{"collection":"myth-cosmogony","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_36182/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_36182","id":"gutenberg_36182","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/36182","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: Art","Category: History - Other","Category: Mythology, Legends & Folklore","Chilkat Indians","Indians of North America -- Dwellings"],"text":"</pre>\n\n\n\nProduced by Chris Curnow, Joseph Cooper and the Online\nDistributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net\n\n\n\n\n\n\nANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS\nOF THE AMERICAN MUSEUM\nOF NATURAL HISTORY\n\nVOL. XIX, PART I\n\nTHE WHALE HOUSE OF THE CHILKAT\n\n\nBY\n\nGEORGE T. EMMONS\n\nLieutenant U.S. Navy\n\n\nNEW YORK\nPUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE TRUSTEES\n1916\n\n\n\nTranscriber's Note: The first part of the Publications in Anthropology\nhas been moved to the end of this text and merged with the last part of\nthat list.\n\n\n\n\nTHE WHALE HOUSE OF THE CHILKAT.\n\nBY GEORGE T. EMMONS.\n\nLieutenant U.S. Navy.\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE.\n\n\nThe material here presented has been gathered from the most reliable\nnative sources throughout a period of twenty-five years of intimate\npersonal acquaintance and association with the Tlingit, and treats of\ntheir past, before the exodus from their old villages to the mining\ncamps and salmon canneries of the white man so reduced their numbers\nthat communal life in the large old houses, upon which their social\ncustoms and practices depended, was rendered impossible, and the seed\nof a new life was sown.\n\nI first visited the Chilkat in 1882, when little influenced by our\ncivilization. They were a comparatively primitive people, living under\ntheir own well-established code of laws, subsisting on the natural\nproducts of the country, clothed in skins, furs, and trade blankets,\npractising ancestor worship in their elaborate ceremonial, cremating\nthe dead, dominated by the superstitions of witchcraft and the practice\nof shamanism, proud, vain, sensitive, but withal, a healthy, honest,\nindependent race, and friendly when fairly met.\n\nTheir villages then represented the best traditions of the past in both\narchitecture and ornamentation. The houses of heavy hewn timbers, split\nfrom the giant spruces, were fortresses of defense, with narrow\ndoorways for entrance and the smoke hole in the roof for light and\nventilation.\n\nBut today this is all changed. The old houses have disappeared, the old\ncustoms are forgotten, the old people are fast passing, and with the\neducation of the children and the gradual loss of the native tongue,\nthere will be nothing left to connect them with the past. So on behalf\nof native history and my deep interest in the people, I offer this\npaper, describing in accurate detail one of the last relics of their\nculture. Had the Chilkat been able to work stone instead of wood, their\ncountry would now be the archaeological wonder of the Pacific Coast.\n\nThe illustrations in color are from sketches made upon the ground and\nare reasonably accurate both as to form and color. For their final form\nI am indebted to Mr. S. Ichikawa. To Winter and Pond I am under\nobligations for permission to use the photograph of the two Chilkat\nchiefs.\n\nGEORGE T. EMMONS.\n\nPrinceton, New Jersey,\nApril, 1916.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS.\n\n\nPAGE.\n\nPREFACE                                                        3\n\nINTRODUCTION                                                   9\n\nTHE OLD WHALE HOUSE                                           18\n\nDETAIL OF THE HOUSE POSTS                                     25\n    GONAKATATE-GARS                                           25\n    DUCK-TOOLH-GARS                                           26\n    YEHLH-GARS                                                28\n    TLUKE-ASS-A-GARS                                          29\n\nOBJECTS ASSOCIATED WITH THE HOUSE                             30\n\nTHE PRESENT WHALE HOUSE                                       33\n\n\nLIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.\n\n\nPLATES.\n\n1. Decorative Figure on Edge of House Platform.\n\n2. Carved and painted Screen over the Front of the Chief's Private\nApartment at Rear of the House.\n\n3. Carved Posts inside the Entrance to the House, Gonakatate-Gars and\nDuck-Toolh-Gars, respectively.\n\n4. Carved Posts flanking Screen in Plate 2, Yehlh-Gars and\nTluke-ass-a-Gars, respectively.\n\n\nTEXT FIGURES.\n\n1. Coudahwot and Yehlh-Gouhu, Chiefs of the Con-nuh-ta-di      7\n\n2. An Old House, Kluckwan                                     11\n\n3. Con-nuh-ta-di Grave Houses, Kluckwan                       12\n\n4. The Whale House of the Chilkat                             19\n\n5. Groundplan of the Whale House                              21\n\n6. Wood-worm Dish, as seen in the House                       32\n\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 1. Coudahwot and Yehlh-gouhu, Chiefs of the\nCon-nuh-ta-di.\n\n_Photograph copyrighted by Winter and Pond._]\n\n\n\n\nINTRODUCTION.\n\n\nUpon the discovery of the Northwest Coast of America, the Tlingit were\nfound in possession of Southeastern Alaska with possibly the exception\nof the southernmost portion of Prince of Wales Island, which had been\nwrested from them by invading Haida from Masset on the Queen Charlotte\nIslands, during the latter half of the eighteenth century. From the\ntestimony of the early explorers, this occupation seems to have been of\nsufficient age to have developed a racial type, speaking the same\ntongue, acknowledging established laws, and bound by like conventions.\nWhat knowledge we can gather of their origin and early life from their\nfamily traditions, songs, and geographical names, although fragmentary\nand vague, consistently tells of a uniform northward migration by\nwater, along the coast and through the inland channels from the\nTsimshian peninsula and Prince of Wales Island, which was constantly\naugmented by parties of Interior people descending the greater rivers\nto the sea.\n\nAn indefinite belief in an earlier coast population is current among\nthe older people, and in confirmation of this, they refer to some\nfamily songs and local names still used but not understood. As the\nTlingit are unquestionably a mixed race, this aboriginal element must\nhave been absorbed and contributed its racial characteristics to the\nevolution of the present race.\n\nThe social organization of the Tlingit is founded on matriarchy and is\ndependent upon two exogamic parties, the members of which intermarry\nand supplement each other upon the many ceremonial occasions that mark\ntheir intercourse. The one claiming the Raven crest is known\nparticularly among the northern Tlingit as Klar-de-nar, \"one party,\"\nthe other, more generally represented by the Wolf emblem has several\nnames, local in character, referring to old living places, as\nShen-ku-ka-de, \"belonging to Shenk,\" Sit-ka-de, \"belonging to Sit,\"\nsaid to refer to the separation of the people after the flood when this\nbranch settled at Sit, Gee-ya-de, etc. Outside of these there is one\nfamily claiming the Eagle crest that has no phratral standing, the\nmembers of which, as strangers, marry indiscriminately in either\ndivision, but in all cases the children belong to the mother's clan.\n\nThe two parties are subdivided into fifty-six existing consanguineal\nfamilies or clans, and the names of some other's now extinct are\nremembered. Each of these, while retaining its phratral functions and\nprivileges, is absolutely independent in government, succession,\ninheritance, and territory, and besides the phratral crest common to\nall, assumes others that are fully as prominent and often more in\nevidence. Within the family there is a well-defined aristocracy wholly\ndependent upon birth, from which the chiefs are chosen, an intermediate\nclass consisting of those who have forced themselves to the front,\nthrough wealth, character, or artistic ability, and the poorer people.\nIn earlier days there were many slaves who had no recognized rights.\n\nGeographically considered, there are sixteen tribal divisions known as\nkwans, a contraction of ka (man) and an (land-lived on or claimed).\nThese are purely accidental aggregations, with little cohesion, a\ngrouping of one or more families of each phratry through migratory\nmeeting or continual intermarriage, that live together in fixed\nvillages for mutual protection and social advantages, but recognize no\ntribal head or authority, each family being a unit in itself. Very\noften the bitterest feuds existed between families within the tribe and\nof the same phratry, although if attacked by a stranger people all\nwould unite for mutual protection.\n\nOf these several tribes the Chilkat-kwan has been the most prominent\nsince our acquaintance with Alaska. The relative importance of a\nprimitive people measured by an abundant food supply, natural resources\nand geographic position as to favorable trade conditions was fully\nsatisfied in their case. In their country about the head of Lynn Canal,\nwith its two river systems flowing from lakes, the spawning beds of\ncountless salmon furnished a nutritious and limitless staple food which\nwas augmented by various other sea fish and seal in the inlets; bear,\ngoat, and smaller mammals on the land; and exhaustless berry patches on\nthe mountain sides. Their commanding position at the head of the inland\nchannels controlling the mountain passes to the interior, gave them the\nmonopoly of the fur trade of the upper Yukon Valley, and the placer\ncopper fields of the White River region. These products, unknown to the\ncoastal area, were economically important in primitive days, and after\nthe advent of Europeans the increased demand for furs, and their\ngreater value, made this trade even more lucrative. That they fully\nrealized its value is demonstrated by their determination to retain\ncontrol of it, for when the Hudson's Bay Company established the\nfactory of Fort Selkirk at the mouth of the Pelly River in 1852, a war\nparty under the celebrated Chief Chartrich, trailed in some three\nhundred miles, surprised, captured, and burned the post, and warned the\noccupants against any further encroachment upon their established zone\nof trade, and they continued to enjoy these rights until the discovery\nof the Klondike gold fields, when the influx of whites over-ran the\ncountry and destroyed their industries.\n\nThe earliest mention of this people occurs in a report of the Russian\nPilot Ismailof who, when visiting Yakutat in 1788, notes the presence\nof a large body of Chilkat. In 1794 a boat expedition from Vancouver's\nvessels, while exploring the head of Lynn Canal, met with a hostile\nreception from a considerable number of natives and only averted\ntrouble by a hasty retreat. Lieutenant Whitby, the commander of the\nparty, was told of eight chiefs of great consequence who had their\nhomes on and about the Chilkat River, indicating an extensive\npopulation.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 2. An Old House, Kluckwan.]\n\nUnder the Russian regime, beyond the mere claim of sovereignty, no\njurisdiction was exercised over this people except the distribution of\nnational flags and Imperial medals. All trading was guardedly carried\non from the decks of armed vessels, and long after the American\noccupation they were permitted to live unmolested, until their country\nbecame the highway of travel to the interior.\n\nThe Tlingit were a canoe people and might be termed semi-nomadic, as\nthey were on their hunting grounds in the early spring and late fall,\nwhile the summer season was spent in the fishing camps by the salmon\nstreams, but notwithstanding these long absences they built substantial\nvillages where, except for social activities, they spent the winter in\ncomparative idleness.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 3. Con-nuh-ta-di Grave Houses, Kluckwan.]\n\nAs they looked to the sea for their principal food supply, their\nvillages were directly on the shore just above the high water mark, in\nsheltered coves where they could land and launch their canoes in any\nweather and at any stage of the tide. But the Chilkat, differing from\nall of the other Tlingit, lived just beyond the open water, in a rather\nrestricted territory, on rivers that were veritable storehouses of\nfood, bringing their abundance of fish life to their very doors, and so\npermitting them to remain at home throughout the year, except when on\ntheir trading trips to the interior, which gave their habitations a\nmore permanent character, and contributed to the unity of communal\nlife.\n\nOf the four principal old villages, all of which have survived the\nravages of constant strife and the still more deadly by-products of\ncivilization--liquor and disease--Kluckwan (mother town) has always\nheld the first place in size, wealth, and the character of its people.\nIt retained its supremacy long after the larger of the more southern\ncoast villages had gone to decay, as its more interior and isolated\nposition and the independent and aggressive reputation of its\npopulation kept white traders at a distance. The discovery of gold near\nJuneau and the establishment of the several salmon canneries at the\nmouth of the river drew away its people, and communal life in the large\nold houses, that was dependent upon the united efforts of the whole\nhousehold was made impossible by the absence of many, and the want of\ncooperation of others who elected to live by themselves. With the\nintroduction of schools and the efforts of missionaries to break up the\nold customs, the village has undergone a complete change and the old\nhouses have disappeared or have been modernized.\n\nThe village lies at the edge of a gradual slope on the north bank of\nthe Chilkat, twenty miles from its mouth, where the swift current\nconcentrated in a single channel forms a strong eddy that permits the\nlanding of canoes at any stage of the river. The houses in a single and\ndouble row follow the trend of the shore for upwards of three-quarters\nof a mile, but far enough back to allow for the smoke houses, fish\ndrying frames, and canoe shelters, and in the rear are the grave houses\n(Fig. 3) and the now disused cremation grounds strewn with charred logs\nand partly burnt funeral pyres. Just beyond the village at either end,\nin the cottonwood groves, hidden in the underbrush and covered with\nmoss, are the crumbling remains of the shaman's dead houses, guarded by\nelaborately carved spirit figures and decayed canoes.\n\nThe houses of each of the four resident totemic families are grouped\nabout that of the chief for mutual protection, giving the appearance of\nthree separate villages, as the two centrally located families through\nincrease of numbers, have been brought into closer union. In each group\nthe houses of the aristocracy and those of the poorer classes are of\nlike construction, differing however in size, strength of material,\ninterior appointments, and ornamentation.\n\nOf the five totemic families that form the Chilkat-kwan, not including\na sixth subdivision, four are resident here, while individuals of the\nothers through intermarriage are scattered through the village but\nwithout house standing. The traditions of all of these speak of a\nmigration from the southern border northward through the inland\nchannels.\n\nThe Wolf phratry is represented by three families: the Kagwantan,\nTuck-este-nar, and Duck-clar-way-di. The first two are closely related\nand claim to be offshoots of a parent stock and to have migrated north\nfrom the coast between the mouths of the Nass and the Skeena rivers and\nin earlier times they lived inland on these rivers. The last-named is\nunquestionably of interior origin and it is possible that all three are\nof like ancestry.\n\nThe sole representative of the Raven party is the Kon-nuh-ta-di with\nwhich this paper deals. Their legendary history, so imaginary and\ninteresting, is closely associated with the wanderings and antics of\n\"Yehlh,\" the Raven creator, while the earliest family traditions are\ncentered about the south and west coast of the Prince of Wales and\ncontiguous islands. There is a hazy belief in the minds of the older\npeople, handed down through generations, that in the earliest days\nthere came to these shores from seaward, a people of unknown origin who\nlanded and lived on Dall Island, and later spread along the southern\ncoast of Prince of Wales Island. The descendants of one of the two\noriginal women, represented as sisters, later crossed Dixon Entrance\nand peopled the Queen Charlotte Islands, founding the Haida, while\nthose who remained, uniting with migratory bands from the Interior were\nthe progenitors of the Tlingit.\n\nThe three principal families forming the Tanta-kwan that lived\nthereabouts in the eighteenth century, until expelled by the Haida\ninvasion from Masset, and then crossed over to the mainland where they\nare still found, are the Ta-qway-di, Kik-sat-di, and Kon-nuh-hut-di,\nall of which have formed factors of great importance in peopling the\ncoast of Alaska as far north as Comptroller Bay, and are still\nrepresented in all of the more important Tlingit tribes. The tribal\nname Tanta, was taken from their country, the Prince of Wales Island,\nTan, \"Sealion\" so named from the abundance of this animal on the\nseaward coast. The Kon-nuh-hut-di are said to have removed, at some\nearly day, to Port Stewart within the mainland entrance of Beam Canal,\nwhich they called \"Con-nuh,\" (safe, sheltered) and from which they\nderived their family name (people of, or belonging to, Con-huh), but\nfinding the climate more severe than that of the islands, and with no\ncompensating advantages of food, they returned to their former home. A\nslight variation of the name Kon-nuh-ta-di which is not accounted for,\ndistinguishes the Chilkat and more northern branches of the family from\nthe Tanta and Taku. Another name seldom used, but very pretentious and\ntribal in character, is Shuck-ka-kwan \"highest or first-man tribe\" or\nShuck-ka-kon-nuh-ta-di, claiming superiority through a relationship\nwith Yehlh, in reference to his struggle with Gun-nook, the\nsupernatural keeper of fresh water, when in his efforts to escape\nthrough the smoke hole of the house with what he had stolen he was\ncaught and held fast until he was smoked black.\n\nAt a very early period they must have lived on the central west coast\nof Prince of Wales Island, near Klawak, in a village or country called\nTuck-anee \"outside town\" where the people were known locally as\nTuckanadi \"outside town people\" as the scene of one of their principal\nhero tales is laid hereabouts (the struggle of Duck-toolh with the\nsealions) which it is claimed was the cause of one of the northward\nmigrations of a body of the family. It was certainly after this\nhappening, and possibly connected with it, that a considerable party\nseparated and traveled north through the inland channels to the head of\ntidewater, and then up the Chilkat River until they reached the site of\nKluckwan where they finally settled and have ever since remained. This\nmovement must date back many years, for the Russian Pilot Ismailof, as\npreviously noted, in visiting Yakutat in 1888 met \"a chief Ilk-hak with\na large force of one hundred warriors who had journeyed up the coast\nfrom their winter home on the Chilkat River to trade.\"\n\nIlk-hak or Yehlh-kok \"Raven fragrance or smell\" is an hereditary name\nbelonging strictly to the Kon-nuh-ta-di family (and as a coincidence it\nhappens to be that of the present chief to whom I am indebted for\ncertain information herein contained), and to have extended their\ncommercial activities to such a distance and with such a numerous\nretinue would bespeak a considerable age and settled state in their new\nhome.\n\nOther migrations northward are known to have occurred at later periods;\nOne party following the outside coast settled in a bay above Cape\nSpencer where much glacial ice collected and they took the name\nTih-ka-di (people of or belonging to the icebergs) but of these none\nremain.\n\nAnother body, taking a more easterly course among the islands, stopped\nat Chyeek on the Chatham Straits shore of Admiralty Island with the\nHootz-ah-tar-kwan, but trouble with the Dasheton clan arose over a\nwoman and they removed in a body to Stevens Passage and joined the\nTaku-kwan of which they form an integral part today under the original\nname Kon-nuh-hut-di.\n\nIn the latter portion of the eighteenth century, the Tanta-kwan\nincluding this family, was driven out of the southern portion of the\nPrince of Wales Island by the Haida and crossing Clarence Straits\nsettled on Annette and adjacent islands. Their principal village was\nTark-an-ee (winter town) at Port Chester where New Metlakatla now\nstands, and was a very large settlement, a totem pole village, as the\ndecayed remains showed thirty years ago. In war with the Stickheen,\nthis village was destroyed and also a later one across the island,\nChake-an-ee (Thimble berry town) at Port Tamgass, when they crossed to\nCat Island and then to the mainland and made a last stand at Tongass\nwhere they remained until the founding of Saxman and Ketchikan.\n\nNone of this family is found today on Prince of Wales Island, their\noriginal home. The principal branch lives at Chilkat where they have\nalways been accorded the highest place with the Ka-gwan-tan, with whom\nthey have so intermarried through generations, that it often happens\nthat the chiefs of each family are father and son.\n\nThe personal names more frequently refer to the Raven, their most\nhonored crest, as they claim to be the first family of this phratry,\nand it is the more conspicuously displayed on the totemic headdress and\nceremonial paraphernalia. They claim and use a great many other emblems\nas the whale, frog, wood-worm, silver salmon, hawk, owl, moon,\nstarfish, and in their house carvings and painting they illustrate the\nhero deeds and conquests of their ancestors in their early struggles\nwith mythical animals and supernatural beings.\n\nFacial painting played an important role in Tlingit life. The several\npigments differently applied in various characters depended upon the\npurpose and the occasion. As a protection against snowblindness, the\nglare of the sunshine on the water, the bite of insects and as a\ncosmetic to preserve and whiten the complexion, a hemlock fungus was\ncharred, powdered, and applied to the face, which had previously been\ncovered with a mixture of melted suet and spruce gum, to which it\nadhered and hardened, forming a red-black covering impervious to water.\n\nFor mourning and anger the face was blackened with charcoal.\n\nWhen on war parties, the painting was in red or black or both, in\nfanciful and hideous characters, but if suddenly surprised, they would\ngrab a piece of charcoal from the fire and rub it over the face to\ndisguise their personality and hide any expression of fear.\n\nThe most elaborate painting was used in the winter ceremonials and\ndances. The designs were almost entirely totemic in character even when\nimprovised for the occasion and apparently expressionless. They were\neither geometric and symbolic in figure, or represented the animal form\nin profile or some characteristic feature which distinguished it. In\nthe latter case the figure was stamped on the cheek or forehead with a\nwood die. The primitive colors were black, from powdered charcoal, and\nred, from pulverized ocher, but after the advent of Europeans,\nvermilion of commerce took the place of the duller mineral red. Yellow,\nwhite, and greenish blue were occasionally used, more particularly by\nthe southern tribes, but seldom, if ever, by the Chilkat.\n\nThe most important painting of the face was that of the dead when\nplaced in state awaiting cremation, and this represented the crest of\nthe phratry rather than one of the assumed emblems of the family or\nsubdivisions. Most all of the Raven party, certainly all of the older\nand more important families, and particularly the Kon-nuh-ta-di used\nYehlh-thluou, \"Raven's nose,\" in the form of an isosceles triangle, in\nblack, the apex at the bridge of the nose, the sides enclosing the nose\nand mouth, the base extending across the chin. This painting seems to\nhave been the right of all of the Raven families and was almost\nuniversally used by them, although minor crest figures were sometimes\nemployed, as the Kon-nuh-hut-di of the Southern tribes are said to have\npainted the starfish figure although I have never seen it so used,\nalthough it was a festival decoration.\n\nIt was an old custom, but rather a privilege claimed by the chiefs and\nhouse masters of the aristocracy, to give names to the communal houses\nupon the occasion of their dedication, after the walls were up and the\nroof was on, when those of the opposite phratry who had assisted in the\nconstruction were feasted and compensated. Of course, in the evolution\nof society, men of strong character, successful in war, with wealth and\nmany followers would compel such recognition as would permit them to\nfound a house and give it a name, but in order to do so, the potlatch\nwould have to be of undue proportion. The strongest characteristics of\nthe Tlingit are pride, vanity, and a dread of ridicule, so unless one\nwas absolutely assured of more than a formal acceptance of the act by\nboth his own and the other tribal families he would hesitate to place\nhimself in a false position, subject to criticism. The highest and most\nhonored names thus given, were those of the totemic emblem, or\nreferring to some particular feature of the crest figure, as \"Raven\nhouse,\" \"Brown bear house,\" \"Eagle nest house,\" \"Killer-whale dorsal\nfin house,\" etc. Other names meaning less were those of position,\nshape, material, etc., as \"Point house,\" \"Box house\", \"Bark house,\"\n\"Drum house,\" \"Big house,\" \"Lookout house,\" etc. In any case a name\nonce given survived the mere structure. It was a dedication of the site\nand without any further ceremony belonged to all future houses built\nthereon.\n\n\n\n\nTHE OLD WHALE HOUSE.\n\n\nWhen I first visited Kluckwan in 1885, the large old communal houses of\nthe Kon-nuh-ta-di were still standing, the principal one of which, that\nof the hereditary chief, Yough-hit, \"Whale house,\" was in the last\nstages of decay and uninhabitable, although the interior fittings were\nintact and it was still used upon festival occasions. It was\nunquestionably the most widely known and elaborately ornamented house,\nnot only at Chilkat, but in Alaska. It occupied the site of much older\nhouses and it is claimed much larger ones. It is said to have been\nbuilt by Kate-tsu about or prior to 1835 and stood in the middle of the\nvillage. It represented the best type of Tlingit architecture, a broad\nlow structure of heavy hewn spruce timbers, with noticeably high corner\nposts, that gave it a degree of character wholly wanting in the larger\nhouses of the Vancouver Island people. It faced the river with a\nfrontage of 49 feet 10 inches and a depth of 53 feet which was\napproximately the proportions of Tlingit houses large and small. The\nfour broad, neatly finished corner posts, and the intermediate ones on\nthe sides and back were mortised in length, to receive the ends of the\nwall planks of spruce or hemlock that were laid horizontally along the\nsides and back, while the front was formed by two heavy bed pieces\nplaced one above the other extending across the front, dove-tailed into\nthe corner posts, and reaching to the height of the door sill, cut out\nalong the upper edge to receive the lower ends of the broad vertical\nplanks that extend to the roof, and fitted under corresponding grooves\nin the cornice cappings that in the rear of the corner posts were\nnotched and grooved to fit in the post. It will thus be seen that the\nold houses formed a solid structure, the frame and planking supporting\neach other without the use of spikes. The doorway, that was the only\nopening in the walls, was approached by two steps over three feet above\nthe ground, it was narrow and low as a defensive measure, so that but\none could enter at a time, and then only in a stooping posture equally\nimpossible for attack or defense. The roof covering consisted of a\nconfusion of overlapping spruce boards and slabs of bark that\noriginally had been held down by smaller tree trunks extending the\ndepth of the structure and held in place by heavy boulders at the ends.\nThe smoke hole in the center of the roof which both lighted and\nventilated the interior had been protected by a movable shutter\nbalanced on a cross bar resting on two supports so that it could be\nshifted to either side as desired.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 4. The Whale House of the Chilkat.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 5. Groundplan of the Whale House. In size, it was\n49 ft. 10 in. front by 53 ft. deep. From a plan drawn by the author.]\n\nThe interior formed an excavation four feet nine inches below the\nground level, with two receding step-like platforms. The lower square\nfloor space 26 feet by 26 feet 9 inches, constituted the general living\nand working room common to all, except that portion in the rear and\nopposite the entrance, which was reserved for the use of the house\nchief, his immediate family and most distinguished guests. This was the\nplace of honor in all Tlingit houses upon all occasions, ceremonial or\notherwise. The flooring of heavy, split, smoothed planks of varying\nwidths extended around a central gravelled fireplace six feet by six\nfeet and a half, where all of the cooking was done, over a wood fire\nwhich also heated the house in winter. In front of and a little to the\nright of the fire space entered by a small trap door in the floor\nbarely large enough to admit a person, was a small cellar-like\napartment used as a steam bath, by heating boulders in the nearby fire,\ndropping them on the floor below with split wood tongs, and pouring\nwater upon them to generate the vapor when the bather entered and the\nopening was covered over.\n\nThe first platform extending around the main floor at an elevation of\n2-3/4 feet, comparatively narrow, with a width of 2-1/2 feet along the\nsides, and slightly more at the ends, served both as a step, and a\nlounging place in the daytime, and that in front, broken by the steps\ndescending from the doorway, was utilized for firewood, fresh game,\nfish, water baskets, and such larger household articles and implements\nas were in general use. The retaining walls of this platform consisted\nof four heavy hewn spruce timbers approximately 27 feet long, 3 feet\nwide, and 5 inches thick, and so fitted with mortise and tenon at\nopposite ends that they supported each other without artificial\nfastenings. The faces of these timbers were beautifully finished in the\nfinest adze work, and those on either side and at the back were carved\nin low relief to represent a remarkable extended figure, neither wholly\nhuman nor animal, with widely outstretched arms and legs, painted in\nred. It may be that the artist conceived and executed this form merely\nas a decorative feature, without meaning, or if it was his purpose to\npresent a recognizable figure he followed that characteristic and well\nestablished privilege of native art in exaggeration to make the subject\nconform to the decorative field. The old chief, Yehlh-guou, \"Raven's\nslave,\" said that the figure symbolized \"Kee-war-kow\" the highest\nheaven where those who were killed in war and died violent deaths went,\nand are seen at play in the Aurora Borealis. Another explanation is\nthat it merely represented a man warming himself before the central\nfire. (Plate 1.)\n\nThe upper and broader platform, rising two feet above that below, was\nat the ground level, and was floored with heavy planks. It had a depth\nof ten feet on the sides which was greatly increased at the back and\ncorrespondingly diminished in front. The four heavy retaining timbers\nforming the walls and supporting the platform were thirty-one feet at\nthe front and back and thirty-three feet along the sides, two feet\nwide, and five inches in thickness, and were fitted together at the\nends as previously described, and shown in the house plan. On the\ncarefully adzed face carved in low relief, equidistant from the corners\nand from each other, arranged in echelon, were three representations of\nthe \"tinneh\" the ceremonial copper and in connection with this it may\nbe noted that one of the names of the house chief was Tinneh-sarta\n\"Keeper of the copper.\" This platform constituted the sleeping place of\nthe inmates. Each family occupied a certain space according to number\nand relative importance, the poorer members being nearer the door. The\nspaces were separated from each other by walls of chests, baskets, and\nbundles containing the family wealth in skins, blankets, clothing,\nceremonial paraphernalia, and food products. On the walls were hung\nweapons, traps, snares, and hunting gear. Cedarbark mats covered the\nfloor over which was laid the bedding consisting of pelts of the\ncaribou, mountain sheep, goat, and bear, and blankets of lynx, fox, and\nsquirrel, which in the daytime were ordinarily rolled up for economy of\nspace. Sometimes these chambers were partly enclosed by skins or old\ncanoe sails. The back compartment occupying the space between the two\nrear interior posts was partitioned off by a very beautiful carved wood\nscreen which will be described later. This was the chamber of the chief\nand his immediate family. (Plate 2)\n\nAt the level of this upper platform, firmly imbedded in the ground\nequidistant from the sides and nearer the front than the back wall,\nwere four vertical elaborately carved posts \"gars\" nine feet three\ninches high and two feet six inches wide, which supported the roof\nstructure. The heads were hollowed to receive two neatly rounded tree\ntrunks almost two feet in diameter extending from front to rear, on top\nof these at intervals were placed heavy cross bars which in turn\nsupported two smaller rounded longitudinal beams placed that distance\ntowards the center that would give the necessary pitch to the roof,\nlighter cross pieces spanned these, on which rested the ridge pole in\ntwo sections to allow for the smoke hole.\n\nThe private apartment of the house chief occupied the central portion\nof the upper rear platform, and was partitioned off in front, by a\nscreen of thin native-split red cedar planks of varying widths, neatly\nfitted vertically, and sewed together with withes of spruce root,\ncountersunk, to make it appear a solid piece. It extended between the\ntwo rear carved posts that supported the roof structure, and was twenty\nfeet long by nine and a half feet high. The front surface was smoothed\nwith dogfish skin or equisetum, and elaborately carved in low relief\nand painted to represent the rain spirit, which was symbolized by the\ngreat central figure with outstretched arms, while the small crouching\nfigures in the border around the sides and top known as Su-con-nutchee\n\"raindrops splash up,\" represented the splash of the falling drops\nafter striking the ground. The whole partition was called Su-kheen\n\"rain wall.\"\n\nThe round hole through the body, over which was formerly hung a dressed\ncaribou or goatskin, formed the entrance to the chamber, which received\nits only light and ventilation over the top of the screen from the\nsmoke hole in the roof. There seems to be a difference of opinion today\nas to who executed this work. Yehlh-kok the present chief of the family\nsays that it was done by Kate-tsu, the chief who built the house, and\nthat the painting was the work of Skeet-lah-ka, a later chief and an\nartist of wide repute, the father of Chartrich, who in 1834 just prior\nto the lease of the littoral by the Russian Government to the Hudson's\nBay Company, accompanied the first Russians who ascended the Chilkat\nRiver, which would carry it well back in the early portion of the last\ncentury which was the Victorian age of Northwest Coast art.\n\nOthers, while agreeing as to the painting, claim that the carving was\ndesigned and executed by a Tsimshian. But whether the work of the\nformer or the latter, the conventionalized design, and particularly the\nmultiplicity of small figures around the principal one is essentially\nTsimshian in character and entirely different from the realism of\nTlingit art.\n\nIt is unquestionably the finest example of native art, either Tlingit\nor Tsimshian, in Alaska, in boldness of conception,--although highly\nconventionalized in form,--in execution of detail, and in the selection\nand arrangement of colors.\n\nThe four interior posts \"gars\" on which rest the heavy longitudinal\nbeams that support the roof structure are elaborately carved in high\nrelief, a commingling of human and animal forms. Each one illustrates\nsome hero tale or important incident in the early life of the family,\nor a tradition of the wanderings and antics of Yehlh, \"the Raven\" with\nwhom they claim a certain relationship. Each post is named from the\nstory told. They are of red cedar, brought from the south, and were\ncarved by a Tsimshian who also carved the figures on the faces of the\nretaining timbers of the first platform. For all of this work he\nreceived in payment ten slaves, fifty dressed moose-skins, and a number\nof blankets.\n\nBesides these there were four other posts known as Teetle-Gars \"Dog\nsalmon post.\" They presented a slightly rounded surface, carved in low\nrelief, painted in dull colors, inlaid with opercula and representing,\nas the name indicated, the dog salmon. They were much decayed and only\ntwo were standing at the height of the upper platform at the sides in\n1885. They had been used originally as interior posts in some house but\nhad passed their period of usefulness and were preserved simply as\nrelics of the past.\n\n\n\n\nDETAIL OF THE HOUSE POSTS.\n\nGONAKATATE-GARS.\n\n\nThe carved interior post to the right of the doorway entering was known\nas Gonakatate-Gars and told a story of Yehlh, the Raven. (Plate 3_a_.)\n\nGonakatate was believed to be a great sea monster, half animal and half\nfish, variously represented according to the imagination of the artist,\nbut generally shown with fore feet, a characteristic dorsal fin, and\nthe tail of a fish, but again it is said that in rising from the water\nit appeared as a beautifully ornamented house front. It brought great\ngood fortune to one who saw it.\n\nThe principal figure extending from near the top to the bottom with\nfront and hind paws represents this monster holding a whale by the\nflipper with the tail in its mouth and the head between the hind feet,\nfor the Gonakatate is believed to capture and eat whales. The figure of\na woman on the back of the whale is called Stah-ka-dee-Shawut which is\nan older name of the Qwash-qwa-kwan, a family that came from the\ninterior and settled on the coast about Yakutat, and as the scene of\nthis adventure is placed thereabouts and with the matriarchal system\nthe woman would indicate the family. The use of her figure would serve\nto mark the locality which is the only explanation for her appearance.\n\nIn the blow hole of the whale is the head of the Raven which is the\nsignificant feature of the whole carving that illustrates the story.\nThe smaller head at the top, ornamented with human hair is called\nGonakatate-Yuttee, \"Gonakatate's child,\" that holds the head of the\nhawk in its paws. While the hawk is an emblem of the family, these\nfigures are merely ornamental and have no connection with the story.\n\nThe story of the Gonakatate-Gars is as follows:--\n\nDuring the wanderings of Yehlh \"Raven\" along the coast of Alaska above\nthe mouth of the Alsech River, he saw a whale blowing, far out to sea,\nand being always hungry he greatly wanted to capture it, but he had\nneither spear nor line and only his fire bag of flint, stone, and\ntinder. He thought that he might kill the whale if he could only get\ninside, so when it came up to breathe he flew in the blow hole and\nreaching the stomach, struck a light, and made a fire that soon killed\nit.\n\nWhen it floated inshore and was rolled on the beach by the breakers, he\ntried to escape as he had entered, but the blow hole had partly closed\nand he could only get his head out. He saw a young man coming down to\nthe shore and he commenced to sing in a loud voice. This greatly\nsurprised him and he hastened back to the camp to tell the old people\nthat there was strange singing in a stranded whale, which brought all\nthe villagers to the scene, and they proceeded to cut open the whale at\nthe blow hole when the Raven flew out singing khoonee, khoonee,\n\"cleaned out the blow hole.\" When the people had cut up the whale and\ntried out the blubber into grease the Raven returned in human form, and\nasked them how they got the whale, and if they had heard singing\nwithin, for he told them that long ago this had happened in his\ncountry, and all of those who ate the grease had died. This so\nfrightened the people that they left the grease boxes on the shore and\nreturned to the village, when the Raven sat down and ate all the grease\nthey had prepared.\n\n\nDUCK-TOOLH-GARS.\n\nThe carved interior post, to the left of the doorway entering, was\nnamed Duck-toolh-Gars, and illustrates a hero tale of the family that\noccurred before their northern migration. The human figure represents\nDuck-toolh \"Black-skin\" (typifying strength), tearing the sealion in\ntwo. The head at the base symbolizes the rock island on which the\nsealion hauled, when this incident took place. The head of Duck-toolh\nis wrapped around with sealion intestines and is ornamented with human\nhair hanging down over the face. The sealion forms the central figure;\nthe protruding tongue indicates death, as the body is split in half.\nThe fore flippers are parallel with the body under the man's forearms\nand the back flippers rest on his shoulders.\n\nIt is said that in the early life of the Kon-nuh-hut-di, before their\nmigration north, when they lived on the west coast of Prince of Wales\nIsland, at or near the present site of Klawak, at Tuck-anee \"just by\nthe outside\" from which the inhabitants took the local name\nTuck-an-a-di \"outside country people\" from their home on the ocean\ncoast, there was a young man, the nephew of the chief, named Duck-toolh\n\"Black-skin,\" but nicknamed At-kaharsee \"nasty man\" from his generally\ndirty condition.\n\nThe villagers depended largely upon the flesh of the sealion for food,\nits hide was used for armor and other economic purposes while the\nwhisker bristles were greatly prized for the crown of the ceremonial\nheaddress.\n\nThese animals were found in great numbers on a rocky island far to\nseaward (supposed to have been Foresters Island), but the ocean passage\nin their frail canoes was very dangerous and with their primitive\nspears and clubs it took courage and strength to succeed in the hunt,\nand so they prepared themselves for the undertaking by much exercise,\nand hardened their bodies by sea bathing in the early morning\nthroughout the winter. But Duck-Toolh seemingly practised none of these\nthings, he slept late and although of great size was looked upon as\nlazy and weak until he became the laughing stock even of the children.\nIn the household was a powerful man named Kash-ka-di, who in passing\nfor his morning plunge would kick Duck-toolh and call him by his\nnickname, which he never resented. Upon coming out of the water each\nmorning the bathers would test their strength by trying to pull up and\nbreak smaller trees. All of this time Duck-toolh was shamming, for\nevery night after all had gone to sleep he would steal out and sit in\nthe ice cold water by the hour, and coming out would beat himself with\nbundles of brush to keep up his circulation, then he would enter the\nhouse and throwing a little water on the hot coals to make steam, and\nwrapping himself in his bark mat would lie down and go to sleep in the\nashes which covered his body and gave him his nickname. One night while\nhe was sitting in the water he heard a whistle, and saw a heavily built\nman rise out of the sea. He came to him and told him to get up, when he\nwhipped him on the back four times and with each stroke he fell down.\nThen he gave Duck-toolh the sticks and told him to whip him, which had\nno effect upon him and he said, \"You have not gained strength yet.\"\nThis operation was again repeated which gave Duck-toolh great strength,\nand then they wrestled with each other, but neither could throw the\nother. The strange man said, \"Now you are very powerful I have given\nyou my strength,\" when a heavy fog suddenly drove in from the sea and\nenveloped him and he disappeared. Then Duck-toolh ran about and broke\nthe limbs off the trees with little effort, but he put them together\nagain and they froze in place for he did not want any one to know that\nstrength had come to him. He felt very happy, and was very willing to\ndo anything for any one or to accept the ridicule and abuse heaped upon\nhim. In the morning, Kash-ka-di, after coming out of the water, ran\nabout trying his strength and he took the great limb that was stuck\ntogether in his hands and pulled it apart. He boasted to everyone that\nstrength had come to him and that he was ready now to go out against\nthe sealion. Duck-toolh said, \"Yes, he would go too,\" which made every\none laugh. Even the girls made fun of him and asked him what he could\ndo, for he was like them, and he said that he could bail the canoe,\nwhich was a woman's or child's work. He washed and put on clean clothes\nand going to his grandmother said, \"You have no tlhan,\" (strips of fur\nwoven into blankets); \"you have no da\" (martin skin). She answered,\n\"Yes\" and gave him a strip of fur with which he tied up his front hair,\ntaken in a bunch (this was done when one felt angry), and he dabbed his\nmouth with red paint, but still the people laughed at him, although he\nlooked like a chief. Then the canoe started for the sealion grounds and\nwhile Kash-ka-di boasted of his great strength and what he would do,\nDuck-toolh sat silently in the bottom of the canoe. When they reached\nthe rocks Kash-ka-di jumped out and grabbing a great sealion by its\nhind flippers tried to tear it in two, but he was thrown high in the\nair and killed on the rocks. Then Duck-toolh laughed and said, \"Who\nbroke the tree,\" \"I break it,\" and he jumped on the rock and grabbed\nthe sealion and tore it apart, beat the brains out of the smaller ones,\nand for some unknown reason he wound the intestines of the animals\naround his head. Then they loaded the canoe with the carcasses and\nreturned home and everyone knew that Duck-toolh was strength and he\nbecame a very powerful and wealthy man. Some versions of this story say\nthat he remained alone on the island for some time during which the\nspirit of the doctor came to him, but my informant knew nothing of\nthis.\n\n\nYEHLH-GARS.\n\nThe carved post on the right of the ornamental screen was named\nYehlh-Gars \"Raven Post,\" and told the story of the capture of Ta \"the\nking salmon.\" The main figure shows the Raven in human form holding a\nhead with a projecting blade-like tongue, which is known as Tsu-hootar\n\"jade adze.\" At the bottom is the head of a fish which should have been\nthat of the king salmon, but through a mistake of the carver it\nresembles more nearly that of the sculpin. Coming out of the mouth of\nthe Raven is a bird form called Tu-kwut-lah-Yehlh, \"telling lies\nraven,\" which symbolizes the lies the Raven told to the little birds\nmentioned in the story. (Plate 4_a_.)\n\nMany of the myths relative to the later wanderings of the Raven after\nthe release of the elements necessary to life on the earth, and\nparticularly those in connection with animals, represent him as always\nhungry, unscrupulous and deceptive, and friendly only for selfish\npurposes. In the early spring before the salmon had come into the\nrivers, or the berries had ripened on the mountain sides, the season of\nlittle food, Yehlh happened to be on the seashore near Dry Bay and very\nhungry. He saw a king salmon jumping in the ocean and he commenced to\nplan how he could take it, for he had neither canoe, spear, nor line.\nGoing back from the shore he found in a deserted camp a piece of an old\ncedarbark mat, an old woven spruce root hat, an eagle skin, and a jade\nadze \"tsu-hootar.\" Putting on the hat, folding the mat about his body,\nand dressing his hair with eagle down, he took the jade and seating\nhimself on a big boulder at the edge of the water said to the salmon,\n\"Tsu-hootar is calling you bad names, he says that you have an ugly\nblack mouth and that you are afraid to come up to the shore.\" This so\nenraged the salmon that he came towards the shore, when Tehlh said,\n\"Wait a little, I have to go to the woods\" for he had no club and the\nsalmon must always be killed by striking it on the head with a club.\nWhen he returned, he again reviled the salmon and when it came and\njumped in shallow water he killed it. He then kindled a fire with his\nrubbing sticks and prepared the fish for cooking. In the meantime many\nsmall birds came around hoping to get something to eat, and the Raven\nsent them off to gather skunk cabbage leaves to wrap the fish in, but\nthose that they brought he condemned as too small or smelling bad, and\ntold them to go to the far mountain where the proper kind grew. As soon\nas they had disappeared he wrapped the fish in the discarded leaves,\nscraped away the fire and the gravel beneath, buried the fish, and\ncovered it with the hot stones and the fire. When the fish was cooked,\nhe ate all of it and collecting the bones, carefully wrapped them in\nthe old leaves and covered them with the fire and when the little birds\nreturned with the mountain leaves he showed them the bones, saying that\nthe fire had eaten the flesh. Then all of the birds felt very badly,\nthe little chickadee cried bitterly and continually wiping its eyes\nwith its feet wore away the feathers which ever after showed a white\nstripe from the corners down. The blue jay was so angry that he tied up\nthe feathers on top of his head which have ever since formed a crest,\nfor when the Tlingit are angry they tie the front hair up in a knot;\nwhile the robin in his grief sat too close to the fire and burned his\nbreast red.\n\n\nTLUKE-ASS-A-GARS.\n\nThe carved post on the left of the ornamental screen was named\nTluke-ass-a-Gars \"Wood-worm Post\" and illustrated a very important\nhappening in the early life of the family that is believed to have\ncaused the separation of the body that first migrated northward. The\nlarge upper figure represents Ka-kutch-an, \"the girl who fondled the\nwood-worm,\" which she holds in front of her body with both hands. Over\nher head are two wood-worms whose heads form her ears. Beneath is shown\na frog in the bill of a crane. The whole post symbolizes the tree in\nwhich the wood-worm lives, the crane lights on the outer surface and\nthe frog lives underneath among the roots.\n\nIt is said that in early days in a village that would seem to have been\nnear Klawak, on the west coast of Prince of Wales Island, there was a\nchief of the Tlow-on-we-ga-dee family whose wife was of the\nKon-nuh-ta-di. They had a daughter just reaching womanhood. One day\nafter the members of the household had returned from gathering\nfirewood, the daughter, picking up a piece of bark found a wood-worm\nwhich she wrapped up in her blanket and carried in the house. After the\nevening meal she took it into the back compartment and offered it some\nfood, but it would not eat, and then she gave it her breast and it grew\nvery rapidly and she became very fond of it, as if it were her child,\nand as time went on her whole life seemed to be absorbed by her pet\nwhich she kept secreted. Her constant abstraction and absences grew so\nnoticeable that the mother's suspicions were aroused and one day she\ndetected her fondling the worm that had now grown as large as a person.\nShe called the chief and they wondered greatly for no one had ever seen\nanything like it. As she played with the worm she sang to it all the\ntime:--\n\n    \"Da-a-a see-ok bus k-e-e-e.      Tchi-ok kon nok\n    They have small faces.           Sit down here.\n\n    Tu usk-k ka tel kin ka           Tchi-ok kon nok\n    They have small fat cheeks.      Sit down here.\"\n\nThe father told the uncle and he sent for his niece and set food before\nher, and while she ate he stole away to see the worm, which she had\nhidden behind the food chests in the back apartment. That evening the\nuncle called the people together and told them that his niece had a\ngreat \"living creature\" Kutze-ce-te-ut that might in time kill them all\nand they decided to kill the worm. Another reason given for the\ndestruction of the creature was that it was held accountable for the\nloss of much food that had been mysteriously disappearing from the\ngrease boxes for some time past.\n\nThe following day the aunt invited her to come and sew her martin skin\nrobe, and in her absence the men sharpened their long wooden spears and\ngoing to the house killed the worm. Upon her return she cried bitterly\nand said they had killed her child and she sang her song night and day\nuntil she died. Then her family left this place and migrated north. In\ncommemoration of this event the Tlow-on-we-ga-du family display the\ntail of the worm on their dance dress, pipes, etc., as they attacked\nthat part, while the Kon-nuh-ta-di display the whole worm figure as\nthey killed the head which was the most important part.\n\n\n\n\nOBJECTS ASSOCIATED WITH THE HOUSE.\n\n\nClosely associated with the \"Whale House,\" and in the keeping of the\nchief, were many ceremonial objects in crest form, that were never\nexhibited except upon such important occasions as when the whole family\nwas assembled and much property was distributed to those of the\nopposite phratry who had assisted at house and grave building,\ncremation, etc. Most prominent among these was a great wood feast\ndish, and an exceptionally large basket. The former was known as\nThluke-hotsick \"wood-worm dish,\" and as a crest object it told the same\nstory as the carved interior post previously described. It was hollowed\nout of a tree trunk 14 feet 6 inches long, 2 feet 6 inches wide and 1\nfoot high. It was shaped and ornamentally carved and painted to\nrepresent a wood-worm and inlaid along the rounded upper edge with\nopercula. In 1885 it had so far decayed that its usefulness was past\nalthough it was still displayed upon ceremonial occasions (Fig. 6).\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 6. Wood-worm Dish, as seen in the House.]\n\nThe basket although at least two generations old, has been carefully\ncared for so that it is in an excellent state of preservation. It is\nnamed Kuhk-claw \"basket mother\" on account of its great size, measuring\n33 inches in both height and diameter. It was woven of split spruce\nroot in cylindrical form, by a woman of the family, in the\ncharacteristic weave of the Chilkat, where alternate spirals of woof\nare in the double twining and plaiting, giving a rough and irregular\nappearance to the wall surface. The only variation on the outside are\nfour short darker colored lines of weave which mark its capacity at\ndifferent heights as we mark a commercial measure. It is fitted with\ntwisted root handle for carriage. Both of these receptacles were used\nat feasts, filled with native food, and are generally known throughout\nsoutheastern Alaska.\n\n\n\n\nTHE PRESENT WHALE HOUSE.\n\n\nIn 1899 this house and Yehlh-hit (Raven) House adjoining were torn down\nand preparations for the erection of new buildings were gotten under\nway, and in the winter of 1901, after the walls were up and the roof\non, a great potlach was given by the Kon-nuh-ta-di, to the three Wolf\nfamilies of the opposite phratry in the tribe and the Ka-gwan-tan of\nSitka, in which over ten thousand dollars in property, food, and money\nwere distributed. The head chief of the family the master of the whale\nhouse Yehlh-guou \"Raven's slave,\" welcomed his guest upon landing,\nwearing the Raven hat. The new house although modern in form and of two\nstories took the old name, and it stands today windowless and doorless,\nthe interior grown up in weeds, a monument of the last great potlatch\nof the Chilkat, as the chief died soon afterwards and his successor has\nneither the means to finish it nor the desire to live in it and the\nelaborate carvings have never been placed but are stored and will\nprobably so remain.\n\n\n\n\nPLATE 1.\n\nDecorative figures carved in bas-relief on the face of the retaining\ntimbers supporting the two interior superimposed platforms. For their\npositions in the house see Fig. 6. The three upper figures represent\nthe native hammered copper plate, \"Tinneh,\" which was an important\nfeature in the ceremonial life of the Northwest Coast and was the most\nvalued of possessions, while that below was said to symbolize\n\"Kee-war-kow,\" the highest heaven. (See p. 22.)\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 1.]\n\nPLATE 2.\n\nCarved and painted screen at the back of the house partitioning off the\nchief's apartment. It is called Su-kheen, or \"rain wall.\" The central\nfigure with outstretched arms represents the Rain Spirit, while the\nsmall crouching figures in the border are called Su-cou-nutchee,\n\"raindrops splash up,\" or the splash of falling drops after striking\nthe ground.\n\nA portion of the screen has been broken off and the otherwise\nunsymmetrical form of the drawing is due to photographic distortion.\nIts position in the house is indicated by Fig. 6. The hole through the\nbody of the symbolic figure is the door or entrance to the apartment\nbehind. (See p. 23.)\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 2.]\n\nPLATE 3.\n\n_a_ Carved interior post to the right of the entrance, Gonakatate-Gars,\nrepresenting the mythical sea monster that brings good fortune to one\nwho sees it and illustrates a story in the early wanderings of Yehlh,\nthe Raven. At the top is \"Gonakatate's child\" who holds a hawk in its\npaws. Next is the head of \"Gonakatate,\" the principal figure whose body\nextends to the bottom of the post. He holds in front of him a whale,\npeeping from whose blow hole is the head of the Raven. On the back of\nthe whale is the figure of a woman. (See p. 25.)\n\n_b_ Carved interior post to the left of the entrance, Duck-Toolh-Gars\nrepresenting the legendary hero, \"Black-Skins\" rending the sealion. The\nlarge human figure is Duck-Toolh, who holds a sealion by the hind\nflippers. The head at the base of the post represents the island upon\nwhich he stood while tearing the sealion asunder. (See p. 26.)\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 3.]\n\nPLATE 4.\n\n_a_ Carved interior post to the right of the decorative screen in the\nrear of the house, Yehlh-Gars, Raven Post, telling the story of the\nRaven capturing the king salmon. The main figure with head at the top\nrepresents the Raven, holding the head of Tsu-hootar, or \"jade adze,\"\nand standing upon the head of a fish. From the mouth of Raven is\nissuing a bird representing lies. (See p. 28.)\n\n_b_ Carved interior post to the left of the decorative screen in the\nrear of the house, Tluke-ass-a-Gars, illustrating the story of the girl\nand the wood-worm. The human figure above is that of Ka-kutch-an, \"the\ngirl who fondled the wood-worm.\" She holds the wood-worm in front in\nher hands. Two worms are peeping around her head. The lower figure\nrepresents a crane holding a frog in its bill. (See p. 29.)\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 4.]\n\n\n\n\nAmerican Museum of Natural History.\n\nPUBLICATIONS IN ANTHROPOLOGY.\n\n\nIn 1906 the present series of Anthropological Papers was authorized by\nthe Trustees of the Museum to record the results of research conducted\nby the Department of Anthropology. The series comprises octavo volumes\nof about 350 pages each, issued in parts at irregular intervals.\nPrevious to 1906 articles devoted to anthropological subjects appeared\nas occasional papers in the Bulletin and also in the Memoir series of\nthe Museum. A complete list of these publications with prices will be\nfurnished when requested. All communications should be addressed to the\nLibrarian of the Museum.\n\nThe recent issues are as follows:--\n\n\nVolume X.\n\n   I. Chipewyan Texts. By Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-66. 1912. Price,\n$1.00.\n\n  II. Analysis of Cold Lake Dialect, Chipewyan. By Pliny Earle Goddard.\nPp. 67-170, and 249 text figures. 1912. Price, $1.00.\n\n III. Chipewyan Tales. By Robert H. Lowie. Pp. 171-200. 1912. Price,\n$.25.\n\n  IV. The Beaver Indians. By Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 201-293, and 19\ntext figures. 1916. Price, $1.00.\n\n   V. (In press.)\n\n\nVolume XI.\n\n   I. Societies and Ceremonial Associations in the Oglala Division of the\nTeton-Dakota. By Clark Wissler. Pp. 1-99, and 7 text figures. 1912.\nPrice, $.50.\n\n  II. Dance Associations of the Eastern Dakota. By Robert H. Lowie. Pp.\n101-142. 1913. Price, $.25.\n\n III. Societies of the Crow, Hidatsa and Mandan Indians. By Robert H.\nLowie. Pp. 143-358 and 18 text figures. 1913. Price, $2.00.\n\n  IV. Societies and Dance Associations of the Blackfoot Indians. By Clark\nWissler. Pp. 363-460, and 29 text figures. 1913. Price, $1.00.\n\n   V. Dancing Societies of the Sarsi Indians. By Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp.\n461-474. 1914. Price, $.25.\n\n  VI. Political Organization, Cults, and Ceremonies of the Plains-Ojibway\nand Plains-Cree Indians. By Alanson Skinner. Pp. 475-542, and 10 text\nfigures. 1914. Price, $.75.\n\n VII. Pawnee Indian Societies. By James R. Murie. Pp. 543-644, and 18\ntext figures. 1914. Price, $1.00.\n\nVIII. Societies of the Arikara Indians. By Robert H. Lowie. Pp.\n645-678. 1915. Price, $.50.\n\n  IX. Societies of the Iowa, Kansa, and Ponca Indians. By Alanson\nSkinner. Pp. 679-801, and 5 text figures. 1915. Price, $1.00.\n\n   X. Dances and Societies of the Plains Shoshone. By Robert H. Lowie. Pp.\n803-835. 1915. Price, $.25.\n\n  XI. Societies of the Kiowa. By Robert H. Lowie. Pp. 837-851. 1916.\nPrice, $.25.\n\n XII. General Discussion of Shamanistic and Dancing Societies By Clark\nWissler. Pp. 853-876. 1916. Price, $.25.\n\nXIII. (In preparation).\n\n\nVolume XII.\n\n   I. String-figures from the Patomana Indians of British Guiana. By Frank\nE. Lutz. Pp. 1-14. and 12 text figures. 1912. Price, $.25.\n\n  II. Prehistoric Bronze in South America. By Charles W. Mead. Pp. 15-52,\nand 4 text figures. 1915. Price, $.25.\n\n III. Peruvian Textiles. By M. D. C. Crawford. Pp. 52-101, and 23 text\nfigures. 1915. Price, $.50.\n\n  IV. (In preparation.)\n\n\nVolume XIII.\n\n   I. Social Life and Ceremonial Bundles of the Menomini Indians. By\nAlanson Skinner. Pp. 1-165, and 30 text figures. 1913. Price, $1.50.\n\n  II. Associations and Ceremonies of the Menomini Indians. By Alanson\nSkinner. Pp. 167-215, and 2 text figures. 1915. Price, $.40.\n\n III. Folklore of the Menomini Indians. By Alanson Skinner and John V.\nSatterlee. Pp. 217-546. 1915. Price, $1.60.\n\n\nVolume XIV.\n\n   I. The Stefansson-Anderson Arctic Expedition of the American Museum:\nPreliminary Ethnological Report. By Vilhjalmur Stefansson. Pp. 1-376,\n94 text figures, and 2 maps. 1914. Price. $3.50.\n\n  II. (In preparation.)\n\n\nVolume XV.\n\n   I. Pueblo Ruins of the Galisteo Basin, New Mexico. By N. C. Nelson. Pp.\n1-124, Plates 1-4, 13 text figures, 1 map, and 7 plans. 1914. Price\n$.75.\n\n  II. (In preparation.)\n\n\nVolume XVI.\n\n   I. The Sun Dance of the Crow Indians. By Robert H. Lowie. Pp. 1-50, and\n11 text figures. 1915. Price, $.50.\n\n  II. (In preparation.)\n\n\nVolume XVII.\n\n   I. Riding Gear of the North American Indians. By Clark Wissler. Pp.\n1-38, and 27 text figures. 1915. Price, $.50.\n\n  II. Costumes of the Plains-Indians. By Clark Wissier. Pp. 41-91, and 28\ntext figures. 1915. Price, $.50.\n\n III. Structural Basis to the Decoration of Costumes among the Plains\nIndians. By Clark Wissler. Pp. 93-114, and 12 text figures. 1916.\nPrice, $.25.\n\n  IV. Basketry of the Papago and Pima. By Mary Lois Kissell. Pp.\n115-264, and 81 text figures. 1916. Price, $1.50.\n\n   V. (In preparation.)\n\n\nVolume XVIII.\n\n   I. Zuni Potsherds. By A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 1-37, and 2 text figures.\n1916. Price, $.30.\n\n  II. (In preparation).\n\n\nVolume XIX.\n\n   I. The Whale House of the Chilkat. By George T. Emmons. Pp. 1-33.\nPlates I-IV, and 6 text figures. 1916. Price, $1.00.\n\n  II. (In preparation).\n\n\n_The Cosmos Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts_","title":"The Whale House of the Chilkat","tradition":"myth-cosmogony","translated_text":null,"word_count":10637}