{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_40747/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_40747","id":"gutenberg_40747","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/40747","summary":null,"tags":["Bible -- Geography","Category: History - Ancient","Category: History - Religious","Palestine -- History"],"text":"See the transcriber's note at the end of the book.\n\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\nBY PROF. CHARLES FOSTER KENT\n\n  THE SHORTER BIBLE--THE NEW TESTAMENT.\n\n  THE SHORTER BIBLE--THE OLD TESTAMENT.\n\n  THE SOCIAL TEACHINGS OF THE PROPHETS\n  AND JESUS.\n\n  BIBLICAL GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORY.\n\n  THE ORIGIN AND PERMANENT VALUE\n  OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.\n\n  HISTORY OF THE HEBREW PEOPLE.\n  From the Settlement in Canaan to the Fall\n  of Jerusalem in 586 B.C. 2 vols.\n\n  HISTORY OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE. The\n  Babylonian, Persian and Greek Periods.\n\n  THE HISTORICAL BIBLE. With Maps.\n  6 vols.\n\n  STUDENT'S OLD TESTAMENT. Logically\n  and Chronologically Arranged and Translated.\n  With Maps. 6 vols.\n\n  THE MESSAGES OF ISRAEL'S LAW-GIVERS.\n\n  THE MESSAGES OF THE EARLIER\n  PROPHETS.\n\n  THE MESSAGES OF THE LATER PROPHETS.\n\n  CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS\n\n[Illustration: Modern Palestine, With Ancient Towns and Highways]\n\n\n\n\n  BIBLICAL\n  GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORY\n\n  BY\n\n  CHARLES FOSTER KENT, PH.D.\n  WOOLSEY PROFESSOR OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE IN YALE UNIVERSITY\n\n  NEW YORK\n  CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS\n  1926\n  COPYRIGHT, 1911, BY\n  CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS\n\n  Printed in the United States of America\n\n  Published April, 1911\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE\n\n\nGeography has within the past few years won a new place among the\nsciences. It is no longer regarded as simply a description of the\nearth's surface, but as the foundation of all historical study. Only\nin the light of their physical setting can the great characters,\nmovements, and events of human history be rightly understood and\nappreciated. Moreover, geography is now defined as a description not\nonly of the earth and of its influence upon man's development, but\nalso of the solar, atmospheric, and geological forces which throughout\nmillions of years have given the earth its present form. Hence, in its\ndeeper meaning, geography is a description of the divine character and\npurpose expressing itself through natural forces, in the physical\ncontour of the earth, in the animate world, and, above all, in the\nlife and activities of man. Biblical geography, therefore, is the\nfirst and in many ways the most important chapter in that divine\nrevelation which was perfected through the Hebrew race and recorded in\nthe Bible. Thus interpreted it has a profound religious meaning, for\nthrough the plains and mountains, the rivers and seas, the climate and\nflora of the biblical world the Almighty spoke to men as plainly and\nunmistakably as he did through the voices of his inspired seers and\nsages.\n\nNo other commentary upon the literature of the Bible is so practical\nand luminous as biblical geography. Throughout their long history the\nHebrews were keenly attentive to the voice of the Eternal speaking to\nthem through nature. Their writings abound in references and figures\ntaken from the picturesque scenes and peculiar life of Palestine. The\ngrim encircling desert, the strange water-courses, losing themselves\nat times in their rocky beds, fertile Carmel and snow-clad Hermon, the\nresounding sea and the storm-lashed waters of Galilee are but a few of\nthe many physical characteristics of Palestine that have left their\nindelible marks upon the Jewish and Christian Scriptures. The same is\ntrue of Israel's unique faith and institutions. Biblical geography,\ntherefore, is not a study by itself, but the natural introduction to\nall other biblical studies.\n\nIn his _Historical Geography of the Holy Land_ and in the two volumes\non _Jerusalem_, Principal George Adam Smith, of Aberdeen, has given a\nbrilliant and luminous sketch of the geographical divisions and cities\nof Palestine, tracing their history from the earliest times to the\npresent. Every writer on Palestine owes him a great debt. The keenness\nand accuracy of his observations, are confirmed at every point by the\ntraveller. At the present time, the need of a more compact manual, to\npresent first the physical geography of the biblical lands and then to\ntrace in broad outlines the history of Israel and of early\nChristianity in close conjunction with their geographical background,\nhas long been recognized. In the present work unimportant details have\nbeen omitted that the vital facts may stand out clearly and in their\ntrue significance. The aim has been to furnish the information that\nevery Bible teacher should possess in order to do the most effective\nwork, and the geographical data with which every student of the Bible\nshould be familiar, in order intelligently to interpret and fully\nappreciate the ancient Scriptures.\n\nThis volume embodies the results of many delightful months spent in\nthe lands of the eastern Mediterranean, and especially in Palestine,\nduring the years 1892 and 1910. Owing to improved conditions in the\nTurkish Empire it is now possible, with the proper camp equipment, to\ntravel safely through the remotest places east of the Jordan and to\nvisit Petra, that most fascinating of Eastern cities. By securing his\nequipment at Beirut the traveller may cross northern Galilee and then,\nwith comfort, go southward in the early spring through ancient Bashan,\nGilead, Moab, and Edom. Thence, with great economy of time and effort,\nhe may return through central Palestine, making frequent d\u00e9tours to\npoints of interest. In this way he will find the quaint, fascinating\nold Palestine that has escaped the invasions of the railroads and\nwestern tourists, and he will bear away exact and vivid impressions of\nthe land as it really was and still is.\n\nThe difficulties and expense of Palestine travel, however, render such\na journey impossible for the majority of Bible students. Fortunately,\nthe marvellous development of that most valuable aid to modern\neducation, the stereoscope and the stereograph, make it possible for\nevery one at a comparatively small expense to visit Palestine and to\ngain under expert guidance in many ways a clearer and more exact\nknowledge of the background of biblical history and literature than he\nwould through months of travel. Through the courtesy of my publishers\nand the co-operation of the well-known firm of Underwood & Underwood,\nof New York and London, I have been able to realize an ideal that I\nhave long cherished, and to place at the disposal of the readers of\nthis volume one hundred and forty stereographs (or, if preferred for\nclass and lecture use, stereopticon slides) that illustrate the most\nimportant events of biblical geography and history. They have been\nselected from over five hundred views taken especially for this\npurpose, and enable the student to gain, as he alone can through the\nstereoscope, the distinct state of consciousness of being in scores of\nhistoric places rarely visited even by the most venturesome\ntravellers. Numbers referring to these stereographs (or stereopticon\nslides) have been inserted in the body of the text. In Appendix II the\ntitles corresponding to each number are given.\n\nThe large debt that I owe to the valiant army of pioneers and\nexplorers who have penetrated every part of the biblical world and\ngiven us the results of their observations and study is suggested by\nthe selected bibliography in Appendix I. I am under especial\nobligations to the officers of the Palestine Exploration Fund, who\nkindly placed their library and maps in London at my service and have\nalso permitted me to use in reduced form their Photo-Relief Map of\nPalestine.\n\n                                                              C. F. K.\n\n  YALE UNIVERSITY,\n    _January, 1911_.\n\n\n\n\nCONTENTS\n\n\n  PART I--PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY\n\n                                                                    PAGE\n\n  I. THE GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE BIBLICAL\n  WORLD                                                                3\n\n  Extent of the Biblical World.--Conditions Favorable to Early\n  Civilizations.--Egypt's Climate and Resources.--Its Isolation and\n  Limitations.--Conditions in the Tigris-Euphrates Valley.--Forces\n  Developing Its Civilization.--Civilization of Arabia.--Physical\n  Characteristics of Syria and Palestine.--Their Central Position and\n  Lack of Unity.--Asia Minor.--Mycen\u00e6.--Greece.--Italy.--Situation of\n  Rome.--Reason Why Rome Went Forth to Conquer.--_R\u00e9sum\u00e9._\n\n\n  II. THE GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF PALESTINE                        13\n\n  History of the Terms Palestine and Canaan.--Bounds of\n  Palestine.--Geological History.--Alluvial and Sand Deposits.--General\n  Divisions.--Variety in Physical Contour.--Effects of This\n  Variety.--Openness to the Arabian Desert.--Absence of Navigable Rivers\n  and Good Harbors.--Incentives to Industry.--Incentives to Faith and\n  Moral Culture.--Central and Exposed to Attack on Every\n  Side.--Significance of Palestine's Characteristics.\n\n\n  III. THE COAST PLAINS                                               21\n\n  Extent and Character.--Fertility.--Divisions.--Plain of Tyre.--The\n  Plain of Acre.--Carmel.--Plain of Sharon.--The Philistine Plain.--The\n  Shephelah or Lowland.\n\n\n  IV. THE PLATEAU OF GALILEE AND THE PLAIN OF\n  ESDRAELON                                                           27\n\n  Physical and Political Significance of the Central Plateau.--Natural\n  and Political Bounds.--Its Extent and Natural Divisions.--Physical\n  Characteristics of Upper Galilee.--Its Fertility.--Characteristics of\n  Lower Galilee.--Situation and Bounds of the Plain of Esdraelon.--Plain\n  of Jezreel.--Water Supply and Fertility of Plain of\n  Esdraelon.--Central and Commanding Position.--Importance of the Plain\n  in Palestinian History.\n\n\n  V. THE HILLS OF SAMARIA AND JUDAH                                   34\n\n  Character of the Hills of Samaria.--Northeastern\n  Samaria.--Northwestern Samaria.--The View from Mount Ebal.--Bounds and\n  General Characteristics of Southern Samaria.--Southwestern\n  Samaria.--The Central Heights of Judah.--Lack of Water\n  Supply.--Wilderness of Judea.--Western Judah.--Valley of Ajalon.--Wady\n  Ali.--Valley of Sorek.--Valley of Elah.--Valley of Zephathah.--Wady\n  el-Jiz\u00e2ir.--Significance of These Valleys.--The South Country.--Its\n  Northern and Western Divisions.--Its Central and Eastern\n  Divisions.--The Striking Contrasts between Judah and Samaria.--Effect\n  upon Their Inhabitants.\n\n\n  VI. THE JORDAN AND DEAD SEA VALLEY                                  45\n\n  Geological History.--Evidences of Volcanic Action.--Natural\n  Divisions.--Mount Hermon.--Source of the Jordan at Banias.--At Tell\n  el-Kadi.--The Two Western Confluents.--The Upper Jordan Valley.--The\n  Rapid Descent to the Sea of Galilee.--The Sea of Galilee.--Its\n  Shores.--From the Sea of Galilee to the Dead Sea.--Character of the\n  Valley.--The Jordan Itself.--Fords of the Lower Jordan.--Ancient Names\n  of the Dead Sea.--Its Unique Characteristics.--Its Eastern Bank.--The\n  Southern End.--The Western Shores.--Grim Associations of the Dead Sea.\n\n\n  VII. THE EAST-JORDAN LAND                                           55\n\n  Form and Climate of the East-Jordan Land.--Well-Watered and\n  Fertile.--The Four Great Natural Divisions.--Characteristics of the\n  Northern and Western Jaulan.--Southern and Eastern Jaulan.--Character\n  of the Hauran.--Borderland of the Hauran.--Gilead.--The Jabbok and\n  Jebel \u00d4sha.--Southern Gilead.--Character of the Plateau of Moab.--Its\n  Fertility and Water Supply.--Its Mountains.--Its Views.--The\n  Arnon.--Southern Moab and Edom.--Significance of the East-Jordan Land.\n\n\n  VIII. THE TWO CAPITALS: JERUSALEM AND SAMARIA                       64\n\n  Importance of Jerusalem and Samaria.--Site of Jerusalem.--The Kidron\n  Valley.--The Tyrop\u0153on Valley.--The Original City.--Its Extent.--The\n  Western Hill.--The Northern Extension of the City.--Josephus's\n  Description of Jerusalem.--The Geological Formation.--The Water\n  Supply.--Jerusalem's Military Strength.--Strength of Its\n  Position.--Samaria's Name.--Its Situation.--Its Military\n  Strength.--Its Beauty and Prosperity.\n\n\n  IX. THE GREAT HIGHWAYS OF THE BIBLICAL WORLD                        73\n\n  Importance of the Highways.--Lack of the Road-building Instincts among\n  the Semites.--Evidence that Modern Roads Follow the Old\n  Ways.--Ordinary Palestinian Roads.--Evidence that the Hebrews Built\n  Roads.--The Four Roads from Egypt.--Trails into Palestine from the\n  South.--Highway Through Moab.--The Great Desert Highway.--Character of\n  the Southern Approaches to Palestine.--The Coast Road.--The \"Way of\n  the Sea.\"--Its Commercial and Strategic Importance.--The Central Road\n  and Its Cross-roads in the South.--In the North.--The Road Along the\n  Jordan.--Roads Eastward from Damascus.--The Highway from Antioch to\n  Ephesus.--The Road from Asia Minor to Rome.--From Ephesus to\n  Rome.--From Syria to Rome by Sea.--From Alexandria to Rome by\n  Sea.--Significance of the Great Highways.\n\n\n  PART II--HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY\n\n  X. EARLY PALESTINE                                                  87\n\n  The Aim and Value of Historical Geography.--Sources of Information\n  Regarding Ancient Palestine.--Evidence of the Excavations.--The Oldest\n  Inhabitants of Palestine.--The Semitic Invasions from the\n  Desert.--Influence of the Early Amorite Civilization Upon\n  Babylonia.--Probable Site of the Oldest Semitic Civilization.--Remains\n  of the Old Amorite Civilization.--Babylonian Influence in\n  Palestine.--Egyptian Influence in the Cities of the Plain.--Different\n  Types of Civilization in Palestine.--Conditions Leading to the Hyksos\n  Invasion of Egypt.--Fortunes of the Invaders.--The One Natural Site in\n  Syria for a Great Empire.--Influences of the Land Upon the Early Forms\n  of Worship.--Upon the Beliefs of Its Inhabitants.\n\n\n  XI. PALESTINE UNDER THE RULE OF EGYPT                               97\n\n  Reasons why Egypt Conquered Palestine.--Commanding Position of\n  Megiddo.--Its Military Strength.--Thotmose III's Advance Against\n  Megiddo.--The Decisive Battle.--Capture of Megiddo.--The Cities of\n  Palestine.--Disastrous Effects of Egyptian Rule.--Lack of Union in\n  Palestine.--Exposure to Invasions from the Desert.--Advance of the\n  Habiri.--Rise of the Hittite Power.--Palestine between 1270 and 1170\n  B.C.--The Epoch-making Twelfth Century.\n\n\n  XII. THE NOMADIC AND EGYPTIAN PERIOD OF HEBREW\n  HISTORY                                                            106\n\n  The Entrance of the Forefathers of the Hebrews Into\n  Canaan.--References to Israelites During the Egyptian Period.--The\n  Habiri in Eastern and Central Palestine.--The Trend Toward Egypt.--The\n  Land of Goshen.--The Wady Tumilat.--Ramses II's Policy.--Building the\n  Store Cities of Ramses and Pithom.--Condition of the Hebrew\n  Serfs.--Training of Moses.--The Historical Facts Underlying the Plague\n  Stories.--Method of Travel in the Desert.--Moses' Equipment as a\n  Leader.--The Scene of the Exodus.--Probability that the Passage was at\n  Lake Timsah.\n\n\n  XIII. THE HEBREWS IN THE WILDERNESS AND EAST\n  OF THE JORDAN                                                      115\n\n  Identification of Mount Sinai.--Lateness of the Traditional\n  Identification.--Probable Route of the\n  Hebrews.--Kadesh-barnea.--Effect of the Wilderness upon the Life of\n  the Hebrews.--Evidence that the Hebrews Aimed to Enter Canaan from the\n  South.--Reasons Why They Did Not Succeed.--Tribes that Probably\n  Entered Canaan from the South.--The Journey to the East of the\n  Jordan.--Stations on the Way.--Conquests East of the Dead\n  Sea.--Situation of Heshbon.--Sojourn of the Hebrews East of the\n  Jordan.--Its Significance.\n\n\n  XIV. THE SETTLEMENT IN CANAAN                                      124\n\n  The Approach to the Jordan.--Crossing the Jordan.--Strategic\n  Importance of Jericho.--Results of Recent Excavations.--Capture of\n  Jericho.--Evidence that the Hebrews Were Still Nomads.--Roads Leading\n  Westward from Jericho.--Conquests In the South.--Conquest of Ai and\n  Bethel.--Incompleteness of the Initial Conquest.--Migration of the\n  Danites.--The Moabite Invasion.--The Rally of the Hebrews Against the\n  Canaanites.--The Battle-field.--Effect of a Storm Upon the\n  Plain.--Results of the Victory.--The East-Jordan Tribes.--The Tribes\n  in Southern Canaan.--The Tribes in the North.--Effects of the\n  Settlement Upon the Hebrews.\n\n\n  XV. THE FORCES THAT LED TO THE ESTABLISHMENT\n  OF THE HEBREW KINGDOM                                              136\n\n  The Lack of Unity Among the Hebrew Tribes.--The Scenes of Gideon's\n  Exploits.--Gideon's Kingdom.--Reasons for the Superiority of the\n  Philistines.--Scenes of the Samson Stories.--The Decisive\n  Battle-field.--Fortunes of the Ark.--The Sanctuary at\n  Shiloh.--Samuel's Home at Ramah.--The Site of Gibeah.--Situation of\n  Jabesh-Gilead.--The Sanctuary at Gilgal.--The Philistine Advance.--The\n  Pass of Michmash.--The Great Victory Over the Philistines.--Saul's\n  Wars.\n\n\n  XVI. THE SCENES OF DAVID'S EXPLOITS                                147\n\n  David's Home at Bethlehem.--The Contest in the Valley of\n  Elah.--Situation of Nob.--The Stronghold of Adullam.--Keilah.--Scenes\n  of David's Outlaw Life In Southeastern Judah.--David at Gath.--At\n  Ziklag.--Reasons Why the Philistines Invaded Israel in the\n  North.--Saul's Journey to Endor.--The Battle on Gilboa.--The Remnant\n  of Saul's Kingdom.--Hebron, David's First Capital.--Fortunes of the\n  Two Hebrew Kingdoms.--The Final Struggle with the\n  Philistines.--David's Victories.\n\n\n  XVII. PALESTINE UNDER THE RULE OF DAVID AND\n  SOLOMON                                                            157\n\n  Establishment of Jerusalem as Israel's Capital.--Israel's Natural\n  Boundaries.--Campaigns Against the Moabites and Ammonites.--Situation\n  of Rabbath-Ammon.--The Water City.--Extent of David's\n  Empire.--Absalom's Rebellion.--David East of the Jordan.--Rebellion of\n  the Northern Tribes.--Scenes of Adonijah's Conspiracy and Solomon's\n  Accession.--Capture of Gezer.--Solomon's Fortresses.--Solomon's\n  Strategic and Commercial Policy.--Site of Solomon's\n  Temple.--Significance of the Reigns of David and Solomon.--Influences\n  of the United Kingdom Upon Israel's Faith.--Solomon's Fatal\n  Mistakes.--Forces that Made for Disunion.--Situation of\n  Shechem.--Significance of the Division.\n\n\n  XVIII. THE NORTHERN KINGDOM                                        168\n\n  The Varied Elements in the North.--Capitals of Northern Israel.--The\n  Aramean Kingdom.--The Philistine Stronghold of Gibbethon.--Omri's\n  Strong Rule.--Ahab's Aramean Wars.--Strength and Fatal Weakness of\n  Ahab's Policy.--Elijah's Home.--The Scene on Mount Carmel.--Ancient\n  Jezreel.--Situation of Ramoth-Gilead.--Elisha's Home.--Jehu's\n  Revolution.--Rule of the House of Jehu.--The Advance of\n  Assyria.--Amos's Home at Tekoa.--Influence of His Environment Upon the\n  Prophet.--Evidence Regarding Hosea's Home.--View from Jebel\n  \u00d4sha.--Conquest of Galilee and Gilead.--The Exiled Northern\n  Israelites.--The Fate of Northern Israel.\n\n\n  XIX. THE SOUTHERN KINGDOM                                          182\n\n  Effect of Environment Upon Judah's History.--Shishak's Invasion.--War\n  Between the Two Kingdoms.--Amaziah's Wars.--Uzziah's Strong\n  Reign.--Isaiah of Jerusalem.--His Advice to Ahaz in the Crisis of 734\n  B.C.--The Great Rebellion of 703 B.C.--Home of the Prophet\n  Micah.--Judah's Fate in 701 B.C.--Isaiah's Counsel in a Later\n  Crisis.--The Reactionary Reign of Manasseh.--Two Prophetic\n  Reformers.--Situation of Anathoth.--Josiah's Reign.--The Brief Rule of\n  Egypt.--Jehoiakim's Reign.--The First Captivity.--The Second\n  Captivity.--The End of the Southern Kingdom.\n\n\n  XX. THE BABYLONIAN AND PERSIAN PERIODS                             194\n\n  Jewish Refugees in Egypt.--Situation of Tahpanhes.--Memphis.--The\n  Colony at Elephantine.--Results of the Excavations.--Transformation of\n  the Jews Into Traders.--Home of the Exiles in Babylonia.--Their Life\n  in Babylonia.--Conditions of the Jews in Palestine.--Extent of the\n  Jewish Territory.--Evidences that There Was No General Return of the\n  Exiles in 537 B.C.--The Rebuilding of the Temple.--Discouragement and\n  Hopes of the Jews.--Nehemiah's Response to the Call for\n  Service.--Conditions in the Jewish Community.--Preparations for\n  Rebuilding the Walls.--Character of the Data.--The Walls and Towers on\n  the North.--On the West.--On the South.--On the East.--Significance of\n  Nehemiah's Work.--Extension of Jewish Territory to the\n  Northwest.--Development of Judaism During the Latter Part of the\n  Persian Period.\n\n\n  XXI. THE SCENES OF THE MACCABEAN STRUGGLE                          207\n\n  Alexander's Conquests.--The Impression Upon Southwestern Asia.--The\n  City of Alexandria.--Greek Influence in Palestine.--The Ptolemaic\n  Rule.--Situation of Antioch.--Causes of the Maccabean Struggle.--The\n  Town of Modein.--The First Flame of Revolt.--Character and Work of\n  Judas.--The Pass of Beth-horon.--Scene of the Victory Over the Syrian\n  Generals.--Victory at Bethsura.--Rededication of the\n  Temple.--Campaigns South and East of the Dead Sea.--Victories in\n  Northeastern Gilead.--Cities Captured North of the Yarmuk.--The Second\n  Victory Over Timotheus.--Judas's Return.--Significance of Judas's\n  Victories.--Battle of Beth-zacharias.--Fortunes of Judas's\n  Party.--Victory over Nicanor.--Death of Judas.--Judas's Character and\n  Work.\n\n\n  XXII. THE MACCABEAN AND HERODIAN AGE                               222\n\n  Jonathan's Policy.--Basis of Agreement With the Syrians.--Concessions\n  to Jonathan.--His Conquests.--Simon's Achievements.--His Strong and\n  Prosperous Rule.--Growth of the Two Rival Parties.--Wars and Conquests\n  of John Hyrcanus.--Reign of Aristobulus I.--The Cruel Rule of\n  Alexander Janneus.--The Rivalry of Parties Under Alexandra.--The\n  Influence of Antipater.--Advance of Rome.--The Appeal to Pompey.--His\n  Capture of the Temple.--Palestine Under the Rule of Rome.--Rebellions\n  Led by Aristobulus and His Sons.--Antipater's Services to\n  Rome.--Rewards for His Services.--The Parthian Conquest.--Herod Made\n  King of the Jews.--His Policy.--His Work as a City Builder.--Herod's\n  Temple.--The Tragedies of His Family Life.--The Popular Hopes of the\n  Jews.\n\n\n  XXIII. THE BACKGROUND OF JESUS' CHILDHOOD AND\n  YOUNG MANHOOD                                                      236\n\n  The Short Reign of Archelaus.--The Roman Province of Judea.--Territory\n  and Character of Herod Antipas.--Philip's Territory.--The\n  Decapolis.--Place of Jesus' Birth.--Situation of Nazareth.--Its\n  Central Position.--View from the Heights above the City.--The Spring\n  at Nazareth.--Roads to Jerusalem.--Jesus' Educational\n  Opportunities.--Scene of John the Baptist's Early Life.--Field of His\n  Activity.--The Baptism of Jesus.--Mach\u00e6rus, Where John the Baptist Was\n  Beheaded.--Effect of John's Death Upon Jesus.--Jesus' Appearance.\n\n\n  XXIV. THE SCENES OF JESUS' MINISTRY                                247\n\n  Why Jesus Made Capernaum His Home.--Site of Capernaum.--Arch\u00e6logical\n  Evidence.--Ruins at Tell Hum.--Testimony of the Gospels and\n  Josephus.--Statements of Early Pilgrims.--Site of\n  Chorazin.--Bethsaida.--Probable Scene of the Feeding of the\n  Multitudes.--The Night Voyage of the Disciples.--Places Where Jesus\n  Taught His Disciples.--Northern End of the Sea of Galilee.--Contrast\n  Between Its Northern and Southern Ends.--Jesus' Visit to the Gadarene\n  Territory.--The Chief Field of Jesus' Ministry.--Journey to\n  Ph\u0153nicia.--At C\u00e6sarea Philippi.--The Journey Southward from\n  Galilee.--At Jericho.--Situation of Bethany.--The Triumphal Entrance\n  Into Jerusalem.--Jesus' Activity in the Temple.--The Last Supper and\n  Agony.--Scenes of the Trials.--Traditional Place of the\n  Crucifixion.--The More Probable Site.--The Place of Burial.\n\n\n  XXV. THE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY THROUGHOUT\n  THE ROMAN EMPIRE                                                   264\n\n  Original Centre at Jerusalem.--Spread of Christianity Outside\n  Judea.--Philip's Work In the South and West.--Extension and Expansion\n  of Christianity During the First Decade.--Situation and History of\n  Tarsus.--Influence of His Early Home Upon Paul.--Work at\n  Antioch.--Importance of the Pioneer Work of Paul.--Paul and Barnabas\n  in Cyprus.--At Paphos.--Journey to Antioch in Galatia.--Conditions at\n  Antioch.--At Iconium.--At Lystra and Derbe.--Decision of the Great\n  Council at Jerusalem.--Work of Paul and Silas in Asia Minor.--Paul's\n  Vision at Troas.--Paul and Silas at Philippi.--At Thessalonica.--Paul\n  at Ber\u0153a.--At Athens.--Importance of Corinth.--Paul's Work at\n  Corinth.--His Third Journey.--Situation and Importance of\n  Ephesus.--Return to Palestine.--Journey to Rome.--The World-wide\n  Conquests of Christianity.\n\n  APPENDIX I. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY                                  279\n\n  APPENDIX II. STEREOGRAPHS AND STEREOPTICON\n  SLIDES ILLUSTRATING BIBLICAL\n  GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORY                                              283\n\n  INDEX OF NAMES AND PLACES                                          289\n\n\n\n\nLIST OF MAPS\n\n\n  I. MODERN PALESTINE, WITH ANCIENT TOWNS AND\n  HIGHWAYS                                                _Frontispiece_\n\n  II. THE OLD TESTAMENT WORLD                      to face page        3\n\n  III. PHOTO-RELIEF MAP OF PALESTINE               to face page       13\n\n  IV. THE MAIN HIGHWAYS OF THE ANCIENT SEMITIC\n  WORLD                                            to face page       73\n\n  V. THE MAIN HIGHWAYS OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE\n  AND THE SCENES OF PAUL'S WORK                    to face page       82\n\n  VI. PRE-HEBREW CANAAN IN THE LIGHT OF THE\n  EGYPTIAN MONUMENTS AND THE AMARNA\n  LETTERS                                          to face page       97\n\n  VII. THE LAND OF THE EXODUS AND WILDERNESS\n  WANDERING                                        to face page      115\n\n  VIII. TERRITORIAL DIVISION OF CANAAN AFTER THE\n  FINAL SETTLEMENT OF THE HEBREW TRIBES            to face page      127\n\n  IX. THE HEBREW EMPIRE UNDER DAVID                to face page      147\n\n  X. PLAN OF SOLOMON'S PALACE                      to face page      164\n\n  XI. ISRAEL AFTER THE DIVISION OF THE HEBREW\n  EMPIRE                                           to face page      168\n\n  XII. BABYLONIAN, PERSIAN, AND GREEK EMPIRES\n                                                   to face page      194\n\n  XIII. THE JEWISH COMMUNITY IN PALESTINE DURING\n  THE PERSIAN AND GREEK PERIODS                    to face page      199\n\n  XIV. THE JERUSALEM OF NEHEMIAH                   to face page      203\n\n  XV. PALESTINE IN THE MACCABEAN PERIOD            to face page      207\n\n   XVI. PALESTINE IN THE TIME OF JESUS             to face page      236\n\n\n\n\n_PART I_\n\nPHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY [Illustration: THE OLD TESTAMENT WORLD.]\n\n\n\n\nI\n\nTHE GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE BIBLICAL WORLD\n\n\n=Extent of the Biblical World.= In its widest bounds, the biblical\nworld included practically all the important centres of early human\ncivilization. Its western outpost was the Ph\u0153nician city of Tarshish\nin southern Spain (about 5\u00b0 west longitude) and its eastern outpost\ndid not extend beyond the Caspian Sea and Persian Gulf (about 55\u00b0 east\nlongitude). Its southern horizon was bounded by the land of Ethiopia\n(about 5\u00b0 south latitude) and its northern by the Black Sea (about 45\u00b0\nnorth altitude). Thus the Old and New Testament world extended fully\nsixty degrees from east to west, but at the most not more than fifty\ndegrees from north to south. With the exception of Arabia, all of\nthese lands gather about the Mediterranean, for although the waters of\nthe Tigris and the Euphrates ultimately find their way into the Indian\nOcean, the people living in these fertile valleys ever looked toward\nthe Mediterranean and for the most part found their field for conquest\nand commerce in the west rather than in the east and south.\n\n=Conditions Favorable to Early Civilizations.= The greater part of\nthis ancient world consisted of wastes of water, of burning sands or\nof dry, rocky, pasture lands. Less than one-fifth was arable soil, and\nyet the tillable strips along the river valleys on the eastern and\nnorthern Mediterranean were extremely fertile. Here in four of five\nfavored centres were supplied in varying measure the conditions\nrequisite for a strong primitive civilization: (1) a warm, but not\nenervating climate; (2) a fertile and easily cultivated territory\nwhich enabled the inhabitants to store up a surplus of the things\nnecessary for life; (3) a geographical unity that made possible a\nhomogeneous and closely knit political and social organization; (4) a\npressure from without which spurred the people on to constant activity\nand effort; (5) an opportunity for expansion and for intercommunication\nwith other strong nations. The result was that the lands about the\neastern Mediterranean were the scenes of the world's earliest culture\nand history. From these centres emanated the great civic, political,\nintellectual, artistic, moral, and religious ideas and ideals that\nstill strongly influence the life and faith of the nations that rule\nthe world. The character of each of these early civilizations was in\nturn largely shaped by the natural environment amidst which it arose.\n\n=Egypt's Climate and Resources.= The land of the Nile was peculiarly\nfavorable for the development of an exceedingly early civilization.\nLying near the equator and between extended areas of hot, dry desert,\nit possessed an almost perfect climate. While warm, it was never\nexcessively hot, thanks to the fresh north winds which blew from the\nsea. The desert kept the atmosphere dry and cloudless through at least\neleven months in the year. The narrow strip of alluvial soil which\nconstituted the real land of Egypt was practically inexhaustible. The\nNile, which rose during the hot summer months, furnished abundant\nwater for irrigation. At the same tune the necessity for constant\nactivity in order to develop the full resources of the land was a\nvaluable incentive to industry. Finally, the uniformity of the Nile\nvalley furnished an excellent basis for a unified social and political\norganization.\n\n=Its Isolation and Limitations.= At first Egypt's isolation favored,\nbut in the end fatally impeded the development of its civilization. On\nevery side it was shut in, not only by miles of rocky desert on the\neast and west, but also on the north and south by almost impassable\nbarriers. In the south the fertile territory narrows to a mere ribbon,\nwith no natural highways by land, while several great cataracts cut\noff approach by water. On the north the Nile broadens out into a\ngreat impassable marsh with only two narrow gateways. One of these is\nthe main western arm of the Nile, which reaches the Mediterranean near\nAlexandria; the other is the Wady Tumilat, which runs from the Isthmus\nof Suez through the biblical land of Goshen to the Nile valley. In\nearly centuries these few narrow and uninviting avenues of approach on\nthe north and south were easily guarded. The result was that the\nEgyptians, at a very early date, attained a high stage of culture, but\nthey lacked that stimulus from without which is essential to the\nhighest development. Once or twice, as in the days of the Hyksos and\nEthiopian invasions, foreigners pressed into the land, and as a result\nthe centuries immediately following were the most glorious in Egypt's\nhistory. In general, however, the civilization of the Nile valley was\ndeficient in depth and idealism. It was grossly material; it developed\ntoo easily and the people were too contented. Even on the artistic\nside the brilliant promise of the earlier centuries failed of\nfruition. Moreover, the protecting natural barriers proved\nconstricting, so that there was little opportunity for expansion.\nHence Egypt's civilization was always provincial and by 500 B.C. had\nceased to develop. From this time on the people of the Nile tamely\nsubmitted to the succession of foreign conquerors who have ever since\nruled over this garden land of the eastern world.\n\n=Conditions in the Tigris-Euphrates Valley.= Physical conditions in\nthe Tigris-Euphrates valley were in many ways similar to those along\nthe Nile. A warm but invigorating climate, fertile, alluvial soil,\ndeposited by the great rivers and renewed each year by the floods, and\nthe protection of the desert on the west favored the development of a\nvirile civilization, as early if not earlier than that of Egypt.\nStarting from the same northern mountains, the two great rivers find\ntheir way to the Persian Gulf by widely different courses. The Tigris\nflows southeast in a comparatively direct course of eleven hundred\nmiles. Its name, \"The Arrow,\" suggests the rapidity of its descent.\nThe Euphrates, on the contrary, makes a long detour westward toward\nthe Mediterranean and then turns to the southeast, where for the\ngreater part of the last half of its one thousand eight hundred miles\nit flows through the desert. The lands lying between the lower waters\nof these great rivers were by nature fitted to become the home of the\nearliest civilization. At a very early period these level plains\nattracted the nomadic tribes from the neighboring desert. Here they\nfound soil that was exceedingly fertile, but covered to a great extent\nby the overflow of the great rivers. To be made productive it had to\nbe drained in the flood and irrigated in the dry season by an\nextensive system of canals and reservoirs. Hence this region furnished\npowerful incentives to develop an energetic, enterprising\ncivilization. The absence of natural barriers in the level plains of\nBabylonia and the uniformity of its physical contour meant that in\ntime all the Tigris-Euphrates valley would inevitably be brought under\none rule.\n\n=Forces Developing Its Civilization.= Unlike Egypt, Babylonia was\nconstantly subject to those thrusts from without which were essential\nto a great civilization. From the Arabian desert came nomadic invaders\nand from the mountains to the east and north and probably from\nnorthern Syria powerful, warlike peoples who either spurred the river\ndwellers on to strenuous activity in order to repel the hostile\nattacks or else as conquerors infused new blood and energy into the\nolder races. On the other hand, the absence of constraining barriers\ngave ample opportunity for natural growth and expansion. The great\nrivers were the highways of commerce and conquest. The necessity of\ndefence also suggested the advantages of conquest. The result was that\nat a very early period the armies of Babylonia had penetrated the\nmountains to the east and north and had carried their victorious rule\nas far as the shore of the Mediterranean on the west. Traders followed\nthe armies, bearing the products of Babylonian art and in turn\nenriching the home-land with those of other nations. It was thus that\nBabylonia in time became not only the mistress of the ancient world,\nbut also one of the chief centres from which emanated political,\nlegal, artistic, and religious ideas and institutions that influenced\nall the peoples living about the eastern Mediterranean.\n\n=Civilization of Arabia.= Very different was the site of the third\nSemitic civilization. The eastern shores of the Red Sea are rocky and\nbarren. No important streams or harbors are found along this cheerless\ncoast. The eastern slope of the range of mountains that runs parallel\nto the Red Sea is, however, one of the garden lands of the East. The\nclouds, chilled by the mountains, deposit their rains here, while\nmountain streams make it possible by irrigation to transform this part\nof Arabia into a rich agricultural land. Here from an early period was\nfound a high type of civilization. Climate, soil, and the spur of\nforeign invasion fostered its development. Its products were famous\nthroughout the ancient world. But it was in the highest degree\nisolated from the stream of the world's progress. Its one means of\ncommunication with outside nations was by the caravans which crossed\nthe deserts. Hence a certain halo of mystery always surrounded this\ndistant civilization. Like that of Egypt, it lacked opportunity for\nexpansion and communication and so failed to rise above a certain\nlevel or to make any deep or significant impression upon the other\nSemitic nations.\n\n=Physical Characteristics of Syria and Palestine.= In marked contrast\nwith Arabia was the strip of hill and mountain country lying on the\neastern coast of the Mediterranean, known in later tunes as Syria and\nPalestine. The dominant feature in this part of the Semitic world was\nthe southern spurs of the Taurus mountains, which here run parallel\nwith the coast in two ranges known as the Lebanons and the\nAnti-Lebanons. A warm, equable climate and fertile soil, especially in\nthe broad valleys between the mountains, furnish the first necessities\nfor a strong civilization. Frequent rain during the whiter and many\nperennial springs and brooks supply throughout most of this region the\nwater needed for a prosperous, agricultural population. The desert on\nthe east and the mountains in the north were the homes of active,\nmigrating peoples whose ever-recurring attacks gave the inhabitants of\nSyria and Palestine a constant stimulus.\n\n=Its Central Position and Lack of Unity.= This region was also the\nisthmus lying between the sea and the desert that connected Asia with\nAfrica, and the ancient empires of Egypt and Babylonia. The great\ncaravan routes led across it from Arabia on the south and Babylonia on\nthe east to Asia Minor and thence by sea to the ports of the northern\nMediterranean. One fatal defect, however, prevented it from becoming\nthe permanent home of one strong, conquering people: it lacked\nphysical unity. Its two rivers, the Orontes and the Jordan, were\ncomparatively unimportant and flowed in opposite directions. Mountain\nranges running from north to south and in the north one running from\neast to west divided the territory into eight or ten distinct areas.\nWide variations in climate, flora, and fauna separated these different\nzones, making a uniform civilization practically impossible. No\nregion, except the fertile valley between the Lebanons and\nAnti-Lebanons, possessed sufficient natural advantages to rule the\nwhole territory immediately east of the Mediterranean. As a result\nSyria and Palestine were only at rare and comparatively brief periods\ncompletely dominated by native conquerors. The physical\ncharacteristics of this territory also suggested from the first a\nmixed civilization, combining those of the desert, of Babylonia, of\nEgypt, and of the other lands lying along the Mediterranean. The\ninfusion of foreign elements largely explains the remarkable culture\nand religious life that flourished within the narrow bounds of Syria\nand Palestine. This land was at the same time the strategic point that\ncommanded the rest of the ancient world and was destined to send forth\ninfluences that were to extend to the uttermost parts of the earth.\n\n=Asia Minor.= Asia Minor, like Syria, is lacking in physical unity.\nIts centre is a high, barren plateau. This is encircled on the south,\nwest, and east by fertile coast plains. These coast plains, however,\nare broken up into independent areas by lofty mountains. From the\ncentral plateau came the invaders, who spurred on the coast dwellers\nto put forth their strongest efforts. Communication by sea and along\nthe great highways that run across the land from east to west brought\nto these maritime city states the culture of the East and the West.\nUnder these conditions there naturally sprang up an exotic\ncivilization, not unified, but gathered about different civic centres;\nnot independent, but a brilliant fusion of native elements with\nSemitic and Hellenic culture.\n\n=Mycen\u00e6.= To the northwest, along the Dardanelles, the coastal plain\nbroadens out into one of the most fertile regions in the ancient\nworld. Frequent rains and perennial mountain streams water the gently\nrolling fields. Here, in a comparatively small area, were supplied in\nrich measure the five conditions essential to a strong, early\ncivilization. Here was the seat of that ancient Mycen\u00e6an state, whose\nart and institutions for a brief period rivalled, and in many ways\nsurpassed, those of Babylon and Egypt.\n\n=Greece.= Of all the ancient centres of civilization Greece was in\nmany ways the most unpromising. Its soil was for the greater part\nstony and unproductive. Less than one-third could be profitably\ntilled. The plains were not large and the mountain ranges dominated\nthe land, dividing it into small, distinct areas. There were no\nnavigable rivers and few perennial streams available for irrigation.\nMoreover, the streams brought down silt into the valleys, transforming\nthem into malarious marshes. As a result, Greece is to-day and\nprobably always has been the most malarial country in Europe. Its\nlimited area gave no opportunity for a great and extensive\ncivilization. Its great assets were a regular climate, a purifying\nnorth wind, and the protection of its insular position, which insured\nits security in its earlier days. While the land of Greece was insular\nit was also central and in close touch with the civilizations of Asia\nMinor and the eastern Mediterranean, for the islands of the \u00c6gean Sea\nwere like stepping-stones connecting Greece with the ancient East. The\nsea was also a great highway which led to the most distant lands.\nFinally, Greece was in a position to feel the invigorating shock of\nforeign invasion from the north and east. Its division into small\nareas meant the development of petty city states, with constant\nrivalry of arms as well as of wit and art. This keen rivalry and the\nintense civic loyalty that it kindled were the chief forces in the\ndevelopment of the civilization of ancient Hellas. Its physical\ncharacter favored the rapid rise of a noble culture, but one which\nwould fall with equal rapidity because of the lack of an opportunity\nfor local expansion. It meant inevitably a scattered people and a\nwidely dispersed civilization. The result was that even in the period\nof its decline Greek culture permeated and ruled the entire civilized\nworld.\n\n=Italy.= Further to the west Italy juts out into the heart of the\nMediterranean. On the north the lofty Alps protect it from cold winds\nand snows. On almost every side it is encircled by the warm waters of\nthe Mediterranean and its tributary bays. Throughout most of this\nnarrow peninsula run the high Apennines. On the east they are so close\nto the coast that the descent to the sea is steep, the rivers\ninsignificant, and the harbors few. On the western side, however, the\nslope is much more gradual and the coastal plains are exceedingly\nfertile. They are traversed by rivers fed by the melting snows. The\nresult is that this western coast, with its many good harbors, and its\nabounding fertility, furnished from earliest times a favorable home\nfor strong and active peoples. Here grew, mingled in great profusion,\nthe fruits and grains of both the temperate and tropical climes. At\nmany points, with the aid of irrigation, the soil yields four or more\ncrops a year. Throughout most of this garden land the climate is\nsemi-tropical without being enervating. The brilliant sunshine is\ntempered by the cool breezes from the sea and mountains. It is\npre-eminently a land of contrasts. On one side is the blue sea, on the\nother the snow-capped mountains. On this western slope the temperature\nvaries from that of the chill snows and storms on the mountains to the\nwarm, humid air of the river basins. From the beautiful clear lakes\non the heights the descent is sudden to the malarial marshes in the\nlowlands.\n\n=Situation of Rome.= This western slope is cut midway from north to\nsouth by the Tiber, next to the Po the largest river in Italy. To the\neast the Apennines rise to their greatest height, insuring a heavy\nannual rainfall. The Tiber valley itself was one of the earliest\nhighways from east to west and was in ancient times the natural\ndivision between the highly civilized Etruscans on the north and the\nLatins and the Greek colonies on the south. Here the varied life of\nancient Italy met and mingled and the result was a virile race and a\nstrong, aggressive civilization. Its centre was the Palatine hill, a\nlow volcanic mound beside the Tiber, fourteen miles from its mouth.\nThe uniformity of the Italian territory favored the union of its mixed\npopulation under the leadership of Rome its central city.\n\n=Reason Why Rome Went Forth to Conquer.= Even more important in the\ndevelopment of its culture were the attacks from without to which it\nwas constantly exposed. Even the lofty Alps did not prove impassable\nbarriers to the barbarian hordes who were attracted by this fertile\nland. Ancient Italy, encircled by the sea and plentifully provided\nwith open harbors on the east and south, was never free from the dread\nof foreign attack. Not until Rome had conquered the powerful nations\nliving on even the most distant shores of the Mediterranean could she\nfeel secure in her central position. It was this constant fear, as\nwell as the influence of her commanding position, that made Rome in\ntime the mistress of the Mediterranean. From the East she received a\ncentury or two later than Greece all that the old civilizations could\ngive, both of good and evil. This inheritance she in turn gave to the\nwestern world toward which she faced and to which she belonged. Thus\nRome was the great connecting link between the East and the West,\nbetween the ancient and the modern world.\n\n=R\u00e9sum\u00e9.= The biblical world was, both in extent and point of time,\nidentical with the ancient civilized world. The outlook of the\nbiblical writers was at first limited to the eastern Mediterranean,\nbut was gradually broadened until it included practically all the\npeoples living about the great inland sea. Similarly the life and\nfaith of the Hebrews, at first local, became in time world-wide. Each\nof the ancient races followed the lines of development marked out by\ntheir geographical environment. Two civilizations--that of the Hebrews\nand that of the Greeks--lacking a suitable background for local growth\nand expansion, went forth to conquer and transform the life and\nthought and faith of all the world.\n\n[Illustration: PHOTO-RELIEF MAP OF PALESTINE]\n\n\n\n\nII\n\nTHE GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF PALESTINE\n\n\n=History of the Terms Palestine and Canaan.= The term Palestine,\noriginally applied to the home of Israel's foes, the Philistines, was\nused by the Greeks as a designation of southern Syria, exclusive of\nPh\u0153nicia. The Greek historian Herodotus was the first to employ it in\nthis extended sense. The Romans used the same term in the form\nPalestina and through them the term Palestine has become the\nprevailing name in the western world of the land once occupied by the\nIsraelites and their immediate neighbors on the east and west. The\nhistory of the older name Canaan (Lowland) is similar. In the Tell\nel-Amarna Letters, written in the fourteenth century B.C., Canaan is\nlimited to the coast plains; but as the Canaanites, the Lowlanders,\nbegan to occupy the inland plains the use of the term was extended\nuntil it became the designation of all the territory from the\nMediterranean to the Jordan and Dead Sea valley. It does not appear,\nhowever, to have ever been applied to the east-Jordan land.\n\n=Bounds of Palestine.= Palestine lies between the eastern shore of the\nMediterranean Sea and the Arabian desert. Its northern boundary is the\nsouthern slope of Mount Hermon and the River Litany, as it turns\nabruptly to flow westward into the Mediterranean. Palestine begins\nwhere the Lebanons and Anti-Lebanons break into a series of elevated\nplateaus. Its southern boundary is the varying line drawn east from\nthe southeastern end of the Mediterranean a little south of the Dead\nSea at the point where the hills of Judah and the South Country\ndescend to the desert. Palestine therefore lies between 33\u00b0 30' and\n31\u00b0 north latitude and 34\u00b0 and 37\u00b0 east longitude. Its approximate\nwidth is about a hundred miles and its length from north to south only\nabout a hundred and fifty miles. It is, therefore, about the size of\nthe State of Vermont.\n\n=Geological History.= The geological history of Palestine is somewhat\ncomplex, but exceedingly illuminating. The underlying rock is granite.\nThis is now almost completely concealed by later layers of sandstone\n(which appears in Edom and the east-Jordan), dolomitic and nummulitic\nlimestone and marl. During the earlier geological periods the land was\nentirely covered by the waters of the sea. Probably at the close of\nthe Pliocene period came the great volcanic upheaval which gave to\nSyria and Palestine their distinctive character. It left a huge rift\nrunning from north to south throughout Syria. This rift is represented\nto-day by the valley between the Lebanons and its continuation, the\nvalley of the Jordan and Dead Sea. Further south it may be traced\nthrough the Wady Arabah and the Gulf of Akaba. This vast depression is\nthe deepest to be found anywhere on the earth's surface. The same\ngreat volcanic upheaval gave to the mountains along the western coast\ntheir decided northern and southern trend and the peculiar cliff-like\nstructure which characterizes their descent to the western shore.\nThrough the centuries frequent and severe earthquakes have been felt\nalong the borders of this ancient rift, and they are still the terror\nof the inhabitants, even as in the days of the Hebrew prophets.\n\n=Alluvial and Sand Deposits.= Until a comparatively late geological\nperiod the sea came to the foot of the mountains. The coast rose\ngradually and has later been built up by the process of erosion that\nhas cut down the mountains, especially on the western side, where the\nrainfall was heaviest. The plains along the shore have thus been\nenriched by vast alluvial deposits. Very different was the deposit of\nNile sediment, which was blown in from the sea by the western winds,\nleaving a wide border of yellow sand along the coast of Palestine.\n\n=General Divisions.= Palestine is sharply divided by nature into four\ndivisions or zones, which extend in parallel lines from north to\nsouth.^{(1)}[1] Along the Great Sea lie the narrow coast plains which\nbroaden in the south into the plains of Sharon and Philistia. The\nsecond zone is the central plateau, with hills three to four thousand\nfeet in height in the north, which sink by stages to the large Plain\nof Esdraelon. South of this great plain lie the fertile hills of\nSamaria which in turn merge into the stern hills of Judah. These again\ndescend into the low, rocky, rolling hills of the South Country. The\nthird zone is the Jordan and Dead Sea valley which begins at the foot\nof Mount Hermon and rapidly sinks, until at the Dead Sea it is one\nthousand two hundred and ninety-two feet below the surface of the\nocean. The fourth zone includes the elevated plateaus which extend\neast of the Jordan and Dead Sea out into the rocky Arabian desert.\n\n[1] The numbers in parentheses refer to the stereographs or\nstereopticon pictures that illustrate the section in which the\nreference is found. Cf., for detail descriptions, Appendix II.\n\n=Variety in Physical Contour.= The first striking characteristic of\nPalestine is the great variety in physical contour, climate, flora,\nand fauna to be found within its narrow compass of less than fifteen\nthousand square miles. Coast plains, inland valleys, elevated\nplateaus, deep, hot gorges, and glimpses of snow-clad mountains are\nall included within the closest possible bounds. In a journey of from\ntwo to three days the traveller from west to east passes from the\nequable, balmy climate of the Mediterranean coast to the comparatively\ncold highlands of the central plateau and then down into the moist,\ntropical climate of the hot Jordan and Dead Sea valley. Thence he\nmounts the highlands of Gilead or Moab, where the sun beats down hot\nat noonday, while the temperature falls low at night and deep snows\ncover the hilltops in winter. The hills of the central plateaus,\ncovered with the trees of the temperate zone, overhang the palms and\ntropical fruit trees of the coast plains and Jordan valley.\n\n=Effects of this Variety.= The different zones touch each other\nclosely, and yet their wide differences in physical contour, climate,\nflora and fauna constitute invisible but insuperable barriers and\nproduce fundamentally diverse types of life and civilization. To-day,\nas in the past, inhabitants of cities, tent dwellers, merchants, and\npeasants live in this narrow land within a few miles, yet separated\nfrom each other by the widest possible difference in culture and\nmanner of life. The character of the land made impossible a closely\nknit civilization. It could never become the centre of a great\nworld-power. It was rather destined to be the abode of many small\ntribes or nations, with widely differing institutions and degrees of\nculture. The great variety of scenery, climate, and life, however,\nmade Palestine an epitome of all the world. It was pre-eminently\nfitted to be the home of a people called to speak a vital message in\nuniversal terms to all the races of the earth. Its striking contrasts\nand its marvellous beauty and picturesqueness also arrested the\nattention of primitive men and explain the prominence of nature\nworship among the early inhabitants of Palestine and the large place\nthat its rocks, brooks, hills and meadows occupy in Israel's\nliterature.\n\n=Openness to the Arabian Desert.= The second marked peculiarity of\nPalestine is its openness to the desert. As Principal Smith has aptly\nsaid, Palestine \"lay, so to speak, broadside on to the desert.\" With\nits comparatively fertile fields, it has proved a loadstone that for\nthousands of years has attracted the wandering Arabian tribes. These\ncame in, however, not as a rule in great waves, but as families, or\nsmall tribes. Up through the South Country they penetrated the hills\nof Judah. There in time they learned to cultivate the vine, although\nthey still retained their flocks. East of Moab and Gilead the arable\nland merges gradually into the rocky desert and the Arabs to-day, as\nin the past, claim as their own all the land to the Jordan and Dead\nSea valley, except where the settled population successfully contests\ntheir claim by arms. Palestine, therefore, has always been powerfully\ninfluenced by the peculiar life and centralized government and fierce\nrivalry between tribes and petty peoples--these are but a few of the\ncharacteristics of Palestine's history that are primarily due to its\nopenness to Arabia.\n\n=Absence of Navigable Rivers and Good Harbors.= Palestine, on the\nother hand, is shut off from close commercial contact with other\npeoples. No great waterway invited the trader and warrior to go out\nand conquer the rest of the world. Instead, in the early periods when\nmen depended chiefly upon communication by river or sea, Palestine\nshut in its inhabitants and tended to develop an intensive rather than\nan extensive civilization. Its one large river, the Jordan, flows, not\ninto the ocean, but into a low inland sea, whose only outlet is by\nevaporation. The coast line of Palestine is also characterized by the\nlack of a single good harbor. At Joppa, at the northwestern end of\nCarmel, and at Tyre the otherwise straight shore line curves slightly\ninland; but at each of these points there is no natural protection\nfrom the severe western gales. The Ph\u0153nicians, shut in by the eastern\nmountains, dared the perils of the deep; but to the early peoples of\nPalestine the Great Sea was, on the whole, a barrier rather than an\ninvitation to commerce and conquest.\n\n=Incentives to Industry.= The physical characteristics of Palestine\nwere well fitted to develop active, industrious inhabitants. The\nconstant pressure on their borders by Arabs, who could be held back\nonly by a strong, organized civilization, was a powerful spur. The\nnatural division of the land among independent and usually hostile\nraces made eternal activity and watchfulness the price that must be\npaid for life and freedom. Popular tradition, based on a fact that\npre-eminently impresses every traveller in the land to-day, states\nthat the fabled Titan, who was sent to scatter stones over the face of\nthe earth, distributed them equally over Europe and Africa, but that\nwhen he came to Asia and was passing through Syria, his bag broke,\ndepositing its contents on Palestine. Throughout most of its\nterritory the rich soil can be cultivated only as the stones are\ngathered either in huge heaps or fences. The fertility of the plains\ncan be utilized only as the waters of the mountain brooks are used for\nirrigation. It is, therefore, a land that bred hardy men, strong of\nmuscle, resourceful, alert, and, active in mind and body.\n\n=Incentives to Faith and Moral Culture.= Another still more\nsignificant characteristic of Palestine was the powerful incentive\nwhich it gave to the development of the faith of its inhabitants. The\nconstant presence of Arab invaders powerfully emphasized their\ndependence upon their God or gods. The changing climate of Palestine\ndeepened that sense of dependence. No great river like the Nile or the\nEuphrates brought its unfailing supply of water, and water was\nessential to life. The waters came down from heaven, or else burst\nlike a miracle from the rocky earth. If the latter rains failed to\nfill the cisterns and enrich the springs and rivers, drought, with all\nits train of woes, was inevitable. Little wonder that the ancient\nCanaanites revered nature deities, and that they, like the Greeks,\nworshipped the spirits of the springs, and especially those from which\ncame their dashing rivers. Locusts, earthquakes, and pestilence in the\nlowland frequently brought disaster. In all of these mysterious\ncalamities primitive peoples saw the direct manifestation of the\nDeity. In the fourth chapter of his prophecy, Amos clearly voiced this\nwide-spread popular belief:\n\n    \"I also it was who withheld from you the rain,\n    And I sent rain upon one city,\n    While upon another I did not let it rain,\n    Yet ye did not return to me,\" is the oracle of Jehovah.\n\n    \"I smote you with blight and mildew,\n    I laid waste your gardens and vineyards,\n    Your fig and your olive trees the young locust devoured;\n    Yet you did not return to me,\" is the oracle of Jehovah.\n\n    \"I sent among you a pestilence by the way of Egypt,\n    I slew your youths by the sword, taking captive your horses,\n    And I caused the stench of your camps to rise in your nostrils,\n    Yet ye did not return to me,\" is the oracle of Jehovah (Am. 4:7-10).\n\nHence in a land like Palestine it was natural and almost inevitable\nthat men should eagerly seek to know the will of the Deity and should\nstrive to live in accord with it. It was a fitting school in which to\nnurture the race that attained the deepest sense of the divine\npresence, the most intense spirit of worship and devotion, and the\nmost exalted moral consciousness.\n\n=Central and Exposed to Attack on Every Side.= Palestine, in common\nwith the rest of Syria, held a central position in relation to the\nother ancient civilizations. Through it ran the great highways from\nBabylon and Assyria to Egypt. Along its eastern border passed the\ngreat road from Damascus and Mesopotamia to Arabia. It was the gateway\nand key to three continents--Africa, Asia, and Europe. From each of\nthese in turn came conquerors--Egyptians and Ethiopians, Babylonians\nand Assyrians, Greeks and Romans--against whom the divided peoples of\nPalestine were practically helpless. Palestine, because of its\nphysical characteristics and central position was destined to be ruled\nby rather than to rule over its powerful neighbors. And yet this close\ncontact with the powerful nations of the earth inevitably enriched the\ncivilization and faith of the peoples living within this much\ncontested land. It produced the great political, social, and religious\ncrises that called forth the Hebrew prophets. It made the Israelites\nthe transmuters and transmitters of the rich heritage received from\ntheir cultured neighbors and from their inspired teachers. In turn it\ngave them their great opportunity, for repeated foreign conquests and\nexile enabled them in time to go forth and conquer, not with the sword\nof steel, but of divine truth, and to build up an empire that knew no\nbounds of time or space.\n\n=Significance of Palestine's Characteristics.= Thus the more important\ncharacteristics of Palestine are richly suggestive of the unfolding\nof Israel's life and of the r\u00f4le that Judaism and Christianity were\ndestined to play in the world's history. Palestine is the scene of the\nearlier stages of God's supreme revelation of himself and his purpose\nto man and through man. The more carefully that revelation is studied\nthe clearer it appears that the means whereby it was perfected were\nnatural and not contra-natural. The stony hills and valleys of\nPalestine, the unique combination of sea and plain, of mountain and\ndesert, placed in the centre of the ancient world, were all silent but\neffective agents in realizing God's eternal purpose in the life of\nman.\n\n\n\n\nIII\n\nTHE COAST PLAINS\n\n\n=Extent and Character.= The eastern shore of the Mediterranean is\nskirted by a series of low-lying coast plains, from one to five miles\nwide in the north to twenty-five miles wide in the south. At two\npoints in Palestine the mountains come down to the sea; the one is at\nthe so-called Ladder of Tyre, about fifteen miles south of the city\nfrom which it is named. Here the precipitous cliffs break directly\nover the sea. The other point is at Carmel, which, however, does not\ntouch the sea directly, but is bounded on its western end by a strip\nof plain about two hundred yards wide. The soil of these coast plains\nconsists of alluvial deposits, largely clay and red quartz sand washed\ndown in the later geological periods from the mountains of the central\nplateau and constantly renewed by the annual freshets.\n\n=Fertility.= Because of the nature of the soil and their position,\nthese plains are among the most fertile spots in all Palestine.\nNumerous brooks and rivers rush down from the eastern headlands. Some\nof these are perennial; others furnish a supply of water, which, if\nstored during the winter in reservoirs on the heights above, is amply\nsufficient to irrigate the plains below. The average temperature of\nthese coast plains is sixty-eight degrees. The cool sea-winds equalize\nthe climate so that the temperature changes little throughout the year\nand there is but slight variation between the north and the south.\nUnder these favorable conditions the soil produces in rich abundance a\ngreat variety of tropical fruits. Here grow side by side oranges,\nlemons, apricots, figs, plums, bananas, grapes, olives, pomegranates,\nalmonds, citrons, and a great variety of vegetables, as well as the\ncereals of the higher altitudes.\n\n=Divisions.= The coast plains of Palestine fall naturally into four\ngreat divisions, broken by two mountain barriers. The northern is the\nPlain of Tyre, which is the southern continuation of the rich plains\nabout Sidon. The second division is the Plain of Acre, which lies\ndirectly south of the Ladder of Tyre and extends to Carmel. The third\nis the Plain of Sharon, which begins at the south of Carmel and merges\nopposite Joppa into the ever widening Plain of Philistia.\n\n=Plain of Tyre.= Throughout the Plain of Tyre the low foot-hills come\ndown within a mile of the sea; but for five or six miles back from the\ncoast they must be reckoned as a part of the same division, for their\nnatural and political associations are all with the coast rather than\nwith the uplands. The city of Tyre was originally built on an island\n^{(2)} and was supplied with water from the Spring of Tyre, near the\nshore about five miles to the south. The four great perennial rivers\nof Ph\u0153nicia were the Litany (the present Nahr el-Kasimiyeh, a few\nmiles north of Tyre), the Zaher\u00e2ni, south of Sidon, the Nahr\nel-Auwali, which was the ancient Bostrenus that watered the plain to\nthe north of Sidon, and the Nahr ed-Damur which was the Tamyras of the\nancients. Many springs in the plain and on the hillsides contribute to\nthe fertility of this land, which was the home of the Ph\u0153nicians. At\nthe best the narrowness of the territory, which supported only a very\nlimited population, made it necessary for this enterprising race to\nfind an outlet elsewhere. Long before the days of the Hebrews their\ncolonies had extended down the coast plains to Joppa and northward to\nthe Eleutherus (the present Nahr el-Kebir, north of Tripoli). The\nnineteenth chapter of Judges refers to the Sidonian colony at Laish\n(later the Hebrew Dan) at the foot of Mount Hermon; but, with this\nexception, there is no evidence that they ever attempted to plant\ncolonies inland. Instead they found their great outlet in the sea to\nthe west. Launching their small craft from the smooth sands that\nextend crescent-shaped to the north and to the south of their chief\ncities, Tyre and Sidon, they skirted the Mediterranean, colonizing its\nislands and shores until a line of Ph\u0153nician settlements extended from\none end of the Great Sea to the other. Thus they were the first to\nopen that great door to the western world through which passed not\nonly the products of Semitic art and industry, but also in time the\nimmortal messages of Israel's inspired prophets, priests, and sages,\nand of him who spoke as never man spoke before.\n\n=The Plain of Acre.= For ten miles to the south of the Plain of Tyre\nthe coast plain is almost completely cut off by the mountains, which\nat Ras el-Abjad, the White Promontory of the Roman writers, and at Ras\nen-Nakurah push out into the sea. The great coast road runs along the\ncliffs high above the waters in the rock-cut road made by Egyptian,\nAssyrian, and Roman conquerors. The Plain of Acre, less than five\nmiles wide in the north, widens to ten miles in the south. Four\nperennial streams water its fertile fields. On the west the sand from\nthe sea has swept in at places for a mile or more, blocking up the\nstreams in the south and transforming large areas into wet morasses.\nIn ancient times, however, most of the southern part of the plain\n(like the northern end at present) was probably in a high state of\ncultivation. Many large tells or ruined mounds testify that it once\nsupported a dense population. During most of its history this plain\nwas held by the Ph\u0153nicians or their Greek and Roman conquerors, but at\ncertain times the Hebrews appear to have here reached the sea.\n\n=Carmel.= The most striking object on the western side of central\nPalestine is the bold elevated plateau of Carmel. Except for the\nlittle strip of lowland on its seaward side, it completely interrupts\nthe succession of coast plains. Its formation is the same as that of\nthe central plateaus. Viewing Palestine as a whole, it would seem that\nCarmel had slipped out of its natural position, leaving the open Plain\nof Esdraelon and destroying the otherwise regular symmetry of the\nland. Its long, slightly waving sky-line, as it rises abruptly above\nthe plains of Acre and Esdraelon, commands the landscape for miles to\nthe north^{(3)} and adds greatly to the picturesqueness of Palestine.\nIt is about eighteen hundred feet in height and slopes gradually\ndownward to the southeast and northwest. The ascent on the north is\nmore abrupt than on the south, where it descends slowly to the Plain\nof Sharon. As its name Carmel, The Garden, suggests, it is by no means\na barren, rocky mountain. Instead, where the thickets and wild flowers\nhave not taken possession of the soil, it is still cultivated, as was\nmost of its broad surface in earlier times. The ruins of wine and\nolive presses and of ancient villages testify to its rich\nproductivity. On its top the western showers first deposit their\nwaters, so that in the Old Testament Carmel is a synonym for\nsuperlative fertility. Like the uplands of central Palestine, it was\nheld by the Hebrews, who from its heights gained their clearest view\nof the Great Sea.\n\n=Plain of Sharon.= South of Carmel, beginning with an acute angled\ntriangle between the mountains and sea, rolls the undulating Plain of\nSharon. Opposite the southern end of Carmel it is six or seven miles\nwide. Thence the plain broadens irregularly until, at its southern\nend, opposite Joppa, it is twelve miles in width. From north to south\nit is nearly fifty miles long. Groups of hills from two to three\nhundred feet high dot this undulating expanse of field and pasture.\nFive perennial streams flow across it to the sea. Of these the most\nimportant are the Crocodile River (the modern Nahr el-Zerka) a little\nnorth of C\u00e6sarea, and the Iskanderuneh in the south. Here again a wide\nfringe of yellow sand bounds the sea and at several points holds back\nthe waters of the streams, making large marshes. In the north there\nare a few groves of oaks, sole survivors of the great forest,\nmentioned by Josephus and Strabo, which once covered the Plain of\nSharon. To-day the southern part of the plain is a series of\ncultivated, fruitful fields and gardens,^{(4)} but the northern end is\ncovered in spring by a wealth of wild flowers, among which are found\nanemones, brilliant red poppies, the narcissus, which is probably the\nrose of Sharon, and the blue iris, which may be the lily of the\nvalley. Rich soil and abundant waters are found on this plain; but\nits resources were never fully developed, for it was the highway of\nthe nations. Across it ran the great coast road from Egypt to Ph\u0153nicia\nin the north and to Damascus and Babylonia in the northwest.\nPh\u0153nician, Philistine, and Israelite held this plain in turn, but only\nin part and temporarily, for having no natural defences, it was open\nto all the world.\n\n=The Philistine Plain.= The only natural barrier that separates the\nplains of Sharon and Philistia is the river which comes down in two\nbranches from the eastern hills, one branch leading westward past the\nBeth-horons and the other through the Valley of Ajalon. After much\ntwisting and turning, and under many local names, this, the largest\nriver south of Carmel, finds the sea a little north of Joppa.\nSouthward the Plain of Philistia, about forty miles in length,\nbroadens until it is twenty miles wide. The low hills of the Plain of\nSharon change first into long, rolling swells and then throughout much\nof the distance settle into an almost absolutely level plain. In the\nsouthwest the sands of the sea have come in many miles. Ashkelon now\nlies between a sea of water and a sea of sand. At many other points\nthe yellow waves are steadily engulfing the cultivated fields. Three\nperennial streams, with sprawling confluents, cut their muddy course\nacross this rich alluvial plain. It is one of the important grain\nfields of Palestine, for the subsoil is constantly saturated with the\nmoisture which falls in abundance in the winter and spring. No barns\nare necessary, for the grain is thrashed and stored out under the\nrainless summer skies. It is a land well fitted to support a rich and\npowerful agricultural civilization. Like all the coast plains, it is\nwide open to the trader and to the invader. Its possessors were\nobliged to be ever ready and able to defend their homes from all foes.\nIts inhabitants necessarily dwelt in a few strongly guarded cities.\nHere in ancient times, especially on the eastern side, were found the\ncity-dwelling Canaanites. Later the valiant, energetic Philistines\nestablished their title to these fruitful plains and maintained it for\ncenturies by sheer enterprise and force of arms. The chief Philistine\ncities were Ekron and Ashdod in the north, Askelon by the shore, quite\nclose to the Judean foot-hills and Gaza^{(5)} in the southwest. Except\nduring the heroic Maccabean age, the Israelites never succeeded and\napparently never seriously attempted to dispute this title. Lying on\nthe highway that ran straight on along the coast to Egypt, this part\nof Palestine was most exposed to the powerful influences that came\nfrom the land of the Nile. The oldest Egyptian inscriptions, as well\nas the results of recent excavations, all reveal the wide extent of\nthis influence.\n\n=The Shephelah or Lowland.= Along the eastern side of the Philistine\nplain, from the valley of Ajalon southward, runs a series of low-lying\nfoot-hills, which are separated from the central plateau of Palestine\nby broad, shallow valleys running north and south.^{(6)} This\nterritory was called by the biblical writers, the Shephelah or\nLowland. These low chalk and limestone hills, with their narrow glens,\ntheir numerous caves and broken rocks, was the debatable ground\nbetween plain and hill country. Sometimes it was held by the\ninhabitants of the plain, sometimes by those of the hill country;\nalways it was the battle-field between the two. Even to-day it is\nsparsely inhabited, the haunt of the Bedouin tribes, whose presence is\nclearest evidence of the difficulties that the local government\nexperiences in controlling this wild border land. Like the Scottish\nlowlands, this region is redolent with the memories of ancient border\nwarfare. It is also richly suggestive of one phase of that severe\ntraining which through the long centuries produced a race with a\nmission and a message to all the world.\n\n\n\n\nIV\n\nTHE PLATEAU OF GALILEE AND THE PLAIN OF ESDRAELON\n\n\n=Physical and Political Significance of the Central Plateau.= The\nbackbone of Palestine is the great central plateau. It was in this\nimportant zone that the drama of Israel's history was chiefly enacted.\nHere was the true home of the Hebrews. By virtue of its position this\ncentral zone naturally commanded those to the east and west. For one\nbrief period the Philistines from the western coast plain nearly\nsucceeded in conquering and ruling all Palestine; but otherwise, until\nthe world powers outside began to invade the land, the centre of power\nlay among the hills. This significant feature of Palestinian history\nis due to two facts: (1) that in war the great advantage lies with the\npeople who hold the higher eminences and so can fight from above; and\n(2) that the rugged uplands usually produce more virile, energetic,\nliberty-loving people. At the same time it may be noted that, while\nthe centre of power lay among the hills, the hill-dwellers never\nsucceeded in conquering completely or in holding permanently the zones\nto the east and west. So firmly were the invisible bounds of each zone\nestablished that the dwellers in one were never able wholly to\noverleap these real though intangible lines and to weld together the\ndiverse types of civilization that sprang up in these different\nregions, so near in point of distance, yet really so far removed from\neach other.\n\n=Natural and Political Bounds.= A part of the northern plateau bore\neven in early Hebrew days the name of Galilee, the Circle or the\nRegion (I Kings, 9:11, II Kings, 15:29, Josh. 20:7). At first this\nregion appears to have been confined to a small area about Kedesh,\nwhere the Hebrew and older Gentile population met and mingled.\nGradually the name was extended, until in the Maccabean and Roman\nperiod Galilee included all of the central plateau north of the Plain\nof Esdraelon as far as the Litany itself. Its western boundary lay\nwhere the central plateau descends to the foot-hills and coast plains\nof Tyre and Acre, and its eastern was the abrupt cliffs of the Jordan\nvalley. These were its natural boundaries; but Josephus, whose\nknowledge of Galilee was peculiarly personal, includes in it the towns\nabout the Lake of Gennesaret (commonly designated in the New Testament\nas the Sea of Galilee), the Plain of Esdraelon and even Mount Carmel\n(_cf. Jewish Wars_, II, 3:4, 8:1, III, 3:1).\n\n=Its Extent and Natural Divisions.= Defined by its narrower natural\nbounds, Galilee is about thirty miles wide from east to west, and\nnearly fifty miles long from north to south. It comprises an area,\ntherefore, of a little less than fifteen hundred square miles. It\nfalls into two clearly marked divisions: (1) Upper Galilee with its\nrolling elevated plateaus, bounded on the east and west by hills which\nrise rapidly to the height of between two thousand and four thousand\nfeet; and (2) Lower Galilee, lying to the south of an irregular line\ndrawn westward from the northern end of the Lake of Gennesaret to Acre\non the shore of the Mediterranean. This division line is marked by the\nWady Amud and the Wady et-Tuffah, which flow into the northwestern end\nof the Lake of Gennesaret, and the series of plains which cut from\neast to west through Galilee to a point opposite Acre. This second\ndivision includes the lower hills, which extend southward from the\nhigh plateaus of northern Galilee, making an irregular terrace, never\nover nineteen hundred feet high and gradually sloping to the Plain of\nEsdraelon, which sends out several low valleys to meet and intersect\nthe descending hills. This clear-cut line of division was recognized\nboth by Josephus and the Talmudic writers.\n\n=Physical Characteristics of Upper Galilee.= The elevated hills of\nupper Galilee constitute, therefore, the first terrace that flanks the\nsouthern part of the Lebanons. The deep clefts between the higher\nLebanons and Anti-Lebanons to the north here disappear. Even the\nLitany turns abruptly westward on the northern border of Galilee,\nleaving a broad mass of rounded limestone hills, greatly weathered by\nfrost and rain. At a distance this mass looks like a mountain range,\nbut it consists in reality of a high rolling plateau, cut by irregular\nvalleys. This plateau of upper Galilee reaches its highest elevation\nin a line drawn northwest from Safed, which was probably \"the city set\non a hill\" of the Gospel record.^{(7)} The mountain on which Safed\nstands is two thousand seven hundred and fifty feet above the sea,\nwhile to the northwest Jebel Jermak, the highest mountain of Galilee,\nrises to the height of three thousand nine hundred and thirty-four\nfeet. From this point many fertile upland valleys radiate to the\nnorthwest, the north, the northeast, and the east, but none to the\nsouth. Thus upper Galilee presents its boldest front to the south,\ntowering high above lower Galilee and sloping to the north until it\nmeets the mountains of the southern Lebanons. On the southeast it\nslopes gradually down to the Jordan and Lake Huleh, where two brooks\ncome down from the plain of Hazor. Farther north the hills rise very\nabruptly from the Jordan and present a front unbroken by any important\nstreams. At many points on this eastern slope lava streams have left\ntheir bold deposit of trap-rock. On the northwest the descent to the\ncoast plains is very gradual and regular, but farther south the hills\njut out abruptly to the sea. Upper Galilee is an open region with\nsplendid vistas of the blue coastline of the Mediterranean on the\nwest, of Carmel and the Samaria hills on the south, of the lofty\nalmost unbroken line of the plateau of the Hauran and Gilead on the\neast; while the Lebanons tower on the north, and above them all rises\nthe massive peak of Hermon, long into the springtime clad in cold,\ndazzling whiteness. Galilee, as a whole, was a land well fitted to\nbreed enthusiasts and men of vision, intolerant alike of the\ninflexible rule of Rome and of the constricting priestcraft of\nJerusalem. The Talmud states that the Galileans were ever more anxious\nfor honor than for money.\n\n=Its Fertility.= Upper Galilee was also a land of great fertility. The\none limitation was the profusion of rocks strewn especially over the\nnorthern part. But if the Lebanons have poured their stones over\nnorthern Galilee, they have compensated with the wealth of waters\nwhich run through the valleys and break out in springs or else are\nscattered in dashing showers and deposited in heavy dews upon its rich\nsoil. Where wars and conquest have not denuded the land, trees grow to\nthe summits of the hills and grass and flowers flourish everywhere in\ngreatest profusion. It is a land of plenty, sunshine, beauty, and\ncontentment. Significant is the fact that it figures so little in\nIsrael's troubled history, for happy is the land that has no history.\nJosephus's statement that in his day Galilee had a population of\nnearly three millions is undoubtedly an exaggeration. Even though, as\nin some parts of the land, to-day, the villages almost touched each\nother and no part of the land lay idle, Galilee could not have\nsupported more than four or five hundred thousand inhabitants (_cf._\nMasterman, _Studies in Galilee_, 131-134).\n\n=Characteristics of Lower Galilee.= Lower Galilee possesses the\nfertility of upper Galilee in even greater measure. With a lower\nelevation and slightly warmer climate it bears a large variety of\ntrees and fruits. Its valleys are also broader and lower and enriched\nwith the soil washed down from the hills. The broad, low plain of\nAsochis (the present Sahel el-Buttauf) lies a little north of the\nheart of lower Galilee and from it valleys radiate to the northeast,\nsouthwest, and southeast. Another broad plain runs northeast from the\nPlain of Esdraelon to the neighborhood of Nazareth and Mount Tabor,\nand east of Tabor still another extends down to the Jordan River. The\nrounded top of Mount Tabor commands a marvellous view of lower\nGalilee. Across the fertile fields to the northeast lies the Sea of\nGalilee, shut in by its steep banks, and beyond it the mountain\nplateau of the Jaulan.^{(8)} Across the valley to the south is the\nHill of Moreh and the Samaritan hills beyond.^{(9)} Two perennial\nbrooks, the Wady Fejjas and the Wady el-Bireh, flow down through\nsoutheastern Galilee into the Jordan. The result is that lower Galilee\nis made up of a series of irregular hills (of which the Nazareth\ngroup, a little south of the centre, is the chief) separated by a\nnetwork of broad, rich, intersecting plains. It combines the vistas\nand large horizons of the north with the fruitfulness of the plains.\nHere many different types of civilization meet and mingle. Instead of\nbeing remote and provincial, as is sometimes mistakenly supposed,\nlower Galilee is close to the heart of Palestine and open to all the\nvaried influences which radiate from that little world. It is also\nintersected by a network of little wadys running in every direction\nfrom its open valleys and through its low-lying hills. Thus it was\nbound closely not only to the rest of Palestine, but also to the\ngreater world that lay beyond.\n\n=Situation and Bounds of the Plain of Esdraelon.= The Plain of\nEsdraelon is the last of the great terraces by which the Lebanons\ndescend on the south to the sea-level. The plain itself lies only\nabout two hundred feet above the level of the Mediterranean and to the\neast sinks toward the Jordan to below the sea-level. Its shape is that\nof an equiangular triangle. Its base lies close under the northeast\nside of Mount Carmel and is twenty miles long running from Tell\nel-Kasis to Jen\u00een. Its northern line runs along the foot of the\nNazareth hills for fifteen miles to a point opposite Mount Tabor. The\neastern boundary, from Tabor to Jen\u00een is also about fifteen miles in\nlength but less regular. Moreh or Little Hermon and Mount Gilboa jut\nout into the plain, which sends down toward the Jordan two broad\nvalleys, of which the most important is the plain of Jezreel to the\nnorth of Gilboa.^{(10)} The watershed between these two plains is near\nthe modern village of Zerin which stood not far from the ancient\nJezreel.\n\n=Plain of Jezreel.= The Plain of Jezreel extends like a great broad\nvalley almost due east for about fifteen miles until it reaches the\nJordan. Through it runs the Nahr Jal\u00fbd with its perennial parallel\nstreams. Where the Plain of Jezreel joins the low-lying Jordan valley\nstands the guardian of the gateway, the town of Beisan, which\nrepresents the ancient Bethshean, later known as Scythopolis. This\nPlain of Jezreel, together with the narrow valley through which the\nKishon now finds its way to the Mediterranean, completes the link\nbetween the Great Sea and the Jordan Valley and for a brief space\nseparates the hills of Galilee from those of Samaria.\n\n=Water Supply and Fertility of the Plain of Esdraelon.= Originally the\nPlain of Esdraelon appears to have been a shallow inland lake. Viewed\nfrom the top of Mount Gilboa it appears to be completely shut in by a\ncircle of mountains on the north, west, and south.^{(11)} Its\nelevation toward the east is so slight and its outlets to the east and\nwest so imperfect that during the rainy season much of it is\npractically a morass. Into it drain the waters from the surrounding\nhills. Some of the drainage is on the surface, but most of it is\nunderground, with the result that at many points on the plain rushing\nsprings pour forth their waters, which run for a time as a dashing\nbrook and then sink again into the porous soil. Springs of this\ncharacter are found especially on the northeastern and southern sides\nof the plain. Some of them ultimately send their scattered waters down\nthe Plain of Jezreel to the Jordan, but more of them find their outlet\nthrough the low, muddy Kishon, which, with many turnings, ploughs its\nway through the middle of the Plain of Esdraelon to the shadow of\nMount Carmel and then finds a narrow outlet into the Mediterranean\npast the Galilean foot-hills, which here are scarcely one hundred\nyards from the spurs of Mount Carmel. As a result of its peculiar\nposition and formation, the Plain of Esdraelon is one of the best\nwatered areas in all Palestine. In certain places, indeed, it suffers\nfrom an excess of water. Its loamy, basaltic soil is also richly\nfertile and its alluvial deposits are free from stone. By nature it is\nfitted to be the great grain field of central Palestine. The hills\nthat jut out into this garden land were naturally the first centres of\na developed agricultural civilization. Here on the southern border are\nfound the large mounds which were once the sites of teeming Canaanite\ncities.\n\n=Central and Commanding Position.= The Plain of Esdraelon, like the\nPlain of Sharon, was a great highway of the nations. Through the broad\nvalleys which lead into it came from every quarter the invaders,\nwhether for peaceful or violent conquest, for here all the important\nroads converged. On its western border ran the great coast road from\nEgypt to Ph\u0153nicia. The eastern branches of the road also entered the\nplain from the south through three different avenues. The one was\nthrough the valley which led from the Plain of Sharon to the\nsoutheastern end of Mount Carmel. Still more direct and easy was the\napproach through northwestern Samaria along the Wady Arah, past the\nfamous old fortress of Megiddo. The third was farther east along the\nbroad Plain of Dothan to Engannim, the present Jen\u00een, and thence along\nthe eastern side of the Plain of Esdraelon. These highways in turn\nconnected with those which ran past Mount Tabor to the populous cities\non the Lake of Gennesaret and thence to Damascus and the East. Another\nimportant artery of trade ran along the wide, level Plain of Jezreel,\npast Bethshean that guarded its eastern gateway^{(12)} to the Jordan\nand thence northward to Damascus or directly eastward to Gilead and\nthe desert (_cf._ chap. IX).\n\n=Importance of the Plain in Palestinian History.= The Plain of\nEsdraelon was both the door and the key to Palestine. Through it came\nthe ancient conquerors to possess the land. The Midianites in the days\nof Gideon were but a part of that ever-advancing Arab horde, which\nsurged up through the Plain of Jezreel whenever the government of\ncentral Palestine was weak. On its gently sloping hills from the days\nof Thotmes III to Napoleon were waged the great battles that\ndetermined the possession of the land. Here, under the leadership of\nDeborah, the Hebrews fought the valiant fight that left them masters\nof Canaan and free to pass over the barrier of plain that had hitherto\nkept apart the tribes of the north from those of the south.\n\n\n\n\nV\n\nTHE HILLS OF SAMARIA AND JUDAH\n\n\n=Character of the Hills of Samaria.= The hills of Samaria and Judah\nare the southern extension of the central plateau of Palestine, and\nyet, like Galilee and Esdraelon they constitute an independent natural\nunit. No sharply defined boundary separates them; rather the one\ngradually merges into the other. The heights of Samaria and Judah are\ncommonly called mountains and the term is not entirely inappropriate\nwhen applied to the range as a whole; but the individual peaks are in\nreality little more than rounded hills. None of them rise over three\nthousand four hundred feet above the sea-level. The highest rest upon\nelevated plateaus, so that only two or three of them convey the\nimpression of towering height and majesty that is ordinarily\nassociated with the word mountain. Rather they are a chain of hills\nwhich, viewed from the shore of the Mediterranean or from the heights\neast of the Jordan, give the impression of a bold mountain range. This\nis especially true as one looks up toward them from the deep\ndepression of the Jordan and Dead Sea valley, for they completely fill\nthe western horizon. The water-shed lies on the eastern side of the\nrange. The result is that the western hills have been worn down into\ngradually descending terraces; while on the east the deep Jordan\nvalley is exceedingly abrupt, becoming more so in the south. At\ncertain points the descent is over twenty-eight hundred feet in nine\nmiles, and down by the western side of the Dead Sea there is often an\nalmost sheer fall of between fifteen hundred and three thousand feet.\n\n=Northeastern Samaria.= The hills of Samaria fall naturally into two\ngreat divisions. The first extends from the plains of Esdraelon and\nJezreel to the one great valley which, following the Wady el-Ifzim,\ncuts through Samaria from the northwest to the southeast, running\nbetween Mount Ebal and Mount Gerizim. The territory north of this line\nresembles lower Galilee in many ways. On the east it consists of four\nranges of hills, divided by a series of broad valleys filled with rich\nbasaltic soil and plentifully supplied with water. These valleys and\nranges of hills, like Mount Carmel, have a general trend from\nnorthwest to southeast. The northernmost is Mount Gilboa which rises\nwith a broad gradual slope on every side, to a height of between one\nthousand two hundred and one thousand six hundred and fifty feet. The\nbare limestone rock crops out at many points, but villages and\ncultivated fields are found on its broad top. Viewed from this point\nthe hills of Samaria rise gradually in great terraces.^{(13)} To the\neast and south of Gilboa the wide plain about Bethshean cuts far into\ncentral Palestine. Farther south the hills of Samaria, as bold rocky\nheadlands, jut far out into the Jordan valley. The next great valley\nsouth of the Plain of Jezreel is that through which the Wady\nFarah^{(14)} discharges its plenteous waters into the Jordan. This\nstream and the Nahr Jalud are the chief western confluents of the\nlower Jordan.\n\n=Northwestern Samaria.= In the northwest the hills of Samaria descend\ngradually and are intersected by wide valleys which open into the\nPlain of Sharon on the west and Esdraelon on the north. None of its\nhills are over twenty-five hundred feet in height. Verdure and often\ntrees crown their summits, while in the valleys are the rich fields of\ngrain or olive orchards, watered by springs and rivulets. The chief of\nthese valleys is the Plain of Dothan,^{(15)} which is connected by low\npasses with the Plain of Sharon on the west and the Plain of Esdraelon\non the north. Farther south are the moist upland meadows known to-day\nas the \"Meadow of Sinking in.\" These in turn are connected by an easy\npass with the network of plains that run southward past Ebal and\nGerizim and on the southwest to the city of Samaria and the Wady\nesh-Shair.^{(16)}\n\n=The View from Mount Ebal.= The one real mountain of northern Samaria\nis Ebal, which rises to the height of three thousand and seventy-seven\nfeet. It is a broad rounded mass of limestone rock running from east\nto west parallel to Gerizim, its companion on the south. Its sides,\nalmost to the top, are covered with gardens and olive orchards,\nenclosed by picturesque cactus hedges. It commands the most\ncomprehensive view of any point in Palestine. Immediately to the south\nis the broad cultivated back of Mount Gerizim, which lies only a few\nfeet lower than Ebal, while down in the narrow valley between the two\nmountains is Nablus, the ancient Shechem. In the more distant horizon\nis the ascending mass of the southern Samaritan and Judean\nhills.^{(17)} On the east the Gilead hills present a lofty, bold\nsky-line. Nearer but concealed by the rapidly descending cliffs, is\nthe deep valley of the Jordan; while in the foreground following the\nsky-line to the northeast lies the level plateau of the Hauran, which\nextends to the east of the Sea of Galilee, and beyond, if the air is\nclear, the broad peak of Mount Hermon towers, seventy-five miles away.\nIn the immediate foreground^{(18)} to the north is the network of open\nvalleys of northern Samaria intersected by the ridges of hills which\nsweep down from the northwest toward the Jordan. Beyond is the\ndepression where lies the Plain of Esdraelon, while still farther to\nthe north rise in regular terraces lower and upper Galilee. The broad\nlow line of highlands in the northwest is Carmel running out to the\nsea. In the west the irregular Samaritan hills, with their many\nintersecting valleys, descend leisurely to the coast plains. Beyond,\nonly about twenty-five miles away, is the blue Mediterranean with its\nfringe of yellow sands.\n\n=Bounds and General Characteristics of Southern Samaria.= Southern\nSamaria, which lies to the south and west of Mount Ebal, extends as\nfar as the Wady Kelt and its northern confluent, the Wady es-Suweinit,\nwhich comes up from ancient Jericho to the vicinity of Michmash and\nGeba. On the southwest it reaches to the Wady Malakeh, which, a little\nnorth of the pass of Beth-horon, under the name Wady 'Ain 'Ar\u00eek,\npenetrates nearly to the top of the watershed. In many ways southern\nSamaria resembles northern Galilee. It is an elevated plateau rising\ngradually from the western coast plains and culminating in the\nsoutheast. Baal-Hazor, five miles north of the pass of Michmash,\nrising to the height of three thousand, three hundred and eighteen\nfeet, is the highest point in Samaria, and lacks only a few feet of\nbeing the highest point south of the Plain of Esdraelon.\n\nThe descent in the east to the Jordan valley is exceedingly steep and\nrocky. Two or three rushing brooks have cut deep channels through the\nbarren limestone rocks, which are covered with only a scanty herbage.\nNorthwest of Jericho rises, as a terrace leading up to the heights\nabove, the semi-detached mass of barren rock known as the Quarantana\n(Jebel Kuruntul), and still higher up to the west lies the wilderness\nof Bethaven, and beyond the rocky hills of Mount Ephraim.^{(19)} On\nthe high central plateau north of Baal-Hazor are a network of small\nbut open plains, which run up past Shiloh to the east of Mount\nGerizim. These are fringed by rocky hills, but are themselves\nexceedingly well-watered and fruitful and are covered to-day with\nwaving grain fields.\n\n=Southwestern Samaria.= The western part of southern Samaria is the\nland of deep but open valleys. Trees and grass, with many well-tilled\nfields, cover the hills and valleys. Chief of these valleys which lead\nup from the plain are the Wady esh-Shair (the Barley Vale), west of\nShechem,^{(16)} the Brook Kanah, the Wady Jib, which first flows south\nand then westward into the Wady Deir Ballut, and the Wady ez-Zerka,\nwhich, like the Wady Malakeh, finds its outlet into the sea a little\nnorth of Jaffa. Prosperous villages, some capping the summits of\nrounded hills, and others far down in sheltered spots in the deep\nvalleys, are scattered throughout this entire region. The site of each\nwas evidently chosen with a view to defence against the many foes\nthat, from earliest times, have passed up through the valleys which\nstand wide open to the west. Like the rest of Samaria, it was a land\nwhere peace could be secured only by the sword and by strong\nbattlements. It was also a land where nature gave rich gifts to those\nwho were strong enough to maintain themselves against all invaders.\n\n=The Central Heights of Judah.= The central plateau of southern\nPalestine culminates in Judea. It is a mass of rounded hills averaging\nonly about fifteen miles wide and not more than forty miles long. Here\nerosion has worn away all bold, imposing peaks. The highest points,\nMizpah,^{(20)} the modern Neby Samwil (two thousand, eight hundred and\nthirty-five feet high), in the north and the heights immediately north\nof Hebron (three thousand, three hundred and seventy feet), where the\nsouthern plateau reaches its maximum elevation, are but rounded hills\non the top of a great plateau. Between these are narrow, rocky\nvalleys, dry during most of the year and strewn with stones laid bare\nby the winter freshets. The landscape lacks distinctive character. The\nprevailing impression is that of gray and yellow limestone;^{(21)} and\nyet these fields of Judah are not altogether unproductive, as is amply\ndemonstrated by the verdant fields in the vicinity of Jerusalem,\nBethlehem,^{(22)} and Hebron. Occasionally the native soil has been\nretained in a little upland plain,^{(23)} as that east of Bethlehem or\nat Maon and Carmel, south of Hebron, or in certain favored valleys,\nsuch as Hinnom, to the south of Jerusalem. The soil, which is held\nupon the hillsides by the terraces or piles of stone, is exceedingly\nfruitful and supports patches of grain, or luxurious vines, or verdant\nolive trees, which stand out in striking contrast to the grim, rocky\nbackground.\n\n=Lack of Water Supply.= Even greater than the lack of soil is the lack\nof water in Judah. Not a single perennial stream is found within its\nimmediate boundaries. Ezekiel's vision of the broad stream running\nfrom the temple and irrigating the entire land clearly indicates what\nhe recognized to be its great need. Throughout the entire land not a\ndozen copious springs burst from the dry rock. Jerusalem and Hebron\nare thus blest and, as a result, are still the chief cities of the\nland. Southwest of Bethlehem are the so-called Pools of Solomon, the\nplenteous waters of which are treasured in huge, ancient, rock-cut\nreservoirs, from which, in Roman times, they were conducted by high\nand low level aqueducts to Jerusalem. No snow-clad Lebanons tower\nabove the parched hills of Judah to supply the much needed waters.\nTo-day the rains of winter rush down the rocky hills and valleys,\nwhere there is little soil and vegetation to absorb and retain the\nmoisture, leaving the land more denuded than before. Undoubtedly, when\nthe hills of Judah were properly cultivated, as the presence of ruined\nterraces and watch-towers even in the most deserted places indicate\nthey once were, the aspect of the landscape was very different; and\nyet, compared with other parts of Palestine, it was ever barren. Its\ninhabitants have always had to struggle for soil and water. In the\npast, as at present, the chief water supply was from the rocky\ncisterns. These were cut on the inside in the shape of a huge Oriental\nwater-jug and placed in a depression in the rock so that they would be\nfilled by the wash from the winter rains, which are usually very\ncopious throughout Palestine.\n\n=Wilderness of Judea.= The eastern slope of the southern plateaus of\nPalestine is rightly called a wilderness. Like the Shephelah or\nlowland on the west it is a distinct physical division of the\nwest-Jordan land. The cultivated fields extend only four or five miles\neast of the central watershed. Near Jerusalem the barren wilderness\ncomes up and touches the fertile fields about Bethany.^{(24)} The\ndescent on this eastern side of Judea to the low-lying Dead Sea is so\nprecipitous that the water from the winter rains runs off rapidly and\nhas cut deep channels through the soft clay and limestone cliffs so\nthat irrigation is impossible.^{(25)} No important villages are found\nin this desolate region except at Engedi, where a beautiful spring\nbursts out of the cliffs overhanging the Dead Sea and transforms the\nbarren desert into what seems by contrast a little paradise of trees\nand gardens. Otherwise it is a land of dry, rocky, rounded hills which\ndescend in a series of three great terraces to the depths below. Some\nvegetation is found between the rocks on the higher uplands. It is the\nland of the shepherd and of the Arab invaders^{(26)} who here press\nin from the desert and contend, as they have for thousands of years,\nwith the shepherds of the outlying villages for the possession of the\nbarren land. The dominant features in the landscape are the rocky,\nrounded bluffs, the great gorge of the Dead Sea, usually enveloped in\nmists, and the dim outlines of the massive Moabite hills beyond. This\nwilderness of Judea exercised two powerful influences upon the life\nand thought of the people of the south: (1) it brought to their doors\nthe atmosphere and peculiar customs and beliefs of the desert; and (2)\nit kept before them the might and destructive power of Jehovah, as\nexemplified by the Dead Sea and by the grim traditions that were\nassociated with this remarkable natural phenomenon.\n\n=Western Judah.= In contrast to the barren wilderness of eastern\nJudah, the western hills slope gradually down to the Philistine plain.\nThe chief characteristic of this western slope is the series of\nvalleys which lead up from the lowlands, piercing almost to the\nwatershed in the great central plateau of Judah. Most of these valleys\nare broad and fertile as they enter the hills, but become ever more\ntortuous and wild as they ascend the rocky heights. In the rainy\nseason (December to February) they are frequently swept by rushing\ntorrents, which, undeterred by soil or vegetation, soon run their\ncourse, leaving the stream, during the greater part of the year, dry\nand rocky. At many points the ascent is abrupt, between steep rocks,\nclad with low bushes and wild flowers. In some places the path is so\nnarrow that it is impossible for a horse to turn with comfort.\n\n=Valley of Ajalon.= Six important valleys thus lead up from the plain\nto the central highlands. The northernmost, and in many ways the most\nimportant, is the Valley of Ajalon. It marks the northwestern boundary\nof Judah. It is a great, broad, fertile plain, lying between five\nhundred and a thousand feet above sea-level. The stream which\nultimately finds its way into the sea a little north of Joppa, here\nmakes a broad curve to the northeast, receiving four or five small\ntributary streams from the highlands of Judah and southern Samaria.\nFrom this valley several roads lead up to the plateau north of\nJerusalem. Of these the most important is the one that ascends the\npass of the Upper and Lower Beth-horons, along which ran the most\ndirect and, in early times, the main highway from Jerusalem to\nJoppa.^{(118)}\n\n=Wady Ali.= A little south of the Valley of Ajalon is the narrow Wady\nAli, along which runs to-day the carriage road from Jerusalem to\nJoppa. Apparently because of the deepness and narrowness of this\nvalley it does not figure in biblical history until the Maccabean\nperiod.\n\n=Valley of Sorek.= The third important gateway to Judah was the Valley\nof Sorek, the present Wady es-Surar. Here the modern railway from\nJoppa to Jerusalem penetrates the central plateau. Just before the\nValley of Sorek reaches the steep ascent to the highlands it receives\ntwo important confluents, the Wady el-Ghurab, from the northwest, and\nthe Wady en-Nagil from the south. Here the valley opens into a broad\nfertile plain, closely connected with the larger Plain of Philistia\nand yet encircled by the hills of the Shephelah. Immediately to the\nnorth was the home of the Danites and about this picturesque point\ngather the Samson stories. Along a winding and steep ascent the narrow\npass thence runs directly eastward toward Jerusalem, approaching the\ncity across the Valley of Rephaim from the southwest.\n\n=Valley of Elah.= The fourth valley is that of Elah, the Valley of the\nTerebinth, which is known to-day as the Wady es-Sunt. This valley\nabounds in memories of David's earlier exploits.^{(88)} Its eastern\nbranch, the Wady el-Jindy leads through a narrow defile up toward\nBethlehem. Its more important branch, the Wady es-Sur, runs directly\nsouthward past what are probably to be identified as the ancient\nAdullam and Keilah, and thence turning eastward, reaches the uplands\nnear the famous Maccabean fortress of Bethzur, a little north of\nHebron.\n\n=Valley of Zephathah.= The fifth valley is that of Zephathah, which is\nknown to-day in its upper course as the Wady el-Afranj. Its western\ngateway is guarded by the present important city of Beit-Jibrin, the\nEleutheropolis of the Greek and Roman period. Recently opened caves\nnear by reveal the importance of the Egyptian influence which, at a\nvery early period entered Palestine along this important highway. The\nvalley itself leads up through winding, narrow walls past the Plain of\nMamre, directly to Hebron. Along it ran the great road from Jerusalem\nto Philistia and Egypt.\n\n=Wady el-Jiz\u00e2ir.= The southernmost valley of western Judah is a\ncontinuation of the Wady el-Hesy, which runs past the frontier town of\nLachish and is to-day known in its extension into the Judean highlands\nas the Wady el-Jiz\u00e2ir. Passing the ancient city of Adoraim, it also\nled to Hebron and ultimately to Jerusalem.\n\n=Significance of These Valleys.= Of these six western valleys,\nunquestionably the three most important were the Valley of Ajalon,\nwith its main gateways opening toward Jerusalem, the Valley of Sorek,\nwith its broad entrance, also leading straight up to the capital city,\nand the Valley of Elah, rich with historic memories. Each of these,\nhowever, could be easily defended at certain strategic points by a few\ndetermined men on the heights above. When these natural gates were\nclosed, Judah was practically unassailable on the west and could look\nwith a strong sense of security down from its frowning heights upon\nthe hostile armies which swept along the broad coast plains.\n\n=The South Country.= The central plateau of Palestine extends south of\nJudah fully seventy miles. At first it gradually descends in a series\nof terraces, and then breaks into a confusion of barren, rocky,\ntreeless ridges, running for the most part from east to west and cut\nby deep waterless gorges. As in Judah, the eastern hills which\noverhang the Wady Arabah are more abrupt and the winter torrents have\ncut deep channels in the gray limestone rocks. On the west the descent\nis more gradual, running out into the level wilderness, bounded on the\nwest by the Wady el-Arish, known to the biblical writers as the Brook\nof Egypt. This wild, desolate region, fifty miles wide and seventy\nlong, is the famous South Country, which figured so largely in early\nIsraelite history. Its name, _Negeb_, Dry Land, well describes its\ngeneral character.^{(1)}\n\n=Its Northern and Western Divisions.= The hill country immediately to\nthe south of Judah is fairly fertile. Cultivated fields are found in\nthe valleys and terraces on the hillsides, even as far as the Wady\nSheba and the famous desert sanctuary of Beersheba. To the south and\nwest of Beersheba are found the ruins of many cities, which evidently\nenjoyed high prosperity during the later Roman period. Here, as\nthroughout most of the South Country, rain falls during the winter\nseason, so that where the water is stored, irrigation is possible. A\nfew springs also furnish a perennial supply of water. Thus under a\nstrong stable government, the northern and northwestern portions of\nthe South Country are capable of supporting a large, semi-agricultural\npopulation. By nature, however, it is the land of the nomad.\nThroughout most of its history, the Bedouin have dominated it as they\ndo to-day. When undeveloped by irrigation, its hills and valleys are\ncovered in springtime by a green herbage, which disappears, except in\nsome secluded glens, before the glaring heat of summer. To the south,\nthe Negeb at last descends to the great barren desert of T\u00eeh, across\nwhich ran the highways to Egypt, to Arabia, and to Babylonia.\n\n=Its Central and Eastern Divisions.= The central and eastern part of\nthis South Country is dry and barren and occupied only by fierce\nBedouin tribes. The absence of water, the ruggedness of its mountain\nranges, and the fierceness of its population have rendered it almost\nimpassable throughout most of its history. Many portions of it are\nstill unexplored. Thus, on its southern boundary, Judah was thoroughly\nprotected from the advance of hostile armies. At the same time, from\nthis South Country there came a constant infiltration of the\npopulation and ideas of the desert, which left a deep imprint upon the\ncharacter of the southern Israelites.\n\n=The Striking Contrasts Between Judah and Samaria.= The contrasts\nbetween the hills of Judah and Samaria are many and significant. The\nhills of Samaria are a collection of distinct groups, divided by\nbroad valleys, which intersect the land in every direction. The hills\nof Judah, in contrast, constitute a great, elevated, solid plateau,\ncut by no great valleys running throughout the land from east to west\nor from north to south. Judah is a mountain fortress, with strong\nnatural barriers on every side. Samaria, on the contrary, stands with\ndoors wide open to the foreign trader and invader. Its inhabitants are\ncompelled to resort to the hilltops, or else to build strong\nfortresses for their defence. The great highways of commerce pass on\neither side of Judah, while they ran through the heart of Samaria.\nJudah was secure, not only because of its natural battlements of rock,\nbut because of its barrenness. Its grim limestone hills, its stony\nmoorlands, and its dry valleys offered few attractions to the invader.\nOn the other hand, the rich fields of Samaria and its opulent cities\nwere a constant loadstone, drawing toward them conquerors from the\nnorth, south, and east.\n\n=Effect Upon Their Inhabitants.= Judah, with its few springs and its\nrock-strewn fields, offered a frugal livelihood to men who were\nwilling to toil and to live without the luxuries of life. It bred a\nsturdy, brave race, intensely loyal to their rocks and hills,\ntenacious of their beliefs, even to the point of bigotry and\nmartyrdom. Like their limestone hills, they were grim and\nunattractive, but capable of resisting the wearing process of the\ncenturies. In contrast, the fertile hills of Samaria, with their\nplentiful springs and rushing streams, bred a luxury-loving,\ncare-free, tolerant race, who were ready, almost eager, for foreign\nideas and cults, as well as customs. Thus that great schism between\nnorth and south, between Jew and Samaritan, was not merely the result\nof later rivalries, but found its primal cause in the physical\ncharacteristics that distinguished the land of Judah from that of\nSamaria.\n\n\n\n\nVI\n\nTHE JORDAN AND DEAD SEA VALLEY\n\n\n=Geological History.= The great gorge of the Jordan and Dead Sea\nvalley is the most striking natural phenomenon in Palestine. No place\non the face of the earth has had a more dramatic geological history.\nAs has already been noted (p. 14), this great rift which runs from\nnorthern Syria to the Red Sea was probably formed in the latter part\nof the Pliocene Age. At the northern end of the Dead Sea its bed\nreaches a depth of nearly one-half a mile beneath the ocean level. It\nis thus by far the deepest depression on the face of the earth. During\nthe Pluvial period this huge rift was filled with water, making a\nlarge inland sea, fully two hundred miles long, with its surface\nnearly one hundred feet above the ocean level. Apparently the higher\nland to the south of the present Dead Sea cut off the ocean, so that\nat the first it was a fresh-water lake. During the Interglacial\nperiod, possibly in part as the result of volcanic changes, it fell to\na level of not more than three hundred feet above the present surface\nof the Dead Sea. It was during this period and the ice age that\nfollowed that the deposits were made on the side of the valley, which\nhave given it its present terraced form.\n\n=Evidences of Volcanic Action.= From the Pluvial period to the present\nthe valley has been the scene of frequent volcanic disturbances. The\nwater, sinking through the great rifts and subterranean passages, and\nbeing transformed by the heat into steam, forced up great masses of\nlava, which may be traced at many points on the heights both to the\neast and to the west of the Jordan valley. Earthquakes, many of them\nsevere, are still common in this volcanic region. That of 1837\ndestroyed the city of Safed, killing one thousand of its inhabitants.\nIn recent years severe shocks were felt in June, 1896, January, 1900,\nMarch and December, 1903. Many copious, hot, mineral springs still\nbear testimony to the presence of volcanic forces. Those near\nTiberias, on the eastern side of the Sea of Galilee and in the Wady\nZerka Ma'in, east of the Dead Sea, have a temperature of about 144\u00b0,\nwhile the waters of El-Hammeh in the Yarmuk Valley vary in temperature\nfrom about 93\u00b0 to 110.\u00b0 These springs are strongly impregnated with\nmineral salts and it is from these and similar sources that the salts\nhave come that make the waters of the Dead Sea what they are to-day,\nheavy and far more saline than the ocean itself.\n\n=Natural Divisions.= The Jordan and Dead Sea valley falls into four\nnatural divisions: (1) the upper Jordan, from Mount Hermon to the Sea\nof Galilee, (2) the Sea of Galilee, (3) the lower Jordan, and (4) the\nDead Sea. At its northernmost point rises Mount Hermon, called by the\nnatives Jebel es-Sheik, that is, Mountain of the White-haired.\n\n=Mount Hermon.= Hermon is in reality a massive mountain plateau,\ntwenty miles long from northeast to southwest. Like most of the\nmountains of Palestine, it is of hard limestone, covered at places\nwith soft chalk. On its northern side the vineyards run up to a height\nof almost five thousand feet.^{(27)} Above are found scattered oaks,\nalmond and dwarf juniper trees. The mountain rises to the height of\nnine thousand and fifty feet and is crowned by three peaks.^{(28)} The\nnorthern and southern peaks are about the same height, while the\nwestern, separated from the others by a depression, is about one\nhundred feet lower. Mount Hermon commands a marvellous view of almost\nthe entire land of Palestine. From the masses of snow which cover its\nbroad top far into the summer and lie in its ravines throughout the\nyear, come the copious waters of the upper Jordan. Its sources spring\nfrom the western and southern bases of Mount Hermon fully developed\nstreams. Three-fourths of the waters of Mount Hermon thus find their\nway down the deep gorge of the Jordan.\n\n=Source of the Jordan at Banias.= One of the two main sources of the\nJordan is at Banias, the C\u00e6sarea Philippi of New Testament times.\nAbout one hundred feet beneath an ancient grotto in the side of a\nsheer cliff, the stream pours forth from the rocks and goes rushing\ndown through thickets of trees and the gardens which are irrigated by\nits waters.^{(29)} By Josephus and other ancient writers the springs\nat Banias were regarded as the true source of the Jordan. Here the\nancient Canaanites apparently reared a sanctuary to the god of the\nstream and later the Greeks built a temple to Pan, from whence comes,\nwith the change of the initial letter, the modern name of Banias, or\nCity of Pan. Here also Herod reared a temple which was one of the\nglories of the Roman city.\n\n=At Tell el-Kadi.= The largest source of the Jordan is on the western\nside of the mound now known as Tell el-Kadi. A stream about ten feet\nwide flows directly from the rock and is joined by a smaller confluent\na little to the south, forming the so-called El-Leddan. The imposing\nmound of Tell el-Kadi, lying at the head of the Jordan Valley and\ncommanding the highway that leads to Banias, and thence across the\neastern spurs of Mount Hermon to Damascus, is probably the site of the\nCanaanite Laish, later the Hebrew Dan.\n\n=The Western Confluents.= A mile and a half further to the south the\ntwo eastern sources of the Jordan are joined by the Hasbany. This\nstream springs from a pool on the western side of Mount Hermon and\nthence flows southward through the broad plain on the west of the\nmountain from which it sprang. The fourth source of the Jordan, the\nNahr Bareighit, the least important of the four, rising not far from\nthe River Litany, comes down through a valley to the northwest.\n\n=The Upper Jordan Valley.= During the first part of its descent to the\nDead Sea, the Jordan winds leisurely through a valley about five miles\nwide, flanked by hills rising to between fifteen hundred and two\nthousand feet.^{(30)} Its northernmost part, under the shadow of Mount\nHermon, is plentifully strewn with stones, but a few miles below Tell\nel-Kadi fertile grain fields appear, watered by copious springs. The\nJewish colonists on the northwestern edge of the Jordan valley, are\nbeginning to cultivate these meadows, again demonstrating how fertile\nthey are. Six miles above Lake Huleh the river loses itself in reedy\nmarshes^{(31)} and finally empties into the lake through six different\nchannels. Here the papyrus grows in great profusion. Lake Huleh\nitself, four miles long, is little more than a great malarial marsh,\nformed by the temporary stopping of the river by the eastern and\nwestern hills, which here approach within three or four miles of each\nother.\n\n=The Rapid Descent to the Sea of Galilee.= From Banias to Lake Huleh\nthe Jordan descends over one thousand feet and in the eleven miles\nfrom the lake to the Sea of Galilee it plunges downward six hundred\nand ninety feet. These occasional pauses, followed by sudden plunges,\nhave given the river its name, the Jordan, which means the Descender.\nA little below Lake Huleh, the valley of the Jordan narrows into a\nrocky gorge. Through this rocky chasm, hemmed in by steep cliffs on\nboth sides, the Jordan plunges in continuous cascades until it reaches\nthe delta which it has formed at the northern end of the Sea of\nGalilee.\n\n=The Sea of Galilee.= At Lake Huleh the waters of the Jordan are seven\nfeet above the ocean level, but at the Sea of Galilee six hundred and\neighty-two feet below. The Sea of Galilee is a pear-shaped lake,\ntwelve and one-half miles in length and eight in width, encircled by\nbold limestone cliffs.^{(32)} Its greatest depth, which is in the\nnorth, is seven hundred and fifty feet. Its blue, clear waters, bathed\nin sunshine, and the soft, warm breezes that blow across the lake,\nmake it in spring-time, and even in winter, one of the most delightful\nspots in all the world. In the summer, however, its atmosphere is hot\nand sultry, and at many points malarial. Ordinarily, the ocean winds\nblow high above the Sea of Galilee without affecting its hot, tropical\nclimate, but occasionally they pour down through the valleys,\nespecially to the north and northwest, suddenly transforming these\nquiet waters into a tempestuous sea.\n\n=Its Shores.= On the east rise the steep, now barren but probably once\ntree-clad, limestone hills of the Jaulan, capped by vast layers of\nblack basalt, towering in the distance like huge battlements. They\nstand back, however, from the lake, leaving a shore averaging one-half\nmile in width. On the north the Jordan has worn down the hills, which\nhere descend gradually in wild, stony moorlands, covered with thorns\nand rough grasses. To the northwest opens the fertile plain of\nGennesaret,^{(33)} four miles wide, watered by dashing mountain brooks\nand flanked by the high hills of upper Galilee. The industry of German\ncolonists is again beginning to demonstrate the marvellous fertility\nof this fair plain, where the fruits and grains of tropical and\ntemperate climes grow side by side. On the western side of the lake\nthe hills descend in terraces, leaving a narrow strip of shore,\nconnected with the uplands by one or two shallow valleys. To the south\nthe shore broadens and the hills recede until they are four miles\napart at the southern end,^{(34)} where the Jordan leaves the Sea of\nGalilee.\n\n=From the Sea of Galilee to the Dead Sea.= The distance from the Sea\nof Galilee to the Dead Sea in a straight line is only sixty-five\nmiles, but, owing to its constant turnings, the actual course of the\nriver measures nearly two hundred miles. In this last plunge the river\ndescends more than one thousand feet. Its descent is more rapid in the\nupper part of its course. A little below the Sea of Galilee it\nreceives its largest confluent, the River Yarmuk, which breaks through\nthe heights of the Hauran to the east. The volume of the water thus\npoured in nearly equals that of the Jordan itself at this point.\nFurther south the Brook Jal\u00fbd comes down on the west from the Plain of\nJezreel past Bethshean. About twenty miles from its mouth, the Jordan\nreceives the waters from the Jabbok, which descends from the heights\nof Gilead on the east, and from the Wady Farah, which comes from the\nvicinity of Shechem on the west.\n\n=Character of the Valley.= Below the Sea of Galilee the Jordan valley,\nat first but four miles wide, gradually broadens until it is eight\nmiles in width opposite Bethshean, where the valley of Jezreel joins\nthat of the Jordan. Most of the land in this part of the Jordan\nvalley, immediately below the Sea of Galilee, is tillable. The ruins\nof ancient aqueducts indicate that the streams that come down from the\nhillsides were once used for irrigation. The valley is again being in\npart reclaimed by Jewish colonists. Ten miles south of Bethshean the\nSamaritan headlands crowd close to the Jordan, so that the valley is\nonly three miles in width. Where the Jabbok and Wady Farah join the\nJordan the valley again broadens until, opposite Jericho, it is\nfourteen miles in width.^{(35)} Most of this lower Jordan valley is a\nparched desert covered by low bushes and desert plants, except where\nthe streams from the highlands are used for irrigation. Fertile fields\nare thus reclaimed where the Wady Nimrin and the Wady el-Kefrein come\nfrom the eastern hills opposite Jericho. At Jericho itself the waters\nof the Wady Kelt and those of the famous Fountain of Elisha are\nutilized to-day as they were in ancient times. South of Jericho,\nhowever, the soil is heavily impregnated with saline and alkaline\nsalts, so that it extends in an almost barren waste to the northern\nend of the Dead Sea.\n\n=The Jordan Itself.= Through this broad valley the Jordan winds,\nfrequently changing its course, and ploughing a great furrow, called\nby the natives the Z\u00f4r.^{(36)} In flood time the river is from five\nhundred feet to a mile wide, while in the summer it is at places not\nmore than seventy-five or a hundred feet in width and varies in depth\nfrom three to twelve feet. At all times it is a muddy, coffee-colored\nstream, partaking of the color of the slimy, alluvial soil through\nwhich it flows. Its banks are covered by thickets of trees, bushes,\nand reeds, in which are found many wild beasts and birds. This flood\nchannel of the Jordan is a scene of wreckage and ruin, mingled with\ntropical luxuriance. The lowest bed of this ancient inland lake is\ngiven up to-day, as it always was in the past, to wild beasts, to\noccasional fugitives, to squalid Bedouin, and to the muddy, sprawling\nriver which here rules supreme.\n\n=Fords of the Lower Jordan.= The lower course of the Jordan is now\nspanned by four bridges. In ancient times the dwellers in Palestine\nwere obliged to depend entirely upon its fords, of which there are\nbetween twenty and twenty-five. One of the more important is at the\npoint where the river leaves the Sea of Galilee and is still used as a\nferry. Another is the famous ford of Abarah, a little northeast of\nBethshean. The third is a little farther south, opposite the ancient\nPella. Another, the D\u00e2mieh ford, is at the mouth of the Jabbok. The\nfifth is northeast of Jericho just below the point where the Wady\nNimrin enters the Jordan. The most famous is the Pilgrim Ford,\nsoutheast of Jericho, just below the place where the Wady Kelt joins\nthe Jordan. Owing to the alluvial character of its banks, its rapid\ncurrent, and the frequency of the floods, fed by the melting snows\nfrom the Lebanons and by the heavy storms of the winter and spring,\nthe Jordan has always proved a river difficult to cross. Its r\u00f4le\nthroughout all of its history has been that of a divider rather than\nthat of a binder together of tribes and races. Throughout its course\nof one hundred and seven miles it is rarely navigable. Flowing, as it\ndoes, into the barren waters of the Dead Sea, the Jordan was,\ntherefore, a check upon rather than an encouragement to commerce.\n\n=Ancient Names of the Dead Sea.= The residue of the ancient inland\nlake is represented by the present Dead Sea. This name is\ncomparatively modern. In the Bible it is called by various names, such\nas simply the Sea, the Sea of the Plain, the Eastern Sea, or the Salt\nSea. To-day it is known among the Arabs as the Sea of Lot.\n\n=Its Unique Characteristics.= The Dead Sea lies one thousand two\nhundred and ninety-two feet below the surface of the ocean.^{(37)} It\nis forty-seven and a half miles long and ten miles across at its\nwidest point. At its northeastern end, under the heights of Moab, the\nlake reaches to the vast depth of one thousand two hundred and\nseventy-eight feet. In striking contrast, the southern end of the sea\nis only ten to fifteen feet in depth. Its waters are so thoroughly\nimpregnated with poisonous chemicals that no fish can live in them\nand only the lowest organisms survive. Its bitter taste is due to the\npresence of chloride of magnesium and the oily feeling is produced by\nthe chloride of calcium, which it holds in solution. As is well known,\nthe density is so great that it is practically impossible for man or\nbeast to sink beneath its waters. In time of storm the waves beat on\nthe shore with a heavy, metallic sound. The waters of the sea are\nfrequently lashed by heavy thunder-storms, which linger here sometimes\nfor hours, held in by the high, towering cliffs on either side. With\nfew exceptions the shores of the Dead Sea are barren and strewn at\nplaces with the wreckage of trees. Its water, however, is limpid,\nvarying from light blue to green. Owing to the proximity of the desert\nand the intense heat--the temperature rising in summer as high as\n118\u00b0--it is the scene of a stupendous process of evaporation. It is\ncomputed that between six and eight million tons of water rise in\nvapor from this great natural caldron each day. Often the vapor is so\ndense that it obscures the landscape, but at other times it imparts a\nmarvellous prismatic color to the huge cliffs that encircle the\nlake,^{(38)} so that the combination of the blue waters, the cloudless\nskies, and the rich, blended reds, grays, and purples of the\nopalescent landscape make it one of the most sublime views in all the\nworld.\n\n=Its Eastern Bank.= On the eastern side the cliffs of Moab rise at\nsome points almost sheer to the height of between twenty-five hundred\nand three thousand feet. These limestone hills are mottled with huge\nblotches of black limestone and basalt and are frequently capped with\nwhite, chalky rocks. They are cut by several important streams, which\nhave worn deep canyons that extend back many miles into the Moabite\nhills. A few miles south of the northeastern end the Wady Zerka Ma'in\nflows into the sea. On its northern bank, near the sea, the famous\nbaths of Callirrh\u00f6e burst from the rock. Farther south the River\nArnon, cutting a canyon three thousand feet deep through the plateau\nof Moab, reaches the sea through a broad opening. Here a few scattered\npalms and acacias relieve the utter desolation of this eastern wall\nof rock. Still farther south the promontory of El-Lisan, The Tongue,\nas it is called by the natives, pushes out into the sea, extending to\nwithin three miles of the western shore. It is a bold mass of\ncalcareous marl, forty to eighty feet in height, treeless and barren.\nIn pleasing contrast with this barrenness is the oasis lying behind\nit, watered by the Wady el-Kerak. Here are found the four Bedouin\nvillages which are the only towns along the coast of this desolate\nsea.\n\n=The Southern End.= At the southern end of the Dead Sea is a slimy mud\nmarsh, low and malarial, covered with tropical thickets which are\nfilled with the birds and the beasts of the southern clime. Farther\nsouth is the fertile Gh\u00f4r es-Safieh. In this little oasis, lying\nbetween the sea and the wilderness, a little wheat, barley, and\ntobacco are grown and a dense tropical vegetation abounds. Southward\nfor a hundred and twelve miles to the Gulf of Akaba extends the\nArabah,^{(39)} the continuation of the great rift of which the Jordan\nand the Dead Sea valleys are a part. Low sand-hills lie across the\ncentre of this broad, shallow valley, making direct travel impossible.\nSixty-five miles to the south the watershed is reached. This is six\nhundred and sixty feet above the level of the ocean, that is, nearly\ntwo thousand feet above the level of the Dead Sea. It is a land of\nstones, gravel, and sand,^{(40)} with only a few trickling springs--a\nlonesome, forbidding region where heat, dust, and the Bedouin rule\nsupreme to-day as they have for thousands of years.\n\n=The Western Shores.= The hills on the western side of the Dead Sea,\nexcept at two points, do not come close to the margin of the water. A\nbeach from a hundred yards to a mile in width fringes the sea on this\nwestern side. Beyond this shore the hills rise in terraces to the\nheight of from two thousand to two thousand five hundred feet. These\nare white, rounded, and barren, except at Engedi, where the waters of\nits famous spring have developed an oasis,^{(41)} which marks the side\nof the plateau with a pleasing mass of dark green. Many small wadies\ncut down through these western hills. In their beds are found a few\ntrees and bushes, but otherwise the landscape is as bold and\nunrelieved by vegetation as on the east. On the southwest, at Jebel\nUsdum, there is a remarkable range of salt cliffs, six hundred feet\nhigh, three and three-fourth miles in length and a half mile in width.\nHere local tradition fixes the scene of the death of Lot's wife. Along\nthis western shore are also found deposits of bitumen. Frequently\nportions of it are found floating in the waters; sometimes they catch\non fire, adding to the lurid impressiveness of this mysterious valley.\n\n=Grim Associations of the Dead Sea.= These are a few of the many\nreminders that fully justify the modern name of the Dead Sea. Its\nhistoric associations, the destruction of the wicked cities of the\nplain, the murder of John the Baptist at Mach\u00e6rus on the eastern\nheights, and the later massacre at Masada are all harsh and appalling.\nIn common with the Jordan valley, this region is richly suggestive of\nthe destructive forces of nature. Life is here grim, severe, and\nrelentless. It is not difficult to detect in Jewish character the deep\nimpressions made by this constant contact with the symbols of death\nand with these suggestions of the presence of a stern, austere God.\n\n\n\n\nVII\n\nTHE EAST-JORDAN LAND\n\n\n=Form and Climate of the East-Jordan Land.= The east-Jordan land of\nbiblical history is in form an irregular triangle, with its base\nskirting the Jordan Valley, its northern angle at the foot of Mount\nHermon, its southern a little beyond the southern end of the Dead Sea,\nwhile its third angle lies in the Druse Mountains, about seventy miles\neast of the Sea of Galilee. Damascus,^{(42)} to the northwest, is just\nbeyond the bounds of Palestine. This famous ancient city lies in the\nmidst of a verdant oasis made by the waters of the Abana River,^{(43)}\nwhich breaks through the eastern Lebanons and finally loses itself in\nthe Arabian desert. The heart of the east-Jordan land is the wide,\nlevel plain watered by the tributaries of the Yarmuk River. The\neast-Jordan territory is a great elevated plateau, averaging fully two\nthousand feet in height. This southern continuation of the\nAnti-Lebanon mountains is a land that lies open to the sunshine and to\nthe strong breezes that blow from the dry desert or fresh from the\nwestern sea. Its temperature, as a whole, is much colder than that of\nwestern Palestine. Frosts at night begin as early as the first of\nNovember and continue into March. Deep snows cover a large portion of\nit in winter. I myself have travelled in the middle of March for hours\nthrough blinding snows, two or three feet deep, up among the highlands\nof Gilead. In summer frequent mists sweep over the heights. At night\nthe temperature often falls very low, and, as a result, heavy dews are\ndeposited. Even during the day cool sea-breezes make the air\nthoroughly invigorating. Thus it richly deserved the reputation which\nit enjoyed in antiquity of being one of the most healthful regions in\nall the world.\n\n=Well Watered and Fertile.= In contrast to western Palestine, the\neast-Jordan land is well supplied with springs and perennial rivers.\nGrass grows almost everywhere in rich profusion, even far out toward\nthe desert. Great forests are still found in Gilead, and fruit trees\nthat yield abundantly. East of the Jordan are the chief grain fields\nof Palestine, but it is pre-eminently the home of the herdsman and\nshepherd. Herds of cattle and flocks of sheep and goats dot the\nlandscape almost everywhere from the foot of Hermon to the southern\nend of Moab.\n\n=The Four Great Natural Divisions.= The east-Jordan land falls into\nfour great natural divisions. The first is the Jaulan or Golan, the\nGaulanitis of the Roman period, which extends from the foot of Mount\nHermon to the Yarmuk River and from the Jordan and the Sea of Galilee\nto the Nahr el-All\u00e2n, a northern tributary of the Yarmuk. To the east\nand southeast of the Jaulan is the second great division, the Hauran.\nIt extends northward to the vast lava-beds of El-Lejah, and eastward\nto the Druse Mountains, which look out upon the desert. In certain\npassages of the Old Testament the term Bashan seems to have been\napplied to the entire region north of the Yarmuk, but its exact bounds\nare not clearly defined. The third division includes the mountains of\nGilead, which extend from the Yarmuk to the Wady Heshb\u00e2n at the\nnorthern end of the Dead Sea, and from the Jordan out to the desert\nbeyond the territory of ancient Ammon. The fourth division is the\nplateau of Moab, which extends from the Wady Heshb\u00e2n to the Wady\nel-Hesa, southeast of the Dead Sea, and from the Salt Sea to the great\npilgrim road on the borders of the desert.\n\n=Characteristics of the Northern and Western Jaulan.= The Jaulan\nslopes southward to the Yarmuk and westward to the Jordan. Its\ncharacteristic features are two parallel ranges of isolated volcanic\nmountains between two and four thousand feet in height extending\nsouthward from Mount Hermon.\n\nIn some of these bold peaks the outlines of the ancient craters are\nstill visible. Tell Abu Neda, of the western range, rises to the\nheight of nearly four thousand feet. Its crater is broken at one side\nand its ulterior is cultivated, producing a variety of vegetables and\ngrains. Another peak farther south, Tell el-Faras, about three\nthousand one hundred feet high, has a well-preserved, round crater,\nwhich inclines to the north. From these craters in early times\nsuccessive waves of lava flowed toward the Jordan valley, covering\nthis entire region. The northern part of the Jaulan is a great rocky\npasture land, strewn with black basaltic boulders. In the spring it is\na mass of green, which attracts thousands of Bedouin with their\nflocks. In the summer it becomes dry and desolate except where a few\nperennial springs develop little oases. The villages are small and far\napart. Inland a few wadies supply water for irrigation, but as they\nrun westward toward the Jordan they soon cut deep torrent beds through\nthe rocks and thus become practically useless for purposes of\nagriculture.\n\n=Southern and Eastern Jaulan.= The southern part of the Jaulan, from a\npoint opposite the northern end of the Sea of Galilee, is a lofty\nplateau. Here the volcanic rock is more broken. In this rich, dark red\nsoil much grain is raised, especially wheat and barley. Two important\nstreams, the Wady Semakh and the Wady F\u00eek, here descend to the Sea of\nGalilee through long deep gorges. The southeastern Jaulan is pierced\nby two parallel streams, the Nahr er-Rukkad and the Nahr el-All\u00e2n,\nwhich run almost due south. In their upper courses they flow on the\nsurface of the ground, but soon sink into deep gorges which lead to\nthe Yarmuk. The Yarmuk itself is the most commanding river of all the\neast-Jordan land. Its tributaries water the fertile lands of the\nHauran. Like all the great rivers east of the Jordan, it has cut a\ndeep channel through the basaltic rocks. To-day the railroad from\nDamascus to Haifa twists along its tortuous course between walls of\nrock five hundred to one thousand feet in height. The climate in this\ndeep gorge is that of the Jordan valley itself. Oleanders, palms, and\nfigs grow here, overshadowed by the pines and oaks of the upland\nplateau. The variety of twisted and tilted limestone and volcanic\nrocks laid bare on its rugged sides makes it one of the wildest and\nmost picturesque valleys in all Palestine.\n\n=Character of the Hauran.= The most productive grain fields of the\neastern Mediterranean are found in the Hauran or Hollow.^{(1)} With\nthe exception of an occasional low hill, this region is as level as a\nfloor. The soil is a rich volcanic loam, well watered and\nsuperlatively fruitful. Unlike the Jaulan, which was once largely\nwooded, it is treeless, except among the mountains to the east. It is\nalso one of the few spots in Palestine practically free from stones.\nHere wheat and barley and the other grains of Palestine grow in\nrankest profusion. The landscape is comparatively monotonous except as\nan occasional wady furrows its way down toward the Yarmuk or some of\nits tributaries. Like many regions in Palestine it is dominated by the\nsnowy heights of Hermon, which stand out in brilliant contrast to the\nmonotony of the plain.\n\n=Borderland of the Hauran.= To the north rises, thirty or forty feet\nabove the plain, the great lava plain of El-Lejah. It is a solid,\ngently undulating mass of lava, containing an area of three hundred\nand fifty square miles. No rivers, and only occasional springs, are\nfound throughout this barren waste, which is penetrated only by a few\nfootpaths. It is the ancient Trachonitis, the refuge of outlaws and\nrobbers to-day as in the past. To the east the plain of the Hauran\nrises to Jebel Hauran, also known as the Druse Mountains. Three of the\npeaks of these eastern sentinels are between four and six thousand\nfeet high. On the south, the Hauran gradually merges into the yellow\nsteppes of El-Ham\u00e2d and farther west into the limestone hills of\nEz-Zumleh.\n\n=Gilead.= South of the Yarmuk the black basalt of the Jaulan yields to\nthe light limestone of the west-Jordan. The entire territory of Gilead\nmore closely resembles the western hills of Palestine than does any\nother part of the east-Jordan region. On the broad rolling uplands of\neastern Gilead there are large grain fields and the soil is\ncultivated at many other points. In the Roman period great cities, of\nwhich Gerasa^{(44)} was the chief, testified to the rich productivity\nof this region, but for the most part it is the paradise of the\nherdsmen and the shepherd. It is a land of deep valleys, rounded\nhills, and frequent springs. On the northwest many small streams cut\ntheir way to the Jordan valley. The roads run up and down steep\ninclines where the flocks and the herds cling to the sloping\nhillsides. Groves of noble oaks cover the hilltops and reveal the\nstrength inherent in the soil.\n\n=The Jabbok and Jebel Osha.= The dominant factor in southern Gilead is\nthe River Jabbok.^{(45)} It rises among the hills not far from the\nMoabite border, only eighteen miles from the Jordan, and then flows\nnortheast, past the old Ammonite capital. Thence it completes the half\ncircle, cutting its way through the Gileadite hills to the Jordan. At\nsome points its channel is between two and three thousand feet below\nthe level of the plateau. It is a joyous river, rippling in flashes of\nsunlight over the rocks, through green glades and tangles of oleanders\nand rushes, a type of this happy, picturesque land of the shepherd.\nThe centre of the half circle described by the Brook Jabbok is the\nJebel Osha, the highest peak in Gilead. From its height of three\nthousand five hundred and ninety-five feet, practically all of Gilead\nis spread to the north and south and east like a great variegated\ncarpet.\n\n=Southern Gilead.= In southern Gilead the trees become fewer and fewer\nuntil south of Jebel Osha they almost disappear. In spring-time the\nfields are green with grass and grain, but in summer they become\nparched and brown. The wadies in the south, such as Wady Nimrin and\nWady Heshb\u00e2n, avail little for irrigation, since their channels are\nfar beneath the level of the surrounding plateau. The region as a\nwhole begins to take on something of the sombre color of the Dead Sea\nregion which lies in the depths below.\n\n=Character of the Plateau of Moab.= In its largest bounds Moab is a\nterritory sixty miles long and thirty miles wide. From across the\nDead Sea it looks like a high mountain range, but in reality it is\nsimply a lofty upland plateau^{(46)} towering above the deep gorge of\nthe Dead Sea. Throughout most of its extent it is between two thousand\nfive hundred and three thousand three hundred feet above the ocean\nlevel, and therefore from three thousand eight hundred to four\nthousand six hundred feet above the blue waters of the Dead Sea. It is\na gently rolling, treeless plain; its low hilltops are crowned with\nthe ruins of ancient cities. Only a few bushes are to be found upon\nthese bare moors. The prevailing rock is soft cretaceous limestone,\nwhich crops out at many points. The soil of the central zone, however,\nwhich runs from north to south, averaging about ten miles in width, is\nexceedingly fertile. Many grain fields are found throughout this\nterritory; but like Gilead, Moab is pre-eminently the land of the\nherdsman and the shepherd. In the wadies which run down to the Dead\nSea thousands of camels are bred, while on the hills above are seen at\nevery point flocks of cattle, sheep, and goats.\n\n=Its Fertility and Water Supply.= In the spring-time the upland fields\nare masses of green, which almost conceal the stones and outcrop of\nrock. The marvel is that any vegetation is found in a land thus\nbounded, on the west by the Sea of Death and on the east by the rocky\ndesert. Most of the streams run through deep glens and no springs are\nfound on the surface. The explanation of the marvel is found in the\nhigh elevation of the plateau and the great process of evaporation\nwhich is ever going on in the Dead Sea basin below. The west winds\nfrom the Mediterranean and the Dead Sea come laden with moisture,\nwhich they deposit in the winter and spring in drenching rains, and\nthroughout the year in heavy dews at night.\n\n=Its Mountains.= The mountains of Moab are little more than hills\nrising a few hundred feet above the rolling upland. The so-called\nmountains of the Abarim are simply the wild, rocky hills and\npromontories which rise rapidly from the Dead Sea.^{(47)} Seen from\nacross the Dead Sea they have the appearance of mountains. They skirt\nthe eastern side of the lower Jordan and Dead Sea, running eastward\nnine or ten miles to meet the fields of Moab on the heights. This\nregion corresponds to the wilderness of Judea across the sea on the\nwest. Mount Nebo, which now bears the name Neba, is a flat tongue of\nland two thousand six hundred and forty-three feet above the ocean\nlevel, running out two miles westward from the main plateau. It\noverlooks the northern end of the Dead Sea, which is nearly four\nthousand feet below. It commands a marvellous view up the Jordan\nvalley, between the lofty heights of Gilead on the right and the hills\nof Samaria and Judah on the left. Farther inland and to the south is\nthe loftier peak of Jebel Attarus. The chief mountain south of the\nArnon is Jebel Shihan, which rises to the height of two thousand seven\nhundred and eighty feet above the ocean level.\n\n=Its Rivers.= The most striking features in the landscape of Moab are\nthe deep canyons which plough from east to west across the plateau.\nThose in the north run back only a few miles, leaving northeastern\nMoab a comparatively unbroken plateau, but in the south they cut deep\nfurrows eastward even to the borders of the desert. The Wady Zerka\nMa'in has worn a broad channel through the limestone, basaltic, and\nsandstone rocks of northwestern Moab, so that ten miles from the point\nwhere it flows into the Dead Sea it is fully two miles across. Along\nthe bottom of this great chasm runs a limpid brook, winding through\nbeautiful groves of oleanders and beside fertile patches of land,\nwhich are in marked contrast to the utterly barren and desolate cliffs\nabove.\n\n=The Arnon.= Farther south the Arnon, the chief river of Moab, rises\non the border of the desert. Rapidly cutting its way down into the\nplateau, it receives its first important confluent from the south, and\nfarther on the Wady Waleh from the north. At the point where the\ncentral highway through Moab from the north crosses the Arnon the\ncanyon is three thousand feet deep and two miles from bank to bank. It\nis by far the most stupendous and picturesque chasm in all\nPalestine.^{(48)} The steep red cliffs, variegated and richly colored\nby white, gray, and yellow strata, extend in wavy billows east and\nwest as far as the eyes can reach. The descent is almost sheer into\nthe depths below, where the river, easily fordable at many points and\nwith an actual channel only a few feet wide, rushes over the smooth\nrocks or winds leisurely through its fringe of oleanders and green\nbushes. Where the tributary wadies have cut down the soft limestone,\nnature's castles stand out, guarding the broad natural highway from\nthe desert to the sea. The Arnon only in a lesser degree separated the\nland of Moab and destroyed its political unity, even as did the Jordan\nthe land of Israel.\n\n=Southern Moab and Edom.= Farther south the Wady el-Kerak, narrow and\ndeep, runs past both sides of the natural citadel, whose name it\nbears,^{(49)} and finds its way to the Dead Sea back of the barren\npromontory of El-Lisan. Thus the three zones of Moab, the western\npromontories, the central fields, and the dry pasture lands on the\neast, are repeatedly intersected by the deep gorges that make it a\nland easy to approach from the desert and difficult to defend. Farther\nsouth the plateau of Moab merges into the wild, picturesque mountains\nof Mount Seir, the home of the Edomites. The valley becomes narrower\nand the mountains bolder, more jagged, and abrupt. The culmination of\nthese natural wonders is the Wady M\u00fbsa, which cuts a deep, narrow\nchannel through the heart of the mountains.^{(50)} In the midst of\nthis valley, surrounded by gorgeously colored sandstone cliffs, out of\nwhich have been carved homes, streets, tombs, theatres,\ntemples,^{(51)} and well-preserved high places,^{(52, 53)} stands that\nmost astonishing and marvellous of all oriental cities--Petra.\n\n=Significance of the East-Jordan Land.= Health, beauty, and fertility\nhave ever been the three rich possessions of the east-Jordan land. It\nwas effectually cut off, however, from contact with the teeming,\nhighly civilized life of the Mediterranean seaboard by the deep chasm\nof the Jordan and Dead Sea valley and by the barren hills that flanked\nthis great gorge on its southern end. It was a land that faced the\ndesert and the east rather than the west. It was itself the loadstone\nthat constantly attracted the wandering dwellers of the desert. The\nlife and institutions of the desert have here prevailed through all\nthe centuries. Here the wandering nomads first tasted and learned to\nappreciate the advantages of settled agricultural life and made the\ngradual and natural transition from the nomadic to the agricultural\nstate. Here also the mighty energies of the powerful western nations\nwere put forth in a mighty effort to conquer and to hold this land,\nfor they realized that it was their natural eastern outpost against\nthe desert. It was here, therefore, that the militant civilization and\nlife of the East and West met, struggled, and mingled. Here the same\nconflicts and processes are going on to-day as in the past. This close\ncontact with the desert has always been the strength, the\nsignificance, and the weakness of the east-Jordan land.\n\n\n\n\nVIII\n\nTHE TWO CAPITALS: JERUSALEM AND SAMARIA\n\n\n=Importance of Jerusalem and Samaria.= Two cities of ancient\nPalestine, Jerusalem and Samaria, towered above all others, both in\nsize and in importance. Each was for a long period the capital of an\nimportant kingdom. Each represented a distinct type of civilization\nand religion. Their topography throws much light upon their\ndevelopment and history.\n\n=Site of Jerusalem.= At first glance the site of Jerusalem seems one\nof the most unpromising places in all the land of Palestine for a\ngreat city. It lies on two or three low hills, projecting from the\nirregular plateau, which extends southward from the watershed of\ncentral Judah. It is overshadowed by higher hills near by and has no\nlofty, commanding acropolis. The Wilderness of Judea bounds it on the\neast and the hills and valleys about are rocky and comparatively\nbarren. The reason why a city originally sprang up on this forbidding\nsite was the presence of a spring, now known as the Virgin's Spring,\non the side of the Kidron Valley^{(54)} to the southeast of the\npresent Jerusalem. It is the one perennial spring in this region and\nfixes at once the site of the old pre-Israelite town. (_Cf._ map op.\np. 203.)\n\n=The Kidron Valley.= The Kidron is a characteristic Palestinian wady.\nIt runs almost due north past the city and then gradually bends to the\nwest. It is about two hundred yards in width and is flanked by hills,\nwhich rise four to six hundred feet on either side. During the winter\nand spring rains a brook rushes down this ravine, but in the summer it\nis waterless, although many olive trees find sufficient moisture in\nthe bottom and on sides of the valley. At its southern end the Kidron\nis joined by the broad valley of Ben Hinnom,^{(55)} which runs due\nwest nearly half a mile and then turns northward, thus, with the\nKidron, enclosing on three sides a nearly regular rectangle half to\nthree-quarters of a mile in width.\n\n=The Tyrop\u0153on Valley.= The southern promontories or hills thus\nenclosed were in ancient times divided by a small shallow valley, the\nTyrop\u0153on or Cheesemongers' Valley, which ran northward from the Valley\nof Hinnom, separating the rectangle into two unequal parts. The city\nhas been so often besieged and razed to the ground that its original\nsite has been largely obscured by the masses of d\u00e9bris scattered\neverywhere and especially in the Tyrop\u0153on Valley. At many points the\nnative rock lies from forty to one hundred feet beneath the present\nlevel. East of the temple area a shaft was sunk one hundred and twenty\nfeet before the virgin rock was reached. Hundreds of such shafts have\nbeen sent down at different points throughout the city so that the\nexact site of the ancient town is now well known. The Tyrop\u0153on Valley,\nwhich cuts through the heart of Jerusalem, is the key to the\nunderstanding of the ancient city. From the point where it joins the\nKidron and Hinnom valleys in the south to its northern end, a little\noutside the present Damascus Gate, this valley is about sixteen\nhundred yards in length. The hills on either side originally rose to\nthe height of between one hundred and one hundred and fifty feet above\nthe bottom of the valley, which becomes broader and shallower toward\nthe north. Opposite the present temple area a western branch extends\nabout three hundred yards, nearly cutting off the southwestern hill\nfrom the northern plateau.\n\n=The Original City.= The rounded ridge of rock between the Tyrop\u0153on\nand Kidron valleys was clearly the original site of Jerusalem. It is\nthe so-called Ophel, on which the ancient Jebusite fortress was\nreared. The southern end rises rapidly from the valley below where the\nTyrop\u0153on and Kidron join. Its northern continuation is the temple\narea. Excavations have shown that immediately north of the present\ntemple area there was a rock cutting, from the Tyrop\u0153on Valley on the\nwest to the Kidron Valley on the east, leaving a precipice of native\nrock twenty-five feet high as a barrier against attack from the north.\nAt the southeastern corner of the temple area traces have also been\nfound of the well-built wall which ran along the edge of the Kidron\nValley, probably encircling the ancient Jebusite city. Thus it was\nsurrounded on three sides with rapidly descending valleys from one to\nthree hundred feet deep, while immediately below was the perennial\nspring, essential to the life of its early inhabitants. It is easy,\ntherefore, to understand why the early Jebusites regarded their city\nas impregnable.\n\n=Its Extent.= The hill Ophel contains an area of between sixteen and\neighteen acres, which was amply sufficient for a crowded village of\nancient times. This was also, without reasonable doubt, the site of\nDavid's city. As the Israelite city grew it probably extended almost\nto the level of the valley in the south, near the modern Pool of\nSiloam. At present the northern end of the hill Ophel is higher than\nthe southern. It also broadens into the temple area, which is two\nthousand four hundred and forty feet above the sea-level. It is not\nimprobable, however, that the site of the old Jebusite fortress was\nonce higher than the temple rock to the north. If the fortress of\nAkra, which figures prominently in Maccabean history, was identical\nwith the ancient citadel of Ophel, then, according to the testimony of\nJosephus (_Jew. Wars_, V, 4:1), Simon the Maccabean ruler cut down\nthis southern eminence to make it lower than the adjoining temple\narea.\n\n=The Western Hill.= It is not clear when the western hill was included\nwithin the bounds of Jerusalem; possibly in the days of Solomon;\ncertainly some time before the Babylonian exile. On the south and west\nthis hill descends rapidly to the Valley of Hinnom, on the east to the\nTyrop\u0153on Valley; while on the north it is connected by a narrow neck\nof rock with the northern hill of Jerusalem. It is about seven hundred\nyards long from north to south and four hundred from east to west. It\nis highest on the west, where it is two thousand five hundred and\ntwenty feet above the sea-level. It is therefore about eighty feet\nhigher than the temple area to the east.\n\n=The Northern Extension of the City.= As the city grew in later times,\nit extended naturally to the north and included the little hill or\nknob directly north of the so-called western hill, with which it was\nconnected by a neck of rock. This northern hill was bounded on the\nwest by a depression running from the Hinnom Valley and on the south\nand east by the upper Tyrop\u0153on. On the north it had no natural\ndefence.^{(56)} Its highest point, about two thousand four hundred and\nninety feet, was nearly on the same level as the temple area. The\nnorthern extension of the city also included another section of the\nridge of rock which runs northward from the temple area, parallel to\nthe Kidron Valley. A scarp twenty feet deep was cut across this ridge\nfrom east to west and to-day forms the northeastern limits of the\ncity. In contrast to the ancient city, which extended far down into\nthe valleys to the south, the modern city has climbed up the plateau\ntoward the north.\n\n=Josephus's Description of Jerusalem.= The late Jewish historian,\nJosephus, has given the most graphic description of the topography of\nJerusalem. In the light of the preceding study of its site, his vivid\npicture becomes clearly intelligible. While he had in mind the city of\nhis own day (the middle of the first Christian century) his words\ndescribe equally well the ancient town: \"The city of Jerusalem was\nfortified with three walls, on such parts as were not surrounded with\nimpassable valleys; for in such places it had but one wall. The city\nwas built upon two hills, which are opposite to one another, and have\na valley to divide them asunder, at which valley the corresponding\nhouses on both hills end. Of these hills, that which contains the\nupper city is much higher, and in length more direct. But the other\nhill, which was called the Acra, and sustains the lower city, is of\nthe shape of a moon when it is horned; over against this there was a\nthird hill, but naturally lower than the Acra, and parted formerly\nfrom the other by a broad valley. However, in those times, when the\nAsmoneans reigned, they filled up that valley with earth, and had a\nmind to join the city to the temple. They then took off part of the\nheight of Acra and reduced it to a less elevation than it was before,\nthat the temple might be superior to it. Now the Valley of the\nCheesemongers, as it was called, which separated the hill of the upper\ncity from that of the lower, extended as far as Siloam; for that is\nthe name of a fountain which has sweet water in it, and this also in\ngreat plenty. But on the outside these hills are surrounded by deep\nvalleys, and by reason of the precipices belonging to them, they are\non both sides everywhere inaccessible.\"\n\n=The Geological Formation.= The geological formation of the hills of\nJerusalem also throws much light upon its history. The strata is\ninclined toward the southeast at an average angle of ten or twelve\ndegrees. The surface rock is hard, silicious limestone with bands of\nflint. This crops out on the top of the temple mount, on the west side\nof the Kidron Valley, and in the quarries to the north of Jerusalem.\nBelow is a bed of soft, white limestone, easy to cut and good for\nbuilding, since it hardens with exposure. The presence of this\nunderlying rock made possible the extensive system of cisterns and\nunderground passages with which Jerusalem is honeycombed and which has\nplayed such a large part in the tragic history of the city. Beneath\nthis layer is a hard, dolomitic limestone, white but streaked with\npink. While the upper layers of rock are porous, this lower stratum\nholds the water, with the result that at the one point where it comes\nto the surface on the western side of the lower Kidron Valley there is\na spring. The southern inclination of this hard rock also carries the\ndrainage of the city to the south, to the point where the Kidron and\nHinnom valleys meet.\n\n=The Water Supply.= Jerusalem, like most of the cities of Judah, was\ninadequately supplied with springs. The Virgin's Spring, which is in\nall probability identical with the ancient spring of Gihon, is\nintermittent. Its waters issue from a natural siphon in the rock,\nflowing according to the local rainfall, sometimes for only an hour or\nmore, and at others for several days. It is entered by steps which\nlead into a natural cave, half way down the side of the Kidron Valley.\nFrom this point, in early times, the waters were conducted through the\nridge of rock on which the city rested by a rock-cut tunnel, which is\none of the wonders of ancient engineering. Thence they were carried to\na point at the southern end of the Tyrop\u0153on Valley, where was once the\nfamous Pool of Siloam, which was probably inside the ancient city\nwalls. Here was built in later times a great basin, fifty-two feet\nsquare, from which the inhabitants of the city drew their chief supply\nof water.^{(112)} Still another conduit carried the overflow from this\npool to the so-called Job's Well, four hundred and fifty yards to the\nsoutheast, where the Kidron and the Hinnom valleys meet. West of the\ntemple area there was apparently in ancient times a pool which\nreceived the waters from the upper basin of the Tyrop\u0153on, but there is\nno clear geological or historical evidence of a living spring in the\nnorthern or western part of the city. Aside from their one perennial\nspring and these pools the inhabitants of ancient Jerusalem were\nwholly dependent upon rock-cisterns for their water supply. Modern\nexcavations have revealed the remains of the aqueducts, by which the\nplentiful waters of the so-called Pools of Solomon, southwest of\nBethlehem, were later conducted through the valleys and along the\nhillsides to Jerusalem. The water was then distributed by means of\nhigh and low level aqueducts in different parts of the city, but\nespecially in the temple area, for use in connection with the\nsacrificial ritual. From the same Pools of Solomon water is still\nbrought by pipes to the southwestern side of the city.^{(57)}\n\n=Jerusalem's Military Strength.= Jerusalem's strength consisted not in\nits elevation, but in the deep ravines which encircled it on the east,\nsouth, west, and in part on the north. The native rock lay only a few\nfeet beneath the surface, and the soft limestone could be cut with\ncomparative ease. A vertical cutting of twenty or twenty-five feet\ninto the steep side of the hill gave a precipitous rampart of native\nrock, indestructible and difficult to scale. The weakness of Jerusalem\nwas the lack of natural defences on the north.^{(56)} This natural\ndefect was partially overcome by the deep cuttings in the natural\nrock, which at certain points left a sheer descent of twenty or\ntwenty-five feet. These artificial defences were supplemented in the\nmore level places by broad, strong walls that made Jerusalem,\nthroughout most of its history, the strongest citadel in Palestine.\n\n=Strength of Its Position.= The city shared with the rest of Judah the\nprotection of natural barriers on every side. It could be approached\non the east only over the rough headlands that arose above the Jordan\nand the Dead Sea. While it was on the great highway which led along\nthe central plateau from northern Israel to Hebron and the South\nCountry, large invading armies never advanced against Jerusalem by\nthis difficult mountain road. On the west the valleys which led up\nfrom the coast plains converged at Jerusalem, making it comparatively\neasy for the Hebrews in command of these upland passages to descend\nrapidly upon their foes in the plain. These passes were also easily\nguarded from above against advancing armies. The comparative\nbarrenness of the territory about Jerusalem was another important\nsource of its strength, for the land furnished insufficient sustenance\nfor a large besieging army. Thus Jerusalem, although close to the\ngreat currents of the world's civilization, stood apart and aloof,\nsecure because of its poverty and comparative insignificance, secure\nbehind its bold western headlands and its walls of gray\nlimestone.^{(58)} It was the fitting capital of an austere race, who\njealously and bravely guarded their freedom and their faith. Shut in\namong the limestone hills, it was typical of the land of Judah.\n\n=Samaria's Name.= Samaria, situated in the midst of a broad, fertile\nplain, opening toward the sea and commanding far-reaching, glorious\nvistas, was equally representative of northern Israel. Both capitals\nwere raised to the commanding position which they enjoyed, not as the\nresult of chance, but through the deliberate choice of a strong and\nable sovereign. In I Kings 16:24 it is stated that Omri, the founder\nof the most powerful military dynasty of northern Israel, \"bought the\nhill of Samaria from Shemer for two talents of silver; and he built on\nthe hill and named the city Samaria, after Shemer, the owner of the\nhill.\" Whatever be its historical derivation, the name Shomeron, or\nSamaria, is eminently appropriate, for it means watch-tower.\n\n=Its Situation.= The hill lies on the eastern side of the Wady\nesh-Shair or Barley Vale, a wide and beautiful valley, which comes up\nfrom the Plain of Sharon. Opposite Samaria it broadens out and unites\nwith several shallow valleys, which come down from the north and\nnortheast. Along the Barley Vale runs the great highway which leads\nnorthwest from Shechem and central Israel to the Plain of Esdraelon\nand Ph\u0153nicia. Another highway runs directly north, past the Plain of\nDothan to northern Israel and Damascus. Samaria lay near the border\nline between the powerful tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh. It was,\nhowever, a little south and east of the centre of northern Israel. Its\ngates were wide open to the civilization and commerce which swept up\nand down the coast plains. From the city's heights there was a fine\nview of the Mediterranean, which represented that larger world into\nclose touch with which Omri aimed to bring his people.\n\n=Its Military Strength.= The city was built on an elongated, isolated\nhill,^{(59)} rising on the west between three and four hundred feet\nabove the plain. The hill descends precipitously on three sides; on\nthe east it is connected with the hills by a neck of land which lies\nabout two hundred feet above the surrounding plain. As in the case of\nJerusalem, these surrounding valleys were the source of its military\nstrength. The hill is about three-fourths of a mile in length. On its\ntop rises a large acropolis,^{(60)} nearly round and about a third of\na mile in diameter. In the Roman period this acropolis was surrounded\nby a wide terrace, with a colonnade about one and one-half miles in\ncircumference. On the top of this rounded hill there was ample space\nfor a large and powerful city. Surrounded, like Jerusalem, by a strong\nwall, it was practically impregnable.\n\n=Its Beauty and Prosperity.= The view from Samaria is one of the most\npicturesque and attractive in all Palestine. Isaiah well describes\nthis city as \"the splendid ornament which crowns the fertile valley.\"\nGreen fields, olive and vine-clad hills delight the eye on every side.\nBetween the hills may be seen glimpses of green, peaceful valleys.\nPlenty and prosperity are in evidence at every turn. Samaria itself\nlies one thousand four hundred and fifty-four feet above the sea-level\nand is surrounded by higher hills on nearly every side. Two miles to\nthe north is a hill between nine hundred and a thousand feet higher\nthan that of Samaria, while to the southeast other hills lead up to\nthe rocky heights of Mount Ebal, over three thousand feet above the\nsea-level. Thus Samaria was a symbol of the beauty, the prosperity,\nthe openness to foreign influence, the inherent strength and the fatal\nweakness of northern, as contrasted with southern Israel.\n\n[Illustration: THE Main Highways OF THE ANCIENT SEMITIC WORLD\n\n  L.L. POATES ENGR'G CO., N.Y.\n]\n\n\n\n\nIX\n\nTHE GREAT HIGHWAYS OF THE BIBLICAL WORLD\n\n\n=Importance of the Highways.= Upon the direction and character of the\nhighways depend to a great extent the growth and history of early\ncivilization. By the great roads which entered Palestine the Hebrews\ncame as immigrants. Along the same roads those later waves of both\nhostile and peaceful invasion swept in upon them that largely shaped\ntheir history. These highways were to them the open doors to the life\nand civilization of the outside world. Over these same roads the\nHebrews later fled as fugitives or were dragged as captives. Along\nthese channels of communication and commerce the missionaries and\napostles at a still later day went forth to their peaceful conquest of\nthe Roman empire. Thus, next to the land itself, the highways of the\nancient world have exerted the most powerful influence upon biblical\nhistory, literature, and religion.\n\n=Lack of the Road-building Instincts among the Semites.= The Semitic\nraces, as a rule, were not road-builders. Their earlier nomadic\nexperiences had accustomed them to long and arduous marches over\nrough, rocky roads. The ox, the camel, the horse, and the donkey\nfurnished the common means of transportation. Most of the people went\nfrom place to place on foot, and in Palestine the distances were so\nshort that this mode of travel was easy and practical. To-day in\nwell-travelled roads large boulders lie in the middle of the way, worn\nsmooth by the hoofs of pack-animals and by the feet of countless\npassersby, who through the centuries have stumbled over them rather\nthan put forth the effort of a few moments in removing them. The\nAryans were the first to develop good roads in southwestern Asia. The\nroyal Persian post-roads, that connected remote parts of the vast\nempire, introduced a new era in road-building. The greatest\nroad-builders of antiquity were the Romans; but most of the superb\nhighways, which to-day arouse the wonder and admiration of the\ntraveller, were constructed by them in the second and third Christian\ncenturies, later, therefore, than the biblical period.\n\n=Evidence that Modern Roads Follow the Old Ways.= There is strong\nevidence that the later roads usually followed the ancient paths. Both\nwere connecting links between the same important centres. Both\nnecessarily crossed the same fords and the same mountain passes. The\nlater roads were held within the same limits by natural barriers and\nby that tendency to follow established traditions which has ever\ncharacterized the East. In riding over the roads of Palestine to-day\nthe traveller is constantly reminded that he is following in the\nfootsteps of the early inhabitants of the land. Often the path,\ninstead of following the most direct course, climbs over a pass or\nsteep hill, past a rocky ruin once a famous city, but now a mere chaos\nof scattered rocks. The road still follows this awkward d\u00e9tour simply\nbecause a thousand years ago it led to a populous town. Where the\nroads have changed their course it has been because the centre of\npopulation or of political ascendancy has changed, or else because the\nRomans, disregarding old traditions or physical obstacles, flung their\nmighty highways over the mountains and across the deep valleys.\n\n=Ordinary Palestinian Roads.= The common Hebrew word for road is\n_derekh_, which means literally _a trodden path_, made by the feet of\nmen and animals. It well describes a majority of the roads of\nPalestine to-day. It suggests to the experienced Palestinian traveller\nin most cases a narrow path, so thickly strewn with rocks that it is\nto him a never-ceasing wonder that his horse or mule is able, without\nmishap, hour after hour to pick its way over these rough piles of\nstone. Sometimes the path runs over a steep mountain hillside, where\nthe animal is obliged to lift itself and rider by sheer strength up\nrocky steps a foot and a half to two feet in height or to hold itself\nwith marvellous skill on the sloping side of a slippery rock. Often\nthe horse flounders blindly among scattered boulders while it braces\nitself against the rush of a mountain stream. At times the traveller\nmust balance himself on his horse as it struggles and often swims\nthrough fords whose waters reach almost to the top of its back.\n\n=Evidence that the Hebrews Built Roads.= There are indications,\nhowever, that road construction was not entirely unknown to the\nancient Hebrews. _M[)e]sill[=a]h_, another common Hebrew term for\nroad, means literally _that which is heaped up_, that is, _a raised\nway_. The common translation, _highway_, is exact. In Judges 20:31, 32\nthere are references to highways which ran to Bethel and to Gibeah. In\nI Samuel 6:12 is an incidental reference to the road which ran from\nthe Philistine city of Ekron up through the Valley of Sorek toward\nJerusalem. Along this road the ark was sent, drawn on a cart by two\ncows. The ancient narrative alludes, however, to the roughness of the\nroad. From I Kings 12:18 it is clear that in the days of the united\nkingdom a highway for chariots ran from Shechem to Jerusalem. The\nallusions in II Kings 7 also indicate that in the later days of the\nnorthern kingdom there was a road from Damascus to Samaria, over which\nthe chariots of the Arameans passed. As early as the reign of David\nroyal chariots became common in Israel (_e. g._, I Kings 1:5). This\nfact does not prove the existence of great highways like those built\nby the Romans, for the ancient charioteers were able to drive over\nroads which would seem to a westerner utterly impassable; but it does\nimply the rude beginnings of road construction, probably under royal\nsupervision. Apparently the Israelites inherited from the more highly\ncivilized Canaanites a few well-worn highways and a certain knowledge\nof the art of road-making.\n\n=The Four Roads from Egypt.= Four great roads led eastward from the\nland of Egypt. The northernmost, which was called \"the way of the\nland of the Philistines\" (Ex. 13:17), issued from the northern end of\nthe Nile delta and passed north of the marshy Lake Menzaleh. Thence it\nran along within a few miles of the coast of the Mediterranean,\nthrough Raphia to Gaza. There it met the great coast road to the north\nand the local roads running through the heart of Palestine. The second\nroad was called \"the way to Shur\" (Gen. 16:17, I Sam. 15:7). It seems\nto have first passed through the present Wady Tumilat, thence turning\nnorthward to the southern end of Lake Menzaleh, to have run past the\nEgyptian fortress of Taru, now Tell Abu Sefeh. Taru may be identical\nwith the word Shur, which appears in the Hebrew name of this highway.\n\nFrom this point the road struck almost directly across the undulating\ndesert to Beersheba and thence along the Wady es-Seba and the Wady\nel-Kulil to Hebron. The third highway led from the eastern end of the\nWady Tumilat almost due east until it crossed the Brook of Egypt. Then\none branch turned northeast past the ancient Rehoboth, to join the\nsecond road at Beersheba. The other branch went on eastward across the\nArabah to Petra and thence across the Arabian Desert to Babylonia. The\nfourth road from Egypt also started from the Wady Tumilat, thence past\nthe Bitter Lakes directly across the northern end of the Sinaitic\npeninsula to the ancient Elath, at the end of the northeastern arm of\nthe Red Sea.\n\n=Trails into Palestine from the South.= Five roads led up into\nPalestine from the south. One, \"the way of the Red Sea\" (_Yam Suph_,\nNu. 14:25, 21:4, Dt. 1:40), starting from Elath, ran northwest, until\nat Aboda it joined the third highway from Egypt, which ran northeast\nto Beersheba and Hebron. A second more arduous and less used trail ran\ndirectly north from Elath through the Arabah to the southwestern end\nof the Dead Sea. Thence the traveller might proceed to Jerusalem by a\nwestern d\u00e9tour through El-F\u00f4k\u00e2 and Hebron, or else keep along the\nshore of the Dead Sea and then turn inland at Engedi. A third trail\nled from Elath along the desert to the old Edomite and later Nabatean\ncapital of Petra. With camels and a sufficient supply of water it was\npossible thence to cross the Arabah and the heart of the South Country\nin a northwesterly direction to Beersheba.\n\n=Highway Through Moab.= The fourth road ran directly north from Petra\nacross deep gorges and over rocky roads through Sh\u00f4bek, et-Tufileh,\nKerak and northward, following a straight course about eighteen miles\nto the east of the Dead Sea. This was the main highway through the\nheart of Moab. Farther north it ran past the famous Moabite towns of\nDibon and Medeba. At Heshban, opposite the northern end of the Dead\nSea, a branch turned westward to the lower ford of the Jordan, while\nthe main road ran north along the eastern side of the Jordan until it\njoined the Damascus road south of the Sea of Galilee. At Heshban\nanother important branch turned to the northeast and, passing through\nRabbath-Ammon, joined the desert road to Damascus. In later times the\nRomans, to protect their east-Jordan border cities, built a\nmagnificent road from Rabbath-Ammon to Petra, following the ancient\nhighway through the heart of Moab. Mile-stones, great rock-cuttings,\nruins of stone bridges, and miles of stone pavement still remain to\nbear testimony to Rome's strength in the distant provinces even during\nthe period of the empire's decline.\n\n=The Great Desert Highway.= The chief highway from the south to the\nnorth was the present pilgrim road from Damascus to Mecca, along which\nnow runs the modern Turkish railway. This road was the main connecting\nlink between Arabia and the lands of the eastern Mediterranean. Making\na wide d\u00e9tour westward to touch the port of Elath, it then turned to\nthe northeast of Petra and ran along the desert highland between\nthirty and forty miles to the east of the Jordan and Dead Sea valley.\nIt crossed the dry, open desert, strewn at many points with d\u00e9bris of\nblack basaltic rocks. Like most desert roads it sprawled out over the\nhot plains, unconfined by fields or mountain passes. The stations were\nsimply stopping-places for travellers and traders, for it everywhere\navoided the cultivated land, except where its western branch passed\nthrough the heart of the Hauran on its way to Damascus. Here it ran\nclose to the important cities of Edrei, the famous fortress on the\nupper Yarmuk, and Ashteroth-Karnaim. A little northeast of\nRabbath-Ammon one branch, deflected to the northeast, and passing\nthrough the desert town of Bozrah, and thence skirting the eastern\nside of the lava tract of El-Lejah, reached Damascus. From Edrei and\nBozrah a caravan route ran southeast to the ancient Duma, the present\nDumat el-Jandal, and on to the oasis of Tema.\n\n=Character of the Southern Approaches to Palestine.= It is significant\nthat the chief entrances to the west-Jordan land from the south are\nnot through the South Country but by the way of Moab. The roads which\nlead directly into Judah are deflected by the grim, barren ranges of\nthe South Country either to Beersheba on the southwest or to the\nArabah on the southeast. The roads themselves lie through a rough,\nwild, dry, Bedouin-invested country, over which it is impossible for\nlarge tribes or armies to advance. Of the two east-Jordan highways,\nthat through the heart of Moab passes over steep mountains and down\ninto deep wadies, and in ancient times led through a thickly populated\nand well-guarded region. The great and easy highway is along the\nborders of the desert, and it was probably by this way that most of\nthe invaders from the south found their way to the west-Jordan land.\n\n=The Coast Road.= In western Palestine four main highways, connected\nby cross-roads, led from the south to northern Syria and eastward to\nAssyria and Babylonia. The first was the direct coast road which\nconnected Egypt with Ph\u0153nicia and Asia Minor. Throughout its course it\nkept close to the sea. Only in Philistia was it driven inland by the\ndrifting sands. Along an artificially constructed causeway it rounded\nthe end of Mount Carmel and proceeded northward along the Plain of\nAcre over the difficult cliffs of the Ladder of Tyre to the plains of\nPh\u0153nicia. Thence it ran along the open way past Beirut, until it\nreached the difficult pass of the Dog River. There the bas-reliefs and\ninscriptions on the rocks indicate not only that from the days of\nRamses II the great conquerors of antiquity had passed along this\nhighway of the nations, but also that many of them shared in the task\nof cutting the road across these difficult cliffs.\n\n=The \"Way of the Sea.\"= The second great northern highway, the famous\nVia Maris of the Romans, branching from the coast road either at\nAshdod or Joppa, ran on the eastern side of the Plain of Sharon, close\nto the foothills of Samaria. Near where it was joined by the important\nroad which came down through the Barley Vale from Shechem and Samaria,\nthis great highway divided into three branches. One ran to the north\nalong the eastern and northern side of Mount Carmel and joined the\ncoast road. Another, apparently the main branch, turned to the\nnortheast, passed through the Wady Arah, and emerged upon the Plain of\nEsdraelon beside the famous old fortress of Megiddo. From here it ran\ndirectly across the plain, past Mount Tabor through Lubieh and down\nthe steep decline from the plateau to the northwestern end of the Sea\nof Galilee. Owing to the soft, loamy character of the Plain of\nEsdraelon, this was often impassable in the winter and spring.\nCaravans and armies would then take the third branch from the Plain of\nSharon, which at first ran almost due east over the Plain of Dothan\nand past the old Canaanite city of Ibleam. Thence it crossed the Plain\nof Esdraelon at Jezreel and joined the direct road that ran past Mount\nTabor to the Sea of Galilee. From the northwestern end of the Sea of\nGalilee this much traveled Way of the Sea ascended the heights to the\nnorth and crossed the Jordan a little below Lake Huleh at the ford now\nspanned by the old stone bridge known as the \"Bridge of the Daughters\nof Jacob.\" From the Jordan the road followed an almost straight line\nnorthwest, past El-Kuneitra in eastern Jaulan, across the desert to\nDamascus.\n\n=Its Commercial and Strategic Importance.= From the point where it\ncrossed the Jordan a branch of this main highway went westward through\nthe valley between upper and lower Galilee, to ancient Accho, the\nchief seaport of Damascus. Thus across Galilee, with its open roads,\npoured the commerce of Damascus and the desert world of which it was\nthe outlet. From Damascus to Egypt this second great highway of Syria\nran almost entirely over broad deserts or open plains. It was the main\nroad through the heart of northern Israel, along which passed not only\nthe merchants, but also the conquering armies of Babylonia and\nAssyria.\n\n=The Central Road and Its Cross-Roads in the South.= The third great\nnorthern highway was connected with Egypt and the south by the way of\nBeersheba. It followed close to the watershed of central Judah, along\nthe line of the present carriage-road from Hebron to Jerusalem. It ran\npast Bethzur and Beth-zecharias, famous in Maccabean warfare. From\nBethzur an important highway deflected to the northwest, following the\nWady es-Sur and the eastern side of the Shephelah, or Lowlands, as far\nas the Valley of Ajalon on the borders of the Philistine Plain. From\nJerusalem several roads ran through the valleys to the west and\nnorthwest, connecting with the highways on the Plain of Sharon. Of\nthese the chief went northwest past Gibeon, down the deep descent of\nthe upper and lower Beth-horons to Joppa. Another ran still farther to\nthe northwest to Gophna, to join the second great highway at\nAntipatris.\n\n=In the North.= The main highway continued directly north from\nJerusalem to Shechem. Then turning a little to the northwest it passed\nthrough the city of Samaria over the open plains to Ibleam, where it\njoined the eastern branch of the famous Way of the Sea, which led past\nthe northwestern end of the Sea of Galilee to Damascus. Opposite Mount\nGerizim a branch of the central road turned northeast and ran through\nThebez, Bethshean, and the western side of the Sea of Galilee. An\nextension of the central highway ran north over central Galilee\nthrough the valley of Merj Ayun to the great valley between the\nLebanons and Anti-Lebanons. Thence this central highway continued\nthrough Riblah and Hamath, crossing the upper Euphrates at Carchemish.\nTurning eastward at this point it ran through northern Mesopotamia\npast Harran and across the level plains between the Tigris and the\nEuphrates to Nineveh and Babylon. It was along this broad highway that\nthe Assyrian and Babylonian conquerors repeatedly advanced against\nPalestine and later carried away Hebrew captives from both northern\nand southern Israel.\n\n=The Road Along the Jordan.= The fourth main highway to the north,\nstarting from Jerusalem, passed northeast through the barren,\npicturesque wilderness of Judea to Jericho. Thence it followed the\nwestern side of the Jordan Valley and the Sea of Galilee to Khan\nMinyeh, where it joined the other great roads which led to northern\nSyria and Damascus. From this fourth highway many cross-roads led\neastward and westward. From Jericho a western road ran up the Wady\nSuweinit to Michmash and thence across southwestern Samaria. Farther\nnorth, three others led up from the Plain of the Jordan to Shechem and\nthence by the Barley Vale to the Plain of Sharon. At Bethshean the\nroad to the north was crossed by another highway, which ran from\nGilead westward across the Plain of Jezreel. Thence a highway crossed\nthe northwestern side of the Plain of Esdraelon, reaching the great\ncoast road at Haifa and Accho. Also from the southwestern end of the\nSea of Galilee another important road ran northwest past the Plain of\nAsochis to Accho. From the upper Jordan valley a highway led northeast\npast ancient Dan and Banias along the eastern spurs of Mount Hermon to\nDamascus.\n\n=Roads Eastward from Damascus.= From Damascus a great caravan route\nstruck off due east across the northern end of the Arabian Desert,\nreaching the Euphrates in the vicinity of Sippar. Thence it turned\nsouthward to Babylon and the cities of lower Babylonia. Another route,\npopular in later times and probably also in use during the\nAssyrio-Babylonian period, made a larger circle to the north, touching\nat Palmyra and other desert stations. Palestine, and especially the\ncentral plain of Esdraelon, was therefore the focus of the great\nhighways which connected all points in the ancient world.\n\n=The Highway from Antioch to Ephesus.= The main highway which skirted\nthe coast of the eastern Mediterranean crossed the Amanus Mountains\nthrough the Syrian Gates a little north of Antioch. At this point one\nbranch ran northward to connect with the great trade routes which came\nfrom Babylonia and the East. The main road to the west, however, after\ntouching at Alexandria (the present Alexandretta) rounded the eastern\nend of the Mediterranean, where it was joined by one of the great\ntrade routes which came from the Euphrates Valley. After passing\nthrough Tarsus, it abruptly turned almost due north, crossing the\nTaurus Mountains by the Cilician Pass, and then with much twisting and\nwinding went westward, following in general the dividing line between\nthe central plateau of Asia Minor and the rugged southern mountains.\nAt Kybistra it forked, the northern branch crossing the plateau\ndirectly to Laodicea. The southern and more commonly used branch made\na long d\u00e9tour through the important cities of Derbe and Iconium. At\nJulia to the northwest the great western highway again parted. One\nmain branch ran in a southwesterly direction through Apameia, Coloss\u00e6,\nand thence by the broad and fertile valley of the River M\u00e6ander to\nEphesus, the commercial and later the political capital of Asia Minor.\nAnother straighter but less used highway followed the valley of the\nCayster to Ephesus.\n\n[Illustration: THE Main Highways OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE AND THE Scenes of\nPaul's Work\n\nL.L. POATES ENGR'G CO., N.Y.]\n\n=The Road from Asia Minor to Rome.= The other great branch of the main\nhighway from Julia westward was the old overland route to Rome. It ran\nfirst due east. Two important branches came down from Dorylaion in the\nnorth, connecting it with Nic\u00e6a and Constantinople. The old overland\nroute continued eastward through Philadelphia and Sardis. From Sardis\na branch ran straight to Smyrna, the commercial rival of Ephesus. The\nmain road, however, turned to the northwest from Sardis, passing\nthrough Thyatira, Pergamus, the earlier capital of Asia Minor, to\nTroas, from whence the traveller could take ship directly to Neopolis\nand Philippi. A highway, however, passed northward across the\nHellespont and thence through southern Thrace to Philippi. From\nthis point the great Via Egnatia led due west through Thessalonica and\nPella to Aulonia and Dyrrachium. From these Adriatic ports a short sea\nvoyage brought the traveller to Brundisium, whence a well-worn highway\nled directly across southern Italy to Rome. This long and arduous road\nthrough southern Europe and central Asia Minor was the main\nthoroughfare for travel, trade, and official communication between\nRome and her eastern provinces.\n\n=From Ephesus to Rome.= Travellers who preferred a shorter land and a\nlonger water journey took ship from Ephesus to Corinth. Thence they\nwere transferred across the isthmus to a ship which skirted the shores\nof Epirus and landed them at Brundisium. If they preferred a still\nlonger water journey, they could take ship at Ephesus around the\nsouthern end of Greece, either to Brundisium or else through the\nstraits of Messina; thence to Puteoli, or to Ostia, the port of Rome\nitself.\n\n=From Syria to Rome by Sea.= Travellers or merchants making the\njourney from Palestine wholly by water had before them the choice of\ntwo ways. The most common course was to take ship at some one of the\nports of Syria: C\u00e6sarea, Accho, Tyre, or Sidon. Thence they skirted\nthe shores of Syria and Asia Minor to Rhodes, seeking a harbor each\nnight or whenever the weather was unfavorable. From Rhodes the\nordinary course was to the eastern end of Crete and thence along its\nsouthern shores, where favorable harbors could be found. From the\nwestern end of Crete the ancient mariners skirted the southern shores\nof Greece, and then, with the aid of the northern winds, which came\ndown through the Adriatic, made their way to the eastern shores of\nSicily and thence through the straits of Messina. From here they\nsailed to Puteoli or else to the mouth of the Tiber.\n\n=From Alexandria to Rome.= The second method of reaching Rome from\nSyria by sea was by way of Alexandria, which could be reached either\nby local ship or by the coast road. From this great seaport of Egypt,\nduring the Roman period, fleets of large grain vessels made frequent\ntrips, bearing Egyptian grain to the capital city. According to the\nLatin writer, Vegetius (IV, 39, V, 9) the open season for navigation\non the Mediterranean extended from March tenth to November tenth,\nalthough the favorable season was limited to the four short months\nbetween May twenty-sixth and September fourteenth. From about the\ntwentieth of July to the end of August the famous Etesian winds\nordinarily blew steadily from the west. These winds made it possible\nfor the fleets of east-bound merchantmen to make the trip from Rome to\nAlexandria in what seemed to the ancients the marvellously short\nperiod of from twenty to twenty-five days. The west-bound trip,\nhowever, was much more difficult. Owing to the prevailing west winds\nthe mariners were obliged to cross the Mediterranean to some point on\nthe southern shores of Asia Minor and thence to run westward from port\nto port along the usual route on the southern side of Crete and\nGreece.[2]\n\n[2] Cf. _Roads and Travel in the New Testament_, by Ramsay, in Extra\nVol., Hastings's _Dictionary of the Bible_, pp. 375-403.\n\n=Significance of the Great Highways.= Over these great highways across\nand around the eastern Mediterranean the civilization of the ancient\nworld spread to the ends of the earth. These were the paths which the\nJewish exiles followed in their western exodus. By the beginning of\nthe Christian era Jewish colonies and groups of converts to Judaism\nwere to be found in all the cities touched by these great arteries of\ncommerce. Along these highways passed the armies and culture of the\nWest to the conquest of the East, and the ideas and religions of the\nEast to the conquest of the West. They were thus the natural bonds\nthat bound together the human race in one common brotherhood.\n\n\n\n\n_PART II_\n\nHISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY\n\n\n\n\nX\n\nEARLY PALESTINE\n\n\n=The Aim and Value of Historical Geography.= Historical geography\ndeals primarily with the background of history rather than with the\ndetailed historical facts themselves. It aims to go back of events and\nmovements and to study underlying forces and causes. Primitive peoples\nare more subject to the influences of physical environment than the\nmore civilized races. Modern peoples are able with the aid of art and\nscience to rise superior in many ways to natural conditions and\nlimitations. A knowledge, therefore, of the physical forces at work in\nearly Palestinian history is of especial value in reconstructing this\nimportant but little known chapter in the life of the race.\n\n=Sources of Information Regarding Early Palestine.= The discoveries of\nthe past quarter century have revealed in a remarkable way the\noutlines, at least, of the early history of the states along the\neastern Mediterranean. The meagre biblical references have been\nsupplemented by the contemporary testimony of the Babylonian and\nEgyptian monuments. For this early period the Babylonian data are\nstill incomplete, being limited to the statements of certain early\nconquerors, such as Lugalzaggisi and Sargon I, that they made\nexpeditions to the West Country. Beginning, however, with about 1600\nB.C., the Egyptian records furnish rich and in many cases detailed\npictures of conditions in Syria and Palestine. Thotmose III, who\nreigned between 1479 and 1447 B.C., has given a vivid account of his\nmany campaigns and conquests in the lands along the eastern\nMediterranean. In his lists inscribed on the great temple at Karnak\nhe gives the names of three hundred and eighty cities, of which one\nhundred and nineteen are in Palestine. From the reign of one of his\nsuccessors, Amenhotep IV, the great reforming king of Egypt, comes the\nfamous collection of the Tell el-Amarna letters. These were found in\nruins which lie on the east side of the Nile about one hundred and\nseventy miles south of Cairo. Nearly three hundred of these tablets,\nwritten in the Babylonian language and script, have been recovered.\nThey represent the correspondence of Amenhotep IV and his predecessor\nwith the kings of Babylonia, Assyria, and Mitanni, and especially with\nthe Egyptian governors of Palestine.\n\n=Evidence of the Excavations.= Recent excavations in Palestine at the\nancient border town of Lachish and at Gezer on the coast plain, at\nTaanach and Megeddo on the southwestern side of the Plain of\nEsdraelon, and at Jericho in the Jordan valley, have greatly enriched\nour knowledge of early Palestine, for a large majority of the\ninscriptions and arch\u00e6ological remains that have been discovered at\nthese sites come from the pre-Hebrew period. Of these the ruins of\nGezer have been most thoroughly excavated (under the direction of the\nPalestine Exploration Fund) and have yielded by far the most detailed\nand valuable results. The ancient town lay on the borders of\nPhilistia, on the line between Judah and northern Israel. It was built\non one of the foot-hills which extend out into the plain beyond the\nValley of Ajalon.^{(61)} Thus, while it belonged to the hill country,\nit was almost entirely surrounded by the plain and open to all the\ninfluences which affected the Mediterranean coast cities. The original\ntown rested on two hills, one on the east and the other on the west,\nand extended across the shallow intervening valley. Four or five\ndistinct cities, built successively one upon another, have been\nunearthed.\n\n=The Oldest Inhabitants of Palestine.= The remains found in the lowest\nstratum of the mound of Gezer introduce us to the earliest inhabitants\nof Palestine. They probably belonged to the Neolithic Age and to a\nnon-Semitic race. From the skeletons thus far discovered it is clear\nthat they were short in stature, averaging between five feet four\ninches and five feet seven inches in height. Already they had begun to\ncultivate the ground and to make rude flint implements. They kept\ncows, pigs, sheep, and goats. In certain caves, coming from this or an\nearlier age, rude attempts to picture these animals have also been\ndiscovered. Their pottery was shaped by hand and decorated with red or\nwhite lines. Their ancient town was surrounded by an earthen wall, ten\nfeet thick, faced on the inside and out with stone. Gezer was\nevidently selected as the site of an ancient city because about it are\nmany caves, the original dwelling-places of these primitive people.\nThey apparently worshipped underground deities, in connection with\nsacred caves. Outside the entrance to such a cave at Gezer are found\neighty or more cuplike cavities sunk in the rock and probably used for\npurposes of sacrifice.\n\n=The Semitic Invasions From the Desert.= Situated, as was Canaan, on\nthe borders of the desert, it was practically inevitable that in time\ngreat waves of nomadic invaders would sweep in through the broad\nvalleys and down the coast plains. In the light of the excavations at\nGezer and the testimony of the Egyptian inscriptions, this was\nprecisely what occurred somewhere between 2500 and 2000 B.C.\nUndoubtedly the Semites had begun to find their way to Palestine\nbefore this period, but it is clear in the light of recent discoveries\nthat this great movement from the desert toward the eastern shores of\nthe Mediterranean antedated by several centuries another similar\nmovement eastward, which carried from Syria or northern Arabia to\nBabylon the founders of its first dynasty. In the light of the latest\ndiscoveries, the rule of this dynasty must be dated between 2100 and\n1700 B.C. The excavations at Gezer reveal the presence there at this\nperiod of a Semitic race from five feet seven inches to five feet\neleven inches in height, sturdier than the preceding aborigines and\npossessed of relatively high civilization. The city was surrounded by\na wall about ten feet thick, made of large hammer-trimmed stones, and\nguarded by towers at intervals of ninety feet. The approach on the\nsouth was through a huge gateway nine feet wide, forty-two feet long,\nand flanked by two towers, which were faced by sunburnt bricks. Bronze\nand copper implements are found and there are abundant evidences of an\nadvanced culture.\n\n=Influence of the Early Amorite Civilization Upon Babylon.= The recent\nwork entitled _Amurru_, by Professor Clay of Yale, has raised anew the\nquestion of what was the centre of the oldest Semitic civilization.\nThe attempt made by certain scholars to prove the Babylonian origin of\nall that is distinctive in the civilization, traditions, and religion\nof the early Semitic nations including Israel is extreme. The evidence\nadduced by Professor Clay to prove that in the earliest period Syria\ninfluenced Babylonia more than the Tigris-Euphrates valley influenced\nthe westland is cumulative. Many of the familiar Babylonian traditions\nbear marks that suggest a western origin. Over one-tenth of the names\nin the large literature that comes from the reign of Hammurabi, the\ngreat king of the First Babylonian dynasty, are Amorite or western\nSemitic. The names and attributes of most of the Babylonian gods are\nbest explained on the basis of a western origin. The Babylonian custom\nof rearing ziggurats or high places for their deities, even on the\nlevel plains of Babylonia, seems to reflect the western custom of\nworshipping the gods on the high places. Furthermore, Syria is\npre-eminently the home of the sun worship that was especially\nprominent in the Babylonian cults.\n\n=The Probable Site of the Oldest Semitic Civilization.= The many\nreferences to the Amorites in early Egyptian and Hebrew history\nindicates that they developed an ancient and high civilization. The\noriginal centre of their power appears to have been central Syria, and\nespecially the broad, fertile plains between the Lebanons and the\nAnti-Lebanons, through which flowed the upper waters of the River\nOrontes. It is certain that from a geographical point of view\nconditions were here supremely favorable for an early and powerful\ncivilization. The climate was warm and yet stimulating, the soil rich\nand easily cultivated. The lofty mountains on either side afforded\nnatural protection, and yet did not ward off frequent thrusts that\ncame from the Arab invaders that pressed in, like the ancestors of the\nAmorites, from the adjoining desert. Communication was also easy in\nevery direction. Through this great plain ran the main highways of\ntrade from north to south and east and west. Ample opportunity was\noffered for expansion on every side. The later appearance of the\nAmorites in Palestine and at other places along the eastern\nMediterranean coastland is also best explained if the earliest home of\ntheir civilization was central Syria.\n\n=Remains of the Old Amorite Civilization.= Large mounds, evidently the\nremains of ancient Amorite cities, dot the broad plain between the\nLebanons. These have as yet been untouched by the spade of the\nexcavator. They alone can tell the age, character, and history of the\nold Amorite civilization. They furnish the most promising field for\nexcavations in all the Semitic world. On the neighboring mountain\nheights exquisite sun temples still remain. Although they may have\nbeen reared by the later Ph\u0153nicians they doubtless stand on the sites\nof older Amorite sanctuaries. As of old, the sun, as it rises and\nsends its first rays through a lofty mountain pass, shines through the\nopen door of the temple and lights up the altar within. The ruins of\nthe great temple at Baalbek, which stand in the middle of the plain\nbetween the Lebanons, are still one of the wonders of the\nworld.^{(62)} Although this vast temple was built late in the Roman\nperiod, it testifies to the rich productivity of the broad valley in\nwhich it lies and to the religious traditions that clung to this\nfavored region.\n\n=Babylonian Influence in Palestine.= Even though the origin of the\nearliest Semitic culture in the Tigris-Euphrates valley may, in the\nlight of future excavations, be traced back to Syria, there is no\ndoubt that from the days of Hammurabi, about 1900 B.C., Babylon\nexerted a powerful influence upon Syria and Palestine. The frequent\nreferences in the literature that comes from the reign of Hammurabi to\nthe Amorite merchants and immigrants show how close were the\nrelations between the westland and the Tigris-Euphrates valley.\nHammurabi, in a recently discovered inscription, also calls himself\n\"the king of the Amurru.\" The Babylonian language and method of\nwriting was used in Palestine as late as the fourteenth century B.C.\nby the Egyptian governors of Syria and Palestine even in communicating\nwith the kings of Egypt. Practically all of the pre-Hebrew literature\nthus far discovered in the mounds of Palestine was written in\nBabylonian characters. These facts are irrefutable evidence of the\nstrength and duration of the influence that the highly developed\ncivilization of Babylon in the five centuries after Hammurabi exerted\nupon the West Country.\n\n=Egyptian Influence in the Cities of the Plain.= Thus far the results\nof the excavations in Palestine have revealed a preponderating\nEgyptian influence. At Gezer scarabs from the Twelfth Egyptian dynasty\n(between 2000 and 1788 B.C.) have been discovered. The method of\nburial here employed was identical with that of Egypt at the same\nperiod. The excavations at ancient Lachish and Taanach also indicate\nthat along the coast plains and inland valleys which led from these\nplains, Egypt's influence was paramount. This condition is precisely\nwhat would be anticipated from the relative position of Egypt and\nPalestine. Two or three great open highways led around the\nsoutheastern end of the Mediterranean, binding these two countries\nclosely together. Egypt, by virtue of its fertility and favorable\nphysical conditions, developed a much higher and earlier civilization\nthan did Palestine. Hence it was inevitable that these western and\ncentral cities of Palestine would sooner or later take on the\ncomplexion of the earlier civilization.\n\n=Different Types of Civilization in Palestine.= The excavations in the\nold Canaanite city of Jericho, in contrast to those on the borders of\nthe Philistine Plain, have disclosed only a few indications of\nEgyptian influence there at this early period. Evidently the natural\nbarriers which separated the different parts of Palestine from each\nother were asserting themselves, with the result that the life and\ncivilization of the various cities throughout the land already\npresented wide variations. Along the coast were strong Semitic cities,\nsurrounded by thick walls and possessed of all that the mingled\nculture of ancient Amurru, Babylonia, and Egypt could give. Traces of\nthe influence of Mycen\u00e6an and \u00c6gean civilization are also found in the\nstrata which come from this early period. In the north the Ph\u0153nician\ncities were approaching the zenith of their power. Up among the hills\nof the central plateau, however, the Shashu, or Bedouin, still\npastured their flocks undisturbed, except near the large cities, where\nthey were probably obliged to pay tribute.\n\n=Conditions Leading to the Hyksos Invasion of Egypt.= About 1700 B.C.\nthere came a marked change in the political situation in southwestern\nAsia. In Babylon the Kassites came down from the mountains to the\nnortheast and conquered the valleys of the lower Tigris and Euphrates.\nAbout the same time Assyria asserted its independence and began to lay\nthe foundations for its future greatness. Somewhat later an Aryan\nrace, known as the Mitanni, descended from the north, seized the\nplains of Mesopotamia, and established there a strong kingdom. This\nnew kingdom, as well as the weakness of Babylon itself, delivered\nPalestine from eastern invasions. Egypt was also torn by civil wars\nand dissensions between the nobles. Under these favoring conditions\nthe Semitic peoples of Palestine, Syria, and probably also of Arabia,\nunited for the invasion of Egypt.\n\n=Fortunes of the Invaders.= The Egyptian records unfortunately give\nlittle information concerning this so-called Hyksos invasion. The\nfact, however, is established that northern Egypt, for about a\ncentury, until the earlier part of the sixteenth century B.C., was\nheld by Asiatic conquerors bearing Semitic names. When finally\nexpelled from Egypt by the Theban kings in the south, these foreign\nconquerors retired to Palestine and Syria. Thither they were pursued\nby the energetic warrior kings who arose at this critical period in\nEgypt's history. At first the Hyksos leaders made their stand at\nSharuhen, a city probably situated somewhere in southern Judah. Later\nthe Egyptian kings conquered the cities of Palestine, and finally,\nafter a prolonged struggle, succeeded in capturing the powerful city\nof Kadesh on the Orontes, which was apparently the centre of the\nconfederacy of Syrian states.\n\n=The One Natural Site in Syria for a Great Empire.= The history of the\nHyksos invaders by analogy throws light upon the older Amorite\nkingdom, of which it was perhaps a later revival, and demonstrates\nthat the broad valley between the Lebanons and the Anti-Lebanons, of\nwhich Kadesh was the centre, was practically the only region in Syria\nfitted to become the seat of a strong civilization and a large empire.\nEntrenched among these northern plains and protecting mountain ranges,\nit was possible for an energetic people to extend their sway over\npractically all the coast lands of the eastern Mediterranean.\nNaturally, when a favorable opportunity offered for the conquest of\nEgypt, it would be eagerly improved; for the rich valley of the Nile\nhas always been a tempting prey to outside peoples. The history of the\nlater Hittite kingdom, the southern capital of which was also at\nKadesh, illustrates the same principle. A still later and even more\nfamiliar analogy is the career of the Seleucidean kingdom, whose\ncapital was at Antioch, a little farther north. Thus the only four\nkingdoms in the history of the eastern Mediterranean that conquered\nthis entire territory and aspired to wider conquest sprang up, not in\nPalestine, but amidst the more favorable conditions in central Syria.\n\n=Influence of the Land Upon the Early Forms of Worship.= The peculiar\nphysical conditions of Palestine not only shaped to a great extent its\nearly history, but also made a profound impression upon the religion\nof its inhabitants. The limestone rock of Palestine was especially\nfavorable to the formation of caves. These caverns and passages in the\nrocks were not only the homes of the earliest inhabitants, but were\nalso closely identified with the oldest forms of religious worship.\nBeneath the earlier sanctuaries at Gezer and Taanach were caves,\nclearly connected with the primitive cult which once flourished there.\nProbably the gods here worshipped were subterranean deities.\n\nThe prominence of the oracle in the early religions of Palestine may\nwell be due to the ease with which a designing priesthood could\ndeceive a credulous people by the skilful use of these subterranean\nchambers. The most striking features in the landscape of Palestine\nwere the high peaks, the jagged rocks, the springs bursting from the\nhillside, and the green trees standing out in striking contrast to\ntheir gray, sombre background. Each of these occupied a prominent\nplace in the early Canaanite religions. On the heights, commanding\nwide views over valley and plain, were reared the high places, or\nancient rock-cut altars.^{(52, 53)} Scores of these are still to be\nfound among the rocky hills of Palestine. Certain rocks were regarded\nas sacred because it was believed that in them the deity dwelt. These\nsacred rock-pillars, or ma\u00e7\u00e7eb\u00f4th, as they were called by the Hebrews,\nwere found near every ancient Canaanite altar and even, as at Taanach,\nbefore the entrance to private houses. A row of nine such pillars has\nbeen discovered standing in the temple court at Gezer. At Taanach\nthere was a double row. The most impressive examples are the two huge\nmonoliths which guard the ascent to the famous high place at Petra.\nFrequently these sacred stones or pillars are worn smooth by the lips\nof worshippers or by the libations which have been poured upon them.\nOften there are cuttings on the top or side, where sacrifices were\nprobably offered to the numen or deity, who was supposed to reside\nwithin. Beside or beneath each ancient sanctuary, as at Gezer and\nTaanach, was a spring or well, which apparently figured in the\nworship. Beside these ancient sanctuaries grew trees, symbols of life\nand the mystery of generation. Sometimes these trees were represented\nby the asherahs or sacred poles to which the Hebrew prophets often\nreferred.\n\n=Upon the Beliefs of Its Inhabitants.= More fundamental still was the\nimpression which the diverse physical contour of Palestine made upon\nthe beliefs of its ancient inhabitants. Where the contour of the land\nmade political unity impossible there were necessarily many\nindependent races and kingdoms, each worshipping their patron god or\ngoddess. Hence the religions of Palestine were grossly polytheistic\nand the worship of one common God was a goal which the people would\nnever have attained except under a strong compelling influence from\nwithout. The different cults of Palestine were also deeply influenced\nby the character of the land amidst which they developed. The deities\nof the Canaanites living on the fertile plains were either gods of\nfertility or else represented the mysterious principle of generation.\nTheir worship naturally became voluptuous and licentious. The grim\nhills of central Palestine and the dark volcanic gorge of the Jordan\nand Dead Sea engendered a cruel and relentless type of religion and\nworship in which human sacrifice was an important feature. Thus,\nalthough the foundations of a nobler type of culture were being laid,\nthe political and religious history of Palestine during this earlier\nperiod gave little promise of the supremely important r\u00f4le that it was\ndestined to play in the life of mankind.\n\n[Illustration: PRE-HEBREW CANAAN IN THE LIGHT OF THE EGYPTIAN\nMONUMENTS (1600-1300 B.C.) AND THE AMARNA LETTERS (About 1400 B.C.)\n\n  BORWAY & CO., N.Y.\n]\n\n\n\n\nXI\n\nPALESTINE UNDER THE RULE OF EGYPT\n\n\n=Reasons Why Egypt Conquered Palestine.= The Egyptian rule in\nPalestine was established about 1580 B.C. and, with the exception of\ntwo long lapses, was maintained for nearly three centuries. Thotmose\nIII, the greatest warrior and organizer in Egyptian history, after\nfifteen energetically fought campaigns, extended the border of Egypt\nto the Euphrates and brought all the petty little rival kingdoms in\nPalestine and Syria under his control. The reason for his intense\nactivity was not merely the lust for conquest and spoil, but the\ndesire to deliver Egypt from the danger of another attack similar to\nthat of the Hyksos. From a very early period the northeastern boundary\nof Egypt was guarded by fortresses, since there were no natural\nbarriers between it and Palestine. The population of northern Arabia\nwas too scattered to be a menace to the peace of Egypt; but Palestine\nand Syria, with their fertile fields and growing population, were a\njust cause of anxiety and fear to the peace-loving dwellers of the\nNile valley. The powerful kingdoms on the Tigris and Euphrates were\nalso from the earliest times ever eager for western conquest. Thus\nwith the sixteenth century B.C. began the great struggle between the\nEast and the West for the possession of Palestine.\n\n=Commanding Position of Megiddo.= Throughout the Egyptian period the\ncity of Megiddo, on the southwestern side of the Plain of Esdraelon,\novershadowed all others in importance. Here the united kings of Syria\nand Palestine made their stand against Thotmose III, and after\ncapturing this mighty fortress, the Egyptian ruler was left master of\nPalestine. The reason why Megiddo had attained this prestige was\npartially because of its strategic importance and partially because of\nits military strength. Recent excavations leave little doubt that this\nfamous Canaanite city is to be identified with the present Tell\nel-Mutesellim^{(63)}. It is one of the three or four most imposing\nmounds in all Palestine. It lies close to the Samaritan hills and yet\nstands out in the plain, a huge, round plateau between fifty and\nseventy-five feet in height. It commands a view of practically every\npart of the Plain of Esdraelon and far along the Plain of Jezreel\ntoward the Jordan until the view is cut off by Mount Gilboa. It looks\nstraight across the Plain of Esdraelon at its broadest point, through\nthe valleys which lead past Mount Tabor to the Sea of Galilee. A\nlittle to the left rise the hills of Lower Galilee, while to the\nnorthwest it commands the view through the narrow pass to the Plain of\nAcre and the Mediterranean. Under its northeastern front ran the\nimportant road leading northwest from the Jordan and central Palestine\nand connecting with the main highway along the northern coast. On its\nsoutheastern side, through a broad, fertile valley, came the main\nhighway from the southern coast plains and Egypt, which ran\nnortheastward to Damascus. A northern branch passed through the wide\nplain between the Lebanons and the Anti-Lebanons.\n\n=Its Military Strength.= The city is to-day a stately, deserted ruin,\nbut its sides are so steep on the east and west that it is still\nimpossible for even the hardy Arabian horses to mount to the top from\nthese directions. For one on foot, accustomed to climbing, it is an\nexceedingly difficult scramble. A low saddle of land connects the\nmound with the Samaritan hills to the west, making the approach from\nthis point somewhat easier. Recent excavations have further revealed\nthe great strength of this fortress city. It was surrounded by a wall\ntwenty-eight feet thick and guarded by towers of corresponding\nstrength. On its level top was an area of several acres, ample room\nfor a large Canaanite population, for the houses were little more than\ncubicles, and the streets narrow, intricate lanes, at many points\nscarcely wide enough for two people to pass comfortably. The public\nbuildings, however, which included a palace and temple, were of a much\nstronger and more massive construction.^{(64)}\n\n=Thotmose III's Advance Against Megiddo.= Standing upon the mound of\nMegiddo it is not difficult to picture the great decisive battle,\nwhich the scribes of Thotmose III have recorded vividly and with great\ndetail. His courage in rejecting the counsels of his generals to\nadvance from the Plain of Sharon by a d\u00e9tour and his resolve to\napproach the city directly through the valley from the southwest\ncommand our admiration, for five miles to the south the valley\nnarrows, affording a splendid opportunity for a determined enemy to\nattack an invading army with great advantage. Without opposition,\nhowever, the Egyptian army, with its gay oriental trappings, came up\nthe valley. Its energetic king was in front, \"showing the way by his\nown footsteps.\" Having reached the Plain of Esdraelon at the south of\nMegiddo, the king, late the same afternoon or in the night, threw out\nhis left wing on the hills to the northwest of the city that he might\ncommand the roads leading along the western side of the Plain of\nEsdraelon. He thus both secured his line of retreat and was in a\nposition to cut off fugitives in case he won the decisive battle. This\nposition also gave him the easiest line of approach to Megiddo itself.\n\n=The Decisive Battle.= The following morning the king rallied his\nforces for battle. While his left wing retained its strategic position\nhis right wing was drawn up on a hill to the southwest of the city. He\nwas thus able to descend upon the forces of the allied Canaanite\nkings, who were drawn up in a north and south line before the city.\nRiding in a glittering chariot of elektrum, the indomitable warrior\nled the onset. Before this army, already a victor on many hard-fought\nbattle-fields, the Canaanites at the first attack fled headlong to\nMegiddo. Finding the gates closed against them, many of the fugitives\nwere drawn up the wall by their friends within. Elated by their easily\nwon victory and attracted by the rich spoils in the camp of the\nvanquished king of Kadesh, the victors fell to plundering and thereby\nlost a precious opportunity to capture the city at once.\n\n=Capture of Megiddo.= Not daunted by its seemingly impregnable walls,\nThotmose III at once gave orders to surround it. His servants he sent\nout to gather the ripening grain on the fields which stretched across\nthe Plain of Esdraelon and to collect the great herds that were\npasturing over the grass-covered hills and valleys on its border.\nWithin the city no provision had been made for a siege, and the\nthousands shut up within its walls were soon reduced to starvation.\nAfter several weeks, the city was, therefore, compelled to surrender.\nThe king of Kadesh had fled, but his family and the families of his\nnobles fell into the hands of the conqueror. The spoils found in the\ncaptured city reveals the almost incredible opulence of this early\nCanaanite civilization. Nine hundred and twenty-four chariots, two\nthousand two hundred and thirty-eight horses, two hundred suits of\narmor, the royal tent, with the sceptre of the king of Kadesh, an\nebony statue of himself, inlaid with lapis-lazuli and gold, a silver\nstatue, probably of some god, and vast quantities of gold and silver\nwere among the spoils which the conqueror claims to have found in the\ncaptured city.\n\n=The Cities of Palestine.= The contemporary literature already\ndiscovered indicates that by 1400 B.C. most of the cities that figured\nin Hebrew history were already established and that Palestine was\nalmost, if not fully, as densely populated as in the days of the\nHebrews. Among the chief Ph\u0153nician cities on the coast were Arvad in\nthe north, Byblos and Beirut in central Syria, and Sidon, Tyre, and\nAccho in the south. The coast plains to the south of Mount Carmel,\nincluding the cities of Dor, Gezer, Ashdod, Altaku, Askalon, Gath, and\nGaza, were at this period held by the Ph\u0153nicians or their kinsmen the\nCanaanites. Among the cities later captured by the Hebrews were Kadesh\nand Hanathon in Galilee, and Shechem, Bethel, Beth-horon, Ajalon,\nJerusalem, and Beth-anoth in southern Palestine. As in the days of the\nHebrew occupation, the Plain of Esdraelon was the centre of a strong\nCanaanite confederacy, which included Megiddo, Taanach, Shunem,\nBethshean, and certain other cities whose sites have not yet been\nidentified.\n\n=Disastrous Effects of Egyptian Rule.= The Egyptian rule of Palestine\nput a stop for a time to the wars between the petty city states and\nbrought them all into close contact with the life and culture of\nEgypt. But the fertile Nile valley, with its warm climate and\nluxurious atmosphere, was not a land to produce a great colonizing or\norganizing power. Egypt, because of its shut in position, was always\nselfish and provincial. None of the Egyptian rulers of Palestine\nsought to develop the interests and resources of the native peoples or\nto unite them under a common government. Their sole interest in\nPalestine was to protect themselves from the danger of invasion from\nthat quarter and to extract the largest possible tribute from its\ninhabitants. Egypt willingly left the native chiefs of Palestine in\ncontrol as long as they paid tribute and did not rebel, for the sharp\ncontrast between the soft, equable climate of the Nile valley and the\nwinter cold of the eastern Mediterranean coast lands made residence\nthere exceedingly distasteful to the Egyptians. The few resident\nEgyptians were officials, whose chief duties were to collect the\ntribute and to report conditions to their king. Apparently the\nPharaohs never attempted to establish a standing army in Palestine or\nSyria; but to maintain their rule they depended upon the rivalry of\nthe local princes and upon intimidating the natives by campaigns\ncharacterized by the greatest severity and cruelty in the treatment of\nrebels. Thus Egypt took the wealth and life blood of Palestine and\ngave almost nothing in return.\n\n=Lack of Union in Palestine.= On the other hand, the topography of\nPalestine was such that it furnished no basis for a broad patriotism\nthat would unite all the petty kingdoms and races in its narrow\nbounds. This inability successfully to combine against the common foe,\nand the broad valleys that opened into central and northern Palestine\nfrom the south and west, made its conquest by an Egyptian army very\neasy.\n\n=Exposure to Invasions From the Desert.= Another marked characteristic\nof Palestine is the key to the understanding of the next stage in its\nhistory. As has been noted before, \"it lay broadside on to the\ndesert.\" As surely as air rushes into a vacuum, so the tribes from the\ndesert steppes irresistibly surged into Palestine through its eastern\ngateways the moment its internal strength was relaxed. The selfish,\nintermittent, destructive rule of Egypt not only repeatedly decimated\nthe population of Palestine but weakened its outposts. In time they\neven goaded on the native princes to call in the Bedouin tribes to aid\nthem in throwing off the conqueror's heavy yoke.\n\n=Advance of the Habiri.= The Tell el Amarna letters and those\ndiscovered in Palestine reveal precisely this state of affairs. It was\nunder the rule of Amenhotep IV, who was more intent upon religious\nreforms than on the ruling of his distant provinces, that Egyptian\ncontrol of Palestine was first relaxed. A stream of letters poured in\nupon the king from the governors of the cities of Palestine, telling\nof each other's treachery and of the advance of bands of the Habiri,\nwho at this time, about 1360 B.C., poured into Palestine from the\ndesert. These new invaders possess a unique interest for the student\nof biblical history, for among them in all probability were Aramean as\nwell as Arabian tribes, the ancestors of the later Hebrews. They seem\nto have been independent tribes under the leadership of their chiefs.\nThey succeeded in capturing many of the weaker outlying cities. Often\nthey were employed as mercenaries by the rival princes of Canaan, and\nthey readily allied themselves with the native peoples in an endeavor\nto throw off the yoke of Egypt. The governors of such important cities\nas Megiddo, Askalon, and Gezer wrote beseeching the Pharaoh to send\ntroops to aid them against these strong invaders. In the ruins of\nTaanach is found an interesting letter, sent to the governor of the\ntown by an officer at Megiddo. It reads: \"To Istar-washur from\nAman-hashir. May Adad preserve thy life! Send thy brothers with their\nchariots, and send a horse, thy tribute, and presents, and all\nprisoners who are with thee; send them to Megiddo by to-morrow.\" In\nthe ruins of Lachish was found a similar letter, written in Babylonian\nby its governor Zimrida, and stating that unless an Egyptian army was\nsent quickly the city must submit to the invaders. Jerusalem, under\nits governor, Abdhiba, was one of the last cities to resist the\nadvance of the Habiri. At last, however, these people from the desert\nprevailed. An Egyptian officer, writing of the native peoples, states:\n\"They have been destroyed, their towns laid waste.... Their countries\nare starving, they live like goats of the mountain.\"\n\n=Rise of the Hittite Power.= This chapter in the history of early\nPalestine throws much light upon later Hebrew history. The invaders\nevidently soon coalesced with the older Canaanite inhabitants,\ninfusing new blood and energy into the people; but they quickly\nadopted the older civilization. The conditions of Palestine remained\npractically the same as in the days before the Egyptian invasions. The\ngeographical characteristics of the land reasserted themselves. The\nold rivalries and wars between the little states of Palestine quickly\nsprang up again, so that, when the energetic kings of the Nineteenth\nEgyptian Dynasty appeared, the land was once more ripe for conquest.\nMeantime, however, the Hittites, profiting by the more favorable\nphysical conditions in northern Syria, had come down from Cappadocia\nand the mountains of eastern Asia Minor and had built up a strong\nkingdom, having for its southern capital Kadesh on the Orontes. From\nthis centre they had extended their influence not only over Syria, but\nalso over Palestine. When Ramses II, the great ruler of the Nineteenth\nDynasty, set out in 1288 B.C. to conquer the eastern Mediterranean\ncoast lands, he found himself, like Thotmose III, two hundred years\nbefore, confronted by a powerful foe, strongly intrenched in the broad\nvalleys between the Lebanons. After an undecisive battle and many\ncampaigns Ramses was glad to establish with this rival power a treaty\nwhich left the Hittites in possession of northern Syria and the\nEgyptians masters of Palestine.\n\n=Palestine Between 1270 and 1170 B.C.= The period of half a century\nwhich immediately followed was one of peace and prosperity for\nPalestine. Ramses II and his son, Merneptah, kept the great empire\nintact by their indomitable energy and efficient organization. With\nthe passing of the Nineteenth Dynasty there came a period of anarchy\nin which the Egyptian rule of Palestine was for a time relaxed. Ramses\nIII, the great ruler of the Twentieth Dynasty, set about restoring the\nformer bounds of the empire. For over a quarter of a century\n(1198-1167 B.C.) he succeeded in holding Palestine and in inflicting\nsevere blows upon the Hittite power in the north; but his reign marked\nthe end of Egypt's greatness. The Valley of the Nile was never fitted\nby nature to be the centre of a great world power. Its foreign\nconquests had been largely the result of the energy and personal\nability of four or five great Pharaohs. Syria and Palestine, because\nof their central position, felt the effect of all the great world\nmovements, not only in the south and east, but also in the west.\nDuring the beginning of the twelfth century B.C. there was a great\nupheaval among the Aryan peoples living along the northern coast lands\nof the Mediterranean. As a result, they were obliged to seek homes\nelsewhere and so came streaming down the coast of Syria in thousands\nboth by land and by sea. They overran Syria and broke forever the\npower of the Hittites along the eastern Mediterranean. Hordes of them\npressed into the Nile Delta, and were turned back only by the strong\narmies and activity of Ramses III. One branch, the Peleset, of the\nEgyptian inscriptions, overthrew the old Canaanite population and\nsettled at this time on the coast plains south of Joppa. They were\nknown in Hebrew history as the Philistines.\n\n=The Epoch-Making Twelfth Century.= It was also during this\ntransitional twelfth century that the cumbersome Babylonian language\nand system of writing ceased to be used in Palestine. Instead, a\nconsonantal alphabet, derived by the Ph\u0153nicians from the Egyptians and\nalso possibly in part from the Babylonians, came into use. The same\nalphabet, transmitted through the Ionian Greeks, became the basis of\nthe one now in vogue throughout Europe and the western world. This\nsame Ph\u0153nician alphabet was used by the later Hebrew priests,\nprophets, and sages in conveying their immortal messages to the world.\nThus the twelfth century B.C. inaugurated a new and significant era in\nthe intellectual as well as the political history of mankind.\n\n\n\n\nXII\n\nTHE NOMADIC AND EGYPTIAN PERIOD OF HEBREW HISTORY\n\n\n=The Entrance of the Forefathers of the Hebrews Into Canaan.= The\nbiblical traditions regarding the beginnings of Hebrew history differ\nwidely in regard to details, but regarding the great movements they\nare in perfect agreement. They all unite in declaring that the\nforefathers of the race were nomads and entered Palestine from the\neast. The fourteenth chapter of Genesis contains later echoes of a\ntradition which connects Abraham, the forefather of the race, with the\nfar-away glorious age of Hammurabi (Amraphel) who lived about 1900\nB.C. Interpreted into historic terms, this narrative implies that the\nHebrews traced back their ancestry to the great movement of nomads\ntoward Palestine which took place about the beginning of the second\nmillennium B.C. It was about this time that the earlier non-Semitic\npopulation in Palestine was supplanted by the Semitic races, known to\nlater generations as the Canaanites. In tracing their ancestry to\nthese early immigrants, the Hebrews were entirely justified, for the\nmixed race, which ultimately occupied central Palestine and was known\nas the Israelites, in time completely absorbed the old Amorite and\nCanaanite population. The Jacob traditions point to a later movement\nof nomadic peoples toward Palestine. In the light of the contemporary\nhistory of Canaan it is exceedingly probable that this is to be\nidentified with the incoming wave of the Habiri, among whom were\nundoubtedly to be found many of the early ancestors of the Hebrews.\nThese successive waves of nomadic invasion were the inevitable result\nof the physical conditions already considered and were a part of that\nprolonged mixing of races which has gone on in Palestine through\nthousands of years and which contributed much to the virility and\nenduring power of the Israelites.\n\n=References to the Israelites During the Egyptian Period.= The\nreferences to the Habiri in the Tell el-Amarna letters and in the\ninscriptions found in the mounds in Palestine imply that the majority\nof the Habiri either conquered the older Canaanite population or else\ncoalesced with them and thus found permanent homes in the land. This\ninfusion of new blood was, in fact, an inevitable consequence of\nEgypt's cruel, destructive policy in the treatment of Palestine. Seti\nI and Ramses II, of the Nineteenth Egyptian Dynasty, in the record of\ntheir campaigns in Palestine, refer to a state called Asaru or Aseru\nin western Galilee. This was the region occupied by the Hebrew tribe\nof Asshur and would seem to indicate that by 1300 B.C., half a century\nafter the invasion of the Habiri, this tribe was already firmly\nestablished in the land of Canaan. Merneptah, the son of Ramses II,\nrefers to Israel in a connection which leaves no reasonable doubt that\na people bearing this name were to be found in his day in Palestine.\nThis is the earliest and only reference to Israel thus far found on\nthe monuments prior to the ninth century B.C. That many if not a\nmajority of the ancestors of the later Hebrews were already\nestablished in Palestine by the beginning of the thirteenth century\nB.C. must now be regarded as a practically established fact.\n\n=The Habiri in Eastern and Central Palestine.= The bounds of Palestine\nwere narrow and the ancient population numerous. Some of the Habiri\nappear to have found homes in the east-Jordan land, where they\ngradually acquired the habits of agriculturists and reappear in later\nhistory as the Moabites and Ammonites. Naturally, some of these\ninvaders retained their flocks and herds and nomadic mode of life.\nThis was possible because of the peculiar character of Palestine. In\nthe uplands of the central plateau, and especially in the south, the\ntraveller still frequently comes upon the flocks and black tents of\nthe Bedouin. According to the earliest biblical narratives it was here\nthat certain of the Hebrew tribes remained for a generation or more,\nwith their flocks and tents, tolerated by the city dwellers who\ncultivated the plains even as are the Bedouin by the inhabitants of\nPalestine to-day.\n\n=The Trend Toward Egypt.= The Hebrew narratives imply that some of\nthese tribes lived in the South Country of Judah, beside the great\nhighways which led to Egypt. The early Egyptian records contain\nfrequent references to the movements of Semitic nomads from\nsouthwestern Asia toward the Valley of the Nile. In the tomb at\nBeni-Hassan there is a picture of thirty-seven Semitic warriors being\nreceived by a local Egyptian ruler. To-day, at certain seasons of the\nyear, the visitor at Cairo may find encamped on the eastern side of\nthe city hundreds of Bedouin, who after months of wandering in the\nArabian desert find the banks of the Nile a desired haven of rest. All\nthe highways from southern, eastern, and northeastern Arabia, as well\nas from Palestine, converge at the Wady Tumilat, the natural gateway\nof Egypt. When the pressure of population increased in Palestine and\nEgyptian rule was re-established, as it was by 1280 B.C., the nomadic\nancestors of the Hebrews sought homes elsewhere. For them a change of\nabode to the attractive pasture land along the eastern delta of the\nNile was easy. The biblical narratives state that they also went at\nthe invitation of their powerful kinsman, Joseph.\n\n=The Land of Goshen.= According to the oldest Hebrew records, the part\nof Egypt in which the Hebrews settled was the land of Goshen. The word\nhas not yet been found on the Egyptian monuments, but there is little\ndoubt regarding its general situation. In its broadest bounds, it\napparently included the Wady Tumilat, and extended from the Crocodile\nLake, the modern Lake Timsah, to the Pelusiac or the Tanitic branch of\nthe Nile. It was a narrow strip of land thirty or forty miles long. On\nthe west, where the Wady Tumilat opened into the Nile Delta, it\nbroadened into an irregular triangle. Its angles were at the modern\ncities of Zigazig, in the northwest, Belbeis in the south, and Abu\nHamm\u00e2d at the beginning of the valley on the east. By many scholars\nthis triangle is regarded as the original land of Goshen. Until the\ndays of Ramses II the entire region, including the Wady Tumilat, was\ngiven up to the shepherds. Here, therefore, the Israelites could keep\ntheir flocks and maintain their tribal unity and practical\nindependence.\n\n=The Wady Tumilat.= The Wady Tumilat is a low-lying, shallow valley\nbounded on either side by the hot, rocky desert. In ancient times it\nwas dry except when its narrow bed was occasionally flooded by the\ninundations of the Nile. On the west it opened into the Nile Delta. At\nan early period the Egyptians had established at the eastern part of\nthe Wady Tumilat a fortress (known as the \"Wall of the Prince\"), for\nit was the most vulnerable spot on all the Egyptian frontier. Amidst\nthese more favoring conditions on the borders of the Nile Delta it was\ninevitable that nomads, possessed of virile physiques, but hitherto\nrestricted by lack of food and water, would rapidly multiply. The\nmodern East presents many analogies. The alarm which, according to the\nbiblical narrative, this increase aroused in the minds of the\nEgyptians is in perfect keeping with the fear with which the dwellers\nof the Nile always regarded the Bedouin.\n\n=Ramses II's Policy.= The great change in the fortunes of the Hebrews\nwas in all probability the result of the policy of Ramses II. To carry\nout his ambitious building enterprises it was necessary for him to\nenlist the services of vast bodies of workmen. Into this service he\nnaturally pressed the foreigners resident in or on the borders of\nEgypt. In order to connect Egypt more closely with its Palestinian\nprovinces, and above all to develop its resources to the full, this\nfamous organizer conceived and carried through the plan of converting\nthe eastern Nile Delta and the Wady Tumilat into tillable land. To\nthis end he probably repaired and enlarged the canal that had been\nconstructed as early as the days of the Twelfth Dynasty. It was about\nfifteen yards in width and sixteen to seventeen and a half feet in\ndepth, and ran eastward from the Nile Delta through the Wady Tumilat\ninto the Crocodile Lake. According to Pliny, it was sixty-three miles\nin length. It is paralleled to-day throughout most of its course by\nthe fresh-water canal, which irrigates this region and supplies the\ntowns on the Suez Canal with drinking water. The ancient canal was\nconstructed primarily for navigation, but it was also essential in\nreclaiming the land on either side.\n\n=Building the Store-Cities of Ramses and Pithom.= To effect the\ntransformation of this region, Ramses II built two important cities.\nOne of them bore his name and became the designation of the\nsurrounding territory, which was known as the country of Ramses. It\nprobably stood at the western end of the Wady Tumilat. The other, the\nPithom^{(65)} of the biblical records, has been proved in the light of\nmodern excavation to have been the ancient P-atum, that is, the House\nof the God Atum. This city was situated near the eastern end of the\nWady Tumilat, at the present Tell el-Maskhutah, ten or twelve miles\nwest of Lake Timsah. This was probably also the site of the older\nfortress known as the \"Wall of the Prince.\" Several inscriptions have\nbeen found here containing the name P-atum. In later Egyptian\ngeographical lists this was also the name of a local province. Here\nNaville discovered what appear to have been great store chambers with\nwalls two or three yards in thickness, made of crude, sun-dried\nbricks. These chambers were not connected and the grain was put into\nthem through openings in the top. Here, apparently, Ramses II gathered\nthe vast supplies of grain necessary for his Palestinian campaigns,\nfor these cities were built during the earlier, warlike period of his\nreign.\n\n=Condition of the Hebrew Serfs.= In the light of the well-established\nfacts of Egyptian history and of the geographical background, it is\neasy to appreciate the condition of the nomadic Israelites. Their\npasture lands were transformed into cultivated fields and occupied by\nEgyptian colonists. The sons of the desert, ever restive under the\nrestraints of civil authority, were put at forced labor and compelled\nto build the border fortresses which made their bondage the more\nhopeless. Palestine was in the control of their royal Egyptian\ntask-master. The wilderness that stretched almost from their doors far\nout into the wild, rocky desert, offered the one possible place of\nescape; but under the iron rule of Ramses II and his successor,\nMerneptah, the escape of large bodies of fugitives was practically\nimpossible.\n\n=Training of Moses.= The one Hebrew, however, who dared raise his hand\nagainst the oppression of the Pharaoh, succeeded in escaping beyond\nthe border fortresses and found a home among the nomadic kinsmen of\nhis race in the rugged mountains that lie between southern Judah and\nthe Sinaitic peninsula. Here, amidst the dangers and solitudes of the\ndesert, Moses, the great prophet, leader, and founder of the Hebrew\nnation, received his training. Here he learned to trust the Power that\nguides the destinies of men and nations, and to despise the boasted\nstrength of Egypt. In guiding the flocks of Jethro, his father-in-law,\nthrough the trackless wilderness filled with wild beasts and hostile\nBedouin, he had also become skilled in leading men.\n\n=The Historical Facts Underlying the Plague Stories.= Moses' work in\nleading the Hebrews from Egypt is a familiar chapter in biblical\nhistory. In the break-down of the Egyptian government and in the\nperiod of anarchy which followed the fall of the Nineteenth Dynasty, a\nsupremely favorable opportunity was offered for the escape of the\nserfs. An Egyptian writer states that at this time \"the Egyptians had\nno chief ruler for many years. The land of Egypt was in the hands of\nthe nobles and rulers of towns; each slew his neighbor, great and\nsmall.\" A certain Syrian also proclaimed himself king and made the\nentire land tributary to him, plundering the people. To these evils\nwere added the horrors of foreign invasion. Even under a good\ngovernment the sanitary conditions in Egypt are far from satisfactory.\nIn the time of anarchy and bloodshed the hot valley of the Nile is\nravaged by disease and plagues. The seven plagues described in the\noldest biblical narrative were not miracles, but the natural\ncatastrophes which, from time to time, have afflicted the land of\nEgypt. Most of them are characteristic of the Nile Valley and can only\nbe fully understood in the light of its physical and climatic\npeculiarities. Certain of these plagues also stand in a close casual\nrelation to each other, as well as to the historical events recorded\nby the contemporary Egyptian historians. Foreign invasion and civil\nwar, with the attendant slaughter, would inevitably lead to the\ncontamination of the waters of the Nile. Upon this one river depended\nthe health and life of the inhabitants of Egypt. Unsanitary conditions\nand the defilement of the waters would breed frogs and flies. The\nflies would in turn spread abroad the germs of the disease which\nattacked the flocks. Hail and swarms of locusts are exceedingly rare\nin Egypt, but they are not unknown, as careful observers have\nattested, and their rarity would make their appearance all the more\nimpressive. The identification of these remarkable plagues with the\nanger of the god or gods was accepted by the Egyptian as well as by\nthe biblical writers.\n\n=Method of Travel in the Desert.= The peculiar topography of the\nterritory of eastern Egypt, which was the scene of the exodus, throws\nmuch light upon the historic event which lies back of the different\nbiblical narratives. As in the account of the plagues, the later\nversions, which unfortunately are the most familiar, have magnified\nthe miraculous element. The older version, however, is clearly the one\nwhich should be followed. Apparently the scattered Hebrew tribes were\nrallied and later guided in their marches by the means still employed\nby the caravans through the same wastes of sand and rock. A brazier of\ncoals is carried before the leader of the caravan to show where he is\nand the direction of the march, so that those who straggle sometimes\nmany miles behind will not be lost in the wilderness. By day there\nrises from these coals a column of smoke which, in the clear\natmosphere of the desert, may be seen many miles away. By night the\nglowing coals are lifted aloft so that all may be guided by their\nlight. In this manner the Hebrews were reminded of Jehovah's presence\nand guided by his prophet, Moses.\n\n=Moses' Equipment as a Leader.= The distance from the eastern side of\nthe land of Goshen to the wilderness was only a few miles. What the\nHebrew serfs most needed was a courageous, energetic, and trained\nleader, able to command their confidence and inspire them to quick and\ndecided action. These qualities Moses had acquired largely as a result\nof his desert experience. Above all, he was able to appeal to their\nfaith in the God of their fathers, and thus, like the great prophet of\nIslam, to rule his followers through their religious as well as\nthrough their selfish impulses.\n\n=The Scene of the Exodus.= Of the two ways which led eastward from\nEgypt, the Israelites chose the southern, that ran directly into the\ndesert. The northern route, the Way of the Philistines, was already\nguarded by strong, warlike peoples. Unfortunately, the oldest biblical\naccount of the exodus contains no geographical data, and none of the\nthree or four places mentioned in the late priestly narrative have\nbeen identified. The interpretation which places the scene of the\nexodus near the present port of Suez, at the northern end of the\nwestern arm of the Red Sea, is based wholly on the biblical reference\nto the Sea of Reeds, which is commonly translated Red Sea. That this\nterm is frequently used in the Old Testament as the designation of the\nRed Sea is unquestioned; but there is no place in the vicinity of the\npresent Port of Suez which satisfies the conditions implied by the\nbiblical narrative. Furthermore, it is difficult to see what would\nhave led the Hebrews to make this long and difficult d\u00e9tour to the\nsouth rather than escape to the desert directly east of the Wady\nTumilat. The biblical narrative implies that the latter was the course\nfollowed. The significant term, Sea of Reeds, points not to the Red\nSea, in whose saline waters reeds would not thrive, but to the marshy\nshores of the Crocodile Lake, the modern Lake Timsah, which lay\ndirectly east of the Wady Tumilat. Into it poured the fresh waters\nfrom the Nile, which were conducted thither by the canal that ran\nalong the wady. Even though the modern Suez Canal, which runs through\nit, has transformed conditions, Lake Timsah is still surrounded by a\nthicket of vegetation. Inasmuch as the Hebrews frequently used the\nword sea (for example, the Sea of Galilee) as the designation of an\ninland lake, the name Sea of Reeds was exceedingly appropriate.\n\n=Probability That the Passage Was at Lake Timsah.= According to the\nearliest biblical narrative deliverance came to the Hebrews as they\nwere pursued by the Egyptians because \"Jehovah caused the sea to go\nback, by a strong east wind all the night, and made the bed of the sea\ndry.\" The shallow southeastern end of Lake Timsah satisfies most fully\nthe physical conditions implied by this ancient narrative. At its\nsouthern end it opens out into a broad bay, but between this point and\nthe main body of the lake was a shallow, marshy strait, not more than\na quarter of a mile across. A strong wind driving it from the level\ndesert would force back the waters into other parts of the lake,\nleaving this passage comparatively dry. A close and significant\nparallel is recorded by Major-General Tulloch, who states that the\nshallow waters of Lake Menzaleh, which lies only a short distance to\nthe north and is subject to the same conditions, were driven back by\nthe wind for seven miles, leaving the bottom of the lake dry (_Journal\nof the Victorian Institute_, vol. XXVIII, p. 267, and vol. XXVI, p.\n12). The biblical narrative also states that \"Jehovah bound the\nchariot wheels of the Egyptians so that they proceeded with\ndifficulty.\" This is precisely what would follow, not on a hard, sandy\nshore, but in the marshy, muddy depths of a body of fresh water like\nLake Timsah. While the exact scene of that incident, which, more than\nany other in their history, impressed upon the consciousness of the\nIsraelites Jehovah's power and willingness to deliver them, will never\nbe exactly identified, the southeastern end of Lake Timsah is the most\nprobable site.\n\n[Illustration: THE LAND OF THE EXODUS AND WILDERNESS WANDERING.\n\n  BORWAY & CO., N.Y.\n]\n\n\n\n\nXIII\n\nTHE HEBREWS IN THE WILDERNESS AND EAST OF THE JORDAN\n\n\n=Identification of Mount Sinai.= Desert sites are so readily\nforgotten, and the records of this period in Israel's history were\ncommitted to writing so many years after the events transpired, that\nit is now impossible to follow the Israelites with certainty in their\ndesert wanderings. Their first aim after leaving Egypt was to find a\nsafe asylum. In this quest the experiences of their leader, Moses,\nwould influence them to find at least a temporary refuge with his\nkinsmen, the Midianites. Their second aim was to worship at the sacred\nmountain the God who had so signally revealed himself to them.\nAccording to the Northern Israelitish traditions (Ex. 3:1) the\nmountain of God was near the wilderness, where Moses was pasturing the\nflock of Jethro, his father-in-law. In all the biblical narratives it\nis implied that Sinai was not far from the land of Midian and that the\nhome of the Midianites was to the south or east of Mount Seir. All the\nearliest references in the Old Testament, as for example, Judges 5:4,\n5 and Deut. 33:2, indicate definitely that Mount Sinai was at least\nnear the Mount Seir range, if not identical with one of its\npeaks.^{(66)} Furthermore, recent excavations have shown that the road\nwhich led along the western arm of the Red Sea to the Mount Sinai of\nlater tradition passed important Egyptian garrisons, stationed there\nto guard the extensive quarries and mines which for centuries had been\nworked under the direction of the Pharaohs. This route would also have\ntaken the Israelites far away from their kinsmen and their ultimate\ngoal, into a barren country, incapable of supporting a large body of\nmen and filled with hostile Arab tribes.\n\n=Lateness of the Traditional Identification.= The tradition which\nidentifies the mountain of God with Jebel M\u00fbsa, in the southern part\nof the Sinaitic peninsula,^{(67)} cannot be traced earlier than the\nfourth or fifth centuries of the Christian era. The detailed itinerary\nof Numbers 33 is generally recognized to be one of the latest sections\nin the Old Testament and embodies the late Jewish conception of the\nwilderness period. All attempts to identify the sites here mentioned\nhave proved uniformly unsatisfactory.\n\n=Probable Route of the Hebrews.= Of the two or three sites mentioned\nin the biblical narrative, Elim, with its twelve springs of water and\nseventy palm-trees, is probably the fertile spot at the end of the\nnortheastern arm of the Red Sea known in later biblical times as the\nport of Elath. A journey of two hundred miles along the main caravan\nroute from Egypt would bring the Hebrews to this point after three\nweeks comfortable travel. From there the highways branch northward\ntoward Canaan. If Sinai was their first objective point, the earliest\nbiblical references to this mountain indicate that from Elim they\nprobably turned to the northeast and followed the way of the Arabah\nuntil they reached that one of the many peaks in the southwestern part\nof the Mount Seir range which was regarded by their Midianite kinsmen\nas the special abode of Jehovah. Here Moses' Midianite father-in-law\nvisited the Israelites. Here, in keeping with an ancient custom of the\ndesert, a sacred covenant was made with their God, which became the\nbasis of their later social and religious life.\n\n=Kadesh-barnea.= Late Jewish (_cf._ Jos. _Ant._ IV, 4:7) and modern\nMoslem traditions make the picturesque Wady M\u00fbsa, in the heart of\nwhich was the marvellous Edomite capital, Petra, the scene of their\ndesert sojourn; but the older biblical narratives indicate that from\nSinai the Hebrews turned to the northwest. A desert journey of sixty\nor seventy-five miles would bring them into the midst of the series of\nbold, rugged mountains, cut in every direction by dry wadies, known\nto-day as the Jebel el-Magrah, in the southwestern part of the South\nCountry. In one of these wadies was the famous spring of\nKadesh-barnea, still known as Ain Kd\u00eas, the Holy Spring. The water\ngushes out through several openings from the side of a steep limestone\ncliff and is caught in a series of artificially constructed basins.\nThe stream which arises from this spring, as it runs down the valley,\nconverts it into what seems in contrast to its barren surroundings a\nlittle oasis. As in the case of most desert streams, the waters soon\ndisappear, however, beneath the desert sand. Here, in the heart of the\nwilderness, and yet only a few miles east of the point where the\nhighway that ran from Elath to Beersheba was joined by another which\ncame across the desert from Egypt, the Israelites apparently\nestablished their central camp.\n\n=Effect of the Wilderness Life Upon the Hebrews.= The spring of Kadesh\nis still a favorite resort of Arab tribes, but its waters are not\nsufficient to support permanently even a small Bedouin clan. It is\nonly as the tribes wander from place to place, ever seeking new\npastures for their flocks, that the inhabitants of this southern\nwilderness are able to subsist. If the Israelites remained in this\nregion for a generation, as the later traditions state, they must have\nreverted to that nomadic life which still survives in the\ndesert.^{(68-71)} This experience was not without value to a race\nwhich must work out its destiny in the face of great obstacles. It\ntaught them to endure want and hardship. The presence of constant\ndanger not only developed courage and skill in warfare, but also bound\nthem closely together. At any moment they were subject to attack from\nhostile tribes. Their life and that of their families and flocks\ndepended upon their finding from time to time springs of water and\npasture lands among the rocky wastes that would supply the necessities\nfor their strenuous existence. The constant deep sense of dependence\ndeveloped those religious impulses which are very strong in the heart\nof the Semites. The long marches through the sombre wilderness by day\nand by night fostered habits of meditation and kept ever before their\nvision the God who revealed himself through the striking phenomena of\nnature. The sense of racial unity which bound together the Hebrew\nclans tended to develop the belief, not in many, but in one tribal\nGod, who had delivered them from the land of Egypt, who was protecting\nthem from ever-present dangers, and who was leading them on to the\nrealization of their destiny. Their nomadic life, with its constant\nchange from place to place, gave little opportunity for the growth of\nlocal shrines and institutions. As a result, their worship was freed\nfrom those elaborate forms and ceremonies which in more settled\ncommunities took the place of true religion. Thus during those desert\nwanderings, under the leadership of Moses, an ethical religion was\nborn into the world that laid stress not merely on ritual, but on\nrighteousness.\n\n=Evidence That the Hebrews Aimed to Enter Canaan From the South.= In\nthe scanty and somewhat confused biblical traditions regarding the\nlife of the Hebrews in the wilderness there are clear indications that\nat first their intention was to enter Canaan from the south. Their\ncamp at Kadesh, in the South Country, was doubtless chosen as a base\nfrom which to advance into Palestine, for it was near one of the main\nhighways which led into the land from the south. Their battle with the\nAmalekites, recorded in Exodus 17:8-16, is further evidence that their\nultimate goal was Canaan, for the Amalekites were Bedouin tribes\nliving in the wilderness on the southern borders of Palestine.\nAccording to the isolated passage, found in Numbers 21:1 and evidently\ntaken from a very early source, certain Hebrew clans at least were\nfound fighting with the Canaanites, who dwelt in the city of Arad,\nabout nineteen miles south of Hebron. They were defeated, however,\nsome were taken captive, and probably the rest were driven back into\nthe wilderness. The story of the spies in Numbers 13 and 14 is, on the\nwhole, the clearest proof of the ambitions of the Hebrews. From Kadesh\na picked group of men were sent along the great highway past Rehoboth\nand Beersheba to Hebron and southern Canaan to investigate\nconditions, with a view to conquest.\n\n=Reasons Why They Did Not Succeed.= The report of the spies makes it\nclear why the Hebrews, as a whole, did not enter Canaan from the\nsouth. Their statements are in perfect accord with the conditions\nrevealed by contemporary Egyptian inscriptions and the results of\nrecent excavations. Already the territory of southern Canaan was fully\noccupied. The larger cities were surrounded by strong walls and their\ninhabitants were in possession of the most advanced equipment for\nmilitary defence known to that age. These defences were practically\nimpregnable against the attack of nomadic tribes. Furthermore, the\nnatural line of approach for the invasion of Canaan was not through\nthe South Country. Its barren wastes did not supply a sufficient base\nfrom which to make an attack. The conquest of a land like Canaan by\nnomads required a comparatively fertile intermediate territory, where\nthe besiegers might settle and derive the supplies necessary for a\nsiege that might last many years. The reasons, therefore, why a\nmajority of the tribes abandoned their original purpose to enter\nCanaan from the south and chose the more favorable route through the\neast-Jordan land are obvious and valid.\n\n=Tribes That Probably Entered Canaan From the South.= There are\nintimations, however, that certain desert tribes, later absorbed into\nthe Hebrew empire, found their way into Palestine from the south.\nCaleb, who figures in the story of the spies as an advocate of advance\nfrom the south, appears in the narrative of the first chapter of\nJudges as a tribe established on the southern borders of Judah. It is\nprobable, therefore, that the Calebites gradually advanced through the\nSouth Country to the possession of the territory which they ultimately\noccupied. The same is true of certain Midianite clans, like the\nKenizzites, who shared with Israel the worship of Jehovah, the God of\nSinai. Possibly even before the exodus, certain of these clans had\ngained a footing on the borders of Canaan; at any rate they, together\nwith the Jerahmeelites, are later found firmly intrenched to the\nsoutheast of Judah.\n\n=The Journey to the East of the Jordan.= The account of the march of\nthe Hebrews from Kadesh to the east of the Jordan is in perfect\nharmony with the peculiar topography of this region. The shortest way\nwas across the dry valley of the Arabah, past the southeastern end of\nthe Dead Sea and northward through central Moab; but this involved a\njourney through a part of the wilderness which can be made by large\nbodies of men only when they are provided with camels and are able to\ncarry full supplies for the journey. For women and children, such a\njourney was exceedingly difficult even if they were inured to the life\nof the wilderness. Still more dangerous was the march of a large tribe\nthrough the centre of Moab, for its highways were difficult and\nstrongly guarded. A second way, which, according to biblical\nnarrative, the Hebrews seriously considered, was the narrow, rocky\nroad which led through the heart of Edom to the great eastern desert\nhighway. Without the consent of the Edomites, a passage by this easily\ndefended way was absolutely impossible. Inasmuch as the request of the\nHebrews was refused by the Edomite king, the only way that remained\nwas the long d\u00e9tour around the southern end of Mount Seir.\nAccordingly, they retraced their way southeastward to Elath. Thence\nthey turned abruptly to the northeast and took the broad highway\nnorthward along the borders of the desert, where the streams of\npilgrims pass to-day on the journey from Damascus to Mecca (_cf._ p.\n77). The way was through hot, rocky deserts and it is not strange that\nthe Israelites indulged in bitter complaints.\n\n=Stations on the Way.= The earliest Old Testament narrative has\npreserved a list of the stations on the highway by which the\nIsraelites approached Moab. Most of these, as the names indicate, were\nbut stopping-places in the desert, corresponding probably to the\nstations on the modern pilgrims' road. Thus the name Beeroth\nBene-jaakan means Wells of the Sons of Jaakan, and was probably named\nafter the Arab tribe that roamed in this desert region. The second\nstation from this point, Jotbathah, is described as a land of flowing\nbrooks. This is an excellent description of the modern important city\nof Maan, near the station on the Damascus-Mecca railway, from which\nthe traveller to-day sets out for Petra, that lies about twenty-five\nmiles due west. Maan is a little oasis made by a beautiful flowing\nbrook, which soon loses itself, however, in the sands of the\nencircling desert. It is almost the only spot along this dry highway\nfrom the north to the south where the weary traveller hears the\nrefreshing ripple of flowing waters. Farther north the road passes\nover the high, parched plateaus where, according to the ancient song\nin Numbers 21:17, 18, the Hebrew chieftains joined in digging, or more\nprobably in cleaning out the well from which the much-needed water\nmight be secured. The third station farther north bears the name\nNahaliel, which means Torrent Valley of God. It was apparently at this\npoint that the Israelites turned westward, following perhaps the\nravine which leads from the east to the great valley of the Arnon.\nBamoth, the next station, which means high places, was probably some\nheight to the north of the ravine, possibly the Jebel er-Ram (the High\nMountain). The fragment of the ancient poem found in Numbers 21:14,\n15, reflects the profound impression which the deep valleys of the\nArnon made upon the Hebrew invaders. Waheb, in Suphah, was possibly a\nplace in the Wady es-Sufeiy, which opens into the Arnon from the east\nand thus would lie in the line of Israel's approach. The city of Ar,\nmentioned in the same connection, possibly represents the shortened\nform of the well-known city of Aroer, on the heights to the north of\nthe Arnon.\n\n=Conquests East of the Dead Sea.= From the banks of the Arnon, which\nmarked the northern boundary of Moab, the Hebrews set out for the\nconquest of the Amorite kingdom of Sihon to the north. The decisive\nbattle was fought in the open, near the city of Jahaz, on the borders\nof the wilderness. The site of the city has not yet been identified.\nAccording to the Moabite stone (lines 18-20) it was the head-quarters\nof the northern Israelites in their war with King Mesha of Moab.\nLater it was captured by the Moabite king and joined to the city of\nDibon, which lay a little north of the Arnon. Eusebius, in his\n_Onomasticon_ (264-294), places it between Medeba and Dibon. This\nbattle gave the Hebrews possession of the upland pastures and fertile\nfields lying between the Arnon and the Jabbok.\n\n=Situation of Heshbon.= Sihon's capital, Heshbon, became the capital\nof the first Israelite state. It crowned the top of a low rocky hill,\nwhich rose gradually from the rolling plains. On the east the plains\nextend unbroken to the desert with its fringe of purple mountains. It\nlay, therefore, in the midst of one of the most fruitful regions in\nthe east-Jordan land and commanded the wide plains which extended in\nevery direction. The city itself did not possess great natural\nstrength. Its inhabitants were obliged to depend upon walls for\ndefence. At present its top is strewn for acres with ruins of small\nancient houses and what were once an ancient fortress and temple; but\nthere are no traces of a great encircling wall. The water supply\napparently came from the large pools in the shallow valley to the\neast. The city was, therefore, ill-fitted to stand a protracted siege.\nThis fact probably explains why the ancient Amorite king chose to meet\nhis foe farther south. The city is two thousand eight hundred and\nsixty-six feet above the sea-level and commands a wonderful view of\nthe blue Gilead mountains in the north, the gorge of the Jordan to the\nsouthwest, the central plateau of Canaan on the west, and Medeba, set\non a slightly elevated hill across the rolling plains, to the south.\n\n=Sojourn of the Hebrews East of the Jordan.= Heshbon was the key to\nthe east-Jordan land. Through it ran the central highway from Moab\nnorthward. Westward the road led rapidly down to the Jordan Valley,\npast Abu Shittim, the Meadow of the Acacias, to the main fords\nopposite Jericho. At Heshbon and on these high uplands of the\neast-Jordan the Hebrews had ever before them the land of Canaan and\nthe open road inviting them to enter. According to the oldest biblical\nnarratives, the tribes of Machir and Manasseh also won for themselves\nhomes in Gilead, in the rich territory between the Jabbok and the\nYarmuk. A later narrative states that even at this early period the\nIsraelites crossed the Yarmuk and conquered the kingdom of Og, king of\nBashan, whose capital was the strange, rock-cut city of Edrei in the\nvalley of the upper Yarmuk.\n\n=Its Significance.= This east-Jordan land supplied in fullest measure\nthe training and opportunity for expansion which the Israelites\nrequired before they entered upon the larger task of conquering the\nlands across the river. Here they learned to cultivate the soil as\nwell as to follow the flocks. The survivors of the conquered Amorites\nbegan to instruct them in the arts of agriculture and in the secrets\nof that higher civilization which had been developing for centuries in\nPalestine. Here, amidst these highly favoring conditions, their\nnumbers rapidly increased, until they began to feel the need of new\nfields for colonization. At the same time they were constantly subject\nto the pressure of Arab invasion, which kept sweeping in from the\neastern desert. Meantime the armies of Egypt had been withdrawn and\nthe old feuds and wars between the different races of Palestine had\nsprung up. No strong power had come to the front in northern Syria. By\n1150 B.C. Palestine was ready to receive the race for which it had\nbeen preparing through the long ages.\n\n\n\n\nXIV\n\nTHE SETTLEMENT IN CANAAN\n\n\n=The Approach to the Jordan.= About the middle of the twelfth century\nB.C. the Hebrew tribes from Egypt crossed the Jordan into Canaan. They\nprobably approached the river by the main highway which to-day skirts\nthe northern side of Mount Nebo,^{(72)} crossing the Wady Heshban, and\nentering the Jordan Valley where the Wady Kefrein broadens into the\nmeadow on which still stands a group of acacias, the Valley of Shittim\n(Acacias), of the Hebrew narratives. After the late spring and summer\nfreshets the lower Jordan may be forded at two points. One is at the\nshallow place where the Wady Kelt pours its waters and mud into the\nJordan. The other is six or seven miles farther north, just below the\npoint where the Wady Nimrin comes down from the highlands of Gilead.\nProbably the Hebrews crossed by this northern ford.\n\n=Crossing the Jordan.= The older biblical account of the crossing\nstates that it took place in the time of harvest, when the Jordan was\noverflowing its banks. The statement which follows is unintelligible\nexcept as it is explained by the unique characteristics of this\nstrange river: \"Its waters rose up in a heap, a great way off at Adam,\nthe city that is beside Zarethan, and those that went down toward the\nSea of the Arabah, the Salt Sea, were wholly cut off\" (Josh. 3:16b).\nLike the Missouri River in America, the Jordan frequently changes its\ncourse. At certain points higher up the river, especially where the\nSamaritan hills come down close to its shores and the Jabbok pours in\nits waters from the east, the river sometimes undermines the clay\nbanks, with the result that it is temporarily dammed up, leaving the\nbed below comparatively dry. The name of the town Adam, where its\nwaters \"rose up in a heap,\" means _red earth_. It is probably\nrepresented by the Tell ed-Damieh which stands near the famous Damieh\nford, just below the point where the Jabbok enters the Jordan. A\nreliable Moslem historian records that in the year 1257 A.D. the\nSultan Bibers found it necessary to send workmen to repair the\nfoundation of the bridge (Jisr Damieh) at this point, in order to save\nthe retreating Moslem army. The task seemed impossible because of the\nspring floods, which were then on; but to their amazement, when they\narrived at the bridge the men found the river-bed empty. By working\nrapidly they were able to complete the repairs before the waters again\nrushed down. Naturally they regarded this remarkable phenomenon as a\nspecial divine interposition, although the historian does not fail to\nstate that the immediate cause was a huge landslide a little farther\nup the river. This later analogy certainly throws much light upon the\ngreat event, which like the exodus, made a profound impression upon\nthe faith of the Hebrews.\n\n=Strategic Importance of Jericho.= Six miles across the white terraces\nthat rise from the bed of the Jordan close to the foot-hills of the\nwestern plateau, which here projects far out into the valley, lay the\nancient Canaanite town of Jericho.^{(72)} It stood on an eminence a\nfew feet above the level of the plain. The old city is to-day but a\ndeserted egg-shaped mound about one thousand one hundred feet long and\nfive hundred wide, with three smaller mounds on the top. The total\narea of the ruin is about twelve acres. The average height of the\nmound is about forty feet above the plain. Immediately below it to the\neast is the 'Ain es-Sultan, known in Hebrew times as the fountain of\nElisha. To the south the Valley of Achor, through which runs the\nperennial stream of the Kelt, comes down from the heights of southern\nSamaria. Immediately back of the ancient city ran the road over the\nheights past Michmash and Ai to join the central northern highway\nthrough Judea and Samaria. Jericho, therefore, not only commanded the\ntwo southern fords of the Jordan, but was also the key to the\nhighways, which led to northern and southern Israel. Before it\nstretched broad, rich fields, which could be easily irrigated by the\nstreams which came down from the western hills.\n\n=Results of Recent Excavations.= Recent excavations have disclosed the\nextent and strength of this old Canaanite city. Long stretches of the\nancient wall^{(73)} have been laid bare, both in the northern and\nsouthern ends of the mound. This wall is remarkably well-preserved and\nof excellent workmanship.^{(74)} On the native rock was first placed a\nfilling of loam and rock and on this was built a wall of rubble,\nsixteen feet high and six to eight feet thick, bulging outward. The\nspaces between the stones, which were very large at the bottom, were\ncarefully filled with smaller stones. On top of this foundation wall\nwas a supplemental wall of burnt brick, six or seven feet in\nthickness, averaging even now in its ruined condition about eight feet\nin height. As a result, the city was practically impregnable. At the\nnorthern end of the mound was a citadel, made of unburnt bricks, three\nstories high, with a stone staircase leading to the top. It takes\nlittle imagination to picture the imposing character of this old\nCanaanite city, small in area, but guarded by walls from twenty-five\nto thirty-five feet in height and of a thickness that surpassed those\nof many a medi\u00e6val fortress.\n\n[Illustration: TERRITORIAL DIVISION OF CANAAN AFTER THE FINAL\nSETTLEMENT OF THE HEBREW TRIBES.\n\nL.L. POATES ENGR'G CO., N.Y.]\n\n=Capture of Jericho.= These excavations both confirm and supplement\nthe biblical account of the conquest of Jericho. The walls are better\npreserved than those of any other Canaanite city thus far uncovered,\nindicating, as the oldest Hebrew narrative implies, that the city was\ncaptured by stratagem rather than by siege, or as the later tradition\nsuggests as the result of a miracle. The story of the spies in the\nfirst chapter of Joshua shows that the Hebrews had friends within the\ncity itself. The probabilities are that, while they were marching\naround the Canaanite stronghold and thus distracting the attention of\nits defenders, at a preconcerted signal the gates were suddenly opened\nand the Hebrews rushed in and captured the city. The character of\nthe ruins suggest that the old Canaanite city was abandoned for\nseveral centuries and that the top of the mound was cultivated, thus\nconfirming the statement of the biblical historian that the city was\nentirely destroyed. Later a small Israelite town, dating from about\n700 B.C., was built on the southeastern side of the mound. This may\nrepresent the rebuilding of the city in the days of Ahab, as recorded\nin I Kings 16:34.\n\n=Evidence That the Hebrews Were Still Nomads.= This complete\ndestruction of Jericho after its capture by the Hebrews is\nsignificant. The city was the natural key to the west-Jordan country\nand therefore its chief defence against invaders from the east. Their\nabandonment of this outpost indicates that the Hebrews were still\nnomads, simply intent upon seizing the upland valleys, where they\ncould pasture their flocks, rather than agriculturists, ready to\nsettle down on the plains and able to perfect the conquest of the\nland.\n\n=Roads Leading Westward from Jericho.= From Jericho three main roads\nled up to the central plateau of Palestine. The one followed a ridge\ndirectly west from Jericho,^{(75)} running at first a little north of\nthe deep, narrow, rocky channel of the Wady Kelt.^{(25)} The second\nroad led up over the steep, barren, waterless wilderness of Judea,\nthrough difficult passes to Jerusalem. It offered many obstacles and\nno attractions to the invaders. A third road turned to the southwest,\nleaving the Jordan valley opposite the northern end of the Dead Sea,\ncrossing the deep gorge of the Kidron in the vicinity of the present\nGreek convent of Mar Saba. Thence it ran directly on through Bethlehem\nto join the great central highway southward to Hebron.\n\n=Conquests in the South.= This rocky trail may well have been the\nroute followed by the tribes of Judah and Simeon, when, according to\nthe ancient narrative in the first chapter of Judges, they went up to\nthe conquest of Canaan. Apparently they did not attempt to capture the\nstronghold of Jerusalem, which remained in the hands of the Jebusites\nuntil the days of David. The town of Bezek, which they first\nconquered, has not yet been identified. It would naturally be looked\nfor at Bethlehem or at the stronghold of Bethzur farther south. The\ntext is clearly corrupt and possibly the original reading contains the\nname of one or the other of these southern cities. The most important\nacquisition of the Judahites was the city of Hebron in the south. This\nancient town lay in a shallow valley and was protected by no natural\ndefences.^{(76)} Allying themselves with certain Arab tribes, they\nextended their conquests far out into the borders of the South\nCountry. The situation of Debir is still in doubt. It is usually\nidentified with Dhaheriyeh, southwest of Hebron, where the hills of\nJudah descend to the wild South Country. In its vicinity are certain\nsprings, which correspond to those assigned to one of the clans of the\nCalebites. To the southeast, with the aid of the Kenites, the\nJudahites succeeded in conquering the border fortress of Arad,\nseventeen miles southeast of Hebron. It stood at the head of the Wady\nSeyal, which runs up in the direction of the Dead Sea past the later\nfortress of Masada. Here dwelt the semi-nomadic Kenites. The\nSimeonites, with the aid of the Judahites, also captured the city of\nHormah, far out in the South Country, and in this wild region, in\ncloser touch with the tribes of the desert than with the Hebrew tribes\nof the north, they lived their free, nomadic life.\n\n=Conquest of Ai and Bethel.= The strong tribes of Ephraim and\nManasseh, under the leadership of Joshua, took the more direct western\nroad over the heights above Jericho. While at this period the true\nhome of the Canaanites was still on the plains, certain of them, or\nelse the descendants of later immigrants, had already ascended these\nheights and built small upland villages. The soil was not sufficiently\nrich to support a large population. Probably the inhabitants still\ndepended to a great extent upon their flocks for sustenance. At the\nhead of the upland valley, along which the road ran, was the village\nof Ai, sufficiently strong to repulse the initial attacks of the\nHebrews. It was finally captured, however, by means of strategy, in\nwhich the wily sons of the desert were adept. In the same way they\ncaptured the sacred city of Bethel, which is generally identified with\nthe present Beitin,^{(77)} two or three miles to the northwest of Ai.\nThe ruins on this site are so meagre that its identification is by no\nmeans certain. If they represent the ancient city, it was always\ninsignificant--a place of pilgrimage rather than of residence. The\npresent village lies on a gradually sloping hill, strewn with large\nlimestone rocks. It lacks the commanding view characteristic of the\nother high places of Palestine. Its outcrop of rock furnished abundant\nsites for ancient altars and for the rocky pillow on which, according\nto Hebrew tradition, rested the head of the fugitive Jacob. It is\nimportant strategically, because near it converge the ancient roads\nfrom the east, the north, and the south. It was captured by a sudden\nattack which caught the inhabitants unprepared.\n\n=Incompleteness of the Initial Conquest.= It is probable that certain\nother small villages in the uplands near Ai and Bethel, were captured\nby the Hebrew tribes that turned northward. The later traditions\nrecord an important battle near Gibeon, which swept westward down\nthrough the pass of the Upper and Lower Beth-horons. The older\nnarrative, however, found in the first chapter of Judges, states very\ndefinitely that the Hebrews did not capture any of the important\ncities on the plain except Jericho and that all the important towns in\ncentral Canaan still remained in the possession of the older\ninhabitants. One zone of strong cities, beginning with Gezer on the\nwest, including Shaalbim, Ajalon, Gibeon, and Jerusalem, remained in\npossession of the Canaanites. Farther north, beginning with Dor on the\nMediterranean coast, another line of strong Canaanite cities extended\nacross the Plain of Esdraelon to the Jordan, including Megiddo,\nTaanach, Ibleam, and Bethshean. These cities commanded all the\nimportant highways from north to south. Still farther north the chief\ncities of Galilee were still held by the Canaanites. Thus, in the\nearly stages of the settlement in Canaan, the Hebrews, who at this\ntime came in from the east-Jordan land, succeeded in intrenching\nthemselves only at two points: (1) in the heights of Judah, from\nwhence they gradually extended their conquests, first to the south\nand then to the north; and (2) in the highlands of southern Samaria,\ngradually spreading down the western hills and pressing northward\nthrough the valleys of Samaria and Galilee. In the north they readily\naffiliated with their kinsmen who, like the Asherites, had probably\nremained in the land since the first invasion in the days of Amenhotep\nIV.\n\n=Migration of the Danites.= The eighteenth and nineteenth chapters of\nJudges contain an exceedingly old and vivid picture of the way in\nwhich the different tribes individually won their homes in this land,\nwhere there was no political unity and where each tribe and city\nfought its own battles single-handed. At first the little tribe of the\nDanites had settled at a point where the Valley of Sorek penetrated\nthe Judean hills on the west and opened out into a diamond-shaped\nvalley. Here the Danites were pressed by the Judahites on the south,\nthe Ephraimites and Benjamites on the north, and above all by the\nPhilistines, who were able to enter this fertile valley by its western\ngateway. Acting on the advice of the spies whom they had sent out to\nfind a more favorable place of abode, a large body of the Danites\nmigrated to the north. At the foot of Mount Hermon, amidst the rushing\nwaters which come from the copious sources of the Jordan, they found a\nSidonian colony.^{(78)} It had probably been established as a trading\noutpost, for past it ran the great highway from Damascus through\nNorthern Israel. It was cut off from all connection with its parent\ncity by the heights of upper Galilee. The Danites suddenly attacked\nthe city, put to death its inhabitants, and changed its name from\nLaish to Dan. Thus was founded a city which became the famous\nsanctuary of the north.\n\n=The Moabite Invasion.= All the earlier narratives of the Old\nTestament indicate that the Hebrews undertook the conquest of Canaan,\nnot as a united nation, but as independent tribes. At first they\nappear to have contented themselves with the least desirable and\ntherefore unoccupied regions. These were scattered throughout the wide\nextent of the land and were separated by zones of Canaanite cities.\nThe result was that the local Hebrew tribes soon fell a prey to the\nolder races. Early during the period of settlement the Moabites who\nwere at first confined to the south of the Arnon, swept over this\nnatural barrier and appeared at the fords of the Jordan opposite\nJericho. They even exacted tribute of the Hebrew tribes in southern\nCanaan. The Moabite oppression was overthrown by the Benjamite Ehud,\nwho treacherously slew the Moabite king and rallied the strong clans\nof Ephraim. By seizing and holding the two lower fords of the Jordan\nthey succeeded, with the aid of this great natural barrier, in keeping\nback the Moabites; but it is evident that by this time these\naggressive foes had largely reconquered the old kingdom of Sihon and\nsubjugated the Hebrews who remained east of the Jordan and south of\nthe Jabbok.\n\n=The Rally of the Hebrews Against the Canaanites.= The rapid increase\nof the Hebrews led the Canaanites to revive the old coalition, which\nin the days of Thotmose III had its natural centre at Megiddo.^{(63)}\nAgain this important city was the rallying place of the Canaanites. On\nthe great plain that extends for miles in front of this ancient\nfortress was fought the battle which decided the possession of central\nCanaan. Only the Hebrew tribes of central Israel rallied on the\nbattle-field. The Asherites in the west, the Danites in the north, and\nthe Reubenites across the Jordan remained by their ships or with their\nflocks. No mention is made in the biblical narratives of the tribes of\nJudah and Simeon, far in the south. According to the older poetic\naccount of the battle, Deborah, who issued the call that rallied the\nstrong central tribes, belonged to the tribe of Issachar, whose\nterritory lay on the northeastern side of the plain. Here near\nDeborah's home gathered the Hebrews, ill-organized but patriotic and\nbrave. Down along the highway, which ran through the territory of\nNapthali from the northwestern end of the Sea of Galilee (_cf._ p.\n79), rushed Barak with his sturdy warriors. Evidently the Hebrews had\nhitherto confined their fighting to the hills, where they had had a\ngreat advantage; but now, forty thousand strong, they ventured out on\nthe plain to meet the Canaanites who were equipped with horses and\nchariots and who were fighting on their own natural battle-field.\n\n=The Battle-field.= The Hebrews, however, chose their ground wisely.\nOn the eastern side of the great plain the hills from the south almost\nmeet those from the north, so that here the Hebrew warriors from all\nparts of the land could unite without a long journey across the open\nplain. On the other hand, they were there reasonably free from the\ndanger of a flank attack, for the only direct and feasible approach to\nthe battle-field from Megiddo was straight across the plain to the\nnortheast. Farther to the west the Kishon is ordinarily not fordable,\nwhile east of Megiddo, opposite Taanach, are probably to be found the\nWaters of Megiddo, mentioned in the ancient song, for here many\nsprings burst from the plain, rendering it muddy and practically\nimpassable far into the summer. The Hebrews evidently took their stand\non the northeastern side of the Kishon,^{(79)} where the main highway\ncrosses it about seven miles from Megiddo. The river here ploughs its\nmuddy way through the plain, which rises gently toward the northeast\nto the position occupied by the Hebrews. Its fords are treacherous at\nall times and especially so in spring. In crossing this point as late\nas April, our horses would probably have foundered in its sticky mud\nhad not some camel-drivers waded out into the middle of the stream and\nguided us over the one narrow place where it was possible to cross\nwithout being submerged. As we looked back two hundred yards beyond\nthe river, its low, sluggish stream was completely hidden. Had we not\nrecently crossed, we would not have suspected that it ran across the\nseemingly unbroken plain. Not even the usual bushes fringed its bank\nto proclaim its winding course.\n\n=Effect of a Storm Upon the Plain.= Evidently the Hebrews waited\nbefore offering battle until the Canaanites had crossed and were thus\ncut off from the possibility of quick retreat. The ancient poem of\nJudges 5 also indicates that they chose for the battle the time of\nyear most advantageous for them. The references to Jehovah coming on\nthe clouds from Sinai and pouring out his waters, to the stars\nfighting in their course against the Canaanites, and to the swollen\nKishon, clearly show that the battle was fought in the spring and\nthat, while it was in progress, one of those drenching thunder-storms\nthat sweep over the plain at this time of the year demonstrated to\nHebrew and Canaanite alike the presence of Israel's God. The loamy\nsoil of the plain dries quickly and is then very hard, but when wet\nbecomes at once a hopeless morass. The horses' hoofs sink deep into\nthe muddy soil and are withdrawn with that peculiar sucking sound\nwhich the author of the poem in Judges 5 has successfully reproduced.\nThe Canaanites, never famous for bravery, were quickly thrown into\nconfusion. In their mad endeavor to get back to Megiddo, chariots,\nhorses, and horsemen plunged headlong into the treacherous, swollen\nKishon, and were swept away.\n\n=Results of the Victory.= Apparently the Canaanite leader, Sisera,\nswerved to the northward from the Kishon and escaped over the hills of\nlower Galilee. Exhausted with his flight he took refuge in the tent of\na wandering Kenite and there met the most ignominious of fates--death\nat the hands of a woman. Thus the Hebrews were left masters of central\nCanaan and possessors of the opulent cities and the material\ncivilization, which had been developing in Palestine for over a\nthousand years. In the southern zone, the Canaanite cities remained\nunconquered until the days of the united Hebrew kingdom, but they\nceased to be a menace to Hebrew expansion. Thus at last, after two or\nthree centuries of wandering, of struggle, and of training, the\ndifferent Hebrew tribes entered into their heritage and continued to\noccupy it until Assyria and Babylonia destroyed their independence and\ncarried their leaders into exile.\n\n=The East-Jordan Tribes.= In the east-Jordan territory the Reubenites\nsettled just north of the Arnon. They were the first to occupy their\nlands and the first to disappear from history. The territory was rich\nand productive, but exposed to attack from the Moabites on the south,\nfrom the Arabs on the east, and from the Ammonites on the northeast.\nIn the days of Mesha, the Moabite king (the ninth century B.C.), they\nhad evidently disappeared, only the Gadites being mentioned. The\nGadites were equally exposed to attack from every side, but they were\nmore strongly intrenched among the hills and deep wadies that lie\nsouth of the Jabbok. They were also more closely in touch with their\nkinsmen across the Jordan and protected on the north by the strong\neast-Jordan tribes of Manasseh and Machir, whose territory extended\nto, if not beyond, the Yarmuk and eastward to the borders of the\ndesert.\n\n=The Tribes in Southern Canaan.= West of the Jordan the tribe of\nSimeon guarded the southern outpost, but in time almost completely\ndisappeared from Hebrew history. The strong tribe of Judah, from its\nmountain heights spread westward to the borders of the Philistine\nPlain and at a later period absorbed the territory of the Canaanite\ncities, which extended from Gezer to Jerusalem. The little tribe of\nBenjamin was wedged in between the great tribes of the north and the\nsouth. The southern boundary of its territory ran close to Jerusalem\nand on the east it touched the Jordan. Northward to the Plain of\nEsdraelon and from the Jordan to the Plain of Sharon extended the\nrich, fruitful territory of Ephraim and Manasseh.\n\n=The Tribes in the North.= The tribe of Issachar, profiting most by\nthe results of the great battle beside the Kishon, in which it had\nplayed a central r\u00f4le, entered into possession of the fertile\nterritory lying south of the Sea of Galilee, probably spreading across\nthe Plain of Esdraelon to Mount Gilboa and the boundaries of northern\nSamaria. Zebulun occupied the territory extending up into the hills of\nlower Galilee. Upper Galilee was divided between the tribe of Napthali\non the east and Asshur, whose territory extended to that of the\nPh\u0153nicians on the west. In the upper Jordan valley, at the foot of the\nsouthern slope of Mount Hermon, the warlike energetic tribe of Dan was\nstrongly intrenched.\n\n=Effect of the Settlement Upon the Hebrews.= Apparently the Hebrew\nsettlement of Canaan occupied fully a century. With the exception of\ntwo or three important engagements, the process was one of peaceful\nsettlement rather than of conquest. It was a process to which there\nare many analogies, especially in the history of Babylonia and Syria.\nA stronger, more virile race pressed in from the desert and gradually\nconquered and absorbed the more highly civilized but less energetic\npeoples resident in the land. It was only in exceptional cases that\nthe earlier Canaanite population was completely destroyed. Shechem,\nand later Jerusalem, are familiar examples of the way in which the\nconquerors and the conquered lived side by side, freely intermarrying\nand in time completely fusing with each other. This process was\nespecially natural and easy in Palestine, because the older population\nsimply represented earlier waves of invasion from the desert. The\nconquerors and the conquered shared in common many traditions and\ninstitutions. Inevitably the invaders gave up their nomadic habits and\nadopted the agricultural pursuits, the civil institutions, the sacred\nplaces, and many of the religious rites of the Canaanites. The marvel\nis that during this transitional period of settlement they preserved\ntheir loyalty to Jehovah, the God who had guided their fathers in\ntheir wilderness wanderings.\n\n\n\n\nXV\n\nTHE FORCES THAT LED TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE HEBREW KINGDOM\n\n\n=The Lack of Unity Among the Hebrew Tribes.= The powerful influence of\nthe peculiar physical contour of Palestine on its inhabitants was\nclearly illustrated during the latter part of the period of\nsettlement. Although masters of Canaan, there was apparently no\npolitical unity between the different Hebrew tribes. Like the petty\nCanaanite kingdoms, which they had conquered, they were all intent\nupon their own problems and fought their battles independently. The\nstory of Jephthah reveals the same conditions in the east-Jordan\ncountry. The result was that the Hebrews soon fell an easy prey to the\ninvaders who pressed them on every side. The Ammonites on the east\nwere ever eager to push their borders to the Jordan. It was only the\nenergetic leadership of Jephthah, a local champion of the tribe of\nManasseh, that delivered the Hebrews for a time from these invaders.\nThe land of Tob, where Jephthah took refuge, was probably in northern\nGilead. The name may be represented by that of the village and wady of\nTaiyibeh, across the Jordan east of Bethshean. Jephthah's success only\naroused the enmity of the powerful tribe of Ephraim, west of the\nJordan, and the story in Judges 12 reveals a state of inter-tribal\nwarfare rather than of united action against their common foes.\n\n=The Scenes of Gideon's Exploits.= As the event demonstrated, the only\ninfluence sufficient to overcome the physical forces working for\ndisunion was a strong and prolonged attack from without. The attacks\nof the Midianites, recorded in the Gideon stories, were too\nintermittent to bring about a permanent organization of all the Hebrew\ntribes. Gideon's victory, however, possesses a large significance, for\nit led to the establishment of the first Hebrew kingdom. Ophrah,\nGideon's home, is not to be confused with the town farther south in\nthe territory of Benjamin. It was designated by the biblical\nhistorians as Ophrah of the Abiezrites, being named from the clan to\nwhich Gideon belonged. It has been identified with Ferata, six miles\nsouthwest of Shechem; but this site is more probably the Pirathon of\nthe book of Joshua. The Ophrah of Gideon is best identified with 'Ain\nel-Farah, about ten miles northeast of Shechem, at the head of the\nWady Farah, which flows southeast into the Jordan. Gideon's march,\ntherefore, with his three hundred brave followers, would be directly\ndown this valley and across the Jordan, either at the present Damieh\nford or farther north, opposite the point where the Jabbok breaks\nthrough the hills of Gilead. The common identification of Succoth with\nTell Deir Alla, suggested by the Talmud, would point to the\nnorthernmost of these two fords. The present ruin of Deir Alla is a\nhigh mound on the eastern side of the Jordan, about a mile northwest\nof the Jabbok. It commanded the great highway along the east side of\nthe Jordan and also the road inland that followed the course of the\nRiver Jabbok. It was therefore an important strategic point. If this\nidentification of Succoth is correct, the site of Penuel must be\nfarther to the east along the valley of the Jabbok. The mounds known\nas Tul\u00fbl ed-Dahab, that rise abruptly to the height of about two\nhundred and fifty feet in the middle of the valley four or five miles\neast of Deir Alla, fully satisfy the biblical references to this\nimportant stronghold that was later rebuilt by Jeroboam I (I Kings\n12:25). Ancient ruins and the remains of a great wall and platform\nbuilt of massive stones crown the eastern hill. Close to its northern\nside runs the road from the Jordan to the desert. The mention of\nJogbehah, as an index of the route along which Gideon pursued the\nfleeing Midianites, indicates that the way of retreat lay to the\nsoutheast in the direction of Rabbath-Ammon. Jogbehah may without\nreasonable doubt be identified with the ruins of Jubeihat, which lie\nnorth of the present road from the Damieh Ford through Es-Salt on to\nAmman. This route would have been the more natural line of retreat,\nfor from Jogbehah it was easy for the Midianites to escape directly\neastward into the desert. Anywhere east of the Jordan the retreating\nArab host would have felt secure from the attack.\n\n=Gideon's Kingdom.= The significance of Gideon's victory lies not so\nmuch in the courage with which he responded to the relentless law of\nblood revenge, nor the greatness of his victory, but in the fact that\nwhen he returned his followers and certain of the cities near Ophrah\nasked him to rule over them and to transmit his authority to his sons.\nThus a local chieftain was transformed into a king. The kingdom thus\nestablished would probably have survived had it not been for the\ncruelty and folly of the son who succeeded him. In its widest bounds,\nGideon's kingdom was apparently very small. In addition to Ophrah,\nShechem, which was at this time the chief city in central Samaria,\nThebez, a town three miles north of 'Ain el-Farah, and doubtless the\nconquered cities of Succoth and Penuel, across the Jordan to the east,\nacknowledged his authority. Probably the villages and territory\nincluded within these bounds also enjoyed his protection. In its\nbroadest bounds his kingdom probably did not extend more than\ntwenty-five miles from north to south and the same distance from east\nto west.\n\n=Reasons for the Superiority of the Philistines.= The foes whose\naggressions compelled the Hebrew tribes to unite in common defence and\nthus gave rise to the Hebrew kingdom were the Philistines. These hardy\nimmigrants from the islands and shores of the northeastern\nMediterranean had entered western Palestine during the reign of Ramses\nIII, at about the time when the Hebrews were intrenching themselves in\nthe east-Jordan land, preparatory to their advance upon the uplands of\nCanaan (_cf._ p. 122). It was inevitable that these strong peoples\nshould ultimately clash. The Hebrews succeeded in capturing the\ncentral plateau, but the Philistines soon surpassed them in military\nstrength and organization. This difference was largely due to the\ncharacteristics of the territory in which the two peoples settled. In\nstriking contrast to the home of the Hebrews, Philistia was divided by\nno natural barriers. All its territory was a gently rolling plain. Its\npeople were united by similar occupations and interests. The result\nwas that, while the Hebrew tribes were fighting their battles\nindependently or were even engaged in civil strife, the kings or\ntyrants who ruled over the four or five leading Philistine cities had\nalready formed a close confederacy and were fighting as a united\npeople. The rich fertility of the land which they occupied also\naccelerated their development. Their territory lay on the great\ncommercial highways of the eastern Mediterranean, so that they\nreceived the culture and the products of Egypt on the one hand and of\nPh\u0153nicia and Babylonia on the other. Their exposed position and lack\nof natural defences also hastened the development of their military\norganization and equipment. Their cities were surrounded by strong\nwalls and in battle they employed chariots and horsemen as well as\ninfantry. It is easy, therefore, to understand why the Hebrews were\nbeaten in the early engagements.\n\n=Scenes of the Samson Stories.= The Samson stories represent the\nearlier stages in the protracted struggle between the men of the hills\nand the men of the plains. The home of this hero of popular story was\nthe Danite town of Zorah, situated on the hill which guards on the\nnorth the entrance to the Valley of Sorek. Two or three miles to the\nnortheast, where the valley broadens, lay the other important southern\nDanite town of Eshtaol. Somewhere between these two points was the\nCamp of Dan, and here Samson was buried after his stormy, dramatic\ncareer. Up the valley which runs eastward from Zorah was probably the\ncave and cliff of Etam, where the Hebrew champion dwelt for a time.\nAcross the valley from the tree-clad hill on which Zorah stood was the\ntown of Bethshemesh, while to the southwest it looked across the\nwaving grain fields, which figure in the Samson story, to Timnath,\nonly five miles away. With the exception of Gaza, which lay a long\nday's journey across the plain, the scenes of all Samson's exploits\nwere not more than five or six miles from his boyhood home. Possessed\nof ungoverned strength and passions, the hero was a typical product of\nthis western borderland and a forerunner of that more serious conflict\nwhich soon raged between plain and hill.\n\n=The Decisive Battle-field.= The scene of the decisive battle in which\nthe Hebrews were overwhelmingly defeated and the ark of Jehovah fell\ninto the hands of the Philistines may have been at a short distance\nfrom the Plain of Sorek. It is probable, however, that Aphek must be\nsought farther north, where broader plains lead up to the heart of\ncentral Israel, for the Philistines were intent not merely upon border\nwarfare, but upon the conquest of the land of the Hebrews. In the\nGreek text of Joshua 12:18 an Aphek in Sharon is mentioned. Thotmose\nIII in his list of conquered cities also speaks of an Aphek north of\nLydda and not far from Ono. Later, when the Philistines invaded Israel\nby the Plain of Esdraelon, they rallied at Aphek, which was evidently\nnear the coast road that ran along the eastern side of the Plain of\nSharon. Aphek, therefore, must have been situated on the southeastern\nside of this plain, commanding the passes that led into Benjamin and\nsouthern Ephraim. A little later the Philistine garrisons were at\nMichmash and Gibeah, indicating that the line of approach was across\nthe more open valley of Ajalon, thence through the Beth-horon pass.\n\n=Fortunes of the Ark.= From the northern battle-field, the ark was\nfirst borne in triumph to the Philistine city of Ashdod near the\ncoast. Thence, to avert a plague, it was carried to Gath, which is\nprobably identical with Tell es-Safi, that guards the entrance to the\nValley of Elah. From there it was transferred to Ekron in the north.\nAs the lowing cows drew it back across the plains to the Hebrew\nterritory they must have turned to the southeast, following the Valley\nof Sorek, until they reached the city of Bethshemesh, beside which\nruns to-day the railway, as it enters the Judean hills.\nKirjath-jearim, where the ark finally rested, was probably about five\nmiles due east of Bethshemesh, farther up the valley which led toward\nJerusalem.\n\n=The Sanctuary at Shiloh.= The history of Samuel, the seer who was\nable to interpret the meaning of this great crisis in Israel's history\nand to point out the way of deliverance, opens at Shiloh, in the\nterritory of southern Samaria. This little town was east of the\ncentral highway and at the northern end of a fertile plain, from which\nvalleys radiate in all directions. The town itself lay on a rounded,\nrocky hill, lower than those around it, and was encircled by deep\nvalleys on the east, on the north, and on the west. The hill rises in\nterraces to a flattened knob now crowned with extensive ruins.^{(80)}\nThe rude mosque and spreading tree, which are supposed to mark the\nsite of the ancient Hebrew sanctuary, stand in front of the hill; but\nthe cuttings in the native rock, in which the semblance of an ancient\naltar can still be distinguished, the small rock-cut reservoirs, and\nthe level terrace near by all suggest that the site of the rude\nsanctuary in which the ark was at first deposited lay back of the hill\nnow crowned with the ruins of the town. Here doubtless the maidens of\nShiloh once took part in the religious dances. Here the people from\nall parts of the land resorted at the annual feasts, and here Samuel\nsat at the feet of the aged Eli. It is a quiet spot,^{(81)} with\npicturesque views of mountain and plain, central yet apart from the\nstreams of commerce and war--a fitting place for worship. It never\nrecovered, however, from its destruction at the hands of the\nPhilistines after their great victory and from the loss of prestige\nwhich came from the capture of the ark. Even during the days of\nSamuel, its traditions appear to have been transferred to the northern\nGilgal, five miles over the hills to the southwest.\n\n=Samuel's Home at Ramah.= Samuel's home was evidently not far from\nShiloh and in the territory of southwestern Ephraim. Of the many\ntowns, which bear the name, Ramah, or high place, the present Beit\nRima, twelve miles in a straight line from Shiloh and eight from the\nnorthern Gilgal, corresponds perfectly with the biblical references to\nthe home of Samuel. It lies in a straight line about eighteen miles\nnorthwest of Saul's home at Gibeah. Saul's quest for his father's\nasses took him over the high ridges and through the deep, picturesque\nvalleys of western Benjamin and Ephraim. A few trees still grow on the\nhills, suggesting they were once densely wooded, and rushing,\nperennial streams dash along the valleys toward the Plain of Sharon.\nRamah itself is situated where the hills of Samaria descend to the\nwestern plain. Near by the natives still worship a Mohammedan prophet,\nNeby Saleh, whose tomb is the goal of many pilgrimages. On the hill to\nthe east we found many stones set up by pious pilgrims as they caught\nthe first glimpse of this sacred shrine. It would seem that, in this\nmodified form, the spirit of the great prophet of Ramah still\ndominates this wild region, which is a little world in itself, apart\nfrom the rest of Palestine. Here at Ramah, on the heights, where stood\nthe local altar, Samuel directed the sacrifice, and by public act and\nlater by private counsel on the quiet of the house-top^{(82)} inspired\nthe stalwart Benjamite chieftain to perform those deeds of valor which\nproclaimed him the one divinely fitted and called to deliver Jehovah's\npeople.\n\n=The Site of Gibeah.= In returning, Saul apparently took the highway\nwhich led southeast to the main road through central Samaria and\nthence directly to Gibeah. First Samuel 14:1-5 and Isaiah 10:29\nindicate that Geba, situated on the heights opposite Michmash, was\ndistinct from Saul's home. The reference in Judges 19:12-14 makes it\nclear that Gibeah lay close to the main road north from Jerusalem but\nsouth of the Benjamite Ramah. Saul's native town is sometimes confused\nwith Geba (opposite Michmash), but is probably to be usually\nidentified with the ruins at Tell el-Ful, four miles directly north of\nJerusalem.^{(83)} It was a commanding site, two thousand seven hundred\nand fifty-four feet above the level of the sea, and therefore over two\nhundred feet higher than Jerusalem and one hundred feet higher than\nthe Mount of Olives. The identification is confirmed by the statement\nof Josephus (_B. J._ V. 2:1) that Titus, in advancing from the north\nagainst Jerusalem, encamped at Gabbath-Saul, that is, the hill of\nSaul, between three and four miles north of Jerusalem. The town\nenjoyed the protection of the inaccessible heights of the central\nplateau and yet commanded the roads which radiated in every direction\nthroughout the land. Like Jerusalem, it was thus central, well\nprotected, and a fitting site for the first capital of all Israel.\n\n=Situation of Jabesh-Gilead.= The site of the Israelite city of\nJabesh-Gilead, across the Jordan, whose messengers aroused Saul to\naction, has not as yet been absolutely identified. The name is\npreserved in the Wady Yabis, which runs from the heights of Gilead\ninto the Jordan a little southwest of Bethshean. Eusebius states\n(_Onomas._ 268.281) that it was on the eastern table-land, six Roman\nmiles from Pella, on the road to Gerasa, the modern Jerash. It is\nprobably represented by the ruins of Miryamim, north of the Wady\nYabis, where the ancient road leads up through the Wady Saleh to the\nheights seven miles southeast of Pella. About these massive, ancient\nruins are open plains where the Ammonite hosts could assemble. Here in\nthe early morning was probably fought the first memorable battle in\nIsrael's war for independence.\n\n=The Sanctuary at Gilgal.= After the destruction of Shiloh it was\nnatural that the Hebrew tribes should assemble at Gilgal, the sacred\nshrine a few miles to the southwest, and there make king the man who\nhad proved his fitness to lead and his ability to deliver them from\ntheir foes. The town itself was two thousand four hundred and\nforty-one feet above the sea and was approached by a long climb from\nalmost every side. It stood on the top of a round hill jutting boldly\nout into the midst of deep valleys. The hill is a gilgal, or circle,\nconnected with the rest of the land by a rocky shoulder running to the\nsouth. On this shoulder of land are two fine rock-cut thrashing\nfloors. The southern front of the rocky plateau is occupied by the\npresent village of Jiljilia. The space on the north and west is still\nunoccupied and bears all the marks of an ancient high place. Near the\nshrine of a Mohammedan saint are two terebinths, probably survivors of\nthe ancient sacred grove. On the northwest, the cuttings in the rock\nsuggest channels to carry off the sacrificial blood, while one\nrock-cutting resembles an altar, with a reservoir or underground room.\nAbout is a large rocky terrace, where one can in imagination see the\nassembled Israelites as they gathered to proclaim as king the gigantic\nBenjamite warrior and thus to lay the foundations of Israel's\nindependence and national glory.\n\n=The Philistine Advance.= The scene of Israel's history was suddenly\ntransferred farther south. The choice of Saul as king was equivalent\nto declaring war against the Philistines, and Saul's intrepid son,\nJonathan, assumed the offensive by attacking their garrison at Gibeah.\nThese active oppressors of Israel soon came streaming up over the pass\nof Beth-horon^{(84)} to crush the rebellion. At their approach most of\nSaul's followers vanished and he was left with only a handful of men.\nFor the moment the Hebrew kingdom seemed but a wild dream. Again it\nwas simply the courage of Jonathan that at this crisis turned the tide\nof war and gave Saul a secure throne. The Philistines had advanced to\nthe fortress of Michmash and, finding no opposition, had dispersed in\nsearch of plunder. One band turned back toward Beth-horon in the west,\nanother went north to the southern Ophrah, otherwise known as Ephraim.\nThe third band had gone eastward, along the road which led across the\nbarren wilderness to the Valley of Achor and the Jordan.\n\n=The Pass of Michmash.= The only remnant of the Philistine army left\nto guard the Hebrews under Saul was the garrison at Michmash. In early\ntimes one important branch of the main highway apparently led from\nGibeah to the northeast, past Geba and the pass below Michmash to Ai\nand Bethel. The highway which led up from the Jordan valley and Gilead\nin the east ran directly past Michmash, connecting through the pass of\nBeth-horon with the main highways of the coast. Michmash was therefore\nthe key to central Canaan. The Wady es-Suweinit is broad and shallow\nin its upper course below the village of Michmash, but to the\nsoutheast of the town there is a terraced crag or plateau overhanging\nthe valley, which here has steep cliffs on both sides^{(85)}. This\npoint was probably the scene of Jonathan's brave exploit. Accompanied\nonly by his armor-bearer, he descended the cliff in front of Geba,\ncrossed the deep valley, and climbed up the almost sheer cliff on the\nother side. The temerity of his act at first only aroused the\ncuriosity and scorn of the Philistines, so that they allowed him to\nscale the heights unmolested. Their scorn was turned to terror when,\nlike a divine warrior, he attacked and slew twenty of their number.\nThe biblical narrative implies that an earthquake added to the panic,\nwhich quickly spread to the ranks of the plundering Philistines.\n\n=The Great Victory Over the Philistines.= Saul and his warriors on the\nheights to the south looked across the ravine and saw the tumult among\nthe Philistines. With his characteristic impetuosity the king, without\neven waiting to consult the divine oracle, rushed in pursuit of the\nPhilistines and was soon joined by the Hebrews who had fled for refuge\nto the rocky hills and valleys of Ephraim. The territory was well\nadapted to the fierce guerilla warfare in which the Hebrews were\nskilled, and the Philistines, accustomed to man\u0153uvring upon the open\nplain, were caught at a disadvantage. The pursuit swept down through\nthe valleys to the west, through the pass of Beth-horon, and thence\nsouthward to Ajalon, which was the chief western gateway of the hill\ncountry.\n\n=Saul's Wars.= The victory was so complete that for several years the\nPhilistines appear to have left Saul undisturbed. This opportunity he\nimproved to develop his army and to organize his kingdom, which\nprobably did not extend far beyond the Plain of Esdraelon to the\nnorth. His capital, Gibeah, was really a military camp, for he was\nexposed to constant attack on every side. In the south he made a\ncampaign against the Bedouin Amalekites. From the southeast came the\nattacks of the Edomites, and from the east the Ammonites were seeking\nto push their bounds farther westward. In this stern school, under the\nleadership of a bold, warlike king, the Israelites learned not only to\nfight bravely, but unitedly and therefore effectively.\n\n[Illustration: THE HEBREW EMPIRE UNDER DAVID]\n\n\n\n\nXVI\n\nTHE SCENES OF DAVID'S EXPLOITS\n\n\n=David's Home at Bethlehem.= The history of the united Hebrew empire\ngathers about the personality of its founder, David. The life of no\nother Old Testament character is recorded with greater detail and\npicturesqueness than that of the shepherd boy from Bethlehem. His\nnative town was beautifully situated on a spur that ran eastward from\nthe watershed of central Judah.^{(86)} It is surrounded on three sides\nby deep valleys and looks eastward down upon the wilderness of Judea.\nAbout it are fields of wheat and barley and on the hillsides are\nvineyards and groves of olive and almond trees, for it is one of the\ntwo most fertile spots in the entire territory of Judah.^{(23)} There\nare no springs in the village itself, the nearest being about eight\nhundred yards to the southeast. The inhabitants are dependent upon\nrock-cut wells or cisterns, of which there are many, or upon the water\nconducted by an aqueduct from the Pools of Solomon to the southwest.\nThe territory about Bethlehem is pre-eminently the land of the\nshepherd.^{(87)} The traveller to-day sees almost no cattle or large\nanimals. Their absence is probably due to the limited supply of water\nand to the frequent outcrops of gray limestone, which make travelling\ndangerous for cattle and horses. The landscape is dotted with flocks\nof sheep and goats. The rocky pastures run up to the outskirts of\nBethlehem, which appears to have been in ancient times simply a\nshepherd's village.\n\n=The Contest in the Valley of Elah.= Bethlehem lies only ten miles\nsouth in a straight line from Saul's capital at Gibeah. Hence the\njourney of the messenger who summoned David to the service of his\nking was not long. The event which brought the youthful shepherd to\nthe attention of the nation took place in the Valley of Elah,^{(88)}\nbut twelve miles in a straight line west of Bethlehem. Its\ngeographical setting throws much light upon this dramatic event in\nIsrael's early history. The Philistine army was drawn up between Socoh\nand Azekah in Ephes-dammin, the Valley of Dark-red Lands, doubtless so\nnamed from the patches of dark-red ploughed land which in the spring\nstill impart a rich glow to the landscape. Socoh was on the south side\nof the Valley of Elah and Azekah was across the wady to the northwest.\nThe Philistine position was, therefore, on the southwestern side of\nthe valley, which is here about one-quarter of a mile wide and well\nadapted to the man\u0153uvring of their chariots. The Hebrew position was\nevidently across the valley on the steep bluff to the northeast, with\nits left flank at the entrance of the wady and highway which led to\nBethlehem and Gibeah. Through the middle of the fertile valley the\nmountain torrent has cut a deep ravine, with steep banks on either\nside and a bed strewn with white stones. The strength of the strategic\nposition occupied by each of the two armies and the danger involved in\nadvancing through the deep ravine, clearly explain their delay in\nmaking an attack. The situation also reveals the courage of the youth\nwho dared cross the deep ravine and advance single-handed across the\nplain against the Philistine champion. It is not strange that the\nmoment David slew Goliath, the Bethlehem shepherd became the idol of\nthe people. It was equally natural that the impulsive Saul should feel\na growing jealousy toward the one who seemed to have stolen from him\nthe heart of the people.\n\n=Situation of Nob.= Nob, where David deposited with the priest the\nsword of Goliath, thereby consecrating it to Jehovah, was situated\nsomewhere on the heights a short distance north of Jerusalem. Beside\nthe main road, which runs northward, about midway between Jerusalem\nand Gibeah, is a level plateau, now known as Ras el-Masherif.^{(89)}\nIt is about eight hundred yards from east to west and about three\nhundred from north to south, and is probably to be identified not\nonly with the Hebrew Nob, but also with the Scopus of Josephus. It\ncommands a clear view of Jerusalem. On one side are ancient rock tombs\nand cisterns, indicating the presence in earlier times of a small\nvillage. While the identification is not certain, the ancient Nob was\nundoubtedly situated not far from this point. Here David stopped as he\nfled southward to escape Saul's murderous jealousy. It was here that\nhe committed one of the great sins of his life, in deceiving the\npriests of Nob, thereby sacrificing them to Saul's fury. From Nob\nDavid evidently turned to the southwest to find refuge among the\nCanaanite cities in the lowland between Judah and Philistia.\n\n=The Stronghold of Adullam.= Adullam, the stronghold to which he\nescaped, is without much doubt to be identified with Id-el-ma, in the\nvalley of the Wady es-Sur, two or three miles south of the scene of\nhis victory over Goliath. It is a steep hill, standing out in the\nvalley, with a well at the foot and caves of moderate size near the\ntop. It commands the two roads which lead up from Beit-Jibrin, in the\nwest, and Hebron, to the southeast. From this point it was also\npossible to watch the paths that came down from the north and the\nnortheast. At the same time it was on the border of the Philistine\nland, which offered an open asylum to all refugees from the court of\nSaul. From Adullam a rough, rocky trail, the difficulties of which\nwere no barrier to the clansmen and outlaws who gathered about David,\nled to Bethlehem, twelve miles away.\n\n=Keilah.= Between three and four miles south of Adullam, in the Wady\nes-Sur, lay the important Judean town of Keilah. It is mentioned\nseveral times in the Tell el-Amarna letters and was evidently at this\ntime the most important southwestern outpost of Judah. Its terraced\nslopes are still covered with grain, even as in David's time. These\nsame fields supplied the grain for the threshing-floors which the\nPhilistine marauders came to rob. By delivering Keilah, David was able\nto proclaim in clearest terms his loyalty to his kinsmen and to win\nthe devotion of the southern clans.\n\n=Scenes of David's Outlaw Life in Southeastern Judah.= In a walled\ncity David was in great danger of being captured by Saul. He therefore\nfled to the borders of southern Judah. Here pursuit was more difficult\nand escape into the rocky wilderness, which extended eastward to the\nDead Sea, was easy. David kept close, however, to the settled\nterritory. To the south of Hebron lay the second most fertile spot in\nall Judah. It was a level plateau, about nine miles long and three\nwide, covered with fertile though rocky fields and studded with\nprosperous villages. The town of Ziph, which evidently gave its name\nto the wilderness to the east where David took refuge, is in the heart\nof this plateau. The name of the hill, Hachilah, where, according to\nthe oldest tradition, David spared the life of the sleeping Saul, is\nperhaps still echoed in the name Dhahret el-Kolah, which is given to\nthe range of hills which runs far out into the wilderness east of\nZiph.^{(90)} South of Ziph are the towns of Carmel and Maon. They are\nencircled by fruitful fields and pasture lands. On the borders of\nthese the Bedouin still encamp and exact their toll of the villagers,\neven as David demanded a gift from Nabal in return for the protection\ngiven to his flocks.^{(26)} David's marriage with Abigail, which\nfollowed the death of Nabal, strengthened the loyalty of the southern\ntribes and gave him wealth and a settled place of abode; but, as at\nKeilah, it exposed him to great danger of capture by Saul.\n\n=David at Gath.= The necessity of providing occupation for the\nrestless warriors who followed him was probably another reason why\nDavid at last sought refuge among Saul's foes, the Philistines. Gath,\nwhich is probably to be identified with Tell el-Safi, commanded the\npoint where the Valley of Elah opens into the Philistine Plain. It was\nthe Philistine city nearest to the scene of David's first great\nvictory, as well as to Adullam, whither he had first fled. Throughout\nthe reigns of David and Solomon, Gath figures as the gateway to the\nland of the Philistines. Its king, or tyrant, received David readily\nand showed him the hospitality that is eagerly accorded in the East to\na fugitive from the court of a rival king. David's rare personal\ncharm also won this Philistine chieftain, even as it did all with whom\nhe came in contact. The region about Gath, however, was thickly\nsettled and presented no field of activity for David's followers.\nHence he was assigned a frontier town and thereby made the guardian of\nthe Philistine border.\n\n=At Ziklag.= The identification of Ziklag is uncertain. That which\nwould place it at Zuheilika, nineteen miles southwest from Beit-Jibrin\nand eleven southeast from Gaza, is on the whole the most probable. The\nruin lies on three low hills, and it appears to have been a\ncharacteristic border town. From this town David, with his warriors,\nwas able not only to repel all Bedouin attacks, but also to make\nforays upon the desert tribes that wandered in the wilderness far to\nthe south. It gave Israel's future king and his followers experience\nin hard, dangerous warfare and yet allowed him, without arousing the\nsuspicions of the Philistines, to show his loyalty to his race and\nespecially to the Hebrew tribes of the south who were most exposed to\nthese Bedouin robbers.\n\n=Reasons Why the Philistines Invaded Israel in the North.= The\npresence of David in their midst, as well as their knowledge of the\ngrowing weakness of Saul's rule, impelled the Philistines to gather\ntheir united forces in another attempt to crush the Hebrew kingdom.\nThis time they wisely avoided the narrow and easily defended passes\nthat led into the heart of southern Israel. Instead, they followed the\ncoast road up across the Plain of Sharon and then cut across possibly\npast Megiddo to the eastern side of the Plain of Esdraelon. This\nmethod of approach enabled the Philistines to advance over broad\nplains, where opposition was not easy and where their chariots could\npass without difficulty. In this way they separated the Hebrews of the\nnorth from those of the south at the point where the connection\nbetween the different parts of the land of Israel was naturally\nweakest. Doubtless their aim was also to keep open to commerce the\ngreat highway that led from Philistia across the Plain of Esdraelon to\nDamascus and Babylonia. They apparently took up their position near\nShunem, at the foot of Little Hermon, on the northern side of the\nValley of Jezreel,^{(10)} while the Hebrew army occupied a strong\nposition on the northern end of the sloping heights of Mount Gilboa.\n\n=Saul's Journey to Endor.= Saul's night journey to consult the medium\nof Endor took him across the Plain of Jezreel and up through the wide\nvalley which leads east of Shunem and Little Hermon to the south of\nMount Tabor. The small village of Endor lay on the northern slopes of\nLittle Hermon, facing Mount Tabor across the valley.^{(9)} To-day the\ncrest of the hill is pierced by deep caves, in which the squalid\nnatives reside.^{(91)} These caves with their dark passages were\nwell-adapted to the occult arts which still survived, even though Saul\nhimself had earlier tried to banish them from his kingdom.\n\n=The Battle on Gilboa.= Saul's courage was well illustrated in the\nfinal battle on Gilboa. His position was evidently chosen because the\nnorthern end of Gilboa commanded the valley of Esdraelon as well as\nthat of Jezreel.^{(11)} To gain control of the highways which led\nacross these valleys, the Philistines were therefore compelled to\ndislodge the Hebrew army and in so doing to fight against great odds.\nTo make the attack directly on the north from the direction of Shunem\nwas practically impossible, for at this point the Brook Jalud is so\ndeep that it is impassable for an army. The rocky hills of Gilboa also\nrise very abruptly.^{(10)} The probabilities are that in making the\nattack the Philistines marched down the eastern side of the Plain of\nEsdraelon and then advanced toward the heights of Gilboa from the\nsouthwest by the sloping terraces that lead gradually to the top. Here\nthey could also utilize their chariots and preserve their battle\narray. By this formidable army the scattered and disheartened forces\nthat rallied about Saul were quickly defeated. The disaster was\noverwhelming; the valiant king and his sons fought desperately, with\nno thought of retreat. Thus fell on the heights of Gilboa the man who\nlaid the foundations of the Hebrew empire, leaving the Philistines in\npossession of Northern Israel. The half-Canaanite town of\nBethshean^{(12)} on the Plain of Jezreel appears to have surrendered\nat once to the Philistines, for the body of Saul was hung in derision\non its walls soon after the battle. From the heights of Gilead in a\nmidnight march across the Jordan came the men of Jabesh-Gilead to\ncapture the body of the fallen king and to bury it within their own\nterritory, that they might thus repay the large debt which they owed\nto their deliverer.\n\n=The Remnant of Saul's Kingdom.= Throughout this earlier period the\neast-Jordan tribes were especially loyal to the house of Saul,\nprobably because of his early act of deliverance as well as his later\nwars against their foes in the east. It was natural, therefore, that\nthe capital of the remnant of his kingdom should be established at\nMahanaim in Gilead. The exact site of this important city of the\neast-Jordan has not yet been determined. Probably it was at the ruins\nof Mahneh, north of the present city of Ajlun. Others would identify\nit with the important later city of Gerasa, the modern Jerash, on a\nbrook which runs north from the Jabbok. A few biblical references\nsuggest, however, that it was nearer the Jordan, but among the\nhighlands to the north of the Jabbok. In any case it was not far from\nthe modern Mahneh. Here Saul's son, Ishbaal, who succeeded him, was\nout of the direct line of Philistine attack and beyond the reach of\nthe southern Israelite tribes, that had asserted their independence\nimmediately after the battle of Gilboa.\n\n=Hebron, David's First Capital.= David, their beloved champion, was\nnaturally the choice of these southern tribes. The way in which he\ndisposed of the spoils captured from the Amalekites indicates that\nbeyond doubt, even before the fall of Saul, he was bidding for their\nloyalty. Accordingly he was made king at Hebron, then the chief city\nof Judah and the South Country. The ancient city lay on the hill to\nthe northwest of the present town.^{(76)} Its importance depended not\nupon its military strength, but upon its central position and the\npresence of perennial springs. Two of the ancient pools are still in\nuse. The one in the northern part of the town is eighty-five feet long\nand fifty-five feet wide. The other, lower down the valley, is still\nlarger, being one hundred and thirty feet square and twenty-eight feet\ndeep. It is by this largest pool^{(92)} that tradition pictures the\nhanging of the murderers of Saul's son, Ishbaal. About a mile north of\nthe town, a little west of the old highway, is a spring and pool,\ncalled to-day the 'Ain Sarah, which is to be identified without much\ndoubt with the Well of Sirah, where Joab treacherously slew his rival,\nAbner. Through Hebron runs the great highway from central Canaan to\nEgypt. From here many less important roads radiate (_cf._ p. 76),\nmaking it the great centre and trading place between Palestine, the\ndesert, and the countries beyond. About the city are rocky, fertile\nfields, and olive and vineyard clad hills. It was, therefore, well\nchosen as the capital of the small kingdom of which David was here\nmade king.\n\n=Fortunes of the Two Hebrew Kingdoms.= David's authority evidently\nextended to a point about five miles north of Jerusalem. The city of\nGibeon^{(93)} was on its northern border. This important town was\nsituated on a height two thousand five hundred and thirty-five feet\nabove the ocean, a little west of the main northern highway and on the\nsouthern side of the two main roads that led up from the Valley of\nAjalon across the central plateau to the Jordan. Part way down the\nregularly rounded hill on which the village stood was a spring,\nforming a large pool. Here, in this border town, the warriors of Joab,\nDavid's general and those of Abner fought the fatal duel which was\ncharacteristic of the border warfare of this period. The Bithron, the\nravine through which Abner and his men retired to Mahanaim, was\nprobably the Wady Ajlun east of the Jordan. The result of the battle\nwas indicative of the waning power of the house of Saul and of the\ngrowing strength of David. It is also probable that during this period\nhe was still a vassal of the Philistines and so enjoyed immunity from\ntheir attacks. He was thus able to develop and organize the resources\nof his kingdom. On the other hand, the divided northern kingdom was\nconstantly exposed to attack from the warlike Philistines on the west\nand from the Ammonites on the east.\n\n=The Final Struggle with the Philistines.= The assassination of\nIshbaal by his own followers left the northern tribes no deliverer but\nDavid. All his previous training had prepared him for this great task.\nHis acceptance of the fealty of the northern tribes was equivalent to\na declaration of war against the Philistines. Regarding this important\nperiod, the biblical records are unfortunately incomplete; but from\nincidental references it is clear that the Philistines did not yield\ntheir claim to central Palestine without a severe and prolonged\nstruggle. At one time they were in possession of David's own city,\nBethlehem, and he was obliged again to take refuge in the border\nfortress of Adullam. As at the beginning of the war, they appear to\nhave seized the series of strong fortresses on the northern border of\nJudah and thus to have cut off the Hebrews of the north from those of\nthe south. The Canaanite cities from Gezer to Jebus, which doubtless\nacknowledged the Philistine suzerainty, completed the wall of\nseparation.\n\n=David's Victories.= Strong in the possession of these central cities,\nthe Philistines evidently invaded Judah directly through its two main\nwestern portals, the valleys of Sorek and of Elah. David was thus\nforced to depend for support chiefly upon the tribes of Judah and of\nthe South Country. The territory in which this guerilla warfare was\nfought, and David's experience and skill, gave him in the end a great\nadvantage. The Philistines were obliged to retire each year to plant\nand to reap their fields, and in so doing necessarily lost many of the\nadvantages which they had gained. Repeated battles were fought and\neach time David gained in strength. The two decisive battles were\nwaged in the Valley of Rephaim,^{(94)} a broad, shallow valley to the\nsouthwest of Jerusalem, from which connecting valleys ran down to\nBethlehem and the south, while the main valley runs westward into the\ngreat Valley of Sorek. On this plain, with its broad, cultivated\nfields, the Philistines were able to mass their forces and at the same\ntime to maintain on the west their connection with the home land. Here\nalso David was able to rally his followers from the south and in case\nof defeat to have a way of escape into the neighboring wilderness of\nJudah. On this battle-field the final decisive engagement in Israel's\nwar of independence was fought, and the Hebrews won a sweeping\nvictory. As the biblical narrative states, the Philistines were\ncompelled to abandon their northern garrisons \"from Gibeon as far as\nGezer.\" David at last was free to develop and organize that larger\nkingdom which was destined soon to grow into a small empire.\n\n\n\n\nXVII\n\nPALESTINE UNDER THE RULE OF DAVID AND SOLOMON\n\n\n=Establishment of Jerusalem as Israel's Capital.= David's first act as\nking of all Israel was to break down the barrier of Canaanite cities\nwhich separated the north from the south, and then to establish a\ncapital that would be free from local associations and more central\nthan his former capital at Hebron. The Jebusite city of Jerusalem\nfully satisfied these conditions and was at the same time by nature\nmuch stronger and better fortified than Hebron. The original city of\nDavid apparently included the old Jebusite city on the hill of\nOphel^{(55)} with certain additions, known as Millo, probably running\ndown into one of the adjacent valleys.^{(95)} Possibly, during the\nreigns of David and Solomon, the dwelling-places of the Hebrews began\nto climb across the Tyrop\u0153on Valley (_cf._ p. 65) and up the western\nhill, but there is no evidence that at this early date the western\ntown was surrounded by a wall and thus incorporated in the City of\nDavid.\n\n=Israel's Natural Boundaries.= With the establishment of the new\ncapital at Jerusalem and the transference thither of the ark from\nKirjath-jearim, the various Hebrew tribes were brought into a close\npolitical and religious union. The prestige and tactful, conciliatory\npolicy of David were important factors in bringing about this union.\nThe process was also hastened by the pressure of outside foes and by\nthe aggressive policy toward them which David at once initiated. On\nthe west and north the territory of Israel had reached its natural\nbounds. Never again did the Philistines make a determined endeavor to\noverride the barrier of the western hills and conquer the land of the\nHebrews. The Ph\u0153nicians were, by virtue of their position, a\ncommercial people with no ambitions for military conquest. On the east\nand south, however, Israel's natural bounds were the desert. As long\nas there were strong nations like the Ammonites and Moabites on the\neast, separated from the Hebrews only by artificial bounds, there was\nno guarantee of permanent peace. The past history of Palestine had\nfully demonstrated this truth and David was not slow in acting in\naccordance with it.\n\n=Campaigns Against the Moabites and Ammonites.= The Moabites, who,\nduring the period of settlement, had pushed forward to the fords of\nthe Jordan, were apparently the first to be attacked and to become\nsubject to David. The Ammonites, recognizing the significance of the\nnew west-Jordan power, assumed the initiative and insulted David's\nmessengers. To aid them in the conflict they called in certain of the\nAramean princes in the north. After the downfall of the old Hittite\nkingdom these Aramean peoples had pressed in from the northeast and\ntaken possession of the greater part of central and eastern Syria. The\ndesert highway that ran through the Ammonite capital led northward\nthrough these Aramean states and thus established a close commercial\nand political bond between the two peoples. The Arameans, living on\nthe plains and in close touch with the most advanced civilization of\nthe Semitic world, were possessed of chariots and all the equipment of\nancient warfare. In these allied forces, therefore, the armies of\nDavid met no mean foes; but in the school of constant and strenuous\nwarfare he had developed a strong fighting force, and in Joab he\npossessed one of the best generals of the age.\n\n=Situation of Rabbath-Ammon.= The decisive battles of this campaign\nwere fought near or in Rabbath-Ammon. The city was surrounded by\nrolling plains, especially on the west, which offered ample\nopportunity for the man\u0153uvring of armies. The strength of the city\nitself consisted in its huge acropolis, surrounded, like Jerusalem, by\ndeep valleys. On the north it was connected with the surrounding\nhills by a low, narrow neck of rock. At this point were built great\nprotecting walls and towers. The hill itself consisted of three\nterraces rising from east to west, with a main gateway on the south\nside. Each of the succeeding terraces was defended by a wall. The\nhighest area, which included several acres, rose nearly three hundred\nfeet above the surrounding valleys, and it was, therefore, the largest\nand in many ways the strongest natural fortress in all Palestine.\n\n=The Water City.= The Water City,^{(96)} which was first captured by\nJoab, was probably in the valley of the Jabbok, which runs along the\nsouthern side of the acropolis. This valley, and that which comes in\nfrom the north along the western side of the acropolis, is the site of\nthe modern city of Amman. The great Roman city was also built for the\nmost part in the Valley of the Jabbok, or, as it is now called, the\nWady Amman. Here the waters of the brook, which were carried by\naqueducts along different levels and which were supplemented by\ngushing springs, fully justify the name of Water City. Situated in the\nvalley, it was most exposed to the attack of the Hebrews. When it was\ncaptured, the supply of water and food would be cut off from the\ncitadel above, so that, as indicated by the biblical narrative, the\nfall of the entire city would be the inevitable result of a long\nsiege.\n\n=Extent of David's Empire.= The conquest of the Ammonites and the\nMoabites and the defeat of the Arameans enabled David to extend the\nbounds of his empire to the desert. In the northeast it probably never\nextended beyond Mount Hermon, which was its natural boundary in that\ndirection. In the south he fought a decisive battle with the Edomites\nin the Valley of Salt, which was probably at the southwestern end of\nthe Dead Sea near the border line between southern Judah and Edom.\nThis Arab race, in its difficult mountain fastnesses, was held in\ncontrol by means of Hebrew garrisons established throughout the land.\nBy this means David's southern boundary was extended to the eastern\narm of the Red Sea and the Sinaitic Peninsula, thus attaining in\nevery direction its natural barriers. In less than one generation, as\na result of the energy, tact, and broad statesmanship of David, the\nphysical limitations of Palestine were overcome and a strong empire\nwas established along the southeastern Mediterranean.\n\n=Absalom's Rebellion.= As later events quickly proved, however, the\nunity of the Hebrew Empire was chiefly dependent upon the personal\ncharm and ability of the man who built it up. The discordant elements\nwere still present and only required an opportunity to break forth\ninto a flame of civil war. Absalom, inspired by a treasonable\nambition, succeeded in winning away the affections of the southern\ntribes and in stirring up the rivalry between the north and the south.\nThis rivalry was traceable not only to racial differences, but to the\nfundamental variations between the physical environment and contour of\nNorthern and Southern Israel. It was natural that Absalom's rebellion\nshould be launched in Hebron, the old capital of David's kingdom. In\nfleeing from the rebels David aimed to put between himself and them\nthat great natural barrier, the Jordan valley, which separates\nPalestine into its two great divisions. Among the hills and deep\nwadies of the land of Gilead he felt most secure. Here he was in the\nmidst of a prosperous people, intensely loyal to a ruler whose wars\nand victories had at last given them immunity from the attack of their\nstrong foes. This part of Palestine was least swayed by the passions\nof the hour and most loyal to its deliverer. Here also David could\nrally his followers, without identifying himself with the tribes of\nthe north, as opposed to those of the south.\n\n=David East of the Jordan.= In fleeing from Jerusalem, David did not\nfollow the line of the modern carriage-road down to the Jordan, but\nwent farther north, over the Mount of Olives, avoiding the barren\nwilderness of Judea, which lay immediately to the east. According to\nthe Targums, Bahurim, the home of the Benjamite Shimei, is to be\nidentified with Almon, the present Almit, one mile beyond Anathoth. By\ncontinuing a little farther north it was possible to reach the direct\nhighway from Michmash to the Jordan by way of Jericho. David probably\ncrossed the Jordan at the upper of the two southern fords. From this\npoint many roads led northeastward into Gilead (_cf._ p. 81). At\nIshbaal's capital, Mahanaim, somewhere north of the Jabbok, he made\nhis head-quarters. The forest of Ephraim was doubtless either\nimmediately north or south of the Jabbok, not far from the Jordan,\namong the wild hills and deep ravines still clad with great groves of\noaks,^{(97)} whose spreading branches often reach down to only a few\nfeet from the ground. The traveller through that region to-day has\nlittle difficulty in picking out in imagination the great oak whose\nextended branches he can picture catching and holding the head of the\nfleeing Absalom.\n\n=Rebellion of the Northern Tribes.= The wild and sudden rebellion\nwhich sprang up among the northern tribes because David in his hour of\ntriumph had shown favor to the tribes of the south spread far up the\nJordan valley. Its leader was a certain Sheba, of the hill country of\nEphraim. The rebellion was quickly put down in central Israel, but the\nrebels took their final stand far in the north, in the city of\nAbel-beth-maacah, at the northwestern end of the Jordan valley. It is\nto-day an imposing mound, standing out in the midst of the valley,\noverlooking miles of verdant meadow land, with a lofty and easily\ndefended acropolis. Ruins on the southeast are indicative of its\nstrength and importance. Through the intercession of a brave woman,\nthe people of the city turned over the rebel to Joab, and thus the\nrebellion was put down. The contrast, however, between the level,\nunbroken fields about Abel-beth-maacah and the gray limestone hills\nthat encircled Hebron is significant of the wide breach between the\nnorth and the south, which the tact of a David could only temporarily\nheal.\n\n=Scene of Adonijah's Conspiracy and Solomon's Accession.= The closing\nscene in the tragedy of David's family life was in Jerusalem.\nOverwhelmed by the crimes of his sons and the burden of his own great\nsin, the king in his later days retired more and more from public\nlife. The question of who should succeed him was still open. The\nconspiracy of his oldest son, Adonijah, by which this ambitious prince\nsought to make his succession sure, culminated in a great feast \"by\nthe Serpent's Stone, which is beside En-rogel or the Fuller's Spring.\"\nBy many the Fuller's Spring is identified with the Virgin's Fount in\nthe Kidron valley^{(54)} southeast of Jerusalem. But this\nidentification is impossible, for it was at Gihon, which is clearly\nthe ancient name of the Virgin's Fount, that Solomon a little later\nwas proclaimed king at the command of David. Thus in II Chronicles\n32:30 it is stated that \"Hezekiah stopped the upper spring of the\nwaters of Gihon and brought them straight down on the west side of the\ncity of David,\" that is, to the present Pool of Siloam on the western\nside of Ophel (_cf._ also II Chron. 33:14). This accords perfectly\nwith the statement in I Kings, that when Solomon was proclaimed king\nat Gihon, he and his followers went up again to the city which lay on\nthe heights. The scene of Adonijah's feast,^{(98)} therefore, must\nhave been below the royal gardens to the south of the city where the\nValley of Hinnom joins the Kidron. It was also probably a little north\nof the Well of Job, which is apparently here called the Fuller's\nSpring (_cf._ Josh. 15:7). Either it received water from the Virgin's\nFount, or else from a more direct source, so that it was called a\nspring. In the days of Isaiah the open space about was known as the\nFuller's Field, which according to Isaiah 7:3, was near the end of the\nconduit of the upper pool, by the highway which probably ran past the\nsoutheastern end of the city. From this point it was not difficult to\nhear the sound of the trumpets at the Gihon Spring, higher up but\nobscured by a ridge of Ophel.\n\n=Capture of Gezer.= The policy of David's successor, Solomon, was one\nof organization rather than of expansion. Through alliances, sealed in\nthe usual oriental fashion by marriages, he sought to insure the peace\nof his empire. His alliance with Egypt brought for a brief moment an\nEgyptian army to the border of Palestine. The aim of this expedition\nwas to aid Solomon in capturing Gezer, the last stronghold left in\nthe hands of the Canaanites. This important strategic point Solomon\nfurther fortified, making it one of the seven great fortresses upon\nwhich he depended for the defence of his land.\n\n=Solomon's Fortresses.= Solomon also fortified Lower Beth-horon, which\nwas situated on the flat, fertile hill which commanded a wide view\nover the western plains. This stronghold guarded the important highway\nthat led up from the coast, past Gibeon to Jerusalem, with an eastern\nbranch running directly to the Jordan. In the same way the old\nCanaanite city of Megiddo, on the southwestern side of the Plain of\nEsdraelon, was fortified, thus enabling Solomon to control the great\ntrade route from Damascus and Ph\u0153nicia to Philistia and Egypt. In the\nnorth the city of Hazor, a little east of Lake Huleh, on the road\nwhich ran north from the Sea of Galilee, was made the chief\nstronghold. It was a city often mentioned in the Tell el-Amarna\nletters, as well as in the story of an Egyptian traveller of the\nfourteenth century B.C. In the south, Jerusalem was the great military\ncentre. Tamar, which is probably to be identified with the Thamara of\nEusebius and Jerome, southwest of the Dead Sea, a day's journey from\nHebron, guarded the road which ran to Ezion-geber and Elath on the\neastern arm of the Red Sea. Baalath, the seventh stronghold, has not\nyet been identified. From its position in the list, it would seem to\nbe one of the southern fortresses, though it may be identical with\nKirjath-jearaim, which guarded the western approaches to Jerusalem\nthrough the Valley of Sorek.\n\n=Solomon's Strategic and Commercial Policy.= It is significant that\nSolomon apparently did not deem it necessary to guard his eastern\nfrontiers. The conquests of David had delivered Israel from all danger\nof attack from this quarter. Solomon's chief defences were massed on\nthe west and north, indicating that the foes whom he feared were the\nPhilistines and the more distant invaders that might come from Egypt\nor northern Syria. The southern fortress of Tamar was evidently\nintended to guard the trade route to the port of Ezion-geber, from\nwhich the united fleets of Solomon and Hiram of Tyre made their long\njourneys past the coast of Arabia and out into the Indian Ocean. The\nsituation of the land of Ophir is not certain, but the character and\nnames of the products brought back by the Ph\u0153nician and Hebrew traders\npoint strongly to India. The so-called \"Land of Ophir\" was probably\neither Abhira at the mouth of the Indus, or else a seaport of eastern\nArabia, through which the products of India reached the Western world.\n\n=Site of Solomon's Temple.= The culminating act of Solomon's reign was\nthe building of his palace and temple. His public buildings were\nreared on the northern continuation of the hill of Ophel, as it rises\ngradually above the site of the ancient Jebusite city.^{(99)} The\njagged limestone rock, rising still higher and farther to the north\nwas without much doubt the ancient threshing-floor of Arunah, the\nJebusite, on which was reared the famous temple of Solomon. The\nirregular mass of native rock, with its peculiar cuttings,^{(100)}\nwhich now stands in the centre of the Mosque of Omar, probably\nrepresents the great altar for burnt offerings, which stood east and\ntherefore immediately in front of the Hebrew temple. This shrine of\nSolomon took the place of the older royal high place at Gibeon, where\nstill a rock-cut altar may be seen.^{(93)}\n\n=Significance of the Reigns of David and Solomon.= The reigns of David\nand Solomon gave Palestine what it had never had before and what it\nrarely had again in its troubled history--a period of comparative\npeace and prosperity, in which the rich resources of the land could be\nfully developed. The progress of the Hebrews during this glorious\nhalf-century was most marvellous. From a struggling, oppressed,\ndisintegrated group of nomads they suddenly developed into a strong,\nopulent, and united kingdom, becoming masters not only of their own\nterritory, but of that of their hereditary foes. The earlier Canaanite\npopulation of Palestine was also completely absorbed and its\nagricultural civilization assimilated by the conquerors.\n\n[Illustration: PLAN OF SOLOMON'S PALACE\n\n(ACCORDING TO STADE)]\n\n=Influence of the United Kingdom Upon Israel's Faith.= The great and\nsupremely vital contest that was waged during this period of\nprosperity was that between the worship of Jehovah, which the Hebrews\nbrought with them from the desert, and the different Canaanite cults\nwhich they found strongly intrenched in the land. If the Hebrews had\nbeen defeated beside the Kishon, or if David had not overcome the\nPhilistines in the Valley of Rephaim, it is doubtful whether or not\nthe religion of Jehovah would have emerged victorious in this great\ncontest. The topography of the land of Palestine strongly favored the\ndevelopment of many different sanctuaries, each devoted to the worship\nof some local god. It was only a strong race, under a powerful central\ngovernment, that could overcome the influence of physical environment\nand hold to its faith in one God. The establishment of the united\nHebrew kingdom early in their history was therefore a mighty factor in\nthe development of Israel's faith in one supreme Divine King.\n\n=Solomon's Fatal Mistakes.= Solomon's selfish ambition to imitate the\nsplendor of the oriental courts about him blinded him completely to\nthe best interests of his family and nation. The one important force\nthat held together his people after the danger of foreign invasion had\nbeen averted was their loyalty to their Divine King. In tolerating and\npatronizing the gods of his allies under the very shadow of Jehovah's\ntemple, though it was demanded by Semitic usage, he committed a fatal\nerror, for he thereby weakened the unity of the Hebrew nation as well\nas his own hold on the people's loyalty. He also failed to appreciate\nthe spirit and traditions which his subjects had inherited from their\nfree life in the desert and from the days of tribal independence when\nthey had been struggling for their homes in Palestine. The Hebrews,\nstill in close contact with the life of the desert, were suspicious of\nall centralized authority. They were restive under a rule which\nimperiously commanded them to toil under royal task-masters and to\nbring to the king the best fruits of the soil. From their nomadic\nancestors they had inherited a thoroughly democratic ideal of the\nkingship, in which the first duty of the king was to act as the\nleader of his subjects rather than to treat them as his slaves.\nSolomon's policy, therefore, threatened to take away the two most\ntreasured possessions of the Hebrews--their democratic ideals and\ntheir loyalty to one God, ruling supreme over his people.\n\n=Forces That Made for Disunion.= The men prominent in the history of\nthe united kingdom had come from the southern tribes of Judah and\nBenjamin. Many of the northern tribes had for the first time been\nbrought into real touch with the rest of their race in the days of\nDavid and Solomon. The large population and by far the greater\nresources were found in the north. Solomon devoted most of his\nbuilding energy to developing the south; but it was inevitable that\nbefore long the superior strength of the north would assert itself.\nWhile the secluded and barren hills of Benjamin and Judah restricted\ntheir inhabitants to a relatively slow development, the broad valleys\nand the fruitful fields of Northern Israel, cut by great highways of\ncommerce, offered to its people every opportunity to acquire wealth\nand culture. During the period of stress and struggle David was able\nwith rare tact and organizing ability to bind together these diverse\nelements in the kingdom and to overcome the fundamental differences of\nphysical environment; but even during his reign the wide breach\nbetween the north and the south was revealed. It is doubtful whether\nor not, in the new stage of Israel's development, even David could\nhave overcome these wide differences. Unfortunately, Solomon's foolish\npolicy only tended to emphasize them, and his son, Rehoboam, by his\ntyrannical reply to the reasonable demands of the northern tribes,\nmade harmonious union forever impossible.\n\n=Situation of Shechem.= The scene of the final breach between the\nnorth and south was the old Canaanite city of Shechem,^{(103)} in the\nheart of the territory of Ephraim, the most powerful northern tribe.\nThe town was one of the most beautifully situated cities in Palestine\nand at the same time the least easily defended. It lay in a valley\nbetween one-half to a mile in width, between the two highest mountains\nin Samaria--Ebal Ebal and Gerizim. The mountain slopes on either side\nwere clothed with vineyards and olive groves. From Gerizim on the\nsouth twenty-two springs burst from the rock, irrigating the gardens\nof the ancient town, which, like the present city of Nablus, clung\nclose to the southern mountain. Because of its peculiar position, the\ncity was long and narrow, extending from east to west. The open valley\nat each end offered no natural defence and the overhanging heights\nrendered it especially open to hostile attack. Its importance was due\nto the rich territory which encircled it and to the important highways\nwhich connected it with Jerusalem and Hebron in the south, with\ncentral Israel, Damascus, and Ph\u0153nicia in the north, with the coast\nplains on the west, and with the Jordan valley on the east. At Shechem\nall these great roads focused, making the city throughout all its\nhistory an influential commercial metropolis.\n\n=Significance of the Division.= The result of the fateful conference\nat Shechem was a division of the territory of Israel along the natural\nline marked out during the period of settlement and during the early\nPhilistine wars. The boundary line followed the Wady Kelt up from the\nJordan to the vicinity of Michmash and thence turned a little south of\nthe Benjamite Ramah, running through Gibeon and westward to Gezer. To\nNorthern Israel fell fully two-thirds of Palestine and at least\nthree-fourths of its arable land. The division left Judah a complete\ngeographical and political unit, and, thus dissevered from the more\nheterogeneous elements of the nation, free to develop its own life and\nfaith. The division and the civil wars which followed inevitably\nweakened the strength of both kingdoms and prepared the way for that\nfate which overtook each in turn. In losing their strength and unity,\nthey preserved, however, their two most distinctive and precious\npossessions--their democratic traditions and their undivided loyalty\nto Jehovah.\n\n\n\n\nXVIII\n\nTHE NORTHERN KINGDOM\n\n\n=The Varied Elements in the North.= The northern kingdom was rich in\nresources but lacked unity. Within its limited territory were found\nalmost every kind of climate, flora, and fauna. Its population was as\nvaried as its physical contour. In the east-Jordan land the shepherd\nand the Bedouin still held sway. Its valleys in the west-Jordan were\nthe home of the agriculturist. The cities on its western borders and\nbeside the great highways were already beginning to engage in\ncommerce. Around the Sea of Galilee were thriving fishing villages.\nEvery type of civilization, therefore, the nomadic, the agricultural,\nand the commercial, was to be found within its bounds. In view of its\nmixed population, its varied interests, and its exposed situation, the\nonly force that could hold together Northern Israel was a strongly\ncentralized military r\u00e9gime. When a dynasty became weak, a stronger\nman mounted the throne. Hence Northern Israel's history is a series of\nbloody rebellions in which assassins, rising from the ranks of the\narmy, seized the throne and founded short-lived dynasties.\n\n[Illustration: ISRAEL AND JUDAH AFTER THE DIVISION OF THE HEBREW\nEMPIRE.]\n\n=Capitals of Northern Israel.= Jeroboam, who was called to the throne\nof Northern Israel after the division, came from the ranks of the\ncommon people. His home was in the small, as yet unidentified town of\nZeredah in Mount Ephraim. At first he established his capital at\nShechem, but this city was incapable of defence and so the centre of\nauthority was transferred across the Jordan to Penuel near Succoth.\nThe occasion of this transfer was probably the invasion of Palestine\nby Shishak, king of Egypt, who overran and plundered the\nwest-Jordan territory. Later the capital was transferred again to the\ncity of Tirzah, somewhere west of the Jordan. The identification of\nthis city is uncertain. It may have been at the modern town of\nTelluza, situated on a hill one thousand nine hundred and forty feet\nabove the level of the sea, immediately north of Mount Ebal. The town\nhas many ancient cisterns but no spring. This identification would\ncorrespond to the statement of an early traveller (Borocardus) that\nTirzah was on a height three leagues east of Samaria. The other more\nprobable site is at Teiasir, about twelve miles northeast from\nShechem, on the main highway that leads from this ancient capital\nthrough the Ophrah of Gideon to Bethshean and the upper Jordan valley\n(_cf._ p. 80). Teiasir is a central and commanding site, with\nextensive ruins to the north which indicate that it was once an\nimportant city. In II Kings 15:14 it is stated that \"Menahem went up\nfrom Tirzah to Samaria,\" which applies excellently to Teiasir down\nnear the Jordan but not to Telluza, which is one thousand feet higher\nand five hundred feet above Samaria. There is little doubt, therefore,\nthat Teiasir represents the ancient northern capital.\n\n=The Aramean Kingdom.= Northern Israel suffered from its exposed\nposition. At first there was war between Judah and its northern rival,\nwhich resulted disastrously for the southern kingdom. To aid them in\nthe conflict, the southern Israelites made the fatal mistake of\ncalling in the Arameans to attack their foes on the north. By this\ntime the Arameans had taken possession of northern Syria and\nestablished themselves at the ancient city of Damascus, which lay on a\nfertile oasis out in the desert, on the border line between Syria and\nnorthern Arabia.^{(42)} By virtue of its central position it commanded\nthe land trade of Egypt, Palestine, and Ph\u0153nicia on the west, and of\nArabia, Mesopotamia, and Babylon on the east. It was \"the harbor of\nthe desert.\" The Aramean kingdom, with its capital at this favorable\npoint, rapidly developed great wealth and military resources, and soon\nbecame a menace to the independence of both Hebrew kingdoms, for the\nnatural line of expansion of this Aramean kingdom was toward the\nsouth. The exposed position of Damascus alone saved the Hebrews from\ncomplete subjugation.\n\n=The Philistine Stronghold of Gibbethon.= From the southwest the\nPhilistines, availing themselves of the weakness of the two Hebrew\nkingdoms, fortified Gibbethon. This border fortress was the scene of\nrepeated sieges. It is probably to be identified with Kibbiah, which\nlies in the foot-hills, seven miles northeast of Lydda. Kibbiah is\neight hundred and forty feet above the ocean level and in the heart of\nthe debatable territory between hill and plain. The possession of\nGibbethon by the Philistines was a constant menace to the cities of\nsouthern Ephraim, but its strength seems to have baffled the Israelite\narmies for several decades.\n\n=Omri's Strong Rule.= It was while besieging this Philistine\nstronghold that Omri, after the death of the adventurer, Zimri, was\nelected king by his soldiers. He proved to be in many ways the\nstrongest king who ever sat on the throne of Northern Israel. The\ntransference of his capital from Tirzah to the strong central city of\nSamaria^{(59)} demonstrated his military skill and organizing ability.\nHe also reconquered the territory of the Moabites as far as the Arnon,\nand, as is recorded on the Moabite stone, established strong garrisons\nthroughout this territory.^{(46)} He was not able, however, to repel\nthe Aramean armies that at this time came marching down through the\nopen highways from the north.\n\n=Ahab's Aramean Wars.= Omri's son, Ahab, proved an even more able\ngeneral than his father. In a series of engagements, in which he\nfought against great odds and against armies equipped far better than\nhis own, he repelled the Arameans, who overran his territory. In the\nfirst engagement, which was fought near Samaria, the Hebrews,\nprofiting by the blind overconfidence of the enemy, won through a\nsudden attack. The decisive battle was fought a year later near Aphek.\nThis city is not the Aphek on the southeastern side of the Plain of\nSharon, but is probably to be identified with the modern town of F\u00eek,\nbeside the important highway which runs from the southern end of the\nSea of Galilee northeastward toward Damascus. Ahab's courage was shown\nin thus going out to meet his foe on the northeastern border of his\nterritory. The town lay on the top of the plateau at the end of a\nvalley that looked down upon the Sea of Galilee on the west. The\nbattle was probably fought on the level plain of the Jaulan, which ran\neast of the town, and resulted in the complete defeat of the Aramean\narmy and the capture of its king.\n\n=Strength and Fatal Weakness of Ahab's Policy.= Ahab was contented to\nmake a favorable treaty with his fallen foe. The captured Israelite\ncities were restored and a trading quarter was set aside in Damascus\nfor the Hebrew merchants. Ahab evidently sought in every way to\ndevelop the commercial resources of his kingdom. His marriage with\nJezebel, the daughter of the Tyrian king, was intended to cement more\nclosely the relations with this great commercial people on the west.\nViewed from the point of view of world politics, Ahab's policy in\nmaintaining the natural boundaries and in developing the commercial\nresources of his nation was sound. By his contemporaries he was\ndoubtless regarded as a most successful king. His fatal mistake,\nhowever, was that of Solomon: in his pursuit of material splendor he\ndisregarded the inherited beliefs and rights of his subjects. The\nofficial recognition of the Canaanite worship of his Ph\u0153nician queen\nwas even more of a menace to the pure worship of Jehovah in Northern\nIsrael in the days of Ahab than in Jerusalem in the days of Solomon.\nNorthern Israel was pre-eminently Baal's land. Here the Canaanites had\nbeen most strongly intrenched and their religious traditions still\npervaded the land. Communication with the Canaanites on the\nMediterranean coast was exceedingly close and there was much in these\nancient Baal cults to attract the prosperous, pleasure-loving,\ncosmopolitan people of Northern Israel. Ahab's policy did not\ncontemplate a substitution of the worship of the Tyrian god, Baal\nMelkart, for that of Jehovah, but it did mean obscuring the\nfundamental characteristics and demands of Israel's God.\n\n=Elijah's Home.= It was natural that the prophet who was able to\nanalyze the situation and to point out its dangers, should come from\nthe borderland of the desert where Moses had first impressed upon his\npeople the unique character of Jehovah. Tishbe, the town from which\nElijah came, will probably never be identified with absolute\ncertainty, but it was somewhere in the land of Gilead. Modern\ntradition fixes it at Mar Elyas, a village a little north of the\nmodern town of Ajlun in northern Gilead. Amidst this land of deep,\nrushing river-beds and steep, tree-clad hills, which gradually merge\ninto the desert, was reared this stern champion of Jehovah and foe of\nthe degenerate cults of agricultural Canaan. In one of these wadies,\nwhich cut down through the Gileadite hills toward the Jordan, Elijah\nfound a refuge when the drought parched the fields west of the Jordan.\nHis other home was Mount Carmel, whose fertile top and noble vistas\nresembled his native land across the Jordan.\n\n=The Scene on Mount Carmel.= Excepting when he found refuge in the\nPh\u0153nician city of Zarephath, which lay on a promontory about eight\nmiles south of Sidon, and again at Horeb far in the south, Elijah\nperformed his life work almost entirely in the narrow strip of land\nwhich lay between Gilead and Carmel. It was somewhere on the eastern\nend of Mount Carmel,^{(102)} where it jutted out far into the Plain of\nEsdraelon, that he summoned king and people to the great conference\nwhich revealed to them the vital issue between the religion of Jehovah\nand that of Baal. Modern tradition identifies it with a site called\nEl-Mahrakah, Place of the Burning. A spring a little below favors the\nconclusion that this was an ancient sanctuary. This retired spot, far\naway from the distractions of the city life below, was eminently\nfitted for the delivery of the prophet's brief but searching message.\nIt looked along the western side of the plain to the old stronghold of\nMegiddo, the centre of the ancient Canaanite kingdoms. Due east lay\nthe battle-field beside the Kishon where Jehovah fought for his people\nand demonstrated in a language that a child nation could understand,\nhis superiority to the local baals. To the south were the fertile,\nundulating hills and valleys of Samaria, to the north those of lower\nand upper Galilee, while eastward across the plain were the hills\nwhere lay the prophet's home, and far away in the northeast rose the\nsnowy height of Mount Hermon. It was a scene that spoke clearly and\nimpressively of Jehovah's might and of his tender love and care for\nhis people. When at last, after the great convocation was over, the\nlightning flashed and the thunder rolled across the plain, none could\ndoubt that Jehovah was still in the midst of his people demanding\ntheir undivided loyalty.\n\n=Ancient Jezreel.= Jezreel, Ahab's northern capital, is ordinarily\nidentified with the present town of Zerin,^{(11)} although the absence\nof ancient ruins at this point renders the identification exceedingly\ndoubtful. The village lies on a broad elevation rising three hundred\nfeet above the plain and is encircled by fertile fields which extend\nfor miles in almost every direction. The statement in I Samuel 29:1\nthat \"the Israelites encamped by the fountain in Jezreel\" implies that\nthe ancient site was either further east near the copious spring now\nknown as 'Ain el-Meiyiteh, or else to the southeast under the\nnorthwestern end of Mount Gilboa beside 'Ain Jal\u00fbd which is probably\nthe famous Spring of Harod of Judges 7:1. Jezreel was on the central\nhighway from Northern to Southern Israel and guarded the entrance to\nthe Valley of Jezreel. Under royal patronage this fertile land would\nquickly be transformed into a paradise of gardens and vineyards.\nAncient Jezreel, however, was a paradise in which a man listened to\nthe tempting voice of his wife to his undoing. In reaching out and\ntaking with his ruthless hand the vineyard of Naboth, Ahab condemned\nhis family to exile and death. The voice of the dauntless prophet of\nGilead pronounced his doom. Near this same vineyard the dogs licked\nthe blood of Ahab, as his body was borne back across the Plain of\nJezreel from the scene of his last battle with the Arameans.\n\n=Situation of Ramoth-Gilead.= Like many of the east-Jordan sites, the\nidentification of the famous city of Ramoth-Gilead, which was the\nscene of so many battles between the Hebrews and their northern foes,\nis uncertain. By some it has been identified with Reimun, a few miles\nwest of Jerash, on one of the northern branches of the Jabbok, but\nthis is on no important highway and has neither water nor the ruins of\nan ancient city. Eusebius apparently identifies Ramoth in Gilead with\nEs-Salt, fifteen miles west of Rabbath-Ammon, but this is too far\nsouth to satisfy fully the biblical references and has no large plain\nnear by where chariots could man\u0153uvre. Possibly the modern Jerash,\nwhich lies on a northern confluent of the Jabbok, was the site of the\nfamous stronghold.^{(44)} The name Ramoth implies that it was on a\nbroad height and its prominence as a frontier town in the Aramean wars\nindicates that it was in northern Gilead. It may have been situated on\nthe site of the modern Remtheh in northeastern Gilead. The modern town\nis to-day occupied by a Turkish garrison and stands near the point\nwhere the main road from Bethshean and the upper Jordan valley joined\nthe great pilgrim highway on the edge of the desert. This\nidentification would be in accord with the statement in I Kings 4:13,\nthat Solomon's prefect, who resided in Ramoth-Gilead, collected taxes\nnot only from the Manassite towns of Jair in Gilead, but also in the\nregion of Argob, which is in Bashan. The latter region probably lay to\nthe north and east of the upper waters of the Yarmuk. The implication\nin Josephus's Antiquities VIII, 15:4, that Ramoth in Gilead was a\nthree-days' march from the city of Samaria, also favors the conclusion\nthat it was the extreme outpost of the east-Jordan land. The other\npossible and, on the whole, most probable site is that suggested by\nPrincipal Smith, of Aberdeen University. He identifies it with the\npresent city of Gadara. This town lies one thousand one hundred and\nninety-four feet above the sea-level, on a bold plateau which runs out\nfrom the hills of Gilead. This height, two miles wide and at least\nfour miles in length from east to west, is bounded on the north by\nthe deep valley of the Yarmuk, on the west by the Jordan, four and\none-half miles away and over one thousand eight hundred feet below,\nand on the south by the Wady el-Arab, which cuts a deep gorge into the\nGileadite hills. It is due south of Aphek, where was fought the great\nbattle between the Hebrews and the Arameans under Ahab, and is on one\nof the chief highways which leads up from the Jordan through Arbela to\njoin the pilgrim highway, to Damascus and Arabia. It is, therefore,\nthe chief gateway and at the same time the natural fortress which\nguards northern Gilead. On the wide level plateaus about there is\nample room for the man\u0153uvring of chariots and an important road leads\ndirectly from it across the Jordan to Ahab's northern capital.\n\n=Elisha's Home.= According to Jerome, Abel Meholah, the home of\nElisha, was about nine miles south of Bethshean. The name, Meadow of\nthe Dance, or of the Circle, implies that it was a low-lying valley.\nAll these indications point to 'Ain Hel-weh, a ruined mound beside a\ngushing spring on the western side of the Jordan valley. It was\nsurrounded by fertile fields. Throughout all his work Elisha, in\ncontrast to Elijah, revealed his familiarity and close touch with the\nagricultural civilization of Northern Israel. The scenes of a greater\npart of his activity were the Jordan valley and the plains of Jezreel\nand Esdraelon, which lead into it from the west.\n\n=Jehu's Revolution.= The culminating act of Elisha's work was to call\nJehu to the kingship. The call came to him as he was directing the\nsiege of Ramoth-Gilead. It is easy in imagination to follow his\nfurious ride down the heights from Ramoth-Gilead across the Jordan and\nalong its western side, past Bethshean and up the Valley of Jezreel to\nthe northern capital of Ahab. On the open plain near the city of\nJezreel he slew his master and thence rode into the city to complete\nthe slaughter of the house of Ahab. By the sword he not only mounted\nthe throne, but rooted out the Baalism against which Elijah and Elisha\nhad both contended.\n\n=Rule of the House of Jehu.= The history of Northern Israel for the\nnext two generations is a record of humiliation and disaster. Jehu\nsecured his position on the throne by paying a heavy tribute to the\nking of Assyria, whose armies were hovering on his northern borders.\nThe active and ruthless Aramean king, Hazael, overran Northern Israel,\ndestroying most of its warriors and extracting heavy tribute. In this\nhour of Israel's weakness the Philistines made forays into the south,\ncarrying off Hebrews as slaves to foreign markets. It was not until\nJehoash, the grandson of Jehu, came to the throne of Israel that the\ntide turned. Damascus, attacked in the rear by a northern Aramean\npeople, was unable to cope with the Israelite armies. The east-Jordan\nterritory was reconquered by Jehoash's son, Jeroboam II, and the\nMoabites again laid under tribute. For the first time in Israel's\nhistory a prophet arose in the land of Galilee. In the small town of\nGath-Hepher, situated on a hill a little west of the highway which\nruns north from Nazareth, lived Jonah, the son of Amittai. He\npredicted that Jereboam's kingdom would extend, as it did later, from\nthe southern end of the Dead Sea to the gateway between the Lebanons\nin the north, that marked the southern boundary of the strong northern\nAramean kingdom of which the capital was Hamath. Again Northern Israel\ntouched its widest bounds. Pride and self-confidence took possession\nof the nation. The military nobles who rallied about the king,\nenriched by the spoils of war, enslaved their fellow-countrymen whose\nfortunes had been depleted by the disastrous Aramean wars. Outwardly\nNorthern Israel seemed strong and prosperous, but within were social\nwrongs which were eating the very vitals of the nation.\n\n=The Advance of Assyria.= It was at this time that Assyria became the\ndominating factor in Northern Israel's history. This enterprising and\nambitious nation was apparently an offshoot of the old Babylonian\nempire. It occupied the fertile plains east of the upper Tigris. As\nearly as the eighteenth century B.C. it began to break away from the\nauthority of Babylon. About 1100 B.C. Tiglath-pileser I laid the\nfoundations of the Assyrian empire by campaigns in Babylonia, Elam,\nMesopotamia, and Syria; but it was not until 854 B.C. that Assyria\ntouched Israel. Then, according to the annals of the Assyrian king,\nShalmanezer II defeated Ahab, together with the other princes of\nSyria, at the battle of Karkar. By 842 he had conquered practically\nall of Syria and received tribute from Jehu of Israel. During the\nreigns of the next two Assyrian kings the advance of this great world\npower was stayed. But when Tiglath-pileser IV founded a new dynasty he\ninjected fresh energy into the empire, recovered its lost territory,\nand advanced to the conquest of Palestine.\n\n=Amos's Home at Tekoa.= It was probably about the time when\nTiglath-pileser IV began to institute his aggressive policy that Amos\ndelivered his epoch-making sermon at the royal sanctuary in\nBethel.^{(77)} His home was at Tekoa, twelve miles south of Jerusalem,\nand but twenty-two from Bethel. Tekoa was the eastern outpost of\nJudah. Broad, rich fields lay on the north and west, but to the east\nit looked down upon the barren rounded hills that descended to the\nDead Sea and toward the bold uplands of Moab in the distance. The town\nwas situated on an elevated plateau which commanded a view of nearly\nall the places mentioned in the prophet's sermons: Kirioth in Moab,\nthe region about Bethel and Gilgal, and the roads that led to\nPhilistia, Egypt, and Edom. The dominant feature in the landscape was\nthe Dead Sea, with its blue waters, its rising mists, and its gray,\npurple, and yellow cliffs. It was a grim, rugged, awe-inspiring\noutlook and clearly made a deep impression upon the thought and life\nof the prophet. Among the dry, rock-covered pasture lands, that run up\nto the eastern side of the town of Tekoa, the prophet received his\ntraining.^{(103)} To-day, as in the past, it is the land of sheep and\ngoats. The wildness of the region and the proximity to the desert\ndemanded strong, stalwart shepherds, inured to hardship, keen to\ndetect the presence of a foe, quick to repulse the attack of wild\nbeast or lurking Arab robbers, and tender in their care of the young\nand the injured. Among these silent, treeless hills or beside the\noccasional spring, the traveller to-day meets this type of shepherd,\nsilent and resourceful, armed with his short, heavy, wooden staff.\n\n=Influence of His Environment Upon the Prophet.= Here Amos learned to\nchampion the cause of the oppressed, to scent danger from afar, and\nfaithfully to sound the alarm. His occupation doubtless took him to\nthe annual festivals and market days at Jerusalem and Bethel, where\nhis shepherd training asserted itself. He could not shut his eyes to\nthe cruel oppression of the poor and dependent classes by the rich,\ngreedy nobles. From afar he also noted the approach of the Assyrian\nlion. Being a faithful shepherd he could not remain silent. As he\nmeditated on the situation in the quiet of his shepherd life among the\nhills about Tekoa, the conviction deepened into certainty that Jehovah\nin these varied ways was speaking to him, calling him to sound the\nnote of alarm that the rulers of Israel might see the peril, right the\nwrongs, and thus save their nation. The influence of his shepherd's\nlife and point of view is present in all his utterances. His message\nis a clear blast of desert air, sweeping through the corrupt\natmosphere of the city, tainted as it was by that degenerate Canaanite\ncivilization which still polluted the centres of Northern Israel's\nlife.\n\n=Evidence Regarding Hosea's Home.= A few years after Amos appeared at\nBethel a prophet arose in Northern Israel itself, who reiterated the\nmessage of the shepherd from Tekoa in equally impressive terms. The\nsuperscription of Hosea's prophecy is unfortunately silent regarding\nhis home. Local oriental tradition, however, has supplied this lack.\nOne of the most commanding heights of southern Gilead bears the name\nof Jebel \u00d4sha, which is the Arabic for \"Mountain of Hosea.\" Here,\naccording to a tradition at least three hundred years old and perhaps\nbased upon an older Jewish original, the prophet was buried. Here the\nBedouin still sacrifice sheep in his honor. Possibly local tradition\nhas preserved a fact unrecorded in the biblical narrative. It is\nindeed significant that Hosea alone of all the prophets makes frequent\nmention of the land of Gilead and reveals an intimate knowledge of its\nhistory. Thus, for example, he refers in 10:14 to the time when\nShalmen, probably the Assyrian king Shalmanezer III, laid in ruins\nBeth-arbel in the day of battle. The city referred to is clearly one\nof the two east-Jordan towns bearing this name, and in all probability\nthe Arbel east of Pella in the heart of northern Gilead. In 12:11 he\ndeclares: \"In Gilead is iniquity, yea, they have wrought vanity.\"\nAgain in 6:8, probably referring to the unidentified city east of the\nJordan mentioned in Judges 10:17, he declares:\n\n    Gilead is a city of evil-doers,\n    Tracked with bloody footprints,\n    And as bandits lay in wait for a man,\n    So a band of priests murder on the way to Shechem,\n    Verily they commit deliberate crime.\n\n=View From Jebel \u00d4sha.= The bold heights of Jebel \u00d4sha commanded a\nview of most of the places mentioned in Hosea's prophecies. Across the\nvalley lay the territory of the great tribe of Ephraim whose name is\nconstantly used by him as a synonym for Northern Israel. A little to\nthe northwest were the heights of Ebal and Gerizim, which guarded\nShechem and the highway which led directly to the city of Samaria.\nFrom the same mountain height could be seen to the northwest the\nrounded top of Mount Tabor, which is the northernmost point mentioned\nby Hosea. Directly across the Jordan was the northern Gilgal, and a\nlittle to the southwest was the table-land of Bethel. Farther south\nwas the height of Ramah. Hosea's prophecies also contain a surprising\nnumber of references to the lower Jordan valley, which lay stretched\nout immediately below the mountain peak which to-day bears his name.\nJust opposite were probably to be found the ancient cities of Admah\nand Zeboim. The former may be identified with the city of Adam,\nmentioned in the second chapter of Joshua (_cf._ p. 125), which\nprobably stood near the Damieh ford, just below the point where the\nJabbok enters the Jordan. Farther north the Plain of Jezreel comes\ndown to the Jordan, while to the southwest one may see the Valley of\nAchor, the present Wady Kelt, cutting its way through the western\nhills toward Ai and Bethel. Hosea also refers to Baal-peor in southern\nGilead and to Shittim in the valley below, near the lower fords of the\nJordan. Thus there are many indications in the ancient prophecy that\nHosea lived among the hills of Gilead, and that, like Amos, he was a\nman who moved among the heights with a broad outlook ever before him.\nThe message which these two prophets proclaimed was as different as\nthe vistas which opened before them. Amos used the figures of the\nshepherd; Hosea those of agricultural life. Amos looked upon the\nevidence of Jehovah's might and justice; Hosea upon fertile fields and\ntree-clad hills, which spoke of Jehovah's love and his gracious\nprovision for his people's needs. Thus the messages of these two\ncontemporary prophets supplemented each other, the one proclaiming\nJehovah's justice, the other Jehovah's love.\n\n=Conquest of Galilee and Gilead.= The rulers of Northern Israel,\nhowever, were as irresponsive to Hosea's pleadings as they were to\nAmos's stern warnings. The result was that when in 734 B.C.\nTiglath-pileser IV invaded Northern Israel, an assassin sat on the\nthrone and the rank and file of the people were crushed by the cruelty\nand oppression of those who should have defended them. Northern Israel\nwas swept by the armies of the conqueror. Ijon, which was a city on\nthe rich plain in northern Galilee between the Litany and the Nahr\nel-Hasbany, that still bears the name Merj Ayun (Ijon); Janoah, a city\nin the heights six miles east of Tyre; Abel-beth-maacah, at the upper\nend of the Jordan valley; Kadesh, Hazor, east of Lake Huleh and Ijon,\nwere among the important cities captured in northern Galilee. Lower\nGalilee and Gilead were also overrun, their leading citizens\ntransported to Assyria, and their territory annexed to that of the\nAssyrian empire.\n\n=The Exiled Northern Israelites.= Tiglath-pileser IV left to Hoshea,\nthe last king of Northern Israel, simply the territory west of the\nJordan and south of the Plain of Esdraelon. After ruling for a decade\nas the vassal of Assyria, this king rebelled. For nearly three years\nhis capital, Samaria, held out against the Assyrian armies, but at\nlast, late in 722 B.C., Samaria fell before the conqueror and\ntwenty-seven thousand two hundred and ninety of its citizens were\ndeported to different parts of the Assyrian empire. Some were settled\nin the province of Gozan on the upper waters of the Habor River, which\nflows southward into the Euphrates. They found a home, therefore, near\nthe centre of Mesopotamia. References in the Assyrian inscriptions\nsuggest that Halah was a city in western Mesopotamia. The third colony\nof exiles were settled in the Median cities to the east of Assyria.\n\n=The Fate of Northern Israel.= The great majority of the people of\nNorthern Israel were left behind in their cities and villages. To\ndestroy their racial unity colonists were imported by the Assyrians\nfrom three cities--Babylon, Kutha, which is probably the Assyrian\nKutu, a city a little northeast of Babylon, and Sippar, north of\nBabylon. Other colonists were brought from Hamath, the capital of the\nconquered northern Aramean kingdom. These colonists were in time\nabsorbed by the native population. In later history this mixed race is\nknown as the Samaritans.^{(104, 105)} For the next century Northern\nIsrael largely lost its political and religious significance and\nbecame simply a part of the great Assyrian empire. In its brief\nhistory it demonstrated the great truth that prosperity, opportunity,\nand culture do not necessarily develop strong national character. At\nthe same time through its prophets it gave to the world certain truths\nregarding Jehovah's justice and love which are the corner-stones of\nthe faith of humanity.\n\n\n\n\nXIX\n\nTHE SOUTHERN KINGDOM\n\n\n=Effect of Environment Upon Judah's History.= Compared with the\nhistory of the northern kingdom, that of the southern, for the first\ntwo centuries following the division of the empire, was petty and\ninsignificant. Judah was shut in by its natural barriers from contact\nwith the larger life that surged up and down the coast plains and\nthrough the broad valleys of Northern Israel. While it survived, the\nnorthern kingdom protected it largely from Aramean and Assyrian\ninvasions, so that during this period there were few great crises to\ncall forth statesmen and prophets. Jerusalem, because of its size and\nprestige, completely overshadowed the other cities of Judah, so that\nmost of the important events in the history of the southern kingdom\ntook place in or near the capital. The natural unity of this little\nkingdom also freed it from the diverse and disintegrating influences\nthat made Northern Israel's history one of civil war and bloodshed.\nThe result was that until Jerusalem's destruction in 586 B.C. the\nfamily of David, practically without interruption, continued to sit on\nthe throne of Judah.\n\n=Shishak's Invasion.= In 945 B.C. the throne of Egypt was seized by a\nLibyan mercenary by the name of Sheshonk, known to the biblical\nwriters as Shishak. He set to work at once to restore the ancient\nglories of the empire. To this end he invaded Palestine and Syria and,\naccording to the records which he has inscribed on the great temple at\nThebes,^{(116)} he succeeded in capturing one hundred and fifty-six\ncities and districts. The cities lying along the Philistine Plain,\nincluding Socho, Ajalon, and Beth-horon, Gibeon in the north and\nSharuhen and Arad in the south were among those captured. According to\nthe biblical record Rehoboam stripped the temple of its wealth in\norder to pay tribute to this foreign conqueror.\n\n=War Between the Two Kingdoms.= As soon as the Egyptian forces were\nwithdrawn, Northern Israel, by virtue of its greater resources, first\nrecovered its strength and fortified the town of Ramah, five miles\nnorth of Jerusalem. Ramah stood on a prominent hill two thousand six\nhundred feet high, near the intersection of the main highways running\nnorth, south, east, and west. From this fortress it was possible to\ncut off all commercial relations between Judah and the north. The king\nof Judah retaliated by hiring the aid of the Arameans. When the\nNorthern Israelite army was withdrawn the fortress at Ramah was razed\nto the ground. With materials taken from this ruin the king of Judah\nfortified the old stronghold of Geba, two miles to the northeast, thus\ngaining control of the main highway from the Jordan to the Philistine\nPlain. In the same way Mizpah, an imposing, massive hill to the\nnorthwest of Jerusalem, was fortified. Mizpah^{(20)} lies about two\nmiles south of Gibeon,^{(93)} through which ran the old division line\nbetween the north and the south, so it is evident that in this border\nwarfare the boundary between the two kingdoms remained practically the\nsame as before. Soon both were forced to unite against their common\nfoe, the Arameans, so that, with one disastrous exception, neither\nattempted again to encroach upon the territory of the other.\n\n=Amaziah's Wars.= In the division of the two kingdoms, Edom and the\nSouth Country fell to Judah. Shishak so completely weakened Judah that\nit appears to have early lost control of the Edomites. Amaziah, the\nfather of Uzziah, was the first who succeeded in winning a decisive\nvictory over these southern foes of the Hebrews. The battle was\nfought, as in the days of David, in the Valley of Salt, southwest of\nthe Dead Sea. The narrative adds that he took Sela (the Rock) by\nstorm. It is not clear whether this was a border fortress or, as many\nhold, Petra, the marvellous capital city of the Edomites, which lies\nin a narrow gorge, cut out of the heart of the many-colored limestone\nmountains that rise between the Gh\u00f4r and the Arabian desert.^{(50)}\nElated by this victory, Amaziah foolishly challenged the king of\nNorthern Israel to battle. The decisive engagement was fought at\nBeth-shemesh, the prosperous town that lay on the southern side of the\nValley of Sorek. It was almost due west of Jerusalem and in the heart\nof the lowlands along which the northern army probably approached.\nFollowing up the victory, the Northern Israelites tore down two\nhundred yards of the northwestern wall of Jerusalem at the point where\nthe city mounted the northern plateau and was, therefore, most\nexposed. They also looted the temple and royal palace, thus completing\nthe humiliation of the southern kingdom. The conspiracy which resulted\nin the flight and execution of Amaziah at Lachish, the southwestern\noutpost of Judah, was probably the fruit of his folly.\n\n=Uzziah's Strong Reign.= Uzziah, who succeeded his father, rebuilt the\nwalls of Jerusalem and strengthened them by towers that guarded the\nnorthwestern and southwestern gates of the city. He also extended the\ninfluence of Judah in the south, building the important port of Elath.\nIn a campaign against the Philistines he captured Gath, whose power\nhad already been broken by the Arameans, Jabneh, west of Gezer, and\nAshdod farther south. The death of this strong king, therefore, marked\na crisis in the life of Judah, for his successors were inefficient and\nat this time Assyrian armies began to invade Palestine.\n\n=Isaiah of Jerusalem.= It was in the year that Uzziah died that\nJudah's great prophet, Isaiah, entered upon his work. His intense\nloyalty to his nation and his conception of the transcendent majesty\nof the Divine King who ruled over Israel, reveal his southern birth\nand training. His familiarity with king, court, and the problems of\nthe nation leave little doubt that he was a citizen of Jerusalem and\npossibly a scion of one of its noble families. At first, like Amos, he\ndevoted himself to denouncing the crimes of the ruling class and the\ninevitable result of their cruelty, greed, and disregard of public\nresponsibility.\n\n=His Advice to Ahaz in the Crisis of 734 B.C.= When, in 735, Northern\nIsrael and Damascus united and endeavored to force Judah to combine\nwith them in a coalition against the invader, Tiglath-pileser IV,\nIsaiah entered upon his work as a statesman. In person he went to\nadvise Ahaz, as the king was probably investigating the defences of\nJerusalem, in view of the possibilities of an impending siege. The\nplace of meeting was evidently south of the city, where the valley of\nthe Tyrop\u0153on joined that of the Hinnom near the pool where, in earlier\ndays, Adonijah had rallied his followers.^{(107)} Isaiah's advice,\nhowever, to make no alliances, but to simply trust Jehovah for\ndeliverance, was rejected by king and people. Ahaz became a vassal of\nAssyria, and not only turned over the silver and gold of the temple\nand palace to the invader, but went in person to Damascus to pay\nhomage to Tiglath-pileser.\n\n=The Great Rebellion of 703 B.C.= The great crisis that called forth\nthe majority of Isaiah's recorded sermons came thirty years later,\nwhen Judah was again tempted to enter into an alliance with the other\nstates of Palestine in an endeavor to break free from the rule of\nAssyria. In common with the other little states of Palestine, it was a\nvictim of its intermediate position between the great world-powers,\nAssyria and Egypt. Under a new Ethiopian dynasty, Egypt's ambitions\nwere again beginning to stir and Assyria was the chief barrier to\ntheir realization. Therefore, Egypt by promises of help encouraged the\nstates of Palestine to revolt against Assyria. In 711 B.C. the\nPhilistine towns of Ashdod and Gath did actually rebel. It was only by\ngoing about in the garb of the captive, proclaiming in this objective\nway what would be the consequence if Judah rebelled against Assyria,\nthat Isaiah was able to arrest the attention of the nation and save it\nfrom fatally compromising itself. When the great Assyrian king,\nSargon, died in 705 B.C. the temptations to rebel were too strong to\nbe resisted. Merodach-baladan, of the ancient Babylonian royal line,\nat once instigated a successful revolt in the lower Tigris-Euphrates\nvalley and sent emissaries to Palestine to stir up the vassal states\nin a general uprising against Assyria. Tyre, Edom, Moab, Ammon the\nPhilistine cities, and certain of the neighboring Bedouin tribes\nunited in raising the standard of revolt against their common foe.\nEgypt again promised assistance, and, although Isaiah protested with\nall his powers, Judah was drawn into the coalition. Hezekiah was made\nthe southern leader of the rebellion.\n\n=Home of the Prophet Micah.= Sennacherib, the successor of Sargon,\nafter putting down the rebellion in southern Babylonia, advanced with\na large army to the reconquest of the eastern Mediterranean states. It\nwas probably while the Assyrian king was advancing from the north that\nIsaiah's contemporary, Micah, uttered his warning against the venal\nand greedy nobles of Judah. The home of the prophet was\nMoresheth-gath. Eusebius and Jerome describe it as a small village a\nlittle east of the modern Beit-Jibrin, which commands the entrance to\nthe Valley of Zephathah, through which ran the highway from Jerusalem\nto Gaza. Another important road ran from Hebron past the mound which\nrepresents without reasonable doubt the ancient Gath, and thence along\nthe coast plains to the north. It was the centre of a prosperous\nagricultural life and at the same time shared the peculiar\ncharacteristics of these frontier towns. From his home among the\nfoot-hills^{(108)} Micah was able to watch the movement of Assyrian\narmies and to keep in close touch with the world-politics of his day.\nLike Amos, he was inspired by the sense of approaching danger to turn\nhis attention to conditions within the nation and to endeavor with all\nhis prophetic power to prepare it for the coming crisis. The note of\nalarm sounds through all his early utterances. In imagination he\npictures the effects of the coming invasions and in the sound of the\nnames of the villages about his home he finds suggestions of the\ncalamity about to overtake them. His eyes fall first on Gath, which\nlay to the northwest on the highway along which the Assyrian army\nwould naturally approach. His vision sweeps southward, including\nShaphir, the modern Suafir, five miles southeast of Ashdod on the\nPhilistine Plain, Zaanan and Lachish to the southwest, and other small\nvillages on the western borders of Judah. His eye rests last of all\nupon Mareshah, which has recently been identified beyond doubt with\nthe large Tell es-Sandahannah, one mile south of Beit-Jibrin. The\nlatter was the most important city near Micah's home, for it guarded\nthe pass and stood near the junction of the great highways that\nradiate from this point.\n\n=Judah's Fate in 701 B.C.= Judah experienced in 701 B.C. the\ncalamities that Isaiah and Micah had predicted. The annals of\nSennacherib state that the Assyrian king conquered forty-six of the\ncities of Judah, together with innumerable fortresses and small towns\nin their neighborhood; over two hundred thousand captives, and horses,\nmules, asses, camels, oxen, and sheep without number were carried away\nas spoils. In the picturesque language of the conqueror, \"Hezekiah was\nshut up like a bird in a cage in the midst of Jerusalem\" until he was\nforced to surrender and to pay a huge tribute of gold and silver.\n\n=Isaiah's Counsel in a Later Crisis.= In this great crisis the wisdom\nof Isaiah's counsel was vindicated beyond question and his authority\nbecame so strong with king and people that an attempt was made to\nremove certain of the surviving heathen symbols from the popular\nworship. In the later crisis of 690 B.C., when Sennacherib advanced to\nthe conquest of Egypt, the prophet by his advice was able to save\nJerusalem. While engaged in the siege of Lachish, the imposing\nfortress on the Philistine Plain on the southern side of the Wady\nel-Hesy, Sennacherib sent messengers demanding the unconditional\nsurrender of Judah's capital. From the point of view of the Assyrian\nking it was dangerous to leave in his rear a strong fortress like\nJerusalem, which had already proved a centre of rebellion. His demand,\nhowever, was unreasonable, for there is no evidence that Jerusalem, at\nthis later time, was guilty of sedition. In the light of these changed\nconditions, instead of predicting calamity as a penalty for rebellion,\nIsaiah advised Hezekiah to refuse to surrender his city to\ndestruction. The calm, unflinching faith of the prophet overcame the\nfears of the king and thus preserved Jerusalem for another century.\nWithout waiting to carry out his threats against Jerusalem,\nSennacherib advanced against Egypt. From the variant traditions it\nappears that in the marshy land on the eastern side of the Nile delta\nhis army was overtaken by a plague and he was forced ignominiously to\nretreat.\n\n=The Reactionary Reign of Manasseh.= Assyria continued, during the\nreign of Hezekiah's successor, Manasseh, to maintain its control of\nPalestine. Assyrian and Babylonian customs and religious institutions\npervaded the land as never before. Two legal contracts, drawn up in\nthe usual Assyrian form and dating from the years 651 and 648 B.C. in\nthe reign of Manasseh, have been discovered in the mound of Gezer. The\none records the sale of a field and the other of an estate with the\nhouse and land. The owner of the land was a Hebrew (Nethaniah) but the\njoint owners of the estate and the twelve witnesses were nearly all\nAssyrians, indicating how strong was this foreign influence at the\ntime. The weak Manasseh was a leader in a wide-spread reaction against\nthe exalted religious and ethical teachings of the prophets. The old\nCanaanite cults were largely revived and the worship of Babylonian and\nAssyrian deities was introduced even into the temple at Jerusalem.\nSilenced by persecution, the faithful prophets and priests devoted\nthemselves to putting the principles proclaimed by Amos, Hosea, and\nIsaiah into definite laws that would shape the daily life of the\npeople. The results of their work are preserved in the book of\nDeuteronomy, which became the basis of the later reformation of\nJosiah.\n\n=Two Prophetic Reformers.= The two leaders in the great reform\nmovement were Jeremiah of Anathoth and Zephaniah, who seems to have\nhad great influence over his kinsman, the young Josiah. Zephaniah was\napparently a native of Jerusalem. Most of his prophecy is devoted to\ndenouncing the different forms of apostasy and the crimes of\noppression then prevalent in the capital. While Jeremiah was not a\ncitizen of Jerusalem, he came from a neighboring village and was also\nin close touch with the political, social, and religious life of the\ncapital.\n\n=Situation of Anathoth.= The little town of Anathoth,^{(109)} his\nhome, lay to the northeast of Jerusalem, just over the Mount of\nOlives, at the point where the hills began to descend to the barren\nwilderness to the east. It stood on a low, rounded hill. The limestone\nrocks crop out at many points, imparting a rugged appearance to the\nlandscape. A thriving fig orchard on the western side of the modern\ntown recalls the forceful figure by which Jeremiah contrasted the Jews\nleft in Palestine with the exiles in Babylonia. The low stone and mud\nbuildings of the present town are crowded close together and the dirty\nstreets and people remind the traveller of the men of ancient Anathoth\nwho persecuted their illustrious townsman. On the south the view is\nshut off by the rising hills, but toward the northeast lies Gibeon and\nRamah and to the north Michmash, with its inspiring memories. The\nchief view from Anathoth, like that from Tekoa, is toward the Jordan\nvalley and the Dead Sea. The gray, barren hills let themselves down in\ngradual terraces to the depths below. To the northeast are the\ntree-clad hills of Gilead, while across the Dead Sea rise the rounded,\nrocky cliffs of the Moabite plateau. Like the homes of most of the\ngreat Hebrew prophets, it is a place of broad outlook. The general\nimpression of Anathoth is grim, stern, and sombre, although here the\nharsh, barren landscape of the south merges into the more fertile and\npleasing hill country of the north. Even so in the character of\nJeremiah were blended the sternest, most exalted sense of justice and\na love for his nation and his countrymen so tender and strong that he\nwas ready to give his life, if need be, to save them from the evils\nwhich he saw impending. Through all his sermons these two motives\nstruggle, sometimes the one and sometimes the other breaking forth\ninto expression.\n\n=Josiah's Reign.= In Josiah the reformers found an energetic leader.\nIt was during his reign that the Scythian hordes poured down from\nsoutheastern Europe. Some of these wild barbarians swept down the\neastern coast of the Mediterranean, giving Zephaniah and Jeremiah the\ntexts of their earlier sermons. Others, turning to the east, flung\nthemselves against the Assyrian empire and ultimately, in union with\nthe Babylonians, succeeded in conquering Nineveh itself. The impending\nfall of Assyria favored the work of the reformers, so that in 621 B.C.\nthe prophetic law-book was brought from the temple and publicly\nadopted by Josiah in behalf of the people. The record of the\ninstitution of this new law indicates that Josiah's authority extended\nbeyond the old bounds of Judah. After the withdrawal of the Assyrian\ngovernors it was natural that the surviving tribes of the north should\nagain look to Jerusalem for political and religious leadership. This\nfact explains why Josiah's last fatal battle was fought against the\nEgyptian king, Necho, in the vicinity of the old Canaanite fortress of\nMegiddo.\n\n=The Brief Rule of Egypt.= Necho, the son of Psamtik I, a Libyan who\nhad succeeded in conquering Egypt, was inspired by the oft-recurring\nambition to recover the Asiatic possessions once held by the empire.\nThe approaching fall of Assyria gave him a favorable opportunity. With\nthe aid of the Greek mercenaries in his service, he succeeded in\nconquering the Philistine cities. The defeat of Josiah at Megiddo in\n608 B.C. gave him practical possession of Palestine. In the same way\nthe different states of Syria fell before him, so that between 608 and\n605 B.C. he was master of the eastern Mediterranean. This brief\nEgyptian rule, however, was overthrown by the new Chaldean kingdom,\nwhich arose in lower Babylonia and, after the fall of Nineveh, quickly\nfell heir to the southern and western part of the Assyrian empire. The\ndecisive battle between the Egyptians and Chaldeans was fought at\nCarchemish, by the Euphrates, in 605 B.C. and resulted in the complete\ndefeat of Necho's army. The Egyptians were speedily driven from Syria\nand Palestine and the Chaldean authority established in their stead.\n\n=Jehoiakim's Reign.= By the death of Josiah the cause of the patriotic\nprophetic party in Judah suffered severely. The younger son of the\ndead king, who was first put on the throne, was soon deposed by Necho\nand the selfish Jehoiakim was established as a vassal of Egypt. His\nsympathies were with the party of reaction and he proved another\nManasseh. When the Chaldeans appeared in Palestine their rule was\nreadily accepted, but after a reign of ten years Jehoiakim listened to\nthe seductive promises of Egypt and rebelled against his Chaldean\nmaster. It was during the reign of Jehoiakim that Jeremiah delivered\nthe greater part of his sermons. By direct address and object-lesson\nhe denounced the follies and crimes of the king and people and tried\nto save them from the calamity which he saw impending. When the spirit\nof rebellion was rife he used all his influence to keep his countrymen\nloyal to the Chaldeans, but in vain. While Judah was being overrun by\nthe Chaldean armies, Jehoiakim died and was succeeded by his young\nson, Jehoiachin.\n\n=The First Captivity.= In 597 B.C. Jerusalem itself fell before the\narmy of Nebuchadrezzar. The king, his nobles, and between eight and\nten thousand of the prominent men and artisans, representing in all\nbetween thirty and forty thousand souls, were transported to\nBabylonia. The object of Nebuchadrezzar was to strip the land of its\nleaders and all who might assist in carrying through another\nrebellion. Over the Judeans who were left behind was placed Zedekiah,\na son of Josiah. The new king was inclined to listen to the voice of\nJeremiah and to rule for the best interests of his subjects, but he\nwas helpless in the hands of his headstrong nobles. For nearly a\ndecade Judah submitted to the strong and, on the whole, benign rule of\nNebuchadrezzar; but by 593 B.C. the kings of Edom, Moab, Ammon, Tyre,\nand Sidon encouraged, as of old, by Egypt were again plotting\nrebellion. Jeremiah did all in his power to save Judah from these\nfatal entanglements, but false prophets undermined his influence and\nencouraged the people to hope that Jehovah would perform a miracle in\ntheir behalf.\n\n=The Second Captivity.= In 588 B.C. Zedekiah rebelled against the\nChaldeans. Syria and Palestine proved themselves again, as throughout\nall their long history, a land incapable of united action.\nNebuchadrezzar established his head-quarters at Riblah, on the upper\nEuphrates, beside the great northern highway. From this strategic\npoint, from which history had already demonstrated that the Hebrew\ncoastlands could best be ruled, he directed the campaign against the\nrebellious states. Most of them surrendered at once. Tyre and\nJerusalem alone held out against a protracted siege. The Egyptian army\nwhich came to relieve Jerusalem was defeated on the borders of\nPalestine. It was only the fear of the judgment that would be visited\nupon them that inspired the followers of Zedekiah to resist as long as\nthey did. Even at the risk of imprisonment and death at the hands of\nthe unprincipled nobles, Jeremiah asserted that the only hope lay in\nsurrender. At last Zedekiah in desperation, after the northern walls\nof the city had already been broken down by the besiegers, fled by\nnight through the southeastern gate of the city, down through the\ngorge of the Kidron to Jericho. Here he was captured by the Chaldeans\nand carried to Riblah on the Orontes. While his life was spared, the\nnobles and religious leaders who had been active in the rebellion were\nput to death. About five thousand of the prominent men of Jerusalem\nwere carried with Zedekiah to Babylon. The city and temple were\nstripped of their wealth and the walls were thrown down, leaving\nJudah's capital \"a ruin and a heap.\" Israel's feasts were transformed\ninto fasts and her songs into lamentations.^{(110)}\n\n=The End of the Southern Kingdom.= Not wishing to leave the territory\nof Judah in utter desolation, Nebuchadrezzar appointed Gedaliah, a\ngrandson of Josiah's counsellor, Shaphan, governor over the Jews\nremaining in Jerusalem. The new ruler selected as the centre of his\ngovernment Mizpah,^{(20, 21)} the most commanding point in northern\nJudah, four and a half miles northwest of Jerusalem. This was one of\nthe two border cities which had been fortified by Asa, in his war\nagainst Northern Israel. The northern position of his capital\nsuggests that his authority, like that of Josiah, extended over a part\nof southern Samaria. This inference is supported by the fact that\nIsraelites from Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria came, under the\nprotection of his rule, to present offerings at the ruined temple at\nJerusalem. Many Jewish refugees soon returned from Moab, Ammon, and\nEdom to put themselves under the protection of Gedaliah's just and\nkindly rule. The bright promise of an early restoration of Judah's\nfortunes was destroyed by the treachery of a certain Ishmael, of the\nJudean royal line, who, at the instigation of the king of Ammon, went\nto Mizpah and treacherously slew Gedaliah. Contrary to Jeremiah's\nadvice, the Judahites who survived fled to Egypt, taking him with\nthem. Thus Judah was overtaken with an even more overwhelming fate\nthan that of the northern kingdom. Yet in the hour of its deepest\nhumiliation two brave souls, Jeremiah in Palestine and Ezekiel in\ndistant Babylon, proclaimed in clearest terms that Judah would again\nbe inhabited and that a noble destiny yet awaited their nation. Above\nall, Jeremiah declared that inasmuch as the old covenant between\nJehovah and the nation had been broken by the crimes of the rulers and\npeople, a new and more spiritual covenant would be established between\nJehovah and each individual.\n\n\n\n\nXX\n\nTHE BABYLONIAN AND PERSIAN PERIODS\n\n\n=Jewish Refugees in Egypt.= After the destruction of Jerusalem in 586\nB.C. the Jews were to be found in three great centres--Egypt,\nBabylonia, and Palestine. Egypt, because of its friendly attitude\ntoward the Jews and its nearness to southern Palestine, was the refuge\nto which most of the Jewish fugitives fled. Inasmuch as the approach\nof the Chaldean armies was from the north, the main highway running\nsouth from Hebron through the solitary desert was the most natural\nline of escape. The result was that a very large proportion of the\nJewish race were to be found from this time on in the land of the\nNile. Even before the final destruction of Jerusalem, both Jeremiah\nand Ezekiel addressed the Jewish refugees in Egypt. They were found in\nfour important towns. The two nearest to Palestine were Migdol and\nTahpanhes. Migdol means tower or fortress, and the reference is\nevidently to one of the frontier towns that guarded the eastern\nboundary of Egypt. It was probably the Migdolos mentioned in the\n_Itinerarium Antonini_, and was situated midway between Pelusium on\nthe Mediterranean coast and Sele, a little west of the Crocodile Lake,\nthe present Lake Timsah. This would identify it with the ruins known\nas the Tell es-Semut, twelve miles southwest of Pelusium, beside the\nancient caravan route that ran from Palestine to Egypt.\n\n[Illustration: BABYLONIAN EMPIRE\n\nPERSIAN EMPIRE\n\nALEXANDER'S EMPIRE\n\n  THE M.-N. CO.\n]\n\n=Situation of Tahpanhes.= Tahpanhes, the biblical name of the\nGr\u00e6co-Egyptian city, Daphne, is represented by the modern Tell\nDefenneh. It lay on the right bank of the Pelusiac branch of the\nNile and close to the caravan route from Palestine. On the north was\nthe marshy Lake Menzaleh. It was, however, close to the fertile lands\nof the Nile Delta and from the days of Psamtik I an important military\nand commercial town. Here were settled Greek and Ph\u0153nician colonists,\nand here the Jews who fled with Jeremiah after the murder of Gedaliah\nfound refuge. Here and at Migdol the refugees were in closest touch\nwith their kinsmen who had remained behind in Palestine and were in a\nposition to return thither whenever conditions were favorable. They\nwere also in the midst of a cosmopolitan life that offered them ample\nopportunity to engage in trade, which must have been the chief\noccupation of these semi-desert towns.\n\n=Memphis.= A third home of Jewish colonists in Egypt was Noph, which\nwas the biblical designation of the sacred city of Memphis. This great\ncity lay ten miles south of Cairo, at the southern end of the Nile\nDelta. It was a large metropolitan city, with an exceedingly diverse\npopulation. Herodotus found in the vicinity of the Egyptian temple of\nPtah a Tyrian colony with a temple dedicated to the \"foreign\nAphrodite.\" Here were probably settled the Jews who had decided to\nmake permanent homes in Egypt, and who may have reared here a temple\nto Jehovah.\n\n=The Colony at Elephantine.= The fourth centre of colonization was at\nSyene in the land of Pathros, the biblical equivalent of upper Egypt.\nSyene is apparently represented by the modern Egyptian city of Assuan,\njust below the first cataract of the Nile. In Ezekiel 29:10 Migdol and\nSyene mark respectively the northern and southern boundaries of Egypt.\nRecent excavations on the northern end of the island of\nElephantine,^{(111)} which lies in the Nile opposite Assuan, have\nrevealed the presence of a large Jewish colony at this point, which\nflourished during the earlier part of the Persian period and was\nprobably established soon after the fall of Jerusalem. The island is\none of the garden spots of the Nile valley. The ruins of the ancient\ncity cover a low-lying hill on the southern end, which is here fully\nthree-quarters of a mile across from east to west. On the east across\nthe river are the heights of Assuan. The view to the south is toward\nthe rocky cataract of the Nile. On the west, across the river, extends\nthe brown, rocky desert.\n\n=Results of the Excavations.= The importance of the ancient town lay\nin its position at the head of uninterrupted navigation. From here the\ncaravans set out for Nubia and the upper Nile and for the oases in the\neast. The town was built of Nile mud bricks, with little houses and\nnarrow streets, and was evidently once the home of a large and dense\npopulation. On the western side have been discovered contracts written\non papyri in Aramaic, which indicate that here was a large Jewish\ncolony living on a practical equality with the Egyptians, Ph\u0153nicians,\nBabylonians, and Persians, who constituted the population of this\nancient metropolis. Familiar Jewish names appear in these contracts,\nwhich record the sale of land and houses. An Aramaic letter bearing\nthe date 408 B.C. has also been discovered directed to Bagohi, the\nPersian governor of Palestine. From these contracts and this letter it\nappears that during the earlier part of the Persian period there was\nwithin the city of Elephantine a Jewish temple of Jahu (Jehovah),\nsurrounded by strong walls and protecting gates. At this Jewish\nsanctuary regular offerings were presented to Jehovah and the\nreligious customs of the homeland were thus preserved in the very\nheart of the old heathen city.\n\n=Transformation of the Jews into Traders.= It is significant that the\nJewish colonists in Egypt were settled in four commercial centres.\nTrade was the chief occupation open to them. Hence the shepherds and\nfarmers of Judah were soon transformed into traders and merchants.\nWidely scattered as they were, at each important city there were\ncolonies of Jews. In time these were organized into great mercantile\ncompanies which, through their agents and branch houses, controlled\nmore and more of the trade of the ancient East. The Jew of to-day is\nthe product of those centuries of commercial training which began with\nthe Babylonian period.\n\n=Home of the Exiles in Babylonia.= In deporting the Jewish captives\nfrom Palestine to Babylonia, Nebuchadrezzar evidently followed the\nlonger, more northern route, through Riblah and Hamath, across the\nEuphrates at Carchemish, and thence southward through Mesopotamia.\nInstead of scattering the Jewish exiles throughout the empire, he\nsettled them in a colony on the Chebar River, which is evidently\nidentical with the Khabaru Canal. According to recently discovered\ninscriptions, this canal ran eastward from Babylon to the ancient\nsanctuary of Nippur. This region was in the northern part of the great\nalluvial plain between the Tigris and the Euphrates and was\nintersected in every direction by canals, which were used both for\nirrigation and commerce. To escape the spring floods the villages were\nbuilt on low mud mounds, in many cases ruins of earlier cities. The\nprophet Ezekiel, who was the pastor and spiritual adviser of the\nexiles in Babylon, lived at a village named after the mound on which\nit was built, Tell Abib. Two other similar village mounds were called\nSalt Hill and Forest Hill. Ezekiel describes their new home as \"a land\nof traffic, a city of merchants, a fruitful soil, beside many waters.\"\n\n=Their Life in Babylonia.= In certain psalms are found the echo of the\nhomesickness and longing for their native hills which filled the\nhearts of the Jewish exiles. But the fruitful soil of Babylonia was a\npartial compensation for what they had lost. The active commercial\nlife of Babylon, as that of Egypt, developed within them the latent\nSemitic genius for trade. At first they were evidently settled as a\ncommunity by themselves, a little Judah in the heart of the great\nempire. Here they lived in accordance with their laws, under the\nrulership of their elders, building houses, planting gardens, and\nrearing up families, as Jeremiah advised in the letter which he wrote\nthem (Jer. 29). The result was that the majority of the Jews in the\neast became so attached to their new homes that few were found later\nwho would undertake the arduous journey of fifteen hundred miles to\nreturn to the stony hills of Judah. For a great majority of those who\nwere exiled or who fled from Judah in connection with the first and\nsecond captivity there was no return, even though opportunities were\nrepeatedly offered.\n\n=Condition of the Jews in Palestine.= The third centre of the Jewish\nrace was Judah itself. Even though Jerusalem was destroyed and its\npopulation scattered, the majority of the shepherds and peasants of\nJudah never left their homes. The captives who were deported by the\nBabylonians appear to have been taken almost entirely from the capital\ncity. Those who remained in Palestine were probably placed under the\nrule of the governor of the so-called \"Province beyond the River.\" The\ntitle evidently originated in Babylon, for it was the designation of\nthe territory which lay west of the Euphrates and included Syria as\nwell as Palestine. Without organization and the protection of a native\nruler the fortunes of the Jewish peasants must have been indeed\npitiable. The book of Lamentations contains references to the pitiless\npersecutions and the frequent forays to which they were subject.\nWhenever the local government was weakened, Judah was the object of\nattack from every quarter. On the north were the Samaritans, who could\nnever completely forget their hereditary rivalry with the southern\ntribes. At this time the Samaritan territory apparently extended\nsouthward so as to include the cities of Gibeon and Mizpah. On the\neast the Ammonites had at last succeeded in pushing their boundaries\nwestward to the Jordan, and in occupying the fruitful hills and\nvalleys of southern Gilead. East of the Dead Sea the Moabite territory\nevidently extended northward to that recently occupied by the\nAmmonites. In southern Judah the Edomites, pushed northward by the\nadvance of a strong Arab race, known as the Nabateans, had seized not\nonly the South Country but the old capital, Hebron, and the territory\nto the east and west. On the southwest they occupied the important\ncity of Mareshah and the adjacent Philistine lowlands.^{(108)}\n\n[Illustration: THE JEWISH COMMUNITY IN PALESTINE DURING THE PERSIAN\nAND GREEK PERIODS.\n\n  M-N CO.\n]\n\n=Extent of the Jewish Territory.= The Jews were therefore almost\nentirely confined to the Judean highlands. Their outposts on the\nsouthwest were Keilah and Bethzur, on the west Zanoah, which\nguarded the entrance to the Valley of Sorek, and Netophah, the modern\nBeit Nettif, which guarded the entrance to the Valley of Elah. The\nnorthern boundary ran within five or six miles of Jerusalem. To the\nnortheast the Jews appear to have held the city of Jericho and the\nneighboring Plain of the Jordan. Thus the cultivated Jewish territory\nwas little more than twenty-five miles in length and breadth and\nincluded the least desirable land of all Palestine.\n\n=Evidence That There Was No General Return of Exiles in 536 B.C.= The\noverthrow of the Chaldean Empire by Cyrus in 538 B.C. gave the Jews of\nBabylon an opportunity to return, for the Persian king reversed the\npolicy of the Assyrians and the Babylonians and aimed to develop the\nresources and loyalty of each of the many peoples in his great empire.\nThere is no evidence, however, that more than a handful of the Jews in\nthe east improved this opportunity. Cyrus also adopted the policy of\nappointing native princes as local governors. A scion of the royal\nhouse of David was placed over the little sub-province of Judah. This\nappointment gave the Jews a local government that undoubtedly\nattracted to the homeland many refugees from Ammon and Moab and\nespecially from the land of Egypt. But the sermons of the contemporary\nprophets, Haggai and Zechariah, indicate clearly that those who\nconstituted the rank and file of the Judean community and rebuilt the\ntemple were the people of the land and that a general return of the\nexiles was an event, still in the future, for which they ardently\nlonged.\n\n=The Rebuilding of the Temple.= Even during the Babylonian period\nsacrifices were offered at the great altar of native rock that had\nstood in front of Solomon's temple. Perhaps even before Cyrus gave\nfull permission to the native peoples to rebuild their cities and\ntemples a few had come back to find homes among the desolate ruins of\nJerusalem. It was a small, struggling, and discouraged community to\nwhom Haggai in 520 B.C. addressed his stirring message. His call to\nrise and rebuild the temple met with an immediate response. He was\nalso seconded by the encouraging words of his contemporary,\nZechariah. The rebellions that were then shaking the great Persian\nEmpire to its foundations encouraged the Jews to hope that the\nopportune moment had arrived to reinstate Zerubbabel. Inspired by\nthese hopes, the temple-building progressed rapidly. The stones for\nthe repair of the walls were apparently found on the temple hill. The\ntimbers for the gates were cut from the hills about Jerusalem, which\nat this time were, at least in part, covered with trees. By 516 B.C.\nthe work was completed and the Jewish race again had a common\nreligious sanctuary at which to worship.\n\n=Discouragement and Hopes of the Jews.= The hopes of re-establishing\nthe Hebrew kingdom under a Davidic ruler were, however, completely\ndashed to the ground. Darius succeeded in putting down the many\nrebellions and in thoroughly reorganizing the Persian Empire. At this\ntime the descendants of David disappear from Israel's history. For a\ngeneration or two the Judean community was overwhelmed with\ndiscouragement, for it was the victim of foes from without and of its\ncorrupt and greedy rulers within, who enslaved the people and seized\ntheir land. It is not clear what aroused the spirit of the discouraged\nJudean community. Possibly it was the divinely inspired vision of the\ngreat prophet, whose immortal songs are preserved in the fortieth and\nfollowing chapters of the book of Isaiah. He appears to have been a\ncitizen of Jerusalem, and to the ancient capital city his message is\nprimarily addressed. It was a call, however, to all the scattered\nremnants of the race to return and do their part in realizing Israel's\nnoble destiny. It was a summons to voluntary, self-sacrificing\nservice. It interprets the discouragements, the calamities, and the\nignominies which were then the lot of his race, not as the result of\nJehovah's disfavor, but as a supreme opportunity, if nobly improved,\nto demonstrate to the world the character of the God whom they\nworshipped and the saving power of the faith which they cherished.\n\n=Nehemiah's Response to the Call to Service.= Before there could be a\ngeneral return of the exiles it was necessary that the walls of\nJerusalem be rebuilt, and this required resources, influence at the\nPersian court, and, above all, an energetic, able leader. In sending a\ndeputation to Nehemiah, the royal cupbearer of Artaxerxes, the\nPalestinian Jews showed great wisdom. At the head of this deputation\nwas Hanani, a kinsman of Nehemiah. The scene of this memorable\ninterview was in the royal palace at Susa, the capital of the Persian\nEmpire. The huge ruins of the ancient city, fully eight miles in\ncircumference, have revealed to the modern excavator its magnificence\nand beauty. It is possible that the unknown author of the immortal\nchapters in the latter part of the book of Isaiah was a member of the\ndeputation from Jerusalem. Nehemiah records how profoundly he was\nmoved by the recital of the misfortunes that had overtaken the city of\nhis forefathers. The spirit and message of Isaiah 40-55 pervade the\nprayer of Nehemiah, recorded in the first chapter of his memoirs. One\nJew, at least, was found responsive to the divine call to service.\nImproving a favorable opportunity, he secured permission to go back\nand rebuild the walls of Jerusalem. A royal escort and letters to the\ngovernor of the province beyond the river prepared the way. His\njourney from Susa lay along the southern side of the Elamite mountains\nand thence beside the Tigris, through Mesopotamia by one of the great\nhighways which led from northern Syria to Palestine.\n\n=Conditions in the Jewish Community.= Nehemiah has given a vivid\ndescription of conditions as he found them in Judah. The active foes\nof the community were Sanballat, the Horonite, whose native town was\napparently either Upper or Lower Beth-horon, a certain Tobiah, who had\nintermarried with the high-priestly family of Jerusalem, and Geshem,\nan Arabian. Sanballat appears to have been at the head of the\nSamaritans, Tobiah of the Ammonites, and Geshem of certain Arabian\ntribes, that probably had already gained a foothold in Palestine. The\nJudean community had been so long preyed upon by its greedy rulers,\nled by the high priest and his followers, that Nehemiah found it\nnecessary, as a preliminary, to institute certain drastic social\nreforms. Like an ancient prophet he preached to the rulers and, by his\nown example and authority, succeeded in influencing them to set free\ntheir countrymen whom they had enslaved, to restore to them their\nancestral fields and vineyards, and to promise never again to seize\nthem unjustly.\n\n=Preparations for Rebuilding the Walls.= Nehemiah's chief work,\nhowever, was the rebuilding of the walls of Jerusalem. In accordance\nwith the royal grant, he was allowed to cut timber for the gates in\nthe king's park, which was probably the so-called Gardens of Solomon,\nsouth of Jerusalem, near Etam. Under Nehemiah's direction the working\nforces were carefully organized. Work was begun on all parts of the\nwall at once and different groups of workmen were assigned to definite\nsections of the wall. While half of the people worked, the other half\nstood by with their weapons, ready to repulse an attack. Inspired by\nNehemiah's energetic personality and by the constant danger of attack,\nthe work progressed so rapidly that at the end of fifty-two days the\nwalls were restored.\n\n=Character of the Data.= The detailed account of the building of the\nwalls and of their solemn rededication furnishes the clearest picture\nextant of ancient Jerusalem. This account is supplemented at almost\nevery point by the thorough excavations carried on along the line of\nthe western, southern, and eastern walls, chiefly under the direction\nof the Palestine Exploration Fund. The reconstruction thus rendered\npossible is especially valuable, for Nehemiah simply restored the\nwalls of the pre-exilic city. With the exception of the northern wall,\nwhich is covered by the buildings of the modern city, the\nreconstruction is reasonably certain at every point.\n\n[Illustration: THE JERUSALEM OF NEHEMIAH.]\n\n=The Walls and Towers on the North.= The account begins with the\nrebuilding of the Sheep Gate, which apparently stood immediately north\nof the temple (see map opposite p. 203) and was the way by which the\nsacrificial animals were brought to the sanctuary. Immediately to the\nwest of this gate the native rock extends northward almost on a\nlevel.^{(56)} Hence at this point were built two strong guarding\ntowers, standing apparently on the site occupied in Roman times by the\nfamous Tower of Antonia. In the days of the divided Hebrew kingdoms,\nthe upper end of the Tyrop\u0153on Valley, immediately west of the temple\narea, had been enclosed within the city walls. In Zephaniah 1:11 it\nwas called, because of its peculiar shape, The Mortar. Elsewhere it\nbears the name of The Second Quarter (II Kings, 22:14, Zeph. 1:10).\nThrough this low depression of the Tyrop\u0153on Valley ran the main street\nof the city. It passed through the Fish Gate which opens in the north\nto the great highway leading to Samaria. The Fish Gate was probably so\nnamed because in the adjoining market quarter the fishmongers sold\ntheir fish, which were doubtless brought in early times, as in the\nRoman period, from the Sea of Galilee. The exact course of the\nnorthern wall from this point is not entirely clear, for the ground\nover which it runs is nearly level and is to-day covered with\nbuildings. The importance of this wall and the difficulty of\ncompletely restoring it is shown by the proportionately large number\nof workmen detailed by Nehemiah to repair it. It probably ran in a\nsouthwesterly direction to the Corner Gate, which was also called the\nGate of the Old Wall. From this point it would seem that Nehemiah\nconstructed a straight wall to the Ephraim Gate, which corresponds to\nthe western Jaffa Gate of modern Jerusalem.\n\n=On the West.= Immediately south of the Ephraim Gate the city was\nespecially liable to assault. Here a broad, or double wall was\nconstructed. The remainder of the western wall^{(57)} has been traced\nby excavations. It ran due south along the brow of the western hill to\na corner tower which measured forty-five feet each way and rose twenty\nfeet from an outer ledge of rock. At this point the wall turned\nobliquely to the southeast, running to the Valley Gate, where it\nturned due east. The ancient Valley Gate was only eight feet ten\ninches wide on the outside. Its lower sockets are still in position.\nThe wall on the east was nine feet thick. To the west of the Valley\nGate was a tower the base of which measured about forty-five feet in\neach direction. This was probably the Tower of the Furnaces, so named\nbecause near by the potters baked their jars (_cf._ Jer. 18:2-4,\n19:1-6).\n\n=On the South.= From the Valley Gate to the Tyrop\u0153on Valley the wall\nis built along the rapidly descending slope.^{(55)} The comparatively\nfew men assigned to this section indicated that it was practically\nintact. Where it crossed the lower Tyrop\u0153on Valley it was flanked on\nthe outside with six buttresses, resting on a foundation wall about\ntwenty feet thick. The main street, leading down the Tyrop\u0153on Valley,\nhas been traced from the southern end of the city to a point opposite\nthe temple area. It varied from twenty-five to fifty feet in width and\nwas paved and provided with a curb. Where it ascended the hill there\nwere broad, low, rock-cut steps, adapted to use by beasts of burden as\nwell as by foot-passengers. Opposite the southern end of the present\ntemple area the main street branched eastward toward the Ephraim Gate.\nOn the east side of the Pool of Siloam were rock-cut steps, probably\nthe stairs referred to in Nehemiah 3:15 and 12:37, which led up to\nOphel. The King's Pool was in the extreme southeastern part of the\ncity, south of the Pool of Siloam, from which it received its waters,\nbut enclosed within the ancient city wall. To the north of this was\napparently the King's Garden.\n\n=On the East.= Along the eastern side of Ophel the wall runs on the\nbrow of the steeply descending hill above the Virgin's Fount in the\nKidron Valley. There is no gate in this long section of the wall until\nthe tower is reached which is described in Nehemiah as the \"Tower that\nStands Out.\" Just above this was the Water Gate, the most important\nwestern exit from the city. From this the road led down into the\nKidron Valley and on to the Virgin's Fount, whose waters probably gave\nthe gate its name. This gate and the Horse Gate, a little farther to\nthe north, led into the official part of the city. Here on the upper\npart of Ophel, to the south of the original temple area, were the\npalace and armory. At the northeastern corner of the city was the\nGate of the Guard, where one of the companies that took part in the\ndedication of the walls, in the days of Nehemiah, stopped before\nentering the sanctuary. Here excavations have disclosed massive\nmasonry and the course of the original wall, which at this point turns\nto the northwest. It follows the slope of the native rock, which\ndescends suddenly on the north to the ravine leading up from the\nKidron Valley. Inside the walls, between the Gate of the Guard and the\nSheep Gate, were the bazaars where the people could purchase those\nthings which were needful for their offerings.^{(112)}\n\n=Significance of Nehemiah's Work.= In rebuilding the walls, Nehemiah\nprepared the way for that general return of the Jews, which is implied\nin the seventh chapter of Nehemiah and confirmed by the later facts of\nhistory. The story of Ezra is a late tradition regarding one of these\nreturn movements. Nehemiah, in reorganizing the method of distributing\nthe temple dues to the priests and Levites, in discountenancing\nforeign marriages, in enforcing the Sabbath law, and in providing for\nthe support of the temple, laid the foundations for the institution of\nthe new priestly law and the reorganization of the ceremonial service,\nwhich is associated with his name. Nehemiah was thus the restorer of\nthat new Jewish state which rose on the ruins of the old.\n\n=Extension of Jewish Territory to the Northwest.= Shut in on the south\nby the Edomites and on the east by the Dead Sea and Jordan valley, the\nJewish community naturally expanded toward the northwest. In doing so\nit followed the great highways, which ran northwestward from Jerusalem\nout upon the Philistine Plain. By virtue of the new life and strength\ninfused into the Judean community by Nehemiah, it was able to cope\nwith the Samaritan community and to push its boundaries northward.\nWithin two or three centuries the arable Jewish territory was nearly\ndoubled and included such important cities as Ai, Bethel, and Timnath\nin the north, and Ajalon, the Horons, Modein, as well as Ono and Lod,\nthe later Lydda, far out on the Philistine Plain.\n\n=Development of Judaism During the Latter Part of the Persian Period.=\nThe Babylonian and Persian age as a whole was for the Jews a period of\noverwhelming calamity and discouragement, and yet during the latter\npart of this era scattered remnants of the race began again to restore\nthe temple and capital city. During this era the foundations of\nJudaism were laid along the lines first outlined by Ezekiel. The\npriests and scribes succeeded to the earlier authority of the kings\nand prophets. Loyalty to the law and ritual took the place of the\nancient loyalty to the king and state. Judaism, helpless and exposed\nto the attacks of its powerful foes, stood apart from the rest of the\nworld, finding its joy more and more in worship, in trust in Jehovah,\nand in the noble ideals and hopes that are voiced in the psalms and\nwisdom writings of this period.\n\n[Illustration: MAP OF PALESTINE, CONTAINING PLACES FOR MACCABEAN\nPERIOD.\n\n  THE M.-N. CO., BUFFALO, N. Y.\n]\n\n\n\n\nXXI\n\nTHE SCENES OF THE MACCABEAN STRUGGLE\n\n\n=Alexander's Conquests.= The Persian Empire, founded as a result of\nthe conquests of Cyrus and the organizing ability of Darius, after two\ncenturies had become weak, corrupt, and ready for conquest. On the\nother hand, the Greek civilization, which had been developing for\ncenturies in the little land of Hellas and the coast lands of the\n\u00c6gean, demanded an outlet that it might expand naturally (_cf._ p.\n10). At this critical moment in the world's history, Alexander, the\nMacedonian, animated by the lust for adventure and by an ambition to\nmake the world more glorious by disseminating Greek art and culture,\nset out on his eastern campaigns. Within less than a decade he carried\nthe standards and culture of Greece across southwestern Asia beyond\nthe banks of the Indus. After a year of active campaigning in Asia\nMinor, he completed its conquest in 333 _B.C._ at the great battle of\nIssus at the northeastern end of the Mediterranean. With the exception\nof the cities of Tyre and Gaza, which were captured only after\nprolonged sieges, the people of Palestine readily submitted to the new\nconqueror. Egypt likewise proved a comparatively easy conquest. By 331\nB.C. Alexander was able to turn eastward, and at the great battle of\nArbela, which was fought that year on the plains near the Tigris, he\nbroke the power of Persia and advanced to seize its eastern\npossessions.\n\n=The Impression Upon Southwestern Asia.= Although Alexander the Great\ndied in 323 B.C., before he was able thoroughly to consolidate and\norganize his great empire, his conquests made a permanent impression\nupon southwestern Asia. This lasting impression was due in part to the\nattractiveness and superiority of Greek art and culture, and to the\nvalor and military skill of the Greek soldiers, but above all to\nAlexander's desire to Hellenize the peoples and lands that he\nconquered. To accomplish this end he rebuilt many of the captured\ncities on a magnificent scale and established Greek colonies\nthroughout his empire.\n\n=The City of Alexandria.= The city of Alexandria in northern Egypt was\nthe noblest fruit of Alexander's ambition. Selecting the level strip\nof land which lay between the Mediterranean and the lagoon of\nMareotis, he transformed it into a magnificent city which diverted the\ntrade from Tyre and in time rivalled Rome itself. The site was well\nchosen, for in front of the city, one mile away, lay the island of\nPharos. This he connected with the city by a long causeway, thus\nproviding two large harbors, the eastern, used chiefly in the Greek\nand Roman periods, and the western, through which the city is\napproached by modern ships. A canal connected Alexandria with the\nCanopic or western branch of the Nile and brought to this new\nmetropolis the vast trade of upper Egypt as well as the products of\nArabia and India. The city itself was divided into three distinct\nparts. The Egyptian and native quarter was on the west, while the\nGreek and official quarter was in the centre opposite the eastern\nharbor. The Jewish quarter was in the northeastern part of the city.\nMany Hebrews were attracted here by the privileges which Alexander\ngranted them, especially the opportunity of living under their own\nlaws and local rulers.\n\n=Greek Influence in Palestine.= Alexander and his successors also\ntransformed the cities of Ph\u0153nicia and Philistia and the important\ntowns east of the Jordan into centres of Greek culture and\ncivilization. Large numbers of Greek colonists were settled at Gaza,\nAshdod, Askelon, Joppa, and the ancient Accho, which was renamed\nPtolemais. In the same way Hippos, Gadara, Pella, Gerasa, and the\nancient Rabbath-Ammon, under the name of Philadelphia, became the\nhomes of many of Alexander's veterans and were largely rebuilt after\nthe manner of Greek cities. Thus, from the beginning of the Greek\nperiod, the Jewish community in Palestine was encircled by a ring of\ncities from which emanated the ideas and culture of ancient Hellas.\nThe history of the next few centuries is a record of the great\nconflict between Semitic and Hellenic ideas and culture and of the\nultimate fusion which resulted from this close and protracted contact.\n\n=The Ptolemaic Rule.= In 320 B.C. Ptolemy Soter, who became the ruler\nof Egypt after the death of Alexander, conquered the territory of\nJudea and Samaria. At this time many Jews and Samaritans were\ntransported to Egypt. They were granted special privileges, for the\nGreek rulers recognized in them valuable allies in the difficult task\nof ruling the large native population. During the next century\nPalestine was subject to the Ptolemies. It was the victim of many\ninvasions. By virtue of its position it was the bone of contention\nbetween the rulers of Egypt and her rival in the east and north.\n\n=Situation of Antioch.= About 300 B.C. Seleucus I built the city of\nAntioch and transferred his capital from the Tigris-Euphrates Valley\nto this important strategic centre. The city was situated at the point\nwhere the Lebanon mountains on the south were separated from the\nTaurus on the north by the Orontes River. The city lay at the northern\nend of the great valley between the Lebanons, near the point where the\nOrontes bends abruptly to the southwest. It was sixteen miles from the\nsea and not far from the borders of the eastern desert. Here meet the\ngreat highways from the Euphrates and from central Syria and\nPalestine. It was, therefore, an important commercial and political\ncentre. The city itself lay on the broad, fertile plain, which ran\nnorthward from the river up the sides of Mount Silpius. Aside from the\nriver and the mountain, it possessed no natural defences, but was\ndependent upon the huge wall which surrounded it.\n\n=Causes of the Maccabean Struggle.= In 198 B.C. Antiochus the Great,\nin a battle near Paneion, the modern Banias, at the foot of Mount\nHennon, defeated the Egyptian army and annexed Palestine to the\nSeleucid kingdom. The Jews gained little by this change of rulers. In\n175 B.C. Antiochus Epiphanes mounted the Syrian throne. He had been\nbrought up in the midst of the profligate and imperious young nobles\nof Rome, and soon proved an unprincipled tyrant. He was a great\nadmirer of Greek art and culture and his two chief ambitions were to\nadorn his capital and kingdom with magnificent buildings and\nthoroughly to Hellenize his subjects. Many of the Jews, including\ncertain degenerate high priests at Jerusalem, readily gave up the\ninstitutions and traditions of their race and adopted Greek costumes\nand customs. Through their representatives they led Antiochus to\nbelieve that the other Jews would renounce the religion of their\nfathers. The rank and file of the Jewish nation, however, bitterly\nopposed Antiochus's policy. Returning from an expedition to Egypt, he\nfound Jerusalem in the hands of a rebel and made this an excuse to\nturn over the citizens of the city to his bloodthirsty soldiers and to\nrob the temple of its treasures. Soon after, he set about\nsystematically to root out the worship of Jehovah and completely to\nHellenize the Jews. In this endeavor he was aided by the renegade\nJews, who constituted a strong Greek party in Jerusalem. In 168 B.C.\nhe sent Apollonius, one of his generals, to put to death all who\nrefused to worship the Olympian Zeus or who preserved copies of the\nScriptures. All Jewish religious rites were prohibited, the temple was\ndesecrated, and on its great altar sacrifices were offered to Zeus.\nThe houses and walls of Jerusalem were torn down. The citadel of Acra,\nwhich stood either on the hill of Ophel to the south of the temple\n(_cf._ p. 66), or else immediately to the north on the site of the\nlater Tower of Antonia, was garrisoned with Syrian soldiers and\napostate Jews.\n\n=The Town of Modein.= In the face of this cruel persecution the true\ncharacter of Judaism asserted itself. Rather than submit to the\ntyrant's demands, the thousands preferred to die or else succeeded in\nfinding refuge in the caves and deserted places on the borders of\nJudah. Antiochus's agents, however, met with little opposition until\nthey reached the town of Modein,^{(113)} northeast of the Beth-horons\non the borders of the coast plain. Its deserted ruins are to-day one\nof the most picturesque and impressive mounds in all Palestine. Over\nit all is flung a luxuriant growth of grain and olive trees. It is\nsurrounded by deep valleys; on the south and west the Wady Malakeh\nswings in a broad semicircle about the mound, which is nearly a\ncomplete circle, one-third of a mile in diameter. To the northwest,\nconnected by a shoulder of land, was the lower town, which was a\nlittle larger in area than the acropolis. On the north lay a deep\nencircling valley which made its defence easy. The sides of the main\nacropolis rose rapidly in three or four large terraces. It stood apart\nfrom the surrounding foot-hills like an emerald set in the midst of\nblack and gray limestone.\n\n=The First Flame of Revolt.= Modein was a fitting altar of Jewish\nfreedom and patriotism. Here the Syrian official set up a heathen\naltar. By promises of royal favor he sought to induce an aged priest\nby the name of Mattathias to sacrifice upon it in accordance with the\nking's command. To this demand the priest replied that if they alone\nof all their race remained faithful, he and his family would never\nforsake the law and ordinances. At the sight of an apostate Jew\nadvancing to sacrifice at the heathen altar the indignation of the\nstern old priest was kindled. He slew both the offender and the royal\nofficial and tore down the altar. He then fled to the mountains with\nhis five stalwart sons. Recognizing in him a leader, the Jews who were\nfaithful to their law soon rallied about him. At first they devoted\nthemselves to tearing down the heathen altars, to enforcing the law of\ncircumcision wherever it had been neglected, and to putting to death\nall apostates whom they captured. At this critical moment in the life\nof Judaism they strengthened the courage of those who were wavering\nand raised a standard about which the faithful rallied in\never-increasing numbers.\n\n=Character and Work of Judas.= In a few months the aged Mattathias\ndied and was succeeded by his son, Judas, who was known by the\ndistinctive title of Maccabeus. He soon proved himself an unselfish\npatriot, a devoted champion of the law, and a military leader of rare\nenthusiasm, energy, and strategic skill. The odds against which he had\nto contend were seemingly overwhelming. With a few unarmed peasants he\nwas called to meet large armies of well-equipped and well-trained\nGreek mercenaries. But again, as in the days of David, the rugged\nphysical contour of Palestine was the chief advantage possessed by the\nIsraelites. Selecting a favorable point along the road which led from\nSamaria to Jerusalem, Judas made a sudden attack upon the Syrian\ngeneral, Apollonius, and succeeded not only in putting to flight the\nSyrian soldiers, but also in slaying the leader of the persecution.\nHenceforth Judas wielded effectively the sword of Apollonius, and his\nfollowers armed themselves likewise with the weapons of the slain.\n\n=The Pass of Beth-horon.= Judas's first open engagement was fought\nnear his home at Modein. Seron was sent with a Syrian army to put down\nthe rebellion. He advanced against Jerusalem by the main northern\nhighway, which led up through the pass of the Beth-horons. At this\npoint the road ascends very rapidly. On the Plain of Ajalon it is but\neight hundred and forty feet above the ocean level. At the lower\nBeth-horon it is one thousand two hundred and forty feet. Thence a\nsteep, rocky road leads to the upper Beth-boron,^{(84)} less than two\nmiles away at the height of two thousand and twenty-two feet above the\nsea. Four miles farther on it reaches the top of the ascent, which is\nabout two thousand three hundred feet above the level of the sea. The\ndifficult pass, often ascending by rock-cut steps, was the scene of\nthis memorable battle. Here it was impossible for an army to deploy or\nmaintain a regular formation. A few determined men on the heights\nabove were able to turn back a large force. The defeat of the Syrian\narmy was complete. Eight hundred of them were slain during the hot\npursuit down the Beth-horon slope. The rest fled to the land of the\nPhilistines, out on the plain. At last, after four centuries of defeat\nand humiliation, the Israelites found that by courage and united\naction they could put to flight their heathen foes.\n\n=Scene of the Victory Over the Syrian Generals.= Fortunately for the\nJews, at this crisis Antiochus Epiphanes found his treasury depleted\nas a result of his luxurious habits and extensive building\nenterprises. Accordingly he turned over the government of his kingdom\nto Lysias, one of his nobles, while he gathered a large army and set\nout on a campaign into Persia, where he ultimately lost his life. The\ndeparture of Antiochus reduced by fully one-half the soldiers\navailable for the campaigns against Judas and his followers. But\nLysias, appreciating the importance of suppressing the Jewish\nrebellion at once, sent out an army of forty thousand infantry and\nseven thousand cavalry under the leadership of three generals,\nPtolemy, Nicanor, and Gorgias. They encamped near Emmaus on the\nsouthern side of the Valley of Ajalon, not far from the border of the\nPhilistine Plain. This time they avoided the steep and dangerous pass\nof Beth-horon and aimed to penetrate the highlands of Judah through\nthe narrow and yet direct highway which led up by the Wady Ali,\nthrough which runs the modern carriage road from Joppa to Jerusalem.\nMeantime Judas had rallied his followers near Mizpah.^{(20)} This\nimposing height was in close touch with Jerusalem and at the same time\ncommanded a view of all the roads leading from the north and west,\nrendering it practically impossible for the Syrians to overtake him\nunawares.^{(93)} Apparently the Syrian generals had pitched their camp\nat Emmaus in the vain hope that by a quick night-march they might\nsurprise Judas and his followers at Mizpah. Anticipating this design,\nJudas by night transferred his army to a point a little south of\nEmmaus, probably following one of the wild, deserted valleys which\nlead from Mizpah to the plain. The result was that when a detachment\nof Syrian soldiers were sent under Gorgias to capture Judas, they\nfound Mizpah deserted. Meantime Judas boldly attacked the remnant of\nthe Syrian army on the plain near Emmaus and quickly put them to\nflight. Many were slain; some escaped to the stronghold of Gezer, or\nGazara, as it was called at that time, a little northwest of Emmaus;\nsome turned southward into the Philistine lowlands, which were held\nby the Idumeans; others fled as far as Ashdod and Jamnia on the\nwestern side of the Philistine Plain. When Gorgias and his soldiers\nreturned and found their camp in flames they were seized by a panic\nand retreated into the land of the Philistines, leaving the Jews in\npossession of rich spoil.\n\n=Victory at Bethsura.= During the following year the regent Lysias\nhimself gathered together a picked army of sixty thousand infantry and\nfive thousand horsemen and advanced against Judas. This time the\nSyrians avoided the northern passes and entered western Judah through\nthe Valley of Elah, marched past the old battle-fields of Socoh and\nAdullam, which were now held by the Idumeans, and thence followed the\nroad which led along a branch of the Wady es-Sur in a southeastern\ndirection. By taking this southern route they reached without\nopposition Bethsura,^{(114)} on the height which marked the\nsouthwestern boundary of Judah, where the road from the west joined\nthe main highway from Hebron to Jerusalem. Rallying ten thousand of\nhis followers, Judas boldly attacked the huge Syrian army in front of\nBethsura and again won an overwhelming victory.\n\n=Rededication of the Temple.= The retreat of their foes left the Jews\nfree at last to enter Jerusalem, to tear down the heathen altar which\nhad been reared by Antiochus, and to restore the temple and its\nservice. Three years after it had been desecrated by Antiochus, the\ntemple was rededicated. The strong fortress of Acra within the city\nstill remained in possession of the Syrian garrison; but Jerusalem was\nfortified with high walls and strong towers, and joy and confidence\nagain filled the hearts of the Jews.\n\n=Campaigns South and East of the Dead Sea.= Judas also employed this\nbrief respite from Syrian attack to carry on campaigns against the\nfoes who, doubtless at the instigation of the Syrians, were attacking\nthe Jews on every side. The first battle was with the Idumeans and was\nfought at Akrabattine, which was probably the steep Scorpion Pass at\nthe southeastern end of the Dead Sea, along which ran the road from\nHebron to Petra. On the east-Jordan at this time the Ammonites, under\ntheir leader, Timotheus, apparently controlled the entire territory\nfrom the Arnon to the Yarmuk. Judas's first east-Jordan campaign was\nin the territory immediately north of the Arnon, where he conquered\nthe ancient city of Jazer and its villages.\n\n=Victories in Northeastern Gilead.= Learning that the Jews and\ndescendants of the ancient Israelites settled in northern Gilead were\nbeing besieged by Timotheus, that many others had been massacred, and\nthat those in Galilee were also the object of bitter persecution, he\ngathered eleven thousand of his followers. Simon, his brother, was\nsent with three thousand soldiers into Galilee, where he succeeded in\nrescuing the Israelites and in driving the heathen out of the uplands\ndown to Ptolemis. With the remaining eight thousand picked soldiers\nJudas and his brother Jonathan made a rapid and brilliant campaign\nthrough southern Gilead. A march of three days from the east-Jordan to\nthe northeast brought them to the borders of the desert, where they\nmet certain of the Nabateans, an Arabian people who at this time were\ncrystallizing into a strong nation, with their centre southeast of the\nDead Sea. Like Judas they were apparently hostile to the Syrians and\ntherefore they met him on friendly terms. Learning through them of\nconditions in Gilead, he turned suddenly northward and captured the\nimportant trading city of Bozrah, far out in the wilderness to the\nsouth of the Hauran. The spoils of this city provided his followers\nwith immediate supplies. Thence by a night march he reached the\nstronghold where the Israelites were being besieged by the Ammonites\nunder Timotheus. In the Greek version of I Maccabees, this stronghold\nis called Dathema, but in the Syriac version Rametha, which is clearly\nthe modern Remtheh, an important station on the great pilgrim road to\nthe north, about twenty-five miles east of Bozrah. As has already been\nnoted, it is one of the most probable sites of the ancient\nRamoth-Gilead. Timotheus and his followers, caught unprepared, were\ndefeated with great slaughter. From this point Judas made a d\u00e9tour to\nthe Gileadite city of Mizpah, mentioned in the Jephthah stories. Its\nexact site is doubtful. It may be identified with S\u00fbf, the height\nnorthwest of Jerash, where are to be found many great dolmens, or\npossibly it occupied the site of Jerash itself.\n\n=Cities Captured North of the Yarmuk.= From here Judas evidently\nmarched northward across the Yarmuk to the town of Casphor. In II\nMaccabees this name appears as Caspin, and in all probability is to be\nidentified with Castle Chisfin in the southeastern Jaulan, a little\nwest of the Nahr er-Rukkad. The next town captured by Judas was Maked,\nwhich may be represented by Tell Mikdad, about twenty miles northeast\nof Chisfin and a little west of the railway from Damascus to Haifa.\nBosor without much doubt occupied the site of the modern town of Busr\nel-Hariri, fifteen miles southeast of Tell Mikdad and on the southern\nside of the great lava-bed, El Lejah.\n\n=The Second Victory Over Timotheus.= Meantime Timotheus had gathered\nanother army and awaited Judas near the \"brook of water opposite the\ntown of Raphon.\" An echo of the name of this ancient town is possibly\nto be found in the modern El-Mezerib. The ancient village at this\npoint, which lay on an island in the midst of a large clear pool, from\nwhich flows one of the chief sources of the Yarmuk, well satisfies the\nsituation implied by the vivid description of the battle in I\nMaccabees. It was on the main highway along which Timotheus would\nnaturally advance from the territory of Ammon and was about ten miles\nnorth of Remtheh, the scene of the first battle. Timotheus's\nhesitation in crossing the brook was rightly interpreted by Judas as a\nsign of fear. Rushing into the water the Jews again won a complete\nvictory. Their foes, casting aside their weapons, fled for refuge to\nthe ancient sanctuary of Carnaim, which is without reasonable doubt to\nbe identified with the ancient shrine of Ashteroth-Karnaim, eight\nmiles to the north. Following the fugitives, Judas captured this city\nand burned the temple.\n\n=Judas's Return.= Then gathering the Jews in the land of Gilead, which\nin the first book of Maccabees included the east-Jordan territory,\nboth north and south of the Yarmuk, Judas set out for Jerusalem. His\nroad naturally led due southward past the scene of his last great\nbattle with Timotheus. Thence, turning to the southwest, his way was\nthrough a narrow pass where probably lay the town of Ephron. Inasmuch\nas this town opposed his passage, he captured and destroyed it. Thence\npassing through the ancient Arbela, he followed the main highway that\nled to the Jordan opposite Bethshean. From there he naturally followed\nthe road along the Jordan valley to Jericho and up to Jerusalem.\n\n=Significance of Judas's Victories.= Meantime, contrary to his orders,\ntwo of Judas's generals had attacked the Philistine town of Jamnia and\nmet with a disastrous repulse. Rallying his forces he advanced against\nthe Idumeans to the south and west of Judah. Hebron was taken and its\ncitadel destroyed. After capturing the surrounding towns he turned\nwestward to Marissa, the ancient Mareshah, which guarded the entrance\nto the Valley of Zephathah.^{(108)} From there he carried his campaign\nacross the Philistine plain to the ancient city of Ashdod, which he\ncaptured and looted. With a comparatively few half-trained soldiers\nJudas within one year fought more successful battles and captured more\nstrong cities than did David throughout all of his illustrious career.\nHis limited resources and the certainty of another and more\noverwhelming Syrian attack made it impossible, however, for Judas to\nhold the territory thus conquered, so that, while his victories\nrepresent brilliant achievements, the effect was ephemeral. The\nrefugees whom he brought back to Judah increased its comparatively\nsmall population and thus laid the foundations for that Maccabean\nkingdom which ultimately rose as the result of the dauntless and\npatriotic spirit that Judas infused into his followers.\n\n=Battle of Beth-zacharias.= Judas's desperate attempt to capture the\nhostile garrison in Jerusalem led the Syrians to send for help to\nAntiochus Eupator, who had succeeded to the throne of Syria on the\ndeath of his father. A vast army was gathered, consisting of a hundred\nthousand infantry and twenty thousand horsemen. Thirty-two elephants\nalso accompanied the army and played an important part in the final\nbattle. Again the approach to the Judean heights was made through the\nValley of Elah and up along the Wady es-Sur to Bethsura. Instead of\nmeeting the Syrians at this point Judas retired along the northern\nroad to Beth-zacharias, which lay on the right of the highway a few\nmiles southwest of Bethlehem. Here Judas gave battle to the huge\nSyrian army, which was drawn up on two wings, one on the heights and\nthe other on the low ground. The elephants, with towers of wood on\ntheir backs, were placed in the front of the line of battle. Each\nelephant was supported by a thousand men armed with coat of mail, and\nfive hundred horsemen. Judas and his followers made a courageous\nattack upon this huge and imposing host, but they were overwhelmed by\nsheer numbers. The elephants also were effective in turning the tide\nof battle. Eleazer, one of Judas's brothers, with the spirit that\ncharacterized the family, broke through one of the phalanxes and,\ncreeping under what he supposed to be the royal elephant, pierced it\nwith his spear from beneath and perished under the beast as it fell to\nthe earth. None others were found, however, in the Jewish ranks to\nfollow his courageous example. Judas retired to Jerusalem, where he\nwas besieged by Lysias, the leader of the Syrian forces. Fortunately\nfor the Jewish cause, conditions in the Syrian capital made it\nnecessary for Lysias to retire. He accordingly made a treaty with the\nJews in which their religious freedom was fully assured on condition\nthat they would recognize the authority of the Syrian kingdom.\n\n=Fortunes of Judas's Party.= After securing religious freedom a strong\nparty of the Jews, known as the Hasideans, the forerunners of the\nlater party of the Pharisees, were inclined to accept peace at any\ncost. The result was that from this time on Judas lost many of his\nfollowers. Even the apostate Alcimus, appointed high priest by the\nSyrian king, was at first accepted by the Hasideans. His deceptions\nand persecution of the faithful, however, soon drove many back into\nthe ranks of those who, like Judas, were struggling to gain not merely\nreligious freedom, but also complete political independence. In\nresponse to the demands of the Syrian party in Judea, a certain\nNicanor, formerly master of the elephants in the Syrian army, was sent\nto check the growing power of Judas and his followers. An engagement\nwas fought at Caphersalama, evidently somewhere near Jerusalem. Many\nof the Syrian soldiers were slain and the rest fled to the City of\nDavid, which had been, from the days of the great Hebrew king, the\ndesignation of the hill of Ophel, in the southeastern part of the\ncity. It is exceedingly probable, therefore, that Caphersalama is to\nbe identified with the modern Kefr Silwan,^{(98)} the little village\non the eastern side of the Kidron, just across the valley from the\nCity of David.\n\n=Victory Over Nicanor.= Alarmed by this victory, Nicanor sent for\nanother Syrian army, which he met at Beth-horon. Thence he took the\nmain road that leads over the pass toward Jerusalem. Judas, with his\nfollowers, had taken his position near the village of Adasa, at the\npoint where the Beth-horon road joins the central highway southward to\nJerusalem. Nicanor fell in the first charge, and his army was so\ndemoralized by the loss of its leader that they threw away their\nweapons and fled back along the highway toward Gazara, the ancient\nGezer. The Jews in the villages along the way attacked the fleeing\nSyrians with the result that none of them escaped. Profiting by this\nsignal victory, Judas sent an embassy to Rome. His aim was to secure\nin his unequal contest with the Syrian kingdom the aid of this power,\nwhich already was beginning to dominate the politics of the eastern\nMediterranean; but before he could receive a reply from Rome, the\nJewish champion fought his last fatal battle.\n\n=Death of Judas.= After the defeat and death of Nicanor, the Syrian\nking, Demetrius, sent another army into Judah. It entered the land by\nthe way that leads to Gilgal, which was probably either the Gilgal on\nthe Plain of Sharon, north of Antipatris, or else the better-known\nGilgal near the ancient Shiloh. In either case the army appears to\nhave reached the central plateau by the road which runs through the\nvalley somewhat north of the Valley of Ajalon and therefore through\nterritory under the control of Syria. Thence the Syrians approached\nJudea and Jerusalem directly from the north. Meantime, Judas was\nintrenched not far from his home at Modein. The decisive battle was\nfought at Elasa, or Eleasa, a half mile north of the steep descent\nfrom Upper to Lower Beth-horon.^{(84)} Terrified by the overwhelming\nnumbers of the Syrian army, Judas's small force of three thousand men\nwas soon reduced by desertion to only eight hundred. The courageous\nJewish leader made the grave mistake of venturing a battle under these\nconditions. Even as it was, he was apparently on the eve of victory\nwhen he fell slain within the sight of the field on which he had won\nhis first great battle. With his fall the battle was lost and the\nSyrians were left for a time in almost undisputed possession of Judea.\nWith great lamentation and mourning his followers buried him in the\ntomb of his fathers at Modein, chanting in modified form the words of\nDavid's lamentation over Saul:\n\n    How is the hero fallen,\n    The saviour of Israel.\n\n=Judas's Character and Work.= There are many analogies between the\ncharacter and work of Saul and of Judas. Both were devoted patriots\nand courageous warriors. Both laid the foundations for a kingdom, but\nfell on the battle-field before their task was completed. Both\ninspired their people with the ambition for independence and taught\nthem how to fight effectively in securing it. Of the two, Judas\nappears to have been the more balanced and unselfish character. In\nview of the obstacles with which he contended, he was unquestionably\nthe greatest general that Israel ever produced. The peculiar\ntopography of Judea enabled him to contend successfully with strong\narmies, but in a prolonged struggle with the Syrian kingdom the\nadvantages were all with the latter. The barren, limited territory of\nJudea was incapable of supporting a large people or of furnishing the\nresources for a protracted war. On the other hand, Antioch, which had\nas its base the great plain between the Lebanons, possessed almost\nunlimited resources and was the natural centre from which to rule both\nSyria and Palestine. Judas was able to win his victories not merely\nbecause of his dauntless courage and leadership, but because the\nSyrian kingdom was fatally weakened by the moral corruption and\nconstant dissensions of its rulers. These two elements, courageous and\nable leadership on the side of the Jews and corruption and\ninefficiency in the Syrian kingdom, enabled Judas's followers in time\nto overcome geographical conditions and to build up, as in the days of\nDavid, a large and independent kingdom.\n\n\n\n\nXXII\n\nTHE MACCABEAN AND HERODIAN AGE\n\n\n=Jonathan's Policy.= Jonathan, who succeeded his brother, Judas, in\nthe leadership of the Jewish rebellion, combined great skill and\nenergy with a certain craftiness, which enabled him to profit by every\nturn in the tortuous politics of Syria. It was an exceedingly corrupt\nage, and Jonathan adopted the standards and methods of his day. The\nsecure hiding-places in Palestine enabled him to elude the Syrians and\nto recover from the shock which his cause had received as a result of\nthe death of Judas. Jonathan and his followers took refuge first in\nthe wilderness of Judea^{(24)} and the dry, barren wadies that lead\ndown to the Dead Sea, and later in the jungle of the lower\nJordan.^{(36)} Into this thicket of reeds and bushes the Syrian\ngeneral pursued them. On this strange battle-field Jonathan and his\nfollowers were defeated, but by swimming across the Jordan succeeded\nin escaping pursuit. At another time he was shut up in the fortress of\nBeth-basi, which Josephus identifies with Beth-hoglah, in the midst of\nthe Jordan valley, a little southeast of Jericho. It is more probably\nto be identified with some one of the many natural strongholds along\nthe Wady el-Bassah, which leads through the eastern part of the\nwilderness of Tekoa down toward the Dead Sea.\n\n=Basis of Agreement With the Syrians.= Finding that pursuit was\nfutile, the Syrian general made a treaty with Jonathan, according to\nwhich he was allowed to establish his head-quarters at the ancient\nfortress of Michmash^{(85)} on the northern borders of Judah and to\nrule in peace as a local chieftain. He in turn was to refrain from\nattack upon the Syrians, who were intrenched in certain strategic\nstrongholds. Jericho guarded the eastern bounds of Judah. The border\nfortresses on the north included Beth-horon, the ancient sanctuary of\nBethel, Timnath, north of Beth-horon, Pharathon, which is without much\ndoubt to be identified with Farata, southwest of Shechem, and Tephon,\nwhich probably represents the ancient Tappuah, a little west of the\nmain highway that leads southward from Shechem. The western border\nfortresses were Gazara in the northwest and Bethsura, the ancient\nBethzur,^{(114)} in the southwest.\n\n=Concessions to Jonathan.= As a result of the rivalry between the\ndifferent claimants for the Syrian throne, Jonathan was suddenly\nraised from his position of comparative unimportance to the virtual\nrulership of all southern Palestine. A certain Alexander Balas, who\nclaimed to be the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, the arch persecutor of\nthe Jews, finally gave Jonathan the title of high priest and the\ncontrol not only of Judea, but of the Philistine coast. Jonathan, by\nthe sword, quickly made valid these concessions. Joppa, the natural\nseaport of Jerusalem, was first seized. Then Azotus, the ancient\nAshdod, was captured after a Syrian army had been defeated on the\nplain before its walls, and the famous temple of Dagon was burned.\n\n=Jonathan's Conquests.= When Jonathan's patron, Alexander Balas, was\noverthrown by a Ptolemy of Egypt, the Jewish leader readily\ntransferred his allegiance to the Syrian king, Demetrius II. Ignoring\nthe fact that he himself was struggling for freedom, Jonathan\ndisgraced the Jewish cause by sending troops to aid this tyrant in\ncarrying through a great massacre of his subjects in the streets of\nAntioch. Already personal ambitions were beginning to obscure the\nnobler patriotic ideals that had at first actuated the warlike sons of\nthe old priest, Mattathias. In a short time a son of Alexander Balas\nappeared on the political horizon and won the allegiance of Jonathan\nby granting him control of the entire coast land from the Ladder of\nTyre to the border of Egypt. The Jewish leader improved this\nopportunity to complete the conquest of the Philistine cities and to\ncapture the stronghold of Bethsura. An army of Demetrius II was also\ndefeated on the Plain of Hazor, west of Lake Huleh. A little later\nJonathan led an army into the country of Hamath, between the Lebanons,\nbut met with no serious opposition. Returning to Jerusalem, he tore\ndown a part of the eastern wall opposite the citadel and with the\nstones built a high rampart in order to cut off the heathen garrison\nfrom all contact with the rest of the city. Jonathan, however, soon\nfell a prey to craft and treachery, which he himself had repeatedly\nused. Lured into the city of Ptolemais by an ambitious general, who\nhad placed on the Syrian throne the young son of Alexander Balas,\nJonathan was captured and later put to death.\n\n=Simon's Achievements.= By this act Simon, the oldest and most\njudicious of the five famous brothers, was called to the leadership of\nthe Jewish people. Profiting by the weakness of Syria, he devoted\nhimself to expanding and strengthening his kingdom. The strong western\nborder fortress of Gazara^{(61)} was captured after a short but\nenergetic defence. The heathen population was expelled and Jewish\ncolonies were settled both here and at Joppa. Thus Simon established a\ndirect line of communication between Jerusalem and the Mediterranean\ntrade routes, and opened the way for that foreign commerce which soon\nbrought great wealth to the Jewish kingdom. At last, for the first\ntime in centuries, the citadel at Jerusalem was captured and held by\nthe Jews. The temple mount beside the citadel was made stronger than\nbefore and the Jews at last felt that sense of security which came\nfrom complete possession of their land and of its fortified outposts.\n\n=His Strong and Prosperous Rule.= Simon's reign was one of comparative\npeace and prosperity. A Syrian army invaded the Philistine Plain and\ntook their position at Kidron, which is probably to be identified with\nKatrah, three and one-half miles southwest of Ekron. Simon sent a\nstrong army against the invaders, under the leadership of his two\noldest sons, Judas and John. The battle was fought in the plain\nbetween Kidron and Modein. Boldly advancing to the attack the Jewish\narmy put the Syrians to flight, pursuing them to Kidron and the towers\nnear Azotus, which they quickly captured. In gratitude for his\npatriotic services and beneficient rule, the Jews confirmed Simon in\nthe title of high priest, general, and governor. His rule and that of\nhis son who succeeded him were the fruitage of the earlier struggles\nand the calm before the storm of foreign invasion that before long\nagain swept Palestine. Like his other brothers, Simon died a violent\ndeath. He was the victim of the treachery of one of his sons-in-law,\nwho slew him at the little stronghold of D\u00f4k, in the Jordan valley, on\nthe edge of the western hills about three miles north of Jericho.\n\n=Growth of the Two Rival Parties.= Simon was followed by his son, John\nHyrcanus, who drove his father's assassin from the land. With the\nmilitary skill of his illustrious father and uncles he combined a\nstrong personal ambition. This is shown not only by his conquests, but\nalso by his employment of foreign mercenaries. His long reign of\nthirty-one years witnessed the development of the two great parties in\nJudaism, the Pharisees and the Sadducees. They were the expression of\nthe conflicting ideas and ideals ever present in Jewish life, but now\nbrought into clear relief. The party of the Sadducees comprised the\nhigh priestly nobles, whose rank, wealth, and ambitions made them\nconservatives and led them to support the political ambitions of the\nMaccabean kings. The Pharisees, on the other hand, were the party of\nthe people. They were the strenuous champions of the law. While the\nquestion of freedom of worship was at issue, they had upheld Judas,\nbut they cared little for political glory and preferred to submit to\nforeign rulers rather than to fight for their independence. They also\nconsidered it a sacrilege that warriors like John Hyrcanus should\nperform the sacred high-priestly functions. Hence from the days of\nJohn Hyrcanus the history of the Judean kingdom was that of a house\ndivided against itself.\n\n=Wars and Conquests of John Hyrcanus.= During the early part of John's\nreign Judea was again invaded by the Syrians. Jerusalem was besieged\nand the Jews were again obliged to recognize the old suzerainty.\nFortunately for them the Syrian king was intent upon invading Parthia\nand, therefore, in order to secure the support of John Hyrcanus, left\nhim in possession of his kingdom. After the death of Antiochus Sidetes\nin this eastern campaign, John was free to complete the conquest of\nthe ancient foes of his race. His first campaign was east of the Dead\nSea and resulted in the capture of the old Moabite city of Medeba. He\nthen marched against Shechem and Mount Gerizim, the home of the\nSamaritans. Their temple was left in ruins and their territory was\njoined to the Jewish kingdom. The Idumean stronghold, Marissa,^{(108)}\non the borders of the Philistine Plain, and Dora, or Adora, a few\nmiles southwest of Hebron, were captured and the Idumeans were\ncompletely subdued. These close kinsmen and hereditary foes of the\nJews were compelled to submit to the right of circumcision and to\naccept the Hebrew laws. Thus at the point of the sword was brought\ninto the Jewish nation an element which was destined in the end to\nprove its undoing. Last of all, Hyrcanus conquered, by means of a\nprotracted siege, the then Greek city of Samaria. The Syrian army sent\nto its relief was vanquished and the city completely demolished.\n\n=Reign of Aristobulus I.= Notwithstanding its independence and\npolitical strength, the Jewish kingdom was at this time largely\nHellenized. Aristobulus I, the son of John Hyrcanus, was, as his name\nindicates, a man strongly influenced by the Greek culture and ideas\nthat were pressing into Palestine from every side. Following the\nexample of the Greek states, he assumed in 104 B.C. the title of king.\nHis brief reign was characterized by great brutality. His mother he\nallowed to starve to death in prison, and through his insane jealousy\nhe slew his favorite brother. By far the most significant event of his\nreign was the conquest of Galilee. Its Iturean or half-Arabian\npopulation was assimilated to Judaism and the foundations laid for\nthat freer, more virile life which was the background of early\nChristian history.\n\n=The Cruel Rule of Alexander Janneus.= Alexander Janneus, the brother\nwho succeeded Aristobulus, was known among the Jews as \"the Thracian,\"\nand he well deserved the title. His chief interests were war and\nrevelry. By his rash attacks upon the neighboring peoples he\nrepeatedly brought disaster upon his kingdom. He succeeded in\nalienating his subjects so completely that they called in the king of\nDamascus to free them from this inhuman monster. In the hour of their\nsuccess, however, they repented of their action, brought Janneus back\nfrom the mountains whither he had fled, and restored him to the\nthrone. Instead of showing gratitude he hung upon crosses eight\nhundred of the Pharisees who had opposed him, first slaying their\nwives and children before their eyes. Notwithstanding his rashness and\nhis unmeasured excesses, he succeeded by sheer persistency in\nextending the bounds of his kingdom, so that at his death his\nauthority was paramount along the Mediterranean coast from Mount\nCarmel to the borders of Egypt, in central Palestine from upper\nGalilee to the South Country, and in the east-Jordan land from east of\nthe Sea of Galilee to the Arnon. The outlying Greek cities which he\nconquered were many of them laid in ruins and the land given up to\nbands of robbers. At the moment when the Maccabean kingdom reached its\nwidest bounds its decay had already begun and distress was the lot of\nmost of its citizens.\n\n=The Rivalry of Parties Under Alexandra.= Alexander Janneus was\nsucceeded by his wife Alexandra. The only other woman who had sat on\nan Israelite throne was Athaliah of Judah, although reigning queens\nwere not uncommon in oriental history. She reversed the policy of her\nhusband and placed the Pharisees, the party of the people, in control.\nThey made the great mistake, however, of using their power to take\nbloody revenge upon their Sadducean rivals. The result was that the\nfatal breach between the two parties was broadened rather than healed.\nThe Sadducean and military party rallied about Aristobulus, while the\nPharisees upheld the cause of Alexandra's older son, Hyrcanus. Both of\nher sons were lacking in kingly qualities. Hyrcanus was inefficient\nand without ambition, more eager to enjoy a quiet life than to assume\nthe responsibilities of government; Aristobulus was imperious and\ngreedy of power.\n\n=The Influence of Antipater.= At the death of Alexandra, Hyrcanus was\nmade high priest while Aristobulus II assumed the kingship. The\ndivision was wise and equable, although in the circumstances a\npermanent truce between the rival parties was impossible. It was at\nthis crisis that Antipater, the father of Herod the Great, became a\npower in Jewish politics. Antipas, his father, an Idumean, had been\nmade governor of Idumea by Alexander Janneus. Antipater was suspicious\nof Aristobulus and eager to secure power at any cost. In the weak\nHyrcanus he recognized a tool adapted to his aim. Accordingly he\npersuaded the high priest to flee from Jerusalem, and enlisting the\nsupport of his friend, Aretas, the powerful Nabatean king whose\ncapital was at Petra, he advanced to Jerusalem with a large army, in\norder to wrest the kingdom from Aristobulus and to make Hyrcanus\nnominal king. In the first engagement Aretas defeated Aristobulus, who\nthen took refuge with his army in the temple.\n\n=Advance of Rome.= It was at this juncture that Rome advanced to the\nconquest of the lands along the eastern Mediterranean. Already this\ngrowing world-power had gained possession of Egypt and a foothold in\neastern Asia Minor. In 66 B.C. Pompey was sent to crush the allied\nrival powers of Pontus and Armenia. After accomplishing this mission\nhe advanced southward toward Damascus. Already his lieutenant had\nordered the Nabatean army to leave Judea. The contest between the two\nbrothers, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, gave Rome, which had already acted\nas a patron toward the Judean kingdom, the desired opportunity to step\nin and assume control of the much coveted territory. Again Palestine\nand Syria were the bone of contention between two great world-powers.\nThe political horizon, however, had broadened and now the rivals were\nRome in the distant west, and Parthia, the successor of the ancient\nPersian empire in the east.\n\n=The Appeal to Pompey.= The Jews had long been aware of the importance\nof Rome's influence in the territory lying along the eastern\nMediterranean. It was natural, therefore, that the claimants for the\nJewish throne should refer their case to Pompey. At Damascus\nrepresentatives of the two factions pleaded their case before him.\nMore indicative still of the spirit of the Jewish race was an embassy\nrepresenting the people and especially the Pharisaic party, demanding\nthat the claims of both the rivals be set aside, so that the Jews\nmight be allowed in quiet to worship their God in accordance with\ntheir sacred laws, under the protecting rule of a foreign power.\nPompey reserved his decision until he arrived at Jerusalem. His line\nof approach was apparently along the Jordan valley past Bethshean,\nthen known as Scythopolis, to Korea, which Josephus describes as the\n\"first entrance into Judea when one passes over the midland\ncountries.\" This is probably to be identified with the modern Karawa,\non the southwestern side of the beautiful plain through which the Wady\nel-Farah finds its way to the Jordan. Through this wady the highway\nruns westward to what was at that time the northern boundary of Judea.\nAristobulus, anticipating that Pompey's decision would be adverse to\nhim, had shut himself up in the fortress of Alexandrium, built by his\nfather, Alexander Janneus. Apparently this famous fortress stood on\nthe height of Karn Sartabeh, which rises over two thousand two hundred\nfeet above the Jordan valley, just south of Korea and opposite the\npoint where the Wady Farah enters the river. Its top is strewn to-day\nwith large, rough-dressed blocks of stone, which probably belonged to\nthe ancient castle.\n\n=Pompey's Capture of the Temple.= Aristobulus surrendered when ordered\nto do so by Pompey, but his followers refused to lay down arms when\nthe Romans approached Jerusalem. Instead, they intrenched themselves\non the temple hill. Pompey, aided by Hyrcanus and Antipater, attacked\nthis inner fortress from the north. The deep ravine which led up from\nthe Kidron and the deep cutting across the northern extension of the\ntemple hill made the approach, even at this, the most vulnerable\npoint, exceedingly difficult. By filling in the great rock-cut fosse\nPompey was able at last to bring up his battering rams and to surmount\nthe high walls and fortresses that were massed at this point.\n\n=Palestine Under the Rule of Rome.= In the settlement which followed\nthe capture of Jerusalem, Pompey condemned Aristobulus to follow the\nchariot as a captive in the great triumphal procession at Rome.\nHyrcanus was stripped of all political power, but was allowed to\nretain his position as high priest. Many of the Greek cities, both\nalong the coast of the Mediterranean and east of the Jordan, were\nrebuilt. All of them were separated from Judea and placed under the\nimmediate direction of the Roman governor of Syria. Galilee, Judea,\nand Idumea were annexed to the Roman empire, but governed together as\na sub-province. Under Gabinius, who carried out the policy of Pompey,\nthey were divided into five administrative districts, with centres at\nJerusalem in the south, Jericho, Amathus, and Gadara along the Jordan\nvalley, and Sepphoris in Galilee.\n\n=Rebellions Led by Aristobulus and His Sons.= The peace of Palestine\nwas repeatedly disturbed by the attempts of the survivors of the\nMaccabean house to recover their kingdom. The first rebellion, in 57\nB.C., was led by Alexander, son of the deposed king, Aristobulus II,\nabout whom the Sadducean nobility and the military class in Judea\nquickly rallied. He rebuilt the fortress of Alexandrium, but his\nfollowers were defeated by a Roman army before its walls and he was\ntaken prisoner. The next year Aristobulus, with his son Antigonus,\nescaped from Rome and rallied his followers again at Alexandrium. He\nsoon, however, abandoned this stronghold for the more inaccessible\nfortress of Mach\u00e6rus, built by his father, Janneus, on a hill in the\nmiddle of a deep ravine which led up on the eastern side of the Dead\nSea.^{(38)} Being far away from the majority of their followers and\nwithout proper equipment for a long siege, the rebels were soon\nobliged to capitulate. The third rebellion, again led by Alexander,\nwas quickly put down as the result of a decisive battle near Mount\nTabor. For years after, bands of robbers and rebels kept central\nGalilee in a constant state of unrest, until finally the Roman\ngeneral, Cassius, subdued the country and sold thirty thousand of them\ninto slavery.\n\n=Antipater's Services to Rome.= During the two decades that followed\nthe Roman conquest of Palestine, Judea was deeply affected by the\ngreat convulsions through which Rome passed in its transition from a\nrepublican to an imperial form of government. During this turbulent\nand dramatic era Antipater, the Idumean, remained the ruling power in\nJudea and profited by each change of ruler. His policy was to retain\nthe friendship of Rome at any cost and to ally himself with the man of\nthe hour. His chief aim was to further his own personal interests. He\nwas influenced by no patriotic zeal or racial prejudices. At the same\ntime he showed great skill in steering his course amidst the storms\nthat swept the Roman world during these tempestuous years. When Pompey\nwas defeated at the battle of Pharsalia in 49 B.C. Antipater actively\nallied himself with the cause of Julius C\u00e6sar. When an army of the\nvictor marched to the conquest of Egypt he sent Jewish auxiliaries and\nfought valiantly at their head, both in the siege of Pelusium and that\nof Memphis. He also at a critical moment influenced the Nabateans and\nthe Jews of Egypt to ally themselves with the cause of C\u00e6sar.\n\n=Rewards for His Services.= As a reward for his services Antipater was\nmade procurator of Judea. His elder son, Phasael was appointed\ngovernor of Jerusalem and his younger son, Herod, of Galilee. Hyrcanus\nwas given the title of ethnarch. Joppa, which opened the trade of the\nMediterranean to Judea, was added to the province. The rights of the\nJews in foreign countries were also guarded by C\u00e6sar, who always\nshowed himself a patron and friend of the race. His assassination in\n44 B.C., and the murder of Antipater by an ambitious Jewish noble one\nyear later, did not undermine the influence of the Idumean house.\nMark Antony, who was then Rome's representative in the east, at once\nappointed Herod and Phasael civil rulers of Judea to succeed their\nfather.\n\n=The Parthian Conquest.= In 40 B.C., however, the Parthians for a\nbrief time pushed the boundaries of their empire westward to the\nMediterranean and placed Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, on the\nthrone of his fathers. Phasael was treacherously put to death by the\nParthians. Hyrcanus's ears were cut off and he was carried captive to\nBabylon, and the Sadducean nobles who rallied about Antigonus either\nslew or drove from the land the followers of their former Idumean\nrulers.\n\n=Herod Made King of the Jews.= Herod, after many adventures, finally\nescaped to Rome, where he was given the then empty title of \"King of\nthe Jews\" at the recommendation of Mark Antony and Octavius. After two\nyears of active campaigning, Herod finally captured Jerusalem, and\nAntigonus, the last Maccabean king, was promptly put to death by the\nRomans. In 37 B.C. Herod began his reign as king of the Jews. His\ndominant policy, like that of his father, was loyalty at all times and\nat any cost to the ruling Roman faction. Notwithstanding faults, he\nproved a valuable servant of Rome. The kingdom over which he ruled was\nthe natural eastern boundary of the empire. It contained many elements\nhostile to each other. The Jews had proved by many rebellions how\nlittle their loyalty to Rome could be trusted; and yet it was\nessential for the integrity of the empire that the peace and strength\nof this outlying province should be maintained. This task Herod was\nable to accomplish. Hence, when Augustus, at the battle of Actium in\n31 B.C., became master of the Roman empire, he confirmed Herod in the\nauthority which he had hitherto held. Subsequently Augustus added new\nterritory to Herod's kingdom until, with the exception of certain\nGreek cities on the coast and others east of the Jordan, he ruled over\nall Palestine from the sea to the desert and from the foot of Mount\nHermon to the wilderness in the south.\n\n=His Policy.= Herod was a tyrant, merciless in putting to death all\nrivals. He loaded his people with heavy taxes, but he did give them\nmuch desired peace. Naturally in this Greek age the son of an Idumean\nfather and an Arabian mother was an ardent advocate of the prevailing\nHellenistic culture; yet, with occasional lapses, Herod proved also a\ndefender of the Jewish race and religion.\n\n=His Work as a City Builder.= As a builder Herod made a deep\nimpression upon the Palestine of his age. After the battle of Actium\nthe city of Samaria had been presented to him by Augustus. Herod\ntransformed it into a Gr\u00e6co-Roman city of the most magnificent type.\nIts name was changed to Sebaste, the Greek for Augusta, in honor of\nhis patron. On the top of the hill was built the huge Roman temple,\nthe ruins of which have recently been laid bare by American\nexcavators.^{(59)} The city was encircled by a colonnade, twenty yards\nwide and over a mile long, with pillars sixteen feet in height. A\nbeautiful natural theatre was built on the northern slope of the hill,\noverlooking the fertile plain. Splendid public buildings made it one\nof the glories of Herod's kingdom. He also transformed Straton's Tower\non the Mediterranean coast into a Gr\u00e6co-Roman metropolis and named it\nC\u00e6sarea,^{(115)} in honor of the emperor. On a comparatively level\nplain rose a temple, theatre, amphitheatre, and palaces of marble.\nSince it was intended to be the seaport of both Samaria and Judea, a\ngreat breakwater two hundred feet wide was constructed out of huge\nstones. The harbor opened to the north, thus protecting ships from the\nprevailing southwest winds. At strategic points throughout his kingdom\nhe fortified natural strongholds, such as the high conical hill east\nof Bethlehem known as the Herodium.^{(86)} In Athens and in other\ncities outside his kingdom Herod reared magnificent public buildings.\n\n=Herod's Temple.= In many ways the crowning achievement of Herod's\nzeal for building was the great temple which he reared in Jerusalem.\nThe temple area was first extended to the south so that it was double\nits former size.^{(99)} A viaduct and four gates connected it with\nthe central and western part of the city. Two large gateways also led\nup from the ancient City of David on the south. The entire temple area\nwas encircled with a double row of huge marble columns. On the south\nside of the court were four rows of lofty columns with Corinthian\ncapitals. The sanctuary itself, which stood on its original site in\nthe northern part of the temple area on a platform of native rock, was\nsurrounded by an inner group of elaborate buildings, approached by\nsplendid gateways on the north, east, and south. In front of the\ncomparatively small temple structure was reared a large porch, one\nhundred cubits high and one hundred cubits broad, which brought it\ninto harmony with Herod's huge constructions. The work on the temple\nwas begun about 20 B.C. Provisions were made so that it continued\nuninterruptedly after Herod's death. The temple was completed only a\nfew years before the final destruction of Jerusalem in 70 A.D.\n\n=The Tragedies of His Family Life.= The saddest chapter in Herod's\ntempestuous career is that of his family life. He was a man of strong\nand ungoverned passions, in whom intense love, jealousy, and\nvindictiveness played a prominent r\u00f4le. He was also the victim of the\nintrigues and rivalries characteristic of an oriental harem. The story\nof the murder of his wife, Mariamne, the Maccabean princess whom he\ntruly loved, and of his two favorite sons, Alexander and Aristobulus,\nas a result of the plots of his sister, Salome, and of his treacherous\nson, Antipater, is one of the familiar and most tragic chapters in\nhistory. Conscious at last that his wife and sons had been innocent of\nthe base charges which led him to murder them, betrayed by his nearest\nkinsmen, hated by most of his subjects, and regarded coldly by the\nroyal patron whom he had served so slavishly, Herod the Great was the\nmost pathetic figure in all his wide kingdom.\n\n=The Popular Hopes of the Jews.= The victories and glories of the\nMaccabean era, followed by the double tyranny of Rome and Herod, made\na profound impression upon the faith and hopes of the Jewish race.\nMany of them turned with loathing from the bloodshed and the selfish\nvictories of the later Maccabean rulers to the law and the worship at\nthe temple as their chief joy and consolation. In the minds of others\nthese triumphs recalled the glories of the days of David and kindled\nanew their ambition to see a world-wide kingdom with Jerusalem as its\ncentre and a descendant of David on the throne, who should reign, not\nas the corrupt, selfish Maccabean kings, but with justice and regard\nfor the welfare of all his subjects. Others, more spiritually minded,\nlike the author of chapters 37 to 70 of the book of Enoch, looked for\nThe Elect One, The Anointed, The Son of Man, who would come to put an\nend to the reign of the wicked, to purify the earth of all evil, to\ngather together the faithful, and to establish a universal rule of\nrighteousness. The more bitter the tyranny of Herod and the more\ngalling the yoke of Rome the more ardently they hoped for the speedy\nrealization of these expectations, which were the solace and\ninspiration of the great body of the Jewish nation. About 4 B.C.,\nwhile at Jericho the tyrant lay dying who for a third of a century had\nheld the Jewish race powerless in his strong grasp, a few miles away\nthere was born one who was destined to realize, in a manner more\nglorious than the most enlightened of Israel's prophets had\nproclaimed, Jehovah's gracious purpose for mankind.\n\n\n\n\nXXIII\n\nTHE BACKGROUND OF JESUS' CHILDHOOD AND YOUNG MANHOOD\n\n\n=The Short Reign of Archelaus.= At his death Herod the Great left his\nkingly title to his son, Archelaus. Archelaus, however, showed himself\nso tyrannical and tactless in dealing with the Jews that Augustus did\nnot confirm his title to the kingship, but instead made him ethnarch\nof Samaria, Judea, and Idumea. During his tumultuous reign of ten\nyears he developed the fertile plains about Jericho by means of\naqueducts, which brought water for irrigation from the western hills,\nand also built the city of Archelais on the western side of the Jordan\nvalley, not far from the Maccabean castle of Alexandrium. His rule in\nthe end proved so hateful to the Jews that they sent a deputation of\ntheir leading men to Rome to present charges against him. As a result,\nArchelaus was banished.\n\n=The Roman Province of Judea.= Inasmuch as Judea was one of the border\nprovinces and had repeatedly proved itself turbulent and rebellious,\nit was placed under the immediate direction of the emperor and was\nruled by a procurator of equestrian rank. The duties of the procurator\nwere primarily to maintain order, to direct the collection of taxes,\nand decide the more important legal questions. He alone could inflict\ncapital punishment, and to him or his representatives were naturally\nreferred all cases in which Roman citizens were involved. Otherwise,\nin Judea the administration of the civil as well as of the ceremonial\nlaws was in charge of the Jewish courts, at the head of which stood\nthe Sanhedrin at Jerusalem.\n\n[Illustration: PALESTINE\n\nIN THE\n\nTime of Jesus\n\n(4 B.C.-30 A.D.)\n\nL.L. POATES ENGR'G CO., N.Y.]\n\n=Territory and Character of Herod Antipas.= To his son, Herod Antipas,\nHerod the Great left Galilee and Perea. Galilee at this time extended\non the south to the River Kishon on the Plain of Esdraelon. Its\nwestern boundaries were the plains of Acre and Tyre. On the north it\nextended to the River Litany, while its eastern boundary was the\nJordan and the Sea of Galilee. Perea was the east-Jordan territory,\nextending from the territory about the Greek city of Pella in the\nnorth to the River Arnon in the south. On the east it was bounded by\nthe territory belonging to the Greek cities of Philadelphia and\nGerasa. This region had been formerly occupied by the heathen, but\nafter conquering it the later Maccabean rulers had settled it with\nJewish colonists, so that in the Mishna it is reckoned with Judea and\nGalilee as Jewish territory. Herod Antipas, to whom these fertile\nprovinces were assigned, inherited the lust, the unscrupulous methods,\nand the building ambitions of his father. In comparison with that of\nHerod the Great, his long reign was peaceful, and while he taxed his\nsubjects heavily he did not interfere with their personal freedom.\nSepphoris, which was situated on a fertile hill on the southern side\nof the rich plain of Buttauf, in central Galilee, was by Herod\nsurrounded with a wall and raised to the level of an imperial city.\nLater he built Tiberias on the western side of the Sea of Galilee,\ntransferring thither the seat of government. It was built after the\nusual plan followed in Greek cities and adorned with splendid public\nbuildings.\n\n=Philip's Territory.= The northeastern part of Herod the Great's\nterritory, from the foot of Mount Hermon to the upper waters of the\nYarmuk, and from the Jordan to the desert, was given to Philip, who\nruled under the title of tetrarch. He was by far the best of Herod's\nsons and he devoted himself to developing the resources of the barren\nterritory over which he ruled. The ancient Paneion, on the southern\nside of Mount Hermon, was rebuilt and transformed into a Gr\u00e6co-Roman\ncity and made the capital of Philip's possessions. In honor of\nAugustus he named it C\u00e6sarea, and to distinguish it from the city of\nthe same name, built by his father, it was known as C\u00e6sarea Philippi.\nHe also transformed the fishing town of Bethsaida, on the northern\nside of the Sea of Galilee, into a city, naming it Julias, in honor of\nthe emperor's daughter.\n\n=The Decapolis.= One result of the Roman conquest of Palestine was the\nrebuilding of the Greek cities along the Jordan valley and eastward.\nTheir common origin, civilization, and interests bound them closely\ntogether, and they were known as the Decapolis. From the days of\nPompey they enjoyed special privileges, but it is not clear that they\nwere brought into political union before the death of Herod in 4 B.C.\nAt this time these cities and the territory which they controlled were\nset aside from the kingdom of Herod and made responsible simply to the\nRoman governor of Syria. Scythopolis, commanding the great highway\nfrom western Palestine to Gilead and the desert, was the capital of\nthis confederacy, although it was the only city of the Decapolis west\nof the Jordan. According to Pliny, the other cities were Hippos,\nGadara, and Pella on the eastern side of the Jordan valley, Dium,\nGerasa,^{(45)} the modern Jerash, Raphana, south of the Yarmuk, and\nKanatha on the eastern side of the Hauran. Here the road from\nScythopolis joins the great highway from Arabia northward to Damascus,\nwhich was the northernmost city of the Decapolis. Later, other cities,\nsuch as Arbela, Kanata, and Kapitolias, just south of the Yarmuk, were\nadded to the Decapolis until, according to Ptolemy, there were\neighteen cities thus bound together. The influence of these\nflourishing, enterprising centres of Greek civilization upon the life\nand thought of Galilee, and even upon Judea, cannot be overestimated.\n\n=Place of Jesus' Birth.= Up to this period, most of the events of\nbiblical history took place in southern Palestine. Not more than a\ndozen cities north of the Plain of Esdraelon were mentioned in the\npreceding thousand years of Hebrew history. Now, however, the\nbackground of biblical history is transferred from south to north.\nJudah, with its narrow, rocky valleys and shut-in views, is left\nbehind, and Galilee, with its lofty hills, its broad open plains, and\nits far-extending vistas, becomes the scene of the most important\nchapter in human history. It is true that early Christian tradition\npoints to Bethlehem^{(86)} as the birthplace of Jesus. This tradition\nis confirmed by Justin Martyr, who describes the scene of the birth as\nin a cave near Bethlehem. Many such cave-stables are still in use\nthroughout the land of Palestine. For three centuries Bethlehem lay in\nruins, so that at last, when Constantine reared the basilica which\nstill marks the traditional site, it is doubtful whether there was any\nmeans of determining the actual birthplace. Beneath the church in the\neastern part of the present town there are caves, one of which may\nhave been the scene of the familiar story, but the misguided zeal of\nlater generations of Christians has surrounded it with marble and\ntinsel, destroying the original simple setting.\n\n=Situation of Nazareth.= For twenty-seven or eight years Nazareth was\nJesus' home. Here he received those varied influences which are\nreflected in his life and teaching. The town of Nazareth^{(116)} lies\nabout one thousand five hundred feet above the level of the sea and\nfully a thousand above the Plain of Esdraelon to the south. The town\nitself is one hundred and forty feet below and a mile and a half back\nof the southern front of the range of hills on which it rests. It\nstands in the midst of an upland hollow, facing eastward. In the\nspring the fields in front are green with grain, while olive trees are\nscattered along the hillside up which the town climbs. The encircling\nhills, however, are gray and rocky, with only meagre suggestions of\nverdure, and are at present entirely denuded of trees. Here the\nshepherd and the tiller of the soil lived and worked side by side.\n\n=Its Central Position.= Nazareth, in ancient times, was by no means a\nsmall, secluded town. It stood in the very heart of lower Galilee.\nNearby the great highways radiated in all directions. From Esdraelon\ncame one branch of the great central highway of Palestine. Across the\nsame plain came the main caravan route from the east-Jordan land, from\nthe Desert of Arabia, and beyond. Southward past Nazareth ran two\ngreat highways, which connected with the coast roads through Philistia\nto Egypt. Westward ran a road directly to the southern end of the\nPlain of Acre, following in part the line of the present carriage road\nfrom Nazareth to Haifa. To the northwest ran another well-travelled\nroad, connecting at Ptolemais with the coast road to Ph\u0153nicia and the\nnorth. To the northeast, by way of the Sea of Galilee and Capernaum, a\nbranch of the main central highway ran to Damascus. The quiet upland\ncity, Nazareth, was therefore peculiarly open to each of the many\nvaried influences that emanated from the cities and lands of the\neastern Mediterranean and from the great Gr\u00e6co-Roman world across the\nsea.\n\n=View from the Heights Above the City.= Probably the ancient city\nextended farther to the west, possibly climbing the heights that\novershadow the town and rise to the height of one thousand six hundred\nfeet above the level of the sea. Here was spread out before the eye of\nthe young boy of Nazareth one of the most beautiful and significant\nviews in all Palestine. To the west was the Bay of Haifa and the long\nline of Mount Carmel running out to the blue Mediterranean. On the\nsoutheastern end of this massive plateau was the Place of Burning,\nwhere Elijah appealed to the dull conscience of his nation. Below, on\nthe farther side of the Plain of Esdraelon, was the huge ruin of\nMegiddo, beside which had been fought so many decisive battles in\nCanaan's history. Directly south lay the hills of Samaria, with the\nlofty height of Mount Ebal in the distance. Standing out boldly to the\nsoutheast was the battle-field of Gilboa. Behind it was the deep gorge\nof the Jordan and beyond the lofty hills of Gilead. In the immediate\nforeground lay Little Hermon, with the town of Nain on its\nnorthwestern side,^{(9)} looking out upon the Plain of Esdraelon.\nEastward, in the immediate foreground from Nazareth, was the rounded,\ntree-clad top of Mount Tabor. Over the hills to the northeast ran the\nroad to Cana and Capernaum. On the north rose the lofty plateau of\nupper Galilee, and on its summit Safed, \"the city set on a hill that\ncould not be hid.\" Beyond rose the cold, snowy top of Mount Hermon. To\nthe northwest, only five miles away, was Sepphoris, Herod's earlier\ncapital, the chief stronghold of his kingdom.\n\n=The Spring at Nazareth.= Nazareth has but one spring, situated on the\nside hill, in the eastern part of the town, probably outside the\nancient city. It leaps from the native rock a little north of the\nChurch of the Ascension. Thence it is conducted to the famous Mary's\nWell,^{(117)} where the water spouts from the wall under a covered\nstone arch and thence is conducted into a great square stone trough.\nHere the women and children gather to draw water to-day as they\ngathered in the days of Jesus. About this ancient spring, as well as\nin his home, the keen, thoughtful boy of Nazareth was able to study\nhuman life, so that it was unnecessary that he be told what was in the\nheart of man. Nazareth was so small that the character and deeds of\neach of its inhabitants were like an open book, and yet it was large\nand central enough to feel the pulsations of all the great world\nmovements.\n\n=Roads to Jerusalem.= From Nazareth three or four pilgrim roads led to\nJerusalem. One, apparently little used, led westward along the eastern\nside of the Plain of Sharon, and thence over the famous passes of\nBeth-horon to Jerusalem. The direct but more arduous and dangerous\nroad led due south across the Plain of Esdraelon past Jezreel and\nGinea, the ancient En-Gannim, which stood at the point where the great\nplain penetrates the Samaritan hills. Thence the main road turned a\nlittle westward, running through Samaria and Shechem. A more direct\nbranch ran due south, past Sychar, joining the other branch just east\nof Mount Gerizim. It was while journeying northward along this road\nthat Jesus paused at Jacob's Well,^{(17, 18)} on the eastern side of\nthe fertile plain that opens to the northeast of Mount Gerizim, and\nconversed with the woman of Sychar, who perhaps had been working in\nthe fields near by. The third pilgrim road from Nazareth ran from\nJezreel eastward along the plain to the Jordan valley. From there it\nwas possible either to take the more direct route on the west side of\nthe valley or to cross the river at the famous fords opposite\nScythopolis and thence to follow the highway along the eastern side of\nthe Jordan. This eastern route was on the whole more attractive and\nlay in the territory of Antipas, beyond the reach of the hostile\nSamaritans. From Jericho a road led through the barren, waterless,\nrobber-infested wilderness of Judea, that suggested to the Great\nTeacher his parable of the Good Samaritan.\n\n=Jesus' Educational Opportunities.= Along the central or the\neast-Jordan route travelled the young boy of twelve to participate for\nthe first time in the worship of the temple and to ask of the great\nteachers of his race the eager questions which aroused their\nwonderment. Luke has told in clear and graphic words the history of\nthese earlier years: \"The child grew, and became strong, filled with\nwisdom; and the grace of God was upon him.\" The light that comes from\nthe study of Jesus' geographical environment richly supplements the\nmeagre biblical narrative. Every year his parents made the journey to\nJerusalem and Jesus doubtless went with them. The same highways\nfrequently brought to Nazareth itinerant scribes and teachers of the\nlaw. Ample opportunities were also offered to secure copies of the\nscriptures of his race and thus to acquire that intimate knowledge of\ntheir contents which Jesus showed throughout all his ministry. Above\nall, Nazareth was in close touch with the outside world and revealed\nto Jesus the crying needs of the \"lost sheep of the House of Israel,\"\nwhich ultimately drew him from the seclusion of his home to undertake\nhis great life work.\n\n=Scene of John the Baptist's Early Life.= John the Baptist is one of\nthe most meteoric characters in biblical history. Only one scene in\nhis life can be identified with certainty, and that is the grim castle\nbeside the Dead Sea, where he fell a victim to Herod's passion and\nfear. Apparently a large part of his early life was spent at or near\nJerusalem, where his father ministered as priest and where he was able\nto observe the crimes of the people, against which he later so\nvehemently and effectively protested. The wild, treeless wilderness\nthat runs up from the Dead Sea almost to the gates of Jerusalem\nfurnished a fitting setting for this stern prophet of righteousness,\nthis herald of a new order. Here, undisturbed by the distracting life\nof the city, he could effectively deliver his message to the\nthoughtful ones who sought him in his solitude.^{(24)} Here also dwelt\nthat peculiar Jewish sect, the Essenes, whose ascetic life and strict\nceremonial r\u00e9gime were an extreme protest against the corrupt\nHellenizing tendencies of the day.\n\n=Field of His Activity.= Like the early Hebrew prophets, whom John so\nclosely resembled, he also sought out the places where men could be\nfound in great numbers. The later Maccabean rulers and Herod\ntransformed the hitherto comparatively deserted valley of the lower\nJordan into fruitful fields, irrigated by the brooks from the\nhillside, studded with prosperous villages and guarded with mighty\nstrongholds. The Jordan valley, which touched all the Jewish parts of\nPalestine--Judea itself, Perea, Samaria, and Galilee--was the chief\nfield of John's work. Bethabara (House of the Ford) has been generally\nidentified with the famous ford called Abarah, opposite Scythopolis.\nThe best Greek manuscripts, however, read \"Bethany beyond the Jordan.\"\nIt is doubtful whether John's work extended so far north as the\nDecapolis. It is exceedingly probable that the variant readings are\ndue to a confusion of the original, which read Beth Nimrah, which is\nrepresented by Tell Nimrin beyond the Jordan northeast of Jericho, at\nthe point where the Wady Nimrin breaks through the Gileadite hills. It\nwas evidently an important town, commanding the road which leads\ninland from this point and was within the field of John's activity.\n\n=The Baptism of Jesus.= If so, the ford where Jesus met and was\nbaptized by John was probably a little northeast of Jericho, just\nbelow the point where the Wady Nimrin joins the Jordan, rather than\nfarther south at the traditional scene of the baptism.^{(118)} In any\ncase, it is easy to picture the coffee-colored stream pausing in its\ntempestuous course just before it enters the Dead Sea. A thicket of\nbushes and overhanging trees shut in the view on either side, making\na strange but fitting sanctuary for the meeting of the fearless\nprophet and the disciple from distant Nazareth, who had doubtless\ncome, attracted by the rumors regarding his work and words. Whether\nJohn knew it or not, that moment marked the culmination of his own\nlife task. To Jesus it meant the consecration of himself not only to\nthat for which John stood, but also to that vastly larger, broader\ntask that had been revealed to him in the quiet years at Nazareth. His\nact, simple yet profoundly significant, brought to Jesus a full divine\nassurance of God's approval. He was yet to find the place, men, and\nmeans with which to work, but henceforth he was completely committed\nto his task. The biblical narrative implies that after this wonderful\nmeeting with John there came to Jesus, as at frequent times in his\nministry, a great reaction. He was led to seek the solitude of the\nwilderness west of the Jordan, there to battle with the temptations\nthat assailed him, there to win the surpassing peace and poise that\ncharacterized his acts and words in all the great crises of his\nministry.\n\n=Mach\u00e6rus Where John Was Beheaded.= The Synoptic Gospels, as well as\nthe Fourth, imply that for a brief period Jesus took up the message\nand adopted the methods of John, preaching with great success among\nthe country villages of Judah. His work appears to have been brought\nto a sudden end by the arrest of John, whose fearless denunciation of\nHerod's crime in putting away his own wife, the daughter of Aretas,\nhad aroused the resentful hatred of Herod and of Herodias, the partner\nin his guilt. In keeping with the methods of the age, John was seized\nand imprisoned at Herod's most distant fortress, Mach\u00e6rus,^{(38)}\nwhich lay three thousand and seventy feet above the sea, on the top of\na long flat ridge running for more than a mile from east to west.\nAccording to Pliny, it was, next to Jerusalem, the strongest fortress\nin the land. It had been reared by Herod the Great in the place of the\nold Maccabean stronghold. In the centre of it was an impregnable\ncitadel. The encircling wall, one hundred yards in diameter, can\nstill be traced. The interior is singularly bare, but a very deep well\nand two dark dungeons remain. Apparently Herod the Great also built a\nstrong Roman city at the head of this valley. It rested like a\nswallow's nest on the lofty edge of the Moabite plateau. Acres of hewn\nstone with crumbling walls testify to its size and strength. In the\ncentre are the ruins of a huge palace or castle about two hundred feet\nlong and a hundred and fifty feet wide, with traces of rounded towers.\nSeveral passages lead to underground cisterns and dungeons, suggesting\nthat this may have been the castle of Herod Antipas, beneath which\nJohn the Baptist was confined. Either here or in the citadel farther\ndown the valley the intrepid prophet spent his last days. In this\nsinister spot, associated as it was with Alexander Janneus, Herod the\nGreat, and his son Antipas, John the Baptist was beheaded.\n\n=Effect of John's Imprisonment Upon Jesus.= The news of John's\nimprisonment evidently made a deep impression upon Jesus. It led him\nto change the scene and method of his work. He left Judea, with its\nharsh scenery and narrow life, and returned to the simpler and more\njoyous scenes in Galilee. He still continued in part to preach, but\nmore and more he devoted himself to the task of the teacher and sought\nto draw from the multitudes that gathered about him certain disciples\nwho would stand in closest personal touch with him and embody in their\nlives and teachings the message which he wished to impart to his race.\n\n=Jesus' Appearance.= The gospels record the inner spiritual growth of\nthe divine Son of God; but the environment amidst which he lived\nsuggests the nature of his physical development. Nazareth is still\nfamous for its attractive, wholesome type of men and women. Its\nwholesome surroundings, soil, and air all make for perfect health. The\nartists of the Middle Ages had no basis other than their morbid\nreligious fancies in painting their grotesque pictures of the Christ.\nConstant exposure to the hot oriental suns meant that his complexion\nwas deeply browned. The out-door life among the Galilean hills meant\nthat he was probably tall in stature; his labors and long journeys\nreveal great strength of muscle. He probably had the thin nostrils and\nlustrous eyes that still characterize the pure Semitic type. The\nimpression which he made at first glance upon all whom he met\nindicates that his was a perfect physical development. Had he\npermitted the enthusiastic multitudes that followed him to proclaim\nhim king he would indeed have graced a throne. Through his mien and\nbearing was revealed the serene heart, in perfect harmony with the\nDivine Father and throbbing in sympathy with the needs and aspirations\nof all mankind. Thus there is every reason to believe that Jesus was\nin body, as well as in mind and in soul, the supreme and culminating\nproduct of God's creative work.\n\n\n\n\nXXIV\n\nTHE SCENES OF JESUS' MINISTRY\n\n\n=Why Jesus Made Capernaum His Home.= At the beginning of his Galilean\nministry Jesus transferred his home, as well as the scene of his work,\nfrom Nazareth to Capernaum. The choice of this city reveals the\nbreadth of his purpose. Capernaum was the commercial metropolis of\nnorthern Palestine. Here converged the great highways from Egypt,\ncentral Palestine, Gilead, and Arabia on the south, which in turn led\nto Ph\u0153nicia, northern Syria, Damascus, and Babylonia. Although it was\na strongly Jewish town, its population was necessarily cosmopolitan.\nMany different occupations were here represented. The fish that were\ncaught, especially in the northern part of the lake, were famous\nthroughout Galilee. The basaltic, well-watered plains about the\nnorthern end of the Sea of Galilee bore rich crops of grain; while on\nthe rocky but fertile hills shepherds pastured their flocks. The\nposition of the town also made it an important commercial centre.\nRoman tax collectors and centurions made it their head-quarters. Thus\nCapernaum was an epitome of the varied life of Galilee. Teachings\nimplanted at this strategic point would also quickly spread in all\ndirections along the eastern Mediterranean seaboard.\n\n=Site of Capernaum: Arch\u00e6ological Evidence.= The exact situation of\nCapernaum has been the subject of long dispute. The two rival sites\nare (1) Tell Hum, at the northern end of the Sea of Galilee, and (2)\nKhan Minyeh, or the neighboring hill known as Tell Oreimeh on the\nnorthwestern side of the lake.^{(33)} Although extensive excavations\nhave not yet been conducted at these points, the arch\u00e6ological\nevidence thus far discovered points clearly to Tell Hum as the site\nof Capernaum. On the top of Tell Oreimeh, which rises about two\nhundred and forty feet above the level of the lake, are the ruins of\nan old Amorite town. At this point, however, as well as at Khan Minyeh\nand in the neighboring plain, not a single trace of Roman ruins can be\ndiscovered. At Khurbet Minyeh, farther north, near the shore of the\nlake, are the extensive ruins of a large Arab town which flourished\nduring the Middle Ages. In the absence of any trace of Roman ruins it\nis incredible that the great metropolis of Capernaum could ever have\noccupied this site.\n\n=Ruins at Tell Hum.= Tell Hum, on the contrary, is the centre of a\nvast area of ruins which come from the Roman and Arabic period, and\nclearly was once the site of a huge city.^{(119)} Great, black,\nbasaltic blocks are strewn in every direction, with occasional\nfragments of capitals and columns of white limestone. In the\nneighboring valley is an extensive Roman necropolis, which is itself\nclear evidence that near by was once a great and flourishing city. In\nthe centre of these ruins are the remains of the largest synagogue\nthus far discovered in Galilee. It was built of white limestone and\nlavishly decorated. Of the many artistic figures which were thus\nemployed the seven-branched candlestick, palms, and vines are\ndistinctively Jewish. The foundations and many of the fallen pillars\nof this noble structure still remain, and are jealously guarded by the\nFranciscan monks, who have surrounded the whole by a high, enclosing\nwall. The synagogue evidently faced the lake. In front was a raised\npavement, to which steps led up from the east and west. Like most of\nthe synagogues of Galilee, it was entered by three doors, of which the\ncentral was six feet in width and those on the sides four and a half\nfeet. The synagogue itself was seventy-eight feet long and fifty-nine\nfeet wide. The inner court was surrounded on three sides by rows of\ncolumns on which rested an upper gallery. The synagogue of which the\nruins survive probably dates from the second Christian century, but\nthere are distinct indications that it stood on the site of an older\nbuilding. This older synagogue was in all probability the one so\nfrequently mentioned in the Gospel narratives (cf. Mk. 1:21-27, Lk.\n7:1-10, 8:41, Mt. 12:10-13).\n\n=Testimony of the Gospels and Josephus.= The parallel passages in John\n6:17 and Matthew 14:34 clearly imply that Capernaum was on the\nnorthern border of the Plain of Gennesaret. By many scholars this has\nbeen recorded as decisive evidence that the city, which was the scene\nof the greater part of Jesus' ministry, was at Khan Minyeh or Tell\nOreimeh, which lie in the northern part of the Plain of Gennesaret. A\nreference in Josephus, however, leaves little doubt that during the\nfirst Christian century the term Gennesaret included the low-lying\nterritory to the northeast of Tell Oreimeh, which rises in the midst\nof the plain, and that its northeastern end was the famous spring Of\nTabighah^{(120)} which bursts from the hillside at the point where the\nnorthern hills descend close to the lake. After describing the\nmarvellous fertility of the Plain of Gennesaret Josephus says: \"For\nbesides the good temperature of the air, it is also watered from a\nmost fertile fountain. The people call it Capernaum. Some have thought\nit to be a vein of the Nile because it produces the coracin fish (the\ncatfish) as well as that lake which is near Alexandria.\" During the\nArab occupation this spring was enclosed in an octagonal basin which\nkeeps out the catfish that abound in all the inlets on the\nnorthwestern side of the lake and originally were doubtless found in\nthis copious fountain, as is stated by Josephus (_cf._ Masterman,\n_Studies in Galilee_, 80). His statement also implies that the Roman\ncity of Capernaum extended westward to the fountain Tabighah on the\nborder of the Plain of Gennesaret. In his _Life_ (\u00a7 72) Josephus also\ntells of his being wounded in a skirmish near Bethsaida Julias, east\nof the Jordan. From there he was \"carried into a village named\nCapharnome.\" This reference points clearly to Tell Hum, only four\nmiles from Bethsaida Julias, as the site of Capernaum, rather than to\nKhan Minyeh, two and a half miles further west on the same road.\n\n=Statements of Early Pilgrims.= The first Christian pilgrim to give an\naccount of Capernaum is Bishop Arculf who visited this region about\n670 A.D. Proceeding from Tiberias, he crossed the Plain of Gennesaret,\nand from a hill near the spring Tabighah he viewed Capernaum, which he\nthus describes: \"It had no wall, and being confined to a narrow space\nbetween the mountain and lake, it extended a long way upon the shore\nfrom west to east, having the mountain on the north and a lake on the\nsouth.\" The description, while general, accords perfectly with the\npeculiar topography of the northern end of the Sea of Galilee. Near\nthe spring Tabighah the hills come close to the shore, and then\neastward gradually recede, leaving a narrow but ever-widening strip of\nland which extends northeastward for two miles to Tell Hum. Inasmuch\nas the inhabitants of Capernaum drew their water supply from the lake\nand were chiefly engaged in commerce and fishing or else in\ncultivating the rich fields of black, basaltic earth which sloped\nnorthward from the town, it was natural that the town should extend\nfor at least two miles along the shore. Later Christian pilgrims echo\nthe same testimony regarding the site of Capernaum. The Dominican\nmonk, Burkhard, at the close of the thirteenth century, in describing\nthe fountain Tabighah says: \"Josephus calls this fountain Capernaum\nbecause the whole land from the fountain to the Jordan--a distance of\ntwo hours--belonged to Capernaum.\" Not until the seventeenth century\nwas it suggested that the ancient site was situated at Khan Minyeh\ninstead of on the northern side of the lake. This identification by a\ncertain Quaresmius was apparently due to the extensive ruins of the\nlarge Arab town that flourished there during the Middle Ages.\n\n=Site of Chorazin.= Two miles north of Tell Hum, beside a wild,\nvolcanic gorge, on a rocky bluff about eighty feet high, that projects\nfar out into the valley, are the remains of another Roman town which\nbears to-day the name Kerazeh. This is the Arabic equivalent of the\nbiblical Chorazin.^{(121)} This site agrees with Jerome's statement\nthat Chorazin was two miles from Capernaum. Although it was not\ndirectly on the Sea of Galilee, as his description implies, it\ncommanded from certain points a view of the lake which lay below. The\nruins of the ancient town are scattered over several acres, and\nindicate that Chorazin was probably once as large as Capernaum. Its\nchief public building was also a synagogue, seventy-four feet long and\nforty-nine feet wide, and entered by a triple gateway. Its Corinthian\ncolumns were elaborately decorated, in a style that suggests that it\ncomes from a period not earlier than the second Christian century.\nLike that at Capernaum, it probably stands on the site of the older\nsynagogue in which Jesus taught the Jewish inhabitants of this retired\nRoman city. The remains of olive presses indicate that the town was\nonce encircled by olive groves. Near by are also fields, the rich,\nbasaltic soil of which doubtless bore the superior quality of wheat\nfor which, according to the Babylonian Talmud (_Menahoth_ 85 A),\nChorazin was famous.\n\n=Bethsaida.= Bethsaida, which also witnessed many of Jesus' mighty\nworks, was, according to Pliny and Jerome, on the east of the Jordan.\nHere Jesus retired from the territory of Herod Antipas when the news\ncame of the death of John the Baptist. The town was situated\nimmediately east of the point where the Jordan enters the delta\nthrough which it discharges its waters into the Sea of Galilee.^{(122)}\nPhilip, the son of Herod the Great, rebuilt and transformed it into a\nGreek city, giving it the name Julias in honor of the daughter of his\npatron Augustus. It is represented to-day by the ruins known as\nEt-Tell. The site was well chosen. To the south is the rich, alluvial\nplain made by the delta of the Jordan. It rested on a rounded hill\nwhich rose fifty or sixty feet above the plain. Extensive Roman ruins\nreveal the importance of this southern metropolis of Philip's\nterritory.\n\n=Probable Scene of the Feeding of the Multitudes.= At this secluded\npoint, which commanded a marvellous view of the Sea of Galilee to the\nsouth, lived three of Jesus' disciples, Andrew, Peter, and Philip. The\nwaters of the lake immediately below the delta are still the best\nfishing grounds^{(123)} in all the Sea of Galilee. Eastward and\nnorthward of the Jordan delta is a wealth of grass which covers the\nrich plain and runs up the slopes of the eastern hills. This point,\nwhich was a lonely place beyond the limits of the city, fully accords\nwith the statement of the Fourth Gospel, \"Now there was much grass in\nthis place.\" Although early Christian tradition fixes the scene of the\nfeeding of the multitudes on the northern borders of the Plain of\nGennesaret, it is probable that here on the northeastern side of the\nsea Jesus, undisturbed, was able to teach the multitudes and to\nsatisfy their great spiritual as well as physical needs.\n\n=The Night Voyage of the Disciples=. The evidence that there was a\nBethsaida west of the Jordan breaks down on close examination. The\ncrucial passage, Mark 6:45, which states that after feeding the\nmultitude Jesus told his disciples to cross over in advance to\nBethsaida, would perhaps mean that they were simply to go in the\ndirection of Bethsaida. The continuation of the narrative in Mark, as\nwell as the parallel passage in Matthew 14:34, states that they\ncrossed over and landed on the Plain of Gennesaret, while John 6:17\nadds that their destination was Capernaum. The physical\ncharacteristics of the northern end of the Sea of Galilee throw much\nlight upon the night voyage of the disciples. The actual distance from\nthe lonely spot southeast of Bethsaida to Capernaum was only about six\nmiles. Their course was almost due westward toward the point where the\nPlain of Gennesaret and the wadies behind lead to the heights of upper\nGalilee. Through this open gateway sudden wind storms rushed down\nacross the lake with terrific violence. While we were riding by this\nspot one beautiful day in March a storm of this kind suddenly swept\ndown across the valley near Khan Minyeh, transforming the placid lake\ninto a mass of windswept waves and compelling some men in a sail-boat\nto lower their sails and drive before the storm. Even the members of\nour own party had difficulty for a time in keeping in the saddles, so\nfierce was the wind, although at the same time the southern part of\nthe lake was almost undisturbed. Against such a western gale the weary\ndisciples struggled all night until morning. At last, as the Fourth\nGospel states, Jesus, ever solicitous for the welfare of his friends,\ncame out to meet them as they were near to the land.\n\n=Places Where Jesus Taught His Disciples.= On the southern side of the\nPlain of Gennesaret, where one of the streams that waters the plain\nflows into the sea, was the little town of Magdala, under the shadow\nof the bluffs that come close to the shore on the south.^{(33)} It was\na walk of only four or five miles from Jesus' home at Capernaum. A\nlittle east of the road which ran from Capernaum to Nazareth were the\nrounded, treeless heights known as the Horns of Hattin, where,\naccording to tradition, Jesus sat down and taught his disciples the\ngreat truths contained in the Sermon on the Mount. To the north and\nwest of Capernaum are many quiet heights commanding exquisitely\nbeautiful views across the sea below. To these Jesus doubtless often\nretired, sometimes accompanied by his disciples. The earliest\nChristian tradition (that of Arculf, about 670 A.D.) fixed the scene\nof the giving of the Beatitudes and of the Sermon on the Mount on the\ntop of the hill at the end of the wady that leads up to the north of\nthe famous fountain of Tabighah.^{(129)} Eugesippus writing in the\ntwelfth century says that \"the descent of the mountain where our Lord\npreached to the multitude was two miles from Capernaum,\" thus\nconfirming the older identification with the central, commanding, and\nyet secluded site near the city that witnessed most of Jesus' teaching\nand work. It would appear that (as Dr. Masterman urges in his _Studies\nin Galilee_, 87) the difficulties which later prevented pilgrims from\nreaching the northern shores of the Sea of Galilee led them to\ntransfer the traditional site of the \"Mount of Beatitudes\" to the\nHorns of Hattin nearer Tiberias. Along the northern shore of the sea\nare also two or three picturesque bays with the land sloping gradually\nupward like an amphitheatre. Here it requires little imagination to\nsee Jesus sitting in the boat with his disciples, surrounded by\nattentive crowds. These quiet spots, apart from the city, were of\nprofound significance in Jesus' ministry, for his great work was that\nof a teacher, and they afforded the needed opportunity for quiet\nconversation, for question and answer, and for that intimate personal\ntouch which was the secret of the Master's power.\n\n=Northern End of the Sea of Galilee.= Jesus' active ministry was\nperformed almost entirely about the northern end of the Sea of Galilee\nand was limited to a radius of four or five miles with its centre at\nCapernaum. This fact shows convincingly that Jesus' method of work was\nintensive rather than extensive. To-day the sadness of the lament\nwhich he uttered over Capernaum, Chorazin, and Bethsaida still\novershadows this most beautiful but loneliest spot in all Palestine.\nSave a few monks who live at Tell Hum, each of these sites is almost\nabsolutely deserted. A hush seems to rest upon the whole land. The\ntraveller often goes for miles without meeting a human being. Only\noccasionally are sails seen upon the northern end of the lake. It is\nlike an ancient ruined temple, whose sacred memories and associations\nare undisturbed by the footfall or voice of man.\n\n=Contrast Between the Northern and Southern End.= On the other hand,\nthe southern end of the lake has already felt the touch of the modern\ncommercial world. Tiberias, on the southwestern side, has a population\nof over five thousand, of which two-thirds are Jews. At Semakh, on the\nsouthern point of the lake, the railroad from Haifa to Damascus has a\nstation and is rapidly bringing in not only the tourists, but the\nproducts and life of the outside world. In the time of Jesus also the\nGr\u00e6co-Roman world had largely taken possession of the southern end of\nthe Sea of Galilee. Tiberias, the city of Herod Antipas, was either\ncompleted or else in the process of building. The site of Tarichea,\nwhose name suggests its Greek characteristics, was at Kerak, on the\nsouthwestern end of the lake. Across, on the heights opposite\nTiberias, was the thoroughly Greek city of Hippos, already reckoned as\none of the Decapolis. To the southwest, on the bold bluff two thousand\nfeet above the Sea of Galilee, lay the splendid city of Gadara. Its\ngreat theatre and acropolis commanded a magnificent view of the sea.\nAlong the height to the west of the city ran the paved Roman highway\nwith its row of columns, flanked on either side by magnificent villas.\nStill farther west, looking down toward the sea, were the tombs of the\nrich citizens.\n\n=Jesus' Visit to the Gadarene Territory.= Only once is it recorded\nthat Jesus left the Jewish atmosphere that characterized the northern\nend of the sea to enter the Greek world so near at hand. The exact\nscene of his healing of the demoniac was apparently uncertain even in\nthe minds of the Gospel writers. It is sometimes described as the land\nof the Gadarenes and it is exceedingly probable that at this time the\nauthority of the powerful city of Gadara extended along the eastern\nborder of the lake which lay only six miles away. Josephus, in his\n_Life_ (9:10), refers to certain Gadarene villages close to the shore.\nOn the eastern side of the Sea of Galilee the hills recede at every\npoint from a quarter to a half mile from shore, except at one point\nacross the lake from Tiberias. There the hills approach within forty\nor fifty feet of the shore, and slope abruptly to the water, making it\neasy for a frightened herd of swine to plunge headlong over the steep\nplace referred to in the Gospel narrative. Gerasa, from which is\nderived the other designation of the region (Land of the Gerasenes),\nis without much doubt represented by the ruins of Kursi or Kersa, on\nthe left bank of the Wady Semakh, about a mile from the sea.^{(32)}\nThe ruins indicate that it was a small village, surrounded by a wall\nthree feet in thickness. The ruins also extend outside the walls\ntoward the lake. On the hillsides which rise immediately above the\ntown are ancient tombs. Here Jesus probably met the maniac whose\nbelief that he was possessed of a legion of demons reflected the\nstrong Roman environment in which he lived.\n\n=The Great Crisis in Jesus' Ministry.= The Gospel narratives are so\nfragmentary and the topographical evidence is so meagre that it is\nimpossible to trace with any degree of assurance Jesus' various\njourneys. Once, and possibly often, he visited his kinsmen at his\nnative town of Nazareth, following the well-beaten highway along the\nlake to Magdala and thence past the village of Hattin to Nazareth.\nFrom the cities on the northern end of the Sea of Galilee, which were\nthe scenes of his public ministry, the rumor of his work spread in all\ndirections and multitudes came streaming to him from Galilee, Judea,\nthe cities of the Decapolis and even distant Ph\u0153nicia. It soon became\nevident, however, that the majority came merely to be healed, or\nattracted by the hope that he was the Messiah of the popular\nexpectation. To such his strong ethical message was a disappointment.\nThey represented the stony or shallow ground of the familiar parable,\nand, therefore, in their lives the seed which he sowed bore no fruit.\nScribes sent by the Jewish hierarchy at Jerusalem also came to entrap\nhim with questions and to stir up distrust and opposition even in the\nranks of his disciples. Thus he suddenly found himself surrounded not\nby enthusiastic multitudes but by suspicious, relentless foes.\n\n=Journey to Ph\u0153nicia.= This great crisis marks an important\nturning-point in Jesus' ministry. Influenced by the evidences of the\nloss of public favor and of the open opposition of the Pharisees, he\nwithdrew from public activity in Galilee and devoted himself more and\nmore to the instruction and training of his disciples. Through them he\nrealized that he was to accomplish his divine mission. On one occasion\nhe departed with his disciples to the borders of Tyre and Sidon. It\nwas a circuitous journey through the lofty, picturesque valleys of\nupper Galilee, down toward the fertile, warm plains of Ph\u0153nicia. The\nbiblical narrative indicates that he did not enter the ancient city of\nTyre, but proceeded northward, probably along the great coast road\nthat ran through Sarepta and Sidon. At this time both of these cities\nwere important commercial centres. Sidon lay on a promontory jutting\nout into the Mediterranean, with shallow, sandy harbors both on the\nnorth and on the south. The fertile fields and groves that encircled\nthis northern metropolis, and its warm, sunny climate doubtless\nreminded Jesus and his disciples of their home at Capernaum. The\nGospel narrative also implies that Jesus returned to Bethsaida\nthrough the Greek towns east of the Jordan, thus completely avoiding\nthe territory of Antipas.\n\n=At C\u00e6sarea Philippi.= Soon after, or possibly in connection with the\nsame journey, Jesus visited Philip's capital at C\u00e6sarea.^{(30)} It lay\nat the head of the Jordan valley, on the highway from northern\nPalestine to Damascus. About were picturesque hills, covered with\npoplars, oaks, and evergreens, and fertile gardens watered by the many\nstreams that sprang from the base of Mount Hermon. The Roman town was\nsituated on a triangular terrace, with the present Wady Hashabeh on\nthe north and the Wady Zaareh on the south. On the east there was also\na protecting moat, while the inner city was surrounded by thick walls\nand guarded by towers. It was not within this heathen city, but on the\nquiet hilltops and the spurs of Mount Hermon that rise to the north of\nthe town, that Jesus found the refuge and quiet which he sought. Here,\naway from the Judean multitudes and the popular hopes of a temporal\nMessiah, Jesus told his disciples that he must accomplish his mission\nnot by the sword or with the outward signs of triumph, but through\nsuffering, ignominy, and death. Here, therefore, is to be sought the\nscene of that transfiguration which was so closely connected with his\nannouncement to his disciples of the supreme sacrifice which he was\nabout to make and which revealed to them his true character.\n\n=The Journey Southward from Galilee.= From Luke 13:31 it is clear that\nat this period Herod Antipas was endeavoring to put Jesus to death,\neven as he had John the Baptist. This fact doubtless explains why\nJesus avoided the territory of Antipas, preferring, as he himself\nimplies, to end his work in Jerusalem rather than in some gloomy\nfortress like that of Mach\u00e6rus (Luke 13:33, 34). Hence, as he returned\nsouthward from C\u00e6sarea Philippi, passing through Galilee, probably\nalong the western side of the lake or by boat to the southern end, he\nwas careful \"that no man should know it\" (Mark 9:30). The most direct\nroute from Capernaum to Jerusalem was down the western side of the\nJordan valley. Luke 17:11 states that on his way he passed along the\nborders of Samaria and Galilee. It was probably in one of the little\nvillages not far from Scythopolis that the ten lepers sought his help.\nFrom Luke 9:51-56 it appears that he first planned to pass thence\nthrough Samaria, probably by the road that ran through Teiasir and\nTubas and joined the main central highway near Sychar (_cf._ p. 80);\nbut the inhospitable reception accorded him by the Samaritans\nevidently led him to avoid this road and keep instead to the Jordan\nvalley. Mark 10:1 indicates that he followed the east-Jordan highway.\nThis road took him into the territory of Perea, which was under the\ncontrol of Herod Antipas, but at a distance from his capital. Here, in\nthe field of John the Baptist's activity and near the scene of Jesus'\nearly work, the people again rallied about him in great numbers.\n\n=At Jericho.= The multitudes still followed Jesus after he had crossed\nthe Jordan on his way to Jerusalem. The Gospel narratives have given\ntwo vivid pictures, one of the blind men who sat by the way as he\npassed along, and the other of Zaccheus, the prominent tax-collector.\nThe Herodian Jericho evidently lay on both sides of the Wady Kelt,\nwhose waters irrigated the city and its fertile gardens that extended\nfar across the level plain.^{(35)} The ancient ruins indicate that the\nlarger portion of the Roman city lay on the southern side of the Kelt;\nbut its suburbs extended northward to a point east of the older\nJericho, which lay near the western hills. The plains about the Roman\nJericho were probably cultivated for miles in each direction. Here the\ndate-palms grew in great profusion and their fruit was one of the\nchief exports of the place. Strabo states that balsam was produced\nhere in large quantities. In summer the climate was exceedingly hot\nand oppressive, but in winter it was balmy and equable. Josephus\ndescribes with unwonted enthusiasm its marvellous fertility and\nhealthful climate (_Jew. Wars_, IV, 8:2, 3). Through it ran the great\ncaravan road to Gilead and the desert. It was the eastern outpost of\nJudea. The collection of customs at this point was, therefore, of\ngreat importance. The city was as different from the other cities of\nJudah as was its physical environment. Plenty, luxury, and corruption\nwere its chief characteristics. It was the heir of the traditions of\nthe ancient Canaanite cities of the plain. Its immediate associations\nwere with Herod the Great, Cleopatra, and Archelaus, three of the most\nsinister characters of this corrupt age.\n\n=Situation of Bethany.= From Jericho the road led up through the\nbarren wilderness of Judea^{(25)} to Jerusalem. It was an almost\nsteady climb of three thousand feet. Probably Herod the Great had\nalready joined these two important cities of his empire by a Roman\nroad, following the general course along which runs the modern\ncarriage road. In striking contrast to the barrenness of the brown,\nrocky wilderness is the lofty plateau which stands at the top of the\nfinal ascent. On this southeastern spur of the Mount of Olives lay the\nlittle town of Bethany.^{(124)} It was surrounded by small,\nrock-strewn grain fields and stood in a bower of fig, almond, and\nolive trees. To the northwest rose the higher ridges of the Mount of\nOlives, shutting off the view of Jerusalem. Above was probably\nsituated the little village of Bethphage, less than a mile away and\nclosely associated with Bethany in the minds of the Gospel writers.\nThe view to the east was through the broad hollow down which went the\nroad to Jericho. To the southeast the eye looked beyond the barren\nhills of the Judean wilderness to the Dead Sea and the lofty line of\nthe plateau of Moab.^{(24)} It is significant that Jesus chose this\nvillage as his home while in Judea, for it was retired, yet near to\nJerusalem and one of the few places that commanded a wide outlook.\nThis fact suggests the impression which Jerusalem made upon the mind\nof the great Prophet of Nazareth. Shut in by its surrounding hills and\nby its narrow fanaticism and ceremonialism its atmosphere must have\nseemed to him stifling.\n\n=The Triumphal Entrance Into Jerusalem.= Near Bethany, his southern\nhome, where Jesus apparently spent many days, he secured the ass on\nwhich he made his memorable journey to Jerusalem. The occasion was the\nPassover Feast, and pilgrims from Perea, Galilee, and eastern Judea,\nthe fields in which his ministry had been performed, accompanied him\non the journey. As they saw him riding on an ass, the royal beast in\nthe days of David, the earlier hopes of the people were suddenly\nrevived. Quickly the news of his presence spread through the long line\nof pilgrims. Those ahead tore branches from the trees by the wayside\nor else spread their garments in the way along which he was to pass,\nwhile they all joined in a triumphant song suggested by Psalm 118:25,\n26:\n\n    Hosanna to the son of David!\n    Blessed is he who cometh in the name of the Lord!\n    Hosanna in the highest!\n\nSlowly the procession wound around the southern spur of the Mount of\nOlives, with the deep gorge of the Kidron on the south, until\nJerusalem suddenly burst into view. Thence descending into the valley,\nJesus entered the city and found his way to the temple just as the sun\nwas setting behind the western hills. He sought not a waiting throne,\nbut a place for quiet worship. Then in the hush of the evening,\nrefusing to give the slightest encouragement to the selfish, material\nhopes of the people, he returned to his humble home at Bethany.\n\n=Jesus' Activity in the Temple.= Jesus' activity during the last week\nof his ministry gathers about the temple.^{(125)} The remark of his\ndisciples regarding its huge foundation stones was used by him as a\nmeans of calling their attention to the temple not built with hands.\nIt was probably near the entrances in the southern part of the great\ncourt of the Gentiles, under the huge portico with its four rows of\nCorinthian columns, that the extortionate money-changers and those who\nsold doves plied their trade. To secure a place within the sacred\nprecincts, they must have bribed the temple officials. Jesus' act in\nexpelling them was, therefore, not merely a reassertion of the\nsanctity of the temple, but also a rebuke of the corrupt practices of\nthe Sadducean nobles. Solomon's Porch, where Jesus walked and taught,\nwas the long colonnade with its double row of pillars on the eastern\nside of the Court of the Gentiles. From this eastern side one\nmagnificent gate, with doors adorned with Corinthian brass, led\ndirectly into the Court of the Women. Within this small eastern court\nwere probably placed the thirteen offertory chests into which the\npeople cast their free-will offerings. Here only men and women of\nJewish faith and parentage were allowed to enter. It was probably\nwithin this court that Jesus stood with his disciples and watched the\npeople as they cast in their offerings, the rich of their plenty and\nthe poor widow her mite.\n\n=The Last Supper and Agony.= The place of the upper chamber, where\nJesus ate the last supper with his disciples, is not definitely known.\nTradition fixes it at a certain place on the western hill. Equally\nuncertain is the exact site of the Garden of Gethsemane. Its name\nindicates that it was probably an olive grove containing an oil press.\nIt was doubtless enclosed with a fence like similar gardens about\nJerusalem to-day. It was situated somewhere to the east of the Kidron,\non the side of the Mount of Olives. A tradition which is probably not\nolder than the sixteenth century identifies Gethsemane^{(126)} with a\ngarden low down in the Valley of the Kidron, opposite the temple. This\ngarden, with its eight old olive trees, aids the imagination in\npicturing the spot, probably farther away and more secluded, where\nJesus met and overcame his last great temptation, and gave himself\nwholly and voluntarily to the completion of the divine task entrusted\nto him.\n\n=Scenes of the Trials.= The Gospel narrative implies that Jesus was\nnot tried before a formal meeting of the Sanhedrin, which would have\nconvened in one of the chambers immediately adjoining the temple, but\nin the house of Caiaphas, the high priest. This midnight session was,\ntherefore, not a regular trial, but a preliminary examination by his\nSadducean enemies, with a view to formulating definite charges against\nhim. The house of the high priest was undoubtedly near the temple,\nprobably somewhere to the west. According to the Fourth Gospel, the\ntrial before Pilate, the Roman governor, was held in the Pr\u00e6torium.\nThe judgment seat of Pilate may have been connected with the palace\nreared by Herod on the western hill, which was then the home of the\nRoman rulers of Jerusalem, but more probably it was in the tower of\nAntonia, immediately to the north of the temple, opening into the\nCourt of the Gentiles where the mob which was in league with the high\npriestly party was assembled.\n\n=Traditional Place of the Crucifixion.= The exact scene of the\ncrucifixion is also uncertain. The biblical records indicate that it\nwas outside the city wall and yet in a conspicuous position near the\ncity and also near an important highway. In the vicinity was a tomb,\nand the name, Golgotha, suggests that it was either at a place of\nburial or else on a hill, the form of which suggested the shape of a\nskull. In Luke the place is called The Skull, supporting the\nconclusion that it was the peculiar form of the rock that gave the\nplace its name. Jerome speaks of it as the little mountain, or hill,\nof Golgotha. It was the practice both of the Jews and Romans to put to\ndeath public offenders outside the city. In the case of those, like\nJesus, charged with rebellion, a conspicuous public place was chosen\nin order to make the object-lesson more impressive. The traditional\nsite of the crucifixion is due west of the temple, across the upper\nend of the Tyrop\u0153on Valley. It is possible to infer from recent\nexcavations that it was just outside the northern wall of the Roman\ncity. Tombs discovered at this point show that it was also a place of\nburial. While this identification is not impossible, it cannot be\ntraced farther back than the fourth Christian century.\n\n=The More Probable Site.= A more probable site is somewhere near the\nrounded skull-like hill five hundred feet north of the Damascus gate,\nabove the so-called Grotto of Jeremiah.^{(127)} It is near the great\nnorthern road and, because of its height, can readily be seen from the\nnorthern side of the city. It is the continuation of the northern\nridge on which Jerusalem is built and its bold form and abrupt face\nare due to the rock cuttings at this point. Vast quantities of stone\nused in the repeated restorations of the walls have been taken from\nthese quarries. Probably Herod quarried at this point much of the\nstone used in extending the temple area southward. The bold, rocky\nbluff on the northern side of this quarry was well adapted to public\nexecutions. If this was the scene of the crucifixion the place where\nthe cross rested has probably been cut away by later excavations.\n\n=The Place of Burial.= In a little garden to the left is shown to-day\na well-preserved, rock-cut tomb.^{(128)} It is an excellent example of\nthe family tomb of the Roman period and may have been that of Joseph\nof Arimathea, although there is no conclusive evidence. It possesses\ngreat interest, however, because it is a type of the tomb in which the\nbody of the Master was laid.^{(129)} Most significant is the fact that\nnot one of the places which witnessed the closing scenes of his life\ncan be identified with absolute assurance. Occidental as well as\noriental Christianity has shown itself too eager to worship sacred\nsites and in so doing to forget the deeper meaning of the events which\nhave made the places memorable. Though most of the scenes will remain\nforever unknown, the work and teachings of the Master will abide and\noccupy an increasingly larger place in the life and thought of\nmankind.\n\n\n\n\nXXV\n\nTHE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY THROUGHOUT THE ROMAN EMPIRE\n\n\n=Original Centre at Jerusalem.= The spread of Christianity throughout\nthe civilized world bears conclusive testimony not only to the\nlife-giving truth of Jesus' message, but also to the supreme wisdom of\nhis method. His heroic death at first daunted, but the vision of his\nliving presence, which, according to the oldest records, came to his\ndisciples amidst the familiar scenes on the northern shores of the Sea\nof Galilee, quickly inspired them to take up the mission which he had\nleft them and to proclaim abroad the good tidings of God's love for\nmen. Strangely enough, Galilee, which had been the scene of the call,\nthe training, and the sending forth of Jesus' disciples, again sinks\ninto oblivion. Capernaum, Chorazin, and Bethsaida had failed to\nrespond to their great opportunity. In accordance with the implied, if\nnot the expressed, commands of Jesus, his disciples soon transferred\ntheir homes and work to Jerusalem, the religious home of the Jewish\nrace, to which they, as well as their Master, at first alone appealed.\nHere it was possible at the great annual festivals, when the pilgrims\nstreamed to the temple from all parts of the Roman empire, to touch\nthe entire Jewish world. Following the example of the Great Teacher,\nhis disciples took up the task of teaching and preaching within the\nprecincts of the temple and especially at Solomon's Porch on the\neastern side, where he had often walked and talked.\n\n=Spread of Christianity Outside Judea.= The stoning of Stephen, which\nwas outside the city and probably in the deserted quarries\nimmediately to the north of the temple, marked a new epoch in the life\nof the early Christian community, for it was the beginning of a bitter\npersecution at the hands of the Jewish authorities, which soon drove\nthe disciples in all directions from secluded Judah and transformed\nthem into a world-conquering missionary force. In this early\ndispersion the apostles naturally followed the great highways, which\nled northward, southward, and westward from Jerusalem. Philip the\nEvangelist preached with great success at Samaria. Here he was\nbuilding on an older Hebrew basis, for the Bible of the Samaritans\ncontained the first five books of the Old Testament with portions of\nthe book of Joshua. The mixed Samaritan population, however, ever open\nby virtue of their geographical position to the diverse influences\nthat surged up and down the eastern Mediterranean, never proved a\nstable element in the early Christian church.\n\n=Philip's Work in the South and West.= Leaving the Samaritans, Philip\nset out for the coast city of Gaza. He probably took the central\nhighway from Jerusalem southward by way of Hebron. A late tradition\nplaces the spring where he baptized the Ethiopian official on the\ntortuous road, practically impassable for chariots, which leads\nsouthwestward from Jerusalem, but the older and more probable\ntradition identifies it with that beside the main road southward, a\nlittle north of Bethzur. Thence Philip turned westward, preaching and\nteaching with success at the old Philistine town of Ashdod, which lay\nthree miles from the Mediterranean, on the border line between the\nfertile plain and the drifting sands, at the point where the main\ncoast highway divided into its eastern and western branches.\n\n=Extension and Expansion of Christianity During the First Decade.=\nPeter, likewise, turned westward, and at the flourishing city of\nLydda, which stood where the main highway from Jerusalem to Joppa\ncrossed the great northern coast road, found a well-established\nChristian community. Joppa^{(130)} stood on a bold hill looking out\nover the western sea. It was fitting that here Peter, the natural\nleader of the rapidly growing Christian church, should have a clear\nvision of the great and needy Gentile world that lay beyond the narrow\nbounds of Judea. Joppa was indeed the gateway between Jerusalem, which\nrepresented Judaism, and Rome, which stood as the embodiment of\nregnant heathenism. From Joppa, with its small, rocky harbor, the\napostle followed the messengers of Cornelius, the Roman centurion,\nalong the road which closely skirted the shore to C\u00e6sarea, the new\ndoor which Herod the Great had opened between Palestine and the\nGentile world along the shores of the Mediterranean. Here Peter was\nfar beyond Jewish atmosphere and civilization. The population, the\npublic buildings, and the language of this busy seaport were either\nGreek or Roman. Thus, before Herod Agrippa in 41 A.D. entered upon his\nbrief but brilliant reign of three years, Christianity had swept over\nthe borders of Judea into the great strategic cities of the western\ncoast plains and even to Damascus, far in the north. It was also\nbreaking the narrow Jewish bonds and following the great western\nhighways that were guiding it on to the conquest of the empire.\n\n=Situation and History of Tarsus.= The man who led this forward\nmovement and formulated the world-wide policy of the Christian church\nwas born in a city of southern Cilicia, which stood midway between the\neast and the west. There the influences of the ancient Orient and of\nthe more active Occident met and mingled. The city of Tarsus lay on a\nrich, moist, alluvial plain, ten miles north of the Mediterranean and\nonly eighty feet above the level of the ocean. Two miles farther north\nrose the foot-hills that led up to the lofty, massive peaks of the\nTaurus Mountains. These northern heights shut off the cooling winds,\nmaking the climate of Tarsus hot and enervating. In ancient times the\nsluggish river Cydnus flowed through the centre of the town on its way\nto the sea. The strength of Tarsus consisted in its position at the\nsouthern end of the great Cilician Plain. At this point the main\nhighway from Antioch to Ephesus and Smyrna touched the Cydnus and\nthence turned northward, crossing the Taurus range by the famous\nCilician Gates. Its commercial prestige, however, was not so much the\nresult of its natural position as of the energy of the early\npopulation. They had drained the marshes about the Cydnus and\ntransformed the lake immediately south of the town into a large inland\nharbor. They also cut the road beside the narrow stream that\npenetrated the Taurus range, making Tarsus the seaport of the wide\nplains to the north. Tarsus in the days of Paul was a magnificent city\nof fully half a million population. Its citizens were supremely proud\nof their city--a pride which the great apostle to the Gentiles clearly\nshared. The energy which characterized the inhabitants, as a result of\ntheir successful struggle with adverse natural conditions, was also\nreflected in the character and work of its most distinguished citizen.\n\n=Influence of His Early Home Upon Paul.= Probably from the days of\nAntiochus Epiphanes, Tarsus had been the home of a large and\ninfluential Jewish colony. They were doubtless permitted, as an\nindependent social and religious group, to share in the citizenship of\nthe proud Roman city. This Roman citizenship not only delivered Paul\nat many crises in his stormy career, but also brought him into\nintelligent and sympathetic touch with the great empire to which he\nbore the message of the cross. The atmosphere, therefore, of Paul's\nearly life was distinctly Roman and cosmopolitan. The influence of\nthis broad environment is traceable in all his work and teachings.\nFrom the port of Tarsus ships ran frequently to C\u00e6sarea and Joppa, the\nports of Jerusalem. Thus the journey was easy and natural for the\nyoung Jew of Tarsus as he went back to the sacred city of his race to\nstudy at the feet of Gamaliel, the greatest Jewish scholar of the age.\nHis life in Palestine brought him into closest touch with the growing\nChristian church. The energy which he had inherited from his native\ncity found expression at first in active persecution of the members of\nthe new sect. The open-mindedness which he had acquired from his\nyouthful environment, and which later led him to appreciate that which\nwas good in the heathen religions, prepared the way for the supreme\nexperience which came to him as he was crossing the desert on his way\nnorthward to Damascus.^{(42)}\n\n=Work at Antioch.= The history of the spread of Christianity for the\nnext decade is chiefly a record of the work of the great apostle to\nthe Gentiles. The graphic passages in the second half of the book of\nActs present a remarkably vivid picture of his journeys and\nexperiences. It was natural that Paul, a native of Asia Minor, should\nnot remain in the narrower atmosphere of Palestine, but should find\ninstead a congenial environment and field of work in Antioch, the\ngreat and opulent capital of Syria, the third metropolis of the Roman\nempire. Here he was able to observe the impression which Christianity\nmade upon the heathen, and especially upon the Jews of the dispersion.\nAntioch was also the natural geographical centre from which to set out\nupon his missionary journeys.\n\n=Importance of the Pioneer Work of Paul.= In all his missionary\nactivity, Paul evidently followed a definite plan. He selected as the\nscenes of his work the great cities, situated on the main highways of\ncommunication and commerce. This choice was in part due to the fact\nthat in the larger cities of this character were found Jewish\ncommunities, with synagogues which opened doors of opportunity to the\npupil of the famous Rabbi Gamaliel. During the two preceding centuries\nthe Jews of the dispersion had become an exceedingly active\nproselyting force. The influential and honorable position which they\nhad won in many of the Gr\u00e6co-Roman cities, as well as the character of\ntheir faith, commended them to the most worthy of their heathen\nneighbors. The result was that many of the Gentiles had accepted the\nessentials of the Jewish religion and worshipped with the Jews in\ntheir synagogues. This class is ordinarily described in the narrative\nof Acts by the designation \"devout Greeks.\" Thus Judaism had prepared\nthe way for the spread of Christianity. From the ranks of the devout\nGreeks was drawn a large proportion of the converts, who responded to\nthe early preaching of Paul and of the other Christian apostles.\n\n=Paul and Barnabas in Cyprus.= With these conditions in mind, Paul and\nBarnabas planned their first missionary journey. Cilicia belonged\nwithin Antioch's sphere of influence and was indeed a part of the\nprovince of Syria. Paul and Barnabas turned to the immediately\nadjacent island of Cyprus and the Roman province of Galatia, lying\nrespectively to the southwest and northwest. Cyprus possibly attracted\nthem because Barnabas was a native of that island. Throughout all its\nhistory it had stood in close commercial relations with Syria.\nSalamis, its chief eastern city, was first visited. It lay at the\nmouth of the River Pedi\u00e6us on the eastern edge of a fertile plain\nwhich extended far to the west. The Ptolemies, as early as 295 B.C.,\nhad transported many Jews to Cyprus, and Herod the Great doubtless\nsent many more to work the copper mines there which he controlled.\n\n=At Paphos.= From Salamis two Roman highways ran across the island to\nPaphos, the chief city on its western shores. The Roman city which\nPaul and Barnabas visited was the new Paphos. It was situated on the\nsea-coast, being in fact the seaport of the older inland city ten\nmiles to the southwest. The older city had been famous throughout the\nancient world as the seat of the corrupt worship of the Paphian\ngoddess, whom the Greeks identified with Aphrodite. At the new city\nPaul came into contact both with the Roman ruler and a representative\nof the local superstitions.\n\n=Journey to Antioch in Galatia.= From Paphos it was easy to secure a\npassage northward to the coast of Pamphylia, for along this course\npassed many of the merchant ships from Alexandria to Rome. The\napostles probably landed at Attalia and thence went to Perga, the\nchief city of central Pamphylia. It lay five miles from the river, on\na plain at the foot of a bold, extended acropolis. The climate of\nthese low-lying coast plains was sultry and malarial. The city was\ndominated by the worship of a local goddess and there is no evidence\nthat there was a Jewish synagogue at this point. Because of these\nunfavorable conditions, Paul and Barnabas simply passed through this\nsouthern city on their way to the great strategic centres farther\nnorth. The journey thither through the deep valleys and over the rough\nheights was exceedingly arduous. Here Paul doubtless experienced many\nof those perils of rivers and perils of robbers which he mentions in\nII Corinthians 11:26.\n\n=Conditions at Antioch.= It was at the Roman colony of\nAntioch,^{(131)} that the apostles found their first great field of\nactivity in Asia Minor. The town lay about three thousand six hundred\nfeet above the level of the sea, on an isolated plateau two miles in\ncircumference, which rose from one to two hundred feet above the\nwestern plain. On the east it was protected by a rocky gorge through\nwhich flowed the River Anthios. The city was, therefore, a natural\nfortress, able to resist the frequent attacks of the warlike Pisidian\nmountaineers. It had been made a Roman colony by Augustus a little\nbefore the beginning of the Christian era and hence was an outpost of\nRome itself and dominated the southern part of the great Roman\nprovince of Galatia. The worship of the local deity had recently been\nabolished, so that the city offered an unusual field for missionary\nwork. The Jewish colony was apparently large and influential, for many\nGentiles joined with the Jews in worship at their synagogue. From the\nfirst Paul and Barnabas appear to have made a profound impression upon\nthe people of this important city. It was their success that aroused\ncertain of the Jews and the Roman magistrates of the city so that the\napostles were forcibly expelled.\n\n=At Iconium.= From Antioch they turned eastward, following the Roman\nhighway that led to Lystra. Instead, however, of going at once to\nLystra, they turned to Iconium,^{(132)} eighty miles east of Antioch.\nThis town lay on a level plain three thousand three hundred and\nseventy feet above the sea. It was protected on the west by a lofty\nmountain range, from which emerged the river, which first irrigated\nand then lost itself in the wide, thirsty plain on which Iconium lay.\nUnlike Antioch, Iconium had no natural barriers. Great energy and\nskill were required to utilize successfully the waters of its main\nstream and to protect it from the annual floods. Here grew up a\nflourishing commercial city with an active, resourceful population. A\nJewish colony and a synagogue offered an excellent field for the\napostles' work. Here they remained for a long time, preaching,\nteaching, and laying the foundations for the strong Christian church\nwhich made Iconium long after an important religious centre. In time,\nhowever, the opposition of the Jews crystallized and the apostles were\ndriven forth by a mob.\n\n=At Lystra and Derbe.= From Iconium they turned southward to\nLystra,^{(133)} twenty miles distant. It was a quiet town, situated in\na pleasant valley in the midst of which rose a bold, elongated hill\nabout one hundred and fifty feet high, which was the acropolis. The\nvalley was watered by two streams which flowed from the western hills.\nWhile it was a Roman colony and connected with Galatian Antioch, it\nwas aside from the great highways of commerce. The apostles evidently\nturned to it as a refuge. Antioch and Iconium were strong Gr\u00e6co-Roman\ntowns, but at Lystra Paul and Barnabas came into contact with the\nnative Lycaonian population. The readiness with which the natives\nidentified the energetic spokesman, Paul, with Hermes, and the more\nreserved and dignified Barnabas with Zeus, reveals the na\u00efvet\u00e9 of the\nsmall provincial town. Again the attack of a mob, incited by Jews who\ncame from Antioch and Iconium, compelled the apostles to seek refuge\nin Derbe, on the southeastern end of the Lycaonian plain. The town was\nprobably situated on a low hill that stands in the midst of the great\nplain about forty-five miles south of Iconium.^{(134)} On the south\nthe lofty range of the Taurus shuts it off from the sea. Here the\napostles were among the native people, with little Roman, Greek, or\nJewish influence to interfere with their work, which appears to have\nbeen successful and undisturbed by persecution. From this point they\nretraced their steps through all the cities where they had recently\nlabored. Thence going southward they stopped for a short time at Perga\nand then sailed from Attalia back to Antioch.\n\n=Decision of the Great Council at Jerusalem.= The successful work of\nthe apostles, extending probably through two years, raised a great\ncontroversy in the church as to whether the Jewish institution of\ncircumcision was necessary for salvation. Paul and Barnabas journeyed\nsouthward through Ph\u0153nicia and Samaria, telling the Christians on the\nway of the results of their work among the heathen. Fortunately the\nchurch met this great crisis wisely and in the spirit of Jesus. The\nnarrow Jewish bonds were broken and Christianity went forth\ncomparatively untrammelled on its world conquest.\n\n=Work of Paul and Silas in Asia Minor.= Paul and Barnabas, accompanied\nby Judas and Silas, two representatives of the church at Jerusalem,\ndevoted themselves for a time to the work at Antioch, the Syrian\ncapital. They soon, however, felt the call to the larger field beyond.\nBarnabas, accompanied by Mark, returned to Cyprus, and Paul, taking\nSilas, set out on his second great missionary journey. His object was\ntwofold; first to visit and encourage the churches already\nestablished, and second, to carry the message of the Gospel to\nEphesus, the great commercial, political, and religious centre of\nwestern Asia Minor. They first visited the churches of Syria and of\nthe sub-province of Cilicia. Thence they followed the great military\nroad westward, stopping at Derbe, Lystra, Iconium, and probably\nAntioch.\n\n=Paul's Vision at Troas.= Being prevented from entering the northern\nprovince of Bithynia, Paul and Silas went on through Mysia to Troas,\non the extreme western boundary of Asia Minor. While at this seaport\ntown, which stood at the end of the great overland route from\nAsia,^{(135)} facing the \u00c6gean and the continent of Europe beyond, a\nvision came to Paul which marked a new stage in the expansion of\nChristianity. The experience was remarkably similar to that which came\nto Peter at the port of Joppa. In response to this vision, Paul left\nbehind his work in Asia Minor and took ship for Neapolis, the port of\nPhilippi in Macedonia. In so doing he was following the most direct\nhighways between Asia Minor and Rome (_cf._ p. 82).\n\n=Paul and Silas at Philippi.= The city of Philippi lay about nine\nmiles northwest of its seaport, Neapolis. It was on the southern side\nof a great plain that extended to the north and northwest. Its chief\nriver flowed along its eastern side into a huge marsh that flanked the\ncity on the south. Like many of the cities chosen by Paul as the\nscenes of his labors, it was a Roman colony. It was probably chosen\nbecause of its strategic value as one of the outposts of the great\nempire whose conquest for Christ was already the goal of Paul's\nendeavor. Also, as the event proved, Rome's protection was of great\nvalue to the apostle, who could claim citizenship in the imperial\ncity. Apparently there was only a small Jewish colony at this point\nand no synagogue, so that Paul established connection with his\ncountrymen at the open place of prayer beside the river and beyond the\ncity walls. The success of their work aroused the inevitable\nopposition and led to their imprisonment; but on this occasion they\nwere sent forth from the city at the request of the magistrates rather\nthan by force.\n\n=At Thessalonica.= From Philippi they proceeded westward along the\nwell-travelled Egnatian Way to Thessalonica, the capital and chief\ncommercial city of Macedonia. It lay at the northeastern end of the\nThermaic Gulf, the present Gulf of Salonica, in a great ampitheatre\nformed by the surrounding hills, which were crowned by a strong\ncitadel. Vast plains lay behind the city and it commanded the trade of\nthe northern \u00c6gean. Because of its loyalty to the cause of Octavius\nand Antony it had been made a free city, ruled by its own assembly and\nmagistrates, called Politarchs. Here, as at Philippi, Paul succeeded\nin laying the foundations of a strong Christian church, composed\nlargely of the Greek converts to Judaism. The hostile Jews soon\ncharged Paul and Silas with stirring up sedition and rebellion, a\ncharge to which the rulers of a free city like Thessalonica were\nespecially ready to listen. Much to his regret, Paul was therefore\nobliged suddenly to leave the city.\n\n=Paul at Ber\u0153a.= As in his flight from Iconium, he now found refuge at\na quiet, retired town. Ber\u0153a lay fifty miles southwest of\nThessalonica, in the midst of groves of trees and flowing streams. It\nwas flanked by a bold mountain range on the west and faced toward the\n\u00c6gean, with a broad expanse of plain lying in the foreground. Here\nPaul found a nobler type of Jews, probably untouched by the mercenary\nspirit of those who had been attracted to the great commercial centres\nlike Thessalonica and Philippi. His work among both the Jews and\nGreeks was very successful until emissaries came from Thessalonica.\nPaul's heart was evidently set upon returning to take up his work at\nthe Macedonian metropolis, but events had proved that this was\nimpossible.\n\n=At Athens.= Accompanied by the Christians of Ber\u0153a, Paul next went\nsouthward along the \u00c6gean to the home of that civilization which had\nsurrounded him in his boyhood days at Tarsus and profoundly influenced\nthe fields in which he had done his work. Landing at the port of\nPir\u00e6us, he proceeded along the new road to Athens, beside which stood\nthe altars to the unknown gods. On entering the city he naturally went\nto the Agora, on the south of which Mars Hill^{(136)} rose abruptly.\nEast of this was the Acropolis, crowned by that most peerless product\nof Greek art, the Parthenon. Athens was still at the height of its\nartistic splendor, but it had already ceased to be the political and\nintellectual capital of the Greek world. Superficial philosophy and\nsophistry had taken the place of real intellectual leadership. Athens,\nbeing aside from the world's commerce, had little attraction for the\nJewish colonists. The city, therefore, lacked the religious background\nwhich Paul had found helpful in all his previous work. The critical,\nspeculative atmosphere of the city was uncongenial. Paul was\naccustomed to addressing himself to the vital, crying needs of\nhumanity. He made a strong effort to adapt himself to the new\nconditions, not without some success, but there is no record of a\nchurch at Athens, and he soon left to find a more promising field.\n\n=Importance of Corinth.= Corinth, to which Paul next went, marks an\nimportant epoch in his ministry. The city was called by the ancients\nthe \"Bridge of the Sea.\"^{(137)} It lay on the narrow neck of land\nwhich connected the Corinthian with the Saronic Gulf. It was on one of\nthe three great highways from the east to the west, and here all\ncargoes had to be trans-shipped. It was also the bridge that connected\nthe Peloponnesus with northern Greece. By nature, therefore, it was\ndestined to become a great and influential city. It was built on a\nbroad terrace at the end of a gently sloping plain, with an almost\nimpregnable acropolis rising one thousand eight hundred feet above the\nsea-level. When Paul visited the city it was the metropolis and Roman\ncapital of the province of Achaia. From the days of Julius C\u00e6sar it\nhad been a Roman colony. Because of its commercial importance its\npopulation was cosmopolitan, including many Jews. Like most cities\nthus situated, it was exceedingly prosperous and profligate.\n\n=Paul's Work at Corinth.= To this needy and important field Paul\naddressed himself with superlative devotion. Anxious regarding the\nresults of his work in Thessalonica, harassed by poverty and weakened\nby sickness, he nevertheless devoted himself to teaching both Jews and\nGentiles, at the same time plying his trade as a tent-maker. Finding\nthe Jews hostile, he devoted his time almost entirely to the Gentiles,\nmaking his home with Titus Justus, whose name suggests Roman origin.\nUnable to visit the church at Thessalonica, Paul wrote to the\nChristian community there the two letters known as I and II\nThessalonians. At about the same time he appears to have written his\nfamous epistle to the Galatian churches. These letters mark the\nbeginning of that remarkable correspondence which is recorded in the\nepistles of the New Testament. During this period or at a later visit\nPaul wrote from Corinth the letter known as the Epistle to the Romans,\nwhich contains the fullest and noblest r\u00e9sum\u00e9 of his doctrines.\nCorinth was one of the few places which Paul was not compelled to\nleave under pressure of persecution. After a sojourn of about two\nyears he departed for Syria, stopping for a short time at Ephesus, and\nfinally landing at C\u00e6sarea.\n\n=His Third Journey.= After visiting the churches at Jerusalem and\nAntioch, Paul set out, probably early in the spring, on this third\ngreat missionary tour. As in his second journey, his aim was to visit\nthe churches which he had established and to proclaim the Gospel in\nthe city of Ephesus. He first revisited the region of Galatia and\nPhrygia, and thence, following westward the great caravan route, he\napparently went on directly to Ephesus by the higher and more northern\nroad. Ephesus, for the next year or two, became the head-quarters from\nwhich he made journeys to the churches in Macedonia and Achaia.\nApparently at certain points, as for example at Illyria on the\nAdriatic, he extended still farther the sphere of his influence.\n\n=Situation and Importance of Ephesus.= Ephesus was at this time the\nchief commercial city of eastern Asia Minor. Here converged the great\nhighways from the east and north. The town lay opposite the island of\nSamos, on the bank of the Cayster River. Like most Greek cities, it\nwas built on and about an imposing hill and was enclosed by a great\nwall. It was a characteristic Roman city, with a huge theatre,^{(138)}\na beautiful agora, a stadium seating over six thousand, a forum, and\nstreets lined with colonnades; but its dominant life and ideas were\nGreek. This western culture was deeply influenced by that of the\nOrient, for Ephesus, by virtue of its position, was pre-eminently the\nplace where the East and West met and blended. The population of the\ncity was as cosmopolitan as its civilization. Here also Roman, Greek,\nAlexandrian, and oriental thought met and mingled. Next to Delphi, its\ntemple was the most important religious force in the Greek world, but\nits influence, on the whole, was immoral and debasing. Here, in the\nface of active persecution, Paul and the Christian workers whom he\ngathered about him established what later proved to be the most\ninfluential church in Asia Minor. Paul did not leave the \u00c6gean until\nhe had established a Christian community at Troas, which he had\nvisited on his second journey, and at the important cities of Coloss\u00e6\nand Laodicea, east of Ephesus, on the great caravan road from Syria\nand the Tigris-Euphrates Valley. The latter churches appear to have\nbeen established by his co-workers, for in his letter to the\nColossians Paul implies that he had never personally visited their\ncity.\n\n=Return to Palestine.= Having planted the Christian faith in all the\ngreat strategic centres along the main thoroughfares which led to\nRome, Paul set out by boat from Miletus^{(139)} to return to\nJerusalem. Following the usual course along the southern shore of Asia\nMinor, he landed at Tyre. Thence he went by land to Jerusalem,\nstopping at Ptolemais and C\u00e6sarea. The bitter persecution which he\nexperienced at the Jewish capital and his long, wearisome confinement\nat C\u00e6sarea are familiar chapters in the life of the apostle.^{(115)}\nThey only intensified his oft-expressed desire to visit the capital of\nthe great empire, whose strength and weakness he fully appreciated.\nAgain his Roman citizenship enabled him to escape his persistent\npersecutors and to reach Rome, although as a prisoner.\n\n=Journey to Rome.= In this last long journey his courage and faith, as\nwell as his wide experience as a traveller, were dramatically\nillustrated. Sailing from C\u00e6sarea, he, with his Roman guard,\ntrans-shipped at Myra, a city of southern Lycia, on an Alexandrian\nmerchant ship. Thence the usual sea route was followed along the\nsouthern shore of Crete until the storm drove them south of their\ncourse, past Sicily, to the island of Melita, the modern Malta. There\nthe ship was wrecked and they were obliged to remain through the\nwinter. Then by another Alexandrian merchantman they sailed northward,\nlanding at Puteoli, and thence proceeded by land to Rome along the\nAppian Way.^{(140)} At last at this goal of all his missionary\njourneying, Paul was able to extend widely the bounds of the church,\nalready established in the capital, and through the medium of letters\nand messengers keep in close touch with the churches which he had\nfounded.\n\n=The World-wide Conquests of Christianity.= Whether or not Paul was\nable later to visit distant Spain, as certain early church traditions\nassert, cannot be definitely determined. At least it is certain that\nthe goal which he had set before himself had been, in one sense, fully\nattained. Within less than thirty years after the death of Jesus,\nactive, growing Christian communities were to be found in all of the\nimportant cities of the eastern and northern Mediterranean. Two or\nthree centuries later heathenism was vanquished and Christianity was\nmaster of the empire. This marvellous achievement would have been\nimpossible if Rome, in the course of its natural development, had not\nbroken down all national and racial barriers and bound together the\npeoples of that ancient world into one great empire. It had opened and\ndeveloped the natural highways, making communication comparatively\nquick and easy. The natural trend of civilization was also from the\neast to the west, and Christianity moved on the crest of a great wave\nwhich was sweeping over the western world. Thus the faith of the\nHebrew prophets and of Jesus, first proclaimed among the hilltops of\nJudea and Galilee, was able to enter upon that world-wide conquest\nwhich is the most significant fact in human history.\n\n\n\n\nAPPENDIX I\n\nSELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nTHE PHYSICAL CONTOUR AND CHARACTERISTICS OF PALESTINE\n\n\n  Baedeker, _Palestine and Syria_, 1911.\n\n  Buhl, _Geographie des alten Pal\u00e4stina_, 1896.\n\n  Conder, _Heth and Moab_, 1883.\n\n  ---- _Tent Work in Palestine_, 1895.\n\n  Dawson, _Egypt and Syria. Their Physical Features in Relation to\n  Bible History_, 1885.\n\n  Dunning, _To-day in Palestine_, 1907.\n\n  Forbush, _The Travel Lessons on the Old Testament_, 1900.\n\n  Fullylove, _The Holy Land Painted by John Fullylove._ Described\n  by John Kelman, 1902.\n\n  Gu\u00e9rin, _Description de la Palestine_, 1868-89.\n\n  Guthe, _Pal\u00e4stina_, 1908.\n\n  Hull, _The Survey of Western Palestine_, 1888.\n\n  Huntington, _Palestine and Its Transformation_, 1911.\n\n  Libbey and Hoskins, _The Jordan Valley and Petra_, I, II, 1905.\n\n  Lynch, _Narrative of U. S. Exploration in 1848._\n\n  MacMillan, _Guide to Palestine and Syria_, 1903.\n\n  Masterman, _Studies in Galilee_, 1909.\n\n  Meistermann, _New Guide to Palestine_, 1909.\n\n  Merrill, _East of the Jordan_, 1870.\n\n  Murray, _Handbook for Travellers in Syria and Palestine_, 1892.\n\n  Oliphant, _Land of Gilead_, 1880.\n\n  Petrie, _Tell el-Hesy_, 1891.\n\n  Palestine Exploration Fund, _Quarterly Statement_, 1869-1911.\n\n  ----, _Survey of Eastern Palestine_, 1889.\n\n  ----, _Survey of Western Palestine_, 1888.\n\n  Robinson, _Biblical Researches in Palestine, Mount Sinai and Arabia\n  Petr\u00e6a_, I, III, 1841.\n\n  ----, _Later Biblical Researches in Palestine_, 1856.\n\n  Schumacher, _Northern Ajlun_, 1890.\n\n  ----, _Pella_, 1889.\n\n  ----, _The Jaulan. Survey of the German Society for the Exploration\n  of the Holy Land_, 1888.\n\n  Stanley, _Sinai and Palestine_, 1883.\n\n  Stewart, _The Land of Israel_, 1907.\n\n  Tristram, _Bible Places, or the Topography of the Holy Land_, 1897.\n\n  ----, _Landscapes of the Bible_, 1901.\n\n  ----, _The Land of Israel_, 1876.\n\n  ----, _The Land of Moab_, 1874.\n\n  Warren, _Underground Jerusalem_, 1876.\n\n  ----, _Plans, Elevations, etc., Showing Results of P. E. F. Excavations\n  at Jerusalem_, 1884.\n\n  Wilson, _Picturesque Palestine_, I-IV, 1881-84.\n\n  ----, _The Recovery of Jerusalem_, 1871.\n\n\nHISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF PALESTINE\n\n  Besant and Palmer, _Jerusalem, the City of Herod and Saladin_, 1888.\n\n  Calkin, _Historical Geography of Bible Lands_, 1904.\n\n  Conder, _A Primer of Bible Geography: Founded on the Latest\n        Explorations_, 1884.\n\n  Geikie, _The Holy Land and the Bible_, 1897.\n\n  Le Strange, _Palestine under the Moslems_, 1890.\n\n  Macphail, _Historical Geography of the Holy Land_, 1900.\n\n  Miller, _Least of All Lands_, 1901.\n\n  Neubauer, _La G\u00e9ographie du Talmud_, 1868.\n\n  Sanday, _Sacred Sites of the Gospels_, 1903.\n\n  Smith, _Historical Geography of the Holy Land_, 1894.\n\n  ----, Article _Jerusalem_ in Hastings' _Dictionary of the Bible_.\n\n  ----, Jerusalem, I, II, 1909.\n\n  Stapfer, _Palestine in the Time of Christ_, 1886.\n\n\nHISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE APOSTOLIC AGE\n\n  Hausrath, _Time of the Apostles_, 1895.\n\n  Ramsay, _The Cities of Saint Paul: Their Influence on His Life and\n        Thought_, 1907.\n\n  ----, _The Cities of Eastern Asia Minor_, 1907.\n\n  ----, _The Galatia of Saint Paul and the Galatic Territory of Acts_,\n        1896.\n\n  ----, _Saint Paul the Traveller_, 1896.\n\n  Wright, _Cities of Paul, Beacons of the Past Rekindled for the\n        Present_, 1906.\n\n\nBOOKS OF TRAVEL\n\n  Archbold, _Under the Syrian Sun, The Lebanon, Baalbek, Galilee, and\n        Judea_, 1906.\n\n  Buckhardt, _Travels in Syria and the Holy Land_, 1822.\n\n  Curtis, _To-day in Syria and Palestine_, 1903.\n\n  Doolittle, _Forbidden Paths in the Land of Og_, 1900.\n\n  Goodrich, _In a Syrian Saddle_, 1905.\n\n  Lees, _Life and Adventures Beyond the Jordan_, 1906.\n\n  Neil, _Rambles in the Bible Lands_, 1905.\n\n  Oliphant, _Notes of a Pilgrimage to Jerusalem and the Holy Land_,\n        1891.\n\n  Rix, _Tent and Testament_, 1907.\n\n  Scott, _Christ's Own Country: a Pilgrimage through Palestine._\n\n  Smith, _Patrollers of Palestine_, 1906.\n\n  Sweetapple, _The Earthly Footsteps of Jesus_, 1909.\n\n  Thomson, _The Land and the Book_, I-III, 1881-86.\n\n  Van Dyke, _Out-of-Doors in the Holy Land_, 1908.\n\n  Wright, _Early Travels in Palestine_, 1848.\n\n\nMAPS\n\n  Armstrong, _A Map of Palestine from the Surveys Conducted for the\n  Committee of the Palestine Exploration Fund; Reduced from the\n  One-Inch Map, six sheets_, 1881.\n\n  _Photo-relief Map, from a Specially Prepared Copy of the Raised\n  Map of Palestine_, 1902.\n\n  Beazley, _Medaba Map_, 1905.\n\n  _Bible Atlas, Issued by the Society for Promoting Christian\n  Knowledge_, 1903.\n\n  Conder, _Map of Western Palestine from Surveys Conducted for the\n  Committee of the Palestine Exploration Fund_, 1890.\n\n  Gage, _Relief Map of Palestine_, 1903.\n\n  Kent and Madsen, _Topographical and Historical Maps and Chronological\n  Chart for Biblical Students_, 1905.\n\n  ----, _Historical Maps for Bible Classes_, 1911.\n\n  Johnston, _Map of Palestine_, 1884.\n\n  Palestine Exploration Fund, _Map of Western Palestine in 26 Sheets\n  from Surveys, Conducted for the Committee of the Palestine Exploration\n  Fund_, 1880.\n\n  Philip, _Scripture Atlas_, 1906.\n\n  ----, _Imperial Atlas of the World_, Vol. II.\n\n  Sanders, _Special Edition of the P. E. F. Maps._ Part 1, _Illustrating\n  the Divisions of the Natural Drainage and the Mountain Ranges_\n  (6 Sheets).\n\n  ----, Part 2, _Illustrating the Old Testament, the Apocrypha and\n  Josephus_ (6 Sheets).\n\n  ----, Part 3, _Illustrating the New Testament, also the Talmud and\n  Josephus_, 1882.\n\n  Smith, G. A., _A New Topographical, Physical, and Biblical Map of\n  Palestine. Prepared under the Direction of J. G. Bartholomew_,\n  1901.\n\n  _Standard Biblical Atlas_, 1908.\n\n  Stanforth, _Atlas of Universal Geography_, 1895.\n\n\n\n\nII\n\nSTEREOGRAPHS AND STEREOPTICON SLIDES ILLUSTRATING \"BIBLICAL HISTORY\nAND GEOGRAPHY\"\n\n\nThe following stereographs (or stereopticon slides) have been prepared\nto illustrate the physical characteristics of the biblical world and\nthe most important events of biblical history. Inquiries in regard to\nprices, methods of ordering, and other details should be sent directly\nto Underwood and Underwood, 3 West 19th Street, New York City or to\nUnderwood and Underwood, 104 High Holborn, London, W. C., England.\nThrough them a supplemental booklet (with three locating maps) may\nalso be secured, that gives detailed descriptions of each of the\nviews. Sixty of the most important, that may be used repeatedly to\nillustrate different subjects and events, have been starred.\n\n\nPHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY\n\n  * 1. =Relief Map of Palestine= (_cf._ p. 15 in text)\n    2. =Ruins of Ancient Tyre= (p. 22)\n    3. =Haifa and the Plain of Acre from Mount Carmel= (p. 24)\n    4. =Eastward across the Plain of Sharon= (p. 24)\n  * 5. =General View of Gaza from the Southeast= (p. 26)\n    6. =Shephelah and the Philistine Plain from Tell Sandahannah= (p. 26)\n    7. =Highlands of Upper Galilee about Safed= (p. 29)\n    8. =Lower Galilee Northeast from Mount Tabor= (p. 30)\n  * 9. =South from Mount Tabor toward Gilboa= (pp. 30, 152)\n  *10. =North from Gilboa over the Plain of Jezreel= (pp. 31, 152)\n  *11. =Plain of Esdraelon and Mount Carmel West from Gilboa= (pp. 32, 173)\n   12. =Northwest from Bethshean up the Valley of Jezreel= (p. 33)\n   13. =South from Gilboa over the Hills of Northern Samaria= (p. 35)\n   14. =The Rocky Gorge of the Wady Farah= (p. 35)\n   15. =The Plain of Dothan West from Tell Dothan= (p. 35)\n   16. =The Barley Vale Leading to Shechem= (p. 35)\n  *17. =Mount Gerizim and the Hills of Southern Samaria= (pp. 36, 241)\n   18. =Northeast from Mount Gerizim= (pp. 36, 241)\n   19. =Hill Country of Ephraim= (p. 37)\n  *20. =Mizpah from the Southwest= (pp. 38, 192, 213)\n   21. =Southeast from Mizpah toward Jerusalem= (p. 38)\n   22. =Barley Harvest near Bethlehem= (p. 38)\n  *23. =Hills and Fields of Judea North from Bethlehem= (p. 38)\n   24. =From the Mount of Olives toward the Wilderness of Judea= (pp. 39,\n         243, 259)\n   25. =Wilderness of Judea and the Wady Kelt= (pp. 39, 127, 258)\n  *26. =Arabs in the Wilderness of Tekoa= (pp. 40, 150)\n   27. =Mount Hennon from the West= (p. 46)\n   28. =The Snow-clad Summit of Mount Hermon= (p. 46)\n   29. =Sources of the Jordan at Banias= (p. 47)\n  *30. =Down the Upper Jordan Valley from C\u00e6sarea Philippi= (pp. 47, 257)\n   31. =Plain of the Jordan North from Lake Huleh= (p. 48)\n  *32. =West over the Sea of Galilee= (pp. 48, 255)\n  *33. =Plain of Gennesaret from Magdala= (pp. 49, 247, 253)\n   34. =Southern End of the Sea of Galilee= (p. 49).\n  *35. =Plain of Jericho from the Northwest= (pp. 50, 258)\n   36. =The Lower Bed of the Jordan= (p. 50)\n   37. =The Dead Sea from the North= (p. 51)\n  *38. =The Dead Sea from Mach\u00e6rus= (pp. 52, 230, 244)\n   39. =Wilderness from the South of the Dead Sea= (p. 53)\n   40. =In the Heart of the Arabah= (p. 53)\n   41. =South from Engedi= (p. 53)\n  *42. =Damascus and Its Gardens= (pp. 55, 169, 268)\n   43. =The Life-giving Abana River= (p. 55)\n  *44. =The Ruins of Gerasa in Eastern Gilead= (p. 59)\n   45. =Ford across the Brook Jabbok= (p. 59)\n  *46. =The Fields of Moab about Dibon= (pp. 60, 122, 170)\n   47. =Bedouin Camp in the Mountains of the Abarim= (p. 60)\n   48. =The Deep Valley of the Arnon= (p. 61)\n   49. =View of the City and Stronghold of Kerak= (p. 62)\n  *50. The Narrow Gateway to Petra (pp. 62, 184)\n   51. The Rock-hewn Temple of Isis at Petra (p. 62)\n  *52. Front View of the Great High Place at Petra (pp. 62, 95)\n  *53. The Top of the Great Altars at Petra (pp. 62, 95)\n  *54. Jerusalem from the Valley of the Kidron (p. 64)\n  *55. Jerusalem from the South (pp. 65, 204)\n  *56. Jerusalem from the Northeast (pp. 67, 70, 202)\n  *57. Jerusalem on the West (pp. 69, 203)\n   58. The Damascus Gate on the North (p. 70)\n  *59. General View of Samaria from the North (pp. 71, 170, 233)\n   60. The Acropolis of Samaria from the East (p. 71)\n\n\nHISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY\n\n * 61. The Mound of Gezer from the Northwest (pp. 88, 224)\n   62. =Baalbek and the Great Plain between the Lebanons= (p. 91)\n * 63. =The Mound of Megiddo from the Southeast= (pp. 98, 131)\n   64. =The Ruins of Houses and Public Buildings at Megiddo= (p. 99)\n   65. =The Brick Store Chambers at Pithom= (p. 110)\n   66. =Mount Seir and the Eastern Borders of the South Country= (p. 115)\n * 67. =The Traditional Mount Sinai from the West= (p. 116)\n   68. =Bedouin Gardens in the Wilderness= (p. 117)\n * 69. =Making Bread in a Bedouin Tent= (p. 117)\n   70. =Bedouin Women Churning Milk= (p. 117)\n   71. =A Powerful Bedouin Sheik and His Warriors= (p. 117)\n   72. =Mount Nebo and the Road down to the Jordan= (p. 124)\n * 73. =The Ruins of Jericho and the Western Hills= (p. 125)\n   74. =The Outer Wall of Ancient Jericho= (p. 126)\n   75. =Road from Jericho to Ai= (p. 127)\n * 76. =General View of Hebron from the East= (pp. 128, 153)\n * 77. =Rocky Bethel from the South= (pp. 129, 177)\n   78. =The Great Spring at Dan= (p. 130)\n * 79. =The Battle-field beside the Kishon= (p. 132)\n   80. =General View of Shiloh from the Southeast= (p. 141)\n   81. =Southeast from the Top of the Ruins of Shiloh= (p. 141)\n   82. =Housetop at the Traditional Home of Samuel= (p. 142)\n   83. =Gibeah of Saul= (p. 142)\n * 84. =The Pass of Upper Beth-horon from the South= (pp. 144, 212, 220)\n * 85. =Scene of Jonathan's Victory at Michmash= (p. 145)\n * 86. =David's City, Bethlehem from the West= (pp. 147, 233)\n   87. =Shepherd Boy with his Flock near Bethlehem= (p. 147)\n * 88. =Scene of the Slaying of Goliath in the Valley of Elah= (p. 148)\n   89. =The Priestly Town of Nob= (p. 148)\n   90. =Wilderness East of Ziph= (p. 150)\n   91. =Interior of a Cave at Endor= (p. 152)\n   92. =The Great Pool at Hebron= (p. 154)\n * 93. =View from Mizpah Northward over Gibeon= (pp. 154, 213)\n * 94. =The Valley of Rephaim South of Jerusalem= (p. 155)\n * 95. =Southern End of the Jebusite City= (pp. 157, 162)\n   96. =The Water City of Rabbath-Ammon= (p. 159)\n   97. =The Oak near the Scene of Absalom's Death= (p. 161)\n   98. =The Scene of Adonijah's Conspiracy= (pp. 162, 219)\n * 99. =Site of Solomon's Palace and Temple= (pp. 164, 233, 260)\n *100. =The Native Rock on the Temple Area= (p. 164)\n  101. =Shechem, Where the Hebrew Empire was Divided= (p. 166)\n  102. =Rock of Elijah's Altar on Mount Carmel= (p. 172)\n *103. =A Shepherd with His Flock near Tekoa= (p. 177)\n *104. =The Samaritan Passover on Mount Gerizim= (p. 181)\n  105. =The Samaritan High Priest and Pentateuch= (p. 181)\n  106. =Records of the Campaign of Shishak= (p. 182)\n  107. =The Pool of Siloam= (p. 185)\n *108. =Mareshah and the Home of Micah= (pp. 186, 198, 217, 226)\n *109. =Modern Anathoth from the Southest= (p. 189)\n  110. =The Jews' Wailing Place in Jerusalem= (p. 192)\n  111. =Assuan and the Island of Elephantine= (p. 195)\n  112. =Bazaars in Jerusalem= (p. 205)\n *113. =Modein, the Home of Judas Maccabeus= (p. 211)\n  114. =Battle-field of Bethsura from the South= (pp. 214, 223)\n *115. =The Ruins of C\u00e6sarea= (pp. 233, 277)\n *116. =Nazareth, Jesus' Home= (p. 239)\n  117. =Fountain of the Virgin at Nazareth= (p. 241)\n *118. =Baptizing in the Jordan= (p. 243)\n *119. =Site and Ruins of Capernaum= (p. 248)\n *120. =The Fountain Tabighah and the Plain of Gennesaret= (p. 249)\n *121. =Ruins of Chorazin= (p. 250)\n *122. =Near the Site of Bethsaida= (p. 251)\n  123. =Mending Nets near Bethsaida= (p. 251)\n *124. =Bethany, the Home of Jesus' Friends= (p. 259)\n *125. =Pilgrims in Passion Week in the Temple Courts= (p. 260)\n  126. =The Traditional Garden of Gethsemane= (p. 261)\n *127. =The New Calvary Outside the Damascus Gate= (p. 262)\n  128. =A Rock-hewn Tomb near Jeremiah's Grotto= (p. 263)\n  129. =Interior of the Rock-hewn Tomb= (p. 263)\n  130. =Jaffa, the Joppa of Biblical Times= (p. 265)\n  131. =Antioch in Galatia= (p. 270)\n *132. =Iconium, Where Paul Labored= (p. 270)\n  133. =The Mound of Ancient Lystra= (p. 271)\n  134. =The Site of Derbe= (p. 271)\n  135. =The Harbor and Site of Troas= (p. 272)\n *136. =Athens Old and New= (p. 274)\n  137. =The Isthmus of Corinth= (p. 275)\n *138. =The Great Theatre of Ephesus= (p. 276)\n  139. =Ancient Roman Theater at Miletus= (p. 277)\n  140. =The Roman Forum and Colosseum= (p. 277)\n\n\n\n\nINDEX OF NAMES AND PLACES\n\n\n  Abana, 55\n\n  Abarim, Mountains of the, 60\n\n  Abel-beth-Maacah, 161, 180\n\n  Abel-meholah, 175\n\n  Abner, 154\n\n  Aboda, 76\n\n  Absalom, 160, 161\n\n  Abu Shittim, 122\n\n  Accho or Acre, later Ptolamais, 28, 79, 81, 100, 208, 277\n\n  Achor, Valley of, 125, 144\n\n  Acra or Akra, 66-68, 210\n\n  Acre, Plain of, 23, 78\n\n  Actium, 232\n\n  Adam, 124, 125\n\n  Adasa, 219\n\n  Adonijah, 162\n\n  Adoraim, 42\n\n  Adullam, 41, 149, 150, 155\n\n  \u00c6gean Sea, 9, 272\n\n  Ahab, 170-174\n\n  Ai, 125, 128, 129, 144, 205\n\n  'Ain el-Farah, 137\n\n  'Ain es-Sultan, 125\n\n  Ajalon, city of, 100, 205\n\n  Ajalon, Valley of, 25, 26, 40, 41, 80, 88, 129, 140, 182\n\n  Akaba, Gulf of, 14, 53\n\n  Akrabattine, 214\n\n  Alexander Janneus, 227\n\n  Alexander the Great, 207-209\n\n  Alexandra, 22\n\n  Alexandria, 82-84, 208\n\n  Alexandrium, 229, 230, 236\n\n  Altaku, see Eltekeh\n\n  Amalekites, 118, 145\n\n  Amanus Mountains, 82\n\n  Amathus, 230\n\n  Amenhotep IV., 88, 102, 130\n\n  Ammonites, 134, 136, 145, 158, 159, 186, 198, 215\n\n  Amorites, 91, 92\n\n  Amos, 18, 177, 178\n\n  Amurru, 92, 93\n\n  Anathoth, 189\n\n  Antioch in Galatia, 269-271\n\n  Antioch in Syria, 82, 209, 266, 267, 272\n\n  Antiochus Epiphanes, 210, 211, 213, 267\n\n  Antiochus the Great, 209\n\n  Anti-Lebanons, 13, 29, 55, 80, 90\n\n  Antipater, 228, 229\n\n  Apennines, 10\n\n  Aphek, east of the Sea of Galilee, 170, 171\n\n  Aphek, in Western Palestine, 140\n\n  Appian Way, 276\n\n  Ar, 121\n\n  Arabah, 53, 76, 78, 116, 120, 124\n\n  Arabia, 3, 7, 19, 164\n\n  Arabia, desert, 13, 15, 16, 81;\n    influence in Palestine, 17, 18, 123\n\n  Arad, 118, 183\n\n  Arameans, 158, 159, 169-171, 173-176, 183\n\n  Arbela, in Gilead, now Irbid, 175, 179, 238\n\n  Archelais, 236\n\n  Archelaus, 236\n\n  Aretas, 228\n\n  Aristobulus I, 226\n\n  Aristobulus II, 229, 230\n\n  Arnon, the river, 52, 61, 62, 121, 122, 133\n\n  Arvad, 100\n\n  Ashdod, 26, 100, 184, 185, 208, 214, 217, 223, 264\n\n  Asherites, 130, 131\n\n  Ashkelon, 25, 26, 100, 102, 208\n\n  Ashteroth-Karnaim, 216\n\n  Asia Minor, 8, 9, 78, 82, 207;\n    roads, 82-83;\n    Paul's work in, 269-272\n\n  Asochis, 30, 81\n\n  Asshur, 134\n\n  Assyria, 78, 93, 176, 177\n\n  Assyrians, in Galilee, 180;\n    capture of Samaria, 181;\n    Sennacherib's campaigns, 185-188\n\n  Athens, 274\n\n  Augustus, 232, 233, 236\n\n  Aulonia, 83\n\n  Azekah, 148\n\n\n  Baal-Hazor, 37\n\n  Baalath, 163\n\n  Babylonia, 6, 78, 81, 82, 181, 194, 197\n\n  Babylonian Influence, 90, 91\n\n  Bahurim, 160\n\n  Banias (C\u00e6sarea Philippi), 47, 48, 81, 209\n\n  Barak, 131\n\n  Barley Vale. See Wady esh-Shair\n\n  Barnabas, 269-272\n\n  Bashan, 123\n\n  Beersheba, 43, 78, 80, 117, 118\n\n  Beirut, 78, 100\n\n  Beisan. See Bethshean\n\n  Beit-Jibrin, 42, 186\n\n  Beit-Rima. See Ramah of Samuel\n\n  Beni-Hassan, 108\n\n  Ber\u0153a, 273, 274\n\n  Beth-abara, 243\n\n  Bethany, 39, 261, 262\n\n  ----, beyond Jordan, 243\n\n  Beth-basi, 222\n\n  Bethel, 75, 100, 129, 144, 177, 178, 205, 223\n\n  Beth-horon, pass of, 36, 80, 140, 144, 145, 212\n\n  Beth-horons, Upper and Lower, 25, 41, 100, 163, 183, 205, 223\n\n  Bethlehem, 38, 41, 127, 147-149, 155\n\n  Beth-nimrah, 243\n\n  Bethsaida, 238, 251, 262, 254, 257, 264\n\n  Bethshean, later Scythopolis, now Beisan, 33, 49-51, 80, 81, 101,\n        129, 152, 229, 238\n\n  Beth-shemesh, 139-141\n\n  Bethzur or Bethsura, 41, 80, 128, 198, 214, 218, 223\n\n  Beth-zacherias, 80, 217, 218\n\n  Bezek, 127\n\n  Bithron, 154\n\n  Bitter Lakes, 76\n\n  Bosor, 216\n\n  Bozrahor Bosra, 78, 215\n\n  Brook of Egypt, 42\n\n  Brundusium, 83\n\n  Buttauf, 30, 237\n\n  Byblos, 100\n\n\n  C\u00e6sarea, 24, 233, 267, 275, 277\n\n  ---- Philippi, 47, 237, 238, 257\n\n  Calebites, 119\n\n  Callirrh\u00f6e, 52\n\n  Camp of Dan, 139\n\n  Canaan, the name, 13;\n    land, 129\n\n  Canaanite cities, 32, 126, 127, 129\n\n  Canaanites, 13, 18, 25, 128, 132-135\n\n  Capernaum, 247-250, 252, 253, 264\n\n  Caphersalama, 219\n\n  Cappadocia, 103\n\n  Carchemish, 80, 190\n\n  Carmel, Mount, 17, 21, 25, 29, 31-33, 35, 36, 38, 78, 79, 100, 172;\n    physical characteristics, 23, 24\n\n  Carmel in Judah, 38, 150\n\n  Casphor in Eastern Palestine, 216\n\n  Cayster River, 82\n\n  Chaldeans, 190-192, 194\n\n  Chebar River, 197\n\n  Chinnereth. See Sea of Galilee\n\n  Chorazin, 250, 251, 254, 264\n\n  Cilician Gates or Pass, 82, 266\n\n  Coast Plains, physical characteristics of, 21-26\n\n  Coloss\u00e6, 82, 276\n\n  Constantinople, 82\n\n  Corinth, 83, 274, 275\n\n  Corner Gate, 203\n\n  Court of the Gentiles, 261\n\n  Court of the Women, 261\n\n  Crete, 84, 277\n\n  Crocodile River, 24\n\n  Cyprus, 269\n\n  Cyrus, 199, 269\n\n\n  Damascus, roads to, 10, 33, 55, 77-81, 120;\n    situation, 160;\n    history, 170, 175, 185, 229\n\n  Damascus Gate, 65\n\n  Damieh ford, 51, 125, 137\n\n  Dan, city of, 22, 47, 81, 130, 134\n\n  Danites, 130, 131\n\n  Dathema, 215\n\n  David, home, 147;\n    early exploits, 147-153;\n    king of Judah, 153-156;\n    rule over united Israel, 157-161\n\n  Dead Sea, 13-15, 39, 40, 59-62, 76, 77, 127, 177;\n    names, 51\n\n  Dead Sea Valley, 13, 16, 34;\n    physical characteristics, 45-54\n\n  Debir, 128\n\n  Deborah, 131\n\n  Decapolis, the, 238, 254, 256\n\n  Derbe, 82, 271, 272\n\n  Dibon, 77\n\n  Dium, 238\n\n  Dog River, 78\n\n  Dor or Adora, 100, 129, 226\n\n  Dothan, Plain of, 33, 35, 79\n\n  Druse Mountains or Jebel Hauran, 55, 56, 58\n\n  Duma or Dumat-el-Jandel, 78\n\n\n  East-Jordan land, 14, 78;\n    physical characteristics, 55-63\n\n  East-Jordan tribes, 133-135\n\n  Edom, 14, 120, 183, 186\n\n  Edomites, 159, 183, 184, 198\n\n  Edrei, 78\n\n  Egypt, 4, 94, 108-112, 185, 194-196;\n    roads from, 75, 76;\n    history, 190, 207\n\n  Egyptian influence in Palestine, 26, 92, 93\n\n  Egyptian rule in Palestine, 97-102\n\n  Ehud, 131\n\n  Ekron, 26, 75, 140\n\n  Elah, Valley of, 41, 42, 140, 147, 148, 214, 218\n\n  Elasa, 220\n\n  Elath, 76, 116, 117, 120, 184\n\n  Elephantine, 195, 196\n\n  Eleutheropolis. See Beit-jibrin\n\n  Eleutherus River, 22\n\n  El-Hammad, 58\n\n  El-Hammeh, 46\n\n  Elijah, the Tishbite, 171-173\n\n  Elim, 116\n\n  Elisha, 175\n\n  Elisha, Fountain of, 60\n\n  El-Jib. See Gibeah\n\n  El-Kuneitra, 79\n\n  El-Leddan, 47\n\n  El-Lejah, 56, 78\n\n  El-Lisan, 53, 62\n\n  Eltekeh, 100\n\n  Emmaus, Amwas in Shephelah, 213\n\n  Engannim, 33\n\n  Engedi, 39, 53\n\n  En-rogel, 162\n\n  Ephesus, 82, 83, 266, 272, 275, 276\n\n  Ephraim Gate, 204\n\n  Ephraim, tribe of, 128-130, 134, 136\n\n  Ephron, 219\n\n  Esdraelon, Plain of, 15, 23, 28, 30, 35-37, 79, 81, 129, 134, 145;\n    physical characteristics, 31-33\n\n  Eshtaol, 139\n\n  Essenes, 243\n\n  Etam, Cliff of, 139\n\n  Ethiopians, 3, 5\n\n  Euphrates, 3, 80-82\n\n  Ezekiel, 38, 193, 197\n\n  Ez-Zumleh, 58\n\n\n  Ferata. See Pharathon\n\n  Fish Gate, 203\n\n  Fords of Jordan, 51\n\n  Forest Hill, 197\n\n  Fuller's Field, 162\n\n\n  Gabinius, 230\n\n  Gadara, 174, 175, 208, 230, 238, 254, 255\n\n  Gadites, 134\n\n  Galatia, 270-272\n\n  Galilee, name, 27;\n    physical characteristics of the central plateau, 27-31;\n    Upper Galilee, 28-30, 180;\n    Lower Galilee, 30, 31;\n    history, 226, 230, 231, 237-241, 258, 264\n\n  Gamaliel, 267, 268\n\n  Gate of the Guard, 205\n\n  Gath, 100, 140, 150, 151, 184-186\n\n  Gath-heper, 176\n\n  Gaza, 26, 76, 100, 140, 207, 208, 265\n\n  Gazara. See Gezer\n\n  Geba, 36, 144, 145, 183\n\n  Gedaliah, 192\n\n  Gennesaret, Lake of, 28, 33\n\n  ----, Plain of, 49, 249, 250, 252\n\n  Geology of Palestine, 14, 15;\n    of Jerusalem, 68\n\n  Gerasa, 59, 208, 238\n\n  Gerasenes, 255\n\n  Gerizim. See Mount Gerizim\n\n  Gethsemane, Garden of, 261\n\n  Gezer or Gazara, 88, 89, 92, 94, 95, 100, 102, 129, 155, 162, 163,\n        188, 213, 219, 223, 224\n\n  Gh\u00f6r, the, 184\n\n  Gh\u00f6r-es Safieh, 53\n\n  Gibbethon, 170\n\n  Gibeah of Saul, 75, 142-145\n\n  Gibeon, 80, 129, 154, 156, 164, 183, 198\n\n  Gideon, 33, 136-138\n\n  Gihon, 162\n\n  Gilead, 15, 16, 29, 33, 81, 123, 136, 160, 174, 180, 215-217;\n    hills, 36, 160;\n    heights, 49, 55, 124;\n    physical characteristics, 58, 59\n\n  Gilgal in Ephraim, 141-144, 177, 220\n\n  Golgotha, 262\n\n  Goliath, 148, 149\n\n  Gophna, 80\n\n  Goshen, 108\n\n  Great Sea (Mediterranean), 23, 24\n\n  Greece, 9, 10, 84\n\n  Greek cities, 208-210, 232\n\n  Greek culture, 10, 207-209\n\n  Greeks, 18, 23, 108\n\n  Grotto of Jeremiah, 262\n\n\n  Habiri, 102, 103, 106, 107\n\n  Hachilah, 150\n\n  Haifa, 81\n\n  Hamath, 80, 176, 181\n\n  Hammurabi, 91, 92, 106\n\n  Hanathon, 100\n\n  Harod, spring of, 173\n\n  Harran, 81\n\n  Hasbany, 47\n\n  Hattin, Horns of, 253\n\n  Hauran, 29, 36, 56, 78;\n    physical characteristics, 58\n\n  Hazor, 29, 163, 180.\n\n  Hebron, 38, 41, 42, 76, 128, 150, 153, 154, 160, 198, 217\n\n  Hellas, 10, 207\n\n  Hellespont, 82\n\n  Hermon, 13, 22, 29, 36, 55, 81, 130, 159;\n    physical characteristics, 46, 47\n\n  Herod Antipas, 237, 244, 245, 251, 254, 257, 258\n\n  Herod the Great, 231-241, 269\n\n  Herodias, 244\n\n  Herodium, 233\n\n  Herod's temple, 233, 234\n\n  Heshbon or Hesb\u00e2n, 77, 122\n\n  Hezekiah, 186, 187\n\n  Hinnom, Valley of, 38, 65-69, 185\n\n  Hippos, 208, 238, 254\n\n  Hittites, 103, 104\n\n  Hormah, 128\n\n  Huleh, Lake, 29, 47, 48, 79\n\n  Hyksos, 5, 93, 94, 97\n\n  Hyrcanus, the high priest, 227-232\n\n\n  Ibleam, 79, 80, 129\n\n  Iconium, 82, 270-272\n\n  Idumea, 228, 230, 236\n\n  Idumeans, 214, 217, 226\n\n  Ijon, 180\n\n  Irbid. See Arbela\n\n  Isaiah, 184, 185, 187\n\n  Ishbaal, 153-155\n\n  Israel, history of Northern, 168-181;\n    of Southern, 182-193\n\n  Issachar, 134\n\n  Issus, 207\n\n  Italy, 10, 11, 83\n\n\n  Jabbok, 49, 50, 51, 59, 123-125, 134, 137, 159, 161\n\n  Jabesh-Gilead, 143, 153\n\n  Jabneh, 184\n\n  Jaffa. See Joppa\n\n  Jahaz, 121\n\n  Jalud, Brook. See Nahr Jal\u00fbd\n\n  Jamnia, 214\n\n  Janoah, 180\n\n  Jaulan, 56-58\n\n  Jebel Attarus, 61\n\n  Jebel Hauran. See Druze Mountains\n\n  Jebel Jermak, 29\n\n  Jebel M\u00fbsa, 116\n\n  Jebel Osha, 59, 178, 179\n\n  Jebel Shihan, 61\n\n  Jebel Usdum, 54\n\n  Jebus, 155, 157\n\n  Jehu, 175, 176\n\n  Jephthah, 136\n\n  Jerash. See Gerasa\n\n  Jeremiah, 188-195\n\n  Jericho, 36, 50, 51, 81, 92, 122, 125-128, 199, 223, 230, 236, 256, 259\n\n  Jeroboam II, 176\n\n  Jerusalem, 38, 39, 41, 42, 80, 127;\n    situation, 64-68;\n    geological formation, 68, 69;\n    strength, 69, 70;\n    history, 100, 102, 129, 157, 184, 186-193;\n    rebuilding wall under Nehemiah, 201-205;\n    Maccabean period, 217-224;\n    days of Jesus, 259-264;\n    of early church, 265-267, 272, 277\n\n  Jesus, home, 238-241;\n    training, 241-246;\n    ministry, 247-261;\n    death, 261-263\n\n  Jethro, 115\n\n  Jezreel, city of, 79, 173\n\n  ----, plain of, 31-33, 35, 49, 50, 81, 152\n\n  Jiljilia, 143\n\n  Job's Well, 69, 162\n\n  Jogbehah, 138, 139\n\n  John Hyrcanus, 225, 226\n\n  John the Baptist, 242-245\n\n  Jonah, 176\n\n  Jonathan, the Maccabean leader, 222-224\n\n  Joppa, 17, 22, 24, 25, 37, 40, 41, 80, 104, 208, 223, 231, 265-267\n\n  Jordan, the, 13-17, 29-39, 124-126, 134\n\n  Jordan Valley, 15, 16, 81, 243;\n    physical characteristics, 45-54\n\n  Joseph of Arimathea, 263\n\n  Josephus, 24, 28, 30, 149, 229, 249, 255, 258\n\n  Josiah, 189, 190\n\n  Judah, hills of, 16;\n    physical characteristics, 38-44;\n    contrasted with Samaria, 43, 44;\n    land of, 78;\n    tribe of, 134;\n    history after exile, 198-201\n\n  Judahites, 128\n\n  Judas Maccabeus, 211-221\n\n  Judea, 230-236\n\n  Julius C\u00e6sar, 231, 275\n\n\n  Kadesh-barnea, 117, 118, 120\n\n  Kadesh on the Orontes, 94, 100, 103\n\n  Kanah, Brook, 37\n\n  Kanata, 235\n\n  Kanatha, 238\n\n  Kapitolias, 238\n\n  Karnak, 88\n\n  Kassites, 93\n\n  Kedesh in Galilee, 100, 180\n\n  Keilah, 41, 149, 198\n\n  Kenites, 128, 133\n\n  Kenizzites, 119\n\n  Kerak in Moab, 77\n\n  Kerak on Sea of Galilee, 254\n\n  Kersa or Kursi, 255\n\n  Khan Minyeh, 81, 247-250, 252\n\n  Khurbet Minyeh, 248\n\n  Kidron, 224\n\n  Kidron Valley, 64, 65, 127, 204, 205\n\n  King's Garden, 204\n\n  King's Pool, 204\n\n  Kirjath-jearim, 141, 157, 163\n\n  Kishon, 32, 132-134, 165\n\n  Korea, 229\n\n  Kutha, 181\n\n  Kybistra, 82\n\n\n  Lachish, 88, 103, 187\n\n  Ladder of Tyre, 21, 22, 78\n\n  Laish, 22, 47, 130\n\n  Laodicea, 82, 276\n\n  Lebanons, 13, 14, 28-30, 51, 55, 80, 90\n\n  Litany, 22, 29\n\n  Little Hermon, 31, 152\n\n  Lubieh, 79\n\n  Lydda, 205, 265\n\n  Lysias, 213, 214\n\n  Lystra, 271, 272\n\n\n  Maan, 121\n\n  Mach\u00e6rus, 54, 230, 244, 245\n\n  Machir, 134\n\n  M\u00e6ander River, 82\n\n  Magdala, 253\n\n  Mahanaim, 153, 154, 161\n\n  Maked, 216\n\n  Malta, 276\n\n  Mamre, Plain of, 42\n\n  Manasseh, 128, 134\n\n  Maon, 38, 150\n\n  Mareshah, later Marissa, 198, 217, 226\n\n  Mariamne, 234\n\n  Mars Hill, 274\n\n  Masada, 54, 128\n\n  Mecca, 120, 121\n\n  Medeba, 77, 226\n\n  Mediterranean (or Great Sea), 3, 4, 6, 11, 31, 32, 82-84\n\n  Megiddo, 33, 79, 97-103, 129, 131, 132, 151, 163, 172\n\n  Memphis, 195, 231\n\n  Menzaleh, Lake, 76, 114\n\n  Merj Ayun, 80, 180\n\n  Merneptah, 107, 111\n\n  Mesha and the Moabite Stone, 122, 134\n\n  Mesopotamia, 81, 93\n\n  Micah, 186, 187\n\n  Michmash, town, 36, 81, 125, 140, 142, 161, 222\n\n  ----, pass, 144, 145\n\n  Midianites, 33, 115, 116, 136, 137\n\n  Migdol, 194\n\n  Miletus, 276\n\n  Millo, 157\n\n  Mitanni, 93\n\n  Mizpeh or Neby Samwil, 38, 183, 192, 198, 213\n\n  Mizpeh of Gilead, 216\n\n  Moab, 15, 16, 40, 77, 78, 120-122, 186;\n    physical characteristics, 60-62\n\n  Moabites, 131, 133, 158\n\n  Modein, 176, 205, 210-212, 220\n\n  Moreh, Hill of, 30, 31\n\n  Moresheth-Gath, 186\n\n  Moses, 111, 113\n\n  Mosque of Omar, 164\n\n  Mount Ebal, 35, 36, 72\n\n  Mount Gerizim, 35-37, 80, 167, 226\n\n  Mount Gilboa, 31, 32, 35, 152, 153\n\n  Mount Hermon. See Hermon\n\n  Mount of Olives, 260, 261\n\n  Mount Seir, 62, 115, 116, 120\n\n  Mount Tabor, 30, 31, 79, 231\n\n  Mycen\u00e6, 9, 93\n\n\n  Nabateans, 198, 231\n\n  Nablus (Shechem), 36, 167, 168\n\n  Nahaliel, 121\n\n  Nahr Bareighit, 47\n\n  Nahr ed-Damur, 22\n\n  Nahr el-All\u00e2n, 56, 57\n\n  Nahr el-Auwali, 22\n\n  Nahr el-Kisimiyeh, 22\n\n  Nahr er-Rukkad, 57\n\n  Nahr Jal\u00fbd, 31, 35, 49\n\n  Naphtali, 131, 134\n\n  Nazareth, 30, 238-241, 255, 256\n\n  Neapolis, 272, 273\n\n  Nebo, Mount, 61, 124\n\n  Nebuchadrezzar, 191, 192\n\n  Neby Samwil. See Mizpah\n\n  Necho, 190\n\n  Negeb, the, See South Country\n\n  Nehemiah, 200-205\n\n  Netophah, 199\n\n  Nic\u00e6a, 82\n\n  Nile, Valley of, 4, 5;\n    River, 14, 108, 112;\n    Delta, 76, 104, 108, 109\n\n  Nineveh, 81\n\n  Nippur, 197\n\n  Nob, 148, 149\n\n\n  Og, King of Bashan, 123\n\n  Omri, 71, 170\n\n  Ono, 205\n\n  Ophel, hill of, 65-67, 157, 162, 164, 204\n\n  Ophir, 164\n\n  Ophrah of Gideon, 137, 139\n\n  Ophrah in Ephraim, 144\n\n  Orontes, 90\n\n\n  Palatine Hill, 11\n\n  Palestine, physical characteristics, 7, 8, 13-20;\n    geology, 14;\n    coast plains, 21-26;\n    Galilee, 27-31;\n    Plain of Esdraelon, 31-33;\n    Samaria, 34-38;\n    Judah, 38-44;\n    Jordan and Dead Sea Valley, 45-54;\n    East-Jordan, 55-63;\n    early, 87-96;\n    under the rule of Egypt, 97-105;\n    Greek influence in, 208-210;\n    under Rome, 228-232\n\n  Palmyra, 81\n\n  Paphos, 269\n\n  Parthians, 228, 232\n\n  Paul, 266-277\n\n  Peleset, 104\n\n  Pella, 51, 83, 208, 238\n\n  Pelusium, 231\n\n  Penuel, 137, 138\n\n  Perea, 237\n\n  Pergamus, 82\n\n  Persia, 213\n\n  Peter, 265, 266\n\n  Petra, 76, 77, 95, 116, 184, 228\n\n  Pharathon, 223\n\n  Pharisees, 218, 229\n\n  Pharsalia, 231\n\n  Philadelphia. See Rabbath-Ammon\n\n  Philistia, 78, 139\n\n  Philistine Plain, physical characteristics, 25, 41;\n    evidence of Egyptian influence, 92\n\n  Philistines, 104, 130, 144, 145, 150-156\n\n  Philip the Evangelist, 265\n\n  Philip the Tetrarch, 237, 238\n\n  Philippi, 82, 83, 272-274\n\n  Ph\u0153nicia, 13, 22, 78, 93, 256, 272\n\n  Ph\u0153nicians, as mariners, 17;\n    home, 22, 23;\n    as conquerors, 23, 58;\n    civilization of, 91\n\n  Pilate, 262\n\n  Pilgrim Ford, 51\n\n  Pithom, 110\n\n  Pompey, 228-231\n\n  Pools of Solomon, 38, 69, 204\n\n  Ptolemais. See Accho or Acre\n\n  Ptolemies, 209\n\n  Puteoli, 83, 276\n\n\n  Rabbath-Ammon, 77, 158, 159, 208\n\n  Railway from Haifa to Damascus, 254\n\n  ----, Damascus to Mecca, 121\n\n  Ramah (Beit Rima), in Mount Ephraim, 141, 142\n\n  Ramoth-Gilead, 174, 175\n\n  Ramses II, 103, 107-111\n\n  Ramses III, 104\n\n  Raphana, 238\n\n  Raphia, 76\n\n  Raphon, 218\n\n  Ras el-Abjad, 23\n\n  Ras en-Nakurah, 23\n\n  Red Sea, 7, 76, 113, 115, 116\n\n  Rehoboth, 118\n\n  Remtheh, 174, 215\n\n  Rephaim, Valley of, 41, 155, 156, 165\n\n  Reubenites, 131, 133\n\n  Riblah, 80, 192\n\n  Roads, coast road, 25, 26, 33, 78;\n    from Egypt to Damascus, 25, 81;\n    character, 73-75;\n    from Egypt, 75, 76;\n    through Moab, 77;\n    great desert highway, 77, 78;\n    \"Way of the Sea,\" 79-80;\n    along the Jordan, 81;\n    in Asia Minor, 82, 83;\n    to Rome, 83, 84;\n    from Nazareth to Jerusalem, 241, 242\n\n  Rome, 11, 83, 228-232, 276, 277\n\n\n  Safed, 29\n\n  Salamis, 269\n\n  Salt Hill, 197\n\n  Samaria, 15, 29;\n    physical characteristics, 34-38;\n    contrasted with Judah, 43, 44;\n    in Roman period, 258, 272\n\n  Samaria, city of, 35, 79, 80;\n    name, 70, 71;\n    situation, 71;\n    strength, 71, 72;\n    history, 170, 226, 233, 236, 265\n\n  Samaritans, 181, 198, 226\n\n  Samson, 139, 140\n\n  Samuel, 141-143, 258\n\n  Sanhedrin, 236, 261\n\n  Sardis, 82\n\n  Sarepta, 256\n\n  Sargon, 87\n\n  Saul, 141-156\n\n  Scopus, 149\n\n  Scythians, 189, 190\n\n  Scythopolis. See Bethshean\n\n  Sea of Galilee, 28, 46, 48-50\n\n  Sebaste. See Samaria\n\n  Sela, 183\n\n  Seleucidean Rule, 56, 57, 79, 81, 168\n\n  Semakh, 252\n\n  Sennacherib's campaigns, 185-188\n\n  Sepphoris, 230, 237\n\n  Shalmaneser II, 177\n\n  Shaphir, 186\n\n  Sharon, Plain of, 15, 33, 35, 79, 80, 81, 151;\n    physical characteristics, 24, 25\n\n  Sharuhen, 93, 183\n\n  Shashu, 93\n\n  Shechem, 35, 37, 71, 79, 80, 81, 100, 166, 226\n\n  Sheep Gate, 202\n\n  Shephelah, the, 26, 39, 41, 80\n\n  Shiloh, 37, 141-143\n\n  Shishak, 170, 182, 184\n\n  Shittim, Valley of, 124\n\n  Shobek, 77\n\n  Shunem, 101, 151\n\n  Sidon, 23, 24, 100, 256\n\n  Sihon, 121, 122\n\n  Silas, 272, 273\n\n  Siloam, Pool of, 66, 68, 69, 162\n\n  Simeonites, 128, 134\n\n  Simon, the Maccabean, 224, 225\n\n  Sinai, 115, 116\n\n  Sippar, 81, 181\n\n  Smyrna, 82\n\n  Socho, 82\n\n  Solomon, 162-166\n\n  Solomon's Porch, 260, 261, 264\n\n  Son of Man, belief in the coming of, 235\n\n  Sorek, Valley of, 41, 42, 75, 130\n\n  South Country, 15, 16, 78, 108, 119, 128, 139, 140, 155, 183;\n    physical characteristics, 42, 43\n\n  Spain, 276\n\n  Stephen, 264, 265\n\n  Strabo, 24\n\n  Succoth, 137, 138\n\n  Suez Canal, 114\n\n  Susa, 201\n\n  Syene, 195\n\n  Syria, physical characteristics, 7, 14;\n    southern, 13; central, 17, 94;\n    northern, 45, 78, 169;\n    Semitic invasions, 89;\n    peoples of, 93\n\n  Syrian Gates, 82\n\n\n  Taanach, 94, 95, 101, 102, 129, 132\n\n  Tabighah Fountain, 249, 250\n\n  Tabor. See Mount Tabor\n\n  Tahpanhes, 194-196\n\n  Taiyibeh. See Tob\n\n  Talmud, 29\n\n  Tamar, 163\n\n  Tamyras, 22\n\n  Tarichea, 254\n\n  Tarshish, 3\n\n  Tarsus, 82, 266, 267\n\n  Taru, 76\n\n  Taurus Mountains, 82, 266\n\n  Tekoa, 177, 178\n\n  Tell Abib, 197\n\n  Tell Abu Neda, 57\n\n  Tell Defenneh, 194\n\n  Tell Deir Alla. See Succoth\n\n  Tell el-Amarna Letters, 13, 88, 102, 107, 163\n\n  Tell el-Faras, 57\n\n  Tell el-Hesey. See Lachish\n\n  Tell el-Kadi, 47\n\n  Tell el-Kasis, 31\n\n  Tell el-Maskhutah, 110\n\n  Tell el-Mutesellim, 98\n\n  Tell es-Safi, 140\n\n  Tell es-Sandahannah, 187\n\n  Tell Hum, 247, 248\n\n  Tell Nimrin, 243\n\n  Tell Oreimeh, 248, 250\n\n  Tema, Oasis of, 28\n\n  Tephon, 223\n\n  Thebez, 80, 138\n\n  Thessalonica, 83, 273-275\n\n  Thotmose III, 33, 89, 97, 99, 100, 140\n\n  Tiber, 11\n\n  Tiberias, 46, 237, 254\n\n  Tiglath-pileser I, 176\n\n  Tiglath-pileser IV, 177, 180, 185\n\n  Tigris-Euphrates Valley, 5-7, 90, 93\n\n  Tigris River, 3\n\n  T\u00eeh, Desert of, 43\n\n  Timnath, 140, 205, 223\n\n  Timsah, Lake, 108, 110, 113, 114\n\n  Tirzah, 169\n\n  Tishbe, 172\n\n  Tob, the land of, 136\n\n  Tower of the Furnaces, 204\n\n  Troas, 82, 272, 277\n\n  Tyre, city, 17, 22, 23, 100, 186, 207, 256, 276;\n    plain of, 22, 23\n\n  Tyrop\u0153on Valley, 65-69, 157, 185, 203, 204\n\n\n  Uzziah, 183, 184\n\n\n  Valley Gate, 203\n\n  Valley of Salt, 159, 183\n\n  Via Egnatia, 83\n\n  Virgin's Spring or Fount, 64, 162, 204\n\n\n  Wady 'Ain 'Ar\u00eek, 36\n\n  ---- 'Ajlun Amud, 28\n\n  ---- 'Ali, 41, 213\n\n  ---- Arabah, 14\n\n  ---- Arah, 33, 79\n\n  ---- Deir Ballut, 37\n\n  ---- el-Arish, 42\n\n  ---- el-Bireh, 30\n\n  ---- el-F\u00f4k\u00e2, 76\n\n  ---- el-Ghurab, 41\n\n  ---- el-Hesy, 187\n\n  ---- el-Ifzim, 35\n\n  ---- el-Jaz\u00e2ir, 42\n\n  ---- el-Jindy, 41, 53\n\n  ---- el-Kefrein, 50, 124\n\n  ---- el-Kerak, 50, 124\n\n  ---- en-Nagil, 41\n\n  ---- esh-Shair (Barley Vale), 35, 37, 71, 79, 81\n\n  ---- es-Sufeiy, 121\n\n  ---- es Sunt. See Valley of Sorek\n\n  ---- es-Sur, 41, 80, 149, 218\n\n  ---- es Suweinit, 36, 81, 144, 145\n\n  ---- et-Tuffah, 28\n\n  ---- ez-Zerka, 37\n\n  ---- Farah, 35, 49, 50, 229\n\n  ---- Fejjas, 30\n\n  ---- Heshb\u00e2n, 59, 124\n\n  ---- Jib, 37\n\n  ---- Kelt, 36, 50, 51, 125, 127, 167, 258\n\n  ---- Malakeh, 36, 37, 211\n\n  ---- M\u00fbsa, 62, 116\n\n  ---- Nimrin, 50, 51, 59, 124\n\n  ---- Sheba, 43\n\n  ---- Tumilat, 76, 108-110, 113\n\n  ---- Waleh, 61\n\n  ---- Zerka Ma'in, 46, 52, 61\n\n  Waheb, 121\n\n  Water City of Ammonites, 159\n\n  Water Gate, 204\n\n  White Promontory, 23\n\n  Wilderness of Judea, 39, 40, 64, 81, 127, 160\n\n\n  Yarmuk River, 46, 49, 57, 78, 123, 134\n\n\n  Zaanan, 187\n\n  Zaher\u00e2ni, 22\n\n  Zanoah, 199\n\n  Zarephath, 172\n\n  Zarethan, 124\n\n  Zebulun, 134\n\n  Zechariah, 199, 200\n\n  Zephaniah, 188, 190\n\n  Zephathah, Valley of, 141, 186, 217\n\n  Zeredah, 168\n\n  Zerin, 31, 173\n\n  Zerubbabel, 200\n\n  Zigazig, 109\n\n  Ziklag, 151\n\n  Ziph, 150\n\n  Zor, 50\n\n  Zorah, 139\n\n\n       *       *       *       *       *\n\n\nTranscriber's note:\n\nText enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).\n\nText enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=).\n\nSmall capital text has been replaced with all capitals.\n\nThe carat character (^) indicates that the following number or numbers\nenclosed within brackets are superscripted--example: ^(12).\n\nVariations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been retained\nexcept in obvious cases of typographical error.\n\nPage 281: \"Archbold, _Under the Syrian Sun ...\"  should read \"Inchbold\".","title":"Biblical Geography and History","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":102248}