large blossoms, but in the West the size of the flower\nappears to be almost the only care, in consequence of which I have seen\nalmost all the flowers exhibited at shows without any stalk at all. I\nmay add a word concerning the rain in Japan, especially in Tokio. The\nshower is often very heavy, and falls in a slanting direction on account\nof a strong wind, which often prevails in Japan; therefore, the roofs of\nthe buildings have long eaves; even the buildings in European style must\nhave eaves and windows specially designed, differing from the ordinary\nWestern architecture, otherwise the rain would soak through. The reason\nwhy the climate of Japan is temperate in comparison with its latitude is\nchiefly due to the effects of two great currents, one coming from the\nBehring Strait and the other coming from the south, one cold and the\nother warm; and between those currents is produced the climate of Japan.\nStrangely enough, in Manchuria and the northern parts of China proper,\nthat is to say, the regions surrounding Pekin, the summer is excessively\nhot and the winter extremely cold.'\n\n--'Do you say the climate in every part of Japan proper is pretty much\nthe same?' asked one.\n\n--'Pretty much, but not exactly. You see Japan proper has a range of\nmountains, which divides the country into two parts, one side facing the\nPacific Ocean and the other the Sea of Japan. The former is more bright\nand cheerful, and conversely the latter is less bright and less\ncheerful. Perhaps, owing to that disadvantage in climate, the Japan Sea\nside is less advanced in all respects. Then, again, the development of\nJapan seems to have proceeded from west to east, beginning at the\nnorth-western part of Kiusiu, thence along both sides of the Inland Sea,\nthence along the Pacific Ocean on toward the Plain of Kwanto, where\nTokio is situated. All travellers can discern this very easily by the\ngeneral development of these regions in comparison with other parts of\nthe country.'\n\n--'Is the summer so hot as to be unbearable?' asked another.\n\n--'I would not say \"unbearable,\" but, of course, it would be far more\ncomfortable if one went to good summer resorts. There are many places in\nJapan suitable for spending the summer, and are visited by a large\nnumber of Occidentals, not only from all parts of Japan, but also from\nmost of the open ports of the neighbouring countries. For instance,\nKaruizawa, where I have a small villa, is over three thousand feet above\nsea level, and there nearly one thousand foreigners spend the summer\nevery year. _Apropos_ to Karuizawa, I may tell you _en passant_ an\nincident which occurred there a few years ago. Early one morning I\ndiscovered two foreigners had got into a corner of my garden and were\ncutting down branches of my favourite trees; they were not very refined,\nand evidently belonged to some irregular mission. On my asking for an\nexplanation, they told me the branches were for the decoration of the\nhouse of God. They did not know to apologise, but appeared to assume\nthat they could do anything in the name of their mission. I had to\nexplain to them that they were doing what they ought not to, and that if\nthey did the same thing in the grounds of less tolerant people, trouble\nmight ensue. I then formally gave them the branches already cut down, in\norder to exonerate them from any possible infraction of the Ten\nCommandments. I mention this incident in order that other people engaged\nin similar missions might take it as a warning. But to return to my\nsubject: well-to-do Japanese also resort to the mountains or to the\nseaside places for their summer holidays. For the people in general,\nhowever, spring and autumn are the best seasons of the year. It is then\nthat countless groups of men and women indulge in innocent picnic\nparties to see all sorts of flowers and tinted leaves, and to visit\nplaces of interest, with which the country abounds; indeed, some of the\npeople who are more \u00e6sthetic and poetic often travel great distances\nsimply for those objects. The fire-flies also are a sight in many parts\nof Japan.'\n\n--'I have read some accounts of those excursions,' said one, 'and their\nfondness for hanging down from the branches of trees their quaint but\nsimple and innocent effusions of poetic thought, written on slips of\npaper.'\n\n--'But what are the general pastimes of the Japanese gentry at home?'\nasked another. 'Are they fond of open-air sports as the English are?'\n\n--'No, I am sorry to say they are not. In England, more than elsewhere,\nall sorts of open-air sports have been invented and played, perhaps\nowing to the condition of the climate. Mr. Balfour, the Prime Minister,\nas everybody knows, is a great golfer. Professor Balfour, his brother,\nwas a great cricketer. His premature death years ago, by an accident on\nthe Alps, was lamented very deeply by the scientific world; and I, for\none, grieved much, for he was very kind to me when I went up to\nCambridge, and smoothed my way considerably for the University study.\nWith us, however, outdoor sports have always been considered childish,\nand the rude sports of children have never been improved to suit\ngrown-up men. In recent years, of course, Western open-air sports, such\nas base-ball or lawn tennis, are played by students very widely (at this\nmoment some Japanese teams of base-ball players have gone to America to\nplay against the Americans). But older people seldom indulge in that\nkind of sport. Billiards also is only of modern introduction.'\n\n--'But surely you must have some kind of pastimes?'\n\n--'Well, we have some, but before entering on that subject I will say a\nword about a letter written by an American on kindred subjects. It\ncaught my eye accidentally in the _Japan Times_. It is rather\ninteresting and, therefore, I will recite it to you _verbatim_. The\nheading of it is \"Japan is a queer country.\"\n\n     'Such was the heading of an article in one of our American papers\n     of recent date. As an example of the country being \"queer\" the\n     writer stated among other things that \"old men in Japan fly kites\n     and spin tops, while children look on.\" Now, I for one have been in\n     Japan a good while and have seen many flying kites and spinning\n     tops. Yet I have never had the fortune of seeing the picture\n     described above. It is easy to conceive how the kind-hearted\n     Ojiisan might show his little grandson how to fly a kite or to spin\n     a top while the little fellow looked on, but that is in no way\n     peculiar to Japan. The same thing might be seen in almost any\n     country.\n\n     'Again the writer says, \"Japanese writers use paint brushes, not\n     pens, and write from bottom to top,\" in which he has gotten his\n     ideas more topsy-turvy than the Land of Topsyturvydom itself. And\n     further, \"in Japan there are no lawyers, and Japanese doctors never\n     make any charges.\" Comment is unnecessary.\n\n     'These are only specimens of much that has for years flooded our\n     Western newspapers about Japan. Not a great while ago I saw an\n     article in which it was said that Japanese babies never cried, and\n     if a dog barked at night he was taken off next day and killed. It\n     is high time that Western people were beginning to have a few sane\n     thoughts about Japan, and stop speaking of it as \"an Oriental\n     puzzle, a nation of recluses, a land of fabulous wealth, of\n     universal licentiousness, or of Edenic purity, the fastness of a\n     treacherous and fickle crew, a Paradise of guileless children, a\n     Utopia of artists and poets.\" Japan has some superficial oddities,\n     but what country is there that has not? To be a bit humorous, if\n     people wish to say ludicrous things about Japan, it may not be so\n     bad, but to put such things out as sober truth makes a false\n     impression and does the people an injustice.\n\n     'Imagine a Japanese going to America, for example, and writing back\n     something like this: \"America is a queer country. The people clothe\n     themselves with the hair and skins of animals. They fasten their\n     clothing on by means of little knobs hung in holes; the women go\n     about with the arms and upper part of the body nude. Owing to the\n     peculiar make of their shoes, they all walk on tiptoe. The people\n     eat dead pigs, and drink a white, thick fluid called chichi, which\n     they squeeze out of the body of a large animal. When eating they\n     stick long iron instruments in their mouths. When moving about they\n     are obliged constantly to set one foot out in front in order to\n     keep from falling on their noses. Sometimes when there is a company\n     of them together they open their mouths very wide at each other,\n     utter loud, inarticulate cries, and jump about in a very curious\n     manner, shaking from head to foot.\"\n\n     'Now what would the Japanese people think of such a story, and what\n     kind of impression would they get of the American people? But this\n     is a fair specimen of the style in which many have written about\n     this country. We cannot quite speak of it as lying, yet it amounts\n     to the same in that it deceives and makes a false impression. The\n     people of Japan are much the same as the world at large.\n\n     'And finally, what is true of the customs of Japan is also true of\n     the Japanese language. A Westerner, for instance, will poke fun at\n     the expression, \"For the first time, I hang upon your honourable\n     eyes,\" and perhaps with the next breath say, \"I knew him as soon as\n     I laid eyes on him.\" Literally speaking it is hard to tell which is\n     the more \"okashii\" (ridiculous), to hang upon the honourable eyes\n     of another, or to lay your eyes on somebody else. Or which is\n     worse, to \"stick\" to the end of the street in going to your\n     business, or to \"stick to it\" when you get there? All languages\n     must be explained and understood in the light of their idiomatic\n     use and meaning, otherwise they become idiotic, and in this the\n     Japanese language is no exception.\n\n'There is one point in that letter to which I must take exception, as is\nremarked in the editorial notes, too, but otherwise I quite concur with\nthe writer. The matter I refer to is that of the kites. On that point\nneither the writer of the original article nor the writer of the letter\nhit the mark. As a general rule, of course, kites or tops are played\nwith by children as in the West, but there is one particular method of\nflying special kites which is indulged in by grown-up men. It is done in\nNagasaki. The kites are made in a particular shape so that a slight pull\nor loosening of the line makes a rapid movement, and if one pulls when\nthe kite is not in the right position it falls to the ground with\nlightning-like rapidity. It requires great skill to manage, and\ntherefore cannot be done by mere boys. Those kites are well known by the\nname of Nagasaki kites. In that town people fly them in a certain season\nof the year, making the kites fight one against the other high up in the\nair. The method is as follows: A certain portion of the line is gummed\nover with a mixture containing fine particles of glass, so that it would\ncut another line which might come in contact with it. A skilful flier\nmanages his kite in such a way that his line will cut the line of others\nwithout hurting his own, and, therefore, during the competition all the\nkites are making rapid movements to and fro high up in the air. In\nrecent years Nagasaki men, a large number of whom are residents in\nTokio, have instituted a display of kite-flying of their method. The\nperformance takes place on a certain day in spring in a suburban park of\nthe capital.\n\n'But to return to the subject of the pastimes of the Japanese gentry in\ngeneral. Some are fond of handling Kakemono. Some are fond of collecting\nold curios. There are, therefore, a far greater number of curiosity\nshops in Japan than in any other country. Some are fond of performing\northodox tea ceremonies, but by far the greater number are fond of\nplaying at the game of \"go,\" and \"Japanese chess.\"'\n\n--'What are they like?'\n\n'\"Go\" is a game which you have not in the West. Our chess is different\nfrom yours, but the principle is similar. With us \"go\" is considered\nmore refined than chess, and in consequence \"go\" is more generally\nplayed by the upper classes, and chess by the lower classes. In such\ngames, ours seem to be more scientific and complicated than those in the\nWest. I do not like to appear to boast of our own \"things,\" but my\nconviction, founded on fact, enforces me to tell the truth.\n\n'I will begin with \"chess.\" In all parts of the world the game of chess\nexists in some form or other. They must have descended from a common\norigin: we profess to have derived our game from China. It seems there\nhave been several kinds of chess in China. In Japan also there were\nthree kinds in earlier days--the great, the middle, and the ordinary.\nThe last is the one which has survived and has become a national game.\nMany improvements have been made since its introduction into Japan, so\nthat it now differs considerably from that of China. We all know of\nimprovements which have been made on the Western guns and rifles,\nbecause they belong to our own day: but we do not know when and by whom\nthe improvements in chess were made. It is said, until some hundred\nyears ago, there was an extra piece on either side called the \"drunken\nelephant,\" having almost omnipotent power--I suppose something like your\n\"queen.\" The experts of that time agreed that the problems of the game\nwould become much more interesting without that particular piece,\nbecause its omnipotency overshadowed the action of other figures, and it\nwas accordingly abolished by Imperial sanction. We consider our game\nmore scientific and complicated than any other of the kind. A single\nfact will go far to demonstrate my assertion. Bring together at random a\nnumber of ordinary Japanese chess players and the same number of\nordinary European players. Let the movements of the \"men\" of the\nEuropean chess be shown to the Japanese, and let the Europeans and the\nJapanese play the European chess, you may be sure that after the second\ngame, the Japanese will be on the winning side. When I was staying at\nMunich over twenty years ago, I learned the European moves from a lad\nliving in the next flat; after the second game I won continually, and\nthe lad gave up in despair. Mind, I am not at all a good player as I\nplay rarely, and, when I do play, I prefer to play \"go.\" On the way to\nEurope last year, I played European chess on board the mail steamer,\nlearning again the movements of the figures, which I had not practised\nsince my Munich days. After one or two games, I became one of the best\nplayers among the passengers. This was not the case with me only, for\nthere were several other Japanese on board, and they also became\nexcellent players. The same is the experience of all the Japanese\ntravellers.'\n\n--'What is the reason of that?' asked one of those present.\n\n--'Because ours is much more complicated than yours. The only danger we\nhave to watch against when we play your game is to be caught in an\nunguarded moment by a movement which is foreign to us. I mean, for\ninstance, your knights move sidewards or backwards, and we are often\ncaught by it, because our knights move only forwards.'\n\n--'But what do you mean by saying, your chess being more complicated?'\nasked another.\n\n--'I will only outline the reason, for it is impossible to demonstrate\nit in the short space of a _Summer Dream_.'\n\n--'What!'\n\n--'Well, I mean to say that it would take a long time were I to describe\nit in detail, but listen: In the first place, the squares of our boards\nare nine by nine, therefore there are seventeen more squares than yours:\nthe number of our men are twenty in all on each side, two rows of nine\neach, and two extra, and, therefore, four more men than yours on each\nside. Then, again, in your game, when you take one of your opponent's\npieces, you put it aside and never make any use of it except under one\nparticular circumstance, which I need not describe. With ours, however,\neither side of the players can make use of any of the captured pieces of\nhis opponent and add them to his own men, at any time and place, and\nunder any circumstance, provided that he brings them on to the board,\none at a time, in his turn of move.'\n\n--'But how can you make any distinction between your own men and those\nof your opponent, if you put down the opponent's men as your own?' said\nanother.\n\n'Well, we have no difference of colour between friends and foes and our\nmen are made flat _ab initio_, and are laid on the squares with their\nheads turned towards the enemy, so that one can easily distinguish\nfriends from foes by the position in which they are placed.'\n\n--'How can you turn the head towards the enemy?' asked one.\n\n--'By the head, I do not mean the head and tail you use when tossing.\nOur men are made in such a way that one of the four sides has a\nprojected part; and that side is the head. In other words, the head does\nnot mean the flat surface, but rather one of the sides of a flat object.\nCall it the top, if you prefer.'\n\n--'I see,' said one.\n\n--'The methods of making use of the captured men makes the whole play\nmuch more intricate. As a rule, of course, if you take a man of your\nopponent, possessing greater power, it is better than taking one\npossessing less power, but this does not always follow, because\naccording to the vicissitudes of the game a man which has less power may\nbe utilised for some particular purpose to greater advantage than one of\ngreater power. This is the point in which our chess has far more\ninterest than yours. Then, again, in your chess one does not seek so\nmuch to take a man of one's opponent as one does in our chess, because\nwith yours mere exchange of men is to be avoided as it does not affect\nthe relative force of either side, but with ours one often plays in such\na way as to capture a piece or two, even more, even though he loses\nsimilar or identical men of his own, in the same process, because by the\ncleverer use of the captured men a better issue can often be obtained.\nAnother peculiarity of our game is that, when a piece gets into the\nthird row, or beyond, of the squares on the opponent's side, the player\nhas the option of changing its power in certain ways. This is another\nsource of interest. But remember, this method differs from one which is\nemployed in your chess when a pawn gets into the last row of the squares\non the opponent's side. As a consequence of all this, you can easily see\nthat there cannot be such a result as a drawn game in our chess.'\n\n--'Can you describe the kind of men and the moves of your chess?' asked\none.\n\n--'Oh, that would take too much time; but I will tell you an incident\nconnected with it. After a dinner party in England, I had some talk on\nthe subject with a bishop, who happened to be present. He asked me what\nour \"castles\" (_tours_) were like. I answered we had no castle, because\nwe did not believe a castle could move about on land. We call our\ncorresponding figures \"light chariots,\" or, more commonly, \"lances.\" He\nnext asked me what our queen was like. I answered, we have no queen,\nbecause we do not believe in the advisability of making a queen work\nhard, not only harder than the king, but than all other subjects. You\nmay call it \"keeping a woman in seclusion,\" but we think it respect and\nconsideration for the fair sex not to expose them to such a task as\nfighting. We have two generals, between whom the power of your queen is\ndivided. One is called \"diagonal dasher,\" and the other \"flying\nchariot.\" He then asked me what our bishops were like. I answered, we\nhave no bishop, because we do not consider it good taste to make a\nvenerable bishop fight a sanguinary battle, besides, the same moves with\nwhich your \"bishops\" are empowered are bestowed on our \"diagonal\ndasher.\"'\n\n--'You fabricate the story,' said one.\n\n--'Not at all,' I answered. 'It was a true and genuine incident. In\nfact, I do not think the names of most of your \"men\" very commendable.'\n\n--'Well, then, what are your names, and how do you arrange the position\nof the men at the commencement?' said another.\n\n--'We place the king in the centre of the last row. We can do so\nbecause our squares are nine and not eight, as yours. On each side of\nthe king we have the gold general, silver general, knight, and lancer\nrespectively. On the second square of the second row from the left we\nhave the diagonal dasher; and in the second square from the right in the\nsame row we have the flying chariot. The third row is allotted to the\npawns, which we call foot-soldiers,--the same signification as yours.\nThus you can see the starting position is entirely identical on both\nsides, which is not the case with yours, because your squares being\neight, you cannot place the king in the very centre of the row.'\n\n--'But how do you manage when a weaker hand plays with a stronger hand?'\ninterposed another.\n\n--'Well, in that case, the stronger hand takes off one or more men from\nthe board at the beginning, just as you do, and thus equalises the\nrelative strength.'\n\n--'What is \"go\"?'\n\n--'It is a game which you have not, and, therefore, it is rather\ndifficult to describe, and it would not interest you much, if I\ndescribed it, because I could make no comparison. When I was in England\nbefore, now many years ago, some people played a childish game called\n\"go-bang.\" The board and the pieces used are the same as our \"go,\"\nthough those I have seen in Europe are very simple and cheaply made. In\nJapan they are rather expensive. The materials both of the board and\npieces are generally choice kinds of wood, and rare black stone and\nshells, which make them expensive,--in fact, some people regard them as\nan ornament for the room. The game, which is the same as your \"go-bang,\"\nis also played by the name of \"gomoku narabe,\" that is, placing five\npieces in a row. We call the board for \"go\" \"go-ban,\" which literally\nmeans the board for \"go,\" and from that I conclude that your game of\n\"go-bang\" came from Japan, only you have misapplied the appellation of\nthe board to the game. In Japan, it goes without saying, that game is\nonly fit for boys and girls, though occasionally some people show, even\nin that game, great scientific skill. Unlike chess, the pieces of \"go\"\nare placed on the top of the cross, and the end of the lines which mark\nthe board into squares. There are nineteen by nineteen of such spots,\nand, therefore, there are three hundred and sixty-one black and white\npieces altogether, though in practice, the more skilful the players the\nless the actual number of pieces used. From the simple fact of the\npieces being white and black, and having no difference of value, casual\nobservers might think the game of \"go\" does not possess so much interest\nand variation as chess, but according to the opinion generally accepted,\nthere is much more in \"go\" than in \"chess,\" though some who are more\npartial to chess profess that there is a little more in chess than in\n\"go.\" At all events, there are more people who understand chess than\n\"go,\" because the latter is more difficult to learn. \"Go\" has also been\nintroduced to us from China in the earlier days of intercourse, more\nthan ten centuries ago, but no one knows the exact history of its\nintroduction. In Japan the game has undergone many changes. It is known\nthat the board used in China in ancient times contained a less number of\nsquares, but I am not sure if it had already the present number when\nfirst introduced into Japan. It seems the present number of the squares\nis most productive of all sorts of problems. In ancient times in China,\nthe black pieces were offered to the person who held a better social\nposition than the other, or to the stronger hand in case of a match\nbetween those of equal position. This was so in the earlier stage of the\ngame in Japan, but later the white pieces came to be used uniformly by\nthe better player. The methods of starting, and the rules for equalising\nthe relative strength of the players at the beginning, and for counting,\nhave all undergone improvements. For three centuries there existed an\nacademy for \"go,\" and also for \"chess,\" under the superintendence of the\nbest players of the empire, who received certain annuities and personal\ndistinction from the central government in order to maintain the\ninterest in the games. Indeed, diplomas of different degrees were given\nto champions, according to their deserts. The ceremony of the\ncompetition by the best players was annually performed in the castle of\nthe Shogun. From this you can well imagine that we have had better\nplayers in those games than in the country whence they were originally\nderived. Great geniuses were occasionally produced. Since the\ninauguration of the present Government, these institutions have\ndisappeared (though they still exist as private institutions), and the\npositions of the best players, whatever their genius, are no longer\nlucrative nor distinguished. I am not, therefore, sure if we can keep up\nour former standard of skill. In all the games I have seen and heard of,\nthere is none which has so many degrees of skill as the game of \"go.\"'\n\n--'Are there no more games of a similar nature?'\n\n--'There are several more, but mostly childish, and played by young\ngirls or children at certain seasons of the year, such as \"poem cards.\"'\n\n--'What is that?'\n\n'The Japanese name for \"poem cards\" is _Uta-Karuta_. Strangely enough,\nthe term \"Karuta\" is not Japanese. It is of European derivation, being\nthe same as the word \"Carta\" (card in modern English). There had existed\npoem shells before poem cards came into use. One half of a short poem\nwas written inside one half of a shell, and the other half of the poem\ninside the other half, there being usually one hundred shells with\ndifferent poems written in them. The game was to find the one half of\nthe shell which belonged to the other. The shells were often richly\ndecorated, as one may see from the remnants of old ones. A little more\nthan three hundred years ago, when the Island of Hirado was the trading\nport for Dutch and English vessels, the European traders brought with\nthem their cards with which they were in the habit of playing. The\nJapanese who happened to see them seem to have thought that the shape of\nthose cards had some novelty and were more simple than their shells.\nThey, therefore, substituted cards for shells, and hence the original\nname \"Carta\" came to be used by us. I will now explain the game of \"poem\ncards\"; it is played at the time of the New Year, generally by young\ngirls. There are two sets of cards. One half of short poems is written\neach separately on one set, and the other half is written in the same\nmanner on the other set as at poem shells. One set is either thrown in\nthe middle of the players or dealt out in equal numbers. While one\nperson is reading the first part of a poem, each of the players picks up\na card on which the other half of the same poem is written, or turns it\nupside down, when the numbers are equally divided, as the case may be.\nIn the one method, whoever has picked up the most is the winner. In the\nother, if one were slow in turning over her card and it were picked up\nby another of the party, she would have as penalty a card from the one\nwho had picked hers up. Thus the one who has turned all her cards upside\ndown first would be the first winner, and one who has any cards left\nunturned at the end, is the last loser.'\n\n--'Surely you must have some kinds of cards played more seriously,' said\none.\n\n--'We have another game called \"flower cards.\"'\n\n--'What's that like?'\n\n--'Well, the flower cards is a more difficult and serious game. In\ntimes gone by no game of cards having any resemblance to gambling was\nplayed among the gentry; moral discipline forbade such. Since the\nintroduction of European ideas, the rigidity of discipline has somewhat\nslackened and cards are now played to some extent. Nevertheless, people\ndo not consider card-playing good taste. If they play they do so with\nsome diffidence, somewhat in a similar way as smoking is done by ladies\nin European society nowadays. The \"flower-cards\" is a game thus played;\nour name of it is _Hana-karuta_. The term \"Karuta\" is, as I said before,\nof European derivation. The principle is taken from your cards, but so\naltered and improved, that scarcely any similarity can be detected in\nits present form. To begin with: the pictures represented on your whist\ncards appear to us rather incongruous and vulgar; ours are more poetical\nand consistent. With ours some significant objects of each month, mostly\nflowers, such as the blossom of the cherry and plum, the iris, wisteria,\nand peonies, are represented, variegated by birds, the moon, or falling\nrain. There are four cards for each month, and, therefore, the number of\nthe cards is forty-eight in all. There is a different value assigned to\neach card. Naturally there are several methods of playing the cards, as\nis the case with your whist cards, but the method which is used most is\nvery intricate and interesting. I do not care for playing at cards, but\nI know the methods. I am also acquainted with various European games\nfrom whist to bridge as far as the methods are concerned, but none of\nthem equal in intricacy and variation our game of \"flower cards,\" though\nthere is a certain resemblance between flower cards and bridge. But\nplease, I repeat, do not think I am saying all this from any sense of\nvanity, because such a thing is scarcely worth boasting of; I am merely\nstating a fact as I see it.'\n\n--'What is, then, the method of playing?'\n\n--'Well, to describe it in full would require at least a pamphlet, but\nI will give you an outline of the game. The proper number of players\nengaged at one time is three; the game can be played by two, but it is\nas slow as playing dummy whist. The advantage of our game lies in that a\nparty could consist of up to six players. The limits of the players\nengaged at a time, as I have just said, is three, and therefore the\nnumber exceeding three is obliged to stand out for one game, namely, for\nthe play of one deal. But no particular person is obliged to stand out,\nso that one must either be bought off or allowed to play by the\nresignation of any other player, unless he himself prefers to stand out.\nThis takes place after the cards have been dealt. Here, therefore, comes\nin much consideration and often \"bluff.\" Naturally, each one plays for\nhimself and for his own advantage, therefore there is no partnership as\nin whist; and yet in the course of playing one has often to form a sort\nof alliance for a moment with a second player in order to prevent the\ncommon calamity against the probable stratagem of the third player. I\nmay also add, that as each one plays on his own account, he has the\noption of standing out for one game, as I have already indicated, in\nwhich case, however, he has to pay a certain penalty. Should all players\nbut two thus stand out, those remaining two would play the game. One\ndeal sometimes finishes without any play at all, when all the players\nbut one throw up their hands and pay penalty rather than play with bad\ncards, in which case, of course, the penalties go to the one who\nremains. The penalty paid varies according to the relative positions of\nthe payers to the dealer, as well as the kinds of the six cards which\nare thrown out on the table at the beginning of the game, and therefore\npaying penalty and standing out from the play for one game requires much\nconsideration. The prices for buying up the surplus number of the\nplayers also differ according to the six cards on the table and to the\ncards the seller holds. Similar to bridge, certain rewards are given to\nthe player who holds certain sets of cards and also to the player who\ngets in certain sets of cards. It is the latter point which requires, as\nis natural, the greatest skill, inasmuch as one who aims at getting in\none such set loses much when he fails, and it often happens that while\nhe is striving to get in a certain set, another player gets in a far\nbetter set; therefore one has often to sacrifice his own chance in order\nto hinder an opponent. Twelve games make a rubber. The method of\ncounting the issue is as follows: Each player must have in his hand in\nthe case of quit one hundred and twenty points at the end of the rubber,\nand therefore it would seem that each receives one hundred and twenty\npoints in counters at the beginning, but, as a matter of fact, he only\nreceives seventy-two points or sixty, as the players agree upon. The\ncounting in this game generally goes by dozens, though odd numbers also\ncome in. Thus counters are made of two kinds, one is a dozen points and\nthe other single points. The balance between the points which one\nactually receives when starting and ten dozens which he has to make good\nin his hand at the end of the rubber goes to the person who is the\ngreatest winner of the rubber, and therefore the more players, the\ngreater the rewards for the winner of the rubber. Of course it is most\ndifficult to play in such a way as just to quit oneself, because there\nare so many tricks, and one often has to float a loan in the course of\nthe game, or in other words, to borrow a requisite number of counters\nfrom the banker, which must be repaid at the end of the rubber.\n\n'The \"rain\" cards are another source of fluctuation in the game, because\nevery one of them, whatever value it possess, may be counted as a single\npoint card somewhat similar to what you sometimes do with your aces. I\nalmost think the invention of your bridge is in some way based upon our\nflower cards.'\n\n--'It is dreadful: one could never get a clear idea only by hearing the\nexplanation. You have, after all, wasted your time in trying to make us\nunderstand, though I asked you for the explanation,' said one cunningly.\n\n'Thank you very much,' I said.\n\n--'You say your social atmosphere in respect of such matters was far\nbetter in times gone by,' said another.\n\n--'I do,' I answered.\n\n'But I hope it will not get worse.'\n\n--'I hope so too,' I said, 'but the influence of Western civilisation is\nso overwhelming.'\n\n--'Pierre Loti's description of some of the features of Japanese society\nis very fine from a literary point of view, but I understand it is not a\ntrue representation. Is that your opinion too?' interposed another.\n\n--'I have not read it, but from what I have heard, I can decidedly\nanswer in the affirmative. The main facts therein contained are nothing\nelse than exaggerated stories of exceptional incidents often practised\nby foreigners themselves. Do you think we Japanese could not have the\nsame experience in the West if we liked? Nay, more: can you say that\nsimilar incidents do not happen in some parts of the West? I don't\nexpect an answer. I shall be doing greater service to the West by\nletting such a delicate subject drop.'\n\n--'Perhaps you may think me a little abrupt,' remarked a gentleman; 'but\nmay I ask you rather a delicate question? People say that in Japan men\nand women bathe together, and talk about it as a sign of immorality. Is\nit a fact?'\n\n--'Not exactly,' I answered; 'in public baths, in times gone by, both\nsexes bathed together, but you must remember, even in those times, those\nwho went to public baths were people of the lower classes, for the\nbetter classes always managed to have their own bathroom, and in Japan\nhouses having such bathrooms are very common. Moreover, even in those\ndays, there was nothing more indelicate in the matter of public baths\nthan a sea-bath by both sexes in occidental countries. I should like to\nremind those who write about such matters of many customs in their own\ncountries to which they may be too much accustomed to perceive any\nimpropriety, but which appear very indelicate to the eyes of strangers.\nI may go a step further: we are sometimes even astonished to notice that\nthe most indelicate performances--such that, if it were in Japan, would\nnot be permitted by the police to go on two minutes--are given, under\nthe name of dances or suchlike, and men and women of respectability go\nand see them without showing the slightest embarrassment. I confess I\nhave personally seen some of these performances while visiting out of\ncuriosity different places of interest. But, in reality, there is no\nnecessity for me to set up such matters against our former customs of\npublic baths, because, for several decades, such bathing has been\nforbidden, and every public bath has long since had one division for men\nand another for women. Those who think that the former custom still\nexists are mistaken, and are labouring under a false impression given by\ntravellers of former days.\n\n'_Apropos_ of a bath, I prefer in a way our system, be it public or\nprivate, to the ordinary Western method. With our system, a large space\nof the floor of the bathroom is made either of wood or concrete, in such\na way that water may be poured on to it. There is, besides the main\nbath, also a small tank containing fresh cold and warm water in separate\nsections, so that one who bathes can make free use of the water, warm or\ncold, both before getting into the bath and before dressing.'\n\n--'I think, on the whole, I like your country,' said another. 'It seems\nvery different from what many people have represented it hitherto, but\nyou have not yet given us a comprehensive survey of your people, in\nrespect to social and moral organisation.'\n\n--'I think I have done so often,' said I; 'but if you do not object, I\nwill do so once more by repeating to you the exact words of an interview\nwhich I gave to a representative of the London press:\n\n     '\"You remember the story of George Washington and the cherry tree?\"\n     said Baron Suyematsu, with a smile, to our representative. \"Well,\n     that is very often told to the children in the Japanese schools.\"\n\n     'The distinguished Japanese statesman, who is at present in London,\n     was explaining how the moral virtues, and especially patriotism and\n     bravery in battle, are not merely considered desirable things in\n     Japan, but are actively propagated in the schools and in the army.\n     For, as Mr. Lyttelton, the Colonial Secretary, remarked to an\n     audience last week, they teach patriotism in Japan.\n\n     '\"You see, there is no religious teaching in the public schools in\n     Japan,\" said Baron Suyematsu; \"but the teaching of morality\n     occupies an important place in the curriculum. From the Western\n     point of view it may seem difficult to teach morality without\n     connecting it with religion, but we do it!\"\n\n     'This patriotic bravery, as one of the virtues, comes into the\n     code. The teaching is based upon the Confucian ethics, and the\n     \"cleanness of conscience\" which is the essence of Shintoism, the\n     national religion of Japan.\n\n\n     'THE CODE OF HONOUR.\n\n     '\"Then there is Bushido,\" said the baron, \"which may be called the\n     code of honour of Japanese knighthood. This Bushido had a tight\n     grasp of the military class, which consisted of the retainers of\n     feudal lords, who had not to work for their daily bread. These\n     retainers were not rich, but they had something to live upon, and\n     frugality was one of their virtues. Their only business was to do\n     their duty to their lords, which meant in time of war to fight for\n     them. But as for more than two centuries and a half the country had\n     been at peace, and as the military class had no fields of ordinary\n     occupation, they naturally gave their energies to intellectual\n     pursuits side by side with military training. In a word, their\n     business was to make themselves as much gentlemen as possible. Thus\n     grew up a code of honour which was primarily founded upon military\n     duty alone, but which later on was extended to the acquirement of\n     gentlemanly conduct, and then to be a true gentleman, and loyal to\n     their lords.\n\n     '\"After the opening of our country to other nations, there was a\n     time when we seemed to lose the guiding influence of our old\n     morals, for Confucianism lost its influence to some extent, and\n     intercourse with strangers gave some shock to our old morality, and\n     led our people to imagine that freedom from restraint and\n     obligation was the characteristic of European ideals.\n\n     '\"It was at this juncture that the emperor issued an edict defining\n     our ideal of morality. In accordance with his edict, the curriculum\n     of the schools includes the teaching of morality, and the moral\n     virtues are explained and expatiated upon in lectures and\n     discourses. The teachers introduce sayings and maxims of great men\n     of all nations.\n\n\n     'WASHINGTON AND _SELF-HELP_.\n\n     '\"As I have told you, the story of George Washington is often\n     quoted. Smiles's _Self-Help_ is often used, and I have no doubt\n     Nelson's signal at Trafalgar. The principal examples are naturally\n     the great heroes of our own country who served the emperor and\n     Japan. In that way both boys and girls are imbued with the moral\n     virtues, among which loyalty and patriotism are prominent.\n\n     '\"But this teaching is not limited to the schools. It is carried on\n     in the barracks in the form of what we call 'spiritual education.'\n     The aim is to make men capable of appreciating their duties as\n     soldiers. This barrack teaching is in accordance with an edict\n     issued by the emperor when universal military service was\n     introduced, and it is based upon the moral virtues. We have no\n     chaplains. The teaching is undertaken by the officers themselves as\n     part of their regular duty, and they deliver exhortations in the\n     barrack-rooms.\n\n     '\"But you must know that, man for man, Europeans recognise that\n     Japanese are superior to Russians, and I am not surprised that that\n     is said. In Japan education is universal, and there is scarcely a\n     soldier who cannot read and write, or who has not had some kind of\n     education. For that reason they ought to be intellectually superior\n     to the Russians. And as we have universal service, all sorts of\n     people are found in the ranks, without distinction of social\n     position or vocation. In the barracks you find the son of a\n     nobleman and the son of a coolie, and there is no aloofness between\n     them. That makes the company so efficient.\n\n\n     'MILITARY TRAINING FOR BOYS.\n\n     '\"In the schools we not only have the national flag, but the boys\n     are drilled in military manner. If the municipality can afford it,\n     real arms are used in the higher grade schools. In the peers'\n     school and many others they have regular firing man\u0153uvres.\n\n     '\"It is not generally known, I suppose, that I was once an English\n     volunteer?\" said Baron Suyematsu, with a laugh at the recollection.\n     \"That was when I was at Cambridge. I joined the University Rifles.\"\n\n     'As to Chinese soldiers, the baron said that the moral teaching of\n     the Japanese army constituted one of the great differences between\n     them. Then he pointed out that in China soldiers are rightly looked\n     down upon, for they are recruited only from the worst classes, and\n     respectable men will not enter the ranks.\n\n     'Baron Suyematsu does not approve of the efforts of the Christian\n     missionaries to discourage the national custom of committing\n     suicide rather than be captured in battle, for he thinks the effect\n     would be to lower the soldiers' high ideal of patriotism and\n     courage.\n\n     '\"There is all the difference,\" he said, \"between wanton suicide\n     and voluntarily sacrificing one's life for the honour of the\n     nation. Our ideal is to die for one's country rather than bring\n     upon her the disgrace of being taken by the enemy. What can be\n     nobler than that? It is the same as being killed by the enemy. And\n     the missionaries are trying to teach our soldiers that it is wrong.\n     It is a great pity.\"'\n\n--'But that only covers one phase, the method of your education,' said\none.\n\n--'True, but it covers a good deal!' I said. 'Do you think I can write a\nbig book on Japan at a moment's notice?'\n\n--'Well, I will leave you alone then,' said he.\n\n--'Every one of the Russian soldiers who returned wounded from the\nbattlefield, when asked the cause of their defeat, said that the\nRussians were defeated because the Japanese soldiers were great scholars\ncompared to themselves. I have it on good authority,' interposed\nanother.\n\n--'Perhaps it looked like that to them,' I answered.\n\n\n\n\nVII\n\nSome talk on superstition--A remark on earrings--Japanese troops after\nthe war; no fear of Chauvinism--Generals and officers--How the system of\nthe hereditary military service was abolished and the new system was\nintroduced--Its history--Japan after the war--Views given to the\nAmerican press--Mr. Seppings-Wright and his views on the Japanese\ncharacter--The Japanese navy and its history--Origin of the shipbuilding\nyards--The difficulty of a thorough reform in China and Russia--How\nJapan managed to bring about the consummation of the great reform--The\nfeudal system was a great help--Explanation of the Japanese feudal\nsystem and the clans--The re-shuffling of the feudatories under the\nTokugawa r\u00e9gime--Difference of grandeur of the feudatories--Exceptional\nformation of the Satsuma clan--Financial system of the Shogunate\n--Finance of the Imperial Government at the beginning of the Great\nChange--How the affairs of the governments of the feudatories were\nwound up--The old system of taxation--Thorough reform--The old notion of\nland tenure\n\n\nI found myself once more in a very incongruous group of people whom I\nhad met on various occasions. I noticed a number of them engaged in a\nlively conversation.\n\n--'Ah! Monsieur A.,' said a lady, 'you are acquainted with many\nJapanese, and have been in contact with them for many years, so that you\nwill be able to explain to me. Some say the Japanese are superstitious,\nothers again say they are not. Which do you think true?'\n\n--'I have known,' said Monsieur A., 'some hundreds of the Japanese,\nmostly young men, of course. They are extremely free from any sort of\nbias or superstition. I have never known people so unbiassed and so\nlittle superstitious.'\n\n--'But,' said the lady, 'I have heard from a gentleman who was resident\nin Japan for some years that there existed in that country some sort of\nsuperstition. He told me, for example, that \"some people disliked the\nnumber \"four,\" because _shi_, which is four in Japanese, means also\ndeath, as far as the pronunciation is concerned. Consequently when, for\ninstance, one gives a tip, he would give either threepence or fivepence,\nand not fourpence, even in the case where fourpence may be more\nappropriate; in other words, either less or more, to avoid the number\nfour. And the same is generally the case when one makes a present of a\nnumber of articles which are identical, unless they are two pairs; is\nnot that funny? In the whole world there can be nothing more natural\nthan numbers. No one can make the four cardinal points of the compass\nless or more because he dislikes the number \"four.\" The same reasoning\nholds good with everything.'\n\n--'I do not think,' answered Monsieur A., 'the superstition of four is\nvery widely believed in. But what do you say to our dislike for the\nnumber thirteen.'\n\n--'But,' said she, 'that is a different matter. That originated with\nreligion.'\n\n--'Is it so?' said Monsieur A. 'I wouldn't dispute it. But let me tell\nyou an incident I met with some time ago. I was present at a meeting of\na literary association. There was a good deal of conversation on the\nsubject of the superstition of less civilised peoples. At the\nrefreshment-table I had to sit next an elderly lady. I placed,\naccidentally or not I don't remember, my knife and fork crosswise. The\nlady immediately noticed this, and told me quickly to alter them. I\nremarked that the dislike of that position of knife and fork was perhaps\nalso a sort of superstition, whereupon the lady told me that it was not\na superstition, but a tradition, and therefore it differed very much\nfrom the superstitions practised by less civilised peoples.'\n\n--'She was right, of course,' said the lady.\n\n--'Well, I can scarcely see any difference,' observed Monsieur A.\n\n--'I can tell you another incident,' remarked a different gentleman.\n'When an occidental missionary was once telling some women of savage\ntribes that their wearing rings in their noses was barbarous and\nunhealthy, he was asked by them how it was that his wife and daughters\nwere wearing rings in their ears, and he had great difficulty in\nexplaining to them that the method adopted by the civilised races for\nwearing rings in their ears was very different from their wearing rings\nin the nose.'\n\n--'Oh!' exclaimed some ladies.\n\n--'But stay,' said another, 'let us have some more serious talk. I wish\nto ask Baron Suyematsu his opinion on a few important points of which I\nam anxious to be informed.'\n\nTurning to me, he said:\n\n--'I do not entertain any wild notion of the \"Yellow Peril\" cry. One\nthing is certain, however, that your country has been winning all this\ntime brilliant victories unprecedented in history, and there is no doubt\nthat your success will continue to the end of the war. Don't you think\nafter the fighting is over your army will become chauvinistic, or, in\nplain language, unruly, and constantly ready to pick quarrels with\nforeign countries.'\n\n--'I do not think so,' I answered. 'In the first place, the discipline\nof our men is very good, and they are most orderly and obedient to the\nemperor and his government. Then, too, the very nature of the\norganisation of our troops makes such matters differ greatly from\nhereditary troops or volunteers of long service. You see by the\nuniversal system, which we have adopted, men serve in the ranks only for\na limited time, and therefore in the course of a few years the old\nsoldiers retire, and go back to their original avocations in the country\nor the town, as the case may be, and the new ones fill their places.\nWhile the newcomers would be inspired by the traditions of their\nregiments, they could not, at the same time, be personally bombastic on\naccount of the deeds of their predecessors.'\n\n--'But what of the generals and officers?'\n\n--'Of them I entertain no fear of their becoming jingoes. After having\nundergone all the hard work, and having achieved many brilliant\nvictories, it is only natural that generals and other officers, indeed\nthe army itself, should win greater popularity and higher estimation in\nthe people's minds, and it is possible that their weight may be felt\nindirectly in internal politics. But it would never go so far as to make\nany difference in our external relations with foreign countries. As a\nmatter of fact, our generals and officers are as little inclined to\nmeddle with general politics as they are intent on fulfilling their\nprofessional duties. Above all, as I have so often said, it is a great\nmisconception on the part of some Occidentals to suppose the Japanese at\nlarge to be an aggressive and bellicose nation.'\n\n--'Your army is now organised under the universal service system,' said\nanother. 'Before the present Imperial r\u00e9gime came into existence you\nhad, as I understand, a very deep-rooted hereditary system of military\nservice. It must have been very difficult to abolish the old and\nsubstitute the new. Your Bushi were regarded as the flower of the land,\nand surely it was a most bold conception to substitute sons of peasants\nand tradesmen in their place, and to believe they would do service\nequally well, or better. Your statesmen must have had strong convictions\nto induce them to make such a radical change as the new r\u00e9gime. Please\nlet us have some explanation on that point.'\n\n--'Well, roughly speaking,' I replied, 'I can only say that it was an\noutcome of the changed conditions of the time, but there were, of\ncourse, some circumstances which facilitated its formation. The Samurai,\nour hereditary military class, was the pick of the Japanese population,\nmore refined and more intellectual than any other. Nevertheless, the\nlong-continued peace and the effects of inheriting their occupation made\nthem somewhat inclined towards effeminacy--in other words, less martial\nthan their ancestors. Besides, as I have explained elsewhere, the\nhereditary military system has one very weak point. Such shortcomings as\nthese were already felt before the inauguration of the new r\u00e9gime, and\nit was noticed that the best soldiers who engaged in battles before the\nRestoration were those organised under methods differing from the old\nsystem. Let me explain it more in detail. Chosiu was the clan which\nfought more battles than any other. The Chosiu troops which fought best\nwere different kinds of voluntary regiments, consisting of bands of\nadventurous young men enlisted from the lowest classes of Samurai, as\nwell as peasants and tradesmen. There was even a band which consisted of\nYeta, who were afterwards emancipated and became new commoners, as I\nhave explained elsewhere. At the time when an internal dissension broke\nout in Chosiu and its government was overthrown by the more radical\nelements under the leadership of such men as Takasugi, Kawas\u00e9, Ito,\nYamagata, Inouy\u00e9 and others, it was those voluntary bands just mentioned\nthat sided with them against the troops of the government, who mostly\nbelonged to the higher classes of the hereditary military families.\nShortly after that event Kido, who was a participator of the same idea\nand the Senior of those men, had returned to Chosiu after an absence of\nabout ten months as a fugitive, and had become the moving spirit of\nChosiu. It was just at the time when Chosiu was on the eve of being\nsurrounded a second time by the Shogunate troops, and it was a very\ncritical period for the Chosiu, who had to make every preparation for\nfighting against great odds. At Kido's recommendation, Murata was\nintrusted by the prince to organise in the European style all the troops\nof Chosiu, including those bands. Murata (who afterwards changed his\nname into Omura) was originally a medical student, and had studied the\nDutch language and subsequently the Dutch military system. In the early\ndays of the new Imperial r\u00e9gime he occupied a high post in the Imperial\nArmy Department, and his bronze statue is standing high in Tokio, before\nthe shrine of warriors. But to return to my subject. Chosiu defeated the\nShogunate troops on all sides. Thus in Chosiu the weakness of the\nhereditary military system had been practically seen very early. Most of\nthe Shogunate troops were organised according to the old system of the\nMiddle Ages. Many of them, being clad in heavy armour, were no match for\nthe Chosiu troops with their light equipments. On the Shogunate side\nthere were also some regiments which fought well, but they were those\nwhich had been organised and drilled after the European style. In that\nwar, and the subsequent ones, it was well known that the best troops on\nthe anti-imperialist side were also those which had been organised\nsomething like volunteer regiments and drilled after the European\nsystem. These facts will show that even before the Restoration the\ncredit of the hereditary military system had already considerably\ndeclined. Marshal Yamagata was originally a person belonging to an\ninsignificant class of the Chosiu Samurai, and was the leader of the\nmost powerful band of Chosiu I have just mentioned. You may well imagine\nthat he would not be a man to advocate the continuation of the\nhereditary military system. The introduction of the system of universal\nservice founded upon the European Continental system is due to him.'\n\n--'That goes a long way to explain the matter,' said one.\n\n--'But do you conscientiously believe,' said another, 'that Japan will\nnot suffer from \"swollen head,\" and will continue to have sufficient\ncontrol of herself?'\n\n--'I do. Why not? I know it. No sooner had I landed on the American soil\nlast year, having left Japan immediately after the outbreak of the war,\nthan I gave my views to the American press on the then existing\nsituation, as well as on our probable future, showing the true motives\nand aspirations of my country. They were widely circulated. My meaning\nwas identical in every case, though the words and matters touched upon\nwere not necessarily identical. I will recite you one specimen which was\nthen published in an American weekly.\n\n     'As to our fight with Russia, we are as able to meet her army on\n     land as we are her fleets on the sea. We have just the same\n     confidence in our army as in the navy. But we would be very sorry\n     to be regarded by the world as only fighting men. We have been for\n     many years striving for the assimilation of everything materially\n     and mentally good that belongs to the best type of the American and\n     European civilisation. We aspire to be a nation, but our endeavour\n     for the realisation of that idea is based on a larger peaceful\n     acquisition of intellectual culture. We have no ambition for\n     territorial aggrandisement. We have not the least idea of making\n     any difference on account of race. We desire to govern ourselves\n     and advance in the world in peace--not to conquer and tyrannise\n     over another people. We come into the comity of nations, but that\n     entirely on the occidental basis of civilisation. Some people speak\n     of us as pagan, but the conscience of the people is perfectly free\n     in our country, and it is guaranteed by our constitution. We\n     believe in toleration and absolute liberty of religious conviction,\n     and I may safely say that religion is many times freer in our\n     country than it is in the country which is now our foe. We are\n     disposed to be, and earnestly wish and strive to be, liberal and\n     tolerant in all things. This fact, I am glad to see, is already so\n     widely recognised by those Americans and Europeans who are\n     connected with and know about such matters. We hope to advance to\n     that place in the world where our beautiful little country will be\n     a leader among the nations of the world in science, industry, arts,\n     and intellectual achievements, and an example of peace and harmony\n     towards all races, all nations, and all men.\n\n--'I still hold the same views. I have no reason to fear that I shall\nhave to change them after the war. It might perhaps be more interesting\nand convincing if you were to see what some people, other than\nourselves, who are capable of giving an idea on the point, say. Mr.\nSeppings Wright, an English ex-naval officer and an artist, is one. He\nwas on board one or other of the ships of Admiral Togo's fleet for many\nmonths under exceptional circumstances. He returned to England quite\nrecently. An interesting interview with him was published in a recent\nnumber of the English press. Here is the part bearing on the subject:\n\n     'THE MOST WONDERFUL PEOPLE IN THE WORLD.\n\n     '\"I gather that you formed a very high opinion of the Japanese\n     character?\"\n\n     '\"They are,\" said Mr. Seppings-Wright, with animation, \"the most\n     wonderful people in the world. I make no exception. Neither the\n     statesmen nor the peoples of Europe have yet learned to estimate\n     the Japanese at their true value. They are destined to play a\n     magnificent r\u00f4le in the future development of the world. At present\n     people are talking of their courage, their great military\n     qualities. These are, indeed, now sufficiently self-evident. I rate\n     the Japanese army above any other army in the world. As for the\n     navy, I cannot use language too strong to express my admiration for\n     it. Yet what most impressed me was not the personal bravery of the\n     Japanese soldier and sailor, or the splendid organisation of their\n     naval and military forces, it was the character of the\n     people--their unique simplicity, their chivalrous courtesy, their\n     kindness of heart, their sweetness of disposition, their\n     unaggressiveness. They have none of the lust of conquest for\n     conquest's sake. They have never fought save to protect their\n     territory or their vital interests--but they have never been\n     beaten. Chinese, Koreans, and now Russians--they have resisted all,\n     and beaten all in turn; and now that they have proved their right\n     to be regarded as one of the Great Powers of the world, their\n     influence will, I am convinced, be all on the side of peace and\n     peaceful development.\"\n\n     '\"You make the Japanese out to be a new variety of the human race?\"\n\n     '\"No, not a new variety--an old variety--a variety untainted by the\n     commercialism of European civilisation. They have not yet learned\n     the creed of individualism--of every man for himself. They will lay\n     down their lives cheerfully and willingly for their country--for\n     their emperor, who is almost a god in their eyes, since he embodies\n     their fatherland. What new traits they may develop I cannot pretend\n     to say.\"\n\n\n     'WHAT JAPAN CAN STILL DO.\n\n     '\"It would be strange,\" I interrupted, \"if, after the unbroken\n     series of victories they have won on land and sea, they did not\n     develop some symptom of 'swelled head'?\"\n\n     --'I saw not the slightest sign of that. Very rarely you see even\n     incipient symptoms in an individual. Their great successes have not\n     apparently turned their heads in the least. They began this war in\n     the most absolute confidence of victory. They can, if need be, do\n     much more than they have done. No one knows the number of men Oyama\n     has in Manchuria--no one, that is, outside the Government and the\n     Headquarters' Staff.'\"\n\n--'Of the navy,' said another, 'it is truly amazing that you should\nhave such an efficient one, which you have built up in the course of no\nmore than two or three decades. Assiduous and energetic as you must have\nbeen, there must have been some other circumstances which have helped\nyou in arriving at that result, or at least I cannot think otherwise\nwhen I reflect calmly on the matter.'\n\n--'Your views are not far from fact,' I answered. 'It would be\ncertainly amazing if a people who had only known perhaps canoes in a\nsmall stream, having no seafaring experience or tradition, built up a\nnew navy as we have done. Many people have carelessly looked upon Japan\nas such, hence the misconception. Japan abounds in history and\ntraditions of the sea from the dawn of her history. Our fleets often\nmade distant expeditions, and fought battles far out of our own waters.\nThe ships were, no doubt, rude and primitive compared with the modern\nones. From the model of a warship made about three hundred years ago,\nwhich I have seen in a temple not far from Tokio, I think that our ships\nof those days were not much inferior to those of the West of a\ncorresponding time. From the period when foreign intercourse was\nsuspended, the construction of large ships was prohibited, be it a\nwarship or a merchantman. The country was in perfect peace, and the navy\nwas in use even less than the army, and this, therefore, is why such an\nenormous difference between the European system and ours had come into\nexistence. Nevertheless, some feudal lords whose seats were situated on\nthe sea-coast had a certain number of retainers specially destined for\nseafaring purposes. And, moreover, Japan being a country surrounded by\nthe sea on all sides, merchantmen and fishing boats, rude as they were,\nwere abundant; hence the stock of sailors has never been wanting. With\nthe new advent of the Western nations to the Far East some fifty years\nago, with their \"black ships,\" the country awoke to the necessity of\nhaving strong ships, and the Shogunate, jealous as it was in the\nascendency of the feudal lords, abolished the prohibition against\nbuilding large ships. Towards the later years of the Shogunate it\npossessed a small but creditable navy in the European style. Many feudal\nlords also possessed some kind of Western ships, several of them\npossessing eight or nine ships. Of course, many of these ships were only\ncorvettes, or schooners, or ordinary commercial steamers, but they were\nall used by those lords and manned chiefly by their retainers, and were\ncalled their navy. They differed from ordinary merchantmen. These ships\nwere mostly bought from Western merchants; a few were the presents of\nthe Western monarchs to the Shogun; some were constructed in Japan. The\nearliest steamship constructed in Japan was a steam-launch built about\n1862 in the province of Ise for the Prince of Chosiu. It was navigated\nfrom there to Hagi, the old capital of Chosiu, on the coast of the Japan\nSea. I do not know what became of it after that, but the fact that it\nnavigated that distance would show that the Japanese were already\ngaining some capacity for building steamships after the European style.\nWhen the Shogun submitted to the Imperial order and vacated the castle\nof Tokio, the navy of the Shogunate, declining to share the fate of the\nShogun, raised anchor and fled to Hakodate under the leadership of\nYenomoto. Several of the best ships were lost by storm and some in\nfighting, and practically no ship was left of the revolting fleets. With\nthe submission of Yenomoto and his participators, the country regained a\ncomplete peace. Then began the construction of the new navy. The feudal\nlords presented to the Imperial government their ships, most of which\nhad already done their service during the preceding war. Most of the\nofficers and sailors took service under the Imperial government just as\nthey were. Many men who were engaged in naval affairs under the\nShogunate were given suitable positions under the new government; even\nYenomoto, the chief of the rebel fleet, was made an admiral after he had\nbeen pardoned. The navy being more expensive in every way than the army,\nwe had more difficulty in its development; but in one way or another the\nImperial government has exerted its energy until we have obtained the\nnavy of the present moment. It has required much patience and ingenuity\nfrom both technical and political points of view, but somehow or other\nwe have managed so far. I may add a few words more. In the early days of\nthe Imperial government a large number of English naval officers were\nengaged by our government, who did much service in the organisation of\nour navy, for which we feel much indebtedness. I may also add that later\non Monsieur Bertin of France, whom we have engaged for some years, has\nalso done much service in the matter.'\n\n--'You now have several shipbuilding yards, both governmental and\nprivate,' said one, 'and you can construct big ships yourselves. How was\nit brought about at first?'\n\n--'Yokosuka is our oldest dockyard. It was begun when the Shogunate was\nalready tottering. Oguri, an able man, was the finance minister of the\nShogunate at the time. It was due to his efforts that the Yokosuka\ndockyard was constructed. It is said Oguri told his friend one day,\n\"When one becomes a bankrupt it is desirable he should leave behind a\nDozo, so Yokosuka will be the Dozo of the Shogunate when it comes to an\nend.\" \"Dozo\" is the name for a storehouse, constructed very solidly;\nwith us almost every house, excepting those of the lower classes, has\none or more such buildings, and it was considered an additional disgrace\nto a man of better class if he became a bankrupt without any such\nstorehouse for the creditors. Oguri evidently foresaw the downfall of\nthe Shogunate, and yet ordered the construction of the dockyard, so that\nit would be useful for the future rulers of Japan. Such is the early\nhistory of our dockyards on the European style, which has expanded\nitself in the course of time, so that we now have several shipbuilding\nyards, as you know.'\n\n--'What do you say about the future of China?' said another. 'Don't you\nthink she will also renovate herself like your country and become a\nformidable power.'\n\n--'She may do so,' I answered, 'in one way or other in the course of\ntime, but I do not think a sudden and thorough transformation of the\nkind that has taken place in Japan is possible in China. I do not think\nit is possible even in Russia, where so much movement for internal\nreform is going on. To begin with, they have no feudal system in\nexistence.'\n\n--'That sounds very odd,' said he: 'I must be enlightened on the point.'\n\n--'Well, Japan has been swayed by a feudal system before the great\nchange of the present r\u00e9gime. That fact helped our success to an extent\nthat one cannot easily imagine. Of course, there was a possibility of\nprocrastination of the old system, if the reform movements had\nmiscarried; but when the winds blew in the right direction, that very\nfact became the most important factor in conveying our ship of state to\nthe harbour where it wished to go. To explain in less metaphorical\nlanguage: the introduction of a great political reform in a country\nagainst an existing government is most difficult. A revolution with a\ntremendous force like that of France must be regarded as an exceptional\ncase, but ordinary revolutionists seldom succeed in overthrowing\nexisting governments and introducing better and more progressive ones on\na firmer basis. When, on the other hand, the existing government is only\nobliged to introduce some reform by external influence, the reform it\nintroduces cannot be very radical and thorough. With our great movements\nprevious to 1867 the matter was taken up by several powerful feudal\nlords. Naturally, there had been several precursory movements against\nthe Shogunate by the bands of zealous patriots gathered here and there,\nbut the Shogunate had no difficulty in suppressing them. The revolt\nagainst the Shogunate became grave only when some powerful feudal lords\nwith their clans assumed an antagonistic attitude. As you know, our\nclans were, in fact, autonomic principalities, as far as our own country\nwas concerned, and therefore, when a prince and his government decided\nto take a certain step in one way or other, it was an act of state,\nhowever small it may have been, and not the act of a gathering of\nprivate individuals. It follows, therefore, that when a great feudal\nlord became an open enemy of the Shogunate, his opposition was an\norganised power. When, therefore, Chosiu took up the cudgels against the\nShogunate, the latter found a formidable foe; and when, further, Satsuma\nand others began to sympathise with Chosiu, the Shogunate began to\ntotter, and in the course of a few years came to an end. If it had not\nbeen on account of the existence of a feudal system, such phenomenal\nchange would have been most difficult. Of course, there were several\nother causes which gave facility to that great change. The system of the\nShogunate had existed in Japan over seven hundred years, but the family\nwhich held in its hands the authority of the Shogun changed from time to\ntime. The family which ruled Japan as Shogun for the longest time before\nthe Tokugawa, viz. the last Shogunate, was the Ashikaga family, which\nlasted two hundred and forty years, with sixteen Shoguns in succession.\nNext to the Ashikaga family was the Hojio family, which, though not\nactual Shoguns, exercised the actual power of the Shogunate for one\nhundred and thirty-four years, with nine representatives in succession.\nNow Tokugawa lasted as Shogun two hundred and sixty-four years, with\nfifteen Shoguns; therefore Tokugawa ruled as the Shogunate longer than\nany other family. In the natural course of events popular imagination\nhad already begun to think, that the time was approaching for Tokugawa\nto cease to be the Shogunate.\n\n'Then, again, public opinion and sentiment were fast growing in favour\nof the restoration of the Imperial authority. It was a perfectly\nlegitimate movement; it differed very widely from those cries which are\ngenerally raised in other countries at the time of revolution by the\nlower classes, based on the mere dissatisfaction of the conditions of\nexistence. Add to this the great shock given by the advent to the\ncountry of the Western black ships one after the other. It was\nsufficient to stir up the heart and soul of the whole nation, and to\nprepare the way for any change or reform, provided they were good for\nthe preservation of self-existence. Such was the tide which occasioned\nthe convulsion of the Japanese, previous to the great change of 1867. No\ncountry, neither China nor Russia, would ever get such a splendid\nopportunity as this for a radical and thorough reform.\n\n'Then again, the fact that the Imperial court had existed, and yet had\nhad no intricate organisation, was also a great help in assisting the\ncompletion of the task. Because the Imperial court had existed, and that\ntoo from time immemorial, and it had always commanded the greatest\npossible reverence of the people, all the new movements knew where to\nrally; and because the court had not an intricate and crystallised\norganisation before the restoration, as the administrative government of\nthe country, the tablet was almost blank, so that nearly all\ninstitutions could be introduced with greater facility than they would\nhave been otherwise, the only requirements being the capacity and\nforethought with which the matter was to be executed.'\n\n--'Viewed in the light you have just represented to us,' said another,\n'the prospects appear to have been very bright; but there must have been\na great danger of the matter miscarrying, and the anxiety felt by\nresponsible statesmen must have been very great.'\n\n--'Certainly it was so. But we were very fortunate. Patriotism and\nloyalty went far to do the greater part of the work. Suppose the\ndifferent princes and their clans had been more selfish, and had begun\nto quarrel among themselves, perhaps with some latent intention of\nplacing themselves in the position of the Shogunate, the country would\nhave indeed fared very badly, and great hindrance would have been placed\nin the path of reform. In that respect, however, the two most powerful\nclans, Satsuma and Chosiu, who had the best rights to covet the\nShogunate, if such a right were permissible at all, were determined\nabove all others not to embark on such an enterprise. Their princes and\nstatesmen all directed their whole energies to the revivification and\nconsolidation of the Imperial authority. Satsuma and Chosiu being so\ndisposed, all others had to follow their examples. Indeed, they had no\nthought of doing otherwise.'\n\n--'It was the general spirit of the time,' said one, 'but in what way\nwas the new Imperial government organised, and how did it begin to work?\nSurely the spirit of the time cannot work itself out alone; political\nwisdom must have played a great part in leading that spirit to the right\ngoal.'\n\n--'When the last Shogun resigned his authority,' I continued, 'the\nImperial government on a new and firmer basis was immediately organised.\nIn it were gathered the ablest men of the empire from all sources. Able\ncourt nobles, able feudal lords, and able Samurai of different clans,\nwere all given suitable places side by side. There were many court\nnobles, with Sanjio and Iwakura at their head, who had done much in\nbringing about the great change. The Imperial court before the change\nhad no military power, as you know, but the court, including the nobles,\nalways stood in high social estimation. For that reason, as well as for\ntheir personal distinction, they were given high places in different\nbranches of the government. Side by side with them, several feudal\nlords, who were endowed with personal ability, were also given high\npositions. After them came distinguished Samurai of different clans, to\nwhom various positions, high and low, were assigned, according to their\nfame and ability. At that time there existed two appellations\ndesignating those Samurai who became officials of the Imperial\ngovernment: Choshi (summoned Samurai) and Koshi (tributed Samurai)--the\nformer meaning those Samurai who were specially summoned by the emperor\nto serve in his government; the latter meaning those who were taken into\nthe Imperial service at the recommendation of the feudal lord, whose\nretainers they had been. Thus you can see the intelligence and ability\nof the different clans were gathered together around the Imperial\nthrone, beneath which all of them, court nobles, feudal lords, and\nordinary Samurai, worked together for the common good of the empire, a\nsight never seen before. Such disinterestedness and such avidity for\nability were subsequently extended even to the men of those clans and of\nthe fleet who had fought against the Imperialists.'\n\n--'Very fine,' said one; 'but I should think it must have been very\ndifficult for them to get on well together.'\n\n--'True,' I answered; 'but when men with a vital common aim work\ntogether, putting aside self-interests, they can achieve great things.\nBesides, there was a centre of gravity in the political force, resulting\nfrom a combination of the preponderant influences of Satcho, viz.\nSatsuma and Chosiu. That centre of gravity acted the part of a pendulum\nor regulator in the new government, and kept all the forces working in\nunison. You know already that the Satcho were two powerful clans which\nwere the chief factors in bringing about the Great Change. In addition\nto their natural claim to influence, they produced men of ability, far\ngreater in number than any other clans. Naturally, therefore, Satcho men\noccupied more important positions than men of other clans. Next to\nSatcho, the clan having similar influence was Tosa. Next to Tosa, Saga\ncame to share influence under the new government. Satcho kept their\nmutual harmony well together, and Tosa and Saga joined in the concert.\nThere could be no other clans able to beat their own drums separately.\nOf course there was a possibility of the Satcho themselves coming into\nconflict, but for that the statesmen of the clans in question understood\neach other, and each felt a great responsibility, and accordingly did\ntheir best not to produce any discord between them. The chief\nrepresentative of the Chosiu statesmen was Kido, whilst there were two\nsuch on the side of Satsuma, Saigo the elder, and Okubo. These three\nwere popularly called the three great men of the restoration. The types\nof Okubo and Saigo somewhat differed one from the other, for Saigo,\nunlike Okubo, was more of a soldier, and represented more the military\nelements of Satsuma, and therefore we may say that the reins of\nstatesmanship in the new government, as represented by the Satcho, were\nin the hands of Kido and Okubo. It was chiefly through their efforts\nthat the abolition of the feudal system was ultimately brought about.'\n\n'That part of your history,' said one, 'is a most important and\ninteresting point for us to know. Let us be further enlightened by some\nof your own observations.'\n\n'Well, the inauguration of the Imperial r\u00e9gime took place in 1867. In\nthe course of a few years a disinterested opinion was mooted and soon\nspread amongst the lords themselves to the effect that, now that the\nShogun had resigned his function and had restored his administrative\nauthority to the Imperial government, it also behoved the lords of all\nthe clans similarly to resign and to give up to the Imperial court the\nadministrative authority of their clan governments, together with the\nlands and people they governed. With such reasoning all the feudal\nlords, headed by the lords of Satcho, vied one with another in\nvoluntarily taking that step. The offer was accepted, and the lords were\nduly nominated the governors of the different clans. Thus the nature of\nthe position of the lords was changed. They now became mere officials\nappointed by the new Imperial government, and delegated to carry out its\nadministrative measures. This was an event which took place in 1869. In\nthe course of another few years, viz. in 1871, the clan system was\nfinally abolished, and the prefecture system was introduced in its\nplace. The former lords were ordered by the emperor to reside near him\nin the capital, and new governors were nominated in their places,\nchiefly from amongst the Samurai, who were already in the government\nservice. Of course those perfectural governments were newly organised,\nwith suitable subordinates nominated either from amongst those who were\nalready in government service, or from amongst local celebrities. Thus\nwas abolished our feudal system without any murmur.'\n\n--'That is the official history,' said one, 'but there must be also some\ninner history which you know of in connection with it.'\n\n--'Well,' I answered, 'the new Imperial government was inaugurated as\nyou have already seen. It had no regular revenue as yet; it had neither\narmy nor navy properly belonging to it. Okubo was planning a scheme for\nSatsuma, by which a portion of its revenue or territory was to be given\nup to the Imperial government, and that other clans might also be\ninduced to follow the example. Simultaneously with Okubo, Kido was also\nmeditating a project for making the new Imperial administration\neffective. He schemed the total abolition of the feudal system, the\ninitiation of the idea having been impressed on him by Ito. He returned\nfrom Kioto to Chosiu, and presented his views to the Prince of Chosiu,\nwho being a person of extreme loyalty, willingly gave his assent to\nKido's proposal. On the return of Kido to Kioto, Okubo gave up his own\nplan and immediately accepted that of Kido. The matter having been thus\nagreed upon between the two most influential statesmen, it soon became a\nquestion of practical politics, and was successfully carried into effect\nin no time, as I have already told you.'\n\n--'Can you give me,' said one, 'some idea of the clans of the Japanese\nfeudal system? You make use of that word, as do other writers on Japan,\nbut to me, somehow or other, it does not appear to give a clear idea.'\n\n'The word \"clan,\"' I replied, 'which is used in place of the Japanese\nword \"Han,\" does not convey the exact meaning, as you imagine. The word\n\"clan\" in English signifies \"men,\" whereas our word \"Han\" signifies more\n\"a territorial community with its government,\" including lands and\npopulation, somewhat in the same sense as the word \"principality\" or\n\"duchy.\" Then, too, the word \"clan,\" strictly speaking, implies the\nmeaning of a collection of families bearing the same surname, and\nsupposed to have descended from a common ancestor, but with our word\n\"Han\" no such meaning is implied in the word itself. Every feudal lord\nof Japan had a large number of retainers, and it was natural that a\ncertain number among them were descended from the same ancestors as the\nlord himself; but those were, after all, in a very small minority, and\nthe overwhelming number were in nowise connected with their lord, as far\nas blood relationship was concerned. Thus, you can see, the word \"clan\"\ndoes not represent the exact meaning of the word \"Han.\" The technical\nterm for the acts of giving up and restoring the clan governments to the\nImperial government was \"Han-seki Hokwan,\" which meant \"restoring the\nHan records,\" whereby the giving up of the territory and its population\nwas implied.'\n\n--'I see the difference between the term \"clan\" and the term \"Han,\"'\nsaid one, 'but I wish to know something more about the process by which\nthe \"Han\" came to be formed.'\n\n--'That question requires a long answer, because to explain in detail\nwould amount to writing a history of the feudal system of Japan, but I\nwill give you a succinct answer. Feudal lords originally were local\ncelebrities, with some landed property and retainers. In the sixteenth\ncentury the country had reached the height of disorder: it was then that\ncountless warriors appeared in the arena, all fighting their way to\ndistinction, some on their own account, and some under the leadership of\ngreater men. The leaders as they became greater had to enlist more\nfollowers, and the greater of those followers had in turn to enlist\ntheir own followers. These followers were generally enlisted from all\nsources, some being fortunate sons of mere peasants, some being\nmasterless fighters of a former lord, whose house had become extinct,\neither through war, or from some other reason. Those who offered service\nand those who accepted it necessarily entered upon a new relationship of\nmaster and servant. The best example of this was the famous Hideyoshi\nand his followers. Of course, there were many who had better antecedents\nand pedigrees, but the process by which the cadre of their military\norganisation had become enlarged was similar. After the country had\nreturned to its normal condition of peace, and those leaders became\nfeudal lords, those followers, viz. retainers, formed their cadre of\nSamurai. Each lord established his government in his province, to govern\nthe land and people under his authority, and the executive officials\nwere appointed by him from amongst those retainers. All those feudal\ngovernments enjoyed autonomy, subject to the general control of the\ncentral government of the Shogun. There were also several feudal lords\nwho were made such by virtue of their close relationship with the\nShogun, or for their distinguished services, other than military, but\nthe method by which their government and military cadre were formed was\nmuch the same. I may add that the word \"Han\" was originally Chinese, and\nits literal meaning is a \"fence.\" It was used figuratively to signify an\nidea of protection or defence, as a fence serves to protect a house, for\nthe central government against external aggressors.'\n\n--'That explains very clearly,' said one, 'the difference between your\n\"Han\" and the Western \"clans,\" but I should like to know more about the\nevolution of your feudal system from its earliest stage.'\n\n--'Very well,' I answered, 'under the ancient Imperial r\u00e9gime, local\ngovernors were despatched from the central government. Imperial guards\nwere taken from amongst the provincial youth, there were also several\nmilitary stations, at different strategic points of the country; the\nsoldiers having been similarly taken from the neighbouring provinces. In\nthe course of time, first with the growth of luxury in the capital, then\nwith the decay of the Imperial authority, the governors themselves\nceased to go to their respective provinces, and deputies came to be\nappointed to discharge their provincial affairs for them. These deputies\nbegan to settle in the provinces and to make their functions hereditary,\nor local celebrities came to be appointed as deputies, often by heredity\nalso. In the meantime, as I told you once before, a sort of hereditary\nwarrior families gradually sprang up in the provinces. The more\nenfeebled the Imperial court became, the less effective the\nadministrative authority of the Imperial government became in the\ndistant provinces, where fighting between those warrior families was\noften waged without any knowledge or any recognition of the Imperial\ngovernment. When, towards the end of the twelfth century, Yoritomo\ndefeated his foes, the Taira, and made himself master of the situation,\nhe established his seat of government at Kamakura, and began to control\nthe whole empire. At first he did so on the pretext of keeping peace and\norder with Imperial sanction. He called himself, in that respect,\nSotsuibushi, which means nothing else than police-master-general. He\nappointed new local governors, chiefly from amongst the leaders of the\nwarrior families. The official names for these new governors differed\nfrom those instituted formerly by the Imperial government. He did not\ntry to do away with the Imperial official organisation, which had become\nalmost nominal, but, in fact, he introduced a new organisation in the\nprovinces. Needless to say, these new governors soon became the real\ngovernors in all respects, though their ostensible duties at first were\nfor police affairs in its broad sense. This was the beginning of our\nsystem of the military governments. Although there were several\nvicissitudes, that system in the main lasted down to the great reform of\nour own days. This period of the system of military power is the period\ncalled by the writers in the Western languages the \"feudal period,\" and\nthe system is called the \"feudal system.\" There was, of course, much\nresemblance in customs and manners, and even institutions, between the\nEuropean feudal system and our military system, but I do not think the\nwords themselves convey exactly the meaning of our appellation for the\nsystem. We call the system \"Hoken,\" which was originally Chinese. That\nterm, which is a combination of two words, means to \"create and install\"\nand signifies an act by which some particular person is created a\nhereditary prince of certain districts. Thus the idea that the persons\nso created were only made so by the favour of the central government is\nimplied in the term itself. I have already told you that in the\nsixteenth century, Japan laboured under a condition of the greatest\ndisorder. Many feudal lords rose and fell. When the Tokugawa family\nassumed the Shogunate, the country was brought to a perfect peace, and\nthat system of \"Hoken\" was brought to a state of perfection. It was then\nthat a total re-shuffling, so to say, not of the cards but of the feudal\nlords, was effected. Many old lords retained their positions by\nacknowledging the supremacy of Tokugawa, but many who were the followers\nof Tokugawa itself, were newly created lords. The former were called\n\"Tozama\" (exterior) Daimio, and the latter were called \"Fudai\"\n(adherents) Daimio. Those who had been created, on account of blood\nrelationship to Tokugawa, formed a somewhat different category. The\ntenure of the lords was not looked upon in the light of private property\nin its strict sense. The Shogunate freely exercised its authority, to\nconfiscate or to transfer to another place, when political expediency\ndemanded it, though of course such steps were taken only when some\nblamable action had been committed, or on the offer of some higher and\nbetter position. The feudal lords had no right to sell or alienate any\nportion of the land. In the early part of the Tokugawa r\u00e9gime, the\ntenure was confiscated in case of default of male heir to a deceased\nlord, though later on the system of adoption came to the rescue and an\nadopted heir was allowed to succeed.'\n\n--'I understand now the nature of your feudal system,' said one; 'but it\nmust have been a great sacrifice for the feudal lords to give up all\ntheir possessions.'\n\n'It was so in one sense, no doubt,' I answered, 'but, as I have already\ntold you, the lands of our feudal lords were never regarded as private\nproperties. The Shogun had the power to dispose of those tenures, but\nthe Shogun was supposed to have possessed that authority by the\ndelegation of the Imperial prerogative. \"Even the remotest sea coast is\nthe emperor's land, and even the humblest creature is the emperor's\nsubject.\" This was the politico-ethical maxim of China, so also in\nJapan. This notion had been brought into special prominence, in recent\ncenturies, and patriotic lords and statesmen kept the maxim very vividly\nin their minds, especially at the time of the great change. The lords\nhad their feudal governments in their locality. They regarded themselves\nas being the heads of those governments, acting for the emperor. They\ndid not, therefore, feel so much pain as when one gives up a property\nwhich is one's own private possession in the strictest sense. Besides,\nthe deep sentiments of loyalty and patriotism swayed them and animated\nthem to adopt the step without any hesitation. I may also add that all\nthe lords used to be invested with some titles of distinction, which\nwere names of some official function of the Imperial court, and also\npersonal ranks, resembling Western orders. These they received through\nthe Shogunate, but the giver was the emperor. Thus you can see that the\nfountain of honour had always remained with the Imperial court, nay\nmore, the Shogun himself received his function and title from the\nemperor.'\n\n--'What do you mean by the re-shuffling of the feudal lords?' asked one.\n\n--'I mean that in the early stage of the Tokugawa r\u00e9gime a complete\nrearrangement of that system, which is generally called feudal, was\neffected, by transferring all the old lords from one place to another\nand by creating new lords, to whom new localities were given to govern,\nwhilst many of the older lords lost their possessions. By removal also,\nsome lords were made greater and some smaller. In making that\nrearrangement, the Shogunate took great care to distribute the lands\namong the lords in such a way that a combination of several lords\nagainst the Shogunate might be impossible. Smaller lords were placed\nround large ones, and the more trustworthy against less trustworthy, and\nso on. This rearrangement or shifting I called \"re-shuffling.\" The same\nthing was done even down to the last days of the Shogunate, though on a\nlimited scale and less frequently. I can therefore say that there was no\nfeudal lord who continued to possess the same seat from the pre-Tokugawa\nperiod. There were, however, a few exceptions, and Satsuma was the most\nsignificant example. In the earlier state of the feudal system, the\nlords and retainers did not necessarily reside side by side. The lords\nhad their chief seats where they resided, but the custom of building\nstrong castles had not yet come into existence, and their retainers\nlived here and there on their domains. From the middle of the sixteenth\ncentury, the custom of constructing large castles came into existence.\nThe lords resided in the castles and the retainers lived in houses\naround them. This became more markedly the case when the re-shuffling of\nthe lords was made and the lords removed, together with their retainers,\nfrom one place to another like swarms of bees. It was also at that time\nthat the separation of the Samurai, that is, the retainers, from the\nordinary avocations of the people became more thoroughly distinct. The\nSamurai received their annual allowance from their lords, and did not\ncarry on any commercial business nor trouble themselves about\nagricultural pursuits. There was great difference of grandeur between\nthe different feudal lords. Our usual way of estimating their relative\ngrandeur was by measuring the reputed quantity of rice produced on their\nland. According to that method, the degree varied from ten thousand to\none million koku. There were some two hundred and seventy lords, and\ntheir grandeur varied between those quantities. There were also many\npetty lords, whose produce of rice from their lands did not amount to\nten thousand koku. They were called quasi-lords. Such being the variety\nof grandeur of the lords, large retainers of great lords often exceeded\nin grandeur the smaller lords.'\n\n--'You said Satsuma was an exception. Will you explain how it was?'\n\n--'Well, Prince Shimazu was the lord of Satsuma. The greater parts of\nthe provinces Hiuga and Osumi were also included in his dominion. His\nfamily had been great lords in that part of the country for some seven\nhundred years. When the famous Hideyoshi invaded Kiusiu, and reached\nSatsuma, the prince, namely, the lord of Satsuma, surrendered to that\ngreat hero after several battles. Hideyoshi did not consider it politic\nto push the matter to extremes, so the prince retained his former\nposition. When Tokugawa assumed the Shogunate, the prince was left\nundisturbed in spite of his having once taken up cudgels against\nTokugawa at the famous battle of Sekigahara. His seat of government was\nKagoshima, but there was scarcely any establishment worth calling a\ncastle. A certain number of his retainers lived around his residence,\nbut a large number of them lived in different parts of his territory,\ntheir lives being partly devoted to agriculture. Satsuma was one of the\nfew strong clans, and its combination with Chosiu resulted, as I said\nbefore, in the restoration of the Imperial r\u00e9gime.'\n\n--'Will you please explain in outline the financial system of the\nShogunate, and how it was transferred to the Imperial government?' asked\none.\n\n'The Shogunate had under its immediate control territorial possessions\nwhich were roughly reckoned, in the terms of rice, eight million koku.\nThe Shogunate was clever enough to have the lions share of the landed\npossessions, which included the best parts of the country, generally\ncomprising prosperous towns, as, for instance, the city of Osaka. The\nexpenditure of the Shogunate was maintained by the income from those\nterritories. No feudal lord had to contribute anything to the exchequer\nof the Shogunate, except that they were at times ordered to undertake\nsome public works allotted to them; for example, the reparation of some\nriver banks or damage done to the Shogun's castle. The revenue of the\nShogunate was scarcely sufficient for maintaining the Shogunate in its\nnormal state, and towards its latter days, when the external relations\nand internal disturbances began to press heavily, the financial\ndifficulty was much felt. As to the Imperial court, it had no regular\nrevenue at all, except a comparatively trifling sum contributed by the\nShogunate, which was supposed to be the equivalent to the taxes\ncollected by the Shogun's officials in the provinces in the immediate\nvicinity of the Imperial seat. There was no land under the direct\ncontrol of the court; even the city of Kioto itself was under the\nadministration of the officials of the Shogunate. Consequently the\nImperial court was always in a needy condition. It follows, also, that\nthe court nobles were also in an extremely needy condition, though high\nin personal rank. They only received paltry annual allowances out of the\nShogun's contribution, though a very few high court nobles had small\nlanded possessions. Such being the case, it was natural that the\nImperial government, when it first came into a renewed existence, should\nhave met with much financial difficulty.'\n\n--' But how did you manage to tide over the transitory period?' asked\none.\n\n--'The troops,' I answered, 'which fought for the Imperial cause were\ngenerally supported at the expense of their own feudal clan-governments.\nFor the current expenses, some rich merchants either contributed or\nadvanced the necessary sum of money, and also new paper money was\nissued. By such means as these the government managed to carry on its\naffairs, and in the course of time some revenue began to accrue to the\nImperial treasury from the regions which had been under the control of\nthe Shogunate, but the sum was insignificant. It follows, therefore,\nthat for financial reasons only some great change was necessary, and\nthus a double impetus was given to the idea of such men as Kido and\nOkubo for the abolition of the feudal system.'\n\n--'Let us assume that the feudal system had already been abolished,'\nsaid another, 'the winding-up of the affairs of the different feudal\ngovernments, and the consolidation under a uniform system of central\ngovernment must have been a very difficult and delicate matter.'\n\n--'Yes, it was so,' I answered. 'To begin with, most of those\ngovernments had debts of all kinds which had to be liquidated, above\nall, their obligations for paper money floated by them. The coinage of\ngold and silver was the monopoly of the central government, but all the\nfeudal lords had the privilege of circulating paper money under\ndifferent forms in different clans. The actual value of this paper money\nin gold and silver varied according to the financial condition of the\nfeudal government by whom it was issued, and that money was legal only\nin the districts which were under the jurisdiction of the lords by whose\ngovernments they were issued. You can therefore easily imagine how\ntroublesome and inconvenient the matter must have been to travellers and\ntraders in localities where those feudal governments stood in close\nproximity to each other. Then again, the lords and their retainers could\nnot be made penniless immediately on the abolition of the feudal system.\nTo them, therefore, certain means of support were given, in proportion\nto their former rank and income; that support was ultimately converted\ninto the form of government bonds. The income thus given was not enough\nfor many of the Samurai to support themselves and their families, and\nthey, therefore, had to seek some new occupation to which they were not\naccustomed. A large number of them even lost the bonds thus given,\nthrough their incautious or incompetent management. The government had\nto prevent things getting into a worse condition, and to make the\ntransition state a smooth one, if possible. For that purpose the\ngovernment often had to organise for them some kind of common work, for\nwhich sometimes some special funds were given. Somehow or other, we have\ngot through those trying times. The credit of winding-up the affairs of\nthe feudal governments is chiefly due to Count Inouy\u00e9, who was the\nacting Minister of Finance at the time.\n\n--'How did matters stand at the time with regard to the system of\ntaxation?' asked one.\n\n--'It was also one of the most difficult problems which the Imperial\ngovernment had to solve,' I answered. 'Perhaps you know that the\neconomical theory of the Far East had always been essentially\nphysiocratic. Agriculture was the foundation of national existence.\nCommerce and industry were very little considered. Curiously enough, on\nthat account the land had to bear public expenses almost entirely, and\ncommerce and industry contributed almost nothing; in other words, taxes\non land were the main source of public revenue. People engaged in\nindustry and commerce paid no tax, except perhaps some trifling amount\nin the form of licences occasionally, and except that they were often\nordered by their lords to contribute irregular sums of money to relieve\ntheir financial difficulty. The land taxes were paid, as a rule, in\nkind, namely, rice, but the burden of the tax-payers was by no means\nuniform throughout the country. There was a vague measurement expressed\nby the words \"four public, six private,\" that is to say, four tenth\nparts of the produce was to go to the government, and the remaining six,\ntogether with any supplementary produce, was to remain in the hands of\nthe producers. But this was by no means uniformly practised. Roughly\nspeaking, the burden of the lands under the direct control of the\nShogunate was lighter than that on the lands under the different lords.\nBut there was much difference in the burden on the lands held by the\ndifferent lords. As a matter of fact, all sorts of additional burdens,\nbesides the pure land taxes, were instituted and levied on most lands.\nIt was necessary for the Imperial government to unify these burdens and\nequalise them, as much as possible, throughout the whole country. It was\nalso desirable to change the whole system of paying taxes in kind into a\nuniform system of money payment, because, in the case of the former,\nrevenue is subject to variation on account of the condition of the\nharvest and the market price, besides, that system is more liable to\nabuse. The Imperial government undertook this tremendous work of reform.\nThe valuation of all lands was carried out, and the system of payment in\nmoney was effected. I may here mention that, under the ancient Imperial\nr\u00e9gime, no proprietary rights were recognised in lands. The tillers of\nland obtained the allotments of them for life, and new allotments were\nmade from time to time. That system, however, was not strictly enforced\nin the case of newly reclaimed lands, especially so in the far-off\nprovinces. As time went on, the system entirely fell through, and\nhereditary proprietorship of the tillers came tacitly into existence.\nNevertheless, the idea of the supreme domain of the sovereign from the\npoints of public law and proprietary rights of the possessors from\npoints of private law had not been brought into a very distinct light,\nand the vague notion had still remained that the possessors held the\nlands only by favour of the sovereign. As a matter of fact, in most\nparts of the country no rights of sale of lands were legally recognised,\nthough the matter was widely affected by some fictitious means, such as\nlong mortgages or long leases. This state of things was entirely changed\nby the reform made when the nature of the land tax was changed, as I\nhave just described, because by that reform the full proprietary rights\nfrom the point of private law were completely recognised. I said that\nindustrial and commercial people contributed almost nothing to the\npublic expenses, and yet the denominations under which they had to pay\nsomething were various. Add to this numerous other miscellaneous\ncontributions; there were several hundred different kinds of\ncontributions, but each of these separately amounted to a very small\nsum, and was not worth the trouble it involved. These, therefore, were\naltogether abolished. Of course the government had, as time went on, to\nintroduce some new taxes, such as the business tax, the income tax,\netc., but these are the results of the progress made in our economical\nand financial conditions, and based on broader and more universal lines,\nso as to fit the altered state of the country. The annual budget, which\namounted to seventy or eighty million yen before the Sino-Japanese war,\namounted to some five or six hundred million yen before the\nRusso-Japanese war: that will perhaps show the expansion of the\nfinancial system of the country.'\n\n--'It is very interesting,' said one; 'but let us have a cup of tea,\nand then continue the discussion.'\n\n\n\n\nVIII\n\nCommerce and industry--Old methods of communication--Roads and\nships--How they have been improved--Railways, post, telegraphs, and\ntelephones--Progress of the financial system--The Satsuma war--The Bank\nof Japan--The National banks--The monetary system one of the causes of\nJapan's success--Further remarks on the military reforms--Evolution of\nthe mode of fighting--All reforms at much cost of blood and money--The\ncause of the Satsuma war--Saigo the Elder--Social condition of Japan\nto-day--Evolution of legislation--Chinese jurisprudence--The Japanese\nare not good correspondents--My future--An operatic singer--Japanese\nstages--Danjiuro and Irving--The old school and the new one--Kawakami\nand Sada Yakko--The opera _Maritana_--The end of the dream\n\n\nI was still in the same incongruous group of people, and carrying on a\nconversation on the same lines. Though the subjects were rather\ntechnical, they seemed to have interested the people who took part in\nthe discussion, because they relate to the important part of our\nhistory, wherein the foundation-stone, so to say, of Modern Japan was\nlaid.\n\n--'I suppose, 'said one of the group, 'your country had to take much\npains in encouraging commerce and industry to attain the stage you have\nreached.'\n\n'Well,' I replied, 'we could not do anything which resembled a\nprotective system if we wished, because we were bound by the treaties\nforced upon us, whereby our custom-house duties, all prefixed, could not\nexceed five per cent. _ad valorem_; but as far as it lay in the\ncompetence of our Government and people, we did all in our power. You\ncannot imagine what money, what time, and what labour we have had to\nwaste in many ways, because there were many things which we tried and in\nwhich we failed. What we have achieved is insignificant, but it is the\nresult of all those exertions. By the bye, the question of the revision\nof the old treaties was a long protracted subject of our diplomacy and\npolitics through which we had to struggle. It wrecked several\nministries. One minister for foreign affairs, Count Okuma, lost one of\nhis legs and only miraculously escaped death, in consequence of having\nbeen inclined to accept terms of revision which the people considered\ninsufficient and irreconcilable with national dignity. The aim of the\nrevision was to regain the tariff as well as judicial autonomy. America\nhad shown very early its inclination to accede to our demand. Italy also\nshowed a similar inclination. But on the whole the matter proved very\ndifficult. About ten years ago Great Britain took the lead in\nrecognising the justice of our demand, other powers followed England's\nexample, and thus the revision was at last effected. That revision\nrestored to us our judicial autonomy completely. You must, however,\nremember that the tariff autonomy has not yet been entirely restored to\nus, for we are still bound by one-sided conventional tariffs. But I must\nnow return to the original thread of my discourse. You have already seen\nthat we were hampered by the treaties, but in spite of that we have\ntaken every pains to promote our commerce and industry, without falling\ninto the error of over-interfering or being officious.'\n\n--'And you have made wonderful progress in your commerce in a\ncomparatively short time,' said another.\n\n--'Well, not wonderful,' I answered; 'but it is a fact that our\ncommerce has increased from a few million yen to some six hundred\nmillion yen. That is something. I will add a word more. It is a mistake\nto suppose that the stage we have attained is the mere result of natural\ngrowth. We must venture to ask for sympathetic appreciation of our\nendeavour. Some Western people appear to entertain a sort of\napprehension in regard to the growth of our commerce and industry, and\neven show a desire to check our progress. It would be very hard lines\nfor us, for our conviction is that the growth of our commerce and\nindustry can only be beneficial reciprocally to others as well as to\nourselves; and, moreover, what is after all our commerce and industry\nwhen compared with that of the Western peoples?'\n\n--'I quite sympathise with you on that point,' said one.\n\n--'Thank you!' I said, and continued. 'Some foreigners speak of our\ncommercial probity very disparagingly. I admit there were some\nshortcomings, but I deny that the faults were wholly ours. You know that\nthe greater bulk of our Japanese commerce is done in Japan itself by the\nWestern merchants who come out there. If we were always cheating them,\nand they were always blameless, why should they continue to trade with\nus and make such great increase of commerce in a comparatively short\nspace of time? It is my opinion that the blame attached to the\ncommercial probity of the Japanese merchant has far less foundation than\nthe reality warrants. A good deal of the blame, I think, is a hearsay,\noriginally circulated by interested persons and innocently magnified by\nothers. Time was when our merchants wellnigh revolted against oppressive\ndealings of foreign merchants out there, and tried to export direct to\nforeign countries, but then want of capital and experience stood in\ntheir way as a barrier. On the whole, I am satisfied with the progress\nour commerce has made, as well as with the fact that its volume has\nincreased in spite of the war, though we must endeavour to still further\nit.'\n\n--'That your country will have to do,' said another; 'but will you tell\nme the condition of the communications of the country at the time of the\nabolition of the feudal system, and the improvements you have made since\nthen?'\n\n--'The means of communication,' I replied, 'were not good in those days.\nWe are surrounded by seas on all sides, but we were unable to make the\nfullest use of the water, because the building of large ships was\nprohibited for centuries, and therefore our ships had much difficulty in\nnavigating the eastern coasts, as well as the Japan Sea, especially in\nwinter. They often had to remain several months in some port on their\nroute. On the land, roads were not good, they were often badly made on\npurpose by the different lords for the defence of their territories.\nThus, even where a straight road could be made on flat land, it was\npurposely made high up on the hills in a winding way. Rivers were often\nleft bridgeless where bridges could easily have been constructed.\nForeign visitors may think our roads even now bad when compared with\nthose of the Western civilised countries; but in our eyes our present\nroads are beyond any comparison with those of some thirty or forty years\nago. This also means that our central Government, as well as our local\ngovernments, had to take much pains and spend much money in the matter.\nWe had also to encourage the building of large ships, both steam and\nsailing vessels. We have built many lighthouses round the country for\nthe benefit of the navigation of foreign ships as well as for our own.'\n\n--'What of the railways, telegraph, and telephone lines?' asked one.\n\n'Not many years after the restoration we began the construction of the\nrailways. The line between Yokohama and Tokio was the first and most\nexpensive of any of the railways constructed in Japan, for, owing to the\nlack of experience, we had to pay whatever price we were asked by\nforeigners for the materials. The next line was one between Kobe and\nOsaka, and the system has been gradually extended as the finances of the\nGovernment have allowed. But finding that the rapid extension to every\npart of the country was beyond the financial expediency of the\nGovernment, private enterprises were encouraged, and many private\nrailway companies were established one after another. Thus we have two\nkinds of railways, one belonging to the Government, the other belonging\nto private companies. When I was Minister of Communications eight years\nago, the whole length of the railways, state and private, reached three\nthousand miles. There was some talk of celebrating the occasion, but\nboth Matsumoto, Director of the Board of Railways, and I discountenanced\nthe idea, because three thousand miles of railway were nothing compared\nwith other advanced countries. The extension at present is between four\nand five thousand miles, I think. The length is not much, but because\nthe country is narrow, every part of it is within easy reach of the\ntrain. The telegraph lines belong to the Government entirely, and are\nmanaged in conjunction with the general postal system. Soon after the\ninauguration of the Imperial Government, we began to remodel the postal\nsystem which had existed previously, and it has been gradually expanded\nand improved on the European method. I can say without much diffidence\nthat our postal and telegraph systems may be compared in efficiency with\nany country, even the most advanced in those matters. The telephone\nsystem is comparatively new, but most of the populous towns have it, and\nlarge towns are connected by distant telephones. Needless to say that we\nhave managed from the beginning to maintain the system in the hands of\nthe Government.'\n\n--'The Imperial Government seems to have required much money,' said\none, 'for winding up the feudal Governments, and for introducing, side\nby side, many reforms. You also mentioned that the Government had to\nissue paper money. I should like to know more about how you got through\nit all.'\n\n--'We had to undergo much financial difficulty. Before the Imperial\nr\u00e9gime gold and silver constituted practically double standards. At the\nearly stage of the new Government gold was adopted as the standard in\ntheory, but it took a long time before it came into actual operation.\nThe Government had to issue much paper money, and that, too,\ninconvertible, hence much depreciation of the paper. The strenuous\nefforts of the Government had been successful in improving the situation\nwhen the Satsuma war broke out in 1877. The expense of that war\noccasioned more issue of paper money, which caused a further\ndepreciation. At one time the difference between silver, which was\npractically the legal tender at the time, and the paper rose to 100 :\n180.\n\n'There was another cause for the depreciation of paper money. It was\nthe issue of notes by the national banks, which were established in all\nparts of the country after the abolition of the feudal system, and which\nnumbered at one time more than 150. The Government had to meet with\nthese difficulties, and to place the financial and economical condition\nof the country on a firmer and more satisfactory basis. This the\nGovernment began to undertake a few years after the Satsuma war, without\nhindering the necessary works for the development of the national\nresources. The Government decided to apply strict economy in all\nbranches of its administration. The money thus saved was partly used for\nthe redemption of the over-issued paper money, and partly to accumulate\nreserve funds for making the paper currency convertible. The Bank of\nJapan was established with the view of making it the sole central\neconomical organ of the empire. A scheme was provided for redeeming the\nnotes issued by the so-called national banks, and for converting those\nbanks into strictly private banks in due time.\n\n'The process began in earnest in 1881; it made far quicker progress than\nwas contemplated; thus in 1885 the difference between the silver and the\npaper money disappeared. From January 1886 the total redemption of the\npaper money was begun. In 1899 the circulation of the Government paper\nmoney and the notes of the national banks altogether ceased to exist,\nthe convertible notes of the Bank of Japan having taken their place. In\nthe same year all national banks ceased to exist, most of them having\nbecome private banks, and a few having wound up their business. Two\nyears previously gold had been at last effectively adopted as the\nJapanese national standard of currency, which was the realisation of the\nidea cherished by the Imperial Government from the beginning.'\n\n--'What was the nature of the national banks?' asked one; 'and have they\nproved quite meaningless?'\n\n--'The law for the establishment of those banks was promulgated soon\nafter the abolition of the feudal system. It was modelled after the\nnational banks of America. In the course of time a large number of them\ncame into existence in different parts of the Empire. They were private\nundertakings, except that they enjoyed the privilege of issuing their\nown notes, and were subject to Government superintendence. At first the\nnotes were to be convertible into specie, but a modification was\nintroduced in the law by which they could issue notes with Government\nbonds as security and convertible in Government paper money. Therefore\nthe notes were in reality incontrovertible ones from the point of view\nof hard money. Previous to that, the Government loan bonds, amounting to\none hundred and seventy million yen, were issued for the capitalisation\nof the feudal lords and their retainers in consideration of their feudal\nincomes, after the feudal system had been abolished. These bonds were\nused widely for establishing the banks. The banks enjoyed special\nprivileges of issuing paper money, but in lieu of it they did good\nservice in encouraging and stimulating local industry and commerce, so\nthat we do not regret that those banks were once instituted. Besides,\nthey led to the foundation of the modern monetary system of Japan. You\nmust have observed the efficiency of the monetary system of Japan during\nthe Sino-Japanese war. The success of Japan in great wars is due a great\ndeal to that system. I mean to say that because we have that system, the\nmoney possessed by the public could easily be made to serve public\npurposes in time of emergency. Look at China: as far as individuals are\nconcerned, there is a far greater number of people who are richer than\nthe Japanese, and yet they have no sound banking system in close\nconnection with the state. When the Chinese deposit their money, they\nprefer to do so with foreign banks. The consequence is that the\nGovernment cannot fall back upon the wealth of private individuals.\nNeither is there much likelihood of home loans being popular in China.\nOf course there may be some other reasons for this. In Japan nothing but\nregular taxes and dues regulated by law are levied. No illegal exaction\nis or could be made. In that respect there exists a perfect\nunderstanding between the Government and the people, who know that if\nthey respond to the Government call for loans their dues would be made\ngood in future. No such confidence and usage exist in China, still less\nin any other part of the East.'\n\n--'You told us that in the beginning of the Imperial Government, the\nImperial troops were supported at the expense of the clan governments,'\nsaid one. 'Will you tell us a little more about it?'\n\n--'Under the Shogunate,' I answered, 'the feudal lords had to support\ntheir own troops, even when they were ordered to send them out\nsomewhere. This was the duty they had to render in return for the tenure\nof land. Just before the battle of Fushimi, Satsuma and some other clans\nhad their troops stationed in Kioto. Chosiu, which on all sides had come\ntriumphantly out of the war against the attacking forces of the\nShogunate, also sent some troops to Kioto; not indeed by order of the\nShogun, but rather against it. These troops were all supported by their\nclan governments. After the battle of Fushimi, the troops of the Satcho\nand other clans which had become Imperialists, were ordered to the front\nin the North-Eastern provinces. They now fought as Imperial troops under\nthe \"brocade banners,\" which was the emblematic banner used solely by\nthe Imperial forces, and much reverenced by the Japanese in general,\nbecause with us those who fought against those banners had been, and\nwere at all times, universally stigmatised as disloyal subjects. The\nleaders of those troops were generally commissioned by the Imperial\nGovernment. The cohesion of the troops of different clans in one\ndirection was maintained by a generalissimo, who was a high court noble,\nassisted by a certain number of staff officers, specially appointed by\nthe Imperial Government. In that manner, troops of different clans\nfought for the cause of the Imperial Government. After the war, the\ntroops of some of the clans were still used for the Imperial purposes,\nwhilst others of them were all sent home. The future of the military\nsystem was, however, a great problem. Immediately after the war, the\npresent Marshal, Marquis Yamagata, who was the leader of the Chosiu\ntroops in the province of Echigo, visited Europe, together with Saigo\nthe younger. On his return to Japan, he advocated the adoption of the\nEuropean system of universal service. He succeeded in his advocacy, and\nin 1870 regulations were promulgated relating to the subject, by which\nthe system was experimentally put in force in five provinces in the\nvicinity of Kioto; and the system was made universal and more complete\nsoon after the total abolition of the feudal system. It has undergone\nfurther improvement from time to time, until we have come into\npossession of the army which the world has come to see during the\npresent war. I may add, that in the earlier parts of the new\norganisation, many French officers were engaged to instruct our men and\nofficers in different ways, and afterwards some German officers were\nsimilarly engaged, as you know.'\n\n'Can you roughly explain,' said one, 'the evolution of your modes of\nfighting before it reached the efficiency of the present day?'\n\n--'It has been pretty much the same as yours,' I answered. 'Putting\naside the remote antiquity, I will briefly tell you how it has been\nsince the commencement of the chivalric period. The sword was always our\nchief weapon of honour, that you know very well. Then bows and arrows\nwere also regarded as honourable weapons, so much so, that the families\nwhich made military affairs their constant occupation were called \"the\nhouses of bows and arrows,\" The phrase \"bow-handlers\" came to signify\n\"leaders.\" Thus when the famous Takeda Shingen, towards the end of the\nsixteenth century, spoke of Iyeyasu, his junior contemporary, as \"the\nfirst bow-handler of the Tokai provinces,\" he meant by the phrase \"first\nbow-handler\" a general of great ability. The spear which was used by the\nleaders was also held in high esteem. Thus \"distinction at the point of\nthe spear\" was a phrase commonly used to denote distinguished deeds of\nwarriors. \"The seven spears of Shizugatake\" is a phrase constantly used\nby people at large. It refers to the gallant fighting of the seven\nfamous captains of Hideyoshi at the battle of Shizugatake. They all used\nspears. The Naginata was a weapon with a long curved blade, with a\nhandle a little shorter than that of a spear: it was considered a proper\nweapon for women and monks, and was not, therefore, looked upon as being\nso honourable as a spear for ordinary warriors to use. The decisive\nbattles were necessarily hand-to-hand combats. There was even\ntime-honoured heraldic etiquette, that when two combatants were about to\nfight they announced their names and positions, etc., to each other. I\nbelieve a somewhat similar custom existed in Europe also. Warriors of\nposition considered it a disgrace to be killed or captured by \"nameless\ncommon soldiers,\" as they were called. The hand-to-hand combat, being\nthe chief feature of battle, it was natural that a person who had\novercome an enemy of greater distinction or of higher rank was regarded\nas having done a correspondingly greater action; hence the custom of\nbringing back the enemies' heads by the combatants, and submitting them\nto the inspection of their leaders, came into existence, and in the\nsixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the modes of such inspections had\nbecome an elaborate part of the heraldic ceremonies. The measure of the\nboxes in which the heads were put, the manner in which to place them and\nhow to take them out, what attitude to be assumed by the one who\nsubmitted the heads for inspection, and what composure the one who\ninspected should assume, and what glance he should give to the head--all\nthese matters had fine and minute rules, though when taking place on the\nactual spot at a hasty hour, much of the formality was necessarily\nsimplified.'\n\n--'How was it with the firearms?' asked one.\n\n--'The use of firearms in Japan,' I answered, 'dates back only about\nthree and a half centuries. A Portuguese trading-vessel which arrived in\n1543 at the islands of Tanegashima, off the southern coasts of Kiusiu,\nis reputed to have brought a few firearms, and it is said they were the\nfirst firearms introduced into Japan, and that they served as a model to\nus for making others. Hence the name \"Tanegashima\" had come to signify\nsometimes \"firearms\" even down to our own time. A few years afterwards\nmore Portuguese ships arrived at the province of Bungo, in Kiusiu, and\nbrought with them more firearms. At the time a great deal of foreign\ntrade was carried on in that province by Chinese and Portuguese\ntrading-ships. Otomo, the prince of the province, even became a\nChristian convert, and it is said that he was one of the converted\nfeudal lords who sent missions to Rome. Repute gives it that those\nfirearms were brought by the missionaries, and the prince took his first\nfancy to them on account of their bringing such useful weapons. In no\ntime the manufacture and use of firearms made their way into many parts\nof the country. It is said that at the war of Nagasino, which was fought\nin 1575 between Takeda on one side and Oda and Tokugawa on the other,\nthere were three thousand firearms on the latter side, which seems to\nhave been the war in which the largest number of firearms was used. Of\ncourse, the firearms of those days were all matchlocks, and, moreover,\nthey were not considered arms of honour. Firearm companies were formed\nof the commonest soldiers, and generally used for skirmishes before the\ncommencement of regular fighting. Cannon were also known soon after the\nintroduction of ordinary firearms, but they do not seem to have been\nmuch in use. As a matter of fact, before much improvement had been made\nin the use of firearms, peace returned, and lasted over two hundred\nyears, so that we had little more than matchlocks, which were chiefly\nused for shooting game. Since the latter part of the eighteenth century,\nwhen the Western ships began to appear on the Far Eastern seas, the\n\"coast defence question\" had aroused public attention, and the necessity\nfor having strong firearms presented itself. Cannon began to be cast and\nordinary guns also, by the different feudal lords. It was then that the\nbells in most of the temples in most provinces were confiscated, to be\nthrown into the furnace and recast as, cannon. Perhaps you know that the\nJapanese temple bells are many times bigger than those ordinarily used\nin the Western churches and temples. They have no tongues, but are\nsounded by a large wooden pendulum suspended close to them. The sound,\ntherefore, is deep and sonorous, quite different from the tinkling noise\nof the Western bells. Those bells used to report certain hours of the\nday, and it was a charm, especially in country parts, in the midst of\nnature, to listen to their soft clang. Those chimes were favourite\nthemes in poetry, but most localities are now deprived of that charm for\nthe reason I have just given. As time went on, the Western guns of\nmodern type began to make their way into the country. They were commonly\nknown as the \"bayoneted guns.\" They were a rude kind of gun compared\nwith the modern ones, and, of course, not breach-loaders. In those days\nthe making of guns was not much advanced, even in Europe itself. When\nthe English squadron bombarded Kagoshima, the English ships fared rather\nbadly. They had anchored too near the fortress, in defiance of our\ncannon, and one ship left behind her anchor in trying to escape the\nfiring from the land. Our skill in casting guns and cannon was not much\nadvanced then, and yet, as one may perceive, we were on the road to\nsuccess. Looking back in general at the changes in the mode of fighting,\nthe latter days of the Tokugawa r\u00e9gime was the great epoch. It was then\nthat war recommenced, after more than two centuries of peace, and its\nmode had entirely changed from that of times gone by, and the notion of\nsingle combat was totally discarded. At present no one remembers bows\nand arrows, except perhaps for sporty and still less spears. Swords,\nindeed, we still value, but rather as a reminiscence of old times, and\nnot as an effective weapon. We have made many new guns and cannon,\nimproved on the Western models, and they are our weapons of to-day.'\n\n--'And all those reforms,' said one, 'in polity, in finance, in the army\nand navy, were effected with the perfect concord of the whole nation,\nwithout a hitch?'\n\n'Not exactly. On broad lines the bulk of the people was with the\nGovernment and followed its lead. But we reaped all these fruits at much\nexpense of blood and money. You could not but expect to see among the\npeople at large some who did not exactly approve the methods pursued by\nthe Government. To them the policy of the Government sometimes appeared\ntoo radical and hazardous, and thus one group or another showed from\ntime to time their dissent. In those days when people were determined to\nassume a dissenting attitude, it generally took the shape of physical\nforce, in other word, \"revolt.\" Chosiu itself had had two such revolts,\nbut they had been easily crushed. Chosiu had had a civil strife before\nthe restoration, and in consequence the elements of political\ndifferences within the clan had been almost thoroughly unified. Most of\nits able men devoted their services to the Imperial Government. The old\nterritory of the clan was one of the prefectures which thoroughly\nsubmitted to the Imperial administration with perfect confidence, from\nthe very moment when the feudal system was abolished, so much so, that\nthe first governor despatched there by the Imperial Government was\noriginally a retainer of the Shogunate and had fought against the\nImperialists. The revolters had therefore not much sympathy from the\npeople, nor had they any means, guns, or ammunition, to turn to their\nadvantage against the Imperialists, and yet it shows that even the\nChosiu men themselves were unable to get on altogether harmoniously. The\nsaddest and the gravest case, however, was that of the Satsuma war,\nwhich took place in 1877. It was only after that war that the\nprogressive administration of the new Government was placed on a firm\nand solid basis, and the surviving influence of the old feudal time\ndisappeared altogether.'\n\n--'Since your explanation has reached as far as that stage,' said one,\n'I am anxious to know something about the real cause and circumstances\nwhich occasioned that war.'\n\n--'It requires some explanation,' I replied. 'You already know that\nSatsuma was one of the few most powerful clans. Its history and\norganisation were different from other clans. And also, unlike Chosiu,\nit had not had an outbreak of civil strife within the clan before the\nRestoration period. Its clansmen fought many battles, but it never had\nany occasion to form voluntary bands as did Chosiu, and therefore it had\nhad no opportunity of observing that the troops recruited from all\nclasses were equal, if not superior, to the Samurai troops. The two\ngreatest statesmen of the clan were Saigo the elder, and Okubo, but as I\nhave indicated already, they differed in the course of their career, as\nwell as in their natural propensity. Saigo had been a devout Imperialist\nfrom the beginning, and there were several romantic episodes about his\nlife. Once, in despair, he, together with an Imperialist monk, jumped\ninto the sea. He was rescued, and had to spend years on an island in\nbanishment. Okubo always played the part of a politician. His\nimperialism had not become quite marked and decisive until almost within\nthe last few years preceding the Restoration. Naturally, therefore,\nthere were in Satsuma some men who were more partial to Saigo and others\nmore inclined to Okubo. There was another group of men, differing from\nboth, namely, the partisans of the real father of the Prince of Satsuma.\nThe late Prince of Satsuma, the predecessor and uncle of the prince in\nquestion, had been an able and enlightened man, almost unparalleled by\nany of the contemporary feudal lords. He had had much leaning towards\nWestern enlightenment. An incident is told of his strength of character\nin regard to the visit of a Dutchman whom he had invited to Kagoshima,\nthe capital of Satsuma. He went to the port and rode with him side by\nside back to his residence. At the time an anti-foreign spirit was still\nstrong among the Samurai, and by his riding side by side with the\nDutchman he intimated that if the Satsuma Samurai were determined to\nattack the foreigner, they must also at the same time attack him.'\n\n--'But stop,' said one, 'was not the time you are speaking of before the\nbombardment of Kagoshima and Simonoseki? I have always understood that\nSatsuma and Chosiu were fierce anti-foreign clans.'\n\n--'Yes, it was before those bombardments. The Prince of Satsuma, whom\nI have just spoken of, died somewhere about 1860. I do not remember the\nexact date. It is true those two clans were anti-foreign towards the\nlatter days of the Tokugawa r\u00e9gime, but it does not follow that they had\nalways been the same. The acceleration of the idea was much due to the\ncircumstances of the time, which require explanation. At the time of\nthat prince, he and his government had shown much inclination towards\nWestern intercourse. As a matter of fact, it is even said some trade was\nsecretly carried on between Satsuma and the Dutchmen at an island in the\nSouthern Sea. The old bottles marked Soy, which one sometimes finds in\nHolland, are said to have been the bottles which contained our Shoyu and\nto have been imported into Holland at that time. Even Chosiu was not at\nfirst so fierce an anti-foreign clan as it became later on. The Prince\nof Chosiu had a few medical retainers who were well versed in the Dutch\nlanguage. He used to collect information about Europe from them. They\neven translated for him some European extracts, and compiled them into\nthe form of a periodical pamphlet, which may be said to have been the\nvery beginning of the Japanese newspapers. He was one of the few feudal\nlords who first introduced the system of vaccination in their territory.\nHe established a glass factory in his province. He also made experiments\nin the art of photography. All this took place before the bombardment of\nSimonoseki. It is, therefore, wrong to suppose that either Satsuma or\nChosiu knew nothing of the West before they were bombarded. Besides, the\nfault which had originated the bombardment of Kagoshima lay in reality\nin the miscalculation which had been shown by an Anglo-Saxon.\nNevertheless, we had to pay the indemnity all the same, in addition to\nhaving been bombarded. But to return to my subject. The Prince of\nSatsuma, who died somewhere about 1860, as I have just told you, had no\nheir of his own, and was succeeded by the young son of his brother, whom\nhe had adopted. That brother was the famous Shimazu-Saburo, who acted as\nregent for the young prince. For that reason, he also exercised much\ninfluence in the clan, and at one time played the part of the real ruler\nof Satsuma. His character, however, differed very much from that of his\ndeceased brother. He was also a man of ability, but rather conservative,\nand his sympathy was not much with the sweeping reforms of Japan on\nEuropean lines. He sometimes held office in the new Imperial Government,\nbut spent more of his time in retirement in Satsuma. Saigo the elder,\nalso was not a man who cared to toil in ordinary administrative affairs,\nand after the cabinet crisis in 1873 on the Corean question, he retired\nto Kagoshima. From all this you can see that there remained in Satsuma\nstrong conservative element, which could not be looked upon as a\nnegligible quantity. As a matter of fact, Satsuma was the only locality\nwhere the Imperial Government found it not expedient to enforce\nrigorously all the new progressive measures, which it did in all other\nlocalities. Unlike Chosiu, the governor and his subordinates, though\nofficially nominated by the central Government, were men belonging to\nthe province and sharing those conservative sentiments, and therefore at\nheart not the faithful executors of the will of the central Government.\nAt last the province rose in revolt against the central Government in\n1877.\n\n--'To detail the matter a little further,' I continued, 'when Saigo\nretired to Kagoshima in 1873, many of his admirers and followers,\nespecially those in the army, also resigned their offices, and retired\nto Satsuma, whilst many others, including Saigo the younger, namely the\nbrother of the elder Saigo, remained in the service of the Government\nwith Okubo. Thus Satsuma men were practically divided into two parties,\nmany near relatives and friends having taken different sides. As time\nwent on the distance between them became greater and greater. In Satsuma\nthe so-called private schools were organised in different parts of the\nprovince by the chief followers of Saigo the elder, though he himself\nmostly indulged in hunting. Those schools in reality were utilised for\ngathering together young men to serve latent designs of the organisers.\nIt is a doubtful point of history how far Saigo himself was cognisant of\nthose matters, but one thing is certain, that he did not exactly\ndiscourage them. When some time back Yamagata mooted the proposal for\nthe universal service system, Saigo, who was then fulfilling an\nimportant position in the army, was persuaded to agree. Again, when the\nfinal abolition of the feudal system was decided upon, he joined the\ncabinet almost for that special purpose, and his weight went a long way\nin achieving that aim. It has always remained doubtful whether Shimazu\nSaburo was in accord with the scheme, but the matter was carried out by\nOkubo and Saigo in conjunction with influential statesmen of other\nclans. Hence we can see that Saigo was also in the main on the lines of\nprogressive policy. It may, however, be presumed that, intelligent and\nwell educated as he was in the Oriental sense, he had not any deep\ninsight into the European civilisation. Besides, his personal character\nand proclivity were not exactly fit to appreciate radical changes, which\nto him must have appeared somewhat frivolous. Then, too, after his\nretirement to Kagoshima, many governmental measures were often\nmisrepresented to him as the result of thoughtless actions of Okubo and\nothers, and it was also possible that many personal scandalous\nmisrepresentations were made about those in power. Hence it is to be\npresumed that Saigo also felt some desirability of modifying the trend\nof the national policy. When, therefore, his followers committed an act\nwhich was irreconcilable with the peaceful observation of the laws of\nthe land and which soon assumed attitudes of revolt, Saigo became their\nhead without any overt action and almost as a result of the natural\ncourse of events. The revolters numbered forty-five thousand.\nIndividually, Saigo was the most popular man in the whole empire. The\nImperial army at the time did not number much more than the revolters.\nIt was a most critical time for the Government, which only succeeded in\nsuppressing the rebels after many sanguinary battles. It is well worth\nremembering that in the case of the Satsuma men, many near relatives and\nclose friends had to fight one against the other, because a large number\nof them was on the side of the Government as well. Casual observers of\nthe outside world may say it was barbarous that such people should fight\none against the other, but such is often the case when a nation\nundergoes a great change. I may reiterate that it was a very critical\ntime for Japan, for if the rebels had been victorious, there was a grave\nfear that the progressive policy would have been seriously hindered and\na military despotism would have reigned in the country. It was\nabsolutely necessary to crush the rebels at the point of the bayonet,\nhowever great and popular Saigo might have been and however meritorious\nhis antecedents. I for one have some consolation in saying that I have\ndone some little service to my country by being the first to formulate\nand publish the views of the situation I have just spoken of, and to\nlead the public opinion in that direction, before any other dared to do\nso. I received several threatening letters at the time, but suffered no\nactual attack. Towards the latter part of that war I was on the\nbattlefield, and was one of the few who assisted at the last hour in\nwashing Saigo's head, which had been found and dug up. The head had been\nburied hastily in a small ditch by one of his captains, who, when Saigo\nhad been fatally wounded in the last battle, cut it off at his own\nrequest, while the fray was still raging, to prevent it falling into the\nhands of the enemy. I remember there were present Marshal Yamagata,\nMarshal Oyama, and General Nozu.'\n\n--'What had become of Shimazu Saburo at the time of the war?' asked\nanother.\n\n--'He was in Kagoshima,' I answered, 'but he kept aloof together with\nsome devoted followers: the rebels also seem to have preferred to leave\nhim alone. In the course of years he died a natural and honourable\ndeath, to the great regret of the emperor and the nation. Okubo was\nassassinated a few years after the war by a small group of young men who\nhad been zealous supporters of Saigo. Taking into consideration all that\nI have related, you will clearly see that the present-day Japan has by\nno means been built upon a bed of roses.'\n\n--'How does the social condition of Japan stand at present?' asked\nanother; 'from the political point of view, for instance, who is the\nruling class?'\n\n--'The social condition of Japan,' I answered, 'is satisfactory. We\nhave aristocracy and commons, as you know, but no class animosity. The\ndistance between them is not great. The commercial class also is making\nits influence felt: many people who formerly belonged to a class which\ndespised business occupation are now engaged in business. The official\npositions are occupied almost all by men of ability belonging mostly to\nthe middle class. Almost none of the old nobles occupy any official\npositions. You must have heard many statesmen and generals called by\nsome titles of nobility, but they are only new nobility, given by the\nemperor for meritorious services rendered to the new Imperial\nGovernment, and therefore their modes of thought and their inclinations\nare not far different from that of the ordinary people at large. All the\nGovernment officials and officers of the army and navy are taken by\nexamination without any distinction of class or locality, and therefore\nyoung men belonging to any class of society or to any province have\nequal chance. It is true that immediately after the restoration some\npowerful clans, especially that of Satcho, exercised more influence in\npolitical circles, but it was only natural as the results of the great\nchange. Even at this moment there are several statesmen, who originally\nbelonged to those clans, who exercise great influence: it is because\ntheir services to the country have been great, and consequently they\nenjoy greater prestige. In the army and navy, also, the majority of the\ngenerals of the higher class are in a similar manner men who have risen\nfrom those clans. With the rest, the clannish landmarks are already\nalmost indistinguishable; even amongst those of the highest positions\nthe disappearance of the clannish traces must be only a question of\ntime, for most of the personages occupying those positions are already\nfar advanced in age. It is not, therefore, fair for some foreigners to\nsay that the Satcho men placed themselves in the place of the Shogunate.\nAs a matter of fact, the Satcho statesmen themselves have introduced\nmany important regulations for giving equal chances to every class and\nprovince. Then, again, what is most worth noticing is perhaps the fact\nthat all public affairs are governed by laws and regulations, and not by\nany arbitrary will; so much so, that in some instances people think that\nthere are too many laws and regulations. On the whole, I approve the\npresent system, as every one must, because it leaves no room for class\nor bureaucratic oppression.'\n\n--'Can you explain,' said one, 'how all those psychological changes have\nbeen brought about? People in the West have always thought that the\nOrientals little cared for laws and regulations, their modes of\ngovernment being based upon customs and traditions.'\n\n--'You may think so,' I answered; 'if you take the generality of the\nOrientals, but it is not the case with Modern Japan. Even in China the\nmatter was never exactly as you have just said. China has always been\nwanting in the matter of civil law. But there is one particular feature\nworth noticing. In the same way as the Romans were rich in the notions\nof civil law, the Chinese were rich in the ideas of criminal law. I do\nnot, of course, say their system was good from the Western point of\nview, but in its way it had very good jurisprudence and codes, which\nwere handed down with some necessary modifications from dynasty to\ndynasty. They knew the importance of separating ethics from\njurisprudence for more than a dozen centuries, namely, from the Tang\ndynasty, when a very good criminal code, which was an improvement and\nenlargement upon that o\u00a3 the preceding dynasty, was enacted. Thus, for\ninstance, torture is looked upon by the Occidentals simply as barbarous,\nbut it has its _raison d'\u00eatre_ in the Chinese jurisprudence. According\nto that jurisprudence, no person is to be punished on mere\ncircumstantial evidence, or on the words of witnesses, unless the\nprisoner himself makes confession of his guilt. The act of confession is\ntechnically called the \"completion of self-acknowledgment.\" The object\nof this is to make sure that no innocent person shall ever be punished.\nIn some cases, if punishments be inflicted, despite the prisoner's\nstrong protest of innocence, on mere circumstantial evidence, or on the\nevidence of witnesses, great injustice may be done, as was well\nillustrated in the Beck incident, which recently created so great a\nsensation in England. Torture is resorted to only in the case where,\nalthough the evidence is conclusive, yet the prisoner obstinately\nrefuses to acknowledge his guilt. In other words, the application of\ntorture is only to be resorted to in order that a prisoner whose guilt\nis quite evident might not be allowed to escape unpunished merely\nbecause he obstinately refuses to confess. The _raison d'\u00eatre_ of the\ntorture, therefore, is not so bad as casual observers imagine. The blame\nof the method lies in its abuse. We Japanese once followed that\njurisprudence, but have given it up because it is liable to\nmisapplication, and we have adopted the European system of judgment by\nevidence, not because we believed in the infallibility of that system,\nbut because we believed that less injustice would be committed by that\nsystem than the other. China has also been very rich in codes of\ngovernmental organisation, not indeed in the Western style of\nconstitutional laws; but still, from a literary point of view, they are\nall very good. Now to return to our subject. If Japan were a country\nwhich had not known the usefulness of laws and regulations, and yet had\nbegun to imitate the methods of European legislation with success as she\nhas done, such a result might indeed be a matter of some amazement. She\nhad, however, had much experience in making laws and regulations during\nthe ancient Imperial r\u00e9gime when we had frequent intercourse with the\nTang dynasty of China, and therefore, when we began to formulate new\nlegislation on Western lines, it was only necessary to grasp the spirit\nas to the method, and to make some modification in form of what we had\ndone previously. And besides, scholars well acquainted with the Chinese\ncodes were not wanting, and their ability was ready to be utilised for\nnew legislation.'\n\n--'It would be very interesting,' said one, 'if we could obtain a new\nbook which would scientifically treat of the history of the evolution of\nall those great changes which have taken place. Really, we know little\nconcerning Japan.'\n\n--'That may be,' I answered, 'but there are several books, especially in\nEnglish, from which one can gather a good deal of information on Japan,\nthough they are not always correct to our eyes. The French are the\npeople who interest themselves the least in such matters, and yet\ncomplain that they are without any information.'\n\n--'I do not care,' he replied, 'for those unscientific books. I am\nanxious that a good, scientific, and authentic book on those points\nshould be written at first hand by some competent Japanese.'\n\nHere a compatriot of mine turned to me, and said privately that the\ngentleman who had just made the above remark was one who could not be\npersuaded to believe that Western civilisation had taken root in Japan,\nand who did not until recently believe that Japan could cope with the\nRussians. His reason was not on account of any bias against Japan, but\nbecause he could not believe Western civilisation could be transplanted\nto an exotic soil in so short a time, as in the case of Japan. He had\nonly recently begun to think otherwise, after close observation of the\nprogress of the war, and therefore wished to know the true history of\nthe evolution of all the important changes which had taken place in our\ncountry.\n\n--'Now you gentlemen have had enough time,' said a lady. 'It is our turn\nnow. I suppose, baron, you will be going home before long, when the war\ncomes to an end. Shall you also be like some of the Japanese I have had\nthe pleasure of knowing? I mean to say that the Japanese are, as a rule,\npleasant enough and friendly enough while with us, but after they have\ngone back to their country we seldom hear from them. But when they\nhappen to revisit this part of the world, they return to us and are as\npleasant and friendly as before, as though nothing had happened in the\ninterval.'\n\n--'Ah! I understand. I am afraid I shall be like them. We Japanese are\nnot good correspondents. In that respect I think the English are the\nbest. It seems writing letters is a part of their pleasure. They write\nso many letters even in the midst of hasty travelling. Our heads somehow\nseem heavy when it comes to the task of letter-writing. When we go back\nto Japan, unless we are engaged in some offices where foreign languages\nare needed, we have no occasion to think or to write in them, and we\nsoon forget the thread of the foreign style of thought and tongue, and,\ntherefore, it is difficult even to find good dicta for writing a simple\nletter. Remember, moreover, there is nothing so difficult as writing\nsimple letters; especially is it so with us Japanese. Then, again, the\npaper, ink, and pens which we use for our own writing are totally\ndifferent from yours, and they are useless for writing Occidental\ncharacters. Therefore, when we think of writing a letter to an\nOccidental friend, we might find the ink-bottle quite dry, nibs quite\nrotten, and the sheets of writing paper may be wanting, and perhaps we\nshould have to send for them all anew. The spelling of quite common\nwords may not be at our command, and if we just wished to refer to a\ndictionary, we should perhaps find that it had been mislaid somewhere\namong the heaps of Japanese books, or perhaps had been taken away\naltogether by a young student. Such being the case, you can well imagine\nthat the Japanese cannot be very good correspondents if they wished. The\nfact that they do not write letters does not show that they do not\nremember old friendships, and therefore, if they happen to revisit the\nWest, they would be, as you say, as friendly and pleasant as though\nnothing had happened in the interval.'\n\n--'That explains the matter very well,' said she. 'I am sure you will be\nlike one of those, especially as you will have so much to do for your\ncountry, perhaps in some busy office in the Government.'\n\n--'You are quite right in the first part of your observation. I have no\nreputation for being a good correspondent. Perhaps you know that the\ngreat Marlborough always felt much difficulty in writing letters. He\nused to say that he would sooner fight a great battle, and with more\nease, than write a letter of fifteen lines to his wife, so you will see\nI have some consolation, because even amongst the English there are\nthose who are not particularly fond of writing letters. As to the second\npart of your observation, you are wrong. I have no desire to seek\noffice. I do not care for the hustle and bustle of the world. I prefer\nto spend my time calmly and quietly in the midst of nature, and\ntherefore, after my return to Japan, you will hear of me no more. If you\never happen to hear of me, it will only be when some grave and\nexceptional circumstance of my country requires my service, whereby I\nmay be obliged to sacrifice my own inclination. But I must now say\n\"exit.\"'\n\nSo saying, I left the group. On my way back home, I dropped into the\ncoffee-room of an hotel and met there accidentally a rich young\nScandinavian artist, whom I had met before, when once staying at that\nhotel. He was with two ladies, an operatic singer and her mother, both\nof whom were American by birth. From their appearance, and from what I\nhave since heard, they belonged to a well-to-do family. She had taken to\nher present profession rather on account of a natural gift for singing\nthan from any necessity. Her mother had come over to Paris for a short\ntime to visit her daughter and was staying at the hotel. Through the\nScandinavian we soon came to know each other, and as we took coffee\ntogether we had some conversation, which naturally turned on the\nJapanese stage. In the course of the conversation, I furnished them with\na number of details in connection with the subject in answer to their\nquestions:\n\n     'On our stage some actors act female parts, as was the case with\n     the European stage from the Greeks down to recent centuries in\n     Modern Europe. With us, however, unlike your ancient stage,\n     grown-up actors, not necessarily youths, act all important female\n     parts, and yet they imitate real females so well, that it is\n     regarded as almost a marvel. They have a peculiar method of making\n     use of certain muscles and bones which make their movements\n     resemble those of women. It requires much training from boyhood,\n     and that is the reason why the female characters of the new school,\n     of which I shall speak presently, are not so realistic as those of\n     the old school. Our best actors are those who can act well both\n     male and female characters, but naturally there are some who are\n     more fitted than others for acting female parts. Shikwan is one of\n     the best actors at this moment. I read recently a letter written by\n     a New York lady, while on a visit to Japan, who is reputed a great\n     patron of the stage. It was addressed to Shikwan, and sent,\n     together with a bouquet. In it she says that it was almost amazing\n     to her to have seen him acting the part of a great warrior and soon\n     after the part of a delicate and noble lady, and that she\n     considered him the first actor in the world. I think there is a\n     great deal of truth in her remarks. Most foreigners who first visit\n     our theatre can hardly be made to believe that the female\n     characters are actually acted by males. The architectural\n     peculiarities of our stage are:--_First_, the greater part of it is\n     a large, round, movable platform on pivots, and is used to great\n     advantage for \"decorative properties\" as well as for the acting.\n     _Secondly_, we have the so-called \"flower ways\" on both sides of\n     the stalls. They can also be used with great effectiveness for some\n     kinds of acting, though it would be rather difficult to have them\n     in the European style of stage building. It is, however, a very\n     common mistake of most Europeans to think we have no actresses. We\n     have actresses as well as actors, only they form different and\n     separate companies, and it is only seldom and of recent date that\n     they act together. Danjiuro was the greatest actor we have had in\n     recent centuries. Kikugoro and then Sadanji came next They were\n     regarded as \"the trio,\" but all three have died within the last few\n     years. We do not think we shall have the same talent again for many\n     years to come. A Garrick, a Henry Irving, or a Sarah Bernhardt is\n     not a production of every generation. Danjiuro in particular was\n     accounted, even by Occidental visitors, among the few of the\n     greatest actors of the world. Curiously enough there was much\n     resemblance between the personal character and style of acting of\n     Danjiuro and Sir Henry Irving. The _forte_ of Danjiuro was\n     historical representations, and so it was with Irving. Danjiuro\n     acted more in spirit, that is to say, with as little action and\n     rhetoric as possible, but with more suppressed but visible emotion.\n     When he began this style of acting in his younger days, he was not\n     popular at first: people thought he lacked theatrical display, but\n     he soon succeeded in manifesting his great ability. Not only did he\n     work out his own way, but he elevated the public taste. He also\n     much improved the social and moral tone of his profession by the\n     force of his character. In all these respects, I think there was\n     much resemblance between him and Sir Henry Irving. The old stage,\n     however, is hampered by much conventionality which is not entirely\n     suited to modern taste. This has brought forward the new school.\n     Oto Kawakami, the husband of Sada-Yakko, was the pioneer of that\n     school. Sada-Yakko, who is known very well to the Occidentals, and\n     is highly appreciated by them, is no more than a gifted amateur,\n     who joined her husband's company through his influence. In Japan it\n     is called the \"student plays,\" because actors belonging to that\n     school are mostly students. In the early days of that school, plays\n     acted by its actors were little else than mere charades, of the\n     most comical nature, even when the meaning was grave. As time went\n     on, they have become more and more skilful, so that eventually\n     something has been produced worth seeing, more especially because\n     they are not hampered by any old conventionality or tradition. They\n     can produce on the stage any incident which they deem worth\n     showing, and they can introduce any innovation which the old school\n     would not dare to do. Besides, these actors being students\n     themselves, they have one advantage of having more educational\n     intelligence than the greater number of the actors belonging to the\n     old school. There is, therefore, much hope for the future in the\n     new school, and it is making rapid progress, so much so, that its\n     influence is being reflected on the old school.'\n\nDuring the conversation, I was asked by the gentleman to witness the\nyoung singer's performance, in which request the ladies joined. I had no\nother course than to accept. Time in Dreamland flies fast, and I soon\nfound myself at one of the Operas together with the Scandinavian\ngentleman; and there, to my surprise, I found the young singer was a\n_prima donna_. The act was _Maritana_; she acted the male part of Don\nC\u00e6sar. The performance went on splendidly, and Act II. was reached. I\nhappened to know the following declamation by Don C\u00e6sar, and when she\nsang it I was thrilled, because each word sounded as though uttered by\nour own heroes of times gone by:\n\n     'Ah! per piet\u00e0, signor, non raddoppiate\n     L'aspro mio duol! Almen mi fosse dato\n     Per grazia di morir come un soldato!\n     Come sul campo il milite\n     Pugnando suol morir,\n     Concedi a me da libero\n     Soldato i di finir!\n     Tosto l'acciar fulmineo\n     Decida omai di me!\n     Dir\u00e0 ciascuno, il misero\n     Da prode morto egli \u00e8,\n     Dir\u00e0 ciascuno, il misero\n     Da prode morto egli \u00e8\n     Da prode morto egli \u00e8.\n\n     Se di mia stirpe l'ultimo,\n     Rampollo in me sen'va,\n     Degli avi degno il povero\n     Don Cesare morr\u00e0.\n     Se freddo avel marmoreo\n     Non si concede a me,\n     Mi basta sol che dicano:\n     \"Da prode morto egli \u00e8.\"'\n\n\n     'Ah! spare, oh spare my ancient name\n     From such foul disgrace--one boon,\n     It is the last I shall ask thee,\n     'Tis to die, e'en like a soldier.\n\n     Yes! let me like a soldier fall,\n     Upon some open plain,\n     This breast expanding for the ball\n     To blot out ev'ry stain.\n     Brave manly hearts confer my doom,\n     That gentler ones may tell,\n     Howe'er forgot, unknown my tomb,\n     I like a soldier fell,\n     Howe'er forgot, unknown my tomb,\n     I like a soldier fell,\n     I like a soldier fell.\n\n     I only ask of that proud race,\n     Which ends its blaze in me,\n     To die the last, and not disgrace\n     Its ancient chivalry.\n     Tho' o'er my clay no banner wave,\n     Nor trumpet requiem swell,\n     Enough, they murmur o'er my grave,\n     \"He like a soldier fell.\"'\n\nThe curtain fell: my companion asked me if I would like to see the stage\nroom of the singer. I assented, we passed through the Green Room, and\nentered her room, where she was sitting on a chair, her mother with her.\nAfter an exchange of a few words, she plucked a few blossoms from a\nbranch of orchids in a vase on the table near her, and put them into my\nbutton-hole, saying, 'Allow me,' and then, plucking some more, similarly\nfavoured my companion. At that moment the stage-bell rang, and as I\nthought we were dashing out of the room and down the stairs, I awoke,\nand saw my young secretary standing before me. He said: 'The dinner-bell\nhas rung; you have slept very long.'\n\n\nFINIS blank page\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX\n\n\n\n\nI\n\nPOLITICAL ORGANISM OF JAPAN\n\n\nThis article is intended to explain the salient points of the political\norganism of the Japanese Empire, a subject on which many people have\nexpressed to me their wishes to be informed. The chief sources of my\nauthority are, of course, the Imperial Constitution and the Imperial\nHouse Law promulgated February 11, 1889, but I have also made use of\nseveral other important laws and known facts bearing on the subject.\n\n\nTHE EMPEROR\n\nThe emperor is sacred and inviolable according to the constitution. His\nmajesty is the sole depository of sovereignty. Legislative power is\ngiven to the Imperial Diet, but the theory of our constitution is that\nthe emperor himself exercises that power with the _concurrence_ of the\nDiet. Other attributes of the emperor, such as the authority for\nconvoking or dissolving the Diet, sanctioning or vetoing laws,\npromulgating the same, declaring war or making peace, ordering amnesty\nor pardon, or conferring honours, such as titles of nobility, etc., are\nmuch the same as those of the most of the Western monarchical countries.\nOne important feature which is without a parallel in the constitution of\nalmost all other countries (except perhaps some resemblance in the\nAustrian constitution) is that in Japan the emperor has the power to\nissue 'Urgency Ordinances' which have the same force as the law when\nurgency requires such enactments in order to maintain public safety or\nto avert public calamity, and it happens that the Diet is not sitting,\nthough such ordinances have to be submitted to the Diet and its\n_ex-post-facto_ consent obtained in the next session, and they lose\ntheir force in case such consent is withheld by the Diet. Another\nimportant feature is that in Japan, unlike several constitutional\ncountries, all matters relating to the organisation of the army or navy\nor the determination of the number of the standing army are entirely\nwithin the sphere of the Imperial prerogative and beyond interference by\nthe diet though the latter has an indirect voice by reason of its\nparticipation in matters of 'supply.'\n\n\nTHE IMPERIAL SUCCESSION\n\nThe established usage in respect of the Imperial succession of Japan has\nalways been in the main that of primogeniture on male lines. There had\nbeen, however, no hard-and-fast restriction similar to the Salic Law\nbefore the promulgation of the Imperial House Law of 1889, and,\naccordingly, we have had several empresses on the throne of Japan,\nthough there was never an instance of a reigning empress having a\nconsort. The Imperial House Law has prevented for ever any female\nsucceeding to the throne. We can therefore sum up the order of\nsuccession to the Japanese throne as that of the male primogeniture,\nviz., from the father to the eldest son, then to the eldest grandson and\nso on, in the direct line, in default of which, to the collateral line.\nThe order of all these is similar to that which appertains to European\nprimogeniture. The ceremony of coronation is always to take place at\nKioto, the old capital, so also is the Daijo-Sai, the grand festivity,\nwhich is celebrated but once in a reign. The full age of the emperor,\nthe crown prince, and the eldest son of the crown prince, who has become\ndirect heir to the throne owing to the early death of the crown prince,\nis fixed at full eighteen years, whilst with all the other members of\nthe Imperial family it is full twenty years, like ordinary subjects of\nthe emperor. When the emperor is a minor, a regency is to be instituted.\nWhen the emperor is incapacitated by grave causes from discharging his\nfunctions, the same thing also takes place. The order in which the\nregency may devolve upon members of the Imperial family is as under:\n\n(1) The crown prince.\n\n(2) The Imperial grandson, being already direct heir-apparent.\n\n(3) Other princes.\n\n(4) The empress.\n\n(5) The empress-dowager.\n\n(6) The grand empress-dowager.\n\n(7) Princesses who have actually no consorts. Precedence amongst the\nprinces is determined by the order in which they stand for succession to\nthe throne, and that of princesses is determined in a similar way.\n\nDuring the minority of the emperor, a grand guardian (Taifu) is\nappointed. In case no person for that office be named by the will of the\ndeparted emperor, he is to be appointed by the regent after having\nconsulted the Imperial family council and the Privy Council. He cannot\nbe removed unless the matter first be submitted to the consideration of\nthe above-named councils. When a prince or princess is appointed regent,\nhe or she shall not, during the tenure, abdicate in favour of any one\nexcept in the case where the crown prince or his eldest son, who had\nalready become direct heir to the throne, has become qualified for the\nfunction on account of his attaining full age.\n\n\nTHE GOVERNMENT\n\nThe administrative affairs of the empire are discharged by a\nminister-president of state, and a number of the ministers of state. The\nministers of state as they stand at present are: (1) The Interior. (2)\nThe Foreign. (3) Finance. (4) War. (5) Navy. (6) Justice. (7)\nCommunications. (8) Education. (9) Commerce and Agriculture. The chiefs\nof these ministries, viz., the ministers of state, form the cabinet\nunder the presidency of the minister-president. The system and actual\nworking of the cabinet is similar to those of the advanced Western\nnations. A cabinet meeting is held usually once a week, and important\naffairs of state are discussed therein. The cabinet as a body is\nresponsible to the emperor for those affairs, though each minister has\ngreat latitude of action in matters which fall exclusively within the\nsphere of his ministry. There are many matters which do not require\npersonal discussion. These are circulated among the ministers in the\nform of documents for their signature. Matters discussed or considered\nin document by the ministers, and which require Imperial sanction are\nsubmitted to the emperor by documents, or personally explained to his\nmajesty by the minister-president or other ministers as the case may be;\nbut when very important matters are discussed in the cabinet, it is\nalways in the actual presence of the emperor. There is a minister for\nthe Imperial household, but neither he nor his ministry have anything to\ndo with state affairs, _i.e._ politics; consequently, the minister of\nthe Imperial household is not a member of the cabinet.\n\nThere is a Privy Council, which consists of a president, vice-president,\nand about two dozen councillors, and these form the supreme consultative\ncouncil of the emperor. It discusses and considers important state\naffairs when it is commanded by the emperor to present its views on any\ngiven matter.\n\nThe Ministry of Justice has control of the administrative sections of\njudicial affairs, but law courts have their distinctive organisation,\nand the judges are quite independent of administrative interference.\nThey are appointed for life and can be dismissed only for grave causes\nindicated by law.\n\nBesides the War Ministry, there is a General Staff Office, and in\naddition to the Naval Ministry there is the Naval General Staff Office.\nThe demarcation of the spheres of their competency is that\nadministrative affairs relating to the army and navy are controlled by\nthe ministries, and those relating to technical and strategic matters,\nor such like, are controlled by the staff office. Both staff offices\nhave a chief and a vice-chief. They are naturally not members of the\ncabinet. In time of war a special Imperial headquarters under the direct\ncontrol of the emperor is constituted.\n\nAll officials in Government service have before their appointments to\nundergo a requisite examination, except when the appointment is for the\nposition of the Ministership of State.\n\n\nTHE DIET\n\nThe Imperial Diet consists of two houses: the House of Peers and the\nHouse of Representatives. There is no difference of privilege between\nthe two houses, except that the annual budget is to be first submitted\nto the House of Representatives, and that the latter may be dissolved,\nwhile no law exists for the dissolution of the former; further, that the\npresident and vice-president of the Upper House are appointed by the\nemperor from amongst the members, whilst those of the Lower House are\nappointed by the emperor out of three candidates for each elected by the\nHouse.\n\nThe Representatives are elected by direct votes of electors. Until\nrecent years the country was divided into many small electoral districts\n(nearly three hundred, in fact). Each district elected one\nrepresentative, and a few elected two representatives, the difference\nhaving arisen from the difficulty of demarking the Sphere uniformly, on\naccount of the local peculiarities and the number of the population. The\ntotal number of the representatives amounted to just three hundred. A\ngreat change was introduced in recent years in the system of election.\nEach prefecture now forms one large electoral district, except that all\nthe cities, although they are all situated within the prefecture, form\nseparate districts, each independently. Each district elects a certain\nnumber of representatives allotted to it by law, based upon the number\nof the population of such district. (In cases of extremely small cities\nthe allotment is only one representative.) Each elector may vote for\nonly one candidate whatever may be the number of representatives\nallotted to that district. Men who have polled the largest number of\nvotes are picked out to the allotted number, and they are regarded as\nelected, but in all cases the elected must have polled one-fifth of the\nnumber obtained by dividing the whole number of the registered electors\nby the number of the representatives allotted to the district. This mode\nof election is called the 'large-district single-vote-system.' It easily\nenables the minority of the district to have themselves represented in\nthe Diet. When any vacancy occurs within a year from the election, the\none who has polled the largest number next to the elected takes his\nseat, provided that he had also polled the requisite quorum of votes as\nabove mentioned. The voting is by ballot (anonymous). There are, of\ncourse, some disqualifications for being an elector or a candidate,\nincluding the disability of titled noblemen for taking part in the\nmatter. The actual number of the representatives is three hundred and\nseventy-six. The qualifications of the electors are that they shall be\nmale subjects of twenty-five years old or above, paying ten yen (M 20)\nof direct taxes and having a year's residence in the district. The\nqualifications of the candidates are that they shall be male subjects\nthirty years old or above, and their terms are four years.\n\nThe composition of the House of Peers is somewhat complicated. The\nJapanese name for it is 'Kizoku-in.' 'Kizoku' is generally translated as\npeers, and it certainly means noble or high families, but not in the\nstrict sense of titled people in the West. For the strict equivalent of\npeers or nobility, in the Western sense, we have another term 'Kwazoku.'\nOur House of Peers consists of the following members, who must always be\nmales:\n\n(1) Male members of the Imperial family who have attained their full\nage.\n\n(2) Princes (dukes) and marquises who have attained the age of\ntwenty-five years.\n\nBoth these classes (one and two) sit in the House by their inherent\nright.\n\n(3) Representatives elected by counts, viscounts, and barons from\namongst themselves, each grade separately.\n\nThe numbers of such representatives is previously determined, always not\nexceeding one-fifth of the total number of each grade. They must be\ntwenty-five years old, and their terms are seven years.\n\n(4) Life members appointed by the emperor by virtue of distinguished\nservices rendered to the state, or of intellectual distinction. They all\nof them must be fully thirty years old; nearly all of those who are thus\nnominated do not belong to the nobility in the strict sense of the term.\n\n(5) Members elected, one for each prefecture, by mutual election of\nfifteen highest direct-tax payers of each of the respective prefectures.\nSuch tax payers must be thirty years old, and their paying the taxes\nmust be on account of the lands they hold or of industry or commerce.\nTherefore, one who simply lives on an income derived from state-bonds\nwould hardly be entitled to claim this privilege. The terms of these\nmembers are also seven years. The total number in classes four and five\nmay not exceed the total number in classes two and three, viz., members\nbelonging purely to the nobility.\n\nThe Diet is to be convoked once a year for an ordinary session, the\nlength of which is three months, and can be prolonged when necessary.\nSpecial sessions may be instituted when necessary. All members of both\nHouses, except those belonging to classes number one and number two of\nthe Upper House, or those who are in the government service, receive two\nthousand yen (M 4000) a year, whilst presidents and vice-presidents\nreceive five thousand yen and three thousand yen respectively.\n\n\nARMY AND NAVY\n\nThe recruiting and organisation of the Japanese army are very much like\nthose of the European continental powers, especially those of Germany,\nfrom whom we have learned much. Those of the Japanese navy are like\nthose of England, except that our sailors are taken not only from\nvolunteers, but also by obligatory service; in other words, youths who\nhave to serve as soldiers by the universal service system may be taken\nfor sailors, considerations of course being given to their personal\ninclination. These latter, _i.e._ obligatory ones, form about half the\ntotal number in the navy.\n\n\nLOCAL ADMINISTRATION\n\nThe whole of Japan proper is divided into forty-five prefectures. The\nprefectures of Tokio, Kioto, and Osaka are called Fu, whilst all others\nare called Ken. The difference is more a matter of sentiment than\nanything else, for there is no difference whatever for any practical\npurposes. The administrative systems of Hokkaido, Okinawa, and Formosa\neach diverge from those of Japan proper to some extent, though they are\ngradually being made similar to those of the main islands. I therefore\nput those three Islands, Hokkaido, Okinawa, and Formosa, outside the\nscope of the present paper for the sake of convenience. Each prefecture\nis presided over by a governor appointed by the central Government. It\nis partly an administrative district of the state and partly a communal\ndistrict having its communal administration supported by local taxes.\nFor this latter aspect each prefecture has a local assembly, members of\nwhich are elected by direct votes of electors of the prefecture. Each\nprefecture is divided into counties, and the counties (Kreis) into rural\nand urban village communities (Gemeinde). Larger urban communities are\nincorporated as cities and are made independent of counties. Counties\nare prefectures on a small scale. Each of them is presided over by a\n_Gun-cho_, whose office is very similar to that of a French sub-prefect.\nBut counties also have their communal sides like prefectures and have\nrepresentative assemblages. The communal side of counties, however, is\nnot very important, because communal affairs on a large scale are\ndischarged by prefectures, and ordinary communal affairs are mostly\ndischarged by village communities. Cities and village communities are\nthe real 'self-governments' of the people. Each of them has a\nrepresentative assemblage, and elects its own executive officials. The\ncomposition of these officials differs in cities and village\ncommunities; that in the cities is, of course, more complicated. Even\namongst the cities there is a great difference in the degree of\nimportance, because there are many cities which are extremely small,\ninasmuch as a town having a population over twenty-five thousand could\nas a rule be incorporated as a city. The existing ordinances for the\nconstitution of these local governments are very much like those of\nPrussia--in fact, the ordinances for those of the cities and village\ncommunities are in a great measure founded upon those of Prussia. The\nchief points of difference are that, unlike Prussia, our prefectural\ngovernments subordinate direct to the central Government, with no\nintermediary which represents the latter and superintends the former,\nand that, unlike Prussia, there is in Japan no 'Gutsbezirk' (signorial\ncommunity) side by side with ordinary communities.\n\n\nTHE CONCLUSION\n\nSuch is the political organism of Japan. My description, however, is\nonly the merest skeleton of it. That such a skeleton should be endowed\nwith the proper spirit requires that the whole nation from the sovereign\ndown to the lowest member of the community should be animated by\nsincerity and loyalty and supported by a liberal and tolerant r\u00e9gime.\nThat Japan is doing her best in those respects, I can only ask my\nreaders to infer from their own observation of the admitted progress\nthat she has been fortunate enough to accomplish so far.\n\nI may, however, explain some of the more important points bearing on\nthe question. The emperor is extremely popular amongst his people at\nlarge. I may say that it is not mere popularity in the ordinary sense of\nthe word, but a popularity which is more of the nature of reverence.\nThis reverence for the emperor on the part of the people is manifested\nin their extreme loyalty. On the other hand, the emperor has not the\nleast inclination to take advantage of it and abuse it for selfish\npurposes. His majesty entertains the keenest sense of duty in regard to\nhis position, not as a person privileged to do whatever he may choose,\nbut rather as a person to whom is intrusted the great task of taking\ncare of the people over whom he reigns. Thus there exist between the\nsovereign and his subjects mutual confidence and love, which cannot fail\nto prove the greatest blessing to the country in any hour of national\nemergency.\n\nAs to the position of the Diet versus the Government, party landmarks\nare not so strong in Japan as among most of the Western nations. True it\nis that in Japan also there are several political parties, but the\nGovernment is not 'a party government' as it is in England or America.\nIn that respect the Government of Japan most resembles that of Germany.\nAccording to the constitution, the Ministers of State are responsible\nonly to the Emperor, but every practical statesman knows that no\ngovernment can be satisfactorily carried on without concurrence of the\nDiet so long as there is such a body, and therefore in Japan, also,\nevery Ministry has to do its best to count on such good relations with\nthe parties as it can secure; but, nevertheless, party feeling does not\nrun so high, and party struggles are not so severe as to make the\nformation of a Cabinet depend on party issues.\n\nThe cause of all this is plain so far as we are concerned. The emperor\ndoes not interfere with politics, but when at the hour of supreme\nnecessity he manifests his will, his subjects, one and all,\ninstantaneously obey it, and rally around the throne, forgetting for the\ntime being any differences of personal opinion. It was so at the time of\nthe Sino-Japanese war, and again in the Russo-Japanese war. This state\nof things is due, amongst others, to the liberal administration of the\nImperial r\u00e9gime. The press, speech, and right of meeting are for all\npractical purposes entirely free. Personal freedom is guaranteed by the\nconstitution. Taxes are levied, but no abuse of authority is known. The\npeople at large have no real grounds of complaint or grievance against\nthe Government as such, and have absolutely none against the Emperor.\nMoreover, Japan knows no difficulty in matters of religion, and\nconsequently no party based upon religious notions exists to give\ntrouble to Government. If this or that section of the people has any\ndisputes with the Government or between themselves, those are\nessentially questions of some temporary and passing character. Hence in\nJapan it is not a difficult matter for the people at large to unite\nthemselves under a common national policy in a time of national\nemergency.\n\n\n\n\nII\n\nJAPANESE EDUCATION[1]\n\n\nIn this paper I shall sketch something of the systems of education in\nJapan, especially that of elementary education. My readers, however,\nmust not think I have anything wonderful to show to them; for, as a\nmatter of fact, I have nothing to take them by surprise. All that I can\nsum up is, that we are doing those things with the utmost sincerity, as\nwe do other things which are already manifest to the Western public In\ndays gone by, that is to say, during the feudal period, there was one\ncollege in the capital town of every feudal lord, in which the children\nof the retainers of Samurai were educated. There were some hundreds of\nsuch lords, some great and some petty. Their ranks and importance\ndiffered considerably, and naturally the number of their retainers\ndiffered; in consequence the scale and magnitude of such colleges also\nvaried. The most famous of them were those of Mito, Chosiu, Kumamoto,\nand others belonging to great lords. Above all, there was one such\nbelonging to the Shogunate itself. It may be here noted that\ninstitutions where the young Samurai practised the use of swords, or\nspears, or firearms, or the art of _jiujitsu_, were established\nsometimes in connection with, and sometimes independently of, these\ncolleges. There were also many plebeian colleges in different parts of\nthe empire. These were mostly private institutions founded by _savants_.\nThe founders were generally of plebeian origin; but there were among\nthem many who were originally Samurai, and who betook themselves to such\noccupation from love of independence, or some other causes. But it must\nbe remembered that, though they did not belong officially to the _cadre_\nof Samurai, yet the social respect paid to them was great. In such a\nprivate institution, the founder himself was the master, assisted by\nthose of his pupils who were more advanced than others. The master\ntaught the advanced pupils, or gave general lectures for the benefit of\nall; and the advanced taught and gave lectures to the less advanced. The\npupils were generally youths of plebeian gentry, but not exclusively so,\nbecause many of the youthful Samurai from all parts of the empire\nenlisted themselves as pupils, especially when any such institution had\nbecome famous on account of the achievements of the master and of the\ngeneral work of the institution.\n\nThe curricula of such colleges, both of the official ones of feudal\nlords and of private ones, were diverse, but generally comprised\nelementary as well as higher education. There was, of course, no uniform\ncourse of study to restrain the method of teaching; and every inventive\nfaculty was employed in each college, so that many special\ncharacteristics were observable. But one thing which is undeniable was,\nthat ethical training formed one of the most important branches\neverywhere.\n\nThe chief feature of the college institutions of those days, especially\nof private institutions, was enforced privation and hardship. I can\nnever forget the days when I, in common with all others, of course, ate\nmeals only twice a day, and those, too, of the simplest diet. The food\noften consisted of nothing else than a little rice with a very little\nsalt, or the like. We ourselves were cooks in turn. We swept and washed\nout, not only our own rooms, but those of the master also. We often used\ncold water in the depth of severe winters for the purpose of washing,\nand suchlike. We heated the water in turn for the baths of our fellow\npupils. We sometimes sat up whole nights in winter with scarcely any\nfire to warm us, in order to accustom ourselves to rigid discipline. In\nthose days no idea of sanitation in the modern sense entered the minds\nof the master or of ourselves; neither did any outward show of\nappearance trouble us, nay, the more one was regardless of those things,\nthe more was one thought strong in character. It is, no doubt, due to\nthe training of those days that I, personally, for instance, cannot bear\nthe trouble of appearing like a grandee, or a fashionable person. Thus,\nfor example, I, who never used gloves in my boyhood, cannot endure the\ndiscomfort of wearing them, even on winter days.\n\nAmongst the lower classes (peasants or shopkeepers) there was generally\none or other private person, in village or town, who could teach\nelementary writing and reading, and who taught the children in his\nneighbourhood by establishing a sort of private school. This was very\ncommonly done by a priest of the Buddhist or Shinto temple of the place.\nIt seems that at one time this was done almost universally by the\npriests of Buddhist temples; so much so, that we have the term\n_Tera-ko-ya_. _Tera_ means a Buddhist temple, _Ko_ means children, and\n_Ya_ means a house--_Tera-Ko_ came generally to mean children who go to\nlearn elementary writing and reading, and _Tera-ko-ya_ to mean the place\nwhere such children were taught. We have a famous tragedy, one act of\nwhich is called _The Scene of Terakoya_. There is a translation in\nGerman of that act by a German scholar. It is a scene which represents a\ntragic incident taking place in the tenth century A.D., in a private\nschool for children opened by an old retainer of a nobleman. It has\nnothing to do with a temple; and yet it is called _The Scene of\nTerakoya_.\n\nIt was, however, only after the inauguration of the Meiji era that\neducation became thorough and universal. In the earliest days of this\nera there was an officer called _Daigaku-Betto_ (Chancellor of the\nUniversity), who was a functionary of great dignity. In the course of a\nfew years a special Ministry was instituted for education, with a\nMinister of State, who, of course, had a chair in the Cabinet; and that\nsystem has ever remained the same. The Minister of Education controls\nthe educational affairs of the whole country. At first the sphere of\ndirect control of the central Government was naturally limited to higher\neducation; but, with the abolition of the feudal system and the gradual\nconsolidation of local administration, the sphere has extended step by\nstep, and has culminated in the present system of universal education.\n\nFor the system of education, also, we are indebted to Europe and\nAmerica; for the method of its practical working is, like many other new\ninstitutions, borrowed from the Occidental nations. The only difference\nperceptible, perhaps, lies in the fact that in Japan the moving force of\nthe whole system is manipulated by the central Government to a greater\ndegree than it is in any other country--certainly far more so than it is\nin England. The question of how far popular education should be\ninterfered with by the state, or rather what difference of advantage\nexists between the system whereby the state takes upon itself\nfar-reaching responsibility and one whereby a great margin is left to an\nindependent development of private institutions, is a matter which\nadmits many pros and cons. It is not, however, my business to discuss\nthis problem in this place. The fact remains, that with us the state\nexercises conspicuous influence in the matter. Almost all the\neducational institutions of Japan are official or public; for they\nbelong either directly to the state or to the local administrations\n(Prefectural or Communal), and they are all controlled, directly or\nindirectly, by the Ministry of Education. There are some private\ninstitutions also, it is true; but their number is very small when\ncompared with the others, and even those must abide by the general\ndirection of the state. The reason of this is, that private undertakings\nfor elementary education have to be similar to the compulsory education\nimposed by the state, and such similarity can only be acquired by\nfollowing the general direction of the state. In those of a higher\nstandard, it is because there are many things in which certain\nprivileges are given to those persons who possess certain educational\nqualifications. For instance, in obtaining a postponement of actual\nenrolment for military service, or in becoming a candidate for civil\nservice examinations, such educational qualifications are generally\nmeasured by the standard of certain public institutions; so that private\ninstitutions of higher standard have to conform themselves to the\ndirection of the state, if they wish to avail themselves of the\naforesaid privileges. The chief reason why in Japan the state takes upon\nitself so much responsibility in education is, apart from the intrinsic\nmerit _per se_ of the system, that the country, under the circumstances\nof the period, could not afford to wait patiently the natural growth of\nextensive private enterprises.\n\nPutting aside special and technical educational institutions, as well as\nthose of a private nature, the grades of our educational institutions\nare: (1) the Universities; (2) High Colleges, which may be regarded as\npreparatory _Alm\u00e6 Matres_ for universities; (3) Middle Schools; (4)\nHigher Primary Schools; (5) Common Primary Schools.\n\nThe first two belong to the state itself. The last three belong to\nlocal administrations--in fine, there is one or more of the Middle\nSchools in each Prefecture, supported by the prefectural taxes, the\nnumber varying according to the requirement of the locality; and one or\nmore Higher Primary Schools in each county, and one or more Common\nPrimary Schools in each village-community, all supported by local rates.\nThe case of cities is similar to that of a county and its\nvillage-communities put together. The system is thoroughly carried out\nthroughout the country; for I can say that there is no community where a\nPrimary School is not provided. In populous towns there are\n_Kindergarten_ for the benefit of little boys and girls under school\nage, though the number of such _Garten_ is still only a few hundreds in\nall.\n\nElementary education is compulsory for both boys and girls: the school\nage begins at six. Common Primary Schools are the places where\ncompulsory education is given. The course is four years. Excuses for\nabsence are taken only in certain cases. According to the official\nreport of the school year of 1901-2, the percentage of the boys\nreceiving requisite elementary education was 93.78, and that of the\ngirls 81.80, the average being 88.05.\n\nThe present system of our writing, which is more commonly used than\nanother which consists of phonetic letters only, is very cumbersome,\nbecause it consists of a mixture of Chinese ideographs and our phonetic\nletters. It is a great drawback to our education, nay to our national\nlife. Boys and girls, however, have to learn it; and, therefore, the\npoor children of Japan have to take more pains than those of other\ncountries, which are blessed with the common use of a phonetic alphabet\nonly.\n\nBoys and girls of all classes attend the same schools--children of rich\nmerchants and county gentry side by side with those of coolies or\nhumblest peasants. Our schools are essentially national institutions for\nall classes on an equal footing. No class distinction is to be found in\nthem. This holds good with higher institutions. There exist, of course,\nno longer any colleges like those of former days, which belonged to\nfeudal lords, and were more or less exclusively used by the Samurai\nclass. The emperor and empress have established, out of special interest\nfor the education of nobility, a peers' school and a peers' girls'\nschool in Tokio. But even these schools are not exclusively attended by\nboys and girls of the nobility; for children of the commons who possess\na satisfactory social standard are admitted to them. On the other hand,\ntoo, children of the nobility do not necessarily join those schools\nonly; for many such children are sent to ordinary schools, from\nconvenience of locality or from some particular inclination of the\nparents. The zeal for education has been carried to such an extent, that\nprimary education was made universally free, by a recommendation of the\nDiet. Without questioning the means of the family to which the children\nbelong; although, under some special circumstances, trifling fees,\nalmost nominal, may be imposed by special permission of the proper\nauthorities.\n\nThe method of teaching in Primary Schools has developed itself in the\nfollowing manner. A few years after the abolition of the feudal system,\nnamely in 1872, the first Normal School was established in Tokio; and\nsome seventy young students were collected. An American school teacher\nwas engaged to train these youths for the purpose. They were divided\ninto two classes, those who acquitted themselves with greater credit at\nthe entrance examination having been given a place in the first class.\nThe American teacher taught the first of these two classes exactly in\nthe same manner as he did in America, the students having become as mere\nchildren. One or other of the students belonging to the class so taught,\ntaught in turn the other class in a similar manner, though somewhat\nmodified to suit our requirements. In conjunction with this practice,\ncharts and simple text-books were prepared by some officials of the\nMinistry of Education who were attached to the school. This was soon\nfollowed by an establishment of five more Government Normal Schools in\ndifferent parts of the empire, and a Women's Normal School in Tokio. In\nthe course of a few years each Prefecture came to establish its own\nNormal School under subsidy of the Government; and the Government Normal\nSchools were abolished, except those established in Tokio, which were\nmaintained as before, as a model for the local Normal Schools.\n\nIn the development of this scheme the graduates of the first Normal\nSchool inaugurated in Tokio played an important part, of course. Since\nthen the system has remained the same in the main; but the method of\nteaching has been gradually improved by our inventions to meet our own\nrequirements, supplemented by new intelligence brought back from the\nWest by officials or students sent abroad for studying such matters.\n\nThe mode of making teachers at present is as follows. There is a High\nNormal School and a High Women's Normal School established in Tokio by\nthe state; and another has been recently established in Hiroshima, also\nby the state. Their chief object is to train teachers for higher local\ninstitutions, viz., teachers of Prefectural Normal Schools, Middle\nSchools, and suchlike. In each Prefecture one or more Normal Schools are\nestablished. The maximum of accommodation of the Prefectural Normal\nSchools, together with the numbers of the students to be trained\ntherein, is determined by an ordinance of the central Government, and is\nmade obligatory upon the Prefectures. The students who are trained in\nNormal Schools, both High and Prefectural, are supported by the State or\nby the Prefecture, as the case may be, on condition that they serve as\nteachers for a certain number of years. Teachers thus trained in\nPrefectural Normal Schools become teachers of all elementary schools.\nTeachers of this kind are not, of course, quite sufficient in number to\nfill up all the positions in all schools; so that the want, for\ninstance, of assistants of minor importance is filled up by those to\nwhom certificates are given on certain examination for qualification to\ntake up such position. And, moreover, teachers of some special subject,\nfor instance, drawing, or cutting and sewing, are appointed from amongst\nthose who hold special certificates from the proper authorities. I may\nhere add, that a system of additional emolument for long services and\npensions on retirement of teachers, to the local funds of which the\nstate contributes a certain quota, was promulgated some fifteen years\nago, as an inducement for their devotion.\n\nRigidity of physical training, in the way of privation and hardship,\nhas become a thing of the past. But in its place physical training of a\nsportive and gymnastic character, after the Western style, is much\npractised. To this, in the case of boys, training of a military\ncharacter (_jiujitsu_, fencing, and military drill and man\u0153uvre) has\nbeen added in the case of higher grades. This begins from Higher Primary\nSchools, varying according to age. The credit of the introduction of\nmilitary drill and man\u0153uvres into our schools and colleges is due to\nthe late Viscount Mori, who was at one time Japanese Minister in London.\nMoreover, school children are often taken out by their teachers for\nso-called 'distant excursions'; and, in the case of the higher grades,\nthis often takes place during summer vacation for many days or weeks, in\nthe shape of camping out and man\u0153uvring, or of round trips to places\nof historic interest, something like a pilgrimage. Such trips of Large\nnumbers of students, which are called 'educational excursions,' are\npersonally conducted by the masters.\n\nI do not propose here to describe in detail the curriculum of the\nPrimary Schools, still less those of all institutions of higher grades,\nas this would only weary my readers. All these curricula are in the main\nsimilar to those of the Western nations. There is, however, one branch\nof which they would like me to say something: it is the teaching of\nmorality. In former days in Japan, moral teaching meant more than half\nof education. Even under the altered circumstances of recent time, this\nnotion is still kept very vividly. Especial stress in this respect,\nhowever, is laid in Primary Schools. One thing noticeable is, that with\nus the morality taught in the public schools is entirely secular. Some\nvague notion of heaven or of a supreme being or gods, in a vague sense,\nmight occur here and there in the course of it; but morality never has\nany colour of a religious, still less of a denominational character. The\nmain principle of morality is laid down in an Imperial injunction\ncommonly called the 'Imperial Educational Rescript,' which is reverenced\nby teacher and student alike; but, besides this, there are several\ntext-books, based upon the principles laid down in the Rescript, and\nwritten in a style to suit the requirements of the grades, indeed, of\neach class, on a progressive method. The entity of the Rescript and the\ntext-books form an embodiment of practical ethics illustrated by\npractical examples. They teach how to be honest, how to be\nstraightforward, how to be loyal, how to be patriotic, to honour one's\nparents, to be truthful to friends, and suchlike. On this point,\nhowever, I must refer my readers to my article entitled 'Moral Teaching\nof Japan,' in which I have given a detailed account of the subject.[2]\n\nNevertheless, I may add a few words. In Japan all virtues are mainly\nviewed as a point of duty of those upon whom the conduct of those\nvirtues is incumbent. Thus to be loyal to the emperor is the duty of a\nsubject; to be patriotic is the duty of a citizen to his country;\ntruthfulness is the duty of a friend; and reverence is the duty of a\nchild to its parents; and so on.\n\nIn teaching morality to children, the sense of duty is constantly kept\nin view. Then again, in Oriental ethics the term 'name' has an important\nbearing. It may often be translated as 'fame'; but it has in reality a\nwider and more pious signification. We have a proverb: 'Tigers leave\nskins behind when dead, and men leave (or should leave) names.' Here the\nterm 'name' may certainly be translated as 'fame'; but we often say that\n'we must not disgrace the name,' meaning that we must not disgrace\nourselves or our family by committing any unworthy action. In Japan, to\nacquire fame and not disgrace one's family name are concurrent thoughts.\nFame does not mean a satisfaction of vanity. The trend of thought is\nsomething like this 'Do not commit any bad act, for it will disgrace\nyour name, which is the greatest shame to one's self and to one's\nfamily. If your name shines out, so much the better, as it is a sure\nsign that you have behaved well or have done something good, something\nworthy of yourself, your family, or your ancestors; but to seek\nnotoriety out of mere vanity is despicable, for it is not good conduct\nand does not deserve a good name,' This notion of 'name' permeates very\nwidely in our idea of morality, which fact will explain many cases\nwherein a Japanese prefers death to life. Perhaps the word 'honour' may\nconvey the nearer meaning of the word 'name'; in fact, the Western word\n'honour' is generally translated in Japanese by a combination of the\nwords name and fame, as 'Meiyo.' This notion of 'name' is impressed in\none way or other upon the minds of our youths from childhood, that is to\nsay, from their days of elementary education; and it exercises a great\ninfluence in after life.\n\n[1] _The Independent Review_, August 1905.\n\n[2] See _The Risen Sun_.\n\n\n\n\nIII\n\nANGLO-FRENCH DIPLOMACY IN JAPAN FORTY YEARS AGO[1]\n\n\nIt is now some forty years ago since there took place in Japan some very\ninteresting episodes of English and French diplomacy, which are little\nknown to the Western public.\n\nIt was during the last days of the Shogunate and before the restoration\nof the Imperial r\u00e9gime. The Western powers with whom Japan had treaty\nrelations were still few in number at that time. The principal of them\nwere: The United States of America, England and France. Holland, though\nsecondary, as she is, had some semblance of equality with the others\nfrom the fact that she was a nation which had had commercial relations\nwith us for a longer time than they. Russia and Germany were already in\ntreaty relations with us also, but in the practical sphere of diplomacy\nthey had not played much part. It was England and France who displayed\nthe greatest activity in that sphere. They were both represented by very\ninteresting characters: England by Sir Harry Parkes and France by L\u00e9on\nRoches. It is needless to comment on what an interesting character Sir\nHarry Parkes was, as doubtless his biography is well known to my\nreaders. I will give here, however, a concise outline of his life.\n\nAt the early age of fourteen years he was attached to an English\nconsulate in China. He soon acquired the Chinese tongue, and his\nextraordinary activity and ability gave him good chances of advancing\nhis position. At the time of the Anglo-French expedition to Peking he\nwas attached to the English army, and many adventurous and romantic\nincidents are told about him in connection with it. After that\nexpedition he was made English Consul-General at Shanghai, and soon\nafterwards transferred to Japan as minister, in succession to Sir\nRudford Alcock. Sir Harry may be regarded as an adventurer.\n\nL\u00e9on Roches was of a similar character; he began his career in Algeria\nin a most adventurous and romantic manner. He was subsequently made\nFrench agent in Tunis and thence was transferred to Japan, as minister,\nby Napoleon III. It was through his influence that France succeeded in\ndrawing the Shogun's government into her confidence. Military\ninstructors were sent from France, the Yokosuka dockyard was constructed\nwith French materials, a young brother of the Shogun was sent a little\nlater on to Paris, where he stayed for many years as the favourite of\nthe court of Napoleon. In other words, French influence was paramount in\nYedo, the present Tokio, the site of the Shogun's government.\n\nParkes arrived in Japan at that juncture. In the Crimean war, England\nand France, needless to say, were allies; so also were they in the\nChinese war. At home the Courts of St. James' and that of the Tuileries\nwere on intimate terms. Besides, in Japan, their interests, broadly\nspeaking, were identical, and, therefore, their policy did not diverge\nvery much, as far as their national interests were concerned, and yet\ntheir views concerning the domestic politics of Japan presented a marked\ndifference. It was the time when, as every one knows, Japan was divided\ninto two camps of public opinion. On one side the Shogunate partisans\nand on the other the Imperialists, amongst whom Chosiu was the most\nprominent. France sided with the Shogunates, whilst England gradually\ngave her sympathy to the Imperialists. Several reasons seem to have\nexisted in connection therewith. At home, though Napoleon was apparently\nstill at the height of his power, he seems to have felt the necessity of\nmaking some pompous display of power abroad, in order to appease the\ngrowing discontent among the people. L\u00e9on Roches was just the sort of\nman who would have done things which would suit Napoleon's secret\ndesigns, and therefore, when the conflict between the Shogunate and the\nImperialists reached an acute state, it is said that France offered to\nhelp the Shogunate with her money and even with her military forces. On\nthe other hand England, or rather Harry Parkes, thought that the\nImperial cause was more just, and, therefore, deserved more sympathy.\n\nIt is now pretty well known to Western readers that, though in the\nadministrative authorities the Shogunate appeared potent, in the\nquestion of the legitimacy of the title, that is to say, the\nsovereignty, the Imperial court was viewed as the only lawful head by\nthe Japanese in general, nay, it was so in the point of fact. But in\nthose days, foreigners used to say and to think that the emperor was\nonly the spiritual head and the Shogun was the temporal chief of Japan,\nand they were unable to see what turning movements were approaching, the\nresult of which would be the restoration of the Imperial authority and\nthe consolidation of the country under one single head in the person of\nthe emperor, as the sovereign _de facto_ as well as _de jure_. It was\nonly natural for onlookers to fail to penetrate such matters, and L\u00e9on\nRoches, sagacious as he was, was unable to differ from others. With\nHarry Parkes the case was different. He had grown up in the Far East: he\nwas well acquainted with the Chinese ideographs; he understood Oriental\nthought contained in books and documents, written with those ideographs.\nBesides, several of his countrymen already in Japan had kept keen\nobservation of the true situation and had intercourse with several\nImperialist patriots, and their counsel could not fail to be valuable to\nSir Harry. He was soon able to realise the relative positions occupied\nin the organic composition of Japan by the Imperial court and the\nShogunate respectively. Thus the English policy, that is Parkes, came to\ndiffer from that of France, that is L\u00e9on Roches. Roches's sympathy\ncontinued to be on the side of the Shogunate, even after the latter had\nsuffered defeats, which may be shown by the fact that when Admiral\nEnomoto left the Bay of Yedo with his fleets after the submission of the\nShogun and went to Hakodate, several French military instructors went\nwith him. It is true they left the troops of Enomoto before the latter\nwas brought to submission, but they would not have gone with him at all\nif the French representative had ceased to sympathise with the\nShogunate's cause. Roches's influence had been gradually eclipsed by\nthat of Parkes. It is imaginable, however, that should the advisers of\nthe Shogunate have accepted Roches's offer as to money and forces, the\ncourse of the history of Japan might have presented some difference,\nalthough the ultimate end would have been just the same. Nevertheless,\nthanks to the loyalty and patriotism, before which there is no\ndifference of sentiment and opinion amongst the Japanese, no countenance\nhad been given to the policy of Roches by the Shogunate, which preferred\nits own downfall rather than an acceptance of foreign assistance.\n\nAs to Parkes, although his sympathies were elsewhere than with the\nShogunate from the beginning, officially speaking he was a minister\naccredited to the court of the Shogunate. Nevertheless, he had\nsufficient foresight how to protect English interests, and, moreover,\nseveral other causes made him incline towards the Imperial court.\n\nA year or two before, Ito and Inouy\u00e9 returned from England to Chosiu.\nThey were thoroughly changed from fierce anti-foreign partisans to\npro-foreign propagandists. On account of this visit to and return from\nEngland, they became acquainted with several Englishmen who were then in\nJapan, such as Lowder, Glover, and Satow. When they, together with\nTakasugi and Yamagata and others, revolted against the then government\nof Chosiu, which temporarily had gained the power and favoured more\nconciliatory policy with the Shogunate, and established a new one in\ndefiance of the Shogunate, Takasugi held an opinion that the time would\nsoon come when the question of Chosiu _versus_ the Shogunate would\nbecome one of Japan _versus_ Western nations, and that it would be\nbetter for him to prepare himself for the future eventuality, leaving\ndomestic affairs in the hands of his friends. He communicated this idea\nto his intimate friends, Ito and Inouy\u00e9, who agreed with him. He asked\nIto to accompany him. Together they left their homeland of Chosiu and\nwent to Nagasaki with the full intention of going to Europe, which would\nbe the second voyage for Ito and the first for Takasugi, though the\nlatter had once been abroad as far as Shanghai a few years before.\n\nThis was just the time when Parkes was appointed English minister and\nexpected to arrive at Japan from Shanghai before long. At Nagasaki,\nTakasugi and Ito met with Glover and Lowder. They were told by them that\nParkes was a person of interesting character, and that by effecting\ncommunication with him some great work might be done. Besides, they were\ntold, it was not time for them to leave their home for Europe. Time was\nimportant, and it would be far more interesting if they were, for\ninstance, to take up a plan for opening Shimonoseki to foreign trade.\nThey agreed and returned to Chosiu. In no time the government of the\nShogun despatched the second expedition to Chosiu, and war commenced,\nthe result of which was a total repulse of the Shogunate troops.\n\nHere I must say something about Satsuma. Kagoshima, the capital of\nSatsuma, had been bombarded by the English fleet a few years before.\nWhen peace was made, some kind of friendship began to be felt between\nthe English and Satsuma men. Several young and promising Samurai of\nSatsuma repeatedly visited Nagasaki, and in one way or another they were\nalso acquainted with the Englishmen whom Ito knew. Before the war with\nthe Shogunate, Ito went to Nagasaki several times, chiefly for\npurchasing war materials, but it may be presumed that a good deal of\ndiplomatic conversation took place between him and the Englishmen as\nwell as Satsuma men. From these circumstances, and also from the\ncircumstances which brought Sakamoto of Tosa into close contact with Ito\nand his friends, an understanding soon began to grow between Satsuma and\nChosiu, which ultimately resulted in their secret alliance. In the\ncourse of a few years the tide of events turned greatly in favour of the\nImperialists, and the Shogunate at last came to an end.\n\nSoon after the battle of Fushimi no time was lost in intimating at the\ninitiation of Ito the restoration of the Imperial Government to foreign\nrepresentatives, who were at the time staying at Osaka. It may be\npresumed that an early acceptance of this situation was largely due to\nan understanding existing previously between the English representative\nand the Chosiu and Satsuma, through such men as Ito, Inouy\u00e9 of Chosiu\nand Godai and Komatsu of Satsuma who were also frequenters of Nagasaki.\nSoon after that event the first audience was given at the Imperial\nPalace of Kioto to English and French ministers. At that time there were\nstill many anti-foreign fanatics: on the way taken by Parkes from his\nquarters in a temple to the Imperial Palace, he was attacked by a\nfanatic. Several of his mounted English escort were injured. Goto and\nNakai, whose names are well known in Japan, were escorting Parkes. They\ndid their utmost in defending him, and killed the assassin on the spot,\nin consequence of which Nakai received severe injuries on his forehead.\nParkes returned to his quarters; it was a critical moment for the\nImperial cause. Ito was at the Palace: it was his duty to introduce the\nministers to the emperor. Roches arrived at the Palace, but not Parkes.\nPresently a note addressed to the French minister came from Parkes, and\nalso the tidings of the occurrence. Ito put the note into his pocket for\na moment and told Roches to have his audience first, because it was no\nuse to wait for Parkes. The audience ended and the note was handed to\nRoches, but it was too late for him to say anything. As to Parkes, Ito\nand others found no great difficulty in pacifying him, especially\nbecause the sincerity of the Government was demonstrated by the action\nof Goto and Nakai. Parkes had an audience of the emperor next day; and\nthus the foreign relations between the Imperial court and those of the\nTreaty Powers were formally established.\n\nThus we see that France once backed a wrong horse, but it was not in\nany way due to her fault. We have soon entirely forgiven and forgotten,\nnay more, good friendship soon began to be felt between the two nations.\nMilitary instructors, as well as jurists, were invited from France. The\narmy was organised and distributed after the French system. The Code\nNapoleon was studied and translated into Japanese. The French language\nwas studied in the schools. Even a special school was instituted by the\nGovernment for studying the French language and law. Of recent years, I\nam sorry to notice things have not gone so satisfactorily. Some sorts of\ncoldness of feeling have entered between the two countries, compared\nwith the Anglo-Saxon races. It is natural enough that there should exist\nmore sympathy between Japan and England and America, because the latter\ntwo have a far more extensive intercourse with us--the greatest number\nof foreign residents in Japan being first English, next American. And\nyet I do not see why French and Japanese friendship should not be\nrestored to the warmth of former days, or indeed be made warmer than in\nthose days. Let us hope France does not repeat too often her errors of\nbacking wrong horses--for on our part we have no thought of remembering\nlong other people's errors which may be committed against us.\n\n[1] _L'Europ\u00e9en_, July 15, 1905.\n\n\n\n\nIV\n\nSKETCHES OF SOME CHIEF FIGURES OF ACTUAL JAPAN\n\nITO, YAMAGATA, INOUY\u00c9, MATSUKATA, KATSURA, OKUMA, SAIONJI\n\n\nIt is impossible to give a comprehensive account of the lives of these\npersonages, because to do so would be to write a history of Japan of the\nlast half century. I will, however, give you the chief points.\n\nMarquis Ito is considered by common consent of the Japanese as the\ngreatest statesman of Japan at this moment; there is scarcely a single\npolitical institution of modern Japan in which he has not shared the\ninitiation. Many people in the West call him the 'Maker of New Japan,'\nand it is not far from fact. In other words, I may say that the greatest\nservice which he has rendered to Japan is her Europeanisation, for it\nhas been done more by his efforts than by those of any other. It is,\nhowever, a remarkable fact that he was in his youth one of the most\nardent participators of the anti-foreign party. Not quite fifty years\nago, when but a young man of seventeen or eighteen, Japan was in a state\nof internal commotion; the country was divided into two camps of\nopinion, one pro-foreign, and the other anti-foreign. The Prince of\nChosiu belonged to the latter. There were many young men in Chosiu who\nwere ardent in the anti-foreign propaganda, and young Ito was one of\nthem. It was they who occasionally tried to attack foreigners, and on\none occasion actually set fire to the buildings just completed to be\nused as foreign legations. Most of these young men were pupils of\nYoshida Shoin, who was known as a pioneer of the new Imperial r\u00e9gime\nwhich resulted in the unification of Japan under one single sovereign,\nand therefore is sometimes compared with Mazzini of Italy. Shoin held\nanti-foreign sentiments and imbued the men of his day with his views.\nBut it must not be understood that Shoin was an anti-foreign _\u00e0\noutrance_, because we can see from his writings that his views were not\nopposed to foreign intercourse altogether, but he did not like the\nmanner in which the Europeans forced their way into the Far East in\nthose days. In one of his essays he states 'let us first consolidate the\nempire and then let us send our ambassador, say, for example, to San\nFrancisco, and there conclude a treaty.'\n\nHis primary object was to restore the Imperial authority to its ancient\ncondition, and thus consolidate the empire. However it may be, the fact\nremains that Chosiu was the foremost of the feudal clans who adopted the\nanti-foreign action. Even at that time, however, there were some even in\nChosiu who had the foresight to make some 'live machines,' as they\ncalled the young men of talent who were to meet future necessities when\nthe empire might ultimately be opened to the West, and some of the young\nmen referred to above also saw the necessity of making of themselves\nsuch machines. In consequence of this, five young men of Chosiu sailed\nto England contrary to the then existing prohibition of the Shogun\ngovernment Two of these five were the present Marquis Ito and Count\nInouy\u00e9. They got on board an English ship at Yokohama, with some\ndifficulty and risk, of course. At Shanghai they separated. Ito and\nInouy\u00e9 went on board one sailing vessel and the other three on board\nanother. They knew little English then. One of the words they knew was\nnavigation. On board the English ship Ito and Inouy\u00e9 told the captain of\nthe vessel that they wished to learn navigation, and he set them to work\nas common sailors. They all reached London after several months' voyage\nround the Cape of Good Hope. I may here mention that Yoshida Shoin, when\nCommodore Perry came to the coast of Uraga, had tried to get on board\none of his ships and be taken to America in order that he might\npersonally see the Western countries, but was refused, and in\nconsequence he suffered imprisonment on account of his venturesome\nattempt. It is, however, mentioned in _Perry's Expedition_, commenting\non Shoin's attempt very favourably, that 'a nation which produces such a\nyouth had a great future before it.' Of course, Yoshida's name was not\nthen known to Americans, and they, therefore, knew nothing of his\ncharacter. Regarding this incident, we may say that the five youths who\nleft Japan in the above manner were in a measure fulfilling the\ncherished desire of Shoin.\n\nIto and Inouy\u00e9 soon perceived what kind of people the Western nations\nwere and what kind of civilisation they possessed. In the meantime the\ninternal commotion of Japan accelerated to a very acute degree. The\ntroops of Chosiu bombarded several European merchantmen in the strait of\nShimonoseki from their fortifications, and soon afterwards some troops\nwere sent from Chosiu to Kioto, where much political complication\nprevailed at the time, between the partisans of the Shogunate and\nChosiu. When the news of the bombardment of Shimonoseki reached England,\nIto and Inouy\u00e9 thought that anti-foreign policy would be futile, and\nthat it would be better to devote the national energy more to the\ninternal consolidation of the empire. To this end they determined to go\nback to Japan in order to persuade their Prince and government to their\nnewly acquired views, and on leaving the other three behind in England,\nthey told them to finish their education so that they might realise\ntheir hope of becoming 'live machines.'\n\nThe history of what they did when they reached Japan is recorded in the\ncontemporary diplomatic documents of England and some other countries,\nand also in some English books on Japan, so I need not dwell upon it\nhere. I may, however, state that they ultimately reached Chosiu with\nmuch difficulty, having been first conveyed to an island near Chosiu by\nan English man-of-war. Just at that time the troops of Chosiu, which had\nbeen stationed in the neighbourhood of Kioto for some months, fought\nagainst the troops under the Shogunate and were defeated. In the\nmeantime, the combined fleets of England, France, the United States, and\nHolland, made their entry into the straits of Shimonoseki. Before the\nyouthful Ito and Inouy\u00e9 had succeeded in persuading their Prince and\ncompatriots to adopt pro-foreign policy, Shimonoseki was bombarded.\nPeace was concluded, which was greatly due to the endeavours of Ito and\nInouy\u00e9 and their bosom friend Takasugi. Soon after the Shogun government\ndecided on an invasion of Chosiu, and surrounded it on all sides with\nthe troops of the Shogunate under its immediate command, and also those\nof the feudal lords who were partisans of the Shogunate. The government\nof Chosiu underwent a crisis, and a more moderate party, which did not\napprove the daring policy of the previous government, came into power.\nMany members and supporters of the previous government were ordered to\nput an end to their lives, and submission was made to the Shogunate.\nInouy\u00e9 had been attacked by assassins shortly before, and lay in a dying\ncondition resulting from several wounds which he had received. Takasugi,\nwho was on the point of being arrested, fled to Chikuzen. Ito remained\nin Shimonoseki, where his services were indispensable to the government\nof the town on account of the constant calls of foreign vessels, but he\nwas daily in danger of assassination.\n\nIn the meantime there arose some difference amongst the partisans of the\nShogunate, by reason of one section thinking that the terms imposed upon\nChosiu for its submission were too lenient, and therefore would be\ninjurious to the prestige of the Shogunate, and they insisted on\nrecommencing war operations.\n\nIt was a critical time for Chosiu. It was then that Takasugi returned\nfrom Chikuzen and determined to revolt openly against the government of\nChosiu. At that moment Kawas\u00e9 had a group of voluntary soldiers under\nhis command. Ito also had a certain number of like troops stationed in\nthe neighbourhood of Shimonoseki, and these three with their troops\nuniting in one common cause, took possession of Shimonoseki in open\ndefiance of the government. Almost simultaneously Yamagata and others,\nwho had each a similar troop of soldiers under their command, openly\nrevolted against the government. The leaders soon effected a junction\nand quickly defeated the partisans of the government, and thus Chosiu\nwas made once more an open foe of the Shogunate. At that time Inouy\u00e9\nrecovered from his wounds, and he also, putting himself at the head of a\nlarge band of volunteer troops, took part in the civil strife within the\nclan which has just been mentioned. A little after this the forces of\nthe Shogunate once more surrounded Chosiu, but they were all defeated by\nthe spirited troops of Chosiu. The Shogunate now found its position very\nprecarious. Before the war it had thought itself all-powerful, and had\nbeen of the opinion that Chosiu would simply be frightened at the sight\nof its troops, or if any battle were to be fought, one coup de main\nwould be enough to crush the whole of Chosiu. But as events turned out,\nit was quite the contrary. There was much hesitation on the part of the\nShogunate whether to push on the war or to make peace. It was powerless\nto continue fighting, but at the same time thought they would lose\nprestige by asking for peace. Affairs were then allowed to drift, which\nbrewed discontent among its own partisans. In the meantime many powerful\nfeudal clans, which the Shogunate regarded as friends and supporters,\nbegan to sympathise with Chosiu on account of its singleness of purpose\nand fidelity to chivalry. Among others, Satsuma went so far as to\nconclude a secret understanding with Chosiu against the Shogunate. In\nthe course of a few years the Shogunate came to an end, after the battle\nof Fushimi, which was fought between the Imperialists and the partisans\nof the Shogunate. In this engagement Chosiu and Satsuma took the most\nimportant parts on the Imperial side. War still continued in the eastern\nand northern parts of Japan for some time, the Imperialists being always\ntriumphant. Thus the Imperial r\u00e9gime of our days was inaugurated.\n\nDuring this state of transition, Ito, Inouy\u00e9, and Yamagata played their\nparts in different capacities, the latter more as a soldier and the two\nformer as politicians and diplomatists, I may here add a few words.\nTakasugi died a little before the battle of Fushimi, without seeing the\nconsummation of his cherished ideal, being not quite thirty years of\nage. Yoshida Shoin was the same age as his distinguished disciple when\nhe was put to death some years before. Young men did wonderful things in\nthose days. At the very beginning of the new government Ito was governor\nof Hiogo (Kobe), which was then with Yokohama the centre of foreign\nrelations. It was then that he formulated and presented to the Imperial\nGovernment his plan for the future policy of the empire, the chief\nobject of which was the unification of all systems, namely military,\neducational, economical, and suchlike. His views were regarded as being\ntoo radical at the time, but created some sensation and gave rise to the\nterm 'Hiogo opinion.' Ito has continued practically ever since to occupy\none or another, or even several high positions simultaneously in the\nGovernment. He made several trips to Europe and America. It was in 1871\nthat he went to America chiefly to investigate the banking systems of\nAmerica, because it was thought that the economical system adopted by\nAmerica after its civil war might be utilised by Japan. Later on, in the\nsame year, he visited America and Europe as one of the ambassadors\nheaded by Iwakura. On their return to Japan the Korean question was at a\nclimax. Most of the statesmen who had remained at home were for war,\nwhile those who had returned from Europe were for peace. As the result\nof this difference of opinion the formation of the cabinet was modified.\nThe great Saigo and some others resigned, while Ito was appointed a\ncabinet minister with the _portefeuille_ of public works. It was the\nfirst great trial which the new Government had to undergo, but it\nmanaged to tide over the difficulties. Okubo was now the backbone of the\nnew Government, and Ito his chief collaborator. The administration of\nthe Japanese Government was now carried on more and more on the lines of\nWestern enlightenment. In 1875 a Japanese gunboat was fired at off the\nKorean coast. Early next year an embassy, with the late Count Kuroda as\nchief and Count Inouy\u00e9 as second, was sent to Korea to settle the\nmatter. It was then that I accepted for the first time governmental\nservice, and went to Korea as a member of the staff. We concluded a\ntreaty of peace with Korea and made her open the country to foreign\ntrade: we preferred peace to war.\n\nIn 1877 the civil war of Satsuma broke out, in which the great Saigo\nwas made by the rebels their chief. During the struggle Okubo and Ito\nwere the strong supports of the Government, whilst the command of the\nImperial troops at the front was chiefly in the hands of Yamagata. I may\nperhaps mention that during the first half of the war I contributed my\nservices to the Government in a pure civil capacity, and during the\nlatter half of the war was attached to Yamagata's staff. The war lasted\nnearly nine months, with the result that the rebellion was suppressed\nand the new r\u00e9gime of the progressive administration was placed on a\nfirmer basis.\n\nIn 1878 Okubo, who was then Minister of the Interior, was assassinated,\nand Ito succeeded to his place, not only as Minister of the Interior,\nbut in his capacity of being the moving factor of the Government.\n\nIn 1882 Ito was despatched to Europe to study the constitutional systems\nof the various governments, with a view to preparing a constitution for\nJapan; he returned home the next year. In 1884 another difficulty arose\nwith regard to Korea and China. Early in 1885 Count Inouy\u00e9 was\ndespatched to Korea, where he concluded a new treaty, and soon after Ito\nwas despatched to China, where he concluded the well-known Tientsin\ntreaty, which had a very important bearing upon Korea. In the latter\npart of that year a great reform was made in the administrative system,\nand Ito was appointed Minister President of the State. In 1888 Privy\nCouncil was instituted, and Ito was appointed its President and his\nformer office was taken by Count Kuroda. The first and most important\ntask the council had before it was the elaboration of the Imperial\nConstitution. The materials which it had to work upon was chiefly those\nwhich Ito had brought back from Europe, and which he had been maturing\never since his return. Early next year the Imperial Constitution and the\nImperial House Law, together with several other laws in connection with\nthe constitutional r\u00e9gime then in contemplation, were promulgated, with\nall solemnity and to the great joy of the whole nation. In 1890 the\nfirst session of the new Diet instituted by the Constitution met in\nTokio, and Ito was appointed the first President of the House of Peers.\n\nSince then he has held the post of Minister President of the State\nseveral times. It was during his premiership that the Sino-Japanese war\ntook place ten years ago. Ito's present post is President of the Privy\nCouncil. It may be said here that even when he is out of the cabinet,\nhis influence is felt and his services are rendered to the state. There\nare a few persons who are called 'elder statesmen,' At present they are\nIto, Inouy\u00e9, Yamagata, Oyama, and Matsukata. Elder statesmanship is not\nan institution recognised by a written law. It is a unique position,\nmore of a personal nature, and therefore it cannot be called a council\nor assembly, but the members are collectively or individually taken into\nthe emperor's confidence. The privilege to this honour may only be\nlooked for by those whose meritorious services to the state stand out\nabove others, and the fact of their occupying such a position is\ncontentedly acquiesced in by the general public. Ito is the principal of\nthese elder statesmen. Another of Ito's great services, was his constant\nendeavour during many years to keep harmony, in other words, prevent the\noft-threatened conflict between men of different clans, especially those\nof Sutsuma and Chosiu, though few people are aware of that fact.\n\nSuch, as I have given it, is a brief sketch of Marquis Ito's life, which\nnecessarily brings in some of the general history of the time.\nParticulars it would be impossible to give, owing to the fact that that\nperiod of our history being so eventful, they are far too numerous.\n\nFrom what I have narrated above, glimpses of Yamagata and Inouy\u00e9 may be\ngathered. I would, however, add a little more.\n\nYamagata is also a Chosiu man, and was at one time also a pupil of\nYoshida Shoin. He is more of a soldier, though he ranks also very high\nas a statesman. He fought the battle of Shimonoseki at the head of a\nband of voluntary soldiers of Chosiu, when bombarded by the combined\nfleets of the four powers. He took a very important part in the civil\nwar in Chosiu, and in the war which took place when Chosiu was\nsurrounded by the Shogun troops. After the battle of Fushimi, when the\nImperialists made the expedition to the northern and eastern part of\nJapan, he commanded the troops of Chosiu in the province of Echigo.\nAfter that war he visited Europe, and on his return initiated the\nadoption of the European system of universal service. At first, of\ncourse, there was much difficulty in the matter, but his energy and\nsagacity won the point Since that time he has almost always occupied\nsome position connected with the army, with the exception of occasional\nintervals when he fulfilled some civil offices. He has been Minister of\nWar, Chief of the General Staff, and suchlike. Roughly speaking, we may\nsay that the completion of the organisation of the Japanese army is due\nto him. At the time of the civil war of Satsuma he held the chief\ndirection of the campaign, though the title of Commander-in-Chief was\nintrusted to a prince of the Imperial family. In that war it was proved\nthat the new troops formed on the system of universal service were more\nefficient with regard to discipline and cohesive power than the Samurai\nforce of one of the strongest feudal clans. In the Sino-Japanese war he\ncommanded an army in the Liaotung Peninsula, though he had in the middle\nof the war to return home on account of illness by a pressing order of\nthe emperor.\n\nAt present he is once more the Chief of the General Staff. His\npredecessor was Marquis Oyama, but as the latter's presence as\nCommander-in-Chief in Manchuria became necessary, Yamagata took his\nplace. I may also add that Yamagata was Prime Minister several times,\nbesides holding from time to time other ministerial portfolios.\n\nCount Inouy\u00e9 is also a Chosiu man, but he was not a pupil of Shoin, as\nhe was born in Yamaguchi and not in Hagi, where Shoin lived. He was in\nhis early age attached to the court of the Prince of Chosiu, as a sort\nof companion to the heir of the Prince. When, however, the political\natmosphere became heated, he was one of the youths who formed the bands\nof the anti-foreign party, and as such became a bosom friend of Takasugi\nand Ito. He was one of those who set fire to the new buildings for the\nlegation. We have already seen how he visited England with Ito and\nothers, and in what circumstances he went home. Their experience after\nreturning to Chosiu was of the most exciting and varied character. It is\noften most thrilling to recount the incidents connected therewith. But\nof course I cannot describe them in the space of this article. I may,\nhowever, say that the political part of the affairs in connection with\nChosiu which resulted in turning the attitude of Chosiu against the\nShogun and at last effecting an alliance with Satsuma, with the results\nof the overthrow of the Shogunate, are greatly due to Takasugi, Ito, and\nInouy\u00e9, who were eventually supported by Kido, the great Chosiu\nstatesman. The decision which brought about the decisive battle of\nFushimi, though the Imperialists were inferior in number to the\nShogunate troops, was chiefly due to the determined counsel which Inouy\u00e9\noffered at the Imperial court on behalf of Chosiu.\n\nHe held many high posts in the Government, but not so many as Ito or\nYamagata, which was perhaps due to his character being more impetuous\nthan the others. It was Ito who initiated the abolition of the feudal\nsystem, which idea was taken up first by Kido and then by Okubo, both of\nwhom were the principal statesmen in the new Imperial r\u00e9gime; and it was\nInouy\u00e9 who, when the system was finally abolished a few years\nafterwards, carried out the measure and wound up the most complicated\nand difficult affairs of all the governments of feudal lords, who\nnumbered several hundreds, thereby consolidating the new r\u00e9gime. Inouy\u00e9\nwas then the acting Minister of Finance, and the Minister of Finance of\nthose days had a far wider sphere of action than at the present time, as\nthere had not been instituted as yet the Ministry of the Interior. He\nstill exercises great influence in the political and economical affairs\nof the empire, as one may see from the fact that he is one of the few\nelder statesmen.\n\nThe life of Matsukata is not so striking as those of the preceding\nfigures, but he is also one of Japan's able statesmen. He is a Satsuma\nman. He took up civil service from the early stage of the new Imperial\nr\u00e9gime, and gradually advanced his position from a local governor to the\nrank of cabinet minister. Distinguishing himself as a financier, he was\nMinister of Finance for a long time, and it was he who succeeded in\nadopting the gold-standard system in Japan. He also occupied premiership\nseveral times, and has also been Minister of the Interior. He is now a\nprivy councillor and president of the Red Cross Society of Japan, and as\nelder statesman is still rendering valuable services to the state.\n\nI may here interpose some words about the present premier, Count\nKatsura, who is a Chosiu man. He was a boy soldier at the time of the\ncivil war in Chosiu. When the Imperialists were sent to the north and\neast of Japan to suppress the combinations of the feudal lords in those\nparts who had arisen against the new Imperial r\u00e9gime, he, though under\nage, was placed at the head of a detachment of the Chosiu troops which\nescorted an Imperial envoy to persuade some of the lords to submit to\nthe Imperial summons. The lords, however, did not obey the summons; on\nthe contrary, they assumed an offensive attitude to the Imperial\nmessenger and harassed his escort. Katsura and his men, as well as men\nof some other clans who were among the escort, had a very hard time,\nhaving been obliged to fight their way out. At last reinforcements\narrived, and the fighting was turned in their favour. During that time\nKatsura distinguished himself and was an object of admiration. After a\nfew years he was made a military attach\u00e9 to our legation in Berlin,\nwhere he devoted his energy to the study of military science and\norganisation. He stayed there during many years, and therefore was\nabsent during the Satsuma war. On his return he devoted his services to\nthe organisation of the army, chiefly under Marquis Yamagata in the\nministry of war, in which he was made vice-minister in course of time.\nHe was, before the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war, chief of the\ngarrison at Nagoya, and in that war had the command of a division in\nLiaotung, where he distinguished himself as a practical and strategical\ngeneral. He was at one time Governor-General of Formosa, at another\nMinister of War, and on the resignation of the Ito cabinet in 1901 he\nwas appointed Minister President of State, which office he now holds.\n\nI will now give an account of Count Okuma. He is a Hizen man: he talks\nwell and is possessed of a good memory. He is, no doubt, one of the\nablest Japanese in our day. His life has not been so striking as that of\nIto, Inouy\u00e9, or Yamagata in the pre-restoration period, because the clan\nto which he belonged was a peaceful one in those days, and did not offer\nany opportunities for adventurous youth. A little before the restoration\nhe was a student at Nagasaki, where he studied English to some extent.\nThere is no doubt, however, that he was considered clever among his\nfellow-clansmen. It is to be remembered that the clans that did the\ngreatest work for the restoration, and produced most of the able men,\nwere Chosiu and Satsuma and then Tosa. Therefore we often say Satcho,\nwhich is a term made by a combination of Satsuma and Chosiu, and\nsometimes Satchoto, which is a term standing for Satsuma--Chosiu--Tosa\nwhen Tosa is added to them. But we sometimes include Hizen, which is the\nprovince to which Okuma belonged, and say Satchotohi. It came about in\nthis way. Saga in the province of Hizen was also one of the great feudal\nclans. Soon after the restoration the Imperialist party, of which the\nSatchoto were the important element, enlisted on their side the support\nof Saga, which was only too glad to identify its cause with that of the\nImperialists. Besides, the Prince of Saga was an able man and was not\nlikely to let the chances slip. Hence Saga soon became a force in the\nImperial politics of Japan, and able men coming therefrom found their\nway to the central political arena of Japan. It was thus that Count\nOkuma was brought on to the political stage. His natural ability soon\nmade him conspicuous among politicians, and he rose to high positions.\nThe Prince of Saga had had a predilection for European civilisation even\nbefore then, and European ideas had already been introduced in the clan\npreviously. Thus, for instance, an iron factory, though not successful,\nwas established in the province. Such surroundings, as well as his stay\nat Nagasaki, had made young Okuma familiar with European ideas. He was a\ngreat gain to men like Ito and Inouy\u00e9. They soon formed a sort of\ncombination among young statesmen of their own type, and thus they began\nthe work of introducing European ideas in Japan. The first railway\nbetween Tokio and Yokohama, for instance, was constructed chiefly\nthrough the efforts of Ito and Okuma, despite many prejudicial\nobjections which still existed.\n\nOkuma is a man of great energy, and also a man who can stir up youth to\ndo that which he wishes to be done, thus qualifying himself as a good\nparty leader. He is also a good financier, and has done much for the\nstate for many years, side by side with Ito, though for consummate\nability and profound and constructive statesmanship greater credit is,\nby common consent, given to Ito. In 1881 serious differences of\npolitical opinions arose in the cabinet, in consequence of which Okuma\nresigned. He then organised a political party called 'progressionists in\nopposition to the Government on one hand, and on the other hand to the\nLiberal party which had been organised by Count Itagaki two years\npreviously. Since then he has been out of office for many years, but has\nkept his party together in a creditable manner. In 1888 he was appointed\nMinister for Foreign Affairs in the Kuroda cabinet. In the next year, on\naccount of the revision of the treaties, an attempt was made against his\nlife, and he lost one of his legs by the explosion of a bomb thrown at\nhis carriage. He resigned office; his party remained and still remains\nfaithful to him, though he has never been a member of the Diet.\n\nSince then he has once more occupied the position of Minister for\nForeign Affairs and also that of Premier, but the tenure of his office\non both occasions was short, and his official career not particularly\nbrilliant. He does not enjoy much popularity among other statesmen, and\nhis influence in the Government circle is not great. This was, perhaps,\nthe chief cause of his failure in recent years. He exercises, however,\ngreat influence among the people at large, and his personal ability is\nundoubted. His patriotism is also not to be questioned, because on any\noccasion of emergency he gives up his personal prejudices and supports\nthe Government. It was so during the Sino-Japanese war, and also since\nthe beginning of the Russo-Japanese war. His memory is almost wonderful,\nand his perception is very quick. Although he has never left Japan, he\nknows Europe almost better than many who have made it their special\nstudy. He can also remember figures very well. Regarded in the light of\nsonorous tone and weighty argument, he is not a great orator, but he is\na very fluent speaker and an excellent conversationalist.\n\nI will now give you a sketch of the life of Marquis Saionji, the leader\nof the Constitutional party, which is the greatest political\norganisation in and out of the Diet. His name also appears in the\nWestern papers from time to time. He succeeded Marquis Ito in the\nleadership of that party when the latter had accepted the Presidency of\nPrivy Council, and was obliged to give up the leadership of the party\nwhich owes its creation to him. Marquis Saionji was a companion in his\nboyhood to the present emperor. At the time of the restoration, when but\nfifteen years of age, he was despatched to the northern provinces of\nJapan, at the head of an Imperial army, to subjugate those provinces. He\nwas afterwards a resident in Paris for many years, and, therefore, he\nmust be remembered by many Parisians. He was for some years our Minister\nin Berlin, and was also Minister of Education, Minister for Foreign\nAffairs, and President of Privy Council at different times. He was\nMinister President of State _ad interim_ at one time. Though a scion of\na high court noble, his sentiments contain a strong democratic element,\nside by side with refinement and nobleness of aristocracy.\n\nIn the above sketches I have employed the titles of nobility while\nspeaking of those celebrities, but it may be observed that they were,\nexcept Saionji, originally men of comparatively insignificant origin,\nand their titles are the gift of the emperor in recognition of the\nservices rendered to their Imperial master and their beloved country.\n\n[1] The present Viscount Kawas\u00e9, who was Japanese Minister in London.\n\n\n\n\nV\n\nAN OLD SPEECH BY THE MARQUIS ITO\n\n\nIn a recent number of the _Japan Times_ I came across the following\naccount of a speech made by the Marquis Ito in Washington, some\nthirty-four years ago, when he was there on a mission. The speech gives\na very good outline of the great change which had then already been\neffected in Japan and the broad forecast which was aimed at by her for\nher future. One who reads that speech would at once perceive what\nennobling aspirations Japan had then on the lines of occidental\ncivilisation, and how far she has succeeded in that aspiration, as has\nbeen shown by the war between her and Russia. I therefore incorporate\nthe accounts of it, borrowed verbatim from the _Japan Times_, which may\nalso be regarded in a measure as a supplement to the preceding\narticle.--K.S.\n\n\nMARQUIS ITO IN WASHINGTON\n\nTHIRTY-FOUR YEARS AGO\n\n\nMarquis Ito recently received from Mr. Hioki, Secretary of our legation\nat Washington, a package containing interesting reminders of his sojourn\nin the American capital thirty-four years ago, when he spent a few\nmonths there for the study of the financial system of the Republic. In\nhis work of investigation he received most valuable assistance from Mr.\nH.J. Saville, the Chief Clerk of the Treasury, and it was from this\ngentleman that these interesting relics of the distinguished statesman's\nvisit were originally obtained by Mr. Hioki. Mr. Saville is still living\nin Washington, and preserves a most vivid recollection of the Marquis's\nvisit. The documents relate to a farewell dinner given by Marquis Ito at\nWelcker's, Fifteenth Street, on April 28, 1871. Among the guests on the\noccasion, we find the names of President Grant, Vice-President Schuyler,\nSpeaker Blaine, Secretary Fish, and other members of the cabinet, and a\nnumber of senators and congressmen. Among the Japanese present, besides\nthe host, were the late Count Mutsu, the late Viscount Mori (then our\nMinister at Washington), the late Baron Nakashima, and Mr. Genichiro\nFukuchi. On that occasion the Marquis delivered a speech in English,\nwhich, apart from the interest derived from the personality of the\nspeaker, deserves attention on account of the light it throws upon the\nliberal aspirations of the makers of New Japan--aspirations which have\nsince been so successfully realised. We reproduce below the speech\nexactly as it stands in the copy before us:--\n\n'Taking advantage of the opportunity afforded me by the assembling here\nof so many of the gentlemen who have assisted me to accomplish the\nobject of my coming, I desire to extend to them my sincere thanks for\nthe many courtesies received at their hands, and to assure them that I\nreturn fully satisfied with the result of my mission, and with an\nabiding faith that all they have taught me will bear good fruit in due\nseason.\n\n'It seems to me that an examination of the past as well as the present\ncondition of the world will show that civilisation has not reached its\nhighest development, but that progress in that as in other things is\npossible in the future. As an evidence of this I would instance the fact\nthat this nation, which less than one hundred years ago was unknown, now\nranks second to none in civilisation and in importance. This fact tends\nstrongly to encourage the oriental nations to efforts towards a higher\ncivilisation than they now possess.\n\n'The inquiry naturally is: What is the reason the oriental peoples have\nnot reached the same degree of civilisation as the European? Are the\nmaterial resources of the oriental countries insufficient? Is the native\nforce of the people deficient? No: these questions we put aside, and we\nfind the explanation mainly in the character of the government. You ask\nwhence came this peculiar character? I can only answer, I think from\neducation. It seems to me that all the highest order in modern\ncivilisation derives its strength from the development of the intellect,\nand the improvement of the scientific knowledge and accomplishments of\nmen. It is further strengthened by development of the inherent\nprinciples of natural law, the encouragement in the people of a high\nideal of right and wrong, and the strong political organisation made\npossible by such a foundation; so that we may conclude that the highest\ndegree of civilisation belongs to that nation which has most developed a\nhigh order of general education and broad principles of political\nliberty.\n\n'I doubt if the question of strength materially influences the destiny\nof nations. As an illustration of this we know that the civilisation of\nEgypt, India, Greece, and Rome has not been lost, but has been merely\ntransferred from those countries to the West, as the star of the empire\ntravels. The loss of civilisation in these nations sprang not from the\nfact that they were physically weak, but from the more subtle one that\nwithin themselves they contain an inherent weakness.\n\n'A more modern instance is the late Franco-Prussian war. None of us\ndoubt the strength of the French nation, the skill of its generals and\nability of its soldiers, and yet how have our hearts been wrung with\nsympathy for poor France when brought in contact with the more superior\nforce of Prussia--superior not only in material strength, but in skilful\nsoldiers, in able generals, and in wise counsellors. So I say strength\nhas very little to do with the development of civilisation, strength is\nmerely relative; civilisation is the quality which is never lost, and\nnever can be conquered.\n\n'I find very erroneous ideas prevail in America as well as in Europe in\nrelation to my country. The Empire of Japan consists of numerous islands\nin the Oriental Sea, along the coast of the Asian continent. I think the\nrecorded existence of the nation extends over something more than two\nthousand five hundred years, during which time its intercourse with\nforeign nations has been exceedingly limited. In the seventeenth century\nintercourse began with the Portuguese, Spanish, and some other European\nnations, but the decline of these led to its decay. Our people have not\nbeen ambitious. They have been satisfied when they have reached that\ncompetency which gives support, and as a result they have not sought\nforeign intercourse.\n\n'Seventeen years ago the American Government sent an envoy to our\ncountry, with instructions to advise us to open our ports to foreign\nintercourse, and this advice so kindly given was acted on. Since that\ntime our intercourse with foreign nations has been growing, until at\npresent Japan bids fair to be as well known as America.\n\n'With the commencement of this intercourse, the Japanese people began to\nrealise that they had not reached the highest stage of civilisation, and\nthey began the investigation of what constituted European and American\ncivilisation. Beginning by the introduction of some of the most useful\nof the foreign arts, sciences, and mechanical inventions into their\ncountry, they have so far progressed as to have at this time reached the\nnecessity for sending missions abroad to obtain a knowledge of the\nforeign systems of finances, and we have come to America to study your\nfinancial system as well as to obtain additional knowledge in other\nbranches of civilised government, which will be of benefit to us in our\nefforts to reach that high estate which you have already attained. And\nthis we hold as strong evidence of the progress of Japan in civilised\nideas. I wish I could express to you how great that advancement has\nbeen.\n\n'But to return to the history of my country. About seven hundred years\nago the power of the commanding general became so great that he was\nenabled to usurp the authority of the emperor proper; and from that\ntime, descending through father and son, this power became stronger,\nuntil at last the government of Japan had virtually fallen into their\nhands; and instead of the Government being spoken of as the Mikado's\ngovernment, it came to be known as the government of the Tycoon, who was\nin reality the powerful ruler of the people.\n\n'But no one family enjoyed the power of the Tycoonety in peace. During\nthe existence of what is known as the Tycoon's government six of the\nprincipal ducal families of the empire contended for the position of\nTycoon, and each in his turn came into possession of the reins of\ngovernment.\n\n'Out of the quarrels of these ducal families grew a system somewhat\nresembling the feudal system of Europe. The constant fighting of these\nantagonistic elements made this possible. About three hundred years ago\nthe Tokugawa family came into possession of the power and dignity of the\nTycoon. From this time the feudal system founded in the necessities and\nstrengthened by the wars of the many as aspirants for power came to be a\nfixed institution, and the reign of the Tokugawa family proving to be a\npeaceful one, its hold on the country became thoroughly well\nestablished.\n\n'Before the usurpation of the Tycoon the form of government was\nabsolutely monarchical, with no independent princes or powers.\n\n'As a result of the Tycoon's rule, not alone the Tycoon's position\nbecame hereditary, but also all the highest governmental\npositions--generals, ministers, and princes, the latter being originally\nmerely governors. With the establishment of intercourse with foreign\ncountries, and the consequent development of the progressive people of\nJapan, they began to realise their unsatisfactory form of government\nunder which they were living. They became dissatisfied with the rule of\nan authority which did not encourage ability, and whose strength lay in\nhereditary claims to power. This sentiment growing stronger and\nstronger, they at last resolved to abolish the power and office of the\nTycoon and return the real power to the hands of the emperor. This\nresolution on their part has given rise to the stories of revolution in\nJapan, the revolution being in reality only the efforts of the better\npeople to form a stable and reliable Government with the proper and\nrespected power at its head, assisted in its control of affairs by\nability, integrity, and faithfulness wherever found.\n\n'This came to be an accomplished fact four years ago, and to-day, as a\nresult, we have the former vassal and servant of the prince sitting in\nthe high seats by his side, and counselling with him in the affairs of\nthe nation.\n\n'But the Japanese people do not mean to stop here. There is now a\ngrowing sentiment in Japan which strongly favours constitutional\nmonarchy, a growing feeling against hereditary power, hereditary rank,\nand hereditary possessions. It may be that the bright hopes of some of\nmy people will not be realised at once, but if the past is taken as an\nindex of what is to come, I am encouraged to say that the progress of\nthe future will find Japan, in a very few years, in the front rank of\nadvanced and civilised nations, with a Government as liberal in form and\ngenerous to its citizens as that of any monarchy under the sun.\n\n'In Japan, as in other parts of the world, there must necessarily be\ndifferences of opinion. We have among our people radical and rapid\nprogressists; conservatives, always making haste slowly, always studying\nthe situation, always moving with great caution and circumspection,\noften unwisely wasting their opportunities for advancement by too great\ncaution or timid fear; others timid because of the fear that they will\nlose their property or position by any change; others, the selfish\nUtopian, who builds an impossible castle, hoping that the foundation\nstones may be precious jewels, resting in his land only; and, lastly,\nthere are yet a few who are opposed to foreign intercourse, and who\nbelieve that its strength lies in closed ports and selfish sufficiency\nunto themselves.\n\n'To the outsider in Japan all these differences may appear as elements\nof weakness, when in fact they are elements of strength; and, perhaps,\nin no country can this be so well appreciated as America, where the\nstrength and success of the Government depends so much on the agitation\nof questions by the people. The time is coming when Japan will stand\namong the first in its civilisation and progress. The question with us\nis: \"How can we most rapidly reach this high state of development?\" To\nmy mind the best answer is by educating the people and developing the\ncountry.\n\n'We are grateful to realise that the American people understand our\nefforts, and more especially that the distinguished company of gentlemen\nhere assembled understand them. The prevailing sentiment in America, it\nseems to me, is in favour of the brotherhood of nations; and feeling\nthis when we left Japan, we felt that we were coming among a people who\nwould encourage and assist us in every way possible. We have not been\ndeceived. Every assistance has been rendered us; every facility for\nstudy afforded us, and we will return to our country freighted with\nknowledge, and, as we hope, equal to the test, which we confess is a\ngreat one, of putting in motion such reforms and improvements as shall\nplace us upon a footing equal to the best of nations.\n\n'In the years to come it is to be hoped that the intercourse between\nJapan and America, the sister nations on each side of the great Pacific\nOcean, may be founded upon that strong feeling of brotherly love which\nso unite distant peoples, that through storm and sunshine they will ever\nbe true friends and earnest assistants--co-workers in the great cause of\nhumanity and the development of the world in its moral, social,\nintellectual, and material aspects.\n\n'In conclusion, I desire to extend to all of the gentlemen here present,\nand to thousands who are unavoidably absent, my sincere thanks for the\ngreat courtesy and kindness which I have received at their hands; and if\nit shall ever be my pleasure to meet any of you in my country, it will\nafford me the greatest happiness imaginable to extend to you the warm\nhand of fellowship, and to give you such a reception as will prove how\nentirely and truly I appreciate all you have done for me.'\n\n\n\n\nVI\n\nTHE COMMERCIAL MORALITY OF THE JAPANESE[1]\n\n\nIn accordance with your request that I should write an answer to Mr.\nJoseph H Longford on the commercial morality' of the Japanese, which has\nappeared in the _Contemporary Review_, I venture to write these lines\nfor your perusal. I do so rather hesitatingly, as I have no desire to\nenter upon a dispute with that distinguished writer.\n\nThere is, it seems to me, a great deal of truth in what Mr. Longford\nsays; but, at the same time, it is, I think, painted blacker on the side\nof the Japanese and brighter on the side of the foreigners out there\nthan the facts warrant.\n\nTo begin with, it is true that in Japan we had the classification of the\npeople into four, viz. soldiers, farmers, artisans, and traders, and\nthus traders stood the last. From this fact ordinary critics make a\nhasty conclusion that Japanese traders--in which term big merchants are\nincluded--occupied in every respect a position which was inferior even\nto that of common peasants; but this is not fair. In social matters they\noften occupied very good positions; in fact, there were many to whom\nspecial considerations similar to Samurai were accorded. The above\nclassification has much deeper meaning than a mere social caprice, and\nit is derived from a theory of political economy of the classical China.\n\nAccording to that theory, agriculture is considered the foundation of a\nnation, and commerce is a mere act of transportation of things already\nmade, and, therefore, comparatively of little value. That such a theory\nshould have existed in China is a matter of no surprise, for even in the\nEurope of a little more than one hundred years ago there flourished\nphysiocracy, the doctrine of which was almost identical with that of the\nChinese. The Japanese classification of the former days was considerably\ndue to the influence of that theory, and therefore the relative\npositions of the Samurai, farmers, artisans, and traders were more of\ntheoretical notion than a social fact. This is a distinction very\nimportant to be kept in view when one discusses things Japanese.\n\nThat the Samurai as a class despised dealings in matters of profit is an\nundoubted fact, but a trader's position was not so degraded as Mr.\nLongford represents. He says:--\n\n'Just as the training and social precedence of his ancestors for\nhundreds of years and of himself have made the Japanese soldier a model\nwithout flaw of loyalty, devotion, and courage, ready to sacrifice at\nany time life or property for his sovereign and his country, so have\noppression and social degradation combined to make the merchant a no\nless striking model of dishonesty and timidity, unwilling and unable to\nmake the smallest monetary sacrifice for his own or his country's fair\nfame.'\n\nSurely this is sweeping assertion. If we take individual cases into\naccount, striking characters in the ranks of merchants are abundant in\nrecords and in memory. Even in the movement which resulted in the\nrestoration of the present Imperial r\u00e9gime, countless men whose origin\nbelonged to mercantile circles may lay their claim of participation to\nit. True, they were men who generally cast off their original occupation\nand enrolled themselves in the ranks of patriots, so that they may be\nconsidered as exceptions. But even as a class in the ordinary sense of\nmerchants they scarcely deserve that kind of condemnation. Osaka in\nformer days had some resemblance to free cities of the West, and every\none well acquainted with things Japanese knows what a well-developed\nmercantile system it possessed. So also the so-called Omi merchants.\nEven with regard to merchants and tradesmen of all parts of the country\nthere was little room for them to be so dishonest as the writer\ndescribes. Under the feudal system commercial occupations were almost\nhereditary. They had almost no freedom of removal from their accustomed\nabode. Their customers were the children or grandchildren of those who\nwere customers of their fathers or grandfathers. If a merchant under\nsuch circumstances made dishonesty his customary trade, and expected\nprosperity, he would surely be totally disappointed, and would suffer a\ndeserving penalty. Besides, in those days social sanction, from the very\nnature of the conditions under which they found themselves situated, was\nmost severe. Yes! Merchants and traders of those days were honest, far\nbeyond one can imagine. If any dishonesty or any shortcomings in respect\nto commercial probity have become observable, it is necessary evil\nproduced by the changed circumstances of the time, chiefly on account of\nforeign intercourse.\n\nMr. Longford speaks of the early Japanese traders who flocked to the\nnewly opened ports as being 'without exception adventurers with neither\nname nor money to lose, with keen wits and the determination to exploit\nto the utmost.' This is, in a measure, undoubtedly true, and accounts\nfor the lamentable condition which for a long time existed in the trades\nat the open ports. But this is not the only cause. On the parts of\nforeign merchants who came out there to trade, there was much to be\ncriticised; I mean to say, they were also mostly adventurers in a\nmeasure; they were also inconsiderate, even arrogant. A Western merchant\nwho, leaving China, was passing through Japan, violated intentionally\ntime-honoured etiquette against one of the most powerful 'Daimio,'\nsaying, 'I know how to manage these Orientals,' and was murdered in\nconsequence. It is a good illustration of the kind of conduct of the\nEuropeans of those days towards us; hence no sympathy existed between\nthem and our traders--the dealings were viewed, naturally, very\ndifferently from those which they were wont to carry on with their\nnative customers of several generations' standing. Business is business,\nso the common saying goes, but even in business mutual respect and\nfriendly feeling go a long way. How can a model trade be expected to be\ncreated under such circumstances?\n\nThen, again, in Japan commercial goods were, and are still, to a great\nextent made by hand on small scales. No big industrial factories existed\nwhere one could order a large number of articles identical in every\nrespect as one could do in Europe. Foreign traders, not taking these\nconditions into their serious consideration, often gave similar orders\nas they were used to do in Europe, and when articles delivered to them\nwere found to be not perfectly identical, they often took advantage of\nthat fact, and gave much trouble to the native contractors, who did not\nexpect to meet with so much severity. There existed also very bad\ncustoms among foreign traders; the essence of those customs was known by\nthe name of 'Haiken,' or 'Kankan.' These terms, literally meaning 'to\nsee,' were used to veil the facts of detaining goods at their\nstorehouses, often for an unreasonable length of time; in the meantime\nascertaining the commercial conditions of their home, and returning the\ngoods when they found the transaction was not likely to be beneficial to\nthem. Native traders had serious grounds of complaint against those\ncustoms. As a matter of fact, at one time the matter was brought to a\nvery acute state, and the native traders began to try to get rid of them\nby combination, but with little success. I imagine Mr. Longford will\nremember the incidents which occurred in connection with that matter in\nYokohama years ago. I can also state on good authority that there were\neven some cases wherein foreign traders themselves practised, toward\ntheir compatriot at home, some actions which appear not to have been in\nunison with Western honesty, and taking advantage of our unfortunate\nreputation attributed the fault to the Japanese when matters were\ndiscovered. The notorious case wherein a large foreign firm dealing in\nsilk, who took off the labels of native manufacturers and changed them\ninto a single kind which he liked, was boycotted by them when the matter\ncame to broad daylight, may also be recollected by him. Another thing\nwhich foreign traders were wont to do was that they often ordered things\ndirect from small manufacturers at a cost far less than their real\nvalue. Japanese merchants often said that they could not compete with\nforeign traders, inasmuch as foreign merchants often got things at less\nexpense than they themselves could. This is surely an extraordinary\nphenomenon. But the fact was that those foreign traders often succeeded\nin making that kind of contract either by giving some tempting\ninducement at the beginning or canvassing several manufacturers one\nafter another, always showing the last most advantageous offer, and\nbringing down the price by bargaining in a skilful and cunning manner.\nUnder such circumstances it was not surprising if those contracts were\noften unfulfilled, simply on account of the inability of fulfilment by\nthe contractors. There was also another circumstance which caused\ncommotion and disorder in all commercial dealing in Japan. It is to be\nremembered that the new order under the new system of government,\nespecially the abolition of the feudal system, widely changed the\naccustomed occupations of the Japanese at large. Chances for making\nwealth and for entering upon various enterprises almost entirely changed\ntheir hand. Besides, four hundred thousand families (2,000,000 capita)\nof Samurai, who gave up their hereditary allowances, now had to make\ntheir earnings chiefly by becoming traders or sometimes agriculturists,\noccupations to which they were entirely unaccustomed. They naturally\nexperienced failure after failure. It was then that a new term, 'Trades\nof Samurai,' meaning thereby an undertaking which is precarious or even\ndoomed to failure, came into existence. In one sense it was sad to think\nabout, but the fact was so. Under such circumstances one can well\nimagine that dishonesty, or rather failure of fulfilment of promise,\nalthough against one's conscience, it maybe presumed, was often\nexperienced even among our own community. This also might have had some\nindirect effects upon foreign trade.\n\nCritics say that commercial probity in China is better than in Japan.\nIt may be true; I shall not dispute. The Chinese are excellent traders,\nand besides, as every one knows, no such social revolution, as was the\ncase with us Japanese, has ever taken place. That accounts for the\ndifference between Chinese and Japanese traders in the first place, but\nthat is not all. The Chinese are, individually speaking, very docile;\nthey would not think of quarrelling with foreign traders, under whatever\nhumiliating circumstances they might find themselves placed, so long as\nthey could make some profit. But this is very different with us\nJapanese. Take, for instance, the case of a 'Rikisha' man; if he were a\nJapanese, and suppose a foreign rider whipped him, as they often do,\nbecause he did not run quick enough, the probability is, he would ask to\nbe excused carrying the rider any further, or turn round to the rider\nand ask for an explanation. He would do so no matter whether or not he\nwould get his fare; but if it were a Chinaman, the probability is that\nhe would calmly suffer the treatment, and proceed just at the rate he\ncould run, his thoughts being concentrated on obtaining as good a fee as\nhe could get, and would be looked upon as an honest man in consequence.\nThis state of things exists in the matter of trade at large. Chinese\ntradesmen would suffer without anger, any arrogance or unreasonableness\nof foreign traders, and exert such wonderful patience in order\nultimately to attain their objects, whilst Japanese merchants would\nsooner break the contract than suffer such treatment with such patience.\nThe consequence is that Japanese merchants are viewed in rather a bad\nlight.\n\nThe effects of the Great Change, both political and social, have been\nsubsiding already for some time, and the order of things at large has\nalso begun to settle down. The condition of our mercantile circle is, in\nconsequence, much changed; so also the attitude and characters of\nforeign traders have begun to alter considerably. I am, therefore, most\nsanguine that all complaints of foreigners against our commercial\nprobity will soon become a thing of the past.\n\nI am sorry to speak about foreigners in this manner, but I am sure\nimpartial observers will admit that what I say is not far from fact. At\nall events, their conditions were not so bright as Mr. Longford pleases\nto represent them to have been. Unfair criticisms are not calculated to\npromote the friendly feeling of nations, and my statements, which I\nbelieve no other than those of true fact, are hereby made more for\npromoting in future the goodwill which has already begun to exist\nbetween us and the Western traders of late years.[2]\n\n\n\nSUPPLEMENT\n\nThere appeared an interesting letter, written by the Manager of the\nPublication Department of the _Times_, in the columns of that paper,\nOctober 7, 1905. As it has important bearing on the preceding subject, I\ntake the liberty of subjoining it in full.--K.S.\n\n\nTHE CHARACTER OF THE JAPANESE PEOPLE\n\nTO THE EDITOR OF THE \"TIMES\"\n\nSir,--In last Monday's issue of the _Times_ there was a long letter\nfrom the Right Rev. William Awdry, Bishop of South Tokio, Japan, in\nwhich he says that 'in general a Japanese would value the promise of an\nEnglishman more than the bond of a Japanese'; and that the Japanese are\ndeficient in a certain group of qualities, including honesty in trade.\nIt seems to me that it would be unfair for the _Times_ to allow such a\ncharge against Japanese integrity, endorsed by a bishop, to go\nunchallenged, when the _Times_ has, in its own office, records that\nprove a promise made by a Japanese to be at least as trustworthy as a\npromise made by an Englishman. During the past eight years the _Times_\nhas sold, in almost every country in the world, sets of the Encyclop\u00e6dia\nBritannica on the instalment plan, giving credit for periods of two,\nthree, and four years. The regularity with which such payments are made\nis certainly a fair test of the average honesty of any nation, and a\nmuch more severe test in the case of Japan than in the case of England,\nbecause it is more difficult there than here to enforce payment by legal\nproceedings. Ninety-five per cent. of the encyclop\u00e6dias sold in Japan\nwere sold to Japanese, not to foreign residents, and the statements I am\nabout to make refer exclusively to purchases made by the Japanese\nthemselves. In Japan, as elsewhere, each purchaser, when he signs his\n'order-form,' promises to pay, on certain dates, certain sums of money.\nIn Japan the monthly payment was 10 yen, equal to about a sovereign,\nwhile in this country the amount was a guinea. In Great Britain less\nthan half the payments arrived on the day promised. In Japan less than 1\nper cent. of the payments were even one day late, and more than one-half\nof the payments were made the day before they were due, because the\nJapanese did not like to run the risk of any accidental delay that might\nmake them even one day late. The cost of collecting these instalment\npayments in Japan is less than half as much as in England, simply\nbecause the Japanese are so punctilious that clerical labour and postage\nare not expended in reminding them that their payments are overdue. They\nseem to look upon every debt as a debt of honour, which must not be\nforgotten for even a day. There is certainly no such delicacy of feeling\nin this country about commercial transactions.\n\nI find it difficult to believe that the Bishop of South Tokio is right\nwhen he says that the Japanese do not trust one another; and I know that\nhe is wrong if he in himself believes, as he implies, that the Japanese\nare not 'honest in trade.' But I quite admit that Englishmen who have\nlong resided in Japan did not believe that it would be prudent for the\n_Times_ to adopt in Japan the instalment system of selling books,\npreviously unknown there. When the representative of the _Times_ arrived\nin Japan to sell the _Encyclop\u00e6dia_, he naturally asked English\nresidents there what they thought of the project. With one exception the\nanswer was: 'You cannot sell the _Encyclop\u00e6dia Britannica_ here because\nalmost every English and American resident has already obtained a copy\nfrom England, and, of course, the Japanese will not buy--fortunately for\nyou, because if they did they would not pay.' The only English resident\nwho did not say this said: 'Of course you can sell any number of\n_Encyclop\u00e6dias_ to the Japanese, but you will never be able to collect\nthe payments when they have once got the books. No Japanese will pay for\nthe _Encyclop\u00e6dia_ when he finds he can get it without payment.' In the\nface of this advice, the instalment plan of sale was adopted, with the\nresults above described. I many add that the Japanese bought five times\nas many _Encyclop\u00e6dias_ as were sold in France and Germany combined,\nfifty times as many as in Russia, more than in any other country except\nIndia, Australia, and the United States.\n\nWhen I see a bishop of the Church of England, who has lived in Japan\nsince 1898, write with so little appreciation of the Japanese, I wonder\nwhether some of our countrymen are not as blind as the Russian statesmen\nwho, in the early days of the war, described the Japanese as 'yellow\nmonkeys,' and as blind as the Ambassador of the Tsar who made the\nstatement in Tokio, before the war, that the mobilisation of one army\ncorps in Russia would frighten the Japanese into immediate submission.\nNo one in the _Times_ office, at any rate, can doubt that the standard\nof integrity among the Japanese is so high that when young men, who have\nbought the Encyclop\u00e6dia, abandoned their employment to go to the front,\ntheir families promptly paid the instalments due, under circumstances of\nthe utmost difficulty.--I am, sir, your obedient servant,\n\nThe Manager of Your Publication Department.\nPrinting-house Square, E.C., _October 5_.\n\n[1] _The Magazine of Commerce_, August 1905.\n\n[2] See the note at the end of the volume.\n\n\n\n\nVII\n\nJAPAN AND FOREIGN CAPITAL[1]\n\n\nJapan, far from becoming antagonistic to the occidental nations, as it\nwas prognosticated by some of the Continental journalists, has given\nanother proof of her readiness for the identification of her economic\ninterests with those of the occidental people.\n\nHitherto in Japan there has been no law which regulated the mortgaging\nof a railway, or a mining enterprise, or a factory, together with its\nworking system, as a corporation, that is to say, mortgaging the whole\nsystem of a railway, a mining enterprise, or a factory as an economic\nwhole, comprising not only each particular material object but also all\nthe organic components of its working system as the subject matter of\nmortgage. A radical change has now been effected in the matter.\n\nAccording to the Japanese laws there are two methods for a commercial\ncompany in contracting a debt. One is the ordinary borrowing of money\nfrom a creditor, and the other is borrowing in the shape of debentures\nby public subscription. Now in ordinary borrowing of money the liability\nmay be secured by mortgage, but the debentures could not be secured by\nmortgage, although of course the liability extends to the whole property\nof the company.\n\nThe first effect of the new change is the provision which enables\ncompanies to guarantee debentures by mortgage, and the second effect is\nthe provisions which relate to the creations of economic corporations of\nrailways, mining works, or factories for the special purpose of\ninstituting mortgages of their economic entity.\n\nTo make the matter easier to comprehend, I will first explain it with\nregard to railways.\n\nThe permission of the Government originally given to the company is in\nthe nature of a licence or concession which is to be viewed more in the\nlight of a personal matter of the original company, and therefore it\ncould not be a subject matter of a public auction, and therefore\naccording to the old law, if a railway company becomes bankrupt, all the\nmaterial property, either movable or immovable, would go to new hands,\nbut the licence itself cannot but become extinct with the dissolution of\nthe original company, viz. the original grantee.\n\nThis being so, if a railway company fails to fulfil its liability for\ndebenture and goes into bankruptcy, the ultimate result would be that\nthe railway system would be broken up, and the creditors would get their\nsatisfaction only from the sale of each piece of the material property\nsold by public auction. Even in the case of ordinary debt, whereby all\nthe material property can be mortgaged, the result would be practically\nthe same.\n\nAll these inconveniences have now been removed by a series of new laws\npassed by the last session of the Imperial diet and promulgated on March\n13, 1905, by the Imperial Government. The articles of the laws are very\nnumerous and minute, so that it would be unnecessary to dwell upon them\nhere in detail, but the more important parts may be summarised as\nfollows:\n\n_(a)_ The economic entity of a railway company may be constituted a\nspecial economic corporation for the purpose of mortgage.[2]\n\n_(b)_ In default of payment of the mortgage liability, the whole, _i.e._\nthe corporation, may be subjected to auction. This provides the means\nfor transferring, together with the material properties, the original\npermission of the Government, namely, the licence, to the purchaser,\nviz. a new company.\n\n_(c)_ A company, which in reality may be taken as a syndicate, may be\nformed for advancing money by means of debentures. Such company may\nacquire legal recognition and may represent the creditors of debentures.\nIt forms a particular kind of commercial company, and is called 'trust\ncompany.'\n\n_(d)_ At the option of the creditors, means of compulsory control of the\nrailway in the interest of creditors are also provided for in the laws.\n\n_(e)_ Special provisions are made to meet the cases where the syndicate\nand investors are of foreign nationality: namely, the means of\nrecognising foreign syndicates by the Japanese Government, and also the\nmeans of affording convenience for foreign investors.\n\n_(f)_ Further provisions are made for facilitating the registration of\nconstituting the said corporation, and the registration of the mortgage\nthereof, for these affairs, as far as railways are concerned, are now\nentrusted, by the new laws, to the Minister of Communications, to whose\ncontrol the railways belong, and not to the local courts of law, as is\nthe case with all other kinds of mortgages.\n\nThis change of our laws gives very great facility to foreign investors\nwho may be willing to lend money on railway securities.\n\nThe case of mining enterprises were similar because they are also based\non licences. For them also much the same changes have been effected by\nthe new laws, so that their economic entity may now be mortgaged in the\ninterests of either an ordinary creditor or investors in debentures.\n\nThe cases of ordinary factories differ in origin from those of the\nrailways or mines, they not being based on a concession or licence like\nrailway or mining enterprises. But for them also the new laws have made\nprovisions for the means of constituting corporations for the purpose of\nguaranteeing debenture by mortgage. Provisions have also been made for\nguaranteeing debenture by mortgaging ships, any definite property either\nimmovable or movable, or any legal claims which are secured by written\ninstruments.\n\n\n[1] The _Outlook_.\n\n[2] The law also permits the companies constituting such a corporation\nof a part of the whole for a similar object. But as its general purport\ndoes not materially differ, I omit its account in order to avoid\nconfusion.--_The Author_.\n\n\n\n\nVIII\n\nTHE LANGUAGES OF CHINA AND JAPAN\n\n\nPeople often ask me if there is any affinity between the Chinese\nlanguage and ours. I can at once say there is no affinity whatever, but\nthis requires much explanation before I can clearly show it.\n\nThe written language of China, viz. ideographs, is the same all over\nthe extensive sphere of China proper, but its pronunciation is different\nalmost in every province. The spoken language of the Chinese is, roughly\nspeaking, the same as the written language, as is the case in the\nWestern nations. Therefore, the Chinese residing in different provinces\ndo not understand each other colloquially, except those educated in the\nMandarine Chinese, which is in fact the pronunciation used in Peking\namongst the Mandarins and studied by all Mandarins in provinces as well\nas those in Peking.\n\nThe first difference between Chinese and Japanese is that the former is\nmonosyllabic, whilst the latter is polysyllabic. The second difference,\nwhich is a natural consequence of the first, is that in Chinese there is\nno declension of nouns or conjugation of verbs, whilst in Japanese there\nare conjugations of verbs and a method of the formation of the cases of\nnouns which is in purport similar to declensions. The third difference\nis the position or order of words in sentences. The fourth difference is\nthe difference of pronunciation of the Chinese ideographs, viz.\ncharacters, even when they are used in our writing in their original\nshapes.\n\nI will now explain in detail all these points in the succeeding pages.\n\nTo begin with, Chinese is monosyllabic, as I said. Each word, which\nalways has one signification, be it a noun or a verb, has only one\nsound. Thus a harbour in Chinese is _kong_, whilst it is _minato_ in\nJapanese; and a man in Chinese is _jen_, whilst it is _hito_ in\nJapanese. It is the same with verbs. The sound of each word of Chinese\nnever changes, whatever position it may stand in relation to other words\nin the same sentence, that is to say, there is no declension and no\nconjugation. Each word is represented by a distinct ideograph, and, from\nwhat I have just said, it follows that the form of the ideographs also\nnever changes, in the same way as the sounds do not change.\n\nIn Chinese different shades of meaning as to the actions and agents are\nexpressed by the position of the words, by addition of some other words.\nIn simple sentences, therefore, it resembles English very much; thus,\nfor instance, when a Chinese says: 'John likes Paul,' it is plain, like\nEnglish, that he who likes Paul is John, and he who is liked is Paul.\nWhen a Chinese wishes to express the same idea in the passive voice, he\nwould say, 'Paul by John is liked,' which is the same as 'Paul is liked\nby John,' Neither has Chinese any preposition like English or French,\nnor any post-position like Japanese, to designate the cases, except a\nfew which resemble prepositions meaning 'from,' 'to,' and 'by,' but even\nthese are very sparingly employed and by no means with any regularity.\nWhen a verb is used as a substantive the form is still identical; thus\none identical ideograph, 'like,' may represent a verb 'to like' or a\nsubstantive 'liking.' Of course there are many terms designating one\nthing or one action consisting of more than one sound; such are,\nhowever, combinations of two or three distinct words, like the English\nword 'firearms' or 'seesaw,' and therefore none of them could properly\nbe called one distinct polysyllabic word.\n\nIn Japanese, unlike Greek, Latin, or German, there is no proper\ndeclension in nouns. In this respect it is more like English or French,\nbut it has a method of forming the cases, so that in this respect it\ndiffers from Chinese. Our cases are formed by putting after them the\nso-called _ga--no--ni--wo_--thus:\n\n     _Hana ga saku_ . . Flowers blossom\n     _Hana no Kage_ . . The shade of flowers\n     _Hana ni chikazuku_ . . Approach the flowers\n     _Hana wo Miyo_ . . See the flowers (imperative).\n\n_Ga_ is generally omitted in writing. It is more like the Greek _Ge_,\nwhich is often suffixed to the nominative substantives. _Ni_ is equal to\nthe English _to_ and the French _\u00e0_; but such ideas as the English _by_\nor _in_, or the French _en_ or _par_, are generally expressed by it.\nThere is another particle _wa_ for the nominative, its position is the\nsame.\n\n_Made_ (until, jusqu'\u00e0) and _yori_ or _kara_ (from, de) are also put\nafter the substantives. In fact, all equivalents to English or French\nprepositions are put after the substantive, and therefore they are more\nappropriate to be called the post-positions.\n\nIn Chinese the idea of time is generally very vague, it is mostly left\nto the conjecture of the hearers or readers, as the case may be, from\nthe context of the whole sentence. But when it is necessary to express\nit, it is also done by addition of some words, such as 'already' or\n'once.' Thus a Chinese would say, 'John once like Paul,' meaning 'John\nonce liked Paul,' or 'John already come,' meaning 'John has already\ncome.' But this is very different in our language. We have regular\ndeclensions of verbs in both the active voice and the passive voice and\ntheir form is accordingly changed. Thus, for instance:\n\n_Kitaru_     - come\n_Kitaran_    - shall come\n_Kitarishi_  - has come\n_Kitare_     - come (imperative).\n\nI shall here develop my dissertation a little further, and make some\ncomparison between our language and some of the European languages.\n\nIn Japanese there is no gender in nouns, for grammatical purposes,\nalthough some words from their very nature signify male or female; thus,\nfor instance, _otoko_ = man, _onna_ = woman, _ondori_ = cock, and\n_mendori_ = hen. To us it sounds very odd that the Germans give feminine\ngender to the sun and masculine to the moon, whilst the French do vice\nversa, or that both the French and German give masculine gender to\n'regiment' or 'battalion,' but feminine gender to 'company.' In this\nrespect the English method of dividing into masculine, feminine, and\nneutral, allowing only on rare occasions, for poetical purpose,\npersonification of inanimate objects, sounds more rational and\ncomprehensible to our ears. It follows, therefore, that our nouns do not\nmodify their forms on account of the gender, and that it is more like\nEnglish in this respect.\n\nWe have, moreover, no number in the nouns. Whereas in European languages\nnouns which have no number are exceptions and very few, all the nouns in\nJapanese are without number without any exception. When we wish to\nexpress any particular numerical idea, we make use of a numerical\nadjective in a similar manner as the English would say 'a sheep,' 'ten\nsheep,' or 'numerous sheep.' Here again we can see that our nouns never\nchange their form on account of the number. It is true, we also put\nafter the nouns _ra_, _tachi_, or _domo_ to signify plural, but it is\nrare, and the style becomes rather clumsy unless it is done very\ncarefully.\n\nFurthermore, there is no gender or number in our verbs. All conjugations\nare the same whatever gender or number they may relate to. It goes\nwithout saying that in Chinese also there is neither gender nor number\nin its nouns and verbs. It also goes without saying that in Japanese as\nwell as Chinese there is, like English, no gender or number in\nadjectives. I may also add here that, like Latin, there are no articles\neither in Chinese or Japanese.\n\nAs to the adverbs in Chinese, they are as a rule identical with\nadjectives, the difference between them being only perceived by the\ncontext, although there is a certain form which always gives adverbial\nsignification, and which is done by putting another word after an\nadjective (there are three or four words which are used for the purpose\nof thus forming adverbial terms). In Japanese adverbs are formed by\nsuffixing _ni_ and _to_, like the English _ly_ and French _ment_. As\n_shizukani_ (slowly) _yuku_ (goes), and _shizushizu to_ (slowly and\nslowly) _yuku_ (goes). _To_ may be written _toshite_ according to\neuphony.\n\nThe use of conjunctions in Japanese and Chinese is much similar to that\nof the Western languages, except that in both Chinese and Japanese it is\nvery commonly understood. Thus where the Europeans say, 'East and West'\nor 'black and white,' we both, Chinese and Japanese, would simply say,\n'West East' or 'white black,' unless we have some particular reasons in\ngiving emphasis to the distinction.\n\nIn Chinese the pronouns also have no gender, so also in Japanese. When\nwe particularly wish to designate gender, we say, 'that man' or 'this\nwoman,' which in reality is no longer a pronoun. As to the number of\npronouns, it is formed by adding another word after it; but in Chinese\nthis is by no means uniformly done, for in most cases where the meaning\nis plain enough, the same person as that of the singular number is also\nused for the plural. It is so especially with regard to the third\nperson, but even in the first person this occurs sometimes, as for\ninstance when two opposing objects, one of which is on one's own side,\nare collectively spoken of. There is something similar in English as far\nas the third person is concerned, but the Chinese carry it even into the\nfirst person. Thus in English may be written, 'When the enemy attacked\nus we have repulsed him,' but a Chinese would go further and write,\n'When the enemy attacked me, I have repulsed him,' without meaning that\nhe, the writer himself, did it alone, or did it at all, but that the\narmy on his side did it.\n\nIn Japanese the number of the pronouns is far more precise than it is\nin Chinese. One thing which may be novel to the Western readers is that\nin Chinese there are many different _I_'s and _you_'s, and still more in\nJapanese. They all signify, when used, a certain difference in degree of\npoliteness. It is one of the difficult points in our colloquial\nlanguage. I may here note that in the West it is almost impossible to\ncarry on a conversation for a few minutes without making use of so many\n_I_'s, _he_'s, and _you_'s, but, like Latin, pronouns are used very\nsparingly in Chinese, still less in Japanese. In Latin the form of the\nverbs suggests very easily the person which is the substantive\nunderstood. In Chinese the context suggests it, while in Japanese the\nconstruction of sentences based upon conjugation does it.\n\nRelative pronouns, _who_, _which_, _qui_, _que_, or _dont_, do not exist\nboth in Chinese and Japanese. This is one of the great difficulties when\nwe translate Western books. We must write the phrase governed by the\nrelative pronouns as a distinct one or else must employ a clumsy method\nin rendering the whole sentence.\n\nFrom what I have stated above, it would appear that Chinese is very\nsimple as far as the analysis of the words is concerned, for they have\nno declension and conjugation. The difficulty of the students of Chinese\ndoes not lie in remembering different forms of declensions and\nconjugations, but first in remembering so many ideographs, one by one,\nand secondly to make head and tail of the agglomeration of ideographs,\nfor one can never tell from their form which is a noun and which is a\nverb, or which is an objective or which is a possessive case. Definite\nmeaning of Chinese sentences could only be appreciated by those who have\naccustomed themselves by long experience. But even such people often\ndiffer in their interpretation of some phrases, by giving different\nattributive to one or other particular ideograph in a sentence, not only\nin its meaning but in its position as regards the part of speech. This\noften occurs in interpretation of classical books. All this, however,\ndoes not signify that Chinese is a poor language, because its literal\nstandard is really very highly developed.\n\nThe Japanese language is also simple enough as far as the analysis of\nwords is concerned. Nouns never change their forms under any\ncircumstances, except that their cases are made by the use of _ga_,\n_no_, _ni_, or _wo_, which is only an addition. Verbs are conjugated,\nbut it is done simply to denote time and voice, and for no other reason.\nIn a word, we may say that Japanese grammar is very easy. The real\ndifficulty of Japanese is in the proper construction of phrases, for it\nis by it that many shades of meaning are suggested. True it is that this\nis more or less so with all languages. Difference of the degree of\npoliteness or gracefulness is manipulated by difference of construction\neverywhere, but the variety of this difference is more complicated in\nJapanese than in any other language, and it can only be acquired by long\npractice and observation. This is why all foreigners who study Japanese\nthink it is so easy at the commencement and so difficult after they have\nmade a little progress. Nevertheless, colloquial Japanese is on the\nwhole easy, because one can learn it easily so long as he is not\nsensitive of nicety or grace. There is in open ports even a new Japanese\nspoken between foreigners and natives, in which no _ga--no--ni--wo_ is\nused, or no conjugation of verbs employed, and yet it is perfectly\nintelligible.\n\nNow as to the difference of the order of words between Japanese and\nChinese. Where in English one says, 'I cannot go,' in Chinese one would\nsay, 'I not can go,' whilst in Japanese it would be, 'I go can not.'\nThis order of Japanese has a slight resemblance to German, but the\ndifference lies in that, whilst in German it is chiefly so in\nsubordinate sentences, it is in Japanese uniformly so under any\ncircumstances. In Chinese a verb which governs an object directly or\nindirectly always precedes the object; thus, like English, a Chinese\nwould say, 'Girls eat cakes,' or 'he goes to Paris,' but in Japanese the\nverb succeeds; thus a Japanese would say, 'Girls cakes eat,' or 'he\nParis to goes.' In this respect of order there is some resemblance\nbetween Latin and Japanese.\n\nFrom all that I have said it is plain that there is no affinity between\nChinese and Japanese so far as construction is concerned, but I may go\nfurther. There is no resemblance whatever suggestive of same origin\nbetween any Chinese and Japanese word, except those whose introduction\ninto Japan at later ages is clearly known.\n\nIn speaking of the Japanese language in the foregoing pages, I have\nmade no difference between the colloquial and the written one, but in\nfact there is much difference between them which requires some notice\nhere. Even in the West written phrases can be, and are often, much\nshortened than spoken ones; but in Japan this difference is carried\nalmost to the extreme, so much so, that they assume almost entirely\ndifferent shape, the phrases of the spoken language being unsparingly\ncurtailed in those of the written one. Of course, there are some old\nbooks which were written like the colloquial, and of late years much\nmovement is made for an assimilation of the written and spoken\nlanguages, making the written one approach the spoken one. But as the\nmatter stands at present the difference is still very great.\n\nI am afraid my explanation is becoming too minute and consequently\ntedious, but I presume I must complete it. In the writings, too, there\nare in Japan two systems, one of which consists of our own phonetic\nletters, and the other consists of a mixture of our phonetic letters and\nChinese ideographs. Unfortunately, the latter system is in common use.\nIt is done in the following manner. The order of the words is not\nchanged, but nouns and verbs, for instance, are written in the original\nideographs with the significance of the cases or conjugations, which are\nwritten in the phonetic letters succeeding these ideographs. Let me take\nan example in the English word 'telegraphed' or 'telegraphing,' and let\nus write 'telegraph' in the original Greek letters, writing 'ed' or\n'ing,' which is the part of the pure English, in the ordinary English\nletters. This will give you an idea of our using Chinese ideographs in\nour sentences. But our method is still more complicated. Besides the\nabove examples we read very often the ideographs thus used, not\naccording to their pronunciation but according to so-called 'kun' of the\nword, which is in reality a translation. In English books the term\n'viz.' is used and is read as 'namely.' Here 'namely' is not\npronunciation but translation. This is an example similar to our 'kun'\nof a word. When to read by pronunciation and when to read by 'kun'\nentirely depends upon the construction of the phrases, but one thing is\ncertain, and it is that in Japan one has to know both the pronunciation\nand 'kun' of Chinese ideographs.\n\nThe Japanese pronunciation of Chinese ideographs is not the same as any\nkind of the modern Chinese pronunciation, and therefore even one simple\nword expressed by an ideograph is unintelligible between a Chinese and a\nJapanese, though they understand when it is written. In China the\npronunciation of ideographs underwent much change; besides it has varied\naccording to localities. In Japan the pronunciation of those Chinese\nideographs, which is comparatively ancient, has been preserved on\naccount of our possessing phonetic letters, by the use of which the\npreservation has been effected. But then there are two kinds of\npronunciation of those ideographs, on account of its introduction into\nJapan at different periods from the different localities. This is an\nadditional difficulty we have in reading Chinese characters used in\nJapan, though the usual customs where to use one or where the other are\nusually plain to educated people.\n\nJapanese phonetics consist of fifty letters.[1] Five of them are vowels,\nbeing equal to _a_, _e_, _i_, _o_, _u_, and each of the rest represents\nthe sound of two Roman characters, _i.e._ a consonant and a vowel; thus,\nfor instance, the sound of _ka_ or _ke_ is represented by a single\nletter without spelling.\n\nI said above that the modern Chinese pronunciation is different from\nthe ancient one. It goes without saying that the style of phraseology is\nmuch changed, even in a greater measure than the modern English writing\nis different from that of the Elizabethan epoch. The Chinese, which has\nbeen studied in Japan indeed very commonly, is the ancient one, _i.e._\nclassical Chinese, and we are familiar with classical Chinese even more\nthan the Chinese themselves. As a system of writing, that of the pure\nJapanese, which consists of phonetic letters, is in its quality far\nsuperior to the other one, which is in our common use, nay, even\nsuperior to the proper Chinese system itself. Our phonetic system,\nhowever, has not made sufficient progress on account of the introduction\nof the Chinese system, to which we had paid too high value and devoted\ntoo much attention, the result being the mixture of Chinese ideographs\nin our phonetic system, that is to say, the other system just mentioned.\nEven in the West there is some similarity to this. Take, for instance,\nsome modern English books. One would scarcely find a few lines in which\na large number of words which are Latin or sometimes Greek in origin is\nnot contained. Are there not even now names for new inventions coined\nfrom Greek or at least from Latin? And is not all this due to the fact\nthat such words sound more scholastic or else more concise or accurate?\nIf it were not so, why does one call a horseless carriage 'automobile'\ninstead of 'self-moving carriage'? Fortunately for the Western nations,\nhowever, there is no difficulty in transcribing Greek or Latin words in\ntheir modern letters, inasmuch as those letters are similar to, in fact\nevolved from, the Greek and Latin letters, and therefore, when once a\nGreek or Latin word is employed, it is easy to get naturalised, as it\nwere. But, unfortunately for us, the Chinese method is ideographs, and\nour own is phonetic, and one cannot be directly transcribed from the\nother, except that either it be translated or merely phonetically\nrepresented, which in truth presents much ambiguity. For this reason the\noriginal ideographs themselves have come to be interposed between the\nphonetic letters as I have illustrated above, and the ideographs so\ninterposed have never become thoroughly 'naturalised,' from the very\nnature of the case. Thus one would see that as far as the mechanical\nside is concerned, the deep study of Chinese has given much drawback to\nJapan. On the mental side, however, I may say that it has helped us in\nenriching our thoughts for many centuries, inasmuch as there is rich\ntreasure for ethical teaching in the classical Chinese, although this is\nnot the place for me to dwell on that topic.\n\nI may add a few words. Philological researches of different Asiatic\nlanguages are still very incomplete, but I understand from what is\nstated by experts that there is some resemblance between our language\nand those of Korea, Manchuria, and indeed Mongolian tribes: first, in\nthat all those languages are monosyllabic like ours; second, in the\norder of words in forming sentences. Moreover, it is said that there\nwere already discovered several words which are much similar to ours. No\nsatisfactory statement could be made as yet, but it would be a matter of\nno common interest if further researches be made. It goes without saying\nthat there is much similarity, so it is said, between ours and the\nlanguage of the Inoes, who are rapidly disappearing from the surface of\nthe earth, despite our taking care of them. They once occupied the\ngreater part of Japan and were a brave race. It is no wonder that there\nis that similarity in the tongues, though it is a matter of question\nwhether they left their words behind them or we gave them those words.\nFor example, _Kami_, which in the colloquial Japanese means god,\nsuperior, or upper part of anything, is _Kamui_ in Ino, the meaning\nbeing the same. This word, then, must surely belong to the same origin.\nThere are also many names of rivers and mountains in Japan which, beyond\ndoubt, are of Ino origin.\n\n[1] These phonetic letters were invented in Japan between the seventh\nand eighth centuries A.D., during which time they gradually became\nimproved. As to their form they are a simplification of some simple\nChinese ideographs, and as to the principle of their formation, it is\nbased upon, the Sanscrit.\n\n\n\n\nIX\n\nONCE MORE ON JAPAN AND FRANCE[1]\n\n\nThe French and the Japanese have some sort of resemblance in their\ncharacter, and therefore they are not wholly antagonistic to each other\nby nature. France once committed a great error, it is true, together\nwith another country, in backing Russia against Japan after the\nSino-Japanese war, but Japan has forgiven her for it, and has even\nforgotten it long since. It therefore mainly depends on France if the\nfriendly relationship subsisting between her and Japan shall be\nmaintained.\n\nThere are two things which we have to examine in this connection: first,\nthe question of Indo-China; second, the effect of the Franco-Russian\nalliance upon Far Eastern affairs.\n\nMuch has been talked about Japan's having designs upon Indo-China. It\nis, in truth, nothing more than a resuscitation in part of the old bogey\nof the Yellow Peril. According to that bogey, Japan is to pick quarrels\nwith every civilised nation, and is ultimately to swallow up the whole\nworld. Nothing can be more absurd than that; but at times it has been\nmade use of by the Russians and Russophiles with a certain amount of\nsuccess. To me it appears almost amazing that so great a psychological\nincongruity should exist simultaneously in the minds of some of the\nOccidentals, in that, while they exhibit almost unreasonable contempt of\nthe Orientals on the one hand, they give credit for almost superhuman\npotentiality to the same people on the other. Whatever this may be, the\nquestion of Indo-China resolves itself into this:\n\nThe yellow peril alarmists began to talk about Japan as being intent\nupon seizing Indo-China. The Colonial party of France has utilised this\ntheme for the promotion of its own object, and the Russophiles have\nutilised it for inciting the public to hate and detest Japan in favour\nof Russia. Surely an act of gross injustice and cowardice! For, as a\nmatter of fact, on the part of Japan there is no such intention\nwhatever. Indo-China is very different from Korea and Manchuria in\nrespect of its relative position to Japan. There is nothing worth\nmentioning politically, strategically, historically, or economically in\nthe mutual relations between Japan and Indo-China. All this I have shown\nin the utmost detail in an article which I have contributed and\npublished in a well-known French review. Sensible French people have now\nbegun to see the truth of it, so that they have almost ceased to pay\nserious attention to the false alarms of the yellow peril agitators.\nIndeed, the France of to-day appears to be very different from the\nFrance of this time last year. The lapse of one year has been sufficient\nto disclose many falsehoods by which the public was once taken in. It\nhas also disclosed the relative merit of Russia and Japan in many\nthings. Which government--the Russian or the Japanese--is the more\nenlightened? Which troops--the Russian or the Japanese--are more humane\nand orderly? Which people--Russia or Japan--is more compact as a nation?\nWhich of them--Russia or Japan--has better ethics and morality? In which\nof them--Russia or Japan--are laws better administered and more loyally\nadhered to? In which of them--Russia or Japan--are philanthropical\nworks, such as the Red Cross Society, better organised and more honestly\ncarried out? Above all, in which of them--Russia or Japan--does the\njustice of its cause in the present war lie? All these things have now\nbecome very widely known to the public, hence the difference of their\nattitude. I do not think France ever will be foolish enough to stretch\nforward her fists against Japan on account of the yellow peril bogey\nconcerning Indo-China. I am rather in hope that the day will come when\nthose Russophiles will repent the mistake they made when they abused\nJapan contrary to the dictates of justice and equity.\n\nThe second question, namely, the effect of the Franco-Russian alliance\nupon Far Eastern affairs, is rather a delicate one to discuss. On the\nwhole, however, I can say this:\n\nConsidering the delicate position in which she is placed, France has\nmanaged things well to the extent that we have not much to complain of\n(except one important matter, which I will elucidate presently). True it\nis that she has made many unfair accusations against us with regard to\nthe commencement of the war and also with regard to the yellow peril\nbogey, but then the same, if not a harsher thing, has also been done or\nsaid in some other quarters where we might have expected more\nimpartiality. Her general conduct as a neutral has not been very\nsatisfactory. But then we remember that in some other quarters also very\nbitter pills were given us to swallow, altogether beyond our reasonable\nanticipation. We put up with all this unfairness, because we are quite\nconfident that sooner or later the time will come when the world will\nclearly see how undeserving we are of such calumny.\n\nThe important exception I made above is the question of French\nneutrality concerning the treatment of the Baltic Fleet. In this respect\nJapan has grave reasons to complain of what France has been doing. As\nthe whole world knows, the Russian Fleet has been obtaining abundant\nfacilities from France all the way along from European waters to those\nof the Far East. It was abusing French hospitality in Madagascar for a\nvery long period. Japan repeated her protest, or at least called French\nattention from time to time. When France pleaded her innocence at\nMadagascar on the pretext that the fleet was outside the territorial\nwaters of France, Japan, relying on incontestable proof to the contrary,\nremonstrated. France was very tardy in executing what she said she would\ndo, but Japan showed much patience, almost beyond common endurance. The\nsame thing began to be repeated in the waters of Indo-China, the very\ndoor of the seat of the war. However moderate and good-natured Japan may\nbe, this was more than she could endure. This was the real cause of the\nstrain of an event which has been recently threatening the continuance\nof friendly relations between France and Japan.\n\nAccording to some French papers, the view is held that France has not\ninfringed her duty as a neutral, but Japan does not coincide. The French\ncontention is that, according to the French law of neutrality, there is\nno time limit for affording asylum to a belligerent ship, and therefore,\nwhatever length of time Russian ships may spend in French waters, France\nis under no obligation to tell them to quit the place (so long as they\nare not accompanied by prizes), and also they may be supplied with\nvictuals and even coals. Japan contends that this is not a just\ninterpretation of the laws of nations. Japan's view may be formulated as\nfollows:\n\n1. The twenty-four hours rule may not be a condition universally\naccepted, but justice and equity demand that in its spirit it should be\nfollowed by all nations. It has already been adopted by many nations,\nincluding Russia herself; as a matter of fact, the world has come to\nview it as though it were already a rule universally accepted, and it\nbehoves every civilised nation to promote its adoption, or at least a\npractice similar to it in spirit, for the sake of consolidating\ninternational morality, viz. justice and equity. At the time when\nRussian ships, after the sea-battle of August 10th last year, sought\nasylum in the waters of Kiao-Chow and Saigon, both the German and French\nauthorities respectively hastened to dismantle them, because the ships\nwould not leave the place indicated at the prescribed time; this was\ndone in exact accordance with the spirit of international law, and in\nreality it amounted almost to the same thing as observing the\ntwenty-four hours rule. Why should France now say that no time limit can\nbe made in the case of the Baltic Fleet, which requires all the more\nvigilance than would the case of a few solitary ships?\n\n2. The so-called French law of neutrality is not in fact a law in the\nstrict sense of the term. It is a sort of an instruction issued in the\nbeginning of the present war by the French Minister of Marine, although\nbased upon a similar document issued at the time of the Spanish-American\nwar. It is immaterial whether or not it is a law in the strict sense,\nbut we cannot deem it has a just rule if it were to be interpreted as\nhas been done by some of the French papers. True it is that in that\ndocument no time is mentioned, but does it mean that France has to or\nmust allow all belligerent ships to stay in her waters whatever length\nof time they like? Certainly not, I should think. If it is so, why\nshould France adhere to that sort of interpretation even when its\nadherence is obviously contrary to justice and equity?\n\n3. Even if we admit for a moment that the French rule as interpreted by\nthose papers be applicable to the cases of some solitary ships seeking\nasylum; it is certainly not applicable to cases like that which we now\nhave in view, because no such case as that of the Baltic Fleet has ever\nbeen within the contemplation of those who framed such a rule. As a\nmatter of fact, however, it would be inapplicable even to the cases of a\nfew solitary ships if it were to be interpreted in the way that was done\nby those journals.\n\n4. Even admitting for a moment that the interpretation of those French\njournals is correct as far as the strict letter of the rule is\nconcerned, it does not give them the right to say that their doings are\n_internationally_ correct. It must be known that in the laws of nations\nthe spirit of international morality, namely, justice and equity, has\ngreater weight than municipal laws, _lex loci_. If this were not so, how\nwas it that England had to apologise to Russia a long time ago for an\nact--personal seizure of an ambassador--which had been done in a civil\nmatter perfectly in accordance with her law? Therefore the mere fact\nthat France has her own law of neutrality (in fact no law in a strict\nsense) is no defence for her doings unless its justice and equity can be\nmaintained in the eyes of the law of nations. I may further add that the\nabove is the _raison d'\u00eatre_ why prize courts of different countries\nmake it their theory, unlike ordinary civil or criminal courts, that\nthey administer _prima facie_ the law of nations and not _lex loci_. It\nis another _raison d'\u00eatre_ why matters relating to neutrality, prizes,\nand cognate matters are generally dealt with in the shape of\ninstructions (in other words, interpretations of the law of nations),\nand not in the shape of a law of the land in the strict sense. Japan,\ntherefore, cannot submit to the ruling of those French instructions as\ninterpreted by those journals, inasmuch as she does not think it\ninternationally just and equitable.\n\n5. And, moreover, that part of the French instruction which those\njournals so habitually quote is not the only part which has an important\nbearing on the question. In the instruction it is also mentioned that no\nbelligerent may use a French port for purposes of war (_dans un but de\nguerre_); and also that belligerents sojourning in such ports may not\nmake use of them as the base of operations of any kind against the\nenemy. Japan's insistence is that France should adhere to that spirit.\nMy wonder is why those French papers which try to uphold one part of the\ninstruction should totally ignore other parts of the same instruction.\n\n6. The theory of asylum in the case of the ships is not so rigid as the\ncase of an army. I admit it. Japan does not demand that it should be\nmade on the seas as rigid as it is on land. But it must never be allowed\nto go beyond the limit which justice and equity allow. I take the theory\nof asylum on the seas to be this: No neutral is justified in helping\neither of the combatants, but the nature of the seas is such that the\nneutral may give a certain grace of time to combatant vessels which seek\nshelter in its neutral waters, before it proceeds to dismantle,--(no\nimmediate internment as in the case of the land force),--and it may also\ngive them certain victuals--even a certain amount of coals--as it would\nalso be contrary to humanity if they were to hang about, or to cause\nstarvation of the men on board in mid-voyage on account of the mere lack\nof coal or food. Beyond this, the spirit of the law of nations is that a\nneutral ought to allow nothing. Can any one boldly assert that the\ntheory of asylum can be applied with fairness to a case like that of the\nBaltic Fleet, which is far from seeking asylum, but is deliberately\nendeavouring to administer coups to its adversary and proceeding to the\nvery seat of war. If he can do so, where is the justice and equity of\nthe so-called law of nations, which the Occidentals boast of, not\nwithout just title, and claim that it forms one of the essential parts\nof Christian morality?\n\n7. As to the talk about the three-mile limit of the territorial waters,\nthere is already much divergency of opinion even amongst the jurists. To\nput it forth as a defence in a case like that of the Baltic Fleet\naffairs seems to me too puerile. The matter, however, becomes all the\nmore grave when even that limit is not observed, and it has been\nconstantly ignored by the Baltic Fleet.\n\nSuch are the views which we Japanese have taken in the matter. Some\nFrench journals (erroneously basing their assertions on the views I have\npersonally expressed) say that Japan has taken up English views of\ninternational law in opposition to the Continental views, so that France\nought not to yield to Japan's protest. This contention is not correct.\nWe do not hold these views because they are English ones: we do so\nbecause they are in our opinion the only views which are\n_internationally_ just and equitable. We are now fighting against a foe\nso formidable, as the whole world knows, that to us it is a matter of\nlife and death. We have sufficient patience and fortitude, but we cannot\nrun the risk of sacrificing our very existence without some protest when\nwe think that we are not being treated with justice and equity.\n\nI am glad to add that the views we hold seem to have come at last to be\nshared by the more responsible part of the French amongst the\ngovernmental circle, as well as by the general public. The newspapers\nwhich are still sticking to their old contention are very few in number,\nand they seem to have some particular reasons of their own. I can never\nthink a nation like France could consciously and wilfully offend against\njustice and equity, and the only thing we anxiously hope for is that the\ndeclaration of the French Government may be honestly and effectually\nfollowed up. Whatever may be one's intention, the drift of events often\ncreates unlooked-for incidents, and that too often against one's will,\nwhen it is too late to avoid the consequences. Let all parties concerned\nbe careful in this matter of vital importance.\n\n[1] The _Deutsche Revue_, June 1905.\n\n\n\n\nX\n\nJAPAN AND EUROPE[1]\n\n\nYou ask my opinion on the future of the Yellow Peril cry. From an\nethical point of view it is an unjust and unreasonable accusation. From\na practical point of view it is idle and useless talk.\n\nI have spoken and written on these particular points so often that I do\nnot feel inclined to reiterate any more. I will, however, consider the\nmatter from a different point of view and solicit any answer which may\nbe advanced against my conviction. I do not do this from any thought of\nvanity; I should be very sorry if it were ever taken in that sense. I\nwould simply ask those who agitate and cry the Yellow Peril, the means\nthey would suggest for the adopting of their propaganda, if their words\nare not to be empty ones.\n\nSuppose any country wanted to subjugate Japan, and should want to send\nan army to fight on the soil of Japan, what number of men do they think\nwould suffice? No general in the whole world would, I am sure, be bold\nenough to undertake the task with under one million men. I have reason\nto believe even that number would not suffice, but for a moment let it\nbe that number. What country in the world can send that number over the\nbroad ocean? Germany, France, England, or America? Russia seems to have\nthe greatest chance, being nearer to Japan. But her experience is\nalready known.\n\nSuppose the idea of a land campaign be abandoned, and only a fleet be\nsent to intimidate Japan by sea battles, or by harassing her commerce.\nThere would certainly be a better chance for any of the Occidental\nfleets than for the armies, in coping with the forces of Japan. Above\nall, I frankly admit that England would be the most formidable foe in\nthat respect. But excepting England, is there any other country that can\nsay with certainty that it can easily crush the Japanese navy? Is it\nGermany? is it France? or is it--America?\n\nBut supposing our navy were crushed; what next? It would, of course, be\na very ugly thing for us, but it would not mean the subjection of Japan.\nOur sea-coast towns may be bombarded, our commerce may be harassed, but\nJapan will still subsist within her soil, for she can live without\ndepending on any other country for food. And, besides, disturbance of\ncommerce would not be a loss only to her.\n\nMoreover, any country which should embark on such an enterprise would\nhave need to think it over twice (or, indeed, three or four times)\nbefore undertaking it, and to calculate the probable benefit it could\nget therefrom, and the probable expenses it would incur; not to speak of\nthe result of any possible failure. It may be presumed that Japan would\nnot tamely be intimidated by any action undertaken by any country which\nis not based on justice and equity, and which, therefore, is not open to\nreason.\n\nFurther, is there any country which would willingly embark on such an\nenterprise single-handed? I think not. The reason is too obvious for me\nto elucidate.\n\nPutting aside altogether any question of justice and equity, if such an\nenterprise is to be embarked upon at all, it would have to be by common\naction of all the Western Powers, somewhat similar to that when the\ncombined forces of Europe rose against France some hundred years ago.\n\nBut let me ask if such a thing is possible under the present\ncircumstances? The claims of Japan to the kind consideration of humanity\nhave already become so widely spread that she could no longer be\ntrampled upon easily. Man is, after all, a rational being. Do the\nwriters of the articles on the Yellow Peril (articles which even now\nrepeatedly make their appearance) not know the fact that even in France\nthere is a large number of people who have recently purchased Japanese\nbonds, not to speak of Germany, where those bonds have been openly\nfloated by banks of high standing? Even if all the governments of the\nWest should be willing to agree to such an enterprise, I do not think\nthe people at large would move with them.\n\nJapan is modest enough, Japan is honest enough. Why does she deserve a\ngeneral ostracism? She might become, it is possible, a Power of the\nworld. She might become, it is possible, more civilised on the lines of\noccidental civilisation, after which she strives so earnestly. Are these\nto be blamed as her sins?\n\nTo me the Yellow Peril cry, which is so often revived in some quarters\nof the Continent, is either a sort of what we call 'guchi,' that is to\nsay, useless repetition of complaint of some unreasonable\ndisappointment, or a perpetuation of wicked instigation and selfish\nintention. In either case, it is not at all a laudable action; indeed, I\nmay say it is wasteful calumny for no material good will come of it\ninasmuch as its object can never be achieved from the very condition of\nthe world. The people who entertain that idea would be doing far better\nservice to their country, to the progress of civilisation, to the\ngeneral cause of humanity, if only they put aside such a silly notion,\nand busy themselves in teaching their fellow country-folks to accustom\nthemselves to the changed circumstances of the time. It would be a far\nmore manly and noble act if they revised their old notions, which in a\nmeasure may be called prejudice.\n\nAs to ourselves, the Japanese, we shall only be glad if we can enjoy a\npeaceful and harmonious life in the happy family of the world, as we are\ndetermined to do, in spite of all the obstacles which may be laid before\nus.\n\n[1] Written for the _Potentia Organisation_, July 1905.\n\n\n\n\nXI\n\nTHE INDO-CHINA QUESTION[1]\n\nINTERVIEW WITH THE BARON SUYEMATSU\n\n\nThe eminent statesman, Baron Suyematsu, kindly dictated in English to\none of our editors answers relating to certain questions with regard to\nthe relation between Japan and Europe, especially France and Germany.\n\n     With the disclosure of the alleged Kodama report in view, how far\n     may one give credit to the alleged Japanese plan of invasion of\n     Indo-China?\n\nI know all that has been written in France on the subject. All those\nrumours appear to me to have come originally from Russia, and to have\nbeen put into circulation in order to excite French opinion against\nJapan, in other words, it is nothing else than a mere repetition of the\nYellow Peril cry.\n\nJapan does not covet Indo-China. I have shown elsewhere that the French\ncolonies in the Far East have no perceptible influence upon the\nsituation of Japan, either from a political or an economical point of\nview. Japan has sufficient to do at home, she does not want to plunge\ninto external adventures, such as meddling with Indo-China or picking a\nquarrel with a country like France. You may be sure that it would be\nmore politic for France to cultivate amicable relations with Japan than\nirritate her by such accusations. Even if those accusations honestly\nrepresent the true sentiment of the French, the Japanese would only take\nthem for malicious man\u0153uvres directed to aid Russia, and they could\nnot produce any good impression on the minds of the Japanese.\n\n     Is there any reason to believe that the so-called Kodama report was\n     forged in Russia rather than in France?\n\nI have demonstrated elsewhere that the document which was recently made\npublic and attributed to Kodama containing some military indications on\nthe plan of an invasion of Indo-China is a perfect forgery. I have\nexposed elsewhere several technical errors therein which would never\nappear in an authentic official document. But whether it is authentic or\nnot, I do not attach any importance to the matter, from a political\npoint of view at least. It is the duty of all the military and naval\nauthorities to keep themselves ready for any emergency. For example,\nFrance ought to keep herself always prepared for any possible\ndifficulties which may arise on her frontiers in the east, and in the\nsouth, and on the western coasts; the same with Germany, with Austria,\nwith Italy, even with the United States.\n\nIt appears to me that, if the general staff-office of France or of\nGermany, or the military or naval authorities of any country whatever,\nwere to remain without the least knowledge as to what measure should be\ntaken in case of a danger, they would be neglecting their duty to their\ncountry. I can then say that all the Japanese officers, both in the army\nand in the navy ought to study constantly the measures which Japan\nshould take in any emergency. I believe it is the same in every country\nin Europe. This, however, does not belong to the sphere of practical\npolitics. It is the duty of statesmen and politicians to maintain a\nfriendly relationship with all other countries as far as possible; and,\nconsequently, to keep absolute control over their armies and navies. The\narmy and navy ought to serve as instruments and machines in their hands,\nand not they, the civilians, become the instruments of the army and\nnavy. You may be quite assured that in Japan the army and navy are the\nmachines of the statesmen, and that the statesmen are not their\nmachines.\n\n     Can the fabrication of the so-called Kodama report be demonstrated\n     by a precise fact?\n\nI shall not say whence the document emanated. I believe it was composed\nby some one who does not lack a certain knowledge of Japan, but who has\ndrawn false deductions from his knowledge of similar matters of other\ncountries. Here is the best example. The document speaks of the native\ncontingents of Formosa. Now there exist no such forces in Formosa. The\ngarrisons of Formosa are sent there from Japan. On the other hand, in\nthe colonies belonging to other countries there are generally troops\nformed of native contingents. It is notably so in French colonies. The\nauthor of the document in question, reasoning from these facts, thought\nthat it ought to be the same with Formosa.\n\n     Has Japan any fear of another alteration of the Treaty of\n     Shimonoseki being imposed upon her?\n\nThe combined action of Russia, Germany and France, for imposing on\nJapan an alteration of the Treaty of Shimonoseki appears to us to have\nbeen a great error on their parts. I can positively say that there are\nmany eminent persons in Germany and in France who regret that action.\nEven in Russia, in certain quarters, a belief seems to be entertained\nthat, but for the fault then committed, the present misfortunes would\nnot have happened. As to ourselves, we are not hypnotised by the errors\nthen committed by those three powers. We intend to remain friends of\nFrance, of Germany, and even of Russia, in spite of the injustice we\nhave suffered, provided, of course, those powers wish to keep\nfriendship.\n\nWe do not overlook the possibility of another combination which those\npowers may have an idea of forming against us, and it behoves us to be\nwatchful. Nevertheless, to tell you my candid opinion, it is scarcely\npossible that a similar intervention should be renewed. I do not think\nFrance would push her docility so far as to follow Germany a second\ntime. It would be necessary that Germany should set the example, aided\nby Russia and France, to come out to the Far East, especially because\nthe Russian fleets have ceased to exist. I admit that the German fleet\nis strong, but I do not believe it is powerful enough for one to say\nwith certainty that it can easily crush Japan. At all events, what\npretext has Germany to enter into war in the Far East? Among other\nthings also she would have to count on the opinion and sentiments of two\ncountries at least, I mean England and the United States. I do not,\ntherefore, consider a new combination possible. Japan cannot be\nintimidated by mere barking.\n\nIf, however, Europe should choose to take such a course, we should\ngravely reflect. I do not believe your country for example would ever\nundertake an expedition against Japan. You have disapproved a small\nexpedition to Tonkin and we are a little more serious than the\nTonkinese. France might no doubt, if her honour demanded it, judge it\nworth the pain to engage in a war with Japan, but under no other\ncircumstance do I believe her disposed to take such a part.\n\nJapan will always continue to advance on the lines of occidental\ncivilisation. I do not see the reason which will prevent Japan from\nacting in concert with France or Germany, provided of course these\npowers do not enter upon an action which may appear to her altogether\nunjust or iniquitous, in which case she may not be able to march with\nthem hand-in-hand.\n\n     Would Japan be offended by France introducing civilisation into\n     Indo-China?\n\nWe are not at all opposed to your introducing Western civilisation into\nyour colonies. On the contrary we shall be quite contented, but in\nintroducing your civilisation into your colonies you have to be prepared\nthat it signifies an amelioration of the condition of the natives. If it\nwere so, why should we make the least objection? But in the hypothesis\nthat the introduction of civilisation has in view neither amelioration\nof the condition of the natives nor progress of commerce and industry,\nwe might then conceive a sort of suspicion. Supposing that you augment\nthe garrisons, the fortifications, the naval forces, one would see in it\nnothing but an expansion of your military power and not an introduction\nof civilisation in the sense understood in France. Even in that case we\nwould not raise objections, unless it were done with a view to menace\nus; but here I shall offer you a suggestion. Is it really worth your\nwhile to develop there incessantly your military and naval forces in\norder to oppose Japan? Would not the enterprise be rather costly? Would\nit not be infinitely better to employ your energy in cultivating a good\nunderstanding between your country and ours instead of rivalling each\nother by crossing armaments?\n\n[1] _L'Europ\u00e9en_, August 5, 1905.\n\n\n\n\nXII\n\nTHE AUSTRALIAN QUESTION[1]\n\nAN INTERVIEW\n\n\nBaron Suyematsu gave a _Daily News_ representative his opinion of the\n'Spectre of Japan' as conceived by many Europeans. The Japanese Baron, a\nburly, cheerful man, laughed heartily as he dealt with the alarmist\nfears of the 'Yellow Peril.'\n\nOur talk began over Mr. Bruce Smith's notice of motion in the Australian\nParliament.\n\n'Yes, I have seen the proposal,' said Baron Suyematsu, 'and I am very\nglad an Australian representative has taken up the question. He proposes\nto amend the Immigration Restriction Act so as to permit Japanese to\nenter the Commonwealth. The reason given is that Japan has placed\nherself in the front rank of nations, has granted religious freedom, has\nestablished consulates, and become the honoured ally of Great Britain. I\nunderstand that Australian papers are saying there is no chance of the\nmotion being carried. I care not whether the motion is carried or not\nthis time. Of one thing I am certain--it will be carried eventually.\n\n'What reason has Australia for shutting out the Japanese?'\n\n'The dread of cheaper labour and of the \"Yellow Peril,\" as it is called.\nWhatever there be in that, it certainly does not apply to the Japanese.\nThis is already being realised in Australia, as Mr. Bruce Smith's motion\nshows. The Japanese are making it clear that they have to be regarded by\nEuropeans in a different light from the rest of Asiatics. Europeans\nconsider themselves superior to all other races. I do not blame them for\nthinking that, for of modern civilisations theirs is certainly the best.\nBut with the exception of the British people, Europeans have not yet\nrealised that modern Japan is built up on European methods. She has no\nmore to do with the so-called \"Yellow Peril\" than America has. She takes\nher place by the side of the other powers, with very much the same\ncivilisation as theirs. England having been the first to recognise the\nnew Japan, I am certain her colonies will soon follow. That is why I\nfeel it is only a question of time before Australia excludes Japan from\nits Restriction Act.'\n\n\nA MISTAKEN IDEA\n\n'Yet Australia has been talking freely enough about the Japanese\nmenace.'\n\n'I know. It is quite a mistaken idea of the Australians that if Japan\ntriumphs in the present war she would be a menace to Australia. They say\nthat if we win we shall be masters of the East and the paramount power\nin Eastern waters. What, they ask, is to become of Australia, if we take\nit into our heads to make a descent upon their shores?'\n\nBaron Suyematsu again laughed boisterously, as one who can afford to\nmake merry at an extravagant idea.\n\n'The whole thing is so utterly preposterous,' he went on, 'that it\nwould not be worth considering were it not typical of what is being said\nall over Europe. Our fight for national existence against Russia has\nbeen misconstrued everywhere. We seem to have filled the Western world\nwith all sorts of vague fears, France is saying that we shall soon\ndeprive her of Indo-China. Germany declares we have designs on\nKiao-chau. The Dutch say that Java is no longer safe from our\nmachinations. Never was such nonsense talked of a country which, after\nall, is but fighting to preserve its national existence.'\n\n'And you say Japan has no intention of arming the Asiatics against the\nEuropeans?'\n\n'The whole idea is absurd. Japan wishes to become one with the European\nnations. I might even say she aspires to become a member of the European\nfamily. It is a mistake to think that Japan is going to form a\nPan-Asiatic Association. Japan is the only country in the East that can\nrise on European lines. Her example could not be followed by other\nAsiatic countries. We are said to be the successors of the Tartars, at\none time the disturbers of the world's peace. Nothing of the kind.\nRussia would be more fittingly the successor of the Tartars. The Tartar\nraces have been merged in the Russian Empire.\n\n'I am sure,' added Baron Suyematsu, in a final word, 'that Europe will\nsoon find its fears about the \"spectre of Japan\" are all ill-founded.\nEngland, I am glad to believe, never had those fears, and before long I\nhope to see her colonies in the same frame of mind. I hope the\nCommonwealth Parliament will lead the way.'\n\n[1] _The Daily News._\n\n\n\n\nXIII\n\nTHE ANGLO-JAPANESE ALLIANCE AND AMERICA[1]\n\nAN INTERVIEW\n\n\n'Our people,' said Baron Suyematsu, 'like the British people, favour\nthe renewal of the Anglo-Japanese alliance. They also favour its\nextension. The nature of such extension demands careful thought, of\ncourse. I will not go into details, but I will say that a more effectual\nalliance is desirable from the standpoints of both England and Japan,\nand I also think from the standpoint of America. Japan's interest is too\nobvious to require mention; but England's interest, in my opinion, is\nequally real. Russia and England are in contact throughout Asia and\nfriction is constant. England needs strengthening against Russia and\nalso against other powers active in the Orient.\n\n\nMONROE DOCTRINE OF THE PAST\n\n'America's relation to this problem is more difficult. Monroeism is\nthought to stand in the way. I appreciate the delicacy of venturing to\ndiscuss the policy of a nation other than my own, but I feel that\nAmericans are too sensible to resent an honest expression of opinion.\nMonroeism is not part of the constitution, but the dictum of a\nstatesman. This dictum was made when our planet was very large, before\nthe development of steam and electricity. The nations were isolated and\ninsulated by distance and non-communication.\n\n'At that time American theory and practice relative to foreign affairs\nwere in harmony. America was actually self-contained, but to-day the\nworld is a tiny ball and America's flag and America's interests are on\nevery sea. America is sovereign in Hawaii and the Philippines, and yet\nthe American people cling to the idea of leaving distant matters alone.\nNevertheless the state department is widely and intelligently active.\n\n\nAMERICAN INTEREST WORLD-WIDE\n\n'Theoretically you do not participate, actually your participation bears\nupon international events everywhere. Witness Secretary Hay's initiative\nrespecting the Jews, as well as despatch after despatch aimed at Russian\naggression in Manchuria. The world's interests are becoming woven into a\nsolid fabric. Great nations cannot escape the responsibility this\ninvolves. American theory and practice, in my judgment, will go on\ndiverging until the notion of non-participation will be merely an\nantiquated abstraction.\n\n'Therefore I refuse to regard as hopeless the idea of an\nAmerican-Anglo-Japanese alliance, guaranteeing the peaceful development\nof the vast resources of the Far East. Such an alliance exists\nessentially now--an alliance springing from cognate ideas, wishes,\npurposes and principles. This is the best possible foundation for that\nformal compact which the evolution of industry and commerce seems to me\nunmistakably to foreshadow.'\n\n[1] An extract from the _Chicago Daily News_.\n\n\nNOTE TO DIALOGUE V.\n\nSince the bulk of the present work went to press, I came across the\nfollowing communication printed in the _Outlook_. I take the liberty of\nsubjoining it herewith, without any vain intention of flaunting the\nvirtues of my countrymen.--K.S.\n\n\nJAPANESE CHARACTER\n\n_To the Editor of the_ OUTLOOK\n\nSIR,--I have received during the last few weeks letters bearing such\neloquent testimony to the nobility of Japanese character that I am\nsending you some extracts in the hope of your publishing them. The\nletters are from a friend of mine, who with her husband has lived in\nYokohama for many years, and can therefore speak with considerable\nauthority. The first extract is about the soldiers themselves--\n\n     Mine you know is a busy life, and I found work among the military\n     hospitals and also among the brave wives of the soldiers so\n     fascinating that from the New Year till early June I let all social\n     duties slip, so much so that I had a nervous breakdown in June, and\n     since then have had to go very slow.\n\n     We had a splendid time at our seaside cottage at Negishi this\n     afternoon, any amount of our dear brown soldiers round us. There\n     are five hundred quartered in that fishing village just now; they\n     were resting, bathing, boating, washing their clothes or cooking\n     their chow, but never a rude word or an uncouth action; no\n     rowdyism, but all as civil, quiet, good-tempered, and alert as\n     possible; they are a marvel; and my children go in and out among\n     them and love them, like I do! I could _kill_ white idiots when I\n     hear them speak of those fine fellows as 'an inferior race.' Ye\n     gods! 'inferior' with never a camp follower to their name, and\n     rapine unknown even after the fiercest fight! What European race\n     can show a record like that? I wish I could be home for six months\n     and tell what the soldiers and their wives are--what miracles of\n     cheerful patience and manly dignity the wounded men are as they lie\n     hacked and maimed, sometimes till almost all semblance of manhood\n     is gone, yet never a murmur does any one hear from their lips--no,\n     not if they are armless, legless, and even _blind_. And you would\n     not dare condole with them! They say and believe they 'are greatly\n     honoured.' When they embrace Christianity, they shame the brightest\n     Christian among us, and I come away from visiting the hospitals\n     feeling so small, so humble, yet at peace with all the world. We\n     have very, very much to learn from this great people.\n\nThis second extract, about a soldier's wife, may come home to your\nreaders even more:--\n\n     I allow two families a small sum of money every week. One case is\n     that of a young woman, under twenty years of age, who has a child\n     and an aged parent to keep, and her husband went to the war a few\n     weeks ago, leaving her penniless and on the verge of having another\n     baby. A few days ago, when I went to take her weekly money, she\n     refused to take it, saying she had got a little work to do and\n     could now manage without any help, as there were so many in much\n     greater need of help than herself; and she would not take the\n     money, though she was earning even less than I was allowing her.\n     _That_ is what I call a real heroine.\n\n     How many at work amongst our poor last winter could give such\n     evidence to character as that?--I am, sir, yours, etc.\n\n     ENGLISHWOMAN.\n\n\nNOTE TO DIALOGUE VIII.\n\nBefore the preceding pages had been printed two events worth mentioning\nhere took place. One is the lamented death of Sir Henry Irving. The\nother is the public discussion which took place under the auspices of\nthe London Shakespeare League, on the best method of presenting\nShakespeare's plays on the modern stage. On the latter subject perhaps I\nmay add a word. While in Japan the tendency is to introduce\nwomen-players into the company of male players, and improvement of\nscenery is much sought after on European lines, both of which are due to\nthe occidental influence, it is curious to notice that exactly reverse\nmovements, namely the dispensing with the female players and the\nreturning back to the primitive simplicity of stage properties, are\nadvocated in England by competent persons with regard to the\nrepresentation of Shakespeare. I extract below among others a passage of\nthe speech of Mr. Bernard Shaw on the occasion of the discussion\nreferred to above:--\n\n     When Mr. Gilbert said that he would like to see the women's parts\n     played by boys, he was not uttering a jest. In some of the\n     performances at Westminster School, he had seen boys in women's\n     parts much more effective than any professional actress. If women\n     players had been proposed to Shakespeare, he would not only have\n     been scandalised, but he would have pointed out that it was\n     impossible to get the force from women that was obtained from boy\n     actors.\n\n\nNOTE TO THE ARTICLE ON 'COMMERCIAL MORALITY'\n\nIn the October number of the _Anglo-Japanese Gazette_ (London) is\npublished a criticism by Mr. Curtis, editor and proprietor of the _Kobe\nHerald_, on 'the ridiculously sweeping assertions,' as he calls it, made\nby Mr. Longford in his article. I subjoin herewith a passage which\nrelates to Mr. Longford's assertion that a 'cordon' is drawn by the\nJapanese round the trading centres of Yokohama and Kobe, and that\nforeign merchants are suffering under the 'thraldom':--\n\n     Well, let me say that no sane, fair-minded man who knows anything\n     whatever of his subject would ever dream of accusing the whole\n     Japanese people of a lack of commercial morality. All this talk\n     about a cordon being drawn round the treaty ports is rubbish. No\n     such barrier exists, save perhaps in the imagination of a few who\n     cannot shake off the prejudices and disabilities of the past. The\n     idea sounds absurd to me, knowing, as I do know, that all the\n     go-ahead firms have been doing their utmost for some time past to\n     open up connections in the principal cities. Mr. Longford seems to\n     think that business is conducted in Japan to-day just as it was\n     twenty years ago. He apparently does not know that some foreign\n     houses have trusted clerks or travellers all over the country; that\n     some foreign business men run up to Osaka and Tokio daily; and that\n     business journeys to Maidzuru--the great, fortified naval base on\n     the Sea of Japan--Nagoya Sasebo, Hiroshima, and other important\n     centres, are matters of everyday experience now.\n\nIn the same number of the same journal is also published an important\narticle from the pen of Sir Tollemache Sinclair, Bart., concerning\nBishop Awdry's letter published in the _Times_. Sir Tollemache strongly\nrepudiates the accuracy of the bishop's charge of dishonesty and\nimmorality against the Japanese, which Sir Tollemache calls the bishop's\n'utterly erroneous accusations,' basing his contention upon an elaborate\ncomparison of the statistical facts of Japan and many other nations\nrelating to several important subjects having bearing on the question.\nAmong other things, he writes:--\n\n     This clerical censor, who endeavours to find a mote in his Japanese\n     brother's eye, but does not see the beam in his English brother's\n     eye, cut the ground from under his own feet on the subject of the\n     imaginary dishonesty of Japanese traders, for he tells us that a\n     house was built for him by Japanese tradesmen admirably without any\n     contract, and at a moderate expense; and I should like to know, if\n     any Englishman did the same thing in England, whether he would not\n     be unmercifully fleeced. Bishop Awdry says he is a friend of the\n     Japanese, but they will probably say to him, after reading his\n     letter, 'Save us from our friends, as to our enemies we will take\n     care of them ourselves.'\n\nAnd he winds up the article with these words:--\n\n     What excuse has he to offer for the gross and discreditable and\n     unfounded insults which he has heaped on the heads of those under\n     whose protection, and in the enjoyment of whose hospitality, he\n     resides.... In short, it may justly be said of the letter written\n     by this superfluous bishop, 'what is true is not new, and what is\n     new is not true.'\n\n\n\n\nINDEX\n\n\n  Adoption, the custom of\n  _Advance Japan_, Morris's\n  Age, ways of counting\n  _A\u00efda_, the opera\n  Ainslie, Dr. Daniel, his mission to Nagasaki\n  Aizu, Lord of\n  America's sympathy for Japan\n  American Press, views of war with Russia given to the\n  Anglo-French, Russo-Japanese _entente_\n  Anglo-Franco Diplomacy in Japan\n  Anglo-Japanese Alliance and America, an interview\n  Army, the Japanese\n    -- state of, after fighting\n  Army and Navy, organisation of\n  Arisugawa, Prince\n  Art, Japanese\n  Ashikaga\n  Aston, Dr.\n  Australian Question, the\n\n\n  Bank of Japan.\n  'Black Room President,'\n  Books on Japan\n  Bracken, a talk about\n  British East India Company\n  Buddhist Sects\n  Budha, Amida\n  _Bukum_\n  Bushido\n    -- discourse on\n    -- history of the term\n    -- its literature\n  _Bushiku_\n  Bushi-Zoku\n\n\n  Calendar, the Japanese\n  Calumnies on Japan\n  Card-playing\n  Cards, description of\n  Character of the Japanese\n  Chastity\n  Chauvinism, fear of\n  Chess-playing in China\n   -- in Japan\n  _Chiku-ba-sho_\n  China, the difficulty of reform in\n    -- the future of\n    -- and Russia, secret treaty between\n  Chinese jurisprudence\n    -- banking system\n  Chivalry, Japanese\n  _Chokai_, Gunboat\n  Chosiu\n    -- troops\n  Christianity and Japan\n  Chrysanthemums, the culture of\n  Climate in Japan\n  Code of honour, the Japanese\n  Commerce and industry of Japan described\n  Commercial morality of the Japanese described\n  Communication, means of, in Japan\n  Corea\n  Currency, Japanese\n\n\n  Daidoji Yiuzan\n  Daimio explained\n    -- and Samurai, difference between\n  Danjiuro\n  Deaf and dumb, the treatment of\n  Death, the Japanese conception of\n  _Deutsche Revue_\n  Diet, the\n  Difficulty of distinguishing _R_ and _L_\n  Duels\n  Dwellings, details of\n\n\n  Earrings, remarks on\n  Eating fruit without peeling\n  Education in Japan\n    -- the system of\n    -- common and military\n  _Elementary Lessons on Budo_\n  England, her political attitude.\n  England and America, relations between, with regard to Japan\n  English Press views on Japanese character\n    -- sympathy for Japan\n\n\n  Feeling and sentiment in Japan\n  Feudal system in Japan\n  Fiction, Japanese\n  Fighting, modes of\n  Finance of the Imperial Government at the beginning of the\n    Great Change\n  _Financial and Economical Annual_\n  Financial system, progress of\n  Firearms, the first use of, in Japan\n  Flowers, art of arrangement of\n    -- sale of\n  Food, Japanese\n  Forecast on the issue of the war\n  France and her women\n   -- relations with England\n  French Nationalists and Socialists with regard to Japan\n  Fushimi, battle of\n\n\n  Garden, a Japanese, described\n  Geishas, their life\n  German policy\n  'Go,' the game of\n  Government, the Japanese\n    -- described\n  'Great Change,' the\n  Greek and Roman comedies\n    -- customs\n  Greek inspiration\n  Griffis, the Rev. W.E.\n\n\n  Hakodate\n  Hana-karuta\n  Hanawa\n  Hearn, Lafcadio\n    -- life of\n    -- remarks on\n  Hetaira\n  Hideyoshi\n  Hiros\u00e9, Commandant\n    -- Mrs., her letter to an English Admiral\n  Hizen\n  _Hogen Monogatari_\n  House of Representatives\n\n\n  Imperial Army Department\n    -- Government and military reform\n  _Imperial Japan_\n  Imperial succession\n    -- Troops\n  _Independent Review_\n  Indo-China Question\n  Inouy\u00e9, Count\n    -- a sketch of his life\n  Intermarriages, Japanese\n  International Conventions and Japan\n  Irving, Sir Henry, and the Japanese stage\n  Ito, Marquis\n    -- an old speech by\n    -- a sketch of his life\n  Izawa Hanrioshi\n\n\n  _Jane Eyre_ and Japan\n  Japan after the war\n    -- Emperor of, his powers\n    -- and America, relations between\n    -- and Europe, relations between\n    -- and foreign capital\n    -- and Russia, a priest's views on\n  _Japan Times_\n  Japanese, the age of\n    -- as correspondents\n    -- love tale, a\n    -- reform, how brought about\n    -- tariff\n    -- Vendetta\n  Jiujitsu, discourse on\n    -- and wrestling, a comparison of\n    -- the Willow Mind style\n\n\n  Kagoshima\n    -- bombardment of\n  Kaibara Yekken\n  Kataki-uchi\n  Katsura, Count\n  Kawakami\n  Kawas\u00e9,\n  Kido\n  Kikugoro\n  Kiusiu\n  Kioto\n  Kite flying\n  Kites\n  Koizumi Yakumo\n  _Kokkwa_, a monthly on Art\n  Komura, Baron\n  Kumazawa Banzan\n  Kuroda\n  Kuropatkin, General\n  Kwanto, plain of\n\n\n  Lady's opinion on Japanese women, A\n  Languages, remarks on\n  Languages of China and Japan\n  _Lays of Ancient Rome_\n  _Le Matin_, 35.\n  _Lectures by Yamaga Soko_\n  Legislation, evolution of\n  Lines on hailstones\n  Little, Archibald\n  Local administration\n  Loti, Pierre\n\n\n  Macaulay\n  _Maritana_, the opera\n  Marriage ceremonies, description of\n  Massage\n  Matoni, Monsieur\n  Matrimony, preliminary inquiries in respect to\n  Matsukata, career of\n  _Mikado's Empire_\n  Military organisation\n    -- training\n    -- for boys\n    -- service, hereditary, abolished\n  Mongolian troops\n  Moon scenes\n  Morality of Japan, compared with other nations\n  Mothers and wives, Japanese\n  Music, Japanese\n\n\n  Nagasaki\n  Nakaodo, a\n  Nakaye-toju\n  Names, Japanese\n  Napoleon\n  National banks\n  Nationality, abuse of Japanese\n  Navigation in the Japan Sea\n  Navy, the Japanese\n    -- its history\n  Nelson\n  Neutrality question, the\n  'New Commoners,' and the history of their emancipation\n  Night f\u00eates in Japan\n  Nobility, the Japanese\n    -- methods of addressing\n  Nogi, General, and religion's meaning\n  Notions of pardon and forgiving\n  Nozu, General\n\n\n  Occidental Civilisation\n    -- vulgarity\n  Okubo\n  Okuma, Count\n    -- a sketch of the life of\n  Osaka\n  Oyama Marshal\n\n\n  Paris\n    -- a motor ride round\n    -- by night\n  Peace prospects, observations of\n  Physique, the Japanese\n  Political attitude of England\n  Political organism of Japan\n  Port Arthur\n  Press, the, and the war\n  Printing, the art of\n  Pronunciation of Japanese\n  Public baths\n\n\n  _Questions and Answers on Bun and Bu_\n\n\n  Raffles, Sir Stamford, his appreciation of Japan\n  Railways, construction of\n  Red Cross Society\n  Religion in Japan\n    -- discussions on\n  Religion, Japanese meaning of\n  Restoration, the Japanese\n  Revenge, Japanese\n  Revolution, discussion on the Japanese\n  _Risen Sun_, the\n  Rodjestvensky, Admiral\n  Romance, Japanese\n  'Ronin,'\n  Roosevelt, President\n    -- and jiujitsu\n    -- his partiality towards Japan\n  Russia, Emperor of\n    -- and Japan, a priest's views on\n  Russian defeat, the cause of\n  Russian views of the Japanese\n  Russo-Japanese War, outbreak of\n  Russophile papers\n\n\n  Sada-Yakko\n  Sadanji\n  Saga, prince of\n  Saigo\n  Saionji, a sketch of the life of\n  Samurai\n    -- and Daimio, difference between\n    -- and fighting\n    -- explained\n    -- discipline of the\n    -- the soul of\n    -- mother illustrated by a drama\n  Satcho\n  Satow, Sir E.\n  Satsuma\n    -- formation of the\n    -- war\n    -- the cause of\n  Scenery of Japan\n  Sekigahara, battle of\n  _Self-Help_, Smiles's\n  Semitic sympathy\n  Shido,\n  Shikwan\n  Shimadai\n  Shimazu Saburo\n  Shintoism, its sensitiveness to pollution\n  Shipbuilding yards, origin of\n  Shiwa Yoshimasa\n  Shizoku, the title\n  Shogun\n  Shogunate\n    -- financial system of\n    -- troops\n  Simonoseki, treaty of\n  Singing insects\n  Sino-Japanese war\n  Sketches of some chief figures of actual Japan\n  Snow scenes\n  Social morality, discussion on\n  Social condition of Japan\n  Socialism and Japan, discussion on\n  Sotsuibushi, or Police-master-general\n  Sports, Japanese\n  Stage, the Japanese\n  'Standard of Living,' an essay\n  Stoessel, General\n  Summer resorts of foreigners\n  Sumoo\n  Superstition, Japanese.\n  Swords\n\n\n  Taira\n  Takasago\n  Takasugi\n  Takeda Shingen\n  Telegraphs in Japan\n  Telephones in Japan\n  _Things Japanese_ (1898)\n  Togo, Admiral\n  Tokio\n    -- the history of\n    -- the patois of\n  Tokugawa\n    -- r\u00e9gime\n    -- Feudatories under\n  Tolstoy, Count Leo\n  Trans-Siberian Railway\n  Trip to Japan, details concerning\n  Tsu-shima, battle of\n\n\n  Uta-Karuta\n  Utamaro\n\n\n  Washington, George\n  Weapons, Japanese","title":"A Fantasy of Far Japan; Or, Summer Dream Dialogues","tradition":"philosophy-ethics","translated_text":null,"word_count":114131}