{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_35952/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_35952","id":"gutenberg_35952","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/35952","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Siksika Indians","Sun dance"],"text":"</pre>\n\n\n\nProduced by Tor Martin Kristiansen, Joseph Cooper, Constanze\nHofmann and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at\nhttps://www.pgdp.net\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS\nOF\nTHE AMERICAN MUSEUM\nOF NATURAL HISTORY\n\nVOL. XVI, PART III\n\nTHE SUN DANCE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS\n\nBY\n\nCLARK WISSLER\n\n[Illustration]\n\nNEW YORK\nPUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE TRUSTEES\n1918\n\n\n\n\nTHE SUN DANCE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS.\n\nBY CLARK WISSLER.\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE.\n\n\nThe Blackfoot tribes, particularly the Piegan, have been more\nextensively studied than most other Plains Indians. The writer began a\nsystematic investigation of their culture in 1903. At that time, the\nonly works treating them seriously were those of the younger Henry,\nMaximilian, and Grinnell. There were some good fragmentary articles by\nMcLean and Hale. Yet, since we began work on this problem, a number of\nexcellent books have appeared. First, the long-forgotten journals of\nMathew Cocking and Anthony Hendry who went to the Blackfoot country in\n1754 were printed. Then followed McClintock's delightful book, \"The Old\nNorth Trail\" and later, Curtis's highly illustrated account of the\nPiegan. Linguistic studies had been undertaken by Tims, but later,\nMichelson, Uhlenbeck, and Josselin de Jong brought out studies of the\nlanguage and some aspects of social organization. Of more popular books,\nthe only one to be considered here is Schultz's, \"My Life as an Indian,\"\nwhich, though in the form of fiction, is full of true pictures of\nBlackfoot life and thought. One unfortunate thing about all this\nsubsequent activity is that it centered on the Piegan and as the\nwriter's work was largely with that division before these publications\nappeared, there was no chance to rectify this asymmetry.\n\nThe publication of this study of the sun dance has been long delayed in\nthe hope that circumstances would permit a more intensive study of the\nceremony among the Canadian divisions. But the time for making such a\nstudy has really passed, since those natives who had the knowledge\nessential to an accurate exposition of the sun dance are now dead. It\nseems advisable, therefore, to publish the data as they stand.\n\nThe writer saw the Piegan ceremony twice, so that this study is based\nboth upon objective observation and discussion with the native\nauthorities on the subject. Later, Mr. Duvall checked over the data and\nconclusions with these and other informants. A large series of\nphotographs was taken, but the important phases of the ceremony are so\nwell shown in the published works of McClintock and Curtis that a\nrepetition here is unnecessary.\n\n                                                       CLARK WISSLER.\n\nMay, 1918.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n\n                                                                   PAGE.\n\n  PREFACE                                                            225\n\n  THE SUN DANCE                                                      229\n\n  PREPARATION PERIOD                                                 229\n\n  PROGRAM BY DAYS                                                    230\n    First Day                                                        230\n    Second Day                                                       230\n    Third Day                                                        230\n    Fourth Day                                                       230\n    Fifth Day                                                        230\n    Sixth Day                                                        231\n    Seventh Day                                                      231\n    Eighth Day                                                       231\n\n  THE VOW                                                            231\n\n  CEREMONY OF THE TONGUES                                            234\n\n  THE MEDICINE WOMAN                                                 240\n\n  THE PROCESSION TO THE DANCING LODGE                                248\n    The Offering of Cloth                                            249\n\n  THE HUNDRED-WILLOW SWEATHOUSE                                      250\n\n  THE DANCING LODGE                                                  252\n\n  CUTTING THE THONGS                                                 254\n\n  RAISING THE SUN POLE                                               256\n\n  THE WEATHER DANCERS                                                258\n\n  DANCING                                                            260\n\n  SOCIETY DANCES                                                     262\n\n  THE TORTURE CEREMONY                                               262\n\n  SUN DANCE SONGS                                                    267\n\n  THE SUN DANCE CAMP                                                 268\n\n  MYTHOLOGICAL NOTES                                                 268\n\n  THE BLOOD AND NORTH BLACKFOOT                                      270\n\n\n\n\nILLUSTRATIONS.\n\n\nTEXT FIGURES.\n\n  1. The Offering of Human Flesh. Drawn from a native sketch         266\n\n\n\n\nTHE SUN DANCE.\n\n\nIn our earlier paper upon the bundles of the Blackfoot, we have\nconcerned ourselves with ceremonial functions in which the ownership and\nchief responsibility, in theory, rested in a single individual. We come\nnow to an affair initiated, it is true, by the owner of the natoas\nbundle, but yet a composite of other rituals and functions, each of\nwhich has a definite place in a program carried out by the whole tribal\norganization. The only trace of a similar tribal participation is in the\nnow almost extinct tobacco-planting ceremonies conducted by the beaver\nowners; but here there was no complex of other unrelated ceremonies and\nfunctions. In short, the sun dance was for the Blackfoot a true tribal\nfestival, or demonstration of ceremonial functions, in which practically\nevery important ritual owner and organization had a place. Nevertheless,\nthere were certain rituals peculiar to it which gave it its character.\n\nSince the plan of this section is to give an ethnological presentation\nof the Blackfoot sun dance, rather than a logically unfolding\ndescription of the ceremony as seen at a specified time, we shall\npresent the general program now and take up later a somewhat analytical\ndetailed discussion of the various phases of the ceremony. By this\nmethod, we shall be able to concentrate our attention upon a single\nceremonial concept without the distraction arising from contemporaneous\nand intrusive procedures based upon other concepts, for as we shall see,\nthis sun dance is a true composite. The following schedule is not given\nas the one observed by the writer, but as the one regarded as proper and\nbelieved to have been followed before the various divisions of the\nBlackfoot were under the complete domination of the Canadian and United\nStates governments.\n\n\n\n\nPREPARATION PERIOD.\n\n\nAfter making a vow to purchase a sun dance bundle, the woman and her\nhusband make the necessary arrangements and perform the prescribed\nrites. This is an indefinite period. At the approach of summer, the\ninvitation tobacco is sent to all the bands and the camp circle is\nformed.\n\n\n\n\nPROGRAM BY DAYS.\n\n\n_First Day._ The program opens with moving camp to a site previously\nselected. On the morning of this day, the medicine woman begins to fast,\nwhich may be taken as the real beginning of the ceremony. If the\nceremony of \"cutting the tongues\" has not been previously performed or\ncompleted, it is now in order. In any event, the father and any male\nassistants he may choose to invite, spend a part of the day in \"praying\nand singing over the tongues.\" A society brings in willows and a\nhundred-willow sweathouse is built.\n\n\n_Second Day._ In the morning, the camp moves again to a site still\nnearer that proposed for the sun dance. A few green boughs of cottonwood\nare kept around the base of the medicine woman's tipi as a sign of its\nsanctity. A sweathouse is made, as on the previous day. \"Praying and\nsinging over the tongues\" continues during the day and evening.\n\n\n_Third Day._ The same as the second day.\n\n\n_Fourth Day._ The camp moves again; this time to the site of the sun\ndance. In the afternoon, the fourth and last hundred-willow sweathouse\nis built and used. The singing continues during the evening in the\nmedicine woman's tipi.\n\n\n_Fifth Day._ This is an active day.[1] The various bands cut and drag in\nthe poles and green cottonwood boughs to be used in constructing the\ndancing lodge. The center, or sun pole, is selected and brought in with\nthe ceremonies pertaining thereto. During the day, the holes for the\nposts are dug and the sides of the dancing lodge put in place and\nprepared for the raising at sunset. A wind-break is erected at the west\nside, facing the forked end of the sun pole. Later in the day, some\nmedicinemen take up their stations here to receive offerings to the sun\nand place them on the pole. In the forenoon, the ceremony connected with\nthe opening of the natoas bundle begins in the medicine woman's tipi.\nThis is completed by the middle of the afternoon when there is a\nprocession from the tipi to the wind-break facing the sun pole. The\nthongs for the poles are cut. While these are taking place, some food is\ndistributed among the poor people. Those women, who, during the past\nseason, promised \"to come forward to the tongues\" now fulfil their vows\nby public declarations addressed to the setting sun. The pole raisers\nthen approach from the four quarters, erecting first the sun pole and\nthen the rafters, with as much speed as possible. The medicine woman\nthen returns to her tipi and the father with his male companions goes\ninto a sweathouse.\n\n\n_Sixth Day._ In the morning, a booth is erected in the dancing lodge for\nthe medicinemen, or weather dancers. Later in the day, they approach,\nwith processions made up of their respective bands, and take their\nplaces in the booth. At various times during the day, they dance to the\nsun. People also come up to be painted and prayed for. As a rule, the\nmedicine-pipes are brought out for these men to bless and smoke. During\nthe afternoon, the \"digging dance\" occurs, when the fireplace is made\nand the fire kindled.\n\n\n_Seventh Day._ People still come to be painted or prayed for by the\nmedicinemen. Later in the day, the dancing of the societies begins.\n\n\n_Eighth Day._ The dancing may continue on this day; otherwise, camp is\nbroken and the bands go their several ways. The dancing may continue\nseveral days, there being no definite time for closing the ceremony.\nIndeed, to the Blackfoot mind, the really vital part of the ceremony\ncloses on the evening of the fifth day. The dancing of the societies is\nfree to take its course as the various organizations see fit. In former\ntimes, however, it was customary to break camp any time between the\nseventh and tenth days.\n\nAccording to our information, the four camps of the medicine woman was\nthe rule in olden times and a hundred-willow sweathouse was made at each\ncamp. In recent times, but two moves seem to have been made; the first\nday marking the move from the regular home camp to the temporary one\nwhere the second day is also spent. But one of the hundred-willow\nsweathouses is now made--the one on the third day. Also, where formerly\nthey used the ordinary type of sweathouse, at the close of the fourth\nday, the men now return to the hundred-willow sweathouse. The time then\nwas \"when the service berries are ripe\", perhaps August, instead of\nFourth-of-July week, as in recent years.[2] Even the fast is much\nabbreviated, usually but of two days' duration.\n\n  FOOTNOTES:\n\n  [1] As in many other cases, there is a difference of opinion as to\n  what was, or is, the correct schedule. Some maintain that the timber\n  and sun pole are brought in on the fourth day and the fifth day given\n  over to the erection of the dancing lodge only. This is, however, a\n  matter of no great moment.\n\n  [2] See Grinnell, George Bird, _Blackfoot Lodge Tales_ (New York,\n  1903), 264, for program.\n\n\n\n\nTHE VOW.\n\n\nThe most important functionary in the Blackfoot sun dance is a woman,\nknown among the whites as the medicine woman, and upon a clear\ncomprehension of her functions and antecedents depends our understanding\nof the ceremony itself. Accordingly, we shall proceed with as complete\nan exposition of her office as the information at hand allows. In the\nfirst place, a sun dance cannot occur unless some woman qualifies for\nthe office. On the other hand, it was almost inconceivable that there\nshould be a summer in which such a qualification would not be made. This\nattitude of our informants implies that public opinion had sufficient\nforce to call out volunteers against their own wills. There was a\nfeeling that an annual sun dance was, from a religious and ethical point\nof view, necessary to the general welfare, for which some individual\nought to sacrifice personal comfort and property to the extent required\nby custom. As we shall see later, this was no small price to pay for a\ndoubtful honor. This feeling was sure to express itself in the subtle\nways peculiar to Indian society, if need be, to the direct suggestion of\na candidate who in turn felt impelled to come forward as if prompted\nentirely from within.\n\nAs a rule, however, the woman qualifies by a vow. Oftimes, when a member\nof the family is dangerously ill, one of the women goes out of the tipi\nand raising her eyes to the sun calls upon it that health may be\nrestored to the ailing one. In such an appeal she offers to make gifts\nto the sun, usually specifying that she will sacrifice a piece of cloth,\na dress, a robe, an ax, etc., which are after a time, provided the sick\none improves, hung in trees or deposited upon a hill. Such appeals are\nstill made with great frequency. It is believed that unless the woman\nhas been industrious, truthful, and above all, true to her marriage\nvows, her appeal will not be answered. Sometimes, when the woman\naddresses the sun she promises to be the medicine woman at the next sun\ndance. She herself may be ill and promise such a sacrifice in case she\nreceives help. Again, she may, out of gratitude for the satisfactory way\nin which her prayers have been answered, announce her intention to take\nthis step. In such a case, a formal announcement is made to the sun. In\ncompany with a man, usually a medicineman experienced in the ceremonies,\nshe steps out into the camp, where they face the sun whom the man\naddresses, explaining that as this woman asked for help in time of need\nand that inasmuch as it was granted, she in turn promises to be the\nmedicine woman at the first opportunity. Some such formal announcement\nis made in every case where the prayers have been answered. By this\nformality, the vow receives public registry.\n\nAs indicated above, the prayers are not always granted. In such cases,\nthe promises are not only not binding, but to proceed with the sun\ndance, or to take a secondary part in it, would be to the detriment of\nall concerned. The fault is said to lie in the woman's life and that\nonly the wrath of the sun would be invoked by her participation in the\nceremonies.\n\nIt may be asked if a man can make such a vow. He may and does often call\nupon the sun, promising gifts of property or even scalps and may\npromise to furnish the material support for a wife, mother, sister, or\nin fact any woman who will come forward to perform the ceremony. Thus, a\nBlood chief once told us that he had been very ill all winter; that he\nhad tried all kinds of doctors without relief, until he was stripped of\nall his property. At last, he recovered and then made a vow that with\nthe help of his wife he would give the sun dance. This he did, but, as\nhe expressed it, \"with great difficulty because he was then poor and did\nnot receive adequate help from his relatives.\"\n\nAgain, it must be noted that women who do not feel equal to the\nresponsibility of the medicine woman's office, make a vow to announce\npublicly their virginity or faithfulness to their marriage vows, as the\ncase may be, though for an unmarried woman to make such a pledge is the\nexception. This is spoken of as \"the going forward to the tongues,\" the\nfull meaning of which will appear later. The manner and occasion of\nmaking this vow are in most respects similar to the preceding. At a\ncertain stage of the sun dance proceedings, all the women who made such\na promise to the sun, come forward and make their statements subject to\nthe challenge of any man present. This bears some resemblance to the\nvirginity tests of the Dakota, but applies more particularly to married\nwomen and marital virtue than otherwise.\n\nNaturally, the number of women making promises of this kind was much\ngreater than for the more important ceremony. Thus, we have a custom of\ncalling upon the sun in time of need which is an almost universal\npractice, a more restricted form of such appeal peculiar to women in so\nfar that sexual morality is a necessary qualification, the more specific\nvow of \"going forward to the tongues\", and the exceptional vow to\nperform the medicine woman's functions at the sun dance, a fair\nillustration of the way in which most complex folk ceremonies are\nsupported by a pyramid of less and less differentiated practices.\n\nIn passing, it should be noted that when the vow is made to perform the\nmedicine woman's functions, it is literally an obligation to purchase a\nnatoas bundle, or if already the owner of a bundle, to perform its\nritual.[3] A woman may own more than one of these bundles at a time;\nindeed, we have heard of a woman purchasing new ones at several\nsuccessive sun dances. This purchase is a fundamental feature in all\nbundle ceremonies to which the sun dance bundle offers no exception.\n\nOn the other hand, the vow means more than the mere purchase of a\nbundle. We are told that the requirement as to virtue holds strictly for\nthe vow and the tongue ceremony. A woman can buy a natoas in the\nordinary sense and have it transferred with the ritual even though\nshe has not been true to her husband. We are reminded that\nScabby-round-robe's wife[4] was not true to her former husband and that\nwhen her husband received a beaver bundle there went with it a natoas\nand accessories; but that while she could use them by virtue of her\nrelation to a beaver bundle, she was not competent to make a vow and\ninitiate a sun dance.[5] This is consistent with the tradition that the\nnatoas was once bought from a beaver bundle by a woman who gave the sun\ndance for that year and used instead of a wreath of juniper as in former\nceremonies. It also throws some light on the relation of the natoas to\nthe beaver and the sun dance rituals.\n\n  FOOTNOTES:\n\n  [3] This series, volume 7, 215.\n\n  [4] This series, vol. 2, 83.\n\n  [5] For example, we were told that some few years ago the widow of\n  Spotted-eagle took the part of the medicine woman and borrowed a\n  natoas from the mother of Curly-bear. Recently (1911), the latter\n  died. Then the former claimed the natoas on the grounds that she had\n  paid full value for it at the time and that she had now the most right\n  to it. Curly-bear consented. Then, after an interval, this woman\n  transferred it to the wife of ---- who made no vow to give the sun\n  dance, for it was generally known that the reputation of the new owner\n  permanently disqualified her for the function of medicine woman.\n\n\n\n\nCEREMONY OF THE TONGUES.\n\n\nWhile it is obvious from the preceding, that the medicine woman takes\nher vow at no fixed period in the year, the order of procedure is such\nthat as a rule, she must have taken her vow not later than the spring of\nthe year in which the sun dance occurs. There is no absolute prohibition\nto qualifying at a later time, as is often the case at present when the\nconsent of the Indian Agent must be obtained before the ceremony is\npermitted, but the normal order seems to be as just stated. Any way, in\nthe spring, the medicine woman calls upon her relatives for buffalo\ntongues (in recent years, those of cattle). These are then saved as\nrequested. In passing, it may be noted that in all ceremonies, the\npersons upon whom the burden of responsibility falls have not only an\ninherent right to call upon their blood relatives, but these in turn are\nunder obligations to respond. The number of tongues required is\nuncertain, some informants claiming that there should be an even\nhundred, others, that four to five full parfleches was the standard.\nNaturally, in recent years, the number has been much less. These tongues\nare to be sliced, parboiled, and dried like meat. The slices, however,\nmust be perfect, without holes, and come from the interior of the\ntongue.\n\nThe slicing of these tongues appears to have been the first ceremony of\nthe cycle. It is conducted by a man, usually the father, who formally\nannounced the woman's vow and who conducts all the ceremonies in which\nthe medicine woman takes part. There is no stipulation that the same\nman must direct all parts of the ceremony, but, by custom, this office\nis performed annually by the same man so long as he is physically\ncapable. To this ceremony are called the medicine woman, the women who\nhave promised to \"go forward to take the tongues\", and sometimes those\nhaving previously performed these functions.\n\nThe manner of formally registering the vow and of collecting the tongues\nis stated as follows:--\n\nNow the woman who made the vow calls on a man and woman who have been\nthrough the medicine lodge ceremony to announce it. The man and woman\ncome to her tipi and paint her clothes and face and those of the\nrelative for whom the vow was made with red paint. Prayers are offered\nfor them and a few songs sung. After this, the four stand in front of\nthe tipi and the man announces the vow. He says, \"Sun, she is going to\nmake a sun lodge for you. I think you and those who are above can hear\nwhat is said.\" Then they move in turn to the south, west, and north side\nof the tipi, repeating the same words at each stop and finally enter the\ntipi.\n\nIn the spring of the year, when the people run buffalo, the woman has\nher tipi a little towards the front or center. It may be that she is\nonly with one of the bands, while the rest are camped elsewhere. Her\ntipi stands alone a little to the west of the others. The people are\nthen notified that the tongues are to be given to the woman. Her husband\nmounts his horse and sets out, taking a pipe and tobacco, but no weapons\nwith him. When he finds a man butchering, he sits down on a robe, fills\nhis pipe, prays for those present, and smokes with them. The butcher\ncuts out the tongue, wipes it off with sagegrass, and places it near the\nman, who has spread some buffalo dung with sagegrass on top of it in a\nrow before him. The tongues are placed on the sage and dung. The man\nthen takes the tongues and rides to where the next man is butchering and\ngoes through the same procedure. After he has gathered up all the\ntongues he takes them home. Each time buffalo are killed the man rides\nout to gather in tongues until he has accumulated a hundred.\n\nThe tongues having been collected, an important ceremony follows with\ntheir boiling and slicing. An experienced man and woman are invited to\ndirect; these are spoken of as the father and the mother. Also, all the\nwomen having made a vow \"to go forward to the tongues\" are invited. In\naddition, a number of women and men familiar with the ceremonies are\ncalled. The woman making the vow (the daughter) and her husband (the\nson) sit at the back of the fire; next to the former, sits the mother\nand then the other women; next to the latter, sits the father and then\nthe men in order. The men sit on the north side and the women on the\nsouth. At the proper moment, the mother brings in the tongues, passing\naround to the south side, and lays them in rows on a half rawhide back\nof the fire. All the women having made vows are now called upon to slice\nthe tongues. Their husbands must be present.\n\nThe tongues are slit open and the women are invited to slice and boil\nthem. When all the guests are present, one of the tongues is taken and\npainted black on one edge and red on the other, and given to the woman\nwho made the vow. The rest of the tongues are handed to the women for\nskinning and slicing; if there were more tongues than women, each was\ngiven more than one to slice. After all the women have the tongues, the\nwoman with the painted tongue makes a confession, saying, \"Sun, I have\nbeen true to my husband ever since I have been with him and all my life.\nHelp me, for what I say is true. I will skin this tongue without cutting\na hole in it or cutting my fingers.\"\n\nThe next woman also makes a confession, and so on. After all have\nconfessed, they commence to skin the tongues. As the first woman takes\nup the knife, the song runs: \"A sharp thing I have taken; it is\npowerful.\" The knife is painted, one half red, the other black. Should\nany of the women cut a hole in the tongue skin or cut their fingers, it\nis a sign that they must have lied and they are ordered from the tipi.\nAt the outset, each woman carefully examines her tongue to see if the\nskin is perfect. Should a hole be found, the tongue is passed to the\ndirector who marks it with black paint. After the tongues are all\nskinned and sliced, they are passed back to the woman who distributed\nthem and placed in a wooden bowl. The skins of the tongues are tied in\nbunches with sinew so that they can tell to which woman the skins\nbelong.\n\nThe skins are to be boiled by two women. Two sticks are given to one\nwoman and one to the other. All this time singing is going on. The woman\nwho has the two sticks paints them black, while the woman who has the\nother, paints it red. The three sticks are tied together at one end and\nare used as a tripod for hanging the kettle in which the skins of the\ntongues are to be boiled. The legs of the tripod, the wooden kettle\nhook, and all other sticks are painted half in red and half in black.\nAlso, the kettle is marked with four vertical bands of black and four of\nred. The four blunt sticks for stirring the pot are painted in pairs,\nred and black. A red and black painted stick is slipped through the\nbail, passed around to the north of the tipi, and handed to the two\nwomen. During all these movements there is praying and singing. The\nwomen each take hold of one end of the stick and go for water.\n\nThey make four pauses on this journey, each time praying to the sun and\nasserting their marital rectitude and recounting such occasions as they\nhave been improperly approached by a man. All this time, the father and\nhis assistants sing in the tipi. One of the women takes a cup, makes\nfour movements with it and dips the water. At this moment the song\nruns:--\n\n    \"The water that I see.\n    Water is sacred.\"\n\nOn the return, the women make four pauses as before. When the pail is\nfinally within the tipi, incense is burned between the fireplace and the\ndoor and the pail held in the smudge. The father takes up the board upon\nwhich some of the tongues lie and while holding it up in one hand,\nshakes the cup about in the water, meanwhile making a noise like the\nbuffalo, finally striking the pail a blow with the cup. Here the song\nruns:--\n\n    \"Buffalo will drink.\"\n\nThis may be taken as marking one stage of the ceremony. The boiling of\nthe tongue is now in order. When all is ready, the father starts the\nsongs in the next series. The two women hook the kettle on the tripods\nand while the kettle is heated, there are other songs and incense burned\nand the song runs:--\n\n    \"Where I (buffalo speaking) sit is sacred.\"\n\nWhile the water boils, the director takes up a tongue, holds it above\nthe kettle, lowers it slowly, making a noise as if something were\ndrinking. After this, the women place the tongues in the kettle and\nproceed with the boiling. Here or elsewhere, songs accompany the\nceremonial acts. The pot must not boil over.\n\nWhen the tongues have cooked, the two women rise and stand by the fire\nas the songs begin. At the proper moment, they remove the kettle and\nplace it on the spot where the smudge was made. First, they take out the\npainted tongues and then the others. The father takes up a small piece,\nsinging:--\n\n    \"Old Man (sun), he wants pemmican.\n    He wants to eat.\n\n    Old Woman (moon), she wants back fat.\n    She wants to eat.\n\n    Morningstar, he wants broth.\n    He wants to eat.\"\n\nThen the painted tongue is passed to the daughter. Now, each of the\nwomen tears off a bit of the tongue skin and all hold up the pieces and\npray. After the prayers, the pieces are placed in the earth and the\ntongues are hung up to dry. First, the rope is taken up and a song sung.\nThe woman who made the vow, rises and ties one end of the rope to the\ntipi pole on the north side and the other end to the tipi pole on the\nsouth side, a little to the west of the fireplace. All the tongues, both\npainted and unpainted, are hung on this rope.\n\nDuring all these ceremonies there is no regular smudge. The smudges are\nmade with sweetgrass on the grass near the rear of the tipi. The tongues\nare left to hang for two days before they are taken down to be cooked.\nWhen the tongues have been hung, all return to their homes, the women\ntaking the tongue skins with them for their relatives to eat, as they\nare considered to be blessed and supposed to bring good luck.\n\nAfter two days, all meet again in the same tipi. The two women who went\nfor the water place the tripods over the fire and while songs are sung,\nthe pot is passed to them with the red painted sticks. The two women,\neach holding one end of the stick, go for water, praying on the way.\nWhen they return to the tipi a smudge, over which they hold the bucket\nof water, is made between the door and the fireplace. Then the bucket is\nplaced beside the smudge. While the others sing, the woman who made the\nvow rises and first takes the painted tongue and then the others from\nwhere they were hung. They are then placed on a buffalo hide and the\nwoman returns to her place. Four women sit down near the tongues; each\none takes a tongue, one of which is the painted one. Kneeling and\nswaying their bodies in time with the songs, they sing the buffalo\nsongs. The painted tongue is placed in the kettle first and a song is\nsung: \"When buffalo go to drink; it is powerful. Where buffalo sit is\npowerful (natojiwa).\" Then the rest of the tongues are placed in the pot\nwhich is hooked on the tripod over the fire. Songs are sung and four\nsticks, about the length of the forearm, for stirring the tongues, are\nplaced where the tongues were first placed. One of the cooks takes a\npair of the sticks and stirs the tongues with them. When removing the\ntongues from the kettle they are held between two of these sticks.\n\nAnother song, called the song of rest is sung, and all rest for a time\nand smoke. When the tongues are cooled, another song is sung, the two\ncooks rise, and taking the pot, place it over the smudge place near the\ndoor. To the singing of songs, the painted tongue first, and then the\nothers, are taken out and placed on half a rawhide. The soup is poured\ninto wooden bowls and distributed among those present. No tin cups must\nbe used in drinking this soup. While all sing, the woman who made the\nvow rises and first takes the painted tongue and then all the others\nand hangs them up as before. This ends the ceremony.\n\nTwo days later, the same participants are called together to the same\ntipi and the woman rises and takes first the painted tongue and then the\nothers from where they were hung. A parfleche is brought and a buffalo\nsong sung: \"Buffalo I take. Where I sit is powerful.\" The painted tongue\nand then the others are placed on the parfleche. Wild peppermint is put\nin with the tongues, the parfleches are tied up and placed at the rear\nof the tipi. Sometimes tongues are dried in front of the tipi on a stage\nmade by setting up two travois with a lodge pole tied between them.\n\nThe man and woman who lead the ceremony must not have any metal about\nthem. Brass rings, earrings, and all such trinkets must be taken off.\nNor must there be any knives in the vicinity. Even the knives with which\nthe tongues are cut are taken out. No one must spit in front of him, but\nalways close to the wall under the beds. If they do, it will rain. No\nwater is brought into the medicine lodge and when water is brought, it\nis covered. The only time when it is permitted to eat or drink is before\nsunrise and after sunset. They must be given food by the instructors.\nThe prayers in this ceremony are prayers for good luck for everyone in\nthe camp.\n\nThis closes the preliminaries to the ceremonies leading to the sun dance\nand may be designated as the cutting of the tongues. As in most other\ncases, there seems to have been considerable variation in this\nprocedure, both as to time and order. Certainly, for a number of years,\nit has been much abbreviated. As implied in the program, this ceremony\nmay be performed on the first day. The gathering of tongues was\ndependent upon circumstances and after the days of the great buffalo\ndrives was a matter of gradual accumulation. Thus, it was explained that\nby necessity, the \"cutting\" was often repeated, though naturally with\nless ceremony.\n\nThe parfleches containing tongues are kept in the medicine woman's tipi\nwhere they are \"prayed and sung over\" during the first and second days\nof the program. The underlying thought seems to be that they are\nconsecrated to the sun.\n\nIn the procession of the fourth day, the parfleches are carried behind\nthe medicine woman by her attendants. In former years, these were the\nwomen who had promised \"to go forward to the tongues.\" They are present\nat the ceremony in the medicine woman's tipi and may be said to be in\nattendance during the entire fasting period. At the time indicated in\nthe program, the parfleches are opened and the women in turn step out\nwith some of the dried tongue, face the west, and each holding up a\npiece, address the sun then nearing the horizon. They declare their\ninnocence of adultery, as at the time of making the vow and cutting the\ntongues. They also pray for themselves and their relatives after which\nthey distribute dried tongue among them. Finally, there is a general\ndistribution of tongues among the people.\n\nHowever, there is another aspect of their appearance at this point. The\nBlackfoot assume that many women have at one or more periods of their\nlives been invited by a man to commit the offence and that often the\noccasion is one of great temptation or calls for great presence of mind\nand will power. Now, when addressing the sun, if so approached, the\nwoman narrates the circumstances, naming the men committing the offence,\nand recounts the manner of her refusal. In naming the offender, they\nusually say, \"I suppose he hears what I say.\" These women are also\nsubject to challenge of their having committed adultery. It will be seen\nfrom this that the part they take in the ceremony is an ordeal for which\nmost women have little liking and one which they will not undertake\nlightly. The Blackfoot, themselves, regard it as one of the most solemn\noccasions in the ceremony. So far as we could learn, no one now living\nwas ever present when one of these women was challenged, but the naming\nof men who were guilty of improper advances was not unusual.\n\nA retrospect of the concept of the tongues indicates that the entire\nceremony, or their association with the medicine woman and those who are\nsexually pure, gives them a potency that may be acquired by eating. They\nseem most closely associated with sexual purity since they are less\nprimary in the function of the medicine woman than in case of those who\n\"go forward,\" the former being required to possess many virtues, the\nlatter but one. While the medicine woman fasts and keeps to her tipi,\nthe others do not.\n\n\n\n\nTHE MEDICINE WOMAN.\n\n\nWe shall now give our attention to the medicine woman. As previously\nstated, she is in most respects the central figure in the whole\nceremony, around whom centers its more serious and solemn aspects. On\nthe fifth day, an elaborate ritual is demonstrated in her tipi,\nculminating in the procession to the dancing lodge. To this ritual\nbelongs a medicine bundle with accessories, known as the natoas, though\nthe name is primarily that of the headdress which the bundle contains.\nThis bundle is transferred in the ritualistic way to the medicine woman\nby the ceremony and thus becomes hers to care for and guard until used\nagain at another sun dance ceremony. The ritual and the bundle have been\ndiscussed in detail in Volume 7 of this series. In addition to the\ncontents of the bundle, there must be a special robe of elkskin, a dress\nof the same material, and wristlets of strong elk teeth. A new travois\nmust be provided for moving the medicine woman outfit. Sometimes she\nherself rides on it. This travois is made by the past medicine woman,\nher attendant in the ceremonies.\n\nAs previously stated, the natoas ritual in the sun dance has for its\nmythical basis the Elk-woman and the Woman-who-married-a-star, though\nScar-face, Cuts-wood, Otter-woman, and Scabby-round-robe are said to\nhave made minor contributions. Versions of these myths may be consulted\nin Volume 2, part 1 of this series. The Woman-who-married-a-star is\ncredited with bringing down the digging-stick and the turnip, together\nwith the songs pertaining thereto (p. 61), also a wreath of juniper\nformerly worn in place of the natoas and the eagle feather worn by the\nman.\n\nIt is also interesting to note that the Crane-woman who transfers the\nritualistic attributes of these objects makes a formal declaration of\nher marital virtue. In the case of Elk-woman, we have again the incident\nof the Crane and the digging-stick where it is implied that the latter\nsymbolizes the bill of the former. We are informed that many animals\nwere present at this transfer, each contributing something to the\nregalia. We also find it suggested that the bunches of feathers on the\nnatoas represent the horns of the elk, the elk robe and elk teeth\nwristlets further symbolizing that animal. In one version of this myth\nis the antagonistic implication that Elk-woman was not quite up to the\nstandard of marital virtue. In the Cuts-wood myth the \"going forward to\nthe tongues\" is accounted for. Scabby-round-robe is credited with adding\nthe necklace and the arrow point to the natoas and Otter-woman with the\nwild cat-tail.\n\nThe following statement of an informant has a bearing upon this point:--\n\n    The natoas is said to have come from the Elk. It was first owned by\n    beaver bundle men, but it was the custom for the medicine woman in\n    the sun dance to borrow it for her ceremony. This continued for a\n    time, but ultimately the medicine woman bought it and kept it in a\n    bundle of her own. The feathers on the front of the natoas are said\n    to represent the horns of Elk and the plumes at the sides, the leafy\n    top of the large turnip. This is the same turnip which the woman who\n    went to the sky land is supposed to have dug up. The digging-stick\n    which accompanies the natoas also represents the stick with which\n    she did this digging. Some of the songs in the natoas ritual speak\n    of little children running about and this refers to the ball-like\n    image on the front of the natoas, for this image is stuffed with\n    tobacco seeds, which, as you know, are often spoken of as children,\n    or dwarfs (p. 201). The broad band upon which the natoas is mounted\n    is said to represent the lizard. All these things, it is said, were\n    added to the natoas, one at a time, by some of the beaver men. So it\n    came about that we have the natoas as it is.\n\n    Now, as to the story about the Elk giving the Natoas the robe and\n    the wristlets used with it. The objection is sometimes made that\n    this first woman who ran away from her husband to join the Elk was\n    not a true woman and that the facts are therefore inconsistent with\n    the ideal of the natoas ritual. Yet, some of our people claim that\n    the woman was true and that though she went away with the Elk it was\n    merely for the sake of receiving the ritual and that this is evident\n    because in the story it tells how she was able to hook down trees by\n    her magical powers and it is not conceivable that she could do this\n    if she had not been a true woman.\n\nThe ceremonial transfer of the sun dance bundle really begins with the\nfasting of the medicine woman on the first day. Neither she nor her\nhusband are supposed to eat or drink while the sun is visible, and then\nbut sparingly. On the evening before, they are put to bed by the father\nand mother. The mother places the daughter on the south side of the fire\nand the father the son on the north side. They must remain in the same\nposition until morning. Before the sun rises the father and mother go to\nthe medicine woman's tipi, stand by the door and sing. They sing as they\nformally enter, the father raising up the son; the mother, the daughter.\nThe man is taken out by the father and the daughter by the mother for\nthe morning toilet. When they return a small amount of food is fed to\nthe son and daughter, after which the father and mother take a little\nfood and drink. This must be before sunrise. During the day the son and\nespecially the daughter must sit quietly in their places with bowed\nheads and eyes cast down. She wears a buffalo robe, hair side in,\npainted red, covering her head as well as her body. Her hair is not\nbraided, but hangs down freely except for a horizontal band around the\nhead. The hair may be allowed to conceal the entire face.\n\nThe daughter must do nothing for herself. If she wishes to speak it must\nbe in almost a whisper in the ear of the mother or other attendant, who\nin turn will announce the import, if necessary. A fire is kept burning\nin the middle of the tipi, the ears are closely drawn around the smoke\nhole, the door closed, and the tipi cover securely staked down at the\nedges. Though this keeps the temperature high, the medicine woman cannot\nuse a fan, but may use the skin of a muskrat to wipe the perspiration\nfrom her face and hands.\n\nDuring the fasting period no noise must be made in the tipi. All the\nattendants must avoid unnecessary conversation and speak in a very\nsubdued tone; utensils must not be rattled or struck together. Visitors\nmay enter, but respectfully and quietly. No noises should be made in the\nvicinity of the medicine tipi and boisterous acts abstained from in all\nparts of the camp circle. If water is brought in the vessel must be\ncovered. No one should spit in the tipi nor do the other things\nforbidden at the ceremony of the tongues.\n\nThroughout the whole period there is a male attendant. He keeps the fire\nalive during the night and until camp is moved. He can only start the\nfire with an ember from some other tipi, striking fire in the tipi being\nstrictly prohibited. Pipes can only be lighted from the fire by this\nattendant with service berry sticks. A blaze must be avoided as much as\npossible. The attendant cuts the tobacco and fills the pipe and when\nburnt out he must empty the ashes into a small hole in the ground near\nhis seat. Everyone is expected to sit quietly, leaving the moving to\nhim. He remains on duty during the night also.\n\nFormerly, the tipi of the medicine woman was moved three times, four\ndifferent camps resulting, the last being at its position in the circle\nfor the sun dance. As a considerable journey was often necessary to\nreach the sun dance site these camps might be far apart. Theoretically,\nthe camp is pitched late in the afternoon of each day. At the sun dance\na special sweathouse ceremony takes place. This will be discussed later.\nAfter this the evening and greater part of the night are spent by those\nin attendance at the medicine woman's tipi in rehearsing the songs and\ninstructing the son and daughter.\n\nLike everything else, moving the camp of the medicine woman is a formal\nmatter. The travois is made, painted red, and reserved for the special\nuse of the medicine woman. When the time for breaking camp in the\nmedicine woman's band arrives, she and her husband are led out and\nseated upon a robe at the west or rear of their tipi, facing in the\ndirection to move. The parfleche of tongues and other paraphernalia are\nbrought out by the attending women and put down beside the couple. The\nmother directs the attending women in taking down the tipi and hitching\nthe horse to the travois. The parfleche of tongues is packed on the\ntravois. When all is ready, the woman and man are led to their horses\nand assisted to mount, the woman riding the horse to the travois. The\nfather and the son go ahead in single file, next the mother and the\ndaughter, or medicine woman. They pause four times, as songs are sung.\nAfter they get some distance out, they stop and wait for the camp, now\nmoving for the first time. This procession of four always leads, the two\nmen side by side and behind them the two women likewise. At noon, when\nthey stop for lunch, the two are again seated on a robe, the travois\nunhooked and laid down before them. Then follows the camp some distance\nbehind. The old men form a circle and smoke near the pair.\n\nAt this time the father orders one of the men's societies to go forward\nand mark out a camp site. When this spot is reached, tipis are pitched\nand when everything is in place the medicine woman and her husband are\ntaken inside.\n\nOn the morning of each day a society is given instructions to make the\nsweathouse at the camping place, a man to get the creeping juniper and\nanother to cut out the smudge place. As the sweathouse procedure is a\ndistinct ceremony, it will be treated under another head.\n\nThe following account of the evening ceremonies in the medicine woman's\ntipi was given by Red-plume:--\n\n    In the evening, after sunset, the first sweathouse is made. All\n    those who took part in the ceremony before and a few other old men\n    are invited. The man who fills the pipes and tends to the smoking\n    during the ceremony remains on duty during the whole sun dance\n    ceremony. Four-bears is told to tell the mosquito society to sing\n    that night in their own tipi which is inside of the circle. This\n    society is to sing the sun dance songs, the weather-makers dancing\n    songs, the rest of the people remaining quiet through the night. In\n    the medicine lodge they sing until a little before day-break.\n\n    The smudge place in the medicine lodge on the first day and for the\n    first sweathouse is a square marked in the soft earth with a\n    crescent in the middle of it. It is not painted. Under the crescent\n    is a dot where the smudge is made.\n\n    When all the guests are assembled in the tipi the ceremony for the\n    evening begins. Food is given to all; the medicine woman and her\n    husband have their meat cut up for them. While a song is sung a\n    piece of meat is held over the smudge, four passes made with it, and\n    then fed to the man and woman. The same thing is done with water.\n    After this they may help themselves to the food. After the meal is\n    over the singing begins. The sweetgrass is taken up and a song sung:\n    \"Old man, takes spring grass. Old woman comes in with her body.\"\n    Another man takes the smudge stick and places a live coal on the\n    smudge place. The singer holds the grass over head and then brings\n    it down on the coal. This song is for the morningstar: \"Morningstar\n    says let us have a sweathouse.\" Seven songs are sung for the sun and\n    moon which are spoken of as the old man and old woman. These with\n    the seven sung for the morningstar make fourteen sung thus far.\n\n    Since the men have been in the sweathouse where the paint has all\n    washed off, five songs are sung to re-paint the man and woman. As\n    the man sings, he takes some red earth paint with a ball of fat\n    which he rolls in the palms of his hands. The song is: \"Old man says\n    red face I take.\" He makes a streak crosswise on the man's forehead,\n    vertically on his cheeks, and across the chin. The entire face is\n    then covered with the same red paint. The robe is then taken from\n    the man's shoulders. He sings another song as he takes up the\n    sagegrass and brushes one side of the man's head, his arm, and then\n    his body. At the same time, the woman is painted on the other side\n    of the tipi. Another song is sung and he takes the paint, rubs it in\n    his hands, and sings: \"This man I am making his body holy,\n    powerful.\" The same words are sung for the woman. The man's body and\n    robe are then painted.\n\n    When the tongues were first taken in to be sliced, two round buffalo\n    dungs together with a ball of sweetgrass were given to the man and\n    woman. They keep these to wipe the paint from their hands. A song is\n    sung for the dung. The two men and the two women hold their hands\n    over the dung. They make four motions with the closed fists and then\n    touch the ground to the southeast, southwest, northwest, and\n    northeast of the dung. The words in this song are: \"This may help me\n    to live long, and help me through life.\" There is also part of a\n    buffalo dung. The smudge stick is taken up, with the song: \"Timber I\n    am looking for? Timber I have found and taken.\" The two men and the\n    two women all grasp the forked stick. They sing as they take up the\n    dung with it and gradually move it up the stick until it rests on\n    the fork. Then it is held over the fire. Someone knocks the dung\n    into the fire and it is covered with ashes. The song is: \"Powerful,\n    I start. Powerful where I sit.\" To throw the dung off into the fire\n    is a sign that enemies will be conquered.\n\n    Four songs are now sung for the muskrat skin used to wipe the faces\n    of the man and woman: \"Man says, my medicine, I am looking for. I\n    have found it.\" The skin is taken up. Two songs are sung for the\n    parfleche with tongues in it. It is taken up very slowly and the\n    singing continues during all the movements made with it. It is held\n    over the smudge and placed to one side, the cords untied, and the\n    tongues taken out and distributed to all who are now in the tipi.\n    The two medicinemen and women also eat. The song when first taking\n    up the parfleche is: \"Buffalo I am powerfully starting. It is\n    powerful where I sit.\" When undoing the cords the words are:\n    \"Buffalo I take some.\" When the first tongue is taken out, a little\n    piece is held up by everyone, prayers are said, the small pieces are\n    placed on the ground, and they begin to eat them.\n\n    Seven songs for the eagle tail feather with which the sun is\n    supposed to have brushed off the scar from Scar-face's face and is\n    supposed to be the feather brought down from the sun by Scar-face\n    follow: \"Old man says, hand me a feather.\" The feather is passed to\n    the man. Another song follows: \"Old man says he wants a hundred\n    feathers. Old woman wants different kinds of feathers.\" Seven more\n    songs are sung, the words of some of them are: \"This man says that\n    above have seen me. It is powerful. The ground I see is powerful.\n    Old man, says, white buffalo robe I want. Old woman, says, Elk I\n    want. Old man says, don't fool me. Old woman says, don't fool me.\"\n    The meaning of this is to be sure and give them what they ask for,\n    that is, offerings made at the sun dance to the sun, moon, etc.\n\n    Seven songs are sung before they take up the rattles and the rawhide\n    and five songs for the raven. At this time, the man takes hold of\n    one of the rattles by the ball part touching it to the ground, while\n    he holds the end of the handle straight up. The raven songs are:\n    \"Raven says, buffalo I am looking for; buffalo I take. The wind is\n    our medicine. The brush is our home. Buffalo I take.\" The man pecks\n    the rattle handle with one finger on both sides and crows. Then they\n    begin to beat the rattles on the rawhide and shake them in a circle\n    once.\n\n    Now seven songs are sung for the smudge which is made of a species\n    of fungus that grows on a kind of willow. The songs: \"Old man says,\n    all right, may my lodge be put up. Old woman says, all right may my\n    lodge be put up or built.\" These words mean that the sun and moon\n    are speaking and want the sun dance lodge built without any\n    accidents.\n\n    The next songs are for the natoas bundle which is not opened. The\n    songs: \"Old man comes in, he says, I am looking for my bonnet. I\n    have found it. It hears me. It is medicine.\" The old woman sings and\n    uses the same words in her songs. There are six of these bonnet\n    songs. The songs for the badger skin follow: \"The man above hears\n    me; he is powerful. The ground is my home; it is powerful.\" There\n    are four songs for the badger. The badger skin and other things are\n    not handled, the songs about them are simply sung. The songs for the\n    natoas are: \"Old man says I am looking for my bonnet. I have found\n    it: it is powerful.\" The woman then sings a song with the same\n    words, which is followed by a song about the stone arrow points on\n    the natoas. There is a song for everything which makes up the bonnet\n    which is as follows: the leather band, the blue paint on the band,\n    the stuffed weasel skin tied crosswise on the bonnet, the weasel\n    tails hanging from the bonnet, two feathers in front, and two\n    behind, two plumes on each side of the bonnet, a flint arrow point,\n    a buffalo calf tail, a snipe, and a small doll the head of which is\n    stuffed with tobacco seed. The song for the doll on the bonnet is:\n    \"Children are running about. They are running from us. They are\n    running towards us. They are boys. They are powerful.\" The man says,\n    \"Give me the child,\" and makes the movement of reception. Another\n    song is sung: \"Child is crying,\" and the man imitates the crying of\n    a child. The song for the little birds is: \"Bird says water is my\n    medicine; it is powerful,\" for the calf tail: \"Man says calf tail I\n    want,\" and for the arrow point: \"Sharp points are on both sides.\"\n    Then follows the song for the leather band which represents the\n    lizard: \"Yonder man, I am angry and mad at you.\" This song of the\n    lizard refers to the prairie dog chief. The blue paint on the band\n    represents water and the song for it is: \"The blue waters are our\n    medicine.\" The song for the feathers is: \"Feathers I want.\" Another\n    song for the plume on the feathers: \"Red I want.\" This closes the\n    evening ceremony. The man and woman are put to bed and all go home.\n\n    This is the ceremony after the first sweathouse is made. Three more\n    moves of the entire camp and three more sweathouses must be made.\n    The fourth move and sweathouse is where the sun dance takes place.\n    Nowadays, only one sweathouse is made for the sun dance.\n\nIt seems that the final camp is marked out by a society laying rocks\naround its bounds, according to which the arriving bands find their\nproper places.\n\nAt the fourth camp and on the fourth day, the natoas bundle is opened,\nor its formal ritual demonstrated. Early in the day another tipi is\npitched before the medicine tipi and the covers are joined, thus\nenlarging the space and providing for a few spectators. A few men and\nwomen are invited to assist in the ceremony: the men use the rattles and\nwith the women aid in the singing. The father and other men sit on the\nnorth side of the tipi, the former next the medicine woman's husband;\nand the other women sit on the south side, the mother next to the\nmedicine woman. She directs the medicine woman and the singing of the\nother women. The ceremony opens at about ten A. M. with the first series\nof songs in the ritual. Three men hold a rattle in each hand, beating\nthem upon the rawhide by a vigorous downward forward stroke, the seventh\nrattle is used by the father.\n\nThe ritual of the natoas will be found in Volume 7, pp. 215-220.\nNormally, this ceremony transfers the natoas to the daughter. She may,\nhowever, waive the right, in which case the bundle returns to the former\nowner. Yet, she seems to enjoy all the privileges accorded to one having\nbeen an owner.\n\nTheoretically, no one can perform a transfer ceremony without having\nfirst owned the bundle in question. In case of the natoas, even now, a\nbeaver owner is regarded as competent to conduct the proceeding, though\nhe may never have gone through the ritual with his wife. This is\nconsistent with the tradition that formerly the natoas was a part of the\nbeaver bundle.[6] Yet, the conditions here are slightly different from\nthose for other bundles in that the father must provide or is charged\nwith the responsibility to see that a natoas is provided. Following the\nvow, either he or the son makes formal application to the owner of a\nnatoas by the usual presentation of a pipe.[7]\n\nWhen the daughter begins her fasting, the father has the natoas brought\nto her tipi. As a rule, the father's wife owns a natoas. Some informants\nclaim that even should the daughter own a natoas, the father must\nprovide another. On the other hand, the daughter can select the eligible\nnatoas. In any case, the father furnishes the daughter with a dress and\nan elk robe for which he must be paid liberally.[8]\n\nIn conclusion, it may be remarked that anyone can make up a natoas, if\nhe has a dream so directing him; also, if he owned a natoas that was\nlost or otherwise destroyed; if he gave it away, without receiving\npayment; or if it was buried with someone. Having owned a natoas and\ntransferred it, he cannot duplicate it; should the new owner lose it, he\nmay, if called upon, replace it; likewise, if buried, the surviving\nhusband or wife could call upon him. In all such cases fees are given.\nWhen one transfers a medicine bundle and has been paid for it, he has no\nmore right to it and cannot duplicate it on his own motion. Should one\nsell the bundle without the ceremony of transfer, the ritual remains\nwith him and he can again make up the bundle; should one make the\ntransfer and fail to receive the pay, or waive the pay, he can make it\nup again. The relatives of one buried with a bundle can call upon a\nformer owner to make it up, after which it must be formally transferred\nto one of them. Men were sometimes killed on the warpath and their\nbundles lost; such were replaced as noted above. In every case these\nmust be true duplicates; it is only a dream that authorizes new\ncreations, or variations, however slight.\n\nAn interesting sidelight is thrown upon the idealized qualities of this\nwoman's function by the following narrative:--\n\nOnce while a medicine woman was sleeping in the sacred tipi during the\nfasting, a nephew of her husband stole in and made improper advances.\nBeing a good and true woman, like all others who give the sun dance,\nshe spurned him. Next day she told her husband the whole story. He was\nvery angry. He was not satisfied with the confession she made, but\nsuspected that she must have given the young man some encouragement. So\nwhen all the medicinemen and women had come into the tipi to rehearse\nthe songs as usual, he made a statement of these suspicions and as he\nhad two wives, he proposed to have them change places.\n\nThe medicinemen pleaded for the first wife because they believed her\ninnocent, but the husband was obdurate. So the second wife was called in\nto take the place. Then the first wife said, \"It was I who saved this\nman's life when he was ill. I made the vow to give the sun dance and he\ngot well. I have suffered much in fasting, all for him. Now he disgraces\nme before all the people. But I will put my virtue to a test. If I am\ntrue, I have already acquired power.\"\n\nShe filled a pipe, went outside and standing now on the east side of the\ntipi, then on the south, the west, and the north, she addressed the sun.\nThe day was clear, but soon after the woman entered the tipi, thunder\nwas heard. A storm came down with hail and blew over many tipis. But in\nspite of these proofs, her husband was obdurate and the second wife went\non with the ceremony.\n\nNot long after the sun dance this same man became ill again. Finally, as\na last resort, he called upon the first wife to save him again. This\nwoman told him to call upon the other woman as he seemed to have so much\nfaith in her. So he died and was properly punished for so unjustly\ntreating his faithful wife.\n\n  FOOTNOTES:\n\n  [6] In former times, the natoas and the medicine woman's costume were\n  owned by a beaver man. When a woman gave a sun dance she gave a horse\n  for their use. She just borrowed them. Later on, a beaver man\n  transferred them, whence they became a separate bundle.--Tom Kiyo.\n\n  [7] Should the woman already own a natoas and the transferrer (father)\n  own one; the woman must say which bundle shall be used. She can use\n  her own, borrow, or purchase of the transferrer.--Curly-bear.\n\n  [8] A Piegan informant comments as follows: The woman can either buy\n  or borrow a natoas. In the olden times she often borrowed because the\n  natoas, the dress, the elk tooth wristlets, and the robe were owned by\n  a beaver man's wife. After a time, however, these were transferred to\n  a medicine woman and were thus separated from the beaver bundle.\n\n\n\n\nTHE PROCESSION TO THE DANCING LODGE.\n\n\nIn our account of the natoas ritual we told how the father, son, etc.,\nemerge from their tipi. The file is headed by the father, followed by\nthe son, next the mother, then the medicine woman followed by women\nbearing the tongues. The father and the son are muffled in blankets\n(robes); the latter walks with bowed head, leaning heavily on a staff\nand bearing over his head a wild rhubarb stalk.[9] The medicine woman\nwears the natoas on her head, an elkskin (often buckskin) dress and an\nelkskin robe, with the digging-stick on her back. For a staff, she uses\none of the smudge sticks. The women in her rear bear parfleches\ncontaining the tongues, together with blankets and other ordinary\nobjects. Two or three old men act as conductors, or flankers, keeping\nthe way clear of spectators, etc. The procession moves slowly and by\nstages. The four principal personages in it keep their eyes upon the\nground. The course is southward past the entrance (east side) to the\ndancing lodge, around the south side, the rear of the shelter and\nentering from the north side. Here the medicine woman remains until the\ndancing lodge is raised at sunset, when she returns to her tipi and\nbreaks her fast with berry soup. The father and the son go to a\nsweathouse after which their responsibilities also end. During the\ncontinuance of the ceremonies in the sun lodge, the medicine woman cares\nfor the natoas bundle, now her property, until transferred to another,\nbut is otherwise free to do as she likes. She usually remains quietly at\nhome receiving guests and resting.\n\nThe part of the medicine woman is truly a sacrifice. She and her husband\nmust pay liberally everyone called upon for ceremonial service directly\nconnected with the tongues and the natoas ritual. They must also pay a\nconsiderable amount of property for the natoas itself. To give the\nceremony means the sacrifice of all personal property. On the other\nhand, there is compensation, aside from fulfilling the vow. Her\nrelatives are very proud of her since she is so virtuous. She is highly\nrespected by her husband and family. In a measure those who \"take the\ntongues\" are also respected. The medicine woman may act as the mother in\na future sun dance for which she will receive presents and she may\neventually realize something by transferring the natoas to another.\nShould anything go wrong during the ceremony, the weather be\nunfavorable, etc., people will look with suspicion upon her and say she\nmust have lied in her confession to the sun. Should she become ill or\nhave deaths in the family, the same charge will be made.\n\n\n_The Offerings of Cloth._ After the procession headed by the father and\nhe is in position at the west side of the dancing lodge, offerings of\ncloth and clothing are brought up by the people. A man making such an\noffering hands the father a filled pipe and the cloth. The father holds\nthe pipe and offers prayers for the giver and lights and passes the pipe\nto other old men sitting around. The cloth he lays in a pile. Then he\npaints the giver: first the face is smeared over with red, then black\nspots are daubed on the cheeks, nose, forehead, and chin, four in all. A\nblack circle is marked around each wrist. Women bringing offerings and\npipes go to the mother who prays for them and paints their faces red\nwith a black spot on the nose and a black circle around the face. There\nis also a black circle around each wrist.\n\n  FOOTNOTES:\n\n  [9] Scar-face is said to have made a whistle (flageolet) of such a\n  stalk. The pith of the growing plant is sometimes eaten for food.\n\n\n\n\nTHE HUNDRED-WILLOW SWEATHOUSE.\n\n\nAs stated before, a sweathouse of special form is constructed on the\nthird day. This is said to have originated with Scar-face, it being the\nhouse into which he was taken by the sun. About the middle of the day a\nsociety is sent out for the willows. These were usually those of the\nyounger men; the pigeons and mosquitoes. There is a belief, however,\nthat in former times only warriors could be sent upon this errand. These\npersons are mounted and return in procession, singing and circling the\nmedicine woman's tipi in the direction of the sun, and deposit their\nwillows at the west side of the camp circle. They must not drink water\nwhile on this duty.\n\nAn older society is called to build the sweathouse. They must not drink\nwater while engaged in this operation and receive some of the tongues\nafter the ceremonies of the fourth day. Formerly, these men must have\nhad a coup to their credit as a qualification and some informants claim\nthat the sum total for the society should have totalled at least one\nhundred, the number of willows. The work begins some time before sunset\nby which time the sweathouse should be completed.\n\nThe willows are stuck into the ground in an oval and their tops bent\nover and interlocked over the top. The ends point toward the east and\nthe west, an opening or door being provided at each. The willows are\nthen painted, one side red and the other black. Next, a hole is dug in\nthe center of the structure for the heated stones. In the meantime, a\nsmall heap of stones mixed with firewood has been placed some distance\nto the east. A buffalo skull is painted with red spots on one side and\nblack on the other. Sagegrass is thrust into the nose and eye-sockets.\nRobes are then thrown over the willows and all is ready for the\nprocession from the medicine woman's tipi.\n\nThe procession from the medicine woman's tipi consists of the father and\nanother man experienced in ceremonial affairs, the husband, the mother\nand the medicine woman. They approach slowly and by stages, passing\naround the south side of the sweathouse to the north and then to the\neast or entrance. All keep their eyes on the ground. The husband walks\nwith a heavy staff; the medicine woman carries the natoas bundle with a\nsmudge stick.\n\nThe men enter the sweathouse, while the two women go to the west side\nand sit down facing the east. The medicine woman is on the north side\nwith the bundle before her. After the men have entered, the fire is\nlighted and some of the attendants (builders of the sweathouse) lift the\nbuffalo skull to the top of the sweathouse where it faces the east.\nPrayers and the usual sweathouse procedure now follow while the stones\nand a pail of water are passed in by an attendant. The covers are then\ndrawn down and the vapor bath taken.\n\nAfter the ceremony the procession returns to the medicine woman's tipi.\nThe cover is removed from the sweathouse and the buffalo skull placed on\ntop where it remains.\n\nShould there be more than one medicine woman, another sweathouse is made\non the east side of the camp circle and the others grouped around them\nequally.\n\nSince after the sweathouse ceremony there is formal singing in the tipi\nuntil far into the night, it may be said that during the four days of\nthe fast the ceremonies begin with the sweathouse at sundown, while on\nthe fifth day the ceremony begins in the morning and ends at sundown.\n\nTo this generalized statement the following account from a Piegan may be\nadded:--\n\n    Now, when the first sweathouse is to be made, orders are given in\n    the morning to one of the societies to get the willows to make the\n    hundred-willow sweathouse. Another man is to get the creeping\n    juniper to use in the smudge place in the medicine lodge, and still\n    another is to cut out the smudge place. The moves are short. The\n    people all move camp, as before, and the society goes on ahead and\n    stakes out the camping ground. When the tipis are pitched at the new\n    camping ground, the society comes in with the willows and the rocks\n    for the sweathouse. They circle once around to the right of the\n    lodges and stop outside of the circle, west of the medicine lodge.\n    They must neither eat nor drink while building the sweathouse. They\n    gather wood from among the tipis until they have enough to heat the\n    rocks. Robes for covering the sweathouse are borrowed from the\n    people of the camp. One man goes to the medicine lodge and digs out\n    the smudge place.\n\n    When the sweathouse is ready for the medicinemen, four of the men\n    who helped in the construction go and inform the men and women. They\n    carry the parfleche with the tongues in it on a robe, each man\n    holding a corner. The two medicinemen take the lead, the two women\n    follow, then come the four men with the parfleche. Four stops are\n    made before they reach the sweathouse. The instructor leads, and is\n    followed in single file by the other man, and the two women walking\n    very slowly and singing. They march once around the sweathouse in\n    the direction of the sun. The other old men who are to join them and\n    the two medicinemen go in while the two women remain seated on a\n    robe just west of it with the parfleche beside them. A smudge is\n    made with sweetgrass, and a crescent-shaped place marked out between\n    the square hole and the rear of the sweathouse and live coals are\n    placed on the dot in front of the crescent. A song is sung while the\n    smudge stick is taken up and a man goes after the coal for the\n    smudge. The sweetgrass is placed on the live coal and the two songs\n    for the smudge are sung: \"Spring grass I take. Where I sit is\n    powerful.\" A pipe is handed in and the pipe bowl and stem painted\n    red. The man holds the pipe over the smudge and prays for the one\n    who gave it to him and then passes it to the last man to his right\n    who lights it and all smoke it. When the pipe is all burnt out, the\n    man who blessed it, takes it, and with a red-painted stick loosens\n    the ashes and empties some of them on the southeast corner of the\n    square hole in the sweathouse, then on the northwest corner, on the\n    northeast, and finally in the center.\n\n    After this the buffalo skull is brought in and the songs of the\n    buffalo sung while the same man paints it with black and red dots,\n    the left half black and the right half in red. Grass is stuffed into\n    the eyes and nose of the skull which is passed out through the west\n    of the sweathouse and placed on the earth taken out of the hole in\n    the sweathouse. An extra buffalo horn wrapped with swamp grass is\n    brought in and given to the man who paints it red and sings while\n    doing so: \"Chiefs of other tribes I want to hook.\" He throws the\n    horn out and all the men of this society who remain near the\n    sweathouse try to catch it. The one who captures it is considered\n    lucky and he is supposed to capture a gun in the next battle he\n    witnesses.\n\n    The men in the sweathouse all undress and as they pass their robes\n    and moccasins out through the west of the sweathouse and the door,\n    the buffalo songs are sung. The two medicinemen only wear a robe and\n    moccasins when they go into the sweathouse. While singing, the\n    forked stick is taken up and one of the outsiders goes for the\n    heated stones, stopping four times before he brings them in. One of\n    the men who is inside takes the stone with two straight sticks and\n    places it on the southeast corner of the hole, the same is done with\n    four more stones which are placed on the southwest, the northwest,\n    the northeast corner and the fifth is placed in the bottom of the\n    hole at the center. When a sixth stone is placed in the hole, they\n    are all rolled to the bottom of the hole. Water and a horn spoon or\n    wooden bowl is brought in.\n\n    A little water is thrown on the stones to wash them, the curtains\n    are lowered, and prayers to the sun, moon, and stars, and earth\n    begin. In groups of four, sixteen medicine lodge songs are sung. The\n    curtains are raised and four more songs are sung; the sweathouse is\n    opened and four songs are sung, until the sixteen have been\n    completed. The two medicinemen go out through the west of the\n    sweathouse while the rest go through the door. The men dress, and\n    the parfleche containing the tongues is opened and the tongues given\n    to the members of the society who made the sweathouse. The\n    medicinemen and women do not eat. After all are provided with the\n    tongues a piece is broken off each and while all hold the pieces up\n    a prayer is said and the piece of tongue placed on the ground. Then\n    they all begin to eat. After this the robes are all returned to\n    their owners, the buffalo skull placed on top of the frame of the\n    sweathouse with the nose pointed towards the east and the\n    medicinemen and women return in single file while four men follow\n    behind carrying the empty parfleche. The men who belong to the\n    society may now eat and drink as they wish.\n\n\n\n\nTHE DANCING LODGE.\n\n\nThe dancing lodge may be said to take its origin on the fourth day, by\nwhich time the medicine woman has her tipi in place near its site and\nthe camp circle has been formed. In construction, nine forked tree\ntrunks about nine feet in height are set in a circle. Across their tops,\nexcept the eastern face, are laid stringers about fifteen feet long of\nthe same material.[10] In the center, is another forked tree trunk much\nhigher than the other (this we shall call the sun pole) connected with\neach of the stringers by a rafter. Green boughs are placed thickly\nagainst the outside of the lodge. On the inside, at the rear, is a booth\nscreened and roofed with boughs. The material is cottonwood. That other\nwoods were occasionally used, is attested by the fact that a locality is\nknown as \"the place of sweet pine dancing lodge.\"\n\nSome informants claim that in former years each band was required to\nfurnish two rafters, a post, a rail, and their proportionate amount of\nboughs. Two rafters were used instead of one as now, each band\nfurnishing the section opposite their place in the circle. The\ncontradiction between the number of bands and the size of the dancing\nlodge seems not to have troubled our informants. Now, the young men go\nout during the early part of the fourth day to cut the poles and boughs.\nThis is done without ceremony. A crier usually rides around the camp\ncircle reminding the various bands of their duty. Formerly, the young\nwomen went out on horseback to drag in the poles and brush. On this\noccasion, they dressed in the best costumes and used the finest horse\ntrappings obtainable. The men cut the poles and brush, hitching them to\nthe drag ropes with their own hands. As the procession galloped toward\nthe camp circle, the men rode behind, shooting and yelling. In recent\nyears, the men bring the material in on wagons without demonstration.\n\nMen of some prominence are selected to dig the holes for the posts. The\nposts are erected and the stringers put in place, excepting one on the\nwest side nearly opposite the entrance. The rafters are leaned against\nthe stringers, ready to be pushed in place and the green boughs piled up\nat convenient places near by.\n\nThe cutting of the sun pole is attended with some ceremony. Some\ninformants claim that formerly this was to be carried out by the\nmedicine woman's band; others that one of the men's societies was called\nupon for this service. In any event, they go out as a war party and\nlocate a suitable tree. A man with a war record, preferably one having\nstruck an enemy with an ax, comes forward, takes an ax, paints the blade\nas he recounts some event in which he killed an enemy, and then strikes\nthe tree. Four such deeds must be told before the tree can be felled.\nThen one or two men cut the tree as the others stand around. As the tree\nbegins to fall all give the war cry and shoot at its top, then rush up,\nand tearing off branches, wave them in the air as if they were trophies\nfrom an enemy. Indeed, the whole proceeding, from start to finish, is a\nmimic attack on an enemy.\n\nThe pole is cut to approximate form and taken to the site of the dancing\nlodge. One end is placed on a travois (in recent times on a wagon),\nwhile the riders assist with their ropes, their horses massed around the\ntravois horse.\n\nThe hole for the sun pole is dug without ceremony by relatives of the\nmedicine woman. When it is in place, they tie a bundle of green boughs\nin the fork,[11] making everything ready for the raising in the evening.\nThe sun pole now lies on the ground with the butt over the hole and the\nforked end supported by a piece of timber. The fork points to the west.\nIt seems that formerly the pole was painted. Just below the fork it was\ncircled by two black bands and two red ones beneath these.\n\n  FOOTNOTES:\n\n  [10] Obviously, this would make the dancing lodge very large. In reply\n  to this objection it was said that they were large; that it was\n  necessary to select as a site places where very long rafter poles\n  could be cut; that formerly societies and others performed evolutions\n  within on horseback. The late Little-plume is credited with having\n  introduced the present custom of reciting deeds, requiring horses,\n  outside the dancing lodge. It may be of interest to note that the\n  Arapaho also made very large sun dance shelters.\n\n  In 1908 Mr. Duvall measured the dancing lodge. The sun pole stood\n  sixteen feet from the ground to the fork. The posts were eight feet\n  and approximately sixteen feet apart. The diameter of the whole was\n  fifty-two feet. The fireplace was east of the sun pole six feet and\n  was four feet by two feet and five inches deep. The booth for\n  medicinemen was five feet eight inches wide by seven feet six inches\n  deep. The two holes were about a foot forward from the sod walls,\n  eight inches across and six inches deep. The man who has been marking\n  out the site for the lodge during the last few years, begins by\n  selecting the place for the sun pole and stepping off seven paces as\n  the radius.\n\n  [11] The bundle of boughs is neither spoken of as the thunderbird's\n  nest nor given a name of any kind; though some old men seemed to know\n  that other tribes so designated it. We made diligent inquiry on this\n  point and feel that the above statement is correct. Reference to\n  published photographs will show that the brush is merely gathered into\n  a bundle and not made into the form of a nest as in case of the Crow.\n\n\n\n\nCUTTING THE THONGS.\n\n\nA fresh cowskin (formerly two buffalo hides) is provided that thongs may\nbe cut for binding the rafters to the stringers and the objects placed\non the sun pole. There seems to have been no hunting ceremony for\nproviding this hide and there is now no symbolic hunting. After the\nmedicine woman is in the shelter, the ceremony of cutting the thongs\ntakes place. If no one volunteers, men are \"caught.\" The men who cut the\nthongs last year may do the \"catching\" or engage representatives to do\nit. Formerly, this function was exercised by old warriors who had\ncaptured enemies alive. The \"catchers\" go quietly about the camp looking\nfor eligibles. While pretending to pass one by without notice, they\nsuddenly lay hold of him. The victim may pull back, but is not allowed\nto resort to other means of resistance. He is then led up to the hides\nnear the front of the medicine woman's shelter. In former times, four\nsuch men were brought up for the ceremony. They must have coups to their\nrecords, otherwise they would not have been selected. In the ceremony of\n1904 we observed an attempt to \"catch\" a man on horseback, but the\nstruggles of the horse enabled him to escape. In former times, the\nfriends of the interested party would have gathered around the rear and\nsides of the horse forcing him forward in the lead of the \"catcher\".\nThis whole catching procedure is said to symbolize the capture of an\nenemy.\n\nIn order to understand the ceremony that now takes place, it is\nnecessary to know that the right to cut the thong is to the Blackfoot a\nmedicine to be transferred for gifts of property as in case of other\nmedicines. The men who did the cutting in the previous year are to\n\"sell\", or transfer, this year. It is they who do the \"catching\", either\nin person or by deputy. Should no one be brought forward, those who\nperformed the rite on the previous year must again serve. As soon as a\nman is caught, his relatives are notified; they come out with all kinds\nof property to support him in the transfer. The initiate is brought into\nthe presence of the present owner of the right, his hands and face are\npainted, accompanied by ritualistic prayers. While this proceeds, an old\nman (usually a relative) stands somewhat apart and shouts out praise for\nthe initiate. However, this may be done by a woman, if no man comes\nforward. A horse and other property is then given to the former owner of\nthe right, whence it ceases to be his. The deputy \"catcher\", if there is\none, then receives a small present or two from the former owner.\n\nThe cutting of the thong then takes place. The new owner of the right,\nstanding up by the hide, shouts out his coups. He holds the knife in his\nhand and while pointing in different directions with it, he tells of a\nwar deed. At the end of each tale he makes a pass with the knife as if\nto cut the hide. After four deeds are told, he cuts the hide. For\nexample, he may say, \"At such a place I captured a horse which gives me\nthe right to cut this, etc.\" If there are other men with the right, they\nfollow in turn. After this, the thongs are cut with the assistance of\nother men and distributed at the places where they will be needed. A\nthong with the tail attached is used to bind the bunch of boughs to the\nsun pole, the tail hanging down.\n\nWhile this ceremony is going on, gifts of flour, beef, etc., made by\nwhite people are distributed among the old poor people. This is regarded\nas a recent intrusion.\n\nThe following extract from an unpublished version of the Scar-face myth\naccounts for the thong-cutting ceremony:--\n\n    Her husband could tell by her eyes that she had been crying and he\n    said, \"I told you not to dig up that turnip, but nevertheless you\n    have done so. Since you are lonesome and wish to return to your\n    people, I will take you back.\" Then Morningstar went out and killed\n    some buffalo. After he had skinned all of them he cut the hides into\n    long strands, fastened them together, and tied the woman and her\n    child to one end and let her down from the sky to where her people\n    were.\n\n    Before she reached the earth, a little sore-eyed boy was lying on\n    his back, looking up at the sky and saw a very small object coming\n    down. The boy told the men who were playing the wheel gambling game\n    what he saw, but they laughed at him and threw dirt in his eyes and\n    said, \"You must see the gum on your eyelids or lashes.\" As the\n    falling object came closer others noticed it and when it came among\n    the group they knew that it was the woman who was missing from the\n    camp. They untied the rawhide strand and noticed that some of the\n    buffalo tails were on the ends of the long rope which lay piled up\n    high before them.\n\n    This woman came down with her digging-stick. As she was not a wicked\n    woman and only lived with Morningstar as her husband, she gave her\n    digging-stick to the medicine lodge woman and the natoas was named\n    for the turnip she dug up. When the sun dance was held, this woman\n    told them always to cut up a rawhide into strands and tie the posts\n    with them. Also that the center post and the birch on it must be\n    tied with them. The tail of the hide is to hang down from the center\n    post. These rawhide strands are a representation of the rawhide rope\n    with which this woman was let down to the earth. Later, the moose\n    hoofs are tied to this digging-stick. The plumes on the natoas are\n    to represent the leaf of the large turnip this woman dug up while in\n    the sky.\n\n\n\n\nRAISING THE SUN POLE.\n\n\nWhile the hide is being cut, all the woman who made vows to take some of\nthe tongues come forward to the parfleche placed near the medicinemen\nand women. Each woman takes one of the tongues and stands with the\nperson for whom her vow was made and makes a confession to the sun in a\nloud voice, so all may hear. Then she prays to the sun for the\nbeneficiary. After all the women have taken their tongues, some of the\nmen tie the cloth offerings to the ends of the poles and a bunch of\nbirch is tied between the forks of the center pole.\n\nThe preceding ceremony comes to a close as the sun gets very low. About\ntime for the sun to set, a procession of pole raisers starts from each\nof the four quarters of the camp circle. Tipi poles are tied near the\nsmall ends in pairs, each pair carried by two men. The four parties\nadvance in unison by four stages and at each pause sing a special song.\nIn the last move, they rush upon the sun pole and raise it in place. In\nthe meantime, the father and son go and stand on the center pole while\ntheir wives stand to the west. The men make wing movements with their\narms toward the east. According to some informants, the medicine woman\nmay make hooking motions at the pole, to symbolize the mythical\nElk-woman.\n\nFour men are called upon to assist the father and son. As the latter\nstand upon the pole, they encircle and screen them with their blankets\nand join the father in singing. The songs call for good luck in erecting\nthe dancing lodge. The son does not sing. Four songs are sung. At the\nend of each the father blows a whistle while someone shakes the pole.\nThe last time they jump off the pole. The son drops his blanket (some\nsay the father also, some add moccasins) painted black as a sun\noffering. Another blanket is handed him at once.\n\nAs soon as the men leave the pole the advancing raisers rush in, raise\nthe center pole, put on the rafters, tie them with the rawhide strands\nand place brush all around to form the wind-break. This is accompanied\nby much shouting, but without shooting.\n\nWhile the sun pole is being raised the daughter and mother stand\nwatching it. They pray and make movements with the corners of their\nrobes as though steering the rising pole. As it sways from side to side,\nthey gesture as if righting it.\n\nAs soon as the pole is set, the natoas, robe, and moccasins are taken\noff the daughter by the mother. She may call on someone to do this and\npay a gun or a horse for the service. The mother and other attendants\nthen lead the daughter to her tipi where she resumes her ordinary\nroutine.\n\nThe father and son go to a sweathouse where all the paint is washed off.\nThis is not the hundred-willow sweathouse and is the fifth sweathouse,\nif it were counted. The two men go in and some sagegrass being handed to\nthe father, he takes off the feathers tied to the son's hair, the hair\nnecklace, and whistle. After the first opening of the sweathouse he\ntakes the sagegrass and wipes off the black paint on the son and hands\nout through the west side of the sweathouse the necklace, whistle, and\nfeathers which are to be taken home. At the same time, the two women are\nin the ceremonial lodge, the mother caring for the daughter.\n\nWhen the men have completed the sweathouse ceremony they go to the\nmedicine woman's tipi. The father and his wife wrap up the natoas and\nplace it in the badger skin. After this is done, they no longer have to\neat sparingly. This ends the ceremony of the medicine woman.\n\nEarly the next day she and her husband must obtain the cottonwood brush\nwith which the booth for the weather dancers is made. Another man digs\nout the place in the booth, making it the same as the smudge place in\nthe medicine woman's tipi, with the sod on three sides and creeping\njuniper on top of it. The fireplace is dug out to the west of the center\npost and is made as in the medicine woman's tipi. When going for and\nreturning the brush, the woman rides one horse and leads the one\ndragging her travois. While when the other brush was brought in there\nwas much shooting and shouting, there are now no demonstrations of any\nkind, but absolute silence.\n\n\n\n\nTHE WEATHER DANCERS.\n\n\nEarly on the fifth day, a booth is built inside the dancing lodge\nopposite the entrance. A slight excavation about six feet square is made\nover which is erected a shelter of green cottonwood boughs, open on the\nside facing the sun pole. Before the middle of the day, a procession of\none or more men supposed to have power over the weather, attended by\ndrummers, proceeds by stages from the medicine woman's tipi to this\nbooth. They pause four times and dance, facing alternately the east and\nthe west. They hold whistles of bone in their mouths, which are sounded\nin unison with the dancing. The procession is of two transverse lines,\nthe dancers, in front, the drummers and singers behind. A great deal of\ndancing is done between the entrance to the dancing lodge and the booth.\nAt intervals during the day they stand before the booth and dance to the\neast and west: the drummers are now stationed on the south side of the\nbooth where women also assemble for the singing. The dancing is chiefly\nan up and down movement produced by flexing the knees, the eyes are\ndirected toward the sun and wing-like movements of the hands are made in\nthe same direction. The dancers wear breechcloth and moccasins and\nusually a robe around the waist. Their faces and bodies are painted\naccording to their own medicines and medicine objects worn on their\nheads.\n\nIt is stated that there is but one weather dancer, but others may join\nunder certain conditions. In practice this seems to amount to there\nbeing a director or leader in the dance, at least such was the case in\n1903 and 1904. In 1904 the two assistant dancers went to the medicine\nwoman's tipi to paint themselves and began their procession from there,\nwhile the leader approached in a similar manner from his own tipi, the\ntwo forming one procession before the east side of the dancing lodge was\nreached. The leading dancer wore a special ceremonial robe, headdress,\nand several medicine objects, which have been described in Volume 7 (pp.\n98-99).\n\nThese objects and their medicine functions may be regarded as esoteric\nin so far as they are not absolutely essential to the office of leading\ndancer. Yet, this same individual seems to have performed this function\nfor a number of years. Clark mentions strings of feathers tied to the\nfinger of this dancer.[12]\n\nIn 1904 there were two assistant dancers. Both wore headdresses\nsomewhat like that of their leader. One was fully dressed with a\nblanket around his waist; the other was nude to the belt. The latter was\npainted chiefly in red with a circle in blue on the back and one on the\nbreast. The former had a pair of horizontal lines on each cheek, those\non the right, black, on the left, red.\n\nIt is said that formerly these dancers were nude, except for the\nbreechcloth and moccasins. The entire body was painted. There seemed to\nhave been no fixed painting, but the sun, moon, and stars were usually\nrepresented. Around the head, they wore a wreath of juniper and bands of\nsagegrass around the neck, wrists, and ankles.\n\nThe weather dancers are not permitted to eat or drink during the day.\nFormerly, they remained in the booth continuously until the evening of\nthe fourth day of their dancing; in recent years, they spend the night\nat home and return to the booth in the morning.\n\nThe functions of these dancers are not clearly understood. They seem to\nbe held responsible for the weather: i. e., upon them falls the duty of\npreventing rain from interfering with the dancing. Whether they do this\nbecause they happen to have independent shamanistic powers or whether it\nis a mere function of their temporary office in the ceremony, cannot be\ndetermined. Other medicinemen often attempt to control the weather\nduring the days preceding the formal entry into the booth as well as\nduring the later days. In 1903 (Piegan) there was a contest between a\nnumber of rival medicinemen some of whom conjured for rain, others for\nfair weather: strange to say, clouds would threaten and then pass away\nduring these days, which coincidence was interpreted as proof of evenly\nmatched powers. Several times one of the partisans of fair weather came\nout near the site of the dancing lodge and danced to the sun, holding up\na small pipe and occasionally shouting. He wore no regalia and danced in\na different manner from that observed among the weather dancers at the\nbooth. However, the man who led the weather dancers for many years until\nhis death in 1908, was famous for his control over the weather. Once, it\nis told, he became enraged at the power making the weather bad, shouting\nout \"Now, you go ahead, if you want to. I have great power and can stop\nyou when I will.\"\n\nIn former times, the dreams of the weather dancers while sleeping in the\nbooth were considered of special supernatural significance, since, it is\nsaid, they were _en rapport_ with the sun. This _rapport_ may account\nfor what seems to be one of their chief functions--blessing the people.\nDuring the days they are in the booth, individuals come to them \"to be\nprayed for.\" They come up and stand before the booth. The dancer takes\nblack paint and paints their faces. Then he prays to the sun for their\nwelfare. During this part of the ceremony the recipient faces the sun.\nAgain, the medicine-pipes and other ritualistic objects are brought up\nfor the dancer to present to the sun. The pipes he holds up with the\nstems towards the sun, whom he addresses at some length, offering him a\nsmoke, making requests, etc., after which he smokes the pipe. All the\npersons present are then permitted to put their lips to the pipe from\nwhich they are supposed to derive great benefits. The dancer also\nreceives offerings made to the sun. A young man may fill a pipe and\napproach with his offerings. The dancer takes the pipe, smokes, prays,\npaints the man's face, and makes the offering. A woman or child may do\nthis; or a whole family. Formerly, a great deal of old clothing was\noffered at this time, a custom still practised by the Blood. Also\nchildren's moccasins and clothing were offered in this way. As they grew\nout of them they were given to the sun to promote well-being. In last\nanalysis, it seems that while these dancers are spoken of as weather\npriests, they are rather sun priests, since through them appeals to the\nsun are made. It should be noted that they are regarded as independent\nof and in no way associated with the medicine woman ceremonies or the\nerection of the dancing lodge, but upon entrance to the booth, the\nleading weather dancer is said to become the chief and director of all\nsucceeding ceremonies. The length of the ceremony depends entirely upon\nhim and formerly continued as long as he kept his place.\n\nLike other rites this one was bought and sold, but it was usual to\ncontinue in ownership many years. Anyone could make a vow to dance with\nthe weather dancer and join him in his ceremonies, but such vows were\nusually made by former owners of the rite. When one makes a vow to\npurchase the rite, its owner must sell, however reluctant he may be. The\ntransfer must be in the sun dance. It is said that two men once\nalternately sold to each other for many years so that both could appear\nin every sun dance.\n\n  FOOTNOTES:\n\n  [12] Clark, W. P., _The Indian Sign Language_ (Philadelphia, 1885),\n  72.\n\n\n\n\nDANCING.\n\n\nThe first ceremony of this character is named the cutting-out dance (to\ncut out a hole in a robe). It seems to have been performed by a society\nand occurs early on the fifth day. About four or six old men dance in\nline with a rawhide which they hold in front of them, singing and\nbeating time on the rawhide with rattles similar to those of the beaver\nmen. The society now divides into two parties, one placing itself north\nof the center pole, and the other party standing in line south of the\ncenter pole. The two parties dance back and forward in front of the pole\nshooting at it. The old men on the west side of the center pole dance\nin their places. The rawhide held in front of them, hangs down like an\napron. They beat time on it, holding the rawhide in one hand, and the\nrattles in the other. An old man counts deeds and marks out with a knife\nthe fireplace and the booth for the weather dancers. These are dug while\nthe dancing and shooting take place.[13]\n\nThe hole, or fire pit, is dug between the sun pole and the entrance to\nthe dancing lodge. It is about three feet by two and \"two hands\" deep. A\nwarrior is then called to start the fire. Warriors now come forward in\nturn to count their coups. In this a man took a piece of firewood and\nholding it up, called out in a loud voice how he once struck a Sioux, a\nSnake, etc., then placed it in the fire. When he had recounted all he\ngave way to the next. Stories are told of men having enough coups to\nmake a fire large enough to threaten the destruction of the dancing\nlodge. We were able to confirm the statement of Clark[14] that the\nheight of the flame as determined by a buffalo tail hanging down was the\ncriterion for determining a great warrior. One informant states as\nfollows:--\n\nThere is always a cow tail hanging down from the center post. In olden\ntimes this was a buffalo tail, to the end of which a blackened plume was\ntied. This hangs down over the fireplace which was used at night to\nfurnish light for the proceedings. The assembled people were entertained\nby narratives of warriors as they came forward to narrate their deeds;\neach threw a stick on the fire for each deed counted and he whose fire\nblazed high enough to reach the tail was considered a great warrior. It\nwas a great honor when a man could tell enough war deeds to scorch the\ntail. All this time there was singing (the cheering songs) and drumming,\nwhile berry soup was served to all. The persons taking part are\ndesignated as those \"who are about to make the fire.\" In recent years,\nthis ceremony has been performed in a very perfunctory manner.\n\nAfter the ceremony, the fire was fed in the ordinary way and kept going\nduring the greater part of the succeeding days. The origin of this dance\nis often ascribed to Scar-face.\n\n  FOOTNOTES:\n\n  [13] It will be recalled that in the sun dance of the Dakota type (p.\n  110) there is a ceremonial shooting at the sun pole. Here the shooting\n  takes place in a perfunctory way, while the pole is dragged to the sun\n  dance site. Yet, McQuesten claims to have witnessed the driving of\n  evil power from the sun lodge at a Blood ceremony in 1912. (\"The Sun\n  Dance of the Blackfeet\" _Rod and Gun in Canada_, March 1912.) As this\n  is not noted in older accounts and we failed to get information as to\n  it, we suspect it to be due to foreign influences, or perhaps the\n  author's own interpretation.\n\n  [14] Clark, _ibid._, 72.\n\n\n\n\nSOCIETY DANCES.\n\n\nIn former times, the succeeding days were apportioned to the men's\nsocieties (the ikunukats) in the order of their rank, beginning at the\nlowest.[15] There seems to have been no fixed allotment of time to each,\nonly the order of succession being adhered to. The ceremonies were\ndetermined chiefly by the respective society rituals, though the\nrecounting of deeds in war was given great prominence. As a rule, each\nsociety closed its ceremonies by offering parts of its regalia, etc., to\nthe sun, a custom still observed by the Blood (See vol. 11, this series,\nfig. 19, p. 411). After the highest society had completed its function,\nthe leading men of the tribe held a kind of a war dance in which coups\nwere recounted. In this dance, again, rattles were beaten upon a\nrawhide. The organizations or persons having charge of the day's\nceremonies must furnish the feast and all necessaries. The medicine\nwoman and her husband usually repair to the dancing lodge each day. The\nman usually takes his pipe and tobacco and furnishes the smoking for the\nguests who sit around. His wife wears the buckskin dress and elk robe,\nbut not the natoas. They sit on the north or right side of the booth and\nmerely are spectators. This closes the ceremonies and camp is broken.\n\n  FOOTNOTES:\n\n  [15] This series, Vol. 11, 365-474.\n\n\n\n\nTHE TORTURE CEREMONY.\n\n\nThe torture feature, especially prominent in the ceremonies of the\nMandan, Hidatsa, and Dakota, was formerly given a place among the\ndancing lodge ceremonies of the Blackfoot. The information we have seems\nto indicate that this ceremony had not become thoroughly adjusted to its\nplace in this series at the time of its prohibition by the United States\nand Canadian governments. The claim is made by some of the Piegan that\nit was borrowed from the Arapaho and was not looked upon with much\nfavor. As one man expressed it, \"None of those taking the cutting lived\nto reach old age.\" It was said that a few Blackfoot warriors once\nvisited the Arapaho at the time of their sun dance where they were put\nthrough the cutting ceremony. According to the Blackfoot mode of\nthought, this means that the medicine rites (and rights) were\ntransferred to them. When they returned, they induced others to take the\ncutting, to whom, of course, the rites were transferred. Whether this\nhistorical statement is accurate or mythical, we have no means of\nknowing, but we are inclined to give it some weight as evidence. It\nseems, however, that warriors took the cutting because of a vow, similar\nto that of the medicine woman. Sometimes a man dreamed that the sun\nrequired it of him. The giving of property and the conditions of the\ntransfer were the same as for \"cutting the thong,\" though we have no\ninformation that \"catching\" was permitted. Such may, however, have been\ntolerated.\n\nThe men taking the cutting were nude to the belt. Sage was tied around\nthe wrists and ankles. The hair hung down, held in place by a wreath of\ncedar (some informants say sage). They were painted white. Rows of spots\nin blue extended down the sides of the face, over the shoulders and down\nthe arms. Wavy lines of the same color were also drawn down the arms. A\ncircle representing the sun, was made on the breast, also upon the chin\nand probably on the back opposite the one over the heart. On the\nforehead was another circle representing the moon. Other informants say\na crescent moon in black was used instead of these circles.\n\nAccording to one informant, vows were made to purchase this ceremony\nwhen ill or in great danger. If the promise brought results, the vow was\nfulfilled at the next dance. The supplicant calls upon one having\npurchased the rite. They enter the booth of the weather dancers, a\nblanket is held up to shut out the gaze of the others. The transferrer\nthen paints the purchaser. He cuts a hole through the skin of the right\nshoulder, over the scapula, and a hole over each breast. A small\nsharpened stick is thrust through each. A shield is hung on the back.\nLong cords were fastened to those on the breast, the ends of which were\ntied fast, high up to the center pole. The purchaser goes up to the\npole, embraces it, and cries for a time. Then he backs off, and dancing,\nthrows his weight on the ropes. The transferrer jerks the shield from\nhis shoulders and if necessary, assists him in tearing loose. At once,\nthe purchaser goes out into the hills and sleeps in different places to\nreceive power.\n\nIt is said that all who take this ceremony die in a few years, because\nit is equivalent to giving one's self to the sun. Hence, the sun takes\nthem for his own.\n\nThe cutting was similar to that described by Catlin and other writers as\nobserved elsewhere. Some informants say the dancers held whistles in\ntheir mouths and gazed at the sun as they danced. When all the thongs\nwere torn out, some of the lacerated flesh was cut off as an offering to\nthe sun.\n\nMcLean reports the following observations upon this ceremony at a Blood\nsun dance:--\n\n    ... The chief attraction to the pale-face is what has been\n    ignorantly termed \"making braves.\" I desired very much to see this\n    ceremony _once_, that I might know the facts from personal\n    observation, and draw my own conclusions after conversing with the\n    Indians.\n\n    Two young men having their whole bodies painted, wearing the\n    loin-cloth only, and with wreaths of leaves around their heads,\n    ankles and wrists, stepped into the center of the lodge. A blanket\n    and a pillow were laid on the ground, and one of the young men\n    stretched himself upon them. As he lay, an old man came forward and\n    stood over him and then in an earnest speech told the people of the\n    brave deeds, and noble heart of the young man. In the enumeration of\n    his virtues and noble deeds, after each separate statement the\n    musicians beat applause. When the aged orator ceased, the young man\n    arose, placed his hands upon the old man's shoulders, and drew them\n    downward, as a sign of gratitude for the favorable things said about\n    him. He lay down, and four men held him while a fifth made the\n    incisions in his breast and back. Two places were marked in each\n    breast denoting the position and width of each incision. This being\n    done, the wooden skewers being in readiness, a double edged knife\n    was held in the hand, the point touching the flesh, a small piece of\n    wood was placed on the under side to receive the point of the knife\n    when it had gone through, and the flesh was drawn out the desired\n    length for the knife to pierce. A quick pressure and the incision\n    was made, the piece of wood was removed, and the skewer inserted\n    from the under-side as the knife was being taken out. When the\n    skewer was properly inserted, it was beaten down with the palm of\n    the hand of the operator, that it might remain firmly in its place.\n    This being done to each breast, with a single skewer for each,\n    strong enough to tear away the flesh, and long enough to hold the\n    lariats fastened to the top of the sacred pole, a double incision\n    was made on the back of the left shoulder, to the skewer of which\n    was fastened an Indian drum. The work being pronounced good by the\n    persons engaged in the operation, the young man arose, and one of\n    the operators fastened the lariats giving them two or three jerks to\n    bring them into position.\n\n    The young man went up to the sacred pole, and while his countenance\n    was exceedingly pale, and his frame trembling with emotion, threw\n    his arms around it, and prayed earnestly for strength to pass\n    successfully through the trying ordeal. His prayer ended he moved\n    backward until the flesh was fully extended, and placing a small\n    bone whistle in his mouth, he blew continuously upon it a series of\n    short sharp sounds, while he threw himself backward, and danced\n    until the flesh gave way and he fell. Previous to his tearing\n    himself free from the lariats, he seized the drum with both hands\n    and with a sudden pull tore the flesh on his back, dashing the drum\n    to the ground amid the applause of the people. As he lay on the\n    ground, the operators examined his wounds, cut off the flesh that\n    was hanging loosely, and the ceremony was at an end. In former years\n    the head of a buffalo was fastened by a rope on the back of the\n    person undergoing the feat of self-immolation, but now a drum is\n    used for that purpose.\n\n    From two to five persons undergo this torture every Sun-Dance. Its\n    object is military and religious. It admits the young man into the\n    noble band of warriors, whereby he gains the esteem of his fellows,\n    and opens up the path to fortune and fame. But it is chiefly a\n    religious rite. In a time of sickness, or danger, or in starting\n    upon some dangerous expedition, the young man prays to Natos for\n    help, and promises to give himself to Natos if his prayers are\n    answered. Upon his return, when the Annual Sun-Dance is held, he\n    fulfills his vow, gives himself to his god, and thus performs a\n    twofold duty. Of course the applause of the people and the\n    exhibition of courage are important factors in this rite, but its\n    chief feature is a religious one. Instead of being a time of\n    feasting and pleasure, the Sun-Dance is a military and religious\n    festival, in connection with which there are occasions for joy, and\n    the feast enhances the pleasure.[16]\n\nIt may be well to note that the offering of bits of flesh to the sun was\na general practice not necessarily associated with the sun dance. Many\ncomparatively young men now living (1904) bear numerous scars testifying\nto such offerings. When in perilous situations a finger would sometimes\nbe struck off with a call upon the sun for help. Among the Blood, such\nsacrifice of a finger by women as well as men was common at the sun\ndance.[17] These facts concerning the more general practice of\nmutilating the body to win the approval of the sun suggest that if the\ncutting ceremony is intrusive, it either found on hand a series of\nanalogous customs or brought with it a concept that afterwards gave\nbirth to them. It may be observed that the form of costume and dance is\nstrikingly like that employed by the present weather dancers.\n\nSince there seems to be no good published data on the sacrificing of\nskin and fingers we append the narrative of Split-ears:--\n\n    Sometimes, when warriors are on an expedition and come in sight of\n    the enemy they will sit in a circle while the leader, or the oldest\n    member of the party, offers prayers that they may succeed in their\n    undertaking. Then they proceed to offer bits of their own skin to\n    the sun. The one who prayed sits down by one of the party, takes up\n    a needle or bodkin and a knife, thrusts the former under a small\n    section of skin and raising it, cuts off a small slice with a knife.\n    This leaves a circular wound a quarter of an inch or less in\n    diameter. It is understood that the operator pulls the skin up with\n    the needle and slices off a small section underneath that\n    instrument. He then takes up some black paint and dips the bit of\n    skin into it. Then he holds it up to the sun and prays for the\n    success of his victim. The bit of skin is then placed upon a piece\n    of cloth and another is removed from the victim in the same manner\n    and so the operator goes to each of the party in turn, each time\n    removing a piece of skin, dipping it in black paint, and holding it\n    up in a prayer to the sun. While each person is expected to give two\n    pieces, they are not limited to the maximum number, some men giving\n    four and some still more. The bits of skin thus collected are tied\n    up in one corner of the cloth which is mounted upon a stick wrapped\n    with wild sage, the whole being fastened in a tree or set up on the\n    top of a high hill as the sun's offering. This sacrifice is always\n    spoken of as feeding the sun with flesh from one's own body. The\n    cloth is fastened to the stick in the form of a flag or banner so\n    that it waves in the wind with the flesh offerings tied in one\n    corner. This sacrifice is considered one of the greatest a man can\n    make.\n\n    Now, as I have said, some men only give two small pieces of skin,\n    while others give a great many more, but as they do this each time\n    they go on an expedition, it so happens that a man who made many war\n    expeditions has many small scars on his arms and legs. Thus, we can\n    still tell those of our old men who went upon the warpath many times\n    in their youth. We can tell by the scars made from feeding the sun\n    their own flesh. But, again, it so happens that men while at home\n    may have dreams in which they are commanded to feed the sun. Now it\n    is believed that unless a man heeds such a command, he is certain to\n    be visited by misfortune or even death, so he always makes haste to\n    comply with the command. After such a dream he makes a sweathouse\n    and invites in an old man who prays and makes the offering. The\n    procedure here is the same as previously described and the offering\n    is made into a banner and placed in a tree or upon a hill. Then\n    again, the men who are at home in the camp but who have relatives in\n    a war party may so wish for the safety of these that they themselves\n    offer bits of skin in their behalf. Thus, you see, there are many\n    times when people will offer bits of skin, so that it was not\n    uncommon for a man to have one hundred or more scars upon his body.\n    These are generally arranged in rows up and down the arms, down the\n    legs, down the breasts and the back. I have even heard of cases\n    where a man is said to have offered one hundred pieces of skin at\n    one time. This, however, was unusual.\n\n    [Illustration: Fig. 1. The Offering of Human Flesh. The bits of\n    flesh are tied in the corner of the banner. Drawn from a native\n    sketch.]\n\n    Sometimes, instead of offering skin, the warrior would offer a\n    finger. Thus, if beset by very great danger on the warpath a man may\n    make a vow to the sun stating that if brought home safely he will\n    sacrifice a finger. This sacrifice can be made at any time; either\n    when on the warpath or when at home in camp or at the sun dance. In\n    such cases, the finger is offered to the sun in the precise manner\n    as the pieces of skin described above.\n\n    There are, however, occasions upon which fingers are cut off that\n    are not offerings to the sun. Thus, people who are in mourning\n    sometimes sacrifice a finger. In those cases it is usual to call\n    upon some old woman who is skilled in the amputation. She cuts off\n    the finger, usually reciting a kind of ritual, but it is not offered\n    to the sun. It is simply thrown away. Then again babies' fingers are\n    sometimes cut off to give the child good luck. Thus, if a woman lost\n    many children she would call upon an old woman to make the sacrifice\n    for her newly born. In this case, the tip end of a finger is cut off\n    and wrapped up in a piece of meat which the mother is required to\n    swallow. This is supposed to insure the child's living to maturity.\n    It had no connection with the sun.\n\n    I have told you how men are called upon to cut off pieces of skin\n    and how certain old women were selected to amputate fingers. You\n    should also know that in olden times there were some women and men\n    who might be called upon to cut open dead persons for various\n    reasons. Sometimes they did this on their own account in order to\n    get information as to the cause of death.\n\nThese accounts show for one thing that the cutting ceremony in the sun\ndance is but one of a type of blood and flesh offerings made to the sun,\nin fulfillment of a vow. The sacrifice of a finger is more frequent and\nless specialized, though frequently done at the sun dance. Then comes\nthe very frequent offering of bits of skin, a sacrifice common in war\nraids at all times. The offering of bits of skin in the precise manner\ndescribed here is found elsewhere in the Plains. The writer has observed\nmen so scarred among several divisions of the Dakota. The method of\nremoving the skin was here the same as followed by the Blackfoot. The\nthrusting in of the awl has a curious similarity to the cutting and\nskewering in the sun dance; one may even be pardoned for wondering if it\ndid not so arise.\n\n  FOOTNOTES:\n\n  [16] McLean, John, \"The Blackfoot Sun Dance\" (_Proceedings of the\n  Canadian Institute_, third series, vol. 6, Toronto, 1888), 235-237.\n\n  [17] McLean, as an eye-witness to such a sacrifice, gives the\n  following:--\n\n  \"As I stood outside the lodge, a young Indian friend of mine, went to\n  an old medicine-woman and presented his sacrifice to Natos. During the\n  year he had gone on a horse-stealing expedition and as is customary on\n  such occasions had prayed to Natos for protection and success,\n  offering himself to his god if his prayers were answered. He had been\n  successful and he now presented himself as a sacrifice. The old woman\n  took his hand held it toward the Sun and prayed, then laying a finger\n  on a block of wood she severed it with one blow from a knife and\n  deer's horn scraper. She held the portion of the finger cut off toward\n  the Sun and dedicated that to him as the young man's sacrifice.\" (p.\n  235.)\n\n\n\n\nSUN DANCE SONGS.\n\n\nTwo songs have a special place in the ceremony. They are sung by the men\nas they ride into camp with the willows for the hundred-willow\nsweathouse. They are sung again when the procession of pole raisers\nmoves up to raise the sun pole. Formerly, they were sung by any\nconsiderable body of the tribe approaching the camp of strange Indians.\nLikewise, when they approached a post to open trade.[18]\n\nRed-plume, a Piegan, has a smudge stick on which are notches said to\nrepresent the number of different songs used in the ceremonies of the\nmedicine woman. There are 413 which is said to be the full number of\nsongs. These, as has been stated in Volume 7, are in reality a part of\nthe beaver bundle ritual.\n\nThe singing at the dancing ceremonies after the sun lodge has been\nerected is usually confined to the songs of various societies concerned.\nThere are, however, a few with characteristic airs that are regarded as\npeculiarly appropriate to the occasion, regardless of who may be\ndancing.\n\n  FOOTNOTES:\n\n  [18] For musical notation see McClintock, Walter, _The Old North\n  Trail, or Life, Legends and Religion of the Blackfoot Indians_\n  (London, 1910), 311.\n\n\n\n\nTHE SUN DANCE CAMP.\n\n\nIn a previous paper, we called attention to the belief that the camp\ncircle was formed expressly for the sun dance. Our informants say that\nformerly the circle was formed by the assemblage of the bands some time\nbefore the medicine woman began her fast. In winter, the tribes\nscattered out, usually two to five bands in a camp, often many miles\napart. At the approach of summer, the husband of a woman having made a\nvow to give the sun dance sends a man to look up the camps and invite\nthem to join his band. He carries tobacco and presents some to each head\nman with the invitation. As the head men receive the invitation, they\norder their bands to move, forming the circle at the medicine woman's\ncamp. Once formed, the circle is not broken until after the sun dance, a\nperiod estimated at from two to four months. The whole body may move\nabout and even make long journeys aside from the four ceremonial moves\nrequired while the medicine woman is fasting. After the sun dance, they\nsplit up into parties for the fall hunt and finally went into winter\nquarters. The import of our former statement is thus apparent. The\nsuggestion is that the camp circle is intimately associated with the sun\ndance. At least, one point is clear, the camp circle is initiated by the\nwoman who starts the sun dance and even so is one of the preparatory\nsteps.\n\nAs previously stated in Volume 7 of this series, there is much\nuncertainty as to the order of bands in the circle. We doubt if it ever\nwas absolutely fixed beyond change at the will of those in charge of the\nsun dance proceedings.\n\n\n\n\nMYTHOLOGICAL NOTES.\n\n\nThe way that several distinct myths are used to account for different\nfeatures of the sun dance might be taken as a suggestion that the\nceremony grew up among the Blackfoot. We suspect, however, that we have\nhere an example of pattern phenomena. Those familiar with the detailed\nstudy of rituals in Volume 7 will recall that tradition recognized the\nobvious fact that rituals were not produced all at once, but grew by\naccretions. This is so marked in the mythical accounts of ritual origin\nthat we may suspect its appearance in the mythology of the sun dance. On\npage 241 we have enumerated the myths accounting for important features\nof the ceremony. Among these are not included the parts taken by\nsocieties or the cutting sacrifices, they, as we have stated, not being\nregarded as integral parts of the sun dance.\n\nFor the sake of completeness we offer some extracts from an unpublished\nversion of the Scar-face myth:--\n\nWe will take up this narrative at the point where Scar Face has killed\nthe cranes and reported with their scalps. We are told that had not Scar\nFace killed these birds, they would always have killed people, but that\nsince he overpowered them they now fear people and have done so ever\nsince.\n\n    Now, the Sun, the Moon, Scar Face, and Morningstar had a scalp dance\n    while the Sun and Moon sang the praise songs in honor of Scar Face.\n    The Sun addressed Scar Face: \"When your people kill enemies they\n    should scalp them and then give a scalp dance. Whenever anyone\n    counts coup or recounts his war experiences, the praise songs should\n    be sung.\" We have followed this custom ever since. Whenever anyone\n    related his war deeds, some old men or old woman sang the praise\n    songs, repeating the narrator's name during the singing.\n\n    The Sun was pleased with Scar Face. He directed Morningstar and Scar\n    Face to build four sweathouses, standing side by side, with their\n    entrances facing east. When they were completed, the Sun,\n    Morningstar, and Scar Face entered one of them, the Moon remaining\n    outside to close the door. After the Sun had worked over Scar Face,\n    he ordered the moon to open the door and they went into the next\n    sweathouse, again choosing the moon to be the door attendant. Now,\n    the Sun asked the Moon to point out her son. The Moon designated\n    Morningstar. They moved into the third sweathouse where the Sun had\n    Morningstar and Scar Face exchange seats. Again, the Moon was asked\n    to pick out her son. Though she noticed that the scar on the young\n    man's face had disappeared, she pointed to her own son. They\n    proceeded to the fourth sweathouse. Again, the Sun had the two men\n    exchange places. The Moon looked in and pointing to Scar Face said,\n    \"This is Morningstar.\" The Sun replied, \"You have mistaken him for\n    Morningstar, the other is our son.\" Ever since that time, Scar Face\n    has always been called Mistaken Morningstar.\n\n    Then the Sun gave Scar Face a buckskin suit decorated with porcupine\n    quills. On the breast and back of the shirt were quill-worked\n    rosettes representing the sun; the side seams of the leggings and\n    sleeves were covered with strips of quillwork three or four inches\n    wide. In addition, the sleeves and leggings bore hair fringes\n    representing the scalps of cranes killed by Scar Face. The Sun also\n    gave Scar Face a bow with a lock of hair fastened to one end, a\n    whistle made of a hollow reed, a bladder, and the robe worn by Scar\n    Face. To represent the scalping, the Sun painted the upper part\n    black. The whistle and the bladder were to be used on the woman who\n    had refused Scar Face. The bow too, is a reminder of the killing of\n    the cranes and is still used in the sun dance lodge. The Sun gave\n    Scar Face a circle of creeping juniper which the women that build\n    the lodge (the sun dance or medicine lodge) are to wear on their\n    heads.\n\n    The Sun told Scar Face of the sun dance, the lodge, and the\n    sweathouse, and added, \"When you return to your people and wish to\n    make an offering to me, you must first build a sweathouse and there\n    make your offerings. Then I will hear your prayers and accept them.\n    You may also make offerings to me in the sun dance lodge.\" He\n    covered Scar Face's face with the \"seventh\" or red paint, drew a\n    black circle around his face and a black dot on the bridge of his\n    nose, and a streak of black around each wrist. He said to Scar Face,\n    \"This is the way the people must paint when they make offerings to\n    me in the sun dance lodge. For the victory or scalp dance they must\n    paint their faces black.\" The Sun also gave him a necklace, in the\n    center of which were strung two small shells and a pendent lock of\n    hair, flanked on either side by four beads. This is the necklace\n    worn by the husband of the woman owning the natoas. The Sun's lodge\n    was made of white buffalo robes and some the color of beaver skins.\n    The door of the Sun's lodge faced the east. For this reason, tipis\n    were always turned so the doors faced east. Now Scar Face decided to\n    return to the place where Spider waited.\n\n    The narrative then proceeds in the usual way, except that the hero\n    calls all the men of the camp to take revenge on the young woman\n    after which he by magic turns her into a cripple.\n\n\n\n\nTHE BLOOD AND NORTH BLACKFOOT.\n\n\nThe writer has upon two occasions seen the ground where a Blood sun\ndance had been held. The dancing lodge, the sweathouse, etc., were still\nstanding and all these were just as noted among the Piegan. The Blood\nlodge was a little larger, but the Piegan said that it was formerly so\nwith them, they now having very poor timber to work with. We have in\naddition two brief published accounts of eyewitnesses.[19] The chief\ndifference we could detect was in the secondary dances of the society\nwhere the Horns and the Matoki[20] took a very prominent part. As there\nare now no such organizations among the Piegan, this gives merely an\noutward appearance of difference.\n\nThe Northern Piegan, as may be expected, also had the same form. As to\nthe North Blackfoot, we have only the statement of other Indians that\nthe sun dance was the same. The Sarsi[21] also had the very same form\nand we may suspect the Kutenai as well. At least, my Piegan informants\nasserted that the Kutenai had the sun dance from them. The problem here,\nhowever, must rest until we have more data, though Hale is of the\nopinion that the Blackfoot gradually displaced the Kutenai and took over\nmany Plains traits from them.[22]\n\n  FOOTNOTES:\n\n  [19] McLean, _ibid._, 231-237; McQuesten, _ibid._, 1169-1177.\n\n  [20] This series, volume 11, 410-418, 430-435.\n\n  [21] Goddard, Pliny Earle, \"Sarsi Texts\" (_University of California\n  Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology_, vol. 11, no. 3,\n  Berkeley, 1915), 192-195.\n\n  [22] Hale, H., \"On the North-Western Tribes of Canada\" (_Report,\n  Fifty-seventh Meeting, British Association for the Advancement of\n  Sciences_, 173-200, London, 1888), 198.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n<pre id=\"pg-footer\">","title":"The Sun Dance of the Blackfoot Indians","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":22604}