{"collection":"scripture-revelation","full_text_available":true,"graph_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/api/page/gutenberg_40812/graph","html_url":"https://unchartedknowledge.5gfusion.net/v2/page/gutenberg_40812","id":"gutenberg_40812","license":"Public Domain (US)","rights_basis":"gutenberg_metadata_copyright_false","source":"gutenberg","source_url":"https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/40812","summary":null,"tags":["Category: Archaeology & Anthropology","Category: History - Ancient","Category: History - Other","Category: Religion/Spirituality","Industries, Primitive","Swastikas","Symbolism"],"text":"Transcriber's note:\n\n Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).\n\n Text enclosed by curly braces is in superscript\n (example: 7{me}).\n\n The original text contains a few letters with diacritical\n marks that are not represented in this text version.\n\n The original text includes Greek characters. For this\n text version these letters have been replaced with\n transliterations.\n\n The following symbols are used in this text version to\n represent symbols that can not be presented in any other\n way.\n\n [S] represents a Swastika with left-bar facing up.\n [Z] represents a Swastika with left-bar facing down.\n [Z circle] represents a Swastika inside a circle.\n [cross] represents a simple cross (plus-sign form).\n [circle] represents a circle.\n [U] represents a large U.\n [V] represents a large V.\n [Y] represents a large Y.\n [symbol] represents various symbols.\n\n In the Bibliography section the reader will encounter\n numerous vertical bars or \"pipes\" ( | ). These were\n present in the original book. The reason for their\n presence is uncertain.\n\n Mismatched/unmatched quotation marks are as in the\n original.\n\n\n\n\n\nSmithsonian Institution.\nUnited States National Museum.\n\nTHE SWASTIKA,\n\nThe Earliest Known Symbol, and Its Migrations;\nwith Observations on the Migration of\nCertain Industries in Prehistoric Times.\n\nby\n\nTHOMAS WILSON,\n\nCurator, Department of Prehistoric Anthropology,\nU. S. National Museum.\n\nFrom the Report of the U. S. National Museum for 1894,\npages 757-1011, with plates 1-25 and Figures 1-374.\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nWashington:\nGovernment Printing Office.\n1896.\n\n\n\n\nTABLE OF CONTENTS.\n\n\n Page.\n\n Preface 763\n\n I.--DEFINITIONS, DESCRIPTION, AND ORIGIN.\n\n Different forms of the cross 765\n\n Names and definitions of the Swastika 768\n\n Symbolism and interpretation 770\n\n Origin and habitat 791\n\n\n II.--DISPERSION OF THE SWASTIKA.\n\n Extreme Orient 799\n Japan 799\n Korea 799\n China 799\n Tibet 802\n India 802\n\n Classical Orient 806\n Babylonia, Assyria, Chaldea, and Persia 806\n Phenicia 807\n Lycaonia 807\n Armenia 807\n Caucasus 808\n Asia Minor--Troy (Hissarlik) 809\n First and Second Cities 810\n The Third or Burnt City 811\n The Fourth City 813\n The Fifth City 818\n The Sixth and Seventh Cities 819\n Leaden idol of Hissarlik 829\n Owl-shaped vases 830\n The age of Trojan cities 832\n\n Africa 833\n Egypt 833\n Naukratis 834\n Coptos (Achmim-Panopolis) 834\n Algeria 838\n Ashantee 838\n\n Classical Occident--Mediterranean 839\n Greece, Cyprus, Rhodes, Melos, and Thera 839\n Greek fret and Egyptian meander not the same as the\n Swastika 839\n Swastika in panels 845\n Swastikas with four arms crossing at right angles,\n ends bent to the right 846\n Swastikas with four arms crossing at right angles,\n ends bent to the left 847\n Swastikas with four arms crossing at other than right\n angles, the ends ogee and to the left 848\n Meander pattern, with ends bent to the right and left 849\n Swastikas of different kinds on the same object 849\n\n Europe 854\n Bronze age 854\n Etruria and Italy 855\n Swiss lake dwellings 861\n Germany and Austria 862\n Belgium 863\n Scandinavia 864\n Scotland and Ireland 867\n Gallo-Roman period 869\n France 869\n Anglo-Saxon period 870\n Britain 870\n Swastika on ancient coins 871\n Triskelion, Lycia 871\n Triskelion, Sicily 873\n Triskelion, Isle of Man 874\n Punch marks on Corinthian coins mistaken for Swastikas 875\n Swastika on ancient Hindu coins 877\n Swastika on coins in Mesembria and Gaza 878\n Swastika on Danish gold bracteates 878\n\n United States of America 879\n Pre-Columbian times 879\n Fains Island and Toco mounds, Tennessee 879\n Hopewell Mound, Chillicothe, Ross County, Ohio 888\n Mounds in Arkansas 893\n North American Indians 894\n Kansas 894\n Sacs 895\n Pueblos 896\n Navajoes 897\n Pimas 901\n Colonial patchwork 901\n\n Central America 902\n Nicaragua 902\n Yucatan 902\n Costa Rica 903\n\n South America 903\n Brazil 903\n Paraguay 905\n\n\n III.--FORMS ALLIED TO THE SWASTIKA.\n\n Meanders, ogees, and spirals, bent to the left as well as\n to the right 905\n Aboriginal American engravings and paintings 906\n Designs on shell 906\n Ivory-billed woodpecker 907\n The triskele, triskelion, or triquetrum 908\n The spider 913\n The rattlesnake 914\n The human face and form 914\n Designs on pottery 920\n Designs on basketry 924\n\n\n IV.--THE CROSS AMONG THE AMERICAN INDIANS.\n\n Different forms 926\n The cross on objects of shell and copper 926\n The cross on pottery 931\n\n Symbolic meanings of the cross 933\n The four winds 934\n Sun and star symbols 936\n Dwellings 936\n Dragon fly (Susbeca) 936\n Mide', or Shamans 937\n Flocks of birds 937\n Human forms 938\n Maidenhood 939\n Shaman's spirit 939\n Divers significations 939\n\n Introduction of the cross into America 944\n\n Decorative forms not of the cross, but allied to the\n Swastika 946\n Color stamps from Mexico and Venezuela 946\n\n\n V.--SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SWASTIKA. 948\n\n\n VI.--THE MIGRATION OF SYMBOLS.\n\n Migration of the Swastika 952\n\n Migration of classic symbols 960\n The sacred tree of the Assyrians 960\n The sacred cone of Mesopotamia 960\n The _Crux ansata_, the key of life 961\n The winged globe 961\n The caduceus 962\n The trisula 963\n The double-headed eagle on the escutcheon of Austria\n and Russia 963\n The lion rampant of Belgium 963\n Greek art and architecture 964\n The Greek fret 965\n\n\n VII.--PREHISTORIC OBJECTS ASSOCIATED WITH THE SWASTIKA, FOUND\n IN BOTH HEMISPHERES, AND BELIEVED TO HAVE PASSED BY\n MIGRATION.\n\n Spindle whorls 966\n Europe 967\n Switzerland--Lake dwellings 967\n Italy 968\n Wurtemburg 968\n France 968\n North America--pre-Columbian times 969\n Mexico 970\n Central America 971\n Nicaragua 971\n South America 972\n Chiriqui 972\n Colombia 972\n Peru 972\n\n Bobbins 975\n Europe 975\n United States 975\n\n\n VIII.--SIMILAR PREHISTORIC ARTS, INDUSTRIES, AND IMPLEMENTS IN\n EUROPE AND AMERICA AS EVIDENCE OF THE MIGRATION OF\n CULTURE. 977\n\n CONCLUSION 981\n\n BIBLIOGRAPHY 984\n\n LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 997\n\n\n\n\nTHE SWASTIKA,\n\nTHE EARLIEST KNOWN SYMBOL, AND ITS MIGRATIONS; WITH OBSERVATIONS ON THE\nMIGRATION OF CERTAIN INDUSTRIES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES.\n\n[Illustration]\n\nBy THOMAS WILSON, _Curator, Department of Prehistoric Anthropology, U. S.\nNational Museum_.\n\n\n\n\nPREFACE.\n\n\nAn English gentleman, versed in prehistoric arch\u00e6ology, visited me in the\nsummer of 1894, and during our conversation asked if we had the Swastika\nin America. I answered, \"Yes,\" and showed him two or three specimens of\nit. He demanded if we had any literature on the subject. I cited him De\nMortillet, De Morgan, and Zmigrodzki, and he said, \"No, I mean English or\nAmerican.\" I began a search which proved almost futile, as even the word\nSwastika did not appear in such works as Worcester's or Webster's\ndictionaries, the Encyclop\u00e6dic Dictionary, the Encyclop\u00e6dia Britannica,\nJohnson's Universal Cyclop\u00e6dia, the People's Cyclop\u00e6dia, nor Smith's\nDictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, his Greek and Roman Biography\nand Mythology, or his Classical Dictionary. I also searched, with the same\nresults, Mollett's Dictionary of Art and Arch\u00e6ology, Fairholt's Dictionary\nof Terms in Art, \"L'Art Gothique,\" by Gonza, Perrot and Chipiez's\nextensive histories of Art in Egypt, in Chaldea and Assyria, and in\nPhenicia; also \"The Cross, Ancient and Modern,\" by W. W. Blake, \"The\nHistory of the Cross,\" by John Ashton; and a reprint of a Dutch work by\nWildener. In the American Encyclop\u00e6dia the description is erroneous, while\nall the Century Dictionary says is, \"Same as fylfot,\" and \"Compare _Crux\nAnsata_ and _Gammadion_.\" I thereupon concluded that this would be a good\nsubject for presentation to the Smithsonian Institution for \"diffusion of\nknowledge among men.\"\n\nThe principal object of this paper has been to gather and put in a compact\nform such information as is obtainable concerning the Swastika, leaving to\nothers the task of adjustment of these facts and their arrangement into\nan harmonious theory. The only conclusion sought to be deduced from the\nfacts stated is as to the possible migration in prehistoric times of the\nSwastika and similar objects.\n\nNo conclusion is attempted as to the time or place of origin, or the\nprimitive meaning of the Swastika, because these are considered to be lost\nin antiquity. The straight line, the circle, the cross, the triangle, are\nsimple forms, easily made, and might have been invented and re-invented in\nevery age of primitive man and in every quarter of the globe, each time\nbeing an independent invention, meaning much or little, meaning different\nthings among different peoples or at different times among the same\npeople; or they may have had no settled or definite meaning. But the\nSwastika was probably the first to be made with a definite intention and a\ncontinuous or consecutive meaning, the knowledge of which passed from\nperson to person, from tribe to tribe, from people to people, and from\nnation to nation, until, with possibly changed meanings, it has finally\ncircled the globe.\n\nThere are many disputable questions broached in this paper. The author is\naware of the differences of opinion thereon among learned men, and he has\nnot attempted to dispose of these questions in the few sentences employed\nin their announcement. He has been conservative and has sought to avoid\ndogmatic decisions of controverted questions. The antiquity of man, the\nlocality of his origin, the time of his dispersion and the course of his\nmigration, the origin of bronze and the course of its migration, all of\nwhich may be more or less involved in a discussion of the Swastika, are\nquestions not to be settled by the dogmatic assertions of any individual.\n\nMuch of the information in this paper is original, and relates to\nprehistoric more than to modern times, and extends to nearly all the\ncountries of the globe. It is evident that the author must depend on other\ndiscoverers; therefore, all books, travels, writers, and students have\nbeen laid under contribution without scruple. Due acknowledgment is hereby\nmade for all quotations of text or figures wherever they occur.\n\nQuotations have been freely made, instead of sifting the evidence and\ngiving the substance. The justification is that there has never been any\nsufficient marshaling of the evidence on the subject, and that the former\ndeductions have been inconclusive; therefore, quotations of authors are\ngiven in their own words, to the end that the philosophers who propose to\ndeal with the origin, meaning, and cause of migration of the Swastika will\nhave all the evidence before them.\n\nAssumptions may appear as to antiquity, origin, and migration of the\nSwastika, but it is explained that many times these only reflect the\nopinion of the writers who are quoted, or are put forth as working\nhypotheses.\n\nThe indulgence of the reader is asked, and it is hoped that he will\nendeavor to harmonize conflicting statements upon these disputed questions\nrather than antagonize them.\n\n\n\n\nI.--DEFINITIONS, DESCRIPTION, AND ORIGIN.\n\n\nDIFFERENT FORMS OF THE CROSS.\n\nThe simple cross made with two sticks or marks belongs to prehistoric\ntimes. Its first appearance among men is lost in antiquity. One may\ntheorize as to its origin, but there is no historical identification of it\neither in epoch or by country or people. The sign is itself so simple that\nit might have originated among any people, however primitive, and in any\nage, however remote. The meaning given to the earliest cross is equally\nunknown. Everything concerning its beginning is in the realm of\nspeculation. But a differentiation grew up in early times among nations by\nwhich certain forms of the cross have been known under certain names and\nwith specific significations. Some of these, such as the Maltese cross,\nare historic and can be well identified.\n\nThe principal forms of the cross, known as symbols or ornaments, can be\nreduced to a few classes, though when combined with heraldry its use\nextends to 385 varieties.[1]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 1. LATIN CROSS (_Crux immissa_).]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 2. GREEK CROSS.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 3. ST. ANDREW'S CROSS (_Crux decussata_).]\n\nIt is not the purpose of this paper to give a history of the cross, but\nthe principal forms are shown by way of introduction to a study of the\nSwastika.\n\nThe Latin cross, _Crux immissa_, (fig. 1) is found on coins, medals, and\nornaments anterior to the Christian era. It was on this cross that Christ\nis said to have been crucified, and thus it became accepted as the\nChristian cross.\n\nThe Greek cross (fig. 2) with arms of equal length crossing at right\nangles, is found on Assyrian and Persian monuments and tablets, Greek\ncoins and statues.\n\nThe St. Andrew's cross, _Crux decussata_, (fig. 3) is the same as the\nGreek cross, but turned to stand on two legs.\n\nThe _Crux ansata_ (fig. 4) according to Egyptian mythology, was Ankh, the\nemblem of Ka, the spiritual double of man. It was also said to indicate a\nunion of Osiris and Isis, and was regarded as a symbol of the generative\nprinciple of nature.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 4. EGYPTIAN CROSS. (_Crux ansata_). The Key of Life.]\n\nThe Tau cross (fig. 5), so called from its resemblance to the Greek letter\nof that name, is of uncertain, though ancient, origin. In Scandinavian\nmythology it passed under the name of \"Thor's hammer,\" being therein\nconfounded with the Swastika. It was also called St. Anthony's cross for\nthe Egyptian hermit of that name, and was always colored blue. Clarkson\nsays this mark was received by the Mithracists on their foreheads at the\ntime of their initiation. C. W. King, in his work entitled \"Early\nChristian Numismatics\" (p. 214), expresses the opinion that the Tau cross\nwas placed on the foreheads of men who cry after abominations. (Ezekiel\nix, 4.) It is spoken of as a phallic emblem.\n\nAnother variety of the cross appeared about the second century, composed\nof a union of the St. Andrew's cross and the letter P (fig. 6), being the\nfirst two letters of the Greek word [Greek: CHRISTOS] (Christus). This,\nwith another variety containing all the foregoing letters, passed as the\nmonogram of Christ (fig. 6).\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 5. TAU CROSS, THOR'S HAMMER, OR ST. ANTHONY'S CROSS.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 6. MONOGRAM OF CHRIST. Labarum of Constantine.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 7. MALTESE CROSS.]\n\nAs an instrument of execution, the cross, besides being the intersection\nof two beams with four projecting arms, was frequently of compound forms\nas [Y], on which the convicted person was fastened by the feet and hung\nhead downward. Another form [symbol], whereon he was fastened by one foot\nand one hand at each upper corner; still another form [symbol], whereon\nhis body was suspended on the central upright with his arms outstretched\nupon the cross beams.\n\nFig. 7 represents the sign of the military order of the Knights of Malta.\nIt is of medieval origin.\n\nFig. 8 (_a_ and _b_) represents two styles of Celtic crosses. These belong\nchiefly to Ireland and Scotland, are usually of stone, and frequently set\nup at marked places on the road side.\n\nHiggins, in his \"Anacalypsis,\" a rare and costly work, almost an\nencyclopedia of knowledge,[2] says, concerning the origin of the cross,\nthat the official name of the governor of Tibet, Lama, comes from the\nancient Tibetan word for the cross. The original spelling was L-a-m-h.\nThis is cited with approval in Davenport's \"Aphrodisiacs\" (p. 13).\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 8. CELTIC CROSSES.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 9. NORMAL SWASTIKA.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 10. SUAVASTIKA.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 11. SWASTIKA. Meander.]\n\nOf the many forms of the cross, the Swastika is the most ancient. Despite\nthe theories and speculations of students, its origin is unknown. It began\nbefore history, and is properly classed as prehistoric. Its description is\nas follows: The bars of the normal Swastika (frontispiece and fig. 9) are\nstraight, of equal thickness throughout, and cross each other at right\nangles, making four arms of equal size, length, and style. Their\npeculiarity is that all the ends are bent at right angles and in the same\ndirection, right or left. Prof. Max M\u00fcller makes the symbol different\naccording as the arms are bent to the right or to the left. That bent to\nthe right he denominates the true Swastika, that bent to the left he calls\nSuavastika (fig. 10), but he gives no authority for the statement, and the\nauthor has been unable to find, except in Burnouf, any justification for a\ndifference of names. Professor Goodyear gives the title of \"Meander\" to\nthat form of Swastika which bends two or more times (fig. 11).\n\nThe Swastika is sometimes represented with dots or points in the corners\nof the intersections (fig. 12_a_), and occasionally the same when without\nbent ends (fig. 12_b_), to which Zmigrodzki gives the name of _Croix\nSwasticale_. Some Swastikas have three dots placed equidistant around each\nof the four ends (fig. 12_c_).\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 12. CROIX SWASTICALE (ZMIGRODZKI).]\n\nThere are several varieties possibly related to the Swastika which have\nbeen found in almost every part of the globe, and though the relation may\nappear slight, and at first sight difficult to trace, yet it will appear\nmore or less intimate as the examination is pursued through its\nramifications. As this paper is an investigation into and report upon\nfacts rather than conclusions to be drawn from them, it is deemed wise to\ngive those forms bearing even possible relations to the Swastika. Certain\nof them have been accepted by the author as related to the Swastika, while\nothers have been rejected; but this rejection has been confined to cases\nwhere the known facts seemed to justify another origin for the symbol.\nSpeculation has been avoided.\n\n[Illustration: PECULIAR FORMS OF SWASTIKA.\n\nFig. 13_a_. OGEE AND SPIRAL SWASTIKAS. Tetraskelion (four-armed).\n\nFig. 13_b_. SPIRAL AND VOLUTE. Triskelion (three-armed).\n\nFig. 13_c_. SPIRAL AND VOLUTE. (Five or many armed.)\n\nFig. 13_d_. OGEE SWASTIKA, WITH CIRCLE.]\n\n\nNAMES AND DEFINITIONS OF THE SWASTIKA.\n\nThe Swastika has been called by different names in different countries,\nthough nearly all countries have in later years accepted the ancient\nSanskrit name of Swastika; and this name is recommended as the most\ndefinite and certain, being now the most general and, indeed, almost\nuniversal. It was formerly spelled s-v-a-s-t-i-c-a and s-u-a-s-t-i-k-a,\nbut the later spelling, both English and French, is s-w-a-s-t-i-k-a. The\ndefinition and etymology of the word is thus given in Littre's French\nDictionary:\n\n _Svastika_, or _Swastika_, a mystic figure used by several (East)\n Indian sects. It was equally well known to the Brahmins as to the\n Buddhists. Most of the rock inscriptions in the Buddhist caverns in\n the west of India are preceded or followed by the holy\n (_sacramentelle_) sign of the Swastika. (Eug. Burnouf, \"Le Lotus de la\n bonne loi.\" Paris, 1852, p. 625.) It was seen on the vases and pottery\n of Rhodes (Cyprus) and Etruria. (F. Delaunay, Jour. Off., Nov. 18,\n 1873, p. 7024, 3d Col.)\n\n Etymology: A Sanskrit word signifying happiness, pleasure, good luck.\n It is composed of _Su_ (equivalent of Greek [Greek: eu]), \"good,\" and\n _asti_, \"being,\" \"good being,\" with the suffix _ka_ (Greek [Greek:\n ka], Latin _co_).\n\nIn the \"Revue d'Ethnographie\" (IV, 1885, p. 329), Mr. Dumoutier gives the\nfollowing analysis of the Sanskrit _swastika_:\n\n _Su_, radical, signifying _good_, _well_, _excellent_, or _suvidas_,\n prosperity.\n\n _Asti_, third person, singular, indicative present of the verb _as_,\n to be, which is _sum_ in Latin.\n\n _Ka_, suffix forming the substantive.\n\nProfessor Whitney in the Century Dictionary says, Swastika--[Sanskrit,\nlit., \"of good fortune.\" Svasti (_Su_, well, + _asti_, being), welfare.]\nSame as fylfot. Compare _Crux ansata_ and _gammadion_.\n\nIn \"Ilios\" (p. 347), Max M\u00fcller says:\n\n Ethnologically, _svastika_ is derived from _svasti_, and _svasti_ from\n _su_, \"well,\" and _as_, \"to be.\" _Svasti_ occurs frequently in the\n Veda, both as a noun in a sense of happiness, and as an adverb in the\n sense of \"well\" or \"hail!\" It corresponds to the Greek [Greek:\n euest\u00f4]. The derivation _Svasti-ka_ is of later date, and it always\n means an auspicious sign, such as are found most frequently among\n Buddhists and Jainas.\n\nM. Eugene Burnouf[3] defines the mark Swastika as follows:\n\n A monogrammatic sign of four branches, of which the ends are curved at\n right angles, the name signifying, literally, the sign of benediction\n or good augury.\n\nThe foregoing explanations relate only to the present accepted name\n\"Swastika.\" The _sign_ Swastika must have existed long before the _name_\nwas given to it. It must have been in existence long before the Buddhist\nreligion or the Sanskrit language.\n\nIn Great Britain the common name given to the Swastika, from Anglo-Saxon\ntimes by those who apparently had no knowledge whence it came, or that it\ncame from any other than their own country, was Fylfot, said to have been\nderived from the Anglo-Saxon _fower fot_, meaning four-footed, or\nmany-footed.[4]\n\nGeorge Waring, in his work entitled \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages\" (p. 10),\nsays:\n\n The word [Fylfot] is Scandinavian and is compounded of Old Norse\n _fi\u00ebl_, equivalent to the Anglo-Saxon _fela_, German _viel_, many, and\n _fotr_, foot, the many-footed figure. * * * It is desirable to have\n some settled name by which to describe it; we will take the simplest\n and most descriptive, the \"Fylfot.\"\n\nHe thus transgresses one of the oldest and soundest rules of scientific\nnomenclature, and ignores the fact that the name Swastika has been\nemployed for this sign in the Sanskrit language (the etymology of the word\nnaturally gave it the name Svastika, _sv_--good or well, _asti_--to be or\nbeing, or it is) and that two thousand and more years of use in Asia and\nEurope had sanctioned and sanctified that as its name. The use of Fylfot\nis confined to comparatively few persons in Great Britain and, possibly,\nScandinavia. Outside of these countries it is scarcely known, used, or\nunderstood.\n\nThe Swastika was occasionally called in the French language, in earlier\ntimes, _Croix gamm\u00e9e_ or _Gammadion_, from its resemblance to a\ncombination of four of the Greek letters of that name, and it is so named\nby Count Goblet d'Alviella in his late work, \"La Migration des Symboles.\"\nIt was also called _Croix cramponn\u00e9e_, _Croix patt\u00e9e_, _Croix \u00e0 crochet_.\nBut the consensus even of French etymologists favors the name Swastika.\n\nSome foreign authors have called it Thor's hammer, or Thor's hammer-mark,\nbut the correctness of this has been disputed.[5] Waring, in his elaborate\nwork, \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\"[6] says:\n\n The [Z] used to be vulgarly called in Scandinavia the hammer of Thor,\n and Thor's hammer-mark, or the hammer-mark, but this name properly\n belongs to the mark [Y].\n\nLudwig M\u00fcller gives it as his opinion that the Swastika has no connection\nwith the Thor hammer. The best Scandinavian authors report the \"Thor\nhammer\" to be the same as the Greek tau (fig. 5), the same form as the\nRoman and English capital T. The Scandinavian name is Mi\u00f6lner or Mjolner,\nthe crusher or mallet.\n\nThe Greek, Latin, and Tau crosses are represented in Egyptian\nhieroglyphics by a hammer or mallet, giving the idea of crushing,\npounding, or striking, and so an instrument of justice, an avenger of\nwrong,[7] hence standing for Horus and other gods.[8] Similar symbolic\nmeanings have been given to these crosses in ancient classic countries of\nthe Orient.[9]\n\n\nSYMBOLISM AND INTERPRETATION.\n\nMany theories have been presented concerning the symbolism of the\nSwastika, its relation to ancient deities and its representation of\ncertain qualities. In the estimation of certain writers it has been\nrespectively the emblem of Zeus, of Baal, of the sun, of the sun-god, of\nthe sun-chariot of Agni the fire-god, of Indra the rain-god, of the sky,\nthe sky-god, and finally the deity of all deities, the great God, the\nMaker and Ruler of the Universe. It has also been held to symbolize light\nor the god of light, of the forked lightning, and of water. It is believed\nby some to have been the oldest Aryan symbol. In the estimation of others\nit represents Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva, Creator, Preserver, Destroyer. It\nappears in the footprints of Buddha, engraved upon the solid rock on the\nmountains of India (fig. 32). It stood for the Jupiter Tonans and Pluvius\nof the Latins, and the Thor of the Scandinavians. In the latter case it\nhas been considered--erroneously, however--a variety of the Thor hammer.\nIn the opinion of at least one author it had an intimate relation to the\nLotus sign of Egypt and Persia. Some authors have attributed a phallic\nmeaning to it. Others have recognized it as representing the generative\nprinciple of mankind, making it the symbol of the female. Its appearance\non the person of certain goddesses, Artemis, Hera, Demeter, Astarte, and\nthe Chaldean Nana, the leaden goddess from Hissarlik (fig. 125), has\ncaused it to be claimed as a sign of fecundity.\n\nIn forming the foregoing theories their authors have been largely\ncontrolled by the alleged fact of the substitution and permutation of the\nSwastika sign on various objects with recognized symbols of these\ndifferent deities. The claims of these theorists are somewhat clouded in\nobscurity and lost in the antiquity of the subject. What seems to have\nbeen at all times an attribute of the Swastika is its character as a charm\nor amulet, as a sign of benediction, blessing, long life, good fortune,\ngood luck. This character has continued into modern times, and while the\nSwastika is recognized as a holy and sacred symbol by at least one\nBuddhistic religious sect, it is still used by the common people of India,\nChina, and Japan as a sign of long life, good wishes, and good fortune.\n\nWhatever else the sign Swastika may have stood for, and however many\nmeanings it may have had, it was always ornamental. It may have been used\nwith any or all the above significations, but it was always ornamental as\nwell.\n\nThe Swastika sign had great extension and spread itself practically over\nthe world, largely, if not entirely, in prehistoric times, though its use\nin some countries has continued into modern times.\n\nThe elaboration of the meanings of the Swastika indicated above and its\ndispersion or migrations form the subject of this paper.\n\nDr. Schliemann found many specimens of Swastika in his excavations at the\nsite of ancient Troy on the hill of Hissarlik. They were mostly on spindle\nwhorls, and will be described in due course. He appealed to Prof. Max\nM\u00fcller for an explanation, who, in reply, wrote an elaborate description,\nwhich Dr. Schliemann published in \"Ilios.[10]\"\n\nHe commences with a protest against the word Swastika being applied\ngenerally to the sign Swastika, because it may prejudice the reader or the\npublic in favor of its Indian origin. He says:\n\n I do not like the use of the _word svastika_ outside of India. It is a\n _word_ of Indian origin and has its history and definite meaning in\n India. * * * The occurrence of such crosses in different parts of the\n world may or may not point to a common origin, but if they are once\n called _Svastika_ the _vulgus profanum_ will at once jump to the\n conclusion that they all come from India, and it will take some time\n to weed out such prejudice.\n\n Very little is known of Indian art before the third century B. C., the\n period when the Buddhist sovereigns began their public buildings.[11]\n\n The name Svastika, however, can be traced (in India) a little farther\n back. It occurs as the name of a particular sign in the old grammar of\n P\u00e2nani, about a century earlier. Certain compounds are mentioned there\n in which the last word is _karna_, \"ear.\" * * * One of the signs for\n marking cattle was the Svastika [fig. 41], and what P\u00e2nani teaches in\n his grammar is that when the compound is formed, _svastika-karna_, i.\n e., \"having the ear marked with the sign of a Svastika,\" the final _a_\n of Svastika is not to be lengthened, while it is lengthened in other\n compounds, such as _datra-karna_, i. e., \"having the ear marked with\n the sign of a sickle.\"\n\nD'Alviella[12] reinforces Max M\u00fcller's statement that Panini lived during\nthe middle of the fourth century, B. C. Thus it is shown that the word\nSwastika had been in use at that early period long enough to form an\nintegral part of the Sanskrit language and that it was employed to\nillustrate the particular sounds of the letter _a_ in its grammar.\n\nMax M\u00fcller continues his explanation:[13]\n\n It [the Swastika] occurs often at the beginning of the Buddhist\n inscriptions, on Buddhist coins, and in Buddhist manuscripts.\n Historically, the Svastika is first attested on a coin of Krananda,\n supposing Krananda to be the same king as Xandrames, the predecessor\n of Sandrokyptos, whose reign came to an end in 315 B. C. (See Thomas\n on the Identity of Xandrames and Krananda.) The paleographic evidence,\n however, seems rather against so early a date. In the footprints of\n Buddha the Buddhists recognize no less that sixty-five auspicious\n signs, the first of them being the _Svastika_ [see fig. 32], (Eugene\n Burnouf, \"Lotus de la bonne loi,\" p. 625); the fourth is the\n _Suavastika_, or that with the arms turned to the left [see fig. 10];\n the third, the _Nandy\u00e2varta_ [see fig. 14], is a mere development of\n the _Svastika_. Among the Jainas the _Svastika_ was the sign of their\n seventh Jina, Sup\u00e2rsva (Colebrooke \"Miscellaneous Essays,\" II, p. 188;\n Indian Antiquary, vol. 2, p. 135).\n\n In the later Sanskrit literature, _Svastika_ retains the meaning of an\n auspicious mark; thus we see in the R\u00e2m\u00e2yana (ed. Gorresio, II, p.\n 318) that Bharata selects a ship marked with the sign of the Svastika.\n Var\u00e2hamihira in the Brihat-samhit\u00e2 (Mod. S\u00e6c., VI, p. Ch.) mentions\n certain buildings called Svastika and Nandy\u00e2varta (53.34, seq.), but\n their outline does not correspond very exactly with the form of the\n signs. Some Sth\u00fbpas, however, are said to have been built on the plan\n of the Svastika. * * * Originally, _svastika_ may have been intended\n for no more than two lines crossing each other, or a cross. Thus we\n find it used in later times referring to a woman covering her breast\n with crossed arms (B\u00e2lar\u00e2m, 75.16), _svahastas-vastika-stani_, and\n likewise with reference to persons sitting crosslegged.\n\nDr. Max Ohnefalsch-Richter[14] speaking of the Swastika position, either\nof crossed legs or arms, among the Hindus,[15] suggests as a possible\nexplanation that these women bore the Swastikas upon their arms as did\nthe goddess Aphrodite, in fig. 8 of his writings, (see fig. 180 in the\npresent paper), and when they assumed the position of arms crossed over\ntheir breast, the Swastikas being brought into prominent view, possibly\ngave the name to the position as being a representative of the sign.\n\nMax M\u00fcller continues:[16]\n\n Quite another question is, why the sign [S] should have had an\n auspicious meaning, and why in Sanskrit it should have been called\n Svastika. The similarity between the group of letters _sv_ in the\n ancient Indian alphabet and the sign of Svastika is not very striking,\n and seems purely accidental.\n\n A remark of yours [Schliemann] (Troy, p. 38.) that the Svastika\n resembles a wheel in motion, the direction of the motion being\n indicated by the crampons, contains a useful hint, which has been\n confirmed by some important observations of Mr. Thomas, the\n distinguished Oriental numismatist, who has called attention to the\n fact that in the long list of the recognized devices of the\n twenty-four Jaina Tirthankaras the sun is absent, but that while the\n eighth Tirthankara has the sign of the half-moon, the seventh\n Tirthankara is marked with the Svastika, i. e., the sun. Here, then,\n we have clear indications that the Svastika, with the hands pointing\n in the right direction, was originally a symbol of the sun, perhaps of\n the vernal sun as opposed to the autumnal sun, the _Suavastika_, and,\n therefore, a natural symbol of light, life, health, and wealth.\n\n But, while from these indications we are justified in supposing that\n among the Aryan nations the Svastika may have been an old emblem of\n the sun, there are other indications to show that in other parts of\n the world the same or a similar emblem was used to indicate the earth.\n Mr. Beal * * * has shown * * * that the simple cross ([cross]) occurs\n as a sign for earth in certain ideographic groups. It was probably\n intended to indicate the four quarters--north, south, east, west--or,\n it may be, more generally, extension in length and breadth.\n\n That the cross is used as a sign for \"four\" in the Bactro-Pali\n inscriptions (Max M\u00fcller, \"Chips from a German Workshop,\" Vol. II, p.\n 298) is well known; but the fact that the same sign has the same power\n elsewhere, as, for instance, in the Hieratic numerals, does not prove\n by any means that the one figure was derived from the other. We forget\n too easily that what was possible in one place was possible also in\n other places; and the more we extend our researches, the more we shall\n learn that the chapter of accidents is larger than we imagine.\n\nThe \"Suavastika\" which Max M\u00fcller names and believes was applied to the\nSwastika sign, with the ends bent to the left (fig. 10), seems not to be\nreported with that meaning by any other author except Burnouf.[17]\nTherefore the normal Swastika would seem to be that with the ends bent to\nthe right. Burnouf says the word Suavastika may be a derivative or\ndevelopment of the Svastikaya, and ought to signify \"he who, or, that\nwhich, bears or carries the Swastika or a species of Swastika.\" Greg,[18]\nunder the title S\u00f4vastikaya, gives it as his opinion that there is no\ndifference between it and the Swastika. Colonel Low[19] mentions the word\nSawattheko, which, according to Burnouf[20] is only a variation of the\nPali word Sotthika or Suvatthika, the Pali translation of the Sanskrit\nSwastika. Burnouf translates it as Svastikaya.\n\nM. Eugene Burnouf[21] speaks of a third sign of the footprint of \u00c7akya,\ncalled Nand\u00e2vartaya, a good augury, the meaning being the \"circle of\nfortune,\" which is the Swastika inclosed within a square with avenues\nradiating from the corners (fig. 14). Burnouf says the above sign has many\nsignifications. It is a sacred temple or edifice, a species of labyrinth,\na garden of diamonds, a chain, a golden waist or shoulder belt, and a\nconique with spires turning to the right.\n\nColonel Sykes[22] concludes that, according to the Chinese authorities\nFa-hian, Soung Young, Hiuan thsang, the \"Doctors of reason,\" Tao-sse, or\nfollowers of the mystic cross [S] were diffused in China and India before\nthe advent of Sakya in the sixth century B. C. (according to Chinese,\nJapanese, and Buddhist authorities, the eleventh century B. C.),\ncontinuing until Fa-hian's time; and that they were professors of a\nqualified Buddhism, which, it is stated, was the universal religion of\nTibet before Sakya's advent,[23] and continued until the introduction of\northodox Buddhism in the ninth century A. D.[24]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 14. NAND\u00c2VARTAYA, A THIRD SIGN OF THE FOOTPRINT OF\nBUDDHA. Burnouf, \"Lotus de la Bonne Loi,\" Paris, 1852, p. 696.]\n\nKlaproth[25] calls attention to the frequent mention by Fa-hian, of the\nTao-sse, sectaries of the mystic cross [S] (Sanskrit Swastika), and to\ntheir existence in Central Asia and India; while he says they were\ndiffused over the countries to the west and southwest of China, and came\nannually from all kingdoms and countries to adore Kassapo, Buddha's\npredecessor.[26] Mr. James Burgess[27] mentions the Tirthankaras or Jainas\nas being sectarians of the Mystic Cross, the Swastika.\n\nThe Cyclop\u00e6dia of India (title Swastika), coinciding with Prof. Max\nM\u00fcller, says:\n\n The Swastika symbol is not to be confounded with the Swastika sect in\n Tibet which took the symbol for its name as typical of the belief of\n its members. They render the Sanskrit Swastika as composed of su\n \"well\" and asti \"it is,\" meaning, as Professor Wilson expresses it,\n \"so be it,\" and implying complete resignation under all circumstances.\n They claimed the Swastika of Sanskrit as the _suti_ of Pali, and that\n the Swastika cross was a combination of the two symbols _sutti-suti_.\n They are rationalists, holding that contentment and peace of mind\n should be the only objects of life. The sect has preserved its\n existence in different localities and under different names,\n Thirthankara, Tor, Musteg, Pon, the last name meaning purity, under\n which a remnant are still in the farthest parts of the most eastern\n province of Tibet.\n\nGeneral Cunningham[28] adds his assertion of the Swastika being the symbol\nused by the Buddhist sect of that name. He says in a note:\n\n The founder of this sect flourished about the year 604 to 523 B. C.,\n and that the mystic cross is a symbol formed by the combination of the\n two Sanskrit syllables _su_ and _ti-suti_.\n\nWaring[29] proceeds to demolish these statements of a sect named Swastika\nas pure inventions, and \"consulting Professor Wilson's invaluable work on\nthe Hindoo religious sects in the 'Asiatic Researches,' we find no account\nof any sect named Swastika.\"\n\nMr. V. R. Gandhi, a learned legal gentleman of Bombay, a representative of\nthe Jain sect of Buddhists to the World's Parliament of Religions at\nChicago, 1893, denies that there is in either India or Tibet a sect of\nBuddhists named \"Swastika.\" He suggests that these gentlemen probably mean\nthe sects of Jains (of which Mr. Gandhi is a member), because this sect\nuses the Swastika as a sign of benediction and blessing. This will be\ntreated further on. (See p. 804.)\n\nZmigrodzki, commenting on the frequency of the Swastika on the objects\nfound by Dr. Schliemann at Hissarlik, gives it as his opinion[30] that\nthese representations of the Swastika have relation to a human cult\nindicating a supreme being filled with goodness toward man. The sun,\nstars, etc., indicate him as a god of light. This, in connection with the\nidol of Venus, with its triangular shield engraved with a Swastika (fig.\n125), and the growing trees and palms, with their increasing and\nmultiplying branches and leaves, represent to him the idea of fecundity,\nmultiplication, increase, and hence the god of life as well as of light.\nThe Swastika sign on funeral vases indicates to him a belief in a divine\nspirit in man which lives after death, and hence he concludes that the\npeople of Hissarlik, in the \"Burnt City\" (the third of Schliemann), adored\na supreme being, the god of light and of life, and believed in the\nimmortality of the soul.\n\nR. P. Greg says:[31]\n\n Originally it [the Swastika] would appear to have been an early Aryan\n atmospheric device or symbol indicative of both rain and lightning,\n phenomena appertaining to the god Indra, subsequently or collaterally\n developing, possibly, into the Suastika, or sacred fire churn in\n India, and at a still later period in Greece, adopted rather as a\n solar symbol, or converted about B. C. 650 into the meander or key\n pattern.\n\nWaring, while he testifies to the extension of the Swastika both in time\nand area, says:[32]\n\n But neither in the hideous jumble of Pantheism--the wild speculative\n thought, mystic fables, and perverted philosophy of life among the\n Buddhists--nor in the equally wild and false theosophy of the\n Brahmins, to whom this symbol, as distinctive of the Vishnavas,\n sectarian devotees of Vishnu, is ascribed by Moor in his \"Indian\n Pantheon,\" nor yet in the tenets of the Jains,[33] do we find any\n decisive explanation of the meaning attached to this symbol, although\n its allegorical intention is indubitable.\n\nHe mentions the Swastika of the Buddhists, the cross, the circle, their\ncombination, the three-foot [Y] and adds: \"They exhibit forms of those\nolden and widely spread pagan symbols of Deity and sanctity, eternal life\nand blessing.\"\n\nProfessor Sayce says:[34]\n\n The Cyprian vase figured in Di Cesnola's \"Cyprus,\" pl. XLV, fig. 36\n [see fig. 156], which associates the Swastika with the figure of an\n animal, is a striking analogue of the Trojan whorls on which it is\n associated with the figures of stags. The fact that it is drawn within\n the vulva of the leaden image of the Asiatic goddess [see fig. 125]\n seems to show that it was a symbol of generation. I believe that it is\n identical with the Cyprian character [symbol] or [symbol] (ne), which\n has the form [symbol] in the inscription of Golgi, and also with the\n Hittite [symbol] or [symbol] which Dr. Hyde Clarke once suggested to\n me was intended to represent the organs of generation.\n\nMr. Waller, in his work entitled \"Monumental Crosses,\" describes the\nSwastika as having been known in India as a sacred symbol many centuries\nbefore our Lord, and used as the distinguishing badge of a religious sect\ncalling themselves \"Followers of the Mystic Cross.\" Subsequently, he says,\nit was adopted by the followers of Buddha and was still later used by\nChristians at a very early period, being first introduced on Christian\nmonuments in the sixth century. But Mr. Waring says that in this he is not\ncorrect, as it was found in some of the early paintings in the Roman\ncatacombs, particularly on the habit of a _Fossor_, or gravedigger, given\nby D'Agincourt.\n\nPugin, in his \"Glossary of Ornament,\" under the title \"Fylfot,\" says that\nin Tibet the Swastika was used as a representation of God crucified for\nthe human race, citing as his authority F. Augustini Antonii Georgii.[35]\nHe remarks:\n\n From these accounts it would appear that the fylfot is a mystical\n ornament, not only adopted among Christians from primitive times, but\n used, as if prophetically, for centuries before the coming of our\n Lord. To descend to later times, we find it constantly introduced in\n ecclesiastical vestments, * * * till the end of the fifteenth century,\n a period marked by great departure from traditional symbolism.\n\nIts use was continued in Tibet into modern times, though its meaning is\nnot given.[36] (See p. 802.)\n\nThe Rev. G. Cox, in his \"Aryan Mythology,\" says:\n\n We recognize the male and the female symbol in the trident of\n Poseidon, and in the fylfot or hammer of Thor, which assumes the form\n of a cross-patt\u00e8e in the various legends which turn on the rings of\n Freya, Holda, Venus, or Aphrodite.\n\nHere again we find the fylfot and cross-patt\u00e8e spoken of as the same\nsymbol, and as being emblematic of the reproductive principles, in which\nview of its meaning Dr. Inman, in his \"Ancient Faiths Embodied in Ancient\nNames,\" concurs.\n\nBurnouf[37] recounts the myth of Agni (from which comes, through the Latin\n_ignis_, the English word igneous), the god of Sacred Fire, as told in the\nVeda:[38]\n\n The young queen, the mother of Fire, carried the royal infant\n mysteriously concealed in her bosom. She was a woman of the people,\n whose common name was \"Arani\"--that is, the instrument of wood (the\n Swastika) from which fire was made or brought by rubbing. * * * The\n origin of the sign [Swastika] is now easy to recognize. It represents\n the two pieces of wood which compose _l'arani_, of which the\n extremities were bent to be retained by the four nails. At the\n junction of the two pieces of wood was a fossette or cup-like hole,\n and there they placed a piece of wood upright, in form of a lance (the\n Pramantha), violent rotation of which, by whipping (after the fashion\n of top-whipping), produced fire, as did Prometheus, the _porteur du\n feu_, in Greece.\n\nAnd this myth was made, as have been others, probably by the priests and\npoets of succeeding times, to do duty for different philosophies. The\nSwastika was made to represent Arani (the female principle); the Pramantha\nor upright fire stake representing Agni, the fire god (the male); and so\nthe myth served its part to account for the birth of fire. Burnouf hints\nthat the myth grew out of the production of holy fire for the sacred\naltars by the use of the Pramantha and Swastika, after the manner of\nsavages in all times. Zmigrodzki accepts this myth, and claims all\nspecimens with dots or points--supposed nail holes--as Swastikas.\n\nThe Count Goblet d'Alviella[39] argues in opposition to the theory\nannounced by Burnouf and by Zmigrodzki, that the Swastika or croix\nswasticale, when presenting dots or points, had relation to fire making.\nHe denies that the points represent nails, or that nails were made or\nnecessary either for the Swastika or the Arani, and concludes that there\nis no evidence to support the theory, and nothing to show the Swastika to\nhave been used as a fire-making apparatus, whether with or without the\ndots or points.\n\nMr. Greg[40] opposes this entire theory, saying:\n\n The difficulty about the Swastika and its supposed connection with\n fire appears to me to be in not knowing precisely what the old fire\n drill and chark were like. * * * I much doubt whether the Swastika had\n originally any connection either with the fire-chark or with the sun.\n * * * The best authorities consider Burnouf is in error as to the\n earlier use of the two lower cross pieces of wood and the four nails\n said to have been used to fix or steady the framework.\n\nHe quotes from Tylor's description[41] of the old fire drill used in\nIndia for kindling the sacrificial fire by the process called \"churning,\"\nas it resembles that in India by which butter is separated from milk. It\nconsists in drilling one piece of Arani wood by pulling a cord with one\nhand while the other is slackened, and so, alternately (the strap drill),\ntill the wood takes fire. Mr. Greg states that the Eskimos use similar\nmeans, and the ancient Greeks used the drill and cord, and he adds his\nconclusions: \"There is nothing of the Swastika and four nails in\nconnection with the fire-churn.\"\n\nBurton[42] also criticises Burnouf's theory:\n\n If used on sacrificial altars to reproduce the holy fire, the practice\n is peculiar and not derived from everyday life; for as early as Pliny\n they know that the savages used two, and never three, fire sticks.\n\nBurnouf continues his discussion of myths concerning the origin of fire:\n\n According to Hymnes, the discoverer of fire was Atharan, whoso name\n signifies fire, but Bhrigon it was who made the sacred fire, producing\n resplendent flames on the earthen altar. In theory of physics, Agni,\n who was the fire residing within the \"onction,\" (?) came from the milk\n of the cow, which, in its turn, came from the plants that had\n nourished her; and these plants in their turn grew by receiving and\n appropriating the heat or fire of the sun. Therefore, the virtue of\n the \"onction\" came from the god.\n\nOne of the Vedas says of Agni, the god of fire:[43]\n\n Agni, thou art a sage, a priest, a king,\n Protector, father of the sacrifice;\n Commissioned by our men thou dost ascend\n A messenger, conveying to the sky\n Our hymns and offerings, though thy origin\n Be three fold, now from air and now from water,\n Now from the mystic double _Arani_.[44]\n\nCount Goblet d'Alviella combats the hypothesis of Burnouf that the\nSwastika when turned to right or left, passed, the one for the male and\nthe other for the female principle, and declares, on the authority of Sir\nGeorge Birdwood, that it is, in modern India, a popular custom to name\nobjects which appear in couples as having different sexes, so that to say\n\"the male Swastika\" and the \"female Swastika,\" indicating them by the\npronouns \"he\" or \"she,\" would be expressed in the same manner when\nspeaking of the hammer and the anvil or of any other objects used in\npairs.[45]\n\nLudwig M\u00fcller, in his elaborate treatise, gives it as his opinion that the\nSwastika had no connection with the Tau cross or with the _Crux ansata_,\nor with the fire wheel, or with arani, or agni, or with the mystic or\nalphabetic letters, nor with the so-called spokes of the solar wheel, nor\nthe forked lightning, nor the hammer of Thor. He considers that the\ntriskelion might throw light on its origin, as indicating perpetual\nwhirling or circular movement, which, in certain parts of southern Asia as\nthe emblem of Zeus, was assimilated to that of Baal, an inference which he\ndraws from certain Asiatic coins of 400 B. C.\n\nMr. R. P. Greg[46] opposes this theory and expresses the opinion that the\nSwastika is far older and wider spread as a symbol than the triskelion, as\nwell as being a more purely Aryan symbol. Greg says that Ludwig M\u00fcller\nattaches quite too much importance to the sun in connection with the early\nAryans, and lays too great stress upon the supposed relation of the\nSwastika as a solar symbol. The Aryans, he says, were a race not given to\nsun worship; and, while he may agree with M\u00fcller that the Swastika is an\nemblem of Zeus and Jupiter merely as the Supreme God, yet he believes that\nthe origin of the Swastika had no reference to a movement of the sun\nthrough the heavens; and he prefers his own theory that it was a device\nsuggested by the forked lightning as the chief weapon of the air god.\n\nMr. Greg's paper is of great elaboration, and highly complicated. He\ndevotes an entire page or plate (21) to a chart showing the older Aryan\nfire, water, and sun gods, according to the Brahmin or Buddhist system.\nThe earliest was Dyaus, the bright sky or the air god; Adyti, the infinite\nexpanse, mother of bright gods; Varuna, the covering of the shining\nfirmament. Out of this trinity came another, Zeus, being the descendant of\nDyaus, the sky god; Agni, the fire; Sulya, the sun, and Indra, the rain\ngod. These in their turn formed the great Hindu trinity, Brahma, Vishnu,\nand Siva--creator, preserver, and destroyer; and, in his opinion, the\nSwastika was the symbol or ordinary device of Indra as well as of Zeus. He\ncontinues his table of descent from these gods, with their accompanying\ndevices, to the sun, lightning, fire, and water, and makes almost a\ncomplete scheme of the mythology of that period, into which it is not\npossible to follow him. However, he declines to accept the theory of Max\nM\u00fcller of any difference of form or meaning between the Suavastika and the\nSwastika because the ends or arms turned to the right or to the left, and\nhe thinks the two symbols to be substantially the same. He considers it to\nhave been, in the first instance, exclusively of early Aryan origin and\nuse, and that down to about 600 B. C. it was the emblem or symbol of the\nsupreme Aryan god; that it so continued down through the various steps of\ndescent (according to the chart mentioned) until it became the device and\nsymbol of Brahma, and finally of Buddha. He thinks that it may have been\nthe origin of the Greek fret or meander pattern. Later still it was\nadopted even by the early Christians as a suitable variety of their cross,\nand became variously modified in form and was used as a charm.\n\nD'Alviella[47] expresses his doubts concerning the theory advanced by\nGreg[48] to the effect that the Swastika is to be interpreted as a symbol\nof the air or of the god who dwells in the air, operating sometimes to\nproduce light, other times rain, then water, and so on, as is represented\nby the god Indra among the Hindus, Thor among the Germans and\nScandinavians, Perkun among the Slavs, Zeus among the Pelasgi and Greeks,\nJupiter Tonans, and Pluvius among the Latins. He disputes the theory that\nthe association of the Swastika sign with various others on the same\nobject proves its relationship with that object or sign. That it appears\non vases or similar objects associated with what is evidently a solar disk\nis no evidence to him that the Swastika belongs to the sun, or when\nassociated with the zigzags of lightning that it represents the god of\nlightning, nor the same with the god of heaven. The fact of its appearing\neither above or below any one of these is, in his opinion, of no\nimportance and has no signification, either general or special.\n\nD'Alviella says[49] that the only example known to him of a Swastika upon\na monument consecrated to Zeus or Jupiter is on a Celto-Roman altar,\nerected, according to all appearances, by the Daci during the time they\nwere garrisoned at Ambloganna, in Britain. The altar bears the letters I.\nO. M., which have been thought to stand for Jupiter Optimus Maximus. The\nSwastika thereon is flanked by two disks or rouelles, with four rays, a\nsign which M. Gaidoz believes to have been a representative of the sun\namong the Gaulois.[50]\n\nDr. Brinton[51] considers the Swastika as being related to the cross and\nnot to the circle, and asserts that the Ta Ki or Triskeles, the Swastika\nand the Cross, were originally of the same signification, or at least\nclosely allied in meaning.\n\nWaring,[52] after citing his authorities, sums up his opinion thus:\n\n We have given remarks of the various writers on this symbol, and it\n will be seen that, though they are more or less vague, uncertain, and\n confused in their description of it, still, with one exception, they\n all agree that it is a mystic symbol, peculiar to some deity or other,\n bearing a special signification, and generally believed to have some\n connection with one of the elements--water.\n\nBurton says:[53]\n\n The Svastika is apparently the simplest form of the Guilloche [scroll\n pattern or spiral]. According to Wilkinson (11, Chap. IX), the most\n complicated form of the Guilloche covered an Egyptian ceiling upward\n of a thousand years older than the objects found at Nineveh. The\n Svastika spread far and wide, everywhere assuming some fresh\n mythological and mysterious significance. In the north of Europe it\n became the Fylfot or Crutched cross.\n\nCount Goblet d'Alviella is of the opinion (p. 57) that the Swastika was\n\"above all an amulet, talisman, or phylactere,\" while (p. 56) \"it is\nincontestable that a great number of the Swastikas were simply motifs of\nornamentation, of coin marks, and marks of fabrics,\" but he agrees (p. 57)\nthat there is no symbol that has given rise to so many interpretations,\nnot even the _tricula_ of the Buddhists, and \"this is a great deal to\nsay.\" Ludwig M\u00fcller believes the Swastika to have been used as an ornament\nand as a charm and amulet, as well as a sacred symbol.\n\nDr. H. Colley March, in his learned paper on the \"Fylfot and the Futhore\nTir,\"[54] thinks the Swastika had no relation to fire or fire making or\nthe fire god. His theory is that it symbolized axial motion and not merely\ngyration; that it represented the celestial pole, the axis of the heavens\naround which revolve the stars of the firmament. This appearance of\nrotation is most impressive in the constellation of the Great Bear. About\nfour thousand years ago the apparent pivot of rotation was at [Greek: a]\n_Draconis_, much nearer the Great Bear than now, and at that time the\nrapid circular sweep must have been far more striking than at present. In\naddition to the name Ursa Major the Latins called this constellation\n_Septentriones_, \"the seven plowing oxen,\" that dragged the stars around\nthe pole, and the Greeks called it [Greek: elik\u00ea], from its vast spiral\nmovement.[55] In the opinion of Dr. March all these are represented or\nsymbolized by the Swastika.\n\nProf. W. H. Goodyear, of New York, has lately (1891) published an\nelaborate quarto work entitled \"The Grammar of the Lotus: A New History of\nClassic Ornament as a Development of Sun Worship.\"[56] It comprises 408\npages, with 76 plates, and nearly a thousand figures. His theory develops\nthe sun symbol from the lotus by a series of ingenious and complicated\nevolutions passing through the Ionic style of architecture, the volutes\nand spirals forming meanders or Greek frets, and from this to the\nSwastika. The result is attained by the following line of argument and\nillustrations:\n\nThe lotus was a \"fetish of immemorial antiquity and has been worshiped in\nmany countries from Japan to the Straits of Gibraltar;\" it was a symbol of\n\"fecundity,\" \"life,\" \"immortality,\" and of \"resurrection,\" and has a\nmortuary significance and use. But its elementary and most important\nsignification was as a solar symbol.[57]\n\nHe describes the Egyptian lotus and traces it through an innumerable\nnumber of specimens and with great variety of form. He mentions many of\nthe sacred animals of Egypt and seeks to maintain their relationship by or\nthrough the lotus, not only with each other but with solar circles and the\nsun worship.[58] Direct association of the solar disk and lotus are,\naccording to him, common on the monuments and on Phenician and Assyrian\nseals; while the lotus and the sacred animals, as in cases cited of the\ngoose representing Seb (solar god, and father of Osiris), also Osiris\nhimself and Horus, the hawk and lotus, bull and lotus, the asp and lotus,\nthe lion and lotus, the sphinx and lotus, the gryphon and lotus, the\nserpent and lotus, the ram and lotus--all of which animals, and with them\nthe lotus, have, in his opinion, some related signification to the sun or\nsome of his deities.[59] He is of the opinion that the lotus motif was the\nfoundation of the Egyptian style of architecture, and that it appeared at\nan early date, say, the fourteenth century B. C. By intercommunication\nwith the Greeks it formed the foundation of the Greek Ionic capital,\nwhich, he says,[60] \"offers no dated example of the earlier time than the\nsixth century B. C.\" He supports this contention by authority, argument,\nand illustration.\n\n[Illustration: From figures in Goodyear's \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" p. 27.\n\nFig. 15. TYPICAL LOTUS ON CYPRIAN VASES.\n\nFig. 16. TYPICAL LOTUS ON RHODIAN VASES.\n\nFig. 17. TYPICAL LOTUS ON MELIAN VASES.]\n\nHe shows[61] the transfer of the lotus motif to Greece, and its use as an\nornament on the painted vases and on those from Cyprus, Rhodes, and Melos\n(figs. 15, 16, 17).\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 18. DETAIL OF CYPRIAN VASE SHOWING LOTUSES WITH\nCURLING SEPALS. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Goodyear, \"Grammar\nof the Lotus,\" pl. 47, fig. 1.]\n\nChantre[62] notes the presence of spirals similar to those of fig. 17, in\nthe terramares of northern Italy and up and down the Danube, and his fig.\n186 (fig. 17) he says represents the decorating motif, the most frequent\nin all that part of prehistoric Europe. He cites \"Notes sur les torques ou\nornaments spirals.\"[63]\n\nThat the lotus had a foundation deep and wide in Egyptian mythology is not\nto be denied; that it was allied to and associated on the monuments and\nother objects with many sacred and mythologic characters in Egypt and\nafterwards in Greece is accepted. How far it extends in the direction\ncontended for by Professor Goodyear, is no part of this investigation. It\nappears well established that in both countries it became highly\nconventionalized, and it is quite sufficient for the purpose of this\nargument that it became thus associated with the Swastika. Figs. 18 and\n19 represent details of Cyprian vases and amphora belonging to the\nCesnola collection in the New York Metropolitan Museum of Art, showing the\nlotus with curling sepals among which are interspersed Swastikas of\ndifferent forms.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 19. DETAIL OF CYPRIAN AMPHORA IN METROPOLITAN MUSEUM\nOF ART, NEW YORK CITY. Lotus with curling sepals and different Swastikas.\nGoodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 47, figs. 2, 3.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 20. THEORY OF THE EVOLUTION OF THE SPIRAL SCROLL FROM\nLOTUS. One Volute. Goodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" fig. 21.]\n\nAccording to Professor Goodyear,[64] these bent sepals of the lotus were\nexaggerated and finally became spirals,[65] which, being projected at a\ntangent, made volutes, and, continuing one after the other, as shown in\nfig. 20, formed bands of ornament; or,[66] being connected to right and\nleft, spread the ornament over an extended surface as in fig. 21. One of\nhis paths of evolution closed these volutes and dropped the connecting\ntangent, when they formed the concentric rings of which we see so much.\nSeveral forms of Egyptian scarab\u00e6i, showing the evolution of concentric\nrings, are shown in figs. 22, 23, and 24.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 21. THEORY OF LOTUS RUDIMENTS IN SPIRAL. Tomb 33,\nAbd-el Kourneh, Thebes. Goodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" p. 96.]\n\nBy another path of the evolution of his theory, one has only to square the\nspiral volutes, and the result is the Greek fret shown in fig. 25.[67] The\nGreek fret has only to be doubled, when it produces the Swastika shown in\nfig. 26.[68] Thus we have, according to him, the origin of the Swastika,\nas shown in figs. 27 and 28.[69]\n\nProfessor Goodyear is authority for the statement that the earliest dated\ninstances of the isolated scroll is in the fifth dynasty of Egypt, and of\nthe lotus and spiral is in the eleventh dynasty. The spiral of fig. 19\n(above) belongs to the twelfth dynasty.[70]\n\n[Illustration: EGYPTIAN SCARAB\u00c6I SHOWING EVOLUTION OF CONCENTRIC RINGS.\n\nFig. 22. CONCENTRIC RINGS CONNECTED BY TANGENTS. From a figure in Petrie's\n\"History of Scarabs.\"\n\nFig. 23. CONCENTRIC RINGS WITH DISCONNECTED TANGENTS. Barringer\ncollection, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City. Goodyear, \"Grammar\nof the Lotus,\" pl. 8, fig. 93.\n\nFig. 24. CONCENTRIC RINGS WITHOUT CONNECTION. Farman collection,\nMetropolitan Museum of Art, New York City. Goodyear, \"Grammar of the\nLotus,\" pl. 8, fig. 95.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 25. SPECIAL EGYPTIAN MEANDER. An illustration of the\ntheory of derivation from the spiral. Goodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\"\npl. 10, fig. 9.]\n\nProfessor Goodyear devotes an entire chapter to the Swastika. On pages\n352, 353 he says:\n\n There is no proposition in arch\u00e6ology which can be so easily\n demonstrated as the assertion that the Swastika was originally a\n fragment of the Egyptian meander, provided Greek geometric vases are\n called in evidence. The connection between the meander and the\n Swastika has been long since suggested by Prof. A. S. Murray.[71]\n Hindu specialists have suggested that the Swastika produced the\n meander. Birdwood[72] says: \"I believe the Swastika to be the origin\n of the key pattern ornament of Greek and Chinese decorative art.\"\n Zmigrodzki, in a recent publication,[73] has not only reproposed this\n derivation of the meander, but has even connected the Mycen\u00e6 spirals\n with this supposed development, and has proposed to change the name of\n the spiral ornament accordingly. * * * The equivalence of the Swastika\n with the meander pattern is suggested, in the first instance, by its\n appearance in the shape of the meander on the Rhodian (pl. 28, fig.\n 7), Melian (pl. 60, fig. 8), arch\u00e6ic Greek (pl. 60, fig. 9, and pl.\n 61, fig. 12), and Greek geometric vases (pl. 56). The appearance, in\n shape of the meander may be verified in the British Museum on one\n geometric vase of the oldest type, and it also occurs in the Louvre.\n\nOn page 354, Goodyear says:\n\n The solar significance of the Swastika is proven by the Hindu coins of\n the Jains. Its generative significance is proven by a leaden statuette\n from Troy. It is an equivalent of the lotus (pl. 47, figs. 1, 2, 3),\n of the solar diagram (pl. 57, fig. 12, and pl. 60, fig. 8), of the\n rosette (pl. 20, fig. 8), of concentric rings (pl. 47, fig. 11), of\n the spiral scroll (pl. 34, fig. 8, and pl. 39, fig. 2), of the\n geometric boss (pl. 48, fig. 12), of the triangle (pl. 46, fig. 5),\n and of the anthemion (pl. 28, fig. 7, and pl. 30, fig. 4). It appears\n with the solar deer (pl. 60, figs. 1 and 2), with the solar antelope\n (pl. 37, fig. 9), with the symbolic fish (pl. 42, fig. 1), with the\n ibex (pl. 37, fig. 4), with the solar sphinx (pl. 34, fig. 8), with\n the solar lion (pl. 30, fig. 4), the solar ram (pl. 28, fig. 7), and\n the solar horse (pl. 61, figs. 1, 4, 5, and 12). Its most emphatic and\n constant association is with the solar bird (pl. 60, fig. 15; fig.\n 173).\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 26. DETAIL OF GREEK VASE. Meander and Swastika.\nGoodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" fig. 171.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 27. DETAIL OF GREEK GEOMETRIC VASE IN THE BRITISH\nMUSEUM. Swastika, right, with solar geese. Goodyear, \"Grammar of the\nLotus,\" pl. 353, fig. 173.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 28. GREEK GEOMETRIC VASE. Swastika with solar geese.\nGoodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 353, fig. 172.]\n\nCount Goblet d'Alviella, following Ludwig M\u00fcller, Percy Gardner, S. Beal,\nEdward Thomas, Max M\u00fcller, H. Gaidoz, and other authors, accepts their\ntheory that the Swastika was a symbolic representation of the sun or of a\nsun god, and argues it fully.[74] He starts with the proposition that most\nof the nations of the earth have represented the sun by a circle, although\nsome of them, notably the Assyrians, Hindus, Greeks, and Celts, have\nrepresented it by signs more or less cruciform. Examining his fig. 2,\nwherein signs of the various people are set forth, it is to be remarked\nthat there is no similarity or apparent relationship between the six\nsymbols given, either with themselves or with the sun. Only one of them,\nthat of Assyria, pretends to be a circle; and it may or may not stand for\nthe sun. It has no exterior rays. All the rest are crosses of different\nkinds. Each of the six symbols is represented as being from a single\nnation of people. They are prehistoric or of high antiquity, and most of\nthem appear to have no other evidence of their representation of the sun\nthan is contained in the sign itself, so that the first objection is to\nthe premises, to wit, that while his symbols may have sometimes\nrepresented the sun, it is far from certain that they are used constantly\nor steadily as such. An objection is made to the theory or hypothesis\npresented by Count d'Alviella[75] that it is not the cross part of the\nSwastika which represents the sun, but its bent arms, which show the\nrevolving motion, by which he says is evolved the tetraskelion or what in\nthis paper is named the \"Ogee Swastika.\" The author is more in accord with\nDr. Brinton and others that the Swastika is derived from the cross and not\nfrom the wheel, that the bent arms do not represent rotary or gyratory\nmotion, and that it had no association with, or relation to, the circle.\nThis, if true, relieves the Swastika from all relation with the circle as\na symbol of the sun. Besides, it is not believed that the symbol of the\nsun is one which required rotary or gyratory motion or was represented by\nit, but, as will be explained, in speaking of the Assyrian sun-god Shamash\n(p. 789), it is rather by a circle with pointed rays extending outward.\n\nD'Alviella[76] presents several figures in support of his contention. The\nfirst (_a_) is on a fibula from Etruria (fig. 190 of this paper). His\nexplanation is that the small circle of rays, bent at right angles, on the\nbroad shield of the pin, represents graphically the rotary movement of the\nsun, and that the bent arms in the Swastikas on the same object are taken\nfrom them. It seems curious that so momentous a subject as the existence\nof a symbol of a great god, the god of light, heat, and thus of life,\nshould be made to depend upon an object of so small importance. This\nspecimen (fig. 190) is a fibula or pin, one of the commonest objects of\nEtruscan, Greek, or Roman dress. The decorations invoked are on the broad\nend, which has been flattened to protect the point of the pin, where\nappears a semicircle of so-called rays, the two Swastikas and two possible\ncrosses. There is nothing about this pin, nor indeed any of the other\nobjects, to indicate any holy or sacred character, nor that any of them\nwere used in any ceremony having relation to the sun, to any god, or to\nanything holy or sacred. His fig. _b_ is fig. 88 in this paper. It shows a\nquadrant of the sphere found by Schliemann at Hissarlik. There is a\nslightly indefinite circle with rays from the outside, which are bent and\ncrooked in many directions. The sphere is of terra cotta; the marks that\nhave been made on it are rough and ill formed. They were made by incision\nwhile the clay was soft and were done in the rudest manner. There are\ndozens more marks upon the same sphere, none of which seem to have\nreceived any consideration in this regard. There is a Swastika upon the\nsphere, and it is the only mark or sign upon the entire object that seems\nto have been made with care or precision. His third figure (_c_) is taken\nfrom a reliquaire of the thirteenth century A. D. It has a greater\nresemblance to the acanthus plant than it has to any solar disk\nimaginable. The other two figures (_d_ and _e_) are tetraskelions or ogee\nSwastikas from ancient coins.\n\nD'Alviella's next argument[77] is that the triskelion, formed by the same\nprocess as the tetraskelion, is an \"incontestable\" representation of\nsolar movement. No evidence is submitted in support of this assertion,\nand the investigator of the present day is required, as in prehistoric\nobjects, to depend entirely upon the object itself. The bent arms contain\nno innate evidence (even though they should be held to represent rotary or\ngyratory motion) representing the sun or sun gods. It is respectfully\nsuggested that in times of antiquity, as in modern times, the sun is not\nrepresented as having a rotary motion, but is rather represented by a\ncircle with diminishing rays projecting from the center or exterior. It\nseems unjustifiable, almost ridiculous, to transform the three flexed\nhuman legs, first appearing on the coins of Lycia, into a sun symbol, to\nmake it the reliable evidence of sun worship, and give it a holy or sacred\ncharacter as representing a god. It is surely pushing the argument too far\nto say that this is an \"incontestable\" representation of the solar\nmovement. The illustrations by d'Alviella on his page 71 are practically\nthe same as figs. 224 to 226 of this paper.\n\nCount d'Alviella's further argument[78] is that symbols of the sun god\nbeing frequently associated, alternated with, and sometimes replaced by,\nthe Swastika, proves it to have been a sun symbol. But this is doubted,\nand evidence to sustain the proposition is wanting. Undoubtedly the\nSwastika was a symbol, was intentional, had a meaning and a degree of\nimportance, and, while it may have been intended to represent the sun and\nhave a higher and holier character, yet these mere associations are not\nevidence of the fact.\n\nD'Alviella's plate 2, page 80, while divided into sections _a_ and _b_, is\nfilled only with illustrations of Swastika associated with circles, dots,\netc., introduced for the purpose of showing the association of the\nSwastika therewith, and that the permutation and replacing of these signs\nby the Swastika is evidence that the Swastika represented the sun. Most of\nthe same illustrations are presented in this paper, and it is respectfully\nsubmitted that the evidence does not bear out his conclusion. If it be\nestablished that these other symbols are representatives of the sun, how\ndoes that prove that the Swastika was itself a representative of the sun\nor the sun god? D'Alviella himself argues[79] against the proposition of\nequivalence of meaning because of association when applied to the _Crux\nansata_, the circle, the crescent, the triskelion, the lightning sign, and\nother symbolic figures. He denies that because the Swastika is found on\nobjects associated with these signs therefore they became interchangeable\nin meaning, or that the Swastika stood for any of them. The Count[79] says\nthat more likely the engraver added the Swastika to these in the character\nof a talisman or phylactery. On page 56 he argues in the same line, that\nbecause it is found on an object of sacred character does not necessarily\ngive it the signification of a sacred or holy symbol. He regards the\nSwastika as a symbol of good fortune, and sees no reason why it may not\nbe employed as an invocation to a god of any name or kind on the\nprinciple, \"Good Lord, good devil,\" quoting the Neapolitan proverb, that\nit will do no harm, and possibly may do good.\n\nProf. Max M\u00fcller[80] refers to the discovery by Prof. Percy Gardner of one\nof the coins of Mesembria, whereon the Swastika replaces the last two\nsyllables of the word, and he regards this as decisive that in Greece the\nmeaning of the Swastika was equivalent to the sun. This word, Mesembria,\nbeing translated _ville de midi_, means town or city of the south, or the\nsun. He cites from Mr. Thomas's paper on the \"Indian Swastika and its\nWestern Counterparts\"[81] what he considers an equally decisive discovery\nmade some years ago, wherein it was shown that the wheel, the emblem of\nthe sun in motion, was replaced by the Swastika on certain coins; likewise\non some of the Andhra coins and some punched gold coins noted by Sir\nWalter Elliott.[82] In these cases the circle or wheel alleged to\nsymbolize the sun was replaced by the Swastika. The Swastika has been\nsometimes inscribed within the rings or normal circles representing what\nis said to be the four suns on Ujain patterns or coins (fig. 230). Other\nauthorities have adopted the same view, and have extended it to include\nthe lightning, the storm, the fire wheel, the sun chariot, etc. (See\nOhnefalsch-Richter, p. 790.) This appears to be a _non sequitur_. All\nthese speculations may be correct, and all these meanings may have been\ngiven to the Swastika, but the evidence submitted does not prove the fact.\nThere is in the case of the foregoing coins no evidence yet presented as\nto which sign, the wheel or the Swastika, preceded and which followed in\npoint of time. The Swastika may have appeared first instead of last, and\nmay not have been a substitution for the disk, but an original design. The\ndisk employed, while possibly representing the sun in some places, may not\nhave done so always nor in this particular case. It assumes too much to\nsay that every time a small circle appears on an ancient object it\nrepresented the sun, and the same observation can be made with regard to\nsymbols of the other elements. Until it shall have been satisfactorily\nestablished that the symbols represented these elements with practical\nunanimity, and that the Swastika actually and intentionally replaced it as\nsuch, the theory remains undemonstrated, the burden rests on those who\ntake the affirmative side; and until these points shall have been settled\nwith some degree of probability the conclusion is not warranted.\n\nAs an illustration of the various significations possible, one has but to\nturn to Chapter IV, on the various meanings given to the cross among\nAmerican Indians, where it is shown that among these Indians the cross\nrepresented the four winds, the sun, stars, dwellings, the dragon fly,\nmide' society, flocks of birds, human form, maidenhood, evil spirit, and\ndivers others.\n\nMr. Edward Thomas, in his work entitled \"The Indian Swastika and its\nWestern Counterparts,\"[83] says:\n\n As far as I have been able to trace or connect the various\n manifestations of this emblem [the Swastika], they one and all resolve\n themselves into the primitive conception of solar motion, which was\n intuitively associated with the rolling or wheel-like projection of\n the sun through the upper or visible arc of the heavens, as understood\n and accepted in the crude astronomy of the ancients. The earliest\n phase of astronomical science we are at present in position to refer\n to, with the still extant aid of indigenous diagrams, is the Chaldean.\n The representation of the sun in this system commences with a simple\n ring or outline circle, which is speedily advanced toward the\n impression of onward revolving motion by the insertion of a cross or\n four wheel-like spokes within the circumference of the normal ring. As\n the original Chaldean emblem of the sun was typified by a single ring,\n so the Indian mind adopted a similar definition, which remains to this\n day as the ostensible device or cast-mark of the modern Sauras or sun\n worshipers.\n\nThe same remarks are made in \"Ilios\" (pp. 353, 354).\n\nThe author will not presume to question, much less deny, the facts stated\nby this learned gentleman, but it is to be remarked that, on the theory of\npresumption, the circle might represent many other things than the sun,\nand unless the evidence in favor of the foregoing statement is susceptible\nof verification, the theory can hardly be accepted as conclusive. Why\nshould not the circle represent other things than the sun? In modern\nastronomy the full moon is represented by the plain circle, while the sun,\nat least in heraldry, is always represented as a circle with rays. It is\nbelieved that the \"cross or four wheel-like spokes\" in the Chaldean emblem\nof the sun will be found to be rays rather than cross or spokes. A cast is\nin the U. S. National Museum (Cat. No. 154766) of an original specimen\nfrom Niffer, now in the Royal Museum, Berlin, of Shamash, the Assyrian god\nof the sun. He is represented on this monument by a solar disk, 4 inches\nin diameter, with eight rays similar to those of stars, their bases on a\nfaint circle at the center, and tapering outwards to a point, the whole\nsurrounded by another faint circle. This is evidence that the sun symbol\nof Assyria required rays as well as a circle. A similar representation of\nthe sun god is found on a tablet discovered in the temple of the Sun God\nat Abu-Habba.[84]\n\nPerrot and Chipiez[85] show a tablet from Sippara, of a king,\nNabu-abal-iddin, 900 B. C., doing homage to the sun god (identified by the\ninscription), who is represented by bas-relief of a small circle in the\ncenter, with rays and lightning zigzags extending to an outer circle.\n\nIn view of these authorities and others which might be cited, it is\nquestionable whether the plain circle was continuously a representation of\nthe sun in the Chaldean or Assyrian astronomy. It is also doubtful\nwhether, if the circle did represent the sun, the insertion of the cross\nor the four wheel-like spokes necessarily gave the impression of \"onward\nrevolving motion;\" or whether any or all of the foregoing afford a\nsatisfactory basis for the origin of the Swastika or for its relation to,\nor representation of, the sun or the sun god.\n\nDr. Max Ohnefalsch-Richter[86] announces as his opinion that the Swastika\nin Cyprus had nearly always a signification more or less religious and\nsacred, though it may have been used as an ornament to fill empty spaces.\nHe attributes to the _Croix swasticale_--or, as he calls it, _Croix\ncantonn\u00e9e_--the equivalence of the solar disk, zigzag lightning, and\ndouble hatchet; while to the Swastika proper he attributes the\nsignification of rain, storm, lightning, sun, light, seasons, and also\nthat it lends itself easily to the solar disk, the fire wheel, and the sun\nchariot.\n\nGreg[87] says:\n\n Considered finally, it may be asked if the fylfot or gammadion was an\n early symbol of the sun, or, if only an emblem of the solar\n revolutions or in movements across the heavens, why it was drawn\n square rather than curved: The [Z], even if used in a solar sense,\n must have implied something more than, or something distinct from, the\n sun, whose proper and almost universal symbol was the circle. It was\n evidently more connected with the cross [cross] than with the circle\n [circle] or solar disk.\n\nDr. Brinton[88] considers the Swastika as derived from the cross rather\nthan from the circle, and the author agrees that this is probable,\nalthough it may be impossible of demonstration either way.\n\nSeveral authors, among the rest d'Alviella, Greg, and Thomas, have\nannounced the theory of the evolution of the Swastika, beginning with the\ntriskelion, thence to the tetraskelion, and so to the Swastika. A slight\nexamination is sufficient to overturn this hypothesis. In the first place,\nthe triskelion, which is the foundation of this hypothesis, made its first\nappearance on the coins of Lycia. But this appearance was within what is\ncalled the first period of coinage, to wit, between 700 and 480 B. C., and\nit did not become settled until the second, and even the third period, 280\nto 240 B. C., when it migrated to Sicily. But the Swastika had already\nappeared in Armenia, on the hill of Hissarlik, in the terramares of\nnorthern Italy, and on the hut-urns of southern Italy many hundred,\npossibly a thousand or more, years prior to that time. Count d'Alviella,\nin his plate 3 (see Chart I, p. 794), assigns it to a period of the\nfourteenth or thirteenth century B. C., with an unknown and indefinite\npast behind it. It is impossible that a symbol which first appeared in 480\nB. C. could have been the ancestor of one which appeared in 1400 or 1300\nB. C., nearly a thousand years before.\n\nWilliam Simpson[89] makes observations upon the latest discoveries\nregarding the Swastika and gives his conclusion:\n\n * * * The finding of the Swastika in America gives a very wide\n geographical space that is included by the problem connected with it,\n but it is wider still, for the Swastika is found over the most of the\n habitable world, almost literally \"from China to Peru,\" and it can be\n traced back to a very early period. The latest idea formed regarding\n the Swastika is that it may be a form of the old wheel symbolism and\n that it represents a solar movement, or perhaps, in a wider sense, the\n whole celestial movement of the stars. The Dharmachakra, or Buddhist\n wheel, of which the so-called \"praying wheel\" of the Lamas of Thibet\n is only a variant, can now be shown to have represented the solar\n motion. It did not originate with the Buddhists; they borrowed it from\n the Brahminical system to the Veda, where it is called \"the wheel of\n the sun.\" I have lately collected a large amount of evidence on this\n subject, being engaged in writing upon it, and the numerous passages\n from the old Brahminical authorities leave no doubt in the matter. The\n late Mr. Edward Thomas * * * and Prof. Percy Gardner * * * declared\n that on some Andhra gold coins and one from Mesembria, Greece, the\n part of the word which means day, or when the sun shines, is\n represented by the Swastika. These details will be found in a letter\n published in the \"Athen\u00e6um\" of August 20, 1892, written by Prof. Max\n M\u00fcller, who affirms that it \"is decisive\" as to the meaning of the\n symbol in Greece. This evidence may be \"decisive\" for India and\n Greece, but it does not make us quite certain about other parts of the\n world. Still it raises a strong presumption that its meaning is likely\n to be somewhat similar wherever the symbol is found.\n\n It is now assumed that the Triskelion or Three Legs of the Isle of Man\n is only a variant of the Swastika. * * * There are many variants\n besides this in which the legs, or limbs, differ in number, and they\n may all be classed as whorls, and were possibly all, more or less,\n forms intended originally to express circular motion. As the subject\n is too extensive to be fully treated here, and many illustrations\n would be necessary, to those wishing for further details I would\n recommend a work just published entitled \"The Migration of Symbols,\"\n by Count Goblet d'Alviella, with an introduction by Sir George\n Birdwood. The frontispiece of the book is a representation of Apollo,\n from a vase in the Kunsthistorisches Museum of Vienna, and on the\n middle of Apollo's breast there is a large and prominent Swastika. In\n this we have another instance going far to show its solar\n significance. While accepting these new interpretations of the symbol,\n I am still inclined to the notion that the Swastika may, at the same\n time, have been looked upon in some cases as a cross--that is, a\n pre-Christian cross, which now finds acceptance by some authorities as\n representing the four cardinal points. The importance of the cardinal\n points in primitive symbolism appears to me to have been very great,\n and has not as yet been fully realized. This is too large a matter to\n deal with here. All I can state is, that the wheel in India was\n connected with the title of a _Chakravartin_--from _Chakra_, a\n wheel--the title meaning a supreme ruler, or a universal monarch, who\n ruled the four quarters of the world, and on his coronation he had to\n drive his chariot, or wheel, to the four cardinal points to signify\n his conquest of them. Evidence of other ceremonies of the same kind in\n Europe can be produced. From instances such as these, I am inclined to\n assume that the Swastika, as a cross, represented the four quarters\n over which the solar power by its revolving motion carried its\n influence.\n\n\nORIGIN AND HABITAT.\n\nPrehistoric arch\u00e6ologists have found in Europe many specimens of\nornamental sculpture and engraving belonging to the Paleolithic age, but\nthe cross is not known in any form, Swastika or other. In the Neolithic\nage, which spread itself over nearly the entire world, with many geometric\nforms of decoration, no form of the cross appears in times of high\nantiquity as a symbol or as indicating any other than an ornamental\npurpose. In the age of bronze, however, the Swastika appears,\nintentionally used, as a symbol as well as an ornament. Whether its first\nappearance was in the Orient, and its spread thence throughout prehistoric\nEurope, or whether the reverse was true, may not now be determined with\ncertainty. It is believed by some to be involved in that other warmly\ndisputed and much-discussed question as to the locality of origin and the\nmode and routes of dispersion of Aryan peoples. There is evidence to show\nthat it belongs to an earlier epoch than this, and relates to the similar\nproblem concerning the locality of origin and the mode and routes of the\ndispersion of bronze. Was bronze discovered in eastern Asia and was its\nmigration westward through Europe, or was it discovered on the\nMediterranean, and its spread thence? The Swastika spread through the same\ncountries as did the bronze, and there is every reason to believe them to\nhave proceeded contemporaneously--whether at their beginning or not, is\nundeterminable.\n\nThe first appearance of the Swastika was apparently in the Orient,\nprecisely in what country it is impossible to say, but probably in central\nand southeastern Asia among the forerunners or predecessors of the Bramins\nand Buddhists. At all events, a religious and symbolic signification was\nattributed to it by the earliest known peoples of these localities.\n\nM. Michael Zmigrodzki, a Polish scholar, public librarian at Sucha, near\nCracow, prepared and sent to the World's Columbian Exposition at Chicago a\nmanuscript chart in French, showing his opinion of the migration of the\nSwastika, which was displayed in the Woman's Building. It was arranged in\ngroups: The prehistoric (or Pagan) and Christian. These were divided\ngeographically and with an attempt at chronology, as follows:\n\n I. Prehistoric:\n 1. India and Bactria.\n 2. Cyprus, Rhodes.\n 3. North Europe.\n 4. Central Europe.\n 5. South Europe.\n 6. Asia Minor.\n 7. Greek and Roman epoch--Numismatics.\n II. Christian:\n 8. Gaul--Numismatics.\n 9. Byzantine.\n 10. Merovingian and Carlovingian.\n 11. Germany.\n 12. Poland and Sweden.\n 13. Great Britain.\n\nLastly he introduces a group of the Swastika in the nineteenth century. He\npresented figures of Swastikas from these localities and representing\nthese epochs. He had a similar display at the Paris Exposition of 1889,\nwhich at its close was deposited in the St. Germain Prehistoric Museum. I\nmet M. Zmigrodzki at the Tenth International Congress of Anthropology and\nPrehistoric Arch\u00e6ology in Paris, and heard him present the results of his\ninvestigations on the Swastika. I have since corresponded with him, and he\nhas kindly sent me separates of his paper published in the Archives f\u00fcr\nEthnographie, with 266 illustrations of the Swastika; but on asking his\npermission to use some of the information in the chart at Chicago, he\ninformed me he had already given the manuscript chart and the right to\nreproduce it to the Chicago Folk-Lore Society. The secretary of this\nsociety declined to permit it to pass out of its possession, though\nproffering inspection of it in Chicago.\n\nIn his elaborate dissertation Count Goblet d'Alviella[90] shows an earlier\nand prehistoric existence of the Swastika before its appearance on the\nhill of Hissarlik. From this earlier place of origin it, according to him,\nspread to the Bronze age terramares of northern Italy. All this was prior\nto the thirteenth century B. C. From the hill of Hissarlik it spread east\nand west; to the east into Lycaonia and Caucasus, to the west into Mycen\u00e6\nand Greece; first on the pottery and then on the coins. From Greece it\nalso spread east and west; east to Asia Minor and west to Thrace and\nMacedonia. From the terramares he follows it through the Villanova epoch,\nthrough Etruria and Grand Greece, to Sicily, Gaul, Britain, Germany,\nScandinavia, to all of which migration he assigns various dates down to\nthe second century B. C. It developed westward from Asia Minor to northern\nAfrica and to Rome, with evidence in the Catacombs; on the eastward it\ngoes into India, Persia, China, Tibet, and Japan. All this can be made\napparent upon examination of the plate itself. It is introduced as Chart\nI, p. 794.\n\nThe author enters into no discussion with Count d'Alviella over the\ncorrectness or completeness of the migrations set forth in his chart. It\nwill be conceded, even by its author, to be largely theoretical and\nimpossible to verify by positive proof. He will only contend that there is\na probability of its correctness. It is doubted whether he can maintain\nhis proposition of the constant presence or continued appearance of the\nSwastika on altars, idols, priestly vestments, and sepulchral urns, and\nthat this demonstrates the Swastika to have always possessed the\nattributes of a religious symbol. It appears to have been used more\nfrequently upon the smaller and more insignificant things of everyday\nlife--the household utensils, the arms, weapons, the dress, the fibul\u00e6,\nand the pottery; and while this may be consonant with the attributes of\nthe talisman or amulet or charm, it is still compatible with the theory of\nthe Swastika being a sign or symbol for benediction, blessing, good\nfortune, or good luck; and that it was rather this than a religious\nsymbol.\n\n[Illustration: CHART I.--_Probable introduction of the Swastika into\ndifferent countries, according to Count Goblet d'Alviella._\n\n[\"La Migration des Symboles,\" pl. 3.]]\n\nCount Goblet d'Alviella, in the fourth section of the second chapter[91]\nrelating to the country of its origin, argues that the Swastika sign was\nemployed by all the Aryans except the Persians. This omission he explains\nby showing that the Swastika in all other lands stood for the sun or for\nthe sun-god, while the Aryans of Persia had other signs for the same\nthing--the _Crux ansata_ and the winged globe. His conclusion is[92] that\nthere were two zones occupied with different symbols, the frontier between\nthem being from Persia, through Cyprus, Rhodes, and Asia Minor, to Libya;\nthat the first belonged to the Greek civilization, which employed the\nSwastika as a sun symbol; the second to the Egypto-Babylonian, which\nemployed the _Crux ansata_ and the winged globe as sun symbols.\n\nProfessor Sayce, in his preface to \"Troja,\" says:[93]\n\n The same symbol [the Swastika], as is well known, occurs on the\n Archaic pottery of Cyprus * * * as well as upon the prehistoric\n antiquities of Athens and Myk\u00ean\u00e6 [same, \"Ilios,\" p. 353], but it was\n entirely unknown to Babylonia, to Assyria, to Phoenicia, and to Egypt.\n It must therefore either have originated in Europe and spread eastward\n through Asia Minor or have been disseminated westward from the\n primitive home of the Hittites. The latter alternative is the more\n probable; but whether it is so or not, the presence of the symbol in\n the land of the \u00c6gean indicates a particular epoch and the influence\n of a pre-Phoenician culture.\n\nDr. Schliemann[94] reports that \"Rev. W. Brown Keer observed the Swastika\ninnumerable times in the most ancient Hindu temples, especially those of\nthe Jainas.\"\n\nMax M\u00fcller cites the following paragraph by Professor Sayce:[95]\n\n It is evident to me that the sign found at Hissarlik is identical with\n that found at Mycen\u00e6 and Athens, as well as on the prehistoric pottery\n of Cyprus (Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pls. 44 and 47), since the general\n artistic character of the objects with which this sign is associated\n in Cyprus and Greece agrees with that of the objects discovered in\n Troy. The Cyprian vase [fig. 156, this paper] figured in Di Cesnola's\n \"Cyprus,\" pl. 45, which associates the Swastika with the figure of an\n animal, is a striking analogue of the Trojan whorls, on which it is\n associated with the figure of the stags. The fact that it is drawn\n within the vulva of the leaden image on the Asiatic goddess shown in\n fig. 226 (\"Ilios,\" fig. 125 this paper) seems to show that it was a\n symbol of generation.\n\nCount Goblet d'Alviella,[96] citing Albert Dumont[97] and Perrot and\nChipiez,[98] says:\n\n The Swastika appears in Greece, as well as in Cyprus and Rhodes, first\n on the pottery, with geometric decorations, which form the second\n period in Greek ceramics. From that it passes to a later period, where\n the decoration is more artistic and the appearance of which coincides\n with the development of the Phoenician influences on the coasts of\n Greece.\n\nDr. Ohnefalsch-Richter, in a paper devoted to the consideration of the\nSwastika in Cyprus,[99] expresses the opinion that the emigrant or\ncommercial Phenicians traveling in far eastern countries brought the\nSwastika by the sea route of the Persian Gulf to Asia Minor and Cyprus,\nwhile, possibly, other people, brought it by the overland route from\ncentral Asia, Asia Minor, and Hissarlik, and afterwards by migration to\nCyprus, Carthage, and the north of Africa.\n\nProfessor Goodyear says:[100]\n\n The true home of the Swastika is the Greek geometric style, as will be\n immediately obvious to every expert who examines the question through\n the study of that style. In seeking the home of a symbol, we should\n consider where it appears in the largest dimension and where it\n appears in the most formal and prominent way. The Greek geometric\n vases are the only monuments on which the Swastika systematically\n appears in panels exclusively assigned to it (pl. 60, fig. 13; and pl.\n 56, fig. 4). There are no other monuments on which the Swastika can be\n found in a dimension taking up one-half the height of the entire\n object (pl. 56, fig. 4). The ordinary size of the Swastika, in very\n primitive times, is under a third of an inch in diameter. They are\n found in Greek geometric pottery 2 or 3 inches in diameter, but they\n also appear in the informal scattering way (pl. 61, fig. 4) which\n characterizes the Swastika in other styles.\n\n * * * * *\n\n The Swastika dates from the earliest diffusion of the Egyptian meander\n in the basin of the Mediterranean, and it is a profound remark of De\n Morgan (Mission Scientifique au Caucase) that the area of the Swastika\n appears to be coextensive with the area of bronze. In northern\n prehistoric Europe, where the Swastika has attracted considerable\n attention, it is distinctly connected with the bronze culture derived\n from the south. When found on prehistoric pottery of the north, the\n southern home of its beginnings is equally clear.\n\n In seeking the home of a symbol, we should consider not only the\n nature of its appearance, but also where it is found in the largest\n amount, for this shows the center of vogue and power--that is to say,\n the center of diffusion. The vogue of the Swastika at Troy is not as\n great as its vogue in Cyprian Greek pottery (pl. 60, fig. 15) and\n Rhodian pottery (pl. 60, fig. 2). * * * It is well known to Melian\n vases (pl. 60, fig. 8) and to archaic Greek vases (pl. 61, fig. 12),\n but its greatest prominence is on the pottery of the Greek geometric\n style (pl. 60, fig. 13; pl. 56, fig. 4; pl. 61, figs. 1 and 4; and\n figs. 173 and 171). * * *\n\n Aside from the Greek geometric style, our earliest reference for the\n Swastika, and very possibly an earlier reference than the first, is\n its appearance on the \"hut urns\" of Italy. On such it appears rather\n as a fragment of the more complicated meander patterns, from which it\n is derived. My precise view is that the earliest and, consequently,\n imperfect, forms of the Swastika are on the hut urns of Italy, but\n that, as an independent and definitely shaped pattern, it first\n belongs to the Greek geometric style. I do not assert that the\n Swastika is very common on hut urns, which are often undecorated. * *\n * Our present intermediate link with India for the Swastika lies in\n the Caucasus and in the adjacent territory of Koban. This last ancient\n center of the arts in metal has lately attracted attention through the\n publication of Virchow (Das Gr\u00e4berfeld von Koban). In the original\n Coban bronzes of the Prehistoric Museum of St. Germain there is\n abundant matter for study (p. 351).\n\nMr. R. P. Greg, in \"Fret or Key Ornamentation in Mexico and Peru,\"[101]\nsays:\n\n Both the Greek fret and the fylfot appear to have been unknown to the\n Semitic nations as an ornament or as a symbol.\n\n In Egypt the fylfot does not occur. It is, I believe, generally\n admitted or supposed that the fylfot is of early Aryan origin.\n Eastward toward India, Tibet, and China it was adopted, in all\n probability, as a sacred symbol of Buddha; westward it may have spread\n in one form or another to Greece, Asia Minor, and even to North\n Germany.\n\nCartailhac says:[102]\n\n Modern Christian arch\u00e6ologists have obstinately contended that the\n Swastika was composed of four gamma, and so have called it the Croix\n Gamm\u00e9e. But the Ram\u00e2yana placed it on the boat of the Rama long before\n they had any knowledge of Greek. It is found on a number of Buddhist\n edifices; the Sectarians of Vishnu placed it as a sign upon their\n foreheads. Burnouf says it is the Aryan sign par excellence. It was\n surely a religious emblem in use in India fifteen centuries before the\n Christian era, and thence it spread to every part. In Europe it\n appeared about the middle of the civilization of the bronze age, and\n we find it, pure or transformed into a cross, on a mass of objects in\n metal or pottery during the first age of iron. Sometimes its lines\n were rounded and given a graceful curve instead of straight and square\n at its ends and angles. [See letter by Gandhi, pp. 803, 805.]\n\nM. Cartailhac notes[103] several facts concerning the associations of the\nSwastika found by him in Spain and Portugal and belonging to the first\n(prehistoric) age of iron: (1) The Swastika was associated with the\nsilhouettes of the duck, or bird, similar to those in Greece, noted by\nGoodyear; (2) the association (in his fig. 41) on a slab from the lake\ndwellings, of the Maltese cross and reproduction of the triskelion; (3) a\ntetraskelion, which he calls a Swastika \"flamboyant,\" being the\ntriskelion, but with four arms, the same shown on Lycian coins as being\nancestors of the true triskelion (his fig. 412); (4) those objects were\nprincipally found in the ancient lake dwellings of Sambroso and Briteiros,\nsupposedly dating from the eighth and ninth centuries B. C. With them were\nfound many ornaments, borders representing cords, spirals, meanders, etc.,\nwhich had the same appearance as those found by Schliemann at Mycen\u00e6.\nCartailhac says:[104]\n\n Without doubt Asiatic influences are evident in both cases; first\n appearing in the Troad, then in Greece, they were spread through\n Iberia and, possibly, who can tell, finally planted in a far-away\n Occident.\n\nA writer in the Edinburgh Review, in an extended discussion on \"The\npre-Christian cross,\" treats of the Swastika under the local name of\n\"Fylfot,\" but in such an enigmatical and uncertain manner that it is\ndifficult to distinguish it from other and commoner forms of the cross.\nMr. Waring[105] criticises him somewhat severely for his errors:\n\n He states that it is found * * * in the sculptured stones of Scotland\n (but after careful search we can find only one or two imperfect\n representations of it, putting aside the Newton stone inscription,\n where it is probably a letter or numeral only); that it is carved on\n the temples and other edifices of Mexico and Central America (where\n again we have sought for it in vain); that it is found on the cinerary\n urns of the terramare of Parma and Vicenza, the date of which has been\n assigned by Italian antiquaries to 1000 B. C. (but there again we have\n found only the plain cross, and not the fylfot), and, finally, he\n asserts that \"it was the emblem of Libitina or Persephone, the awful\n Queen of the Shades, and is therefore commonly found on the dress of\n the tumulorum fossor in the Roman catacombs,\" but we have only found\n one such example. \"It is noteworthy, too,\" he continues, \"in reference\n to its extreme popularity, or the superstitious veneration in which it\n has been also universally held, that the cross patt\u00e9e, or cruciform\n hammer (but we shall show these are different symbols), was among the\n very last of purely pagan symbols which was religiously preserved in\n Europe long after the establishment of Christianity (not in Europe,\n but in Scandinavia and wherever the Scandinavians had penetrated). * *\n * It may be seen upon the bells of many of our parish churches, as at\n Appleby, Mexborough, Haythersaye, Waddington, Bishop's Norton, West\n Barkwith, and other places, where it was placed as a magical sign to\n subdue the vicious spirit of the tempest;\" and he subsequently points\n out its constant use in relation to water or rain.\n\nMr. Waring continues:\n\n The Rev. C. Boutell, in \"Notes and Queries,\" points out that it is to\n be found on many medi\u00e6val monuments and bells, and occurs--e. g., at\n Appleby in Lincolnshire (peopled by Northmen)--as an initial cross to\n the formula on the bell \"Sta. Maria, o. p. n. and c.\" In these cases\n it has clearly been adopted as a Christian symbol. In the same\n author's \"Heraldry,\" he merely describes it as a mystic cross.\n\nMr. Waring makes one statement which, being within his jurisdiction,\nshould be given full credit. He says, on page 15:\n\n It [the Swastika] appears in Scotland and England only in those parts\n where Scandinavians penetrated and settled, but is not once found in\n any works of purely Irish or Franco-Celtic art.\n\nHe qualifies this, however, by a note:\n\n I believe it occurs twice on an \"Ogam\" stone in the Museum of the\n Royal Irish Academy, figured in Wilde's Catalogue (p. 136), but the\n fylfots are omitted in the wood cut. [See fig. 215.]\n\nDr. Brinton,[106] describing the normal Swastika, \"with four arms of equal\nlength, the hook usually pointing from left to right,\" says: \"In this form\nit occurs in India and on very early (Neolithic) Grecian, Italic, and\nIberian remains.\" Dr. Brinton is the only author who, writing at length or\nin a critical manner, attributes the Swastika to the Neolithic period in\nEurope, and in this, more than likely, he is correct. Professor Virchow's\nopinion as to the antiquity of the hill of Hissarlik, wherein Dr.\nSchliemann found so many Swastikas, should be considered in this\nconnection. (See p. 832, 833 of this paper.) Of course, its appearance\namong the aborigines of America, we can imagine, must have been within the\nNeolithic period.\n\n\n\n\nII.--DISPERSION OF THE SWASTIKA.\n\n\nEXTREME ORIENT.\n\nJAPAN.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 29. BRONZE STATUE OF BUDDHA. Japan. Eight swastikas on\npedestal. Cane tintinnabulum with six movable rings or bells.\nOne-fifteenth natural size.]\n\nThe Swastika was in use in Japan in ancient as well as modern times. Fig.\n29 represents a bronze statue of Buddha, one-fifteenth natural size, from\nJapan, in the collection of M. Cernuschi, Paris. It has eight Swastikas on\nthe pedestal, the ends all turned at right angles to the right. This\nspecimen is shown by De Mortillet[107] because it relates to prehistoric\nman. The image or statue holds a cane in the form of a \"tintinnabulum,\"\nwith movable rings arranged to make a jingling noise, and De Mortillet\ninserted it in his volume to show the likeness of this work in Japan with\na number of similar objects found in the Swiss lake dwellings in the\nprehistoric age of bronze (p. 806).\n\nThe Swastika mark was employed by the Japanese on their porcelain. Sir\nAugustus W. Franks[108] shows one of these marks, a small Swastika turned\nto the left and inclosed in a circle (fig. 30). Fig. 9 also represents a\nmark on Japanese bronzes.[109]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 30. JAPANESE POTTER'S MARK ON PORCELAIN. De Mortillet,\n\"Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique,\" Fig. 1248.]\n\nKOREA.\n\nThe U. S. National Museum has a ladies' sedan or carrying chair from\nKorea. It bears eight Swastika marks, cut by stencil in the brass-bound\ncorners, two on each corner, one looking each way. The Swastika is normal,\nwith arms crossing at right angles, the ends bent at right angles and to\nthe right. It is quite plain; the lines are all straight, heavy, of equal\nthickness, and the angles all at 90 degrees. In appearance it resembles\nthe Swastika in fig. 9.\n\nCHINA.\n\nIn the Chinese language the sign of the Swastika is pronounced _wan_ (p.\n801), and stands for \"many,\" \"a great number,\" \"ten thousand,\" \"infinity,\"\nand by a synecdoche is construed to mean \"long life, a multitude of\nblessings, great happiness,\" etc.; as is said in French, \"mille pardons,\"\n\"mille remerc\u00eements,\" a thousand thanks, etc. During a visit to the\nChinese legation in the city of Washington, while this paper was in\nprogress, the author met one of the attach\u00e9s, Mr. Chung, dressed in his\nrobes of state; his outer garment was of moir\u00e9 silk. The pattern woven in\nthe fabric consisted of a large circle with certain marks therein,\nprominent among which were two Swastikas, one turned to the right, the\nother to the left. The name given to the sign was as reported above, wan,\nand the signification was \"longevity,\" \"long life,\" \"many years.\" Thus was\nshown that in far as well as near countries, in modern as well as ancient\ntimes, this sign stood for blessing, good wishes, and, by a slight\nextension, for good luck.\n\nThe author conferred with the Chinese minister, Yang Yu, with the request\nthat he should furnish any appropriate information concerning the Swastika\nin China. In due course the author received the following letter and\naccompanying notes with drawings:\n\n * * * I have the pleasure to submit abstracts from historical and\n literary works on the origin of the Swastika in China and the\n circumstances connected with it in Chinese ancient history. I have had\n this paper translated into English and illustrated by india-ink\n drawings. The Chinese copy is made by Mr. Ho Yen-Shing, the first\n secretary of the legation, translation by Mr. Chung, and drawings by\n Mr. Li.\n\n With assurance of my high esteem, I am,\n Very cordially,\n YANG YU.\n\n Buddhist philosophers consider simple characters as half or incomplete\n characters and compound characters as complete characters, while the\n Swastika [Z] is regarded as a natural formation. A Buddhist priest of\n the Tang Dynasty, Tao Shih by name, in a chapter of his work entitled\n Fa Yuen Chu Lin, on the original Buddha, describes him as having this\n [Z] mark on his breast and sitting on a high lily of innumerable\n petals. [Pl. 1.]\n\n Empress Wu (684-704 A. D.), of the Tang Dynasty, invented a number of\n new forms for characters already in existence, amongst which [Z\n circle] was the word for sun, [symbol] for moon, [circle] for star,\n and so on. These characters were once very extensively used in\n ornamental writing, and even now the word [Z circle] sun may be found\n in many of the famous stone inscriptions of that age, which have been\n preserved to us up to the present day. [Pl. 2.]\n\n The history of the Tang Dynasty (620-906 A. D.), by Lui Hsu and others\n of the Tsin Dynasty, records a decree issued by Emperor Tai Tsung\n (763-779 A. D.) forbidding the use of the Swastika on silk fabrics\n manufactured for any purpose. [Pl. 3.]\n\n Fung Tse, of the Tang Dynasty, records a practice among the people of\n Loh-yang to endeavor, on the 7th of the 7th month of each year, to\n obtain spiders to weave the Swastika on their web. Kung Ping-Chung, of\n the Sung Dynasty, says that the people of Loh-yang believe it to be\n good luck to find the Swastika woven by spiders over fruits or melons.\n [Pl. 4.]\n\n Sung Pai, of the Sung Dynasty, records an offering made to the Emperor\n by Li Yuen-su, a high official of the Tang Dynasty, of a buffalo with\n a Swastika on the forehead, in return for which offering he was given\n a horse by the Emperor. [Pl. 5.]\n\n The Ts'ing-I-Luh, by Tao Kuh, of the Sung Dynasty, records that an\n Empress in the time of the South Tang Dynasty had an incense burner\n the external decoration of which had the Swastika design on it. [Pl.\n 6.]\n\n Chu I-Tsu, in his work entitled Ming Shih Tsung, says Wu Tsung-Chih, a\n learned man of Sin Shui, built a residence outside of the north gate\n of that town, which he named \"Wan-Chai,\" from the Swastika decoration\n of the railings about the exterior of the house. [Pl. 7.]\n\n An anonymous work, entitled the Tung Hsi Yang K'ao, described a fruit\n called shan-tsao-tse (mountain or wild date), whose leaves resemble\n those of the plum. The seed resembles the lichee, and the fruit, which\n ripens in the ninth month of the year, suggests a resemblance to the\n Swastika. [Pl. 8.]\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 1. ORIGIN OF BUDDHA ACCORDING TO TAO SHIH, WITH\nSWASTIKA SIGN. From a drawing by Mr. Li, presented to the U. S. National\nMuseum by Mr. Yang Y\u00fc, Chinese Minister, Washington, D. C.]\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 2. SWASTIKA DECREED BY EMPRESS WU (684-704 A. D.) AS\nA SIGN FOR SUN IN CHINA. From a drawing by Mr. Li, presented to the U. S.\nNational Museum by Mr. Yang Y\u00fc, Chinese Minister, Washington, D. C.]\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 3. SWASTIKA DESIGN ON SILK FABRICS. This use of the\nSwastika was forbidden in China by Emperor Tai Tsung (763-779 A. D.). From\na drawing by Mr. Li, presented to the U. S. National Museum by Mr. Yang\nY\u00fc, Chinese Minister, Washington, D. C.]\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 4. SWASTIKA IN SPIDER WEB OVER FRUIT. (A good omen in\nChina.) From a drawing by Mr. Li, presented to the U. S. National Museum\nby Mr. Yang Y\u00fc, Chinese Minister, Washington, D. C.]\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 5. BUFFALO WITH SWASTIKA ON FOREHEAD. Presented to\nEmperor of Sung Dynasty. From a drawing by Mr. Li, presented to the U. S.\nNational Museum by Mr. Yang Y\u00fc, Chinese Minister, Washington, D. C.]\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 6. INCENSE BURNER WITH SWASTIKA DECORATION. South\nTang Dynasty. From a drawing by Mr. Li, presented to the U. S National\nMuseum Mr. Yang Y\u00fc, Chinese Minister, Washington, D. C.]\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 7. HOUSE OF WU TSUNG-CHIH OF SIN SHUI, WITH SWASTIKA\nIN RAILING. From a drawing by Mr. Li, presented to the U. S. National\nMuseum by Mr. Yang Y\u00fc, Chinese Minister, Washington, D. C.]\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 8. MOUNTAIN OR WILD DATE.--FRUIT RESEMBLING THE\nSWASTIKA. From a drawing by Mr. Li, presented to the U. S. National Museum\nby Mr. Yang Y\u00fc, Chinese Minister, Washington, D. C.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 31. POTTER'S MARK ON PORCELAIN. China. Tablet of\nhonor, with Swastika. Prime, \"Pottery and Porcelain,\" p. 254.]\n\nThe Swastika is one of the symbolic marks of the Chinese porcelain.\nPrime[110] shows what he calls a \"tablet of honor,\" which represents a\nSwastika inclosed in a lozenge with loops at the corners (fig. 31). This\nmark on a piece of porcelain signifies that it is an imperial gift.\n\nMajor-General Gordon, controller of the Royal Arsenal at Woolwich,\nEngland, writes to Dr. Schliemann:[111] \"The Swastika is Chinese. On the\nbreech chasing of a large gun lying outside my office, captured in the\nTaku fort, you will find this same sign.\" But Dumoutier[112] says this\nsign is nothing else than the ancient Chinese character _c h e_, which,\naccording to D'Alviella,[113] carries the idea of perfection or\nexcellence, and signifies the renewal and perpetuity of life. And\nagain,[111] \"Dr. Lockyer, formerly medical missionary to China, says the\nsign [Z] is thoroughly Chinese.\"\n\nThe Swastika is found on Chinese musical instruments. The U. S. National\nMuseum possesses a Hu-Ch'in, a violin with four strings, the body of which\nis a section of bamboo about 3-1/2 inches in diameter. The septum of the\njoint has been cut away so as to leave a Swastika of normal form, the four\narms of which are connected with the outer walls of the bamboo. Another, a\nTi-Ch'in, a two-stringed violin, with a body of cocoanut, has a carving\nwhich is believed to have been a Swastika; but the central part has been\nbroken out, so that the actual form is undetermined.\n\nProf. George Frederick Wright, in an article entitled \"Swastika,\"[114]\nquotes Rev. F. H. Chalfont, missionary at Chanting, China, as saying:\n\"Same symbol in Chinese characters 'ouan,' or 'wan,' and is a favorite\nornament with the Chinese.\"\n\nTIBET.\n\nMr. William Woodville Rockhill,[115] speaking of the fair at Kumbum, says:\n\n I found there a number of Lh'asa Tibetans (they call them Gopa here)\n selling pulo, beads of various colors, saffron, medicines, peacock\n feathers, incense sticks, etc. I had a talk with these traders,\n several of whom I had met here before in 1889. * * * One of them had a\n Swastika (yung-drung) tattooed on his hand, and I learned from this\n man that this is not an uncommon mode of ornamentation in his\n country.\n\nCount D'Alviella says that the Swastika is continued among the Buddhists\nof Tibet; that the women ornament their petticoats with it, and that it is\nalso placed upon the breasts of their dead.[116]\n\nHe also reports[117] a Buddhist statue at the Mus\u00e9e Guimet with Swastikas\nabout the base. He does not state to what country it belongs, so the\nauthor has no means of determining if it is the same statue as is\nrepresented in fig. 29.\n\nINDIA.\n\nBurnouf[118] says approvingly of the Swastika:\n\n Christian arch\u00e6ologists believe this was the most ancient sign of the\n cross. * * * It was used among the Brahmins from all antiquity. (Voyez\n mot \"Swastika\" dans notre dictionnaire sanskrit.) Swastika, or Swasta,\n in India corresponds to \"benediction\" among Christians.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 32. FOOTPRINT OF BUDDHA WITH SWASTIKA, FROM AMARAVATI\nTOPE. From a figure by Fergusson and Schliemann.]\n\nThe same author, in his translation of the \"Lotus de la Bonne Loi,\" one of\nthe nine Dharmas or Canonical books of the Buddhists of the North, of 280\npages, adds an appendix of his own writing of 583 pages; and in one (No.\n8) devoted to an enumeration and description of the sixty-five figures\ntraced on the footprint of \u00c7akya (fig. 32) commences as follows:\n\n 1. _Svastikaya_: This is the familiar mystic figure of many Indian\n sects, represented thus, [S], and whose name signifies, literally,\n \"sign of benediction or of good augury.\" (Rgya tch'er rol pa, Vol. 11,\n p. 110.)\n\n * * * The sign of the Swastika was not less known to the Brahmins than\n to the Buddhists. \"Ramayana,\" Vol. II, p. 348, ed. Gor., Chap. XCVII,\n st. 17, tells of vessels on the sea bearing this sign of fortune. This\n mark, of which the name and usage are certainly ancient, because it is\n found on the oldest Buddhist medals, may have been used as frequently\n among the Brahmins as among the Buddhists. Most of the inscriptions on\n the Buddhist caverns in western India are either preceded or followed\n by the holy (_sacramentelle_) sign of the Swastika. It appears less\n common on the Brahmin monuments.\n\nMr. W. Crooke (Bengal Civil Service, director of Eth. Survey, Northwest\nProvinces and Oudh), says:[119]\n\n The mystical emblem of the Swastika, which appears to represent the\n sun in his journey through the heavens, is of constant occurrence. The\n trader paints it on the flyleaf of his ledger, he who has young\n children or animals liable to the evil eye makes a representation of\n it on the wall beside his doorpost. It holds first place among the\n lucky marks of the Jainas. It is drawn on the shaven heads of children\n on the marriage day in Gujarat. A red circle with Swastika in the\n center is depicted on the place where the family gods are kept\n (Campbell, Notes, p. 70). In the Meerut division the worshiper of the\n village god Bhumiya constructs a rude model of it in the shrine by\n fixing up two crossed straws with a daub of plaster. It often occurs\n in folklore. In the drama of the Toy Cart the thief hesitates whether\n he shall make a hole in the wall of Charudatta's house in the form of\n a Swastika or of a water jar (Manning, Ancient India, 11, 100).\n\n _Village shrines._--The outside (of the shrines) is often covered with\n rude representations of the mystical Swastika.\n\nOn page 250 he continues thus:\n\n _Charms._--The bazar merchant writes the words \"Ram Ram\" over his\n door, or makes an image of Genesa, the god of luck, or draws the\n mystical Swastika. The jand tree is reverenced as sacred by Khattris\n and Brahmins to avoid the evil eye in children. The child is brought\n at 3 years of age before a jand tree; a bough is cut with a sickle and\n planted at the foot of the tree. A Swastika symbol is made before it\n with the rice flour and sugar brought as an offering to the tree.\n Threads of string, used by women to tie up their hair, are cut in\n lengths and some deposited on the Swastika.\n\nMr. Virchand R. Gandhi, a Hindu and Jain disciple from Bombay, India, a\ndelegate to the World's Parliament of Religions at Chicago in 1893,\nremained for some time in Washington, D. C., proselyting among the\nChristians. He is a cultivated gentleman, devoted to the spread of his\nreligion. I asked his advice and assistance, which he kindly gave,\nsupervising my manuscript for the Swastika in the extreme Orient, and\nfurnishing me the following additional information relative to the\nSwastika in India, and especially among the Jains:\n\n The Swastika is misinterpreted by so-called Western expounders of our\n ancient Jain philosophy. The original idea was very high, but later on\n some persons thought the cross represented only the combination of the\n male and the female principles. While we are on the physical plane and\n our propensities on the material line, we think it necessary to unite\n these (sexual) principles for our spiritual growth. On the higher\n plane the soul is sexless, and those who wish to rise higher than the\n physical plane must eliminate the idea of sex.\n\n I explain the Jain Swastika by the following illustration [fig. 33]:\n The horizontal and vertical lines crossing each other at right angles\n form the Greek cross. They represent spirit and matter. We add four\n other lines by bending to the right each arm of the cross, then three\n circles and the crescent, and a circle within the crescent. The idea\n thus symbolized is that there are four grades of existence of souls in\n the material universe. The first is the lowest state--Archaic or\n protoplasmic life. The soul evolves from that state to the next--the\n earth with its plant and animal life. Then follows the third\n stage--the human; then the fourth stage--the celestial. The word\n \"celestial\" is here held to mean life in other worlds than our own.\n All these graduations are combinations of matter and soul on different\n scales. The spiritual plane is that in which the soul is entirely\n freed from the bonds of matter. In order to reach that plane, one must\n strive to possess the three jewels (represented by the three circles),\n right belief, right knowledge, right conduct. When a person has those,\n he will certainly go higher until he reaches the state of liberation,\n which is represented by the crescent. The crescent has the form of the\n rising moon and is always growing larger. The circle in the crescent\n represents the omniscient state of the soul when it has attained full\n consciousness, is liberated, and lives apart from matter.\n\n The interpretation, according to the Jain view of the cross, has\n nothing to do with the combination of the male and female principle.\n Worship of the male and female principles, ideas based upon sex,\n lowest even of the emotional plane, can never rise higher than the\n male and female.\n\n The Jains make the Swastika sign when we enter our temple of worship.\n This sign reminds us of the great principles represented by the three\n jewels and by which we are to reach the ultimate good. Those symbols\n intensify our thoughts and make them more permanent.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 33. EXPLANATION OF THE JAIN SWASTIKA, ACCORDING TO\nGANDHI. (1) Archaic or protoplasmic life; (2) Plant and animal life; (3)\nHuman life; (4) Celestial life.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 34_a_. THE FORMATION OF THE JAIN SWASTIKA--FIRST\nSTAGE. Handful of rice or meal, in circular form, thinner in center.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 34_b_. THE FORMATION OF THE JAIN SWASTIKA--SECOND\nSTAGE. Rice or meal, as shown in preceding figure, with finger marks,\nindicated at 1, 2, 3, 4.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 34_c_. THE FORMATION OF THE JAIN SWASTIKA--THIRD\nSTAGE. Ends turned out, typifying animal, human, and celestial life, as\nshown in fig. 33.]\n\nMr. Gandhi says the Jains make the sign of the Swastika as frequently and\ndeftly as the Roman Catholics make the sign of the cross. It is not\nconfined to the temple nor to the priests or monks. Whenever or wherever a\nbenediction or blessing is given, the Swastika is used. Figs. 34 _a_, _b_,\n_c_ form a series showing how it is made. A handful of rice, meal, flour,\nsugar, salt, or any similar substance, is spread over a circular space,\nsay, 3 inches in diameter and one-eighth of an inch deep (fig. 34_a_),\nthen commence at the outside of the circle (fig. 34_b_), on its upper or\nfarther left-hand corner, and draw the finger through the meal just to the\nleft of the center, halfway or more to the opposite or near edge of the\ncircle (1), then again to the right (2), then upward (3), finally to the\nleft where it joins with the first mark (4). The ends are swept outward,\nthe dots and crescent put in above, and the sign is complete (fig. 34_c_).\n\nThe sign of the Swastika is reported in great numbers, by hundreds if not\nby thousands, in the inscriptions on the rock walls of the Buddhist caves\nin India. It is needless to copy them, but is enough to say that they are\nthe same size as the letters forming the inscription; that they all have\nfour arms and the ends turn at right angles, or nearly so, indifferently\nto the right or to the left. The following list of inscriptions,\ncontaining the Swastikas, is taken from the first book coming to hand--the\n\"Report of Dr. James Burgess on the Buddhist Cave Temples and their\nInscriptions, Being a Part of the Result of the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth\nSeasons' Operations of the Arch\u00e6ological Survey of Western India, 1876,\n1877, 1878, 1879:\"[120]\n\n +--------------------------------------------------+\n | | |Inscription| Direction |\n | | Plate. | number. |in which ends|\n | | | | are bent. |\n |--------|---------------|-----------|-------------|\n | Bhaja | XLIV | 2 | To right. |\n | Kuda | XLVI | 26 | Do. |\n | Do | XLVI | 27 | To left. |\n | Kol | XLVI | 5 | To right. |\n | Karle | XLVII | 1 | Do. |\n | Do | XLVII | 3 | Do. |\n | Junnar | XLIX | 5 | Do. |\n | Do | XLIX | 6 | To left. |\n | Do | XLIX | 7 | To right. |\n | Do | XLIX | 8 | To left. |\n | Do | XLIX | 9 | To right. |\n | Do | XLIX | 10 | Do. |\n | Do | XLIX | 11 (?) | Do. |\n | Do | XLIX | 12 | Do. |\n | Do | XLIX | 13 (?) | Do. |\n | Do | XLIX | 13 (?) | To left. |\n | Do | XLIX | 14 | Do. |\n | Do | L | 17 | To right. |\n | Do | L | 19 | Do. |\n | Nasik | LII | 5 | Do. |\n | Do | LV (Nasik 21) | 5 (?) | Do. |\n | Do | LV (Nasik 24) | 8 (?) | Do. |\n +--------------------------------------------------+\n\nChantre[121] says:\n\n I remind you that the (East) Indians, Chinese, and Japanese employ the\n Swastika, not only as a religious emblem but as a simple ornament in\n painting on pottery and elsewhere, the same as we employ the Greek\n fret, lozenges, and similar motifs in our ornamentation. _Sistres_\n [the staff with jingling bells, held in the hand of Buddha, on whose\n base is engraved a row of Swastikas, fig. 29 of present paper] of\n similar form and style have been found in prehistoric Swiss lake\n dwellings of the bronze age. Thus the _sistres_ and the Swastika are\n brought into relation with each other. The _sistres_ possibly relate\n to an ancient religion, as they did in the Orient; the Swastika may\n have had a similar distinction.\n\nDe Mortillet and others hold the same opinion.[122]\n\n\nCLASSICAL ORIENT.\n\nBABYLONIA, ASSYRIA, CHALDEA, AND PERSIA.\n\nWaring[123] says, \"In Babylonian and Assyrian remains we search for it\n[the Swastika] in vain.\" Max M\u00fcller and Count Goblet d'Alviella are of the\nsame opinion.[124]\n\nOf Persia, D'Alviella (p. 51), citing Ludwig M\u00fcller,[125] says that the\nSwastika is manifested only by its presence on certain coins of the\nArsacides and the Sassanides.\n\nPHENICIA.\n\nIt is reported by various authors that the Swastika has never been found\nin Phenicia, e. g. Max M\u00fcller, J. B. Waring, Count Goblet d'Alviella.[126]\n\nOhnefalsch-Richter[127] says that the Swastika is not found in Phenicia,\nyet he is of the opinion that their emigrant and commercial travelers\nbrought it from the far east and introduced it into Cyprus, Carthage, and\nthe north of Africa. (See p. 796.)\n\nLYCAONIA.\n\nLempriere, in his Classical Dictionary, under the above title, gives the\nfollowing:\n\n A district of Asia Minor forming the southwestern quarter of Phrygia.\n The origin of its name and inhabitants, the Lycaones, is lost in\n obscurity. * * * Our first acquaintance with this region is in the\n relation of the expedition of the younger Cyprus. Its limits varied at\n different times. At first it extended eastward from Iconium 23\n geographical miles, and was separated from Cilicia on the south by the\n range of Mount Taurus, comprehending a large portion of what in later\n times was termed Cataonia.\n\nCount Goblet d'Alviella,[128] quoting Perrot and Chipiez,[129] states that\nthe Hittites introduced the Swastika on a bas-relief of Ibriz, Lycaonia,\nwhere it forms a border of the robe of a king or priest offering a\nsacrifice to a god.\n\nARMENIA.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 35. BRONZE PIN-HEAD FROM CHEITHAN-THAGH. De Morgan,\n\"Au Caucase,\" fig. 177.]\n\nM. J. de Morgan (the present director of the Gizeh Museum at Cairo), under\nthe direction of the French Government, made extensive excavations and\nstudies into the prehistoric antiquities and arch\u00e6ology of Russian\nArmenia. His report is entitled \"Le Premier \u00c2ge de M\u00e9taux dans l'Arm\u00e9nie\nRusse.\"[130] He excavated a number of prehistoric cemeteries, and found\ntherein various forms of crosses engraved on ceintures, vases, and\nmedallions. The Swastika, though present, was more rare. He found it on\nthe heads of two large bronze pins (figs. 35 and 36) and on one piece of\npottery (fig. 37) from the prehistoric tombs. The bent arms are all turned\nto the left, and would be the Suavastika of Prof. Max M\u00fcller.\n\nCAUCASUS.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 36. BRONZE PIN-HEAD FROM AKTHALA. De Morgan, \"Au\nCaucase,\" fig. 178.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 37. SWASTIKA MARK ON BLACK POTTERY. Cheithan-thagh. De\nMorgan, \"Au Caucase,\" fig. 179.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 38. FRAGMENT OF BRONZE CEINTURE. Swastika repouss\u00e9.\nNecropolis of Koban, Caucasus. Chantre, \"Le Caucase,\" pl. 11, fig. 3.]\n\nIn Caucasus, M. E. Chantre[131] found the Swastika in great purity of\nform. Fig. 38 represents portions of a bronze plaque from that country,\nused on a ceinture or belt. Another of slightly different style, but with\nsquare cross and arms bent at right angles, is represented in his pl. 8,\nfig. 5. These belonged to the first age of iron, and much of the art was\nintricate.[132] It represented animals as well as all geometric forms,\ncrosses, circles (concentric and otherwise), spirals, meanders, chevrons,\nherring bone, lozenges, etc. These were sometimes cast in the metal, at\nother times repouss\u00e9, and again were engraved, and occasionally these\nmethods were employed together. Fig. 39 shows another form, frequently\nemployed and suggested as a possible evolution of the Swastika, from the\nsame locality and same plate. Fig. 40 represents signs reported by\nWaring[133] as from Asia Minor, which he credits, without explanation, to\nEllis's \"Antiquities of Heraldry.\"\n\nThe specimen shown in fig. 41 is reported by Waring,[134] quoting\nRzewusky,[135] as one of the several branding marks used on Circassian\nhorses for identification.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 39. BRONZE AGRAFE OR BELT PLATE. Triskelion in spiral.\nKoban, Caucasus. Chantre, \"Le Caucase,\" pl. 11, fig. 4.]\n\nMr. Frederick Remington, the celebrated artist and literateur, has an\narticle, \"Cracker Cowboy in Florida,\"[136] wherein he discourses of the\nforgery of brands on cattle in that country. One of his genuine brands is\na circle with a small cross in the center. The forgery consists\nin elongating each arm of the cross and turning it with a scroll,\nforming an ogee Swastika (fig. 13_d_), which, curiously enough, is\npractically the same brand used on Circassian horses (fig. 41). Max\nOhnefalsch-Richter[137] says that instruments of copper (_audumbaroasih_)\nare recommended in the Atharva-Veda to make the Swastika, which represents\nthe figure 8; and thus he attempts to account for the use of that mark\nbranded on the cows in India (supra, p. 772), on the horses in Circassia\n(fig. 41), and said to have been used in Arabia.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 40. SWASTIKA SIGNS FROM ASIA MINOR. Waring, \"Ceramic\nArt in Remote Ages,\" pl. 41, figs. 5 and 6.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 41. BRAND FOR HORSES IN CIRCASSIA. Ogee Swastika,\ntetraskelion. Waring, \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 42, fig. 20_c_.]\n\nASIA MINOR--TROY (HISSARLIK).\n\nMany specimens of the Swastika were found by Dr. Schliemann in the ruins\nof Troy, principally on spindle whorls, vases, and bijoux of precious\nmetal. Zmigrodzki[138] made from Dr. Schliemann's great atlas the\nfollowing classification of the objects found at Troy, ornamented with the\nSwastika and its related forms:\n\nFifty-five of pure form; 114 crosses with the four dots, points or alleged\nnail holes (_Croix swasticale_); 102 with three branches or arms\n(triskelion); 86 with five branches or arms; 63 with six branches or arms;\ntotal, 420.\n\nZmigrodzki continues his classification by adding those which have\nrelation to the Swastika thus: Eighty-two representing stars; 70\nrepresenting suns; 42 representing branches of trees or palms; 15 animals\nnon-ferocious, deer, antelope, hare, swan, etc.; total, 209 objects. Many\nof these were spindle whorls.\n\nDr. Schliemann, in his works, \"Troja\" and \"Ilios,\" describes at length his\nexcavations of these cities and his discoveries of the Swastika on many\nobjects. His reports are grouped under titles of the various cities,\nfirst, second, third, etc., up to the seventh city, counting always from\nthe bottom, the first being deepest and oldest. The same system will be\nhere pursued. The first and second cities were 45 to 52 feet (13 to 16\nmeters) deep; the third, 23 to 33 feet (7 to 10 meters) deep; the fourth\ncity, 13 to 17.6 feet (4 to 5-1/2 meters) deep; the fifth city, 7 to 13\nfeet (2 to 4 meters) deep; the sixth was the Lydian city of Troy, and the\nseventh city, the Greek Ilium, approached the surface.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 42. FRAGMENT OF LUSTROUS BLACK POTTERY. Swastika,\nright. Depth, 23 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 247.]\n\n_First and Second Cities._--But few whorls were found in the first and\nsecond cities[139] and none of these bore the Swastika mark, while\nthousands were found in the third, fourth, and fifth cities, many of which\nbore the Swastika mark. Those of the first city, if unornamented, have a\nuniform lustrous black color and are the shape of a cone (fig. 55) or of\ntwo cones joined at the base (figs. 52 and 71). Both kinds were found at\n33 feet and deeper. Others from the same city were ornamented by incised\nlines rubbed in with white chalk, in which case they were flat.[140] In\nthe second city the whorls were smaller than in the first. They were all\nof a black color and their incised ornamentation was practically the same\nas those from the upper cities.[141]\n\nZmigrodzki congratulated himself on having discovered among Schliemann's\nfinds what he believed to be the oldest representation of the Swastika of\nwhich we had reliable knowledge. It was a fragment of a vase (fig. 42) of\nthe lustrous black pottery peculiar to the whorls of the first and second\ncities. But Zmigrodzki was compelled to recede, which he did regretfully,\nwhen Schliemann, in a later edition, inserted the footnote (p. 350)\nsaying, that while he had found this (with a companion piece) at a great\ndepth in his excavations, and had attributed them to the first city, yet,\non subsequent examination, he had become convinced that they belonged to\nthe third city.\n\nThe Swastika, turned both ways [S] and [Z], was frequent in the third,\nfourth, and fifth cities.\n\nThe following specimens bearing the Swastika mark are chosen, out of the\nmany specimens in Schliemann's great album, in order to make a fair\nrepresentation of the various kinds, both of whorls and of Swastikas.\nThey are arranged in the order of cities, the depth being indicated in\nfeet.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 43. SPINDLE-WHORL WITH TWO SWASTIKAS AND TWO CROSSES.\nDepth, 23 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1858.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 44. SPINDLE-WHORL WITH TWO SWASTIKAS. Depth, 23 feet.\nSchliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1874.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 45. SPINDLE-WHORL WITH TWO SWASTIKAS. Depth, 23 feet.\nSchliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1919.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 46. SPINDLE-WHORL WITH TWO SWASTIKAS. Depth, 28 feet.\nSchliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1826.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 47. SPINDLE-WHORL WITH THREE SWASTIKAS. Depth, 23\nfeet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1851.]\n\n_The Third, or Burnt, City_ (23 to 33 feet deep).--The spindle-whorl shown\nin fig. 43 contains two Swastikas and two crosses.[142] Of the one\nSwastika, two arms are bent to the right at right angles, while the other\ntwo are bent to the right in curves. The other Swastika has but two bends,\none at right angles, the other curved, both to the right. The specimen\nshown in fig. 44 has two Swastikas, in one of which the four arms are bent\nat right angles to the left. The entire figure is traced in double lines,\none heavy and one light, as though to represent edges or shadows. The\nsecond Swastika has its ends bent at an obtuse angle to the left, and at\nthe extremities the lines taper to a point. The whorl shown in fig. 45 is\nnearly spherical, with two Swastikas in the upper part. The ends of the\nfour arms in both are bent at right angles, one to the right, the other to\nthe left. Fig. 46 represents a spindle-whorl with two irregular Swastikas;\nbut one arm is bent at right angles and all the arms and points are\nuncertain and of unequal lengths. The rest of the field is covered with\nindefinite and inexplicable marks, of which the only ones noteworthy are\npoints or dots, seven in number. In fig. 47 the top is surrounded by a\nline of zigzag or dog-tooth ornaments. Within this field, on the upper\npart and equidistant from the central hole, are three Swastikas, the ends\nof all of which turn to the left, and but one at right angles. All three\nhave one or more ends bent, not at any angle, but in a curve or hook,\nmaking an ogee. Fig. 48 shows a large whorl with two or three Swastikas on\nits upper surface in connection with several indefinite marks apparently\nwithout meaning. The dots are interspersed over the field, the Swastikas\nall bent to the right, but with uncertain lines and at indefinite angles.\nIn one of them the main line forming the cross is curved toward the\ncentral hole; in another, the ends are both bent in the same\ndirection--that is, pointing to the periphery of the whorl. Fig. 49 shows\na sphere or globe (see figs. 75, 88) divided by longitudinal lines into\nfour segments, which are again divided by an equatorial line. These\nsegments contain marks or dots and circles, while one segment contains a\nnormal Swastika turned to the left. This terra-cotta ball has figured in a\npeculiar degree in the symbolic representation of the Swastika. Greg says\nof it:[143]\n\n We see on one hemisphere the [Z] standing for Zeus (= Indra) the sky\n god, and on the other side a rude representation of a sacred (_somma_)\n tree; a very interesting and curious western perpetuation of the\n original idea and a strong indirect proof of the [Z] standing for the\n emblem of the sky god.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 48. SPINDLE-WHORL WITH SWASTIKAS. Depth, 23 feet.\nSchliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1982.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 49. SPHERE DIVIDED INTO EIGHT SEGMENTS, ONE OF WHICH\nCONTAINS A SWASTIKA. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1999.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 50. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH SWASTIKA. Schliemann,\n\"Ilios,\" Fig. 1949.]\n\nFig. 50 represents one of the biconical spindle-whorls with various\ndecorations on the two sides, longitudinal lines interspersed with dots,\narcs of concentric circles arranged in three parallels, etc. On one of\nthese sides is a normal Swastika, the arms crossing at right angles, the\nends bent at right angles to the left. The specimen shown in fig. 51\ncontains four perfect Swastikas and two inchoate and uncertain. Both of\nthe latter have been damaged by breaking the surface. The four Swastikas\nall have their arms bent to the right; some are greater than at right\nangles, and one arm is curved. Several ends are tapered to a point. Fig.\n52 shows a whorl of biconical form. It contains two Swastikas, the main\narms of which are ogee forms, crossing each other at the center at nearly\nright angles, the ogee ends curving to the right. In fig. 53 the entire\nfield of the upper surface is filled with, or occupied by, a Greek cross,\nin the center of which is the central hole of the whorl, while on each of\nthe four arms is represented a Swastika, the main arms all crossing at\nright angles, the ends all bent to the right at a slightly obtuse angle.\nEach of these bent ends tapers to a point, some with slight curves and a\nsmall flourish. (See figs. 33 and 34 for reference to this flourish.) The\nspecimen shown in fig. 54 has a center field in its upper part, of which\nthe decoration consists of incised parallel lines forming segments of\ncircles, repeated in each one of the four quarters of the field. The\ncenter hole is surrounded by two concentric rings of incised lines. In one\nof these spaces is a single Swastika; its main arms crossing at right\nangles, two of its ends bent to the left at right angles, the other two in\nthe same direction and curved.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 51. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH SIX SWASTIKAS. Depth,\n33 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1859.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 52. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH TWO OGEE SWASTIKAS.\nDepth, 33 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1876.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 53. SPINDLE-WHORL WITH FOUR SWASTIKAS. Depth, 33 feet.\nDe Mortillet, \"Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique,\" fig. 1240.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 54. SPINDLE-WHORL WITH ONE SWASTIKA. Depth, 33 feet.\nDe Mortillet, \"Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique,\" fig. 1241.]\n\n_The Fourth City_ (13.2 to 17.6 feet deep).--Schliemann says:[144]\n\n We find among the successors of the burnt city the same triangular\n idols; the same primitive bronze battle-axes; the same terra-cotta\n vases, with or without tripod feet; the same double-handled goblets\n ([Greek: sepa amphikupella]); the same battle-axes of jade, porphyry,\n and diorite; the same rude stone hammers, and saddle querns of\n trachyte. * * * The number of rude stone hammers and polished stone\n axes are fully thrice as large as in the third city, while the masses\n of shells and cockles accumulated in the d\u00e9bris of the houses are so\n stupendous that they baffle all description. The pottery is coarser\n and of a ruder fabric than in the third city. * * * There were also\n found in the fourth city many needles of bone for female handiwork,\n boar tusks, spit rests of mica schist, whetstones of slate, porphyry,\n etc., of the usual form, hundreds of small silex saws, and some knives\n of obsidian. Stone whorls, which are so abundant at Mycen\u00e6, are but\n rarely found here; all of those which occur are, according to Mr.\n Davis, of steatite. On the other hand, terra-cotta whorls, with or\n without incised ornamentation, are found by thousands; their forms\n hardly vary from those in the third (the burnt) city, and the same may\n be generally said of their incised ornamentation. * * * The same\n representation of specimens of whorls are given as in the third city,\n and the same observations apply.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 55. CONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH THREE OGEE SWASTIKAS.\nDepth 13-1/2 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1850.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 56. CONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH FOUR SWASTIKAS OF\nVARIOUS KINDS. Depth 13-1/2 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1879.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 57. CONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH SWASTIKAS. Depth.\n13-1/3 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1894.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 58. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH ONE SWASTIKA. Depth,\n13-1/2 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1983.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 59. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH THREE OGEE SWASTIKAS.\nDepth, 13-1/2 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1990.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 60. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH TWO SWASTIKAS. Depth,\n16-1/2 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1863.]\n\nFig. 55 shows a simple cone, the upper surface being flat and without\nother decoration than three Swastikas equidistant from the hole and from\neach other, all made by the two crossed ogee lines with ends curved to the\nright. This specimen is much like that of Fig. 71 (Madam Schliemann\ncollection in the U. S. National Museum, Cat. No. 149704). Fig. 56 shows a\nremarkable spindle-whorl. Its marks greatly excited the interest of Dr.\nSchliemann, and he devoted much space to the discussion of these and\nsimilar characters. The whorl is in the form of a cone. It bears upon its\nconical surface four Swastikas, the ends of three of which bend to the\nright and one to the left. There are but two of these ends which bend at\nright angles. Most of them are at an obtuse angle, while the ends of two\nare curved. Some taper to a point and finish with a slight flourish. The\nother marks which so interested Dr. Schliemann were the chevron ornament\n(zigzag), drawn in parallel lines, which, he strongly argued, and\nfortified with many authorities, represented lightning. The second series\nof marks he called a \"burning altar.\" This assertion he also fortified\nwith authorities and with illustrations of a similar sign from different\ncountries. (See fig. 101.) The third series of marks represented an\nanimal, name and character unknown, with a head or tusks with two large\nbranching horns or ears, a straight back, a stiff but drooping tail, four\nlegs, and two rows of the remarkable dots--seven in one, six in the\nother--placed over the back of the animal. (See figs. 99 and 100.) Fig. 57\nrepresents another cone-shaped whorl, the flat surface of which is\nengraved with one perfect Swastika, the two arms crossing each other at\nright angles and the two ends bending at right angles to the right; the\nother two are curved, also to the right. Two of the other figures Dr.\nSchliemann calls Swastikas, although they are uncertain in some of their\narms and angles. The fourth character he imagined to be an inchoate or\nattempted Swastika. Fig. 58 shows a biconical whorl with curious and\ninexplicable characters. One of them forms a crude Swastika, which, while\nthe main arms cross at right angles the ends are bent at uncertain angles,\nthree to the left and one to the right. These characters are so\nundetermined that it is doubtful if they could have had any signification,\neither ornamental or otherwise. Fig. 59 is almost conical, the flat\nsurface thereof being only slightly raised at the center. It is much the\nsame form as the whorls shown in figs. 55 and 71. The nearly flat surface\nis the top, and on it, equidistant from the center hole and from each\nother, are three ogee Swastikas of double lines, with their ends all\ncurved to the right. In the alternate spaces are small incised circles,\nwith dots in the centers. In fig. 60 a biconical whorl is shown. It has\nthree of the circle segments marked in equilateral positions, with three\nor four parallel lines, after the style shown in Fig. 54. In the spaces\nare two Swastikas, in both of which the two main arms cross at right\nangles. Some of the ends bend at a right, and others at an obtuse, angle.\nIn one of the Swastikas the bent ends turn toward each other, forming a\nrude figure 8. The specimen shown in fig. 61 is biconical, but much\nflattened; it contains five ogee Swastikas, of which the ends of four bend\nto the right and one to the left. In an interval between them is one of\nthe burning altars. Fig. 62 shows three Swastikas with double parallel\nlines. The main arms cross each other at right angles; the ends are bent\nat nearly right angles, one to the left, one to the right, and the other\nboth ways. Fig. 63 represents a spindle-whorl with a cup-shaped depression\naround the central hole, which is surrounded by three lines in concentric\ncircles, while on the field, at 90 degrees from each other, are four ogee\nSwastikas (tetraskelions), the arms all turning to the left and spirally\neach upon itself. The specimen shown in fig. 64 is biconical, though, as\nusual, the upper cone is the smallest. There are parallel lines, three in\na set, forming the segments of three circles, in one space of which\nappears a Swastika of a curious and unique form, similar to that shown in\nfig. 60. The two main arms cross each other at very nearly right angles\nand the ends also bend at right angles toward and approaching each other,\nso that if continued slightly farther they would close and form a\ndecorative figure 8. The specimen shown in fig. 65 is decorated with\nparallel lines, three in number, arranged in segments of three circles,\nthe periphery of which is toward the center, as in figs. 60 and 64. In one\nof the spaces is a Swastika of curious form; the main arms cross each\nother at right angles, but the four ends represent different styles--two\nare bent square to the left, one square to the right, and the fourth\ncurves to the left at no angle. Fig. 66 shows a biconical whorl, and its\ntop is decorated to represent three Swastikas and three burning altars.\nThe ends of the arms of the Swastikas all bend to the left, some are at\nright angles and some at obtuse angles, while two or three are curved; two\nof them show corrections, the marks at the ends having been changed in one\ncase at a different angle and in another from a straight line to a curve.\nFig. 67 shows four specimens of Swastika, the main arms of all of which\ncross at right angles. The ends all bend to the right, at nearly right\nangles, tapering to a point and finishing with the slight flourish noted\nin the Jain Swastika (fig. 34_c_). They are alternated with a chevron\ndecoration. Fig. 68 shows three Swastikas, the ends of the arms of which\nare all bent to the left. One Swastika is composed of two ogee lines. Two\narms of another are curved, but all others are bent at right angles, some\nof them tapering to points, finishing with a little flourish (figs. 67\nand 34_c_). One of these ends, like that in fig. 66, has been corrected by\nthe maker. Fig. 69 represents one Swastika in which the main arms cross at\nnearly right angles. Both ends of one arm turn to the left and those of\nthe other arm turn to the right in figure 8 style. One of the ends is\ncurved, the others bent at different angles. Fig. 70 shows the parallel\nlines representing segments of a circle similar to figs. 60, 64, 65, and\n69, except that it has four instead of three. It has one Swastika; the\nmain arms (of double lines) cross at right angles, the ends all curving to\nthe left with a slight ogee.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 61. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH FIVE OGEE SWASTIKAS.\nDepth, 18 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1905.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 62. SPINDLE-WHORL WITH THREE SWASTIKAS. Depth, 19.8\nfeet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1855.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 63. SPINDLE-WHORL HAVING FOUR OGEE SWASTIKAS WITH\nSPIRAL VOLUTES. Depth, 18 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1868.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 64. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH ONE SWASTIKA. Depth,\n19.8 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1865.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 65. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH ONE SWASTIKA. Depth,\n19.8 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios\", fig. 1866.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 66. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH THREE SWASTIKAS AND\nTHREE BURNING ALTARS. Depth, 19.8 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios\", fig. 1872.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 67. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH FOUR SWASTIKAS.\nDepth, 19.8 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1873.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 68. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH THREE SWASTIKAS OF\nDIFFERENT STYLES. Depth, 19.8 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1911.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 69. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH ONE SWASTIKA OF THE\nFIGURE-8 STYLE. Depth, 19.8 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1861.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 70. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH ONE SWASTIKA, SLIGHT\nOGEE. Depth, 19.8 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1864.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 71. CONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH THREE OGEE SWASTIKAS.\nDepth, 13.5 feet. Gift of Madame Schliemann, Cat. No. 149704, U. S. N. M.]\n\nThe U. S. National Museum was, during 1893, the fortunate recipient of a\ncollection of objects from Madame Schliemann, which her husband, before\nhis death, had signified should be given to the United States as a token\nof his remembrance of and regard for his adopted country. He never forgot\nthat he was an American citizen, and, preparing for death, made his\nacknowledgments in the manner mentioned. The collection consisted of 178\nobjects, all from ancient Troy, and they made a fair representation of his\ngeneral finds. This collection is in the Department of Prehistoric\nAnthropology. In this collection is a spindle-whorl, found at 13-1/2 feet\n(4 meters) depth and belonging to the fourth city. It had three Swastikas\nupon its face, and is here shown as fig. 71.[145]\n\n_The Fifth City._--Schliemann says:[146]\n\n The rude stone hammers found in enormous quantities in the fourth city\n are no longer found in this stratum, nor did the stone axes, which are\n so very abundant there, occur again here. Instead of the hundreds of\n axes I gathered in the fourth city, I collected in all only two here.\n * * * The forms of the terra-cotta whorls, too, are in innumerable\n instances different here. These objects are of a much inferior fabric,\n and become elongated and pointed. Forms of whorls like Nos. 1801,\n 1802, and 1803 [see figs. 72, 73, and 74], which were never found\n before, are here plentiful.\n\n_The Sixth and Seventh Cities._--The sixth city is described in \"Ilios,\"\npage 587, and the seventh on pages 608 and 618. Both cities contained\noccasional whorls of clay, all thoroughly baked, without incised or\npainted ornamentation, and shed no further light on the Swastika.\n\n[Illustration: Figs. 72, 73, 74. FORMS OF WHORLS FROM THE FIFTH BURIED\nCITY OF HISSARLIK, FOR COMPARISON. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" figs. 1801, 1802,\n1803.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 75. TERRA-COTTA SPHERE WITH THIRTEEN SWASTIKAS. Third\ncity. Depth, 26 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" figs. 245, 246.]\n\nFig. 75 represents the opposite hemispheres of a terra-cotta ball, found\nat a depth of 26 feet, divided by incised lines into fifteen zones, of\nwhich two are ornamented with points and the middle zone, the largest of\nall, with thirteen specimens of [S] and [Z].\n\nZmigrodzki says[147] that there were found by Schliemann, at Hissarlik,\nfifty-five specimens of the Swastika \"pure and simple\" (pp. 809, 826). It\nwill be perceived by examination that the Swastika \"pure and simple\"\ncomprised Swastikas of several forms; those in which the four arms of the\ncross were at other angles besides right angles; those in which the ends\nbent at square and other angles to the right; then those to the left\n(Burnouf and Max M\u00fcller's Suavastika); those in which the bends were, some\nto the right and some to the left, in the same design; where the points\ntapered off and turned outward with a flourish; where the arms bent at no\nangle, but were in spirals each upon itself, and turned, some to the\nright, some to the left. We shall see other related forms, as where the\narms turn spirally upon each other instead of upon themselves. These will\nsometimes have three, five, six, or more arms, instead of four (p. 768).\nThe cross and the circle will also appear in connection with the Swastika;\nand other designs, as zigzags (lightning), burning altars, men, animals,\nand similar representations will be found associated with the Swastika,\nand are only related to it by the association of similar objects from the\nsame locality. A description of their patterns will include those already\nfigured, together with Schliemann's comments as to signification and\nfrequency. They become more important because these related forms will be\nfound in distant countries and among distant peoples, notably among the\nprehistoric peoples of America. Possibly these designs have a\nsignification, possibly not. Dr. Schliemann thought that in many cases\nthey had. Professor Sayce supported him, strongly inclining toward an\nalphabetic or linguistic, perhaps ideographic, signification. No opinion\nis advanced by the author on these theories, but the designs are given in\nconsiderable numbers, to the end that the evidence may be fully reported,\nand future investigators, radical and conservative, imaginative and\nunimaginative, theorists and agnostics, may have a fair knowledge of this\nmysterious sign, and an opportunity to indulge their respective talents at\nlength. Possibly these associated designs may throw some light upon the\norigin or history of the Swastika or of some of its related forms.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 76. TERRA-COTTA DISK WITH ONE SWASTIKA. Schliemann,\n\"Ilios,\" fig. 1849.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 77. SPINDLE-WHORL WITH OGEE SWASTIKA. Third city.\nDepth, 23 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1822.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 78. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH IRREGULAR SWASTIKAS\nAND CROSSES. Fourth city. Depth, 13.6 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig.\n1871.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 79. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH UNCERTAIN AND\nMALFORMED SWASTIKAS. Third city. Depth, 33 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig.\n1870.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 80. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH IRREGULAR AND PARTLY\nFORMED SWASTIKAS HAVING LARGE DOT IN CENTER. Fourth city. Depth, 23 feet.\nSchliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1875.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 81. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL, FLATTENED, WITH TWO\nSWASTIKAS AND INDEFINITE DECORATION. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1947.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 82. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH ONE SWASTIKA AND FOUR\nSEGMENTS OF CIRCLES. Third city. Depth, 33 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig.\n1989.]\n\nThe specimen represented in fig. 76 is not a spindle-whorl, as shown by\nthe number and location of the holes. It bears a good representation of a\nSwastika the form of which has been noticed several times. The two main\narms cross each other at nearly right angles. The ends of the arms all\nbend to the right at a slightly obtuse angle and turn outward with a\nflourish somewhat after the style of the Jain Swastika (fig. 34_c_). Fig.\n77 represents a spindle-whorl with a Swastika of the ogee style curved to\nthe right. The center hole of the whorl forms the center of the sign. The\nfigure is of double lines, and in the interspaces are four dots, similar\nto those in figs. 96-98, and others which Dr. Schliemann reports as\ncommon, and to which he attributes some special but unknown meaning.\nSwastikas and crosses of irregular shape and style are shown in the field\nof fig. 78. Two fairly well formed Swastikas appear, both of the ogee\nstyle, with the ends curved to the right. One is of the style resembling\nthe figure 8 (see figs. 60 and 64). Two others are crudely and irregularly\nformed, and would scarcely be recognized as Swastikas except for their\nassociation. Fig. 79 represents uncertain and malformed Swastikas. The\narms are bent in different directions in the same line. Two of the main\narms are not bent. The inexplicable dots are present, and the field is\nmore or less covered with unmeaning or, at least, unexplained marks. Fig.\n80 also illustrates the indefinite and inchoate style of decoration. One\nunfinished Swastika appears which, unlike anything we have yet seen, has a\ncircle with a dot in the center for the body of the Swastika at the\ncrossing of the main arms. Fig. 81 shows two Swastikas, both crossing\ntheir main arms at right angles and the ends bending also at right\nangles--one to the right, the other to the left. This specimen is inserted\nhere because of the numerous decorations of apparently unmeaning, or, at\nleast, unexplained, lines. Fig. 82 shows four segmented circles with an\nindefinite Swastika in one of the spaces. The ends are not well turned,\nonly one being well attached to the main arms. One of the ends is not\njoined, one overruns and forms a sort of cross; the other has no bend.\nFig. 83 contains an unmistakable Swastika, the main arms of which cross at\nright angles, turning to the left with an ogee curve. The peculiarity of\nthis specimen is that the center of the sign is inclosed in a circle, thus\nshowing the indifference of the Swastika sign to other signs, whether\ncross or circle. The outer parts of the field are occupied with the\nparallel lines of the circle segment, as shown in many other specimens.\nThe specimen shown in fig. 84 is similar in style to the last. The bodies\nof six Swastikas are formed by a circle and dot, while the arms of the\ncross start from the outside of the circle, extending themselves in\ncurves, all of them to the right. (See fig. 13_d_.) It has no other\nornamentation. The same remark is to be made about the indifferent use of\nthe Swastika in association with cross or circle. We have seen many\nSwastikas composed of the crossed ogee lines or curves. Figs. 85 and 86\nshow the same ogee lines and curves not crossed; and thus, while it may be\nthat neither of them are Swastikas, yet they show a relationship of form\nfrom which the derivation of a Swastika would be easy.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 83. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL, FLATTENED. Ogee Swastika\nwith central circle. Third city. Depth, 23 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig.\n1987.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 84. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH SIX OGEE SWASTIKAS\nHAVING CENTRAL CIRCLE AND DOT. Third city. Depth, 23 feet. Schliemann,\n\"Ilios,\" fig. 1862.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 85. SPHERICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH FLATTENED TOP AND\nOGEE LINES WHICH DO NOT FORM SWASTIKAS. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1890.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 86. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL WITH OGEE CURVES WHICH ARE\nNOT CROSSED TO FORM SWASTIKAS. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1889.]\n\nAttention has been called to decorations comprising segments of the\ncircles incised in these whorls, the periphery of which is toward their\ncenters (figs. 60, 64, 65, 69, 70, 82 and 83). Also to the mysterious dots\n(figs. 46, 56, 75, 76, 77, 79, 84, 92, 96 and 97). Fig. 87 shows a\ncombination of the segments of three circles, the dots within each, and\ntwo Swastikas. Of the Swastikas, one is normal, turning to the right; the\nother turns to the right, but at an obtuse angle, with one end straight\nand the other irregularly curved. Fig. 88 represents two sections of a\nterra-cotta sphere divided similar to fig. 49. Each of these sections\ncontains a figure like unto a Swastika and which may be related to it. It\nis a circle with arms springing from the periphery, which arms turn all to\nthe left, as they do in the ogee Swastika. One has seven, the other nine,\narms. One has regular, the other irregular, lines and intervals. Fig. 89\nrepresents a spindle-whorl of terra cotta nearly spherical, with\ndecoration of a large central dot and lines springing thereout, almost\nlike the spokes of a wheel, then all turning to the left as volutes. In\nsome countries this has been called the sun symbol, but there is nothing\nto indicate that it had any signification at Hissarlik. One of the marks\nresembles the long-backed, four-legged animal (figs. 99 and 100).[148]\nFigs. 90, 91, 92, and 93 show a further adaptation of the ogee curve\ndeveloped into a Swastika, in which many arms start from the center circle\naround the central hole in the whorl, finally taking a spiral form. The\nrelation of this to a sun symbol is only mentioned and not specified or\ndeclared. The inexplicable and constantly recurring dots are seen in fig.\n90.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 87. SPHERICAL SPINDLE-WHORL, FLATTENED. Two Swastikas\ncombined with segments and dots. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1988.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 88. SECTIONS OF TERRA-COTTA SPHERE.[149] Central\ncircles with extended arms turning to the left, ogee and zigzag.\nSchliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1993.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 89. SPHERICAL SPINDLE-WHORL. Large central dot with\ntwelve arms, similar in form to the ogee Swastika. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\"\nfig. 1946.]\n\nIt is not contended that these are necessarily evolutions of the Swastika.\nWe will see farther on many lines and forms of decoration by incised lines\non these Trojan whorls, which may have had no relation to the Swastika,\nbut are inserted here because persons rich in theories and brilliant in\nimagination have declared that they could see a resemblance, a relation,\nin this or some other decoration. As objects belonging to the same\nculture, from the same locality, and intimately associated with\nunmistakable Swastikas, they were part of the _res gest\u00e6_, and as such\nentitled to admission as evidence in the case. The effect of their\nevidence is a legitimate subject for discussion and argument. To refuse\nthese figures admission would be to decide the case against this\ncontention without giving the opposing party an opportunity to see the\nevidence or to be heard in argument. Therefore the objects are inserted.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 90. SPINDLE-WHORL. Central dot with ogee arms\nradiating therefrom in different directions, but in the form of a\nSwastika. Third City. Depth, 29 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1830.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 91. SPINDLE-WHORL WITH CENTRAL HOLE AND RADIATING\nARMS. Third city. Depth, 23 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1842.]\n\nSpecimens of other crosses are presented because the Swastika is\nconsidered to be a form of the cross. There may have been no evolution or\nrelationship between them; but no person is competent to decide from a\nmere inspection or by reason of dissimilarity that there was not. We have\nto plead _ignoramus_ as to the growth and evolution of both cross and\nSwastika, because the origin of both is lost in antiquity. But all are\nfair subjects for discussion. There certainly is nothing improbable in the\nrelationship and evolution between the Swastika and the cross. It may be\nalmost assumed.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 92. SPINDLE-WHORL WITH CENTRAL CIRCLE AND MANY ARMS.\nFourth city. Depth, 19.8 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1837.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 93. SPINDLE-WHORL WITH CENTRAL HOLE, LARGE CIRCLE, AND\nMANY CURVED ARMS. Third city. Depth, 29 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig.\n1833.]\n\nEvidence leading to conviction may be found in associated contemporaneous\nspecimens. M. Montelius, an arch\u00e6ologist of repute in the National Museum\nat Stockholm, discovered eight stages of culture in the bronze age of that\ncountry, which discovery was based solely upon the foregoing principle\napplied to the fibul\u00e6 found in prehistoric graves. In assorting his stock\nof fibul\u00e6, he was enabled to lay out a series of eight styles, each\ndifferent, but with many presentations. He arranged them seriatim,\naccording to certain differences in size, style, elegance of workmanship,\netc., No. 1 being the smallest, and No. 8 the largest and most elaborate.\nThey were then classified according to locality and association, and he\ndiscovered that Nos. 1 and 2 belonged together, on the same body or in the\nsame grave, and the same with Nos. 2 and 3, 3 and 4, and so on to No. 8,\nbut that there was no general or indefinite intermixture; Nos. 1 and 3 or\n2 and 4 were not found together and were not associated, and so on. Nos. 7\nand 8 were associated, but not 6 and 8, nor 5 and 7, nor was there any\nassociation beyond adjoining numbers in the series. Thus Montelius was\nable to determine that each one or each two of the series formed a stage\nin the culture of these peoples. While the numbers of the series\nseparated from each other, as 1, 5, 8, were never found associated, yet\nit was conclusively shown that they were related, were the same object,\nall served a similar purpose, and together formed an evolutionary series\nshowing their common origin, derivative growth and continuous improvement\nin art, always by communication between their makers or owners.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 94. LARGE BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL. Four crosses with\nbifurcated arms. Third city. Depth, 23 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig.\n1855.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 95. SPINDLE-WHORL. Hole and large circle in center\nwith broad arms of Greek cross. Third city. Depth, 26.4 feet. Schliemann,\n\"Ilios,\" fig. 1820.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 96. SPINDLE-WHORL. Hole and large circle in center.\nExtended parallel arms with dots, forming a Greek Cross. Third city.\nDepth, 23 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1817.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 97. SPINDLE-WHORL. Greek cross. Tapering arms with\ndots. Third city. Depth, 23 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1818.]\n\nThus it may be with the other forms of crosses, and thus it appears to be\nwith the circle and spiral Swastikas and those with ends bent in opposite\nand different directions. Just what their relations are and at which end\nof the series the evolution began, is not argued. This is left for the\ntheorists and imaginists, protesting, however, that they must not run wild\nnor push their theories beyond bounds. Fig. 94 represents four crosses,\nthe main arms of which are at right angles, and each and all ends, instead\nof being turned at an angle which would make them Swastikas, are\nbifurcated and turn both ways, thus forming a foliated cross similar to\nthe Maya cross, the \"Tree of life.\" Figs. 95, 96, and 97 show Greek\ncrosses. The centers of the crosses are occupied by the central hole of\nthe whorl, while the arms extend to the periphery. In the centers of the\nrespective arms are the ubiquitous dots. The question might here be asked\nwhether these holes, which represented circles, stood for the sun symbol\nor solar disk. The question carries its own answer and is a refutation of\nthose who fancy they can see mythology in everything. Fig. 98 is the same\nstyle of figure with the same dots, save that it has three instead of four\narms. Figs. 99 and 100 each show four of the curious animals heretofore\nrepresented (fig. 56) in connection with the Swastika. They are here\ninserted for comparison. They are all of the same form, and one\ndescription will serve. Back straight, tail drooping, four legs, round\nhead showing eye on one side, and long ears resembling those of a rabbit\nor hare, which, in fig. 56, are called horns. The general remarks in\nrespect to the propriety of inserting crosses and burning altars (p. 824)\napply with equal pertinency to these animals and to the unexplained dots\nseen on so many specimens. Fig. 101 shows both ends of a spindle-whorl,\nand is here inserted because it represents one of the \"burning altars\" of\nDr. Schliemann, associated with a Swastika, as in figs. 61, 66, and 68,\nand even those of figure-8 style (figs. 64 and 69).\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 98. SPINDLE-WHORL. Central hole and three arms with\ndots. Third city. Depth, 23 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1819.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 99. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL. Four animals are shown\nsimilar to those found associated with the Swastika. Third city. Depth, 33\nfeet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1877.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 100. BICONICAL SPINDLE-WHORL. Four animals are shown\nsimilar to those found associated with the Swastika. Fourth city. Depth,\n19.6 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 1867.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 101. SPINDLE-WHORL WITH FIGURE-8 SWASTIKA (?) AND SIX\n\"BURNING ALTARS.\" Fourth city. Depth, 19.6 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig.\n1838.]\n\nDr. Schliemann found, during his excavations on the hill of Hissarlik, no\nless than 1,800 spindle-whorls. A few were from the first and second\ncities; they were of somewhat peculiar form (figs. 72 and 74), but the\ngreatest number were from the third city, thence upward in decreasing\nnumbers. The Swastika pure and simple was found on 55 specimens, while its\nrelated or suggested forms were on 420 (pp. 809, 819). Many of the other\nwhorls were decorated with almost every imaginable form of dot, dash,\ncircle, star, lozenge, zigzag, with many indefinite and undescribable\nforms. In presenting the claims of the Swastika as an intentional sign,\nwith intentional, though perhaps different, meanings, it might be\nunsatisfactory to the student to omit descriptions of these associated\ndecorative forms. This description is impossible in words; therefore the\nauthor has deemed it wiser to insert figures of these decorations as they\nappeared on the spindle-whorls found at Troy, and associated with those\nheretofore given with the Swastika. It is not decided, however, that these\nhave any relation to the Swastika, or that they had any connection with\nits manufacture or existence, either by evolution or otherwise, but they\nare here inserted to the end that the student and reader may take due\naccount of the association and make such comparison as will satisfy him.\n(Figs. 102 to 124.)\n\n[Illustration: Figs. 102-113. TROJAN SPINDLE-WHORLS. Schliemann, \"Ilios.\"]\n\n[Illustration: Figs. 114-124. TROJAN SPINDLE-WHORLS. Schliemann, \"Ilios.\"]\n\n_Leaden idol of Hissarlik._--Dr. Schliemann, in his explorations on the\nhill of Hissarlik, at a depth of 23 feet, in the third, the burnt city,\nfound a metal idol (fig. 125), which was determined on an analysis to be\nlead.[150] It was submitted to Professor Sayce who made the following\nreport:[151]\n\n It is the Artemis Nana of Chaldea, who became the chief deity of\n Carchemish, the Hittite capital, and passed through Asia Minor to the\n shores and islands of the \u00c6gean Sea. Characteristic figures of the\n goddess have been discovered at Mycen\u00e6 as well as in Cyprus.\n\nIn \"Troja\" Professor Sayce says:\n\n Precisely the same figure, with ringlets on either side of the head,\n but with a different ornament (dots instead of Swastika) sculptured on\n a piece of serpentine was recently found in M\u00e6onia, and published by\n M. Salmon Reinach in Revue Arch\u00e6ologique. By the side of the goddess\n stands the Babylonian Bel, and among the Babylonian symbols that\n surround them is the representation of one of the terra-cotta whorls,\n of which Dr. Schliemann found such multitudes at Troy.\n\nThe chief interest to us of Dr. Schliemann's description of the idol lies\nin the last paragraph:[152]\n\n The vulva is represented by a large triangle, in the upper side of\n which we see three globular dots; we also see two lines of dots to the\n right and left of the vulva. The most curious ornament of the figure\n is a Swastika, which we see in the middle of the vulva. * * * So far\n as we know, the only figures to which the idol before us has any\n resemblance are the female figures of white marble found in tombs in\n Attica and in the Cyclades. Six of them, which are in the museum at\n Athens, * * * represent naked women. * * * The vulva is represented on\n the six figures by a large triangle. * * * Similar white Parian marble\n figures, found in the Cyclades, whereon the vulva is represented by a\n decorated triangle, are preserved in the British Museum. Lenorment, in\n \"Les Antiquit\u00e9s de la Troade\" (p. 46), says: \"The statuettes of the\n Cyclades, in the form of a naked woman, appear to be rude copies made\n by the natives, at the dawn of their civilization, from the images of\n the Asiatic goddess which had been brought by Phoenician merchants.\n They were found in the most ancient sepulchers of the Cyclades, in\n company with stone weapons, principally arrowheads of obsidian from\n Milo, and with polished pottery without paintings. We recognize in\n them the figures of the Asiatic Venus found in such large numbers from\n the banks of the Tigris to the island of Cyprus, through the whole\n extent of the Chaldeo-Assyrian, Aram\u00e6an, and Phoenician world. Their\n prototype is the Babylonian Zarpanit, or Zirbanit, so frequently\n represented on the cylinders and by terra-cotta idols, the fabrication\n of which begins in the most primitive time of Chaldea and continues\n among the Assyrians.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 125. LEADEN IDOL OF ARTEMIS NANA OF CHALDEA, WITH\nSWASTIKA.[153] Third city. Depth, 23 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 126.\n1-1/3 natural size.]\n\nIt is to be remarked that this mark is not on the vulva, as declared by\nSchliemann, but rather on a triangle shield which covers the _mons\nveneris_.\n\nProfessor Sayce is of the opinion, from the evidence of this leaden idol,\nthat the Swastika was, among the Trojans, a symbol of the generative power\nof man.\n\nAn added interest centers in these specimens from the fact that\nterra-cotta shields of similar triangular form, fitted to the curvature of\nthe body, were worn in the same way in prehistoric times by the aboriginal\nwomen of Brazil. These pieces have small holes at the angles, apparently\nfor suspension by cords. The U. S. National Museum has some of these, and\nthey will be figured in the chapter relating to Brazil. The similarity\nbetween these distant objects is remarkable, whether they were related or\nnot, and whether the knowledge or custom came over by migration or not.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 126. TERRA-COTTA VASE WITH MAMELON. Fourth city.\nDepth, 16.5 feet. Cat. No. 149676, U. S. N. M. 1/3 natural size.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 127. TERRA-COTTA VASE WITH CIRCLE OR RING. Fourth\ncity. Depth, 20 feet. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 988. 1/3 natural size.]\n\n_Owl-shaped vases._--It is also remarkable to note in this connection the\nseries of owl-shaped terra-cotta vases of the ruined cities of Hissarlik\nand their relation to the Swastika as a possible symbol of the generative\npower. These vases have rounded bottoms, wide bellies, high shoulders (the\nheight of which is emphasized by the form and position of the handles),\nthe mouth narrow and somewhat bottle-shaped, but not entirely so. What\nwould be the neck is much larger than usual for a bottle, and more like\nthe neck of a human figure, which the object in its entirety represents in\na rude, but, nevertheless, definite, manner. At the top of the vase are\nthe eyes, eyebrows, and the nose. It is true that the round eyes, the\narched eyebrows, and the pointed nose give it somewhat an owlish face, but\nif we look at fig. 127, the human appearance of which is emphasized by the\ncover of the vase, which serves as a cap for the head and has the effect\nof enlarging it to respectable dimensions, we will see how nearly it\nrepresents a human being. The U. S. National Museum possesses one of these\nvases in the Schliemann collection (fig. 126). It has the face as\ndescribed, while the other human organs are only indicated by small knobs.\nIt and the three figures, 127, 128, and 129, form a series of which the\none in the Museum would be the first, the others following in the order\nnamed. No. 2 in the series has the female attributes indefinitely and\nrudely indicated, the lower organ being represented by a concentric ring.\nIn No. 3 the mamm\u00e6 are well shown, while the other organ has the\nconcentric ring, the center of which is filled with a Greek cross with\nfour dots, one in each angle, the _Croix swasticale_ of Zmigrodzki (fig.\n12). No. 4 of the series is more perfect as a human, for the mouth is\nrepresented by a circle, the mamm\u00e6 are present, while in the other\nlocality appears a well-defined Swastika. The first three of these were\nfound in the fourth city at 20 to 22 feet depth, respectively; the last\nwas found in the fifth city at a depth of 10 feet. The leaden idol (fig.\n125), with its Swastika mark on the triangle covering the private parts,\nmay properly be considered as part of the series. When to this series is\nadded the _folium vitus_ of Brazil (pl. 18), the similarity becomes\nsignificant, if not mysterious. But, with all this significance and\nmystery, it appears to the author that this sign, in its peculiar\nposition, has an equal claim as a symbol of blessing, happiness, good\nfortune, as that it represents the generative power.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 128. TERRA-COTTA VASE WITH CIRCLE OR RING AND CROIX\nSWASTICALE. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" fig. 986. 1/6 natural size.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 129. TERRA-COTTA VASE WITH CIRCLE OR RING INCLOSING\nSWASTIKA. Schliemann, \"Troja,\" fig. 101. 2/5 natural size.]\n\nFrom the earliest time of which we have knowledge of the thoughts or\ndesires of man we know that the raising up \"heirs of his body\" constituted\nhis greatest blessing and happiness, and their failure his greatest\nmisery. The first and greatest command of God to man, as set forth in the\nHoly Bible, is to \"Be fruitful, and multiply, and replenish the\nearth.\"[154] This was repeated after the Deluge,[155] and when He\npronounced the curse in the Garden, that upon the woman[156] was, \"In\nsorrow thou shalt bring forth children.\" God's greatest blessing to\nAbraham, when He gave to him and his seed the land as far as he could see,\nwas that his seed should be as the dust of the earth, \"so that if a man\ncan number the dust of the earth, then shall thy seed also be\nnumbered.\"[157] \"Tell the stars, if thou be able to number them * * * so\nshall thy seed be. * * * As the father of many nations,\" etc. We all know\nthe story of Sarai, how, when she and Abraham had all riches and power on\nearth, it was as naught while they were childless, and how their greatest\nblessing was the Divine promise of an heir, and that their greatest\nhappiness was over the birth of Isaac. This may be no proof of the\nsymbolism of the Swastika, but it shows how, in high antiquity, man's\nhappiness in his children was such as makes the Swastika mark, in the\nposition indicated, equally a symbol of good fortune and blessing as it\nwas when put on the spindle-whorls of Hissarlik, the vases of Greece, or\nthe fibul\u00e6 of Etruria.\n\n_The age of the Trojan cities._--It may be well to consider for a moment\nthe age or epoch of these prehistoric Trojan cities on the hill of\nHissarlik. Professor Virchow was appealed to by Schliemann for his\nopinion. He says:[158]\n\n Other scholars have been inclined to ascribe the oldest cities of\n Hissarlik to the Neolithic age, because remarkable weapons and\n utensils of polished stone are found in them. * * * This conception is\n unjustified and inadmissible. To the third century A. D. belongs the\n surface of the fortress hill of Hissarlik, which still lies above the\n Macedonian wall; and the oldest \"cities\"--although not only polished\n stones but also chipped flakes of chalcedony and obsidian occur in\n them--nevertheless fall within the age of metals, for even in the\n first city utensils of copper, gold, and even silver were dug up. No\n stone people, properly so called, dwelt upon the fortress hill of\n Hissarlik, so far as it has been uncovered.\n\nVirchow's opinion that none of the cities of Hissarlik were in the stone\nage may be correct, but the reason he gave is certainly doubtful. He says\nthey come within the age of metals, for, or because, \"_utensils of copper,\ngold, and even silver were dug up among the ruins of the first city_.\"\nThat the metals, gold, silver, or copper, were used by the aborigines, is\nno evidence that they were in a metal age, as it has been assigned and\nunderstood by prehistoric arch\u00e6ologists. The great principle upon which\nthe names of the respective prehistoric ages--stone, bronze, and\niron--were given, was that these materials were used for cutting and\nsimilar implements. The use of gold and silver or any metal for ornamental\npurposes has never been considered by arch\u00e6ologists as synchronous with a\nmetal age. Indeed, in the United States there are great numbers of\naboriginal cutting implements of copper, of which the U. S. National\nMuseum possesses a collection of five or six hundred; yet they were not in\nsufficient number to, and they did not, supersede the use of stone as the\nprincipal material for cutting implements, and so do not establish a\ncopper age in America. In Paleolithic times bone was largely used as\nmaterial for utensils and ornaments. Bone was habitually in use for one\npurpose or another, yet no one ever pretended that this establishes a bone\nage. In countries and localities where stone is scarce and shell abundant,\ncutting implements were, in prehistoric times, made of shell; and chisels\nor hatchets of shell, corresponding to the polished stone hatchet, were\nprevalent wherever the conditions were favorable, yet nobody ever called\nit an age of shell. So, in the ruined cities of Hissarlik, the first five\nof them abounded in stone implements peculiar to the Neolithic age, and\nwhile there may have been large numbers of implements and utensils of\nother materials, yet this did not change it from the polished stone age.\nIn any event, the reason given by Virchow--i. e., that the use,\nundisputed, of copper, gold, and silver by the inhabitants of these\ncities--is not evidence to change their culture status from that\ndenominated as the polished stone age or period.\n\nProfessor Virchow subsequently does sufficient justice to the antiquity of\nSchliemann's discoveries and says[159] while \"it is impossible to assign\nthese strata to the stone age, yet they are indications of what is the\noldest known settlement in Asia Minor of a people of prehistoric times of\nsome advance in civilization,\" and[160] that \"no place in Europe is known\nwhich could be put in direct connection with any one of the six lower\ncities of Hissarlik.\"\n\nProfessor Sayce also gives his opinion on the age of these ruins:[161]\n\n The antiquities, therefore, unearthed by Dr. Schliemann at Troy,\n acquire for us a double interest. They carry us back to the later\n stone ages of the Aryan race.\n\n\nAFRICA.\n\nEGYPT.\n\nA consensus of the opinions of antiquarians is that the Swastika had no\nfoothold among the Egyptians. Prof. Max M\u00fcller is of this opinion, as is\nalso Count Goblet d'Alviella.[162]\n\nWaring[163] says:\n\n The only sign approaching the fylfot in Egyptian hieroglyphics that we\n have met is shown in fig. 3, pl. 41, where it forms one of the\n hieroglyphs of Isis, but is not very similar to our fylfot.\n\nMr. Greg says:[164] \"In Egypt the fylfot does not occur.\" Many other\nauthors say the same. Yet many specimens of the Swastika have been found\nin Egypt (figs. 130 to 136). Professor Goodyear[165] says:\n\n The earliest dated Swastikas are of the third millenium B. C., and\n occur on the foreign Cyprian and Carian (?) pottery fragments of the\n time of the twelfth dynasty (in Egypt), discovered by Mr. Flinders\n Petrie in 1889. (Kahun, Gurob, and Hawara, pl. 27, Nos. 162 and 173.)\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 130. GREEK VASE SHOWING DEER, GEESE, AND SWASTIKAS.\nNaukratis, Ancient Egypt. Sixth and fifth centuries, B. C. Petrie, Third\nMemoir, Egypt Exploration Fund, part 1, pl. 4, fig. 3, and Goodyear,\n\"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 60, fig. 2.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 130_a_. DETAIL OF VASE SHOWN IN THE PRECEDING FIGURE.]\n\n_Naukratis._--Figs. 130 to 135, made after illustrations in Mr. W.\nFlinders Petrie's Third Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund (Pt. 1),\nfound by him in Naukratis, all show unmistakable Swastikas. It should be\nexplained that these are said to be Greek vases which have been imported\ninto Egypt. So that, while found in Egypt and so classed geographically,\nthey are not Egyptian, but Greek.\n\n_Coptos (Achmim-Panopolis)._--Within the past few years great\ndiscoveries have been made in Upper Egypt, in Sakkarah, Fayum, and Achmim,\nthe last of which was the ancient city of Panopolis. The inhabitants of\nCoptos and the surrounding or neighboring cities were Christian Greeks,\nwho migrated from their country during the first centuries of our era and\nsettled in this land of Egypt. Strabo mentions these people and their\nability as weavers and embroiderers. Discoveries have been made of their\ncemeteries, winding sheets, and grave clothes. These clothes have been\nsubjected to analytic investigation, and it is the conclusion of M.\nGerspach, the administrator of the national manufactory of the Gobelin\ntapestry, Paris,[166] that they were woven in the same way as the\nGobelins, and that, except being smaller, they did not differ essentially\nfrom them. He adds:\n\n These Egyptian tapestries and those of the Gobelins are the result of\n work which is identical except in some secondary details, so that I\n have been able, without difficulty, to reproduce these Coptic\n tapestries in the Gobelin manufactory.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 131. POTTERY FRAGMENTS WITH TWO MEANDER SWASTIKAS.\nNaukratis, Ancient Egypt. Petrie, Third Memoir of the Egyptian Exploration\nFund, part 1, pl. 5, figs. 15, 24.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 132. FRAGMENT OF GREEK VASE WITH LION AND THREE\nMEANDER SWASTIKAS. Naukratis, Ancient Egypt. Petrie, Sixth Memoir of the\nEgypt Exploration Fund, part 2, fig. 7, and Goodyear, \"Grammar of the\nLotus,\" pl. 30, fig. 2.]\n\nOn one of these Coptic cloths, made of linen, reproduced in \"Die\nGr\u00e4ber- und Textilfunde von Achmim-Panopolis,\" by R. Forrer, occurs a\nnormal Swastika embroidered or woven, tapestry fashion, with woolen thread\n(fig. 136). It belongs to the first epoch, which includes portions of the\nfirst and second centuries A. D. There were on these cloths an enormous\namount of decoration, representing many figures, both natural and\ngeometric. Among them was the Swastika variously applied and in different\nsizes, sometimes inserted in borders, and sometimes adorning the corners\nof the tunics and togas as a large medallion, as shown in the figure.[167]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 133. FRAGMENT OF GREEK VASE DECORATED WITH FIGURES OF\nSACRED ANIMALS AND SWASTIKAS, ASSOCIATED WITH GREEK FRET. Naukratis,\nAncient Egypt. Petrie, Sixth Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, part 2,\npl. 6, fig. 1.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 134. FRAGMENT OF GREEK VASE WITH FIGURES OF ANIMALS,\nTWO MEANDER SWASTIKAS, AND GREEK FRET. Naukratis, Ancient Egypt. Petrie,\nSixth Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund, part 2, pl. 8, fig. 1, and\nGoodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 30, fig. 10.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 135. GREEK VASE WITH DEER, AND MEANDER AND FIGURE-8\nSWASTIKAS. Naukratis, Ancient Egypt. Petrie, Sixth Memoir of the Egypt\nExploration Fund, part 2, pl. 5, fig. 1.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 136. GREEK TAPESTRY. Coptos, Egypt. First and second\ncenturies, A. D. Forrer, \"Die Gr\u00e4ber- und Textilfunde von\nAchmin-Panopolis.\"]\n\nALGERIA.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 137. TORUS OF COLUMN WITH SWASTIKAS. Roman ruins,\nAlgeria. Waring, \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 43, fig. 2, quoting\nfrom Delamare.]\n\nWaring, in his \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" discoursing upon the\nSwastika, which he calls fylfot, shows in pl. 43, fig. 2 (quoting from\nDelamare), the base of a column from a ruined Roman building in Algeria\n(fig. 137), on the torus of which are engraved two Swastikas, the arms\ncrossing at right angles, all ends bent at right angles to the left. There\nare other figures (five and six on the same plate) of Swastikas from a\nRoman mosaic pavement in Algeria. Instead of being square, however, or at\nright angles, as might ordinarily be expected from mosaic, they are ogee.\nIn one of the specimens the ogee ends finish in a point; in the other they\nfinish in a spiral volute turning upon itself. The Swastika has been found\non a tombstone in Algeria.[168]\n\nASHANTEE.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 138. BRONZE INGOTS BEARING SWASTIKAS. Coomassee,\nAshantee.]\n\nMr. R. B. \u00c6neas McLeod, of Invergordon Castle, Ross-shire, Scotland,\nreported[169] that, on looking over some curious bronze ingots captured at\nCoomassee in 1874, during the late Ashantee war, by Captain Eden, in whose\npossession they were at Inverness, he had found some marked with the\nSwastika sign (fig. 138). These specimens were claimed to be aboriginal,\nbut whether the marks were cast or stamped in the ingot is not stated.\n\n\nCLASSICAL OCCIDENT--MEDITERRANEAN.\n\nGREECE AND THE ISLANDS OF CYPRUS, RHODES, MELOS, AND THERA.\n\nThe Swastika has been discovered in Greece and in the islands of the\nArchipelago on objects of bronze and gold, but the principal vehicle was\npottery; and of these the greatest number were the painted vases. It is\nremarkable that the vases on which the Swastika appears in the largest\nproportion should be the oldest, those belonging to the Archaic period.\nThose already shown as having been found at Naukratis, in Egypt, are\nassigned by Mr. Flinders Petrie to the sixth and fifth centuries B. C.,\nand their presence is accounted for by migrations from Greece.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 139. VARIATION OF THE GREEK FRET. Continuous lines\ncrossing each other at right angles forming figures resembling the\nSwastikas.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 140. GREEK GEOMETRIC VASE IN THE LEYDEN MUSEUM, WITH\nFIGURES OF GEESE AND SWASTIKA IN PANEL.[170] Smyrna. Conze, \"Anf\u00e4nge,\"\netc., Vienna, 1870, and Goodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 56, fig. 4.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 141. GREEK VASE WITH FIGURES OF HORSES, GEOMETRIC\nORNAMENTS AND SWASTIKAS IN PANELS. Athens. Dennis, \"Etruria,\" 1, p.\ncxiii.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 142. GREEK VASE WITH SWASTIKAS IN PANELS. Conze,\n\"Anf\u00e4nge,\" etc., and Goodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 60, fig. 13.]\n\n_The Greek fret and Egyptian meander not the same as the\nSwastika._--Professor Goodyear says:[171] \"There is no proposition in\narch\u00e6ology which can be so easily demonstrated as the assertion that the\nSwastika is originally a fragment of the Egyptian meander, provided Greek\ngeometric vases are called in evidence.\"\n\nEgyptian meander here means the Greek fret. Despite the ease with which he\nsays it can be demonstrated that the Swastika was originally a fragment of\nthe Egyptian meander, and with all respect for the opinion of so profound\na student of classic ornament, doubts must arise as to the existence of\nthe evidence necessary to prove his proposition.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 143. DETAIL OF ARCHAIC GREEK VASE WITH FIGURE OF SOLAR\nGOOSE AND SWASTIKAS IN PANELS. British Museum. Waring, \"Ceramic Art in\nRemote Ages,\" pl. 41, fig. 15.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 144. CYPRIAN POTTERY PLAQUE WITH SWASTIKA IN PANEL.\nMetropolitan Museum of Art, New York City. Cesnola, \"Cyprus, its Ancient\nCities, Tombs, and Temples,\" pl. 47, fig. 40.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 145. DETAIL OF CYPRIAN VASE WITH SWASTIKAS IN\nTRIANGLES. Goodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 1, fig. 11.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 146. DETAIL OF ATTIC VASE WITH FIGURE OF ANTELOPE (?)\nAND SWASTIKA. British Museum. B\u00f6hlau, Jahrbuch, 1885, p. 50, and Goodyear,\n\"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 37, fig. 9.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 147. CYPRIAN VASE WITH SWASTIKAS. Cesnola, \"Cyprus,\nits Ancient Cities, Tombs, and Temples,\" appendix by Murray, p. 404, fig.\n15.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 148. TERRA COTTA FIGURINE WITH SWASTIKAS IN PANELS.\nCesnola, \"Cyprus, its Ancient Cities, Tombs, and Temples,\" p. 300, and\nOhnefalsch-Richter, Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop., Paris, 1888, p. 691.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 149. TERRA COTTA VASE WITH SWASTIKA AND FIGURE OF\nHORSE.[172]]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 150. BRONZE FIBULA WITH SWASTIKA AND REPRESENTATIONS\nOF A GOOSE AND A FISH. Boeotia, Greece. De Mortillet, \"Mus\u00e9e\nPr\u00e9historique,\" fig. 1265.]\n\nProfessor Goodyear, and possibly others, ascribe the origin of the\nSwastika to the Greek fret; but this is doubtful and surely has not been\nproved. It is difficult, if not impossible, to procure direct evidence on\nthe proposition. Comparisons may be made between the two signs; but this\nis secondary or indirect evidence, and depends largely on argument. No man\nis so poor in expedients that he may not argue. Goldsmith's schoolmaster\n\"e'en tho' vanquished, he could argue still.\" The Greek fret, once\nestablished, might easily be doubled or crossed in some of its members,\nthus forming a figure similar to the Swastika (fig. 139), which would\nserve as an ornament, but is without any of the characteristics of the\nSwastika as a symbol. The crossed lines in the Greek fret seem to have\nbeen altogether fortuitous. They gave it no symbolic character. It was\nsimply a variation of the fret, and at best was rarely used, and like it,\nwas employed only for ornament and not with any signification--not a sign\nof benediction, blessing, or good luck, as was the Swastika. The\nfoundation principle of the Greek fret, so far as we can see its use, is\nits adaptability to form an extended ornamental band, consisting of\ndoubled, bent, and sometimes crossed or interlaced lines, always\ncontinuous and never ending, and running between two parallel border\nlines. Two interlacing lines can be used, crossing each other at certain\nplaces, both making continuous meanders and together forming the\nornamental band (fig. 139). In the Greek fret the two lines meandered\nbetween the two borders back and forth, up and down, but always forming a\ncontinuous line. This seems to be the foundation principle of the Greek\nfret. In all this requirement or foundation principle the Swastika fails.\nA row or band of Swastikas can not be made by continuous lines; each one\nis and must be separated from its fellows. The Swastika has four arms,\neach made by a single line which comes to an end in each quarter. This is\nmore imperative with the meander Swastika than with the normal. If the\nlines be doubled on each other to be carried along to form another\nSwastika adjoining, in the attempt to make a band, it will be found\nimpossible. The four lines from each of the four arms can be projected,\nbut each will be in a different direction, and no band can be made. It is\nsomewhat difficult to describe this, and possibly not of great need. An\nattempt to carry out the project of making a band of Swastikas, to be\nconnected with each other, or to make them travel in any given direction\nwith continuous lines, will be found impossible. Professor Goodyear\nattempts to show how this is done by his figure on page 96, in connection\nwith pl. 10, fig. 9, also figs. 173 and 174 (pp. 353 and 354). These\nfigures are given in this paper and are, respectively, Nos. 21, 25, 26,\nand 27. Exception is taken to the pretended line of evolution in these\nfigures: (1) There is nothing to show any actual relationship between\nthem. There is no evidence that they agreed either in locality or time, or\nthat there was any unity of thought or design in the minds of their\nrespective artists. (2) Single specimens are no evidence of custom. This\nis a principle of the common law which has still a good foundation, and\nwas as applicable in those days as it is now. The transition from the\nspiral to the Greek fret and from the Greek fret to the Swastika can be\nshown only by the existence of the custom or habit of the artist to make\nthem both in the same or adjoining epochs of time, and this is not proved\nby showing a single specimen. (3) If a greater number of specimens were\nproduced, the chain of evidence would still be incomplete, for the\nmeander of the Greek fret will, as has just been said, be found impossible\nof transition into the meander Swastika. It (the Swastika) does not extend\nitself into a band, but if spread at all, it spreads in each of the four\ndirections (figs. 21 and 25). The transition will be found much easier\nfrom the Greek meander fret to the normal Swastika and from that to the\nmeander Swastika than to proceed in the opposite direction. Anyone who\ndoubts this has but to try to make the Swastika in a continuous or\nextended band or line (fig. 26), similar to the Greek fret.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 151. DETAIL OF GREEK VASE WITH SWASTIKAS AND FIGURES\nOF BIRDS. Waring, \"Ceramic Art In Remote Ages,\" pl. 33, fig. 24, and\nGoodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 46, fig. 5.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 152. DETAIL OF CYPRIAN VASE. Sunhawk, lotus, solar\ndisk, and Swastikas. B\u00f6hlau, Jahrbuch, 1886, pl. 8; Reinach, Revue\nArch\u00e6ologique, 1885, II, p. 360; Perrot and Chipiez, \"History of Art in\nPhenicia and Cyprus,\" II; Goodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 45, fig.\n3.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 153. DETAIL OF GREEK GEOMETRIC VASE WITH SWASTIKAS AND\nFIGURES OF HORSES. Thera. Leyden Museum. Goodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\"\npl. 61, fig. 4.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 154. BRONZE FIBULA WITH LARGE SWASTIKA ON SHIELD.\nGreece. Mus\u00e9e St. Germain. De Mortillet, \"Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique,\" fig. 1264.\n1/2 natural size.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 155. GREEK VASE, OINOCHO\u00cb, WITH TWO PAINTED SWASTIKAS.\nDe Mortillet, \"Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique,\" fig. 1244. 1/4 natural size.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 156. CYPRIAN VASE WITH SWASTIKAS AND FIGURE OF\nANIMAL.[173] Cesnola, \"Cyprus, its Ancient Cities, Tombs, and Temples,\"\npl. 45, fig. 36.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 157. ARCHAIC GREEK POTTERY FRAGMENT. Santorin, Ancient\nThera. Waring, \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 42 fig. 2.]\n\nFigs. 133 and 134, from Naukratis, afford palpable evidence of the\ndifferent origin of the Swastika and the Greek fret. Evidently Grecian\nvases, though found in Egypt, these specimens bear side by side examples\nof the fret and the Swastika, used contemporaneously, and both of them\ncomplete and perfect. If one had been parent of the other, they would have\nbelonged to different generations and would not have appeared\nsimultaneously on the same specimen. Another illustration of simultaneous\nuse is in fig. 194, which represents an Etruscan vase[174] ornamented with\nbronze nail heads in the form of Swastikas, but associated with it is the\ndesign of the Greek fret, showing them to be of contemporaneous use, and\ntherefore not, as Professor Goodyear believes, an evolution of one from\nthe other. The specimen is in the Museum at Este, Italy.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 158. CYPRIAN VASE WITH LOTUS AND SWASTIKAS AND FIGURE\nOF BIRD. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City. Goodyear, \"Grammar of\nthe Lotus,\" pl. 60, fig. 15.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 159. CYPRIAN VASE WITH TWO SWASTIKAS. Cesnola\nCollection, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City. Goodyear, \"Grammar\nof the Lotus,\" fig. 151.]\n\nThe Greek fret has been in common use in all ages and all countries\nadopting the Grecian civilization. Equally in all ages and countries has\nappeared the crossed lines which have been employed by every architect and\ndecorator, most or many of whom had no knowledge of the Swastika, either\nas an ornament or as a symbol.[175]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 160. FRAGMENT OF TERRA COTTA VASE WITH SWASTIKAS, FROM\nRUINS OF TEMPLE AT PALEO-PAPHOS. Depth, 40 feet. Cesnola, \"Cyprus, its\nAncient Cities, Tombs, and Temples,\" p. 210.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 161. WOODEN BUTTON, CLASP, OR FIBULA COVERED WITH\nPLATES OF GOLD. Ogee Swastika, tetraskelion in center. Schliemann,\n\"Mycen\u00e6,\" fig. 385.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 162. DETAIL OF GREEK VASE WITH FIGURE OF GOOSE,\nHONEYSUCKLE (ANTHEMION), AND SPIRAL SWASTIKA. Thera. \"Monumenti Inedite,\"\nLXV, p. 2, and Goodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 46, fig. 7.]\n\n_Swastika in panels._--Professor Goodyear, in another place,[176] argues\nin a manner which tacitly admits the foregoing proposition, where, in his\nendeavor to establish the true home of the Swastika to be in the Greek\ngeometric style, he says we should seek it where it appears in \"the\nlargest dimension\" and in \"the most prominent way.\" In verification of\nthis declaration, he says that in this style the Swastika systematically\nappears in panels exclusively assigned to it. But he gives only two\nillustrations of the Swastika in panels. These have been copied, and are\nshown in figs. 140 and 142. The author has added other specimens, figs.\n141 to 148, from Dennis's \"Etruria,\" from Waring's \"Ceramic Art,\" and from\nCesnola and Ohnefalsch-Richter. It might be too much to say that these are\nthe only Swastikas in Greece appearing in panels, but it is certain that\nthe great majority of them do not thus appear. Therefore, Professor\nGoodyear's theory is not sustained, for no one will pretend that four\nspecimens found in panels will form a rule for the great number which did\nnot thus appear. This argument of Professor Goodyear is destructive of his\nother proposition that the Swastika sign originated by evolution from the\nmeander or Greek fret, for we have seen that the latter was always used in\na band and never in panels. Although the Swastika and the Greek fret have\na certain similarity of appearance in that they consist of straight lines\nbent at right angles, and this continued many times, yet the similarity is\nmore apparent than real; for an analysis of the motifs of both show them\nto have been essentially different in their use, and so in their\nfoundation and origin.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 163. DETAIL OF GREEK VASE. Sphinx with spiral scrolls,\nand two meander Swastikas (right). Melos. B\u00f6hlau, Jahrbuch, 1887, XII, and\nGoodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 34, fig. 8.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 164. DETAIL OF GREEK VASE. Ibex, scroll, and meander\nSwastika (right). Melos. B\u00f6hlau, Jahrbuch, 1887, XII, p. 121, and\nGoodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 39, fig. 2.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 165. DETAIL OF A GREEK VASE IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.\nRam, meander Swastika (left), circles, dots, and crosses. Salzmann,\n\"Necropole de Camire,\" LI, and Goodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 28,\nfig. 7.]\n\n_Swastikas with four arms, crossing at right angles, with ends bent to the\nright._--The author has called this the normal Swastika. He has been at\nsome trouble to gather such Swastikas from Greek vases as was possible,\nand has divided them according to forms and peculiarities. The first group\n(figs. 140, 143, 146, 147, 148, and 150) shows the normal Swastika with\nfour arms, all bent at right angles and to the right. In the aforesaid\ndivision no distinction has been made between specimens from different\nparts of Greece and the islands of the Grecian Archipelago, and these,\nwith such specimens as have been found in Smyrna, have for this purpose\nall been treated as Greek.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 166. CYPRIAN VASE WITH SWASTIKAS AND FIGURES OF BIRDS.\nPerrot and Chipiez, \"History of Art in Phenicia and Cyprus,\" II, p. 300,\nfig. 237; Goodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 48, figs. 6, 12; Cesnola,\n\"Cyprus, its Ancient Cities, Tombs, and Temples,\" Appendix by Murray, p.\n412, pl. 44, fig. 34.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 167. CYPRIAN VASE WITH LOTUS, BOSSES, BUDS, SEPALS,\nAND DIFFERENT SWASTIKAS. Cesnola Collection, Metropolitan Museum of Art,\nNew York City. Goodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 48, fig. 3.]\n\n_Swastikas with four arms crossing at right angles, ends bent to the\nleft._--Figs. 141, 142, 144, 149, 151, 152, 153, 154, 156, and 157\nrepresent the normal Swastika with four arms, all bending at right angles,\nbut to the left. The vases on which they have been found are not described\nas to color or form. It would be difficult to do so correctly; besides,\nthese descriptions are not important in our study of the Swastika. Fig.\n155 represents a vase or pitcher (oinocho\u00eb, Greek--[Greek: oinos], wine,\nand [Greek: che\u00f4], to pour) with painted Swastika, ends turned to the\nleft. It is in the Museum of St. Germain, and is figured by M. De\nMortillet in \"Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique.\" Fig. 156 represents a Cyprian vase\nfrom Ormidia, in the New York Museum. It is described by Cesnola[177] and\nby Perrot and Chipiez.[178] Fig. 157 is taken from a fragment of archaic\nGreek pottery found in Santorin (Ancient Thera), an island in the Greek\nArchipelago. This island was first inhabited by the Phenicians, afterwards\nby the Greeks, a colony of whom founded Cyrene in Africa. This specimen is\ncited by Rochette and figured by Waring.[179]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 168. CYPRIAN VASE WITH BOSSES, LOTUS BUDS, AND\nDIFFERENT SWASTIKAS. Cesnola Collection, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New\nYork City. Goodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 48, fig. 15.]\n\n_Swastikas with four arms crossing at other than right angles, the ends\nogee and to the left._--Figs. 158, 159, and 160 show Swastikas with four\narms crossing at other than right angles, many of them ogee, but turned to\nthe left. Fig. 161 is a representation of a wooden button or clasp, much\nresembling the later gold brooch of Sweden, classified by Montelius (p.\n867), covered with plates of gold, from Sepulcher IV, Mycen\u00e6 (Schliemann,\nMycen\u00e6, fig. 385, p. 259). The ornament in its center is one of the ogee\nSwastikas with four arms (tetraskelion) curved to the left. It shows a dot\nin each of the four angles of the cross similar to the Suavastika of Max\nM\u00fcller and the _Croix swasticale_ of Zmigrodzki, which Burnouf attributed\nto the four nails which fastened the cross _Arani_ (the female principle),\nwhile the _Pramantha_ (the male), produced, by rotation, the holy fire\nfrom the sacred cross. An almost exact reproduction of this Swastika will\nbe found on the shield of the Pima Indians of New Mexico (fig. 258).\n\nDr. Schliemann reports that the Swastika in its spiral form is represented\ninnumerable times in the sculptured ceiling of the Thalamos in the\ntreasury at Orchomenos. (See figs. 21 and 25.)\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 169. DETAIL OF EARLY BOEOTIAN VASE. Figure of horse,\nsolar diagram, Artemis with geese, and Swastikas (normal and meander,\nright and left). Goodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 61, fig. 12.]\n\nHe also reports[180] that Swastikas (turned both ways) may be seen in the\nRoyal Museum at Berlin incised on a balustrade relief of the hall which\nsurrounded the temple of Athene at Pergamos. Fig. 162 represents a spiral\nSwastika with four arms crossing at right angles, the ends all turned to\nthe left and each one forming a spiral.\n\nWaring[181] figures and describes a Grecian oinocho\u00eb from Camirus, Rhodes,\ndating, as he says, from 700 to 500 B. C., on which is a band of\ndecoration similar to fig. 130. It is about 10 inches high, of cream\ncolor, with ornamentation of dark brown. Two ibexes follow each other with\nan ogee spiral Swastika between the forelegs of one.\n\n_Meander pattern, with ends bent to right and left._--Figs. 163, 164, and\n165 show the Swastika in meander pattern. Fig. 163 shows two Swastikas,\nthe arms of both bent to the right, one six, the other nine times. The\nSwastika shown in fig. 164 is bent to the right eight times. That shown in\nfig. 165 bends to the left eight times.\n\n_Swastikas of different kinds on the same object._--The next group (figs.\n167 to 176) is of importance in that it represents objects which, bearing\nthe normal Swastika, also show on the same object other styles of\nSwastika, those turned to the left at right angles, those at other than\nright angles, and those which are spiral or meander. The presence on a\nsingle object of different forms of Swastika is considered as evidence of\ntheir chronologic identity and their consequent relation to each other,\nshowing them to be all the same sign--that is, they were all Swastikas,\nwhether the arms were bent to the right or to the left, ogee or in curves,\nat right angles or at other than right angles, in spirals or meanders.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 170. DETAIL OF RHODIAN VASE. Figures of geese, circles\nand dots, and Swastikas (right and left). British Museum. Waring, \"Ceramic\nArt in Remote Ages,\" pl. 27, fig. 9.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 171. DETAIL OF RHODIAN VASE. Geese, lotus circles, and\ntwo Swastikas (right and left). Goodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" p. 271,\nfig. 145.]\n\nMany examples of vases similar to fig. 172 are shown in the London, Paris,\nand New York museums, and in other collections. (See figs. 149, 159.) Fig.\n174 shows an Attic painted vase (_Lebes_) of the Archaic period, from\nAthens. It is a pale yellowish ground, probably the natural color, with\nfigures in maroon. It belongs to the British Museum. It bears on the front\nside five Swastikas, all of different styles; three turn to the right, two\nto the left. The main arms cross at right angles, but the ends of four are\nbent at right angles, while one is curved (ogee). Three have the ends bent\n(at right angles) four times, making a meander form, while two make only\none bend. They seem not to be placed with any reference to each other, or\nto any other object, and are scattered over the field as chance or luck\nmight determine. A specimen of Swastika interesting to prehistoric\narch\u00e6ologists is that on a vase from Cyprus (Mus\u00e9e St. Germain, No.\n21537), on which is represented an arrowhead, stemmed, barbed, and\nsuspended by its points between the Swastika.[182]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 172. GREEK VASE OF TYPICAL RHODIAN STYLE. Ibex, lotus,\ngeese, and six Swastikas (normal, meander, and ogee, all left). Goodyear,\n\"Grammar of the Lotus,\" p. 251, pl. 39.[183]]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 173. DETAIL OF GREEK VASE. Deer, solar diagrams, and\nthree Swastikas (single, double, and meander, right). Melos. Conze,\n\"Meliosche Thongef\u00e4sse,\" and Goodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 60,\nfig. 8.]\n\nDr. Max Ohnefalsch-Richter presented a paper before the Soci\u00e9t\u00e9\nd'Anthropologie in Paris, December 6, 1888, reported in the Bulletin of\nthat year (pp. 668-681). It was entitled \"La Croix gamm\u00e9e et la Croix\ncantonn\u00e9e en Chypre.\" (The _Croix gamm\u00e9e_ is the Swastika, while the\n_Croix cantonn\u00e9e_ is the cross with dots, the _Croix swasticale_ of\nZmigrodzki.) In this paper the author describes his finding the Swastika\nduring his excavations into prehistoric Cyprus. On the first page of his\npaper the following statement appears:\n\n The Swastika comes from India as an ornament in form of a cone\n (_conique_) of metal, gold, silver, or bronze gilt, worn on the ears\n (see G. Perrot: \"Histoire de l'Art,\" III, p. 562 et fig. 384), and\n nose-rings (see S. Reinach: \"Chronique d'Orient,\" 3{e} s\u00e9rie, t. IV,\n 1886). I was the first to make known the nose-ring worn by the goddess\n Aphrodite-Astarte, even at Cyprus. In the Indies the women still wear\n these ornaments in their nostrils and ears. The fellahin of Egypt also\n wear similar jewelry; but as Egyptian art gives us no example of the\n usage of these ornaments in antiquity, it is only from the Indies that\n the Phenicians could have borrowed them. The nose-ring is unknown in\n the antiquity of all countries which surrounded the island of Cyprus.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 174. ARCHAIC GREEK VASE WITH FIVE SWASTIKAS OF FOUR\nDIFFERENT FORMS. Athens. Birch, \"History of Ancient Pottery,\" quoted by\nWaring in \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 41, fig. 15; Dennis, \"The\nCities and Cemeteries of Etruria,\" I, p. 91.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 175. DETAIL OF ARCHAIC BOEOTIAN VASE. Serpents,\ncrosses, and Swastikas (normal, right, left, and meander). Goodyear,\n\"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 60, fig. 9.]\n\nThe first pages of his memoir are employed in demonstrating that the\nspecimens of the Swastika found in Cyprus, the most of which are set forth\nin this paper (figs. 177-182), show a Phenician influence; and according\nto his theory demonstrate their migration or importation. He does not\nspecify the evidence on which he bases his assertion of Phenician\ninfluence in Cyprus, except in one or two particulars. Speaking of the\nspecimen shown in fig. 177 of the present paper, he says:\n\n It represents the sacred palm under which Apollo, the god of light,\n was born. * * * At Cyprus the palm did not appear only with the\n Phenicians; it was not known prior to that time (p. 674).\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 176. ATTIC VASE FOR PERFUME, WITH CROIX SWASTICALE AND\nTWO FORMS OF SWASTIKAS. Ohnefalsch-Richter, Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop., Paris,\n1888, p. 673, fig. 4.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 177. DETAIL OF CYPRIAN VASE. Swastikas with palm tree,\nsacred to Apollo. Citium, Cyprus. Ohnefalsch-Richter, Bull. Soc.\nd'Anthrop., Paris, 1888, p. 673, fig. 3.]\n\nThe design shown in fig. 178 he describes as representing two birds in the\nattitude of adoration before a Swastika, all being figured on a Greek cup\nof the style Dipylon.[184]\n\nDr. Ohnefalsch-Richter adds:\n\n On the vases of Dipylon the Swastikas are generally transformed into\n other ornaments, mostly meanders. But this is not the rule in Cyprus.\n The Swastika disappeared from there as it came, in its sacred form,\n with the Phenician influence, with the Phenician inscriptions on the\n vases, with the concentric circles without central points or tangents.\n\nHe says[185] that the Swastika as well as the \"Croix cantonn\u00e9e\" (with\npoints or dots), while possibly not always the equivalent of the solar\ndisk, zigzag lightning, or the double hatchet, yet are employed together\nand are given the same signification, and frequently replace each other.\nIt is his opinion[186] that the Swastika in Cyprus had nearly always a\nsignification more or less religious, although it may have been used as an\nornament to fill empty spaces. His interpretation of the Swastika in\nCyprus is that it will signify _tour \u00e0 tour_ the storm, the lightning, the\nsun, the light, the seasons--sometimes one, sometimes another of these\nsignifications--and that its form lends itself easily (_facilement_) to\nthe solar disk, to the fire wheel, and to the sun chariot. In support of\nthis, he cites a figure (fig. 179) taken from Cesnola,[187] in which the\nwheels of the chariot are decorated with four Swastikas displayed in each\nof the four quarters. The chief personage on the car he identifies as the\ngod of Apollo-Resef, and the decoration on his shield represents the solar\ndisk. He is at once the god of war and also the god of light, which\nidentifies him with Helios. The other personage is Herakles-Mecquars, the\nright hand of Apollo, both of them heroes of the sun.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 178. CYPRIAN VASE WITH FIGURES OF BIRDS AND SWASTIKA\nIN PANEL. Mus\u00e9e St. Germain. Ohnefalsch-Richter, Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop.,\nParis, 1888, p. 674, fig. 6.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 179. CHARIOT OF APOLLO-RESEF. Sun symbol(?) on shield\nand four Swastikas (two right and two left) on quadrants of chariot\nwheels. Cesnola, \"Salaminia,\" p. 240, fig. 226, and Ohnefalsch-Richter,\nBull. Soc. d'Anthrop., Paris, 1888, p. 675, fig. 7.]\n\nThe supreme goddess of the Isle of Cyprus was Aphrodite-Astarte,[188]\nwhose presence with a preponderating Phenician influence can be traced\nback to the period of the age of iron, her images bearing signs of the\nSwastika, being, according to Dr. Ohnefalsch-Richter, found in Cyprus. In\nfig. 180 the statue of this goddess is shown, which he says was found by\nhimself in 1884 at Curium. It bears four Swastikas, two on the shoulders\nand two on the forearms. Fig. 181 represents a centaur found by him at the\nsame time, on the right arm of which is a Swastika painted in black, as in\nthe foregoing statue.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 180. TERRA-COTTA STATUE OF THE GODDESS\nAPHRODITE-ASTARTE WITH FOUR SWASTIKAS.[189] Curium, Cyprus.\nOhnefalsch-Richter, Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop., Paris, 1888, p. 676, fig. 8.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 181. CYPRIAN CENTAUR WITH ONE SWASTIKA. Cesnola,\n\"Salaminia,\" p. 243, fig. 230; Ohnefalsch-Richter, Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop.,\nParis, 1888, p. 676, fig. 9.]\n\nWe have found, in the course of this paper, many statues of human figures\nbearing the mark of the Swastika on some portion of their garments. M.\nOhnefalsch-Richter, on page 677, gives the following explanation thereof:\n\n It appears to me that the priests and priestesses, also the boys who\n performed the services in the sacred places, were in the habit of\n burning or tattooing Swastikas upon their arms. * * * In 1885, among\n the votive offerings found in one of the sacred places dedicated to\n Aphrodite-Astoret, near Idalium, was a stone statuette, representing\n the young Adonis Kinyras in a squatting posture, with the Swastika\n tattooed or painted in red color upon his naked arm.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 182. GREEK STATUE OF APHRODITE-ARIADNE. Six Swastikas\n(four right and two left). Polistis Chrysokon. Ohnefalsch-Richter, Bull.\nSoc. d'Anthrop., Paris, 1888, p. 677, fig. 10.]\n\nAnd, says Richter, when, later on, the custom of tattooing had\ndisappeared, they placed the Swastika on the sacerdotal garments. He has\nfound in a Greek tomb in 1885, near Polistis Chrysokon, two statuettes\nrepresenting female dancers in the service of Aphrodite-Ariadne, one of\nwhich (fig. 182) bore six or more Swastikas. In other cases, says he (p.\n678), the _Croix cantonn\u00e9e_ (the _Croix swasticale_ of Zmigrodzki)\nreplaced the Swastika on the garments, and he cites the statue of Hercules\nstrangling the lion in the presence of Athena, whose robe is ornamented\nwith the _Croix cantonn\u00e9e_. He repeats that the two signs of the cross\nrepresent the idea of light, sun, sacrifice, rain, storm, and the seasons.\n\n\nEUROPE.\n\nBRONZE AGE.\n\nPrehistoric arch\u00e6ologists claim that bronze was introduced into Europe in\nprehistoric times from the extreme Orient. The tin mines of the peninsula\nof Burma and Siam, with their extension into China on the north, Malacca\nand the islands of the archipelago on the south, are known to have been\nworked in extremely ancient times and are believed to have furnished the\ntin for the first making of bronze. The latter may not be susceptible of\nproof, but everything is consistent therewith. After it became known that\ncopper and tin would make bronze, the discovery of tin would be greatly\nextended, and in the course of time the tin mines of Spain, Britain, and\nGermany might be opened. A hundred and more prehistoric bronze foundries\nhave been discovered in western Europe and tens of thousands of\nprehistoric bronze implements. If bronze came originally from the extreme\nOrient, and the Swastika belonged there also, and as objects of bronze\nbelonging to prehistoric times and showing connection with the Orient,\nlike the tintinnabulum (fig. 29) have been found in the Swiss lake\ndwellings of prehistoric times, it is a fair inference that the Swastika\nmark found on the same objects came also from the Orient. This inference\nis strengthened by the manufacture and continuous use of the Swastika on\nboth bronze and pottery, until it practically covered, and is to be found\nover, all Europe wherever the culture of bronze prevailed. Nearly all\nvarieties of the Swastika came into use during the Bronze Age. The objects\non which it was placed may have been different in different localities,\nand so also another variety of form may have prevailed in a given\nlocality; but, subject to these exceptions, the Swastika came into general\nuse throughout the countries wherein the Bronze Age prevailed. As we have\nseen, on the hill of Hissarlik the Swastika is found principally on the\nspindle-whorl; in Greece and Cyprus, on the pottery vases; in Germany, on\nthe ceintures of bronze; in Scandinavia, on weapons and on toilet and\ndress ornaments. In Scotland and Ireland it was mostly on sculptured\nstones, which are many times themselves ancient Celtic crosses. In\nEngland, France, and Etruria, the Swastika appears on small bronze\nornaments, principally fibul\u00e6. Different forms of the Swastika, i. e.,\nthose to the right, left, square, ogee, curved, spiral and meander,\ntriskelion and tetraskelion, have been found on the same object, thereby\nshowing their inter-relationship. No distinction is apparent between the\narms bent to the right or to the left. This difference, noted by Prof. Max\nM\u00fcller, seems to fail altogether.\n\nGreg says:[190]\n\n About 500 to 600 B. C., the fylfot, (Swastika) curiously enough begins\n to disappear as a favorite device of early Greek art, and is rarely,\n if ever, seen on the regular Etruscan vase.\n\nThis indicates that the period of the use of the Swastika during the\nBronze Age in Europe lay back of the period of its disappearance in the\ntime of early Greek art, and that it was of higher antiquity than would\notherwise be suspected.\n\nDr. Max Ohnefalsch-Richter says:[191]\n\n The Swastika makes absolute default in Cyprus during all the age of\n bronze and in all its separate divisions according as the vases were\n decorated with intaglio or relief, or were painted.\n\n_Etruria and Italy._--The Etruscans were a prehistoric people. The country\nwas occupied during the two ages of stone, Paleolithic and Neolithic, and\nduring the Bronze Age. The Etruscans were probably the descendants of the\nBronze Age people. The longest continued geographical discussion the world\nhas heard was as to _who were_ the Etruscans, and _whence_ or _by what_\nroute did they come to their country? It was opened by Herodotus and\nDionysius Halicarnassus in the fourth century B. C.; while Dr. Brinton and\nthe late President Welling have made the latest contributions thereto. The\nculture of the Etruscans was somewhat similar to that of the Bronze Age\npeoples, and many of the implements had great resemblance, but with\nsufficient divergence to mark the difference between them. There were\ndifferent stages of culture among the Etruscans, as can be easily and\ncertainly determined from their tombs, modes of burial, pottery, etc.\n\nThe Swastika appears to have been employed in all these epochs or stages.\nIt was undoubtedly used during the Bronze Age, and in Italy it continued\nthroughout the Etruscan and into the Roman and Christian periods.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 183. HUT URN IN THE VATICAN MUSEUM. \"Burning altar\"\nmark associated with Swastikas. Etruria (Bronze Age).]\n\nWhile it may be doubtful if any specimen of Swastika can be identified as\nhaving belonged to the Neolithic Age in Europe, there can be no doubt that\nit was in common use during the Bronze Age. Professor Goodyear gives it as\nhis opinion, and in this he may be correct, that the earliest specimens of\nSwastika of which identification can be made are on the hut urns of\ncentral Italy. These have been considered as belonging definitely to the\nBronze Age in that country. Fig. 183 is a representation of one of these\nhut urns. It shows upon its roof several specimens of Swastika, as will be\napparent from examination. There are other figures, incised and in relief.\nOne of them is the celebrated \"burning altar\" mark of Dr. Schliemann. This\nspecimen was found in the Via Appia near Rome, and is exhibited in the\nVatican Museum. Similar specimens have been found in other parts of\nEtruria. The author saw in the Municipal Museum at Corneto many of them,\nwhich had been excavated from the neighboring cemetery of the prehistoric\ncity of Corneto-Tarquinii. They were of pottery, but made as if to\nrepresent rude huts of skin, stretched on cross poles, in general\nappearance not unlike the cane and rush conical cabins used to this day by\nthe peasants around Rome. They belonged to the Bronze Age, and antedated\nthe Etruscan civilization. This was demonstrated by the finds at\nCorneto-Tarquinii. Tombs to the number of about 300, containing them, were\nfound, mostly in 1880-81, at a lower level than, and were superseded by,\nthe Etruscan tombs. They contained the weapons, tools, and ornaments\npeculiar to the Bronze Age--swords, hatchets, pins, fibul\u00e6, bronze and\npottery vases, etc., the characteristics of which were different from\nEtruscan objects of similar purpose, so they could be satisfactorily\nidentified and segregated. The hut urns were receptacles for the ashes of\nthe cremated dead, which, undisturbed, are to be seen in the museum. The\nvases forming part of this grave furniture bore the Swastika mark; three\nhave two Swastikas, one three, one four, and another no less than eight.\n\nDennis figures a hut urn from Alba Longa,[192] and another from the Alban\nMount.[193] He says (note 1):\n\n These remarkable urns were first found in 1817 at Montecucco, near\n Marino, and at Monte Crescenzio, near the Lago de Castello, beneath a\n stratum of _peperino_ (tufa) 18 inches thick. They were embedded in a\n yellowish volcanic ash and rested on a lower and earlier stratum of\n _peperino_.[194]\n\nCuriously enough, the three or four pronged mark, called \"burning altar\"\nby Dr. Schliemann, is on both hut urns in Dennis's \"Cities and Cemeteries\nof Etruria.\" Dr. Schliemann argues strongly in favor of the relationship\nbetween Swastika and the \"burning altar\" sign, but assigns no other reason\nthan the similarity of the marks on the two objects. He appears unable, in\n\"Ilios,\" to cite any instance of the Swastika being found on the hut urns\nin connection with the \"burning altar\" sign, but he mentions the Swastika\nfive times repeated on one of the hut urns in the Etruscan collection in\nthe museum of the Vatican at Rome.[195] The photograph of the hut urn from\nthe Vatican (fig. 183) supplies the missing link in Schliemann's evidence.\nThe roof of the hut urn bears the \"burning altar\" mark (if it be a burning\naltar, as claimed), which is in high relief (as it is in the Dennis\nspecimens), and was wrought in the clay by the molder when the hut was\nmade. Such of the other portions of the roof as are in sight show sundry\nincised lines which, being deciphered, are found to be Swastikas or parts\nof them. The parallelogram in the front contains a cross and has the\nappearance of a labyrinth, but it is not. The other signs or marks,\nhowever, represent Swastikas, either in whole or in part. This specimen\ncompletes the proof cited by Schliemann, and associates the Swastika with\nthe \"burning altar\" sign in the Etruscan country, as well as on the hill\nof Hissarlik and in other localities.\n\nDennis supposes the earliest Etruscan vases, called by many different\nnames, to date from the twelfth century B. C. to 540 B. C.,[196] the\nlatter being the epoch of Theodoros of Samos, whose improvements marked an\nepoch in the culture of the country. He says:\n\n These vases were adorned with annular bands, zigzag, waves, meanders,\n concentric circles, hatched lines, Swastikas, and other geometric\n patterns.\n\nA fragment of Archaic Greek pottery is reported by Rochette from the\nnecropolis of Cum\u00e6, in the campagna of Italy, and is shown in fig. 184.\nRochette reports it as an example of a very early period, believed by him\nto have been Phenician. When we consider the rarity of Phenician pottery\nin Italy compared with the great amount of Greek pottery found there, and\nthat the Phenicians are not known to have employed the Swastika, this,\ncombined with the difficulty of determining the place of origin of such a\nfragment, renders it more likely to have been Greek than Phenician. A\nreason apparently moving Rochette to this decision was the zigzag\nornamentation, which he translated to be a Phenician sign for water; but\nthis pattern was used many times and in many places without having any\nsuch meaning, and is no proof of his proposition.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 184. FRAGMENT OF ARCHAIC GREEK POTTERY WITH THREE\nSWASTIKAS. Cum\u00e6, Italy. Waring, \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 42, fig.\n1.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 185. CINERARY URN WITH SWASTIKAS IN PANELS. San\nMarino, near Albano, Italy. Vatican Museum.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 186. CINERARY URN WITH SWASTIKAS INCLOSED BY INCISED\nLINES IN INTAGLIO. Cervetri, Italy. \"Conestabile due Dischi in Bronzo,\"\npl. 5, fig. 2. 1/6 natural size.]\n\nFigs. 185 and 186 represent the one-handled cinerary urns peculiar to the\nBronze Age in Italy. They are believed to have been contemporaneous with\nor immediately succeeding the hut urns just shown. The cinerary urn shown\nin fig. 185 was found at Marino, near Albano, in the same locality and\nunder the same condition as the hut urns. The original is in the Vatican\nMuseum and was figured by Pigorini in \"Arch\u00e6ologia,\" 1869. Fig. 186 shows\na one-handled urn of pottery with Swastika (left) in intaglio, placed in a\nband of incised squares around the body of the vessel below the shoulder.\nA small though good example of Etruscan work is shown in the gold fibula\n(fig. 187). It is ornamented on the outside with the fine gold filigree\nwork peculiar to the best Etruscan art. On the inside are two Swastikas.\nIt is in the Vatican Museum of Etruscan antiquities. Fig. 188 represents\nanother specimen of Etruscan gold filigree work with a circle and\nSwastika. It is a \"bulla,\" an ornament said to indicate the rank of the\nwearer among the Etruscan people. It is decorated with a circle and\nSwastika inside. The figure is taken from \"L'Art pour Tous,\" and is\nreproduced by Waring.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 187. GOLD FIBULA WITH SWASTIKAS (LEFT). Etruscan\nMuseum, Vatican. Catalogue of the Etruscan Museum, part 1, pl. 26, fig. 6.\n1/2 natural size.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 188. ETRUSCAN GOLD BULLA WITH SWASTIKA ON BOTTOM.\nWaring, \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 42, fig. 4_a_.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 189. ORNAMENTAL SWASTIKA ON ETRUSCAN SILVER BOWL.\nCervetri (C\u00e6re), Etruria. Waring, \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 41,\nfig. 13.]\n\nAn ornamental Swastika (fig. 189) is found on a silver bowl from Cervetri\n(C\u00e6re), Etruria. It is furnished by Grifi, and reproduced by Waring. This\nspecimen is to be remarked as having a small outward flourish from the\nextreme end of each arm, somewhat similar to that made by the Jains (fig.\n33), or on the \"Tablet of honor\" of Chinese porcelain (fig. 31). Fig. 190\nshows an Etruscan bronze fibula with two Swastikas and two Maltese crosses\nin the pin shield. It is in the Museum of Copenhagen, and is taken from\nthe report of the Congr\u00e9s Internationale d'Anthropologie et d'Arch\u00e6ologie\nPr\u00e9historique, Copenhagen, 1875, page 486. This specimen, by its rays or\ncrotchets around the junction of the pin with the shield, furnishes the\nbasis of the argument by Goblet d'Alviella[197] that the Swastika was\nevolved from the circle and was a symbol of the sun or sun-god. (See p.\n785.)\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 190. BRONZE FIBULA WITH TWO SWASTIKAS AND SUPPOSED\nRAYS Of SUN.[198] Etruria. Copenhagen Museum. Goblet d'Alviella, fig.\n19_a_, De Mortillet, \"Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique,\" fig. 1263. 1/4 natural size.]\n\nBologna was the site of the Roman city Bononia, and is supposed to have\nbeen that of Etruscan Felsina. Its Etruscan cemetery is extensive.\nDifferent names have been given to the excavations, sometimes from the\nowner of the land and at other times from the names of excavators. The\nfirst cemetery opened was called Villanova. The culture was different from\nthat of the other parts of Etruria. By some it is believed to be older, by\nothers younger, than the rest of Etruria. The Swastika is found throughout\nthe entire Villanova epoch. Fig. 191 shows a pottery vase from the\nexcavation Arnoaldi. It is peculiar in shape and decoration, but is\ntypical of that epoch. The decoration was by stamps in the clay (intaglio)\nof a given subject repeated in the narrow bands around the body of the\nvase. Two of these bands were of small Swastikas with the ends all turned\nto the right. Fig. 192 shows a fragment of pottery from the Felsina\nnecropolis, Bologna, ornamented with a row of Swastikas stamped into the\nclay in a manner peculiar to the locality.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 191. POTTERY URN ORNAMENTED WITH SUCCESSIVE BANDS IN\nINTAGLIO, TWO OF WHICH ARE COMPOSED OF SWASTIKAS. Necropolis Arnoaldi,\nBologna. Museum of Bologna. Gozzadini, \"Scavi Arch\u00e6ologici,\" etc., pl. 4,\nfig. 8.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 192. FRAGMENT OF POTTERY WITH ROW OF SWASTIKAS IN\nINTAGLIO. Necropole Felsinea, Italy. Museo Bologna. Gozzadini, \"Due\nSepolcri,\" etc., p. 7. 1/2 natural size.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 193. SWASTIKA SIGN ON CLAY BOBBIN. Type Villanova,\nBologna. De Mortillet, \"Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique,\" fig. 1239.]\n\nFig. 193 shows the end view of one of the bobbins from Bologna, Italy, in\nthe possession of Count Gozzadini by whom it was collected. The decoration\non the end, as shown by the figure, is the Swastika. The main arms are\nmade up of three parallel lines, which intersect each other at right\nangles, and which all turn to the right at right angles. The lines are not\nincised, as is usual, but, like much of the decoration belonging to this\nculture, are made by little points consecutively placed, so as to give the\nappearance of a continuous line.\n\nSwastikas turning both ways are on one or both extremities of many\nterra-cotta cylinders found in the terramare at Coazze, province of\nVerona, deposited in the National (Kircheriano) Museum at Rome. (See figs.\n380 and 381 for similar bobbins.)\n\nThe museum at Este, Italy, contains an elegant pottery vase of large\ndimensions, represented in fig. 194, the decoration of which is the Greek\nfret around the neck and the Swastika around the body, done with small\nnail heads or similar disks inserted in the clay in the forms indicated.\nThis association of the Swastika and the Greek fret on the same object is\nsatisfactory evidence of their contemporaneous existence, and is thus far\nevidence that the one was not derived from the other, especially as the\nauthorities who claim this derivation are at variance as to which was\nparent and which, child. (See fig. 133.)\n\nA Swastika of the curious half-spiral form turned to the left, such as\nhas been found in Scandinavia and also among the Pueblo Indians of the\nUnited States, is in the museum at Este.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 194. POTTERY VASE ORNAMENTED WITH BRONZED NAIL HEADS\nIN FORM OF SWASTIKA. Este, Italy. Mat\u00e9riaux pour l'Histoire Primitive et\nNaturelle de l'Homme, 1884, p. 14.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 195. FRAGMENT OF POTTERY WITH SWASTIKA STAMPED IN\nRELIEF.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 196. STAMP FOR MAKING SWASTIKA SIGN ON POTTERY. Swiss\nlake dwelling of Bourget, Savoy. Mus\u00e9e de Chamb\u00e9ry. Chantre, \"Age du\nBronze,\" figs. 53, 55, and Keller, \"Lake Dwellings of Europe,\" pl. 161,\nfig. 3.]\n\nWhen in the early centuries of the Christian era the Huns made their\nirruption into Europe, they apparently possessed a knowledge of the\nSwastika. They settled in certain towns of northern Italy, drove off the\ninhabitants, and occupied the territory for themselves. On the death of\nAttila and the repulse of the Huns and their general return to their\nnative country, many small tribes remained and gradually became\nassimilated with the population. They have remained in northern Italy\nunder the title of Longobards. In this Longobardian civilization or\nbarbarism, whichever we may call it, and in their style of architecture\nand ornament, the Swastika found a prominent place, and is spoken of as\nLongobardian.\n\nIt is needless to multiply citations of the Swastika in Roman and\nChristian times. It would appear as though the sign had descended from the\nEtruscans and Samnites along the coast and had continued in use during\nRoman times. Schliemann says[199] that it is found frequently in the wall\npaintings at Pompeii; even more than a hundred times in a house in the\nrecently excavated street of Vesuvius. It may have contested with the\nLatin cross for the honor of being the Christian cross, for we know that\nthe St. Andrew's cross in connection with the Greek letter P (fig. 6) did\nso, and for a long time stood as the monogram of Christ and was the\nLabarum of Constantine. All three of these are on the base of the\nArchiepiscopal chair in the cathedral at Milan.[200]\n\n_Swiss lake dwellings._--Figs. 195 and 196 are interesting as giving an\ninsight into the method of making the sign of the Swastika. Fig. 195 shows\na fragment of pottery bearing a stamped intaglio Swastika (right), while\nfig. 196 represents the stamp, also in pottery, with which the imprint was\nmade. They are figured by Keller,[201] and are described on page 339, and\nby Chantre.[202] They were found in the Swiss lake dwelling of Bourget\n(Savoy) by the Duc de Chaulnes, and are credited to his Museum of\nChamb\u00e9ry.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 197. FRAGMENT OF CEINTURE FROM A TUMULUS IN ALSACE.\nThin bronze repouss\u00e9 with Swastikas of various kinds. Bronze Age,\nHalstattien epoch. De Mortillet, \"Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique,\" fig. 1255.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 198. FRAGMENT OF A CEINTURE FROM THE TUMULUS OF\nMETZSTETTEN, W\u00dcRTEMBERG. Thin bronze open-work with intricate Swastikas.\nHalstattien epoch. De Mortillet, \"Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique,\" fig. 1257, and\nChantre, \"Le Caucase,\" II, p. 50, fig. 25.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 199. BRONZE FIBULA, THE BODY OF WHICH FORMS A\nSWASTIKA. Museum of Mayence. De Mortillet, \"Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique,\" fig.\n1266.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 200. SEPULCHRAL URN WITH SWASTIKA. North Germany.\nWaring, \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 7, fig. 94.]\n\n_Germany and Austria._--Fig. 197 represents a fragment of a ceinture of\nthin bronze of the Halstattien epoch of the Bronze Age from a tumulus in\nAlsace. It is made after the style common to that period; the work is\nrepouss\u00e9 and the design is laid off by diagonal lines which divide the\nfield into lozenges, wherein the Swastika is represented in various forms,\nsome turned square to the right, others to the left, while one is in\nspiral and is turned to the left. Other forms of the cross also appear\nwith dots in or about the corners, which Burnouf associates with the myth\nof Agni and fire making, and which Zmigrodzki calls the _Croix\nswasticale_. This specimen is in the collection Nessel at Haguenau.\nAnother ceinture was found at the same place and is displayed with it. It\nbears representations of the cross of different forms, one of which might\nbe a Swastika with dotted cross lines, with the arms turned spirally to\nthe left. Fig. 198 represents another fragment of a bronze ceinture from\nthe same country and belonging to the same epoch. It is from the tumulus\nof Metzstetten, W\u00fcrtemberg, and is in the Museum of Stuttgart. It is not\nrepouss\u00e9, but is cut in openwork of intricate pattern in which the\nSwastika is the principal motif. A bronze fibula (fig. 199) is in the\nmuseum at Mayence, the body of which has the form of the normal Swastika.\nThe arms are turned to the right and the lower one is broken off. The\nhinge for the pin was attached at one side or arm of the Swastika and the\nretaining clasp for the point at the other. Fig. 200 represents a\nprehistoric sepulchral urn with a large Swastika, the arms being indicated\nby three parallel lines, after the same manner as the Swastika on the clay\nbobbin from Bologna (fig. 193). It is reported by Lisch and Schr\u00f6ter,\nthough the locality is not given. It is figured by Waring. The form,\nappearance, and decoration are of the type Villanova, thus identifying it\nwith northern Italy.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 201. SPEARHEAD WITH SWASTIKA (CROIX SWASTICALE) AND\nTRISKELION. Brandenburg, Germany. Waring, \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\"\npl. 44, fig. 21, and \"Viking Age,\" I, fig. 336.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 202. BRONZE PIN WITH SWASTIKA, POINTILL\u00c9, FROM MOUND\nIN BAVARIA. Chantre, Mat\u00e9riaux pour l'Histoire Primitive et Naturelle de\nl'Homme, 1854, pp. 14, 120.]\n\nThe Swastika sign is on one of the three pottery vases found on Bishops\nIsland, near K\u00f6nigswalde, on the right bank of the Oder, and on a vase\nfrom Reichersdorf, near Guben;[203] on a vase in the county of Lipto,\nHungary,[204] and on pottery from the Cavern of Barathegy, Hungary.[205]\nFig. 201 represents a spearhead of iron from Brandenburg, North Germany.\nIt bears the mark of the Swastika with the ends turned to the left, all\nbeing at right angles, the ends ornamented with three dots recalling\nZmigrodzki's _Croix swasticale_ (figs. 12 and 13). By the side of this\nSwastika is a triskelion, or three-armed ogee sign, with its ends also\ndecorated with the same three dots.\n\nWhat relation there is between all these marks or signs and others similar\nto them, but separated by great distances of both time and space, it would\nbe mere speculation to divine.\n\nM. E. Chantre reports his investigations in certain Halstattien cemeteries\nin Italy and Austria.[206] At San Margarethen, on the road between\nRudolfswerth and Kronau, Bavaria, he encountered a group of tumuli. Many\nobjects of the \"bel age du bronze\" were found; among others, a bronze pin\n(fig. 202) with a short stem, but large, square, flat head, was found,\nwith a normal Swastika engraved with small dots, pointill\u00e9, such as has\nbeen seen in Italy, Austria, and Armenia.\n\n_Belgium._--The Museum of Namur, Belgium, possesses a small object of\nbone, both points of which have been broken; its use is somewhat\nindeterminable, but it is believed by the curator of that museum and\nothers to have been an arrowhead or spearhead. In form it belongs to Class\nA of stemmed implements, is lozenge-shaped, without shoulder or barb. It\nis a little more than two inches long, five-eighths of an inch wide, is\nflat and thin. On one side it bears two oblique or St. Andrew's crosses\nscratched in the bone; on the other, a figure resembling the Swastika. It\nis not the normal Swastika, but a variation therefrom. It is a cross about\nthree-eighths of an inch square. The main stem lines cross each other at\nright angles; the ends of each of these arms are joined by two incised\nlines, which gives it the appearance of two turns to the right, but the\njunction is not well made, for the lines of the cross extend in every case\nslightly farther than the bent end. The variation from the normal Swastika\nconsists of the variation produced by this second line. This object was\nlately found by M. Dupont, of Brussels, in the prehistoric cavern of\nSinsin, near Namur. Most, or many, of these caverns belong to Paleolithic\ntimes, and one, the Grotte de Spy, has furnished the most celebrated\nspecimens of the skeletons of Paleolithic man. But the cavern of Sinsin\nwas determined, from the objects found therein, to belong to the Bronze\nAge.\n\n_Scandinavia._--The evidences of prehistoric culture have great\nresemblance throughout Denmark, Sweden, and Norway; so it is believed that\nduring the prehistoric ages their peoples had the same culture, and the\ncountries have been classed together as Scandinavia.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 203. RUNIC INSCRIPTION CONTAINING A SWASTIKA. Inlaid\nwith silver on a bronze sword. Saebo, Norway.]\n\n[Illustration: Du Chaillu, \"Viking Age,\" I, fig. 335.\n\nFig. 204_a_. SWASTIKA WITH DOTS. Torcello, Italy.\n\nFig. 204_b_. RUNIC INSCRIPTION ON SPEARHEAD. Torcello, Italy.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 205. REDDING COMB WITH SWASTIKA. Scandinavia.]\n\nA bronze sword is reported by Mr. George Stephens[207] as having been\nfound at S\u00e6bo, Norway, with runes and a Swastika inlaid with silver. This\nspecimen (fig. 203) was the subject of discussion before the International\nCongress of Anthropology and Prehistoric Arch\u00e6ology,[208] at Budapest,\n1876. Its runes were translated by Stephens, and being read from right to\nleft, \"OH THURMUTH,\" or \"owns me Thurmuth.\" But on the same page he gives\nanother sign for Thu and renders [S] as Odin or (W)oden. In the discussion\nbefore the congress it seems to have been agreed that the sign [S] stood\nfor \"blessing,\" \"good luck,\" or some beneficent charm or benediction. A\nspearhead has been for years displayed in the museum at Torcello, near\nVenice, Italy, with a Swastika sign (fig. 204_a_) prominent as an engraved\nsign.[209] Associated with it, but not a part of it, was an inscription\n(fig. 204_b_), which has always been attributed to the Etruscans. Mr. I.\nUndset, an arch\u00e6ologist in the museum of Christiania, made an extended\nvisit through Italy in 1883, and on seeing this spearhead recognized the\ninscription as runic and belonging to Scandinavia. The arms of the\nSwastika turned to the left, and the ends were finished with three dots of\nthe same style as those described employed in the _Croix swasticale_ (fig.\n12). Figs. 205 and 206 represent articles of dress or toilet, and bear the\nSwastika. The first shows a redding comb, the Swastika on which turns to\nthe right. It was probably of bone or horn, as are those of modern times.\nFig. 206 shows a brooch, the interior decoration of which is a combination\nof Swastikas more or less interlaced. It is of bronze and was used as a\ndress ornament. Fig. 207 shows a large brooch, the bodies and bar of which\nare almost covered with the tetraskelion style of Swastika. There are six\nof the four-armed Swastikas, four of which turn to the left and two to the\nright. Another is a triskelion, the arms of which turn to the right.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 206. BRONZE BROOCH OR FIBULA WITH COMBINATION OF\nSWASTIKAS. Scandinavia.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 207. BRONZE BROOCH WITH SWASTIKAS. Tetraskelions\n(right and left), triskelion (left). Scandinavia.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 208. PLACQUE FOR CEINTURE, WITH BUCKLE. Two ogee\nSwastikas (tetraskelions).]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 209. SCANDINAVIAN SWORD SCABBARD. Two ogee Swastikas\n(tetraskelions), right and left.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 210. SCANDINAVIAN SWORD SCABBARD. Ogee Swastika.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 211. SCANDINAVIAN SWORD SCABBARD. Two triskelions,\nright and left.]\n\nIn Scandinavia more than in other countries the Swastika took the form of\na rectangular body with arms projecting from each corner and bending in a\nspiral form, sometimes to the right, sometimes to the left. These are\nfound more frequently on fibul\u00e6 or brooches and on swords and scabbards.\nIn fig. 208 is shown a placque for a ceinture or belt, with a buckle to\nreceive the thong. It contains two ogee Swastikas (tetraskelions). In this\nand fig. 207 the border and accessory decoration consist largely of ogee\ncurves, which, here represented separate, would, if placed together as a\ncross, form the same style of Swastika as those mentioned. Figs. 209 and\n210 show sword scabbards, with Swastikas turned both ways. Fig. 211 shows\ntwo triskelions. Fig. 212 represents a gold brooch from a grave at Fyen,\nreported by Worsaae and figured by Waring.[210] The brooch with ogee\nSwastika bears internal evidence of Scandinavian workmanship. There are\nother Swastikas of the same general form and style in distant localities,\nand this specimen serves to emphasize the extent of possible communication\nbetween distant peoples in prehistoric times. Fig. 213 represents a piece\nof horse-gear of bronze, silver plated and ornamented with Swastikas. Two\nof these are normal, the ends bent at right angles to the left, while the\nother is fancifully made, the only specimen yet found of that\npattern.[211] It is not seen that these fanciful additions serve any\npurpose other than decoration. They do not appear to have changed the\nsymbolic meaning of the Swastika. Fig. 214 represents a sword scabbard\nbelonging to the Vimose find, with a normal Swastika. Ludwig M\u00fcller\nreproduces a Swastika cross from a runic stone in Sweden. In an ancient\nchurch in Denmark, the baptismal font is decorated with Swastikas, showing\nits use in early Christian times. (See p. 878 for continuation of Swastika\non Scandinavian or Danish gold bracteates.)\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 212. GOLD BROOCH WITH OGEE SWASTIKA. Island of Fyen.\nWaring, \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 43, fig. 11.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 213. SCANDINAVIAN HORSE-GEAR. Silver plated on bronze.\nWaring, \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 44, fig. 16; Du Chaillu, \"Viking\nAge,\" I, fig. 379.]\n\nMr. Paul du Chaillu, in his \"Viking Age,\" mentions many specimens of\nScandinavian and Norse antiquities bearing Swastika marks of divers\nstyles: Bronze vessels (vol. 1, p. 100, note 1); iron spear point with\nrunes and Swastika inlaid with silver, discovered in a tumulus with burnt\nbones, Muncheburg, fig. 336; another of the same, Volhynia, Russia, fig.\n337; pottery vessel containing burnt bones, pointed iron knife, bronze\nneedle, and melted glass beads, Bornholm, fig. 210; iron spearhead, Vimose\nbog find, (p. 207); border of finely woven silk cloth with gold and silver\nthreads, from a mound (vol. 2, p. 289, fig. 1150).\n\n_Scotland and Ireland._--Specimens of the Swastika have been found on the\nOgam stones in Scotland and Ireland (p. 797). In the churchyard of Aglish,\ncounty Kerry, Ireland, stand two stones bearing Ogam inscriptions. At the\ntop of one is an ancient Celtic cross inclosed in a circle similar to fig.\n7; immediately under it are two Swastika marks of four arms crossing at\nright angles, each arm bent to the right also at right angles. On two\ncorners of the stone are inscriptions of the usual Ogam characters. The\ntranslation may be given, but seems to be unimportant and without apparent\nbearing upon this question. They are somewhat obliterated and their\nreading difficult. So far as made out, they are as follows: Maqimaqa and\nApiloggo.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 214. SCANDINAVIAN SWORD SCABBARD WITH NORMAL SWASTIKA.\nVimose bog find.]\n\nIn Scotland, the Newton stone, in the grounds of the Newton House, bears\nan Ogam inscription, the meaning of which has no bearing upon the\nsubject. But on the upper part of one of its faces appears an inscription,\nboldly and deeply incised, of forty-four characters arranged horizontally\nin six lines. These are of so remarkable a type as to have puzzled every\nphilologist and paleographer who has attempted their decipherment. The\nlate Alexander Thomson, esq., of Banchory, Scotland, circulated a\nphotograph and description of this monument among antiquarians with a\nrequest for their decipherment of it. Various readings have been given by\nthe learned gentlemen, who have reported it to be Hebrew, Phenician,\nGreek, Latin, Aryan, Irish, and Anglo-Saxon respectively. Brash[212] gives\nhis opinion that the inscription is in debased Roman letters of a type\nfrequently found in ancient inscriptions, its peculiarities being much\ninfluenced by the hardness of the stone at the time of cutting and of the\nsubsequent weather wear of ages. The interest of this monument to us is\nthat the third character in the fourth line is a Swastika. It is\nindifferently made, the lines do not cross at right angles, two of the\nends are curved, and the two others bent at a wider than right angle.\nThere are four characters in the line closely following each other, (see\np. 797.)\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 215. SCULPTURED STONE. Greek cross in circle, normal\nSwastika in square, and ogee Swastika in quatrefoil. Ireland.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 216. FRAGMENT OF THIN BRONZE REPOUSS\u00c9. Ogee Swastika.\nIreland. Munro, \"Lake Dwellings of Europe,\" pl. 124, figs. 20-22.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 217. FRAGMENT OF THIN BRONZE. Triskelion. Ireland.\nMunro, \"Lake Dwellings of Europe,\" p. 384, pl. 124, figs. 20-22.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 218. BRONZE PIN WITH SMALL NORMAL SWASTIKA ON HEAD.\nCrannog of Lochlee, Tarbolton, Scotland. Munro, \"Lake Dwellings of\nEurope,\" p. 417.]\n\nThe Logie stone, in Aberdeenshire, Scotland, bearing Ogam characters,\ncontains a figure or mark reported by George M. Atkinson as a\nSwastika.[213]\n\nOn the Celtic crosses of Scotland certain marks appear which are elsewhere\nfound associated with Swastika, and consequently have some relation\ntherewith. The \"Annam Stone\" bears the mark of a Swastika (left) within\nthree concentric circles, around the outside of which is a circle of\ndots.[214]\n\nLudwig M\u00fcller reports the Swastika in Scotland and Ireland on Christian\ntombs, associated with Latin crosses.[215]\n\nA sculptured stone in Ireland (fig. 215) shows on the face three varieties\nof the cross, a Greek cross in a circle, a Swastika with square ends\nturned to the right, within a rectangle, and an ogee (tetraskelion) turned\nto the right, inclosed in a quatrefoil.[216]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 219. CARVED TRISKELION FOUND ON FRAGMENT OF ASH WOOD.\nCrannog of Lochlee, Tarbolton, Scotland. Munro, \"Lake Dwellings of\nEurope,\" p. 415.]\n\nAn Irish bowl showed a Swastika thus [symbol]. Dr. R. Munro[217] reports\nfrom the Crannog of Lesnacroghera country, Antrim, Ireland, two pieces or\ndisks of thin bronze, repouss\u00e9s (fig. 216), bearing the sign of the\nSwastika and having the four arms of the spirals turned to the left. The\nsimilarity of this figure with those shown on the shields of the Pima\nIndians of New Mexico and Arizona (figs. 257 and 258) is to be remarked.\nFig. 217 shows a triskelion of symmetric spirals turned to the right. In\nthe Crannog of Lochlee, near Tarbolton, a bronze pin was found (fig. 218),\nthe head of which was inclosed in a ring. On one side of the head was\nengraved a Greek cross, on the other was a normal Swastika turned to the\nright. The same crannog furnished a piece of ash wood five inches square,\nwhich had been preserved, as were all the other objects, by the peat, on\nwhich was carved a triskelion (fig. 219) after the form and style of those\non the Missouri mound pottery.\n\n\nGALLO ROMAN PERIOD.\n\n_France._--The employment of the Swastika in France did not cease with the\nBronze or Iron ages, but continued into the occupation of Gaul by the\nRomans.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 220. STONE ALTAR WITH SWASTIKA ON PEDESTAL. France.\nMuseum of Toulouse. De Mortillet, \"Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique,\" fig. 1267.]\n\nFig. 220 represents a stone altar erected in the south of France among the\nPyrenees about the time of the advent of the Romans. It has a Swastika\nengraved on its pedestal. The upper arm has been carried beyond the body\nof the sign, whether by intention is not apparent. Fig. 221 represents a\npottery bottle with another specimen of Swastika belonging to the same\n(Gallo-Roman) epoch, but coming from the extreme north of Gaul, the\nneighborhood of Rouen. It is to be remarked that the ends of this Swastika\ngive the outward curve or flourish similar to that noticed by Dr.\nSchliemann on the spindle-whorl of Troy, and is yet employed in making the\nJain Swastika (fig. 33).\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 221. POTTERY BOTTLE OF DARK GRAY WITH SWASTIKA AND\nDECORATION IN WHITE BARBOTINE. Gallo-Roman Epoch. Museum of Rouen. De\nMortillet, \"Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique,\" fig. 1246.]\n\nM. Alexander Bertrand[218] speaks of the discovery at Velaux, in the\ndepartment of Bouches-du-Rh\u00f4ne, of the headless statue of a crouching or\nsquatting guard which has a row of Swastikas across his breast, while\nbeneath is a range of crosses, Greek or Latin. The newest examples of the\nSwastika, belonging to this epoch have been found at Estinnes, Hainaut,\nand at Anth\u00e9e, Namur, Belgium, on pieces of Roman tile; also on a\ntombstone in the Roman or Belgo-Roman cemetery of Juslenville near\nPepinster.[219] This is a Pagan tomb, as evidenced by the inscriptions\ncommenced \"D. M.\" (_Diis Manibus_).[220]\n\nANGLO-SAXON PERIOD.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 222. ANGLO-SAXON BRONZE GILT FIBULA.[221] Simulation\nof Swastika. Long Wittenham, Berkshire, England.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 223. POTTERY URN. Band of twenty hand-made Swastikas,\nwhite, on blackish ground. Shropham, Norfolk, England. British Museum.\nWaring, \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 3, fig. 50.]\n\n_Britain._--Greg reports[222] a silver disk 1-1/2 inches in diameter, with\na triskelion made by punched dots, in the same style as the pin heads from\nArmenia (figs. 35 and 36). This was from grave 95 in an Anglo-Saxon\ncemetery at Sleafors, England, excavated by George W. Thomas and sold at\nBoston; bought by A. W. Franks and given to the British Museum. Grave 143\nhad a large cruciform fibula of bronze, partly gilt, similar to those from\nScandinavia, with a Swastika on the central ornament thus [symbol]. The\nslight curve or flourish on the outer end of the bent arm of this specimen\nresembles the Jain Swastika (fig. 33), though this bends to the left,\nwhile the Jain Swastikas bend to the right. Fig. 222 shows an Anglo-Saxon\nbronze gilt fibula with a peculiar form of Swastika leaving a square with\ndot and circle in its center. It was found in Long Wittenham, Berkshire,\nwas reported in Arch\u00e6ologia,[223] and is figured by Waring.[224] A figure\nhaving great similarity to this, even in its peculiarities and called a\nSwastika, was found on a shell in Toco Mound, Tennessee (fig. 238). Fig.\n223 represents an Anglo-Saxon urn from Shropham, Norfolk. Its decorations\nconsist of isolated figures like crosses, etc., arranged in horizontal\nbands around the vessel, and separated by moldings. The lower row consists\nof Swastikas of small size stamped into the clay and arranged in isolated\nsquares. There are twenty Swastikas in the band; though they all turn to\nthe right, they are not repetitions. They were made by hand and not with\nthe stamp. They are white on a blackish ground. The original, which is in\nthe British Museum, is cited by Kemble and figured by Waring.[225]\n\n\nTHE SWASTIKA ON ANCIENT COINS.\n\nThere has been much ink and imagination used, most of which has been\nwasted, in the discussion of this branch of this subject. The opinion has\nbeen expressed by many persons that the triskelion which formed the\narmorial emblem of the island of Sicily, and also of the Isle of Man, is\nbut an evolution from or modification of the Swastika. In the judgment of\nthe author this is based rather upon the similarity of the designs than\nupon any likeness in their origin and history. The acceptance by modern\nwriters of this theory as a fact is only justified from its long-continued\nrepetition.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 224.[226] LYCIAN COIN. Triskelion with three arms\nrepresenting cocks' heads and necks.]\n\n[Illustration: Figs. 225 and 226.[226] LYCIAN COINS. Triskelions with\ncentral dots and circles. Waring, \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 42,\nfigs. 12, 13.]\n\n_Triskelion, Lycia._--The triskelion on ancient coins first appears on the\ncoins of Lycia, in Asia Minor, about B. C. 480. It was adopted for Sicily\nby Agathocles, B. C. 317 to 307. The coins of Lycia were first three\ncocks' heads and necks joined together equidistant in the center of the\nfield, as shown in fig. 224, while figs. 225 and 226 bear a center dot and\ncircle. This forms a hub and axle. Out of this hub spring three arms or\nrays, practically equidistant, the outer ends being bent to the left. They\nincrease in size as they progress outward and are largest at the outer\nends. In fig. 226 there is a mint mark or counter mark of the same design\nas the triskelion, except that it has but two arms or rays (diskelion).\n\nPerrot and Chipiez,[227] speaking of Lycia, say:\n\n The device of many of her coins is the \"triskelis\" or so-called\n \"triquetra\" (literally, three-cornered, triangular), a name derived\n from three serpents' heads, which usually figure in the field, much\n after the fashion of those supporting the famous tripod at\n Delphi,[228] consecrated by the Greeks to Apollo after the battle of\n Plat\u00e6a. The number of heads is not constant, some coins having as many\n as four, \"tetraskelis,\" while others have but two, \"diskelis.\"[229]\n\nThe Greeks connected the symbol with the cult of Apollo, which they\nrepresented as very popular and of hoary antiquity in Lycia. The\nthree-rayed design appears to have gained the victory over the others, and\ncame into commoner use. It is found on Assyrian coins, and also as a\ncountermark on coins of Alexander, B. C. 333 to 323. A comparison of these\ndesigns with the Swastika will, it is believed, show their dissimilarity,\nand the non-existence of relationship. In the Lycian designs, whether with\ntwo, three, or four rays, there is a central hub out of which the spokes\nspring. In the center of the hub is the small circle and dot which might\nrepresent the axle on which the machine revolved. In fact, the Lycian\ndesign is a fair representation of the modern screw propeller, and gives\nthe idea of a whirling motion.\n\nCompare these peculiarities with the Swastika. The Swastika is almost\nalways square, is always a cross at right angles or near it, and whatever\nmay become of the ends or arms of the cross, whether they be left\nstraight, bent at right angles, or in a curve, it still gives the idea of\na cross. There is no center except such as is made by the crossing of the\ntwo arms. There is not, as in these triskelions, a central hub. There is\nno dot or point around which the design or machine could be made to\nrevolve, as in these Lycian triskelions; nothing of the central boss, cup,\nor nave, which forms what the Germans call the \"Rad-Kreuz,\" wheel cross,\nas distinguished from the square cross.\n\nIn this regard Greg says:\n\n If R. Brown's lunar and Semitic or Asiatic origin of the triquetra,\n however, should be established, then the entire argument of the\n triquetra being derived from the fylfot, or vice versa, falls to the\n ground. * * * That the device arose out of the triskele and triquetra\n I do not think can be proved. It is clear the [S] was a far older and\n more widely spread symbol than the triskele, as well as a more purely\n Aryan one.\n\nWaring, explaining the tetraskelion (four-armed), declares it to have\npreceded the triskelion (three-armed), and he explains its meaning,[230]\nciting Sir Charles Fellows, as being a harpago, a grappling iron, a\ncanting sign for Harpagus, who conquered Lycia for Cyrus, circa, 564 B. C.\n\nThis, with the statement of Perrot and Chipiez (p. 872 of this paper), is\na step in explanation of the adoption of the triskelion, and together they\nsuggest strongly that it had no relation to the Swastika. At the date of\nthe appearance of the triskelion on the Lycian coins the Swastika was well\nknown throughout the Trojan peninsula and the \u00c6gean Sea, and the\ndifference between them was so well recognized that one could not possibly\nhave been mistaken for the other.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 227. SICILIAN COIN WITH QUADRIGA AND TRISKELION.\nBritish Museum. Barclay Head, \"Coins of the Ancients,\" etc., pl. 35, fig.\n28.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 228. WARRIOR'S SHIELD. From a Greek vase, representing\nAchilles and Hector. Agrigentum, Sicily. Waring, \"Ceramic Art in Remote\nAges,\" pl. 42, fig. 24.]\n\n_Triskelion, Sicily._--Now we pass to the consideration of the triskelion\nof Sicily. Fig. 227 represents a coin of Sicily. On the obverse the head\nof Persephone, on the reverse the quadriga, and above, the triskelion.\nOther specimens of the same kind, bearing the same triskelion, are seen in\nBarclay Head's work on the \"Coinage of Syracuse\" and his \"Guide to the\nAncient Coins in the British Museum.\" They belong to the early part of the\nreign of Agathocles, B. C. 317 to 310. In these specimens the triskelion\nis quite small; but as the coins belong to the period of the finest\nengraving and die-sinking of Greece, the representation, however minute,\nis capable of decipherment. Fig. 228 is taken from the shield of a warrior\non a Greek vase representing Achilles and Hector, in which the armorial\nemblem of Sicily, the triskelion, occupies the entire field,[231] and\nrepresents plainly that it is three human legs, conjoined at the thigh,\nbent sharply at the knee, with the foot and toes turned out. Some of these\nhave been represented covered with mail armor and the foot and leg booted\nand spurred. It is evident that these are human legs, and so were not\ntaken from the screw propeller of Lycia, while they have no possible\nrelation to the crossed arms of the Swastika, and all this despite their\nsimilarity of appearance. This is rendered clearer by Waring,[232] where\nthe armorial emblem on a warrior's shield is a single human leg, bent in\nthe same manner, instead of three. Apropos of Swastikas on warriors'\nshields, reference is made to figs. 257 and 258, which represent two\nshields of Pima Indians, New Mexico, both of which have been in battle and\nboth have the four-armed Swastika or tetraskelion. There is not in the\nSwastika, nor was there ever, any central part, any hub, any axis, any\nrevolution. It is asserted that originally the triskelion of Sicily,\npossibly of Lycia, was a symbol of the sun, morning, midday, and\nafternoon, respectively. But this was purely theoretical and without other\nfoundation than the imagination of man, and it accordingly gave way in due\ncourse. Pliny denies this theory and attributes the origin of the\ntriskelion of Sicily to the triangular form of the island, ancient\nTrinacria, which consisted of three large capes equidistant from each\nother, pointing in their respective directions, the names of which were\nPelorus, Pachynus, and Lilyb\u00e6um. This statement, dating to so early a\nperiod, accounting for the triskelion emblem of Sicily, is much more\nreasonable and ought to receive greater credit than that of its devolution\nfrom the Swastika, which theory is of later date and has none of these\ncorroborations in its favor. We should not forget in this argument that\nthe Swastika in its normal form had been for a long time known in Greece\nand in the islands and countries about Sicily.\n\nAmong hundreds of patterns of the Swastika belonging to both hemispheres\nand to all ages, none of them have sought to represent anything else than\njust what they appear to be, plain marks or lines. There is no likeness\nbetween the plain lines of the Swastika and the bent form of the human\nleg, with the foot turned outward, incased in chain armor and armed with\nspurs.\n\nWhenever or however the triskelion occurred, by whom it was invented, what\nit represented, how it comes to have been perpetuated, is all lost in\nantiquity and may never be known; but there does not seem to be any reason\nfor believing it to have been an evolution from the Swastika.\n\n_Triskelion, Isle of Man._--The triskelion of Sicily is also the armorial\nemblem of the Isle of Man, and the same contention has been made for it,\ni. e., that it was a modification of the Swastika. But its migration\ndirect from Sicily to the Isle of Man can be traced through the pages of\nhistory, and Mr. John Newton,[233] citing the Manx Note Book for January,\n1886, has given this history at length, of which the following is a\nr\u00e9sum\u00e9:\n\nPrior to the thirteenth century the Isle of Man was under dominion of the\nNorse Vikings, and its armorial emblems were theirs; usually a ship under\nfull sail. Two charters of Harold, King of Man (1245, 1246 in the Cotton\nMSS.), bear seals with this device. Twenty years later, after the conquest\nof the island by, and its cession to, Alexander III of Scotland, A. D.\n1266, the Norse emblems disappeared entirely, and are replaced by the\nsymbol of the three legs covered with chain armor and without spurs. \"It\nappears then,\" says Newton, \"almost certain, though we possess no literary\ndocument recording the fact, that to Alexander III of Scotland is due the\nintroduction of the 'Tre Cassyn' as the distinguishing arms of the Isle of\nMan.\" He then explains how this probably came about: Frederick II (A. D.\n1197-1250), the Norman King of Sicily, married Isabella, the daughter of\nHenry III of England. A quarrel between the King of Sicily and the Pope\nled the latter to offer the crown to Henry III of England, who accepted it\nfor his son Edmund (the Hunchback), who thereupon took the title of King\nof Sicily and quartered the Sicilian arms with the Royal arms of England.\nThe negotiations between Henry and the Pope progressed for several years\n(1255 to 1259), when Henry, finding that he could no longer make it an\nexcuse for raising money, allowed it to pass into the limbo of forgotten\nobjects.\n\nAlexander III of Scotland had married Margaret, the youngest daughter of\nHenry III, and thus was brother-in-law to Edmund as well as to Frederick.\nIn 1256, and while these negotiations between Henry and the Pope\nconcerning Sicily were in progress, Alexander visited, at London, his\nroyal father-in-law, the King of England, and his royal brother-in-law,\nthe King of Sicily, and was received with great honors. About that time\nHaco, the Norse king of the Isle of Man, was defeated by Alexander III of\nScotland, and killed, soon after which event (1266) the Isle of Man was\nceded to the latter. The Norse coat of arms disappeared from the\nescutcheon of the Isle of Man, and, being replaced by the three legs of\nSicily, Mr. Newton inquires:\n\n What more likely than that the King (Alexander III), when he struck\n the Norwegian flag, should replace it by one bearing the picturesque\n and striking device of Sicily, an island having so many points of\n resemblance with that of Man, and over which his sister ruled as Queen\n and her brother had been appointed as King?\n\nHowever little we may know concerning the method of transfer of the coat\nof arms from Sicily to the Isle of Man, we are not left at all in doubt as\nto the fact of its accomplishment; and the triskelion of Sicily became\nthen and has been ever since, and is now, the armorial emblem of the Isle\nof Man.\n\nThe Duke of Athol, the last proprietary of the Isle of Man, and who, in\n1765, sold his rights to the Crown of England, still bears the arms of Man\nas the fifth quartering, \"The three human legs in armor, conjoined at the\nupper part of the thigh and flexed in triangle, proper garnished,\" being a\nperpetuation of the triskelion or triquetrum of Sicily.[234]\n\nThe arms of the Isle of Man afford an excellent illustration of the\nmigration of symbols as maintained in the work of Count Goblet d'Alviella;\nbut the attempt made by others to show it to be an evolution from and\nmigration of the Swastika is a failure.\n\n_Punch marks on Corinthian coins mistaken for Swastikas._--But is the\nSwastika really found on ancient coins? The use of precious metals as\nmoney dates to an unknown time in antiquity. Gold was used in early Bible\ntimes (1500 B. C.) among nearly every people as money, but it was by\nweight as a talent, and not as minted coin. The coinage of money began\nabout 700 B. C. in Lydia. Lydia was a province on the western side of the\npeninsula of Asia Minor looking out toward Greece, while Lycia, its\nneighbor, was a province on the southern side looking toward the island of\nRhodes. The Lydians began coinage by stamping with a punch each ingot or\nnugget of gold or silver, or a mixture of them called \"Electrum.\" In the\nbeginning these ingots were marked upon but one side, the reverse showing\nplainly the fiber of the anvil on which the ingot was laid when struck\nwith the punch. But in a short time, it may have been two hundred years,\nthis system was changed so as to use a die which would be reproduced on\nthe coin when it was struck with a punch. The lion, bull, boar, dolphin,\nand many other figures were employed as designs for these dies. Athens\nused an owl; Corinth, Pegasus; Metapontine, a sheaf of wheat; Naples, a\nhuman-headed bull. The head and, occasionally, the entire form of the gods\nwere employed. During almost the entire first period of nigh three hundred\nyears the punch was used, and the punch marks show on the reverse side of\nthe coins. These punch marks were as various as the dies for the obverse\nof the coins, but most of them took a variety of the square, as it would\npresent the greatest surface of resistance to the punch. Even the\ntriskelion of the Lycian coins is within an indented square (figs. 225 and\n226). A series of these punch marks is given for demonstration on pl. 9. A\nfavorite design was a square punch with a cross of two arms passing\nthrough the center, dividing the field into four quarters. Most of the\npunch marks on the coins of that period were of this kind. These punch\nmarks and the method and machinery with which they were made are described\nin standard numismatic works.[235]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 229. CORINTHIAN COINS. Obverse and reverse. Punch mark\nresembling Swastika.]\n\nIt is believed by the author that the assertions as to the presence of the\nSwastika on these ancient coins is based upon an erroneous interpretation\nof these punch marks. Fig. 229 shows the obverse and reverse of a coin\nfrom Corinth. It belonged to the first half of the sixth century B. C. The\nobverse represents a Pegasus standing, while the reverse is a punch mark,\nsaid to have been a Swastika; but, examining closely, we will find there\nis no Swastika in this punch mark. The arms of the normal Swastika consist\nof straight lines crossing each other. In this case they do not cross. The\ndesign consists of four gammas, and each gamma is separated from its\nfellows, all forming together very nearly the same design as hundreds of\nother punch marks of the same period. If each outer arm of this mark is\nmade slightly longer, the Swastika form disappears and the entire design\nresolves itself into the square habitually employed for that purpose. If\nthe punch mark on this Corinthian coin be a Swastika, it depends upon the\nfailure to make the extreme end of the bent arm an eighth of an inch\nlonger. This is too fine a point to be relied upon. If this punch mark had\nthese arms lengthened an eighth of an inch, it would confessedly become a\nsquare.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 9. PUNCH MARKS ON REVERSE OF ANCIENT COINS.]\n\nEXPLANATION OF PLATE 9.\n\n 1 2 3\n 4 5 6\n 7 8 9\n 10 11 12\n\nPUNCH MARKS ON REVERSE OF ANCIENT COINS.\n\n Fig. 1. COIN OF LYDIA. Electrum. Oblong sinking between two squares.\n Babylonian stater. The earliest known coinage. Circa 700 B. C.\n 2. PHENICIAN HALF STATER. Electrum. Incuse square with cruciform\n ornament.\n 3. SILVER COIN OF TEOS. Incuse square. Circa 544 B. C.\n 4. SILVER COIN OF ACANTHUS. Incuse square.\n 5. SILVER COIN OF MENDE. Incuse triangles.\n 6. SILVER COIN OF TERONE. Incuse square.\n 7. COIN OF BISALT\u00c6.[236] Incuse square. Octadrachm.\n 8. SILVER COIN OF ORRESCII.[236] Incuse square. Octadrachm.\n 9. CORINTHIAN SILVER COIN. Incuse square divided into eight\n triangular compartments. The earliest coin of Corinth, dating\n B. C. 625 to 585.\n 10. SILVER COIN OF ABDERA. Incuse square.\n 11. SILVER COIN OF BYZANTIUM. Incuse square, granulated.\n 12. SILVER COIN OF THRASOS (THRACE). Incuse square.\n\n_Swastika on ancient Hindu coins._--It is not to be inferred from this\nopposition that the Swastika never appeared on ancient coins. It did\nappear, but seems to have been of a later date and to have belonged\nfarther east among the Hindus. Fig. 230 shows an ancient (Hindu?) coin\nreported by Waring, who cites Cunningham as authority for its having been\nfound at Ujain. The design consists of a cross with independent circles on\nthe outer end of each of the four arms, the circles being large enough to\nintersect each other. The field of each of these circles bears a Swastika\nof normal form. Other coins are cited of the same style, with small center\ndots and concentric circles in the stead of the Swastika. What meaning the\nSwastika has here, beyond the possible one of being a lucky penny, is not\nsuggested.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 230. ANCIENT HINDU COIN IN THE FORM OF A CROSS WITH A\nSWASTIKA ON THE EXTREMITY OF EACH ARM.[237] Waring, \"Ceramic Art in Remote\nAges,\" pl. 41, fig. 13.]\n\n[Illustration: Figs. 231, 232, 233, and 234. ANCIENT HINDU COINS WITH\nSWASTIKAS, NORMAL AND OGEE. Waring, \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 41,\nfigs. 20-24.]\n\nOther ancient Hindu coins bearing the Swastika (figs. 231-234) are\nattributed to Cunningham by Waring.[238] These are said by Waring to be\nBuddhist coins found at Behat near Scharaupur. Mr. E. Thomas, in his\narticle on the \"Earliest Indian Coinage,\"[239] ascribes them to the reign\nof Krananda, a Buddhist Indian king contemporary with or prior to\nAlexander, about 330 B. C.\n\nThe coins of Krananda,[240] contemporary of Alexander the Great,[241] bear\nthe Swastika mark, associated with the principal Buddhist marks, the\ntrisula, the stupha, sacred tree, sacred cone, etc. Waring says[242] that\naccording to Prinsep's \"Engravings of Hindu Coins,\" the Swastika seems to\ndisappear from them about 200 B. C., nor is it found on the\nIndo-Bactrian, the Indo-Sassanian, or the later Hindu or subsequent\nMohammedan, and he gives in a note the approximate dates of these\ndynasties: Early native Buddhist monarchs from about 500 B. C. to the\nconquest of Alexander, about 330 B. C.; the Indo-Bactrian or Greek\nsuccessors of Alexander from about 300 to 126 B. C.; the Indo-Parthian or\nScythic from about 126 B. C.; the second Hindu dynasty from about 56 B.\nC.; the Indo-Sassanian from A. D. 200 to 636, and subsequent to that the\nIndo-Mohammedan from the eleventh to the close of the thirteenth century;\nthe Afghan dynasty from A. D. 1290 to 1526, and the Mongol dynasty to the\neighteenth century, when it was destroyed by Nadir Shah. (See p. 772.)\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 235. ANCIENT COIN WITH SWASTIKA. Gaza, Palestine.\nWaring, \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 42, fig. 6.]\n\n_Swastika on coins in Mesembria and Gaza._--Mr. Percy Gardner, in his\narticle, \"Ares as a Sun-god,\"[243] finds the Swastika on a coin of\nMesembria in Thrace. He explains that \"Mesembria is simply the Greek word\nfor noon, midday ([Greek: mes\u00eambria]).\" The coins of this city bear the\ninscription [Greek: MES][S], which Greg[244] believes refers by a kind of\npun to the name of the city, and so to noon, or the sun or solar light.\nThe answer to this is the same given throughout this paper, that it may be\ntrue, but there is no evidence in support of it. Max M\u00fcller[245] argues\nthat this specimen is decisive of the meaning of the sign Swastika. Both\nthese gentlemen place great stress upon the position which the Swastika\nheld in the field relative to other objects, and so determine it to have\nrepresented the sun or sunlight; but all this seems _non sequitur_. A coin\nfrom Gaza, Palestine, ancient, but date not given, is attributed to R.\nRochette, and by him to Munter (fig. 235). The Swastika sign is not\nperfect, only two arms of the cross being turned, and not all four.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 236. GOLD BRACTEATE WITH JAIN SWASTIKA. Denmark.\nWaring, \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 1, fig. 9.]\n\n_Swastika on Danish gold bracteates._--Fig. 236 represents a Danish gold\nbracteate with a portrait head, two serpents, and a Swastika with the\nouter ends finished with a curve or flourish similar to that of the Jains\n(fig. 33).\n\nThere are other bracteates with the Swastika mark, which belong to the\nScandinavian countries.[246] Some of them bear signs referring to\nChristian civilization, such as raising hands in prayer; and from a\ndetermination of the dates afforded by the coins and other objects the\nSwastika can be identified as having continued into the Christian era.\n\nThe coinage of the ancient world is not a prolific field for the\ndiscovery of the Swastika. Other specimens may possibly be found than\nthose here given. This search is not intended to be exhaustive. Their\nnegative information is, however, valuable. It shows, first, that some of\nthe early stamps or designs on coins which have been claimed as Swastikas\nwere naught but the usual punch marks; second, it shows a limited use of\nthe Swastika on the coinage and that it came to an end in very early\ntimes. Numismatics afford great aid to arch\u00e6ology from the facility and\ncertainty with which it fixes dates. Using the dates furnished by the\ncoinage of antiquity, it is gravely to be questioned whether the prolific\nuse of the Swastika in Asia Minor (of which we have such notable examples\non specimens of pottery from the hill of Hissarlik, in Greece) did not\nterminate before coinage began, or before 480 B. C., when the period of\nfiner engraving began, and it became the custom to employ on coins the\nfigures of gods, of tutelary deities, and of sacred animals. Thus the use\nof the Swastika became relegated to objects of commoner use, or those\nhaving greater relation to superstition and folklore wherein the possible\nvalue of the Swastika as an amulet or sign with power to bring good luck\ncould be better employed; or, as suggested by Mr. Greg, that the great\ngods which, according to him, had the Swastika for a symbol, fell into\ndisrepute and it became changed to represent something else.\n\n\nUNITED STATES OF AMERICA.\n\nPRE-COLUMBIAN TIMES.\n\n_Fains Island and Toco Mounds, Tennessee._--That the Swastika found its\nway to the Western Hemisphere in prehistoric times can not be doubted. A\nspecimen (fig. 237) was taken by Dr. Edward Palmer in the year 1881 from\nan ancient mound opened by him on Fains Island, 3 miles from Bainbridge,\nJefferson County, Tenn. It is figured and described in the Third Annual\nReport of the Bureau of Ethnology,[247] as follows:\n\n A shell ornament, on the convex surface of which a very curious\n ornamental design has been engraved. The design, inclosed by a circle,\n represents a cross such as would be formed by two rectangular tablets\n or slips slit longitudinally and interlaced at right angles to each\n other. The lines are neatly and deeply incised. The edge of the\n ornament has been broken away nearly all around.\n\nThe incised lines of this design (fig. 237) represent the Swastika turned\nto the left (though the description does not recognize it as such). It has\nsmall circles with dots in the center, a style of work that may become of\npeculiar value on further investigation, but not to be confounded with the\ndots or points in what M. Zmigrodzki calls the _Croix swasticale_. The\nmound from which this specimen came, and the objects associated with it,\nshow its antiquity and its manufacture by the aborigines untainted by\ncontact with the whites. The mound is on the east end of Fains Island. It\nwas 10 feet in height and about 100 feet in circumference at the base. In\nthe bed of clay 4 feet beneath the surface were found the remains of 32\nhuman skeletons; of these, only 17 skulls could be preserved. There had\nbeen no regularity in placing the bodies.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 237. SHELL GORGET WITH ENGRAVED SWASTIKA, CIRCLES, AND\nDOTS. Fains Island, Tennessee. Cat. No. 62928, U. S. N. M.]\n\nThe peculiar form of this Swastika is duplicated by a Runic Swastika in\nSweden, cited by Ludwig M\u00fcller and by Count d'Alviella.[248]\n\nThe following objects were found in the mound on Fains Island associated\nwith the Swastika shell (fig. 237) and described, and many of them\nfigured:[249] A gorget of the same _Fulgur_ shell (fig. 239); a second\ngorget of _Fulgur_ shell with an engraved spider (fig. 278); a pottery\nvase with a figure of a frog; three rude axes from four to seven inches in\nlength, of diorite and quartzite; a pierced tablet of slate; a disk of\ntranslucent quartz 1-3/4 inches in diameter and three-quarters of an inch\nin thickness; a mass of pottery, much of it in fragments, and a number of\nbone implements, including needles and paddle-shaped objects. The shell\nobjects (in addition to the disks and gorgets mentioned) were pins made\nfrom the columell\u00e6 of Fulgur (_Busycon perversum_?) of the usual form and\nabout four inches in length. There were also found shell beads,\ncylindrical in form, an inch in length and upward of an inch in diameter,\nwith other beads of various sizes and shapes made from marine shells, and\nnatural specimens of _Io spinosa_, _Unio probatus_.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 238. ENGRAVED SHELL WITH SWASTIKA, CIRCLES, AND DOTS.\nToco Mound, Monroe County, Tenn. Cat. No. 115624, U. S. N. M.]\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 10. ENGRAVED FULGUR(?) SHELL, RESEMBLING STATUE OF\nBUDDHA. Toco Mound, Tennessee. Cat. No. 115560, U. S. N. M.]\n\nThe specimen represented in fig. 238 is a small shell from the Big Toco\nmound, Monroe County, Tenn., found by Mr. Emmert with skeleton No. 49 and\nis fig. 262, Twelfth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1890-91,\npage 383, although it is not described. This is a circular disk of\n_Fulgur_ shell, much damaged around the edge, 1-1/2 inches in diameter,\non which has been engraved a Swastika. It has a small circle and a dot in\nthe center, around which circle the arms of the Swastika are interlaced.\nThere are also circles and central dots at each turn of the four arms. The\nhatch work in the arc identifies this work with that of other crosses and\na triskelion from the same general locality--figs. 302, 305, and 306, the\nformer being part of the same find by Mr. Emmert. Fig. 222, a bronze gilt\nfibula from Berkshire, England, bears a Swastika of the same style as fig.\n238 from Tennessee. The circles and central dots of fig. 238 have a\nsimilarity to Peruvian ornamentation. The form and style, the broad arms,\nthe circles and central dots, the lines of engravings, show such\nsimilarity of form and work as mark this specimen as a congener of the\nSwastika from Fains Island (fig. 237). The other objects found in the\nmound associated with this Swastika will be described farther on.\n\nThere can be no doubt of these figures being the genuine Swastika, and\nthat they were of aboriginal workmanship. Their discovery immediately\nsuggests investigation as to evidences of communication with the Eastern\nHemisphere, and naturally the first question would be, Are there any\nevidences of Buddhism in the Western Hemisphere? When I found, a few days\nago, the two before-described representations of Swastikas, it was my\nbelief that no reliable trace of Buddha or the Buddhist religion had ever\nbeen found among the aboriginal or prehistoric Americans. This statement\nwas made, as almost all other statements concerning prehistoric man should\nbe, with reserve, and subject to future discoveries, but without idea that\na discovery of evidence on the subject was so near. In searching the U. S.\nNational Museum for the objects described in the Second Annual Report of\nthe Bureau of Ethnology under the title of \"Art in Shell among the Ancient\nAmericans,\" the writer discovered a neglected specimen of a mutilated and\ndamaged shell (pl. 10), marked as shown on the back, found by Mr. Emmert,\nan employ\u00e9 of the Bureau of Ethnology, in the year 1882. Its original\nfield number was 267, Professor Thomas's 6542, the Museum number 115562,\nand it was found in the Big Toco mound, Monroe County, Tenn. It is not\nfigured nor mentioned in any of the Bureau reports. It is greatly to be\nregretted that this shell is so mutilated. In its present condition no one\ncan say positively what it is, whether a statue of Buddha or not; but to\nall appearances it represents one of the Buddhist divinities. Its\nmaterial, similar to the hundred others found in the neighborhood, shows\nit to have been indigenous, yet parts of its style are different from\nother aboriginal North American images. Attention is called to the slim\nwaist, the winged arms, the crossed legs, the long feet, breadth of toes,\nthe many dots and circles shown over the body, with triple lines of\ngarters or anklets. All these show a different dress from the ancient\nNorth American. The girdle about the waist, and the triangular dress\nwhich, with its decorations and arrangement of dots and circles, cover\nthe lower part of the body, are to be remarked. While there are several\nspecimens of aboriginal art from this part of the country which bear these\npeculiarities of costumes, positions, appearance, and manner of work,\nshowing them to have been in use among a portion of the people, yet they\nare not part of the usual art products. There is a manifest difference\nbetween this and the ordinary statue of the Indian or of the mound builder\nof that neighborhood or epoch.\n\nIt is not claimed that this shell proves the migration of Buddhism from\nAsia, nor its presence among North American Indians. \"One swallow does not\nmake a summer.\" But this figure, taken in connection with the Swastika,\npresents a set of circumstances corresponding with that possibility which\ngoes a long distance in forming circumstantial evidence in its favor.\n\nM. Gustave d'Eichthal wrote a series of essays in the Revue Arch\u00e6ologique,\n1864-65, in which he collated the evidence and favored the theory of\nBuddhist influence in ancient America. Other writers have taken the same\nor similar views and have attributed all manner of foreign influence, like\nthe Lost Tribes of Israel, etc., to the North American Indian,[250] but\nall these theories have properly had but slight influence in turning\npublic opinion in their direction. Mr. V. R. Gandhi, in a recent letter to\nthe author, says of this specimen (pl. 10):\n\n While Swastika technically means the cross with the arms bent to the\n right, later on it came to signify anything which had the form of a\n cross; for instance, the posture in which a persons sits with his legs\n crossed is called the Swastika posture;[251] also when a person keeps\n his arms crosswise over his chest, or a woman covers her breast with\n her arms crossed, that particular attitude, is called the Swastika\n attitude, which has no connection, however, with the symbolic meaning\n of the Swastika with four arms. The figure [pl. 10], a photograph of\n which you gave me the other day, has the same Swastika posture. In\n matters of concentration and meditation, Swastika posture is\n oftentimes prescribed, which is also called Sukhasana, meaning a\n posture of ease and comfort. In higher forms of concentration, the\n posture is changed from Sukhasana to Padmasana, the posture which is\n generally found in Jain and Buddhist images. The band around the\n waist, which goes from the navel lower on till it reaches the back\n part, has a peculiar significance in the Jain philosophy. The\n Shvetamber division of the Jain community have always this kind of\n band in their images. The object is twofold: The first is that the\n generative parts ought not to be visible; the second is that this band\n is considered a symbol of perfect chastity.\n\nThere can be no doubt of the authenticity of these objects, nor any\nsuspicion against their having been found as stated in the labels\nattached. They are in the Museum collection, as are other specimens. They\ncome unheralded and with their peculiar character unknown. They were\nobtained by excavations made by a competent and reliable investigator who\nhad been engaged in mound exploration, a regular employ\u00e9 of the Bureau of\nEthnology, under the direction of Prof. Cyrus Thomas during several\nyears, and always of good reputation and unblemished integrity. They come\nwith other objects, labeled in the same way and forming one of a series of\nnumbers among thousands. Its resemblance to Buddhist statues was\napparently undiscovered or unrecognized, at least unmentioned, by all\nthose having charge of it, and in its mutilated condition it was laid away\namong a score of other specimens of insufficient value to justify notice\nor publication, and is now brought to light through accident, no one\nhaving charge of it recognizing it as being different from any other of\nthe half hundred engraved shells theretofore described. The excavation of\nToco mound is described by Professor Thomas in the Twelfth Annual Report\nof the Bureau of Ethnology, pages 379-384.\n\nWe can now be governed only by the record as to the objects associated\nwith this shell (pl. 10), which shows it to have been found with skeleton\nNo. 8, in Big Toco mound, Monroe County, Tenn., while the Swastika of\nfigure 238 was found with skeleton No. 49. Toco mound contained fifty-two\nskeletons, or, rather, it contained buried objects reported as from that\nmany skeletons. Those reported as with skeleton No. 8 were, in addition to\nthis gorget: One polished stone hatchet, one stone pipe, and one bowl with\nscalloped rim. Toco mound seems to have been exceedingly rich, having\nfurnished 198 objects of considerable importance. Association of\ndiscovered objects is one of the important means of furnishing evidence in\nprehistoric arch\u00e6ology. It is deemed of sufficient importance in the\npresent case to note objects from Toco mound associated with the Buddha\nstatue. They are given in list form, segregated by skeletons:\n\n Skeleton No.\n\n 4. Two polished stone hatchets, one discoidal stone.\n\n 5. One polished stone hatchet.\n\n 7. Two large seashells.\n\n 8. One stone pipe, one polished stone hatchet, one ornamented shell\n gorget (the Buddha statue, pl. 10), one ornamented bowl, with\n scalloped rim.\n\n 9. Two polished stone hatchets.\n\n 12. A lot of small shell beads.\n\n 13. Four bone implements (one ornamented), one stone pipe, two shell\n gorgets (one ornamented), one bear tooth.\n\n 17. One polished stone hatchet.\n\n 18. Two polished stone hatchets, one stone pipe, one boat-shaped bowl\n (ornamented), one shell gorget (ornamented), one shell mask, one shell\n pin, one shell gorget, one bear tooth, lot of shell beads.\n\n 22. Two polished stone chisels, one stone disk.\n\n 24. One polished stone hatchet.\n\n 26. Two polished stone hatchets, one waterworn stone, two hammer\n stones.\n\n 27. One polished stone hatchet.\n\n 28. Two polished stone hatchets, one ornamented bowl.\n\n 31. One polished stone hatchet, one polished stone chisel.\n\n 33. Two polished stone hatchets, one two-eared pot, one small shell\n gorget, three shell pins, fragments of pottery.\n\n 34. Three polished stone hatchets.\n\n 36. One discoidal stone.\n\n 37. One polished stone chisel, one stone pipe, one shell mask\n (ornamented).\n\n 41. One polished stone hatchet, one stone pipe, pottery vase with ears\n (ornamented), one shell mask, one shell pin, four arrowheads (two with\n serrated edges), two stone perforators.\n\n 43. Lot of shell beads.\n\n 49. One polished stone hatchet, one spade-shaped stone ornament\n (perforated), one spear-head, one stone pipe, one pottery bowl with\n two handles, two shell masks (ornamented), twenty-seven bone needles,\n two beaver teeth, one bone implement (raccoon), piece of mica, lot of\n red paint, two shell gorgets (one ornamented with Swastika, fig. 238),\n thirty-six arrow-heads, lot of flint chips, fragment of animal jaw and\n bones, lot of large shells, one image pot.\n\n 51. One shell pin, one shell mask, one arrow-head, two small shell\n beads.\n\n 52. One shell mask, one shell gorget, one shell ornament.\n\nThese objects are now in the U. S. National Museum and in my department.\nThe list is taken from the official catalogue, and they number from 115505\nto 115684. I have had the opportunity of comparing the objects with this\ndescription and find their general agreement. Dr. Palmer, the finder, was\nan employ\u00e9 of the Bureau of Ethnology, is a man of the highest character,\nof great zeal as an arch\u00e6ologist and naturalist, and has been for many\nyears, and is now, in the employ of the Bureau or Museum, always with\nsatisfaction and confidence. Mr. Emmert was also an employ\u00e9 of the Bureau\nfor many years, and equally reliable.\n\nThe specimens of shell in this and several other mounds, some of which are\nherein figured, were in an advanced stage of decay, pitted, discolored,\nand crumbling, requiring to be handled with the utmost care to prevent\ndisintegration. They were dried by the collector, immersed in a weak\nsolution of glue, and forwarded immediately (in 1885), with other relics\nfrom the neighborhood, to the Bureau of Ethnology and National Museum at\nWashington, where they have remained ever since. There is not the\nslightest suspicion concerning the genuineness or antiquity of this\nspecimen or of those bearing the Swastika as belonging to the\nmound-building epoch in the valley of the Tennessee.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 239. SHELL GORGET. Two fighting figures with\ntriangular breech-clout, garters and anklets, and dots and circles. Fains\nIsland, Tennessee. Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 452,\nfig. 128. Cat. No. 62930, U. S. N. M.]\n\nOther figures of sufficient similarity to the Swastika have been found\namong the aborigines of North America to show that these do not stand\nalone; and there are also other human figures which show a style of work\nso similar and such resemblance in detail of design as to establish the\npractical identity of their art. One of these was a remarkable specimen of\nengraved shell found in the same mound, Fains Island, which contained the\nfirst Swastika (fig. 237). It is described in the Second Annual Report of\nthe Bureau of Ethnology, page 301, under the name of McMahon's mound. It\nis a large polished Fulgur shell disk which, when entire, has been nearly\n5 inches in diameter (fig. 239). A little more than one-third has crumbled\naway, and the remaining portion has been preserved only by careful\nhandling and immediate immersion in a solution of glue. It had been\nengraved on the concave side. The design represents two human figures\nplumed and winged, armed with eagles' talons and engaged in mortal\ncombat. The design apparently covered the entire shell, leaving no space\nfor encircling lines. The two figures are in profile and face each other\nin a fierce onset. Of the right-hand figure, only the body, one arm, and\none leg remain. The left-hand figure is almost complete. The outline of\nthe face, one arm, and one foot is all that is affected. The right hand is\nraised above the head in the act of brandishing a long knife pointed at\nboth ends. The other combatant, clutching in his right hand a\nsavage-looking blade with its point curved, seems delivering a blow in the\nface of his antagonist. Of the visible portions of the figures, the hands\nare vigorously drawn, the thumbs press down upon the outside of the\nforefingers in a natural effort to tighten the grasp. The body, arms, and\nlegs are well defined and in proper proportion, the joints are correctly\nplaced, the left knee is bent forward, and the foot planted firmly on the\nground, while the right is thrown gracefully back against the rim at the\nleft, and the legs terminate in well-drawn eagles' feet armed with curved\ntalons. The head is decorated with a single plume which springs from a\ncircular ornament placed over the ear; an angular figure extends forward\nfrom the base of this plume, and probably represents what is left of the\nheaddress proper. In front of this--on the very edge of the crumbling\nshell--is one-half of the lozenge-shaped eye, the dot representing the\npupil being almost obliterated. The ankles and legs just below the knee\nand the wrists each have three lines representing bracelets or anklets. It\nis uncertain whether the leg is covered or naked; but between the\nwaistband and the leggings, over the abdomen, is represented on both\nfigures a highly decorated triangular garment, or, possibly coat of mail,\nto which particular attention is called.[252] In the center, at the top,\njust under the waistband, are four circles with dots in the center\narranged in a square; outside of this, still at the top, are two\ntriangular pieces, and outside of them are two more circles and dots;\nwhile the lower part of the triangle, with certain decorations of incised\nlines, completes the garment. This decoration is the same on both figures,\nand corresponds exactly with the Buddha figure. An ornament is suspended\non the breast which shows three more of the circles and dots. The earring\nis still another. The right-hand figure, so far as it can be seen, is a\nduplicate of the left, and in the drawing it has, where destroyed, been\nindicated by dotted lines. It is remarkable that the peculiar clothing or\ndecoration of these two figures should be almost an exact reproduction of\nthe Buddha figure (pl. 10). Another interesting feature of the design is\nthe highly conventionalized wing which fills the space beneath the\nuplifted arm. This wing is unlike the usual specimens of aboriginal art\nwhich have been found in such profusion in that neighborhood. But it is\nagain remarkable that this conventionalized wing and the bracelets,\nanklets, and garters should correspond in all their peculiarities of\nconstruction and design with the wings on the copper and shell figures\nfrom the Etowah mound, Georgia (figs. 240, 241, and 242)[253]. Behind the\nleft-hand figure is an ornament resembling the spreading tail of an eagle\nwhich, with its feather arrangement and the detail of their mechanism,\ncorrespond to a high degree with the eagle effigies in repouss\u00e9 copper\n(fig. 243) from the mound in Union County, Ill., shown in the Fifth\nAnnual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (p. 105) and in the Twelfth\nAnnual Report (p. 309).\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 240. COPPER PLATE. Entowah Mound, Georgia. Fifth\nAnnual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, fig. 42. Cat. No. 91113, U. S.\nN. M.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 241. COPPER PLATE. Repouss\u00e9 work. Entowah Mound,\nGeorgia. Cat. No. 91117, U. S. N. M.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 242. ENGRAVED SHELL. Triangular breech-clout with dots\nand circles. Entowah Mound, Georgia. Cat. No. 91443, U. S. N. M.]\n\n_Hopewell Mound, Chillicothe, Ross County, Ohio._--A later discovery of\nthe Swastika belonging to the same period and the same general\nlocality--that is, to the Ohio Valley--was that of Prof. Warren K.\nMoorehead, in the fall and winter of 1891-92, in his excavations of the\nHopewell mound, seven miles northwest of Chillicothe, Ross County,\nOhio.[254] The locality of this mound is well shown in Squier and Davis's\nwork on the \"Monuments of the Mississippi Valley\" (pl. 10, p. 26), under\nthe name of \"Clark's Works,\" here reproduced as pl. 11. It is the large\nirregular unnumbered triple mound just within the arc of the circle shown\nin the center of the plan. The excavation contemplated the destruction of\nthe mound by cutting it down to the surrounding level and scattering the\nearth of which it was made over the surface; and this was done.\nPreparatory to this, a survey and ground plan was made (pl. 12). I\nassisted at this survey and can vouch for the general correctness. The\nmound was surrounded by parallel lines laid out at right angles and marked\nby stakes 50 feet apart. The mound was found to be 530 feet long and 250\nfeet wide. Squier and Davis reported its height at 32 feet, but the\nexcavation of the trenches required but 18 and 16 feet to the original\nsurface on which the mound was built. It was too large to be cut down as a\nwhole, and for convenience it was decided by Mr. Moorehead to cut it down\nin trenches, commencing on the northeast. Nothing was found until, in\nopening trench 3, about five feet above the base of the mound, they struck\na mass of thin worked copper objects, laid flat one atop the other, in a\nrectangular space, say three by four feet square. These objects are unique\nin American prehistoric arch\u00e6ology. Some of them bore a resemblance in\nform to the scalloped mica pieces found by Squier and Davis, and described\nby them in their \"Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley\" (p.\n240), and also those of the same material found by Professor Putnam in the\nTurner group of mounds in the valley of the Little Miami. They had been\napparently laid between two layers of bark, whether for preservation or\nmere convenience of deposit, can only be guessed.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 11. PLAN OF NORTH FORK (HOPEWELL) WORKS. Ross County,\nOhio. Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, Vol. I, Pl. X.]\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 12. PLAN OF HOPEWELL MOUND, IN WHICH ABORIGINAL\nCOPPER SWASTIKAS WERE FOUND. Ross County, Ohio. Moorehead, \"Primitive Man\nin Ohio,\" Pl. XXXIV.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 243. COPPER PLATE SHOWING FIGURE OF EAGLE. Repouss\u00e9\nwork. Union County, Ill. Cat. No. 91507, U. S. N. M.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 244. SWASTIKA CROSS OF THIN COPPER. Hopewell Mound,\nRoss County, Ohio. 1/4 natural size.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 245. FLAT RING OF THIN COPPER. Hopewell Mound, Ross\nCounty, Ohio. 1/5 natural size.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 246. STENCIL ORNAMENT OF THIN COPPER. Hopewell Mound,\nRoss County, Ohio. 1/8 natural size.]\n\nThe following list of objects is given, to the end that the reader may see\nwhat was associated with these newly found copper Swastikas: Five Swastika\ncrosses (fig. 244); a long mass of copper covered with wood on one side\nand with squares and five similar designs traceable on the reverse;\nsmaller mass of copper; eighteen single copper rings; a number of double\ncopper rings, one set of three and one set of two; five pan lids or\nhat-shaped rings; ten circular disks with holes in center, represented in\nfig. 245, originally placed in a pile and now oxidized together; also\nlarge circular, stencil-like ornaments, one (fig. 246) 7-1/2 inches in\ndiameter; another (fig. 247) somewhat in the shape of a St. Andrew's\ncross, the extreme length over the arms being 8-3/4 inches.\n\nAbout five feet below the deposit of sheet copper and 10 or 12 feet to the\nwest, two skeletons lay together. They were covered with copper plates and\nfragments, copper hatchets, and pearl beads, shown in the list below, laid\nin rectangular form about seven feet in length and five feet in width, and\nso close as to frequently overlap.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 247. STENCIL ORNAMENT OF THIN COPPER. Hopewell Mound,\nRoss County, Ohio. 1/4 natural size.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 248. FISH ORNAMENT OF THIN COPPER. Hopewell Mound,\nRoss County, Ohio. 1/6 natural size.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 249. LOZENGE-SHAPED STENCIL OF THIN COPPER. Hopewell\nMound, Ross County, Ohio. 1/4 natural size.]\n\nThere were also found sixty-six copper hatchets, ranging from 1-1/2 to\n22-1/2 inches in length; twenty-three copper plates and fragments; one\ncopper eagle; eleven semicircles, bars, etc.; two spool-shaped objects;\nfour comb-shaped effigies; one wheel with peculiar circles and bars of\ncopper; three long plates of copper; pearl and shell beads and teeth; a\nlot of extra fine pearls; a lot of wood, beads, and an unknown metal; a\nlot of bones; a human jaw, very large; a fragmentary fish resembling a\nsucker (fig. 248); one stool of copper with two legs; broken copper\nplates; one broken shell; bear and panther tusks; mica plates; forty\nfragmentary and entire copper stencils of squares, circles, diamonds,\nhearts, etc.; copper objects, saw-shaped; twenty ceremonial objects,\nrusted or oxidized copper; two diamond-shaped stencils, copper (fig. 249);\nfour peculiar spool-shaped copper ornaments, perforated, showing repouss\u00e9\nwork (fig. 250).\n\nI made sketches of two or three of the bone carvings, for the purpose of\nshowing the art of the people who constructed this monument, so that by\ncomparison with that of other known peoples some knowledge may be\nobtained, or theory advanced, concerning the race or tribe to which they\nbelonged and the epoch in which they lived. Fig. 251 shows an exquisite\nbone carving of a paroquet which belongs much farther south and not found\nin that locality in modern times. The design shown in fig. 252 suggests a\nMississippi Kite, but the zoologists of the Museum, while unable to\ndetermine with exactitude its intended representation, chiefly from the\nmutilated condition of the fragment, report it more likely to be the\nhead of the \"leather-back\" turtle. Fig. 253 probably represents an otter\nwith a fish in his mouth.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 13. HUMAN SKULL WITH COPPER-COVERED HORNS. Hopewell\nMound, Ross County, Ohio. Moorehead, \"Primitive Man in Ohio,\"\nfrontispiece.]\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 14. PREHISTORIC ALTAR. Hopewell Mound, Ross County,\nOhio. Found near the copper Swastika shown in fig. 244. Moorehead,\n\"Primitive Man in Ohio,\" Fig. XXXVII. Cat. No. 148662, U. S. N. M.]\n\nIn trench No. 3, 15 skeletons (numbered 264 to 278, inclusive), were found\non the base line, all extended. Objects of coal, bone, shell, or stone,\nhad been placed with nearly all of them. Nos. 265 and 266 were laid on\nblocks of burnt earth 3 inches higher than the base of the mound. One of\nthe skeletons in this mound (No. 248) is shown in pl. 13. It was a most\nremarkable specimen, and forms the frontispiece of Prof. W. K. Moorehead's\nvolume \"Primitive Man in Ohio,\" where it is described (p. 195) as follows:\n\n At his head were imitation elk horns, neatly made of wood and covered\n with sheet copper rolled into cylindrical forms over the prongs. The\n antlers were 22 inches high and 19 inches across from prong to prong.\n They fitted into a crown of copper bent to fit the head from occipital\n to upper jaw. Copper plates were upon the breast and stomach, also on\n the back. The copper preserved the bones and a few of the sinews. It\n also preserved traces of cloth similar to coffee sacking in texture,\n interwoven among the threads of which were 900 beautiful pearl beads,\n bear teeth split and cut, and hundreds of other beads, both pearl and\n shell. Copper spool-shaped objects and other implements covered the\n remains. A pipe of granite and a spearhead of agate were near the\n right shoulder. The pipe was of very fine workmanship and highly\n polished.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 250. SPOOL-SHAPED OBJECT OF COPPER. Repouss\u00e9 and\nintaglio decoration. Hopewell Mound, Ross County, Ohio. Natural size.]\n\nWhile digging out skeletons 280 to 284, Professor Moorehead says they\ntouched the edge of an altar (pl. 14). It was on the base line and 15 feet\nnorth of the copper find before described. On the 5th of January, 1892,\nthe altar was uncovered, and the earth, charcoal, and objects within it\nput into five soap boxes and transported to headquarters, where the\nmaterial was assorted in my presence and with my aid. The mass on the\naltar had been charred throughout. It contained, in part, mica ornaments,\nbeads, spool-shaped objects, whale, bear, and panther teeth, flint knives,\ncarved effigies of bone and stone, some of which were broken, while others\nwere whole. There were stone tablets, slate ornaments, copper balls,\nfragments of cloth, rings of chlorite, quartz crystals perforated and\ngrooved, and a few pieces of flint and obsidian, with several thousand\npearls drilled for suspension. These objects were heaped in the cavity of\nthe altar without any regularity. All were affected by heat, the copper\nbeing fused in many cases. The teeth and tusks were charred, split, and\ncalcined. There were no ashes. All the fuel was charcoal, and from the\nappearance of the d\u00e9bris, especially the wood, earth, and bone, one might\nsuppose that after the fire had started it had not been allowed to burn to\nashes as if in the open air, but had been covered with earth, and so had\nsmoldered out as in a charcoal pit.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 251. FRAGMENT OF ENGRAVED BONE REPRESENTING A\nPAROQUET. Hopewell Mound, Ross County, Ohio. Natural size.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 252. FRAGMENT OF ENGRAVED BONE PROBABLY REPRESENTING A\nMISSISSIPPI KITE OR LEATHER-BACK TURTLE. Hopewell Mound, Ross County,\nOhio. Natural size.]\n\nEvidence was found of an extended commerce with distant localities, so\nthat if the Swastika existed in America it might be expected here. The\nprincipal objects were as follows: A number of large seashells (_Fulgur_)\nnative to the southern Atlantic Coast 600 miles distant, many of them\ncarved; several thousand pieces of mica from the mountains of Virginia or\nNorth Carolina, 200 or more miles distant; a thousand large blades of\nbeautifully chipped objects in obsidian, which could not have been found\nnearer than the Rocky Mountains, 1,000 or 1,200 miles distant; four\nhundred pieces of wrought copper, believed to be from the Lake Superior\nregion, 150 miles distant; fifty-three skeletons, the copper headdress\n(pl. 13) made in semblance of elk horns, 16 inches high, and other\nwonderful things. Those not described have no relation to the Swastika.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 253. FRAGMENT OF ENGRAVED BONE PROBABLY REPRESENTING\nAN OTTER WITH A FISH IN ITS MOUTH. Natural size.]\n\nThese objects were all prehistoric. None of them bore the slightest\nevidence of contact with white civilization. The commoner objects would\ncompare favorably with those found in other mounds by the same and other\ninvestigators. Much of it may be undetermined. It is strange to find so\nmany objects brought such long distances, and we may not be able to\nexplain the problem presented; but there is no authority for injecting any\nmodern or European influence into it. By what people were these made? In\nwhat epoch? For what purpose? What did they represent? How did this\nancient, curious, and widespread sign, a recognized symbol of religion of\nthe Orient, find its way to the bottom of one of the mounds of antiquity\nin the Scioto Valley? These are questions easy to ask but difficult to\nanswer. They form some of the riddles of the science of prehistoric\nanthropology.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 254. WATER JUG WITH FIGURE OF SWASTIKA. Decoration,\nred on yellow ground. Poinsett County, Ark. Cat. No. 91230, U. S. N. M.]\n\n_Mounds in Arkansas._--A water jug in the collection of the U. S. National\nMuseum (fig. 254) was obtained in 1883 by P. W. Norris, of the Bureau of\nEthnology, from a mound in Poinsett County, Ark. It is of yellow ground,\nnatural color of clay, and decorated with light red paint. The paint is\nrepresented in the cut by the darkened surfaces. The four quarters of the\njug are decorated alike, one side of which is shown in the cut. The center\nof the design is the Swastika with the arm crossing at right angles, the\nends turned to the right, the effect being produced by an enlargement on\nthe right side of each arm until they all join the circle. A similar water\njug with a Swastika mark of the same type as the foregoing decorates Major\nPowell's desk in the Bureau of Ethnology.\n\nMarquis Nadaillac[255] describes and figures a grooved ax from Pemberton,\nN. J., on which some persons have recognized a Swastika, but which the\nMarquis doubts, while Dr. Abbott[256] denounces the inscription as a\nfraud.\n\nNORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 255. KANSA INDIAN WAR CHART. Swastika sign for winds\nand wind songs. J. Owen Dorsey, American Naturalist, July, 1885, p. 670.]\n\n_The Kansas._--The Rev. J. Owen Dorsey[257] describes the mourning customs\nof the Kansas Indians. In the course of his description he tells of a\ncouncil of ceremony held among these Indians to decide if they should go\non the warpath. Certain sacred songs were sung which had been arranged\naccording to a chart, which Mr. Dorsey introduces as pl. 20, page 676. The\noutside edge of this chart bore twenty-seven ideographs, which suggest or\ndetermine the song or speech required. No. 1 was the sacred pipe; No. 2,\nthe maker of all songs; No. 3, song of another old man who gives success\nto the hunters; No. 4 (fig. 255 in the present paper) is the Swastika\nsign, consisting of two ogee lines intersecting each other, the ends\ncurved to the left. Of it, Mr. Dorsey says only the following:\n\n Fig. 4. Tadje wayun, wind songs. The winds are deities; they are\n Bazanta (at the pines), the east wind; Ak'a, the south wind; A'k'a\n ji\u00f1ga or A'k'uya, the west wind; and Hnia (toward the cold), the north\n wind. The warriors used to remove the hearts of slain foes, putting\n them in the fire as a sacrifice to the winds.\n\nIn the Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (p. 525) Mr.\nDorsey repeats this statement concerning the names of the winds, and shows\nhow, in their invocations, the Kansas began with the east wind and went\naround to the right in the order here given. His fig. 195 illustrates\nthis, but the cross has straight arms. In response to my personal inquiry,\nMr. Dorsey says the war chart[258] was drawn for him, with the Swastika as\nrepresented, by Pahanle-gaqle, the war captain, who had official charge\nof it and who copied it from one he had inherited from his father and his\n\"father's fathers\"; and Mr. Dorsey assured me that there can be no mistake\nor misapprehension about this Indian's intention to make the sign as there\nrepresented. Asked if the sign was common and to be seen in other cases or\nplaces, Mr. Dorsey replied that the Osage have a similar chart with the\nsame and many other signs or pictographs--over a hundred--but except\nthese, he knows of no similar signs. They are not in common use, but the\nchart and all it contains are sacred objects, the property of the two\nKansas gentes, Black Eagle and Chicken Hawk, and not to be talked of nor\nshown outside of the gentes of the council lodge.[259]\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 15. CEREMONIAL BEAD NECKLACE WITH SWASTIKA\nORNAMENTATION. Sac Indians, Cook County (Kansas) Reservation.]\n\n_The Sac Indians._--Miss Mary A. Owen, of St. Joseph, Mo., sending some\nspecimens of beadwork of the Indians (pl. 15) from the Kansas Reservation,\ntwo of which were garters and the third a necklace 13 inches long and 1\ninch wide, in which the Swastikas represented are an inch square, writes,\nFebruary 2, 1895, as follows:\n\n The Indians call it [the Swastika] the \"luck,\" or \"good luck.\" It is\n used in necklaces and garters by the sun worshippers among the\n Kickapoos, Sacs, Pottawatomies, Iowas, and (I have been told) by the\n Winnebagoes. I have never seen it on a Winnebago. The women use the\n real Swastika and the Greek key pattern, in the silk patchwork of\n which they make sashes and skirt trimmings. As for their thinking it\n an emblem of fire or deity, I do not believe they entertain any such\n ideas, as some Swastika hunters have suggested to me. They call it\n \"luck,\" and say it is the same thing as two other patterns which I\n send in the mail with this. They say they \"always\" made that pattern.\n They must have made it for a long time, for you can not get such beads\n as compose it, in the stores of a city or in the supplies of the\n traders who import French beads for the red folk. Another thing.\n Beadwork is very strong, and this is beginning to look tattered, a\n sure sign that it has seen long service.\n\n These sun worshippers--or, if you please, Swastika wearers--believe in\n the Great Spirit, who lives in the sun, who creates all things, and is\n the source of all power and beneficence. The ancestors are a sort of\n company of animal saints, who intercede for the people. There are many\n malicious little demons who thwart the ancestors and lead away the\n people at times and fill them with diseases, but no head devil. Black\n Wolf and certain ghosts of the unburied are the worst. Everybody has a\n secret fetish or \"medicine,\" besides such general \"lucks\" as\n Swastikas, bear skins, and otter and squirrel tails.\n\n Of the other cult of the peoples I have mentioned, those who worship\n the sun as the deity and not the habitation, I know nothing. They are\n secret, suspicious, and gloomy, and do not wear the \"luck.\" I have\n never seen old people wear the \"luck.\"\n\n Now, I have told you all I know, except that it [the Swastika] used in\n ancient times to be made in quill embroidery on herb bags.\n\nMiss Owen spoke of other garters with Swastikas on them, but she said they\nwere sacred, were used only during certain ceremonies, and she knew not if\nshe could be able to get or even see them. During the prolongation of the\npreparation of this paper she wrote two or three times, telling of the\npromises made to her by the two Sac women who were the owners of these\nsacred garters, and how each time they had failed. Yet she did not give\nup hope. Accordingly, in the winter of 1896, the little box containing the\nsacred garters arrived. Miss Owen says the husbands of these two Sac women\nare Pottawatomies on the Cook County (Kans.) Reservation. They are sun\nworshippers. These garters have been sketched and figured in pl. 16.\n\n_The Pueblos._--The Pueblo country in Colorado, Utah, New Mexico, and\nArizona, as is well known, is inhabited by various tribes of Indians\nspeaking different languages, separated from one another and from all\nother tribes by differences of language, customs, and habit, but somewhat\nakin to each other in culture, and many things different from other tribes\nare peculiar to them. These have been called the \"Pueblo Indians\" because\nthey live in pueblos or towns. Their present country includes the regions\nof the ancient cliff dwellers, of whom they are supposed to be the\ndescendants. In those manifestations of culture wherein they are peculiar\nand different from other tribes they have come to be considered something\nsuperior. Any search for the Swastika in America which omitted these\nIndians would be fatally defective, and so here it is found. Without\nspeculating how the knowledge of the Swastika came to them, whether by\nindependent invention or brought from distant lands, it will be enough to\nshow its knowledge among and its use by the peoples of this country.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 256. DANCE RATTLE MADE OF A SMALL GOURD DECORATED IN\nBLACK, WHITE, AND RED. Ogee Swastika on each side. Second Annual Report of\nthe Bureau of Ethnology, fig. 526. Cat. No. 42042, U. S. N. M.]\n\nIn the Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology for the year 1880-81 (p.\n394, fig. 562) is described a dance rattle made from a small gourd,\nornamented in black, white, and red (fig. 256). The gourd has a Swastika\non each side, with the ends bent, not square, but ogee (the tetraskelion).\nThe U. S. National Museum possesses a large number of these dance rattles\nwith Swastikas on their sides, obtained from the Pueblo Indians of New\nMexico and Arizona. Some of them have the natural neck for a handle, as\nshown in the cut; others are without neck, and have a wooden stick\ninserted and passed through for a handle. Beans, pebbles, or similar\nobjects are inside, and the shaking of the machine makes a rattling noise\nwhich marks time for the dance.\n\nThe Museum possesses a large series of pottery from the various pueblos of\nthe Southwest; these are of the painted and decorated kind common to that\ncivilization and country. Some of these pieces bear the Swastika mark;\noccasionally it is found outside, occasionally inside. It is more\nfrequently of the ogee form, similar to that on the rattle from the same\ncountry (fig. 256). The larger proportion of these specimens comes from\nthe pueblos of Santa Clara and St. Ildefonso.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 16. CEREMONIAL BEAD GARTERS WITH SWASTIKAS. Sac\nIndians, Cook County (Kansas) Reservation.]\n\nDr. Schliemann reports:[260]\n\n We also see a Swastika (turned to the left) scratched on two terra\n cotta bowls of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, preserved in the\n ethnological section of the Royal Museum at Berlin.\n\nG. Nordenski\u00f6ld,[261] in the report of his excavations among the ruined\npueblos of the Mesa Verde, made in southwestern Colorado during the summer\nof 1891, tells of the finding of numerous specimens of the Swastika. In\npl. 23, fig. 1, he represents a large, shallow bowl in the refuse heap at\nthe \"Step House.\" It was 50 centimeters in diameter, of rough execution,\ngray in color, and different in form and design from other vessels from\nthe cliff houses. The Swastika sign (to the right) was in its center, and\nmade by lines of small dots. His pl. 27, fig. 6, represents a bowl found\nin a grave (_g_ on the plan) at \"Step House.\" Its decoration inside was of\nthe usual type, but the only decoration on the outside consisted of a\nSwastika, with arms crossing at right angles and ends bent at the right,\nsimilar to fig. 9. His pl. 18, fig. 1, represented a large bowl found in\nMug House. Its decoration consisted in part of a Swastika similar in form\nand style to the Etruscan gold \"bulla,\" fig. 188 in this paper. Certain\nspecimens of pottery from the pueblos of Santa Clara and St. Ildefonso,\ndeposited in the U. S. National Museum (Department of Ethnology), bear\nSwastika marks, chiefly of the ogee form.[262]\n\n_The Navajoes._--Dr. Washington Matthews, U. S. A., than whom no one has\ndone better, more original, nor more accurate anthropologic work in\nAmerica, whether historic or prehistoric, has kindly referred me to his\nmemoir in the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, comprising\n82 pages, with 9 plates and 9 figures, entitled \"The Mountain Chant; a\nNavajo ceremony.\" It is descriptive of one of a number of ceremonies\npracticed by the shamans or medicine men of the Navajo Indians, New\nMexico. The ceremony is public, although it takes place during the night.\nIt lasts for nine days and is called by the Indians \"_dsily\u00eddje\nqa\u00e7\u00e0l_\"--literally, \"chant toward (a place) within the mountains.\" The\nword \"_dsilyi_\" may allude to mountains in general, to the Carrizo\nMountains in particular, to the place in the mountains where the prophet\n(originator of these ceremonies) dwelt, or to his name, or to all of these\ncombined. \"_Qa\u00e7\u00e0l_\" means a sacred song or a collection of sacred songs.\nDr. Matthews describes at length the myth which is the foundation of this\nceremony, which must be read to be appreciated, but may be summarized\nthus: An Indian family, consisting of father, mother, two sons, and two\ndaughters, dwelt in ancient times near the Carrizo Mountains. They lived\nby hunting and trapping; but the place was desert, game scarce, and they\nmoved up the river farther into the mountains. The father made\nincantations to enable his two sons to capture and kill game; he sent them\nhunting each day, directing them to go to the east, west, or north, but\nwith the injunction not to the south. The elder son disobeyed this\ninjunction, went to the south, was captured by a war party of Utes and\ntaken to their home far to the south. He escaped by the aid of _Y\u00e0ybichy_\n(_Qastc\u00e8\u00ebl\u00e7i_) and divers supernatural beings. His adventures in returning\nhome form the body of the ceremony wherein these adventures are, in some\ndegree, reproduced. Extensive preparations are made for the performance of\nthe ceremony. Lodges are built and corrals made for the use of the\nperformers and the convenience of their audience. The f\u00eate being\norganized, stories are told, speeches made, and sacred songs are sung (the\nlatter are given by Dr. Matthews as \"songs of sequence,\" because they must\nbe sung in a progressive series on four certain days of the ceremony).\nMythological charts of dry sand of divers colors are made on the earth\nwithin the corrals after the manner of the Navajo and Pueblo Indians.\nThese dry sand paintings are made after a given formula and intended to be\nrepeated from year to year, although no copy is preserved, the artists\ndepending only upon the memory of their shaman. One of these pictures or\ncharts represents the fugitive's escape from the Utes, his captors, down a\nprecipice into a den or cave in which burnt a fire \"on which was no wood.\"\nFour pebbles lay on the ground together--a black pebble in the east, a\nblue one in the south, a yellow one in the west, and a white one in the\nnorth. From these flames issued. Around the fire lay four bears, colored\nand placed to correspond with the pebbles. When the strangers (Qastc\u00e8\u00ebl\u00e7i\nand the Navajo) approached the fire the bears asked them for tobacco, and\nwhen they replied they had none, the bears became angry and thrice more\ndemanded it. When the Navajo fled from the Ute camp, he had furtively\nhelped himself from one of the four bags of tobacco which the council was\nusing. These, with a pipe, he had tied up in his skin robe; so when the\nfourth demand was made he filled the pipe and lighted it at the fire. He\nhanded the pipe to the black bear, who, taking but one whiff, passed it to\nthe blue bear and immediately fell senseless. The blue bear took two\nwhiffs and passed the pipe, when he too fell over unconscious. The yellow\nbear succumbed after the third whiff, and the white bear in the north\nafter the fourth whiff. Now the Navajo knocked the ashes and tobacco out\nof his pipe and rubbed the latter on the feet, legs, abdomen, chest,\nshoulders, forehead, and mouth of each of the bears in turn, and they were\nat once resuscitated. He replaced the pipe in the corner of his robe. When\nthe bears recovered, they assigned to the Navajo a place on the east side\nof the fire where he might lie all night, and they brought out their\nstores of corn meal, _tciltcin_, and other berries, offering them to him\nto eat; but Qastc\u00e8\u00ebl\u00e7i warned him not to touch the food, and disappeared.\nSo, hungry as he was, the Indian lay down supperless to sleep. When he\nawoke in the morning, the bears again offered food, which he again\ndeclined, saying he was not hungry. Then they showed him how to make the\nbear _keth\u00e0wns_, or sticks, to be sacrificed to the bear gods, and they\ndrew from one corner of the cave a great sheet of cloud, which they\nunrolled, and on it were painted the forms of the \"yays\" of the cultivated\nplants.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 17. NAVAJO DRY PAINTING CONTAINING SWASTIKAS. Dr.\nWashington Matthews, \"The Mountain Chant: A Navajo Ceremony,\" Fifth Annual\nReport of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1883-84, Pl. XVII.]\n\nIn Dr. Matthews's memoir (marked third, but described on p. 447 as the\nsecond picture), is a representation of the painting which the prophet was\nbelieved to have seen at the home of the bears in the Carrizo Mountains.\nThis is here reproduced as pl. 17. In the center of the figure is a bowl\nof water covered with black powder; the edge of the bowl is garnished with\nsunbeams, while outside of it and forming a rectangle are the four\n_ca'bitlol_ of sunbeam rafts on which seem to stand four gods, or \"yays,\"\nwith the plants under their special protection, which are painted the same\ncolor as the gods to which they belong. These plants are represented on\ntheir left hand, the hand being open and extended toward them. The body of\nthe eastern god is white, so is the stalk of corn at his left in the\nsoutheast; the body of the southern god is blue, so is the beanstalk\nbeside him in the southwest; the body of the western god is yellow, so is\nhis pumpkin vine in the northwest; the body of the north god is black, so\nis the tobacco plant in the northeast. Each of the sacred plants grows\nfrom five white roots in the central waters and spreads outward to the\nperiphery of the picture. The figures of the gods form a cross, the arms\nof which are directed to the four cardinal points; the plants form another\ncross, having a common center with the first, the arms extending to the\nintermediate points of the compass. The gods are shaped alike, but colored\ndifferently; they lie with their feet to the center and heads extended\noutward, one to each of the four cardinal points of the compass, the faces\nlook forward, the arms half extended on either side, the hands raised to a\nlevel with the shoulders. They wear around their loins skirts of red\nsunlight adorned with sunbeams. They have ear pendants, bracelets, and\narmlets, blue and red, representing turquoise and coral, the prehistoric\nand emblematic jewels of the Navajo Indians. Their forearms and legs are\nblack, showing in each a zigzag mark representing lightning on the black\nrain clouds. In the north god these colors are, for artistic reasons,\nreversed. The gods have, respectively, a rattle, a charm, and a basket,\neach attached to his right hand by strings. This basket, represented by\nconcentric lines with a Greek cross in the center, all of the proper color\ncorresponding with the god to whom each belongs, has extending from each\nof its quarters, arranged perpendicularly at right angles to each other,\nin the form of a cross, four white plumes of equal length, which at equal\ndistances from the center are bent, all to the left, and all of the same\nlength. Thus are formed in this chart four specimens of the Swastika, with\nthe cross and circle at the intersection of the arms. The plumes have a\nsmall black spot at the tip end of each.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 257. WAR SHIELD USED BY THE PIMA INDIANS. Ogee\nSwastika (tetraskelion) in three colors: (1) blue, (2) red, (3) white.\nCat. No. 27829, U. S. N. M.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 258. WAR SHIELD WITH OGEE SWASTIKA IN CENTER. Pima\nIndians. The hole near the lower arm of the Swastika was made by an arrow.\nProperty of Mr. F. W. Hodge.]\n\nDr. Matthews informs me that he has no knowledge of any peculiar meaning\nattributed by these Indians to this Swastika symbol, and we know not\nwhether it is intended as a religious symbol, a charm of blessing, or good\nluck, or whether it is only an ornament. We do not know whether it has any\nhidden, mysterious, or symbolic meaning; but there it is, a prehistoric or\nOriental Swastika in all its purity and simplicity, appearing in one of\nthe mystic ceremonies of the aborigines in the great American desert in\nthe interior of the North American Continent.\n\n_The Pimas._--The U. S. National Museum possesses a shield (Cat. No.\n27829) of bull hide, made by the Pima Indians. It is about 20 inches in\ndiameter, and bears upon its face an ogee Swastika (tetraskelion), the\nends bent to the right. The body and each arm is divided longitudinally\ninto three stripes or bands indicated by colors, blue, red, and white,\narranged alternately. The exterior part of the shield has a white ground,\nwhile the interior or center has a blue ground. This shield (fig. 257) is\nalmost an exact reproduction of the Swastika from Mycen\u00e6 (fig. 161), from\nIreland (fig. 216), and from Scandinavia (figs. 209 and 210). Fig. 258\nshows another Pima shield of the same type. Its Swastika is, however,\npainted with a single color or possibly a mixture of two, red and white.\nIt is ogee, and the ends bend to the left. This shield is the property of\nMr. F. W. Hodge, of the Bureau of Ethnology. He obtained it from a Pima\nIndian in Arizona, who assured him that the hole at the end of the lower\narm of the Swastika was made by an arrow shot at him by an Indian enemy.\n\nCOLONIAL PATCHWORK.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 259. COLONIAL PATCHWORK WITH FIGURES RESEMBLING\nSWASTIKAS. Scribner's Magazine, September, 1894.]\n\nIn Scribner's Magazine for September, 1894, under the title of \"Tapestry\nin the New World,\" one of our popular writers has described, with many\nillustrations, the bedquilt patterns of our grandmothers' time. One of\nthese she interprets as the Swastika. This is, however, believed to be\nforced. The pattern in question is made of patches in the form of\nrhomboids and right-angled triangles sewed and grouped somewhat in the\nform of the Swastika (fig. 259). It is an invented combination of\npatchwork which formed a new pattern, and while it bears a slight\nresemblance to the Swastika, lacks its essential elements. It was not a\nsymbol, and represents no idea beyond that of a pretty pattern. It stood\nfor nothing sacred, nor for benediction, blessing, nor good luck. It was\nbut an ornamental pattern which fortuitously had the resemblance of\nSwastika. It was not even in the form of a cross. The difference between\nit and the Swastika is about the same there would be between the idle and\nthoughtless boy who sporadically draws the cross on his slate, meaning\nnothing by it, or at most only to make an ornament, and the devout\nChristian who makes the same sign on entering the church, or the Indian\nwho thus represents the four winds of heaven. He who made the Swastika\nrecognizes an occult power for good and against evil, and he thereby\ninvokes the power to secure prosperity. She who made the quilt pattern\napparently knew nothing of the old-time Swastika, and was not endeavoring\nto reproduce it or anything like it. She only sought to make such an\narrangement of rhomboidal and triangular quilt patches as would produce a\nnew ornamental pattern.\n\n\nCENTRAL AMERICA.\n\nNICARAGUA.\n\nThe specimen shown in fig. 260 (Cat. No. 23726, U. S. N. M.) is a\nfragment, the foot of a large stone metate from Zapatero, Granada,\nNicaragua. The metate was chiseled or pecked out of the solid. A sunken\npanel is surrounded by moldings, in the center of which appears, from its\noutline, also by raised moldings, a figure, the outline of which is a\nGreek cross, but whose exterior is a Swastika. Its form as such is\nperfect, except that one bent arm is separated from its stem by a shallow\ngroove.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 260. FRAGMENT OF THE FOOT OF A STONE METATE WITH\nFIGURE OF SWASTIKA. Nicaragua. Cat. No. 23726, U. S. N. M.]\n\n\"The Cross, Ancient and Modern,\" by W. W. Blake, shows, in its fig. 57, a\nSwastika pure and simple, and is cited by its author as representing a\ncross found by Squier in Central America. The Mexican enthusiast, Orozco y\nPerra, claims at first glance that it shows Buddhist origin, but I have\nnot been able as yet to verify the quotation.\n\nYUCATAN.\n\nDr. Schliemann reports, in the Ethnological Museum at Berlin, a pottery\nbowl from Yucatan ornamented with a Swastika, the two main arms crossing\nat right angles, and he adds,[263] citing Le Plongeon, \"Fouilles au\nYucatan,\" that \"during the last excavations in Yucatan this sign was found\nseveral times on ancient pottery.\"\n\nLe Plongeon discovered a fragment of a stone slab in the ancient Maya city\nof Mayapan, of which he published a description in the Proceedings of the\nAmerican Antiquarian Society. It contains an ogee Swastika (tetraskelion),\nwith ends curved to the left and an inverted [U] with a wheel (fig. 261).\nLe Plongeon believed it to be an Egyptian inscription, which he translated\nthus: The character, inverted [U], stood for _Ch_ or _K_; the wheel for\nthe sun, _Aa_ or _Ra_, and the Swastika for _Ch_ or _K_, making the whole\nto be _Chach_ or _Kak_, which, he says, is the word _fire_ in the Maya\nlanguage.[264]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 261. FRAGMENT OF STONE SLAB FROM THE ANCIENT MAYA CITY\nOF MAYAPAN. Ogee Swastika (tetraskelion). Proceedings of the American\nAntiquarian Society, April 21, 1881.]\n\nCOSTA RICA.\n\nA fragment of a metate (Cat. No. 9693, U. S. N. M.) found on Lempa River,\nCosta Rica, by Capt. J. M. Dow, has on its bottom a Swastika similar to\nthat on the metate from Nicaragua. Specimen No. 59182, U. S. M. N., is a\nfragment of a pottery vase from Las Huacas, Costa Rica, collected by Dr.\nJ. F. Bransford. It is natural maroon body color, decorated with black\npaint. A band two inches wide is around the belly of the vase divided into\npanels of solid black alternated with fanciful geometric figures, crosses,\ncircles, etc. One of these panels contains a partial Swastika figure. The\ntwo main arms cross at right angles in Greek form. It is a partial\nSwastika in that, while the two perpendicular arms bend at right angles,\nturning six times to the right; the two horizontal arms are solid black in\ncolor, as though the lines and spaces had run together.\n\n\nSOUTH AMERICA.\n\nBRAZIL.\n\nThe leaden idol (fig. 125) (Artemis Nana[265] of Chaldea, Sayce;\nstatuettes of the Cyclades, Lenormant) found by Dr. Schliemann in the\nthird, the burnt city of Hissarlik, Troy, was described (p. 829) with its\nSwastika on the triangular shield covering the pudendum, with the\nstatement that it would be recalled in the chapter on Brazil.\n\nThe aboriginal women of Brazil wore a triangular shield or plaque over\ntheir private parts. These shields are made of terra cotta, quite thin,\nthe edges rounded, and the whole piece rubbed smooth and polished. It is\nsupported in place by cords around the body, which are attached by small\nholes in each angle of the triangle. The U. S. National Museum possesses\nseveral of these plaques from Brazil, and several were shown at the\nChicago Exposition.\n\nThe consideration of the leaden idol of Hissarlik, with a Swastika, as\nthough for good luck, recalled to the author similar plaques in his\ndepartment from Brazil. Some are of common yellow ware, others were finer,\nwere colored red and rubbed smooth and hard, but were without decoration.\nThe specimen shown in pl. 18 (upper figure) was from Marajo, Brazil,\ncollected by Mr. E. M. Brigham. It is of light gray, slip washed, and\ndecorated with pale red or yellow paint in bands, lines, parallels,\ngeometric figures. The specimen shown in the lower figure of the same\nplate, from the Caneotires River, Brazil, was collected by Prof. J. B.\nSteere. The body color, clay, and the decoration paint are much the same\nas the former. The ornamentation is principally by two light lines laid\nparallel and close so as to form a single line, and is of the same\ngeometric character as the incised decoration ornament on other pieces\nfrom Marajo Island. Midway from top to bottom, near the outside edges, are\ntwo Swastikas. They are about five-eighths of an inch in size, are turned\nat right angles, one to the right and the other to the left. These may\nhave been a charm signifying good fortune in bearing children. (See pp.\n830-832.)\n\nThese specimens were submitted by the author to the Brazilian minister,\nSe\u00f1or Mendon\u00e7a, himself an arch\u00e6ologist and philologist of no small\ncapacity, who recognized these objects as in use in ancient times among\nthe aborigines of his country. The name by which they are known in the\naboriginal language is _Tambeao_ or _Tamatiatang_, according to the\ndialects of different provinces. The later dialect name for apron is\nreported as _tunga_, and the minister makes two remarks having a possible\nbearing on the migration of the race: (1) The similarity of _tunga_ with\nthe last syllable of the longer word, _atang_, and (2) that _tunga_ is\nessentially an African word from the west coast. Whether this piece of\ndress so thoroughly savage, with a possible ceremonial meaning relating to\nsex or condition, with its wonderful similarity of names, might not have\nmigrated in time of antiquity from the west coast of Africa to the\npromontory of Brazil on the east coast of America where the passage is\nnarrowest, is one of those conundrums which the prehistoric anthropologist\nis constantly encountering and which he is usually unable to solve.\n\nThe purpose of these objects, beyond covering the private parts of the\nfemale sex, is not known. They may have been ceremonial, relating, under\ncertain circumstances, to particular conditions of the sex, or they may\nhave been only variations of the somewhat similar covers used by the male\naborigine. They bear some resemblance to the _Ceintures de Chastet\u00e9_,\nspecimens of which are privately shown at the Mus\u00e9e de Cluny at Paris.\nThese are said to have been invented by Fran\u00e7oise de Carara, viguier\nimperial (provost) of Padua, Italy, near the end of the fourteenth\ncentury. He applied it to all the women of his seraglio. He was beheaded\nA. D. 1405, by a decree of the Senate of Venice, for his many acts of\ncruelty. The palace of St. Mark contained for a long time a box or case of\nthese ceintures with their locks attached, which were represented as\n_des pieces de conviction_ of this monster.[266] Voltaire describes his\nhero \"_qui tient sous la clef, la vertu de sa femme_.\"\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 18. FOLIUM VITUS (\"FIG LEAVES\"). Terra-cotta covers,\n\"tunga.\" Aborigines of Brazil. Cat. Nos. 59089 and 36542, U. S. N. M.]\n\n[Illustration: MAP SHOWING DISTRIBUTION OF THE SWASTIKA.]\n\nPARAGUAY.\n\nDr. Schliemann reports that a traveler of the Berlin Ethnological Museum\nobtained a pumpkin bottle from the tribe of Lenguas in Paraguay which bore\nthe imprint of the Swastika scratched upon its surface, and that he had\nrecently sent it to the Royal Museum at Berlin.\n\n\n\n\nIII.--FORMS ALLIED TO THE SWASTIKA.\n\n\nMEANDERS, OGEES, AND SPIRALS, BENT TO THE LEFT AS WELL AS TO THE RIGHT.\n\nThere are certain forms related to the normal Swastika and greatly\nresembling it--meanders, ogees, the triskelion, tetraskelion, and five and\nsix armed spirals or volutes. This has been mentioned above (page 768),\nand some of the varieties are shown in fig. 13. These related forms have\nbeen found in considerable numbers in America, and this investigation\nwould be incomplete if they were omitted. It has been argued (p. 839) that\nthe Swastika was not evolved from the meander, and this need not be\nreargued.\n\nThe cross with the arms bent or twisted in a spiral is one of these\nrelated forms. It is certain that in ancient, if not prehistoric, times\nthe cross with extended spiral arms was frequently employed. This form\nappeared in intimate association with the square Swastikas which were\nturned indifferently to the right and left. This association of different\nyet related forms was so intimate, and they were used so indiscriminately\nas to justify the contention that the maker or designer recognized or\nadmitted no perceptible or substantial difference between the square and\nspiral forms, whether they turned to the right or left, or whether they\nmade a single or many turns, and that he classed them as the same sign or\nits equivalent. A Greek vase (fig. 174) shows five Swastikas, four of\nwhich are of different form (fig. 262). Curiously enough, the design of\nthis Greek vase is painted maroon on a yellow ground, the style generally\nadopted in the vases from the mounds of Missouri and Arkansas, which\nmostly represent the spiral Swastika.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 262. DIFFERENT FORMS OF SWASTIKA FOR COMPARISON.]\n\nIn Ireland a standing stone (fig. 215) has two forms of Swastika side by\nside. In one the arms are bent square at the corners, the other has curved\nor spiral arms, both turned to the right. These examples are so numerous\nthat they would seem convincing in the absence of any other evidence\n(figs. 166 to 176).\n\nABORIGINAL AMERICAN ENGRAVINGS AND PAINTINGS.\n\nThese allied forms of Swastika appear on prehistoric objects from mounds\nand Indian graves in different parts of the country and in times of high\nantiquity as well as among modern tribes. This paper contains the results\nof the investigations in this direction.\n\nDESIGNS ON SHELL.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 263. SHELL GORGET. Cross, circle, sun's rays(?), and\nheads of four ivory-billed woodpeckers(?) arranged to form a Swastika.\nMississippi.]\n\nThe Department of Prehistoric Anthropology in the U. S. National Museum,\ncontains a considerable number of large shells of aboriginal workmanship.\nThe shell most employed was that of the genus _Fulgur_, a marine shell\nfound on the coast from Florida to the capes. The _Unio_ was employed, as\nwell as others. These marine shells were transported long distances\ninland. They have been found in mounds and Indian graves a thousand miles\nfrom their original habitat. They served as utensils as well as ornaments.\nIn many specimens the whorl was cut out, the shells otherwise left entire,\nand they served as vessels for holding or carrying liquids. When intended\nfor ornaments, they were cut into the desired form and engraved with the\ndesign; if to be used as gorgets, holes were drilled for suspension.\nFrequently they were smoothed on the outside and the design engraved\nthereon. The preference of the aborigines for the _Fulgur_ shell may have\nbeen by reason of its larger size. Among the patterns employed for the\ndecoration of these shells, the Swastika, in the form of spirals, volutes,\nor otherwise, appeared, although many others, such as the rattlesnake,\nbirds, spiders, and human masks were employed. No detailed description of\nthe patterns of this shellwork will be attempted, because figures will be\nrequired to give the needed information for the interpretation of the\nSwastika. Many of the cuts and some of the descriptions are taken from the\nannual reports of the Bureau of Ethnology and, so far as relates to shell,\nmostly from Mr. Holmes's paper on \"Art in Shell of the Ancient Americans.\"\nI desire to express my thanks for all cuts obtained from the Bureau\npublications.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 264. SHELL GORGET FROM TENNESSEE. Square figure with\nornamental corners and heads of ivory-billed woodpecker arranged to form a\nfigure resembling the Swastika.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 265. SHELL GORGET FROM TENNESSEE. Square figure with\nornamental corners and heads of ivory-billed woodpecker arranged to form a\nfigure resembling the Swastika.]\n\n_Ivory-billed woodpecker._--A series of gorgets in shell have been found\nornamented with designs resembling the Swastika, which should be noticed.\nThey combine the square and the cross, while the head and bill of the\nbird form the _gamma_ indicative of the Swastika. Fig. 263, taken from the\nSecond Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1880-81 (pl. 58), shows\none of these shell gorgets from Mississippi, which \"was, in all\nprobability, obtained from one of the multitude of ancient sepulchres that\nabound in the State of Mississippi.\" The design is engraved on the convex\nside, the perforations are placed near the margin, and show much wear by\nthe cord of suspension. In the center is a nearly symmetrical Greek cross\ninclosed in a circle of 1-1/4 inches. The spaces between the arms are\nemblazoned with radiating lines. Outside this circle are twelve small\npointed or pyramidal rays. A square framework of four continuous parallel\nlines looped at the corners incloses this symbol; projecting from the\ncenter of each side of this square, opposite the arms of the cross, are\nfour heads of birds representing the ivory-billed woodpecker, the heron,\nor the swan. The long, slender, and straight mandibles give the Swastika\nform to the object. Mr. Holmes says (p. 282) that he has been able to find\nsix of these specimens, all of the type described, varying only in detail,\nworkmanship, and finish.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 266. SHELL GORGET FROM TENNESSEE. Square figure with\nornamental corners and heads of ivory-billed woodpecker arranged to form a\nfigure resembling the Swastika.]\n\nFigs. 264, 265, and 266,[267] represent three of these shell gorgets. The\nfirst was obtained by Professor Putnam from a stone grave, Cumberland\nRiver, Tennessee. It is about 2-1/2 inches in diameter and, like the\nformer, it has a Greek cross in the center. The second was obtained by Mr.\nCross from a stone grave near Nashville, Tenn. The third is from a stone\ngrave near Oldtown, Tenn. All these have been drilled for suspension and\nare much worn.\n\n_The triskele, triskelion, or triquetrum._--These are Greek and Latin\nterms for the spiral volute with three branches or arms. The coins of\nLycia were in this form, made originally by the junction of three cocks'\nheads and necks. The armorial bearings of the island of Sicily, in ancient\ntimes, consisted of three human legs joined at the thigh and flexed,\nsometimes booted and spurred (p. 873).\n\nAboriginal shell gorgets have been found in the mounds of Tennessee and\nthe adjoining country, which were engraved with this design, though always\nin spiral form. There seems to have been no distinction in the direction\nof the volutes, they turning indifferently to the right or to the left.\nBecause of their possible relation to the Swastika it has been deemed\nproper to introduce them.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 267. SCALLOPED SHELL DISK (FULGUR) FROM A MOUND NEAR\nNASHVILLE, TENN. Three spiral volutes (triskelion).]\n\nFig. 267[268] shows a _Fulgur_ shell specimen obtained by Major Powell\nfrom a mound near Nashville, Tenn. It was found near the head of a\nskeleton. Its substance is well preserved; the surface was once highly\npolished, but now is pitted by erosion and discolored by age. The design\nis engraved on the concave surface as usual, and the lines are accurately\ndrawn and clearly cut. The central circle is three-eighths of an inch in\ndiameter and is surrounded by a zone one-half an inch in width, which\ncontains a triskelion or triquetrum of three voluted lines beginning near\nthe center of the shell on the circumference of the inner circle of three\nsmall equidistant perforations, and sweeping outward spirally to the left\nas shown in the figure, making upward of half a revolution. These lines\nare somewhat wider and more deeply engraved than the other lines of the\ndesign. In some specimens they are so deeply cut as to penetrate the disk,\nproducing crescent-shaped perforations. Two medium-sized perforations for\nsuspension have been made near the inner margin of one of the bosses next\nthe dotted zone; these show abrasion by the cord of suspension. These\nperforations, as well as the three near the center, have been bored mainly\nfrom the convex side of the disk.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 268. SCALLOPED SHELL DISK FROM A MOUND NEAR NASHVILLE,\nTENN. Circles and dots and four spiral volutes (tetraskelion).]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 269. SHELL DISK FROM BRAKEBILL MOUND, NEAR KNOXVILLE,\nTENN. Dot and circle in center and ogee Swastika (tetraskelion) marked but\nnot completed.]\n\n[Illustration: Figs. 270 and 271. ENGRAVED SHELL DISK. Obverse and\nreverse. Three-armed volute (triskelion).]\n\nFig. 268[269] represents a well-preserved disk with four volute arms\nforming the tetraskelion, and thus allied to the Swastika. The volutes (to\nthe right) are deeply cut and for about one-third their length penetrate\nthe shell, producing four crescent-shaped perforations which show on the\nopposite side. This specimen is from a stone grave near Nashville, Tenn.,\nand the original is in the Peabody Museum. Fig. 269[270] shows a specimen\nfrom the Brakebill mound, near Knoxville, Tenn. It has a dot in the\ncenter, with a circle five-eighths of an inch in diameter. There are four\nvolute arms which start from the opposite sides of this circle, and in\ntheir spiral form extend to the right across the field, increasing in size\nas they approach the periphery. This is an interesting specimen of the\ntetraskelion or spiral Swastika, in that it is unfinished, the outline\nhaving been cut in the shell sufficient to indicate the form, but not\nperfected. Figs. 270 and 271 show obverse and reverse sides of the same\nshell. It comes from one of the stone graves of Tennessee, and is thus\ndescribed by Dr. Joseph Jones, of New Orleans,[271] as a specimen of the\ndeposit and original condition of these objects:\n\n In a carefully constructed stone sarcophagus in which the face of the\n skeleton was looking toward the setting sun, a beautiful shell\n ornament was found resting upon the breastbone of the skeleton. This\n shell ornament is 4.4 inches in diameter, and it is ornamented on its\n concave surface with a small circle in the center and four concentric\n bands, differently figured, in relief. The first band is filled up by\n a triple volute; the second is plain, while the third is dotted and\n has nine small round bosses carved at unequal distances upon it. The\n outer band is made up of fourteen small elliptical bosses, the outer\n edges of which give to the object a scalloped rim. This ornament, on\n its concave figured surface, has been covered with red paint, much of\n which is still visible. The convex smooth surface is highly polished\n and plain, with the exception of the three concentric marks. The\n material out of which it is formed was evidently derived from a large\n flat seashell. * * * The form of the circles or \"suns\" carved upon the\n concave surface is similar to that of the paintings on the high rocky\n cliffs on the banks of the Cumberland and Harpeth rivers. * * * This\n ornament when found lay upon the breastbone with the concave surface\n uppermost, as if it had been worn in this position suspended around\n the neck, as the two holes for the thong or string were in that\n portion of the border which pointed directly to the chin or central\n portion of the jaw of the skeleton. The marks of the thong by which it\n was suspended are manifest upon both the anterior and posterior\n surfaces, and, in addition to this, the paint is worn off from the\n circular space bounded below by the two holes.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 272. ENGRAVED SHELL DISK. Tennessee. Three-armed\nvolute (triskelion).]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 273. ENGRAVED SHELL DISK. Tennessee. Three-armed\nvolute (triskelion).]\n\nFig. 271 represents the back or convex side of the disk shown in fig. 270.\nThe long curved lines indicate the laminations of the shell, and the three\ncrescent-shaped figures near the center are perforations resulting from\nthe deep engraving of the three lines of the volute on the concave side.\nThe stone grave in which this ornament was found occupied the summit of a\nmound on the banks of the Cumberland River, opposite Nashville, Tenn.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 274. ENGRAVED SHELL DISK. Tennessee. Three-armed\nvolute (triskelion).]\n\nFigs. 272, 273, and 274 are other representations of shell carved in\nspirals, and may have greater or less relation to the Swastika.[272] They\nare inserted for comparison and without any expression of opinion. They\nare drawn in outline, and the spiral form is thus more easily seen.\n\nMr. Holmes[273] makes some observations upon these designs and gives his\ntheory concerning their use:\n\n I do not assume to interpret these designs; they are not to be\n interpreted. All I desire is to elevate these works from the category\n of trinkets to what I believe is their rightful place--the serious art\n of a people with great capacity for loftier works. What the gorgets\n themselves were, or of what particular value to their possessor, aside\n from simple ornaments, must be, in a measure, a matter of conjecture.\n They were hardly less than the totems of clans, the insignia of\n rulers, or the potent charms of the priesthood.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 275. ENGRAVED SHELL GORGET. Figure representing a\nspider; circles and Greek crosses.]\n\n_The spider._--The spider was represented on the shell gorgets. Figs. 275\nto 278[274] present four of these gorgets, of which figs. 275 to 277\ndisplay the Greek cross in the center, surrounded by two concentric\nincised lines forming a circle which is the body of a spider. Fig. 276\nshows the same spider and circle, and inside of it a cross much\nresembling the Swastika, in that the arms are turned at their extremities\nto the right and form, in an inchoate manner, the gamma. Fig. 278\nrepresents the shell with the spider, and, though it contains no cross nor\nsemblance of the Swastika, derives its value from having been taken from\nthe same mound on Fains Island, Tennessee, as was the true Swastika. (See\nfig. 237.)\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 276. ENGRAVED SHELL GORGET.]\n\n_The rattlesnake._--The rattlesnake was a favorite design on these\ngorgets, affording, as it did, an opportunity for the aborigines to make a\ndisplay of elegance of design, and of accuracy and fineness in execution.\nFig. 279 is a specimen in which the snake is represented coiled, the head\nin the center, the mouth [V]-shaped in strong lines, the body in volute\nfashion; on the outside of the circle the tail is shown by its rattle.\nThis specimen is represented three-fourths size, and comes from McMahon\nmound, Tennessee. Four others of similar design are also from Tennessee\nand the adjoining States, but the locality is more restricted than is the\ncase with other shell disk ornaments.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 277. ENGRAVED SHELL GORGET.]\n\n_The human face and form._--These were also carved and wrought upon shells\nin the same general locality. The engraving is always on the convex side\nof the shell which has been reduced to a pear-shaped form.[275]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 278. ENGRAVED SHELL GORGET. Fains Island, Tennessee.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 279. ENGRAVED SHELL GORGET REPRESENTING A RATTLESNAKE.\nMcMahon Mound, Tennessee. Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology,\npl. LXIII.]\n\n[Illustration: Figs. 280 and 281. ENGRAVED SHELLS WITH REPRESENTATIONS OF\nTHE HUMAN FACE. McMahon Mound, Tennessee. Second Annual Report of the\nBureau of Ethnology, pl. LXIX.]\n\n[Illustration: Figs. 282 and 283. ENGRAVED SHELLS WITH REPRESENTATIONS OF\nTHE HUMAN FACE. Tennessee. Second Annual Report of the Bureau of\nEthnology, pl. LXIX.]\n\n[Illustration: Figs. 284 and 285. ENGRAVED SHELLS WITH REPRESENTATIONS OF\nTHE HUMAN FACE. Virginia. Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology,\npl. LXIX.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 286. ENGRAVED SHELL WITH REPRESENTATION OF A HUMAN\nFIGURE. McMahon Mound, Tennessee. Second Annual Report of the Bureau of\nEthnology, pl. LXXI.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 287. ENGRAVED SHELL WITH REPRESENTATION OF A HUMAN\nFIGURE. Tennessee. Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pl.\nLXXII.]\n\nThese human faces and forms (figs. 280-288), as well as the others, belong\nto the mound builders, and are found with their remains in the mounds. The\nfigures are inserted, as is the rattlesnake, for comparison with the shell\ndesigns and work shown in the Buddha figure (pl. 10) and its associates.\nSlight inspection will show two styles, differing materially. To decide\nwhich was foreign and which domestic, which was imported and which\nindigenous, would be to decide the entire question of migration, and if\ndone off-hand, would be presumptuous. To make a satisfactory decision will\nrequire a marshaling and consideration of evidence which belongs to the\nfuture. The specimens shown in figs. 280 to 285 are from Tennessee and\nVirginia. They are all masks, bearing representations of the human face.\nThe first two are from the McMahon mound, Tennessee; that in fig. 282 from\nBrakebill mound, Tennessee, and that represented in fig. 283 from Lick\nCreek mound, Tennessee. The shell shown in fig. 284 is from Aquia Creek,\nVirginia, and that in fig. 285 is from a mound in Ely County, Va. The\nworkmanship on these has no resemblance to that on the Buddha figure (pl.\n10), nor does its style compare in any manner therewith.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 288. ENGRAVED SHELL GORGET WITH REPRESENTATION OF A\nHUMAN FIGURE. Missouri. Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology,\npl. LXXIII.]\n\nOn the contrary, figs. 286 to 288, representing sketches (unfinished) of\nthe human figure, from mounds in Tennessee and Missouri, have some\nresemblance in style of work, though not in design, to that of the Buddha\nand Swastika figures. The first step in execution, after the drawing by\nincised lines, seems to have been to drill holes through the shell at each\ncorner and intersection. The work on the specimen shown in fig. 286 has\nprogressed further than that on the specimens shown in figs. 287 and 288.\nIt has twenty-eight holes drilled, all at corners or intersections. This\nis similar to the procedure in the Buddha statue (pl. 10). In fig. 287 the\nholes have not been drilled, but each member of the figure has been marked\nout and indicated by dots in the center, and circles or half circles\nincised around them in precisely the same manner as in both Swastikas\n(figs. 237 and 238), while fig. 288 continues the resemblance in style of\ndrawing. It has the same peculiar garters or bracelets as the Buddha, the\nhand is the same as in the fighting figures (fig. 239), and the implement\nhe holds resembles closely those in the copper figures (figs. 240 and\n241).\n\nDESIGNS ON POTTERY.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 289. POTTERY VESSEL. Four-armed volute, ogee Swastika\n(tetraskelion). Arkansas. 1/3 natural size.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 290. POTTERY VESSEL. Four volutes resembling Swastika.\nPecan Point, Ark. 1/3 natural size.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 291. POTTERY VESSEL MADE IN THE FORM OF AN ANIMAL.\nSpiral volutes, nine arms. Pecan Point, Ark. 1/3 natural size.]\n\nSpiral-volute designs resembling the Swastika in general effect are found\non aboriginal mound pottery from the Mississippi Valley. The Fourth Annual\nReport of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1882-83,[276] shows many of these. Fig.\n289 represents a teapot-shaped vessel from Arkansas, on the side of which,\nin incised lines, is shown the small circle which we saw on the shell\ndisks, and springing from the four opposite sides are three incised lines,\ntwisting spirally to the right, forming the four volutes of the Swastika\n(tetraskelion) and covering the entire side of the vessel. The same spiral\nform of the Swastika is given in fig. 290, a vessel of eccentric shape\nfrom Pecan Point, Ark. The decoration is in the form of two lines crossing\neach other and each arm then twisting to the right, forming volutes, the\nincised lines of which, though drawn close together and at equal\ndistances, gradually expand until the ornament covers the entire side of\nthe vase. It is questionable whether this or any of its kindred were ever\nintended to represent either the Swastika or any other specific form of\nthe cross. One evidence of this is that these ornaments shade off\nindefinitely until they arrive at a form which was surely not intended to\nrepresent any form of the cross, whether Swastika or not. The line of\nseparation is not now suggested by the author. An elaboration of the\npreceding forms, both of the vessel and its ornamentation, is shown by the\nvessel represented in fig. 291, which is fashioned to represent some\ngrotesque beast with horns, expanding nostrils, and grinning mouth, yet\nwhich might serve as a teapot as well as the former two vessels. The\ndecoration upon its side has six incised lines crossing each other in the\ncenter and expanding in volutes until they cover the entire side of the\nvessel, as in the other specimens. Fig. 292 shows a pot from Arkansas. Its\nbody is decorated with incised lines arranged in much the same form as\nfig. 291, except that the lines make no attempt to form a cross. There are\nnine arms which spring from the central point and twist spirally about as\nvolutes until they cover the field, which is one-third the body of the\nbowl. Two other designs of the same kind complete the circuit of the pot\nand form the decoration all around. Fig. 293[277] represents these volutes\nin incised lines of considerable fineness, close together, and in great\nnumbers, forming a decoration on each of the sides of the vase, separated\nby three nearly perpendicular lines.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 292. POTTERY BOWL ORNAMENTED WITH MANY-ARMED VOLUTES.\nArkansas. 1/3 natural size.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 293. POTTERY VASE ORNAMENTED WITH VOLUTES. Arkansas.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 294. TRIPOD POTTERY VASE. Four-armed volutes making\nspiral Swastika. Arkansas. 1/3 natural size.]\n\nThe spiral Swastika form appears painted upon the pottery from Arkansas.\nThe specimen shown in fig. 294[278] is a tripod bottle. The decoration\nupon the side of the body consists of two lines forming the cross, and the\nfour arms expand in volutes until the ornament covers one-third of the\nvessel, which, with the other two similar ornaments, extend around the\ncircumference. This decoration is painted in red and white colors on a\ngray or yellowish ground. Fig. 295 shows a bowl from mound No. 2, Thorn's\nfarm, Taylor Shanty group, Mark Tree, Poinsett County, Ark. It is ten\ninches wide and six inches high. The clay of which it is made forms the\nbody color--light gray. It has been painted red or maroon on the outside\nwithout any decoration, while on the inside is painted with the same color\na five-armed cross, spirally arranged in volutes turning to the right. The\ncenter of the cross is at the bottom of the bowl, and the painted spiral\nlines extend over the bottom and up the sides to the rim of the bowl, the\ninterior being entirely covered with the design. Another example of the\nsame style of decoration is seen on the upper surface of an ancient vase\nfrom the province of Cibola.[279]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 295. POTTERY BOWL WITH FIVE-ARMED SPIRAL SWASTIKA ON\nTHE BOTTOM. Poinsett County, Ark. Cat. No. 114035, U. S. N. M.]\n\nThe specimen shown in fig. 296 is from the mound at Arkansas Post, in the\ncounty and State of Arkansas.[280] It represents a vase of black ware,\npainted a yellowish ground, with a red spiral scroll. Its diameter is\n5-1/2 inches. These spiral figures are not uncommon in the localities\nheretofore indicated as showing the normal Swastika. Figs. 297 and\n298[281] show parallel incised lines of the same style as those forming\nthe square in the bird gorgets already noted (figs. 263-267). Fig. 297\nshows a bowl nine inches in diameter; its rim is ornamented with the heart\nand tail of a conventional bird, which probably served as handles. On the\noutside, just below the rim, are the four incised parallel lines\nmentioned. In the center of the side is represented a rolling under or\ntwisting of the lines, as though it represented a ribbon. There are three\non each quarter of the bowl, that next the head being plain. Fig. 298\nrepresents a bottle 6-1/2 inches in diameter, with parallel incised lines,\nthree in number, with the same twisting or folding of the ribbon-like\ndecoration. This twists to the left, while that of fig. 297 twists in the\nopposite direction. Both specimens are from the vicinity of Charleston,\nMo.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 296. VESSEL OF BLACK WARE. Spiral scroll. Arkansas.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 297. BIRD-SHAPED POTTERY BOWL. Three parallel incised\nlines with ribbon fold. Charleston, Mo.]\n\nDESIGNS ON BASKETRY.\n\nThe volute form is particularly adapted to the decoration of basketry, of\nwhich fig. 299 is a specimen. These motifs were favorites with the Pueblo\nIndians of New Mexico and Arizona.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 298. POTTERY BOWL. Three parallel incised lines with\nribbon fold. Charleston, Mo.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 299. BASKETWORK WITH MANY-ARMED VOLUTES. Fourth Annual\nReport of the Bureau of Ethnology, fig. 485.]\n\n\n\n\nIV.--THE CROSS AMONG THE AMERICAN INDIANS.\n\n\nDIFFERENT FORMS.\n\nThe foregoing specimens are sufficient evidence of the existence of the\nSwastika among the aboriginal North Americans during the mound-building\nperiod, and although there may be other specimens of the Swastika to be\nreported, yet we might properly continue this investigation for the\npurpose of determining if there be any related forms of the cross among\nthe same peoples. This is done without any argument as to the use of these\ndesigns beyond that attributed to them. The illustrations and descriptions\nare mainly collected from objects in and reports of the U. S. National\nMuseum and the Bureau of Ethnology.\n\nTHE CROSS ON OBJECTS OF SHELL AND COPPER.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 300. ENGRAVED SHELL GORGET. Greek cross with incised\nlines resembling a Swastika. Union County, Ill.]\n\nThe shell gorget presented in fig. 300 belongs to the collection of Mr. F.\nM. Perrine, and was obtained from a mound in Union County, Ill. It is a\nlittle more than three inches in diameter and has been ground to a uniform\nthickness of about one-twelfth of an inch. The surfaces are smooth and the\nmargin carefully rounded and polished. Near the upper edge are two\nperforations, both well worn with cord-marks indicating suspension. The\ncross in the center of the concave face of the disk is quite simple and is\nmade by four triangular perforations which separate the arms. The face of\nthe cross is ornamented with six carelessly drawn incised lines\ninterlacing in the center as shown in the figure, three extending along\nthe arm to the right and three passing down the lower arm to the inclosing\nline. Nothing has been learned of the character of the interments with\nwhich this specimen was associated.[282] The incised lines of the specimen\nindicate the possible intention of the artist to make the Swastika. The\ndesign is evidently a cross and apparently unfinished.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 301. ENGRAVED SHELL GORGET. Greek cross. Charleston,\nMo. Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pl. LI, fig. 2.]\n\nThe National Museum possesses a large shell cross (fig. 301) which, while\nquite plain as a cross, has been much damaged, the rim that formerly\nencircled it, as in the foregoing figure, having been broken away and\nlost. The perforations are still in evidence. The specimen is much\ndecayed and came to the National Museum with a skull from a grave at\nCharleston, Mo.; beyond this there is no record. The specimen shown in\nfig. 302 is quoted as a \"typical example of the cross of the\nmound-builder.\" It was obtained from a mound on Lick Creek, Tennessee, and\nis in the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass. While an elaborate description\nis given of it and figures are mentioned as \"devices probably\nsignificant,\" and \"elementary or unfinished,\" and more of the same, yet\nnowhere is suggested any relationship to the Swastika, nor even the\npossibility of its existence in America.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 302. SHELL GORGET WITH ENGRAVING OF GREEK CROSS AND\nINCHOATE SWASTIKA. Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pl.\nLII, fig. 3.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 303. FRAGMENT OF COPPER DISK WITH GREEK CROSS IN INNER\nCIRCLE. Ohio. American Museum of Natural History, New York City. Second\nAnnual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pl. LII, fig. 4.]\n\nA large copper disk from an Ohio mound is represented in fig. 303. It is\nin the Natural History Museum of New York. It is eight inches in diameter,\nis very thin, and had suffered greatly from corrosion. A symmetrical\ncross, the arms of which are five inches in length, has been cut out of\nthe center. Two concentric lines have been impressed in the plate, one\nnear the margin and the other touching the ends of the cross. Fig. 304\nshows a shell gorget from a mound on Lick Creek, Tennessee. It is much\ncorroded and broken, yet it shows the cross plainly. There are sundry pits\nor dots made irregularly over the surface, some of which have perforated\nthe shell. Pl. 19 represents a recapitulation of specimens of crosses,\nthirteen in number, \"most of which have been obtained from the mounds or\nfrom ancient graves within the district occupied by the mound-builders.\nEight are engraved upon shell gorgets, one is cut in stone, three are\npainted upon pottery, and four are executed upon copper. With two\nexceptions, they are inclosed in circles, and hence are symmetrical Greek\ncrosses, the ends being rounded to conform to a circle.\"[283] Figs. 7 and\n9 of pl. 19 represent forms of the Latin cross, and are modern, having\ndoubtless been introduced by European priests. Figs. 10 to 13 are\nrepresentatives of the Swastika in some of its forms.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 19. VARIOUS FORMS OF CROSSES IN USE AMONG NORTH\nAMERICAN INDIANS, FROM GREEK CROSS TO SWASTIKA. Second Annual Report of\nthe Bureau of Ethnology, 1880-81, Pl. LIII.]\n\nEXPLANATION OF PLATE 19.\n\n 1 2 3\n 4 5\n 6\n 7 9\n 8\n 10 11 12 13\n\nVARIOUS FORMS OF CROSSES IN USE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS, FROM GREEK\nCROSS TO SWASTIKA.\n\n Fig. 1. GREEK CROSS.\n 2. GREEK CROSS.\n 3. CROSS ON COPPER.\n 4. CROSS ON SHELL.\n 5. GREEK CROSS.\n 6. GREEK CROSS.\n 7. LATIN CROSS (Copper).\n 8. GREEK CROSS.\n 9. LATIN CROSS (Copper).\n 10. SWASTIKA ON SHELL.\n 11. SWASTIKA ON SHELL.\n 12. SWASTIKA ON POTTERY.\n 13. SWASTIKA ON POTTERY.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 304. ENGRAVED SHELL DISK GORGET. Rude cross with many\ndots. Lick Creek, Tenn. Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology,\npl. 52, fig. 2.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 305. ENGRAVED SHELL WITH FIGURE OF GREEK CROSS.\nCaldwell County, N. C. Cat. No. 33169, U. S. N. M.]\n\nThe U. S. National Museum possesses a small shell ornament (fig. 305) in\nthe form of a cross, from Lenoir's burial place, Fort Defiance, Caldwell\nCounty, N. C., collected by Dr. Spainhour and Mr. Rogan, the latter being\nan employ\u00e9 of the Bureau of Ethnology. It is in the form of a Greek cross,\nthe four arms crossing at right angles and being of equal length. The arms\nare of the plain shell, while they are brought to view by the field being\ncross-hatched. The specimen has, unfortunately, been broken, and being\nfragile has been secured in a bed of plaster.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 306. ENGRAVED SHELL WITH THREE-ARMED CROSS\n(TRISKELION). Lick Creek, Tenn. Cat. No. 83170, U. S. N. M.]\n\nThis and the foregoing specimens have been introduced into this paper that\nthe facts of their existence may be presented for consideration, and to\naid in the determination whether the cross had any peculiar or particular\nmeaning. The questions involuntarily arise, Was it a symbol with a hidden\nmeaning, religious or otherwise; was it the totem of a clan, the insignia\nof a ruler, the charm of a priesthood, or did it, with all the associated\nshell engravings, belong to the category of trinkets? Those questions may\nbe partially answered in the section on the meanings given to the cross by\nthe North American Indians (p. 933).\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 307. DRILLED AND ENGRAVED SHELL OR \"RUNTEE.\" Dotted\nGreek cross and circle. Arizona.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 308. DRILLED AND ENGRAVED SHELL OR \"RUNTEE.\" Dots and\nrings forming circle and Greek cross. Ohio.]\n\nThere is also introduced, as bearing on the question, another shell\nornament (fig. 306), the style, design, and workmanship of which has such\nresemblance to the foregoing that if they had not been (as they were)\nfound together we would be compelled to admit their identity of origin,\nyet the latter specimen has but three arms instead of four. This might\ntake it out of the category of crosses as a symbol of any religion of\nwhich we have knowledge. Many of the art objects in shell heretofore cited\nwere more or less closely associated; they came from the same neighborhood\nand were the results of the same excavations, conducted by the same\nexcavators. In determining the culture status of their makers, they must\nbe taken together.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 309. DRILLED AND ENGRAVED SHELL OR \"RUNTEE.\" Dots and\nrings forming circle and Greek cross. New York.]\n\nWhen we consider the variety of the designs which were apparently without\nmeaning except for ornamentation, like the circles, meanders, zigzags,\nchevrons, herringbones, ogees, frets, etc., and the representations of\nanimals such as were used to decorate the pipes of the aborigines, not\nalone the bear, wolf, eagle, and others which might be a totem and\nrepresent a given clan, but others which, according to our knowledge and\nimagination, have never served for such a purpose, as the manatee, beaver,\nwildcat, heron, finch, sparrow, crow, raven, cormorant, duck, toucan,\ngoose, turkey, buzzard, cardinal, parroquet, conies, lizard; when we\nfurther consider that the cross, whether Greek, Latin, or Swastika form,\nis utterly unlike any known or possible totem of clan, insignia of ruler,\nor potent charm of priesthood; when we consider these things, why should\nwe feel ourselves compelled to accept those signs as symbols of a hidden\nmeaning, simply because religious sects in different parts of the world\nand at different epochs of history have chosen them or some of them to\nrepresent their peculiar religious ideas? This question covers much space\nin geography and in time, as well as on paper. It is not answered here,\nbecause no answer can be given which would be accepted as satisfactory,\nbut it may serve as a track or indication along which students and\nthinkers might pursue their investigations.\n\nThe U. S. National Museum possesses a necklace consisting of three shell\nornaments, interspersed at regular intervals with about fifty small\nporcelain beads (fig. 307).[284] It was obtained by Capt. George M.\nWhipple from the Indians of New Mexico. These shell ornaments are similar\nto objects described by Beverly in his work on the \"History of Virginia,\"\npage 145, as \"runtees\" and \"made of the conch shell; only the shape is\nflat as a cheese and drilled edgewise.\" It is to be remarked that on its\nface as well as on figs. 308 and 309[284] appears a cross of the Greek\nform indicated by these peculiar indentations or drillings inclosed in a\nsmall circle. The specimen shown in fig. 308 is from an ancient grave in\nUpper Sandusky, Ohio, and that shown in fig. 309 from an Indian cemetery\nat Onondaga, N. Y. Similar specimens have been found in the same\nlocalities.\n\nTHE CROSS ON POTTERY.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 310. POTTERY JAR WITH CROSSES, ENCIRCLING RAYS AND\nSCALLOPS. Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, fig. 188.]\n\nFig. 310 shows a small globular cup of dark ware from the vicinity of\nCharleston, Mo.; height, 2-1/2 inches; width, 3-1/2 inches. It has four\nlarge nodes or projections, and between them, painted red, are four\nornamental circles, the outside one of which is scalloped or rayed, while\nthe inside one bears the figure of a Greek cross. The specimen shown in\nfig. 311 (Cat. No. 47197, U. S. N. M.) is a medium-sized decorated olla\nwith scalloped margin, from New Mexico, collected by Colonel Stevenson. It\nhas two crosses--one Greek, the other Maltese--both inclosed in circles\nand forming centers of an elaborate, fanciful, shield-like decoration. In\nfig. 312 (Cat. No. 39518, U. S. N. M.) is shown a Cochiti painted water\nvessel, same collection, showing a Maltese cross.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 311. OLLA DECORATED WITH GREEK AND MALTESE CROSSES.\nSecond Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, fig. 708.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 312. POTTERY WATER VESSEL. Maltese cross. Second\nAnnual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, fig. 642.]\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 20. PALENQUE CROSS, FOLIATED. Smithsonian\nContributions to Knowledge, Vol. XXII, fig. 7.]\n\nDozens of other specimens are in the collections of the U. S. National\nMuseum which would serve to illustrate the extended and extensive use\nof the cross in great variety of forms, so that no argument as to either\nthe meaning or the extent of the cross can be based on the supposition\nthat these are the only specimens. Fig. 313 (Cat. No. 132975, U. S. N. M.)\nshows a vase from Mexico, about 8 inches high, of fine red ware, highly\npolished, with an elaborate decoration. Its interest here is the Maltese\ncross represented on each side, with a point and concentric circles, from\nthe outside of which are projecting rays. This may be the symbol of the\nsun, and if so, is shown in connection with the cross. This style of\ncross, with or without the sun symbol, is found in great numbers in\nMexico--as, for example, the great cross, pl. 20, from the temple at\nPalenque.[285]\n\n\nSYMBOLIC MEANINGS OF THE CROSS.\n\nIt would be an excellent thing to dissect and analyze the Swastika\nmaterial we have found; to generalize and deduce from it a possible theory\nas to the origin, spread, and meaning of the Swastika and its related\nforms, and endeavor, by examination of its associated works, to discover\nif these were religious symbols or charms or mere decorations; and,\nfollowing this, determine if possible whether the spread of these objects,\nwhatever their meaning, was the result of migration, contact, or\ncommunication. Were they the result of similar, but independent,\noperations of the human mind, or were they but duplicate inventions, the\nresult of parallelism in human thought? This investigation must\nnecessarily be theoretical and speculative. The most that the author\nproposes is to suggest probabilities and point the way for further\ninvestigation. He may theorize and speculate, but recognizes what many\npersons seem not able to do--that speculation and theory are not to be\nsubstituted for cold facts. He may do no more than propound questions from\nwhich other men, by study, experience, philosophy, or psychology, may\npossibly evolve some general principle, or a theory pointing to a general\nprinciple, concerning the mode of extension and spread of culture among\nseparate and independent peoples. When the facts shall have been gathered,\nmarshaled, arranged side by side, and each aggregation of facts shall have\nbeen weighed, _pro_ and _con_, and its fair value given \"without\nprejudice or preconceived opinion,\" then will be time enough to announce\nthe final conclusion, and even then not dogmatically, but tentatively and\nsubject to future discoveries.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 313. POTTERY VASE FINELY DECORATED IN RED AND WHITE\nGLAZE. Maltese cross with sun symbol (?). Cat. No. 132975, U. S. N. M.]\n\nThroughout this paper the author has sought but little more than to\nprepare material on the Swastika which can be utilized by those who come\nafter him in the determination of the difficult and abstruse problems\npresented.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 314. GREEK CROSS REPRESENTING WINDS FROM CARDINAL\nPOINTS. Dakota Indians. Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology,\nfig. 1255.]\n\nIt is rare in the study of arch\u00e6ology and, indeed, in any science, that a\nperson is able to assert a negative and say what does not exist. The\npresent investigations are rendered much more comprehensive by the\nappearance of the extensive and valuable work of Col. Garrick Mallery in\nthe Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, on the subject of\n\"Picture Writing of the American Indians.\" It is a work of about 800\npages, with 1,300 illustrations, and is the result of many years of\nlaborious study. It purports to be a history, more or less complete, of\nthe picture writing, signs, symbols, totems, marks, and messages of the\nAmerican Indian, whether pictographs or petroglyphs. A large portion of\nhis work is devoted to ideography, conventional signs, syllabaries and\nalphabets, homorophs and symmorophs, and their respective means of\ninterpretation. Among these he deals, not specifically with the Swastika,\nbut in general terms with the cross. Therefore, by looking at Colonel\nMallery's work upon this chapter (p. 724), one is able to say negatively\nwhat has not been found.\n\n_Apropos_ of the meanings of the cross among the North American Indians\nCount Goblet d'Alviella says:[286]\n\n It is nevertheless incontestable that the pre-Columbian cross of\n America is a \"_rose des vents_,\" representing the four directions\n whence comes the rain, or the cardinal points of the compass, etc.,\n etc.\n\nColonel Mallery's volume shows that it meant many other things as well.\n\n_The four winds._--The Greek cross is the form found by Colonel Mallery to\nbe most common among the North American aborigines, possibly because it is\nthe simplest. In this the four arms are equal in length, and the sign\nplaced upright so that it stands on one foot and not on two, as does the\nSt. Andrew's cross. The Greek cross (fig. 314) represents, among the\nDakotas, the four winds issuing out of the four caverns in which souls of\nmen existed before the incarnation of the human body. All the medicine\nmen--that is, conjurors and magicians--recollect their previous dreamy\nlife in these places, and the instructions then received from the gods,\ndemons, and sages; they recollect and describe their preexistent life, but\nonly dream and speculate as to the future life beyond the grave. The top\nof the cross is the cold, all-conquering giant, the North Wind, most\npowerful of all. It is worn on the body nearest the head, the seat of\nintelligence and conquering devices. The left arm covers the heart; it is\nthe East Wind, coming from the seat of life and love. The foot is the\nmelting, burning South Wind, indicating, as it is worn, the seat of fiery\npassion. The right arm is the gentle West Wind, blowing from the spirit\nland, covering the lungs, from which the breath at last goes out gently,\nbut into unknown night. The center of the cross is the earth and man,\nmoved by the conflicting influences of gods and winds.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 315. THE CROSS IN CONNECTION WITH THE CIRCLE. Sun\nsymbols (?). Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, fig. 1118,\n1120, 1126.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 316. FIGURES OF CIRCLES AND RAYS PROBABLY REPRESENTING\nSUN SYMBOLS. Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, figs.\n1118-1121, 1123.]\n\nRev. John McLain, in his work on the \"Blackfoot Sun-dance,\" says:\n\n On the sacred pole of the sun lodge of the Blood Indian is a bundle of\n small brushwood taken from the birch tree, which is placed in the form\n of a cross. This was an ancient symbol evidently referring to the four\n winds.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 317. FIGURES OF CROSSES AND CIRCLES REPRESENTING STAR\nSYMBOLS. Oakley Springs, Ariz. Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of\nEthnology, fig. 1129.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 318. STAR SYMBOL. Circle and rays without cross.\nOakley Springs, Ariz. Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, fig.\n1129.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 319. FIGURES OF CROSSES, CIRCLES, AND SQUARES\nREPRESENTING LODGES. Dakota Indians. Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of\nEthnology, fig. 1203.]\n\n_Sun and star symbols._--Great speculation has been made, both in Europe\nand America, over the relation between the Swastika and the sun, because\nthe two signs have been associated by primitive peoples. Colonel Mallery\ngives the Indian signs for the sun, stars, and light.[287] These have been\nsegregated, and it will be seen that the cross and circle are used\nindiscriminately for one and the other, and the fact of the two being\nfound associated is no evidence of relationship in religious ideas (figs.\n315-319).\n\n_Dwellings._--Among the Hidatsa, the cross and the circle represent\nneither the sun nor any religious ideas, but merely lodges, houses, or\ndwellings. The crosses in fig. 319 represent Dakota lodges; the small\ncircles signify earth lodges, the points representing the supporting\npoles. Buildings erected by civilized people were represented by small\nrectangular figures, while the circles with dots in a square represent\nearth lodges, the home of the Hidatsa.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 320. LATIN CROSSES REPRESENTING THE DRAGON FLY. Dakota\nIndians.]\n\n_Dragon fly (Susbeca)._--Among some of the Indian tribes, the Dakotas\namong others, the Latin cross is found, i. e., upright with three members\nof equal length, and the fourth, the foot, much longer. The use of this\nsymbol antedates the discovery of America, and is carried back in\ntradition and myth. This sign signifies the mosquito hawk or the dragon\nfly (fig. 320). It is called in that language the \"Susbeca,\" and is a\nsupernatural being gifted with speech, warning man of danger, approaching\nhis ear silently and at right angles, saying, \"Tci,\" \"tci,\" \"tci,\" an\ninterjection equivalent to \"Look out!\" \"You are surely going to\ndestruction!\" \"Look out!\" \"Tci,\" \"tci,\" \"tci!\" The adoption of the dragon\nfly as a mysterious and supernatural being is on account of its sudden\nappearance in numbers. In the still of the evening, when the shades of\ndarkness come, then is heard in the meadows a sound as of crickets or\nfrogs, but indistinct and prolonged; on the morrow the Susbeca will be\nhovering over it. It is the sound of their coming, but whence no one\nknows. The cross not only represents the shape of the insect, but also the\nangle of its approach. It is variously drawn, but usually as in fig. 320\n_a_ or _b_, and, in painting or embroidery, _c_, and sometimes _d_.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 321. DOUBLE CROSS OF SIX ARMS REPRESENTING THE DRAGON\nFLY. Moki Indians, Arizona. Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of\nEthnology, fig. 1165.]\n\nFig. 321 is described in Keam's MS. as follows:\n\n This is a conventional design of dragon flies, and is often found\n among rock etchings throughout the plateau [Arizona]. The dragon flies\n have always been held in great veneration by the Mokis and their\n ancestors, as they have been often sent by Oman to reopen springs\n which Muingwa had destroyed and to confer other benefits upon the\n people.\n\n This form of the figure, with little vertical lines added to the\n transverse lines, connects the Batolatci with the Ho-bo-bo emblems.\n The youth who was sacrificed and translated by Ho-bo-bo reappeared a\n long time afterwards, during a season of great drought, in the form of\n a gigantic dragon fly, who led the rain clouds over the lands of\n Ho-pi-tu, bringing plenteous rains.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 322. FIGURES OF CROSSES AS USED BY THE ESKIMO TO\nREPRESENT FLOCKS OF BIRDS. Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology,\nfig. 1228. Cat Nos. 44211 and 45020, U. S. N. M.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 323. PETROGLYPH FROM TULARE VALLEY, CALIFORNIA. Large\nwhite Greek cross. Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, fig.\n1229.]\n\n_Mide' or Shamans._--Colonel Mallery (or Dr. Hoffman) tells us (p. 726)\nthat among the Ojibways of northern Minnesota the cross is one of the\nsacred symbols of the Society of Mide' or Shamans and has special\nreference to the fourth degree. The building in which the initiation is\ncarried on has its opening toward the four cardinal points. The cross is\nmade of saplings, the upright poles approaching the height of four to six\nfeet, the transverse arms being somewhat shorter, each being of the same\nlength as the top; the upper parts are painted white or besmeared with\nwhite clay, over which are spread small spots of red, the latter\nsuggesting the sacred shell of Mide', the symbol of the order. The lower\narm of the pole is square, the side toward the east being painted white to\ndenote the source of light and warmth; the face on the south is green,\ndenoting the source of the thunder bird which brings the rains and\nvegetation; the surface toward the west is covered with vermilion,\nrelating to the land of the setting sun, the abode of the dead; the north\nis painted black, as the direction from which comes affliction, cold, and\nhunger.\n\n_Flocks of birds._--Groups of small crosses on the sides of Eskimo bow\ndrills represent flocks of birds (Cat. Nos. 45020 and 44211, U. S. N. M.).\nThey are reproduced in fig. 322. Colonel Mallery's fig. 28, page 67,\nrepresents a cross copied from the Najowe Valley group of colored\npictographs, 40 miles west of Santa Barbara, Santa Barbara County, Cal.\nThe cross measured 20 inches in length, the interior being painted black\nwhile the border is of a dark red tint. This design, as well as others in\nclose connection, is painted on the walls of a shallow cave or rock\nshelter in the limestone formation. Fourteen miles west of Santa Barbara,\non the summit of the Santa Ynez Mountains, is a cavern having a large\nopening west and north, in which are crosses of the Greek type, the\ninterior portion being painted a dull earthy red, while the outside line\nis a faded-black tint. The cross measures nearly a foot in extent. At the\nTulare Indian Agency, Cal., is an immense bowlder of granite. It has been\nsplit, and one of the lower quarters has been moved sufficiently to leave\na passageway six feet wide and nearly ten feet high. The interior walls\nare well covered with large painted figures, while upon the ceilings are\nnumerous forms of animals, birds, and insects. Among this latter group is\na white cross about 18 inches in length (fig. 323), presenting a unique\nappearance, for the reason that it is the only petroglyph in that region\nto which the white coloring matter has been applied.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 324. PETROGLYPHS FROM OWEN'S VALLEY, CALIFORNIA. (_a_,\n_b_) Greek crosses, (_c_) double Latin cross, (_d-f_) Latin crosses\nrepresenting human figures. Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of\nEthnology, fig. 1230.]\n\nAn interesting example of rock sculpturing in groups is in Owens Valley,\nsouth of Benton, Cal. Among them are various forms of crosses, and circles\ncontaining crosses of simple and complex types. The most interesting in\nthis connection are the groups in fig. 324, _a_ and _b_. The larger one,\n_a_, occurs upon a large bowlder of tracite 16 miles south of Benton, at\nthe \"Chalk grave.\" The circle is a depression about one inch in depth, the\ncross being in high relief. The small cross _b_, found three miles north\nfrom this is almost identical, the arms of the cross, however, extending\nto the rim of the circle. In this locality occurs also the cross, _c_,\nsame figure, and some examples having more than two cross arms.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 325. CROSS IN ZIGZAG LINES REPRESENTING THE HUMAN\nFORM. Navajo Indians.]\n\n_Human forms._--Other simple crosses represent the human form. Some of\nthese are engraved or cut on the rocks of Owens Valley and are similar to\nthose above described (fig. 324), but they have been eroded, so that\nbeyond the mere cross they show slight relation to the human body (fig.\n324, _d_, _e_, _f_). Col. James Stevenson, describing the Hasjelti\nceremony of the Navajoes,[288] shows the form of a man drawn in the sand\n(fig. 325). Describing the character shown in fig. 326, Keam says: \"The\nfigure represents a woman. The breath is displayed in the interior.\"[289]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 326. MALTESE CROSS(?) REPRESENTING A WOMAN. The figure\nin the center is intended to indicate the breath.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 327. MALTESE AND SAINT ANDREW'S CROSSES. Emblems of\nmaidenhood. Moki Indians.]\n\n_Maidenhood._--Concerning fig. 327 Keam, in his manuscript, says the\nMaltese cross was the emblem of a virgin, and is still so recognized by\nthe Moki. It is a conventional development of the common emblem of\nmaidenhood, wherein the maidens wear their hair arranged as in a disk\nthree or four inches in diameter on each side of the head (fig. 327_b_).\nThis discoidal arrangement of the hair is typical of the emblem of\nfructification worn by the virgin in the Muingwa festival. Sometimes the\nhair, instead of being worn in the complete discoidal form, is dressed\nupon two curving twigs, and presents the form of two semicircles upon each\nside of the head. The partition of these is sometimes horizontal,\nsometimes vertical. The combination of these styles (fig. 327 _a_ and _b_)\npresent the forms from which the Maltese cross was conventionalized.[290]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 328. CROSS WITH BIFURCATED FOOT. Used by the Innuits\nto represent a shaman or evil spirit.]\n\n_Shaman's spirit._--Among the Kiat\u00e9xamut and Innuit tribes, a cross placed\non the head, as in fig. 328, signified a shaman's evil spirit or demon.\nThis is an imaginary being under the control of the shaman to execute his\nwishes.[291]\n\n_Divers significations._--The figure of the cross among the North American\nIndians, says Colonel Mallery,[292] has many differing significations. It\nappears \"as the tribal sign for Cheyenne\" (p. 383); \"as Dakota lodges\" (p.\n582); \"as a symbol for trade or exchange\" (p. 613); \"as a conventional\nsign for prisoners\" (p. 227); \"for personal exploits while elsewhere it is\nused in simple enumeration\" (p. 348). Although this device is used for a\nvariety of meanings when it is employed ceremonially or in elaborate\npictographs of the Indians both of North and South America, it represents\nthe four winds. This view long ago was suggested as being the\nsignification of many Mexican crosses, and it is sustained by Prof. Cyrus\nThomas in his \"Notes on Mayan Mexican Manuscript,\"[293] where strong\nconfirmatory evidence is produced by the arms of the crosses having the\nappearance of conventionalized wings similar to some representations of\nthe thunder bird of the northern tribes; yet the same author, in his paper\non the study of the \"Troano Manuscript,\"[294] gives fig. 329 as a symbol\nfor wood, thus further showing the manifold concepts attached to the\ngeneral form of the cross. Bandelier thinks that the cross so frequently\nused by the aborigines of Mexico and Central America were merely ornaments\nand not objects of worship, while the so-called crucifixes, like that on\nthe Palenque tablet, were only the symbol of the \"new fire,\" or the close\nof the period of fifty-two years. He believes them to be representations\nof the fire drills more or less ornamented. Zamacois[295] says that the\ncross was used in the religion of various tribes of the peninsula of\nYucatan, and that it represented the god of rain.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 329. ST. ANDREW'S CROSSES, USED AS A SYMBOL FOR WOOD.\nTenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, fig. 1233.]\n\nIt is a favorite theory with Major Powell, Director of the Bureau of\nEthnology, that the cross was an original invention of the North American\nIndian, possibly a sign common to all savages; that it represented, first,\nthe four cardinal points, north, south, east, and west; and afterwards by\naccretion, seven points, north, south, east, west, zenith, nadir, and\nhere.\n\nCapt. John G. Bourke, in his paper on the \"Medicine Men of the\nApache\"[296] discourses on their symbolism of the cross. He says it is\nrelated to the cardinal points, to the four winds, and is painted by\nwarriors on their moccasins when going through a strange district to keep\nthem from getting on a wrong trail. He notes how he saw, in October, 1884,\na procession of Apache men and women bearing two crosses, 4 feet 10 inches\nlong, appropriately decorated \"in honor of Guzanutl\u00ed to induce her to send\nrain.\"\n\nDr. Brinton[297] tells of the rain maker of the Lenni Lenape who first\ndrew on the earth the figure of a cross. Captain Bourke quotes from Father\nLe Clerq[298] as to the veneration in which the cross was held by the\nGaspesian Indians, also from Herrara to the same effect. Professor\nHolmes[299] makes some pertinent observations with regard to the meanings\nof the cross given by the American Indians:\n\n Some very ingenious theories have been elaborated in attempting to\n account for the cross among American symbols. Brinton believes that\n the great importance attached to the points of the compass--the four\n quarters of the heavens--by savage peoples, has given rise to the\n sign of the cross. With others, the cross is a phallic symbol derived,\n by some obscure process of evolution, from the veneration accorded to\n the procreative principle in nature. It is also frequently associated\n with sun worship, and is recognized as a symbol of the sun--the four\n arms being remaining rays after a gradual process of elimination.\n Whatever is finally determined in reference to the origin of the cross\n as a religious symbol in America will probably result from exhaustive\n study of the history, language, and art of the ancient peoples,\n combined with a thorough knowledge of the religious conceptions of\n modern tribes, and when these sources of information are all exhausted\n it is probable that the writer who asserts more than a probability\n will overreach his proofs. * * * A study of the designs associated\n with the cross in these gorgets [figs. 302-304] is instructive, but\n does not lead to any definite result; in one case the cross is\n inscribed on the back of a great spider [figs. 275-278]; in another it\n is surrounded by a rectangular framework of lines, looped at the\n corners and guarded by four mysterious birds [figs. 263-266], while in\n others it is without attendant characters, but the workmanship is\n purely aboriginal. I have not seen a single example of engraving upon\n the shell that suggested a foreign hand, or a design, with the\n exception of this one [a cross], that could claim a European\n derivation. * * * Such delineations of the cross as we find embodied\n in ancient aboriginal art, represent only the final stages of its\n evolution, and it is not to be expected that its origin can be traced\n through them.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 330. GRAPHIC DELINEATION OF ALLIGATOR. From a vase of\nthe lost color group. Chiriqui. Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of\nEthnology, fig. 257.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 331. GRAPHIC DELINEATION OF ALLIGATOR. From a vase of\nthe lost color group. Chiriqui. Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of\nEthnology, fig. 258.]\n\nContinuing in his \"Ancient Art in Chiriqui,\"[300] presenting his \"Series\nshowing stages in the simplification of animal characters,\" and\n\"derivation of the alligator,\" Professor Holmes elaborates the theory how\nthe alligator was the original, and out of it, by evolution, grew the\ncross. His language and accompanying figures are quoted:\n\n Of all the animal forms utilized by the Chiriquians, the alligator is\n the best suited to the purpose of this study, as it is presented most\n frequently and in the most varied forms. In figs. 257 and 258 [figs.\n 330 and 331 in the present paper] I reproduce drawings from the outer\n surface of a tripod bowl of the lost color group. Simple and formal as\n these figures are, the characteristic features of the creature--the\n sinuous body, the strong jaws, the upturned snout, the feet, and the\n scales--are forcibly expressed. It is not to be assumed that these\n examples represent the best delineative skill of the Chiriquian\n artist. The native painter must have executed very much superior work\n upon the more usual delineating surfaces, such as bark and skins. The\n examples here shown have already experienced decided changes through\n the constraints of the ceramic art, but are the most graphic\n delineations preserved to us. They are free-hand products, executed by\n mere decorators, perhaps by women, who were servile copyists of the\n forms employed by those skilled in sacred art.\n\n A third illustration from the same group of ware, given in fig. 259\n [fig. 332 of the present paper] shows, in some respects, a higher\n degree of convention. * * *\n\n I shall now call attention to some important individualized or\n well-defined agencies of convention. First, and most potent, may be\n mentioned the enforced limits of the spaces to be decorated, which\n spaces take shape independently of the subject to be inserted. When\n the figures must occupy a narrow zone, they are elongated; when they\n must occupy a square, they are restricted longitudinally, and when\n they occupy a circle, they are of necessity coiled up. Fig. 265 [fig.\n 333 of the present paper] illustrates the effect produced by crowding\n the oblong figure into a short rectangular space. The head is turned\n back over the body and the tail is thrown down along the side of the\n space. In fig. 266 [fig. 334 of the present paper] the figure occupies\n a circle and is, in consequence, closely coiled up, giving the effect\n of a serpent rather than an alligator. * * *\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 332. CONVENTIONAL FIGURE OF ALLIGATOR. From a vessel\nof the lost color group. Chiriqui. Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of\nEthnology, fig. 259.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 333. CONVENTIONAL FIGURE OF ALLIGATOR CROWDED INTO A\nSMALL GEOMETRICAL FIGURE. Chiriqui. Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of\nEthnology, fig. 265.]\n\n I present five series of figures designed to illustrate the stages\n through which life forms pass in descending from the realistic to\n highly specialized conventional shapes. In the first series (fig. 277)\n [fig. 335 of the present paper] we begin with _a_, a meager but\n graphic sketch of the alligator; the second figure, _b_, is hardly\n less characteristic, but is much simplified; in the third, _c_, we\n have still three leading features of the creature--the body line, the\n spots, and the stroke at the back of the head; and in the fourth, _d_,\n nothing remains but a compound yoke-like curve, standing for the body\n of the creature, and a single dot.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 334. CONVENTIONAL FIGURE OF ALLIGATOR CROWDED INTO A\nCIRCLE. Chiriqui. Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, fig.\n266.]\n\n The figures of the second series (fig. 278) [fig. 336 of the present\n paper] are nearly all painted upon low, round nodes placed about the\n body of the alligator vases, and hence are inclosed in circles. The\n animal figure in the first example is coiled up like a serpent [fig.\n 334], but still preserves some of the well-known characters of the\n alligator. In the second example [fig. 336_b_] we have a double hook\n near the center of the space which takes the place of the body, but\n the dotted triangles are placed separately against the encircling\n line. In the next figure the body symbol is omitted and the three\n triangles remain to represent the animal. In the fourth there are four\n triangles, and the body device being restored in red takes the form of\n a cross. In the fifth two of the inclosing triangles are omitted and\n the idea is preserved by the simple dots. In the sixth the dots are\n placed within the bars of the cross, the triangles becoming mere\n interspaces, and in the seventh the dots form a line between the two\n encircling lines. This series could be filled up by other examples,\n thus showing by what infinitesimal steps the transformations take\n place. * * *\n\n We learn by the series of steps illustrated in the annexed cuts that\n the alligator radical, under peculiar restraints and influences,\n assumes conventional forms that merge imperceptibly into these classic\n devices.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 335. SERIES OF FIGURES OF ALLIGATORS SHOWING STAGES OF\nSIMPLIFICATION. Chiriqui. Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology,\nfig. 277.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 336. SERIES SHOWING STAGES IN THE SIMPLIFICATION OF\nANIMAL CHARACTERS, BEGINNING WITH THE ALLIGATOR AND ENDING WITH THE GREEK\nCROSS. Chiriqui. Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, fig.\n278.]\n\nProfessor Holmes's theory of the evolution of the cross from the alligator\nand its location in Chiriqui is opposed to that of Professor Goodyear,\nwho, in his \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" ascribes the origin of the cross to\nthe lotus and locates it in Egypt. I file what in law would be an\n\"interpleader\"--I admit my want of knowledge of the subject under\ndiscussion, and leave the question to these gentlemen.\n\n\nINTRODUCTION OF THE CROSS INTO AMERICA.\n\nProfessor Holmes is, in the judgment of the author, correct when he\ninsists upon the aboriginal character of the cross in America. We all\nunderstand how it is stated that the Spanish missionaries sought to deny\nthis and to connect the apparition of St. Thomas with the appearance of\nthe cross. Professor Holmes[301] says:\n\n The first explorers were accompanied by Christian zealots who spared\n no effort to root out the native superstition and introduce a foreign\n religion of which the cross was the all-important symbol. This emblem\n was generally accepted by the savages as the only tangible feature of\n a new system of belief that was filled with subtleties too profound\n for their comprehension. As a result, the cross was at once introduced\n into the regalia of the natives, at first probably in a European form\n and material, attached to a string of beads in precisely the manner\n they had been accustomed to suspend their own trinkets and gorgets;\n but soon, no doubt, delineated or carved by their own hands upon\n tablets of stone and copper and shell in the place of their own\n peculiar conceptions.\n\nThere is sufficient evidence, and to spare, of the aboriginal use of the\ncross in some of its forms, without resorting to the uncertain and forced\nexplanation of its introduction by Christian missionaries. It is possible\nthat the priests and explorers were, like Colonel Mallery's missionary,\nmistaken as to the interpretation given to the cross by the Indians. Dr.\nHoffman, in his paper on the \"Mide'wiwin or Grand Medicine Society of the\nOjibwa,\"[302] states the myth of the re-creation of the world \"as thrown\ntogether in a mangled form by Hennepin.\" Dr. Hoffman observes:\n\n It is evident that the narrator has sufficiently distorted the\n traditions to make them conform as much as practicable to the Biblical\n story of the birth of Christ.\n\nAnd on the same page he quotes from P\u00eare Marquette, who says:\n\n \"I was very glad to see a great cross set up in the middle of the\n village, adorned with several white skins, red girdles, bows, and\n arrows, which that good people offered to the Great Manitou to return\n him their thanks for the care he had taken of them during the winter,\n and that he had granted them a prosperous hunting.\"\n\n Marquette [comments Dr. Hoffman] was, without doubt, ignorant of the\n fact that the cross is the sacred post, and the symbol of the fourth\n degree of the Mide'wiwin, as is fully explained in connection with\n that grade of society. The erroneous conclusion that the cross was\n erected as an evidence of the adoption of Christianity and, possibly\n as a compliment to the visitor was a natural one on the part of the\n priest, but this same symbol of the Mide' society had probably been\n erected and bedecked with barbaric emblems and weapons months before\n anything was known of him.\n\nMost aboriginal objects bearing crosses are from localities along the Ohio\nRiver and through Kentucky and Tennessee, a locality which the early\nChristian missionaries never visited, and where the cross of Christ was\nrarely, if ever, displayed until after that territory became part of the\nUnited States. Per contra, the localities among the Indians in which the\nearly missionaries most conducted their labors--that is to say, along the\nGreat Lakes and throughout northern Illinois--produce the fewest number\nof aboriginal crosses. This was the country explored by Fathers Marquette,\nLasalle, and Hennepin, and it was the scene of most of the Catholic\nmissionary labors. Professor Holmes seems to have recognized this fact,\nfor he says:[303]\n\n The cross was undoubtedly used as a symbol by the prehistoric nations\n of the South, and, consequently, that it was probably also known in\n the North. A great majority of the relics associated with it in the\n ancient mounds and burial places are undoubtedly aboriginal. In the\n case of the shell gorgets, the tablets themselves belong to an\n American type, and are highly characteristic of the art of the\n Mississippi Valley. A majority of the designs engraved upon them are\n also characteristic of the same district.\n\nThe author agrees heartily with Professor Holmes's argument in this\nmatter, and his conclusion, when he says of these objects (p. 270):\n\n The workmanship is purely aboriginal. I have not seen a single example\n of engraving upon shell that suggested a foreign hand or a design,\n with the exception of one (cross), that could claim a European\n derivation.\n\nThere have been numerous European or Catholic crosses, as well as many\nother objects of European manufacture or objects of civilized types, found\namong the Indians. There have been silver crosses found with images of the\nVirgin thereon, with Latin inscriptions, or of Roman letters; there have\nbeen glass beads, iron arrowheads, and divers other objects found in\nIndian graves which bore indubitable evidence of contact with the whites,\nand no one with any arch\u00e6ological experience need be deceived into the\nbelief that these were aboriginal or pre-Columbian manufacture. As a\ngeneral rule, the line of demarkation between objects of Indian\nmanufacture and those made by the whites is definite, and no practiced eye\nwill mistake the one for the other. There may be exceptions, as where the\nIndian has lived with the whites or a white man with the Indians, or where\nan object is made with intent to deceive. In such cases one may have more\ntrouble in determining the origin of the object.\n\nThere were many Indians who died and were buried within a century past,\nwhose graves might contain many objects of white man's work. Black Hawk\nand Red Jacket are examples, and, possibly, King Philip. Indian graves\nhave been opened in New England and New York containing the gun or\nfirelock of the occupant of the grave buried with him, and that this was\nevidence of European contact there can be no doubt. So there have been\nhundreds, possibly thousands, of Indians buried since the Columbian\ndiscovery down to within the last decade whose graves contain white man's\ntools or implements. But no person with any arch\u00e6ological experience need\nbe deceived by these things. The theory that the Latin or Greek crosses or\nSwastikas shown on these gorgets, disks, and pottery furnish evidence of\ncontact by the aborigines with Europeans in post-Columbian times is\nwithout foundation and inadmissible.\n\n\nDECORATIVE FORMS NOT OF THE CROSS, BUT ALLIED TO THE SWASTIKA.\n\nCOLOR STAMPS FROM MEXICO AND VENEZUELA.\n\n[Illustration: Figs. 337, 338, 339, 340, 341, and 342. TERRA-COTTA COLOR\nSTAMPS WITH DESIGNS SIMILAR TO THE SWASTIKA. Mexico. Cat. Nos. 99124,\n99127, 27887, 99115, 99118, 99122, U. S. N. M.]\n\nThe aborigines of Mexico and Central and South America employed\nterra-cotta color stamps, which, being made into the proper pattern in the\nsoft clay, were burned hard; then, being first coated with color, the\nstamp was pressed upon the object to be decorated, and so transferred its\ncolor, as in the mechanical operation of printing, thus giving the\nintended decoration. Patterns of these stamps are inserted in this paper\nin connection with the Swastika because of the resemblance--not in form,\nbut in style. They are of geometric form, crosses, dots, circles\n(concentric and otherwise), lozenges, chevrons, fret, and labyrinth or\nmeander. The style of this decoration lends itself easily to the Swastika;\nand yet, with the variety of patterns contained in the series of stamps\nbelonging to the U. S. National Museum, shown in figs. 337 to 342, no\nSwastika appears; nor in the similar stamps belonging to other\ncollections, notably that of Mr. A. E. Douglass, in the Metropolitan\nMuseum of Natural History, Central Park, New York, are any Swastikas\nshown. Of the foregoing figures, all are from Tlaltelolco, Mexico (Blake\ncollection), except fig. 339, which is from the Valley of Mexico, and was\nreceived from the Museo Nacional of Mexico.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 343. TERRA-COTTA COLOR STAMPS WITH DESIGNS SIMILAR TO\nTHE SWASTIKA. Piaroa Indians, Venezuela. Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau\nof Ethnology, fig. 982.]\n\nMarcano says:[304]\n\n The present Piaroas of Venezuela are in the habit of painting their\n bodies by a process different from that of the North American Indian.\n They make stamps of wood, which, being colored (as types are with\n ink), they apply to their bodies. Fig. 982 shows examples of these\n stamps. [See fig. 343 of the present paper.] The designs are\n substantially the same as some petroglyphs. They either copied the\n models they found carved on the rocks by peoples who preceded them, or\n they knew the meaning and preserved the tradition. The former is the\n only tenable hypothesis. Painting is to the Piaroas both ornamentation\n and necessity. It serves, not only as a garment to protect them\n against insects, but becomes a fancy costume to grace their feasts and\n meetings.\n\nThese designs are not presented as Swastikas nor of any evolution or\nderivation from one. They show a style common enough to Central and South\nAmerica, to the Antilles and the Canary Islands,[305] which might easily\nproduce a Swastika. The aboriginal designer of these might, if we depend\nupon the theory of psychological similarity of culture among all peoples,\nat his next attempt make a Swastika. Yet, with the hundreds of similar\npatterns made during the centuries of aboriginal occupation and extending\nthroughout the countries named, none of these seem ever to have produced a\nSwastika.\n\n\n\n\nV.--SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SWASTIKA.\n\n\nThe origin and early history of the Swastika are lost in antiquity. All\nthe author has been able to find on these subjects is set forth in the\npreceding chapters.\n\nIt is proposed to examine the possible uses of the Swastika in an endeavor\nto discover something of its significance. The Swastika might have served:\n\n I. As a symbol--\n 1, of a religion,\n 2, of a nation or people,\n 3, of a sect with peculiar tenets;\n II. As an amulet or charm--\n 1, of good luck, or fortune, or long life,\n 2, of benediction, or blessing,\n 3, against the evil eye;\n III. As an ornament or decoration.\n\nIt may have been (1) originally discovered or invented by a given people\nin a given country, and transmitted from one generation to the next,\npassing by migration from one country to another, and it may have been\ntransmitted by communication to widely separated countries and among\ndifferently cultured peoples; or (2) it may have appeared in these latter\ncountries by duplicate invention or by accident, and without contact or\ncommunication.\n\nPositive evidence concerning its origin and earliest migration is not\nobtainable, and in its absence we are driven to secondary and\ncircumstantial evidence. This will consist (1) of comparison of known\nfacts directly concerning the subject; (2) of facts indirectly concerning\nit, and (3) reason, induced by argument, applied to these facts,\npresenting each truly, and giving to each its proper weight.\n\nThe possible migrations of the Swastika, and its appearance in widely\nseparated countries and among differently cultured peoples, afford the\nprincipal interest in this subject to arch\u00e6ologists and anthropologists.\nThe present or modern scientific interest in and investigation of the\nSwastika as a symbol or a charm alone are subsidiary to the greater\nquestion of the cause and manner of its appearance in different countries,\nwhether it was by migration and contact or by independent invention. In\narguing this question, we must keep continually in mind the rules of\nreason and of logic, and neither force the facts nor seek to explain them\nby unknown, imaginary, or impossible methods. There must be no dogmatic\nassertions nor fanciful theories. If we assume certain migrations of the\nSwastika, we must consider those things which might have (or must have)\nmigrated with it; and we must admit the means necessary to the assumed\nend.\n\nThe history of the beginning and first appearance of any of the forms of\nthe cross is also lost in antiquity, and it would be hazardous for any\nperson to announce positively their origin, either as to locality or\ntime. The Swastika was certainly prehistoric in its origin. It was in\nextensive use during the existence of the third, fourth, and fifth cities\nof the site of ancient Troy, of the hill of Hissarlik; so also in the\nBronze Age, apparently during its entire existence, throughout western\nEurope from the Mediterranean Sea to the Arctic Ocean. It continued in use\nin Europe during the Iron Age, and also among the Etruscans, Greeks, and\nTrojans. The name \"Swastika,\" by which it is recognized to-day in all\nliterature, is a Sanscrit word, and was in common use among the Sanscrit\npeoples so long ago that it had a peculiar or individual pronunciation in\nP\u00e2nini's grammar prior to the fourth century B. C. Some authorities are of\nthe opinion that it was an Aryan symbol and used by the Aryan peoples\nbefore their dispersion through Asia and Europe. This is a fair subject\nfor inquiry and might serve as an explanation how, either as a sacred\nsymbol or charm, an amulet, or token of good wishes or good fortune, the\nSwastika might have been carried to the different peoples and countries in\nwhich we now find it by the splitting up of the Aryan peoples and their\nmigrations and establishment in the various parts of Europe. Professor\nSayce is of the opinion that the Swastika was a Hittite symbol and passed\nby communication to the Aryans or some of their important branches before\ntheir final dispersion took place, but he agrees that it was unknown in\nAssyria, Babylonia, Phenicia, or among the Egyptians.\n\nWhether the Swastika was in use among the Chaldeans, Hittites, or the\nAryans before or during their dispersion, or whether it was used by the\nBrahmins before the Buddhists came to India is, after all, but a matter of\ndetail of its migrations; for it may be fairly contended that the Swastika\nwas in use, more or less common among the people of the Bronze Age\nanterior to either the Chaldeans, Hittites, or the Aryans. The additional\nfacts in this regard have been set forth in the chapter on this subject,\nand need not be repeated here.\n\nThe question should, so far as possible, be divested of speculation, and\nthe evidence accepted in its ordinary meaning \"without prejudice or\npreconceived opinion.\"\n\nA consideration of the subject in the light of the material here collected\ndevelops the following questions:\n\n(1) Was the Swastika, in any of its forms, the symbol of an ancient\nreligion or philosophy, or was it only the sign of a particular sect,\ntenet, faith, or idea; or was it both?\n\n(2) Was it a charm or amulet to be used by anyone which derived its value\nfrom the signification given to it?\n\n(3) What lesson can be gathered from it concerning the early migrations of\nthe races of man?\n\nExamples illustrating these questions are to be found in history as well\nas in everyday life. The Scarab\u00e6us of Egypt and Etruria was a symbol of\neternity. The golden hoop on the lady's finger representing a snake\nswallowing its tail, is also a symbol of eternity. These represent a\nsentiment, and are symbols of that sentiment without regard to sect or\norganized body.\n\nOn the other hand, the Maltese cross was the symbol of the Knights of\nMalta, and has become, in later years, that of the Masonic fraternity;\nwhile the three links is the symbol of the Order of Odd Fellows. The Latin\ncross is a symbol of the Christian religion and, to a certain extent, of a\nChristian denomination.\n\nUpon the evidence submitted, we must accept the Swastika first as a symbol\nof that sect of Jains within the Buddhist Church originally in Tibet,\nwhich spread itself in the Asiatic country under the names of Tao-sse,\nTirthankara, Ter, Musteg, and Pon or Pon-po, the last signifying purity\n(ante, p. 774). This sect, or these sects, adopted the Swastika as their\nsymbol, giving it the translation _su_ \"well,\" _asti_, \"it is,\" the whole\nword meaning \"it is well,\" or \"so be it,\" implying resignation under all\ncircumstances, the sect holding, in accordance with the meaning given to\ntheir symbol, that contentment and peace of mind were the chief objects of\nhuman life. In so far as it concerns this sect, the Swastika was a symbol\nof both kinds. It represented a religious or at least a moral and\nphilosophic idea, and also the sect which held to this idea.\n\nAmong the Buddhists proper, the Swastika seems to have been employed as a\nholy or sacred symbol; its occurrence as one of the signs in the footprint\nof Buddha, their founder, with some relation either to the mystery of his\nappearance as a leader, a missionary, or of the holy and sacred object of\nhis mission, causes this to be inferred. Their use of it on the bronze\nstatues of Buddha, and associating it with solemn inscriptions in the\ncaves of India, leaves no doubt as to its use as a symbol more or less of\nthis character.\n\nAgain, the use in the early Christian times of different forms of the\ncross, coupled with the extensive use by the Christians of the \"monogram\nof Christ\" (fig. 6), shows how naturally there may have been a conflict of\nopinion in the selection of a cross which should be a representative,\nwhile we know from history that there was such discussion, and that\ndifferent forms of the cross were suggested. Among other forms was the\nSwastika, but to what extent or with what idea the author is not informed.\nThe Swastika was used, Burnouf says, a thousand times on Christians' tombs\nin the catacombs at Rome. This is evidence of its use to a certain extent\nin a sacred or solemn and funereal character, which would signify its use\nas the symbol of a religious idea.\n\nBeyond these instances the author is unable to find evidence of the\nSwastika having served as a symbol of any religious or philosophic idea or\nof any sect or organization.\n\nWhether among the Bronze Age people of western Europe--among the Trojans,\nGreeks, or Etruscans--whether among the semicivilized peoples of South or\nCentral America, or among the savages (mound-builders) of North America,\nthere is apparently no instance of the Swastika having been regarded as\nholy or used on a sacred object--that is, holy and sacred in the light of\ngodliness, piety, or morality. It may have been or may yet be discovered\nthat some of these wild men used the Swastika upon objects serving at\nceremonies or festivals of their religion, or which had, in their eyes, a\nsemi-sacred character. But it does not seem that it was used as a\nrepresentative of a holy idea or of any god or supernatural being who\nstood for such an idea. The meal used in the Zu\u00f1i ceremony may have been\nregarded as sacred, and it may, indeed must, have been made on a stone\nmetate, yet neither the metate nor the stone thereby obtained any holy or\nsacred character. So, also, it may have been decorated with a fret,\nchevron, herringbone, or any of the numerous styles, none of which would\nreceive any sacred character from such use. So it is believed to have been\nwith the Swastika found on these objects; it was not holy or sacred\nbecause of this use.\n\nThe author declines to discuss the possible relation of the Swastika to\nthe sun or sun god, to the rain or rain god, the lightning, to Dyaus, Zeus\nor Agni, to Phebus or Apollo, or other of the mythological deities. This\nquestion would be interesting if it could be determined with certainty, or\nif the determination would be accepted by any considerable number of\npersons. But this is left for some one more competent and more interested\nthan the author.\n\nThe most probable use of the Swastika among prehistoric peoples, or among\nOrientals other than the Buddhists, was as a charm or amulet signifying\ngood fortune, good luck, long life, or benediction and blessing.[306] (See\np. 780.)\n\nLooking over the entire prehistoric world, we find the Swastika used on\nsmall and comparatively insignificant objects, those in common use, such\nas vases, pots, jugs, implements, tools, household goods and utensils,\nobjects of the toilet, ornaments, etc., and infrequently on statues,\naltars, and the like. In Armenia it was found on bronze pins and buttons;\nin the Trojan cities on spindle-whorls; in Greece on pottery, on gold and\nbronze ornaments, and fibul\u00e6. In the Bronze Age in western Europe,\nincluding Etruria, it is found on the common objects of life, such as\npottery, the bronze fibul\u00e6, ceintures, spindle-whorls, etc.\n\nIn addition to the foregoing, there were peculiar uses of the Swastika in\ncertain localities: In Italy on the hut urns in which the ashes of the\ndead are buried; in the Swiss lakes stamped in the pottery; in Scandinavia\non the weapons, swords, etc., and in Scotland and Ireland on the brooches\nand pins; in America on the metates for grinding corn; the Brazilian women\nwore it on the pottery fig leaf; the Pueblo Indian painted it on his dance\nrattle, while the North American Indian, at the epoch of the mound\nbuilding in Arkansas and Missouri, painted it in spiral form on his\npottery; in Tennessee he engraved it on the shell, and in Ohio cut it in\nits plainest normal form out of sheets of copper. So also among the modern\nIndians we find it employed on occasions of ceremony, as in the mountain\nchant by the Navajoes, and the war chant of the Kansas, on the necklace\nand ceremonial garters of the Sac woman, and on the war shields of the\nPimas.\n\nAs we do not find it represented in America on aboriginal religious\nmonuments, on ancient gods, idols, or other sacred or holy objects, we are\njustified in claiming that it was not here used as a religious symbol;\nwhile, as it is found only on trinkets, shells, copper plaques,\nspindle-whorls, metates, pottery bowls, jugs, bottles, or vases; as we\nfind it sometimes square, sometimes spiral, now outside, now inside, of\nbowls and jars, etc.; at one time a small rectangular figure and at\nanother of extensive convolutions covering the side of the vase; as we\nfind it on the tools of the workmen, the objects in everyday use, whether\nin the house or the shop, used indiscriminately by men and women, or on\ngaming implements or dance rattles, the contention seems justifiable that\nit was used as an ornament or as a charm for good luck and not as a\nreligious symbol. Yet we know it was used on certain ceremonial occasions\nwhich may themselves have had more or less a sacred character.\n\nThus, after the fullest examination, we find the Swastika was confined to\nthe commoner uses, implements, household utensils, and objects for the\ntoilet and personal decoration. The specimens of this kind number a\nhundred to one of a sacred kind. With this preponderance in favor of the\ncommon use, it would seem that, except among the Buddhists and early\nChristians, and the more or less sacred ceremonies of the North American\nIndians, all pretense of the holy or sacred character of the Swastika\nshould be given up, and it should (still with these exceptions) be\nconsidered as a charm, amulet, token of good luck or good fortune, or as\nan ornament and for decoration.\n\n\n\n\nVI.--THE MIGRATION OF SYMBOLS.\n\n\nMIGRATION OF THE SWASTIKA.\n\nThe question of the migration of the Swastika and of the objects on which\nit was marked, which furnished its only means of transportation, remains\nto be considered. It is proposed to examine, in a cursory manner perhaps,\nnot only the migration of the Swastika itself, but some of these objects,\nspindle whorls especially, with a view to discover by similarity or\npeculiarity of form or decoration any relationship they may have had with\neach other when found in distant countries and used by different peoples.\nThus, we may be able to open the way to a consideration of the question\nwhether this similarity of Swastikas or other decorations, or of the\nobjects on which they were placed, resulted from the migration of or\ncontact or communication between distant peoples, or was it accidental\nand the result of independent discoveries and duplicate inventions--an\nevidence of the parallelism of human thought?\n\nDr. Brinton, in a communication before the American Philosophical\nSociety,[307] starts out with a polemical discussion upon the subject of\nthe migration of the Swastika and its possible American migration, as\nfollows:\n\n My intention is to combat the opinion of those writers who, like Dr.\n Hamy, M. Beauvois, and many others, assert that because certain\n well-known Oriental symbols, as the Ta Ki, the Triskeles, the\n Svastika, and the cross, are found among the American aborigines, they\n are evidence of Mongolian, Buddhistic, Christian, or Aryan\n immigrations previous to the discovery by Columbus, and I shall also\n try to show that the position is erroneous of those who, like William\n H. Holmes, of the Bureau of Ethnology, maintain \"that it is impossible\n to give a satisfactory explanation of the religious significance of\n the cross as a religious symbol in America.\"\n\n In opposition to both these views, I propose to show that the primary\n significance of all these widely extended symbols is quite clear, and\n that they can be shown to have arisen from certain fixed relations of\n man to his environment, the same everywhere, and hence suggesting the\n same graphic representations among tribes most divergent in location\n and race, and, therefore, that such symbols are of little value in\n tracing ethnic affinities or the currents of civilization.\n\nI am sorry to be compelled to differ with Dr. Brinton in these views. I\nmay not attempt much argument upon this branch of the subject, but\nwhatever argument is presented will be in opposition to this view, as not\nbeing borne out by the evidence. Of course, the largest portion of the\ndiscussion of this subject must consist of theory and argument, but such\nfacts as are known, when subjected to an analysis of reason, seem to\nproduce a result contrary to that announced by Dr. Brinton.\n\nIt is conceded that the duplication of the cross by different or distant\npeoples is no evidence of migrations of or contact between these peoples,\nhowever close their relations might have been. The sign of the cross\nitself was so simple, consisting of only two marks or pieces intersecting\neach other at a right or other angle, that we may easily suppose it to\nhave been the result of independent invention. The same conclusion has\nbeen argued with regard to the Swastika. But this is a _non sequitur_.\n\nFirst, I dispute the proposition of fact that the Swastika is, like the\ncross, a simple design--one which would come to the mind of any person and\nwould be easy to make. For evidence of this, I cite the fact that it is\nnot in common use, that it is almost unknown among Christian peoples, that\nit is not included in any of the designs for, nor mentioned in any of the\nmodern European or American works on, decoration, nor is it known to or\npracticed by artists or decorators of either country.[308] For the truth\nof this, I appeal to the experience of artists and decorators, and would\nput the question whether, of their own knowledge, by their own inventions,\nthey have ever discovered or made Swastikas, or whether their brother\nartists have done so, and if they answer in the affirmative, I would ask\nwhether those cases were not rare. It may be granted that when the\nSwastika has been seen by an artist or decorator it is easily understood\nand not difficult to execute, but, nevertheless, I insist that its\ninvention and use among artists and decorators during the centuries since\nthe Rennaissance is rare.\n\nIt is argued by Zmigrodzki that the Swastika on so many specimens,\nespecially the Trojan spindle-whorls, having been made regularly,\nsometimes turning one way, sometimes another, sometimes square, other\ntimes curved, goes to show the rapidity with which the sign was made, that\nit did not require an artist, that its use was so common that it had\nbecome a habit and was executed in a rapid and sketchy manner, as\nevidenced by the appearance of the marks themselves upon the whorls. He\nlikens this to the easy and unconsidered way which men have of signing\ntheir names, which they are able to do without attention. He likens it\nalso to the sign of the cross made by Roman Catholics so rapidly as to be\nunnoticed by those who are unaware of its significance. With this line of\nargument, Zmigrodzki reasons that the Swastika was in its time confined to\ncommon use and thus he accounts for the number of ill-formed specimens.\nThis only accounts for the comparatively few ill-formed specimens, but not\nfor the great number, the mass of those well formed and well drawn.\nInstead of the Swastika being a sign easily made, the experience of the\nwriter is the contrary. A simple cross like the Latin, Greek, St.\nAndrew's, and other common forms may be very easy to make, but a really\ngood specimen of the Swastika is difficult to make. Any one who doubts\nthis has only to make the experiment for himself, and make correctly such\na specimen as fig. 9. While it may be easy enough to make the Greek cross\nwith two lines of equal length intersecting each other at right angles,\nand while this forms a large proportion of the Swastikas, it is at its\nconclusion that the trouble of making a perfect Swastika begins. It will\nbe found difficult, requiring care and attention, to make the projecting\narms of equal length, to see that they are all at the same angle; and if\nit is bent again and again, two or three turns upon each other, the\ndifficulty increases. If a person thinks that the Swastika, either in the\nsquare or the ogee curves or the spiral volutes, is easy to make, he has\nbut to try it with paper and pencil, and, if that is his first attempt, he\nwill soon be convinced of his error. The artist who drew the spirals for\nthis paper pronounces them to be the most difficult of all; the curves are\nparabolic, no two portions of any one are in the same circle, the circle\ncontinually widens, and no two circles nor any two portions of the same\ncircle have the same center. To keep these lines true and parallel, the\ncurve regular, the distances the same, and at the same time sweeping\noutward in the spiral form, the artist pronounces a most difficult work,\nrequiring care, time, and attention (fig. 295). Even the square and\nmeander Swastikas (figs. 10, 11) require a rule and angle to make them\nexact. All this goes to show the intention of the artist to have been more\nor less deliberate; and that the object he made was for a special purpose,\nwith a particular idea, either as a symbol, charm, or ornament, and not a\nmeaningless figure to fill a vacant space.\n\nYet it is practically this difficult form of the cross which appears to\nhave spread itself through the widest culture areas, extending almost to\nthe uttermost parts of the earth. All this is foundation for the\nsuggestion that the Swastika was not the result of duplicate invention or\nindependent discovery, that it is not an illustration of parallelism in\nhuman thought, but that it was transmitted from person to person, or\npassed from one country to another, either by the migration of its people,\nby their contact or communication, or by the migration and transmission of\nthe symbol and the sign itself. Pushing the argument of the difficulty of\nits making, to account for the rarity of the design, it is alleged that in\nmodern times the Swastika is practically unknown among Christian peoples.\nIt passed out of use among them nigh a thousand years ago and has been\nsupplanted by every other imaginable geometric form. The fret, chevron,\nherringbone, crosses, and circles of every kind, spirals, volutes, ogees,\nmoldings, etc., have all remained in use since neolithic times, but no\nSwastika. The latest use mentioned in the literature upon this subject\nappears to have been in the arch-Episcopal chair in the cathedral at\nMilan, which bears the three ancient Christian crosses, the Latin cross,\nthe monogram of Christ, and the Swastika, of which the first and last are\ncarved in alternates around the pedestal of the chair. Yet the knowledge\nof the Swastika has been perpetuated in some countries and its use has not\ndied out all over the world; therefore, examples of its use in modern\ntimes should be noted in order to prevent misapprehension and\ncontradiction. The double Greek fret made with two continuous lines (fig.\n139) forms a pseudo Swastika at each intersection, although we have seen\nthat this is not a real but only an apparent Swastika (p. 783). This is\nused in modern times by carpet and linen weavers as borders for carpets\nand tablecloths, and by tile makers in similar decoration. The Swastika\nmark has continued in use among the Orientals; the Theosophists have\nadopted it as a seal or insignia; the Japanese (fig. 30), the Koreans (p.\n799), the Chinese (fig. 31), the Jains (figs. 33, 34), and, among the\nNorth American Indians, the Navajo (pl. 17), and those of the Kansas\nReservation (pls. 15 and 16). It is not used by European peoples in modern\ntimes, except in Lapland and Finland. The National Museum has lately\nreceived a collection of modern household and domestic utensils from\nLapland, some of which bear the marks of the cross and one a churn, the\nlid of which bears a possible Swastika mark. Through the kindness of\nProfessor Mason and Mr. Cushing, I have received a drawing of this (fig.\n344). Theodor Schvindt, in \"Suomalaisia koristeita,\"[309] a book of\nstandard national Finnish patterns for the embroideries of the country,\ngives the Swastika among others; but it is classed among \"oblique designs\"\nand no mention is made of it as a Swastika or of any character\ncorresponding to it. Its lines are always at angles of 45 degrees, and are\ncontinually referred to as \"oblique designs.\"\n\n The Swastika ornaments Danish baptismal fonts, and according to Mr. J.\n A. Hjaltalin it \"was used [in Iceland] a few years since as a magic\n sign, but with an obscured or corrupted meaning.\" It arrived in that\n island in the ninth century A. D.[310]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 344. MODERN CHURN LID WITH DESIGN RESEMBLING SWASTIKA.\nLapland. U. S. National Museum.]\n\nThe Swastika mark appears both in its normal and ogee form in the Persian\ncarpets and rugs.[311] While writing this memoir, I have found in the\nPersian rug in my own bedchamber sixteen figures of the Swastika. In the\nlarge rug in the chief clerk's office of the National Museum there are no\nless than twenty-seven figures of the Swastika. On a piece of imitation\nPersian carpet, with a heavy pile, made probably in London, I found also\nfigures of the Swastika. All the foregoing figures have been of the normal\nSwastika, the arms crossing each other and the ends turning at right\nangles, the lines being of equal thickness throughout. Some of them were\nbent to the right and some to the left. At the entrance of the Grand Opera\nHouse in Washington I saw a large India rug containing a number of ogee\nSwastikas; while the arms crossed each other at right angles, they curved,\nsome to the right and some to the left, but all the lines increased in\nsize, swelling in the middle of the curve, but finishing in a point. The\nmodern Japanese wisteria workbaskets for ladies have one or more Swastikas\nwoven in their sides or covers.\n\nThus, it appears that the use of the Swastika in modern times is confined\nprincipally to Oriental and Scandinavian countries, countries which hold\nclose relations to antiquity; that, in western Europe, where in ancient\ntimes the Swastika was most frequent, it has, during the last one or two\nthousand years, become extinct. And this in the countries which have led\nthe world in culture.\n\nIf the Swastika was a symbol of a religion in India and migrated as such\nin times of antiquity to America, it was necessarily by human aid. The\nindividuals who carried and taught it should have carried with it the\nreligious idea it represented. To do this required a certain use of\nlanguage, at least the name of the symbol. If the sign bore among the\naborigines in America the name it bore in India, Swastika, the evidence of\ncontact and communication would be greatly strengthened. If the religion\nit represented in India should be found in America, the chain of evidence\nmight be considered complete. But in order to make it so it will be\nnecessary to show the existence of these names and this religion in the\nsame locality or among the same people or their descendants as is found\nthe sign. To find traces of the Buddhist religion associated with the sign\nof the Swastika among the Eskimo in Alaska might be no evidence of its\nprehistoric migration, for this might have occurred in modern times, as we\nknow has happened with the Russian religion and the Christian cross. While\nto find the Buddhist religion and the Swastika symbol together in America,\nat a locality beyond the possibility of modern European or Asiatic\ncontact, would be evidence of prehistoric migration yet it would seem to\nfix it at a period when, and from a country where, the two had been used\ntogether. If the Swastika and Buddhism migrated to America together it\nmust have been since the establishment of the Buddhist religion, which is\napproximately fixed in the sixth century B. C. But there has not been as\nyet in America, certainly not in the localities where the Swastika has\nbeen found, any trace discovered of the Buddhist religion, nor of its\nconcomitants of language, art, or custom. Adopting the theory of migration\nof the Swastika, we may therefore conclude that if the Swastika came from\nIndia or Eastern Asia, it came earlier than the sixth century B. C.\n\nIf a given religion with a given symbol, both belonging to the Old World,\nshould both be found associated in the New World, it would be strong\nevidence in favor of Old World migration--certainly of contact and\ncommunication. Is it not equally strong evidence of contact to find the\nsame sign used in both countries as a charm, with the same significance in\nboth countries?\n\nThe argument has been made, and it has proved satisfactory, at least to\nthe author, that throughout Asia and Europe, with the exception of the\nBuddhists and early Christians, the Swastika was used habitually as a sign\nor mark or charm, implying good luck, good fortune, long life, much\npleasure, great success, or something similar. The makers and users of the\nSwastika in South and Central America, and among the mound builders of the\nsavages of North America, having all passed away before the advent of\nhistory, it is not now, and never has been, possible for us to obtain from\nthem a description of the meaning, use, or purpose for which the Swastika\nwas employed by them. But, by the same line of reasoning that the\nproposition has been treated in the prehistoric countries of Europe and\nAsia, and which brought us to the conclusion that the Swastika was there\nused as a charm or token of good luck, or good fortune, or against the\nevil eye, we may surmise that the Swastika sign was used in America for\nmuch the same purpose. It was placed upon the same style of object in\nAmerica as in Europe and Asia. It is not found on any of the ancient gods\nof America, nor on any of the statues, monuments, or altars, nor upon any\nsacred place or object, but rather upon such objects as indicate the\ncommon and everyday use, and on which the Swastika, as a charm for good\nluck, would be most appropriate, while for a sacred character it would be\nsingularly inappropriate.\n\nThe theory of independent invention has been invoked to account for the\nappearance of the Swastika in widely separated countries, but the author\nis more inclined to rely upon migration and imitation as the explanation.\n\nWhen signs or symbols, myths or fables, habits or customs, utensils,\nimplements or weapons, industries, tools or machinery, have been found in\ncountries widely separated from each other, both in countries bearing\ncharacteristics so much alike as to make them practically the same objects\nor industries, and which are made in the same way, they present a question\nto which there are only two possible solutions: Either they are\nindependent discoveries or inventions which, though analogous, have been\nseparately conceived, or else they have been invented or discovered in one\nof the countries, and passed to the other by migration of the object or\ncommunication of the knowledge necessary to form it, or by contact between\nthe two peoples. Of these inventions or discoveries said to have been made\nin duplicate, each of which is alleged to have sprung up in its own\ncountry as a characteristic of humanity and by virtue of a law of physics\nor psychology, it is but fair to say that in the opinion of the author the\npresumption is all against this. Duplicate inventions have been made and\nwill be made again, but they are uncommon. They are not the rule, but\nrather the exception. The human intellect is formed on such unknown bases,\nis so uncertain in its methods, is swayed by such slight considerations,\nand arrives at so many different conclusions, that, with the manifold\ndiversities of human needs and desires, the chances of duplicate invention\nby different persons in distant countries, without contact or\ncommunication between them, are almost as one to infinity.\n\nThe old adage or proverb says, \"Many men of many minds,\" and it only\nemphasizes the differences between men in regard to the various phenomena\nmentioned. There are some things sure to happen, yet it is entirely\nuncertain as to the way they will happen. Nothing is more uncertain than\nthe sex of a child yet to be born, yet every person has one chance out of\ntwo to foretell the result correctly. But of certain other premises, the\nchances of producing the same result are as one to infinity. Not only does\nthe human intellect not produce the same conclusion from the same premises\nin different persons, but it does not in the same person at different\ntimes. It is unnecessary to multiply words over this, but illustrations\ncan be given that are satisfactory. A battle, a street fight, any event\nhappening in the presence of many witnesses, will never be seen in the\nsame way by all of them; it will be reported differently by each one; each\nwitness will have a different story. The jurors in our country are chosen\nbecause of the absence of prejudice or bias. Their intellect or reason are\nintended to be subjected to precisely the same evidence and argument, and\nyet how many jurors disagree as to their verdict? We have but to consider\nthe dissensions and differences developed in the jury room which are\nsettled, sometimes by argument, by change of conviction, or by compromise.\nWhat would be the resources of obtaining justice if we were to insist upon\nunanimity of decision of the jury upon their first ballot or the first\nexpression of their opinion and without opportunity of change? Yet these\njurors have been charged, tried, and sworn a true verdict to render\naccording to the law and evidence as submitted to them. There is no doubt\nbut that they are endeavoring to fulfill their duty in this regard, and\nwhile the same evidence as to fact, and charge as to law, are presented to\nall of them at the same time, what different impressions are made and what\ndifferent conclusions are produced in the minds of the different jurors.\nIllustrations of this exist in the decisions of our Supreme Court,\nwherein, after full argument and fair investigation, with ample\nopportunity for comparison of views, explanations, and arguments, all\nbased upon the same state of facts, the same witnesses; yet, in how many\ncases do we find differences of opinion among the members of the court,\nand questions of the gravest import and of the most vital character\nsettled for the whole nation by votes of 8 to 7 and 5 to 4? The author has\nexamined, and in other places shown, the fallacy of the rule that like\nproduces like. Like causes produce like effects is a law of nature, but\nwhen the decision rests upon the judgment of man and depends upon his\nreason and his intellect, our common knowledge testifies that this law has\nno application. When the proposition to be determined has to be submitted\nto individuals of widely separated and distinct countries between whom\nthere has been neither communication nor contact, and who have received no\nsuggestion as to their respective ideas or needs, or the means of\nsatisfying them, it seems to the author that no rule can be predicated\nupon the similarity of human condition, of human reason, or of human\nintellect, certainly none which can be depended on to produce the same\nconclusion.\n\nConsideration of the facility with which symbols, signs, myths, fables,\nstories, history, etc., are transmitted from one people to another and\nfrom one country to another, should not be omitted in this discussion. It\nmay have slight relation to the Swastika to mention the migrations of the\npresent time, but it will give an idea of the possibility of past times.\nIn this regard we have but to consider the immense number of articles or\nobjects in museums and collections, public and private, representing\nalmost every country and people. We there find objects from all quarters\nof the globe, from the five continents, and all the islands of the sea.\nSome of them are of great antiquity, and it is a matter of wonderment how\nthey should have made such long passages and have been preserved from\ndestruction by the vicissitudes of time and space. We have but to consider\nhow money passes from hand to hand and is always preserved to be passed on\nto the next. Every collection of importance throughout the world possesses\na greater or less number of Greek and Roman coins antedating the Christian\nera. We have an excellent illustration of those possibilities in the word\n\"halloo,\" commonly rendered as \"hello.\" A few years ago this word, was\npeculiar to the English language, yet an incident lately occurred in the\ncity of Washington, within sight of my own residence, by which this word,\n\"hello,\" has traveled the world around, has spread itself over land and\nsea, has attached itself to and become part of most every spoken language\nof civilization, and without much consideration as to its meaning; but\nbeing on the procrustean bed of imitation, there are people, foreigners,\nwho believe that the telephone can be only made to respond when the demand\nis made \"hello!\"\n\n\nMIGRATION OF CLASSIC SYMBOLS.\n\nCount Goblet d'Alviella, in \"La Migration des Symboles,\" traces many\nancient symbols from what he believes to be their place of origin to their\nmodern habitat. The idea he elucidates in his book is indicated in its\ntitle.\n\n_The sacred tree of the Assyrians._--This he holds to be one of the oldest\nhistoric symbols; that it had its origin in Mesopotamia, one of the\nearliest civilized centers of the world. Beginning with its simplest form,\nthe sacred tree grew into an ornate and highly complex pattern, invariably\nassociated with religious subjects. Two living creatures always stand on\neither side, facing it and each other. First they were monsters, like\nwinged bulls or griffins, and after became human or semihuman\npersonages--priests or kings, usually in the attitude of devotion. The\nCount says the migration of both these types can be readily traced. The\ntree between the two monsters or animals passed from Mesopotamia to India,\nwhere it was employed by the Buddhists and Brahmins, and has continued in\nuse in that country to the present time. It passed to the Phenicians, and\nfrom Asia Minor to Greece. From the Persians it was introduced to the\nByzantines, and during the early ages, into Christian symbolism in Sicily\nand Italy, and even penetrated to the west of France. The other type--that\nis, the tree between two semi-human personages--followed the same route\ninto India, China, and eastern Asia, and, being found in the ancient\nMexican and Maya codices, it forms part of the evidence cited by the Count\nas a pre-Columbian communication between the Old World and the New. He\nargues this out by similarity of the details of attitude and expression of\nthe human figure, the arrangement of the branches of the sacred tree, etc.\n\n_The sacred cone of Mesopotamia._--This was worshipped by the western\nSemites as their great goddess, under the image of a conical stone. Its\nfigurative representation is found alike on monuments, amulets, and coins.\nOn some Phenician monuments there is to be seen, super-added to the cone,\na horizontal crossbar on the middle of which rests a handle. This shape\nbears a striking resemblance to the _Crux ansata_ (fig. 4), and, like it,\nwas a symbol of life in its widest and most abstract meaning. The\nresemblance between them is supposed to have caused them to have been\nmistaken and employed one for the other in the same character of symbol\nand talisman. It is alleged that the Ephesian Artemis was but the sacred\ncone of Mesopotamia anthropomorphized, although, with the halo added to\nArtemis, the allegation of relationship has been made in respect of the\n_Crux ansata_.\n\n_The Crux ansata, the key of life._--This is probably more widely known in\nmodern times than any other Egyptian symbol. Its hieroglyphic name is\n_Ankh_, and its signification is \"to live.\" As an emblem of life,\nrepresenting the male and female principle united, it is always borne in\nthe hands of the gods, it is poured from a jar over the head of the king\nin a species of baptism, and it is laid symbolically on the lips of the\nmummy to revive it. From Egypt the _Crux ansata_ spread first among the\nPhenicians, and then throughout the whole Semitic world, from Sardinia to\nSusiana.\n\n_The winged globe._--This was a widely spread and highly venerated\nEgyptian symbol. From Egypt it spread, under various modifications,\nthroughout the Old World. It is formed by a combination of the\nrepresentations of the sun that have prevailed in different localities in\nEgypt, the mythology of which ended by becoming a solar drama. Two ur\u00e6us\nsnakes or asps, with heads erect, are twisted round a globe-shaped disk,\nbehind which are the outstretched wings of a hawk, and on its top the\nhorns of a goat. It commemorates the victory of the principle of light\nand good over that of darkness and evil. It spread readily among\nthe Phenicians, where it is found suspended over the sacred tree\nand the sacred cone, and was carried wheresoever their art was\nintroduced--westward to Carthage, Sicily, Sardinia, and Cyprus, eastward\nto Western Asia. Very early it penetrated on the north to the Hittites,\nand when it reached Mesopotamia, in the time of Sargonid\u00e6, the winged\ncircle assumed the shape of the wheel or rosette, surmounted by a scroll\nwith upcurled extremities and with a feathered tail opening out like a\nfan, or a human figure in an attitude sometimes of benediction, sometimes\nwarlike, was inscribed within the disk. Then it was no longer exclusively\na solar emblem, but served to express the general idea of divinity. From\nMesopotamia it passed to Persia, principally in the anthropoid type. It\nwas, however, never adopted by Greece, and it is nowhere met with in\nEurope, except, as before stated, in the Mediterranean islands. When\nGreece took over from Asia symbolic combinations in which it was\noriginally represented, she replaced it by the thunderbolt. But the\naureole, or halo, which encircles the heads of her divinities, and which\nChristian art has borrowed from the classic, was directly derived from it.\n\n_The caduceus._--This is one of the interesting symbols of antiquity. It\nappears in many phases and is an excellent illustration of the migration\nof symbols. Its classic type held in the hand of Mercury and used to-day\nas a symbol of the healing art--a winged rod round which two serpents are\nsymmetrically entwined--is due to the mythographers of later times, and is\nvery remote from its primitive form. In the Homeric hymn it is called \"the\ngolden rod, three-petaled of happiness and wealth,\" which Phoebus gave to\nthe youthful Hermes, but on early Greek monuments the three leaves are\nrepresented by a disk surmounted by an incomplete circle. In this shape it\nconstantly appears on Phenician monuments; and at Carthage, where it seems\nto have been essentially a solar emblem, it is nearly always associated\nwith the sacred cone. It is found on Hittite monuments, where it assumes\nthe form of a globe surmounted by horns. Numerous origins and manifold\nantecedents have been attributed to it, such as an equivalent of the\nthunderbolt, a form of the sacred tree, or a combination of the solar\nglobe with the lunar crescent. Some examples seem to indicate a transition\nfrom the sacred tree surmounted by the solar disk, to the form of the\ncaduceus of the Hittites. Our author believes it was employed originally\nas a religious or military standard or flag, and that it was gradually\nmodified by coming in contact with other symbols. Some Assyrian\nbas-reliefs display a military standard, sometimes consisting of a large\nring placed upon a staff with two loose bandelets attached, sometimes of a\nwinged globe similarly disposed. This Assyrian military standard may be\nthe prototype of the labarum, which Constantine, after his conversion to\nChristianity, chose for his own standard, and which might equally well\nhave been claimed by the sun worshipers. Under its latest transformation\nin Greece, a winged rod with two serpents twined round it, it has come\ndown to our own times representing two of the functions of Hermes, more\nthan ever in vogue among men, industry and commerce. It has survived in\nIndia under the form of two serpents entwined, probably introduced in the\ntrack of Alexander the Great. It was also met with in that country in\nearlier times in its simpler form, a disk surmounted by a crescent,\nresembling our astronomical sign for the planet Mercury. This earliest\ntype of the caduceus, a disk surmounted by a crescent, appears at a remote\ndate in India, and seems to have been confounded with the trisula.\n\n_The trisula._--This form of the trident peculiar to the Buddhists was of\ngreat importance in the symbolism of the Hindus; but whether it was an\nimitation of the type of thunderbolt seen on Assyrian sculptures, or was\ndevised by them spontaneously, is uncertain. Its simplest form, which is,\nhowever, rarely met with, is an omicron ([Greek: o]) surmounted by an\nomega ([Greek: \u00f4]). Nearly always the upper portion is flanked by two\nsmall circles, or by two horizontal strokes which often take the\nappearance of leaves or small wings. The points of the omega are\ngenerally changed into small circles, leaves, or trefoil; and the disk\nitself is placed on a pedestal. From its lower arc there fall two spires\nlike serpents' tails with the ends curving, sometimes up and sometimes\ndown. This is a very complex symbol. None of the Buddhist texts give any\npositive information in regard to its origin or meaning, and few symbols\nhave given rise to more varied explanations. The upper part of the figure\nis frequently found separated from the lower; sometimes this is plainly a\ntrident superposed upon a disk-shaped nucleus. The trident may possibly\nhave symbolized the flash of lightning, as did Neptune's trident among the\nGreeks, but more probably it is the image of the solar radiation. Among\nthe northern Buddhists it personifies the heaven of pure flame superposed\nupon the heaven of the sun. Though undoubtedly a Hindu emblem, its\nprimitive shape seems to have early felt the influence of the caduceus,\nwhile its more complex forms exhibit a likeness to certain types of the\nwinged globe. Still later the trisula was converted by Brahmanism into an\nanthropoid figure, and became the image of Jagenath. The vegetable kingdom\nwas also laid under contribution, and the trisula came into a resemblance\nof the tree of knowledge. Although we have learned the probable\nsignification of its factors in the creeds that preceded Buddhism, we know\nvery little about its meaning in the religion that used it most, but it is\na symbol before which millions have bowed in reverence. The plastic\ndevelopment of the trisula shows with what facility emblems of the most\ndissimilar origin may merge into each other when the opportunity of\npropinquity is given, and there is sufficient similarity in form and\nmeaning.\n\n_The double-headed eagle on the escutcheon of Austria and Russia._--Count\nD'Alviella tells the history of the migration of the symbol of the\ndouble-headed eagle on the escutcheon of Austria and Russia. It was\noriginally the type of the Garuda bird of southern India, found on temple\nsculptures, in carved wood, on embroideries, printed and woven cloths, and\non amulets. It first appears on the so-called Hittite sculptures at Eyuk,\nthe ancient Pteria in Phrygia. In 1217 it appeared on the coins and\nstandards of the Turkoman conquerors of Asia Minor.\n\nIn 1227-28 the Emperor Frederick II undertook the sixth crusade, landing\nat Acre in the latter year, and being crowned King of Jerusalem in 1229.\nWithin thirty years from these dates the symbol appeared on the coins of\ncertain Flemish princes, and in 1345 it replaced the single-headed eagle\non the armorial bearing of the holy Roman Empire. Thus, the historic\nevidence of the migration of this symbol, from the far east to the nations\nof the west by direct contact, would seem complete.\n\n_The lion rampant of Belgium._--This lion was incorporated into the Percy\nor Northumberland escutcheon by the marriage of Joceline of Louvain, the\nsecond son of Godfrey, the Duke of Brabant, to Agnes, the sister and heir\nof all the Percys. The Counts of Flanders, Brabant, and Louvain bore as\ntheir coat of arms the lion rampant facing to the left, which is the\npresent coat of arms of the King of Belgium. The story is thus told in\nBurke's \"Peerage\" (1895): Agnes de Percy married Joceline of Louvain,\nbrother of Queen Adeliza, second wife of Henry I, and son of Godfrey\nBarbalus, Duke of Lower Brabant and Count of Brabant, who was descended\nfrom the Emperor Charlemagne. Her ladyship, it is stated, would only\nconsent, however, to this great alliance upon condition that Joceline\nshould adopt either the surname or arms of Percy, the former of which,\nsays the old family tradition, he accordingly assumed, and retained his\nown paternal coat in order to perpetuate his claim to the principality of\nhis father, should the elder line of the reigning duke become extinct. The\nmatter is thus stated in the old pedigree at Sion House: \"The ancient arms\nof Hainault this Lord Jocelyn retained, and gave his children the surname\nof Percy.\"\n\nThe migration of this lion rampant is interesting. It was in the twelfth\ncentury the coat of arms of the King of Albania. Phillippe d'Alsace, the\neldest son of Thierry d'Alsace, was Count of Flanders, sixteenth in\nsuccession, tracing his ancestry back to 621 A. D. The original and\nancient coat of arms of the Counts of Flanders consisted of a small shield\nin the center of a larger one, with a sunburst of six rays. Phillippe\nd'Alsace reigned as Count of Flanders and Brabant from 1168 to 1190 A. D.\nHe held an important command in two crusades to the Holy Land. During a\nbattle in one of these crusades, he killed the King of Albania in a\nhand-to-hand conflict, and carried off his shield with its escutcheon of\nthe lion rampant, which Phillippe transferred to his own shield, took as\nhis own coat of arms, and it has been since that time the coat of arms of\nthe Counts of Flanders and Brabant, and is now that of Belgium. The lion\nin the escutcheon can thus be traced by direct historic evidence through\nNorthumberland, Flanders and Louvain back to its original owner, the King\nof Albania, in the twelfth century. Thus is the migration of the symbol\ntraced by communication and contact, and thus are shown the possibilities\nin this regard which go far toward invalidating, if they do not destroy,\nthe presumption of separate invention in those cases wherein, because of\nour ignorance of the facts, we have invoked the rule of separate\ninvention.\n\n_Greek art and architecture._--It has come to be almost a proverb in\nscientific investigation that we argue from the known to the unknown. We\nmight argue from this proverb in favor of the migration of the Swastika\nsymbol and its passage from one people to another by the illustration of\nthe Greek fret, which is in appearance closely related to the Swastika;\nand, indeed, we might extend the illustration to all Greek architecture.\nIt is a well-known fact, established by numberless historic evidences,\nthat the Greek architecture of ancient times migrated--that is, passed by\ncommunication and contact of peoples, and by transfer of knowledge from\none man to another, and from one generation to the succeeding generation,\nuntil it became known throughout all western countries. The architects of\nRome, Vicenza, Paris, London, Philadelphia, Washington, Chicago, and San\nFrancisco derive their knowledge of Grecian architecture in its details of\nDoric, Ionic, and Corinthian styles by direct communication, either\nspoken, written or graphic, from the Greek architects who practiced, if\nthey did not invent, these styles.\n\n_The Greek fret._--This has migrated in the same manner. As to its\ninvention or origin, we have little to do in the present argument. Whether\nthe fret was the ancestor or the descendant of the Swastika is of no\nmoment to our present question. It has been demonstrated in the early part\nof this paper that both it and the Swastika had a common existence in\nearly if not prehistoric Greece, and that both were employed in perfected\nform on the same specimen of Archaic Greek pottery. Figs. 133 and 134\ndemonstrate that these two signs migrated together from Greece to Egypt,\nfor the particular specimen mentioned was found at Naukratis, Egypt. From\nthis high antiquity the Greek fret has migrated to practically every\ncountry in the world, and has been employed during all historic time by\nthe peoples of every civilization. The fret is known historically to have\npassed by means of teachers, either through speaking, writing, or drawing,\nand never yet a suggestion that its existence or appearance in distant\ncountries depended upon separate invention or independent discovery.\n\nWhy strain at the gnat of independent invention of the Swastika when we\nare compelled to swallow the camel of migration when applied to the Greek\nfret and architecture? The same proposition of migration applies to Greek\nart, whether of sculpture, engraving, or gem carving. These ancient\nGrecian arts are as well known in all quarters of the civilized globe at\nthe present day as they were in their own country, and this was all done\nby communication between peoples either through speaking, writing, or\ndrawing. So far from being separate inventions, the modern sculptor or\nengraver, with full historic knowledge of the origin or, at least,\nantiquity of these arts, and with an opportunity for inspection and study\nof the specimens, is still unable to reproduce them or to invent original\nworks of so high an order. The imaginary and newly invented theory that\nculture is the result of the psychologic nature of man manifesting itself\nin all epochs and countries, and among all peoples, by the evolution of\nsome new discovery made to fit a human need--that as all human needs in a\ngiven stage are the same, therefore all human culture must, _per se_, pass\nthrough the same phases or stages--is a theory to which I refuse adhesion.\nIt receives a hard blow when we take down the bars to the modern sculptor,\nrequiring of him neither original invention nor independent discovery, but\npermitting him to use, study, adapt, and even servilely copy the great\nGreek art works, and we know that with all these opportunities and\nadvantages he can not attain to their excellence, nor reach their stage of\nart culture.\n\n\n\n\nVII.--PREHISTORIC OBJECTS ASSOCIATED WITH THE SWASTIKA, FOUND IN BOTH\nHEMISPHERES, AND BELIEVED TO HAVE PASSED BY MIGRATION.\n\n\nSPINDLE-WHORLS.\n\nSpindle-whorls are first to be considered. These are essentially\nprehistoric utensils, and are to be found in every part of the world where\nthe inhabitants were sufficiently cultured to make twisted threads or\ncords, whether for hunting or fishing, games, textile fabrics, or\ncoverings, either for themselves, their tents, or other purposes. In\nwestern Asia, all of Europe, in the pueblos of North America, and among\nthe aborigines--by whatever name they are called--of Mexico, Central\nAmerica, and the north and west coast of South America, wherever the\naborigines employed cord, cloth, or fiber, the spindle-whorl is found.\nWhere they used skins for the coverings of themselves or their tents, the\nspindle-whorl may not be found. Thus, in the Eskimo land, and among\ncertain of the North American savages, spindle-whorls are rarely if ever\nfound.\n\nThe spindle-whorl was equally in use in Europe and Asia during the\nNeolithic Age as in the Bronze Age. It continued in use among the peasants\nin remote and outlying districts into modern times. During the Neolithic\nAge its materials were stone and terra cotta; during the Bronze Age they\nwere almost exclusively terra cotta. They are found of both materials.\nRecently a Gallo-Roman tomb was opened at Clermont-Ferrand and found to\ncontain the skeleton of a young woman, and with it her spindles and\nwhorls.[312]\n\nThe existence of spindle-whorls in distant and widely separated countries\naffords a certain amount of presumptive evidence of migrations of peoples\nfrom one country to another, or of contact or communication between them.\nIf the people did not themselves migrate and settle the new country,\ntaking the spindle-whorls and other objects with them, then the\nspindle-whorl itself, or the knowledge of how to make and use it, must in\nsome other way have gotten over to the new country.\n\nThis argument of migration, contact, or communication does not rest solely\non the similarity of the whorls in the distant countries, but equally on\nthe fact of spinning thread from the fiber; and this argument is\nreenforced by the similarity of the operation and of the tool or machine\nwith which it was done. It has been said elsewhere that the probability of\ncommunication between widely separated peoples by migration or contact\ndepended for its value as evidence, in some degree, upon the\ncorrespondence or similarity of the object considered, and that this value\nincreased with the number of items of correspondence, the closeness of\nsimilarity, the extent of the occurrence, and the difficulty of its\nperformance. So we pass to the similarity in size, appearance, mode of\nmanufacture, and, finally, the use of the whorls of the two continents.\n\nEUROPE.\n\n_Switzerland--Lake dwellings._--Figs. 345 and 346 show stone\nspindle-whorls from prehistoric Swiss lake dwellings. These are in the U.\nS. National Museum, and with them are dozens of others of the same kind\nand style from all other parts of Europe. Fig. 347 shows a stone\nspindle-whorl from Lund, Sweden. It is in the U. S. National Museum and\nwas contributed by Professor Jillson. Figs. 348, 349, and 350 represent\nterra-cotta spindle-whorls from the Swiss lakes. These specimens were\nselected to show the different patterns, to illustrate their unlikeness\ninstead of their likeness, to give an understanding of the various kinds\nof whorls rather than that they were all one kind, a fad which should be\nkept in mind during this argument.\n\n[Illustration: Figs. 345 and 346. STONE SPINDLE-WHORLS. Neolithic. Swiss\nlake dwellings. U. S. National Museum.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 347. STONE SPINDLE-WHORL. Neolithic. Lund, Sweden.\nCat. No. 5281, U. S. N. M.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 348. TERRA-COTTA SPINDLE-WHORL. Neolithic or Bronze\nAge. Swiss lake dwellings. Cat. No. 100642, U. S. N. M.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 349. TERRA-COTTA SPINDLE-WHORL. Neolithic or Bronze\nAge. Swiss lake dwellings. Cat. No. 190642, U. S. N. M.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 350. TERRA-COTTA SPINDLE-WHORL. Swiss lake dwellings.\nCat. No. 100647, U. S. N. M.]\n\n_Italy._--Figs. 351, 352, and 353 show terra-cotta spindle-whorls from\nOrvieto, Italy, 78 miles north from Rome. Figs. 354 and 355 represent\nspindle-whorls from Corneto, Italy, 63 miles north from Rome. As remarked\nabove, they have been chosen to represent the different kinds. There are\nthousands of these whorls found in Italy. In the Arch\u00e6ological Exposition\nat Turin, 1884, the number was so great that they were twined about the\ncolumns, thereby providing a place of storage as well as a place of\ndisplay.\n\n[Illustration: Figs. 351, 352, and 353. PREHISTORIC TERRA-COTTA\nSPINDLE-WHORLS. Orvieto, Italy. Cat. Nos. 101671, 101672, U. S. N. M.]\n\n_Wurtemburg._--Dr. Charles Rau procured for, and there is now in, the U.\nS. National Museum a spindle (fig. 356) with its whorl which had been in\nuse for spinning from 1860 to 1870, and which he obtained in Wurtemburg,\nGermany, from the woman who had used it.\n\n[Illustration: Figs. 354 and 355. PREHISTORIC SPINDLE-WHORLS. Corneto,\nItaly. Cat. No. 101773, U. S. N. M.]\n\n_France._--The author has seen the French peasants in Brittany spinning\ntheir thread in the same way, and once took a photograph of one in the\nhamlet of Pont-Aven, Morbihan, but it failed in development. In 1893\nMr. Harle purchased at St. Gerons, Ardeche, a merchant's entire stock of\nmodern porcelain spindle-whorls. The manufactory was located at\nMartres-Tolosane, and the trade extended throughout the Pyrenees. He\npresented a series to the Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 d'Anthropologie at Paris, July,\n1893.[313]\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 21. SPINDLE-WHORLS OF MODERN PORCELAIN FROM SOUTHERN\nFRANCE. Cat. No. 169598, U. S. N. M.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 356. MODERN SPINDLE AND WHORL USED FOR SPINNING\nTHREAD. Wurtemburg, Germany.]\n\nThe U. S. National Museum has lately received, through the kindness of the\n\u00c9cole d'Anthropologie, a series of nine of these porcelain whorls (pl.\n21). The wheel and modern machines for spinning have penetrated this\ncorner of the world, and these whorls are the last emblem of an industry\ndating slightly after the advent of man on earth and already old in that\nlocality when Roland crossed the mountain pass near there and sounded his\n\"Oliphant,\" calling for help from Charlemagne. These are the death chant\nof the industry of hand spinning in that country.\n\nNORTH AMERICA--PRE-COLUMBIAN TIMES.\n\nThe North American Indians employed rushes and animal skins as the\nprincipal coverings for themselves and their tents. They used sinews and\nthongs for thread and cord, and thus avoided largely the necessity for\nspinning fiber or making textiles; for these or possibly other reasons, we\nfind few spindle-whorls among them compared with the number found in\nEurope. Yet the North American Indians made and used textile fabrics, and\nthere are pieces of woven cloth from mounds in Ohio now in the Department\nof Prehistoric Anthropology, U. S. National Museum. The Pueblo Indians\nspun thread and wove cloth in pre-Columbian times, and those within the\nStates of Colorado and Utah and the adjoining Territories of Arizona and\nNew Mexico, particularly the Navajoes, have been long noted for their\nexcellence in producing textile fabrics. Specimens of their looms and\nthread are on display in the National Museum and have been published in\nthe reports. Special attention is called to that by Dr. Washington\nMatthews in the Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1881-82.\nDr. Matthews is of the opinion that the work of the Pueblo Indians\nantedated that of the Navajoes, that the latter learned the art from the\nformer since the advent of the Spaniards; and he remarks that the pupils\nnow excel their masters in the beauty and quality of their work. He\ndeclares that the art of weaving has been carried to greater perfection\namong the Navajoes than among any native tribe in America north of the\nMexican boundary; while with none in the entire continent has it been less\ninfluenced by contact with Europeans. The superiority of the Navajo to\nthe Pueblo work results not only from a constant advance of the weavers'\nart among the former, but from a deterioration of it among the latter.\nThis deterioration among the Pueblo Indians he attributes to their contact\nwith the whites, their inclination being to purchase rather than to make\nwoven fabrics, while these influences seem not to have affected the\nNavajoes. He represents a Navajo woman spinning (see pl. 22 of the present\npaper). She is seated, and apparently whorls the spindle by rubbing it on\nher leg. The spindle is of wood, as are all other spindles, but the whorl\nis also of wood. In this these people are peculiar and perhaps unique. The\nwhorl, among most other savage or prehistoric peoples, as we have already\nseen, was of stone or clay. These wooden whorls are thinner and larger,\nbut otherwise they are the same. An inspection of the plate will show that\nwith it the spinning apparatus forms the same machine, accomplishes the\nsame purpose, and does it in the same way. The sole difference is in the\nsize and material of the whorl. The difference in material accounts for\nthe difference in size. It is not improbable that the Indian discovered\nthat the wooden whorl would serve as well as a stone or pottery one, and\nthat it was easier made. The machine in the hands of the woman, as shown\nin the figure, is larger than usual, which may be accounted for by the\nthread of wool fiber used by the Navajo being thicker and occupying more\nspace than the flaxen thread of prehistoric times; so it may have been\ndiscovered that a large whorl of wood served their purpose better than a\nsmall one of stone. Stone whorls of large size might be too heavy. Thus\nmay be explained the change from small stone or pottery whorls to large\nwooden ones.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 357. TERRA-COTTA SPINDLE-WHORL WITH DESIGN SIMILAR TO\nSWASTIKA. Valley of Mexico. Cat. No. 27875, U. S. N. M.]\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 22. NAVAJO WOMAN USING SPINDLE AND WHORL. Dr.\nWashington Matthews, Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology,\n1881-82, Pl. XXXIV.]\n\n_Mexico._--Fig. 357 represents the two sides and edge of a pottery\nterra-cotta spindle-whorl. It is the largest of a series of six (Cat.\nNos. 27875-27880) from the valley of Mexico, sent to the U. S. National\nMuseum by the Mexican National Museum in 1877. Fig. 358 also represents\none of a series from Mexico, obtained by W. W. Blake, July, 1886 (Cat.\nNos. 99051-99059). The National Museum possesses hundreds of these from\nMexico, as well as the small ones from Peru.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 358. MEXICAN TERRA-COTTA SPINDLE-WHORL WITH DESIGN\nSIMILAR TO SWASTIKA.]\n\nThese specimens are chosen because they are the largest and most\nelaborately decorated. It will be perceived at a glance how the style of\ndecoration lends itself to the Swastika. It consists mostly of geometric\nfigures, chief of which is the Greek fret, the labyrinth, the circle, and\nthe volute, but as in the color stamps (pp. 946-947) there is no Swastika.\n\n[Illustration: Figs. 359 and 360. TERRA-COTTA SPINDLE-WHORLS. Omotepe\nIsland, Nicaragua. Cat. Nos. 28898, 28899, U. S. N. M.]\n\nCENTRAL AMERICA.\n\n_Nicaragua._--The specimen shown in fig. 359, from Omotepe Island, Lake\nNicaragua, is one of a series of pottery spindle-whorls, bearing, however,\ngreat resemblance to those of stone. Fig. 360 shows a specimen from the\nsame locality. It is of pottery and bears much resemblance in form to the\nearliest whorls found by Schliemann on the site of Troy on the hill of\nHissarlik. Both these were collected by Dr. J. F. Bransford, and are in\nthe U. S. National Museum. Fig. 361 shows a specimen from Granada,\nNicaragua. It is of the common shape of the European prehistoric\nspindle-whorl. Its flat surface is decorated with a Greek cross in incised\nlines, two quarters of which are filled with hatch marks. Fig. 362 shows a\nterra-cotta spindle-whorl from Malacate, Nicaragua. It is cone-shaped.\nBoth these specimens were collected by Dr. Earl Flint.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 361. TERRA-COTTA SPINDLE-WHORL. Granada, Nicaragua.\nCat. No. 23295, U. S. N. M.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 362. TERRA-COTTA SPINDLE-WHORL. Malacate, Nicaragua.\nCat. No. 29009, U. S. N. M.]\n\nSOUTH AMERICA.\n\n_Chiriqui._--Figs. 363, 364, and 365 show terra-cotta spindle-whorls from\nChiriqui, the most northern territory in South America and adjoining the\nIsthmus of Panama. They are engraved natural size, with ornamentation\nsimilar to that on the pottery of that country.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 363. SPINDLE-WHORL MADE OF GRAY CLAY AND DECORATED\nWITH ANNULAR NODES. Chiriqui. Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of\nEthnology, fig. 218.]\n\n_Colombia._--Fig. 366 shows a cone-shaped terra-cotta whorl from\nManizales, Colombia, South America. It has a star-shaped design on the\nface and a three-line zigzag or chevron pattern.\n\n_Peru._--Plate 23 represents a series of spindles and whorls from Peru.\nThey were furnished to the U. S. National Museum by I. V. Norton, of\nPlainville, N. Y. The whorls were originally considered to be beads, and\nwere without further description. The spindles were not inserted in them\nas at present. The spindles, as well as whorls, are exceedingly small.\nSome of the whorls are decorated by incised lines in the clay, and many of\nthe spindles are decorated in the middle with paint in different colors,\nin lines, scrolls, and chevrons. These are the only whorls from Peru which\nthe U. S. National Museum has, though it possesses an extensive series of\nthe spindles, several of which still have the spun thread wrapped upon\nthem.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 23. SERIES OF ABORIGINAL SPINDLES AND WHORLS FROM\nPERU. Cat. No. 17510, U. S. N. M.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 364. SPINDLE-WHORL OF GRAY CLAY WITH FIGURES OF\nANIMALS. Chiriqui. Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, fig.\n219.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 365. SPINDLE-WHORL OF DARK CLAY WITH PERFORATIONS AND\nINCISED ORNAMENTS. Chiriqui. Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of\nEthnology, fig. 220.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 366. TERRA-COTTA SPINDLE-WHORL. Manizales, Colombia.\nCat. No. 16838, U. S. N. M.]\n\nThere are certain distinguishing peculiarities to be remarked when\ncomparing the spindle-whorls from the Western Hemisphere with those from\nthe Eastern Hemisphere. There is greater diversity in size, form, and\ndecoration in the American than in the European whorls. A series of\nEuropean whorls from any given locality will afford a fair representation\nof those from almost every other locality. But it is different with the\nAmerican specimens. Each section in America has a different style, not\nonly different from the European specimens, but different from those of\nneighboring sections. Among the eighteen thousand whorls found by Dr.\nSchliemann on the hill of Hissarlik, there is scarcely one so large as\nthose here shown from Mexico, while, on the other hand, there were only a\nfew as small as the largest of the series from Peru. The difference in\nsize and material in the Pueblo whorls has already been noticed. The\nornamentation is also peculiar in that it adopts, not a particular style\ncommon to the utensil, but that it adopts the styles of the respective\ncountries. The Mexican whorl has a Mexican style of ornamentation, etc.\nThe Nicaragua specimens resemble the European more than any other from\nAmerica in their forms and the almost entire absence of decoration.\n\nThe foregoing are the differences; but with all the number and extent of\nthese differences the fact remains that the whorls of the two hemispheres\nare practically the same, and the differences are insignificant. In style,\nshape, and manner of use they are so similar in the two hemispheres as to\nbe the same invention. The whorls, when put upon their spindles, form the\nsame machine in both countries. They were intended for and they accomplish\nthe same purpose, and the method of their performance is practically the\nsame. While the similarity of the art of spinning and the mechanism (_i.\ne._, the spindle and whorl) by which it is accomplished may not prove\nconclusively that it migrated from the Eastern Hemisphere, nor yet show\npositive connection or communication between the two peoples, it goes a\nlong way toward establishing such migration or communication. The\nsimilarity in the art and its mechanism appears to the author to show such\nresemblance with the like culture in the Eastern Hemisphere, and is so\nharmonious with the theory of migration or contact or communication, that\nif there shall be other objects found which either by their number or\ncondition would prove to be a well-authenticated instance of migration\nfrom or contact or communication between the countries, the evidence of\nthe similarity of the spindle-whorls would form a valuable addition to and\nlargely increase the evidence to establish the main fact. Until that piece\nof well-authenticated evidence has been obtained, the question must, so\nfar as concerns spindle-whorls, remain only a probability. The differences\nbetween them are of manner, and not of matter; in size and degree, but not\nin kind, and are not other or greater than might easily arise from local\nadaptation of an imported invention. Compare the Navajo spindle (pl. 22)\nwith that from Wurtemburg, Germany (fig. 356), and these with the spindles\nand whorls from Peru (pl. 23). These facts are entirely in harmony with\nthe possibility that the spindle and whorl, as a machine for spinning, was\na single invention, and that its slight differentiations resulted from its\nemployment by different peoples--the result of its intertribal migrations.\nFor purposes of comparison, and to show the similarity of these objects in\nEurope, the author has introduced a series of spindle-whorls from Troy,\nHissarlik (pls. 24 and 25). These belong to the U. S. National Museum, and\nform part of the valuable collection from Mme. Schliemann, the gift by her\ntalented husband to the people of the United States as a token of his\nremembrance and grateful feelings toward them.\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 24. SELECTED SPECIMENS OF SPINDLE-WHORLS FROM THE\nTHIRD, FOURTH, AND FIFTH CITIES OF TROY. U. S. National Museum.]\n\n[Illustration: PLATE 25. SELECTED SPECIMENS OF SPINDLE-WHORLS FROM THE\nTHIRD, FOURTH, AND FIFTH CITIES OF TROY. U. S. National Museum.]\n\n\nBOBBINS.\n\nEUROPE.\n\nWe have already seen how an increase in the number of correspondences\nbetween objects from distant countries increases the weight of their\nevidence in favor of contact or communication between the peoples. If it\nshould be found upon comparison that the bobbins on which thread is to be\nwound, as well as the spindle-whorls with which it is made, had been in\nuse during prehistoric times in the two hemispheres, it would add to the\nevidence of contact or communication. The U. S. National Museum possesses\na series of these bobbins, as they are believed to have been, running from\nlarge to small, comprising about one dozen specimens from Italy, one from\nCorneto and the others from Bologna, in which places many prehistoric\nspindle whorls have been found (figs. 367 and 368). These are of the type\nVillanova. The end as well as the side view is represented. The former is\none of the largest, the latter of middle size, with others smaller forming\na graduating series. The latter is engraved on the end by dotted incisions\nin three parallel lines arranged in the form of a Greek cross. A similar\nbobbin from Bologna bears the sign of the Swastika on its end (fig.\n193).[314] It was found by Count Gozzadini and forms part of his\ncollection in Bologna.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 367. BOBBIN OR SPOOL FOR WINDING THREAD (?). Type\nVillanova. Corneto, Italy. U. S. National Museum.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 368. TERRA-COTTA BOBBIN OR SPOOL FOR WINDING THREAD\n(?). Type Villanova. Bologna, Italy. Cat. No. 101771, U. S. N. M.]\n\nUNITED STATES.\n\nThe three following figures represent clay and stone bobbins, all from the\nState of Kentucky. Fig. 369 shows a bobbin elaborately decorated, from a\nmound near Maysville, Ky. It has a hole drilled longitudinally through\nthe center. The end shows a cross of the Greek form with this hole in the\ncenter of the cross. Fig. 370 shows a similar object from Lexington, Ky.,\nsent by the Kentucky University. It is of fine-grained sandstone, is\ndrilled longitudinally through the center and decorated as shown. The end\nview shows a series of concentric circles with rows of dots in the\nintervals. Fig. 371 shows a similar object of fine-grained sandstone from\nLewis County, Ky. It is also drilled longitudinally, and is decorated with\nrows of zigzag lines as shown. The end view represents four consecutive\npentagons laid one on top of the other, which increase in size as they go\noutward, the hole through the bobbin being in the center of these\npentagons, while the outside line is decorated with spikes or rays\nextending to the periphery of the bobbin, all of which is said to\nrepresent the sun. The specimen shown in fig. 372, of fine-grained\nsandstone, is from Maysville, Ky. The two ends are here represented\nbecause of the peculiarity of the decoration. In the center is the hole,\nnext to it is a rude form of Greek cross which on one end is repeated as\nit goes farther from the center; on the other, the decoration consists of\nthree concentric circles, one interval of which is divided by radiating\nlines at regular intervals, each forming a rectangle. Between the outer\nlines and the periphery are four radiating rays which, if completed all\naround, might form a sun symbol. Bobbins of clay have been lately\ndiscovered in Florida by Mr. Clarence B. Moore and noted by Professor\nHolmes.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 369. BOBBIN (?) FROM A MOUND NEAR MAYSVILLE, KENTUCKY.\nCat. No. 16748, U. S. N. M.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 370. BOBBIN (?) FROM LEXINGTON, KENTUCKY. Cat. No.\n16691, U. S. N. M.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 371. BOBBIN (?) OF FINE-GRAINED SANDSTONE. Lewis\nCounty, Kentucky. Cat. No. 59681, U. S. N. M.]\n\nThus we find some of the same objects which in Europe were made and used\nby prehistoric man and which bore the Swastika mark have migrated to\nAmerica, also in prehistoric times, where they were put to the same use\nand served the same purpose. This is certainly no inconsiderable testimony\nin favor of the migration of the sign.\n\n\n\n\nVIII.--SIMILAR PREHISTORIC ARTS, INDUSTRIES, AND IMPLEMENTS IN EUROPE AND\nAMERICA AS EVIDENCE OF THE MIGRATION OF CULTURE.\n\n\nThe prehistoric objects described in the foregoing chapter are not the\nonly ones common to both Europe and America. Related to the spindle-whorls\nand bobbins is the art of weaving, and it is perfectly susceptible of\ndemonstration that this art was practiced in the two hemispheres in\nprehistoric times. Woven fabrics have been found in the Swiss lake\ndwellings, in Scandinavia, and in nearly all parts of Europe. They\nbelonged to the Neolithic and Bronze ages.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 372. VIEW SHOWING BOTH ENDS OF A BOBBIN(?) OF\nFINE-GRAINED SANDSTONE. Maysville, Kentucky. Cat. No. 16747, U. S. N. M.]\n\nFigs. 373 and 374 illustrate textile fabrics in the Bronze Age. Both\nspecimens are from Denmark, and the National Museum possesses another\nspecimen (Cat. No. 136615) in all respects similar. While prehistoric\nlooms may not have been found in Europe to be compared with the looms of\nmodern savages in America, yet these specimens of cloth, with the hundreds\nof others found in the Swiss lake dwellings, afford the most indubitable\nproof of the use of the looms in both countries during prehistoric times.\n\nComplementary to this, textile fabrics have been found in America, from\nthe Pueblo country of Utah and Colorado, south through Mexico, Central and\nSouth America, and of necessity the looms with which they were made were\nthere also. It is not meant to be said that the looms of the two\nhemispheres have been found, or that they or the textile fabrics are\nidentical. The prehistoric looms have not been found in Europe, and those\nin America may have been affected by contact with the white man. Nor is it\nmeant to be said that the textile fabrics of the two hemispheres are\nalike in thread, stitch, or pattern. But these at best are only details.\nThe great fact remains that the prehistoric man of the two hemispheres had\nthe knowledge to spin fiber into thread, to wind it on bobbins, and to\nweave it into fabrics; and whatever differences there may have been in\npattern, thread, or cloth, they were finally and substantially the same\nart, and so are likely to have been the product of the same invention.\n\nWhile it is not the intention to continue this examination among the\nprehistoric objects of the two hemispheres in order to show their\nsimilarity and thus prove migration, contact, or communication, yet it may\nbe well to mention some of them, leaving the argument or proof to a future\noccasion.\n\nThe polished stone hatchets of the two hemispheres are substantially the\nsame. There are differences of material, of course, for in each country\nthe workman was obliged to use such material as was obtainable. There are\ndifferences in form between the polished stone hatchets of the two\nhemispheres, but so there are differences between different localities in\nthe same hemisphere. Some hatchets are long, others short, some round,\nothers flat, some have a pointed end, others a square or nearly square or\nunfinished end; some are large, others small. But all these differences\nare to be found equally well pronounced within each hemisphere.\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 373. WOMAN'S WOOLEN DRESS FOUND IN AN OAK COFFIN AT\nBORUM-ESHOI, DENMARK. Bronze Age. Report of the Smithsonian Institution\n(U. S. National Museum), 1892, pl. CI, fig 2.]\n\n[Illustration: Fig. 374. DETAIL OF DRESS SHOWN IN THE PRECEDING FIGURE.]\n\nScrapers have also been found in both hemispheres and in all ages. There\nare the same differences in material, form, and appearance as in the\npolished stone hatchet. There is one difference to be mentioned of this\nutensil--_i. e._, in America the scraper has been sometimes made with a\nstem and with notches near the base, after the manner of arrow- and\nspear-heads, evidently intended to aid, as in the arrow- and spear-head,\nin fastening the tool in its handle. This peculiarity is not found in\nEurope, or, if found, is extremely rare. It is considered that this may\nhave been caused by the use of a broken arrow- or spear-head, which seems\nnot to have been done in Europe. But this is still only a difference in\ndetail, a difference slight and insignificant, one which occurs seldom and\napparently growing out of peculiar and fortuitous conditions.\n\nThe art of drilling in stone was known over an extended area in\nprehistoric times, and we find innumerable examples which must have been\nperformed in both hemispheres substantially in the same manner and with\nthe same machine.\n\nThe art of sawing stone was alike practiced during prehistoric times in\nthe two hemispheres. Many specimens have been found in the prehistoric\ndeposits of both.\n\nThe aboriginal art of making pottery was also carried on in the same or a\nsimilar manner in both hemispheres. The examples of this art are as\nnumerous as the leaves on the trees. There were differences in the\nmanipulation and treatment, but the principal fact remains that the art\nwas the same in both countries. Not only were the products greatly\nsimilar, but the same style of geometric decoration by incised lines is\ncommon to both. Greater progress in making pottery was made in the Western\nthan in the Eastern Hemisphere during prehistoric times.\n\nThe wheel was unknown in both hemispheres, and in both the manipulation of\nclay was by hand. True, in the Western Hemisphere there was greater\ndexterity and a greater number of methods employed. For example, the vase\nmight be built up with clay inside a basket, which served to give both\nform and decoration; it was coiled, the damp clay being made in a string\nand so built up by a circular movement, drawing the side in or out as the\nstring of clay was laid thereon, until it reached the top; it may have\nbeen decorated by the pressure of a textile fabric, real or simulated,\ninto the damp clay. A few years ago it would have been true to have said\nthat pottery decorated in this manner was peculiar to the Western\nHemisphere, and that it had never been found in the Eastern Hemisphere,\nbut Prince Poutjatine has lately found on his property, Bologoje, in the\nprovince of Novgorod, midway between Moscow and St. Petersburg, many\npieces of prehistoric pottery which bear evidence of having been made in\nthis manner, and while it may be rare in the Eastern Hemisphere, it is\nsimilar in these respects to thousands of pieces of prehistoric pottery in\nNorth America.\n\nOne of the great puzzles for arch\u00e6ologists has been the prehistoric jade\nimplements found in both countries. The raw material of which these were\nmade has never been found in sufficient quantities to justify anyone in\nsaying that it is indigenous to one hemisphere and not to the other. It\nmay have been found in either hemisphere and exported to the other. But of\nthis we have no evidence except the discovery in both of implements made\nof the same material. This material is dense and hard. It is extremely\ndifficult to work, yet the operations of sawing, drilling, carving, and\npolishing appear to have been conducted in both hemispheres with such\nsimilarity as that the result is practically the same.\n\nPrehistoric flint-chipping was also carried on in both hemispheres with\nsuch similarity of results, even when performing the most difficult and\ndelicate operations, as to convince one that there must have been some\ncommunication between the two peoples who performed them.\n\nThe bow and arrow is fairly good evidence of prehistoric migration,\nbecause of the singularities of the form and the intricacies of the\nmachinery, and because it is probably the earliest specimen of a machine\nof two separate parts, by the use of which a missile could be sent at a\ngreater distance and with greater force than if thrown by hand. It is\npossible that the sling was invented as early as the bow and arrow,\nalthough both were prehistoric and their origin unknown.\n\nThe bow and arrow was the greatest of all human inventions--greatest in\nthat it marked man's first step in mechanics, greatest in adaptation of\nmeans to the end, and as an invented machine it manifested in the most\npractical and marked manner the intellectual and reasoning power of man\nand his superiority over the brute creation. It, more than any other\nweapon, demonstrated the triumph of man over the brute, recognizing the\nlimitations of human physical capacity in contests with the brute. With\nthis machine, man first successfully made up for his deficiency in his\ncontests with his enemies and the capture of his game. It is useless to\nask anything of history about the beginnings of the bow and arrow;\nwherever history appears it records the prior existence, the almost\nuniversal presence, and the perfected use of the bow and arrow as a\nweapon. Yet this machine, so strange and curious, of such intricacy of\nmanufacture and difficulty of successful performance, had with all its\nsimilarities and likenesses extended in prehistoric times almost\nthroughout the then inhabited globe. It is useless to specify the time,\nfor the bow and arrow existed earlier than any time of which we know; it\nis useless for us to specify places, for it was in use throughout the\nworld wherever the world was occupied by neolithic man.\n\nImitative creature as was man, and slow and painful as were his steps in\nprogress and in invention during his infancy on earth, when he knew\nnothing and had everything yet to learn, it is sufficiently wonderful that\nhe should have invented the bow and arrow as a projectile machine for his\nweapons; but it becomes doubly and trebly improbable that he should have\nmade duplicate and independent inventions thereof in the different\nhemispheres. If we are to suppose this, why should we be restricted to a\nseparate invention for each hemisphere, and why may we not suppose that he\nmade a separate invention for each country or each distant tribe within\nthe hemisphere? Yet we are met with the astonishing but, nevertheless,\ntrue proposition that throughout the entire world the bow and arrow\nexisted in the early times mentioned, and was substantially the same\nmachine, made in the same way, and serving the same purpose.\n\n\n\n\nCONCLUSION.\n\n\nThe argument in this paper on the migration of arts or symbols, and with\nthem of peoples in prehistoric times, is not intended to be exhaustive. At\nbest it is only suggestive.\n\nThere is no direct evidence available by which the migration of symbols,\narts, or peoples in prehistoric times can be proved, because the events\nare beyond the pale of history. Therefore we are, everybody is, driven to\nthe secondary evidence of the similarity of conditions and products, and\nwe can only subject them to our reason and at last determine the truth\nfrom the probabilities. In proportion as the probabilities of migration\nincrease, it more nearly becomes a demonstrated fact. It appears to the\nauthor that the probabilities of the migration of the Swastika to America\nfrom the Old World is infinitely greater than that it was an independent\ninvention.\n\nThe Swastika is found in America in such widely separated places, among\nsuch different civilizations, as much separated by time as by space, that\nif we have to depend on the theory of separate inventions to explain its\nintroduction into America we must also depend upon the same theory for its\nintroduction into the widely separated parts of America. The Swastika of\nthe ancient mound builders of Ohio and Tennessee is similar in every\nrespect, except material, to that of the modern Navajo and Pueblo Indian.\nYet the Swastikas of Mississippi and Tennessee belong to the oldest\ncivilization we know in America, while the Navajo and Pueblo Swastikas\nwere made by men still living. A consideration of the conditions bring out\nthese two curious facts: (1) That the Swastika had an existence in America\nprior to any historic knowledge we have of communication between the two\nhemispheres; but (2) we find it continued in America and used at the\npresent day, while the knowledge of it has long since died out in Europe.\n\nThe author is not unaware of the new theories concerning the parallelism\nof human development by which it is contended that absolute uniformity of\nman's thoughts and actions, aims and methods, is produced when he is in\nthe same degree of development, no matter in what country or in what epoch\nhe lives. This theory has been pushed until it has been said, nothing but\ngeographical environment seems to modify the monotonous sameness of man's\ncreations. The author does not accept this theory, yet he does not here\ncontrovert it. It may be true to a certain extent, but it surely has its\nlimitations, and it is only applicable under special conditions. As a\ngeneral proposition, it might apply to races and peoples but not to\nindividuals. If it builds on the hereditary human instincts, it does not\ntake into account the will, energy, and reasoning powers of man. Most of\nall, it leaves out the egoism of man and his selfish desire for power,\nimprovement, and happiness, and all their effects, through the individual,\non human progress. In the author's opinion the progress of peoples through\nconsecutive stages of civilization is entirely compatible with his belief\nthat knowledge of specific objects, the uses of material things, the\nperformance of certain rites, the playing of certain games, the possession\nof certain myths and traditions, and the carrying on of certain\nindustries, passed from one country to another by migration of their\npeoples, or by contact or communication between them; and that the\nknowledge, by separate peoples, of the same things, within reasonable\nbounds of similarity of action and purpose, and with corresponding\ndifficulty of performance, may well be treated as evidence of such\nmigration, contact, or communication. Sir John Lubbock expresses the\nauthor's belief when he says,[315] \"There can be no doubt but that man\noriginally crept over the earth's surface, little by little, year by year,\njust, for instance, as the weeds of Europe are now gradually but surely\ncreeping over the surface of Australia.\" The word migration has been used\nby the author in any sense that permitted the people, or any number\nthereof, to pass from one country to another country, or from one section\nof a country to another section of the same country, by any means or in\nany numbers as they pleased or could.\n\nThe theory (in opposition to the foregoing) is growing in the United\nStates that any similarity of culture between the two hemispheres is held\nto be proof of migration of peoples. It appears to the author that these\nschools both run to excess in propagating their respective theories, and\nthat the true condition of affairs lies midway between them. That is to\nsay, there was certain communication between the two hemispheres, as\nindicated by the similarities in culture and industry, the objects of\nwhich could scarcely have been the result of independent invention; while\nthere are too many dissimilar arts, habits, customs, and modes of life\nbelonging to one hemisphere only, not common to both, to permit us to say\nthere was continuous communication between them. These dissimilarities\nwere inventions of each hemisphere independent of the other.\n\nAn illustration of the migration to America is the culture of Greece. We\nknow that Greek art and architecture enter into and form an important part\nof the culture of Americans of the present day; yet the people of America\nare not Greek, nor do they possess any considerable share of Greek culture\nor civilization. They have none of the blood of the Greeks, nor their\nphysical traits, nor their manners, habits, customs, dress, religion, nor,\nindeed, anything except their sculpture and architecture. Now, there was\nundoubtedly communication between the two countries in so far as pertains\nto art and architecture; but it is equally true that there has been no\nmigration of the other elements of civilization mentioned.\n\nThe same thing may be true with regard to the migrations of prehistoric\ncivilization. There may have been communication between the countries by\nwhich such objects as the polished stone hatchet, the bow and arrow, the\nleaf-shaped implement, chipped arrow- and spear-heads, scrapers,\nspindle-whorls, the arts of pottery making, of weaving, of drilling and\nsawing stone, etc., passed from one to the other, and the same of the\nSwastika; yet these may all have been brought over in sporadic and\nisolated cases, importing simply the germ of their knowledge, leaving the\nindustry to be independently worked out on this side. Certain\nmanifestations of culture, dissimilar to those of the Old World, are found\nin America; we have the rude notched ax, the grooved ax, stemmed scraper,\nperforator, mortar and pestle, pipes, tubes, the ceremonial objects which\nare found here in such infinite varieties of shape and form, the metate,\nthe painted pottery, etc., all of which belong to the American Indian\ncivilization, but have no prototype in the prehistoric Old World. These\nthings were never brought over by migration or otherwise. They are\nindigenous to America.\n\nObjects common to both hemispheres exist in such numbers, of such infinite\ndetail and difficulty of manufacture, that the probabilities of their\nmigration or passage from one country to another is infinitely greater\nthan that they were the result of independent invention. These common\nobjects are not restricted to isolated cases. They are great in number and\nextensive in area. They have been the common tools and utensils such as\nmight have belonged to every man, and no reason is known why they might\nnot have been used by, and so represent, the millions of prehistoric\nindividuals in either hemisphere. This great number of correspondences\nbetween the two hemispheres, and their similarity as to means and results\nis good evidence of migration, contact, or communication between the\npeoples; while the extent to which the common industries were carried in\nthe two continents, their delicacy and difficulty of operation, completes\nthe proof and forces conviction.\n\nIt is not to be understood in the few foregoing illustrations that the\nnumber is thereby exhausted, or that all have been noted which are within\nthe knowledge of the author. These have been cited as illustrative of the\nproposition and indicating possibilities of the argument. If a completed\nargument in favor of prehistoric communication should be prepared, it\nwould present many other illustrations. These could be found, not only\namong the objects of industry, utensils, etc., but in the modes of\nmanufacture and of use which, owing to their number and the extent of\nterritory which they cover, and the difficulty of accomplishment, would\nadd force to the argument.\n\n\n\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE SWASTIKA.\n\n\nABBOTT, CHARLES C. Primitive Industry: | or | Illustrations of the\nHandiwork, | in stone, bone and clay, | of the | Native Races | of | the\nNorthern Atlantic Seaboard of America. | By Charles C. Abbott, M. D. |\nCor. Member Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., | Fellow Royal Soc. | of Antiq. of the\nNorth. Copenhagen. etc., etc., | Salem, Mass.: | George A. Bates. | 1881.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. v-vi, 1-560, fig. 429.\n\n Grooved ax, Pemberton, N. J. Inscription of Swastika denounced as a\n fraud, p. 32.\n\nALLEN, E. A. The | Prehistoric World | or | Vanished Races | by | E. A.\nAllen, | author of \"The Golden Gems of Life.\" | Each of the Following\nwell-known Scholars reviewed one or more | Chapters, and made valuable\nsuggestions: | C. C. Abbott, M. D., | Prof. F. W. Putnam, | A. F.\nBandelier, | Prof. Chas. Rau, | Alexander Winchell, LL. D., | Cyrus\nThomas, Ph. D. | G. F. Wright. | Cincinnati: | Central Publishing House. |\n1885.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. i-vi, 1-820.\n\n Swastika regarded as an ornament in the Bronze Age, p. 233.\n\nAMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN and Oriental Journal.\n\n Vol. VI, Jan., 1884, p. 62.\n\n Swastika found in a tessellated Mosaic pavement of Roman ruins at\n Wivelescombe, England; reported by Cornelius Nicholson, F. G. S.,\n cited in Munro's \"Ancient Scottish Lake Dwellings,\" note, p. 132.\n\nAMERICAN ENCYCLOPEDIA.\n\n Title, Cross.\n\nAMERICAN JOURNAL of Arch\u00e6ology and of the History of Fine Arts.\n\n Vol. XI. No. 1, Jan.-March, 1896, p. 11, fig. 10. Andokides, a Greek\n vase painter (525 B. C.), depicted Athena on an amphora with her dress\n decorated with many ogee and meander Swastikas. The specimen is in the\n Berlin Museum.\n\nANDERSON, JOSEPH. Scotland in Early Christian Times.\n\n The Swastika, though of Pagan origin, became a Christian symbol from\n the fourth to the fourteenth century, A. D. Vol. II, p. 218.\n\n Cited in \"Munro's Ancient Scottish Lake Dwellings,\" note, p. 132.\n\nBALFOUR, EDWARD. Cyclop\u00e6dia of India | and of | Eastern and Southern Asia,\n| Commercial, Industrial, and Scientific: | Products of the | Mineral,\nVegetable and Animal Kingdoms, | Useful Arts and Manufactures; | edited by\n| Edward Balfour, L. R. C. S. E., | Inspector General of Hospitals, Madras\nMedical Department, | Fellow of the University of Madras, | Corresponding\nMember of the Imperial Geologic Institute, Vienna. | Second Edition. |\nVol. V. | Madras: | Printed at the Lawrence and Adelphi Presses, | 1873. |\nCopyright.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. 1-956.\n\n Title, Swastika, p. 656.\n\nBARING-GOULD, S. Curious Myths | of | the Middle Ages. | By | S.\nBaring-Gould, M. A., | New York: | Hurst & Co., Publishers, | No. 122\nNassau street.\n\n 12\u00ba, pp. 1-272.\n\n Title, \"Legends of the Cross,\" pp. 159-185.\n\nBERLIN SOCIETY for Anthropology, Ethnology, and Prehistoric Researches,\nSessional report of--.\n\n III, 1871; VIII, July 15, 1876, p. 9.\n\nBLAKE, WILLSON W. The Cross, | Ancient and Modern. | By | Willson W.\nBlake. | (Design) | New York: | Anson D. F. Randolph and Company. | 1888.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. 1-52.\n\nBRASH, RICHARD ROLT. The | Ogam Inscribed Monuments | of the | Gaedhil |\nin the | British Islands | with a dissertation on the Ogam character, &c.\n| Illustrated with fifty Photolithographic plates | by the late | Richard\nRolt Brash, M. R. I. A., F. S. A. Scot. | Fellow of the Royal Society of |\nIreland; and author of \"The Ecclesiastical | Architecture of Ireland.\" |\nEdited by George M. Atkinson | London: | George Bell & Sons, York street,\nCovent Garden | 1879.\n\n 4\u00ba, pp. i-xvi, 1-425.\n\n Swastikas on Ogam stone at Aglish (Ireland), pl. XXIV, pp. 187-189; on\n Newton stone Aberdeenshire, (Scot.), pl. XLIX, p. 359; Logie stone,\n (Scot.), pl. XLVIII, p. 358; Bressay, (Scot.), pl. XLVII.\n\nBRINTON, DANIEL G. The Ta Ki, the Swastika, and the Cross in America.\n\n _Proceedings American Philosophical Society_, XXVI, 1889, pp. 177-187.\n\n---- The | Myths of the New World: | A treatise | on the | Symbolism and\nMythology | of the | Red Race of America. | By | Daniel G. Brinton, A. M.,\nM. D., | Member of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, of the\nNumismatic | and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia; Corresponding Member\n| of the American Ethnological Society; Author of \"Notes | on the\nFloridian Peninsula,\" etc. | (Design) | New York: | Leypoldt & Holt. |\n1868.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. i-viii, 1-307.\n\n The cross of Mexico, pp. 95-97, 183-188.\n\n---- American | Hero-Myths. | A study of the Native Religions | of the\nWestern Continent. | By | Daniel G. Brinton, M. D., | Member of the\nAmerican Philosophical Society; the American | Antiquarian Society; the\nNumismatic and Antiquarian | Society of Phila., etc.; Author of \"The Myths\nof | the New World;\" \"The Religious Senti- | ment,\" etc. | Philadelphia: |\nH. C. Watts & Co., | 506 Minor Street, | 1882.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. i-xvi, 1-251.\n\n Symbol of the cross in Mexico. The rain god, the tree of life, and the\n god of strength, p. 122; in Palenque, the four rain gods, p. 155; the\n Muscayas, light, sun, p. 222.\n\nBROWNE, G. F. Basket-work figures of men on sculptured stones. Triquetra.\n\n _Arch\u00e6ologia_, Vol. L, 1887, pt. 2, p. 291, pl. XXIII, fig. 7.\n\nBURGESS, JAMES. Arch\u00e6ological Survey of Western India. Vol. IV. | Report |\non the | Buddhist Cave Temples | and | Their Inscriptions | Being Part of\n| The Results of the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Seasons' Operations | of the\nArch\u00e6ological Survey of Western India, | 1876-77, 1877-78, 1878-79. |\nSupplementary to the Volume on \"Cave Temples of India.\" | By | Jas.\nBurgess, LL. D., F. R. G. S., | Member of the Royal Asiatic Society, of\nthe Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 Asiatique, &c. | Arch\u00e6ological Surveyor and Reporter to\nGovernment | for Western and Southern India, | London: | Tr\u00fcbner & Co.,\nLudgate Hill. | 1883. | (All rights reserved.)\n\n Folio, pp. 140.\n\n Inscriptions with Swastika, vol. IV, pls. XLIV, XLVI, XLVII, XLIX, L,\n LII, LV; vol. V, pl. LI.\n\n---- The | Indian Antiquary, | A Journal of Oriental Research | in |\nArch\u00e6ology, History, Literature, Languages, Folk-Lore, &c., &c., | Edited\nby | Jas. Burgess, M. R. A. S., F. R. G. S. | 3 vols., 1872-74, | Bombay:\n| Printed at the \"Times of India\" Office. | London: Tr\u00fcbner & Co. Paris:\nE. Leroux. Berlin: Asher & Co. Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus. | New York:\nWestermann & Co. Bombay: Thacker, Vining & Co.\n\n 4\u00ba, Vols. I-III.\n\n Twenty-four Jain Saints, _Suparsva_, son of Pratishtha by Prithoi, one\n of which signs was the Swastika. Vol. II, p. 135.\n\nBURNOUF, EMILE. Le | Lotus de la Bonne Loi, | Traduit du Sanscrit, |\nAccompagn\u00e9 d'un Commentaire | et de Vingt et un M\u00e9moires Relatifs au\nBuddhisme, | par M. E. Burnouf, | Secr\u00e9taire Perp\u00e9tuel de l'Acad\u00e9mie des\nInscriptions et Belles Lettres. | (Picture) | Paris. | Imprim\u00e9 par\nAutorisation du Gouvernement | \u00e0 l'Imprimerie Nationale. | MDCCCLII.\n\n Folio, pp. 1-897.\n\n Svastikaya, Append. VIII, p. 625.\n\n Nandavartaya, p. 626.\n\n---- The | Science of Religions | by Emile Burnouf | Translated by Julie\nLiebe | with a preface by | E. J. Rapson, M. A., M. R. A. S. | Fellow of\nSt. John's College, Cambridge | London | Swan, Sonnenschein, Lowrey & Co.,\n| Paternoster Square. | 1888.\n\n Swastika, its relation to the myth of Agni, the god of fire, and its\n alleged identity with the fire-cross, pp. 165, 253-256, 257.\n\nBURTON, RICHARD F. The | Book of the Sword | by | Richard F. Burton |\nMa\u00eetre d'Armes (Brevette) | (Design) | With Numerous Illustrations |\nLondon | Chatto and Windus, Piccadilly | 1884 | (All rights reserved).\n\n 4\u00ba, pp. 299.\n\n Swastika sect, p. 202, note 2.\n\nCARNAC, H. RIVETT. Memorandum on Clay Disks called \"Spindle-whorls\" and\nvotive Seals found at Sankisa, Behar, and other Buddhist ruins in the\nNorthwestern provinces of India. (With three plates).\n\n _Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal_, Vol. XLIX, pt. 1, 1880, pp.\n 127-137.\n\nCARTAILHAC, \u00c9MILE. R\u00e9sultats d'Une Mission Scientifique | du | Minist\u00e8re\nde l'Instruction Publique | Les | \u00e2ges Pr\u00e9historiques | de | l'Espagne et\ndu Portugal | par | M. \u00c9mile Cartailhac, | Directeur des Mat\u00e9riaux pour\nl'Histoire primitive de l'homme | Pr\u00e9face par M. A. De Quatrefages, de\nl'Institut | Avec Quatre Cent Cinquante Gravures et Quatre Planches |\nParis | Ch. Reinwald, Libraire | 15, Rue des Saints P\u00e8res, 15 1886 | Tous\ndroits r\u00e9serv\u00e9s.\n\n 4\u00ba, pp. i-xxxv, 1-347.\n\n Swastika, p. 285.\n\n Triskelion, p. 286.\n\n Tetraskelion, p. 286.\n\n Swastika in Mycen\u00e6 and Sabraso.--Are they of the same antiquity?, p.\n 293.\n\nCENTURY DICTIONARY.\n\n Titles, Swastika, Fylfot.\n\nCESNOLA, LOUIS PALMA DI. Cyprus: | Its Ancient Cities, Tombs, and Temples.\n| A Narrative of Researches and Excavations During | Ten Years' Residence\nin that Island. | By | General Louis Palma Di Cesnola, | * * * | * * |\nWith Maps and Illustrations. * * | New York: | Harper Brothers,\nPublishers, | Franklin Square. | 1877.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. 1-456.\n\n Swastika on Cyprian pottery, pp. 210, 300, 404, pls. XLIV, XLV, XLVII.\n\nCHAILLU, PAUL B. DU. The Viking Age | The Early History | Manners and\nCustoms of the Ancestors | of the English-Speaking Nations | Illustrated\nfrom | The Antiquities Discovered in Mounds, Cairns, and Bogs, | As Well\nas from the Ancient Sagas and Eddas. | By | Paul B. Du Chaillu | Author of\n\"Explorations in Equatorial Africa,\" \"Land of the Midnight Sun,\" etc. |\nWith 1366 Illustrations and Map. | In Two Volumes * * | New York: |\nCharles Scribner's Sons. | 1889.\n\n 8\u00ba, I, pp. i-xx, 1-591; II, pp. i-viii, 1-562.\n\n Swastika in Scandinavia. Swastika and triskelion, Vol. I, p. 100, and\n note 1; Vol. II, p. 343. Swastika, Cinerary urn, Bornholm, Vol. I,\n fig. 210, p. 138. Spearheads with runes, Swastika and Triskelion,\n Torcello, Venice, fig. 335, p. 191. Tetraskelion on silver fibula,\n Vol. I, fig. 567, p. 257, and Vol. II, fig. 1311, p. 342. Bracteates\n with _Croix swasticale_, Vol. II, p. 337, fig. 1292.\n\nCHANTRE, ERNEST. \u00c9tudes Pal\u00e9oethnologiques | dans le Bassin du Rh\u00f4ne | \u00c2ge\ndu Bronze | Recherches | sur l'Origine de la M\u00e9tallurgie en France | Par |\nErnest Chantre | Premi\u00e8re Partie | Industrie de l'\u00c2ge du Bronze | Paris, |\nLibrairie Polytechnique de J. Baudry | 15, Rue Des Saints-P\u00e8res, 15 |\nMDCCCLXXV.\n\n Folio, pp. 1-258.\n\n---- Deuxi\u00e8me Partie. Gisements de l'\u00c2ge du Bronze. pp. 321.\n\n---- Troisi\u00e8me Partie. Statistique. pp. 245.\n\n Swastika migration, p. 206. Oriental origin of the prehistoric\n _Sistres_ or _tintinnabula_ found in Swiss lake dwellings, Vol. I, p.\n 206.\n\n Spirals, Vol. II, fig. 186, p. 301.\n\n---- Notes Anthropologiques: De l'Origine Orientale de la M\u00e9tallurgie.\nIn-8, avec planches. Lyon, 1879.\n\n---- Notes Anthropologiques. Relations entre les Sistres Bouddhiques et\ncertains Objets Lacustres de l'Age du Bronze. In-8. Lyon, 1879.\n\n---- L'\u00c2ge de la Pierre et l'\u00c2ge du Bronze en Troade et en Gr\u00e8ce. In-8.\nLyon, 1874.\n\n---- L'\u00c2ge de la Pierre et l'\u00c2ge du Bronze dans l'Asie Occidentale. (Bull.\nSoc. Anth., Lyon, t. I, fasc. 2, 1882.)\n\n---- Prehistoric Cemeteries in Caucasus. (N\u00e9cropoles pr\u00e9historiques du\nCaucase, renferment des cr\u00e2nes macroc\u00e9phales.)\n\n _Mat\u00e9riaux_, seizi\u00e8me ann\u00e9e (16), 2{e} s\u00e9rie, XII, 1881.\n\n Swastika, p. 166.\n\nCHAVERO, D. ALFREDO. Mexico | A Trav\u00e9s de los Siglos | Historia General y\nCompleta del Desenvolvimiento Social, | Pol\u00edtico, Religioso, Militar,\nArtistico, Cient\u00edfico, y Literario de M\u00e9xico desde la Antig\u00fcedad | M\u00e1s\nRemota hasta la \u00c9poca Actual | * * | Publicada bajo la Direcci\u00f3n del\nGeneral | D. Vicente Riva Palacio | * | * | * | * | * | Tomo Primero |\nHistoria Antigua y de la Conquista | Escrita por el Licenciado | D.\nAlfredo Chavero. | M\u00e9xico | Ballesca y Comp.{a}, Editores | 4, Amor de\nDios, 4.\n\n Folio, pp. i-lx, 1-926.\n\n _Ciclo de 52 a\u00f1os._ (Atlas del P. Diego Duran, p. 386.) Swastika\n worked on shell (Fains Island), \"_labrado con los cuatro puntos del\n Nahui Ollin_.\" p. 676.\n\nCLAVIGERO, C. F. Storia Antica del Messico. Cesena, 1780.\n\n Swastika, II, p. 192, fig. A. Cited in Hamy's _Decades Am\u00e9rican\u00e6_,\n Premi\u00e8re Livraison, 1884, p. 67.\n\nCONDER, Maj. C. R. Notes on Herr Schick's paper on the Jerusalem Cross.\n\n _Palestine Exploration Fund, Quarterly Statement_, London, July, 1894,\n pp. 205, 206.\n\nCROOKE, W. An Introduction | to the | Popular Religion and Folk-lore | of\n| Northern India | By W. Crooke, B. A. | Bengal Civil Service. | Honorary\nDirector of the Ethnographical Survey, Northwestern | Provinces and Oudh |\nAllahabad | Government Press | 1894.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. i-ii, 1-420.\n\n Swastika, pp. 7, 58, 104, 250.\n\nCROSS, The. The Masculine Cross, or History of Ancient and Modern Crosses,\nand their Connection with the Mysteries of Sex Worship; also an account of\nthe Kindred Phases of Phallic Faiths and Practices.\n\n In Cat. 105 of Ed. Howell, Church street, Liverpool.\n\nD'ALVIELLA, LE COMTE GOBLET. La | Migration des Symboles | par | Le Comte\nGoblet d'Alviella, | Professeur d'Histoire des Religions \u00e0 l'Universit\u00e9 de\nBruxelles, | Membre de l'Acad\u00e9mie Royale de Belgique, | Pr\u00e9sident de la\nSoci\u00e9t\u00e9 d'Arch\u00e9ologie de Bruxelles | (Design, Footprint of Buddha) | Paris\n| Ernest Leroux, Editeur | Rue Bonaparte, 28 | 1891.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. 1-343.\n\n Cross, pp. 16, 110, 113, 164, 250, 264, 330, 332.\n\n Crux ansata, pp. 22, 106, 107, 114, 186, 221, 229, 250, 265, 332.\n\n Cross of St. Andrew, p. 125.\n\n Swastika cross, Cap. II, passim, pp. 41-108, 110, 111, 225, 271, 339.\n\n Tetraskelion. Same references.\n\n Triskele, triskelion, or triquetrum, pp. 27, 28, 61, 71, 72, 83, 90,\n 100, 221-225, 271, 339.\n\n Reviewed in _Athen\u00e6um_, No. 3381, Aug. 13, 1892, p. 217.\n\n Favorably criticised in Reliquary Illustrated Arch\u00e6ologist (Lond.),\n Vol. I, No. 2, Apr. 1895, p. 107.\n\nDAVENPORT.----Aphrodisiacs.\n\n The author approves Higgins' views of the Cross and its Relation to\n the Lama of Tibet.\n\nDENNIS, G. The | Cities and Cemeteries | of | Etruria. | Parva Tyrrhenum\nper aequor vela darem. Horat. | (Picture) | By George Dennis. | Third\nEdition. | In two volumes | * * * | With maps, plans, and illustrations. |\nLondon: | John Murray, Albemarle Street. | 1883.\n\n 8\u00ba, two vols.: (1), pp. i-cxxviii, 1-501; (2) pp. i-xv, 1-579.\n\n Archaic Greek vase, British Museum. Four different styles of Swastikas\n together on one specimen. Vol. I, p. xci.\n\n Swastika, common form of decoration, p. lxxxix.\n\n Primitive Greek Lebes, with Swastika in panel, left, p. cxiii, fig.\n 31.\n\n Swastika on bronze objects in Bologna foundry. Vol. II, p. 537.\n\nD'EICHTAL, G. Etudes sur les origines bouddhiques de la civilization\nam\u00e9ricaine, 1{re} partie. Paris, Didier, 1862.\n\n Swastika, p. 36 et suiv. Cited in Hamy's _Decades Am\u00e9rican\u00e6_, Premi\u00e8re\n Livraison, 1884, p. 59.\n\nDICTIONNAIRE DES SCIENCES ANTHROPOLOGIQUES. Anatomie, Cr\u00e2niologie,\nArch\u00e9ologie Pr\u00e9historique, Ethnographie (Moeurs, Arts, Industrie),\nD\u00e9mographie, Langues, Religions. Paris, Octave Doin, \u00c9diteur, 8, Place de\nl'Od\u00e9on, Marpon et Flammarion, Libraires 1 \u00e0 7, Galeries de l'Od\u00e9on.\n\n 4\u00ba, pp. 1-1128.\n\n Title, Swastika, Philippe Salmon, p. 1032.\n\nDORSEY, J. OWEN. Swastika, Ogee (tetraskelion), symbol for wind-song on\nSacred Chart of Kansa Indians.\n\n _Am. Naturalist_, XIX (1885), p. 676, pl. XX, fig. 4.\n\nDULAURE, J. A. Histoire Abr\u00e9g\u00e9e | de | Diff\u00e9rens Cultes. | Des Cultes |\nqui ont pr\u00e9c\u00e9d\u00e9 et amen\u00e9 l'Idolatrie | ou | l'Adoration des figures\nhumaines | par J. A. Dulaure; seconde \u00e9dition | revue, corrig\u00e9e et\naugment\u00e9e | Paris | Guillaume, Libraire-Editeur | rue Hautefeuille 14. |\n1825.\n\n Two vols.: (1), pp. i-x, 11-558; (2), pp. i-xvi, 17-464.\n\n Origin of symbols, works of art and not natural things, Vol. I, pp.\n 25, 26. Another result of a combination of ideas, p. 45.\n\n The cross represents the phallus, Vol. II, pp. 58, 59, 167, 168.\n\nDUMOUTIER, GUSTAVE LE. Swastika et la roue Solaire en Chine.\n\n _Revue d' Ethnographie_, Paris, IV, 1885, pp. 327-329.\n\n Review by G. De Mortillet, Mat\u00e9riaux pour l'Histoire Primitive et\n Naturelle de L'Homme, II, p. 730.\n\nEMERSON, ELLEN RUSSELL. Indian Myths | or | Legends, Traditions, and\nSymbols of the | Aborigines of America | Compared with those of other\nCountries, including Hindostan, Egypt, Persia | Assyria and China | by\nEllen Russell Emerson | Member of the Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 Am\u00e9ricaine de France |\nillustrated | Second Edition | London | Tr\u00fcbner & Company | Ludgate Hill |\nPrinted in the U. S. A.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. i-x, 1-425.\n\nENCYCLOP\u00c6DIC DICTIONARY.\n\n Titles, Ansated Cross (Crux ansata), p. 230, Vol. I; Cross, p. 1302,\n Vol. II; Crux, p. 1378, Vol. II; Fylfot, p. 2240, Vol. II; Gammadion,\n p. 2256, Vol. II.\n\nENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA.\n\n Title, Cross, 4\u00ba, pp. 539-542.\n\nENGLEHARDT, C. Influence Classique sur | le Nord Pendant l'Antiquit\u00e9 | par\n| C. Englehardt. | Traduit par | E. Beauvois. | Copenhague, | Imprimerie\nde Thiele. | 1876.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. 199-318.\n\n Solar disks, fig. 44, p. 240. Crosses, figs. 64, 65, p. 252.\n\nETHNOLOGY, Reports of the Bureau of. Second Annual Report, 1880-81.\n\n Art in Shell of the Ancient Americans, by W. H. Holmes. pp. 179-305,\n pls. XXI-LXXVII.\n\n Collections made in New Mexico and Arizona in 1879, by James\n Stevenson. pp. 307-422, figs. 347-697.\n\nThird Annual Report, 1881-82.\n\n Catalogue of Collections made in 1881, by W. H. Holmes. pp. 427-510,\n figs. 116-200.\n\nFourth Annual Report, 1882-83.\n\n Ancient Pottery of the Mississippi Valley, by W. H. Holmes. pp.\n 361-436, figs. 361-463.\n\nFifth Annual Report, 1883-84.\n\n Burial Mounds of Northern Sections of the United States, by Cyrus\n Thomas. pp. 3-119, pls. I-VI, figs. 1-49.\n\n The Mountain Chant, by Washington Matthews. pp. 379-407, pls. X-XVIII,\n figs. 50-59.\n\nSixth Annual Report, 1884-85.\n\n Ancient Art in the Province of Chiriqui, by W. H. Holmes. pp. 3-187,\n pl. I, figs. 1-285.\n\nTenth Annual Report, 1888-89.\n\n Picture writing of the American Indians, by Garrick Mallery. pp.\n 3-807, pls. I-LIV, figs. 1-1290.\n\nTwelfth Annual Report, 1890-91.\n\n Mound Explorations, by Cyrus Thomas. pp. 3-730, pls. I-XLII, figs.\n 1-344.\n\nEVANS, JOHN. The Ancient | Bronze Implements, | Weapons, and Ornaments, |\nof | Great Britain | and | Ireland. | By | John Evans, D. C. L., LL. D.,\nF. R. S., | F. S. A., F. G. S., Pres. Num. Soc., &c., | London: |\nLongmans, Green & Co. | 1881. | (All rights reserved.)\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. i-xix. 1-509.\n\n---- The Ancient | Stone Implements, | Weapons, and Ornaments, | of |\nGreat Britain, | by | John Evans, F. R. S., F. S. A. | Honorary Secretary\nof the Geological and Numismatic Societies of | London, etc., etc., etc. |\nLondon: | Longmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer. | 1872. | (All rights\nreserved.)\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. l-xvi, 1-640.\n\nFAIRHOLT, F. W. A Dictionary | of | Terms in Art. | Edited and Illustrated\nby | F. W. Fairholt, F. S. A. | with | Five Hundred Engravings | On Wood |\n(Design) | Daldy, Isbister & Co. | 56, Ludgate Hill, London.\n\n 12\u00ba, pp. i-vi, 1-474.\n\n Titles, Cross, Fret, Fylfot, Symbolism.\n\nFERGUSSON, JAMES. Rude Stone Monuments | in | All Countries; | Their Ages\nand Uses. | By James Fergusson, D. C. L., F. R. S, | V. P. R. A. S., F. R.\nI. B. A., &c. | (Picture.) | With Two Hundred and Thirty-four\nIllustrations. |London: | John Murray, Albemarle Street. | 1872. | The\nRight of translation reserved.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. i-xix, 1-559.\n\n Crosses, Celtic and Scottish, pp. 270-273.\n\nFORRER, R. Die | Graeber- und Textilfunde | von | Achmim-Panopolis | von |\nR. Forrer | mit 16 Tafeln: 250 Abbildungen | in Photographie, Autographie,\nFarbendruck und theilweisem Handcolorit, nebst Clinch\u00e9-Abbildungen | im\nText; Text und Tafeln auf Cartonpapier. | Nur in wenigen nummerirten\nExemplaren hergestellt. | (Design.) | Strassburg, 1891 | Druck von Emil\nBirkh\u00e4user, Basel. | Photographie von Mathias Gerschel, Strassburg. |\nAutographie und Farbendruck von R. Fretz, Z\u00fcrich. | Nicht im Buchhandel.\n\n Folio, pp. 1-27.\n\n Swastika, ornament at Achmin-Panopolis, Egypt, p. 20, pl. XI, fig. 3.\n\nFRANKLIN, Colonel. [Swastika an emblem used in the worship of specified\nsects in India.]\n\n _The Jeyrees and Boodhists_, p. 49, cited in \"Ogam Monuments,\" by\n Brash, p. 189.\n\nFRANKS, AUGUSTUS W. Hor\u00e6 ferales. Pl. 30, fig. 19.\n\nGARDNER, ERNEST A. Naukratis. Part II. | By | Ernest A. Gardner, M. A., |\nFellow of Gonville and Caius College, Craven student and formerly Worts\nstudent of the University of Cambridge; | Director of the British School\nof Arch\u00e6ology at Athens. | With an Appendix | by | F. L. L. Griffith, B.\nA., | of the British Museum, formerly student of the Egyptian Exploration\nFund. | Sixth Memoir of | the Egypt Exploration Fund. | Published by order\nof the committee. | London: etc.\n\n Folio, pls. 1-24, pp. 1-92. Swastika in Egypt, Pottery, Aphrodite. Pl.\n V, figs. 1, 7; pl. VI, fig. 1; pl. VIII, fig. 1.\n\nGREG, P. R. Fret or Key Ornamentation in Mexico and Peru.\n\n _Arch\u00e6ologia_, Vol. XLVII, 1882, pt. 1, pp. 157-160, pl. VI.\n\n---- Meaning and Origin of Fylfot and Swastika.\n\n _Arch\u00e6ologia_, Vol. XLVIII, 1885, pt. 2, pp. 293, 326, pls. XIX, XX,\n XXI.\n\nGOODYEAR, WILLIAM H. The Grammar of | the Lotus | A new History of Classic\nOrnament | as a | development of Sun Worship | with Observations on the\nBronze Culture of Prehistoric Europe as derived | from Egypt; based on the\nstudy of Patterns | by | Wm. H. Goodyear, M. A. (Yale, 1867) | Curator\nDepartment of Fine Arts in the Brooklyn Institute of Arts and Sciences | *\n* * | London: | Sampson, Low, Marston & Company | Limited | St. Dunstan's\nHouse, Fitter Lane, Fleet Street, E. C., | 1891.\n\n Chapters on Lotus and Swastika.\n\nGOULD, S. C. The Master's Mallet or the Hammer of Thor.\n\n _Notes and Queries_, (Manchester, N. H.), Vol. III (1886), pp. 93-108.\n\nHADDON, ALFRED C. Evolution in Art: | As Illustrated by the |\nLife-Histories of Designs. | By | Alfred C. Haddon, | Professor of\nZoology, Royal College of Science, Corresponding | Member of the Italian\nSociety of Anthropology, etc. | With 8 Plates, and 130 Figures in the\nText. | London: | Walter Scott, Ltd., Paternoster Square. | Charles\nScribner's Sons, | 153-157 Fifth Avenue, New York. | 1895.\n\n The meaning and distribution of the Fylfot, pp. 282-399.\n\nHAMPEL, JOSEPH. Antiquit\u00e9s pr\u00e9historiques de la Hongrie; Erstegom, 1877.\nNo. 3, pl. XX.\n\n---- Catalogue de l'Exposition pr\u00e9historique des Mus\u00e9es de Province;\nBudapest, 1876, p. 17.\n\nHAMY, Dr. E. T. Decades Am\u00e9rican\u00e6 | M\u00e9moires | d'Arch\u00e9ologie et\nd'Ethnographie | Am\u00e9ricaines | par | le Dr. E.-T. Hamy | Conservateur du\nMus\u00e9e d'Ethnographie du Trocad\u00e9ro. | Premi\u00e8re Livraison | (Picture) |\nParis | Ernest Leroux, Editeur | Libraire de la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 Asiatique | de\nl'\u00c9cole des Langues Orientales Vivantes, etc. | 28, Rue Bonaparte, 28 |\n1884.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. 1-67.\n\n Le Svastika et la roue solaire en Am\u00e9rique, pp. 59-67.\n\nHEAD, BARCLAY V. Synopsis of the Contents | of the | British Museum. |\nDepartment of | Coins and Medals. | A Guide | to the principal gold and\nsilver | Coins of the Ancients, | from circa B. C. 700 to A. D. 1. | With\n70 Plates. | By | Barclay V. Head, Assistant Keeper of Coins. | Second\nEdition. | London: | Printed by order of the Trustees. | Longmans & Co.,\nPaternoster Row; B. Quaritch, 15, Piccadilly; | A. Asher & Co., 13,\nBedford Street, Convent Garden, and at Berlin; | Tr\u00fcbner & Co., 57 and\n59, Ludgate Hill. | C. Rollin & Feuardent, 61, Great Russell Street, and\n4, Rue de Louvois, Paris. | 1881.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. i-viii, 1-128, pl. 70.\n\n Triskelion, (Lycian coins), three cocks' heads, pl. 3, fig. 35.\n\n Punch-marks on ancient coins representing squares, etc., and not\n Swastika. Pl. 1, figs. 1, 3; pl. 4, fig. 24; pl. 4, figs. 7, 8, 10;\n pl. 5, fig. 16; pl. 6, figs. 30, 31; pl. 12, figs. 1, 3, 6.\n\nHIGGINS, GODFREY. Anacalypsis | or | attempts to draw aside the veil | of\n| the Saitic Isis | or, | an inquiry into the origin | of | Languages,\nNations, and Religions | by | Godfrey Higgins, Esq. | F. S. A., F. R.\nAsiat. Soc., F. R. Ast. S. | of Skellow Grange, near Doncaster. | London |\nLongman, &c., &c., Paternoster Row | 1836.\n\n Vols. I, II.\n\n Origin of the Cross, Lambh or Lama; official name for Governor is\n Ancient Tibetan for Cross. Vol. I, p. 230.\n\nHIRSCHFELD, G. Vasi arcaici Ateniesi. Roma, 1872. Tav. XXXIX and XL.\n\nHOLMES, W. H. Art in Shell of the Ancient Americans.\n\n _Second Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology_, 1880-81.\n\n The cross, pls. XXXVI, LII, LIII. Spirals, pls. LIV, LV, LVI.\n Swastika, (shell gorget, the bird,) pls. LVIII, LIX. Spider, pl. LXI.\n Serpent, pls. LXIII, LXIV. Human face, pl. LXIX. Human figure, pls.\n LXXI, LXXII, LXXIII. Fighting figures, pl. LXXIV.\n\n---- Catalogue of Bureau Collections made in 1881.\n\n _Third Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology_, 1881-82.\n\n Fighting figures, fig. 128, p. 452.\n\n Swastika in shell, from Fains Island, fig. 140, p. 466.\n\n Spider, same, fig. 141.\n\n Spirals on pottery vase, fig. 165, p. 484.\n\n---- Ancient Pottery of the Mississippi Valley.\n\n _Fourth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology_, 1882-83.\n\n Spirals on pottery, figs. 402, p. 396; 413, p. 403; 415, 416, p. 404;\n 435, p. 416; 442, p. 421; in basketry, fig. 485, p. 462.\n\n Maltese cross, fig. 458, p. 430.\n\n---- Ancient Art in the Province of Chiriqui.\n\n _Sixth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology_, 1884-85.\n\n Conventional alligator, series of derivations showing stages of\n simplification of animal characters, figs. 257 to 528, pp. 173-181.\n\n Spindle-whorls, Chiriqui, figs. 218-220, p. 149.\n\n---- The Cross used as a Symbol by the Ancient Americans.\n\n _Trans. Anthrop. Soc._, Washington, D. C., II, 1883.\n\nHUMPHREYS, H. NOEL. The | Coin Collector's Manual, | or guide to the\nnumismatic student in the formation of | A Cabinet of Coins: | Comprising\n| An Historical and Critical Account of the Origin and Progress | of\nCoinage from the Earliest Period to the | Fall of the Roman Empire; | with\n| Some Account of the Coinages of Modern Europe, | More especially of\nGreat Britain. | By H. Noel Humphreys, | Author of \"The Coins of England,\"\n\"Ancient Coins and Medals,\" | etc., etc. | With above one hundred and\nfifty illustrations | on Wood and Steel. | In two volumes. | London: | H.\nG. Bohn, York Street, Convent Garden. | 1853.\n\n 12\u00ba, (1), pp. i-xxiv, 1-352; (2), pp. 353-726.\n\n Punch-marks on ancient coins, Vol. I. pls. 2, 3, 4. Triquetrum,\n triskele or triskelion on coins of Sicily, Vol. I, p. 57, and note.\n\nKELLER, FERDINAND. The | Lake Dwellings | of | Switzerland and Other Parts\nof Europe. | By | Dr. Ferdinand Keller | President of the Antiquarian\nAssociation of Z\u00fcrich | Second Edition, Greatly Enlarged | Translated and\nArranged | by | John Edward Leo, F. S. A., F. G. S. | Author of Isca\nSilurum etc. | In Two Volumes | Vol. I. (Vol. II) | London | Longmans,\nGreen and Co. | 1878 | All rights reserved.\n\n 8\u00ba, Vol. I, text, pp. i-xv, 1-696; Vol. II, pls. CCVI.\n\n Swastika, Lake Bourget, pattern-stamp and pottery imprint, p. 339,\n note 1, pl. CLXI, figs. 3, 4.\n\nLANGDON, ARTHUR G. Ornaments of Early Crosses of Cornwall.\n\n Royal Institute of Cornwall, Vol. X, pt. 1, May, 1890, pp. 33-96.\n\nLE PLONGEON, AUGUSTUS. Sacred Mysteries | Among | the Mayas and the\nQuiches, | 11,500 Years Ago. | Their Relation to the Sacred Mysteries | of\nEgypt, Greece, Chaldea and India. | Free Masonry | In Times Anterior to\nThe Temple of Solomon. | Illustrated. | By Augustus Le Plongeon, | Author\nof \"Essay on | the Causes of Earthquakes;\" \"Religion of Jesus Compared\nwith the | Teachings of the Church;\" \"The Monuments of Mayas and | their\nHistorical Teachings.\" | New York: | Robert Macoy, 4 Barclay Street. |\n1886.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. 163.\n\n Cross and Crux ansata, p. 128.\n\n---- Mayapan and Maya Inscriptions.\n\n _Proc. Am. Antiq. Soc._, Worcester, Mass., April 21, 1881.\n\n Also printed as a separate. See pp. 15, 17, and figs. 7, 13, and\n frontispiece.\n\nLITTR\u00c9'S FRENCH DICTIONARY. Title, Svastika.\n\nMcADAMS, WILLIAM. Records | of | Ancient Races | in the | Mississippi\nValley; | Being an account of some of the Pictographs, sculptured |\nhieroglyphics, symbolic devices, emblems, and tra- | ditions of the\nprehistoric races of America, with | some suggestions as to their origin.\n| With cuts and views illustrating over three hundred objects | and\nsymbolic devices. | By Wm. McAdams, | Author of * | * | * | * | * | St.\nLouis: | C. R. Barns Publishing Co. | 1887.\n\n 4\u00ba, pp. i-xii, 1-120.\n\n Mound vessels with painted symbols, sun symbols, cross symbols, cross\n with bent arms (Swastika), etc., Chap. XV, pp. 62-68.\n\n Cites Lord Kinsborough, \"Antiquities of Mexico,\" for certain forms of\n the cross, of which the first is the Swastika and the third the\n Nandavartaya Chap. xvii, pp. 62-68.\n\nMACRICHIE, DAVID. Ancient | and | Modern Britons: | A Retrospect. |\nLondon: | Kegan Paul, Trench & Co., | 1 Paternoster Square. | 1884.\n\n Two vols., 8\u00ba. (1), pp. i-viii, 1-401; (2), i-viii, 1-449.\n\n Sculptured stones of Scotland (p. 115), the Newton stone, a compound\n of Oriental and western languages (pp. 117-118). Ethnologic\n resemblances between old and new world peoples considered. Vol. II\n (app.).\n\nMALLERY, GARRICK. Picture writing of the American Indians.\n\n _Tenth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology_, 1888-89, pp. 1-807, pls. I-LIV,\n figs. 1-1290.\n\n Sun and star symbols, figs. 1118-1129, pp. 694-697. Human form (cross)\n symbols, figs. 1164-1173, pp. 705-709. Cross symbols, figs. 1225-1234,\n pp. 724-730. Piaroa color stamps, fret pattern, fig. 982, p. 621.\n\nMARCH, H. COLLEY. The Fylfot and the Futhore Tir.\n\n Cited in _Transactions of the Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian\n Society_, 1886.\n\nMASSON, ----. [The Swastika found on large rock near Karachi.]\n\n _Balochistan_, Vol. IV, p. 8, cited in Ogam Monuments, by Brash, p.\n 189.\n\nMAT\u00c9RIAUX pour l'Histoire Primitive et Naturelle de l'Homme. Revue\nmensuelle illustr\u00e9e. (Fond\u00e9e par M. G. De Mortillet, 1865 \u00e0 1868.) Dirig\u00e9e\npar M. \u00c9mile Cartailhac. * * *\n\n Swastika, Vol. XVI, 1881.\n\n Prehistoric Cemeteries in Caucasus, by E. Chantre, pp. 154-166.\n\n Excavations at Cyprus, by General di Cesnola, p. 416.\n\n Signification of the Swastika, by M. Girard de Reale, p. 548.\n\n Swastika, Vol. XVIII, 1884.\n\n \u00c9tude sur quelques N\u00e9cropoles Halstattiennes de l'Autriche et de\n l'Italie. By Ernest Chantre, Swastika on Archaic Vase, fig. 5, p. 8.\n Croix Gamm\u00e9e, figs. 12 and 13, p. 14. Cross, p. 122. Swastika, pp.\n 137-139. Swastika sculpt\u00e9 sur pierre, Briteros, Portugal, fig. 133, p.\n 294.\n\n Necropolis of Halstatt, pp. 13, 14; p. 139, fig. 84; p. 280, Report of\n spearhead with Swastika and runic inscription, found at Torcello, near\n Venice, by Undset.\n\n Swastika, Vol. XX, 1886.\n\n Frontispiece of January number. Swastika from Museum, Mayence.\n\nMATTHEWS, WASHINGTON. The Mountain Chant.\n\n _Fifth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology_, 1883-84, pp. 379-467, pls.\n X-XVIII, figs. 50-59.\n\n Swastika in Navajo Mountain Chant. Second (?) Dry Painting, pl. XVII,\n pp. 450, 451.\n\nMONTELIUS, OSCAR. The | Civilization of Sweden | in Heathen Times | by |\nOscar Montelius, Ph. D. | Professor at the National Historical Museum,\nStockholm. | Translated from the Second Swedish Edition | Revised and\nenlarged for the author | by | Rev. F. H. Woods, B. D. | Vicar of Chalfont\nSt. Peter. | With Map and Two Hundred and Five Illustrations. | London |\nMacmillan and Co. | and New York. | 1888.\n\n pp. i-xvi, 1-214.\n\n The wheel with cross on many monuments of the Bronze Age became almost\n unknown during the Age of Iron (in Scandinavia). It was the contrary\n with the Swastika. Compte-Rendu, Cong. Inter. d'Anthrop. et d'Arch.\n Pr\u00e9historique. 7{me} session, 1874, I, pp. 439, 460.\n\nMOOREHEAD, WARREN K. Primitive Man | In Ohio | by | Warren K. Moorehead |\nFellow of the American Association for the Advancement of Science | Author\nof \"Fort Ancient, the Great Prehistoric | Earthwork of Ohio,\" etc. | G. P.\nPutnam's Sons | The Knickerbocker Press, | 1892.\n\n pp. i-xii, 1-246.\n\n Discoveries in Hopewell Mound, Chillicothe, Rose County, Ohio, pp.\n 184-196.\n\n Swastika, p. 193.\n\nMORGAN, J. DE. Mission Scientifique | au Caucase | Etudes | Arch\u00e6ologiques\net Historiques | par | J. De Morgan | Tome Premier | Les Premiers Ages Des\nM\u00e9taux | Dans l'Arm\u00e9nie Russe | Paris | Ernest Leroux, \u00e9diteur | 28, Rue\nBonaparte, 28 | 1889.\n\n 8\u00ba, (1), pp. i-iii, 1-231; (2), pp. i-iv, 1-305.\n\n Swastikas on bronze pin-heads from prehistoric Armenian graves. Vol.\n I, p. 160, figs. 177, 178, 179.\n\nMORTILLET, GABRIEL et ADRIEN DE. Mus\u00e9e | Pr\u00e9historique | par | Gabriel et\nAdrien de Mortillet | Photogravures Michelet | Paris | C. Reinwald,\nLibraire-\u00c9diteur | 15, Rue des Saints-P\u00e8res, 15 | 1881 | Tous Droits\nR\u00e9serv\u00e9s.\n\n 4\u00ba. Planches C, figs. 1269.\n\n Tintinnabulum and Buddha with Swastika, pl. XCVIII, fig. 1230. Swiss\n Lake pottery, fig. 1231. Swastika, many representations, pl. XCIX,\n figs. 1233, 1234, 1235, 1239, 1240, 1241, 1244, 1246, 1247, 1248,\n 1249; pl. C, figs. 1255, 1256, 1257, 1261, 1263, 1264, 1265, 1266,\n 1267. Crosses--divers, pl. XCIX, etc.\n\nMORTILLET, GABRIEL DE. Le Pr\u00e9historique | Antiquit\u00e9 de l'Homme | par\nGabriel de Mortillet | Professeur d'anthropologie pr\u00e9historique | \u00e0\nl'\u00c9cole d'anthropologie de Paris. | 64 figures intercal\u00e9es dans le texte.\n| Paris | C. Reinwald, Libraire-\u00c9diteur | 15, Rue des Saints-P\u00e8res, 15 |\n1883 | Tous droits r\u00e9serv\u00e9s.\n\n 12\u00ba, pp. 1-642.\n\n Communications between Europe and America, pp. 186, 187.\n\n---- Le Signe | de la Croix | Avant | le Christianisme | par | Gabriel de\nMortillet | Directeur des Mat\u00e9riaux pour l'Histoire positive et\nphilosophique | de l'homme | avec 117 gravures sur bois. | Paris | C.\nReinwald, Libraire-\u00c9diteur | 15, rue des Saints-P\u00e8re, 15 | 1866 | Tous\ndroits r\u00e9serv\u00e9s.\n\n See p. 182.\n\nM\u00dcLLER, F. MAX. Chips | from | A German Workship. | By Max M\u00fcller, M. A.,\n| Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford. | Essays on * * | New York: |\nScribner, Armstrong & Co. | Successors to Charles Scribner & Co.\n\n Essays on Mythology, Traditions, and Customs. Svasti, Sanscrit,\n meaning joy or happiness. Vol. II, p. 24.\n\n Swastika. Letter to Dr. Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" pp. 346-349.\n\n Swastika, Review of, Athen\u00e6um (Lond.), No. 3332, Aug. 20, 1892, p.\n 266.\n\nM\u00dcLLER, LUDWIG. [Swastika.]\n\n _Proc. Royal Danish Academy of Science_, Fifth series, Section of\n History and Philosophy, Vol. III, p. 93.\n\nMUNRO, ROBERT. Ancient | Scottish Lake Dwellings | or Crannogs | with a\nSupplementary Chapter on | Remains of Lake Dwellings in England | by |\nRobert Munro, M. A. | M. D., F. S. A. Scot. | (Design) | Edinburgh: David\nDouglas | 1881 | All rights reserved.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. i-xx, 1-326.\n\n Swastika on pin and triskelion on plank, crannog of Lochlee, figs. 144\n and 149, pp. 130-134.\n\n Note by Montelius, figs. 11 and 12, p. 131.\n\n---- The | Lake Dwellings | of | Europe: | Being the | Rhind Lectures in\nArch\u00e6ology | for 1888. | By | Robert Munro, M. A., M. D., | Secretary of\nthe Society of Antiquaries of Scotland; Author of | \"Ancient Scottish Lake\nDwellings or Crannogs.\" | Cassell & Company, Limited: | London, Paris &\nMelbourne. | 1890 | (All rights reserved).\n\n 4\u00ba, pp. i-xl, 1-600.\n\n Swastika in Lake Bourget (Savoy), fig. 195, Nos. 11 and 12, pp. 532\n and 538; in Lisnacroghera (Ireland), fig. 124, No. 20; triskele, fig.\n 124, No. 22, pp. 383, 585.\n\nNADAILLAC, Marquis de. Prehistoric America | by the | Marquis de Nadaillac\n| Translated by N. D'Anvers | Edited by W. H. Dall | (Design of Vase) |\nwith 219 illustrations | New York and London | G. P. Putnam's Sons | The\nKnickerbocker Press | 1884.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. i-vii, 1-566.\n\n Swastika (?) alleged to be on the Pemberton hammer from New Jersey,\n pp. 22, note 1, citing Professor Haldeman, Sept. 27, 1877, Rep.\n Peabody Museum, 1878, p. 255. Dr. Abbott denounces this inscription as\n a fraud. Primitive Industry, p. 32.\n\nNEWTON, JOHN. History of Migration of the Triskelion from Sicily to the\nIsle of Man, through Henry III of England and Alexander III of Scotland.\n\n _Athen\u00e6um_, No. 3385, Sept. 10, 1892, pp. 353, 354.\n\nNICHOLSON, CORNELIUS. Report of Swastika found in recently explored Mosaic\npavement in Isle of Wight, Munro's \"Ancient Scottish Lake Dwellings,\"\nnote, p. 132.\n\nPETRIE, W. M. FLINDERS. Naukratis (Greek inscription). | Part I, 1884-85\nby | W. M. Flinders Petrie. | With Chapters by | Cecil Smith; Ernest\nGardner, B. A.; | and Barclay V. Head. | (Design, two sides of coin.) |\nThird Memoir of | The Egypt Exploration Fund. | Published by Order of the\nCommittee. | London: | Tr\u00fcbner & Co., 57 & 59, Ludgate Hill. | 1886.\n\n Folio, pp. 1-100, pls. 1-28.\n\n Swastika in Egypt, fourth and fifth centuries B. C., pl. IV, fig. 3.\n Meander Swastikas, pl. V, figs. 15, 24.\n\nPR\u00c4HISTORISCHE BL\u00c4TTER. | Von | Dr. Julius Nan, in M\u00fcnchen. | VI. Jahrg.,\n1894. M\u00fcnchen. Nr. 5. Mit Taf. XI-XV.\n\n S\u00f6derberg, Sven. Die Thierornamentik der V\u00f6lkerwanderungszeit. | Mit\n Tertabildungen und Tafel XI-XV. | Lund, Sweden. Figs. 12, 13, p. 73.\n\nPRIME, WILLIAM C. Pottery and Porcelain | Of All Times And Nations | With\nTables of Factory and Artists' Marks | For the Use of Collectors | by\nWilliam C. Prime, LL. D. | (Design) | New York | Harper & Brothers,\nPublishers | Franklin Square | 1878.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. 1-531.\n\n Symbolic marks on Chinese porcelain. Tablet of honor inclosing\n Swastika. Fig. 155, p. 254; fig. 33, p. 61.\n\nQUEEN LACE BOOK, The. A | Historical and Descriptive Account of the\nHand-Made | Antique Laces of All Countries. | * * | with | Thirty\nIllustrations of Lace Specimens, and seven Diagrams of | Lace Stitches. |\nLondon: | \"The Queen\" Office, 346, Strand, W. C. | 1874. | All rights\nreserved.\n\n pp. i-viii, 1-38.\n\n Swastika design in linen embroidery and cutwork (Sixteenth Century.\n Geometric Style). pl. 1, fig. 2.\n\nRAWLINSON, GEORGE. The Religions | of | the Ancient World. | By | George\nRawlinson, M. A. | Author of \"The Seven Great Monarchies of the Ancient |\nEastern World,\" etc. | New York: | Hurst & Co., Publishers, | 122 Nassau\nStreet.\n\n 12\u00ba, pp. 1-180.\n\n Religion of the Ancient Sanscrit Indians. Agni, the god of Fire,\n described pp. 87, 89. Sun, Wind, Dyaus (Heaven), and Prithivi (Earth).\n Nothing said about Swastika or Solar circle.\n\nRICHTER, MAX OHNEFALSCH. Excavations in Cyprus.\n\n _Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop._, Paris, Vol. XI (ser. III), pp. 669-682.\n\nROBINSON, DAVID. A Tour | through | The Isle of Man: | To which is\nsubjoined | A Review of the Manx History. | By David Robertson, Esq. |\nLondon: | Printed for the Author, | by E. Hodson, Bell-Yard, Temple-Bar. |\nSold by Mr. Payne, Mews-Gate; Messrs. Egertons, Whitehall; | Whites, Fleet\nStreet; and Deighton, Holborn. | 1794.\n\n 4\u00ba narrow, pp. 235.\n\n Triskelion--Coat of arms of Isle of Man.\n\nROCKHILL, WILLIAM WOODVILLE. Diary of a Journey | through | Mongolia and\nTibet | in | 1891 and 1892 | by | William Woodville Rockhill | Gold\nMedalist of the Royal Geographical Society | (Design.) | City of\nWashington | Published by the Smithsonian Institution | 1894.\n\n 4\u00ba, pp. i-xx, 1-413.\n\n Swastika (yung-drung) tattooed on hand of native at Kumbum, p. 67.\n\nSACHEVERELL, WILLIAM. An | Account | of the | Isle of Man, | its |\nInhabitants, Language, Soil, re- | markable Curiosities, the Succession |\nof its Kings and Bishops, down to | the present Time. | By way of Essat. |\nWith a Voyage to I-Columb-kill. | By William Sacheverell, Esq.: | Late\nGovernour of Man. | To which is added, | A Dissertation about the Mona of\nC\u00e6sar and | Tacitus; and an Account of the Antient | Druids, &c. | By Mr.\nThomas Brown, | Address'd in a Letter to his Learned | Friend Mr. A.\nSellars. | London: | Printed for J. Hartley, next the King's Head Tavern.\n| R. Gibson in Middle Row, and Tho. Hodgson over a- | gainst Gray's-Inn\nGate in Holborn, 1702.\n\n 12mo, pp. 175.\n\n Triskelion--Coat of arms of Isle of Man.\n\nSCHICK, Herr Baurath VON. The Jerusalem Cross.\n\n _Palestine Exploration Fund, Quarterly Statement_, July, 1894, pp.\n 183-188.\n\nSCHLIEMANN, HEINRICH. Atlas Trojanischer Alterth\u00fcmer. | Photographische\nAbbildungen | zu dem | Berichte | \u00fcber die Ausgrabungen in Troja | von |\nDr. Heinrich Schliemann. | (Design) | Leipzig: | In Commission bei F. A.\nBrockhaus. | 1874.\n\n Folio, pp. 1-57, plates, 1-217.\n\n Spindle whorls--_passim_. Swastikas on many specimens from fig. No.\n 142 to 3468. No. 237 is in U. S. National Museum as part of Mme.\n Schliemann's collection.\n\nSCHLIEMANN, HENRY. Ilios | The City and Country | of | the Trojans | The\nResults of Researches and Discoveries on the Site of Troy and | Throughout\nthe Troad in the Years 1871-72-73-78-79 | Including an | Autobiography of\nthe Author | By Dr. Henry Schliemann | F. S. A., F. R. I. British\nArchitects | Author of \"Troy and Its Remains,\" \"Mycen\u00e6,\" etc. | With a\nPreface, Appendices, and Notes | By Professors Rudolf Virchow, Max M\u00fcller,\nA. H. Sayce, J. P. Mahaffy, H. Brugsch-Bey, P. Ascherson, M. A.\nPostolaccas, M. E. Burnouf, Mr. F. Calvert, and Mr. J. A. Duffield. |\n(Greek Verse) | With Maps, Plans, and About 1,800 Illustrations. | New\nYork | Harper & Brothers, Franklin Square | 1881. |\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. i-xvi, 1-800.\n\n Swastika: Introduction, p. xi, and pp. 229, 231, 303, 349, 353, 416,\n 518, 571, 573.\n\n \"Owl-faced\" (?) vases, figs. 227, 1293, 1294. Fig. 986 (not owl, but\n human, Virchow), pp. xiii, xiv.\n\n Figures of Swastika on spindle-whorls--_passim_--fig. 1850 is in the\n U. S. National Museum.\n\n---- Mycen\u00e6; | A Narrative of Researches and Discoveries | at Mycen\u00e6 and\nTiryns. | By Dr. Henry Schliemann, | Citizen of the United States of\nAmerica, | Author of \"Troy and Its Remains,\" \"Ithaque, Le Peloponn\u00e8se et\nTroie,\" | and \"La Chine et le Japon.\" | The Preface | By the Right Hon. W.\nE. Gladstone, M. P. | Maps, Plans, and Other Illustrations. | Representing\nmore than 7,000 Types of the Objects Found in the | Royal Sepulchres of\nMycen\u00e6 and Elsewhere | In the Excavations. | New York: | Scribner,\nArmstrong & Company. | 1878. | (All Rights Reserved.)\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. i-lxviii, 1-384, Swastika, pp. 77, 165, 259, figs. 383, 385,\n and many others.\n\n---- Troja | Results of the Latest | Researches and Discoveries on the |\nSite of Homer's Troy | And in the Heroic Tumuli and Other Sites | Made in\nthe Year 1882 | and a Narrative of a Journey in the Troad in 1881 | by |\nDr. Henry Schliemann | Hon. D. C. L., Oxon., and Hon. Fellow of Queen's\nCollege, Oxford | F. S. A., F. R. I. B. A. | Author of \"Ilios,\" \"Troy and\nits Remains,\" and \"Mycen\u00e6 and Tiryns\" | Preface by Prof. A. H. Sayce |\nwith 150 Woodcuts and 4 Maps and Plans | (Quotation in German from Moltke:\nWunderbuch, p. 19, Berlin, 1879) | New York | Harper & Brothers, Franklin\nSquare 1884.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. 1-434.\n\n Swastika, preface xviii, xxi, pp. 122, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128.\n\n Spiral form, pp. 123.\n\n Lycian coins--triskelion, pp. 123, 124.\n\nSCHVINDT, THEODOR. Vihko 1-4 | Suomalaisia koristeita. | 1.\nOmpelukoristeita. | Finnische Ornamente. | 1. Stickornamente. | Heft 1-4 |\nSuolalaisen Kirjallisunden Seura Helsingissa. | 1894.\n\n Description of Finnish national ornamental embroidery in which the\n Swastika appears as a pattern made by oblique stitches, pp. 14, 15,\n figs. 112-121.\n\nSIMPSON, WILLIAM. Swastika.\n\n _Palestine Exploration Fund, Quarterly Statement_, January, 1895, pp.\n 84, 85.\n\nSNOWDEN, JAMES ROSS. A Description | of | Ancient and Modern Coins, | in\nthe | Cabinet Collection | at the Mint of the United States. | Prepared\nand arranged under the Direction of | James Ross Snowden, | Director of\nthe Mint. | Philadelphia: | J. B. Lippincott & Co. | 1860.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. i-xx, 1-412.\n\n Punch-marks on ancient coins, and how they were made. Introduction,\n pp. ix-xiv, and figures.\n\nSQUIER, E. GEORGE. Peru | Incidents of Travel and Exploration | in the |\nLand of the Incas | By E. George Squier, M. A., F. S. A. | Late U. S.\nCommissioner to Peru, Author of \"Nicaragua,\" \"Ancient Monuments | of\nMississippi Valley,\" etc., etc. | (Design) | With Illustrations | New York\n| Harper Brothers, Publishers | Franklin Square | 1877.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. i-xx, 1-599.\n\n Mythologic representations of earth, air, and water. The cross not\n mentioned as one, p. 184.\n\nSTEVENS, GEORGE L. The Old Northern | Runic Monuments | of Scandinavia and\nEngland | Now first | collected and deciphered | by | George Stevens,\nEsq., F. S. A. | Knight of the Northern Star and other titles, | with many\nhundreds of fac-similes and illustrations partly in gold, silver, bronze\nand colors. | Runic alphabets; introductions; appendices; word-lists, etc.\n| London, John Russell Smith. | Kobenhaven, Michaelsen and Tillge. |\nPrinted by H. H. Thiele, 1866-67.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. i-xi, 1-625.\n\nSTEVENSON, JAMES. Collections made in New Mexico and Arizona, 1879, by\nJames Stevenson.\n\n _Second Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology_, 1880-81, pp. 307-465, figs.\n 347-697.\n\n Spiral in basketry, fig. 542. Swastika (dance-rattle), fig. 562, p.\n 394. Maltese cross, fig. 642. Greek cross, fig. 708, p. 453.\n\nSYKES, Lieut. Col. Notes on the religious, moral, and political state of\nIndia before the Mohammedan invasion, chiefly founded on the travels of\nthe Chinese Buddhist priest, Fa-Hian, in India, A. D. 399, and on the\ncommentaries of Messrs. Klaproth, Burnouf, and Landresse.\n\n _Journal Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland_, Vol. VI,\n pp. 248, 299, 310, 334.\n\nTHOMAS, CYRUS. Burial Mounds of Northern Sections of the United States.\n\n _Fifth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology_, 1883-84, pp. 3-119, pls. I-VI,\n figs. 1-49.\n\n Excavations in Little Etowah Mounds.\n\n Human figures on copper plates, repouss\u00e9 work, figs. 42, 43, pp. 100,\n 101.\n\n Eagle (copper) Mound near Bluff Lake, Union County, Illinois, fig. 48,\n p. 105.\n\n---- Report on the Mound Explorations of the Bureau of Ethnology.\n\n _Twelfth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology_, 1890-91, pp. 1-730, pls.\n I-XLII, figs. 1-344.\n\n Human figures (copper), repouss\u00e9 work, figs. 186, p. 304; 189, p. 306.\n\n Eagle Mound in Illinois, fig. 192, p. 309.\n\n Swastika on shell, Big Toco Mound, Tennessee, fig. 262, p. 383.\n\nTHOMAS, G. W. Excavations in Anglo-Saxon Cemetery, Sleaford, Lincolnshire.\nSwastika.\n\n _Arch\u00e6ologia_, Vol. L, 1887, pt. 2, p. 386, pl. XXIV, fig. 2.\n\nTYLOR, EDWARD B. Anthropology: | An Introduction to the Study of | Man and\nCivilization. | By | Edward B. Taylor, D. C. L., F. R. S. | With\nIllustrations. | New York: | D. Appleton and Company, | 1, 3, and 5 Bond\nStreet. | 1881.\n\n 12\u00ba, pp. 1-448.\n\n Spinning and spindle whorls, pp. 247, 248.\n\n---- Primitive Culture | Researches into the Development of | Mythology,\nPhilosophy, Religion, | Language, Art and Custom | by | Edward E. Tylor,\nLL. D., F. R. S., | Author of \"Researches into the Early History of\nMankind,\" etc. | (Quotation in French) | First American, from the Second\nEnglish Edition | In Two Volumes | (Design) | Boston | Estes & Lauriat |\n143 Washington Street | 1874.\n\n 8\u00ba, (1), pp. i-xii, 1-502; (2), pp. i-viii, 1-470.\n\nWAKE, C. S. The Swastika and Allied Symbols.\n\n _Am. Antiquarian_, 1894, Vol. XVI, p. 413.\n\n The writer cites Prof. Alois Raimond Hein, Meander, etc.,\n Worbelornamente in Amerika. Vienna, 1891.\n\nWARING, J. B. Ceramic Art | in | Remote Ages; | With Essays on the Symbols\nof | the Circle, the Cross and Circle, | the Circle and Ray Ornament, the\nFylfot, | and the Serpent, | Showing their Relation to the Primitive\nForms | of | Solar and Nature Worship, | by | J. B. Waring, | Author of\n\"Stone Monuments, Tumuli, and Ornament of Remote Ages,\" \"Illustrations of\nArchitecture and Ornament,\" | \"The Art Treasures of the United Kingdom,\"\n&c., &c. | London: | Printed and Published by John B. Day, | Savoy Street,\nStrand | 1874.\n\n Folio, pp. 1-127, pls. 1-55.\n\n Swastika; Triskelion; Ancient coins. Plates 2, 3, 7, 27, 33, 41-44.\n\nWIENER, CHARLES. P\u00e9rou | et Bolivie | R\u00e9cit de Voyage | suivi | d'\u00c9tudes\nArch\u00e9ologiques et Ethnograhiques | et de Notes | Sur l'\u00c9criture et les\nLangues des Populations Indiennes | par | Charles Wiener | Ouvrage\nContenant | 100 Gravures, 27 cartes et 18 plans | (Design) | Paris |\nLibrairie Hachette et Cie. | 79, Boulevard Saint-Germain, 79 | 1880 |\nDroits de Propri\u00e9t\u00e9 et de traduction r\u00e9serv\u00e9s.\n\n 8\u00ba, pp. i-xi, 1-796.\n\n Christian cross in America.--Means used to implant it. Chap. VII, pp.\n 716-730.\n\nWOOD, J. G. The | Natural | History of Man; | Being | an Account of the\nManners and Customs of the | Uncivilized Races of Men. | By the Rev. | J.\nG. Wood, M. A., F. L. S. | etc., etc. | With New Designs by Angas, Danby,\nWolf, Zwecker, etc., etc. | Engraved by the Brothers Dalziel. | London: |\nGeorge Routledge and Sons, The Broadway, Ludgate. | New York: 416 Broome\nStreet. | 1868.\n\n 2 vols., 8\u00ba, pp. 774, 864.\n\n The Gurani Indians wear the queyu or bead apron; Vol. II, p. 626, but\n the Waraus wear only a triangular bit of bark, p. 623.\n\nWRIGHT, T. F. Notes on the Swastika.\n\n _Palestine Exploration Fund, Quarterly Statement_, London. October,\n 1894, p. 300.\n\nZMIGRODZKI, MICHAEL V. Zur | Geschichte der Swastika | von | Michael V.\nZmigrodzki | Mit Vier Figuren im Text und Vier Tafeln. | Braunschweig, |\nDruck und Verlag von Friederich Vieweg und Sohn. | 1890.\n\n---- Histoire du Suastika.\n\n _Congr\u00e8s International d'Anthrop. et Arch\u00e9ol. Pr\u00e9hist._ Compte Rendu\n de la dixi\u00e8me session \u00e0 Paris, 1889 pp. 473-490.\n\n\n\n\nLIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.\n\n\nPLATES.\n\n Facing page.\n\n Pl. 1. Origin of Buddha, with Swastika sign, according to Tao\n Shih 800\n\n 2. Swastika decreed by Empress Wu (684-704 A. D.) as a sign for\n sun in China 800\n\n 3. Swastika design on silk fabrics 800\n\n 4. Swastika in spider web over fruit 800\n\n 5. Buffalo with Swastika on forehead. Presented to Emperor of\n Sung Dynasty 800\n\n 6. Incense burner with Swastika decoration. South Tang Dynasty 800\n\n 7. House of Wa Tsung-Chih of Sin Shin, with Swastika in railing 800\n\n 8. Mountain or wild date--fruit resembling Swastika. China 800\n\n 9. Punch marks on reverse of ancient coins 876\n\n Fig. 1. Coin from Lydia. Electrum. Reverse. Oblong sinking\n between two squares. Babylonic stater. The earliest known\n coinage. Circa B. C. 700.\n\n 2. Phenician half stater. Electrum. Reverse. Incuse square\n with cruciform ornament.\n\n 3. Silver coin of Teos. Reverse. Incuse square. Circa 544\n B. C.\n\n 4. Silver coin of Acanthus. Reverse. Incuse square.\n\n 5. Silver coin of Mende. Reverse. Incuse triangles.\n\n 6. Silver coin of Terone. Reverse. Incuse.\n\n 7. Coin of Bisalt\u00e6.[316] Reverse. Flat incuse square.\n Octadrachm.\n\n 8. Silver coin of Orrescii.[316] Reverse. Incuse square.\n Octadrachm.\n\n 9. Corinthian silver coin. Reverse. Incuse square divided\n into eight triangular compartments.\n\n 10. Silver coin of Abdera. Reverse. Incuse square.\n\n 11. Silver coin of Byzantium. Reverse. Incuse square,\n granulated.\n\n 12. Silver coin of Thrasos (Thrace). Reverse. Incuse square.\n\n 10. Engraved Fulgur (?) shell resembling statue of Buddha. Toco\n mound, Tennessee. Cat. No. 115560, U. S. N. M. 880\n\n 11. Plan of North Fork (Hopewell) Works, Ross County, Ohio.\n _Smithsonian Contrib. to Knowledge_, I, pl. X 888\n\n 12. Plan of Hopewell mound, Ross County, Ohio, in which\n aboriginal copper Swastikas were found. _Primitive Man in\n Ohio_, pl. XXXIV 888\n\n 13. Human skull, with copper-covered horns, probably of elk.\n Hopewell mound, Ross County, Ohio. _Primitive Man in Ohio_,\n frontispiece 890\n\n 14. Altar, Hopewell mound, Ross County, Ohio. Found near the\n copper Swastika shown in fig. 244. _Primitive Man in Ohio_,\n fig. XXXVII. Cat. No. 148662, U. S. N. M. 890\n\n 15. Bead necklace and garters with Swastika ornamentation. Sac\n Indians 894\n\n 16. Ceremonial bead garters with Swastikas. Sac Indians, Cook\n County (Kansas) Reservation 896\n\n 17. \"Navajo Mountain Chant.\" Dr. Washington Matthews. _Fifth\n Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 1883-84, pl. XVII 898\n\n 18. _Folium Vitus_ (\"fig leaves\")--terra-cotta covers,\n \"_tunga_,\" used by aborigines of Brazil. Cat. Nos. 59089\n and 36542, U. S. N. M. 904\n\n 19. Various forms of crosses in use among North American\n Indians, from Greek cross to Swastika. _Second Ann. Rep.\n Bur. Ethnol._, 1880-81, pl. LIII 928\n\n Fig. 1. Greek cross.\n\n 2. Greek cross.\n\n 3. Cross on copper.\n\n 4. Cross on shell.\n\n 5. Greek cross.\n\n 6. Greek cross.\n\n 7. Latin cross, copper.\n\n 8. Greek cross.\n\n 9. Latin cross, copper.\n\n 10. Swastika on shell.\n\n 11. Swastika on shell.\n\n 12. Swastika on pottery.\n\n 13. Swastika on pottery.\n\n 20. Palenque cross, foliated. _Smithsonian Contrib. to\n Knowledge_, XXII, fig. 7, p. 33 932\n\n 21. Modern porcelain spindle-whorls. Southern France. Cat.\n No. 169598, U. S. N. M. 968\n\n 22. Navajo woman using spindle and whorl. Dr. Washington\n Matthews, _Third Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 1881-82, pl.\n XXXIV 970\n\n 23. Series of aboriginal spindles and whorls from Peru. Cat.\n No. 17510, U. S. N. M. 972\n\n 24. Selected specimens of spindle-whorls from the Third,\n Fourth, and Fifth cities of Troy. U. S. National Museum 974\n\n 25. Selected specimens of spindle-whorls from the Third,\n Fourth, and Fifth cities of Troy. U. S. National Museum 974\n\n\nTEXT FIGURES.\n\n Page.\n\n Fig. 1. Latin cross (_Crux immissa_) 765\n\n 2. Greek cross 765\n\n 3. St. Andrew's cross (_Crux decussata_) 765\n\n 4. Egyptian cross (_Crux ansata_), the Key of Life 766\n\n 5. Tan cross, Thor's hammer, St. Anthony's cross 766\n\n 6. Monogram of Christ. Labarum of Constantine 766\n\n 7. Maltese cross 766\n\n 8. Celtic crosses 767\n\n 9. Normal Swastika. Arms crossing at right angles, with ends\n bent to the right 767\n\n 10. Suavastika. Arms bent to the left 767\n\n 11. Swastika 767\n\n 12. _Croix swasticale_ (Zmigrodzki) 767\n\n 13_a_. Ogee and spiral Swastikas. Tetraskelion (four-armed) 768\n\n 13_b_. Spiral and volute. Triskelion (three-armed) 768\n\n 13_c_. Spiral and volute (five or many armed) 768\n\n 13_d_. Ogee Swastika with circle 768\n\n 14. Nand\u00e2vartaya, a third sign of the footprint of Buddha.\n Burnouf, _Lotus de la Bonne Loi_, Paris, 1852, p. 626 774\n\n 15. Typical lotuses on Cyprian vases. Goodyear, _Grammar_,\n etc., p. 77 782\n\n 16. Typical lotus on Rhodian vases. Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc. 782\n\n 17. Typical lotus on Melian vases. Goodyear, _Grammar of the\n Lotus_ 782\n\n 18. Detail of Cyprian vase showing lotuses with curling sepals.\n Met. Mus. of Art, N. Y. Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl.\n XLVII, fig. 1 782\n\n 19. Details of a Cyprian amphora; lotus with curling sepals,\n and different Swastikas. Met. Mus. of Art, N. Y. Goodyear,\n _Grammar_, etc., pl. XLVII, figs. 2 and 3 783\n\n 20. Theory of the evolution of the spiral scroll from lotus.\n One volute. Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., fig. 51 783\n\n 21. Theory of lotus rudiments in spiral. Tomb 33, Abd-el-Kourneh,\n Thebes. Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., p. 96 783\n\n 22. Concentric rings connected by tangents. Petrie, _History of\n Scarabs_. 784\n\n 23. Concentric rings with disconnected tangents. Barringer\n Coll., Met. Mus. of Art, N. Y. Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc.,\n Pl. VIII, fig. 23 784\n\n 24. Concentric rings without connection. Goodyear, _Grammar_,\n etc., pl. VIII, fig. 25. Farman Coll., Met. Mus. of Art,\n N. Y. 784\n\n 25. Special Egyptian meander. An illustration of the theory of\n derivation from the spiral. Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl.\n X, fig. 9 784\n\n 26. Detail of Greek vase. Meander and Swastika. No. 2843 in\n Polytechnic, Athens. Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., fig. 174 785\n\n 27. Detail of Greek geometric vase in the British Museum.\n Swastika, right, with solar geese. Goodyear, _Grammar_,\n etc., fig. 173, p. 353 785\n\n 28. Greek geometric vase. Swastika with solar geese. Goodyear,\n _Grammar_, etc., fig. 172, p. 353 785\n\n 29. Bronze statue of Buddha. Japan. Eight Swastikas on\n pedestal, cane tintinnabulum with six movable rings or\n bells. Cernuschi Coll. One-fifteenth natural size 799\n\n 30. Japanese potter's mark on porcelain. Swastika, left. Sir\n A. W. Franks, _Catalogue_, etc., pl. XI, fig. 139; De\n Mortillet, _Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique_, fig. 1248 799\n\n 31. Potter's mark on porcelain. China. Tablet of Honor, with\n Swastika. Prime, _Pottery and Porcelain_, p. 254 801\n\n 32. Footprint of Buddha with Swastika, from Amaravati Tope.\n From a figure by Fergusson and Schliemann 802\n\n 33. Explanation of Jain Swastika, according to Gandhi 804\n\n (1) Archaic or protoplasmic life; (2) plant and animal\n life; (3) human life; (4) celestial life.\n\n 34_a_. The formation of the Jain Swastika--First stage 804\n\n 34_b_. The formation of the Jain Swastika--Second stage 804\n\n 34_c_. The formation of the Jain Swastika--Third stage 805\n\n 35. Bronze pin-head from Cheithan-thagh. De Morgan, _Au\n Caucase_, fig. 177 807\n\n 36. Bronze pin-head from Akthala. De Morgan, _Au Caucase_,\n fig. 178 808\n\n 37. Swastika mark on black pottery. Cheithan-thagh. De Morgan,\n _Au Caucase_, fig. 179 808\n\n 38. Fragment of bronze ceinture. Necropolis of Koban,\n Caucasus. Swastika repouss\u00e9. Natural size. Chantre, _Le\n Caucase_, pl. XI, fig. 3 808\n\n 39. Bronze agrafe or belt plate. Triskelion in spiral. Koban,\n Caucasus, Chantre, _Le Caucase_, pl. XI, fig. 4 809\n\n 40. Swastika signs from Asia Minor. Waring, _Ceramic Art in\n Remote Ages_, pl. XLI, figs. 5 and 6 809\n\n 41. Brand for horses in Circassia. Ogee Swastika,\n tetraskelion. Waring, _Ceramic Art_, etc., pl. XLII,\n fig. 20_c_ 809\n\n 42. Fragment of lustrous black pottery. Swastika, right.\n Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 247 810\n\n 43. Spindle-whorl with two Swastikas and two crosses; 23 feet\n depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1858 811\n\n 44. Spindle-whorl, two Swastikas; 23 feet depth. Schliemann,\n _Ilios_, fig. 1874 811\n\n 45. Spindle-whorl, two Swastikas; 23 feet depth. Schliemann,\n _Ilios_, fig. 1919 811\n\n 46. Spindle-whorl, two Swastikas; 23 feet depth. Schliemann,\n _Ilios_, fig. 1826 811\n\n 47. Spindle-whorl, three Swastikas; 23 feet depth. Schliemann,\n _Ilios_, fig. 1851 811\n\n 48. Spindle-whorl, Swastikas; 23 feet depth. Schliemann,\n _Ilios_, fig. 1982 812\n\n 49. Sphere, eight segments, one containing Swastika.\n Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1999 812\n\n 50. Biconical spindle-whorl, Swastika. Schliemann, _Ilios_,\n fig. 1949 812\n\n 51. Biconical spindle-whorl, six Swastikas; 33 feet depth.\n Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1859 813\n\n 52. Biconical spindle-whorl, two ogee Swastikas; 33 feet depth.\n Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1876 813\n\n 53. Spindle-whorl, four Swastikas; 33 feet depth. De Mortillet,\n _Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique_, fig. 1240 813\n\n 54. Spindle-whorl, one Swastika; 33 feet depth. De Mortillet,\n _Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique_, fig. 1241 813\n\n 55. Conical spindle-whorl, three ogee Swastikas; 13-1/2 feet\n depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1850 814\n\n 56. Conical spindle-whorl, four Swastikas, various kinds;\n 13-1/2 feet depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1879 814\n\n 57. Conical spindle-whorl, Swastikas; 13-1/2 feet depth.\n Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1894 814\n\n 58. Biconical spindle-whorl, one Swastika; 13-1/2 feet depth.\n Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1983 815\n\n 59. Biconical spindle-whorl, three ogee Swastikas; 13-1/2 feet\n depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1990 815\n\n 60. Biconical spindle-whorl, two Swastikas; 16-1/2 feet depth.\n Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1863 815\n\n 61. Biconical spindle-whorl, five ogee Swastikas; 18 feet\n depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1905 816\n\n 62. Spindle-whorl, three Swastikas; 19.8 feet depth.\n Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1855 816\n\n 63. Spindle-whorl, four ogee Swastikas, with spiral volutes;\n 18 feet depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1868 816\n\n 64. Biconical spindle-whorl, one Swastika; 19.8 feet depth.\n Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1865 816\n\n 65. Biconical spindle-whorl, one Swastika; 19.8 feet depth.\n Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1866 817\n\n 66. Biconical spindle-whorl, three Swastikas and three \"burning\n altars;\" 19.8 feet depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1872 817\n\n 67. Biconical spindle-whorl, four Swastikas of the Jain style;\n 19.8 feet depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1873 817\n\n 68. Biconical spindle-whorl, three Swastikas of different\n styles; 19.8 feet depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1912 817\n\n 69. Biconical spindle-whorl, one Swastika of the figure-8 style;\n 19.8 feet depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1861 818\n\n 70. Biconical spindle-whorl, one Swastika slightly ogee; 19.8\n feet depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1864 818\n\n 71. Conical spindle-whorl, three ogee Swastikas; 13-1/2 feet\n depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1852. Gift of Mme.\n Schliemann. Cat. No. 149704, U. S. N. M. 818\n\n 72, 73, 74. Forms of whorls from fifth buried city of\n Hissarlik, for comparison. Schliemann, _Ilios_, figs. 1801,\n 1802, and 1803 819\n\n 75. Terra-cotta sphere, thirteen Swastikas. Third city; 26 feet\n depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, figs. 245, 246 819\n\n 76. Terra-cotta disk, one Swastika. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig.\n 1849 820\n\n 77. Spindle-whorl, ogee Swastika. Third city; 23 feet depth.\n Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1822 820\n\n 78. Biconical spindle-whorl, irregular Swastikas and crosses.\n Fourth city; 13.6 foot depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1871 820\n\n 79. Biconical spindle-whorl, uncertain and malformed Swastikas.\n Third city; 33 feet depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1870 820\n\n 80. Biconical spindle-whorl, irregular and partly formed\n Swastika with large dot in center. Fourth city; 23 feet\n depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1875 821\n\n 81. Biconical spindle-whorl, flattened, two Swastikas with\n indefinite decoration. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1947 821\n\n 82. Biconical spindle-whorl, one Swastika and four segments of\n circles. Third city; 33 feet depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_,\n fig. 1989 821\n\n 83. Biconical spindle-whorl, flattened, ogee Swastika with\n center circle. Third city; 23 feet depth. Schliemann,\n _Ilios_, fig. 1987 822\n\n 84. Biconical spindle-whorl, six ogee Swastikas, with center\n circle and dot. Third city; 23 feet depth. Schliemann,\n _Ilios_, fig. 1862 822\n\n 85. Spherical spindle-whorl, flattened top, ogee lines which do\n not form Swastikas. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1890 822\n\n 86. Biconical spindle-whorl, ogee curves not crossed to form\n Swastikas. Fourth city; 10.6 feet depth. Schliemann,\n _Ilios_, fig. 1889 822\n\n 87. Spherical spindle-whorl flattened, with two Swastikas\n combined with segments and dots. Schliemann, _Ilios_,\n fig. 1988 823\n\n 88. Two sections of terra-cotta sphere, central circle and\n many extended arms, ogee and zigzag to the left.\n Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1993 823\n\n 89. Spherical spindle-whorl, large central dot with 12 arms, in\n same form as ogee Swastika. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1946 823\n\n 90. Spindle-whorl, central dot with ogee arms radiating\n therefrom, turning in different directions, but in form of\n Swastika. Third city; 29 feet depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_,\n fig. 1830 824\n\n 91. Spindle-whorl, central hole with radiating arms. Third\n city; 23 feet depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1842 824\n\n 92. Spindle-whorl, large central circle with many arms. Fourth\n city; 19.8 feet depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1837 824\n\n 93. Spindle-whorl, central hole and large circle with many\n curved arms. Third city; 29 feet depth. Schliemann,\n _Ilios_, fig. 1833 824\n\n 94. Large biconical spindle-whorl with four large crosses\n with bifurcated arms. Third city; 23 feet depth.\n Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1856 825\n\n 95. Spindle-whorl, hole and large circle in center with broad\n arms of Greek cross. Third city; 26.4 feet depth.\n Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1820 825\n\n 96. Spindle-whorl, hole and large circle in center, extended\n parallel arms of Greek cross, with dots. Third city; 23\n feet depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1817 825\n\n 97. Spindle-whorl, arms of Greek cross tapering, with dots.\n Third city; 23 feet depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 1818 825\n\n 98. Spindle-whorl, central hole, three arms ornamented with\n dots. Third city; 23 feet depth. Schliemann, _Ilios_,\n fig. 1819 826\n\n 99. Biconical spindle-whorl, with four animals associated with\n the Swastika. Third city; 33 feet depth. Schliemann,\n _Ilios_, fig. 1877 826\n\n 100. Biconical spindle-whorl, with four animals associated with\n the Swastika. Fourth city; 19.6 feet depth. Schliemann,\n _Ilios_, fig. 1867 826\n\n 101. Spindle-whorl, figure-8 Swastika (?) with six \"burning\n altars.\" Fourth city; 19.6 feet depth. Schliemann,\n _Ilios_, fig. 1838 826\n\n 102 to 113. Trojan spindle-whorls. Schliemann, _Ilios_ 827\n\n 114 to 124. Trojan Spindle-whorls. Schliemann, _Ilios_ 828\n\n 125. Leaden idol, Artemis Nana of Chaldea, with Swastika.\n Hissarlik, 23 feet depth, 1-1/3 natural size. Schliemann,\n _Ilios_, fig. 226 829\n\n 126. Terra-cotta vase with mamelon. Fourth city; 16-1/2 feet\n depth. One-third natural size. Cat. No. 149676, U. S. N.\n M. 830\n\n 127. Terra-cotta vase with circle or ring. Fourth city; 20\n feet depth. One-third natural size. Schliemann, _Ilios_,\n fig. 988 830\n\n 128. Terra-cotta vase, with circle or ring with _Croix\n swasticale_. Fourth city; 20 feet depth. One-sixth\n natural size. Schliemann, _Ilios_, fig. 986 831\n\n 129. Terra-cotta vase, with circle or ring inclosing Swastika.\n Fifth city; 10 feet depth. Two-fifths natural size.\n Schliemann, _Troja_, fig. 101 831\n\n 130. Greek vase showing deer, geese, and three Swastikas.\n Naukratis, ancient Egypt, sixth and fifth centuries B. C.\n Flinders Petrie, _Third Mem. Egypt Expl. Fund_, pt. 1, pl.\n IV, fig. 3; and Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl. LX, fig. 2 834\n\n 130_a_. Detail of vase shown in the preceding figure 834\n\n 131. Pottery fragments with two meander Swastikas. Naukratis,\n ancient Egypt. Petrie, _Third Mem. Egypt Expl. Fund_, pt.\n 1, pl. V, figs. 24 and 15 835\n\n 132. Fragments of Greek vase with lion and three meander\n Swastikas. Naukratis, ancient Egypt. Petrie, _Sixth Mem.\n Egypt Expl. Fund_, pt. 2, pl. V, fig. 7; and Goodyear,\n _Grammar_, etc., pl. XXX, fig. 2 835\n\n 133. Fragment of Greek vase with figures of sacred animals and\n Swastikas associated with Greek fret. Naukratis, ancient\n Egypt. Petrie, _Sixth Mem. Egypt Expl. Fund_, pt. 2, pl.\n VI, fig. 1 836\n\n 134. Fragment of Greek vase with figures of animals, two\n meander Swastikas, and Greek fret. Naukratis, ancient\n Egypt. Petrie, _Sixth Mem. Egypt Expl. Fund_, pt. 2, pl.\n VIII, fig. 1; and Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl. XXX,\n fig. 10 836\n\n 135. Greek vase with deer and meander and figure-8 Swastikas.\n Naukratis, ancient Egypt. _Sixth Mem. Egypt Expl. Fund_,\n pl. V, fig. 1 837\n\n 136. Greek tapestry. Coptos, Egypt. First and second centuries\n A. D. Forrer, _Achmim-Panopolis_, pl. IX, fig. 3 837\n\n 137. Torus of column with Swastikas. Roman ruins, Algeria.\n Delamare. Waring, _Ceramic Art_, etc., pl. XLIII, fig. 2 838\n\n 138. Bronze ingots captured at Coomassee during Ashantee war.\n Swastika on each 838\n\n 139. Variations of the Greek fret. The two continuous lines\n crossing each other give the appearance of Swastikas 839\n\n 140. Greek geometric vase with goose and Swastika (panel).\n Smyrna. Leyden Museum. Conze, _Anf\u00e4nge_;, etc., Vienna,\n 1870; and Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl. LVI, fig. 4 839\n\n 141. Greek vase, geometric ornament, Athens. Horses, Swastika\n (panels). Dennis, _Etruria_, vol. I, p. cxiii 839\n\n 142. Greek vase with Swastikas (panels). Conze, _Anf\u00e4nge_,\n etc., vol. 4; and Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl. LX,\n fig. 13 839\n\n 143. Detail of Archaic Greek vase with solar goose and\n Swastika (panel). British Museum. Waring, _Ceramic Art_,\n etc., pl. XLI, fig. 15 840\n\n 144. Cyprian pottery plaque with Swastika (panel). Met. Mus.\n of Art, N. Y. Cesnola, _Cyprus, Its Ancient Cities, Tombs,\n and Temples_, pl. XLVII, fig. 40 840\n\n 145. Detail from Cyprian vase, Swastikas in triangles.\n Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl. I, fig. 11 840\n\n 146. Detail of Attic vase with antelope (?) and Swastika.\n British Museum. B\u00f6hlau, _Jahrbuch_, 1885, p. 50; and\n Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl. XXXVII, fig. 9 840\n\n 147. Cyprian vase with Swastikas. Cesnola, _Cyprus_, etc.,\n appendix by Murray, p. 404, fig. 15 841\n\n 148. Terra-cotta figurine with Swastikas (panels). Cesnola,\n _Cyprus_, p. 300. Ohnefalsch-Richter, _Bull. Soc.\n d'Anthrop._, Paris, 1888, p. 681, fig. 11 841\n\n 149. Terra-cotta vase, Swastika, and figure of horse 841\n\n 150. Bronze fibula with Swastika, goose, and fish, Boeotia,\n Greece, one-half natural size. Ludwig M\u00fcller. De\n Mortillet, _Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique_, fig. 1265 841\n\n 151. Details of Greek vase with birds and Swastikas. Waring,\n _Ceramic Art_, etc., pl. XXXIII, fig. 24; and Goodyear,\n _Grammar_, etc., pl. XLVI, fig. 5 842\n\n 152. Detail of Cyprian vase, sun hawk, lotus, solar disk,\n Swastikas. B\u00f6lau, _Jahrbuch_, 1886, pl. VIII; Reinach,\n _Revue Arch\u00e9ologique_, 1885, II, p. 360; Chipiez &\n Perrot, _Hist. of Art in Antiq._, IV, p. 564; Goodyear,\n _Grammar_, etc., pl. XLV, fig. 3 842\n\n 153. Detail of Greek geometric vase with horses and Swastika.\n Thera. Leyden Museum. Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl.\n LXI, fig. 4 842\n\n 154. Bronze fibula with large Swastika on shield. Greece.\n Mus\u00e9e St. Germain. De Mortillet, Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique,\n fig. 1264. One-half natural size 843\n\n 155. Greek vase, _oinocho\u00eb_, with two painted Swastikas. De\n Mortillet, _Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique_, fig. 1244. One-quarter\n natural size 843\n\n 156. Cyprian vase with animal and Swastikas. Cesnola, _Cyprus_,\n etc., pl. XLV, fig. 36 843\n\n 157. Archaic Greek pottery fragment. Santorin, ancient Thera.\n Waring, _Ceramic Art_, etc., pl. XLII, fig. 2 843\n\n 158. Cyprian vase with bird, lotus, and Swastikas. Met. Mus.\n of Art, N. Y. Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl. LX, fig. 15 844\n\n 159. Cyprian vase with two Swastikas. Cesnola Coll., Met. Mus.\n of Art, N. Y. Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., fig. 151 844\n\n 160. Fragment of terra-cotta vase with Swastikas, from ruins\n of temple at Paleo-Paphos; 40 feet depth. Cesnola,\n _Cyprus_, etc., p. 210 845\n\n 161. Wooden button, clasp, or fibula, covered with plates of\n gold, ogee Swastika, (tetraskelion) in center. Schliemann,\n _Mycen\u00e6_, fig. 385, p. 259 845\n\n 162. Detail of Greek vase with goose, honeysuckle (Anthemion),\n spiral Swastika. Thera. _Monumenti Inedite_, LXV, 2.\n Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl. XLVI, fig. 7 845\n\n 163. Detail of Greek vase, Sphynx with spiral scrolls, two\n meander Swastikas (right). Melos. B\u00f6hlau, _Jahrbuch_,\n 1887, XII; Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl. XXXIV, fig. 8 846\n\n 164. Detail of Greek vase, ibex and scroll, meander Swastika\n (right). Melos. B\u00f6hlau, _Jahrbuch_, 1887, p. 121; and\n Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl. XXXIX, fig. 2 846\n\n 165. Detail of Greek vase with ram, meander Swastika (left),\n circles, dots, and crosses. Rhodian style. British\n Museum. Salzmann, _Necropole de Camire_, LI; and\n Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl. XXVIII, fig. 7 846\n\n 166. Cyprian vase and details with birds and Swastikas.\n Perrot & Chipiez, _Chypre_, etc., p. 702; Goodyear,\n _Grammar_, etc., pl. XLVIII, figs. 6 and 12; Cesnola,\n _Cyprus_, etc., appendix by Murray, pl. XLIV, fig. 34,\n p. 412 847\n\n 167. Cyprian vase with lotus, bosses, buds, and sepals, and\n different Swastikas. Cesnola Coll., Met. Mus. of Art.,\n N. Y. Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl. XLVIII, fig. 3 847\n\n 168. Cyprian vase with bosses, lotus buds, and different\n Swastikas. Cesnola Coll., Met. Mus. of Art., N. Y.\n Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl. XLVIII, fig. 15 848\n\n 169. Detail of early Boeotian vase with horse, solar diagram,\n Artemis with geese, and Swastikas (normal and meander,\n right and left). Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl. LXI, fig.\n 12 848\n\n 170. Detail of Rhodian vase with geese, circles, and dots,\n Swastikas (right and left). British Museum. Waring,\n _Ceramic Art_, etc., pl. XXVII, fig. 9 849\n\n 171. Detail of Rhodian vase with geese, lotus, circles, and\n two Swastikas (right and left). Goodyear, _Grammar_,\n etc., fig. 145, pl. 271 849\n\n 172. Greek vase of typical Rhodian style with ibex, geese,\n lotus, six Swastikas (normal, meander, and ogee, all\n left). Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl. XXXVIII, p. 251 850\n\n 173. Detail of Greek vase with deer, solar diagrams, three\n Swastikas (single, double, and meander, right). Melos.\n Conze, _Meliosche Thongef\u00e4sse_; Goodyear _Grammar_,\n etc., pl. LX, fig. 8 851\n\n 174. Archaic Greek vase from Athens with five Swastikas, of\n four styles, British Museum. Birch, _History of Ancient\n Pottery_, quoted in Waring's _Ceramic Art_, etc., pl.\n XLI, fig. 15; Dennis, _Etruria_, Vol. I, p. xci 851\n\n 175. Detail of Archaic Boeotian vase with two serpents,\n crosses, eight Swastikas (normal, right, left, and\n meander). Goodyear, _Grammar_, etc., pl. LX, fig. 9 852\n\n 176. Attic vase for perfume with Swastikas of two kinds and\n _Croix swasticale_. Ohnefalsch-Richter, _Bull. Soc.\n d'Anthrop._, Paris, 1888, p. 674, fig. 6 852\n\n 177. Detail of Cyprian vase, Swastika with palm tree, sacred\n to Apollo. Citium, Cyprus. Ohnefalsch-Richter, _Bull.\n Soc. d'Anthrop._, Paris, 1888, p. 673, fig. 3 852\n\n 178. Cyprian vase, birds, Swastika, (panel). Mus\u00e9e St. Germain.\n Ohnefalsch-Richter, _Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop._, Paris, 1888,\n p. 674, fig. 6 853\n\n 179. Chariot of Apollo-Resef with sun symbol (?) on a shield;\n four Swastikas, two right and two left, on quadrants of\n chariot wheels. Cesnola, _Salamania_, p. 240, fig. 226;\n and Ohnefalsch-Richter, _Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop._, Paris\n 1888, p. 675, fig. 7 853\n\n 180. Terra-cotta statue of goddess, Aphrodite-Astarte, with\n four Swastikas. Curium, Cyprus. Ohnefalsch-Richter,\n _Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop._, Paris, 1888, p. 676, fig. 8 853\n\n 181. Cyprian centaur with one Swastika. Cesnola, _Salamania_,\n p. 243, fig. 230; Ohnefalsch-Richter, _Bull. Soc.\n d'Anthrop._, Paris, 1888, p. 676, fig. 9 853\n\n 182. Greek statue, Aphrodite-Ariadne, with six Swastikas, four\n right, and two left. From Polistis Chrysokon.\n Ohnefalsch-Richter, _Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop._, Paris, 1888,\n p. 677, fig. 10 854\n\n 183. Hut urn (Bronze Age), Etruria. \"Burning Altar\" mark\n associated with Swastikas. Vatican Museum 856\n\n 184. Fragment of Archaic Greek pottery with three Swastikas.\n Cum\u00e6, Campania, Italy. Rochette; Waring, _Ceramic Art_,\n etc., pl. XLII, fig. 1 858\n\n 185. Cinerary urn with Swastikas in panels. Vatican Museum.\n San Marino, near Albano. Pigorini, _Arch\u00e6ologia_, 1869 858\n\n 186. Cinerary urn with Swastikas inclosed in incised lines in\n intaglio (panels). Cervetri, Italy. _Conestabile due\n Dischi in Bronzo_, pl. V, fig. 2, one-sixth natural size 858\n\n 187. Gold fibula with Swastikas (left). Etruscan Museum,\n Vatican. _Catalogue_, 1st pt., pl. XXVI, fig. 6, one-half\n natural size 859\n\n 188. Etruscan gold bulla, Swastika on bottom. Waring, _Ceramic\n Art_, etc., pl. XLII, fig. 4_a_ 859\n\n 189. Ornamental Swastika on Etruscan silver bowl, Cervetri\n (C\u00e6re), Etruria. Waring, _Ceramic Art_, etc., pl. XLI,\n fig. 13 859\n\n 190. Bronze fibula with two Swastikas (supposed rays of sun),\n Etruria. Copenhagen Museum. Goblet d'Alviella. One-fourth\n natural size. De Mortillet, _Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique_, fig.\n 1263 859\n\n 191. Pottery urn ornamented with successive bands, in intaglio,\n two of which bands are Swastikas. Necropolis Arnoaldi,\n Italy, Museum of Bologna. Gozzadini, _Scavi Arch\u00e6ologici_,\n etc., pl. IV, fig. 8 860\n\n 192. Fragment of pottery, row of Swastikas in intaglio,\n Necropole Felsinea, Italy, Museum of Bologna. Gozzadini,\n _Due Sepolcri_, etc., p. 7, one-half natural size 860\n\n 193. Swastika sign on clay bobbin. Type Villanova, Bologna.\n Gozzadini Coll. De Mortillet, _Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique_,\n fig. 1239 860\n\n 194. Pottery vase ornamented with bronze nail heads in form\n of Swastika. Este, Italy. _Mat\u00e9riaux_, etc., 1884, p. 14 861\n\n 195. Fragment of pottery with Swastika stamped in relief 861\n\n 196. Stamp for making Swastika sign on pottery. Swiss lake\n dwelling of Bourget, Savoy, Mus\u00e9e de Chamb\u00e9ry. Chantre,\n _Age du Bronze_, figs. 53 and 55; and Keller, _Lake\n Dwellings of Europe_, etc., pl. CLXI, fig. 3 861\n\n 197. Fragment of ceinture, thin bronze, repouss\u00e9, with\n Swastikas of various kinds; Tumulus Alsace. Bronze Age,\n Halstattien epoch. De Mortillet, _Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique_,\n fig. 1255 862\n\n 198. Fragment of ceinture of thin bronze, openwork with\n intricate Swastikas; Tumulus of Metzstetten, Wurtemburg.\n Museum of Stuttgart, Halstattien epoch. De Mortillet,\n _Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique_, fig. 1257, and Chantre, _Caucasus_,\n etc., vol. II, p. 50, fig. 25 862\n\n 199. Bronze fibula, the body of which forms a Swastika. Museum\n of Mayence. De Mortillet, _Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique_, fig. 1206 862\n\n 200. Sepulchral urn with Swastika. North Germany. Lisch &\n Schr\u00f6ter, Waring, _Ceramic Art_, etc., pl. VII, fig. 94 862\n\n 201. Spearhead with Swastika, _Croix swasticale_ and\n triskelion. Brandenburg, Germany. Waring, _Ceramic Art_,\n etc., pl. XLIV, fig. 21. _Viking Age_, Vol. II, fig. 336 863\n\n 202. Bronze pin with Swastika, _pointill\u00e9_, from mound in\n Bavaria. Chantre, _Mat\u00e9riaux_, 1884, pp. 14, 120 863\n\n 203. Runic inscription on bronze sword, inlaid with silver.\n Saebo, Norway. One of the characters is a Swastika 864\n\n 204_a_. Swastika with dots. Torcello, Italy. Du Chaillu,\n _Viking Age_, vol. II, fig. 335 865\n\n 204_b_. Runic inscription on spearhead. Torcello, Italy. Du\n Chaillu, _Viking Age_, vol. II, fig. 335 865\n\n 205. Redding comb with Swastika. Scandinavia 865\n\n 206. Bronze brooch or fibula with combination of Swastikas.\n Scandinavia 865\n\n 207. Bronze brooch with Swastikas (tetraskelions), right and\n left; triskelion, left. Scandinavia 866\n\n 208. Plaque for ceinture with buckle, two ogee Swastikas\n (tetraskelions) 866\n\n 209. Scandinavian sword scabbard with two ogee Swastikas\n (tetraskelions), right and left 866\n\n 210. Scandinavian sword scabbard with ogee Swastika 866\n\n 211. Scandinavian sword scabbard, two triskelions, right and\n left 866\n\n 212. Gold brooch with ogee Swastika. Island of Fyen. Waring,\n _Ceramic Art_, etc., pl. XLIII, fig. 11 867\n\n 213. Scandinavian bronze silver-plated horse gear with three\n Swastikas, one elaborate. Waring, _Ceramic Art_, etc.,\n pl. XLIV, fig. 16 867\n\n 214. Scandinavian sword scabbard with normal Swastika. Vimose\n bog find 867\n\n 215. Sculptured stone with Greek cross in circle, normal\n Swastika in square, and ogee Swastika in _quatrefoil_ 868\n\n 216. Fragment of thin bronze, repouss\u00e9, ogee Swastika. Ireland.\n Dr. R. Munro, _Lake Dwellings of Europe_, pl. 124, figs.\n 20-22 868\n\n 217. Fragment of thin bronze, triskelion. Ireland. Munro,\n _Lake Dwellings of Europe_, p. 384, pl. 124, figs. 20-22 868\n\n 218. Bronze pin with small normal Swastika on head. Crannog of\n Lochlee, Tarbolton, Scotland. Munro, _Lake Dwellings of\n Europe_, p. 417 868\n\n 219. Carved triskelion found on fragment of ash wood. Crannog\n of Lochlee, Tarbolton, Scotland. Munro, _Lake Dwellings\n of Europe_, p. 415 869\n\n 220. Stone altar with Swastika on pedestal. France. Museum of\n Toulouse. De Mortillet, _Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique_, fig. 1267 869\n\n 221. Pottery bottle of dark gray with Swastika, and decoration\n in white barbotine. Gallo-Roman epoch. Museum of Rouen.\n De Mortillet, _Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique_, fig. 1246 870\n\n 222. Anglo-Saxon bronze gilt fibula, simulation of Swastika.\n Long Wittenham, Berkshire 870\n\n 223. Pottery urn with band of twenty Swastikas made by hand.\n White on blackish ground. Shropham, Norfolk. British\n Museum. Waring, _Ceramic Art_, etc., pl. III, fig. 50 871\n\n 224. Lycian coin, triskelion, with three arms representing\n cocks' heads and necks 871\n\n 225, 226. Lycian coins, triskelions, with central dots and\n circles, 480 B. C. Waring, _Ceramic Art_, etc., pl. XLII,\n figs. 12 and 13 871\n\n 227. Sicilian coin with quadriga and triskelion, 336-280\n B. C. _Coins of the Ancients_, Brit. Mus., pl. XXXV,\n fig. 28 873\n\n 228. Warrior's shield, from a Greek vase, Achilles and Hector,\n Agrigentum, Sicily. Waring, _Ceramic Art_, etc., pl. XLII,\n fig. 24 873\n\n 229. Corinthian coin with punch mark resembling Swastika.\n Obverse and reverse 876\n\n 230. Ancient Hindu coin. A cross with Swastika on extremity of\n each arm. Cunningham, Waring, _Ceramic Art_, etc., pl. XLI,\n fig. 18 877\n\n 231, 232, 233, 234. Ancient Hindu coins with Swastikas, normal\n and ogee. Cunningham, Waring, _Ceramic Art_, etc., pl. XLI,\n figs. 20, 21, 22, 23 877\n\n 235. Ancient coin with Swastika. Gaza, Palestine. Waring,\n _Ceramic Art_, etc., pl. XLII, fig. 6 878\n\n 236. Gold bracteate with Jain Swastika. Denmark. Thomson,\n _Atlas_, Table VII. Waring, _Ceramic Art_, etc., pl. I,\n fig. 9 878\n\n 237. Shell gorget with engraved Swastika, circles, and dots.\n Mound on Fains Island, Tennessee. Cat. No. 62928, U. S.\n N. M 880\n\n 238. Engraved shell with Swastika, circles, and dots. Toco\n Mound, Monroe County, Tenn. Cat. No. 115624, U. S. N. M. 880\n\n 239. Shell gorget. Two fighting figures, triangular\n breech-clout, dots and circles, three garters and\n anklets. From mound on Fains Island; associated with\n fig. 237. Cat. No. 62930, U. S. N. M. _Third Ann. Rep.\n Bur. Ethnol._, 1881-82, p. 452, fig. 128 885\n\n 240. Copper plate. Etowah Mound, Georgia. Cat. No. 91113, U.\n S. N. M. _Fifth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 1883-84 886\n\n 241. Copper plate. Repouss\u00e9 work. Etowah Mound, Georgia. Cat.\n No. 91117, U. S. N. M. 887\n\n 242. Engraved shell. Triangular breech-clout, with dots and\n circles. Etowah Mound, Georgia. Cat. No. 91443, U. S.\n N. M. 888\n\n 243. Copper plate repouss\u00e9 (eagle). Mound in Union County,\n Ill. Cat. No. 91507, U. S. N. M. 889\n\n 244. Swastika cross of thin copper. Hopewell Mound, Ross\n County, Ohio. One-fourth natural size 889\n\n 245. Flat ring of thin copper. Hopewell Mound, Ross County,\n Ohio. One-fifth natural size 889\n\n 246. Stencil ornament of thin copper. Hopewell Mound, Ross\n County, Ohio. One-eighth natural size 889\n\n 247. Stencil ornament of thin copper. Hopewell Mound, Ross\n County, Ohio. One-fourth natural size 890\n\n 248. Fish ornament of thin copper. Hopewell Mound, Ross\n County, Ohio. One-sixth natural size 890\n\n 249. Lozenge-shaped stencil of thin copper. Hopewell Mound,\n Ross County, Ohio. Three-fourths natural size 890\n\n 250. Spool-shaped object of copper. Repouss\u00e9 and intaglio\n decoration. Hopewell Mound, Ross County, Ohio. Natural\n size 891\n\n 251. Fragment of engraved bone representing a paroquet.\n Hopewell Mound, Ross County, Ohio. Natural size 892\n\n 252. Fragment of engraved bone probably representing a\n Mississippi kite or leather-back turtle. Hopewell\n Mound, Ross County, Ohio. Natural size 892\n\n 253. Fragment of engraved bone probably representing an\n otter with a fish in his mouth. Hopewell Mound, Ross\n County, Ohio. Natural size 893\n\n 254. Water jug, red on yellow, Swastika in center. Poinsett\n County, Ark. Cat. No. 91230, U. S. N. M. 893\n\n 255. Kansa Indian war chart. Swastika, sign for winds and\n wind songs. J. Owen Dorsey, _Am. Naturalist_, July,\n 1885, p. 670 894\n\n 256. Dance rattle, small gourd in black, white, and red,\n ogee Swastika on each side. Cat. No. 42042, U. S. N. M.\n _Second Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 1880-81, fig. 562 896\n\n 257. Pima Indian war shield with ogee Swastika (tetraskelion)\n in three stripes of color, (1) blue, (2) red, (3) white.\n Cat. No. 27829, U. S. N. M. 900\n\n 258. Pima Indian war shield with ogee Swastika. The hole near\n the lower arm of the Swastika was made by an arrow shot.\n (Property of F. W. Hodge) 900\n\n 259. Colonial patchwork with pattern resembling Swastika.\n _Scribner's Magazine_, September, 1894 901\n\n 260. Fragment of the foot of a stone metate with Swastika.\n Nicaragua. Cat. No. 23726, U. S. N. M. 902\n\n 261. Fragment of stone slab with ogee Swastika (tetraskelion)\n from ancient Maya city of Mayapan. Inscription translated\n as \"fire\" by Le Plongeon. _Proc. Amer. Antiq. Soc._, April\n 21, 1881 903\n\n 262. Different forms of Swastika, placed together for comparison 905\n\n 263. Shell gorget, cross, circle, sun rays (?), and the heads\n of four ivory-billed woodpeckers (?) arranged to form a\n Swastika. Mississippi 906\n\n 264. Shell gorget from Tennessee 907\n\n 265. Shell gorget from Tennessee 907\n\n 266. Shell gorget from Tennessee 908\n\n 267. Scalloped shell disk (_Fulgur_), with three spiral volutes\n (triskelion). From mound near Nashville, Tenn. 909\n\n 268. Scalloped shell disk with circles, dots, and four spiral\n volutes (tetraskelion). Mound near Nashville, Tenn. 910\n\n 269. Shell disk, unfinished engraving, dot and circle in\n center, and ogee Swastika (tetraskelion) marked, but not\n completed. Brakebill mound, near Knoxville, Tenn. 911\n\n 270, 271. Engraved shell disk (obverse and reverse) with\n three-armed volutes (triskelion) 911\n\n 272. Engraved shell disk with three-armed volute or spiral\n Swastika (triskelion). From mounds in Tennessee 912\n\n 273. Engraved shell disk. Three-armed volute (triskelion).\n Tennessee 912\n\n 274. Engraved shell disk. Three-armed volute (triskelion).\n Tennessee 913\n\n 275, 276, 277, 278. Engraved shell gorgets (_Fulgur_)\n representing the spider, with circles and Greek\n crosses. From stone graves and mounds in\n Illinois and Tennessee 913, 914, 915\n\n 279. Engraved shell gorget (_Fulgur_) representing\n rattlesnake. From McMahon mound, Tennessee. _Second\n Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 1880-81, pl. LXIII 915\n\n 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285. Engraved shells (_Fulgur_)\n with representations of the human face. (For\n comparison.) From Tennessee and Virginia 916, 917\n\n 286. Engraved shell (_Fulgur_). Human figure. McMahon\n mound, Tennessee. (For comparison.) _Second Ann. Rep.\n Bur. Ethnol._, 1880-81, pl. LXXI 917\n\n 287. Engraved shell (_Fulgur_). Human figure. (For\n comparison.) Mound in Tennessee. _Second Ann. Rep. Bur.\n Ethnol._, 1880-81, pl. LXXII 918\n\n 288. Engraved shell gorget (_Fulgur_). Human figure. (For\n comparison.) Missouri. _Second Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._,\n 1880-81, pl. LXXIII 919\n\n 289. Pottery vessel, with four-armed volute, ogee Swastika,\n (tetraskelion). Arkansas. One-third natural size 920\n\n 290. Pottery vessel, four volutes resembling Swastika. Pecan\n Point, Ark. One-third natural size 920\n\n 291. Pottery vessel, animal shaped, volutes, nine arms. Pecan\n Point, Ark. One-third natural size 920\n\n 292. Pottery bowl, volutes with many arms. Arkansas.\n One-third natural size 921\n\n 293. Pottery vase, volutes. Arkansas 921\n\n 294. Tripod pottery vase, four-armed volutes making spiral\n Swastika. Arkansas. One-third natural size 922\n\n 295. Pottery bowl with spiral Swastika, five arms, in bottom.\n Poinsett County, Ark. Cat. No. 114035, U. S. N. M. Two\n views, top and side 923\n\n 296. Vessel of black ware, spiral scroll. Arkansas 924\n\n 297. Pottery bowl, bird shaped with three parallel incised\n lines with ribbon fold. Charleston, Mo. 924\n\n 298. Pottery bottle with three parallel incised lines turning\n with ribbon fold. Charleston, Mo. 925\n\n 299. Basket work with many armed volutes. _Fourth Ann. Rep.\n Bur. Ethnol._, 1882-83, fig. 485 925\n\n 300. Engraved shell gorget disk. Greek cross resembling\n Swastika, incised lines. Mound, Union County, Ill. 926\n\n 301. Engraved shell gorget with Greek cross. Charleston,\n Mo. _Second Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 1880-81, pl. LI,\n fig. 2 927\n\n 302. Engraved shell gorget disk. Greek cross, inchoate\n Swastika. _Second Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 1880-81,\n Pl. LII, fig. 3 928\n\n 303. Fragment of copper disk. Greek cross in center circle.\n Ohio. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., N. Y. _Second Ann. Rep. Bur.\n Ethnol._, 1880-81, pl. LII, fig. 4 928\n\n 304. Engraved shell disk gorget, rude cross with many dots.\n Lick Creek, Tenn. _Second Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._,\n 1880-81, pl. LII, fig. 2 929\n\n 305. Engraved shell, Greek cross, hatched. Caldwell County,\n N. C. Cat. No. 83169, U. S. N. M. 929\n\n 306. Engraved shell three-armed (triskelion). Lick Creek,\n Tenn. Cat. No. 83170, U. S. N. M. 929\n\n 307. Drilled and engraved shell or \"runtee\" with dotted\n Greek cross in circle. Arizona 930\n\n 308. Drilled and engraved shell or \"runtee,\" dots and rings\n forming circle and Greek cross. Ohio 930\n\n 309. Drilled and engraved shell or \"runtee,\" dots and rings\n forming circle and Greek cross. New York 930\n\n 310. Pottery jar with crosses, encircling rays and scallops.\n _Third Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 1881-82, fig. 188 931\n\n 311. Olla, decorated with Greek and Maltese crosses. _Second\n Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 1880-81, fig. 708 932\n\n 312. Pottery water vessel, Maltese cross. _Second Ann. Rep.\n Bur. Ethnol._, 1880-81, fig. 642 932\n\n 313. Pottery vase finely decorated in red and white glaze.\n Mexico. Maltese cross with sun symbol (?). Cat. No.\n 132975, U. S. N. M. 933\n\n 314. Greek cross representing winds from cardinal points.\n Dakota Indians. _Tenth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 1888-89,\n fig. 1225 934\n\n 315. The cross in connection with circle. Sun symbols (?).\n Petroglyphs _a_ to _f_, Hopi Indians, Oakley Springs,\n Ariz.; _g_, Maya Indians. _Tenth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._,\n 1888-89, figs. 1118, 1120, and 1126 935\n\n 316. Circles and rays, probably representing sun symbols. _a_\n to _f_, Hopi Indians, Oakley Springs, Ariz.; _g_ to\n _k_--Ojibways 935\n\n 317. Crosses with circles, star symbols. Oakley Springs, Ariz. 936\n\n 318. Star symbol, circle and rays without cross. Oakley\n Springs, Ariz. 936\n\n 319. Crosses, circles, and squares representing lodges.\n Dakota Indians 936\n\n 320. Latin cross representing dragon fly. Dakota Indians 936\n\n 321. Double cross of six arms, representing dragon fly. Moki\n Indians, Arizona. _Tenth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._,\n 1888-89, fig. 1165 937\n\n 322. Crosses representing flocks of birds, Eskimos. Cat. Nos.\n 44211 and 45020, U. S. N. M. _Tenth Ann. Rep. Bur.\n Ethnol._, 1888-89, fig. 1228 937\n\n 323. Large white Greek cross, petroglyph. Tulare Valley,\n California. _Tenth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 1888-89,\n fig. 1229 937\n\n 324. Petroglyphs from Owens Valley, California. _a_, _b_,\n Greek cross; _c_, double Latin cross; _d_ to _f_, Latin\n crosses representing human figures. _Tenth Ann. Rep.\n Bur. Ethnol._, 1888-89, fig. 1230 938\n\n 325. Cross in zigzag lines representing human form. Navajo\n Indians 938\n\n 326. Maltese cross (?), representing a woman; breath in the\n center 939\n\n 327. Maltese and St. Andrew's crosses, emblems of maidenhood.\n Moki Indians 939\n\n 328. Cross with bifurcated foot representing human form.\n Shaman, Innuits 939\n\n 329. St. Andrew's crosses, symbol for wood. _Tenth Ann. Rep.\n Bur. Ethnol._, 1888-89, fig. 1233 940\n\n 330. Graphic delineation of the alligator, from a vase of the\n lost-color group. Chiriqui. Holmes, _Sixth Ann. Rep. Bur.\n Ethnol._, 1884-85, fig. 257 941\n\n 331. Graphic delineation of the alligator, from a vase of the\n lost-color group. Chiriqui. Holmes, _Sixth Ann. Rep. Bur.\n Ethnol._, 1884-85, fig. 258 941\n\n 332. Conventional figure of alligator, from lost-color ware.\n Chiriqui. Holmes, _Sixth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._,\n 1884-85, fig. 259 942\n\n 333. Conventional figure of alligator crowded into a short\n rectangular space. Chiriqui. Holmes, _Sixth Ann. Rep.\n Bur. Ethnol._, 1884-85, fig. 265 942\n\n 334. Conventional figure of alligator crowded into a circle.\n Chiriqui. Holmes, _Sixth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._,\n 1884-85, fig. 266 942\n\n 335. Series of figures of alligators, showing stages of\n simplification. Chiriqui. Holmes, _Sixth Ann. Rep. Bur.\n Ethnol._, 1884-85, fig. 277 943\n\n 336. Series showing stages in the simplification of animal\n characters, beginning with the alligator and ending with\n the Greek cross. Chiriqui. Holmes, _Sixth Ann. Rep. Bur.\n Ethnol._, 1884-85, fig. 278 943\n\n 337 to 342. Terra-cotta color stamps, Mexico, with designs\n similar to the Swastika. Cat. Nos. 99124, 99127, 27887,\n 99115, 99118, and 99122, U. S. N. M. 946\n\n 343. Terra-cotta color stamps, with designs similar to the\n Swastika. Piaroa Indians, Venezuela. _Tenth Ann. Rep.\n Bur. Ethnol._, 1888-89, fig. 982, p. 621 947\n\n 344. Modern churn lid with design resembling Swastika. Lapland 956\n\n 345. Stone spindle-whorl, Neolithic. Swiss lake dwelling. Cat.\n No. 100641, U. S. N. M. 967\n\n 346. Stone spindle-whorl, Neolithic. Swiss lake dwelling. Cat.\n No. 100641, U. S. N. M. 967\n\n 347. Stone spindle-whorl, Neolithic. Lund, Sweden. Cat. No.\n 5281, U. S. N. M. 967\n\n 348. Terra-cotta spindle-whorl, Neolithic or Bronze Age. Swiss\n lake dwelling. Cat. No. 100642, U. S. N. M. 967\n\n 349. Terra-cotta spindle-whorl, Neolithic or Bronze Age. Swiss\n lake dwelling. Cat. No. 100642, U. S. N. M. 968\n\n 350. Terra-cotta spindle-whorl, Swiss lake dwelling. Cat. No.\n 100642, U. S. N. M. 968\n\n 351, 352, 353. Prehistoric terra-cotta spindle-whorls.\n Orvieto, Italy. Cat. No. 101671, 101672, U. S. N. M. 968\n\n 354, 355. Prehistoric spindle-whorls. Corneto, Italy. Cat.\n No. 101773, U. S. N. M. 968\n\n 356. Modern spindle and whorl used for spinning thread.\n W\u00fcrtemberg, Germany. 969\n\n 357. Terra-cotta spindle-whorl design similar to Swastika.\n Valley of Mexico. Cat. No. 27875, U. S. N. M. 970\n\n 358. Mexican terra-cotta spindle-whorl design similar to\n Swastika. 971\n\n 359. Terra-cotta spindle-whorl. Omotepe Island, Nicaragua.\n Cat. No. 28899, U. S. N. M. 971\n\n 360. Terra-cotta spindle-whorl. Omotepe Island, Nicaragua.\n Cat. No. 28898, U. S. N. M. 971\n\n 361. Terra-cotta spindle-whorl. Granada, Nicaragua. Cat. No.\n 23295, U. S. N. M. 972\n\n 362. Terra-cotta spindle-whorl. Malacate, Zapatera Island,\n Nicaragua. Cat. No. 29009, U. S. N. M. 972\n\n 363. Spindle-whorl, gray clay decorated with annular nodes.\n Chiriqui. Holmes, _Sixth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._,\n 1884-85, fig. 218 972\n\n 364. Spindle-whorl of gray clay with animal figures. Chiriqui.\n Holmes, _Sixth Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 1884-85, fig. 219 973\n\n 365. Spindle-whorl of dark clay with perforations and incised\n ornaments. Chiriqui. Holmes, _Sixth Ann. Rep. Bur.\n Ethnol._, 1884-85, fig. 220 973\n\n 366. Terra-cotta spindle-whorl. Manizales, Colombia, South\n America. Cat. No. 16838, U. S. N. M. 973\n\n 367. Bobbin or spool for winding thread (?). Type Villanova,\n Corneto, Italy. U. S. N. M. 975\n\n 368. Terra-cotta bobbin or spool for winding thread (?). Type\n Villanova, Bologna, Italy. Cat. No. 101771, U. S. N. M. 975\n\n 369. Bobbin (?). Mound near Maysville, Ky. Cat. No. 16748,\n U. S. N. M. 976\n\n 370. Bobbin (?). Lexington, Ky. Cat. No. 16691, U. S. N. M. 976\n\n 371. Bobbin (?). Lewis County, Ky. Fine-grained sandstone.\n Cat. No. 59681, U. S. N. M. 976\n\n 372. Bobbin (?). End views. Fine-grained sandstone. Maysville,\n Ky. Cat. No. 16747, U. S. N. M. 977\n\n 373. Woman's woolen dress found in oak coffin. Borum-Eshoi,\n Denmark. _Rep. Smithsonian Inst._ (U. S. N. M.), 1892,\n pl. CI, fig. 2 978\n\n 374. Detail of woven cloth shown in the preceding figure.\n Denmark. _Rep. Smithsonian Inst._ (U. S. N. M.), pl. CI,\n fig. 3 979\n\n\nMAP.\n\n Facing page.\n\n Distribution of the Swastika 904\n\n\nCHART.\n\n Page.\n\n Showing the probable introduction of the Swastika into\n different countries 794\n\n\n\n\nFOOTNOTES:\n\n[1] William Berry, Encyclop\u00e6dia Heraldica, 1828-1840.\n\n[2] Higgins, \"Anacalypsis,\" London, 1836, I, p. 230.\n\n[3] \"Des Sciences et Religion,\" p. 256.\n\n[4] R. P. Greg, \"The Fylfot and Swastika,\" Arch\u00e6ologia, XLVIII, part 2,\n1885, p. 298; Goblet d'Alviella, \"Migration des Symboles,\" p. 50\n\n[5] Stephens, \"Old Northern Runic Monuments,\" part II, p. 509; Ludwig\nM\u00fcller, quoted on p. 778 of this paper; Goblet d'Alviella, \"La Migration\ndes Symboles,\" p. 45; Haddon, \"Evolution in Art,\" p. 288.\n\n[6] Page 12.\n\n[7] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" pp. 21, 22.\n\n[8] \"Le Culte de la Croix avant J\u00e9sus-Christ,\" in the Correspondant,\nOctober 25, 1889, and in Science Catholique, February 15, 1890, p. 163.\n\n[9] Same authorities.\n\n[10] Page 316, et seq.\n\n[11] The native Buddhist monarchs ruled from about B. C. 500 to the\nconquest of Alexander, B. C. 330. See \"The Swastika on ancient coins,\"\nChapter II of this paper, and Waring, \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" p. 83.\n\n[12] \"La Migration des symboles,\" p. 104.\n\n[13] \"Ilios,\" pp. 347, 348.\n\n[14] Bulletins de la Soci\u00e8t\u00e8 d'Anthropologie, 1888, p. 678.\n\n[15] Mr. Gandhi makes the same remark in his letter on the Buddha shell\nstatue shown in pl. 10 of this paper.\n\n[16] \"Ilios,\" p. 348.\n\n[17] \"Lotus de la Bonne Loi,\" App. VIII, p. 626, note 4.\n\n[18] Arch\u00e6ologia, p. 36.\n\n[19] Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain, III, p.\n120.\n\n[20] \"Lotus de la Bonne Loi,\" App. VIII, p. 625, note 2.\n\n[21] \"Lotus de la Bonne Loi,\" p. 626.\n\n[22] \"Notes on the Religious, Moral, and Political state of India,\" Journ.\nAsiatic Soc. Great Britain, VI, pp. 310-334.\n\n[23] Low, Trans. Roy. Asiatic Soc. of Great Britain, III, pp. 334, 310.\n\n[24] Ibid., p. 299.\n\n[25] Ibid., p. 299.\n\n[26] Low, Trans. Royal Asiatic Soc. of Great Britain, III, p. 310.\n\n[27] Indian Antiquary, II, May, 1873, p. 135.\n\n[28] \"Bilsa Topes,\" p. 17.\n\n[29] \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" p. 12.\n\n[30] Tenth Congress International d'Anthropologie et d'Arch\u00e6ologie\nPrehistoriques, Paris, 1889, p. 474.\n\n[31] Arch\u00e6ologia, XLVII, pt. 1, p. 159.\n\n[32] \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" p. 11.\n\n[33] See explanation of the Swastika by Mr. Gandhi according to the Jain\ntenets, p. 804.\n\n[34] \"Ilios,\" p. 353.\n\n[35] \"Alphabetum Tibetarium,\" Rome, 1762, pp. 211, 460, 725.\n\n[36] Rockhill, \"Diary of a Journey through Mongolia and Tibet,\"\nSmithsonian Institution, Washington, 1894, p. 67.\n\n[37] \"Des Sciences et Religion,\" pp. 252, 257.\n\n[38] Vol. XI.\n\n[39] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" pp. 61-63.\n\n[40] Arch\u00e6ologia, XLVIII, pt. 2, pp. 322, 323.\n\n[41] \"Early History of Mankind,\" p. 257, note C.\n\n[42] \"The Book of the Sword,\" p. 202, note 2.\n\n[43] Burnouf, \"Des Sciences et Religion,\" p. 18.\n\n[44] The two pieces of wood of _Ficus religiosa_, used for kindling fire.\n\n[45] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" p. 63.\n\n[46] Arch\u00e6ologia, XLIII, pt. 2, pp. 324, 325.\n\n[47] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" p. 64.\n\n[48] \"Fylfot and Swastika,\" Arch\u00e6ologia, 1885, p. 293.\n\n[49] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" p. 65.\n\n[50] \"Le Dieu gaulois du Soleil et le symbolisme de la roue,\" Paris, 1886.\n\n[51] Proc. Amer. Philosoph. Soc., 1889, pp. 177-187.\n\n[52] \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages.\"\n\n[53] \"The Book of the Sword,\" p. 202.\n\n[54] Trans. Lancaster and Cheshire Antiq. Soc., 1886.\n\n[55] Haddon, \"Evolution in Art,\" London, 1895, p. 288.\n\n[56] Sampson, Low, Marston & Co., London.\n\n[57] Goodyear, \"The Grammar of the Lotus,\" pp. 4, 5.\n\n[58] Ibid., p. 6.\n\n[59] Goodyear, \"The Grammar of the Lotus,\" pp. 7, 8.\n\n[60] Ibid., p. 71.\n\n[61] Ibid., pp. 74, 77.\n\n[62] \"Age du Bronze,\" Deuxieme partie, p. 301.\n\n[63] Mat\u00e9riaux pour l'Histoire Primitive et Naturelle de l'Homme, 3d ser.,\nVIII, p. 6.\n\n[64] \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 8, p. 81.\n\n[65] Ibid., pp. 82-94.\n\n[66] Ibid., p. 96.\n\n[67] Ibid., pl. X, figs. 7-9, p. 97.\n\n[68] Ibid., p. 354.\n\n[69] Ibid., p. 353.\n\n[70] Ibid., p. 354, fig. 174.\n\n[71] Cesnola, \"Cyprus, its Ancient Cities, Tombs, and Temples,\" p. 410.\n\n[72] \"Industrial Arts of India,\" p. 107.\n\n[73] \"Zur Geschichte der Swastika.\"\n\n[74] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" chap. 2, pt. 3, p. 66.\n\n[75] Ibid., p. 67.\n\n[76] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" p. 69.\n\n[77] Ibid., p. 71.\n\n[78] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" pp. 72, 75, 77.\n\n[79] Ibid., p. 61.\n\n[80] Athen\u00e6um, August 20, 1892, p. 266.\n\n[81] Numismatic Chronicle, 1880, XX, pp. 18-48.\n\n[82] Madras Journ. of Lit. and Sci., III, pl. 9.\n\n[83] London, 1880.\n\n[84] Rawlinson, \"Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia,\" V, pl. 60;\nTrans. Soc. Biblical Arch\u00e6ology, VIII, p. 165.\n\n[85] \"History of Art in Chaldea and Assyria,\" I, p. 200, fig. 71.\n\n[86] Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop., Paris, 1888, pp. 674, 675.\n\n[87] Arch\u00e6ologia, XLVIII, pt. 2, p. 326.\n\n[88] Proc. Amer. Philosoph. Soc., 1889, XXIX, p. 180.\n\n[89] Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund, January, 1895,\npp. 81, 85.\n\n[90] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" pl. 3.\n\n[91] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" p. 93.\n\n[92] Ibid., p. 107.\n\n[93] \"Ilios,\" p. XXI.\n\n[94] Ibid., p. 352.\n\n[95] Ibid., p. 353.\n\n[96] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" p. 43.\n\n[97] \"Peintures c\u00e9ramiques de la Gr\u00e8ce propre.\" I, pl. XV, fig. 17.\n\n[98] \"Histoire de l'art dans l'antiquit\u00e9,\" III, figs. 513, 515, 518.\n\n[99] Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop., Paris, December 6, 1888, pp. 669, 679, 680.\n\n[100] \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" p. 318 et seq.\n\n[101] Arch\u00e6ologia, XLVII, pt. 1, p. 159.\n\n[102] \"Ages Prehistorique de l'Espagne et du Portugal,\" pp. 285-293.\n\n[103] Ibid., p. 286.\n\n[104] Ibid., p. 293.\n\n[105] \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" p. 13.\n\n[106] Proc. Amer. Philosoph. Soc., 1889, XXIX, p. 179.\n\n[107] \"Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique,\" fig. 1230; Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop., Paris,\n1886, pp. 299, 313, 314.\n\n[108] \"Catalogue of Oriental Porcelain and Pottery,\" pl. 11, fig. 139.\n\n[109] De Morgan, \"Au Caucase,\" fig. 180.\n\n[110] \"Pottery and Porcelain,\" p. 254.\n\n[111] \"Ilios,\" p. 352.\n\n[112] \"Le Swastika et la roue solaire en Chine,\" Revue d'Ethnographie, IV,\npp. 319, 350.\n\n[113] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" p. 35.\n\n[114] New York Independent, November 16, 1893; Science, March 23, 1894, p.\n162.\n\n[115] \"Diary of a Journey through Mongolia and Tibet in 1891-92,\" p. 67.\n\n[116] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" p. 55, citing note I, Journ. Asiatique,\n2{e} s\u00e9rie, IV, p. 245, and Pallas, \"Sammlungen historischer Nachrichten\n\u00fcber die mongolischen V\u00f6lkerschaften,\" I, p. 277.\n\n[117] Ibid., p. 55.\n\n[118] \"Des Sciences et Religion,\" p. 256.\n\n[119] \"Introduction to Popular Religion and Folk Lore of North India,\" p.\n58.\n\n[120] Trubner & Co., London, 1883, pp. 140, pl. 60.\n\n[121] \"\u00c2ge du Bronze,\" pt. 1, p. 206.\n\n[122] \"Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique,\" pl. 98; \"Notes de l'Origine Orientale de la\nM\u00e9tallurgie,\" Lyon, 1879; \"L'\u00c2ge de la Pierre et du Bronze dans l'Asie\nOccidentale,\" Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop., Lyon, I, fasc. 2, 1882; Bull. Soc.\nd'Anthrop. de Paris, 1886, pp. 299, 313, and 314.\n\n[123] \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages.\"\n\n[124] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" pp. 51, 52.\n\n[125] \"Det Saakaldte Hagebors,\" Copenhagen, 1877.\n\n[126] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" pp. 51, 52.\n\n[127] Bull. de la Soc. d'Anthrop., December 6, 1888, XI, p. 671.\n\n[128] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" p. 51.\n\n[129] \"Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquit\u00e9,\" IV.\n\n[130] \"Mission Scientifique au Caucase.\"\n\n[131] \"Recherches Anthropologiques dans le Caucase,\" tome deuxi\u00e8me,\np\u00e9riode protohistorique, Atlas, pl. 11, fig. 3.\n\n[132] Count Goblet d'Alviella, \"La Migration des Symboles,\" p. 51.\n\n[133] \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 41, figs. 5 and 6.\n\n[134] \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 42, fig. 20_c_.\n\n[135] \"Mines de l'Orient,\" V.\n\n[136] Harper's Magazine, August, 1895.\n\n[137] Bulletins de la Soc. d'Anthrop., 1888, II, p. 678.\n\n[138] Dixi\u00e8me Congr\u00e8s International d'Anthropologie et d'Arch\u00e9ologie\nPr\u00e9historique, Paris, 1889, p. 474.\n\n[139] \"Ilios,\" pp. 229, 350, note 1.\n\n[140] Ibid., figs. 63-70, p. 229.\n\n[141] Ibid., p. 303.\n\n[142] All spindle-whorls from the hill of Hissarlik are represented\none-half natural size.\n\n[143] Arch\u00e6ologia, XLVIII, pt. 2, p. 322.\n\n[144] \"Ilios,\" pp. 518, 571.\n\n[145] \"Ilios,\" fig. 1852.\n\n[146] Ibid., p. 573.\n\n[147] Tenth Congr. Inter. d'Anthrop. et d'Arch\u00e6ol. Prehist., Paris, 1889,\np. 474.\n\n[148] \"Ilios,\" p. 418.\n\n[149] See p. 786.\n\n[150] \"Ilios,\" fig. 226, p. 337.\n\n[151] Ibid., p. 694.\n\n[152] Ibid., p. 338.\n\n[153] See p. 795.\n\n[154] Genesis i, 28.\n\n[155] Genesis viii, 17; ix, 7.\n\n[156] Genesis iii, 16.\n\n[157] Genesis xiii, 16; xv, 5.\n\n[158] \"Ilios,\" preface, p. xi.\n\n[159] \"Ilios,\" app. 1, p. 685.\n\n[160] Ibid., app. 6, p. 379.\n\n[161] \"Troja,\" p. xii.\n\n[162] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" pp. 51, 52.\n\n[163] \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" p. 82.\n\n[164] Arch\u00e6ologia, XLVII, pt. 1, p. 159.\n\n[165] \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 30, figs. 2 and 10, p. 356.\n\n[166] \"Les Tapisseries Coptes,\" sec. 4, pp. 5, 6.\n\n[167] Forrer, \"Die Gr\u00e4ber-und Textilfunde von Achmim-Panopolis,\" p. 20.\n\n[168] Bull. Soc. Fran\u00e7aise de numism. et d'arch\u00e9ol., II, pl. 3, p. 3.\n\n[169] \"Ilios,\" p. 353.\n\n[170] See p. 845.\n\n[171] \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" p. 352.\n\n[172] Goodyear, \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 61, fig. 1.\n\n[173] See p. 795.\n\n[174] Mat\u00e9riaux pour l'Histoire Primitive et Naturelle de l'Homme, XVIII,\np. 14.\n\n[175] Athenic vases painted by Andokides, about 525 B. C., represent the\ndress of the goddess, ornamented with Swastika and _Croix swasticale_. Am.\nJourn. Arch\u00e6ol., January-March, 1896, XI, No. 1, figs. 9, 11.\n\n[176] \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pp. 348, 353.\n\n[177] \"Cyprus, its Ancient Cities, Tombs, and Temples,\" pl. 45, fig. 36.\n\n[178] \"History of Art in Phenicia and Cyprus,\" II, p. 302, fig. 239.\n\n[179] \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 42, fig. 2.\n\n[180] \"Troja,\" p. 123.\n\n[181] \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" frontispiece, fig. 3, and p. 115.\n\n[182] Mat\u00e9riaux pour l'Histoire Primitive et Naturelle de l'Homme, 1881,\nXVI, p. 416.\n\n[183] Another Rhodian vase, similar in style, with Swastikas, is shown in\nthe \"Grammar of the Lotus,\" pl. 37, fig. 4.\n\n[184] G. Hirschfield, \"Vasi archaici Ateniesi,\" Annali dell' Instituto di\ncorrispondenza arch\u00e6ologica, 1872, Tav. d'Ag. K. 6, 52.\n\n[185] Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop., Paris, 1888, pp. 674-675.\n\n[186] Ibid., p. 675.\n\n[187] \"Salaminia,\" p. 240, fig. 226.\n\n[188] Aphrodite = Phenician Ashtoreth, Astarte = Babylonian Ishtar.\n\n[189] See p. 773.\n\n[190] Arch\u00e6ologia, XLVIII, pt. 2, p. 305.\n\n[191] Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop., Paris, 1888, p. 679.\n\n[192] \"Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria,\" I, p. 69.\n\n[193] Ibid., II, p. 457.\n\n[194] Annali dell' Instituto, Rome, 1871, pp. 239-279; Bulletino\nInstituto, Rome, 1871, pp. 31-52; Pigorini and Sir John Lubbock, \"Notes on\nHut Urns and other objects from Marino,\" London, 1869; Virchow, \"Die\nHuttenuruen von Marino,\" Berlin, 1883.\n\n[195] \"Troja,\" p. 122.\n\n[196] \"Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria,\" I, p. lxxxix.\n\n[197] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" p. 67.\n\n[198] See p. 786.\n\n[199] \"Ilios,\" p. 352.\n\n[200] There are bronze hatchets from Italy, with Swastikas in intaglio and\nin relief, in Mus\u00e9e St. Germain. De Mortillet, \"Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique,\"\nfigs. 1153, 1154.\n\n[201] \"Lake Dwellings,\" pl. 161, figs. 3, 4.\n\n[202] \"Age du Bronze,\" pt. 2, figs. 53-55, p. 195.\n\n[203] Zeitschrift f\u00fcr Ethnographie, Berlin, 1871 and 1876.\n\n[204] Coll. Majlath Bela; Hampel, \"Antiquit\u00e9s Pr\u00e9historiques de la\nHongrie;\" Erztergom, 1877, pl. 20, No. 3.\n\n[205] Hampel, \"Catalogue de l'Exposition des Mus\u00e9es des Provinces,\"\nBudapest, 1876, p. 17; Schliemann, \"Ilios,\" p. 352.\n\n[206] Mat\u00e9riaux pour l'Histoire Primitive et Naturelle de l'Homme, 1884,\npp. 14, 120.\n\n[207] \"Old Northern Runic Monuments,\" pt. 3, p. 407.\n\n[208] Proceedings of the Eighth Session, I, pp. 457-460.\n\n[209] Du Chaillu, \"Viking Age,\" I, fig. 335.\n\n[210] \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 43, fig. 11; \"Viking Age,\" II,\nfig. 1311; Englehardt, \"L'Ancien Age de Fer.\" fig. 28.\n\n[211] Du Chaillu, \"Viking Age,\" I, fig. 379.\n\n[212] \"Ogam Inscribed Monuments,\" p. 359, pl. xlix.\n\n[213] Ibid., p. 358, pl. xlviii.\n\n[214] Greg, Arch\u00e6ologia, XLVIII, pt. 2, pl. 19, fig. 27.\n\n[215] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" p. 49.\n\n[216] Zmigrodzki, \"Zur Geschichte der Suastika,\" taf. 6, fig. 248.\n\n[217] \"Lake Dwellings of Europe,\" p. 384, pl. 124, figs. 20-22.\n\n[218] \"L'Autel de Saintes et les triades gauloises,\" Revue Arch\u00e6ol., 1880,\nXXXIX, p. 343.\n\n[219] Institut Arch\u00e6ologique Li\u00e9geois, X, 1870, p. 106, pl. 13.\n\n[220] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" p. 47, fig. 13.\n\n[221] See fig. 238.\n\n[222] Arch\u00e6ologia, L, pt. 2, p. 406, pl. 23, fig. 7.\n\n[223] Arch\u00e6ologia, XXXI.\n\n[224] \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 43, fig. 10.\n\n[225] Ibid., pl. 3, fig. 50.\n\n[226] See p. 787.\n\n[227] \"History of Art in Phrygia, Lydia, Caria, and Lycia,\" p. 391.\n\n[228] An unique cast of this tripod is in the U. S. National Museum,\nDepartment of Oriental Antiquities.\n\n[229] The number of heads may have been regulated by the size of the coins\nin question, probably answering to different values.\n\n[230] \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" p. 85.\n\n[231] \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 13, fig. 24.\n\n[232] Ibid., pl. 13, fig. 21.\n\n[233] Athen\u00e6um, No. 3385, September 10, 1892, p. 353.\n\n[234] Debrett's \"Complete Peerage of the United Kingdom of Great Britain\nand Ireland.\"\n\n[235] Snowden, \"Mint Manual of Coins of all Nations,\" Introduction, pp.\nix-xiv; Ackerman, \"Roman Coins,\" pl. 14.\n\n[236] The Bisalt\u00e6 and Orrescii were Thracian tribes who dwelt in the\nvalleys of the Strymon and the Angites, to the north of the Pang\u00e6an Range.\n\n[237] See p. 788.\n\n[238] \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" pl. 41, figs. 20-23.\n\n[239] \"Numismatic Chron.,\" (new series), IV.\n\n[240] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" figs. 17, 123.\n\n[241] Edward Thomas, Journ. Royal Asiatic Soc. (new series), I, p. 475.\n\n[242] \"Ceramic Art in Remote Ages,\" p. 83.\n\n[243] \"Numismatic Chron.,\" pt. I, 1880. See p. 788 of this paper.\n\n[244] Arch\u00e6ologia, XLVIII, pt. II, 1885, p. 306.\n\n[245] Athen\u00e6um, August 20, 1892.\n\n[246] \"Viking Age,\" II, figs. 1307, 1309.\n\n[247] Page 436, fig. 140.\n\n[248] Proc. Royal Danish Acad. Sci., 5th ser., III, p. 94, fig. a; \"La\nMigration des Symboles,\" p. 50, fig. 16.\n\n[249] Third Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1881-82, p. 464 et seq., figs.\n139-141.\n\n[250] This theory was first announced by Antonio de Montezinos and\npublished by MANASSEH ben ISRAEL in Amsterdam, 1636. In Leser Library,\nPhil., and Cohen Library, Balto. Catalogued by Dr. Cyrus Adler. First\nEnglish Ed. by Moses Wall, London: 1651, republished by Dr. Grossmann, Am.\nJews' Annual, 1889, p. 83.\n\n[251] Max M\u00fcller and Ohnefalsch-Richter agree with this. See pp. 772, 773\nof this paper.\n\n[252] Cf. Ghandi, p. 882, of this paper.\n\n[253] Fifth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1883-84, pp. 96-106, figs. 42,\n43, 45.\n\n[254] These explorations were made for the Department of Ethnology at the\nWorld's Columbian Exposition, Chicago, 1893.\n\n[255] \"Prehistoric America,\" p. 22, note 24, fig. 9.\n\n[256] \"Primitive Industry,\" p. 32.\n\n[257] American Naturalist, XIX, July, 1885, p. 670.\n\n[258] Ibid., pl. 20.\n\n[259] This was the last time I ever saw Mr. Dorsey. He died within a\nmonth, beloved and regretted by all who knew him.\n\n[260] \"Troja,\" p. 123.\n\n[261] \"The Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde, Southwestern Colorado,\" P. A.\nNorstedt & Son, Chicago, 1893.\n\n[262] From letter of Mr. Walter Hough, Winslow, Ariz. \"I send you two\npieces of pottery [bearing many ogee Swastikas] from the ruins near here\nformerly inhabited by the Moki. Many of the bowls which we have found in\nthis ruin had the Swastika as a major _motif_ in the decoration.\"\n\nSee also The Arch\u00e6ologist, III, No. 7, p. 248.\n\n[263] \"Troja,\" p. 122.\n\n[264] The presence of the Swastika is the only purpose of this citation.\nThe correctness of the translation is not involved and is not vouched for.\n\n[265] Equivalent to Istar of Assyria and Babylon, Astarte of Phenicia, to\nthe Greek Aphrodite, and the Roman Venus.\n\n[266] Cited in \"Misson Voyage d'Italie,\" tome 1, p. 217; Dulaure,\n\"Histoire des Differens Cultes,\" II; Brant\u00f4ne, \"Dames Galantes\"; Rabelais,\n\"Pantagruel,\" 3, chap. 35.\n\n[267] Second Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 59.\n\n[268] Second Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1880-81, p. 273, pl. 54.\n\n[269] Second Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1880-81, pl. 55, fig. 1.\n\n[270] Ibid., pl. 55, fig. 2.\n\n[271] Second Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1880-81, p. 276, pl. 56, figs.\n1, 2.\n\n[272] Op. cit., p. 276, pl. 56, figs. 3, 5, 6.\n\n[273] Op. cit., p. 281.\n\n[274] Second Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1880-81, pl. 61.\n\n[275] Second Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, pls. 69-73.\n\n[276] Figs. 402, 413, 415, 416.\n\n[277] Third Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, fig. 157.\n\n[278] Fourth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1882-83, fig. 442.\n\n[279] Fourth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1882-83, p. 343, fig. 331.\n\n[280] Third Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1881-82, fig. 165.\n\n[281] Ibid., pp. 502, 503, figs. 186, 189.\n\n[282] Second Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1880-81, p. 271, pl. 51, fig.\n1.\n\n[283] Second Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1880-81, pp. 272, 273.\n\n[284] Schoolcraft, \"History of the Indian Tribes,\" III, pl. 25; Second\nAnn. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1880-81, pl. 36.\n\n[285] Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, p. 33, pl. 14, fig. 7.\n\n[286] \"La Migration des Symboles,\" p. 18.\n\n[287] Tenth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1888-89, figs. 1118-1129.\n\n[288] Eighth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 283.\n\n[289] Tenth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1888-89, fig. 1165.\n\n[290] Ibid., fig. 1232.\n\n[291] Ibid., fig. 1231.\n\n[292] Ibid., p. 729.\n\n[293] Second Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 61.\n\n[294] Contrib. North American Ethnology, V, p. 144.\n\n[295] \"Historia de Mexico,\" I, p. 238.\n\n[296] Ninth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1887-88, p. 479.\n\n[297] \"Myths of the New World,\" p. 96.\n\n[298] \"Gaspesi,\" London, 1691, pp. 170, 172, 199.\n\n[299] Second Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, 1880-81, p. 270.\n\n[300] Sixth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 173 et seq., figs. 257-278.\n\n[301] Second Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 269.\n\n[302] Seventh Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 155.\n\n[303] Second Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, p. 269.\n\n[304] Mem. Soc. d'Anthrop., Paris, 1890, p. 200.\n\n[305] De Quatrefages, \"Histoire G\u00e9n\u00e9rale du Races Humaines,\" Introduction,\np. 239, figs. 185-191, 193-194.\n\n[306] Goblet d'Alviella, \"La Migration des Symboles,\" pp. 56, 57.\n\n[307] Proc. Am. Philosoph. Soc., xxvi, p. 177.\n\n[308] For general lack of knowledge of Swastika in modern times, see\nPreface, p. 763.\n\n[309] Finnische Ornamente. 1. Stichornamente. Heft 1-4. Soumalaisen\nKirjallisuuden Seura Helsingiss\u00e4, 1894.\n\n[310] Karl Blind, \"Discovery of Odinic songs in Shetland,\" Nineteenth\nCentury, June, 1879, p. 1098, cited by Alfred C. Haddon in \"Evolution in\nArt,\" London, 1895, p. 285.\n\n[311] Miss Fanny D. Bergen, in Scribner's Magazine, September, 1894.\n\n[312] Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop., Paris, October, 1893, p. 600.\n\n[313] Bull. Soc. d'Anthrop., Paris, pp. 461-462.\n\n[314] De Mortillet, \"Mus\u00e9e Pr\u00e9historique,\" fig. 1239.\n\n[315] \"Prehistoric Man,\" p. 601.\n\n[316] The Basalt\u00e6 and Orrescii were Thracian tribes who dwelt in the\nvalleys of the Strymon and the Angites, to the north of the Pang\u00e6an Range.","title":"The Swastika, the Earliest Known Symbol, and Its Migration: With Observations on the Migration of Certain Industries in Prehistoric Times","tradition":"scripture-revelation","translated_text":null,"word_count":103908}